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Making Impressions

The adaptation of a Portuguese family to
Hong Kong, 1700-1950

Stuart Braga

A thesis submitted for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy of
The Australian National University

October 2012



I certify that

this thesis

is entirely my own original work


Stuart Braga




This thesis looks forward as well as backwards. It looks backwards with appreciation
and admiration to those who made their way, often through very hard circumstances
and in times of tribulation. It looks forward to succeeding generations, who have
great shoulders upon which to stand.

Therefore I dedicate it with my fondest love to my dear grandchildren:

Emily Georgina Braga, Rose Elizabeth Braga, Sarah Elise Braga, Rachael Holly
Braga, Peter Jonathan Braga, Abby Grace Braga, Jack Stuart Braga, Timothy Hugh
Braga, Matthew Frederick Braga, Alice Patricia Braga, to those who follow, and in
loving memory of Jonathan Christopher Braga.



Making impressions

A Portuguese family in Macau and Hong Kong, 1700-1945

Acknowledgements i
Abstract v
Maps vii
Tables xi
A note on sources xiii
A note on nomenclature xvii
Timeline of events xix
Introduction xxix

PART I A community takes shape

1. ‘Stubborn endurance’ – Macau: the Portuguese and the Chinese, 1557-1839 1
2. ‘Their ancient ally’ – Macau and the British, 1637-1839 31
3. The Portuguese community in Hong Kong, 1844-1900 69

PART II A leap in the dark – eighteenth and nineteenth century

4. Men of Mark – the Rosa and Braga families in Goa and Macau 107
5. Looking elsewhere – the Rosa Braga family in Hong Kong 137
6. Delfino Noronha, and the Portuguese community, 1844-1900 165
7. Printer’s devil – J.P. Braga, 1871-1900 197

PART III 1900-1945: fulfilment and failure

8. Making his mark – J.P. Braga, 1900-1928 journalist, printer, leader of the
Portuguese community 231
9. ‘Son of Hong Kong’ – J.P. Braga’s public career
and its impact on Hong Kong, 1929-1937 271
10. ‘The honourable tribe’. The Braga family in Hong Kong, 1900-1925 311
11. Divergent paths. The Braga family in Kowloon, 1926-1941 343
12. ‘This terrible nightmare’. The Japanese Occupation, 1941-1945 365



PART IV ‘A community apart’.

13. The Portuguese in Hong Kong in the twentieth century 403

Conclusion 443
Bibliography 447



1. Population of Macau, 1557-1960 485
2. The Portuguese Population of Hong Kong 491
Three significant books
3. Anders Ljungstedt, An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in
China: and of the Roman Catholic Church, 1836 499
4. A book burning in Macau: the suppression of Historic Macao, 1929 513
5. J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, 1944 525
J.P. Braga – facets of his life

6. Part 1 – Olive Braga – ‘The peace of Christ garrisoning her heart’ 539

Part 2 – José Pedro Braga – ‘Apologia pro vita sua’ 541
7. J.P. Braga, Record of public service and directorships 545
8. Hong Kong Legislative Council: growth in unofficial membership 551
9. J.P. Braga and the Imperial Honours system 553
10. Malacca and Macau 559
11. Noronha & Co’s finest book 565
12. Functus Officio – a questionable decision, 1919 567
13. Anarchy in Kowloon, 11-12 December 1941 571
14. Sir Robert Ho Tung and the Braga family 583
15. The Braga family leave Hong Kong, 1946-1998 591
16. Fr Joaquim Gonçalves and printing in Macau 623
17. Glossary of Chinese names 633



I have been aware since childhood of the fine library created by my uncle, J.M. ‘Jack’
Braga, but a vague awareness became a keen interest when in 1969 Jack Braga, then
a consultant at the National Library of Australia showed us proudly around his
collection, then in the course of being processed by several different branches of the
library. In 1972, Jack and his wife, Augusta, visited us in Sydney. I took the
opportunity of taping his recollections of family history going back to 1712 and was
amazed at his acute memory. He wrote in our visitors’ book on that occasion, ‘You
don’t know what this means to us’. At last he had found a member of the family who
shared his interest. In the fullness of time, his fine collection spawned this thesis.

My interest became more focussed in 1990 when another uncle, Tony Braga, gave
me a copy of the recently reprinted Historic Macao by C.A. Montalto de Jesus. He
followed this with the gift of several more books touching on the role played in the
history of Hong Kong by his family, a role of which he was enormously proud. He
was sure that this would eventually lead to some written project, though it has taken
twenty years for this to eventuate.

Several family members have made available documents, letters and photographs
and have assisted with memoirs of the children of José Pedro Braga and Olive
Pauline Braga. These are: Angela Ablong, J. David Braga, Maria Braga, Maurice
Braga, Janyce Luff, Sheila Potter and Frances Rufener. Janyce’s gift of the diary
from 1924 to 1929 of her father Noel Braga was of particular importance. John and
Paul Braga, descendants of João Joaquim Braga, shared important information on
their side of the family.

I am grateful to my cousin, Dr António M. Braga, the eldest son of J.M. Braga, who
in the early 1990s invited me to join the Casa de Macau, Australia, the local
Macanese community association. Over the years it has proved to be a most
profitable connection, with several trips to Hong Kong and Macau to participate in
the Encontros splendidly arranged and supported by the Government of Macau.
Marie Imelda McLeod, former Director of the Arquivo Histórico of Macau assisted
my access to that important collection. The Special Collections Library of the
University of Hong Kong contained much useful material on the history of Hong

This thesis could not have been undertaken without the co-operation of the staff of
the National Library of Australia, which houses the J.M. Braga collection of books,
pictures, maps and manuscripts on the history of the Portuguese presence in the Far
East. That collection, and the librarians who administer it, are the sine qua non of
this enterprise. I acknowledge with gratitude successive Directors-General Warren
Horton AM, Jan Fullerton AO, Ann-Marie Schwirtlich and Assistant Director-


General Margy Burn, all of whom have been supportive and encouraging of my
interest in the J.M. Braga collection. Successive Heads of Manuscript Branch,
Graeme Powell PSM, Dr Marie-Louise Ayres and Robyn Holmes have done much to
facilitate my access to materials held in the Manuscripts Branch. It was a privilege to
be accorded the opportunity of working for an extended period of time in April 2007
reorganising MS 4300, the most important group of manuscripts in that collection.
The assistance of other section heads has been no less vital. They include the former
Chief Librarian, Asian Collections, Dr Andrew Gosling and Amelia McKenzie,
Director of Overseas Collections, the Curator of Maps, Dr Martin Woods and former
Curator of the Pictures Collection, Linda Groom. Throughout the library, many
members of staff have gone out of their way to assist. Andrew Sergeant, Reference
Librarian in charge of the Petherick Room, and Mary Gosling, Manager, Reading
Room Services, have made working in the Library a real pleasure. Intensive work in
the Manuscripts Branch in 2007 brought me into close contact with people whose
professionalism and dedication have been most praiseworthy. They include Susan
Thomas, under whose direction I worked for several weeks. Special mention should
be made of Megan Williams, who has created an excellent finding guide for MS
4300, based on my reorganisation and background notes. The team in what became
the Manuscripts and Pictures Branch includes Emma Jolley, Curator of Manuscripts,
Catriona Anderson, Matthew Cole, Karen Johnson, Beth Lonergan and Donna

Likewise, during an intensive period working on augmenting the description of maps
in the Braga Special Maps Collection under Dr Martin Woods, I came to appreciate
the excellent team in that department: Dr Brendan Whyte and Quentin Slade. In the
Pictures Collection prior to its amalgamation with Manuscripts, the vast knowledge
and expertise of Sylvia Carr and Wendy Morrow were most important. In that very
attractive area, the Asian Collections Reading Room, the expertise of the librarians,
including Anya Dettman and Di Pin Ouyang, who have long been familiar with the
Braga Collection, has been of considerable assistance.

It is uncommon to include such a large number of librarians from one institution in a
list of acknowledgments; it is indicative of the high calibre of the Library and its
staff that such detailed and appreciative acknowledgment is made.

Other libraries and research institutions have been unfailingly helpful. These are: the
Australian National University Library, particularly Darrell Dorrington in the
Menzies Building. In Hong Kong, Bernard Hui of the Public Record Office and
Amelia Allsop of the Hong Kong Heritage Project provided access to their important
collections. The Macau Public Library gave access to microfilm of newspapers in
their collection.

Many individuals have assisted in a wide variety of ways. António Jorge da Silva’s
excellent maps of the Portuguese residential areas of Hong Kong in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries were willingly made available. Others are: John Allen, a
former senior executive of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation,

Emeritus Professor Henrique A. d’Assumpção AO, Tony Banham, Philomeno
(‘Meno’) Baptista, Dr Solomon Bard, Sally Burdon, Dienecke Carruthers, Justina
Cheang, Nicholas Colfer, who kindly showed me round the Kadoorie Avenue Estate
and made available the Minute Books of the Hongkong Engineering & Construction
Co., J. Bosco Correa, Peter Downes, Jean Farleigh, Barnabas Fung for expert advice
on Appendix 12, Alberto Guterres, whose close understanding of the Macanese
people was of great value, Nicholas Ingleton, John R. Prince, Francisco da Roza,
President of Club Lusitano, Hong Kong, Barney Koo, Fernando Menezes Ribeiro,
Michael Smee, Wang Gang, Chief Editor, Petrel Publishing House, Hong Kong, who
generously shared his research into the history of Wyndham St, Hong Kong, with
reference to Delfino Noronha, Roderick West AM and Bruno Yvanovich.

At the Australian National University, my supervisors Professor John Minford and
Dr Duncan Campbell have been more than supportive and encouraging. John’s
meticulous scrutiny of an earlier draft of this thesis was of great importance. He was
able to spot lacunae in presentation and expression, while at the same time giving
wise advice on the overall thrust of what I am trying to say. Jo Bushby and Pen Judd,
the PhD administrators in the School of Culture, History and Language, gave much
assistance in dealing with the university’s sometimes complex administrative
procedures. The university’s travel grant for two field trips to Hong Kong and Macau
greatly enriched this study and is much appreciated.

This thesis could never have been undertaken without the goodwill of my wife
Patricia. She has patiently provided constant backup while for more than two years I
have been focussed intently on this project, neglecting all sorts of other things that
have had to be set aside. Social and cultural activities have suffered, and she has put
up with this graciously. Our time in Canberra has been largely taken up with library
work when there is so much else that we could do. She has been a willing and
capable researcher on many visits to Canberra and two field trips to Hong Kong and
Macau, where limited time was maximised by her active participation. Such great
support and assistance so graciously given are beyond price and can never be taken
for granted.


iv .

Most of his children established themselves successfully in the 1920s and 1930s in a rapidly diversifying economy until the catastrophe of the Japanese Occupation forced them to flee to Macau as refugees. who had died during the war. Braga. The prosperity of Hong Kong could not have developed and been maintained without the sustained reliability of a large group of people who came to be termed ‘the Portuguese clerk class’. the scion of his family. Abstract Many Portuguese families who left Macau in the mid-nineteenth century attempted to establish a new identity in the nearby and far more successful British colony of Hong Kong. By the end of the twentieth century. Between 1900 and 1941. the limitations being imposed on them chiefly by the constraints of British colonial policy and its social outworkings. v . As these attitudes hardened. J. despite the difficulties he encountered. The resumption of British rule in 1945 brought about a rapid recovery in the fortunes of the colony and of the generation which succeeded J.P. Braga. opportunities were denied to people whose abilities were well-recognised in their own community. Well before the occupation of Hong Kong in 1841. So too had most of the Portuguese community. which by the 1960s was being challenged. Conspicuous among them were the Noronha and Braga families. built on his forebears’ attainments. with a significant public career. especially as printers and chemists. The long-term prospects of the Portuguese community continued to be bound up with those of British rule. including the Braga family. the British had departed. British merchants in Macau had developed contempt for the Portuguese administration of Macau which was transferred to the Portuguese community which established itself in Hong Kong between 1841 and the end of the nineteenth century.P. They succeeded in doing this to a limited degree. becoming the leading member of the Portuguese community in Hong Kong. Between the 1950s and 1970s. Other members of the Portuguese community in Hong Kong found themselves in a position of permanent inferiority in a British-dominated administrative and commercial system with rigid social and racial barriers. some of whom did well.

This thesis sets out to show how the Portuguese community in Hong Kong. during a period of rapid change after World War II which transformed the social and political landscape of Hong Kong. having emigrated from Macau in search of better opportunities. Jews and Americans. struggled to find a foothold in a British-dominated community that placed it in a position of permanent inferiority. the Indians. vi . Their presence in the Far East had proved to be transitory. It posits that the role played by a few key families over several generations gradually began to make inroads into. Nevertheless they had a major presence in the region for well over a century.most emigrated to the Pacific Rim countries or Portugal and Brazil. but could never overcome this unstated but firmly maintained policy of racial superiority. It also compares the Portuguese community with several other non-Chinese groups.

National Library of Australia. Japan. Detailed notes were prepared on all of the historic maps. Most of the older maps used in this thesis come from this source. p. 3. Collecting historic maps was one facet of J. All of these are included in the bibliography of this thesis. and ought to have been rejected either by the seventeenth century master printer or by the vii . He has written several books on the history of the Portuguese communities in Hong Kong. Manuel de. They are identified by the letters prefixed to the catalogue number: ‘nla. 1666-1675. Pacheco Jorge da Silva. Lisbon. For the most part they show in detail the different residential areas occupied by the Portuguese community of Hong Kong in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Asia Portuguesa. page 6 (a) Macao. Redrawn and coloured version of the above. Copy made early twentieth century. Sea route to the East Indies Chapter 1. 3. He has kindly given permission for several of the maps he has drawn for these books to be used in this thesis. These were hurried to completion after the Dutch attack in 1622 was repulsed. 3 vols. 362. Mr Jorge da Silva is an architect resident for many years in California. Braga Collection. António M. The original map is one of several bound with Faria e Sousa. Carte de Voyage de Pirard aux Indes Orientales. Macau in the mid-seventeenth century Chapter 1. The availability of this rich resource led to the decision to use contemporary maps wherever possible. Each is acknowledged in the following list. Pierre. Manuel de. The city walls and several fortifications are emphasised. 1665. page 5 East Indies showing China. Maps A note on maps J. vol.M. [East Indies] [cartographic material] / made by Nicholas Cumberford dwelling at the Signe of the Platt neare the weste end of the School House in Ratcliffe. Asia Portuguesa. 2. 87. The map in J. Borneo. Braga Special Map Collection No. 1677. 1. 1675.M. Braga’s intensive method of acquisition. which were then digitised and placed on the Library’s website. It was my good fortune to act as consultant to the Maps Branch of the National Library of Australia during 2008 while the cataloguing of this part of the large Braga Collection was being’ (Braga Special Collection). (b) Macao. Paris. He was born in Macau and educated in Hong Kong and England. Korea. page 2 Duval. Duval. Sumatra and Java by Nicholas Comberford. California and Shanghai. Braga’s copy of Asia Portuguesa is poorly inked. Cartes pour les itineraires et voiages moderns. Plate 25 from P. East Indies Chapter 1. Faria e Sousa.

A map of the City and Harbour of Macau. This was protected by the Chinese Fortaleza de Passaleão until its destruction in 1849. 6. modificada segundo as condições actuaes da Colonia (1901) = modified in 1870 according to actual conditions in the colony (1901). George Cox. The production of such a map as late as 1852 indicates that trade with Canton remained of great importance to British merchants. page 13 Portion of Kwangtung province. 65. Macao and Hong Kong Chapter 2. 4. showing Macau.nla. This very busy map is presented in four segments showing the main centres of Western activity in the Canton region. with soundings shown in fathoms. Braga Special Map Collection No. Pearl River estuary Chapter 1. Macao and Hong Kong. nla. This plain is marked Campo neutro ou terreno desocupado pelos chins desde 1849 a 1890 (Neutral ground or land unoccupied by the Chinese from 1849 to 1890). 5. Canton and the estuaries of the Chu-Kiang and Si-Kiang Rivers. Bramston (drawn). viii . Jan.bookbinder. possibly to illustrate a lecture he gave in the late 1930s or during World War II. with the foreign factories outside the south-west corner of the city walls. The first section is a map of Macau with a small inset of the city of Victoria. Braga had it redrawn. The fourth and largest segment shows an outline of the city of Canton. nla. page 36 Edward Belcher. p. Planta da colonia Portugueza de Macau e dos seus portos internos e externos. page 27 W. 1st 1852. James Wyld (published). M. The next map is of the whole Pearl River estuary from the open sea to Canton. Thereafter Portuguese guns at the hastily constructed Fortaleza de Mongha prevented Chinese reoccupation of the plain between the two positions. A neutral zone north of the Barrier Gate (Porta do Cêrco). Hong Kong Art Museum AH1964.M.0126 Reproduced in The Chater Legacy. Canton and its approaches. com indicação dos postos aduaneiros chineses modernamente estabelecidos desenhada por M. One of a series of maps produced by the Macau Port Authority to promote Macau as an international port. Canton and its approaches. Sir Paul Chater’s copy of this map was a photograph. The map shows the boundaries of territory held by Macau and China. nla. Hong Kong. South China. page 75 Azevedo Coutinho. capitão do exercito 1870. Azevedo Coutinho. Hong Kong. 1840 Chapter 1. Map of the Portuguese colony of Macau Chapter 3. is boldly marked in red. J.

page 92 Detail from ‘The city of Victoria. F. Bern University Library. Stuart Braga collection. Anglican and Catholic Cathedrals and Jamia Mosque Chapter 3. Collinson’s Ordnance Survey. Martyn. Owen on the future control and development of the port of Hong Kong. Teixeira da Mota. page 86 The city of Victoria. Northern Portugal Chapter 4 page 130 Detail from John Bayly. published in W. 14. National Library of Australia 13. from Lt. February 1941’. Hong Kong Chapter 3. 1598. The City of Braga. page 117 A French map of Macau by Nicholas Bellin. Alves. The Mato Moiro District Chapter 3. This map was redrawn in 1923 to accompany James Orange. built in 1888. page 91 The Mato Moiro (or Morro) district was a Portuguese enclave from the 1870s to the early 1920s. Accessed via Wikipedia. Jorge da Silva. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong. ‘A New Map of Spain and Portugal’.au/nla. Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg. reissued by a Dutch cartographer.F. Cortesão and A. from 1784. The Chater Collection. 5. Collinson’s Ordinance Survey. Detail from ‘Plan to accompany report by Sir David J. 1650 Chapter 4. Hong Kong Chapter 3. Alves. page 154 A steady trickle of Portuguese left Macau and Hong Kong for better employment opportunities in Japan and the Treaty Ports along the China coast and the Yangtze River. 27 July 2012. The geographical magazine. The Roman Catholic Cathedral is the second cathedral. Hong Kong. 1783. nla. The awkward ribbon development forced on Hong Kong by Captain Charles Elliot’s choice of the site of the city was already evident as early as The copy of the map used here was purchased in the city of Braga in October 2001 15. Jorge da Silva. Goa. Hong Kong. 1650. [The Latin name for what became the city of Braga was Bracara Augusta]. F. South-East Asia Chapter 5. 16. page 89 The Western District. page 129 ‘Noua Bracarae avgvste descriptio’.M. Civitates Orbis Terrarum. page 113 Goa. Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica. with references from a map by A. 8. ‘Plan de la ville et du port de Macao’ Chapter 4. vol. 1862’. Ryhiner Collection. showing Sheung Wan and Tai Ping Shan. 12. London. 1594 Chapter 4. 1845. Cologne. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong. 5. From António M. The numbers shown here are of named residents. 9. From A. nla. ix . The Western District. 1845. ca. 1785. plate 586. vol. 11. by A. Braga Special Map Collection. City of Victoria. ca. 10. with references from a map by A.

from a map published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. Hong Kong in Chinese history: community and social unrest in the British Colony. Courtesy of Mr N. Google Maps. 1922. but later occupied by the Japanese. nla. Park Street. 22. Jorge da Silva. 39. 24. Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons Ltd. above left. St Xavier’s College was located in one of the best streets of the city. Location of the premises of Noronha & Co. 18. 1920. February 2009. page 308 Master Plan. Braga Special Map Collection no. showing the newly completed motor road.J. 19. 1842-1913. Paul Braga’s escape map Chapter 12. Colfer. 21 were still the original houses designed by Hugh Braga. Calcutta in the nineteenth century Chapter 7. page 204 In keeping with the Jesuit policy of educating the elite. 21. page 384 Paul Braga’s sketch map and plan for leaving Macau and travelling across enemy- occupied territory to Kweilin. replacing the late nineteenth century enclave on the Hong Kong side known as Mato Moiro. Portuguese residential areas Chapter 14. page 334 Detail from ‘Plan to accompany report by Sir David J. between 1936 and 1941. Paul Braga Papers. Right: Park Street in 1842.T. nla. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong. Map B. x . General Works Manager and Architect for the Estate. 20. page 325 ‘New Port in Portugal’s Ancient Colony’. Po Hing Fong disaster Chapter 10. page 287 Manuscript map of Kowloon and the New Territories ca. Left: a map redrawn by the Baptist Mission from an unnamed French original. Kadoorie Avenue and Braga Circuit Chapter 9. page 183 From Tsai Jung-fang. 23. 17. then in Free China. From António M. Of the approximately 89 houses on the Estate in 2012. Macao Harbour Authority. New Port in Portugal’s Ancient Colony Chapter 10. Owen on the future control and development of the port of Hong Kong. Kowloon and the New Territories Chapter 9. page 413 Four Portuguese residential enclaves developed in Kowloon between the 1920s and February 1941’. accessed 2 August 2012. Chapter 6.

Children of José Pedro Braga and Olive Pauline Braga Chapter 8. Rosa and Rosa Braga families in Macau. page 125 3. page 108 2. Tables 1. page 234 xi . Leading members of the Rosa Braga family in Hong Kong. page 164 4. 1700-1840s Chapter 4. Fernandes and Braga families from António Fernandes to José Pedro Braga Chapter 4. 1840s to 1900 Chapter 5. ca.

xii .

A note on sources This thesis is based on two entirely different sets of resources.31.vol. 8. and again without introduction. 3rd series. vol. Chronologically speaking. 1. chiefly the British. 3 They were printed without annotation or commentary. An attempt was made in 1929. because it will reveal that Portugal's archives and libraries hold a virtually inexhaustible and largely unexplored supply of primary sources. no. 3 (1930). 4th series. April/September 1996. His ‘glimpse’ was rather depressing. By the time Volume 5 had been reached in 1972. 2nd series. the extant files of three newspapers published between 1822 and 1845. Loureiro. no communications to the Viceroy in Goa or to the royal government in Lisbon. 2nd series. on the history of Macao and on the history of the Portuguese Far Eastern expansion’. styled as the Leal Senado.vol. A glimpse of the Goa archives. For a monoglot researcher there is an obvious problem in that most of the sources are in Portuguese. ‘Macao's history in Portugal: trends of research and future projects. 2 C. 1 (1929) . 1 . 15. 1 Rui Loureiro deplored ‘this feeble historiographic interest in Macao’. Boxer spent a fortnight there. the period from 1700 until ca. What is revealed is a set of communications. but not in facsimile. The situation in Macau was similar and was compounded by the fact that there were in effect two rival administrations: that of the Governor and that of the City Council. It is surprising to find no official reports. and there were few before the early eighteenth century.M.R. the archives were examined and were described by Charles Boxer. xiii . and the trade that created wealth. Boxer. This difficulty is compounded by the fact that there was little attempt until recent times to preserve archives in Macau or to research its history in the archives of Portugal or Goa. briefly resumed in 1940. 2 Part of what had survived was unusable owing to the ravages of insects and a tropical climate. no. who drew attention to serious deficiencies. 1 (1940). 27/28. no. vol. 1 In Goa. dating as far back as the first years of the sixteenth century. no. long enough to gain a good idea of what there was. p.6 (1979: June). 1. largely emanating from the Leal Senado and concerning relations with Chinese authorities. in 1964 to make available in printed form what could be recovered by publishing a journal. vol. whose viceroy controlled Macau until 1844. The archives seem to be silent on the matter of the growing presence and importance of foreigners.vol. R. which consisted entirely of reprints of surviving records. 3 Arquivos de Macau: 1st series. 1840 deals principally with Macau. 1 (1964: January) . in Review of Culture. Arquivos de Macau. trading opportunities and personal rivalries. The earliest document printed came from 1649. the Arquivos de Macao turned to reprint. no. and after a long delay. 1 (1981- 1988). vol. adding that a ‘quick glance through sundry catalogues of research institutions will deepen the sense of perplexity.

Now that this contention has been resolved by the end of Portuguese rule in Macau. Montalto de Jesus. The important period from 1924 to 1946 is extraordinarily rich in manuscripts to the point that the chief problem is how to make a selection from them. By contrast the archival materials for the second half of the thesis are extraordinarily rich. but the technology appears to be almost unworkable.M. King and P. There has been an attempt by the Hong Kong Public Library to place some of the newspapers online. Ljungstedt set out over a long period of research and then a series of writings between 1831 and 1835 to refute the Portuguese claim of sovereignty over Macau. Both appear to rely on sources no longer extant. contains a rich store of 4 F. a general history that is accessible to English readers and archivally based has yet to appear. xiv . 4 By contrast. There needs to be a comprehensive history of Macau in English. but the record is far from complete owing to losses during the Japanese Occupation. However. 1822-1911. There are several newspapers. Each approaches his subject from a different. manuscript sources available for this study are outstanding and have determined the scope and content of this thesis. A research guide to China-Coast newspapers. even a polar perspective.H. There are the usual British colonial sources: governors’ despatches to the Colonial Secretary in London and annual Blue Books which give details of the minutiae of administration. covering the whole presence of the Portuguese on the China coast from the 1550s until 1999 when the territory ceased to be under Portuguese administration. these sharply divided and polemical viewpoints are out of date. set out to assert it. Braga Collection in the National Library of Australia. the major manuscript collection forming part of the J.H. writing 70 years later. both appear to use these sources well. It is necessary to refer to two important writers of secondary sources: Anders Ljungstedt and Carlos Montalto de Jesus.These provide to an extent evidence of the economic. Both of these are discussed fully in Appendices 3 and 4. political and social fortunes of Macao during this period. The Hong Kong Public Record Office has a good collection of twentieth century newspapers. In the first place. Frank King’s census of nineteenth century China coast newspapers indicates just how fragmentary these holdings are. but it is appropriate to outline them here to indicate their significance as the thesis develops. MS 4300. They are detailed in the bibliography. Clarke. but little from the nineteenth century. 1924-1928.. The first is the diary of Noel Braga. Braga Papers are complemented by manuscripts created by three of his brothers. Derived from Forjaz’s monumental work is the Macanese Families website. 11 and 12 could not have been written. The information on this website has been meticulously compiled over many years by Emeritus Professor H. chiefly biographical. Starting with Forjaz’s data. from a wide variety of government and ecclesiastical records and newspapers.P. The third is a file of correspondence and other papers created by Paul Braga. Famílias Macaenses. 5 Carl Smith’s work is in itself not a primary source.A. set out to provide a genealogy of the entire Macanese population. 3 vols. 1996. Forjaz provided detailed notes on significant people. There are also three more small family collections of minor importance. These three are in my possession. complete as far as available records permitted.macanesefamilies. d’Assumpção AO. including several members of the Rosa. They too are explained more fully in the bibliography. Chapters 9. the most significant member of this family and of the Portuguese community in the twentieth century. Whenever he came across a name. he underlined it and wrote a card summarising the details he wanted. Without them. he worked carefully through his personal set of the Arquivos de Macau. The second is a file of letters collected by James Braga between 1942 and 1946 describing the wartime experiences of his parents and siblings. Braga and Noronha families. In addition. Instituto Cultural de Macau and Instituto Portugues do Oriente. The J. Carl Smith who spent many years making research notes. funded by three government cultural bodies. http://www. xv . Macau. 10. The second is Jorge Forjaz. The first is a unique set of cards prepared in Hong Kong and Macau by the Rev. but directs the researcher to primary sources that would otherwise be inaccessible or overlooked. on whose lives this thesis letters and press cuttings which are the basis of any study of the career of J. Three other important sources might be briefly noticed here. There are few entries before the mid-eighteenth century. Fundação Oriente. Professor d’Assumpção has updated and considerably extended this impressive database with many photographs and varied 5 Now in the Arquivo Histórico de Macau. reflecting the fact that few records have survived from the first two centuries of Macau’s Portuguese occupation. This massive project.

He was fluent in both languages and in Japanese. who visited Canberra shortly before the fine building of the Australian library was constructed. MS 4300/3. Manuel Teixeira. Macao. His extensive writings often give access to information not available elsewhere. SJ. The third source is the work of Charles Boxer (1904-2000). 7 Sparing use has been made of the work of the prolific Macanese historian. xvi . March 1937.R. Fernandes. An example is Francisco José Paiva. 1937. This has been used in this thesis in several places where exact identification might be helpful. mentioned in Chapter 2. 6 After World War II.indiana. 6 C. Each individual has been allotted a unique identifying number. A catalogue of his library published in 1937 shows him to have already become an important bibliophile and researcher. Tipografia Mercantil de N. Boxer’s career as an historian was highly unusual. Bibliotheca Boxeriana. a short title catalogue of the books & manuscripts in the library of Captain C. may preserve the annotated manuscripts of some of his books. but he was error-prone and plagiaristic. Braga Papers. An officer in the British Army. University of Indiana. Thus this thesis seeks to explain this family’s changing fortunes over a period of 250 years using materials that change greatly as the geographic location and cultural dynamics shift from Macau to Hong Kong. However. Boxer.M.php?p=boxer.R. Jack Braga once wrote that he regretted ever helping Teixeira. It appears that his papers. the writer Emily Hahn.1. She felt that it would be wasted in what then seemed to be a cultural wilderness. held by the Lilly Library. Fr. whose identifying number is he was posted to the Far East in 1935. His important books suffer from one serious fault: he did not use footnotes. being. Boxer became Camoes Professor of Portuguese in the University of London and for half a century was a leading authority in his field.historical material. http://www. Correspondence between Charles Boxer and his friend Jack Braga in the J. so the researcher is left guessing as to his sources. who never acknowledged Jack’s assistance. National Library of Australia. the twelve books and articles cited in the bibliography serve to indicate the importance of Boxer’s foundational work. having already developed a keen and exceptionally well-informed interest in Portuguese and Dutch colonial history. but was dissuaded by his wife. during which he was imprisoned in Hong Kong. Boxer.T. makes it clear that about 1964 Boxer had made up his mind to sell his library to the National Library of Australia. 7 The finding guide indicates that some of the MSS of his books may be present.

Thus Tsimshatsui is never called Jiānshāzǔ. A note on nomenclature Romanisation of Chinese names It is impossible in a study covering a period of more than two centuries to achieve consistency in the Romanisation of Chinese names. Thus his name is more recognisable in Pinyin. as a rule of thumb. but not uniformly in Hong Kong. so the form ‘Macau’ has been used in this thesis except where the alternative form is used in a quotation. Portuguese names A different problem is the inconsistent way in which Portuguese names are rendered. but since the return of administration from Portugal to China in 1999. the government of the Macau SAR considers both ‘Macao’ and ‘Macau’ to be acceptable English spellings of the name. as will be seen from an illustration in Chapter Two. Local usage in recent years has all but swept aside ‘Macao’. Any attempt at uniformity is bound to run into difficulties. ‘Macao’ is the traditional English spelling. The Wade-Giles system which came into general use in the late nineteenth century has been replaced in mainland China by the Pinyin system. There are several obvious inconsistencies. where most place names continue to be given in the Wade-Giles system. a relaxed view is taken. The museum commemorating him in Macau is named the Lin Zexu Memorial Museum. (to use the form ‘Xiang gang’ instead of Hong Kong would conflict with local usage). Therefore this study attempts. This important viceroy has come to symbolise Chinese resistance to western encroachment in a way that transcends his historical importance. This dualism can sometimes be found even within the same paragraph of official documents. whereas in Portugal ‘Macao’ has been discontinued and ‘Macau’ is the official spelling. of which the chief one is the use of ‘Lin Zexu’ rather than the Wade-Giles ‘Lin Tse-Hsu’. including the name ‘Macau’ or ‘Macao’. Most other Chinese names have been retained in the form with which the people who appear in this thesis would have been familiar. xvii . to use the system that appears to fit best into the context of the place and time being discussed.

J. António Joaquim Osorio. Any attempt at consistency is doomed to failure. so named because of its proximity to the Jamia Mosque. ‘Rosa’ or ‘Roza’.P. 49.M. The residents of this Portuguese residential area of Hong Kong in the late nineteenth century spelt it in a variety of ways. Examples. and his usage has been retained in many of his letters and papers quoted in the following pages. The practice followed here is to adopt whatever spelling has been used in an adjacent source. when the Hong Kong Government changed the official spelling to ‘Hong Kong’. 1926). the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation has retained the single word as the name was registered that way in 1864. J. ‘Rosario’ or ‘Rozario’ are examples. xviii . his ‘bio- bibliographical index’.P. Braga almost always used the old spelling. in alphabetical order. ‘the field of Moors’. also used interchangeably. National Library of Australia. the variant spellings ‘Hongkong’ and ‘Hong Kong’ should be discussed. 8 J. Pedro Manuel Other variant spellings include ‘praia’ and ‘praya’.Similar alternatives are found in the spelling of Portuguese names using a soft ‘s’ sound: ‘Osorio’ or ‘Ozorio’. ‘Hongkong’ and ‘Hong Kong’ Lastly. Braga adopted a convenient rule of thumb in his ‘A to Z’. José Maria Ozorio. Braga Papers. The form adopted by J. No. Braga in his The Portuguese in Hongkong and China has been followed: ‘Mata Moiro’. on the instructions of the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Hong Kong Government Gazette. Mata Moiro. MS 4300/7.M.2. Both spellings were used until 1926. while retaining the form used by the person concerned. 8 He treated them all as though spelt with an ‘s’. are: Ozorio. However. built there well before it became a Portuguese residential area. Luigi Osorio.

Timeline of events The Rosa and Braga families in a wider context Part 1 – Sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Year Elsewhere Portuguese in the East 1456 Portuguese padroado commenced 1498 Vasco da Gama reached India 1503 1st Viceroy of Portuguese India: Francisco de Almeida 1510 2nd Viceroy: Afonso de Albuquerque 1510 Portuguese occupation of Goa 1511 Malacca occupied by Albuquerque 1515 Jorge Alvares placed padrao in Lin Tin island 1517 Abortive mission to Chinese imperial court led by Tomé Pires 1534 Jesuit Order founded 1542 Fernão Mendes Pinto in Japan 1557 Portuguese settlement in Macau 1565 St Paul’s College established 1569 Santa Casa de Misericórdia established 1573 Barrier wall erected at Macau 1575 Diocese of Macau established 1580 Portuguese monarchy extinct. Spanish rule for sixty years 1582 Macau Senado established 1588 Jesuit press in Macau printed its first book Christiani Pueri Institutio Jesuit Press set up in Japan 1597 Crucifixion of the 26 ‘Nagasaki martyrs’ 1600 English East India Company chartered 1602 Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) established 1614 Jesuit press returned to Macau 1622 Growing persecution of Dutch attack on Macau repulsed Japanese Christians 1623 First Governor of Macau appointed 1637 Weddell visited Macau. last Portuguese ships left Japan xix . Macau remained for six months 1638 Massacre of Japanese Macau’s trade with Manila suspended Christians at Shimebara. Completion of St Paul’s Church.

colonies xx . thenceforth known as the Leal Senado 1662 Macau’s worst year: barrier closed for three months. Judge Portugal of Orphans. leading to widespread starvation 1685 Chinese ports re-opened to Macau Senate rejected opportunity foreign shipping by to resume trade with China Kangxi Emperor 1688 Chinese Customs House erected in Macau Part 2 – Eighteenth century Year Elsewhere Portuguese in Rosa family. Rosa active Emperor again again rejected in Senado renewed despite protests proposal to from Senado centre Chinese trade on Macau 1736 Printing banned Widespread illiteracy. Crown Judge 1719 Renewed Second rejection proposal by of this proposal Kangxi Emperor by Macau to centre Chinese Senado trade on Macau 1729 Yongzheng Emperor prohibited importation of opium into China 1732 Yongzheng Trade proposal M. Orphãos.Year Elsewhere Portuguese in the East 1640 Restoration of Portuguese Disastrous Portuguese attempt monarchy to restore relations with Japan 1641 Dutch occupation of Malacca 1644 Accession of Qing dynasty Turmoil in South China 1654 Title não ha outra mais leal added to the motto of the Macau Senate. Braga family.V. the East Macau Goa ca. 1714 Rosa appointed Ouvidor. in all Portuguese dearth of literature. Manuel Vicente 1704 Rosa arrived in Macau 1712 Rosa appointed Félix Fernandes Juiz dos born in Braga.

1751 Death of Manuel Vicente Rosa After Growing British 1750 trade with China Outbreak of Foreigners 1757 Seven Years permitted to live War. Braga family. much of in Macau. closure Simão d’Araújo Jesuit Order of St Paul’s Rosa of Jesuit College property. the East Macau Goa 1738 Simão Vicente Rosa arrived in Macau 1739 Félix Fernandes 1742 Anson’s visit arrived in Goa. Birth of Simão 1765 d’Araújo Rosa Jr. 1760 All Chinese ports except Canton closed to foreign trade 1762 Suppression by Expulsion of Acquisition by Pombal of the Jesuits. to Macau. son of Félix 1770 Expulsion of Birth of Ana Jesuits Joaquina Rosa Braga in Goa xxi . Green Island. but not India controlled to own property by East India Company. assumed Macau authorities placed in a surname Braga difficult position 1745 Birth of Simão d’Araújo Rosa Sr. 1766 Félix Braga President of the Senado do Goa 1769 Marriage of António Félix Braga.Year Elsewhere Portuguese in Rosa family. British and other British dominant foreign traders in the East ca. 1763 End of Growing Seven Years numbers of War.

the East Macau Goa 1773 Scott case: seen Death of Simão as judicial Vicente Rosa murder 1773 India Act: greater East India British Company government commenced control over East operations in India Company Macau ca.Year Elsewhere Portuguese in Rosa family. 1822 Publication of A Abelha da China 1824 Birth of Delfino Noronha xxii . Rolles’ decisive action. Sheen affair in Canton. 1813 East India Co. Braga family. Press operating in Macau 1815 Defeat of Napoleon 1817 Unsuccessful Amherst mission to Peking 1820 Ban lifted on printing in Portuguese colonies 1821 Death of Simão d’Araújo Rosa Sr. Death of 1779 Félix Braga 1784 American traders The case of the arrived in Macau Lady Hughes gunner 1785 Death of António Félix Braga in Goa 1792 Marriage of Simão d’Araújo Rosa and Ana Joaquina Braga in Goa 1793 Unsuccessful Decline of Macartney Portuguese trade embassy to Peking Part 3 – 1800-1840 Year Elsewhere Macau and Canton Rosa Braga family 1803 Napoleonic Wars British attempt to João Vicente Rosa occupy Macau Braga born in Macau 1807 British occupation of Malacca 1807 Occupation of Iberian 2nd British attempt to peninsula by Napoleon occupy Macau.

Chuenpi possession. 26 January d’Araújo Rosa Jr. Civil war in Portugal Canton Register 1834 commenced 1827 1833 East India Company’s Rapid growth of trading monopoly opium trade ended 1830s Rapid growth in the Employment of numbers of ‘country Portuguese clerks and traders’ translators by British traders 1834 Appointment of Death of Lord Napier. British dispersal of Emperor to stop opium 20. Noronha 1840 Arrival of Macau no longer British punitive dominated by expedition to China mandarins Part 4 – 1841-1900 Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Rosa Braga and Noronha families 1841 Sino-British War.Year Elsewhere Macau and Canton Rosa Braga family 1825 Arrival in Macau of João Vicente Rosa the artist George Braga married in Chinnery Macau 1828. Rosa Macau Braga and D. crowd. proclaimed City of Victoria. V. including Shanghai 1843 Pottinger assumed office as governor. Convention ceded 26 January 1841 Hong Kong to Britain 1842 Treaty of Nanking. In Macau 1839 Decision of Daoguang Surrender of ca. menacing Macau Lín Zexu as murder of Chinese watched by large Commissioner villager at Kowloon. British took 1839-1842. Vicente Emílio Rosa Lord Napier as replaced by Braga born in Macau Superintendent of Sir John Davis Trade 1835 Burning of St Paul’s Death of Simão Church.000 chests of Chinese troops trade. likely to British flight from include J. British occupation five treaty ports confirmed opened. 26 June xxiii . appointment of opium.

Braga left Hong Kong for England xxiv . Braga 1872 J. established 1866 Club Lusitano opened 1866 Hong Kong Mint V. João Vicente Rosa 1845 Braga and his family moved to Hong Kong 1846 First known example of Noronha’s printing 1849 Assassination of Wave of Portuguese Governor Amaral emigration from in Macau Macau 1850 Continuing decline First reclamation of of Macau foreshore land 1850. Taiping Rebellion Rapid growth of 1866 Chinese population 1853 João Vicente Rosa Braga died in Hong Kong 1857 Attempt by Chinese baker Cheong Alum to poison the foreign population 1858.Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Rosa Braga and Noronha families 1844 Legislative Council Delfino Noronha established moved to Hong Kong. 1859 1858 Treaty of Tientsin 1860 Occupation of Kowloon by British 1862 ‘Sabre-rattling’ in Macau: visit of Hong Kong Volunteers 1864 Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp.J. Braga appointed established assistant accountant 1869 Opening of Suez Canal Sense of isolation from the ‘Home Country’ greatly diminished 1870 V. Imperial Mint at Osaka 1871 Birth of J.E. began printing establishment ca. Braga appointed Chief Accountant.P. 2nd Sino-British War Noronha appointed 1860 government printer.E.

published Rights of Aliens 1896-7 J. Braga published Odds and Ends 1898 European pressure on New Territories China ‘leased’ to Britain for 99 years.Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Rosa Braga and Noronha families 1874 Great Typhoon.P. 1900 Boxer rebellion Death of Delfino Noronha.P. Braga appointed Manager of Hongkong Telegraph 1904-5 Russo-Japanese War 1909 Macau border José Braga a member conference of the Commissão Portuguesa de Delimiticão de Macau 1910 J.P. J.P. Hong Kong 1892 José Rizal in Hong Kong 1894-5 Sino-Japanese War. China humiliated 1895 J. Braga left Hongkong Telegraph 1911 Chinese revolution began 1912 End of Chinese Empire xxv . forcing China by British José Braga to return to pressure. Braga left Hong Kong Part 5 – 1901-1999 Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Braga family 1901 1902 J. Braga married Olive Pollard. forced on of smallpox.P. Braga at St Joseph’s College 1887-8 José Braga at school Sino-Portuguese Three Braga boys died in Calcutta Treaty. Labour market several hundred flooded.P. driving down Portuguese wages for Portuguese left Macau clerks 1884 J.

Kowloon 1927 Elected unopposed to Sanitary Board 1929 Great Depression J. Purchased property at Knutsford Terrace. Braga appointed OBE 1936 First houses completed on ‘the Estate’ 1937 Japanese attack on J. He held the position until 1941 1931 Japanese occupation of Purchase of ‘Garden Manchuria suburb’ site by Construction Co. Braga appointed commenced to Legislative Council 1930 J.P. Refugees China Light flocked to Hong Kong for this year and Macau xxvi . Braga appointed to completed temporary position on Sanitary Board. World War I 1918 1919 May 4 Movement J.P.P.P. Braga Chairman of China Light for this year 1935 J.P. Braga Chairman of Canton. Braga China.Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Braga family 1914 .P.P. Braga appointed to second term on Legislative Council 1934 J. Braga appointed Chairman of Hongkong Engineering & Construction Co.P. 1932 Depression at its Trade greatly reduced J.P. Occupation of left Legislative Shanghai. Braga organised lowest point British Empire Trade Fair 1933 J. ‘Rape of Council Nanking’ 1938 Japanese occupation of J. Braga appointed Justice of the Peace 1922 Seamen’s strike 1924 Jack Braga moved to Macau 1925 KMT occupied Canton General strike and trade boycott 1926 Macau port works J.P.

1. still in Hong Kong ca. Portuguese nationals to Some left for Macau. 1949 Communist victory in Refugees flooded into civil war Hong Kong 1950 June: Korean war. May. on all fronts population fell from Tony Braga last to ca. Braga.June 1944 close to starvation 1943-5 Cared for by Jack and Jack Braga active in Augusta Braga. Tony and Paul World War II Braga joined Hong Kong Volunteers 1940 Fall of France Evacuation of British Battle of Britain women and children to Australia 1941 7 December 8 December Japanese attack on Japanese attack Pearl Harbor on Hong Kong 1941 11-12 December Braga family sought Anarchy in Kowloon refuge in Argentine consul’s house 1941 25 December Braga family terrified Fall of Hong Kong and desperate 1942 Japanese victories British civilians Braga family sought throughout S. Asia interned. conditions Chinese intervention Hong Kong economy imperilled.6 million to move to Macau. 1951 Maude.P.E. Hugh Braga including Jack found accommodation for the whole family. 16 members of Braga Braga family members Population swelled to family fled to Macau.000 April 1942 . Stanley Internment POWs released Camp 1946 Civil war Military All Bragas returned commenced in China Administration until to Hong Kong. Hugh moved to Australia 1952 Stalemate in Korea Death of Olive Braga 1953 Armistice in Korea Gradual economic recovery xxvii . 600. Macau 1943 Macau neutral.000 Jean Braga remained in Hong Kong 1945 7 May: defeat of Germany 1945 15 August: 30 August: Maude released from defeat of Japan British fleet arrived. 500. Trade with China All faced difficult December: frozen. Intelligence 1944 Allied advance Hong Kong’s Death of J.Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Braga family 1939 Outbreak of Hugh. ca. Exodus of Portuguese papers.

The other countries 8 members of their generation had left. Rapid economic growth 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration: Hong Kong to be returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 1987 Luso-Chinese Accord: Macau to be returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1999 1997 30 June: return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty 1998 Death of Caroline Braga. last of the 13 members of her generation. Tony and Caroline Most Portuguese left Braga remained in for Pacific Rim Hong Kong. 1999 20 December: return of Macau to Chinese sovereignty xxviii .Year Elsewhere Hong Kong Braga family 1956 Suez Canal crisis Riot in Hong Kong 1956 Beginning of Portuguese emigration 1966 Serious riots in Macau Serious riots Jack Braga sold his in Hong Kong library to the National Library of Australia 1967 More serious riots in Caroline Braga sought Hong Kong unsuccessfully to emigrate to USA 1970s 1974: Portugal: Concessions to By 1970 only Jean. end of Salazar’s rule Chinese population. 1980s Return of prosperity.

Nevertheless. 2009. IV / By George Anson.M. London. Jack Braga discovered a rich but untapped store of manuscripts in the Ajuda Library in his researches there in 1952. examined the conquest. McGregor’s luminous chapter ‘Europe and the East’ in both editions of vol. in Europe and Asia. Introduction The history of Macau and its people. His predecessors in the Chair of Portuguese at London University. were interested in literature rather than history. Braga Papers MS 4300/7. Hakluyt Society. 1949). 1608-1667. writing about the Portuguese in India. III. He carefully listed them in his Special File on Malacca (J. almost until his death in 2000 at the age of 96. Following Boxer were two studies: the volume contributed by M. Macao. who eventually emerged with their distinctive Macanese identity. 1968-1969. Cambridge. but a major drawback is the absence of references. The Reformation. The ban on printing in all the Portuguese overseas xxix . Even after this. Boxer provided detailed bibliographical information in several of his books. is an enigma that poses many questions. settlement and decline of Goa and the smaller settlements of Damão and Diu. in the years MDCCXL. there are substantial gaps in the administrative records of Portuguese India thereafter as an administration in decline led to poor record-keeping and serious losses occurred. The Great Typhoon of September 1874 led also to serious losses.A. esq. 1749). Abelha da China has also been republished in facsimile. Fortunately. and there was little attempt to preserve runs of newspapers which often existed for only two or three years. some early papers. and Phillip. where both the written and the archaeological record continued to be destroyed well into the twentieth century. now Lord Anson. No government gazette existed there until 1838.3/6). Much the same is true of Macau. How did Portugal briefly become in the sixteenth century the dominant maritime power of the entire coasts of Africa and Asia? How did Macau. the furthest outpost of this remarkable achievement. A Abelha da China (1822-1823). II. collecting and writing in the 1920s. especially Sir George Young. How did Macau and its people survive more than four centuries of tribulation? That enigma is set within a larger one: the brief flourishing of a worldwide empire flung into the far corners of the earth by a small country perched on the edge of Europe. There was little scholarly examination of the whole span of the Portuguese presence in Africa and Asia in the sixteenth century and beyond until Charles Boxer began a lifetime of research. Fresh ground has been broken in recent years by A. series 3.N. 1520-1559. 2. An English translation of Linschoten’s important late sixteenth century account (Linschoten. and the inclusion of I. Cambridge. as Boxer has established. Scholarly examination of the history of the Portuguese Empire is severely limited by the loss of much of the archival record in the devastating Lisbon earthquake and fire of 1 November 1755. Farnham. The Portuguese presence in Malacca was all but forgotten after its long occupation by the Dutch from 1641 to 1807 and the English thereafter. Jan Huygen van. England. The Portuguese in India and other studies. His close friendship and collaboration with Jack Braga bore fruit in the latter’s useful and careful studies. Disney. Gazeta de Macao (1824-1826) and Macaista Imparcial (1835) were preserved and reprinted in Arquivo Macau.R. especially concerning the beginning of the Portuguese presence in China in the sixteenth century (The western pioneers and their discovery of Macao. William. 1500-1700. remain under Portuguese control until the end of the twentieth century despite the collapse of the Portuguese empire? How then did its people fare? 1 1 Portuguese expansion into South Asia and then South-East Asia received scant attention in English until the late nineteenth century. one of Boxer’s achievements was to raise the profile of Lusitanian studies in English.1598) was followed by little more than passing references in the accounts of Peter Mundy (The travels of Peter Mundy. 1987). of the New Cambridge Modern History (1958 and 1990). I. Pearson to the Cambridge History of India series (The Portuguese in India. 1907) and Richard Walter (A voyage round the world. Late nineteenth century studies by Fonseca and Danvers. Iohn Hvighen van Linschoten : his discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies. London. His unique and important role continued for the rest of the twentieth century.

It seeks to examine in depth the fortunes of one family in Portuguese East Asia. The name of this city was adopted as his surname about 1739 by Félix Fernandes. The early works of Ljungstedt (An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China: and of the Roman Catholic church and mission in China. Two centuries later the county’s ruler claimed the title Dux Portucalensis. University of Hong Kong. while the Portuguese Empire found its historian in Boxer. already well-established in Macau. on the porto exterior project of the 1920s. Jack Braga was able to discover only one book about Macau. Detailed treatment of the Braga family concludes soon after 1945. which in the late ninth century became the county of Portucale. 2009) goes some way to this. but has a thrust that limits its usefulness. first in Goa. the Rosas.This thesis sets out to discuss. and gained lasting prestige thereby. If the continuity of Macau was precarious. In 1179 Afonso I was declared king by Pope Alexander III in the bull Manifestis Probatum. The episcopal city of Braga was the spiritual centre of this new northern kingdom. focusing. ‘Macau: the port for two republics’ (PhD. so too was the existence of Portugal. It traces their affairs through many vicissitudes. an antiquity that became territories from 1736 until 1820 led to a dearth of printed source material in or about all of them. Thus the polemical standpoint of both earlier writers has yet to be reviewed. Memoria sobre Macáo. It emerged as a political entity at the beginning of the Reconquista. the oldest in Portugal. as its members began to move away from the places that had been home for several generations. after preliminary discussion. A recent study by Paul B. by José de Aquino Guimarães e Freitas. the drawn-out struggle that lasted from the ninth to the fifteenth century to expel the Moors from the Iberian Peninsula. In short. It was from this city in northern Portugal that a young man set out in the early eighteenth century for Goa. A key event for Portugal was the conquest of the mountainous well-forested northern region between the rivers Minho and Douro. one progenitor of the family on which this study is centred. 1836) and Montalto de Jesus (Historic Macao. Here in Braga was built in the eleventh century a cathedral. Macau awaits an historian in English to replace books written in and for a bygone era. but just one facet of the last question. not all of these large questions. an officer of the garrison for seven years in the early nineteenth century. in Portuguese India. Spooner. a branch of a family which took the name Braga. a sketchy memoir. 1902 and 1926) have been reprinted within the last thirty years but not rewritten or superseded by more recent general histories. eventually becoming a British family in Hong Kong. There his descendants married into a family. xxx . The result of this deficiency in the historical record of both Portugal and its colonies is that historical work both on the larger picture of Portuguese exploration and settlement has been stunted if not thwarted altogether. then in Macau and Hong Kong as a Macanese family.

Gallagher and J. a caustic view that was echoed by left-wing English writers such as J. That phase of approbation effectively ended soon afterwards with the debate surrounding the Boer War.L. the word itself did not exist until the later nineteenth century. 1869 and J. xxxi .W. Greater Britain. in 1249. Just as they had fought valley by valley southwards through Portugal. Robinson. The survival of the kingdom of Portugal depended on the hardihood of its people and the strong military arm of its successive rulers who fought for several centuries to defeat the Moors who in the eighth century had swept through the Iberian Peninsula. ‘Queen Anne’s dead’. which placed the Catholic Church in a supremely powerful position in the emerging kingdom. Tangentially. Such views had a common thread: that capitalism and the imperialism it spawned were essentially self-destructive. Kipling enunciated it in a popular form. However. The Portuguese caravels which ruled the eastern seas in that brief era of Portuguese greatness sailed under the Lusitanian cross spread across the vessels’ great mainsails. and their determination to destroy infidels. a French comment serving to illustrate the negative view then emerging: ‘C’est la guerre de la Bourse contre les Boers’. 1935 and D. the Algarve. Like the Crusades in the Holy Land. most notably in 1899 in verse: ‘Take up the white man’s burden’. Seeley. The Portuguese assault on the Moors was a sustained Crusade that ended only with the conquest of the southernmost province. Numerous Marxists would follow and further enunciate explanations of European expansionism as the inevitable outworking of capitalist consumptionism. would be translated into comparable action in key positions on the African and Asian coasts during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. when it enjoyed a brief vogue of approbation in C. 1890-1902. implying the imposition by force of one system upon another. the Portuguese reconquest of their country had the character of a Holy War. Later writers such as W. Dilke. while the most extreme and crudest denunciation of ‘imperialism’ was part of the stock-in-trade of anti-Semitism.A. stressed non-economic factors such as the politics of world strategy and the desire for assertive display of power. 1902. Imperialism. and a final surge of popularity coinciding with the diamond jubilee of Queen Victoria in 1897. fanned by Protocols of the Elders of Zion. 1966. sociologists and politicians have applied to the pattern of relationships between political systems that came to be known as ‘imperialism’. Hobson. building churches. was the most influential and certainly the most doctrinaire. the last stage of capitalism. Since then ‘imperialism’ has generally been a term of condemnation. 1917. they were a manifestly inadequate explanation for the phenomenon of empire-building. ‘As old as Braga Cathedral’ became a dismissive comment about stale news. Apart from a brief reference to the Napoleonic Empire. cathedrals and forts as they went. left-wingers after the Great War would lash out at the profiteering of arms manufacturers. voyage by voyage during those two centuries. Fieldhouse.K. it also preached the self-immolation of the Jewish-capitalist system of exploitation. 1902. Imperialism. While focussed upon racial hatred. both in economic and ideological terms. The cross and the cannon were never far apart in either of these two great enterprises at home and abroad. The diplomacy of imperialism. 2 2 The Portuguese experience of empire does not readily fit into the models that historians. Lenin’s famous tract. a study. Of these. The expansion of England. much like the English. so they extended the rule of Portugal and what they saw as the kingdom of Christ. Langer. R. The religious zeal of people and King.R. The colonial empires: a comparative survey from the eighteenth century. and was avidly followed by Nazi Germany.proverbial.

better marine technology and well-organised entrepreneurial methods of the Dutch. xxxii . the Portuguese empire was almost a contradiction in terms. To put it in a nut-shell. by the mid-eighteenth century. perhaps influenced to some degree by the historical methodology of another ground-breaking historian. they deserve their lasting fame. Sir Lewis Namier. Portugal had for a short time just sufficient resources of man- power. the padroado was the natural consequence of the Portuguese Reconquista. broke new ground in their detailed examination of imperial policies in Africa. 1929. for it was not essentially a grab for world power. there to establish a Portuguese presence that would survive in the East for five centuries.R. and The Portuguese seaborne empire. A small country of little more than a million people briefly controlled most of the maritime commerce of two continents. However. Having secured by the mid- thirteenth century the boundaries of what is now modern Portugal. albeit in a steadily weakening form. Very quickly. Prince Henry the Navigator. both the padroado and the Portuguese outposts in Africa and Asia where it lingered on were a pale shadow of what had been achieved by Almeida and Albuquerque between 1505 and 1515 in a few years of often brutal conquest followed by energetic consolidation.Only three names from this era came into the consciousness of English history: the planner. held office 1503- 1510) and Afonso de Albuquerque (1453-1515. Even at the height of its success in the mid-sixteenth century. 1415-1825. to the self-imposed task of the expansion of the Catholic Church. The planning. Bartholomew Diaz and Vasco da Gama. They were hostile. Ormuz at the entrance to the Persian Gulf. the papal authority and command given to the kings of Portugal to sustain the efforts of Catholic evangelism. Africa and the Victorians: the official mind of imperialism. especially when she faced the determined competition. 1948. This was the padroado. The last to be established was Macau about 1557. The Portuguese colonial experience does not readily lend itself either to namierisation or to the grand theoretical sweep of Marxist ideology. perseverance and courage of these three saw Portuguese ships ultimately arrive on the Indian coast in 1498. Of these. 1961. Portugal found that she lacked the means to sustain all of these things. Their achievements were astonishing. the eyes of Portuguese monarchs continued to look beyond the horizon to the conquest of the coast of Africa and eventually to the maritime supremacy that they briefly enjoyed. the padroado was pursued with earnestness by Portuguese monarchs for several centuries in a way that defies any attempt to fit it into a theoretical framework of proto-imperialism. Boxer in a number of works. Goa on the west coast of India and Malacca controlling the important spice trade from the Moluccas were the key fortifications. held office 1510-1515). the first two viceroys of Portuguese India. that centuries-long struggle to regain for Christendom what had been lost to the Moors in the eighth century. and two of the navigators who built on the foundations he had laid. especially The Portuguese Padroado in the Far East and the Problem of the Chinese Rites. shipping. in his The structure of politics at the accession of George III. 1969. One thing continued throughout the long Portuguese experience of empire. Francisco de Almeida (1450-1510. Carefully examined by C. capable leadership and the will to achieve the impossible. they simply kept going. Not less worthy were their immediate successors. too. In a sense. who turned presence into permanence and within twenty years had swept Arab merchant shipping from the seas and had constructed a series of almost fifty strong points on the coast between Mozambique and Malacca.

The Portuguese seaborne empire. The twentieth century brought both greater opportunities and greater challenges. possessing enough for survival. The Spanish Empire may have grown arthritic. mouldering like an antique ruin in the tropical heat. and about the time that the two men initially discussed in this thesis. Here they faced different challenges. impoverished and surviving with difficulty. in an extensive introduction to C. A diversifying economy and gradual social change enabled a whole generation of younger Bragas between 1920 and 1935 to embark on careers that would have been unimaginable thirty years before. Manuel Vicente Rosa arrived in Macau and Félix Braga in Goa. but adds searing comment on the long. was isolated. too little for glory … And yet indelibly her name is written across the world’s history: an extraordinary achievement for so small. During the second half of the nineteenth century. one that she could neither dominate nor control.H. Like others. once great.Two centuries after the viceroyalty of Portuguese India was created in 1504. In the early 1840s two aspirational men left the old Portuguese settlement for the newly established British colony of Hong Kong. xxii-xxv. but the Portuguese possessed the rigidity of a corpse … rigid. so poor a country.R. several of them decided to move on. Others. 3 This study sets out to examine the changing fortunes of one branch of the Rosa Braga family for the following three centuries as the Portuguese experience in the Far East evolved.H. but the frustrations of being members of an under-class in a profoundly hierarchical and racist colonial system. xxvii). 3 J.P. convinced that prospects for themselves and their heirs were better elsewhere. Meanwhile. Boxer. like the rest of the Portuguese empire. a brilliantly successful trading city until the 1630s. not only poses the questions already raised in this Introduction. ‘The epic days of plunder gave way to a settled and inefficient exploitation that grew ever more inert as decade followed decade and century century … Deepening conservatism. no longer ones of sheer survival. Macau. 1415- 1825. Plumb. 1415-1825. Malacca was lost to the Dutch in 1641. steadily ebbed away as Macau declined in a period of six generations until 1840. Goa was falling into ruins.’ (J. the Portuguese empire slept on … At a terrible cost Portugal opened the doors to a wider world. The following six generations saw much greater change. determined to bring about change. in Britain or in Japan. Plumb. deepening reluctance to adjust to a changing world became the hallmark of the Portuguese. only fragments of the Portuguese Empire remained. orthodox. xxxiii . and the grand achievement there had once been. Introduction to C. a pensioner in the world stakes. decaying. that was the period in which J.R. most notably José Pedro Braga remained. with history’s usual malice she was quickly overtaken and left moribund. pp. Boxer’s The Portuguese seaborne empire. he marvelled at the tenacity of the remnant. In the eighteenth century there was a succession of merchants and entrepreneurs whose fortunes. sad decline.

supposedly rulers of Macau. Publisher of Hong Kong University Press. and the Portuguese. but also in the broader life of Hong Kong for most of the century and a half it was ruled by the British. with chapters on the Portuguese community in Hong Kong at the beginning and the end of the British era book- ending a detailed examination of the fortunes of the Braga and Noronha families. Accessed 23 January 2011.macautourism.Braga. This is followed by a discussion of relations between the Portuguese and the British. The architecture of this thesis is based upon race relations. October not only within their own community. became increasingly subservient to the British. these relations were never hostile. who were a growing presence and commercial power from 1770 onwards. Part I. ‘A community takes shape’. seemed at this time to be trapped in a backwater. for their part. ‘The Chinese were the sea in which everyone was swimming. A succinct comment on relations between the Portuguese and other communities throughout the history of British Hong Kong was contained in an observation made in 2009 by Dr Colin Day. xxxiv .mo/pt/epublication/mttdetail. This theme is then followed throughout the thesis. was able to create an important niche in public life both for himself and for others who followed.’ 4 The aim of the thesis is to explain how members of this family succeeded in breaking out of the backwater and in making their mark. While often tense.php?lan=en&id=1956. 4 Colin Day. father and grandfather of a dynasty. but a pattern developed in which the Portuguese. http://www. examines the way in which relations developed between the Portuguese in Macau and the Chinese mandarins to whom they were beholden.

the Chinese people and their government had no understanding of any foreigners other than those who came periodically from beyond the immediate boundaries of the Celestial Empire to make obeisance and pay tribute money to the Son of Heaven. and often the disasters they endured. it is necessary to explain how the strange situation arose in which people like this were able to remain for so long. whose dedicated lives were often spent selflessly in service of the people to whom they sought to bring the Gospel. for the Portuguese had established themselves in Goa in 1510. most foreigners had as few dealings with them as possible. most came to realise that they were not there by right. these fundamental tensions. having arrived on the China coast. their achievements were considerable. Initially. Exceptions were Christian missionaries. they often seemed to ignore the Chinese people as much as possible. passing through many vicissitudes. the long tenure by the Portuguese of Macau needs to be examined. Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997. However. unable to see a role for themselves into the future. This thesis examines the role played by one of these extended families. by close to 300 years. Hong Kong. First. providers and as servants. and preceded the next. So the first colony was also the last. Ultimately. The Chinese were useful as merchants. For their part. Yet. Foreigners could scarcely be expected to understand. So too were the challenges they faced. The Portuguese presence there lasted from 1557 to 1999. It might 1 . however. Macau following two years later. It was not the first European colony in the East. it was the first European settlement on the China coast. but apart from that. Yet in the period they lived there. both Catholic and Protestant. Chapter 1 ‘Stubborn endurance’ Macau: the Portuguese and Chinese 1557-1839 Those who came there from the four corners of the earth over several centuries generally saw China as a land of opportunity. let alone resolve. People who had lived in the Far East for up to ten generations from the seventeenth to the late twentieth century eventually left.

but they did not. Its survival is surely the most amazing story in the long record of relations between China and the outside world. Colonial expansion is commonly regarded as the result of commercial prowess. impoverished and defenceless. Map 1 . Yet. For much of this time. 1677 The Portuguese arrival at and settlement of Macau was remarkable enough in itself. sustained by overpowering military and naval force. Pierre supposed that was due to a sustained military power. The Portuguese Empire rose and fell in scarcely more than fifty years in the early sixteenth century.Sea route to the East Indies. often accompanied by religious zeal. but that was anything but the case. This is broadly true of the astounding Portuguese conquests as they worked their 2 . suddenly being snuffed out in 1639 when foreigners were expelled from Japan and the hugely lucrative trade that the Portuguese had conducted there since the 1550s vanished. Carte de Voyage de Pirard aux Indes Orientales. although Macau’s greatest prosperity continued for another ninety years. Their prolonged continuation there was still more extraordinary. the Chinese could have driven out the Portuguese had they chosen to do so. Macau remained under Portuguese control for more than 350 years longer.

the Wade-Giles system was becoming obsolete. 1450-1510). With no understanding of Chinese culture or language. the technological superiority of the Portuguese in shipbuilding and gunnery made it easy for Albuquerque to sweep his opponents from the seas. Braga. he found a fleet of Chinese junks there. In 1515 Álvares landed at an island he named Tamão at the mouth of the Pearl River. 23. They were unable to pronounce its name. Braga. which they rendered as Cantão. Tamão dos pioneiros Portugueses. as it was the name in general use during the period covered by this study. Francisco de Almeida (ca. Albuquerque decided to venture further east. Guangdong (traditionally Romanised as Kwangtung) to the city. Braga. At that time. An attempt has been made to provide a concordance indicating the Wade-Giles. Arriving at Malacca in 1511. That name is used in this thesis. Thus informed. The Western Pioneers and their Discovery of Macao. a stone column bearing the arms of Portugal.M. Braga has identified this island as Lintin. 2 Here he placed a padrão. Pinyin and Chinese forms. This they did in a major naval engagement off the Indian coast. The Chinese were known in India. It remains common in Hong Kong. 1513: Jorge Alvares' voyage to China.M. 1521) to find whether trade could be opened with these mysterious and remote people. 3 This was within striking distance of what was already the great city of Guangzhou (traditionally Romanised as Canton). Arab dhows were no match for the far more manoeuvrable and better gunned Portuguese caravels and carracks. A Glossary of Chinese names. some fifty years earlier had left a strong memory. 2 J. Jorge Álvares (d. being replaced by the Pinyin system. China landfall.M. the most common form used throughout the Far East in the period covered.M. By the late twentieth century. and in some sense staking a claim for a continuing Portuguese presence in China. pp. it is appropriate to use terms within that context. the first Portuguese viceroy in the East. He sent one of his captains. 61. where the voyages of the celebrated Chinese admiral Cheng Ho (1371-1433). This may be found in Appendix 17. and his successor. Moreover many of the sources referred to use the Wade-Giles system. the Portuguese appear to have applied the name of the province. passim. It was not long before the Portuguese ventured further. J. Afonso de Albuquerque (1453- 1515) saw as early as 1509 that to secure trade they must destroy any who might stand in their way. 3 J. 3 .way around the African coast and across the Indian Ocean between the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. J. In English parlance this became Canton for most of the next five centuries. a conclusion accepted by Charles Boxer. 1 The Chinese were seen by the Indians as a civilised people with paler skins than theirs. As most of this thesis deals with events and people in Hong Kong (to use the form ‘Xiang gang’ would be absurd). 1 Chinese names are usually Romanised in this thesis using the Wade-Giles system of rendering Chinese names in English.

A Macao Narrative. he hazarded to condemn a sailor to death. p. where their arquebuses created a sensation. led by Simão de Andrade.). 7 This destroyed the position of Pires and his entourage. 7 J. Book of Duarte Barbosa. 1368–1644. 9 A. and of the Papal legates to China. in Cambridge History of China: Volume 8.). who behaved in a manner offensive to the Chinese. Ljungstedt reported in 1832 that Andrade had built a fort on the island of Tamão near Canton. while the rest died miserably some years later. 400. 10. p. Dames (ed. but his underling. 5 He seemed to be the ideal man for what proved to be an impossible task. 9. no. it transpired that the communication to the Emperor which came. Boxer. of the Roman Catholic Mission in China. 9 4 Duarte Barbosa.Álvares was not permitted to proceed up-river to Canton. but first impressions were so favourable. 8 C. was not in the form of abject submission deemed proper for barbarian rulers. 8 The Portuguese had discovered. The Ming Dynasty. February 1833. C. 22. writing about 1515 averred that pepper could be sent from Malacca to China at a profit of 300%. a scholar whose Suma Oriental was an important reference work describing the Portuguese eastern discoveries. Fernão Mendes Pinto (ca. 1514–1662’. Boxer.R. After lengthy delays.R. Wills. In 1542. Coates. others ventured back. written in Malacca and India in 1512-1515. Coates. xxi. vol. 4 In 1517 an embassy was despatched to the Imperial Court at Peking. 6 To make matters worse. xxi. an account of the East. and were immediately copied by Japanese armourers. vol. and could be deadly. 4 . Cautiously. another Portuguese fleet arrived off Canton. South China in the Sixteenth Century. as did other Europeans over the next three centuries. C. where some were executed. 5 A. and the trade casually engaged in so profitable. 2.E. 28. but after 1524). ‘Relations with Maritime Europe. p. Boxer. 1. the Viceroy at Goa. not from the King of Portugal. that others soon followed. 6 A. quoted in Chinese Repository. Cortesão (trans. Ljungstedt. 215. 1465-unknown. Contribution to an historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. Using Portuguese sources. and ‘ended by arrogating to himself the prerogative of a sovereign. unpredictable. The Christian Century in Japan. who were then seen as dangerous spies and thrown into prison in Canton. A Macao Narrative. Part 2. 1509-1583) and a companion trying to reach China were driven far north by a storm and accidentally discovered Japan. that dealing with the Chinese authorities was difficult. pp. 15. p.R. This disaster halted Portuguese trade with China for a generation. from the Red Sea to Japan. L. and had the man executed’ A. The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires. led by Tomé Pires (ca. of the Portuguese envoys and ambassadors to China. pp. South China in the Sixteenth Century. p. p. 333–375. described by them as an ‘outrageous and high- handed way’.

the price of which 5 . Japan. 1655 Copy made early 20th century. 87 It was the beginning of a vastly profitable trade that lasted for almost a century. paid for in silver. National Library of Australia. based on the fact that trade between China and Japan had been forbidden by the Japanese two centuries earlier. Korea. Sumatra and Java Nicholas Comberford. Map 2 – East Indies showing China. Borneo. Braga Special Map Collection No. Now the Portuguese found that they could satisfy an insatiable Japanese demand for Chinese silk.

before acquiring in 1586 the title Cidade do Santo Nome de Deos de Amacao 6 . the Portuguese enjoyed a monopoly of this lucrative bonanza. The original map. Braga’s set of fortifications are the main feature of this Asia Portuguesa is poorly inked depiction. is one of several bound with Faria e Sousa’s The city walls and several fortifications massive are emphasised. All that was needed was a suitable accommodation with the Chinese and a secure base for a permanent trading operation. above.M. probably by Vicente Pacia. completion after the Dutch attack in 1622 . p. Braga had the map redrawn and Asia Portuguesa. Its only distinction was the location there of a temple to the goddess Mazu. J. Added to this was the already profitable trade with Europe which had brought them to India and the Far East in the first place. This was Macau. populated by a few fishermen. In the foreground is the Inner (all the other maps are better). 3. and Harbour. simplified as Macau or Macao. During the next twenty years this evolved by slow degrees.was far higher in China than in Japan. These were hurried to three volume study. Several temporary trading sites were selected and then abandoned before a small rocky promontory to the west of the Pearl River estuary became the preferred trading station in the 1550s. or by the bookbinder. nla. vol.M. was repulsed. with Ilha Verde (Green Island) ought to have been rejected either by the on the left. 362. seventeenth century master printer Orientation is north to left. Until the end of the sixteenth century. The name Macau is thought to be derived from the A-Ma Temple. known to the Portuguese as A Má. The city’s walls and This map in J. Map 3 – Macao in the mid-seventeenth century From Manuel de Faria e Sousa.

C. 3. where Chinese proselytes were trained. C. ‘The Church in Macau”. no. 230-237. Hugo-Brunt was a pioneer in examining the domestic architecture of Macau. the monarchs of Portugal exercised it diligently. ‘The Portuguese settlement at Macao’. Its author and the tribulation he faced in publishing the second edition of his book. They were accompanied by numerous churches. who commented on 10 So styled in a charter granted by Duarte de Menezes. and the sound of their bells. pp. 48. This Jus Patronatus was both a right and a duty. 11 C. More churches were built in the early seventeenth century prior to the disruption of the Japan trade: the first was famous Church of the Mother of God. 12 This was Macau’s golden age. as a springboard from which the whole of China would be thrown open to the Gospel. vol. followed between 1622 and 1634 by Our Lady of Guia (Guidance). 58 pointed out that the eleven churches in Macau provided for a European population of about 1. and a chapel attached to the Jesuit seminary of Nossa Senhora de Amparo. The Portuguese Padroado in the Far East and the Problem of the Chinese Rites. which lasted for another two generations.R. Franciscans. St Lazarus (the oldest). Teixeira.R. 3.A. though it gradually declined until by the beginning of the nineteenth century the only remnant of this once mighty Padroado was in the Portuguese territories dotted around the African coast. dominated Macau. usually known as St Paul’s. 7 . This important book will be quoted frequently. Our Lady of Bomparto (Good Hope). 54. p. are discussed in Appendix 4. in 1602. 120-128. three centuries later (M. two attached to the Santa Casa de Misericórdia and the Santa Clara Convent. viceroy of Portuguese India. God’s fire. Our Lady of Penha de França. and for several centuries. then in Macau was to be the spark from which that fire would be kindled in China. a seminary and a convent. Montalto de Jesus. of a standard surpassing that of most people’s expectations in their homeland. over all Catholic missions in Africa and the Far East. ‘Macao was then the fulcrum of Christianity in the Far East’. the parish churches of St Anthony and St Lawrence.A. 12 M. If the Jesuit mission was to bring fire upon the earth. Besides all these was a small chapel attached to the Senate House. in R. Montalto de Jesus Historic Macao.). four churches attached to the missions of the Jesuits. Dominicans and Augustinians. permanent houses were built in Macau. This mission was greatly strengthened by the right granted to the Kings of Portugal by a series of papal bulls between 1456 and 1514 to exercise their Padroado. Boxer. p. in India and in Macau. Peter China.000. In the prolonged period of economic collapse that followed. generally termed Sé. patronage. C. no new church was built on the peninsula of Macau itself until 1929. Our Lady of the Mount and in the large Convent of St Clare was built the church of the Conception of Our Lady. PLAN. Portugal. The presence of all these churches and chapels. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. pp. Historic Macao. Montalto de Jesus added. still in the first flush of religious zeal soon after their foundation by Ignatius Loyola. the City of the Holy Name of God of Macau in China. Hugo-Brunt. 1963. 42). Cremer (ed. These were the Cathedral of the Nativity of Our Lady. 10 By then Macau was seen by the Jesuits. p. pp.D. Its obvious prosperity and the wealth of its people struck an English visitor. p. 11 Within a short time. 4- 20. Macau: city of commerce and culture. Boxer.

‘The Church and former monastery of St Augustine. 92-93. A thorough account of its significance is given by C. This policy led to the construction of magnificent ecclesiastical buildings throughout Catholic Europe. vol. It was for more than two centuries the grandest European building in the Far East. in part. 13 To crown all was the opulent and superbly decorated Jesuit Collegiate Church of St Paul. 17 13 P. 267. 279-280. where he was martyred in 1622 (C. St Dominic’s and St Lawrence’s. Guillén Nuñez. Macao’. An historical and archæological sketch of the city of Goa. illustration facing p. 278. 15 All were surpassed with the construction between 1602 and 1637 of the church of the Mother of God situated high upon an eminence above the town. pp. The travels of Peter Mundy. their Number off slaves. St Augustine’s. 1608-1667. built in 1585. pp. and which survived at least in part the ruination of most of Goa in the next three centuries. Historic Macao. The wide variation between seventeenth century spelling and modern spelling will be apparent. Mundy. 3. 16 Generally known as St Paul’s from the name of the college of which it was the collegiate church.A. By the early seventeenth century. St Paul’s in Macau did not have a shrine to give its interior the same degree of magnificence. no. 59-61. Yvan.N. 14 In the 1840s a French visitor counted fourteen spires – none of them tall because of the frequency of typhoons. it appears to have made no impact. Their wives and Children as Rich in Jewells and apparel. preceded by a short statistical account of the territory of Goa. 69-75. pp. 101). it was intended to convey the magnificence of the Roman Catholic Church and to symbolise the superiority of Christian civilisation over that of China. 8 . p. 295. The same strategy applied in Macau. vol. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. vol. Nos. If it was intended to foster evangelism by its size and splendour. p. 10. February 1835. 15 M. was perhaps equally magnificent. 4. In Europe the Counter-Reformation had stressed. Macao's Church of Saint Paul: A Glimmer of the Baroque in China. pp. architecturally and technically. Hugo-Brunt. 14 M. It was designed by the Italian Jesuit Carlo Spinola during a sojourn in Macau from 1600 to 1602 (when the foundation stone was laid) en route to Japan. J. Journal of Oriental Studies. 1 and 2. 16 This remarkable building is mentioned by virtually all the journals of visitors to Macau from Peter Mundy in 1637 until Elijah Bridgman’s account of its destruction by fire on 26 January 1835 (Chinese Repository. in Europe and Asia. and convinced the Portuguese in Macau of their superiority in every possible way – spiritually. especially the bejewelled tomb of St Francis Xavier. 3. Montalto de Jesus. 17 The church of Bom Jesus in Goa. ‘The Church of St Dominic at Macao’. among the eleven churches in Macau were three magnificent early baroque churches. Their faire large strong Riche and well furnished houses. da Fonseca. 1957. the power and majesty of the church. 485-486). pp. The original spelling of each quotation in this chapter has been carefully retained.

was really a fort. 18 There is little evidence to support this. was unchallenged. Montalto de Jesus.A. Carlos Montalto de Jesus. the first Macanese historian to write in English. William Heine. 60. To the Chinese. built in 1637 and some twenty metres in height. cit. preferred to conclude that ‘the impressive symbology . Elsewhere in the Portuguese empire. op. It was important to Macau that the same situation obtained there as it did in Goa. 9 .. 18 C... p. However. is typical of the masterly tact with which the Jesuits knew how to impress pagan minds and arouse a curiosity which generally resulted in conversion’. then used for sepulture. wood engraving. they chose to ignore the political realities of Macau’s precarious existence. Whatever grand structures the Portuguese might build. such as it was. Portuguese law and military power. 1854 Hong Kong Museum of Art AH64191 It was a statement of power and presence. it can only have been a triumphalist statement of oppressive foreign occupation. However. His case was weakened when he asserted that the Chinese authorities were apprehensive that the vast facade. there was no question about who was in control. A funeral procession entering the ruins of St Paul’s. twice as high as the church behind it.

000 taels. 10.). 22 J. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. This account. 112. 265). 4. Macau: city of commerce and culture. ‘it is widely believed that the successful battles that the Portuguese fought against the pirates impressed the Chinese authorities. p. refused to take sides: ‘much has been written on the origins of the settlement at Macao itself. p. 22 Boxer pointed out that the Senate as early as 1621. 19 However.the desire and the reality were far apart. L’Arrivée des Portugais en Chine. but nothing definite has been established’.D. but acquired by right of conquest which the Portuguese arms then achieved. In 1831 Emanuel de Castro.V. during Macau’s wealthiest era. It was not obtained as a favour or concession from the Emperor of China to that Crown. He concluded: It cannot be believed at all that the Chinese had abandoned all rights to Macao. had no hesitation. the Captain-General in Goa told Lord William Bentinck. The tael was a Chinese measure of silver by weight.R. in reality. a dominion of the Empire of China. 48. p. p. p. South China in the Sixteenth Century.). H. 21 H. but is a Territory and Colony belonging to the Crown of Portugal for three hundred years. p.B. a remark repeated in his Portuguese society in the tropics. Cremer (ed. Charles Boxer. the Portuguese there were the vassals of the Chinese. Pires. 21 J. II. vol.V. Braga observed ruefully: ‘it must be admitted that no Chinese documents bearing on the subject of the foundation of Macao have been found in recent times’. The leading European scholar of the western incursions into the Far East. 1635-1834. tribute of 500 taels of silver per year had been paid to the Chinese authorities. 10. The Western Pioneers and their Discovery of Macao. 1719.5 gm. 53. 402-404. of a Portuguese expedition which around 1556 wiped out a group of pirates who had crippled the trade of Canton. Cremer (ed. quoting Fr António Franco. that ‘the small Peninsula of Macao has not for ages been nor now is. Boxer. 211-214. p. 48. Portuguese society in the tropics. p. pp. which first appeared more than 160 years after the foundation of Macau. Cordier. Macau: city of commerce and culture.’ (Emanuel de Castro to Bentinck. vol. Braga. the Governor-General of British India. p. the Portuguese assertion grew more strident. ‘Origins and early history of Macau’ in R.D. 23 19 C.M. Reviewing Sonnerat’s flimsy evidence for a Chinese cession of ‘a dry and arid little island’ as a reward for the wiping out of brigands who infested the hinterland of Canton. as time went by.R. Boxer. L’Arrivée des Portugais en Chine. customs duties and anchorage fees were levied. Imagem da Virtude em o noviçiado da Companhia de Jesus no Real Collegio de Jesus de Coimbra. ‘Origins and early history of Macau’ in R. Pires admitted that ‘there are no records’. which in Canton was 37. the eminent French scholar and bibliographer of Western books on China.M. Morse. His Appendix E. B. pp. has continued to be repeated ever since. gives the date 1578. Cordier. but went on.’ 23 C. Henri Cordier. Yet. A recent iteration is in an essay on the history of Macau by the distinguished scholar B. xxxv. Cordier went on to point out that from 1582. 20 H. Braga reprinted the Jesuit account. 10 . originally published in 1719. 20 Besides this. adding that the ‘taxes’ were doubled in 1735 to 1. 42. had admitted that ‘this land in which we live is not ours but belongs to the emperor of China’. Pires.

p.The Portuguese assertion of sovereignty was vigorously defended at the beginning of the twentieth century by Montalto de Jesus. 588). to place themselves under the regenerating influence of the glorious sun of the Celestial Empire. vol. 2. and then revised them in two small books. Braga. Yvan. Staunton and G. 25 Ljungstedt’s work is carefully discussed in Appendix 3. 233. passim. The Western Pioneers and their Discovery of Macao. who treat the Portuguese very cavalierly (G. An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China. He eventually published a series of essays in the Canton Miscellany in 1831. Jobez in ‘Macao at the end of the XVIIIth century’ an address to the Portuguese Institute of Hong Kong. p. 1963. The same pillars were mentioned in 1845 by M. The inscriptions on these columns. Macartney. vol. Instituto Português de Hongkong. 25 Ljungstedt consistently maintained that the occupation of Macau.M. whenever it occurred. p. Ljungstedt. Even if they remained in 1831. 9. p. p. 3. 26 Neither the Imperial government in Peking nor the Portuguese vice-regal government in Goa knew of the existence of Macau for several years. 1831. by R. nor were they transcribed and recorded in the Senate’s records.E. carefully identified many of the sources used by Montalto de Jesus. Historic Macao.M. adding. which Staunton noted. in PLAN. no. Staunton and G. Boletim. 27 As quoted. big and small. 369). vol. is hard to sustain. July 1948. however. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. given that only forty years before the Portuguese settlement of Macau commenced. Braga. J. adding that ‘nothing like [these characters] is seen’ (A. but did not endorse. 2. 121. unfortunately without citation. 588). 22-37. ‘with Chinese characters cut into them signifying a solemn cession of the place from the Emperor of China’ (G. a notion dismissed by others. p. was a local arrangement between merchants and mandarins that suited both parties. no. 11 . Ljungstedt. the Imperial reaction was benign: They [the Portuguese] have travelled on the oceans myriads of miles in a marvellous way and have come. Great store is set by Portuguese apologists on the description by the old China hand Sir George Staunton of granite columns he saw in the Macau Senate House. simply posited a unilateral claim. finally producing the first history of Macau in English. J. This suggests that the columns referred to by Staunton may have disappeared by 1831. ‘Actual state of Macao’. As seen through Portuguese eyes. Canton Miscellany. 26 A. a Portuguese embassy had been first turned away and then exterminated by the 24 C.A. 296. if they did in fact refer to the cession of Macau. 24 Much of Montalto de Jesus’s discourse is devoted to an attack on the position held by Anders Ljungstedt. An authentic account of an embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China. A later writer. Macartney. Ljungstedt quoted Staunton. pp. 27 The Portuguese assertion. an insufficient guard [for Macau] against the encroachments of its Chinese neighbours. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. 1797. these columns did not survive the destruction by fire and subsequent rebuilding of the Leal Senado in 1875. M. 3. Hugo-Brunt provided a useful summary of the discussion in ‘The Portuguese settlement at Macao’. who began to take an interest in the history of Macau about 1808. both assert the sovereignty of Portugal over Macau from the beginning. A. 5. London. Montalto de Jesus. ‘this solid monument is. a Swedish merchant. stridently maintained for so long. p.

As late as the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858. and Commerce. Imperial China. a Decree’. the British forced the Chinese to cease using the term ‘barbarian’. 105. It regarded all foreigners as barbarians whose dealings with it could only be overt manifestations of total submission. 29 Ibid.Imperial government. like others before him. dismissing Macartney’s request for British occupation of a small island near Chusan. The mutual incomprehension of Chinese and foreigners did not essentially change for several centuries. 26 June 1858. came to realise that this was a government like no other. China Readings – 1. p. Every inch of the territory of our Empire is marked on the map and the strictest vigilance is exercised over it all: even tiny islets and far-reaching sandbanks are clearly defined as part of the provinces to which they belong . The Qianlong decree. 30 Treaty of Peace. how could I possibly comply? This is also a flagrant infringement of the usage of my Empire and cannot possibly be entertained. of which the ‘kow tow’ was the most demeaning. Likewise the kow tow was ended. It did not in any way fit into the Chinese scheme of things. It was agreed that the British ambassador ‘shall not be called upon to perform any ceremony derogatory to him’. Friendship. and utterly unacceptable to him and to all other western emissaries. Signed at Tientsin. 101. 12 ... England is not the only barbarian land which wishes to establish relations with our civilization and trade with our Empire: supposing that other nations were all to imitate your evil example and beseech me to present them each and all with a site for trading purposes. Article 51 and Article 3. succinctly set out two centuries later in the response of the Qianlong Emperor to King George III following the rejection (but not the annihilation) of the Macartney embassy in 1793: ‘tribute missions from the dependencies are provided for by the Department for Tributary States’. Schell (eds). 29 Macartney. in F. 30 It is therefore clear that the Portuguese attempt to invent a diplomatic arrangement between the Emperor of China and a group of merchant adventurers acting without 28 ‘The Ch’ien Lung Emperor. p. between Her Majesty and the Emperor of China. Schurmann and O. 28 The idea of alienation of even the smallest part of its territory could never have been contemplated by the Imperial Court.. made this abundantly clear. the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

summarising the work of Chinese historians of the 1980s and beyond. the peninsula was a fractional part of their country in which non-tribute-paying foreigners. It was explained by Austin Coates. 31 Recent Chinese historiography is emphatic. 6. 32 A. pp. adding that ‘the Chinese government’s sovereignty of Macao was in no way Canton and the estuaries of the Chu-Kiang and Si-Kiang Rivers. p. A modus vivendi slowly emerged that was never codified in any way. were allowed to settle. 23. no. In their view. Coates.9. A Macao Narrative. Consequently the history of Macao is Chinese history. 27/28. 2nd series. Zhang Haipeng. South China. on payment of the normal taxes. who understood Macau well. 1922. started with the assertion: ‘Macao is Chinese territory. One of a series of maps promoting Macau as an international port. nla. 13 .credentials or authorisation is absurd. ‘Researching the history of Macao: progress and problems: trends in mainland China’s study of Macanese history’. in Review of Culture.’ He went on to refer to ‘the invasion of the Chinese territory of Macao’. ‘The Chinese conceded nothing of importance.’ Zhang Haipeng. April/September 1996. In 1996.’ 32 Map 4 – Pearl River Estuary Portion of Kwangtung province. Hong Kong. 31 The reality is that the Portuguese occupation of Macau was likely to have been a developing relationship between people on the spot. showing Macau.

Some would have taken the form of European novelties. insisted upon by the Chinese authorities and paid regularly until 1847. 227. 323. Governor Ferreira do Amaral refused to pay ground rent in 1847. p. no. far removed from the reality of the awkward situation in which all Europeans found themselves. However. 4. gifts would have been expected. 35 The Portuguese assertion of sovereignty has been dwelt upon at some length because it came to be seen by the British in Macau in the period immediately before their occupation of Hong Kong as a cardinal example of the purblind irrationality of Portuguese attitudes. accompanied by some enterprising Portuguese.. 14 .Coates pointed out that in the initial negotiations between the Portuguese merchants and the local officials. he did employ the term ‘squeeze’ in discussing Chinese dealings with the British. p. at the installation of a government. 34 A. It then became easy for them to ‘provoke splendid gifts to themselves’ – Coates avoided using the word ‘bribes’ or the evocative term ‘squeeze’. used throughout the Far East. Montalto de Jesus. some were in cash. the British gave them no credit for their tenacity. for twenty-five years. repeating in 1835 an assertion he had initially made in Canton Miscellany. The crisis that followed this step is discussed in Chapter Three. and of their inability to maintain themselves by force of arms. The precarious balance that kept Macau under Portuguese occupation for 450 years from the mid-sixteenth century until the end of the twentieth century is a study in the 33 Ibid. The higher Mandarins had paid. and the Portuguese would have recognised this as a polite requirement. This attitude continued when all the British. gifts became regularised as ground rent. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. 30. p. 35 C. 21. 33 In this he followed the view expressed by Anders Ljungstedt in 1831: Conscious of their weakness. in his Macao and the British. petty Mandarins were induced to wink at an increasing population. p. but a slender attention to what was going on at Macao. transferred to Hong Kong in the early 1840s. Soon the officials discovered that this new settlement had become fabulously wealthy. the settlers determined to continue the old policy. Although the Portuguese had survived in Macau in a decidedly hostile political environment for over 250 years. and their exertions to draw infidels over to Christianity. It was a leading cause of their growing contempt for the Portuguese. Ljungstedt. and at the influx of priests. p. 34 Over time. when the Imperial government was in a far weaker position following its defeat by the British in the first Opium War. By submission and gifts.A. He used the phrase ‘provoke splendid gifts to themselves’ several times in describing dealings between the Portuguese and the Chinese. 44. 1831. Historic Macao.

Bland. Portuguese and British had completely different views about how the Portuguese came to be there. 286. Naturally its long history is seen in different ways. Napier’. Governor Loo. 5. The Tsungli Yamen the Chinese foreign office. Backhouse and J. China’s Response to the West. Fairbank. There was no discussion of this assumption. and also about how they remained there. In 1834. even from superiors to their subordinates: ‘I beg to remain your very obedient servant. Teng and J. Annals & memoirs of the court of Peking. 3. not on sufferance. They were there by of compromise. was sovereign. 37 The Qianlong Emperor to King George III: ‘Do not say that you were not warned in due time! Tremblingly obey and show no negligence! A special mandate [i. October 1834. We cannot know whether the translator quietly omitted it. Lu Kun (1772-1835). ‘Our Celestial Dynasty rules over and supervises the myriad states . because the Chinese Empire lacked the administrative diplomatic framework for such a discussion to take place. The Chinese view continued to be that their presence was tolerated as long as these foreigners were of good behaviour. Amazingly. 1839-1923. the Governor-General of Liangguang (Guangdong and Guangxi provinces). P. governors and plenipotentiaries. Hershock. O. State University of New York Press. and the Chinese. a documentary survey. Napier concluded his threatening letter to Lu Kun with the polite salutation always used in English official letters at that time. vol. from a local official. The Chinese world view unswervingly asserted the supremacy of the Middle Kingdom. 38 P.e. Confucian cultures of authority. Its constant repetition greatly irritated them. S. 161. All barbarians were expected to recognise this central fact. like that of all their overseas territories. 331. confronted the rapidly growing menace of the British traders. p. Lord Napier (1786- 1834). 36 It was a manner of address used by all levels of Chinese administration to succeeding European monarchs. August 1834. 38 He concluded one of his thunderings to the newly appointed Superintendent of Trade. p. 37 They must never forget that they were lesser mortals. p. from the 16th to the 20th century. 15 . vol. 39 Chinese Repository. p. ‘tremble and obey’. was no mere form of words. 40 Chinese Repository. intensely tremble!’ 40 The persistent Portuguese view was that their possession of Macau. the legal code of the Celestial Court must be absolutely obeyed with awe’. The official conclusion to many communications. no. was not established until 1861 as a result of pressure from the Western Powers.. R. T. intensely. 3. no. 36 The Qianlong decree already cited is one example. 27. ‘tremble hereat. D. Another.’. 4. intensely tremble. E.’ 39 In vain did Lord Napier try to turn it back on him: ‘therefore tremble. p. command]. Ames. is the communication from Lin Zexu (1785-1850) to Queen Victoria in 1839 concerning the banning of the opium trade.. 190.

J. (Lisbon).N. established St Paul’s College in 1565. in partibus infidelium. Teixeira. who did not cite his sources. 2-10. He brought a printing press to Macau. da Fonseca. pp. It was intended to be the forerunner of a great intellectual thrust of Christian civilisation into the Far East. Studia. whereas Indians and Chinese never were. Ignatius Loyola’s evangelistic zeal firmly embraced Christ’s last command. Besides being strong points designed to protect commerce.M. Father Alessandro Valignano. This was never intended in places like Hormuz in the Persian Gulf. The beginnings of printing at Macao. occupied in 1510. p. the Far East. no. in Review of Culture. 12. and lo. July 1963. ‘The IVth centenary of printing in Macau’. In the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries that presence had been established in more than forty fortifications dotted around the shores of Africa. When the Portuguese occupied Macau in 1557 it was soon seen as the principal base for trade and missionary activity in both China and Japan. ‘go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel. all the more splendid when seen from a later and vastly less advantageous perspective. 42 Tang Kaijian. 41 Jesuit missionaries were soon active further east in Malacca and Japan.It suited the Portuguese world view for their assumption of sovereignty to remain unquestioned by themselves or anyone else. no. 41 J. who were enslaved. For several centuries Portugal had been locked in deadly military conflict with Islam and evangelism was not contemplated. Goa. the distinguished priest who pioneered this important work. He then took the press to Japan. preceded by a short statistical account of the territory of Goa. 91. was Visitor of the Society of Jesus in Asia Extrema. The energetic and far-sighted Fr Valignano. claimed that by 1577 it had 150 students. 6. 66. even to the uttermost part of the Earth’. and by 1584. the distinguished Italian Jesuit. perhaps three books were printed between 1588 and 1590. some were intended to be springboards for an energetic evangelistic thrust. M. July/December 1998. Echoing the missionary journeys of St Paul. In the second half of the sixteenth century that meant China and Japan. An historical and archæological sketch of the city of Goa. The native people here were seen as more civilised than the black Africans. 42 For the next half century Macau was a centre of commercial and religious activity. 16 . 2nd series. the Persian Gulf and India. India and possessions further east presented greater opportunities. Braga. soon after the Portuguese occupation of Macau. was created an archbishopric as early as 1557. in Review of Culture. no. 200 students. where two. The African territories became objects of commercial exploitation rather than settlement. . 36/37. initially led by the Jesuits. where perhaps fifty-four books were printed up to 1614. However. p. ‘An investigation of the construction of the city of Macao during the Ming dynasty’. I am with you always. July/September 1988.

Hidetada (1579-1632) and Iemitsu (1604- 1651) . In Japan the Jesuit missionaries achieved astonishing results until the late sixteenth century. The final and irrevocable stage of the Portuguese exclusion was the beheading of 61 members of an embassy sent in 1640 in an attempt to restore relations. The early Jesuit successes in both China and Japan gave way to disappointment in China and catastrophe in Japan. pp. The Chinese War. trade with Manila was also halted when Spanish galleons arriving at Acapulco were so heavily taxed as to make the trade across the Pacific unprofitable. 80 43 In China. The Great Ship from Amacon. From 1638. Ouchterlony. Macau experienced a long period of economic decline. Japanese Christians were wiped out in a most cruel persecution concluding with the horrifying Shimabara massacre in 1638.R. Boxer. first under the Sengoku shogun Hideyoshi. A distant view of the barrier wall and gate. when the last Portuguese galliots left Nagasaki. It was built across the narrowest point of the isthmus. From 1638. 44 Trade with China was also unpredictable at best. when. J. between 1616 and 1638. the Portuguese were ejected. 154-155. (1537-1598) then the first three Tokugawa shoguns. ca. 43 Macau was not to be the hoped-for base for trade and evangelism. 17 . well beyond the small Portuguese settlement at the Praya Grande. Jesuit missionaries exercised considerable influence over the late Ming emperors. but this came to an end during the Qing dynasty.Few grand visions are ever matched by comparable attainment. missionaries and traders alike. 44 C. Ieyasu (1543-1616). facing p. 1842.

There was never any Portuguese attempt to storm it. built by the Portuguese in the 1620s. not the barrier wall built by the Chinese in 1573 to regulate commerce. respect our virtue’. 1838 He depicted a busy trading scene and transcribed the Chinese characters above the gate. A single gate was opened periodically to enable the Macanese to purchase provisions at a fair in a small fenced area beyond the barrier. Beside the gate was a pointed inscription: ‘Dread our greatness. sketched by George Chinnery. the local authority. Isau Santos. Macau.As early as 1573 a barrier wall was erected by the Chinese authorities across the narrowest point of the isthmus joining Macau to the mainland. However. which read ‘Western barbarian gate’ It is clear that the gate was not a defensive position. George Chinnery – Macau. p. Until then. October 1988/March 1989. Toyo Bunko. the boundary between the two jurisdictions had not been demarcated. At its conclusion. the gate was closed and sealed with the seal of the mandarin of the Heungshan district. 7/8. 18 . in Review of Culture. an indication that no territory had been sequestered from the Chinese Empire. much less agreed upon. Tokyo. Barrier Gate. It remained a contentious issue right up to the 1920s. ‘Sino- Portuguese relations via Macau in the 16th and 17th centuries’. for little food was grown in the small area of flat land south of the wall. published in the catalogue of an exhibition. 1985. a Portuguese writer insisted as late as 1988 that the construction of the wall proved that ‘China accepted that Macau was independent from it’. no. 45 The Chinese contention remained that the boundary was the city wall. 45 Its purpose was clear: this controlled the food supply. 9. then Director of the Arquivo Histórico in Macau. The Portuguese were seldom allowed beyond it.

91. in which the Casa Branca mandarin insisted on compliance. The Heungshan magistrate erected an administrative compound in an elevated position not far away. 47 M. The growth of Chinese interference coincided with the collapse of Macau as a wealthy trading port. spiritless and badly-armed rogues. their authority was asserted most effectively at the time of 46 C. 3. Boxer. To ensure that these were paid. p. Montalto de Jesus. 50 C. the screws tightened further. without notice. usually relaxed when sufficient silver was produced. Chinese criminal jurisdiction was exercised over the Chinese residents of Macau as though the Portuguese presence did not exist. 51. who harassed the carriers of provisions for the fair’. 49 C. 49 It did no good to rail against the ground rent as a ‘sop for Cerberus’ and to wring one’s hands at the ‘accursed yoke of mandarindom’. p. with otiose prescriptions. Montalto de Jesus. then. 125. 50 Moreover. Despite all this. while the family lived above. Hugo-Brunt. Chinese troops guarded the gate insolently. its control was inescapable. In consequence. There was no ignoring it. Macau’s historian could not conceal the rage and bitterness that comes of impotence: ‘a disgraceful set of mean. a Chinese Customs House was built in 1688 in sight of the harbour. 48 For the next two centuries. vol.R. only fortnightly. 125. Historic Macao.A. Usually the ground floor was a series of store rooms. 3. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. 41. Describing them. Portuguese society in the tropics. 48 It was there by 1688. p. the Portuguese clung tenaciously to Macau. but was almost always negotiable. 129-130. pp. except in criminal matters. with a resilience and a capacity for survival never displayed by later European powers in the Far East.A. houses in Macau were built with ample storage for supplies that would keep. Montalto de Jesus could not bring himself to name the place. but the poor starved.At first the fair was held every five days. it was conspicuously painted white. Ljungstedt. 47 Over time. C.A. ‘The Portuguese settlement at Macao’. 1963. and within the city of Macau itself. Especially was this flexibility true when it came to permits for building. p. the more readily to supervise the proceedings of Macau. p. Historic Macao. no. 19 . Montalto de Jesus. PLAN. the ‘White House’. Some exactions were not negotiable: the payment of anchorage dues for Portuguese ships in the Inner Harbour was an example. 46 The better-off Macanese laid in ample supplies. Historic Macao. and was therefore termed by the Portuguese the ‘Casa Branca’.

Boxer. Portuguese strength had begun to fade away. the Portuguese there seeing the Spanish in Manila as their rivals in commercial and religious terms as well as in patriotic allegiance. Well before the disastrous end to the fabulous Japan trade. the Portuguese Jesuits in Macau found themselves in conflict. sweeping Arab dhows and Chinese junks before them. Even this link was severed when the Dutch seized Malacca in 1641. The profitable Manila trade was also severed the 51 The causes for its decline were brilliantly analysed by C. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. both sanctioned by respective royal warrants. p. 1589-1622 and Further Selections from the Tragic History of the Sea. Historic Macao. and the hapless Portuguese fell prey to their marauding when the Portuguese crown lapsed to Spanish control between 1580 and 1640.. C. both missions went into a steep decline.A. not co- operation. began to challenge them with ships better suited to these dangerous seas. the important Portuguese base in India. to whose viceroy Macau was subject until 1844. A memorial to the Emperor from the Viceroy at Canton asserted that the Portuguese in Macau were ‘a kingdom with great and many forts and a great and insolent population . To make matters worse. Chinese concern about the building of fortifications in Macau following a Dutch attack in 1622 added to the tense situation. p. 53 A. pp. dominated the narrow Straits of Malacca. In Macau this was never recognised. were unsuited to surviving the typhoons that beset Far Eastern waters. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. Thenceforth. trade with Canton was also interdicted in 1631 after a protracted dispute about the access of Portuguese ships. 67. 20 .R. and with the collapse of trade and wealth. British and Dutch merchants. 51 Portugal lacked the population or the shipbuilding capability to sustain an empire of the size so rapidly acquired a century earlier. 53 There remained Goa.R. Both had been at war with Spain since the 1580s. Montalto de Jesus. Boxer detailed several sorrowful catastrophes in two volumes in the Hakluyt Society’s Second Series: The Tragic History of the Sea. Ljungstedt. cutting Macau off from its parent. with the Spanish Franciscans and Dominicans from Manila in missionary activity throughout the Far East. it would be proper to debar them from the commerce at Canton’. 130-151. It blighted the efforts of both. 52 At the beginning of the seventeenth century.Macau’s greatest weakness.. 52 C. and with better ships. 115. with more than forty forts dotted along the African and Indian coasts. The ships that had ruled the oceans in the sixteenth century.

Macau had lost all its trading partners: Japan. It faced utter disaster.same year. Danvers added ‘this effectually put an end to commerce there for a time’. Hong Kong Museum of Art AH67. and at Macau alone 7. following Portugal’s successful rebellion against Spain in 1640. Typhoons prevented the construction of high towers. In little more than a decade. Views of the Pearl River Delta. Canton and Hong Kong. p. The Portuguese in India. Macau. II. 62. vol. 187-198. 21 .000 people died. which is returned from Monte Fort. 1665. 292. However. there were often only one or two ships each year.27. Danvers. 55 C. 54 F. C. 55 It was small by comparison with what had been lost. Fidalgos in the Far East. a plague broke out. there remained only the sandalwood trade with Timor. p. 54 ‘Makou’. Boxer. Engraving by Johan Nieuhof. while the buildings ashore are stylised and the towers exaggerated. Manila and Goa.R. a process that took many years. Until commerce with Manila and Canton began slowly to recover. The closer vessel is firing a salute. The Dutch ships are rendered faithfully. p. ca. reproduced in catalogue of exhibition. mostly Chinese. China. but it was vitally important for the next two centuries until the sandalwood was exhausted. No-one had bothered to replant the forests. To make matters even worse.

A. 58 C. ‘não ha outra mais leal’ – ‘there is no other more loyal’. p. 56 This charter was confirmed by the royal court in 1595. until 1999. Ljungstedt doubted that such a gift was ever received in Lisbon. 1831. 57 C. Macau was poverty-stricken. On the other hand. Montalto de Jesus. In 1563. it was added to the city’s motto. Montalto de Jesus. and his authority in consequence was limited to command of the various forts. and ‘a great donation of ready money’. Historic Macao. However. 59 A. 293. Boxer. Loyal Senate. with a declining population. There 56 The charter was confirmed by King João V in 1712. no. p. less than a decade after its foundation. obstinate Portuguese outpost largely to its own devices. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire.A. The Great Ship from Amacon. 48. Ljungstedt. it was ignored by Macau’s earliest historian. Overshadowed by the Spanish in nearby Manila. Asia Portuguesa [no page number given]. 60 For the next century. Shortly before his death in 1654. told of the tenacity of this tiny place at the remotest end of the earth. p. 11. cast at Macau. from the little that was left following the collapse of trade. Macau’s Portuguese population was about 900. The Macau Senate had always asserted its supremacy. Historic Macao. is said to have remarked wonderingly. the Portuguese in Macau had clung doggedly to their separate identity after Portugal came under Spanish dominion in 1580. Whether from wisdom or indifference. 60 C. Historic Macao. pp. Montalto de Jesus made much of it. Montalto de Jesus. 107-108. Canton Miscellany. Its charter was bestowed in 1586 by the viceroy of India. the Chinese refused to deal with him. and the Macau Council proudly bore the title Leal Senado. Spanish kings left the remote. Ljungstedt. 288. 4. 57 When a governor was eventually appointed in 1623. ‘Portuguese settlements in China: Independent of China’. p. 54. noting that no reference to it was made there. C.There was but one straw to grasp at: the supremacy of the Portuguese Crown. 161-162. the Senate contrived to send the new king a gift of two hundred bronze guns. though he at once went on to comment on Macau’s defenceless condition.A. and left with little but a magnificent past upon which to dwell. pp. quoting the seventeenth century writer Manuel de Faria e Sousa.R. It was a gesture that in reality meant little. 58 On the restoration of the Portuguese throne in 1640. 59 King João IV. who at the same time advised against the appointment of a governor for Macau. 22 .

In it are about 900 or 1000 Portuguesse. as also the Shop-keepers and Retailers &c. Diogo Coutinho Doçem. Quarrels and Extravagancies there have been at Macao. 150-154. The number of slaves was estimated by António Bocarro in his Livro das Plantas de todas as Fortalezas e provoacoes do estado da India Oriental. 51. and the 61 Ibid. His source was an unspecified representation to King João VI. the Jesuit. Uproars. that the population at the end of the seventeenth century was 19. 64 C.S.were also up to 5. gave a brief sketch. and live after the fashion of their own Countrie: all the Artizans of the Citie consist of this last sort. The history of that great and renowned monarchy of China. the rapacious scoundrel Sebastião Lobo da Silveira had also been murdered by a mob in Macau. 115. reprinted as Seventeenth Century Macau. returning there in 1621. p. Historic Macao. 61 In the early seventeenth century. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. declined the appointment on the grounds that the previous governor. Ljungstedt. Silveira having perished miserably on the coast of Natal. p. The travels and controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete. 1635. However. 1610-1689). 65 The Spanish Dominican friar.A. Domingo Navarrete (c. wrote in Tratatos Historicos (Lisbon. The Chinese population of Macau fled in a body. and live after the Portuguesse fashion. p. Boxer.500. 62 A. The deterioration was widespread. shipwrecked while en route to Lisbon to answer for his misdeeds. 1672) that ‘it would take up much time and paper to write but a small Epitome of the Broils. 2. the latter figure. Fr Álvaro de Semedo (1585 or 1586-1658). 2149 white women and 1129 slaves. 64 The story was also put about that in 1644 the then governor. Semedo. The Citie is not great.600.. p. who had reached Macau in 1610. and are in all about 5 or 6000. when an anti-Qing uprising in Guangdong (Kwangtung) province led to an order that the coastline be evacuated. 270. 23 . Fidalgos in the Far East. pp. 66 J. 169-170.000 slaves. Montalto de Jesus. Boxer. there are also Chineses who are Gentiles. had been murdered. Braz de Castro. Cummins. 274. Fidalgos in the Far East. by 1821 it had declined to no more than 4. and then abandoned in the jungle by other survivors.R. 62 Ljungstedt averred. quoting an official source. who are cloathed. 63 While it is apparent that the former figure included Chinese. quoted by C. included 1202 white men.’ 66 The worst year was 1662. pp. appointed governor and captain- general in 1648. vol. Macao Three Hundred Years Ago. pp. 61. 65 C. and are cloathed. Boxer has shown that ‘there is not a vestige of truth’ in this story.R. Black African slaves had been a substantial feature of Portuguese colonies in Asia since their first settlement. 22. who are all rich. 15. and live very splendidly: there are many Chiness Christians. 63 A. confirmed by an estimate made in 1830. p.

became fixated on past glories. Historic Macao.. These people in Macau were slaves (to the Chinese). J. if their King knew of these things it is almost incredible that he should allow of them. vol. The travels and controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete. Van Kley. This was indeed forbidden by King João V in 1712. There was an insistence on the observance of pettifogging regulations and restrictions. no. 2. pp. Chinese Repository.S. maintained in poverty with great difficulty. amounting. Ljungstedt. Other Orders were similarly affected. 70 Navarrete’s Spanish view. vol. 7. 299. There was a fascination with the great age of expansion. p.A. A. there were only three. Some of these are discussed in detail. The Mandarine in his Answer writes thus: ‘This barbarous and brutal People desires such and such a thing: let it be granted. F. now styling itself the Leal Senado. Many people starved to death. 3. 1831. ‘Independent of China’. when there were still only three Dominicans. divided. was that the people of Manila were free. wracked by penury. no. in Canton Miscellany. predictably hostile to the Portuguese.’ Or ‘refus’d them. Cummins. 262-264. 71 They were trapped in a most unenviable situation. to the Casa Branca: They go in a body with rods in their hands to the Mandarine who resides a League from hence and they petition him on their Knees. 67 Navarrete described with disgust a deputation from the Senate. pp. 286. 69 The monastery of the Dominican Order to which Navarrete belonged had once numbered twenty-four. November 1834. 24 . 70 That remained the case in 1833. pp. that brief and magnificent achievement was used to assert Portuguese superiority in all things. Cummins. Lach. but Macau survived by the skin of its teeth because it suited the mandarins to allow it to remain as long as their palms were greased. 71 J. 69 C. to blame the sixty years of Spanish rule for all Portugal’s disasters. p. 263-269. vol. 1697. Asia in the Making of Europe: A Century of Advance: East Asia. 68 This fractious.’ Thus they return in great state to their City and their Fidalgos or Noblemen with the Badg of the Knighthood of the Order of Christ hanging at their Breasts have gone upon these errands . but with no way out. 2. now a distant memory. cut off from their distant homeland. The Augustinians had four monks and the Capuchins three.S. Even if ships could be found to 67 D. By 1670. impoverished and demoralised people. of what the Portuguese discoverers had done two centuries before. Montalto de Jesus. and E..border was closed for three months. said Macau’s historian. However. p. 133. 68 J. The travels and controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete. to ‘suicidal egotism’. who were in charge of 37 nuns. 128-133. p. 4.

but vanished without a trace. they were aware of the Portuguese presence in Macau from the late sixteenth century. vol. he gave the lasting impression to the Chinese that these new 72 J.F. However. True.take them away. Davis. Fully absorbed in India during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Still less did Britain have conquistadores such as Cortes or Pizarro. was greeted guardedly by the Portuguese and with hostility by the Chinese. Britain did not have a sixteenth century mariner of equal stature to Vasco da Gama. 25 . Macau was held to be. they were no better equipped to cope with the British. the Honourable East India Company. which operated from 1602 until 1798. Portuguese sovereign territory. a determined Dutch attack had been beaten off heroically in 1622 in Macau’s palmy days. respect our virtue’. where would they go. but in the two centuries after that. Moreover. Its commander. who at much the same time destroyed two empires in the Americas. immediately after the collapse of the Japan trade. He eventually left empty-handed after six months of trouble that ended disastrously. p. However. This defied reality every time the barrier gate closed in their faces. best exemplified in the English trading business. without question. An expedition of three ships set out to seek opportunities for trade in 1596. growing British commercial might became irresistible. whose constant admonition to the ‘barbarians of the Western kingdom’. remained unchanged: ‘Dread our greatness. and how would they evade the Dutch cordon in the Straits of Malacca? Nevertheless. 1. John Weddell (1583-1642). Apart from Sir Francis Drake. first chartered in 1600 or its counterpart the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC). the British made few attempts to reach the Far East and trade there until the mid-eighteenth century. The Chinese. a voyager but not a coloniser. neither the Portuguese nor Spaniards had the sustained and growing entrepreneurial drive of the British. Albuquerque or Almeida each of whom left behind such an amazing legacy. as they were called. 48. It would only re-open on the bidding of the mandarin of the Casa Branca. If the Portuguese had found themselves unable to deal effectively with the Chinese. 72 The first British fleet to visit Macau arrived in 1637.

130..A. 75 Incredibly. who won the confidence of the Kangxi Emperor to such an extent that in 1685. Macao and the British. seen as a ‘Trojan horse’. the imperial offer was once more rejected. embittered mind-set that has been outlined above. 23. the Kangxi emperor. It should have been a golden opportunity for Macau to recover much of its former status. 74 Such an attitude arose from the entrenched. That aside. 26 . the Senate baulked at the cost of having to provide fifty to sixty men to administer the proposal. The British then left China alone for quite some time. 41. Historic Macao. p. giving the Chinese a much larger presence in and control of Macau than they already had. 73 However. p. chiefly through the outstanding Jesuit astronomer. Montalto de Jesus. Peter Mundy. p. but it had an immediate effect. the Portuguese. it was a dreadful beginning to Anglo-Chinese relations. They saw it as depriving them of their ancient monopoly rights. Coates. but the opportunity to take it up slipped through the fingers of the Macau Senate. 76 Small-mindedly. towards the end of his reign. though in a small way to begin with. the Chinese Marine Superintendent imposed on Macau the largest fine in its history. again proposed to centre the foreign trade of China at Macau. while in the late seventeenth century Jesuit influence grew in Peking. The Senate had seen too many instances of local mandarins squeezing every bit of pecuniary advantage that could possibly be gained from any 73 A. 76 Ibid. 129. Perhaps the rejection was not as blinkered as it might have seemed to Montalto de Jesus two centuries later. In 1719. p. who they had well under control. which viewed the imperial edict with resentment and suspicion. Chinese ports were opened to foreign shipping. 74 Ibid. which appears to be the only good description ever made in English. realising that the ‘red barbarians’ might prove hard to control if left unchecked. To emphasise that point. Fr Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688). 75 C.. set out a detailed description of the newly completed St Paul’s Church.‘red barbarians’ (or ‘hong mao ren’ – ‘red-haired men’) were a great deal more troublesome than the ‘barbarians of the Western kingdom’. It is likely that the emperor underestimated the importance that foreign trade would come to have. one of Weddell’s officers. besides recounting details of the long and unhappy encounter.

profitable operations undertaken by the Portuguese. W. James Wyld (published) Hong Kong Art Museum AH1964. 27 .0126 Reproduced in The Chater Legacy. Map 5 .A map of the City and Harbour of Macau. 1840 The five sketches inset at the top are of the seventeenth century fortifications. p. Bramston (drawn). In 1732. This time the Senate was enthusiastic. 87. thirteen years later. The barrier wall is also shown. the Yongzheng emperor renewed the proposal. principally ‘Fort Monte’.

47. 79 Jornal de Macau. That the whole foreign trade of an empire should have been thus cast to the winds . several had slipped in as ‘lodgers’. 80 C. were publicly burned in Macau on 11 March 1929. This incident is explained in Appendix 4. 77 In vain the Senate protested. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. 78 For the third time. and quite characteristic of the nation that spurned Columbus when he proffered the New World. Montalto de Jesus. Macao and the British. this time by the overriding authority of the Viceroy in Goa. Macau’s chance of economic recovery was pushed aside. 78 A. Pedro Mascarenhas (in office 1732-1740). Instead of calling at Macau. the author being condemned by the local press in Ibsenesque terms as ‘this enemy of the Portuguese people’. 79 In 1902 he had written. nevertheless reserved for this huge error of judgment the most biting criticism in his entire book. p.However. 80 77 A. unparalleled in the history of commerce. Historic Macao. Some three hundred copies. was a blunder due to the prevailing narrow- minded views.. heretics. Most were bachelors. 130. as it would bring English traders. 28 November 1929. greatly advantageous. Coates. on the contrary. João de Casal (1641-1735) who was acting governor. Montalto de Jesus. to over-ride the Senate’s wishes. Montalto de Jesus would himself be the subject of a remarkable instance of the same small-mindedness against which he had written so powerfully. 104. Although foreigners were not permitted to reside in Macau. these men were not monks. and the effect on Macau’s night life was predictable. Ironically. it was egregious. Ljungstedt. British ships went to the nearby island of Lintin in the Pearl River estuary to transfer their opium and to bargain with Chinese merchants. those who have more experience are of opinion that their establishment in the town can never be prejudicial. Fearful for the morals of his flock. 28 . the Bishop of Macau. p. Though some may presume that the residence of foreigners might be the cause of mischief and danger to the city.A. unfailingly loyal to his Macanese heritage. p. was not.. the bishop persuaded the Viceroy of India. the bulk of the second edition of his Historic Macao. for it is certain that no place can be rich and opulent but by means of commerce. into the City of the Name of God.

the Portuguese community of Macau continued to show what Charles Boxer called ‘the stubborn endurance of this little colony’. 29 . The Great Ship from Amacon. From grim necessity.This was the sociology of ingrained poverty at work. despite their limitations. through all of this period. Nevertheless. The pattern that had developed since 1640 of lack of insight.R. the Macanese had developed a practice of cringing obsequiousness to the Chinese authorities at the Casa Branca and at the Chinese customs house within their very walls. Boxer. Some will be mentioned in later chapters. 81 81 C. 171. Those who stood out from this pattern were few. p. It would be shown repeatedly in the decades ahead. incessant bickering and failure to grasp opportunities had become too deeply ingrained to break. parochialism.

30 .

The ship’s chaplain. and hath a Governor nominated by the King of Portugal. suffering severely from scurvy. and dispossess the Portuguese whenever they please: This obliges the Governor of Macao to behave with great circumspection. vol. 1. Even though it was storm-battered and needed urgent repair. 13. The sight of the small European settlement at the farthest bounds of civilisation must have brought relief to Anson and his men. It was formerly a very rich and populous city. and demonstrated to the Chinese authorities the real weakness of the Portuguese position. and proceeded. Chapter 2 Ancient Ally The whole of the British community finally quitted the friendly but ineffectual protection of their ancient ally. 5- 6. summarised the situation succinctly. his ship. greeted with hostility. 31 . to the harbour of Hong Kong. and at once saw what a precarious position he was in. a 60-gun ship of the line. 1844 British travellers made very little progress in Macau until the mid-eighteenth century. However Anson’s visit placed the Portuguese authorities in Macau in a very difficult position. and 82 H. who wrote the official account of the voyage. who can starve the place. the Centurion. Manuel Pereira Coutinho. was vastly superior to anything seen on the China coast. the greater part. and capable of defending itself against the power of the adjacent Chinese Governors: but at present it is much fallen from its antient splendour. Morse. calling at Macau in 1742 during his epic circumnavigation of the globe. There was a protracted wrangle about the payment of harbour dues to the Chinese customs office. Anson sought the assistance of the Portuguese governor.B. yet it subsists merely by the sufferance of the Chinese. 1635-1834. was. Richard Walter. J. 82 Commodore George Anson (1697-1762). Ouchterlony. pp. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. like Weddell. for though it is inhabited by Portuguese.

83 R. Yet to the Chinese mind. where he had captured the annual galleon bound for Acapulco. Nuestra Señora de Covadonga by the British ship Centurion. kingdom of pirates. revictual and set out for home. 353-416. carefully to avoid every circumstance that may give offence to the Chinese. Fairbank. the Chinese determined on a show of strength as Anson left. Walter. 353. It was the greatest booty ever taken from the Spanish. China’s Response to the West. recommend that China improve its artillery. 85 Anson had come from the Philippines. 28. II. Esq. 1839-1923. p. 83 The Portuguese were thus in a cleft stick. The huge gulf Reproduced in David Cordingly. laden with treasure. However. sent upon an Expedition to the South Seas. 85 R. by George Anson. not until 1841 would Lin Zexu. III. was a pirate. It took months of fruitless negotiation before he was able to repair his ship. Capture of the Spanish galleon staggering scale. terror on the High Seas. 84 Anson found that they put every obstacle in his way. the capture of this great prize was piracy on a Samuel Scott. commanded by George Anson. the infernal agent of a barbarian 20 June 1743. IV. obviously of high rank. 32 . trounced by British guns that had changed little in a century. 86 Although the visit ended happily enough with Anson’s men saving Canton from a fire that threatened its total destruction. Macao and the British. Commander in Chief of a Squadron of His Majesty’s Ships. Teng and J. a documentary survey. 38-54. Pirates. A Voyage round the World. pp. and on Anson’s return to England this immense treasure earned him flag rank and a peerage. A Voyage round the World in the years MDCCXL. I. widened still further. 84 Austin Coates discussed Anson’s visit thoroughly. Walter. from the Caribbean to the between the Chinese and the English South China Sea. 86 S. The viceroy of Canton himself went on board the Centurion and was amazed by the number and size of its guns. This barbarian. p.. pp.

Mason. 88 R. 87 R. not of steel. generally termed the Opium War. which ‘suffice to give an idea of the defenceless state of the Chinese Empire’. personifying valour and defiance. Alexander. and was astounded to see that the dazzling armour was made. A Voyage round the World. Alexander and G. with a battle-axe in his hand. no. a volume of plates published for a curious English public. has been reprinted as W. leading to the crisis at the end of the 1830s culminating in war between Britain and China. 415. p. surrounded with studs. vol. 33 . On the parapet there stalked about a warrior resplendent in shining armour. Anson examined him carefully. W. 9. A Voyage round the World. pp. Walter. The Costume of China. but of ‘a particular kind of glittering paper’. an early issue of the Illustrated London News included a hand-coloured illustration of a jingal. It is outside the scope of this thesis to touch upon this. at some distance. 89 The growing taste in Europe for Chinese tea and porcelain made a rapid growth of foreign trade with China inevitable. enriched with thin plates of metal. 1805 readership how ludicrous was the armament of the Chinese soldiery. inconvenient and inimical to the performance of military exercises. or to examine the way in which opium came to dominate that trade by the late 1830s. p. 87 Not for another century would British forces test Anson’s comments on Chinese military and naval shortcomings. even war-like appearance. but on closer inspection these coats of mail are found to be nothing more than quilted nankeen. included a ‘Portrait of a soldier’. Chinese field piece. intended to show its William Alexander. 68. 89 Illustrated London News. 88 In 1842. a splendid. which gives the tout-ensemble very much the appearance of armour. a small Portrait of a soldier.H. ‘The dress of the troops is clumsy. combined with another similar volume. 410-411. Walter.’ Alexander’s book. Nor need the nature of trading relations in Canton be discussed. The Costume of China. Views of 18th century China: costumes: history: customs. yet a battalion thus equipped has. describing him in terms that Anson would recognise. Plate XXX1. 9 July 1842. As he sailed past the last fort on the Pearl River it bristled with soldiers. 1.

187-188. and a set of eight regulations issued governing trade. The Chinese knew that permanent residency of foreigners of both sexes would create another European colony. one purpose of this thesis is to discuss the relationship between the Portuguese and the British. The reason was obvious. Before long. and foreigners were permitted to reside there only during the trading season. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. 9 July 1842 The relationship was seldom hostile but was never cooperative. As usual.Instead. the Portuguese were disadvantaged in comparison with the British. the British developed open contempt for their hosts. the steady growth of foreign trade led to a Chinese reconsideration of the basis on which it was conducted. despite an affirmation in the 1760s of the centuries-old Anglo-Portuguese alliance. 90 That relationship would soon be tested more closely as the two communities found themselves living in the same place. all ports were therefore again closed except Canton. In 1760. Although it was their city. pp. who came to Macau in increasing numbers from the late 1750s onwards. so obviously and helplessly under the control of the mandarins. 1. them that were at best guarded. 34 . However. The pattern had already been established of relations between A jingal. who were the principal players in the growing trade. vol. more aggressive and successful traders. 90 C. 9. confined to a small area outside the walled city. Illustrated London News. In the mid-eighteenth century.R. Only in Canton was the administrative machinery sufficiently well developed to regulate both trade and traders on both sides. the prohibitions these contained were negotiable by the time-honoured means of ‘squeeze’. no. No foreign women were permitted in Canton. as the Portuguese had been two centuries before. Boxer. in one case there was no room for compromise.

380. Ljungstedt.This created an immediate problem for Macau. Canton Miscellany. H. residence. 1-2. n. part of the force sent out in 1840 to defeat the Chinese Empire. p. This time. For the Senate. they were likely to force their way in.e. now Bartolomeu Manoel Mendes dos Reis (1720-1799. Reinagle. ‘A seller of ‘Sing-Songs’ a Chapter in the Foreign Trade of China and Macao”. 76. no. Foreigners might live in Macau. Lithograph from the original by George Chinnery. 46. nla. If Macau continued to exclude foreign residents. generally. 2. vol. ‘The Penha fort and monastery. despite the objections of the bishop. p.pic-an10130988 The Senate was right in supposing that this volte face was essential to the survival of Macau. Pallacio occupied by the British Factory’. In other words. which had not long before banned foreign. Praya Grande. Macao Bay ca. 1635-1834. in office 1753-1773). but not within the camp. J. ‘Actual state of Macao’. the Chinese were unlikely to stop them. Protestant. vol. Many years later. Braga. Journal of Oriental Studies. 6. the Senate’s urgent request to rescind the ban was heeded.B. because it was convenient to have them close at hand. nos. 1961/1964. pointed out that ‘the Macao archives seem to be silent about the permission given to the representatives of the various Western governments and their East India Companies to install themselves at Macao’. 5. but they were not permitted to own property. If so. A resolution of the Senate on 9 February 1757 was endorsed by the Viceroy in Goa. an English army officer. 1830. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China.P. a pragmatic solution was vital lest Macau lose all. 1831.M. 35 . the local authorities and the arrivés had as little to do with each other as possible. Morse. i. 91 G. drily observed 91 A.

The first section is a map of Macau with a small inset of the city of Victoria. Hong Kong. George Cox. but since they have been forced to retire from Canton and to reside in this place. pp. 92 Map 6 . 1st 1852. This very busy map is presented in four segments showing the main centres of Western activity in the Canton region. 65 in the Braga special map collection. nla. Canton and its approaches. 92 ‘A Field Officer’. The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking. No.Edward Belcher. with soundings shown in fathoms. The Portuguese as well as the Chinese thrive on British wealth and industry. London. with the foreign factories outside the south-west corner of the city walls. and both will suffer when Macao is abandoned for Hong The next map is of the whole Pearl River estuary from the open sea to Canton. 36 . Macao has risen from an almost ruined to a very flourishing condition. Macao and Hong Kong. The fourth and largest segment shows an outline of the city of Canton. The English merchants only rent houses here. 58-59. Jan. The production of such a map as late as 1852 indicates that trade with Canton remained of great importance to British merchants.

N. 94 Following the Seven Years War which ended in 1763. originally authorised by Royal Charter. chiefly English tenants.W. 95 There were a few other Europeans. p. chiefly through the vigorous entrepreneurship of the newcomers. obviously leading to friction. leading to the Charter Act in 1813 which renewed its monopoly of the China trade for a further twenty years. the first American consul at Canton.. Lamas. The Journals of Major Samuel Shaw. The premier British trading concern in Asia had since the beginning of the seventeenth century been the Honourable East India Company. op. At one point the Governor’s wife was said to have demanded to have the residence of the head of the Swedish East India Company. cited by R.). a growing number of Americans. Though a British enterprise. 96 ‘John Company’ arrived in Macau in 1773. 37 . which she regarded as better than her official residence after the Swedes had spent $8. 22. There was a contemporary phrase for it: ‘shaking the pagoda tree’. and after the War of Independence. when they were renovated. pp. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau.W.Poverty that had ground down the Macanese for generations began to ease. Its business was effectively globalised three centuries before the term existed. the owners demanded the house back again. Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable. They often found the properties ‘in a wretched condition’. p. and Pondicherry in southern India. the Svenska Ostindiska Companiet. the French had been bundled out of their American and Indian interests. often called colloquially. 96 To be an officer of the Company in eighteenth century India or China was effectively to hold a licence to gain quick riches. followed by a long. ‘John Company’. the First American Consul at Canton. when the tenants returned after spending some months in Canton during the trading season. with its social norms and expectations. was one who experienced this. 676. comfortable and well-funded retirement in a fashionable English spa town. Quincy (ed. had gradually come under parliamentary control after 1773. cooled by the sea breezes. Needless to say. 95 St Pierre et Miquelon in the Gulf of St Lawrence. with a mixture of awe and joviality. and soon had the biggest 93 Samuel Shaw. the British brought with them their class system. Lamas. the fine houses on the Praya Grande and the ridge behind. Worse. 22. cit. Within a few years. were occupied by foreign. p. 239-240.N. 94 R. not a Chinese structure.000 on renovations. the pagoda referred to being an Indian coin. the best real estate in Macau. Britain emerged as the dominant European power in the East. only a token possession remaining. Its operations. 93 they sometimes found that the owners had moved back in. J. this huge mercantile company was the world’s first multi-national corporation.

38 . the Camoens Garden. ‘Everything on the table was splendid – a whole service of massive [silver] plate. 20. ‘An American girl at Macau’. This mansion was a display of conspicuous. served in the most elegant style. S. no.W. December 2008. 98 The President kept a fine table. whose President was its Chief Executive Officer. As has been pointed The residence of the President of the Select out. There were about sixty at table. opium was insignificant. 5. the illegal trade flourished and 97 The impressive scale of the establishment and its sumptuous furnishings were evocatively imagined by Austin Coates in his novel Macao. Recognising it to be a dangerous drug. this prohibition was seen in Canton as no more than yet another opportunity for extracting ‘squeeze’ from foreign merchants. 112- 113. located on an eminence above the city. pp. rented from Manuel Pereira. vol. ‘china’. but it was growing in value and the number of addicts in the Canton area was also growing. European trade was initially in tea. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. At that time. with an extensive garden that is now a public park. ostentatious wealth and power. Harriett Low. they occupied the finest position in the centre of the Praya Grande. no-one could have foreseen that the insatiable Chinese demand for opium and the vastly increased supply of it from India would eventually drive relations between Britain and China to war. 31-34. soon to be known generically as Photograph: Stuart Braga. the Yongzheng Emperor prohibited its importation in 1729. 98 A young American visitor. but he and his staff had come to Canton and Macau not only to live well. From the late eighteenth century. and with the greatest order. was impressed. 97 The company’s Far Eastern operation was governed by a Select Committee of three senior officers. The banquet on Christmas Day in 1829 was an example. Entertainment there was elegant and formal.establishment: four large houses adjacent to the governor’s palace. Committee. but to make money. Joined together. Lamas.N. Everyone brings their own servant to wait on them at table. ‘the Select’ for short. city of broken promises. Casa Down Under. rising from the shore to the ridge above. p. was the best house in Macau. His residence. Braga. At the beginning 15 March 2012 of the eighteenth century. head of a leading Macanese family. and in oriental curios.’ R. now Casa Garden porcelain. As usual. The dinner consisted of every delicacy.

sketched by George Chinnery Toyo Bunko. but in the short term led to the triumph of British commercial and strategic power in the Far East. seldom returning to their homeland. boomed. the British and a smaller number of other European traders came to enrich themselves and then to leave. It issued licences to other ship-owners to sail to China. The patterns of upper middle-class life in 39 . They were termed ‘country traders’. Indirectly. the consequences were also disastrous for Macau and its people. perhaps to emphasise the gulf between the urbanity of the gentlemen of the ‘Honourable Company’ and the uncouth rusticity of all others. Tokyo. when the monopoly of the East India Company ended. 1985. The East India Company could not overtly flout the Chinese prohibition. but they were no less determined to leave the Far East with as much money as possible.after 1833. mainly English-speaking. This was to be a continuing pattern for British merchants in the Far East. Its monopoly extended there but this remote region was secondary to its interests. The status of the country traders did not match that of the Company men. An English group. Its consequences were disastrous for China. published in the catalogue of an exhibition. therefore a growing number of the Company’s licensees also arrived in Macau. Over time. Whereas the Portuguese had come for good. George Chinnery – Macau. it would be wrong to conclude that unbridled greed was their only motivation and making money their only activity. Macau. expatriate community developed its own strong social and cultural life. However. the foreign. but it could and did find a way around it.

or more volumes each. that efforts were made to perpetuate the institution. Such a library. 21. commerce. Elijah Bridgman. five. reprinted in 1829 and again in 1832. the most prominent of the private traders. In 1806. 4. as many others do. June 1835. Ladies of comparable rank (according to their husbands’ station in life) spent much time visiting each other. 88-89. on the breaking up of the factory last year. He was not the only one to deplore the dispersal of a fine library that could have been the nucleus of a major collection in the Far East. classics. Library History. we are encouraged by what has already been done. and philology. vol. in 1984 (Catalogue 22. the Canton Register. 5. 96. we trust. the library was dispersed. and 6. the staff of the East India Company. 62). p. Another copy has come to light in recent years. law. we were not surprised. must ever be regarded as of great value. 40 . The 1829 issue is held by the British Library. In this hope. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. p. 572). item. No copies of the 1832 issue are known in public collections. and voyages. p. 4. and adaptation to general use. Its express intention was to give ‘clear proof that foreigners who come to this country have other objects in view than 99 R. in such a place as this. 99 Many of the men were well- educated people. Many. not so widely.M. or attempted to be formed by. biography. when the library came into the hands of a few individuals. 2. of these were choice.Georgian England quickly emerged. and were conveniently arranged under the following subjects: 1. and philosophy. and politics. variety. We regret exceedingly. was being produced under the aegis of William Jardine. who more than a century later examined a copy of the 1832 issue of the catalogue. p. but there was nowhere for horses to graze or exercise. 100 By 1827 a weekly newspaper. Braga. divinity. 1988.’ He continued: ‘The catalogue before us was published in 1832. Copies of the first edition are held by the New York Public Library and the National Library of Scotland. travels. Its founders planned ‘a library. with time on their hands.W. which … must shortly far surpass in extent. poetry. pp. history. Lamas. He quoted the preface to the catalogue. They went about in sedan chairs as there were no carriages in Macau. four. 97. 101 A Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge was started in 1835. In 1835. and remarked regretfully that the library was ‘a splendid and costly one’. accessed 26 November 2011). editor of the Chinese Repository recorded the library and mourned its demise the previous year in a lengthy note. translations. Not only were distances short. amounting probably to a total of about four thousand. Hence. Dawson Books. (Worldcat. however. set up a subscription library of good books in Canton. but neither being home. 77 pages in extent. was printed at the East India Company’s press at Macau in 1819. When the Company closed its operations in 1834. It was entitled A Catalogue of the Library belonging to the English Factory at Canton in China. which described the library’s origins. and the valuable collection is scattered. most of them comprising two. 101 J. no. Braga. Both in Canton and Macau cultural activities developed as the foreign communities grew stronger. and novels. Noted then as ‘apparently unrecorded’. any European in this country. The beginnings of printing at Macao. Its catalogue. if well managed and made accessible to the public. and to render it available to all the foreign residents in China. 3.’ Chinese Repository. was an avid book collector. Braga. with cultivated literary tastes and a genuine desire to participate actively in the community life of this new and strange situation with its inherent unreality of living for half the year in one place. if not most. 100 J. sciences.M. it was offered by the English firm.N. now lost. and contains the names of about sixteen hundred different works. 2. miscellanies. as to be beyond the hope of at least a partial recovery. The beginnings of printing at Macao. half in another. 8. But ‘the deed is done’. that those efforts were not successful. select books. arts. antiquities. any collection that has hitherto been in possession of. drama. vol.

which by the 1820s interior was drawn by George were abandoned. The unquestioned leader of the community being Jardine. St Paul’s Church A procession mounts The church was destroyed by fire on the steps. no. 102 Though it met in the American hong (factory) most of the twenty present were British merchants. 6.T. Ride. and had become Chinnery on 31 August 1835. vol. cultural life developed too. Lamas. 180 and 181. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. 41 . p. he became President. George Chinnery – Macau. This sketch of the buildings. A visiting Italian opera company. 103 R. Jardine’s partner. 103 102 Chinese Repository. nephew of James. A programme for Rossini’s La Gazza Ladra is reprinted between pp. one of the growing Parsee community was there. Tokyo. This community was to distinguish itself repeatedly in Hong Kong in the following century. pp. 354-355. stayed for six months in 1833 and at the great hall of the Company’s establishment put on eleven operas which it seems to have been de rigueur for the smart set to attend. To the right are the old college 26 January 1835.W. An East India Company Cemetery: Protestant Burials in Macao. 4. Framjee Pestonjee. Interestingly. L. the Corps d’Opera Ambulant. 54. ‘the habitation of the most robust rats’. with a broader appeal. pp. 1985 In Macau. Toyo Bunko.mere selfish gains’. Macau. December 1835. including William Jardine and Alexander Matheson.N. 114-115. Ride & M. published in the catalogue of an exhibition.

Forjaz. 14. One searches in vain for Macanese poetry.T. was originally drawn from J. This entry is in vol. printing was banned in all the Portuguese colonies from 1736 until 1820. it was recorded only by the noted American Protestant missionary. pp. Ride. February 1835. 3 vols. http://www. With a few exceptions. 105 Therefore there was no published literature. An historical and archæological sketch of the city of Goa. 3. The most dramatic occurrence August 1835 of the ruins of St Paul’s. da Fonseca. 105 J. Pavia’s identifying number is #30912. 42 . vol. The information on this website. An East India Company Cemetery: Protestant Burials in Macao. diaries or memoirs of this Another sketch drawn by Chinnery on 31 period. 104 There was no library in Macau. that did not include the Macanese. p. Most of their music was in the liturgy in the numerous churches. Macanese Families website. However. 106 Chinese Repository. Ride & M. p. The Bee of China. letters. Victoria and Albert Museum. meticulously compiled over many years by Emeritus Professor H.A. though when the Italians left. indeed. 962. there was a Portuguese version of Cinderella. Famílias Macaenses. Elijah Bridgman (1801-1861). p. 1996. not long after the ban on printing was lifted.. p. 112. There were however two short-lived weekly newspapers. Lisbon. Accessed 21 February 2011. conducted by Francisco José Paiva. vol. reproduced in the for perhaps a century was the burning ‘Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia’. appeared for fifteen months in 1822 and 1823. no. 1979-1980. of the great St Paul’s Church in 1835. 53. A Abelha da China. this was not so much a response to a public demand 104 L. 10. as is shown in Appendix 16. d’Assumpção. and recorded its ruins afterwards.macanesefamilies. 58. 485-486. preceded by a short statistical account of the territory of Goa.N. 106 The English artist George Chinnery drew St Paul’s shortly before the fire.

more liberal. There is not a single artist from Macau represented in the catalogue of the great Chater collection.R.S. drawn largely from the Hong Kong Museum of Art and the Peabody Essex Museum. at which several young people were expressing to a charming girl. Macau. for the correctness of her language. opponents. so both closed for want of public support. An historical and archæological sketch of the city of Goa. 43 . p. 111 This was a sorry tale of cultural deprivation and neglect. 112 107 A similar paper. with happy expression—the great charm of poetry in every country. Foreign observers seldom saw the community life of the Macanese within their own homes. elegant language they employed. J.M. and portraits and landscapes were rare. who produced a notable corpus of work. p. when a discussion arose among the matrons of the party as to the merits of the songs which had been sung . the Gazeta de Goa. Dutch and French artists and their Chinese students. combined elegant ideas. mainly landscapes. present at a reunion. U.M. Braga collection in the National Library of Australia. 108 J. one of the party was particularly remarkable.N.. I was. Braga. the feelings of admiration with which she had inspired them. Canton and Hong Kong. 59. J. Orange. The beginnings of printing at Macao. 354.for news as a vehicle for a waspish Conservative attack on their Miguelist. Views of the Pearl River Delta. Boxer. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. there was almost no painting except for formalised religious subjects.’ M. upon one occasion. and I was quite struck with the soft. He was one of the few who paid attention to Macanese women. and although she made use of some terms somewhat foreign to the general custom. 287. 110 To these should be added Chinnery’s student Marciano Baptista. 109 For several centuries the only depictions of Macau were by British. Macao. renders the women of Macao very observant of the language addressed to them. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. 108 As Boxer has pointed out. 110 As evidenced in the catalogue of the major exhibition. 1655-1860.A. 107 Both papers reprinted long extracts from European papers. da Fonseca. 109 C. for there was little to report. 111 Three examples are in the J. it was a charming discussion. most of which was sadly lost during World War II. pictures relating to China. Neither had much local content. Hong Kong. Dr Marcel Yvan. and the songs. was published in Goa between 1821 and 1825. 76-81. An exception was a well-educated Frenchman. 112 He went on: ‘This natural love of poetry. among the female assemblage. pp. He wrote: They are possessed of a remarkable taste for the poetical in everything: I have heard them sing sentimental ditties in the most expressive manner. It was succeeded between 1824 and 1826 by the more moderate Gazeta de Macao. Yvan. The Chater Collection. which were generally the composition of one of their countrymen. 1996. p. who visited in the 1840s.

Yvan. that with such a neglected state of education. loving art and science for their own sakes alone. and the means of obtaining instruction extremely limited. and the appellation of learned. Yvan. delightful to witness. 113 Overall. they pay very little attention to studies from which no pecuniary profit can be derived. for those who have been educated in Europe are perfect gentlemen. pp. 114 ‘As may readily be imagined. and were enabled by their superior training. intelligent men. who are not very numerous in the quiet streets. ca. London.. and a cigarette or a morsel of arecnut in her mouth.’ M. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. as far as education goes. is thought very little of in La Cidade de Santo-Nome-de-Deos de Macao. some remarkable persons may be found . but of late years the Macaists have been deprived of this intellectual advantage. particularly as regards females. noted for his discoveries of folk music. On the other hand. Father Remedios. gazes listlessly at the passers-by. 1963. salons in which as much intellectual conversation may be heard as in London or Paris. 290-291. Yvan gave a disturbing picture of a community in which for ordinary people intellectual life was at a very low ebb. and published by W. but as they are strictly prohibited from receiving novices. and fans himself the whole of the day. a traditional melody of singular beauty. to impart much useful information. free from the weaknesses of their fellow countrymen. the metropolis of this country was now and then visited by religieuses who had been brought up in the convents of Lisbon. At Macao. the suppression of some of the religious orders having contributed to the backward condition of this country when compared with the progress of the European nations. and with her fan in her hand. 44 .. in his own house the Portuguese reads little. 285.’ M. In former times. as in other places.. Paxton & Co. amongst their number I may name an excellent priest. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. it is true that the ancient communities of Santa Clara and Rosa still exist. considered so desirable on the other side of the wall which separates the Portuguese territories from China. without even the wish for celebrity. whose happy family was grouped around him in a state of harmony. when these establishments were at the height of prosperity. I need scarcely say.One of the songs is certain to have been the Macao Lullaby. There are many other men at Macao living and labouring in tranquil retirement. while his wife in a light style of deshabillé seats herself behind the blind. as well as elegant women and well educated youths. 115 ‘And the same remark applies to the men. the amusements and conversation of the natives are not very interesting. 114 As to the younger inhabitants. the education of both sexes is very much neglected here. yawns a great deal. they may be considered perfectly useless. p. there are clever. 115 113 It does not seem to have been set down in manuscript until it was arranged by Harry Ore. and even among those who have been brought up in their own country.

0161. Hong Kong Museum of Art AH1964. 117 George Chinnery (attributed). p. the fact that they 116 R. determined not to allow the burial of heretics within the walls of the City of the Holy Name of God. Chinnery painted another family group. ca. An East India Company Cemetery: Protestant Burials in Macao. Chinnery. Ride & M. p. perhaps Eduardo Pereira b. a small chapel was permitted as a gathering place for those attending burials. Ride. Aurélia Susana Viana Pereira and two of her children. though some years later. 1827. a step resisted for many years by the ecclesiastical authorities.W. The chapel was not described as a place of worship. As well as the group portrait shown here. 3.N.T. R. Famílias Macaenses. 110. António Pereira was instrumental in securing for the Company a small plot of land to build a Protestant chapel next to the cemetery acquired earlier in 1821.Yvan thus made it plain that there was a social hierarchy among the Macanese. J. which appears also to be of the Pereira family. 218. 15 August 1818. 118 L. http://www. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. It was stipulated that the cemetery must have high walls and there must be no bell to offend the ears of the Catholic faithful.macanesefamilies. Oil on canvas. 118 This family would have been notable in any society. 117 Macanese Families website. The Pereiras were possibly the most anglophile people in a community in which many people disliked the British after their unsuccessful attempts to occupy Macau in 1802 and 1808. Foremost among those Yvan had in mind were the Pereira and Paiva families. 116 Both had arrived in Macau from Portugal in the second half of the eighteenth century. Forjaz. which he went on to describe. ca. 962. p. Lamas. The East India Company had with great difficulty secured permission in 1821 to purchase a small plot of land for a Protestant cemetery. who had profited from the booming opium trade. Hutcheon. No place of worship was to be erected. through the good offices of António Pereira. At the apex was a small group of wealthy families. vol. which would have been anathema to the 45 . pp. 63. the man and the 45. 1822. 16 September 1817 and Maria Joaquina Pereira b. both of whom were socially acceptable at English and American parties. and spoke English.

Others soon went to England too. When they returned some years later. Teixeira. their mother did not recognise them. op. nor they her. 156. http://www. Lamas.000. 120 Her brother. 46 . Next month Harriett called on Mrs Pereira. but remarked at the size of Ana Rita Paiva’s dowry – said to be $80. who married Bernardino da Costa Martins at S Lourenço on 10 September 1831. p. 119 She did not attend the wedding. accessed Tuesday 22 February 2011. on account of its contiguity to their place of interment’.. To be wealthy. Mrs Pereira called to see us today. Bengalies and everything else. 219. Francisco José Paiva would later become the first Portuguese consul in Hong Kong. She has 18 Caffres [black Africans – not necessarily Kaffirs] live with her and is obliged to keep 12 sepoys [Indian servants] to take care of them beside China servants. Galeria de Macaenses ilustres do seculo dezanove. #30915. who married Auréia Pereira. She was most splendidly dressed in a rich crimson velvet pelisse neatly trimmed. 121 M. To Harriett. perhaps the first Portuguese from Macau to do so. Crouch-Smith et al. 120 R. The second Paiva wedding was the subject of small-town gossip about the match- making ambitions of the mother of the bride.owned numerous African slaves did not create adverse comment from an American visitor. like most of the expatriates in Macau. Eduardo. It was A perfect palace. cit. Teixeira. p. Inácia Vicência Paiva.N. but polite society never Catholic authorities. now Edward. p. Harriett Low. and Francisco Paiva. Their wealth attracted the expatriate community to the Pereiras and to another leading family. She described her mansion. M. but ‘a place of reception for the funerals of deceased foreigners.. like the English gentry in India and later Hong Kong. 122 R. 121 The Pereiras. whose career is also dealt with in a later chapter. #30912. sent their sons to England for their education. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. pp. with a handsome white hat. She has an immense household. Macau Protestant Chapel: a short history. 119 Macanese families. 122 Soon after the establishment of Hong Kong. to be ‘respectable’ was to be wealthy. who wrote admiringly in November 1829. not immune from snobbery. 131. She is a very pleasant woman. 309. on 29 October 1833.N. pp. you had to deal in opium. Galeria de Macaenses ilustres do seculo #30941.macanesefamilies. if Harriett can be believed. Lamas. 164-165. moved permanently to England. the Paivas.W. including João Joaquim Braga. Harriett noted two weddings of members of the Paiva family – ‘one of the most respectable families here’.W. 39. for her money. J. 131. These were Ana Rita de Paiva. The identifying numbers are those used on the website.

Hongkong. 126 W. servants were spoken to (or spoken down to) in a crude form of basic English termed ‘pidgin’. steadfastly refused to do this. Olyphant & Co. 54. part I.W. English and Cantonese. they were useful as interpreters. 124 Increasingly. R.. p. Macao and the British. by George Chinnery. 47 . p. p. 148. 125 R. Lamas. spoke about it.. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China.W. Some years later. because the expatriates seldom Peabody Museum. Their employment was largely clerical.N.P. in government offices and private commercial firms. Lamas. p. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. 119. the word originally a corruption of ‘business’. Mass. Hutcheon. 93. Braga. pp. Chinese merchants and Chinnery.N. Salem. Macau became subservient to British interests. 126 It remained the norm for patronising communication to inferiors until after World War II. had to. the man and the legend. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. 123 Only one trading firm. 61. Below both in status and remuneration in this rigid system were the 123 According to Harriett Low. A major cultural change was that many 125 Macanese learned English. this established in Hong Kong a pattern both of employment and social hierarchy for most of the Portuguese community there that changed little until the 1960s. Cantonese. They Harriett Low. 289.149. A few young Portuguese men found employment as junior clerks in the British firms that increasingly dominated the economy of Macau. 124 J. with Portuguese clerks beneath. Tarrant. Foreign managerial staff were at the apex. not in partnership with them. Speaking Portuguese. and left a lasting memory of their integrity. bothered to learn Portuguese or Reproduced in R. See the note in part 4 of Appendix 5 on the printing history of this book. A century later it was described by Austin Coates as ‘finely-shaded babytalk’. p. 1839-1844. a partnership of two American Quaker brothers.

’130 Maurice Collis. Luis Camoes Museum. No. Chapter 13 discusses in further detail what came to be described as a ‘three tiered system of employment’. p. Macau. 128 C. onwards encouraged their men to 2nd series. King.R. and for the same reason. July/December 1994. Portuguese Seaborne Empire. there was widespread and flagrant concubinage that scandalised the priests. p. The History of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. 127 Taking their lead from the President of the Select. Portugal was described by the unsympathetic Charles Boxer as ‘more priest-ridden than any other country in the world. There were few Portuguese-born men in Macau or Goa. 128 However. p. Pelican edition. 127 F. pp. Young Macanese. Boxer. Portuguese Seaborne Empire. 1963 edition. another mid-twentieth century English writer familiar with the history of the Far East.H. 20. 189. 129 This was not the case in Macau. went much further in his condemnation of the Macanese in the eighteenth century. reproduced in Review of Culture. Volume I. The Hongkong Bank in late Imperial China. there had been very few women accompanying men to the Far East. From the beginning in the sixteenth century.. Boxer. 48 . marry local women. unknown commanders from Albuquerque artist. 1864-1902: On an even keel. An attitude of racial superiority was part of the reason for this. much as Alexander the Great had done two millennia before. 1973.R. with the possible exception of Tibet’. 130. 130 Ibid. pp. 129 C. 223-224.H. with fewer constraints in Portuguese India.Chinese. where ‘it usually needed no lusty blast on the ecclesiastical whistle to bring the laity humbly and crouchingly to heel. To ensure their permanent occupation of the places they had occupied. nineteenth century. 53. all Englishmen considered themselves to be superior to all Portuguese and all Chinese. 40-41.

described these ‘mestiços’ as mongrels. cruel. The Convent attached to the Church. as happens everywhere. History Today. Collis. A half-caste society. but managing to keep on good terms with the Chinese government by careful observance of its orders. which now serves as the habitation of the most robust rats (robustissimos ratos) . i. he published his memoirs. pure-born Portuguese. Braga. 49. April 1951. 132 It was a contemptuous remark that gave enormous offence to those involved. The Swede. The passage was kindly translated by Alberto Guterres. is there such a large number of churches and convents. 135 J. appreciatively of the fortifications. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. to whom Louis XIV presented a clock. 133 e.P. even though these had been built almost two centuries earlier. 70-74. the City of the Name of God’. Braga himself was not a mestiço. a caricature of itself. Anders Ljungstedt. p. 133 However. However. He added that in 1834 the number born in Portugal did not exceed 90 in a Portuguese population of 4628.g. priest-ridden. 134 Even stronger observations were made by a Portuguese artillery officer. no. ‘Macao.. other than the ruling elite. Ljungstedt.e. 135 131 M. Colonel José de Aquino Guimarães e Freitas. p. where there was a large and scholarly library. Paul deserves and holds the attention of the not indifferent traveller: it is a Jesuit foundation. even if. to J. as might be expected. having descended from reinóis families. 1. This tyrant did not respect the Church. 132 A. Eldridge. a view maintained for many years was that ‘the Portuguese in the East rapidly degenerated’. by F. debauched. were racially mixed. Alone of civil or military officers in the early nineteenth century. looking at their proportion. it is poorly maintained. 4. which still keeps good time. 131 By the late eighteenth century. it ambled into modern times. 12. p. de A. Memoria sobre Macáo. despite the creative spirit of that Society. 49 . Two contemporary observers chose to comment on this. Guimarães e Freitas. most Macanese people. 170. 22. pp. He had scant regard for Macau’s venerable buildings: In no other part of the World. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China.B. and lazy. p. its grandees often slavers. vol. and is most remarkable. and still less the Convent. He wrote. The Church of St. poorly educated and living on past glories.g. stationed in Macau from 1815 to 1822. The Background of Eastern sea power. was formerly the retreat of the French Jesuits. 134 e.

op. Guimarães e Freitas had scant regard for the Macanese people as well as their buildings: They can be accurately divided into three classes. He too deplored the lack of educational opportunity: Good and bad features are best considered separately. and as most of the ancient families intermarried with the Asiatics and Africans. he did not ignore the Macanese. He seems to have made a distinction between mestiços with a predominately European background and those with a predominantly Chinese background. It would be easy to cite exceptions. the second too swarthy. 16. that their British employers in Hong Kong in the following century also appreciated. p. but no paintings are known. The first are best-known to my brush. mestiço-Europeans. 16. but generally speaking. His account of their racial mixture avoided the offensive tone that Ljungstedt perhaps intended and that Guimarães e Freitas certainly did: Almost all the Portuguese inhabitants of Macao were born in the city itself. his second class. those with chiefly Chinese ancestry.It is a disturbing picture of the decline of a once-magnificent compound. as the product of white with black. the origins of their descendants are of 136 Ibid. which perfectly accompanies the physical. and seldom fail to show the vices of breeding. p. 137 J. orthodox and consequently a fine citizen.. Unlike the English. The first. ‘The third is the most horrible variety of the human species. de A. Education. the Macanese is good-humoured. 50 . It should be noted that military and naval officers were routinely taught to sketch in the era before photography. Europeans. cit. The third class still has plenty of firm Chinese moral character. 137 Yvan was not as severe as this patrician officer who looked down his aquiline nose at the local people. nor did he hold them in contempt. if at all. is worse than mediocre. a variety which seems destined in the immediate future to become a prison of humanity’.. He appears to have painted them. for lack of schools. sober. However. 136 He reserved his most withering comments for what he called the mestiço-Asians. or vice versa. he observed qualities in the Macanese. if possible. Guimarães e Freitas. but they only serve to prove the rule. the second [are] mestiço-Europeans and the third. mestiço-Asians.

had the dark rich tint of the Andalusian. a very mixed nature . 140 R.. Maria. In the picture I have endeavoured to give of the appearance.N. Yvan appears to have stumbled a little on the correct spelling of the name Cidade do Santo Nome de Deos. two sons. George. An important exhibition was eventually held at the Leal Senado in September 1985. While this is the citation called for by the Library. one remarkable circumstance with regard to this heterogeneous mass of population is. 290.’ M. and their European origin was universally acknowledged. the latter. Mariana was a white negress. 140 An important exception is the presence in Macau from 1825 to 1852 of the very prolific artist George Chinnery (1774-1852).W. The published catalogue is in the collection of the National Library of Australia. These were the more recent arrivals. the upper lip covered with a light down. there was no attempt to keep any of his work in Macau. the two sons were thoroughly Chinese. and the family consisted of six persons. the works being drawn from two significant collections: those of the Toyo Bunko. 139 He spelt this out: ‘The Portuguese Macaists can scarcely be said to form a distinct people. ‘George Chinnery’s 51 . thick lips. and their European descent seems to regulate their privileges in proportion as it is more or less decided. although there are some remains of aristocracy amongst them. When he died in 1852. Others were dynamic and vibrant. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. who bore the names of Mariana. determined to make the most of whatever opportunities still offered. Yvan. he and the Macanese ignored each other. the expatriates 138 He went on to explain: ‘I used often to go and visit a Portuguese family residing at Macao. Everything in Style: Harriett Low’s Macau. and customs of the inhabitants of La Cidade do Santo-N’ome-de-Deos. street scenes and studies of the Chinese. were all as opposite in appearance as possible. and Monica. these good people lived in a little cottage of one storey. p. pp. passim. Tokyo [Tokyo Art Museum] and the Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa. 283-284. Yet Chinnery’s work consisted largely of views. For the most part the British ignored the local authorities and people as though they did not exist. the mother. Catalogue of two exhibitions held 5-30 September 1985 at Galeria do Museu Luís de Camões. which has catalogued it thus: Chinnery. 141 It is thought that Chinnery never had an exhibition of his work in Macau during his 27 years there. and had been for generations. coarse features. little would be known visually of Macau at this significant period of its history. But for Chinnery’s large corpus of work.’ M. from 1798 until the early 1830s. she was as yellow as amber. and now and then there reappears amongst them a striking resemblance to someone long since dead and forgotten. Large elements of it were lethargic – almost moribund. as to the third. near Praia-Manduco. and a pale face: Monica. than to describe individualities. manners. Lamas. and Macao. and remarkably beautiful hair. more resembling the women seen on the shores of the Ganges than her sisters. The exhibition was noted by Geoffrey Bonsall. Ljungstedt mentioned by name none of the Macanese of his own time. on the contrary. that the members of one family rarely bear the slightest resemblance to each other. with rather woolly hair. I have rather sought to convey an idea of the tout ensemble. Yvan. Qiaozhi Qiannali: Aomen = George Chinnery: Macau Aomen shi zheng ting. I feel that it obscures the catalogue. and three daughters. 138 Yvan was thus aware of the complex social and ethnic fabric of Macau. Leal Senado.. which is a copiously illustrated book containing much work unknown to other writers about Chinnery. and 6-30 September 1985 at Galeria do Leal Senado de Macau] ). high cheek bones. 139 A picture emerges of a very varied community. they were the undoubted descendants of the ancient conquerors. [Macao: 1985. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. 141 However.

Moreover. Braga Papers. 126. no. while the Americans. British Museum. pp. A. ‘Sad to relate. though the Portuguese ship owners lacked this latest improvement. The British tone is evident in the transcript made by J.M. Additional Manuscripts 13. Portuguese merchants at Macao were not above trafficking in the “black mud” of such evil repute. 80 and 88. Patna and Benares. Just as the British.’ The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. set against the complete failure of British diplomacy in China at the same time. MS 4480. The transcript is in the J. American and other foreign communities (apart from the Olyphant brothers) grew rich on the booming opium traffic. 210-228.did not ignore those Portuguese families who maintained a position of pre-eminence.P. two British attempts to occupy Macau by military force in 1802 and 1808 both failed. especially the Rosa family. increased their wealth and standing until the crisis of 1839 that brought everyone to ruin. 142 A. 94-110. especially pp. Coates. British heavy-handedness and Portuguese adroitness. January-February 1986. 145 views of Macau’. p. your Excellency’s justice and humanity will not permit you to expose the lives and property of the inhabitants of Macao to the danger of an unavailing contest with the superior power of the British arms’. José Manuel Pinto: ‘Your Excellency’s wisdom and discernment will suggest to you the inutility of opposing any resistance to the accomplishment of this measure. p. 1. not that there was anything they could do to stem the increasingly dominant British commercial presence and their growing arrogance. fast and efficient. not yet under British control. the apogee of the sailing ship’s long development. 145 A. 52 . 78-92. Braga of the despatches of the Marquess of Wellesley. who gave this menacing advice to the Governor of Macau. 16. though in a much smaller way.M. Coates. who arrived in 1784. Braga commented. through a combination of Chinese intransigence. obtained theirs from Smyrna. 142 Opium grown in the central Indian district of Malwa. 143 J. Macao and the British. Macao and the British.710. Historic Macao. Coates. What is most striking about the events of the half century from 1790 to 1840 is the massive growth of trade led by British merchants. p. The best opium. 144 Montalto de Jesus. National Library of Australia. only too keen to join in the opium frenzy. Some will be discussed in the next chapter. in Arts of Asia. was exported from nearby Goa by Portuguese merchants from Macau. vol. 125. Macao and the British. ruled by the Company after 1757. in Turkey. pp. 143 It was hastened by the advent of the clipper ship. pp. 144 Both failures left a legacy of Portuguese animosity towards the British. 63. and as the local economy prospered in the 1830s. came from Bengal. so too did the Portuguese merchant community in Macau.

‘The East Indiaman “Asia” ’ off Hong Kong between 1831 and 1832. As ever. early in 1839. a dying man.J. Lin Zexu. stern measures would easily succeed. In the four years following the death of Lord Napier (1786-1834). National Maritime Museum. W. When the emperor determined at last to end this terrible scourge. Huggins. at once adopted the usual measures for enforcing compliance: stopping food supplies to the Canton factories.000 chests to over 40. the Imperial Commissioner who arrived in Canton on 10 March 1839 to accomplish this. Greenwich BHC3209 A succession of British missions to China all failed: Macartney in 1793. but when they did. 53 . this seemed to the Daoguang Emperor (reign dates 1820-1850) the moment to rid China once and for all of the British and their damnable curse of opium. the annual volume of opium reaching China doubled from 20. Amherst in 1817. It took a few more years before matters came to a head. it seemed from the Chinese point of view that after their recent successful repulse of Napier. and – most abjectly – Napier in 1834.000 chests. expelled from Canton in utter humiliation.

Ljungstedt’s tally of opium imports in 1834 accords with this figure of about 10% of the 1839 seizure of British-owned opium. 1820. Montalto de Jesus. this distinguished scholar gave the date as 10 March 1838. ca. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. Historic Macao. 148 A. but by the British Superintendent of Trade. 147 Elliot also sought and secured from Silveira Pinto an assurance of protection for all British subjects in Macau. 297. thus forcing the hand of the British Government. 146 A. 105-106.A. p. 148 Not for the first time was Macau placed in an invidious position. 20.0114 the method was eventually successful. the Governor of Macau. pp. 54 . 147 C. The foreign factories at Canton. pp. and after a protracted. Silveira Pinto did what little he could to maintain Macau’s neutrality. Waley. Adrião Acácio da Silveira Pinto (held office 1837-1843).000 chests of opium were handed over in May 1839 and promptly destroyed by Lin. Coates.000 chests – away to Manila before Commissioner Lin could demand its surrender too. realising that it was indefensible in the face of a resolute Chinese blockade. p. Chater Collection. instructed merchants there to get their whole stock – from 2. The Opium War through Chinese Eyes. In a rare error. Seeing what was coming. more than 20. Hong Kong Museum of Art AH1964. 184. Coates gave a figure of 3. p. Macao and the British. 27-46. F.000 to 3. 146 The opium was surrendered. J. tense siege. 187. Macao and the British. who had succeeded Davis.000. Captain Charles Elliot (1801-1875). not by the merchants.

55 . like their other accoutrements. with the recoil. Some took refuge in Macau.’ Chinese Repository. 173. a considerable sheer. the last President of the ‘Select’ (1832-1834). cited by C.Davis contemptuously referred to the Portuguese garrison as ‘two or three hundred starved blacks’. Boxer. were of a piece with their dress. save in the smoothest water. and apparently half-starved creatures in old tattered coats that had once been blue. such is the appearance of a celestial “first rate”. 3. flat floored. 65. must have ether sunk the junk. vol. Few are over 250 to 350 tons.’ M. who could be seen begging for food at the doors of convents. apparently to compensate for their shabby uniforms.. 5. with mat sails. 120. This situation was similar to what happened in Goa. 149 Others sneered at their fondness for sticking feathers in their hats. during the stand-off which occurred while Lord Napier was attempting to stare down the Imperial Viceroy. and the generality are armed with but two or four guns which . The Chinese. p. and two which were stationed in front of the Praia Grande at Macao. 150 Chinese Repository. p. or gone. over the gangway in the rear. and look-out houses on the deck. p. We have occasionally.N. carrying muskets upon their shoulders.. the British were divided into two groups. wooden anchors. taking the whole width of the deck. vol. April 1836. Lu Kun. ‘The Chinese war ships (junks) are large unwieldy-looking masses of timber. Boxer. These wretches were honoured with the title of soldiers’. during the business of the late Lord Napier. rusty and other-wise unserviceable’. 151 Memoirs of William Hickey. rattan cables. 151 On the Chinese side of the barrier wall.F. were old brass field pieces. The Portuguese in India. p 580. an English visitor saw ‘a few sallow-faced. vol. on special service. considerably weakened too by a large hole in which the monstrous rudder can be hoisted up and housed in bad weather : immense quarter galleries. 59.. Boxer observed that ‘Portuguese garrisons were commonly ill-provided with sufficient weapons and when they had them they were often neglected. generally drawing but little water. no stern posts. C. p. and must therefore be useless. are on solid beds. held office as Superintendent of Trade (1834- 1839). two of which. flat upright stems. ‘When the monsoon began in May or June. which. In 1834. was appointed. however seen six guns in a large war junk. half-naked. uniforms or even standardised weapons. bart. 89. had each eight. John Francis Davis (1795- 1890). 152 It is likely that this action was repeated five years later to add visibly to the sense of menace. which. Macao Narrative. 1. 10. the British having already reached firm conclusions about the Chinese war junks. as Sir John Davis. had they been fired. Governor of Hong Kong. p. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. they were left for several months to beg for their food on the streets. 1844-1848. 259. Lin commenced a threatening military build-up. in Canton. 152 Any such attempt was futile.. Coates. while others remained on board British merchant vessels which 149 J. Pearson. no. two large war junks were moved into Praya Grande Bay to intimidate the British. Seventy years before. p. with large goggle eyes in the bows . 4.. no. 150 That neglect had gone on for a long time. of various sizes.R. enormously high sterns ornamented with gold and paintings. Fidalgos in the Far East. painted red and black.R. August 1836. During the tense summer of 1839. Davis. A. where the soldiers lacked proper training.

W. Morse held the view that in the case of homicide. but not for judgment. manslaughter or misadventure. Tarrant. The first was the supine way in which the Portuguese had appeared to sanction the callous judicial murder by the mandarins of an innocent British subject. 154 J. The British were horrified by these events. That was the prerogative of the highly educated mandarins. Ouchterlony.gathered in the sheltered waters of what would soon become Hong Kong harbour. No distinction was made between murder. building two powerful batteries at the southern point of Kowloon peninsula. it was based on two fundamental assumptions. An unfortunate incident in July 1839 greatly aggravated the crisis. p. The second assumption was that the village headmen were responsible for the maintenance of law. Hongkong.B. p. This was the murder at Kowloon of a Chinese villager by some drunken sailors. The Chinese War. 155 These 153 It had been used since 1837 as a rendezvous for British shipping. 154 Chinese fort constructed in 1839 at Tsimshatsui to menace British shipping moored in Hong Kong harbour.153 Here too. The second convinced all the Europeans of the barbarism of what passed for justice in the Chinese mind. Nothing leaves a deeper impression than a perception of gross injustice. 2. Someone was always responsible and must atone. That incident inevitably harked back to two incidents. but European concepts of evidence were not part of it. 1839-1844. H. J. Collins. A history of Hongkong from the time of its cession to the British Empire to the year 1844. Lin adopted an aggressive posture.20 Reproduced in Historical Pictures. The first was that the loss of a life must be atoned for by another life. with the British merchant vessels under their guns. On the whole it was a straightforward system that worked well in the Chinese context. 1841. collection of the Hong Kong Art Museum. H. 20. It was at once obvious to British and Portuguese alike that a grave situation had arisen. 22. Hong Kong Museum of Art AH76. Headmen were required to deliver a criminal for judgment and sentence because they were in control of their villages. p. Part I. Therefore foreigners found 56 . one in 1773 and the other in 1784 that left in the British mind an indelible memory and a lasting contempt for both the Portuguese and the Chinese. 155 It is important to observe that the Chinese justice system was by no means as flawed as the Europeans took it to be.

vol. without any distinction whatever between principals and accessories. the original contriver of the deed shall be strangled. the original contriver shall suffer death. the principle of justice might be one thing. Sections CCLXXXII-CCLXXXVI. after the usual period of had not been forgotten in the 1830s. 1635- 1834. and perpetual banishment to the distance of 3000 lee. do not prove mortal.B. then to their decisive victory. shall suffer punishment less by one degree than those of the accessories. the administration of justice quite another. The following section on homicide from the on-line version of the book corresponds with Staunton’s Division VI. ‘In every case of persons planning the crime of homicide. and perpetual banishment to the distance of 3. When the wounds inflicted in consequence of a previous design to commit murder. Book II. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. against the life of a particular individual. It led first to the temporary flight of the British. who acted in some respects upon the contrivance. who likewise contribute to the perpetration of the preconcerted homicide or murder. whether. as in the case of a robbery. and the right of the Chinese admitted to impose their Laws upon strangers. 57 .000 li. July 1836. the original contriver shall be punished with 100 blows and three years banishment: —the accessories to such contrivance shall be each punished with 100 blows. vol. the Chinese sword of justice blunt and crude. Those who commit murder for the sake of plunder shall. and a selection from the supplementary statutes of the penal code of China. but no blow struck. The original contriver shall suffer punishment as a principal. ‘We are of [the] opinion that it would be in the utmost degree injudicious and improper to appeal to that [Chinese] Government or to invite its interference.’ H. Ta Tsing leu lee. referring to another case of homicide. at that stage. Morse. All the accessories to the contrivance. However. until the decease of the person mortally wounded. 40. and three years banishment [one li is about half a kilometre]. after remaining in confinement the usual period. no. but it also led indirectly to the lasting disadvantage of the Macanese both in Macau and in Hong Kong. 5. although they did not personally contribute to the perpetration of the deed. by being strangled. Moreover. H. 156 Chinese Repository. but founded on a system in many respects incompatible with European ideas of Equity or Justice. The other accessories not actually contributing to the perpetration of the murder shall be punished with 100 blows. 3. Murder. The other accessories shall be punished with 100 blows. 106. being the fundamental laws. no-one had examined Chinese statutes in any detail. This omission was rectified in 1810 when Sir George Staunton published his important compendium. after being confined until the usual period. 1806. The accessories contributing to the perpetration shall be punished with 100 blows. vol. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. 130. 2. by which measure a most dangerous precedent might be established.’ What seems to have occurred in the cases that so antagonised the foreigners is that the law was being deliberately applied to the barbarians in a harsh and high-handed manner that was at variance with the codified law of China. pages 303-308 (first portion of section 25 of the Chinese edition).B. shall suffer death. SECTION 282. In these cases. p. sentence is not to be pronounced finally. When a homicide has been preconcerted as aforesaid. p. all of them be beheaded. when a correspondent identified only as ‘A Visitor to China’ wrote that ‘the blood of innocent Englishmen still cries out for redress’. 3. but the accessories to the contrivance who are not guilty of any subsequent overt act. 1635-1834. —Preconcerted Homicide. by being beheaded. which are not only very arbitrary and corruptly administered. with or without a design. though not otherwise contributing in any manner to carry the design into effect. Morse. 156 It is necessary to summarise them to explain why the crisis of 1839 unfolded as it did. p. In 1806 the Select Committee foreshadowed what would later become the principle of extra- territoriality.

In 1773. clearly contrived with deterrence in mind. but when after some time it became clear that the mandarin would not yield. was accused of the murder of a Chinese man in Macau. The location of the portrait is not indicated. no. This was the same prelate who had successfully vetoed the Senate’s attempt to permit the transfer to Macau of the East India Company’s factory. but it is likely to be held by the Diocese of Macau. but when the case came to trial by the Portuguese court no- one would testify against him. However. from inevitable destruction the community. 158 Guimarães argued: When a tyrant demands even an innocent person.htm. Vicar-General of the Diocese of Macau. who was an ex officio member.Both cases involved the death of Chinese citizens. This meant death by slow strangulation. 2nd series. with Macau set to starve. The caption here reads: One of the prelates in Macao history who fought most for morality and decency in dressing. 158 C. Fidalgos in the Far East. Reproduced in monochrome in Review of Culture. the year in which the Company arrived. 260. p. with menaces to ruin the places. 95. July/September 1994. The Senate was at first determined to stand firm. 157 Alexandre da Silva Pedrosa Guimarães. Accessed 21 February 2011. p.R. the Casa Branca mandarin informed the Senate that Scott was guilty and must be surrendered for 1773-1789 The effect of a tropical climate on the portrait is apparent. When the Senate refused to hand him over. a most cruel and protracted death. which is worth more than the life of an 157 http://www. 20. the republic can say to any innocent. Alexandre da Silva Pedrosa Guimarães. you must go and deliver yourself up. Francis Scott. for the sake of saving. in office. the usual coercion was applied: the closing of the barrier gate. a British subject. it was at last persuaded to alter its decision by the Vicar- General of the Diocese.gcatholic. 58 . Boxer.

B. The original gunner could not be identified. Should he refuse to obey. 4. and fired the customary salute as it approached the anchorage. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. eleven years later. he is criminal. In a macabre way the plea seems to have partly succeeded.B. took it. In vain did the foreign community plead that the deaths were accidental. Peter Auber wrote that ‘the surrender of this man is considered to have inflicted indelible disgrace upon all parties concerned’. vol. but instead. The Chinese. Davis. and two men were killed. Ljungstedt. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. ‘the Mandarins are forcing away the Chinese retailers. pp.e. arrived at Whampoa near Canton on 24 November 1784. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. Morse. urged on by the Procurator. and Scott came to a cruel end. 1635-1834. 1. After what can only have been a tense and solemn meeting. 162 159 A. Morse. a country ship (i. was most reluctantly handed over with a letter pleading for clemency. H. because the victim was plainly innocent. 159 It was the counsel of Caiaphas. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China.B.F. The Lady Hughes. China. pp. 2.160 The second case. 160 The Scott case is also discussed in H. The text as given by Ljungstedt appears to be a close transliteration from a document no longer extant. pp. in a stratagem clearly intended to appeal to the well-known Chinese veneration for age. vol. 161 Writing in 1822. Nothing happened for several weeks while the matter was sent to Peking for consideration by the Throne. 1635-1834. Montalto de Jesus chose to ignore this important and far-reaching case. he is not innocent. 34. 65-66. individual. vol. the elderly gunner was being strangled outside. 38 years later. was even more horrible. but without the priest’s sophistry. Meanwhile. Morse. an outline of its laws and policy. The foreign barbarians were told to be more obedient in future. but it did not involve the Portuguese. pp. Food and water were cut off from all the foreign factories until the culprit was surrendered. 99-105. p. privately owned). 70-74. Supplies were at once restored. 161 J. this was done. 182-185. who added. determined to make us die of hunger. 5. Eventually the heads of the various foreign factories in Canton were summoned and told that although two men had died. we had better surrender the Englishman’. 59 . another High Priest. and to surrender culprits for punishment without delay. cited by H. and the Senate. Significantly. 1635-1834. A small Chinese vessel was hit. vol. Auber. grasping at straws. an old and frail man. clemency had indeed been granted: only one need be executed. another gunner. 162 P.

declaring his intention to proceed to Canton and take Sheen on board. the Englishmen found that a face-saving device could then be contrived. 1635-1834. 46). Plate 19. p. even when a Chinese life had been lost. To their surprise. 4. but failed to achieve this. The record of the incident does not say this. vol. activity and shouted orders. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. By contrast. The memory of the old gunner’s fate and of their own humiliation in 1784 was too strong. but we can imagine that on Lion the guns were run out and the decks cleared for action in a bustle of noise. An inconclusive enquiry took place before the Select Committee. took matters into his own hands with a show of strength. 19). HMS Lion. A drunken brawl involving the crew of the Company’s ship Neptune left a Chinese dead.0118. reproduced in The Chater Legacy. Morse. who then sought to take him away to Macau. a similar case in Canton in 1807 produced a markedly different result. p. Sheen seemed doomed. one Edward Sheen was selected. An English view of the Chinese court at which the seamen from the Company’s ship Neptune were questioned. who was present at the interrogation. lithographer. at Macau was a British ship of the line. The whole crew would have enjoyed this show of strength. Several British representaives were present. 73. M. A story was invented that Sheen 163 Morse gave the date 1808 (H. 60 . Those involved in the brawl were questioned in groups of five. Gauci. Rolles. Captain Robert Rolles. but a contemporary lithograph gives the precise date of the hearing before a Chinese court: 8th March 1807 (The Chater Legacy. 64 guns. Hong Kong Museum of Art AH1964. p. 163 It was a familiar scenario for sailors on shore leave to get out of hand.B. This time the British determined not to give way. but he was not surrendered. However.

87-88. Morse. The Chinese. ii. Right: a modern statue at Lin Ze Xu Square. 4. ‘From a drawing by a native artist in the possession of Lady Strange’. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. Davis. killing the man below. The Select Committee’s report to the Court of Directors of the East India Company praised Rolles’ ‘able advice and assistance’. 165 Man or myth? Two views of Lin Zexu: Left: a Chinese artist’s depiction. 164 The British were not impressed: This singular transaction proves at once how easily the emperor may be deceived. vol.B. 61 . about £4. The Imperial consent to Sheen’s release was quickly obtained. 4. 1635-1834. p. 1635-1834.had opened a window.B. and a fine of 12. Alexander Murray. Morse. 166 They were delighted with the outcome. New York.F. and with what readiness the local government can get out of a difficulty. 165 J. from which a piece of wood fell. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China. A suitable piece of wood was sent to Peking to verify the tale. 48. was imposed. East Broadway. p. Doings in China. 1843. 46. 166 H. p.000 for his firm action – a huge 164 H. I. and Captain Rolles was awarded £1. vol. pp.42 taels. vol.

246. 169 The news provoked panic in Macau. 36. Lofland & M. In the foreign factories in Canton. a single passenger surviving. forbidding any person whatsoever to supply food to the English. At first this did not work. towards the end of August. a small British schooner. no. That was indeed true at the time. Their Chinese servants were ordered to leave. 169 M. Collis. ‘Historical Landmarks of Macao in the Nineteenth Century’. In the time-honoured manner. in The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal. Thompson. Reluctantly. in the tense situation he faced in 1839. 22. was attacked near Macau and its whole crew killed. Silveira Pinto had no option but to advise the whole British community to leave the next morning. but not from the Portuguese. The Chinese War. he advised Elliot that he could no longer guarantee the safety of British citizens. Protestants in Nineteenth-Century Macao. Meet force with force. 1887 and no. and supplies were cut off from them. but placards in large letters were carried through the streets and market places by Chinese soldiers. 18. who were effectively under house arrest.C. Lin demanded a culprit from the British community in Macau. This time there was no Lion on hand to roar with its 64 guns. but nor would a British subject ever again be sacrificed to what was seen as the caprice of Chinese injustice. Black Joke. 24. 62 .N. Thirty years later. Commissioner Lin would never succumb to the device worked out in 1807. Foreign Mud. Ouchterlony. p. Poon. p. 19. the servants of the Portuguese community obtaining food supplies for the British.J. Instead. After a sleepless night.C. the message was clear. pp. 167 It stands greatly to his credit that Silveira Pinto held out for several days. their footsteps were hastened by ‘an infernal din of gongs and the yelling of a raving 167 According to J.reward. 1888. 168 J. Lin hoping to drive a wedge between the two foreign communities. Chinese vessels seemed to possess greater force. reprinted in B. 168 Silveira Pinto realised that it was only a matter of time before all supplies would be cut off from Macau. They soon found it very difficult to obtain even bare necessities.

who had lived and worked there since George Chinnery. Matheson archives. published in the catalogue of an exhibition. 171 Panic-stricken. 170 At noon on Monday. Foreign Mud. and embarked hurriedly on board British ships. I should like to paint a few good pictures (at least try at it) before I am put to the sword’. p. Men. 512) that he had been granted unprecedented access to the Jardine. R. 1985. 171 The pathetic ineffectiveness of the Portuguese garrison is apparent in the following account. Montalto de Jesus. Collis explained (p. schooners and boats of all descriptions. Robin Hutcheon quoted an unnamed writer who remarked that ‘there is so much action in this simple pencil sketch that it looks as if they are going to walk off the page’. but this is improbable if Chinnery had joined the general British flight from Macau a week before. 244. p. Chinnery. lorchas [vessels with a European hull and the rigging of a Chinese junk]. including even Chinnery. 300. with bag and baggage were hurried through the streets of Macao amidst terrible excitement of the whole population. women and children.populace’. Collis. Tokyo. 26 August 1839. Historic Macau. though Hutcheon considered that he had remained there. Macau. M. 63 . Toyo Bunko. p. It is tempting to think that this is Lin’s procession on 3 September 1839. the second British exodus from Macau commenced.A. ‘To be away is everything to me. ‘Mandarin’s procession’. which immediately set sail for 170 C. George Chinnery – Macau. Hutcheon. 118. expecting every moment a massacre by the Chinese soldiery. Of this lively drawing. The refugees assembled on the Praya in the presence of Governor Pinto who had the whole of the Portuguese troops (some 400 Indian lascars and 500 Caffre slaves) under arms. 1825 in perfect safety. Chinnery wrote to Jardine.

part I. Eitel. 102-103. 178 In later years. faced with an impossible situation. still doing ‘pidgin’. and looking back on the role 172 E. From the point of view of the Chinese mandarins. could stay.’177 Silveira Pinto. p. 173 M. Bridgman observed. Hutcheon. who remained governor until 1843. 6.J. the perception changed in line with the growth of British contempt for the Portuguese. 555. The Americans remained in Canton. or one more likely to succeed. 176 The British had all gone from Macau after seventy years of growing trouble. finally parading along the whole length of the Praya Grande. Silveira Pinto was at the Praya to bid them all farewell. p. 175 E. Lin’s principal adversary. Some of the departing British appreciated what their Portuguese hosts had tried to do for them. 176 W. Commissioner Lin came to Macau in a splendid sedan chair carried by eight bearers to survey the scene of his triumph and was welcomed with a guard of honour and a nineteen gun salute. 174 Two years later. ‘We think a better representative of the place. 12. ‘The whole of the British community finally quitted the friendly but ineffectual protection of their ancient ally. a mournful procession. they had knuckled under. 177 J. Europe in China. 178 Chinese Repository. where the Chinese inhabitants erected pai laus (ceremonial arches) decorated with scrolls expressing their ‘profound gratitude for the visit of His Excellency the High Commissioner who had saved them from a deadly vice and removed from them a dire calamity by the destruction of the foreign mud’. Lin made a circuit of the town. the greater part. 246. 289. vol. Collis. continued to be held in high regard by the British community. pp. eight days after the flight of the British.. Captain Charles Elliot. 1839-1844. October 1843. would receive only a thirteen gun salute from the forts of Macau when he was recalled in disgrace. The Chinese War. Lin was disgraced too. Chinnery. Most made for the fleet already in Hong Kong harbour where by December there were thirty- two merchant vessels at anchor awaiting a resolution of the crisis. Hongkong harbour. Foreign Mud. as they had signed undertakings not to deal in opium. 173 On 3 September. p. 174 Ibid.J. no. p. p. 177. Europe in China. Eitel. could not be found’. to the harbour of Hong Kong. Ouchterlony. to seek refuge on board the ships at Hongkong. Hongkong. An officer who came next year with the inevitable punitive expedition heard their stories and caught their mood. still there after close to three centuries. pp. for they had always been compliant and an easy source of lucre. R. 175 By then. 10. 24. 64 . in a rare commendation of a Portuguese official. p. the Portuguese. 172 Ever courteous. Tarrant. and proceeded. 118-119.

as among the writer’s tasks. To Dollars and Tales. ‘Numerous graves’: The cemetery filled rapidly. the last two years as President of the Select Committee. no. adding that ‘in the course of time they have been able to exclude us altogether even from Macao’. who as Sir John Davis. Souchong and Bohea were varieties of tea. had not a good word to say for the Portuguese in an important work.e. baronet. Braga. Souchong and Bohea. became the second Governor of Hong Kong. Davis. 180 He was identified only by the initial ‘B. L. And now for a long voyage at sea. obliquely mentions the weighing of different grades of opium: Patna and Benares. p.000 a year. To Macao’s Rocks and Caves. To Congo. 53.of the Portuguese governor in 1839. pp. Hutcheon. I. A writer (i. junior clerk).’.T. The Chinese Empire. the first Superintendent of Trade. omitted here. Looking back on the whole British connection with Macau. 119. Ride & M. 179 Others turned their backs on Macau with bitterness. The Chinese: a General Description of China and its Inhabitants. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. p. a Government position. 181 When the Company ceased operations in 1834. 182 J. Farewell to Macao. He claimed that even from early contacts in the seventeenth century they had treated the English with perfidy. Few had ever enjoyed their stay. ‘Taels’. ‘Tales’. An East India Company Cemetery: Protestant Burials in Macao. 49-51. Congo. i. jointly with the ill-fated Napier. enjoying an income said to be $25. he became. To her numerous Graves. vol. on leaving in 1831.F. penned some lines of verse that were probably widely relished: Farewell to Canton. It was rare for the nefarious trade to be mentioned by its practitioners. Davis. In joy and in gladness we part. Canton Miscellany. When thy shores from my sight shall depart. Ride. whose remarkable career included a long period with the East India Company in Canton from 1813 to 1834. p. well before the debacle of 1839. He lived in lordly fashion. given the high mortality rate of the South China coast. pp. 182 He maintained that 179 R. That I hallow the day. 65 . 1831.1.e. Farewell to Tea Scales. 181 J. 59- 63. published in 1836. 63. Davis. In truth may I say. 180 The most outspoken critic was J. Chinnery. Another verse.P.F. a mid-twentieth century Hong Kong writer condemned this ‘vacillating and unpredictable Governor’ with his ‘unfriendly and unco-operative attitude’.

I. ‘The bay and islands of Hong Kong’.4. Reproduced in Historical Pictures. 185 Ibid. lithographed by E. 32 ships took refuge there after British citizens fled from Macau. a noted sinologue and the first Professor of Chinese at Oxford in 1876. regarded it in 1872 as ‘still the most readable and entertaining work on the country up to the time to which he was able to bring it down’ [1834]. he commented that ‘the Portuguese have had ample leisure to repent their short-sighted and narrow policy towards our countrymen which had the effect of driving the whole of the Indian opium trade from Macao to Lintin. Hong Kong’s sheltered anchorage first attracted British shipping in 1837. 81. I. 184 Devastatingly.. vol. 17. collection of the Hong Kong Museum of Art. August 1838. Perhaps with greater justification. Ciceri. ‘The colony of Hong Kong’. in China Review. and indeed only source of wealth’. p. 186 The respected and 183 Ibid. 81-82. vol. 185 Davis’s book was very well received and ran through many editions. 186 The Rev. p.. but ignoring the illegality of the opium trade. It became the standard reading on China in the mid-nineteenth century. I. There is little attempt at topographical accuracy in Borget’s representation. 184 Ibid.. 91. A year later. vol. pp. and thereby depriving the former place of its most fertile. p. Dr James Legge. in August 1839. they had caused the failure of the British attempt to occupy Macau in 1808 by ‘their 183 customary intrigues with the Chinese government’. 66 . Hong Kong Museum of Art AH64. Legge.391. he characterised the whole of Portuguese policy to the Chinese as marked by ‘their usual servility’. Painted by Auguste Borget. J.

not only in the heroic age of exploration. Yvan. pp. albeit threatened by Chinese guns at the newly constructed Kowloon forts. Marcel Yvan. Their understanding of the legal basis of a colony was that a formal claim had been laid on the territory in question and that the claim had been made good by occupation. Oxford University Press. 189 What would happen to the 4.rp. to express a more moderate view. 188 Looking about them in the 1830s. they were glad to take refuge on British ships in Hong Kong harbour. seen by the British as a pseudo-colony. May 2007 [http://www. 5. D. 2004. accessed 21 February 2011]. 182. 11. Davis ignored the accomplishments of the Portuguese. 1874. had continued for two centuries.000 Macanese left in Macau? The victorious vol. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Untrained Chinese gunners 67 . 187 It was left to the Frenchman. Hong Kong Branch. and an encouragement to further acts of aggression. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. thus perhaps endorsing these scathing remarks.scholarly editor of the Chinese Repository. but in maintaining their position in Macau for so long despite insuperable difficulties. his observations are evidently made in a spirit of chagrin and ill humour. 6. the British saw a once great trading port that had fallen upon very hard times.nla. 188 Yvan was right. pp. he observed: In his valuable work on China. Reynolds. online edn. Referring to Davis. no.’ So it proved. 280. he has rendered himself quite the detractor of the [Portuguese] heroes of the sixteenth century.oxforddnb. who lived in Canton during these stirring times. and on 11 November the Kowloon batteries commenced a cannonade that lasted through the night. and it is quite visible that he is actuated by intense hatred for the first discoverers of these far-distant shores. 163-176. Its slide into decrepitude. went so far as to describe it as ‘the best account of the Chinese Empire and its inhabitants which has ever appeared in the English language’. ‘Davis. produced nothing and seemed to have no visible means of support. Macau grew nothing. The British at once discerned the precarious nature of the Portuguese presence in Macau and often commented on it. reprinted in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 189 The Canton Register warned that this step ‘would be viewed by the Chinese as a retreat from their force. p. first baronet (1795–1890)’. Yet they were quite prepared to make full use of the Portuguese presence until the crisis of August 1839. vol. October 1836. Thenceforth the law of the occupying power was enforced and no other. which had survived for so long only by humiliating compromise. Elijah Bridgman. 3. Sir John 1971. begun in the 1640s. Obviously this was not the case in Macau. K. When that crisis came. 187 Chinese Repository. 129-130. vol.

142. Tarrant. ‘We can hardly end our story of the year [1844] without a glance at Macao. As ever. was first made to tell on them by an ordinance of the Hongkong Government. we did not abolish it. Tarrant’s account concludes with a sneer: ‘Now that Macao can boast of a very large surplus revenue. Hongkong. especially in South China. in which the Holy City was declared part and parcel of the dominions of the Emperor of China. and remained so for much longer. They never forgot that they had descended from a nation that had once dominated two oceans. They had a very strong sense of family ties. Some remained caught in a time warp. To keep pace with the times the following ordinances were enacted. though making an extraordinary alteration in working with the law. meaning ‘in spite of’] the complaint. The Government are literally bankrupt. and ordering us to leave because the place. failed to hit any of the British ships. We have before us a most melancholy account of the deplorable state of affairs in Macao. derived from the French malgré. Another bombardment followed on 14 November. 1839 to 1844. W. part I. Was this to be the fate of those Europeans still there? The British never gave it a thought. a creole composed largely of Portuguese and Malaccan influences. W. and brought about a correspondence resulting in an order to the Hongkong Government to make some provision for alteration in the working of any process of the ordinance mentioned. Hongkong.Qing emperors had wiped out vast numbers of opponents in the seventeenth century. ‘The report of these guns filled the resounding bay of Hongkong with their echoes’. maugre [sic. Many of them seemed to have been left behind by an advancing world that had suddenly intruded upon their quiet backwater. Its people had developed their own ethnic identity and their own language they called patuá. 191 This is discussed more fully in Appendix 10. who have the equivocal honour of wearing the uniform of Portugal. the following story of the state of the public chest in 1844 becomes interesting by contrast. they must survive as they had done for so long by making the best accommodation they could with the mandarins. An obsolete word in English. 190 It would not have occurred to them that there was no escape for the Macanese. Tarrant. Part I. Not a stiver to pay a few miserable half starved troops.144. 191 They were intensely pious. 190 William Tarrant’s account may be typical of contemporary British attitudes towards the Portuguese. 68 .’ p. This time all but nine of the ships deserted Hong Kong harbour. a measure which gave great umbrage to the most Faithful Majesty of Portugal. the coast of Asia and achieved great things. belonged to the Chinese. p. in the hope of emulating the growing prosperity of Hong Kong]. Another 102 years would pass until the sound of artillery again terrified the population of Hong Kong when the Japanese attacked in December 1941. but others would seize very different opportunities that were about to open. England did not desire war with Portugal on the point: – but. – the troops threaten that they will stand it no longer and a riot is far from improbable. which moved away. p. illiberal policy of the Government began to be felt directly Hongkong got fair headway. in reality.’ [Macao was declared a free port on 27 November 1844. This was a unique community. The act of siding with the Chinese Government during our war. where the effect of the bigoted. Malacca and Macau. 10. 1839-1844. We hear that since April the exchequer has been empty.

There were thirty transports carrying 4. They were sent to navigate rivers which the sailing ships could not do. various national groups would pursue their commercial activities. with 69 . 191. first because of the prevarication of local authorities. There were also four armed steamers belonging to the East India Company. but it will be useful to sketch the main events and consequences. nearly ten times greater than anything seen on the Chinese coast hitherto. p. Elliot’s force could have brought about the defeat of the Chinese Empire far more rapidly than it did. and became more commonly called the First Opium War. despite these inherent polarities. Their total fire-power was 596 guns. China’s ancient capital city on the Yangtze River. was their reliance on each other to carve out successful livelihoods. Then. and then only was the Treaty of Nanking wrung out of the Chinese government. confused and threatening situation that unfolded around them. Shuck. he then encountered the intransigence of the Daoguang Emperor. Wellesley and Blenheim. In the next half century. were thrown sharply into focus by the dramatic events that unfolded in the next two years in what would come to be called the Opium War. lies outside the scope of this thesis. reached the Pearl River estuary. no-one from the governor down can have had any idea of what was going on in the confused and threatening situation that unfolded around them. people had little idea of what was going on in the bizarre. It was an overwhelming force. What held the thriving colony of Hong Kong together. mostly with little communication between each other. (Details of the force were given by J. Earlier. These relationships. This he did. but he had been instructed to use no more force than was necessary. seeking only to bring the Chinese to the negotiating table and to restore an amicable trading arrangement.L. On 21 June 1840. Self-interest was. These events had the initial effect of liberating Macau from nearly three centuries of vassalage. but the commercial consequences then plunged it into a severe economic depression for most of the next century. 192 192 In Macau. Melville. forced at last to accept humiliating terms on 29 August 1842. Both Chinese and British combatants ignored the neutral Portuguese. already well- established between the Portuguese and British communities by 1839. Chapter 3 Search for identity: Macau and Hong Kong. A detailed history of what was then termed the Chinese War.000 marines commanded by Sir James Gordon Bremer. The lack of military capacity of the Chinese forces was evident from first to last in the fighting that dragged on for nearly three years. unable to accept that his forces had been vanquished until the ‘red barbarians’ literally stood at the gates of Nanking. In Macau. Portfolio chinensis. a British expeditionary force of three 74-gun ships of the line. at the conclusion of his important reprint of Lin Zexu’s regulations against opium). the driving force. supported by fourteen frigates. events in South China had moved more rapidly. Hong Kong’s first decade would confirm those relationships. There were two significant naval actions and a land battle virtually at the gates of Macau. It gradually became evident that this was next to impossible. with Macau and its people slipping still further in British estimation. by-and-large. 1841-1900 Part 1 – Macau after the Opium War: a decade of peril Unsettling events in Macau in 1839 were a harbinger of how community relationships would develop in Hong Kong under British rule.

debased and incapable of civilised standards of justice and equity. Hong Kong would continue to be a British possession and a highly successful commercial base until 1997. Of several soldiers’ memoirs. at first sentenced to death. 193 Such a plan could never hope to succeed. the Treaty of Nanking confirmed the British presence in Hong Kong. there was little accurate information about the decisions taken and proposed by the Chinese authorities. as far west as it was possible to send him. 175). the Daoguang Emperor in Peking with Lin Zexu and Qishan. (A. pp. a British force sailed north to Tientsin. with trade at a standstill. The Daoguang Emperor reacted by replacing Lin Zexu with Qishan. The following year. There soon followed what Austin Coates aptly called ‘the crude wrench of war’. Shuck thereupon added a brief appendix describing the powerful force about to be brought to bear on China. Historic Macao. The first was in November 1839. To both the Chinese Emperor and the British Foreign Secretary the idea of negotiating was inconceivable. However. Macao and the British. then two more in January and February 1841. who happened to be in London throughout the early part of the conflict. to reach a three-way accommodation with Lin and Silveira Pinto for the British to return to their comfortable homes in Macau. Elliot’s acquisition of Hong Kong only served to confirm his utter lack of capacity in the eyes of his far-away superiors. Coates. Elliot eventually became Governor of the minor colony of St Helena in the 1860s. with the constant threat of starvation as a Chinese trump card. Qishan was sent in chains to Peking following the Chuenpi Convention. This and other similar books were published some years later.The precipitate departure of the British in August 1839 left Macau in limbo. but the details of which were unknown to westerners until Shuck’s book appeared just after the arrival of the British fleet. but it was not a newspaper. 70 . p. those close to the scene of the action. illustrative of the history of the present position of affairs in China: with a translation. a concession that was at once acted upon when Bremer and a party of marines took possession of what was soon derided in Whitehall as a ‘barren rock’ on 26 January 1841. Palmerston had a broadly comparable view. Macao and the British. The tangled affairs of the Opium War created a considerable literature. is valuable: The Chinese war: an account of all the operations of the British forces from the commencement to the Treaty of Nanking. and in severe economic difficulty. when negotiations broke down completely in October 1839. In this he failed conspicuously. Elliot did his best. He saw the Chinese government as corrupt. 1637-1842. Shuck. Later. In March. needed urgently to know what was going on. fifty years after Napoleon had been banished there. 301-304. perhaps a fate worse than death. a modus vivendi originally intended only to give security to British merchants troubled by constant threats in Canton and Macau had more than achieved its purpose. ratifying the Chuenpi Convention. an officer in the Royal Engineers. Qishan. In August 1840. notes and introduction.A. who was instructed to kill all the ‘red barbarians’. There was occasional news in the Chinese Repository. the very detailed and careful account by John Ouchterlony. A vastly different source of information became available in July 1840: J. The Daoguang Emperor saw Elliot as no more than the headman of a particularly troublesome set of uncivilised barbarians. By then. This is a reprint in Chinese and translation into English of Lin Zexu’s regulations against opium. Portfolio chinensis or a collection of authentic Chinese state papers. was then banished to Lhasa in Tibet. However. A. military action was inevitable. 193 C. In the tense period from August 1839 until the arrival of the expeditionary force in June 1840. Elliot was posted as British consul-general to Texas. That agreement included the cession of Hong Kong to Britain. Whitehall and Peking had this much in common: neither understood the local situation. under heavy pressure from people cooped up in ships in Hong Kong harbour in the broiling heat of summer.L. After two months. there being a second Chinese naval defeat at Chuenpi five months later on 10 January 1841 and a third the next month. Coates. Each dismissed in disgrace the man best placed to resolve an intractable impasse. p. 196. three naval engagements at Chuenpi at the mouth of the Pearl River which left Canton at the mercy of British forces. Montalto de Jesus. the agreement he had reached with the British to avoid the destruction of Canton. which had been issued in Chinese. a strange place where war had broken out at the end of the earth. the victim of a sustained campaign of vilification orchestrated by William Jardine. the most rapacious of the opium traders. The British public sought information about China. English-speaking people in Macau. presenting a demand for compensation for British losses. Elliot left in August 1841. The British were in desperate trouble. the British Foreign Secretary in Whitehall was infuriated with Elliot.

Elliot. Vincent Stanton. 71 . his two ships. for there was a fresh crop of placards demanding death to all the British. Volage & Hyacinth. began by threatening to bombard the unarmed vessels in Hong Kong harbour. HMS Hyacinth and HMS Volage. his life clearly in peril following the death of the 194 J. 194 Miller. Smith withdrew as requested. 3 November 1839’ National Maritime Museum.Lin. It was triggered by the capture at Macau in August 1840 of an English missionary. countered by a feint near the entrance to the Pearl River leading to Canton. AngloChinese Calendar for the year 1845. 15. ‘Chinese War. PAF4873 This escalation left Macau in a precarious position. The Chinese War. but steadily deteriorating events in succeeding months led to a significant action which proved to be decisive for Macau’s security for the next century. the Chinese smarting from their unexpected reversal. with Captain Smith in command. Smith’s subsequent entry into the Inner Harbour forced Silveira Pinto to demand his immediate withdrawal. who was imprisoned in chains at Canton. led by Hyacinth. sure that he held the advantage. who had just been reinforced by the arrival of two 18-gun corvettes. Greenwich. the Rev. defeated a Chinese fleet of 29 war junks in ‘a sharp action’ on 3 November at a place Elliot called Chuenpee. 30. p. It turned into a naval battle. Ouchterlony. p.

vol. as events would prove twice in the next twenty years. 72 . October 1843. on 22 August 1849. 471. p. This Portuguese writer passes over this immensely significant action in a few lines. Stanton’s predicament led to an immediate response. this did not significantly strengthen the position of Macau. Macao and the British. after all. The first such event was the assassination of the governor. 12. This led to an immediate response by the Governor of Hong Kong. Coates. Stock. 10. 80. 196 E. 1. it was agreed that communications between Macau and the Casa Branca mandarin would be on the basis of equality. it became in effect a dependency of Hong Kong. a hill just south of the barrier. it was. pp. He added that the action was watched by a ‘vast concourse of people’ from the excellent vantage point of Mong Ha. This requirement was ended in 1843. For some time to come. They would have readily made up their minds about the future of European presence on the China coast. p. 198 However. C. not a Portuguese achievement. a British. He kept the chains. no building might be erected or repaired in Macau without their permission. Sir George Bonham. no. At the same time. 198 Chinese Repository. 196 An Engineer officer who was present noted that 600 rounds of thirty-two pounder shot were fired in what was the largest display of armed strength in Macau since the repulse of the Dutch in 1622. which for many years afterwards continued to be exhibited in London. Montalto de Jesus. Ouchterlony.A. and the steamship HMS Medea. HMS Amazon. History of the Church Missionary Society. vol. 555. 197 It must have made a deep impression on those present. Hitherto. to Macau. set upon by a Chinese mob when he rashly ventured outside the city wall. for which a fee had of course to be paid. In a short engagement. p. 203. not strangled. 197 J. 81. João Maria Ferreira do Amaral. It seems certain that the Portuguese young men who went to Hong Kong a few years later were there. 305. Smith effectively brought to an end the suzerainty enjoyed by the Casa Branca mandarins for 250 years. The Chinese War. p. Historic Macao.villager in Kowloon. 195 This exercise of force majeure led after four months to Stanton being released. He told the hastily set up Macau Governing Council: 195 A. commanded by Captain Troubridge. The long and trying stalemate at Macau ended when Smith landed a force just north of the barrier gate and destroyed the Chinese encampment that had menaced Macau for twelve months. who despatched two British naval vessels.

the nearby Chinese fort.’ J. but with untrained soldiers. 199 João Maria Ferreira do Amaral from J. Marques Pereira. 36 men strong. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. and that I fully expected that he would cause the perpetrators of the bloody deed to be at once apprehended. colligidos. coordenados e annotados por J. Captain Troubridge will remain at Macao for the present. Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo. and I trust the arrival of H. 179. bravely and successfully stormed Baishaling (Cantonese. Braga. p. be induced in consequence to refrain from any further acts of aggression. Portuguese. 73 . heavily garrisoned. M. 1899. Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo. was the title of the Queen of Portugal. Bonham continued: ‘I yesterday addressed a Letter to the High Commissioner on the subject of this atrocious murder. 199 It is noteworthy that permission was neither sought from nor granted by the ad hoc authorities in Macau for this armed British incursion. if evilly disposed. the title ‘Rex Fidelissimus’ having first been bestowed on King John V in 1748 by Pope Benedict XIV. Marques Pereira. ‘Her Most Faithful Majesty’. Archivos e annaes do Extremo-oriente portuguez. 19 Three days after the governor’s death. I. Lisbon. Passaleão). p. vessels at this juncture will be sufficient to shew the Chinese Authorities that the British Government fully sympathize with that of Her Most Faithful Majesty on this distressing occasion. vol.P. vol.F. Pak Shan Lan. and informed him that I conceived it to be one in which all the Representatives of the Foreign Powers in China were directly concerned. facing p. Vicente Mesquita.F. a small local force. should they have taken refuge within the dominions of the Emperor of China. and that the Chinese will. Pereira Marques. 233. cited by J. 1.F. and with Macau facing a menacing situation. led by a young sub-lieutenant of the artillery.

In the distance is the Chinese island of Lappa. Marques Pereira. Historic Macao. facing p. a civilian. to the west of Macau. the hill at Macau’s south tip. The artist had little idea of what actually took place. colligidos. not shown here. Vol. 1899. This view is from the north-east. Montalto de Jesus. The mob had severed Amaral’s head and hand which were seized as trophies. J. To the east of Macau is open sea. 342-346. Archivos e annaes do Extremo-oriente portuguez. In a savage act of reprisal. A Portuguese view of ‘the Battle of Passaleão’. showing Guia (left) and Mong Ha (right). Mesquita did the same to an unarmed mandarin. pp. coordenados e annotados por J. Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo. Passaleão was to the north-west of Macau. 1. and Green Island. is Penha. to the left of Guia.F. The fort’s guns were spiked and its magazine blown. 200 200 C.A. who was captured. 176. 74 .F. Marques Pereira. is in the bay between Passaleão and Macau. In the distance. The depiction of Mesquita’s troops as a highly disciplined force is likewise fanciful.

but impotent after 1849. Boxer. This plain is marked Campo neutro ou terreno desocupado pelos chins desde 1849 a 1890 (Neutral ground or land unoccupied by the Chinese from 1849 to 1890). a far stronger statement than Mesquita’s spectacular sortie. Thereafter. headquarters of the Heung Shan magistrate. 1909. Planta da colonia Portugueza de Macau The entire map. inset to right. nla. once formidable. the British naval 201 C. and continued to cause friction between Portugal and China until the 1920s. 201 That was a display of bravado. shows the boundaries of territory held by Macau (edged in blue) and China (edged in yellow). 7). Constantino Maria de Sousa. M. This was protected by the Chinese Fortaleza de Passaleão until its destruction in 1849. accompanied by the war cry ‘Santiago e a elles’ – ‘St James and at them’ (the traditional representation of St James shows him armed with a sword). Troubridge occupied the position with his marines. However. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. The detail from this map (left) refers to boundary disputes and tensions that remained unresolved after 1849. To the west is the Casa Branca (the White House). However. In this case it was highly successful. pp. well-trained and supported by the guns of the Amazon and the Medea. Portuguese guns at the hastily constructed Fortaleza de Mongha (No. it is still edged in yellow. had presented the newly established Macau Museum in 1929 with the lance used by his father 75 . many years later. A neutral zone north of the Barrier Gate (Porta do Cêrco). is boldly marked in red.The Portuguese colony of Macau. Azevedo Coutinho. unnerving a disorganised enemy who fled at the sight of cold steel. heroic though it undoubtedly was. south of the Porta do Cêrco. well-armed. He told how a public-spirited citizen. prevented Chinese reoccupation of the plain between the two positions. pointed out that Portuguese military tactics for several centuries amounted to no more than a wild on-rush. a recognition that it remained Chinese territory. Map 7 . Fr Manuel Teixeira unconsciously revealed how poorly equipped they had Lest the Chinese contemplate a counter-attack. 119 and 302.R.

vol. vol. 4. ‘From the “Bibliotheca Macaense” to the National Library of Macau’. went to Tientsin in June 1864 to exchange ratifications. no. 203 That did not happen until 117 years later. Historic Macao. 53-54. Braga ‘He kept the Union Jack flying in the Far East. John Pownall Reeves. China was further humiliated. friction between British and Chinese increased. p. 148. was elevated to the peerage as Viscount de Praia Grande de Macau.presence and the fort’s occupation by the Royal Marines was power of a different order. no. 121. Jarman. 95. Coates. Ride. there was no longer a British consulate there from 1846 until World War II. 202 A. and was hailed in Macau and Lisbon as a diplomatic triumph for Portugal. 205 Hongkong Almanack. 3.L. p. to Earl Grey. 3. and the Spanish later sent a gunboat from Manila. 26 April 1851. 204 L. it slid further into obscurity. The French sent a detachment of troops too. 206 C. pp. pp. pp. inevitably. Another war seemed certain. p. when it was fought between 1857 and 1860. achieved distinction for his work with British refugees from Hong Kong between 1942 and 1945. retorted Coelho do Amaral. 1841-1941. certain that China would seek vengeance. 19 June 1941. cit.. R. 206 However. when his successor as Governor of Macau. the chief public place in Macau. 376-377. Montalto de Jesus. Sir George Bonham. Within a few years. it became clear that the Chinese had no intention of ratifying the treaty ‘as Macau could not but be regarded as Chinese territory’. 374. Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau. it was beneath notice. [6-7]. when in 1966 a rioting mob tore down a large statue of Mesquita that had been erected as recently as 1940 in the Largo do Senado. The boys from Macau.A. p. 203 The Governor of Hong Kong. As for Macau. 37. 19. Isidoro Francisco Guimarães. 207 on the day that Passaleão was taken in 1849. See: S. This treaty was signed at Tientsin on 13 August 1862. 207 Ibid. After fruitless negotiations. M Teixeira. and. British Consul in Macau in World War II’. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. José Rodrigues Coelho do Amaral. Voices of Macao Stones. John Pownall Reeves. appointed Vice-Consul in 1939 and Consul in 1941. Review of Culture. 1987. That did not stop a panicky exodus of Macanese to Hong Kong. pp. 76 . 204 During the next few years. 4807. the Chinese prevaricated. L. 202 The destruction of Passaleão was a local incident. June 2007.. 1. Andrade de Sá. p. 96. & M. London Gazette. 1846. op. ‘Then go and conquer Macau’. The governor who negotiated it. it was won by Britain. and it resolved the immediate threat to Macau. 205 The Portuguese government sought to negotiate a treaty with China that placed Portugal on an equal footing with Britain.

while all Amaral could muster was a single lorcha. 77 . 28 November 1864).210 Sir Hercules Robinson. He could not mount the display of naval or military might that Britain would be able to put on. p. The Chinese had suffered heavy defeat at the hands of the British twice in twenty years.He had placed himself in an awkward situation. much had changed. 209 and any further disturbance to stability in the Far East would certainly lead to renewed British intervention. The Royal Navy had eleven ships at Hong Kong. Illustrated London News. not the Chinese who could use gunboats to impose their will. but a limited show of strength and solidarity might work wonders. detailed the naval vessels and military units then in Hong Kong. Governors of Macau were used to walking a tightrope. 1861. 208 However. August 1836. the Hardy and the Staunch. as discussed in Chapter 2. Hong Kong Volunteers in Macau. p. Chinese Repository. The second Chinese War had led to a major British naval and military presence in Hong Kong. 17 November 1864). the Governor of Hong Kong. determined on another piece of tacit British support – not gunboat diplomacy 208 When war junks threatened Lord Napier in 1834. 5. It did not warrant asking for gunboats. vol. 209 The China Directory. they had begun gunboat diplomacy on the China coast. 210 British support did not extend to forcing China to ratify the 1862 treaty. and in 1864 it was the British. no. which was quietly forgotten. 21 January 1865. 173. were actively hunting down pirates on the China coast (The Times. but they might take on the far less powerful Portugal. He might have taken comfort from the fact that two of the British gunboats. Indeed. 19 November 1864. 65. the grandiloquently named Amazona (The Times. 4. and Coelho do Amaral now found himself in that situation.

which significantly took its small arms and light artillery with it to visit this foreign jurisdiction. 213 Another French visitor. vol. could scarcely be more subordinated to British dictation than the spoliated and perverted Portuguese colony’. the Inspector- General was actually in a position to control the destiny of the Manchus. 214. 66).’ (Hu Sheng. Hu Sheng wrote: ‘In controlling the customs service. 432. July 2010. September 2008. apart from the small chapel of Nossa Senhora da Guia. C. Throughout the nineteenth century.F. complained: ‘an actual dependency of Hongkong. 78 . and the trickle of emigration continued.this time. written soon after the Revolution of 1949. was signed on 1 December 1887. 212 That too would be summarily dismissed in the negotiations a century later that led to the return of Macau to China in 1999. no. Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau. 2. it was the result of a British initiative designed to forestall the possibility of a French occupation. Far from being dictated by Lisbon in the manner of most of the unequal treaties forced upon China in the later nineteenth century. cit. Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo. p. Imperialism and Chinese Politics. Writing of the influence of Sir Robert Hart. This was an ostentatious and well-publicised official visit to Macau by the newly raised and well- led Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. ‘Macau puts on a show’. Having the customs under its control. J. op. ever the apologist for Macau. p. imperialism used it to establish dominance over China’s policies. Fr Evariste Régis Huc. 213 In the next year more than 200 people left Macau for Hong Kong. Ermida e Pharol de Guia’ in 1898. ‘The Great Typhoon of 1874’. Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau. S. Braga.. ‘Naked rock’. Montalto de Jesus.F. particularly following Amaral’s death in 1849 and a generation later in the aftermath of the immensely destructive Great Typhoon in 1874. 20. coordenados e annotados por J. Braga. 211 Not until 1887 was there grudging Chinese admission of the sovereignty that Portugal had vainly claimed for 330 years. but nevertheless a barely veiled piece of sabre-rattling. prospects for Macau grew steadily bleaker. Inspector-General of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service from 1863 to 1908. 22. colligidos. Archivos e annaes do Extremo-oriente portuguez. facing p.A. vol. 212 The Treaty of Peking. Montalto de Jesus. Australia. It was in essence a rope thrown around the neck of the Manchu Government which the imperialists used for various acts of aggression against China. vol. 1. Australia. A Chinese view. indeed. wrote in 1855: 211 S. The lighthouse was built in 1864. before which Guia was indeed a ‘naked rock’. 4. was broadly similar. Marques Pereira. no. Marques Pereira. Tratado de Amizade e Comércio Sino-Português. ‘O Fortaleza.

perhaps. for the first two years of occupation. the Chinese threats vanished. With the sudden cessation of the opium trade in 1839. the English establishment at Hongkong has given it the mortal blow. Huc. the European ships. After Captain Smith’s demonstration of ‘shock and awe’ in August 1840. 160. though land 214 E. it would not have been the first time that it had withdrawn from an unsuitable location. 212-217. Had Britain left Hong Kong. the rest now followed. to the idea of acquiring this barren rock almost devoid of flat land on which civilians might build or troops parade. was ably defended by Austin Coates. It was by no means certain until August 1842 that the acquisition of Hong Kong in January 1841 by Captain Charles Elliot would be confirmed by a British government reluctant at best. Coates viewed Elliot’s policy.R. all arrangements were temporary and makeshift. Macao and the British. hostile at worst. The attraction of a better life in Hong Kong was irresistible to growing numbers. At present Macao is a mere remembrance. 79 . Some British residents had already begun to trickle back to Macau. 214 Thus post-bellum Macau had little to offer aspirational young men. the subject of bitter criticism throughout the 1840s. Prosperity resumed briefly in Macau. pp. exacerbated by the serious rate of illness and mortality in the forces available to him. ------- Part 2 – The early years of Hong Kong: race relations established The exhaustive debate about the merits of the selection of Hong Kong as a British naval and trading base need not be discussed here. vol. as they sail past this once proud and wealthy Portuguese colony. while the uncertainty of Hong Kong’s future as a British colony made people hesitant about moving there. and nothing is left of its former prosperity but fine houses without tenants. The inward flow of opium and the outwards flow of tea and silver resumed as before. 215 The choice of Hong Kong by Captain Elliot. 215 It has been shown how Macau again endured troubled times after 1839. not so much with the benefit of hindsight. Therefore. will see only a naked rock to which the Chinese fisherman will come to dry his black nets. Macau’s transient prosperity during the 1830s was a by-product of the explosion in the opium trade. in a few years more. A journey through the Chinese Empire. 1. The careers of three of them are examined in subsequent chapters. p. Macau’s economy collapsed as suddenly as it had done in the late 1630s. as with a measured appreciation of his wisdom in dealing with intractable difficulties.

p. p. 12. and lawlessness continued. In short. Fragrant Harbour. July 1843. who visited Hong Kong in 1844. wrote discerningly and devastatingly of the mutual antagonism that prevailed between the British and Chinese. coolies.R. 217 As a result. the principal part of the Chinese population in the town consists of servants. Among the inmates were nine Portuguese rogues. p. 71.. Hinton. who. there are but faint prospects at present of any other than either a migratory or a predatory race being attracted to Hongkong. vol. stone-cutters. 218 G. 1841-1862. 118. Endacott & A. p. 219 Chinese Repository. Ouchterlony. p. Hong Kong was different. a considerable number of Chinese arrived. 172. the colony has been for some time also the resort of pirates and thieves. but it took many years. 365. 50. Sayer. p..sales had been conducted in June 1841 and land was snapped up by the same merchants who were Elliot’s sternest critics. 10. 217 J. Hong Kong. 218 The earliest years of western presence in Japan in the 1850s were marked by similar opportunism.B. The Chinese War. where the word ‘scallywag’ entered the language to describe their behaviour. Each man was given daily a pound of beef and a loaf of bread. camp followers catering for the British military encampment already present. They would all have quickly fallen victim to scurvy. 216 Most of those who went there in the first three years were adventurers rather than economic migrants. The lowest dregs of native society flock to the British Settlement in the hope of gain or plunder . The report was copied by William Tarrant in his newspaper The Friend of China. 534. no. so protected by secret compact as to defy the ordinary regulations of police detection or prevention. later to return as its first Anglican bishop. The Chinese fared better. no. but a great change has taken place’. 219 It was far too optimistic a view.. vol.. They were described by an officer as ‘about as rascally and vagabond a community as could be found in a similar situation in any part of the world’.. and masons engaged in temporary works . George Smith. itinerant adventurers had arrived from Macau too. A schoolboy essay written in 1843 by a Chinese student at the Morrison Education Society’s school in Hong Kong wrote that ‘[the] year before last almost all the Chinese who lived in Hong Kong were robbers . October 1843. 12. It was well filled by 1843. (Chinese Repository. The Rev. From August 1841.. 1839-1844. Whereas he had found in northern China ‘an intelligent and friendly population’. when their hopes of gain or 216 G. fish and vegetables). as were the early post Civil War years in the late 1860s in the defeated Confederate States in America. 7. a gaol was rushed up by October 1841. Hong Kong’s ‘scallywag’ period was eventually resolved. 80 . Details of these nine are unknown. but their diet is recounted. with rice. and further reprinted in his History of Hongkong Part I.

quoted by G. They are not permitted to go out into the public streets after a certain hour in the evening.10.E. 220 G. 8. 28. 220 Spring Gardens.389. p. Maclure. The Chinese are also treated as a degraded race of people. There is a vast chasm between the group of fashionable English residents promenading on the praya in front of their fine residences and the Chinese occupants of the sampan. Painted by Murdoch Bruce. The diocese of Victoria. reproduced in Historic Pictures. 1846. Smith was horrified by the contempt in which the Chinese were held and dismayed at the heavy-handed attempts at control of the lawless situation by means of a curfew. AH64. to secure them from the danger of apprehension and imprisonment till the morning. Smith. pilfering vanish. 81 . 7. lithographed by A. Endacott and D. bowing obsequiously to his master. A Narrative of the exploratory visit to each of the consular cities of China. Hong Kong. Matheson & Co. without a lantern and a written note from their European employer.B. looking eastwards towards Hospital Hill. Nearing the praya is a naval boat manned by British bluejackets. without hesitation or difficulty remove elsewhere. Hong Kong Museum of Art. pp. oars held aloft in salute as they arrive. 1849-1949. from which the mansion of Jardine. She. dominates the town below. The sole contact between the two races is a Chinese servant.

the educational administrator Eitel (E. 11. 222 Later. The baker. vol. head of the company that bore his name. 222 Historical and Statistical Abstract of the colony of Hongkong. ‘Poisoning in Hong Kong. Europe in China. but not of race relations. Legge. known to Legge as ‘A-lum’. 9. all of whom were known to eat bread for breakfast. The baker’s premises are unlikely to have looked anything like this mid-Victorian architectural pastiche concocted by the artist. Harvard Business School. wrote a detailed account of the incident: A. Eitel. written about 1894. put too much arsenic into the dough. p. pp. 28 March 1857 The problem of lawlessness. was discussed at some length. pp. Illustrated London News. ‘The colony of Hong Kong’. Nearly forty years later. Dr James Legge. Heard. vol. Folder GQ-2-1. 311). Hong Kong Branch. in prison. 221 Legge was one of the victims of a botched attempt in 1857 to poison the entire British population. 3. An Episode of Life in China Forty Years Ago’. ‘the respect and deference 221 J. The poisoning incident gained international notoriety. Baker Library. 1874. by the Rev. Online. 1841-1920. 1971. Augustine Heard. p. 177-181. and succeeded only in making his 400 victims violently sick. resident in Hong Kong from 1843 until 1872. 82 . in China Review. ‘The excitement was of course most intense’.J. Heard I/Box GQ-2. accessed. wrote one of the intended victims. 163-176. 27 November 2011. reprinted in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

11. Sir Arthur Kennedy. 12. vol. by 1870. 83 . 423. However. or the least disposition to give information to the police. 224 A decade later. 1841-1941. Picturesque Hongkong. without any intervention in his aid. R. well- preserved by the lashings of arsenic in it.L. p.’ MacDonnell to the Duke of Buckingham. p. pp. 224 Proclamation of the city of Victoria. Chinese Repository. pp. a woodcut of the baker’s premises even appearing in the Illustrated London News.C. Legge. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. R. p. Perhaps it was in an attempt to rid Hong Kong of its evil reputation for lawlessness that Sir Henry Pottinger. p. Morris. wrote Legge. vol. Kennedy to Carnarvon. vol. 1874. 24 August 1870. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. 42-43. not susceptible to bribes from local people. Fifty years later. ‘The colony of Hong Kong’. vol. 7. Sir Richard MacDonnell. 163-176. 1841-1941. 3. I. R. 14 March 1857. decided. 304. was quite candid in his comment: ‘In the Chinese quarter of the town. 223 The attempt to wipe out the intruders failed and was not repeated. the governor. 1971. looked back on MacDonnell as ‘the best Governor the Colony has ever known’. MacDonnell had recruited a large contingent of Sikh police. J. 29 October 1867. In the meantime. Hong Kong Branch. who succeeded the disgraced Elliot as British plenipotentiary in August 1841. could report that ‘the Chinese population are docile and orderly’.C. Jarman. was kept in a cupboard in the Chief Justice’s chambers until the 1930s as a macabre memento mori. Hurley. in China Review. 379. whose ‘resolute policy for the suppression of crime and vice was inaugurated and immediately put into severe practice with highly satisfactory results’. vol. till lately. for a man to be knocked down at noon and robbed in presence of fifty witnesses.shown him by all the prisoners were wonderful’.L. his successor. A piece of the poisoned bread. an old resident. Hurley. 111. reprinted in Journal of Royal Asiatic Society. R. it was possible. p. July 1843. no. and is even now occasionally so. Jarman. I. The incident created sufficient commotion to be reported in the British press. 185. Hong Kong. on announcing his assumption of office as 223 J.

It is especially difficult to provide a dissection by nationalities of the European community. C64. Most foreign communities were transient. others having promoted the cooler but more exposed southern coast. 379. had already effectively ended that idea. No. 12. The first of these were Parsees. Macau. An attempt has been made to do this in Appendix 2. Hurjeebhoy Rustomjee. 2005. but the Portuguese community. vol. Among others who came to be significant were various Indian groups. 227 Reliable demographic statistics for nineteenth century Hong Kong are difficult to obtain.the first Governor of Hong Kong on 26 June 1843. to advance the rapidly growing town to the dignity of the City of Victoria. Hong Kong Museum of Art. 7. 226 Pottinger also firmly put to rest any doubts as to where the main settlement should be. Two typhoons in July 1841. like the shakers of the ‘pagoda tree’ in early nineteenth century India. returned to Britain or the USA having secured a competency – or far better. shall be distinguished by her majesty’s name’. 1835 Impressions of the East: The Art of George Chinnery. p. which came to be the second-largest after the British. ca. 227 Most foreign communities in Hong Kong during the first century of its existence were composed of entrepreneurs who. July 1843. He proclaimed that ‘his excellency the governor is further pleased to direct. 84 . who already had a presence in Macau at a small enclave near the 225 Chinese Repository. made Hong Kong their home for up to five generations. no. the first of many which would devastate Hong Kong in years to come. that the present city. Commemorating the 180th Anniversary of George Chinnery's Arrival in China in 1825. 225 There could no longer be any doubt that the British presence would be permanent and formidable. 226 Part 3 – British ascendancy: ‘the racialisation of urban form and space’ Most Europeans who came to Hong Kong from 1844 onwards would have regarded themselves as ‘respectable’. on the northern side of the island.

1841.15. Later. p. The white tents of the garrison are pitched close to the water. Apart from these was a small but very significant Jewish community. ‘The Portuguese settlement at Macao’. 3. John H. All these communities gave Hong Kong its distinctive character. After its hesitant beginning. AH76. p. though economic prosperity took some years longer to accelerate. they came to have an importance in the economy of Hong Kong far beyond their numbers. 1963. Hugo-Brunt. 228 They were present in Canton in the 1830s. reproduced in Historical Pictures. ‘Hong Kong’. Collins. vol. However. no. Hong Kong Museum of Art. Though initially based in Shanghai. the new colony began to develop more rapidly in 1844. 85 . the Police Force and Prisons Department were largely staffed by Indians. not subject to the pressure that might otherwise have come from the local Chinese community. PLAN. On the ridge to the right would soon rise the buildings of the Colonial Establishment.Colina da Barra. 130. it was 228 M. 6. and rapidly became significant in the early decades of Hong Kong’s existence. 3.

The cramped ribbon development forced on Hong Kong by Captain Charles Elliot’s choice of the site of the city was already evident. 1862. and known locally as mat sheds. 230 Temporary structures. Alves.000. Hong Kong The city of Victoria. Jardine. Bard. This map was redrawn in 1923 to accompany James Orange. as was Christchurch. 229 Map 8 – City of Victoria. 47. but the exigencies of rapidly transferring trade from precarious Macau to a secure location under British naval protection precluded such considerations. mainly seeking employment in government service and in private commercial houses. pp. Melbourne and Adelaide. both founded less than ten years earlier. There was no indication either in the choice of its location or in the layout of the town that this little place. 13. Running north-east from the chain of mountains sheltering the anchorage from the worst fury 229 By comparison. Instead. with a precipitous mountain behind and a deep water anchorage in front. 1-6.H. and the transfer of commerce from Macau began. had been carefully laid out. introduction to City of Victoria. Ho. were left alone. leading the way. a number of Portuguese began to move to Hong Kong. founded a little later. 86 . pp. Hong Kong. The Chater Collection. 230 The following account of the settlement is principally drawn from the notes provided in Historical and Statistical Abstract of the colony of Hongkong. 1841-1920. and C. The eight Chinese villages on the northern side of Hong Kong Island. with references from a map by A. Matheson & Co. Town planning was not unknown in the British Empire. with a total population of little more than 5. F.clear that the British would never return to Macau in large numbers. 1845. built of bamboo poles covered with mats woven from bamboo leaves. might one day become a great city. translated by S. were run up adjacent to the anchorage early in 1841.

E. the government’s ecclesiastical arm. Sir Henry Pottinger. living and hygiene led to rapid action.M. as demographers have it. pp. Here too were the offices of the Colonial Secretary and St John’s Cathedral. Report on the Census of the Colony.B. 1948. and by the 1940s was one of the most crowded slums in the world. houses and business premises were crammed into the small available space. 24. p. and the peak became The Peak. 15-19. 163. Victoria became Central. 1921. 234 At the same time the recognition of vastly different European and Chinese standards of housing.of the typhoons that periodically laid waste the China coast was a prominent ridge that in November 1841 was reserved for Crown use. pp. She. but the naval and military authorities refused to move them to a more suitable location for well over a century. Pottinger yielded only to the extent of having the ground cleared and levelled at public expense in the location to which these people were compelled to move. History of Hong Kong. It was a frequent complaint that Hong Kong was ‘strangled at its waist’. the royal appellation eventually fell into disuse. 234 The 1921 Census Report. 87 . In both cases. 235 W. Endacott & D. where fine residences with harbour views were built. Later. J. with the naval dockyard on the shore below. Any Chinese living in what had become almost exclusively a European residential area were forced to move further west to Sheung Wan. 233 To the west. A petition to the governor. preliminary planning report. The towering mountain above the newly proclaimed City of Victoria became Victoria Peak.B. 164. but it was not to remedy the situation. 232 G. 152-153. Price. A history of Hongkong. Subsequently named Government Hill. quoted by Endacott. 101-105. The Diocese of Victoria. 235 231 G. Abercrombie. pp. it became the site for the residences of the Governor and the General Officer Commanding the troops. p. Hong Kong. Their location was soon seen to impede the growth of the city. To the east. 233 P. later called Wanchai became a European residential area. 231 On the lower slopes of Government Hill were the military barracks and parade ground. Endacott. in enumerating the inhabitants of the City of Victoria added that it was ‘a term hardly known to ordinary residents and rarely heard or seen except in maps and official reports’. in these infant years of the colony. Tarrant. it became a zone of social deterioration. map facing p. Spring Gardens. signed by 89 Chinese shopkeepers in the Upper Bazaar sought ‘your Excellency’s celestial benevolence’. An English correspondent described the Chinese quarter as ‘filthy and disreputable’. state aid continuing until 1892. Hong Kong. Hong Kong Sessional Papers 15/1921. for the Anglican Church was seen as the established church. 232 This meant that commercial and residential areas could only be developed to the west of Government Hill and to the east of the barracks.

and practices in the colonial environment of British Hong Kong not only led to the racialisation of urban form and space there but also contributed to the apparent anxiety exhibited by the European population over the preservation of their own identity through the immediacy of the built environment. ‘Spaces of exclusion: the significance of cultural identity in the formation of European residential districts in British Hong Kong. the Largo do Senado being the dividing line between the two. the Botanical Gardens were laid out nearby. In the 1860s. 3. This took place after 1870. a small area along the shoreline. 237 M. Lung. Settlement had not yet begun to move up the steep slope of the Peak towards what eventually became the Mid-Levels. p. vol. a cricket club. the Hong Kong Club. 238 They would always be on the fringe. 31 October 1889. the Europeans were at first located almost entirely at Spring Gardens. the British community had established all the organisations that marked a White Anglo-Saxon Protestant colony of the mid- nineteenth century: an elite gentleman’s club. who had already built their residences on Morrison Hill and Hospital Hill. the Portuguese population was forced out as rents also rose. 2. Jarman. reclamation began in the 1850s to wrest a little more land from the harbour.Y. architecture. Sir William des Voeux to Lord Knutsford. 60-61. and with steep rises in the price of land. 88 .P. higher ground east of Government House. the governor reporting that ‘a place of recreation. and the official practices of colonial urban planning is demonstrated … this coalescing of ideas. 1841-1941. ‘The Portuguese settlement at Macao’. no.L. Part 4 – Religious diversity: ‘defenders of the faith’ Within a few years of their arrival. This began a defined pattern of rigidly separate communities that would persist until towards the end of the twentieth century. Zetland Lodge. Bremner and D. 236 It reflected and intensified the earlier complete separation of the Portuguese and Chinese communities in Macau. a process that continued on an increasing scale for the next 150 years and more.’ G. whereto the inhabitants may resort 236 ‘Here the intersection between ideas and images concerning civil society. p. vol. St John’s Anglican Cathedral and the Hong Kong Jockey Club. 1877-1904’. pp. PLAN. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. It set in place what has been termed ‘the racialisation of urban form and space in Hong Kong’. 223. 237 In Hong Kong. R. 3.Apart from the mansions of the taipans. one of the few to take root in British parlance in Hong Kong – became impossibly overcrowded. 1963. the ‘praya’ or ‘praia’ – a Portuguese word borrowed from Macau. the heads of the main English trading houses. a Masonic lodge. as the area behind the waterfront. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 21(2). cultural identity. 238 As reported by the Governor.A. Hugo-Brunt. images. 130.

In the first three years. p. 1839-1844. wrote a correspondent to the 239 Kennedy to Kimberley. 15 July 1873. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. February 1941’. Besides serving the interests of the ruling community. Further east was Wong Nei Chong valley. these institutions also reflected and established geographical and social boundaries which excluded not only the Chinese. p. with the village of that name at its head. is not only a luxury. nla. 89 . Jarman. showing Sheung Wan and Tai Ping Shan Detail from ‘Plan to accompany report by Sir David J.L. to the China Medico Chirurgical Society in 1845. 406. Part I. vol. 1841-1941. but indispensable in a climate 239 such as that of Hong Kong’. 1841 to 1843. A history of Hongkong from the time of its cession to the British Empire to the year 1844. Tarrant quotes in detail a paper on the ‘Hongkong fever’ read by Dr Dill. generally known as Happy Valley Cemetery. for there was little understanding of tropical diseases. the military cantonment was placed not far away because there was flat land at Happy Valley for a parade ground. 65. Tarrant. Map 9 – The Western District. Hongkong. the Surgeon of the 55th Regiment. Disastrously. ‘Our life here is emphatically in the midst of death’. 1. Owen on the future control and development of the port of Hong Kong. Hundreds were buried there in the Colonial Cemetery. It was swampy and malarial. probably a strain of malaria. there was an appalling death rate from what was termed Hong Kong Fever.after the toil and heat of the day. 240 The name Happy Valley was a macabre contradiction in terms for this death trap. 240 W. It was well watered – too well watered. but also severely constrained what became a quite substantial Portuguese community from Macau.

settlement spread uphill into Tai Ping Shan. vol. June 2007). 241 To the west of Victoria. 90 . 611. (S. Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau. in what is now the Sheung Wan district. He has entitled it ‘Kirche von Leichenhaus’ (Mortuary Chapel). no. 11 June 1843 Engraving by Joseph Burn-Smeeton (floruit 1840-1880) and his pupil and later partner Auguste Tilly (floruit 1870-1885. In Macau the whole Portuguese population had lived within the sound of church bells. Braga. above Sheung Wan and straight below the steep rise of Victoria Peak. So it would be in Hong Kong until well into the twentieth century. 19 no 3. there was no such place. consecrated. Church of the Immaculate Conception. November 1843. pp. 612. the Portuguese community drew closer together in defence of and in commitment to the Catholic faith. Hong Kong Museum of Art- AH2004_0005 241 Chinese Repository. Intensely devout. the Hong Kong Plague of 1894’. those who came soon after the British occupation of Hong Kong. where burials took place immediately after death. The simplicity of the building has led the engraver astray. 242 Between the Chinese settlement and the British town of Victoria. Trinity Sunday. they lived within the sound of the church bells which sounded the Angelus each evening. The people who lived here were the first wave of the diaspora from Macau. d. vol. In tropical Hong Kong.Chinese Repository. not remedied. With Chinese heathen on one side and English Protestants on the other. 1898) (signed as Smeeton-Tilly). As this area became overcrowded with a huge influx of people escaping from the turmoil of the Taiping Rebellion in the 1850s. 12. a Portuguese enclave developed. 242 A dense population was crammed into slums constructed without any planning controls until a serious outbreak of bubonic plague in 1894 forced the authorities to take drastic action. whose editor recorded sombrely in November 1843 ‘the rapid filling up of our graveyards for the last 18 months’. and the price then paid at the end of the nineteenth century was a heavy one both in deaths and badly soured relations between the Chinese community and their British rulers. The problem had been ignored. 11. Australia. was a rapidly growing Chinese settlement. ‘ “An unexampled calamity”.

E. Mgr. though since 1843 there had been an official (Anglican) Colonial Chaplain. that community had only one focus. whose capture in August 1840 had led to Captain Smith’s tour de force in Macau. Chinese Repository. A Catholic church was built well ahead of St John’s Anglican Cathedral.M. not completed until 1849. Their numbers grew slowly as businesses transferred from Macau. 12. Jorge da Silva. October 1843. new series. A Prefect Apostolic. This report is at variance with a contemporary report of the consecration of the permanent church in 1843. 244 The Rock. vol. was appointed in 1841. 243 The Catholic Church moved far more quickly. The numbers shown here are of residents named in Jorge da Silva’s book. consisting of soldiers and others (especially Portuguese who had already begun to settle in the new colony). p. Hong Kong. 549. p. The Diocese of Victoria. She. which suggests that there were few Portuguese at the first service.B. Until his arrival. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong For many years. arriving in Hong Kong on 3 March 1842. G. 9. But even on the first day on which it was opened this structure was insufficient for the congregation. The Roman Catholic Cathedral is the second cathedral. Map 10 – The Mato Moiro District The Mato Moiro (or Morro) district was a Portuguese enclave from the 1870s to the early 1920s. built in 1888. He chose a spot for his church and received a grant of land from the Government of the new colony upon which he ‘erected a structure of mat-sheds for Catholic service. 1 no. Vincent Stanton. Endacott & D. 9.’ 244 A 243 G. 91 . From A. p. History of Hong Kong. September 1928. 43. no. who conducted services in a mat shed on the parade ground.B. vol. 298. Endacott. This was the Rev. Theodore Joset. p. one of the naval chaplains conducted services in the mat shed. 10.

the Chapel and Jamia Mosque. relocated in Mid-Levels 3. and consecrated on Trinity Sunday. 1845. 2. with references from a map by A. rebuilt 1849 2. from Lt. Jamia Mosque. Church of the Immaculate Conception (Catholic). 3. Non-conformist chapel. Alves. Braga. St John’s Cathedral (Anglican). pp. 1843. Shelley Street. 11 June 1843. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. it was located about 500 metres to the west of the symbols of English 245 J. Collinson’s Ordnance Survey. situated near the corner of Pottinger Street and Wellington Street in the lower part of the town.permanent structure was soon built. 4. 1842. 1843. 158-159. Detail from ‘The city of Victoria. and remained in use for fourteen years. Hong Kong. 1. F. 1862’. 245 Map 11 – The Anglican and Catholic Cathedrals. rebuilt 1859 4. 1849 Dedicated to the Immaculate Conception. 1. 92 .P.

There were soldiers from the 55th Regiment (Connemara). even before a Protestant church. indicated that there were few Portuguese in Hong Kong at that early stage: ‘The Roman Catholic church has been completed. October 1843.dominance and closer to the praya. In commenting on the Catholic community of Hong Kong in the nineteenth century. 246 It was surrounded by crowded rows of semi- detached cottages. p. The cost was $9. A college is attached to educate Chinese for the ministry. sepoys and native artillerymen as well as Portuguese. Tarrant. devoutly and conservatively Catholic. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China.P. the growth of the Catholic community was such that it too had to be replaced. A quarter of century later.000 persons. 249 Here. 12.houghton. 1841-1920. 249 Chinese Repository. June 1843. Historical and Statistical Abstract of the colony of Hongkong. four along either side at 6½' centres from the outer walls. Sourced from website http://www. There were 7-8 women present as well. Destroyed by fire in 1859. p.Negroes. 248 It was termed by its residents Mato Moiro. p. 247 Thus an enclave was established that would exist until the early twentieth century. 3. Italian and other foreign seamen. Part I. 37). The church is 112 ft long and 48 ft wide. 22 June 1843. Bengalis. It was deemed necessary to build a mosque as quickly as possible. built in 1843. J. vol. The English were in two groups at the sides near the altar. and opened for worship on 17 July 1842 (W. a non-conformist chapel It is called the Chapel of the Conception and is located on Wellington Street with its front towards the bay in the middle of our burgeoning town. Braga. 1841-1920. later. the congregations of the Catholic churches were almost entirely Portuguese. This church both reflected and defined the geographical location of the Portuguese community. 1841-1920. reprinted in A. 12. Hongkong. op. vol. Braga would observe: For the first half-century after the setting up of the Catholic Mission in Hongkong. Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hongkong. between Caine Road and Robinson Road near the Mosque. Education in Hong Kong. The walls are painted white and the roof is light blue making it cheerful inside. 6.idv. the American Southern Baptist missionary. the name deriving from the Jamia Mosque. p. There is a granite walkway from porch to altar but the rest of the floor to either side is wood. 162. An account of the consecration in the Friend of China. the roof is wood. p. Shuck. within a kilometre of each other were the Anglican and Catholic cathedrals. Several units of the garrison were Indian regiments. The walls are granite.P. p. no. In addition the orchestra numbered about 50 musicians. Tarrant. ‘the field of Muslims’. W. 10. 157. an area of small terraces extending up the hillside. p. 549. it was replaced by a fine building with twin towers which dominated its immediate neighbourhood. and was made necessary by the tiny 246 Chinese Repository. It gradually expanded into Robinson Road. 1839-44. 250 The first to be completed was the chapel built on Queen’s Rd by the Rev J. 3. infilled with brick.000 of which one third came from mission funds and the rest from donations by residents. the mosque. Madrassis and Chinese. 247 J. The first 12 feet is the porch and the last 38 feet is the altar leaving an area of 62’ x 48’ for the congregation There are eight 30" diameter columns supporting the roof. 12. 250 It was an appropriate symbol of such religious diversity..’ About 100 people attended the first service .htm (accessed 21 January 1012). 248 Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hongkong. 336. cit. first laid out in 1861. Father Feliciani thinks he can house 1. the Jewish synagogue.L. which remained a Portuguese enclave until the 1870s. Sweeting. The students attending the Catholic schools were also nearly all Portuguese. 93 . p. no.

catalogue of an exhibition. many of whom attended Mass twice a day. 13-67. especially pp. 1985. by a servant Photograph taken in the early twentieth century Detail from ‘Ruins of S Francis’. The reliance on opium. The Portuguese enclave was readily identifiable by the dress of the women. No. July/September 1994. published in the No. As time passed. 50-52. 16. mainly in service industries. a long black cape-like costume. A clear picture of the business community of Hong Kong does not emerge until the late 1840s.M. a cover-all. July/September 1994. The adherents of each saw themselves in some sense as ‘defenders of the faith’. p. when a few Portuguese were in business for themselves. They usually appeared in public wearing a dó. British commerce dominated the next half century.wedge of land on which the city of Victoria was built in its first half century. Toyo Bunko. British firms embarked on banking and insurance as well as the staple import/export businesses. George Chinnery – Macau. 20 (2nd series).9. From the Sociedade de Geografia Macau. 1836 Review of Culture. 20 (2nd series). 94 . Amaro. Tokyo. where opportunities seemed to be available. pp. It was very distinctive and Portuguese women wearing it were immediately recognisable. de Lisboa. 251 Portuguese women dressed in dós and sheltered by a parasol carried Macanese senhora wearing a dó. p. ‘Sons and daughters of the soil of the first decade of Luso-Chinese diplomacy’. though still based on shipping. tea and general wares grew more complex and sophisticated. A study by Solomon Bard in 1993 based on a careful examination of 251 A. Review of Culture.

The following brief discussion of British and other foreign businesses is based on Bard’s important and detailed research. Statue Square.local directories and the early Hong Kong press identified 88 British firms in business in Hong Kong between 1843 and 1899. Matheson & Co. Longer lived was Gibb. Some had been established in Canton in the 1830s. A significant open space. Shewan.. enhanced with the development of the important Taikoo Dockyard. another former Canton trader. which also absorbed Gilman & Co. It had antecedents in Canton going back to 1780. the product of decades of familiarity with Hong Kong’s institutions. the Inchcape Group. and will be discussed in that context. Bard indicated that a few of the 88 may have been American firms. lined the waterfront near the Star Ferry. just as the benefits of the Suez Canal were beginning to be felt in the Far East. ‘By the end of the nineteenth century it stood at the peak of the mercantile community of Hong Kong. the travel agent Thomas Cook and the General Post Office. Livingstone & Co. 1841-1899. and Gilman & Co. 252 Of the dozens of British firms. 84. Shipping and sugar refining were the basis of its long period of prosperity. The square was flanked by the Supreme Court 252 S. was dominated by a statue of Queen Victoria. pp. its success assured’. Butterfield and Swire commenced business in Hong Kong in 1870. three should be included here. They are Shewan. was Bard’s assessment (p. Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses. founded in 1836. and still extant as part of a larger entity. Jardines. 52-79.. most notably Jardine.. the grand and imposing Edwardian buildings of Butterfield and Swire. Tomes & Co.. The other two will be briefly mentioned. the largest trading company in Hong Kong for well over a century. 67). Bard. Another important company was Dent & Co. For The unveiling of the statue of Queen more than half a century from 1903 when Victoria was marked by suitable military pomp. 18 July the new praya following a major 1896 reclamation of the harbour foreshore. easily the oldest foreign firm in the Far East. 95 . later joined by other royal personages. their premises were all built together on Illustrated London News. active from the 1820s until the serious depression of 1867. Both were of significance in the business careers of members of the Braga family in the early decades of the twentieth century. Tomes & Co.

visited Hong Kong as a young man and on Christmas Day 1878 enjoyed the service at St John’s very much. The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China 1635-1834. with a sense of egalitarianism that would have been incomprehensible to these people: I could not help being somewhat shocked on Sunday. a short history. 96 . for the town is small and compact . the position of one’s pew indicated the importance of the occupant. the growth in size of the Royal Navy’s China Station caused the Admiral to demand a sitting of the same status as the General Officer Commanding the troops. all waiting for the closing of prayers .. Macau Protestant Chapel. The Hong Kong Club and the Masonic Lodge were obvious loci for such display. just as it had been in Macau. cited by J. just to save them from walking a few short squares to and from church. Notes of a trip round the World. vol. Wise (ed. Carnegie. That was worked out when the cathedral was opened in 1849. powerful symbols of British commercial and political supremacy. where the President of the Select Committee instructed the junior members of his staff that such observance was required by the Court of Directors in London and enjoined by him. p. p.B.. It did not seem to me to be quite consistent for some of my Scotch friends who stand so stoutly for Sabbath observance to keep so many human beings on duty.and the Hong Kong Club. p. Divine Service will be performed the next and every Sunday following in the Company’s hall at eleven o’clock in the forenoon when their presence will be required in obedience to the orders of the H’ble the Court of Directors’. and I suppose as many on the other. H.. 22. Travellers’ tales of the South China Coast. 1879. Carnegie. three men kept at work that one may pray seems just a shade out of proportion. but by 1865. 118. New York. but by means of an exchange which was to the disadvantage of one of two brothers. 31. 3. say three for one who worshipped. each with two. 253 Andrew Carnegie. the heads of these companies and the heads of government departments were acutely conscious of prestige and status. Morse. p. 254 A.. 99. three and sometimes four coolies in gorgeous liveries in attendance. 254 Within a few years the fabulously wealthy Carnegie could have bought the entire assets of all these soi disant potentates. The previous Sunday he wrote. the American capitalist. Really. Inside the Cathedral. quoted by M. Crouch-Smith et al. as I strolled about the Cathedral. So too was St John’s Cathedral. At every point as they played out their lives.). to see some thirty odd sedan chairs on one side. for this was still an era when attendance at Divine Service was expected.. evidently 253 ‘Mr Roberts [President of the Select Committee] begs to acquaint the Gentlemen of the factory that in compliance with the orders. This was achieved.

the Duke of Newcastle. 256 S. seats 29 and 30 in the sixth pew from the pulpit. who held a near-monopoly on Indian opium. Nevertheless. Robert George Shewan 255 G. it remained in Canton well after the British had departed. especially the latter. There followed months of wrangling and unpleasant scenes in the cathedral before the matter was referred to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. 35-37. 1841-1899. Bard identified seven. All did better than the Portuguese.. Hong Kong. The American share of the opium trade was only 5% of the British. though they had their own establishment (‘factory’ or ‘hong’) at Canton. 255 The lengths to which the elite in Hong Kong were prepared to go to establish and maintain their prestige is almost beyond belief to observers 150 years later. founded in 1818. She. a hundred years of church history. who ran the firm of Vaucher Frères.E. 256 The oldest American firm was Russell & Co. Like other American businesses. including three originating in Canton before 1839. Hong Kong and Shanghai. the opening of the Suez Canal and the development of steam navigation on China’s river systems. before waning later in the century. Part 5 – Foreign business communities: ‘phenomenally successful’ A measure of political stability returned to China following the defeat of the Taiping rebels in 1864. 1849-1949. Hong Kong was firmly a British colonial city. American firms lacked the enormous strength of British commerce in Hong Kong. The diocese of Victoria. How would others fare? The answer depended on their success in business. The principal ones were the Americans. It was followed by three major developments in communications: the advent of the telegraph. two feet and six inches (less than a metre) closer than the spot to which he had been relegated. 80. Endacott & D. only moving to Hong Kong in 1850. the Jews and the Germans. Vaucher got his sittings back. the Parsees.Huguenots. 97 . who were by far the most numerous but the least prosperous. several significant foreign communities prospered there. Before World War II. then being taken over by two of its British members.B. Bard. who ruled that ‘parishioners have a claim to be seated according their rank and station’. Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses. While Shanghai was cosmopolitan and international. There it became a ‘great and successful’ enterprise. p. became boom cities. pp.

p. they set up business in Canton. Like the British. The early Parsee merchants were opium dealers.000 made it possible to establish the University of Hong Kong. pp. 259 These were Dhunjeebhoy Ruttonjee Bisney. 1911-1961.. 85-89. Pestonjee Cowasjee and Framjee Jamsetjee. honest and fair in their dealings’. 259 Thirty-five Parsee firms were in business in Hong Kong between 1841 and the early twentieth century. were already active in East Asia by the late eighteenth century. 292.. 1841-1899. Foreign Mud. The Parsees. p.. Akin to the Parsees in their small numbers and major importance were the Jews.. Their significance in business and community life was out of all proportion to their numbers. which cared for sufferers from tuberculosis. Collis. whose impressive building dominated Hong Kong’s Central Business District for some years. as their significance in commerce. 261 Three generations of the Ruttonjee family first established and then provided constant and most generous support to the Ruttonjee Sanatorium. but most seem to have been active later in the nineteenth century after the opium trade was in decline. but the firm declined from what had been a very strong position before the American government banned the opium trade in 1858. Jardine. already noted for its probity. 261 B. Heard & Co. where they bought land at the first land sale. Hormusjee Mody’s gift of the princely sum of $285. like the early British and Americans. 82. four of them moving to Hong Kong as early as June 1841. the first 50 years. the Police Force and the Civil Service belongs principally to a later period. Bard. 34. p. 258 Of a different order of success was the Parsee trading community. S. ‘at a time when these qualities were not abundant’. whose business acumen has left a substantial footprint wherever they go. Other Indian communities are discussed in a later chapter. a distinct ethnic and religious Indian minority largely originating from Mumbai (then Bombay). Hirjibhoy Rustomjee. 85. commenting to his partner. commented Bard. The first 257 Ibid. 98 . M. p. ‘excellent merchants. p.. They were. that ‘we fear that very godly people are not suited to the opium trade’. 258 Ibid.and Alexander Tomes. Harrison. Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses. he was knighted at the ceremony of laying the foundation stone on 16 March 1910. observed Bard. 260 Several became noted for their generous benefactions. 81. University of Hong Kong. Matheson required the resignation of one of his captains who refused to deal in opium on the Sabbath. Second was A. with whom they always enjoyed good relations. 260 Ibid. 257 Third was Olyphant & Co.

’ (J. An early winner was J. David Solomon.) 264 China Mail. Lawrence and Horace also received the KBE in later years. the Kadoories became a dynasty uniquely distinguished in the history of the British colony of Hong Kong. was by 1883 chairman of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. marking it as a large firm at that time. moving to Shanghai and London. where he and his sons developed a strong position in the opium trade. Braga. who became a Singapore merchant. 266 Both of Sir Elly’s sons. Solomon told a visitor in the 1860s that persecutions in Baghdad had increased until he was forced to flee. p. 264 By 1877 the Sassoons’ staff in various ports in the Far East numbered thirty-five. 265 From the 1890s they decreased their interest in Hong Kong. Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses. 94. setting up a broking business first in Hong Kong. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. 28 July 1864. Munn (eds). who had initially made a fortune in opium trading. David. notably the Sassoons and the Kadoories.T. 99 . a member of the 262 Legislative Council. Thomson. spectacularly successful from the moment he arrived in Hong Kong from Calcutta in 1862.Jew prominent in the affairs of Hong Kong was Emmanuel Rafael Belilios. reprinted by G. Both were knighted with the KBE. Belilios did not found a dynasty. two brothers of another Baghdadi Jewish family.B. Arthur Sassoon was one of the founders of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation in 1864. p. and also for their philanthropy. History of Hong Kong. ‘The soles of my feet were beaten until they were raw. An Eastern Entrepôt. Ellis and Eleazar (always known as Elly) Kadoorie. Lawrence’s son Michael was knighted too. 265 In the 1880s. 238. pp. and later investing heavily in Shanghai. 177. pp. Bard. Belilios. was born at Baghdad in 1792. whose patriarch. 244. 263 David Sassoon moved in youth to Mumbai. Endacott. Sir Ellis in 1917 and Sir Elly in 1926. Both made a reputation for their conspicuous flair for business. The Sassoons never spoke of their reason for leaving Baghdad after many centuries. A move to Shanghai and later Hong Kong followed naturally. and noted for his philanthropies. S. Green. p. 1841-1899. 216-218. 263 That was left to another emigrant. Holdsworth and C.P. 267 262 G. who would build on this initial achievement to create a prominent role in public affairs. 266 Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire. The earlier of these were the Sassoons. unlike several other Baghdadi Jewish families. for they wished to torture me into disclosing treasures which I had not. Some glimpses into life in the Far East.B. 237. These included the endowment of Hong Kong’s first government girls’ school and a scholarship set up in memory of his wife. Endacott. 267 J. arrived in the Far East. in M.

Already present in the Far East early in the nineteenth century. Their presence was important. the 1860s witnessed the mushrooming of German firms in Hong Kong. the Germans initially chose to integrate into the British community. under British administration. Canton. All of these were evident in his long association with J.. all made their appearance in Hong Kong in this period.K.K. and as they came to realise that Hong Kong was a much better place at that time than the treaty ports of Shanghai. The important partnership between these two is discussed at a later point in this thesis. Hong Kong not only created an excellent business environment. Amoy or Ningpo. Shanghai’s speedy growth was interrupted by the Taiping Rebellion. R. pp. Old Hong Kong. but also established a social and political order that Europeans found easy to live with. 1. F. 245.102.S. they arrived in larger numbers as German political development gathered pace in mid-century. a fine memory and a flair for selecting competent business associates.S. 2. 269 As the number of Germans grew. Observations made about the acute eye for new opportunities that Jewish merchants displayed could also be made of German businessmen. 269 For instance. Braga. (known as Schwarzkopf in its branch in Tientsin). ‘The German community in 19th century Hong Kong’. Mak. with an acute eye for new opportunities. Blackhead and Co. By contrast. Hübener and Co. founded in 1859. vol. 2004. In the confined space of the European quarter. Karberg and Co. 100 . p. 243-244. 268 As a small minority in a British colony. vol. Asia Europe Journal.P. and Hagedorn and Co. Wiltshire. Sir Elly was a superb businessman. they lived close to the British and were sometimes members of the Hong Kong Club. Asia Europe Journal. The German Club. p. 2004. moved into this elegant neo-Gothic structure in 1872. He had a remarkable grasp of detail. Georg Theodor Siemssen was another founder of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation.Like Belilios and the Sassoons. For this reason. ‘The German community in 19th century Hong Kong’. reproduced in T. Bourjau. vol. R. Mak. their cultural and social 268 Arnhold. 2. It was replaced in 1902 by a far grander five-storey building at Kennedy Road in the Mid-Levels From the collection of the Boston Athaneum.

R. well above the town. 2004. Once this goodwill and cooperation gave way to hostility at the outbreak of World War I in 1914. a reading room. 3. Mak. It was much bigger than that pillar of the British establishment. Mak. S. which it overlooked. thirty German firms were located in Hong Kong.S. p. 275 270 Besides offering a library. ill-feeling began to grow between Britain and Germany over Germany’s support of the Boers in South Africa. their presence in Hong Kong depended on the goodwill and cooperation of the British. pp.K. 2. R. R. 22. Asia Europe Journal. Jarman. Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses. ‘The German community in 19th century Hong Kong’. mostly after 1871. a bar. as reflected in the construction of a five-storey building in 1902 for the German Club in what was then the dress circle of Hong Kong. p.L. 160. p. 101 .K.’ being present when it commemorated its fiftieth anniversary in 1909. 272 It was natural for German businesses to flourish in Hong Kong following the unification of the German Empire in 1871. 274 Germany’s acquisition of Jiaozhou (Kiaochau in German) as a naval base in 1898 in the Shandong Peninsula was promptly matched by Britain’s move on nearby Weihaiwei. at the beginning of the twentieth century. Kennedy Road. 271 Hong Kong Annual Report. a concert hall. 273 They were phenomenally successful.271 The opening of a Lutheran church in 1879 meant that the German community became even more self-contained.K. 273 Between the 1860s and 1914. a billiard room. despite ‘a large number of the English community. 2004. Bard. 2. ‘The German community in 19th century Hong Kong’. 272 Historical and statistical abstract of the colony of Hongkong. the German Club organised concerts and lectures. 1909. 2004. Soon afterwards. vol. 1841- 1941. Hong Kong Annual Administration came to revolve around their own fraternal associations. including His Excellency the Governor. the influence of the Germans in Hong Kong came to a sudden end. and tensions between the two nations grew. Asia Europe Journal.S. notably the German Club founded in 1859. 1841-1920. to which only members of the large firms had access. vol. Mak. German nationalism became more assertive in the later nineteenth century. 254. Asia Europe Journal. vol. 249. and later named ‘Club Germania’. 274 R. the Hong Kong Club. 96-105. There was also a lowlier ‘Captain’s Club’ which owners of small German stores frequented. 249. many German merchants chose to spend their free time there. Having few alternatives. a bowling alley. 270 It thus became something of a cultural cocoon.S. ‘The German community in 19th century Hong Kong’. p. 1841-1899. 275 Despite the Germans’ drive and commercial success. vol. 2. p. and a dining room.

Douglas Story. 1841-1899. already the second-largest non-Chinese community in Hong Kong. Story. The Germans devote at least part of the day to work. which were beyond the reach of all local people. 51-52. especially in the recession of the 1860s. the offices of the British firms are dark and silent. the growing success of the Germans drew envious comment. On Sunday the British. In the street. and 276 D. to a man. the 276 industrious Germans. 107-108. and the employees of failed businesses faced hard times. Not all Portuguese employment was threatened.Naturally. Bard. Never in a position to threaten others. the great bar of the Hongkong Club is lined with the British who have finished their work. there were casualties. perhaps because of the need to assert its identity in these difficult circumstances. Naturally. commented sourly that British trade ‘was drifting into the hands of the enterprising Americans. The continuing employment of Portuguese clerks in private concerns depended entirely on the vagaries of trade. 277 Part 6 – The Portuguese in Hong Kong: ‘a vastly inferior status’ Story did not comment on the commercial activity of the Portuguese. Tomorrow in the East. the first editor of the South China Morning Post. Portuguese or Chinese. He continued: Every evening. for cheap local labour was the basis of the British mercantile system. 277 S. but they totalled fewer than ten in the period under review. No Portuguese competition threatened the dominance of British. the indefatigable Japanese and the unsleeping Chinese’. Jewish. at five o’clock. Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses. 102 . pp. Yet it was at that very time that the Portuguese community set up its own social club. are engaged in launch parties and on bathing excursions. pp. German or American businesses. Parsee. Nor did Portuguese clerks threaten the British managers’ jobs. at golf and at play. In 1907. Some businesses were flourishing. but from the windows of the German merchants broad streams of electric light signal the nation’s industry until after midnight. they were themselves only as secure as the businesses that employed them. A few merchants from other European countries and Japan also found their way to this cosmopolitan city.

A. built largely out of the funds provided by two gentlemen. It was this group of business leaders and senior public servants who decided to establish Club Lusitano.several senior positions in government departments were held by Portuguese who had through their successful careers become prominent in the community. founded in 1846. but the idea of a club did. O Movimento. It had taken this length of time for the leaders of the Portuguese community first to establish themselves and then to set about providing organisations in which community life might prosper. some twenty years after the elite British club. J. 103 . Barretto. 278 The magazine did not take root. Mr. In the next half century others. President of Club Lusitano. an ambitious but futile attempt to cultivate Portuguese literature in Hong Kong. Banquet at the opening of Club Lusitano. the Hong Kong Club. One essay advocated the establishment of a Portuguese club in Hong Kong. Delfino Noronha and Mr. 2012 A newspaper reported that ‘the building was a very fine one. and from which the Portuguese community was barred. 17 December 1866 By courtesy of Mr Francisco Da Roza. especially sporting and charitable organisations would follow. which came into existence in 1865. March 1863. who together contributed some three quarters of the total 278 O Movimento. Such a step had been mooted in January 1863 in a literary magazine.

Military and Naval Authorities of the Colony: and.’ 279 An English writer. together with a large number of the foreign element including half the residents of Macao.T. its interior fittings mostly of teak. was for the last half century to be found in Shelley Street with the southern front on Elgin Street at an elevation of about 400 feet above sea level. Mercer. Hurley gave further details: ‘The building was of such a substantial character that today it is the private residence of a wealthy Chinese gentleman. one of the best in Hongkong. the Hon.cost. pp. W. 113-114. on the 17th December. and to supply this great want certain prominent members of their community came together and started the Club Lusitano during the early sixties. one of the earliest Social Institutions in Hongkong. 280 R. the inauguration took place. The Club Lusitano enjoys a somewhat unique privilege. The Jubilee of the Club Lusitano was duly celebrated on the 16th day of December. 1865. They were the interpreters and go-betweens in many of the big contracts and export-business transactions put through during the Co- hong at Canton as well as in the trade which passed through old Macao. The chief object for which it came into being was to promote social. the celebration being in the form of a grand Ball at which the Governors of Macao and Hongkong were present. Billiard. had to be demolished. 1866.C. was. a Hong Kong resident for more than forty years. Picturesque Hongkong. It is accepted by Government Officials and the Foreign Communities as the representative institution of the Portuguese Community. In these stirring times there was a total absence of any provision for healthy recreation or amusement adapted either to their means or tastes. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. and a theatre originally attached in which travelling Opera and Comedy Companies often used to perform. 280 279 Hongkong Telegraph. the theatre after the City Hall was completed. Its appointments were complete. in the presence of the Acting Governor.P. wrote in 1923: The Old Club Lusitano. recreative and intellectual intercourse among the members and families of the Portuguese Community. 1916. quoted by J. The foundation of a very suitable clubhouse was laid on the 26th of December. 202. having also several bedrooms. just a year later. Hurley. 26 November 1881. p. attended by the Civil. There was also a ball- room. It owned and occupied a substantial three storied building of brick and white granite.’ 104 . in proportion. as also the local Amateur Dramatic Society of its day: sad to say. A brief sketch of its history is here given. with Reading-room and Library. In the early days the number of Portuguese residents in the Colony all holding responsible positions both in the Government Service and in the principal mercantile hongs. Braga. by a reception in the afternoon when a large number of friends from all communities attended: this reception was followed by a grand ball in the evening amongst the members and their friends. It appears much the same as it was fifty years ago. much greater than it is today. Dining and Card rooms.

that intellectual baggage could not be discarded overnight. Braga prepared careful notes on the history of the Portuguese press in Hong Kong. Yet the situation the Portuguese brought upon themselves. Generally speaking. especially in land dealings when land was cheap and plentiful in the first few years. His grandson recalled that Noronha ‘used to say that the Portuguese are fine workers but. 282 J. 4 May 1970. but curiously enough few did this. published from 1897 to 1907 he commented that ‘it did much to create a split in the community. serious epidemics and at least two severe recessions. 6. J. when a wave of emigrants arrived from Macau. Besides these there was the uncertainty caused by the constant turmoil in China as the Qing dynasty slowly disintegrated.’ Jack Braga to Paul Braga. Paul Braga Papers.) he noted that ‘this paper sought to heal the differences between the pro-Portuguese and pro-British members of the community’.’ Of O Patria (1900-1904. who had been coming from Macao in increasing numbers after the 1880s. 282 Delfino Noronha. especially after the 1874 typhoon. published by Noronha & Co. 193. 284 They envied the 281 China Mail. Portuguese Pioneers of Hong Kong. with the younger Portuguese. and it reveals a situation that was in stark contrast to the overall story of thriving foreign communities and sustained success despite the disasters which befell Hong Kong from time to time: several destructive typhoons.In its early days. Braga. 281 Later. Braga. Braga described it. 284 J. was entirely consistent with the ingrained pattern of decline and failure to seize opportunities that the Portuguese brought with them from Macau.3/7. Braga. while keeping their heads bent to their tasks. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. they are apt to lose sight of good business opportunities flitting past them’. The date is unknown. or even in two or three generations. 283 J. 7 March 1868.P. It was the venue for a production of Donizetti’s opera “Lucia di Lammermoor’ on 11 March 1868. could still look back on early opportunities that he had lost. p. who were British subjects and educated in British schools in Hong Kong. Generally the families were too large for the wage-earner to save much. it also served a broader community function. as J.M. 283 This was a severe judgement. and the older Portuguese. Braga Papers. ‘the first demonstration of wireless telegraphy’ was held in its big hall. and at the death of those who did leave good sums the share of each person was woefully small. Noronha’s great-grandson.P. but may have been early in the twentieth century. 105 .M. A series of short-lived newspapers and magazines between 1846 and the end of the nineteenth century reflected this. observed much later that ‘those who bought property did well. p. but the Hong Kong Portuguese were often faction-ridden. and one of the Club’s principal founders. Of O Porvir (The Future). MS 4300/7. though one of the most successful Portuguese settlers. Other foreign communities tended to stick together.P.

which could not have afforded to pay expatriate salaries to men brought out from their homeland. then a similarly ready compliance and a willingness to accept a vastly inferior status. their British employers in Hong Kong expected. and especially as educational provision improved. like the Noronha and Braga families. they were the backbone of most British businesses. of thoroughness and attention to detail. expecting rapid social and economic advancement.success of those who. they readily found employment in those enterprises and in government service. had become well- established. They gained both as an ethnic group and as a class of clerical workers a reputation for probity and reliability. if not servility. 106 . However. no longer applied to relations between the Portuguese and the mandarins of the Casa Branca. The preparedness of Portuguese clerks to work for much lower wages and their ability to speak English and Cantonese made them indispensable in running the companies for which they worked. While the Portuguese were unable to establish trading companies to rival the enormously successful mercantile and financial enterprises of the British and some other Europeans. ‘their accustomed servility’. In the first few years of Hong Kong’s existence. Sir John Davis’s jibe. Over time. made in 1836. Yet these traits fixed them into a pattern of social and economic inferiority from which only a few escaped in the next century. they developed attributes of sustained hard work.

59-60. 286 285 Não tomasse qualquer decisão sem que fosse ouvido o Governador. conformed in practically every detail to the systems of local government. the Senate. language. Toponimia de Macau. dress. p. universally known locally. the same is true of its ecclesiastical arrangements. 1. Macau. when its powers were severely curtailed by royal decree which required that ‘no decision could be taken without the governor being heard’. Portuguese society in the tropics. vol. Chapter 4 The Rosa and Braga families in Macau and Goa. Boxer. Toponimia de Macau. This implies the Governor’s consent. vol. 285 They were further reduced in 1833 as part of a general overhaul of municipal arrangements. 107 . Instead. pp. 286 M. as the Senado. they maintained resolutely as much of their own culture as possible. furniture. C. the necessity of intermarriage with local people. I am indebted here and at other points in this thesis. 44. Perhaps the most enduring organisation of Portuguese Macau was its camara. the missionary task the Church set itself in early years did shape the form and outlook of its seminaries. after nearly three centuries in Macau. 1. the municipal council. justice and to the benevolent institutions that had developed in Portugal during the fifteenth century. 45-46. Marcel Yvan was surprised to find that. However.R. council and citizens in early Macau. Naturally. and then continued until 1999. pp. its inhabitants had adopted none of the cultural attributes of the Chinese Empire to the fringes of which they had clung for so long – domestic architecture. Founded in 1583. Teixeira. They remained resolutely Portuguese in all respects save one. The same was true of their governmental and community organisations. Teixeira. exercising more limited functions. as it was in Goa. 1714-1841 Part 1 – the Rosa family in Macau Europeans colonising distant parts of the Earth seldom arrived with the intention of learning much of the people among whom they settled. like all far-flung Portuguese communities. it remained largely unaltered until 1783. M. to the skilled assistance and advice of Alberto Guterres in clarifying the relations between governor.

Here too. because the mandarins of the Casa Branca refused to deal with the governor. for most of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. the Senado dominated to the extent that it supplied the ordnance and paid a miserable 108 .However. whose jurisdiction effectively extended only to the various fortifications. the Senado in Macau exercised in the Portuguese community what were in effect paramount powers.

Boxer. over time. just a quiet backwater. the Portuguese Government was obliged throughout the eighteenth century to maintain a garrison of about two thousand European soldiers. ‘These soldiers were miserably paid and as miserably fed. A major position in Portugal itself or in Brazil might prove costly. the garrison at Goa fared badly too. received what was left. Fonseca. 288 Albuquerque’s immense influence as the conqueror of Portuguese Asia meant that the Viceroy had unquestioned authority for more than three centuries afterwards. 290 C. assumed the surname Braga with its 287 Ibid. might be attainable to an aspirant with little money and no family distinction. who took up the position of Ouvidor (a judge appointed by the Crown and therefore of high standing) in Macau in 1714. who on arriving in Goa in 1739 from the city of Braga. were the only people who might aspire to positions of eminence. p. it was not difficult to acquire the manner. Because of the threat from the Marathas. p. 109 . often years in arrears. 280. These unfortunates.’ J. p. to the expectation that an elite of parvenus would hold sway. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. The second was Félix Fernandes. especially the exactions of the mandarins. A judicial post in a minor African colony or in far off Macau. the prestige and authority of the Senado do Goa made membership of it a prize coveted by citizens. It was at this point that the status of the Portuguese- born men and Goanese of mixed blood sharply parted company. They may have come from humble origins. 290 This led. This appears to have been the background of two young men who became the forebears of the Braga family. It rewarded aspirational young men who came from Portugal. 287 By contrast. although the Senate was set up at the foundation of the city of Goa itself in 1510. Another path to prominence in the East was the purchase of a position. Always short of money.R. Portuguese society in the tropics. in effect recent arrivals. 180-181. Boxer. reinóis. in Goa. bearing and self-confidence that would ensure success. whose territories lay close to its Indian possessions. An historical and archæological sketch of the city of Goa.pittance to the garrison. 67. from the small town of Tancos. 288 C.N. pp. 289 Despite this. after all other expenses had been met. 54. if anything. The Senate even had to pay the stipend of the bishop. Pure-blooded Portuguese men. but once they arrived in the East. even quite minor ones. the Viceroy’s powers exceeded those of the Senado do Goa. usually from the African colonies. 289 However. later to achieve distinction in its own right in the British colony of Hong Kong. The first was Manuel Vicente Rosa.R. the Portuguese court was well known for selling offices..

295. where mere merchants could never attain fidalguia or nobreza. and the Rosa family were enthusiastic participants in them. Speculation that. 295 This was despite the presence of some families descended from the fidalguia e sangue e espada: the old nobility. 294 It was a little known place. in the district of Santarém. uses the form ‘Rosa’. which is the correct form and has been followed here. 293 M. p. Manuel Vicente Rosa and his heirs and descendants for the next four generations were prominent members of the business community of Macau throughout the eighteenth century. also saw himself as the leader of the cohort ranged against the governor for at least part of his 47 years in Macau. Given that the whole of Macau’s population. perpetually striving to extinguish each other’. the year in which Manuel Vicente Rosa is thought to have arrived. The travels and controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete. p. Forjaz. 292 J. 110 . 300. dress and deportment would effortlessly achieve in the East what could never be gained in the homeland. Uproars. Portuguese and Chinese. strict rules of gentility could never be applied. 3. 291 Fr Domingo Navarrete had written in 1670 of ‘the Broils. in Vila Nova da Barquinha. vol. some 80 km from Lisbon along the valley of the River Tagus. 2. or rather two contesting powers. Yvan. Prosperity. According to Jorge Forjaz. the gentry. Rosa. Cummins. 292 They continued unabated in the following century. Famílias Macaenses. 270. the nobility of blood and sword. who would eventually become prominent in the early history of Hong Kong (Information from Alberto M. Marcel Yvan was surprised to find in Macau ‘two rival governments. that indefatigable researcher of Macau’s genealogy. One had only to be Portuguese-born to be seen as one of the fidalgos. Quarrels and Extravagancies there have been at Macao’. gentility or nobility. 295 Yet in 1710. Each was to make his mark in the place of his choice. Six Months among the Malays and a Year in China. 294 J. in the light of his subsequent career. p.connotations of social eminence. not prosperous and certainly not the country seat of a distinguished family with noble ancestry. Forjaz. Nothing else is known of the origins of a man who achieved prominence as soon as he arrived in this distant Portuguese outpost. 293 That had been the situation for most of Macau’s history. There is no record of a Rosa family in Macau before 1704. vol. Famílias Macaenses. J. his father was Vicente Rosa. These included the d’Almada e Castro family. who was born about 1650 in the small town of Tancos. not long after Rosa’s arrival in 291 Some sources use the name ‘da Rosa’ or ‘Roza’. Yet this was an age when young men could arrive in the colonies and acquire instant gentility. Many years later. who saw himself as the founder of something like a dynasty.S. survived through trade. Estremadura province. he may have had legal training must remain just that.

but was re-established in 1702. 297 This suggests that he may have started with some capital. 296 Whatever his background may have been. p. Historic Macao. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. he was also a public figure. Thus there was plenty of scope for the holder of the office to use it for his own benefit. in 1712. 175. Portuguese society in the tropics. p. Toponimia de Macau. 300 C. An unpaid position. Teixeira. 1750- 1800. Montalto de Jesus. as in Macau. one had to apply for fidalguia. 59. and showed whether he was suitable for higher office. Thus this qualification grew more elastic. Boxer. C. 297 C. Boxer.R. Judge of Orphans.R. Portuguese society in the tropics. p. 49. Portuguese India in the mid-seventeenth century. (Maria de Jesus dos Mártires Lopes and Universidade Nova de Lisboa. 296 M. Tradition and modernity in eighteenth-century Goa. said Forjaz. Boxer. 2006. and arrived in Macau about 1704. As a Crown appointee. Guterres). Manuel Vicente Rosa was from the first one of the poderosos. or ‘great ones’ in the community. recommending that his younger brother join him in the East as Ouvidor in Goa. or ‘people of influence’ in Macau. a large fortune in commerce. 111 . He was born in Tancos. 300 The post had been abolished in Macau in 1642 following a petition from the citizens. 134-137). 298 C. a royal decree. though in Goa.R. normally held for three years. and could be claimed by any resident with some degree of education. vol. leading to a renewed succession of abuses. 298 The position of Ouvidor in a small colony was of singular importance. the governor’s position was relatively weak. for he was both Chief Justice and administrator.R. especially when. 282. Centro de História de Além-Mar.Macau.A. Manohar. Like all successful businessmen. 299 C. Among other positions. 299 ‘These men are kings out here’. the Ouvidor was responsible to the Crown through the Viceroy of India at Goa. New Delhi. pp. It was commonly granted. he was a councillor of the Senate and held the significant position of Juiz dos Orphãos. He made. while recognising that this did not require descent of pure Portuguese blood. about 1680. confirming a requirement of the Viceroy at Goa in 1690. p. wrote a young adventurer to his father. 1. but not accountable to anyone in Macau. 13. given that few Portuguese women ever went to the East. it gave the incumbent experience in administration. p. and was regarded as ‘one of the most powerful and influential businessmen of his time’. Arrival in the East usually brought social promotion. his father’s home town.. stated that the posts of the municipal government of Macau cannot be given to ‘os que não forem nobres’ – ‘those who are not nobles’. 175. Boxer. p.

Boxer. the Archbishop of Goa. Montalto de Jesus. 89-91. 112 . Fidalgos in the Far East. C. and C. op. 303 One instance of Rosa’s use of his position against an enemy was striking. op. 304 C. Boxer. who as President of the Senate in 1712 played a leading part in the re-establishment of commercial relations with Cochin China and conducted negotiations with the Heungshan mandarins. 305 The episode was dealt with at some length by M. Fidalgos in the Far East. cit. Boxer. p. 206. Rosa. He held the position only from 1714 to 1716. The number of wealthy. p. 4. Os Ouvidores em Macau. Menezes not only quashed the charges but went on to appoint Albuquerque Coelho to the post of Governor and Captain- General of Macau. chief amongst whom was Rosa. however.A.A. p.R. 305 301 C. p. 302 A century later the administration of the ouvidores of this period would be described as a ‘torrent of iniquity’. the despotic Rosa. 1831.R. identified the Viceroy who restored Albuquerque and removed Rosa from office as Menezes’ successor. 303 A. 245. the second. following a petition from Macau. Gomes. The office itself did not endure. 304 When these instructions reached Macau. 302 G. in Canton Miscellany. 301 The next appointee. his enemy. However. no. Montalto de Jesus. and was again briefly suspended in 1740.. two holders of the office were quickly removed. 291. being recalled to Goa as an excommunicated prisoner after a year in office.A. Ljungstedt. His critics.. Thomaz Garcez do Conto. gained the ear of the Viceroy of Goa. Dom Sebastião de Andrade Pessanha. 167. cit. p. pp. p. Among Rosa’s enemies was António de Albuquerque Coelho. Efemérides da história de Macau. powerful men in Macau at a time when commerce was declining can only have been few. did not last long either. Teixeira. when the case reached Goa.In the next ten years. Wealth created rivalry and enmity. Rosa took advantage of his position as Ouvidor to imprison Albuquerque Coelho in the fortress of Nossa Senhora da Guia. Vasco Fernandes Cesar de Menezes. By the time he eventually returned in triumph to Macau in 1718. 167. ‘Independent of China’. had already been removed by Menezes from his position as Ouvidor under orders from Goa. having fallen foul of the bishop. 76. who ordered his arrest and return to Goa in 1714 to answer charges of ‘tyrannous behaviour not only to the citizens of Macau but equally to the foreign nationals who sought to trade in that port’.

accompanying a gift of selected European delicacies and curiosities. Montalto de Jesus. vol. Montalto de Jesus. Teixeira. which were already known to fascinate the Chinese. Matteo Ricci. The great Jesuit missionary. Rosa may have grown more circumspect following this severe reversal of fortune. Os Ouvidores em Macau. op. Significantly. 129. had enchanted the Viceroy of Guangzhou with a clock as early as 1582. 113 . which did not include the Portuguese. 308 306 M. 307 C. growing wealth and importance and a significant role in community leadership. signed by the vereadores (councillors) of the Senate. 1650.A. pp. 85-88. op. 137..A. 306 Perhaps the most significant document bearing his name of which a record has survived was a carefully worded memorial to the Kangxi Emperor in 1719. but put a stop to Chinese external trade.. ca. p. cit. by A. p. headed by Manuel Vicente Rosa. cit. carefully avoided claiming Portuguese sovereignty over Macau. Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica. The record of his activities following this contretemps is a catalogue of commercial dealings. Teixeira da Mota. It was occasioned by the imperial prohibition of navigation to foreign countries. and shrewdly stopped just short of acknowledging vassalage. plate 586. 308 C. Map 12 – Goa. The Address. Cortesão and A. 307 That was probably beyond the straitened means of the Senate. the gift did not include clocks. 5.

Rosa was likely to have been part of this sea-change. 312 He remained influential. 310 For this catastrophic error of judgement. 703. Macao. he was a member of a delegation of three: himself. To shew in some way our thankfulness. op. discussed in Chapter 1. 458. As a leading participant in the situation. cit. Rosa. have always received immense favors of your Imperial Majesty. p.V. Manoel Vicente Rosa etc.Whether it was drafted by Rosa cannot be known. Rosa was a successful shipowner. the richest and most hated man in the whole place.. M. and we shall be very happy. National Library of Australia.R. 60. November 1943. in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau. but as his was the first signature. whose name fills all the world. Signed. p. pp. we have more than ten thousand mouths to provide for. he became ‘o mais rico e o mais odiade de toda a praca’. we have selected a few articles.M. Rosa must take his share of responsibility. this may have been so. 311 Despite these successes. Braga Papers. 1st March. 933.A. dealing. &c. 313 309 A. Montalto de Jesus. and certainly we can never acknowledge it as we ought. Ljungstedt. quoted by C.M. 310 C. among other things. in Renascimento. 309 What this letter did not convey was the Senate’s rejection of the emperor’s offer to centre at Macau the entire foreign commerce of the Chinese Empire. no. The favor of not being comprehended in the prohibition is above all comparison great. Teixeira. Braga. 129-130. M.2/88 – Rosa. too important to be ignored. The Portuguese of Macao govern the place. which we at present transmit to the Tsung-tuh. and lately a new one bestowed upon us by not being included in the prohibition of navigating the southern seas. Boxer. Hereafter cited as J. ‘A Missão Portuguesa no Sião’.. having seen the commercial necessity for such a step. It may be presumed that he was the President of the Senate. 114 . &c. November 1962. Manuel Vicente. 311 Papers of J. sent as envoys by the Senate to the Viceroy of Kwangtung to receive a present from the Emperor of China to the Senate. or perhaps because of them. p. Pascoal da Rosa and Manuel Leite Pereira. or Viceroy. begging him to have the goodness to present them to your Imperial Majesty. 1719. with all the others. 313 In June 1719. 312 A contemporary comment. 62. vol. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China. MS 4300/7. in rice shipped from Siam to Macau and China. However. without citation. As a private trader. the Senate would take the opposite view in 1732.

pp. it had to mortgage its revenue.500 taels that the Senate was required to raise to finance this grand expedition. Rosa escaped by seeking sanctuary in the seminary. and its finances were crippled for over thirty years (C. The accusation was supported by Rosa. was sent in chains to Goa by order of the Captain-General and Governor. A fracas concerning the Chinese customs officials spun out of control. and this was held to be grounds for impeachment. António Pereira Braga. p.. or the Seminário de Nossa Senhora do Amparo. 314 The following year. 317 More than thirty years after the Albuquerque Coelho imbroglio. with a present of solid gold oranges to the Viceroy in support of 314 Arquivos de Macau. ‘A Missão Portuguesa no Sião’. 315 A long series of disputes followed. MS 4300/7. Montalto de Jesus. 148. 317 According to an unreferenced note in J. p. another Menezes was appointed Captain-General and Governor of Macau in 1747. which remained active until 1762. Rosa vindicated their opinion of him when he gave 726 taels of silver for expenses relating to Alexandre Metello de Sousa’s embassy to the Chinese Emperor. in a letter of 11 January 1725. razed to the ground in 1749 at the insistence of the Casa Branca mandarin for sheltering a Chinese catechist caught proselytising in his native land. expressed the desire of seeing him continuing his work in Macau. 178-179. for neglect of his duties. But the governor. He did not have to wait long for an opportunity. To do this. See Note on Sources for an explanation of this series. in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau. with ten gold bars. returning when the fuss had died down. 315 M. also in chains. Historic Macao. lacking an heir. 56). vol. 60.2/88 – Rosa. p. pp. who had been bribed by Rosa. Boxer. Rosa pursued this second Menezes with implacable animosity. for further enquiries. 115 . November 1962. no stranger to bribery. 168-170. Manuel Vicente. 316 It may have been then that he withdrew to Bangkok. op. no. Moreira da Souza too was reinstated. p. leading to the death of two Chinese and thus placing several Portuguese soldiers in peril of strangulation by the Chinese authorities.R. Portuguese society in the tropics. in 1726. 316 Recounted at length by C. António Barretto. and other influential citizens asked him to stay.M. with orders from Goa to send back both Barretto and Rosa. This was in addition to the 18. Menezes was accused of handling the affair badly. where he had trading contacts. The seminary was either the Jesuit Seminário do S. The resolution of this assembly was corroborated by the Viceroy of India who. António Telles de Menezes became instantly feared by personally thrashing one of the judges. February 1965. it was alleged. he considered returning to Portugal. superiors of the religious orders. Braga Papers. Teixeira. 127 and March 1965.A. 933. Moreira da Souza. In 1731 a later Ouvidor. Paolo. cit. members of the Senate. 703.In 1724.

whose prosperity. impecunious and with no prospects. Teixeira hinted that the bride was ugly. first being imprisoned in Guia fortress. Teixeira. contrasting this deplorable situation with the Dutch. 321 Ibid. p. 296-297. Portuguese society in the tropics. was appalled by the venality of the place. driven businessmen focussed solely on amassing personal power. 256. p. 245. the Macanese historian Montalto de Jesus had this to say: ‘The colonies. Montalto de Jesus.. As Alfandegas Chinesas de Macau. p. Rosa had a succession problem.the allegation. Of all such turmoils. It was a prospect that the nephew. be adopted by his uncle. 319 C. confident that the succession problem was solved. The next Rosa generation would become still richer. 82. who lived in Macau from 1742 to 1745. leaving a legacy of $10. 68.A. Simão Vicente Rosa. 322 J. suicidal egotism of Portuguese merchants’. were further blighted by the blinded. a young man of twenty. 320 M. 323 By C.. Rosa was buried in the 318 In recounting this strange tale. António Marques Pereira. C. 319 As often happens with wealthy. Boxer cautiously observed that ‘the nineteenth century historian. p. a careful and conscientious writer who lived many years in Macau. he maintained. 318 This time. Remonstrating. 133-134. there were seven children by 1750.’ Fidalgos in the Far East. He arrived in Macau on 3 October 1738. vol. citing António Marques Pereira’s pioneer work. Boxer. 83. She died not long after. probably before 1738. Rosa had the satisfaction of seeing his enemy removed for good..R. was mainly due to their solidarity of purpose. Like his wife. p. claims that the truth of this story was proved by authentic documents which he himself had examined. C.R. to come to Macau. he was told that it was impossible to live in Macau without indulging in dishonesty and deceit. and in his fifties. could not resist. op. a bride pre-selected by his uncle. Rosa sent home to Portugal for his nephew. op. Boxer. sister of another rich merchant.R. all stunted by the royal trade monopoly. He was to be seen in retrospect as one of the three 323 most important personalities of eighteenth century Macau. 171-175 gave a detailed account of the episode. pp. cit.A. 3. cit. Forjaz. Fidalgos in the Far East. wealth and prestige. but by 1835 those of their descendants who are discussed in this study had lost everything. António da Cruz. and sixteen days later was married off to Maria de Araújo Barros. marry well and soon inherit his rich uncle’s fortune. he married Isabel da Cruz.000 to the convent of Nossa Senhora do Rosário. pp. aged about 70. 116 . José de Jesus Maria. Famílias Macaenses. 322 Manuel Vicente Rosa died the next year. 321 be that as it may. C. pp. Os Ouvidores em Macau. 320 With no heir. Montalto de Jesus. After many years’ residence in Macau. A Franciscan friar. p. 109.

5 kg) to poor orphans to enable them to marry. The map shows the built-up area. 1784. 117 . 325 Map 13 – ‘Plan de la ville et du port de Macao’. 324 Like her. the former Judge of Orphans leaving at the entrance of St Dominic’s church. 325 Ibid. Famílias Macaenses. he left a substantial To the north-west of Macau is the compound of the ‘Casa Branca’ mandarin. this being an era in which dowries were essential. 3.000 taels of silver (37. nla. A French map of Macau by Nicholas Bellin. Forjaz. p. the city walls and fortifications in considerable detail. 295. 324 J. vol. reissued by a Dutch cartographer.

provided employment for young Macanese men as seafarers.R. He was both a great hater (and was greatly hated. the Viceroy’s rejection of this renewed opportunity was seen to have been a serious error of judgement. Boxer. Two women sheltered personally successful in a period of by a large paper umbrella carried by a servant or slave. he secured a powerful position in Macau by 326 C. January/March 1996. men of higher standing. 326 He readily fitted into the traditional role of community Luis de Camoes Museum. The phrase homens de maior condição. of which he was a leading member at the time. not to its own p. turned its back in 1719 on the Emperor’s offer to give Macau a monopoly on foreign trade. leadership that Macau’s particular 26. continuing decline. reproduced in Review of Culture. circumstances gave. He was ‘A visible sign of status’. pp. George Chinnery. While enriching himself. 118 . Simão Vicente Rosa was possibly still more successful in business than his uncle. he appears to have been part of the strong but unsuccessful advocacy in 1732 for opening the port to foreign traders. 63. well-established families.180. for success breeds envy) and a respected spokesman for Macau. 61. Rosa made a major impact on Macau in the 47 years of his residence. he was an enigmatic figure. the essential qualification for public office in Macau. However. No. dextrous in handling the difficult relations with the Chinese authorities. As well as being a prominent trader. Yet the Senate. as a shipowner. Portuguese society in the tropics. 2nd series. He was aspirational. By then it was seen as a vital opportunity of reviving Macau’s premier trading position. was sometimes used too loosely. Within the lifetime of Rosa’s nephew Simão. Like many successful entrepreneurs. Macau. having changed his mind. opportunistic and at times ruthless. he had also. but it was well applied to Manuel Vicente Rosa. but to young men fresh from the motherland.

Famílias Macaenses. p. in this case to the Dutch East India Company. 127. Rosa claimed Green Island. 330 J. Teixeira. they borrowed from Rosa. 3. I. Hugo-Brunt. the ‘small praya’. 332 M. far from the fashionable. Braga Papers. The Bishop of Macau. To maintain their mission. 328 Notes prepared by M. 3.’ M. soe that now in a Manner it is covered with fruit trees that yieldeth by report 2 or 3000 ryall off eight yearly profits to them. Apparently one of the best houses in Macau. vol. the debt totalling 6. and well-placed to watch over shipping. it was selected by the Senate as the residence for another ambassador who came to Macau en route to Peking in 1752. 330 It had been the site of a Jesuit retreat house and chapel from the early days of the settlement and had become an orchard – hence its name. p.lending to the Jesuits. mansion-lined Praya Grande. MS 4300/15. Teixeira. However. It became one of many leased to foreigners. ‘The Portuguese settlement at Macao’. vol. In satisfaction of the debt. p. 296. The younger Rosa was aged 33 when his uncle left him the fortune that he had anticipated for thirteen years. 3. Toponimia de Macau. p. 329 Another appeal to Goa yielded greater success for him. Rosa’s mansion passed to his son-in-law Manuel Homem de Carvalho. Teixeira. 401). the small praia. PLAN. was on the other side of the peninsula. 332 Later. vol. Forjaz. 552. Alexandre da Silva Pedrosa Guimarães. whose earlier strong position in China had faded away significantly. The attractive Ilha Verde. J. I. Green Island. no. or the Jesuits. 552. 331 It was described in 1637 by Peter Mundy in appreciative terms. 1963. 119 . and on 14 April 1766 the Viceroy ordered the Macau Senate to hand the island to Rosa. vol. and Rosa was made to pay. Part of the inheritance was a large house on the Praia Pequena. 329 M. Toponimia. including the Jesuits. just north of Macau’s Inner Harbour. his business acumen. vol. 331 Rosa now turned it into a private park. Toponimia de Macau. the ‘big praya’.174 taels by the time of the suppression by Pombal of the Jesuit Order in 1762. had been owned by the Jesuits since Macau’s early days. Teixeira for his Toponimia de Macau. 328 Rosa became embroiled in a bitter dispute with the Bishop of Macau concerning his uncle’s legacy. he and other members of his family would be buried there in a private 327 The Praia Pequena. He inherited his uncle’s wealth.M. and by them caused to bee planted.1/29. ‘On the Inner side of the Citty lieth a little rocky Island called Isla Verde or Greene Island belonging to the Padres of Saint Paulle. the Governor asked that the Bishop’s palace be used instead (M. which he refused to hand over. p. I. appealed to the Viceroy in Goa. 327 After his death on 31 January 1773. and perhaps his opprobrium. The hard times on which Macau had fallen affected most people and institutions. on the Inner Harbour.

MS 4300/7. Boxer. linking the island to Macau. accessed 10 May 2012 cemetery that existed until the 1920s. Rosa was one of the few creditors in Macau.R. 336 Naturally this prominent man was significant in the affairs of the Senate. which continued to decline gradually. Braga Papers. according to J. 1761. 338 Because Macau had no Portuguese artisans. p. and became part of her dowry on her marriage to Manuel Homem de Carvalho. still mired in the huge cost of the 1726 embassy and the constant exactions of the mandarins. Portuguese society in the tropics. He spoke Cantonese. the role of procurador was quite different. and up to the mid-twentieth century the place where Simão Vicente Rosa’s wharf and godown were located was. Braga Papers. p. ‘I remember seeing on the top of Green Island the tombstones of my ancestors.M. 552. vol. MS 4300/4. J.M. The Portuguese seaborne empire. J. 333 It was later left to his youngest daughter. but did not read or write Chinese. 337 M. Website. Manuel Vicente da Rosa and his [adopted] son’. Macau Antigo. Green Island. 12 April 1961. 1759. 334 C. 63. The name ‘See-mang Ma Tau’ is not given in Chinese characters in J. p. Teixeira. Manuel Vicente.4/13. 335 He had his own wharf at a place called Tarrafeiro on the Inner Harbour.M. 335 J.M. 120 . Toponimia de Macau. 1. He held the major post of procurador for the years 1745. Boxer. 1764 and 1771. so passing out of the Rosa family. 276. and vastly more important. but the name Simão (the terminal syllable pronounced rhyming with ‘lung’) was readily adapted. 337 Most Portuguese town councils had a procurador. early twentieth century. 334 The Senate. was also in his debt.M. 336 Cantonese speakers often have difficulty with European sounds.R. generally an attorney representing the interests of artisans who lacked the franchise to vote for councillors. 338 C.2/88 – Rosa. Braga to Lieut. still called ‘See-mang Ma Tau’. Braga. Here he was appointed from the elected 333 The grave may have been moved to Green Island from St Dominic’s. like the Jesuits. Braga’s notes. Fernando Amaro. By then a causeway had been constructed.

p. 340 Ibid. It shows a be-wigged fidalgo in his fifties. for inhabitants of Macau 339 C.R. 339 Hence he was the key man in the city. but it also reflected the dwindling pool of those who were seen as suitable people.R. 121 . pp. 45-46. so the artist may have relied on a written description of the subject.M. p. The Portuguese seaborne empire. with greater importance than the Governor. a rare survivor of the last years before British commerce became dominant in Macau. 65. three years before Rosa’s death. so that office-bearers increasingly became a self-perpetuating oligarchy. 340 For Rosa to hold this position five times was a sign of his capacity. Boxer. 342 It is held in the Pictures Collection of the National Library of Australia as part of the J. 287. still extant. 341 C. He was accorded by them the grade of a junior mandarin to enable such dealings to take place. and indicates that formal colonial attire followed closely that of metropolitan Portugal. 1770 nla. Portuguese society in the tropics. 342 It is thought to have been made in Manila about 1770. clad in frock coat and breeches. 52. height 51. and was the Senate’s representative in all dealings with the Chinese. wood and plaster. Portuguese society in the tropics.. In the almost complete absence of portraiture. 341 Simão Vicente Rosa 1718-1773 Statuette of Simão Vicente da Rosa. His dress indicates his station in life. He had to negotiate the amount of ‘squeeze’ to be paid and see to its raising in Macau.pic-an6227500 Simão Vicente Rosa was one of the very few people of his era of whom something approaching a likeness is known.R. p.3 cm on plinth 27 x 25. C. He commissioned a plaster statuette. Boxer. nla.vereadores. Boxer.5 x 8 cm ca.pic-an6227500. statuary was the only way of creating a likeness. painted . Braga collection.

his predecessors.pic-an6396552 dealings in Bangkok and occasionally Goa. on plinth 11.pic-an6396552. 69. Braga collection. Contribution to an historical sketch of the Roman Catholic Church at Macao.M. height 15. Manuel Vicente. Simão d’Araújo Rosa.2/88 – Rosa. nla. A. According to his descendant.5 cm nla. 31.M. Simão Vicente Rosa could not have foreseen that this was at the end of a time when a successful career could be celebrated in this way. It is perhaps a portent of what would follow as Macau continued to decline. accelerated. wood . born in 1745. is accompanied by a smaller bust of a much younger man at the beginning of his. 344 It is also held in the Pictures Collection of the National Library of Australia as part of the J. Height 15. and less self-assured. he. Boxer. This is of Simão d’Araújo Rosa. and the domestic and foreign relations of Macao. of course. confined his trade to on plinth 11. 345 J. commemorating a successful man towards the end of his career.5 cm. 345 343 C. J. Ljungstedt. His bust is less self- important. Braga. he meant the lucrative opium trade. MS 4300/7. a visible sign of status.7 x 13. p.7 x 13.R.5 cm. those born in the homeland. Braga Papers. not his brothers. 122 . Portuguese society in the tropics. the fifth child and fourth son of Simão Vicente. p.M. This statuette.‘who are not Europeans by birth or descent’ were prohibited in 1744 from wearing wigs or carrying of a paper umbrella.5 cm. 344 Although he was a younger son. Simão d’Araújo Rosa carried on his father’s business but he did not participate in the growing trade between Calcutta and Macau. Rosa and most other smaller Simão d’Araújo Rosa 1745-1821 traders were left behind as that trade Bust of Simão d’Araújo Rosa. like Plaster. By that. succeeded his father in business in 1773. 343 This was a colonial society in which upward social mobility was almost impossible except for reinóis.

according to Ljungstedt. 103. Carl Smith Index Cards. Five years after the voyage of the St António e Bom Successo. consisted of sixteen ships totalling 5. MO/AH/CS/INDEX/ 31301a. bringing in return but a dwindling cargo of oriental products. there were fifteen. the people of Macao grew none the better. The Arquivos de Macau provides an occasional glimpse of a man doing his best to maintain the trading business he had inherited: Captain and supercargo of ship St António e Bom Successo owned by Simão de Araújo Roza to Bengal and Malacca. 350 A. Montalto de Jesus gave the overall picture: Towards the end of the eighteenth century Portuguese shipping at Macao had dwindled to some eight or ten vessels trading mostly with Siam. Simão d’Araújo Rosa had seen over the years the gradual collapse of the prosperity his family had once enjoyed. Ljungstedt. 351. but became poorer. 137. pp.. 348 In 1789. Arquivo Histόrico de Macau. In 1834. as security. 346 Arquivos de Macau. 298. 1782.500 taels from the Misericórdia using a ship. In a word. Arquivo Histόrico de Macau.His prosperity gradually slipped away.185 tons. p. He added that ‘the greater part of the shipowners are destitute of sufficient means to lay in a suitable cargo. and their poverty was an evil without remedy.331 English tons. 349 Session of the Santa Casa de Misericórdia. and the usual small shipment of home produce. 348 C. 1831. then in great demand among the Chinese. 347 Court file. passport 31 December 1784. the success of which is unknown. and to bear the charges and expense of long voyages’. op. under the name Simão Vicente Roza. 347 That was one voyage. In 1831. 8 November 1789. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China.. p. the Effigenia. 123 . and from Portugal one or two vessels annually came with Brazil snuff. cit. appears to have borrowed 2. trade at Macao was dying out . the whole shipping. Montalto de Jesus. indexed by Carl Smith. indexed by Carl Smith. p. no. it seems that he had to mortgage a house near Monte (the principal fort) and shops at Bazar Grande in the Chinese quarter. totalling 4. July 1981.. repeating a comment made initially in his article ‘Actual state of Macao’ in the Canton Miscellany. 5. 346 To get his ship away. Simão de Araújo. MO/AH/CS/INDEX/ 31275. 349 The situation remained much the same in the 1830s. 350 As one of those shipowners. 136.A. Carl Smith Index Cards.

Famílias Macaenses. rather late in life. but added. 297-298. 354 Arquivos de Macau. pp. soon to be wracked by civil war. the Senado a little later. there being no further children. the Holy House of Mercy. aged 76. Boxer. bore him seven children between 1761 and 1772. The Western pioneers and their discovery of Macao. To be a brother of the Misericórdia was a pious obligation for a poderoso. He married in September 1760.Despite what must have been years of constant worry. Famílias Macaenses. His wife. Rosa became the secretary of the Misericórdia on 1 November 1812. C. 21. 355 C. Portuguese society in the tropics. but by 1782 he was a widower. ‘to protect property and to establish and ensure order’. p. Forjaz. As a young man he was a councillor of the Senate during the Francis Scott case in 1773. vol. p. 358 He died on 22 December 1821. an officer in the militia. a knight of the Order of Christ. p. 352 Arquivos de Macau. Portuguese society in the tropics. in 1582. 354 He was also mestre de campo do Terço de Auxiliares. and for many years afterwards. as it was commonly termed. Forjaz. the Misericórdia. 353 C. 13. Teixeira for his Toponimia de Macau. Boxer. the Misericórdia was a secular organisation. also recorded that he described himself as cavaleiro da Ordem de Cristo. Arquivo Histόrico de Macau. 3. diligent in his fact-finding and checking. 91. p. MO/AH/CS/INDEX/ 31275. its economic woes accentuated by a conflict between the Conservatives and the Miguelists. p. July 1981. 351 Notes prepared by M. 357 He married again in 1790. vol. indexed by Carl Smith. p. Rosa carried out his civic duties as his forebears had done. 54. 124 . 290. 298. July 1981. 356 J. n. 59). Braga. reflecting the political situation in Portugal. Maria Ana de Liger Lopes da Silva. that his name does not appear in the register of the Order in the National Archives in Lisbon. Despite its name. In Macau. often set up in Portugal and its territories. he was received into the brotherhood of the Santa Casa de Misericórdia. a citizens’ militia. 265. 3. went hand in hand with the council. but may also reflect Rosa’s endeavour to bolster his family’s sagging reputation. 297. though that scarcely applied in a community that was profoundly devout and observant of its religious duties. In Portugal and its colonies. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. p. with Macau in a sad plight.R. It was organised by the Senate and officered by them.R. 1782.R. on 14 April 1810. 355 Forjaz. p. It was a mark of distinction in the community to be elected to membership of either. 351 Much later. the Misericórdia had been established in 1569 (J.M. 358 J. 356 This may have been a clerical omission. 357 Court file. This was the ordenança. as was common in a tropical place where life was uncertain. Boxer. 352 The Misericórdia was for several centuries an important and effective means of exercising charity in a community in which other social services were absent. though originally. aged fifteen. It mounted nightly patrols ‘to protect property and to establish and ensure order’. 353 Apparently active and conscientious in his duties. Carl Smith Index Cards. membership was separate. without comment.

seeking to borrow the lustre of the name of his famous grandfather. He was born in Macau about 1765 and died there on the 21 October 125 .The eldest of his three sons succeeded to his business interests. sometimes known in the records as Simão Vicente Rosa. He may have adopted the alias. This was another Simão d’Araújo Rosa.

Letter from the Santa Casa de Misericórdia to Simão Vicente Rosa regarding his debt to the Santa Casa. Relaçaes entre Macau e Sião. He still had connections with Thailand. Famílias Macaenses. 126 . cited by J. 298. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. had by 1827 fallen into debt to the Misericórdia. 291. virtue. Arquivos de Macau. in such wise that the other brothers can all recognise him as their head. and there married on 14 May 1792 Ana Joaquina. 359 From about 1785 there are fewer references in the archives to a family that had fallen on hard times.R. the role of the provedor was set out in clear terms. a widower since 1823. Forjaz. perhaps in his father’s ship. Carl Smith Index MO/AH/CS/INDEX/ 31301a. which presumably led in 1828 to an invitation to go to Bangkok as commissioner of the Senate ‘to care for various subjects’. this sad man. 1782. cited by J. 363 C. Instituto Cultural. reputation and age. but the once wealthy Rosa family was now in difficulties. Simão d’Araújo Rosa had travelled to Goa. Moreover. 298. the president of the board of guardians. p. Macau. Forjaz. indexed by Carl Smith. aged 70. 362 This was its most important elected position. but he was then aged 63 and the prospect of a sea voyage cannot have been attractive. July 1981. 360 Isaú Santos e Vasco Gomes. 1993. ‘He must always be a fidalgo of authority. of the Misericórdia. 361 Court file. vol. Simão d’Araújo Rosa was indeed a man of good reputation. and a significant recognition of community status. 298. p.’ 363 By the 1820s. his personal effects and property: his house and three shops were seized and auctioned. 3. he was in 1825. it was hard to find a community leader with the family background and the financial standing that was once taken for granted in such a position. 7 March 1838. 25 September1827. also known as António Félíx Braga. 298. as a young man of 27. before the greatly reduced circumstances into which Macau fell. Arquivo Histόrico de Macau. p. on 21 October 1835. 361 Nevertheless. Following his death. but he declined the invitation. p. p. prudence.. 3. Famílias Macaenses. In earlier times. 28. daughter of António Félíx Fernandes. and Ana 359 Ibid. 360 The details are unknown. the provedor. p.1835. Carl Smith Index Cards. 364 Part 2 – the Braga family in Goa In happier times. MO/AH/CS/INDEX/ 31301a. Boxer. vol. (newspaper). 362 Elected on 26 October 1825. 364 O Macaista Imparçial.

vol. this work added the name de Azevedo. The names of Ana’s parents’ were obtained by Forjaz from the baptismal record of her son João Vicente. A map of the East-Indies. while emphasising the tower of the imposing Senado do Goa. The bridegroom was a member of a notable family who had made their mark in Macau throughout the eighteenth century.. de Noronha. p. 3. Forjaz and J. 366 J. from Herman Moll. p.F. RM 285 365 J. He was Mestre de campo-de-Terço de Auxiliares. 299.Rosa Pereira de Azevedo. National Library of Australia. 1. His father. 127 . Secretary of the Santa Casa de Misericόrdia and adopted the title of cavaleiro da Ordem de Cristo. 1719. 298. 299. 365 Ana Joaquina’s father would have considered this a good match. Simão de Araújo Rosa. 366 ‘A Prospect of the City of Goa’. A Dutch view in the margin of the map. p. in addition to his commercial interests. Famílias Macaenses. de Noronha Os Luso- Descendentes da Índia Portuguesa. J. Forjaz and J. was prominent in public life in Macau. Forjaz. Researched and published later than Famílias Macaenses. cit. vol. It omits most of the grand ecclesiastical edifices.F. op.

vol. The authors gave considerable attention to those whose careers they regarded as particularly significant. 297. cit. chaves.F. 1910. being the centre of a farming community tightly packed into a small fertile valley. and later simply Braga. de Noronha.F. but its members had. 299. accessed known of the Braga antecedents 6 February 2011 beyond sketchy details of marriages in two generations in the later seventeenth century. 369 The parish register described them as ‘moradores da freguesia de Santa Maria Madalena das Alturas. 370 367 ‘Mestre de campo-de-Terço de Auxiliares.antigua. Forjaz and J. Nothing is late seventeenth century.. Chaves was never large. the town’s name is Portuguese for ‘keys’. p. e de Maria Ana de Liger Lopes da Silva. 369 Chaves had been a town since Roman times. C.g em Macau que usará os apelidos Rosa. 1.’ J. op. 10 km south of the Spanish border. cit. This river crossing was seen as a key to northern Portugal. the forebears of the Braga Chaves – view from the south of the town. op. large families were the general rule. de Noronha. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. Like many of the eighteenth century Portuguese who went to the Far East and de Noronha. so there was every incentive for younger sons to emigrate. Rosa Braga. Rosa Braga. Boxer. including Félix Braga and his son António Félix Braga. 128 . 367 Fernandes was the original name of this family. The first to be identified was António Fernandes. reverting to a name which had earned distinction in Goa. Little had changed in this quiet family came from the most northerly town in the far north of Portugal since the province. Minho e Douro. e mais tarde sό Braga. adopted the surname Braga. p. p. 370 C. J. comarca de Chaves’. and the great sixteen-arched Roman bridge across the river Tâmega survives intact. 368 All of the personal details concerning people in eighteenth century Portugal and Goa are taken from J. Rosa Pereira. 368 They were residents of the parish of Santa Maria Madalena at Chaves. ca. escrivão da Santa Casa de Misericόrdia de Macau e cavaleiro da Ordem de Cristo. Rosa Pereira.In Macau and later in Hong Kong. 297-299. who married a Senhorina Pires. In this mountainous area. and smallholdings were common. pp. Forjaz and J. since the arrival of Félíx Fernandes in Goa in 1739. Os Luso-Descendentes da Índia Portuguesa.. good agricultural land was scarce. 56.R. Forjaz and J. the descendants of Simão d’Araújo and Ana would use the names Rosa.F.

the splendid new baroque church of St Vitor in this ancient and prestigious city. Dominated by its ancient cathedral. On 29 December 1706 he married Maria Marques. vol. the city still had its mediaeval walls. and baptised in his parents’ church. Accessed via Wikipedia. Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg. 1598. 371 Following the repulse of the Muslim invasion in the 11th century. Ryhiner Collection. Accessed 26 December 2011. López Bardón. was born in Chaves. at. 1907. The Archbishops of Braga then held primacy over all other Portuguese sees for several centuries.htm. vol. Félix Fernandes. 27 July 2012. a citizen of Braga. 5. who held office between 1741 and 1789. The copy of the map used here was purchased in the city of Braga in October 2001. two royal archbishops gave the see and the city of Braga added prestige. These were gradually demolished during the seventeenth century. distinguished for its archiepiscopal see. Sebastião Fernandes. was baptised at St Vitor. Civitates Orbis Terrarum. Braga was the first Portuguese diocese to be restored. New York: Robert Appleton Company. António’s son. Cologne. on 10 October 371 Sebastião and his wife settled in Braga. 129 .newadvent. 2. The Catholic Encyclopedia. These were José and Gaspar de Braganza. [The Latin name for what became the city of Braga was Bracara Augusta]. Bern University Library. ‘Archdiocese of Braga’. In the mid-eighteenth century. the oldest in Portugal. both natural sons of Portuguese kings. Map 14 – The city of Braga in 1594 ‘Noua Bracarae avgvste descriptio’. http://www. Tirso. where their son.

Forjaz and J. p. but few returned. ‘A New Map of Spain and Portugal’. Goanese archives record several other civic appointments during the next twenty years.R. Martyn. 1785 Some 2. Forjaz and J. Chaves Braga Map 15 – Northern Portugal Detail from John Bayly. said a member of the staff of the President of Portugal. 297. but he was still living in 1779.F. and was elected a Brother of the Santa Casa de Misericόrdia in 1743.. 297. 374 ‘Braga is a good name to have in Portugal’. Goa had been ‘Golden Goa’. London. where he took the surname Braga after the place of his birth.F.F. Jorge Sampiao. p.. 1783 published in W. 373 The name Braga carried considerable prestige – even gravitas – which he was able to adopt. 374 He at once became a leading member of the community. op. The date of his death is not known. 373 ‘tomou o apelido Braga. there is no indication that he or any of his descendants returned to Portugal until the mid-twentieth century. to the present writer when we met in Macau in March 1999. In 1739 Félix sailed in the ship Nostra Senhora da Conceiçãio (Our Lady of the Conception) to Goa. p. 375 J. J. 372 Félix was among them. 375 From 1510 to the early seventeenth century. Boxer. The culmination of a significant public career was his appointment as President of the Senado do Goa in 1766. The triumph of the Dutch and 372 C. the first of four and a half centuries of Portuguese occupation. ‘Braga is a good name to have anywhere’. op.400 young Portuguese men went to the Far East each year. da terra da sua naturalidade’. 52. de Noronha. de Noronha. I replied. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. cit. cit. The geographical magazine. 130 .

and was ‘going fast to ruins’ (D. His descendants would leave Goa at the earliest opportunity.M. An historical and archæological sketch of the city of Goa.3. Félix settled at Ribandar (now 376 J. There remained numerous splendid baroque churches. pp. p.H.L. Cottineau de Kloguen. 180. Félix married twice. cit. Less than forty years afterwards it was ‘merely a heap of ruins’ (J. An Historical Sketch of Goa. for Goa had been thought of as the base from which heathen India would be evangelised. was Our Lady of Conception Arch. 2006. The Senate House had been particularly magnificent. 1679 Felícia Dias da Costa. A Dutch visitor in 1831 noted that it was used as a hospital for the sick of the Misericόrdia. Manohar.N. Goa. 136-137). though the Senate continued to hold its meetings in the old Senate House for many more years.. Following the Souza and Paul. and they had two children: António Félix Braga and Postcards of Goa. he was a poderoso.later the English brought that era to a sudden end. Towards the end of the eighteenth century. Fonseca. ca. pp. 88). (Maria de Jesus dos Mártires Lopes and Universidade Nova de Lisboa. death of Felícia. Tradition and modernity in eighteenth-century Goa. Anquetil Duperron found Goa in ruins and almost abandoned. Centro de História de Além-Mar. 210). 113. there were no children. 131 . This was a ‘period of trouble and disaster’ for what had once been the axis of 376 Portuguese power in Asia. It was here that Félix Braga presided in the 1760s.N. Félix married Josefa Nova Goa. convents and associated religious edifices such as an orphanage and an asylum for the poor. the French orientalist A. J. 1910. All these buildings gradually fell into decay. but in a city that had almost ceased to function. 1750-1800. New Delhi. p. Braga Papers MS 4300/18. whom he married before 1743. Yet this was a period during which those who considered that they were entitled to them scrambled for royal honours. op. but this was a period which coincided with the greatest power of the Maratha Empire which all but surrounded Goa and frequently threatened it. His first wife. Félix Braga had some wealth and influence. a great man. Fonseca. standing on a high point in the centre of the city. Maria da Silva. Maria da Costa Braga. photographers.

380 It would be asking too much of human nature to expect that all brothers lived up to such a standard. 379 That higher standing gave the brothers something to live up to. and also died there on 8 May 1785. Like his father. Manuel António and José Vicente. as seen by Anquetil Duperron. but at least the expectation was there. the irmãos of the misericόrdia were necessarily a small and elite group. charitable and humble’. Mariana Antónia. council members usually came from the leading families in the community. 297. men of high standing.. 113. Goa still had a select area. de Noronha. p. de Noronha. and it was a mark of honour to be one of the vereadores (councillors) of the câmara or an irmão (brother) of the Santa Casa de Misericόrdia. António Félix Braga became a Brother of the Santa Casa de Misericόrdia. date unknown. walking in the fear of God. who died when his ship Nostro Senhor da Penha de França was wrecked when he was returning from India. António Félix Braga married Ana Rosa Pereira de Azevedo on 28 August 1769. Charles Boxer has pointed out that in both Goa and Macau. p.R.. 381 She was born at Goa. That led to a greater expectation within the community that their job would be conscientiously and effectively done. ‘comerciante em Macau. p. In Goa and Macau. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire.N. She was the daughter of António Vicente Rosa. An Historical Sketch of Goa. elected on 10 August 1765. These men were respected community leaders. J. 379 J. Boxer. 378 D. and died at Ribandar on 12 February 1830. 289. It therefore seems likely that she was connected with the Rosas who went to Macau in the early eighteenth century. Cottineau de Kloguen.Ribander). The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. p. op. a town on the banks of the Mandovi River in the Portuguese colony some five km east of the city of Goa itself. Along the river bank. cit.381 They had four children: Ana Joaquina. outliving her husband by almost 45 years.L. 298.R. António Félix Braga. 289). 377 Even though it was impoverished. cit. both entering the Convent of St Augustine in 377 J. and the law courts were situated at Ribandar. The last two became priests. 143. 132 . and with comparatively few homems de maior condição. 380 C. was ‘a row of elegant buildings which together with the distant turrets and cupolas in the city and its suburbs presented an extremely charming sight’. They must be ‘men of good conscience and repute. 378 Félix’s son. So it was for a very long time. much smaller in the mid-eighteenth century than they had been in the prosperous times of 150 years earlier.. quando regressava da India’. Boxer. Fonseca. Forjaz and J. Forjaz and J. p. a native of Tancos in Portugal. Forjaz and Noronha added that António Vicente Rosa was a merchant from Macau.F. cit. The poderosos were expected to be active both in municipal affairs and in charitable work (C. was born at Ribandar. op.F. p. que faleceu num naufrágio em local desconhecido a bordo do seu barco Nostro Senhor da Penha de França. op. modest. He does not appear to have been elected to the Senate.

Braga Papers MS 4300/18. None was named Simão. while Mariana. They then had long and notable ministries at Goa until the 1820s. lived at Ribandar for the rest of her life. op. ca. Manuel and José Braga entered this convent in 1789. and in certain cases. photographers.F. the descendants of one son. Forjaz. In noting this circumstance. and it ends. dropped the patronym Rosa.. However. J. João Vicente. vol. Ana Joaquina leaving with her husband for his native Macau. all three sons were given the second name Vicente. All four adopted the surname Rosa as well as Braga. Between 1792 and 1803 five children were born to Simão and Ana. Famílias Macaenses. 298. although he was an indefatigable and skilled genealogist.3. Ruins of St Augustine’s Convent. for preferring the proper names of the original family’. 3. 383 Over the next three generations. 133 . the name Rosa Braga. 298. 383 J. took his wife’s surname and henceforth used. Both daughters had large families and a vast progeny. cit. was born at Ribandar in 1770. Forjaz and J. Goa in 1789. but with the passing of time. Forjaz added rather opaquely that ‘he was the first of this family to use the surname Braga. 1910.382 The two daughters married at Ribandar. Nova Goa. Following their marriage. but not invariably. p. Forjaz. p. the eldest son was named Manuel Vicente after his illustrious great-great-grandfather. Instead. recalling the family’s era of prosperity. founded in 1572.M. Indeed. 382 J. Simão d’Araújo Rosa Jr. This will be discussed in the following chapter. who married twice. and died in Macau on 21 June 1823. as she became. following the Portuguese custom of using the surname of both parents. the mother’s surname usually following the father’s. most of their descendants reverted to the surname Rosa. often expressed himself poorly. now a distant memory. Ana Joaquina Rosa Braga. a name which had held for three generations. Souza and Paul. de Noronha. Postcards of Goa.

Forjaz. 384 It is apparent that he inherited little or nothing from his father. On 15 August 1825 he married Priscila da Trindade Noronha. 144. His two elder brothers. Macau. who was born in Macau on 25 October 1803 and died in Hong Kong on 21 October 1853. four days before his fiftieth birthday. 1830. brothers. George Chinnery. Forjaz noted that the information was gleaned from the Casa’s Livro de Termos das Eleições. who died in 1835. Cod. was elected a brother on 28 October 1830. published in the catalogue of an exhibition. Tokyo. he lived in hard times when there was little to record. Manuel Vicente and José Vicente are not shown to have been Brothers of the Casa. of the Santa Casa de Misericórdia. João Vicente’s father and grandfather had been irmãos. vol. who was born in Macau on 8 June 1800. so that there was little to hold him to Macau. indicating that they were not by the early nineteenth century considered to be reinóis. and died in Hong Kong on 18 March 1883. following in their footsteps. the Noronhas were certainly regarded as one of Macau’s leading families. Macau. She was a member of a well-connected and long- established Macanese family with roots in the Far East reaching back to the sixteenth century. However. Little is known of his life. 1985 384 J. p. and João Vicente. the year in which João Vicente Rosa Braga was elected a brother.The son to be followed in this study is the third son and the last of the five children: João Vicente. 3. Santa Casa de Misericórdia. 298. Famílias Macaenses. 134 . George Chinnery – Macau. Toyo Bunko. ca.

Within a few years after the British took possession of Hong Kong. Braga. Famílias Macaenses. Manuel Vicente. died at Macau on 30 April 1916 José Francisco. João Vicente. João Vicente would have been aware that in his forties.M. born on 12 February 1834. It is not known whether the boys were sent to Hong Kong when they were old enough. It was up to his 385 J. born on 7 August 1833 Vicente Emílio. 319. The decision to leave Macau was courageous. 21 March 1911 Engrácia Maria. born on 23 April 1835. Vicente Emílio was eleven. principally in Lin Ma Hang. 135 . died at London on 27 May 1876 Pulquéria Maria. Lin Ma Hang is a village close to the border between Hong Kong and mainland China. Opportunities do not present themselves twice. born on 13 August 1836.’ J. MS 4300/7. 322. perhaps even desperate. or whether the whole family emigrated together.2/88 – Rosa. J. 386 Only one of his sons had reached employable age at the time of the family’s move to Hong Kong. and gave his family opportunities that he himself never had. but according to his great- grandson. 387 Hongkong Almanack. like others. died at Macau on 28 July 1911 Francisca de Paula. born on 10 January 1828. died at Shanghai. Lantao Island. had decided that there was no future in Macau for himself or his children. João Vicente Rosa Braga must remain an obscure figure. Francisco Maria was twelve. while the other two sons were infants. Lists of Hong Kong residents between 1846 and 1850 do not include his name and no will has been discovered. Forjaz. The lives of three will be discussed in the following chapter. it was he who took the leap in the dark. João Joaquim turned seventeen in January 1845. he had nothing to offer any employer in Hong Kong. 386 He was not among the very few who could bring capital with him. 1846-1850. Braga Papers. a search in the Hong Kong Public Record Office did not locate a will. 385 They were: João Joaquim. for no record has been found of his activities in Hong Kong. at the place which came to be called Silver Mine Bay. pp. born in 1841. vol. 387 Nevertheless. eight children were born to João and Priscila.Between 1828 and 1841. Their father wisely realised that it was essential to get in at the beginning. died at Manila before 1908 Carlos José. born on 17 October 1828. and in the Mirs Bay area. the rest of the family remaining in Macau until later. then considered well on in years. ‘Joao Vicente was interested in the trade in lead and silver. 3. born on 5 March 1831 Francisco Maria.M.

sons to start afresh. His brother Vicente Emílio had a rather chequered career in Hong Kong until 1870 when he received a magnificent offer from Japan that he could not refuse. 136 . The careers of these two émigrés. Leaving his family behind. he too never returned to Hong Kong. where he and his family remained. He did not live to see that two of them did better than he could ever have imagined. João Joaquim became a shrewd businessman and investor in property. Having done well in this respect. he was one of only a few Macanese of his generation to emigrate to England. João Joaquim Rosa Braga and Vicente Emílio Rosa Braga are discussed in the next chapter.

1844-1900 Part 1 – The first Portuguese in Hong Kong Three months after Pottinger’s proclamation of the city of Victoria on 25 June 1843. 555-556. 12. 10. that Hong Kong was a more secure place to live in. the pace quickened of British businesses moving to Hong Kong. A serious disturbance occurred in Macao between the Chinese and the Portuguese troops on the 25th ult. The guard thereupon fired. no. [October]. October 1843. Chief among them were Leonardo d’Almada e Castro and his brother José Maria. 389 From 1843. and another native was killed. The elder. A row arose on 1st inst. The excitement was very great among the Chinese. 137 . as discussed in Chapter 3. Leonardo. another of Macau’s periodical turmoils occurred. Portuguese emigration from Macau to Hong Kong in the rest of the nineteenth century took place in several waves. as they always do at fires. 389 Especially in 1849 and 1874 to 1875. His younger brother. if one were needed. with its firm direction for the future of British rule in the Far East. However. some of them made a desperate onset and mortally wounded a soldier. and when the troops appeared. vol. A Portuguese soldier was also found dead two nights after. in the office of the Superintendency of British Trade in China at Macau. even if its climate was perilous to life. Both were transferred from Macau to the Colonial Secretariat in Hongkong. It is said that the poor people who lived in these mat sheds got the impression that their hovels had been set on fire by the Portuguese. 388 Chinese Repository. taking their Portuguese clerks with them. demonstrating yet again its insecurity. was Second Clerk in the Superintendency. editor of the Chinese Repository succinctly reported the incident. Chapter 5 The Rosa Braga family in Hong Kong. pp. killing three and wounding others. Elijah Bridgman. there was no sudden rush of refugees. 388 It was yet another indication. José Maria. from a Chinese attempting to pick a soldier’s pocket. [September] at a fire outside the San António gate. first entered the service of the British Government in 1836.

W. and thereafter claimed the right to act in that capacity whenever the occasion arose. newly-appointed as governor. a large saving on the sum paid to a British appointee. 121. but it may have made Newcastle change his mind. It did not help when d’Almada then applied for British citizenship. A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong’. Mercer. 138 . Collection of Jardine. the Chinese Secretary. the highest civil service post in the colony. 391 He acted briefly on two occasions as Colonial Secretary. 392 G. 2. p. This was solidly and successfully opposed in Hong Kong. J. George Chinnery: John Robert Morrison and Leonardo d’Almada e Castro. he was appointed clerk of the Hong Kong Executive and Legislative Councils in May 1847. to appoint d’Almada Colonial Secretary on a local salary. Hong Kong Museum of Art.P. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. but noting that senior officers of the service ‘appeared to be set against him’. Leonardo arrived on 27 February 1842 as one of three members of staff of the infant Colonial Secretary’s office. eventually ruling against d’Almada. 390 With ten years of experience in British administrative procedures. This claim led to much trouble. 213. with the Duke of Newcastle. 392 Not until after his death in 1875 at the age of 61 would a generous comment be made. and worked closely with Morrison. Matheson & Co. Norton-Kyshe. W. H. who would have been ousted. he directed Sir John Bowring. 243. Macao and the British. p. 2005. Braga. Both moved to Hong Kong in 1841. 391 J. Leo d’Almada joined the staff of the Superintendency of Trade in 1836. Morrison’s death in 1843 was a serious loss to the infant colony. 1841-1920. Exhibited in ‘Impressions of the East: the art of George Chinnery’. ‘but hardly eligible for higher appointment’. A. 390 Historical and Statistical Abstract of the colony of Hongkong. p. at first located in a tent. In 1854. Coates.B. p. The History of the Laws and Courts of Hongkong. Macau. Secretary of State for the Colonies. p. 119. Endacott. observing sourly some years later in 1862 that he was ‘a Portuguese of the better class’.

139 . Ingrams. paid his own tribute to the manner in which these two had risen far above the position of the rest of their compatriots: There can be no disputing the propriety of assigning the premier place among the Portuguese pioneers of Hongkong to these young men. 250. a much later leader of the Portuguese community. and was Chief Clerk in the Secretariat and Clerk of Council when he died in 1881. transactions and correspondence received during an official career of thirty-four years’. Sir John Smale. interviewed members of this leading Hong Kong family. p [5].6]. Portuguese interpreter in the Chief Magistrate’s Office. José Maria. 397 J. Two other clerks.P. 394 J. 1846. Ingrams. Sir John Pope Hennessy. 398 Ibid. Braga. 394 but the British Empire would continue to deny equal opportunity to outsiders for many years to come. then referred to him as ‘a very dictionary of public events. occupied junior positions in the Post Office and the Police Rate Assessment Office – a total of six Portuguese among 36 named clerical staff. both of whom were subsequently raised to positions of honour and distinction in the service of the Government of Hongkong. Bengali and Portuguese. 398 Another named in the Official Establishment was João de Jesus. 396 J. p. Braga. the 4th clerk being another Portuguese. p. dos Remédios and F. a later governor. who later became official interpreter in Malay. 399 Hongkong Almanack. there were four clerks in the Colonial Secretary’s office.P. Hong Kong. 121. p. The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong. 119.. 123. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. 395 Leonardo’s brother. 395 J. became private secretary to Pope Hennessy. in telling a group of Portuguese community leaders in Hong Kong of Newcastle’s recommendation. Hongkong Almanack. 399 In the early 1840s. who spent two months in Hong Kong in 1950 undertaking fieldwork for this book. Noronha. Braga.P. A decade later. To remain in Macau meant unemployment and the loss of the English- language skills they were in the process of acquiring. Alexandre Grande-Pré. 393 His death was also marked by a warmly appreciative minute in the proceedings of the Legislative Council. p.The Chief Justice. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China.P. Braga. pp. the young clerks had no choice but to accompany their employers. p. The Almanack is unpaginated. These are page numbers I have assigned. Everyone knew that without 393 Ibid. 1846. 397 By late 1845. 396 H. wisely refrained from telling them of the ensuing fracas. [5. 95. J.

British commerce.J.1876 Others had less to offer the British community. Closely allied to it was their knowledge of Cantonese. Braga began his successful career as a druggist with this firm. the subject of the next chapter. and all these early arrivals must have spoken English. the British brought a degree of susceptibility to tropical diseases greater than that of the Portuguese in Macau. They needed to have skills to offer and a service to provide. J. Few businesses were listed as still having any presence in 400 The family relationship is explained by the Macanese Families website. Delfino Noronha’s brother-in-law. Part 2 – João Joaquim Braga 1824 . the daughter by his first marriage of Manuel José dos Remédios de Noronha [#5522]. without which they could not hope to get a job or start a business. but the extensive Parsee community and most American firms remained in Canton. Following the clerks – who may have numbered twenty to thirty in the first few years – a few others ventured into the British colony. João Vicente Rosa Braga [#5676] married Priscila Trindade de Noronha [#5675]. in the Hongkong Almanack for 1846. 400 They did not have far to look. the earliest date on which information is available. Queen’s Road. for as well as their entrepreneurship. Courtesy of Mr Wang Gang By autumn 1845. The business had been established on Pottinger St by 1846. Victoria Dispensary. Among them were the sons of João Vicente Rosa Braga. An essential skill was English. It was still located there in 1906 when this card was posted. Central. most British firms had moved from Macau and Canton to Hong Kong. Delfino Noronha [#3002] was the youngest son of his second marriage. Conspicuous among these early arrivals was the printer Delfino Noronha. and moved to Queen’s Road about 1848. Macau would revert to the bleak poverty into which it had earlier fallen. and had to cast about for a means of providing the British with something they needed. 140 .

e. [the Portuguese] maintained nearly all the pharmacies of Hongkong’. 1846. using ‘z’ rather than ‘s’. João Joaquim. p. following J. M. This is inaccurate. Braga. p. 41 were Portuguese. Of the 312 listed ‘foreigners’ (i... Alexander Taylor.P. The Almanack named Barton’s three assistants: João Braga. 1849. 141 . was then aged 17. Forjaz. There was only one assistant. It is possible that the family knew Hunter in Macau. besides five wholesale opium dealers and eleven opium retailers listed among the numerous Chinese traders.P. who ran the Hong Kong branch on Pottinger Street. Miguel de Rozario and Jozé Leão.P. a business then known as a ‘druggist’. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. and the second largest group were compositors. This was run by James H. followed by ‘mercantile assistants’. There were two other European druggists. of whom 68 were Portuguese. By then there was a fourth druggist. indicated that its proprietor was João Vicente Braga. Barton. running the Medical Hall. who also had two Portuguese assistants.D. Perhaps competition obliged the Victoria Dispensary to trim its staff. The form of all the Portuguese names is rendered phonetically. [14]. J. Young. 401 One was the Victoria Dispensary. Braga observed that ‘for a number of years at the beginning. 403 Two years later. The other druggists were the short-lived English partnership of James Welch and Charles Stocker and the more substantial Hongkong Dispensary. as well as 18 listed Chinese medicinal druggists. [8-15]. Most were clerks. J. 402 Ibid.Macau. 402 João Vicente’s eldest son. a pharmacy. Braga. Its proprietors were Thomas Hunter in Macau and George K. Famílias Macaenses. Much later. 149. the 1848 Almanack listed by occupation 455 foreigners in Hong Kong. and that Hunter agreed to take the promising youth into the business in Hong Kong. From the Hongkong Almanack. 403 J. pp. his name now being given 401 Hongkong Almanack. non- Chinese) in Hong Kong.

J. 24 August 1857. MS 4300/7. Braga Papers. By the following year. described by the Hongkong Daily Press as an ‘apothecary shop’ in Queen’s Road. his name was to be found in the press and various official records as João Joaquim Rosa Braga. The two young men working in competing pharmacies were therefore cousins. from Hongkong Daily Press. J.P. He began to do well for himself. Carl Smith Index. employing five assistants. and J. Braga had built it up. Rosa Braga.2/88 – Rosa). 1849. 1849. the business had moved to the more central location of Queen’s Road.M. was manager.J. Other mentions were on 3 November 1858 and 17 November 1859. 1861 Four years after taking over this business in 1857. father of João Joaquim Rosa Braga. 142 . He was the son of Maria Joaquina Rosa Pereira (née Rosa Braga). 406 Hong Kong Public Record Office. to give him his full name. 404 China Register. 1849. p. 406 404 Hongkong Almanack. 405 Hongkong Almanack. his cousin. His connection with Victoria Dispensary came to an end when on 24 August 1857 he re-opened the Medical Hall Dispensary. then aged 21. J. 141. Hereafter CS. Pereira. Braga inaccurately stated that José L. He was obviously an able and trustworthy young man. 405 During the next few years. CS/1021/00200755. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. ‘José full as ‘Sr João Joaquim Roza Braga’. Braga mistakenly took this entry to mean that he was the ‘Managing Proprietor’.M. sister of João Vicente Rosa Braga. Pereira set up the Medical Hall. (J. Pereira’ appears to be the name by which Manuel Luis Rosa Pereira [#1344] was known. J. The Medical Hall was by then being managed by José L.

To escape the curse. 42 running their own soda water business. which was not the case. 555. he was.Two of his younger brothers. following euphoniously its proprietor’s name as ‘Pa-la-ka Yeuk fong’). Like all such tales. October 1843. most of the Rosa Bragas eventually reverted to the name Rosa or Roza. To Portuguese writers and the editor of the Chinese Repository. d’Azevedo. no doubt. 10. 410 E. 1861. Botelho and F. 143 . The name ‘Rosa’ that had once been famous in Macau meant nothing in Hong Kong. no. In early colonial Hong Kong there was no understanding of the Portuguese practice. in which case the two surnames were hyphenated. 409 Chinese Repository. 408 Braga had succeeded phenomenally well. 407 In 1859. Jesus had been joined by two more ‘apothecaries’: A. but the name Braga did not appear in Macau until after the marriage of Simão de Araújo Rosa to Ana Joaquina Braga in 1792. The myth was seldom committed to paper. 1859. One was a cultural difference in the use of family names. 409 To the first historian of Hong Kong to write in English. 12. Ann Blake. Europe in China. 411 An enduring myth is that the change came from the contretemps in the 1750s between Simão Vicente Rosa and the Bishop of Macau over the legacy of Manuel Vicente Rosa. 410 Over time. Some myths have a small element of fact embedded in them. it asserts that the family took the initiative in the situation. unless the wife was a wealthy heiress. Moreover. was employing a staff of five. The myth was orally transmitted. in Singapore. There were many adjustments to be made by Portuguese people in the British colony. there were three other employees as well: João L. 411 407 The Hongkong Directory. with the father’s name taking precedence. but was recounted by James Braga. Jesus. the Rosas changed their name to Braga. in an outline of family history to a distant cousin. it was frequently a Portuguese custom to use the surnames of both parents. Francisco da Roza and J.J. briefly joined the business.J. 24 as associated with the Medical Hall. An example is to be found in the reporting of the actions of the Governor of Macau during the first opium war. It was. They had simply bowed to the inevitable. The bishop is said to have cursed the whole Rosa family ‘with bell. book and candle’. but the same issue shows them on p. incorrectly. Eitel. correctly. that was the name by which this branch of the family was always known. reversing three generations of declining family fortunes as Macau’s economy deteriorated. Thus ‘Rosa Braga’ gradually became ‘Braga’. The British practice was to use the patronym only. but soon left to start an enterprise of their own. and by the 1860s. February 1986. embarrassing to admit that the dominant British culture had again prevailed over Portuguese tradition as it had so often done. p. Not only did the name change occur a century later. Francisco da Roza and J. 408 João L. Adrião Acácio da Silveira Pinto. By 1861. this one does not. Silveira Pinto. China Directory. he was. He sent a copy to this writer. Britto. p. Put simply. J. 102. Carlos and Vicente. James Braga to Ann Blake. many Portuguese families in Hong Kong were obliged to accommodate themselves to the majority culture. Britto. Braga’s Medical Hall (known in Cantonese. shows them on p. Pinto. The myth was probably concocted when a child asked why the name Rosa had been dropped. vol.

185 in 1854. Inland Lot 12A and 12B in consideration of $2. Braga. 414 Coming from a well-connected family. 416 The extensive work done by Carl Smith on the affairs of J. and recorded by Carl Smith. 160. Famílias Macaenses. Many young men went to Hong Kong alone. Braga.700. following the completion of the new building. p. Braga indicates that Smith saw him as a significant figure in the history of Hong Kong and Macau. 417 It has a Pieta in the upper shrine and an image of Jesus 412 As reported in the Hongkong Daily Press. and would soon become an extension of that residential area. CS/1021/00200760 – I. 3 September 1870.300. In 1865. vol. His single-minded application to building a new life for himself precluded domesticity.João Joaquim was married in 1856 using the name Braga. to find a wife. Gage Street. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. p.P. 3. born on 21 September 1858 and baptised at the Hong Kong Catholic Cathedral on 3 October. claimed that his father. p. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. CS/1021/00200755. p. like others. 416 He also made a substantial contribution to the rebuilding of the Catholic Cathedral in Hong Kong following its destruction by fire in 1859. bought 1 Travessa Bispo $1100. dated 18 February 1863. of the presentation of the insignia to ‘Mr John Braga …for many services rendered to [the] Catholic Mission in Hong Kong’. Famílias Macaenses. 319. Inland Lot 274 in consideration of $1. I. CS/1021/00200755. 144 . CS/1021/00200774 – Memorial 2009. His nephew would later relate that ‘his business throve and he put his savings into property. 3. João Joaquim Braga. he did not marry young. 319. chapters 19 and 20. dated 20 March 1861. This time the story was correct. He married Vicênçia de Paulo Calado on 10 June 1856. This man who had assimilated so well into the British colony went back to Macau. 414 CS/1021/00200758. Braga. The Pontifical Foreign Mission Institute in Hong Kong.J. J. returning to Macau to find a wife. 413 They had one son. João Francisco.J. 412 Unlike most of his forebears. J. 145 in 1867 (‘Inland Lot’ is the term used in Hong Kong real estate for property that is not reclaimed). V. Various records indicate land purchases in Macau and Hong Kong from a small beginning in Macau in 1856 to larger purchases in Hong Kong between 1854 and 1863. 191.L. and Arbuthnot Road’. Forjaz. choosing for his investments land and houses in Lyndhurst Terrace. Memorial 2696.000. 1858-1958. Vicênçia Braga brought a dowry that helped her husband to set up in business a year later. The marriage was also noted by Carl Smith. 415 J. 415 It was a wise selection. Forjaz. Inland Lot 105 in consideration of $5. Braga’s descendants were unknown to Forjaz. dated 1 October 1859. 413 J. 417 S. CS/1021/00200773 – Memorial 1700.L.J. CS/1021/00200759 – 4 October 1856. by Law’s handbook on the Chapel (next footnote).E. for these were just above the densely settled streets of the Portuguese community. but the claim is not supported by Ryan’s history. vol. J. he presented the cathedral with a splendid baroque altar of Italian marble.P. Ryan. had contributed to the erection of the altar. Section A. CS/1021/00200756. or by the report in the Hongkong Daily Press.

reported the presentation of the insignia to ‘Mr John Braga …for many services rendered to [the] Catholic Mission in Hong Kong’. Braga. and D. 420 Among them are J. no.C.F. Braga dicavit A. 419 When the cathedral was rebuilt in 1888 at Caine Road. Noronha.J. 420 The Rock. Braga. A. 23 March 1012 carrying the cross in the lower shrine in a traditional Portuguese style known as the ‘Merciful Jesus Statue’. or ‘Our Lord’s Passion Chapel’. the subject of the next chapter.J. J. the altar was moved there. 32. 3 September 1870.I. 1.D. 418 T. Braga.N. 1. being made in Portugal. it became in 2000 the ‘Chinese Martyrs’ Chapel’. 145 . CS/1021/00200755. he was awarded a knighthood in the Papal Order of St Sylvester. Braga. Photographs by Stuart Braga. High above the altar is a baroque cartouche recording its donation by J. The inscription reads: – D. D. A cartouche in the centre of the pediment above the pietà of what was originally ‘Our Lord’s Passion Chapel’ records the donation of the altar in 1865 by J.J. the sword. The insignia are in the possession (2012) of John Patrick Braga. vol. 5. Law. Braga. 1865).J. The Hong Kong Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception: the Chinese Martyrs’ Chapel. great- great-grandson of J. [Domini Nostri Iesu Christi] cruce oppresso et eius compatienti matri J. 418 In recognition of this donation. son of J.K. Cambridgeshire.F. MDCCCLXV (J.J. closer to the area to which the Portuguese community had moved. Originally known as the ‘Seven Dolours Chapel’. Braga dedicated [this altar] to Our Lord Jesus Christ weighed down by his Cross and to his suffering mother. October 1920. appropriately enough. Huntingdon. 419 Hongkong Daily Press. p. Marble plaques set into the base of the building’s great granite columns record the names of major donors. p.

Marcwick appears to be a local spelling adopted in the Hong Kong Portuguese community by the descendants of Richard Markwick (#27808).. He was a member of the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society. one of the largest mercantile operations in the colony. An East India Company Cemetery: Protestant Burials in Macao. London. & M. 136. so too did Pereira. Alexandre Joaquim Grandpré (#24770).In the mid-1860s he returned to Macau. 428 Nine of the ninety-nine original volunteers were members of the Portuguese community. he was still the fourth generation of his family to have had this honour. married. 428 Returning to England where they had been educated. China Branch in 1848. CS/1021/00200762 – Parish Sé [Cathedral]. Bosco Correa for carefully researching these names. Domingos Pio Marques (# 27923).424 In 1872 he became a member of the Commission for Administration of the Misericórdia. the story of the Hong Kong Volunteers and various issues of the Hongkong Almanack. by then he had set his sights elsewhere. 15. 2 October 1871. Richard Marcwick (#27812). M. Pereira had become a partner of Dent & Co. Hong Kong. Second to None. 422 CS/1021/00200761 – Boletim Eclesiástico. 426 All of his fellow partners retired to Britain. Liceu nacional Infante D. 1996. 427 He was one of the ninety-nine members of the Hong Kong Volunteers when the Corps was raised in 1854. This was Eduardo. 426 China Directory.000 raised to establish the school. 421 In 1871 he was appointed Treasurer of the Administrative Commission for the recently established Association to Promote the Education of the Macaenses. in the twentieth century. Teixeira. the Portuguese members of the Volunteers would be segregated into a separate Portuguese Company. He subscribed $300 of the $11. 1872. Joze Felippe Borges. I am grateful to J. certainly the most completely anglicised of all the Macanese who had come to Hong Kong in its early years. 423 The next year he was appointed Captain in the Macau National Battalion. aged 38. p. an English hotelier in Macau (L. They were Luiz Barros (# 36819). No. pharmacist. 425 Although the old system of irmãos had been modified. Ricardo Homen de Carvalho. Maria Quiteria Angela Vidal (# 27809). ‘The Commercial School: a victory for Macau’. now Edward Pereira. However. 1861. principally from Philip Bruce. Edward Pereira (# 31257) and Stefan Yvanovich (# 2710). 186). 427 Hongkong Almanack 1848. 423 O. 96. 425 CS/1021/00200761 – Macau Gazeta. Vaz. English-educated and wealthy. These were brought up 146 . an honorary appointment accorded to a man recognised as having merit and distinction. living in a mansion on Grosvenor Square. João José Hyndman (# 25402). Henrique jubileu de oiro 1894-1944. the Pereira family at 421 He was included in the Macau census of 1864. where he became a community leader. who had three natural children with a local woman. Ride. Another successful Macanese had already left Hong Kong for England. an important 422 community initiative to provide much-needed educational opportunity. He was the only member of the Portuguese community to be accepted as an equal into British society in Hong Kong. 424 CS/1021/00200760 – Macao Directory. CS/1021/00200761 – Boletim Eclesiástico. 18 November 1872. 28 May 1872. Later. p. p. Macau.

He wanted his son ‘to have [a] first class education such as will qualify him for any of the learned professions’. Following a notable military career. Probate was granted to his executors. 2004. then aged 72.oxforddnb. 433 Probate File No. Index of Wills and Administrations.J. In 1862 Edward married into the titled Stonor family.rp. Brigadier-General George Pereira returned in 1905 to the Far East as Military Attaché at the British Embassy in Peking and later became an intrepid explorer in western China and Tibet. João Francisco Braga.nla. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. João Joaquim dos Remedios and Januário António de Carvalho [his brother-in-law]. His Hong Kong properties continued to provide for his widowed mother. Major-General Sir Cecil Pereira was a distinguished commander in the Boer War and the First World War. aged 48.000. 147 . 433 He had done well in business.once moved into genteel society. perhaps through overwork. July 12. was obtained for the boy. 429 Even the most successful owner of a chemist’s shop could not hope to achieve such eminence. all had significant careers. CS/1021/00200761 – Hong Kong Probate Cal. [http://www. A Certificate of British Citizenship. J. However. Braga left his mother. 429 He had three sons. National Probate Calendar. being declared at less than £1. 430 The move was carefully planned. ‘Pereira. His English estate was quite minor. João Joaquim 431 The certificate is in the possession (2012) of John Patrick Braga. George Edward (1865–1923)’. died J. The boy who had arrived almost penniless from Macau thirty years before had made it possible for his son to enter the medical profession in England. The Richard Marcwick identified as one of the ‘Ninety-nine’ appears to be his grandson. 18 November 1872. Pollock. M. 144/4/329. 1876. within the Macanese community. as had been the testator. and is identified in the owner’s records as JFB1. 29 May 1876. Two joined the British Army and became generals. Oxford University Press. accessed 31 March 2011]. The two executors were among the most prominent members of the Portuguese community of Hong Kong. dated 13 March 1872 and signed by the Governor of Hong Kong. 431 His father made his will before leaving Hong Kong. later moving to Hong Kong. 1019 of 1876. 432 CS/1021/00200761-2. an annuity of $660 per annum. but by his mid-forties was burnt out. the estate being valued at $38. he could hope to set the feet of his son on the road to success in Britain. henceforth John Francis. 430 CS/1021/00200761 – Macau Gazeta. Borges and Carvalho are not included in the Macanese Families database. 1861-1941). then a substantial was fourteen when he and his parents left for England in November 1872. Hong Kong Public Record Office HKRS No.500 (England & Wales. 432 He died less than four years later on 29 May 1876.

the Geological Society. João José [i. Joaquim] Braga paid a visit to the land of their forefathers. i. It is very likely that he worked hard to appear truly English – to ‘fit in’ to the class-conscious and race- conscious Victorian society in which he found himself. email to this writer. In addition he joined several medical societies and gained fellowships in other learned societies: the Linnaean Society. Dublin and Edinburgh. if he was at all ambitious.. He added: ‘On the death of their parents. the Chemistry Society and the Royal Geographical Society. leaving a widow. 434 When the new cathedral was built in Hong Kong in 1888. as a licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries.. The families had not kept in touch. inevitably. London.P. An ‘English Gentleman’.e.. Collection of John Patrick Braga John Francis Braga did indeed follow the career his father intended. 436 As far as Hong Kong was concerned.. someone of English extraction with a private income and preferably an English Public School education was seen as the pinnacle of society. 435 He died aged 46 of tuberculosis in London on 7 January 1905. 19 April 2009.’ John Patrick Braga. would have sought to emulate this model. 436 434 John Patrick Braga. commented: ‘The picture is arguably that of a young man of independent means acquiring diplomas in what might be described as a dilettante fashion in London. adding in the next ten years two diplomas in Public Health to his initial Licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries. J. and Mrs. society at that time was snobbish and racist. He qualified as a medical practitioner in 1881. To our eyes now. and the name of João Joaquim Braga had not been correctly remembered.e. Braga incorrectly remembered him as João José Braga. These men were thus memorialised as pillars of the church. In due 148 . Braga. the end of the story came some time later. 435 His name is incised on one of several marble plaques set into the granite bases of the columns separating the nave and the aisles. and four children in comfortable circumstances in the south London suburb of Penge. they discussed with their agents the matter of their property . tinged with a little envy. rather than that of the normal dedicated and impoverished medical student . In Hongkong. An agent was appointed to look after their Hongkong properties while they were able to live comfortably in England on the income from their fortunate investments.J. citing the 1902 Medical Directory. The local view in Hong Kong was. Sophia. John Francis Braga (1858-1905). He later added other qualifications and fellowships of learned societies to his qualifications. the grandchildren of Mr. he became one of the major donors to the building fund. 1881. Dr John. No photograph is known of J.

500.1911 While João Joaquim. 443 China Directory. Jarman. & O. Steam Navigation Co. October 1959. 191). (J. but who may be the F.. Braga employed as a clerk by Smith. 42. 443 course the properties in Arbuthnot Road. 345. ‘almost entirely confined to foreigners’. 437 Hongkong Directory.M. 1861. 1.J. This was a community much given to whisky and soda. which the far-sighted old gentleman had acquired from Government for a mere pittance. had gone out on his own. MS 4300/4. 442 China Directory. p. J. José Francisco. 1859. added the Superintendent of Police. 1860. went to Shanghai in the 1850s as a clerk with the P. p. p. 442 Their other brother. the eldest of the five brothers. However. MS 4300/7. 1862. 439 One was a short-lived partnership of Carlos José and Vicente Emílio Braga at 404 Queen’s Road. Braga was still there in 1862.P. sent to J. Information received from John Patrick Braga in June 2010 was that the proceeds were invested largely in Chinese railways. in 1870. 438 In 1861. then considered a very good proposition. 440 China Directory. vol.2/88 – Rosa). The offence was. noted on a copy of his English Will filed in Hong Kong. Braga Papers. The Probate (No. 440 This was probably their brother [José] Francisco. Archer & Co. p. Only C. Hong Kong Public Record Office HKRS No. had soared fantastically in value within the span of only two generations!’ (J. and on which he had built. later moving to Manila. The same plots of land. 441 Morrison’s Directory. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. a few years later. with F. Shanghai. 1860. but the Hong Kong Probate Duty.213. three of them Portuguese businesses.L. after a brief time in the late 1850s working with their elder brother. amounted to $25. 1862. Nishikawa. revealed 620 cases of drunkenness.Part 3 – Vicente Emílio Braga 1834 . Braga. 441 It is hard to imagine a business selling soda water in a nineteenth century British colony not succeeding. an increase of 27.M. Braga Papers. but it seems that this enterprise failed.. 1861. bringing in a pretty figure. the political turmoil of the next forty years wiped out the investment. Notes by K. with the Kowloon-Canton Railway soon to open. Braga as assistant. It was not listed in the China Directory. Lyndhurst Terrace and Gage Street were sold at the height of a land boom. 24. 16 of 1916) could not be located. 437 If the British community needed druggists. 144/4/2865. but the Hongkong Directory listed them in 1859. or 169 cases over the previous year. who appears in no other record in Hong Kong. 149 . 1870. 439 China Directory. His Hong Kong estate was far larger. and with a large railway network planned or under construction throughout China. His English estate was valued at £2. there were four suppliers. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. R. three of the younger sons of João Vicente Braga attempted a joint enterprise when they reached adulthood.4/22.M. 1841-1941. 438 The Crime Return for 1869. Braga. 1861. it also needed soda water suppliers. National Library of Australia.2%.

Famílias Macaenses. vol. Braga appears to have given up the attempt to run the soda water partnership. and by 1864 his name was on the Jury List as a clerk. This venture did not succeed. p. for Vicente moved into the Noronha family compound at Oswald’s Terrace. 19 December 1863 João Vicente de Noronha. 324. 24 January 1863 Maria Teresa. 445 J. CS/1021/00200930. CS/1021/00200924. V. 445 His marriage on 13 May 1862 was another link between the Braga and Noronha families: Carolina Maria Noronha was the eldest daughter of Delfino Noronha. and Delfino Noronha or his wife were godparents as well as grandparents to all the children. 26 April 1867 Umbelina Maria (‘Bellie’). ‘consanguinity to the second degree’. CS/1021/00200930. 447 There were eight children of the marriage. All the sons carried the matronym ‘de Noronha’. low value product. 444 A small soda water business could not support a family. CS/1021/00200927.E. 1861. The brothers apparently sold only a single. for he had married and needed a regular income. 448 CS/1021/00200846. 12 March 1868 444 CS/1021/00200934. Forjaz. The Italian priest used an Italianised Latin name in the register: ‘Vincent Emigidus Braga ‘. The children were: Francisco Xavier de Noronha. 446 The marriage register noted. From the China Directory. CS/1021/00200925. 150 . there was too much competition. 448 The Noronha ménage was a patriarchate as much as a household. 3. all born in Hong Kong. and a leading member of the Portuguese community. 447 CS/1021/00200934. the government printer. 446 It was more a matter of Vicente Braga marrying into the Noronha family than Carolina Noronha marrying into the Braga family. CS/1021/00200923. Moreover.

Carolina Maria (mother). notably the Hongkong and 151 . Left to right: José Pedro. twins. but in accepting it he paid a heavy price. The date of birth has been added vertically in a contemporary hand. but in 1868 Vicente had a promising career snatched from him. Box 2. possibly the Oriental Bank. João Vicente. Braga pictures collection. Hongkong. 3 August 1871 A carte de visite of Carolina Maria Braga and her children. he appears to have been employed in a bank. Photographer: Pun Lun. 3 February 1869 António Manuel and Manuel António.M. though others had been established within the previous decade. António Manuel. 1877. During the 1860s. Vicente did his best to establish himself in Hong Kong. 5 June 1870 José Pedro de Noronha. At the end of the decade another golden opportunity was offered to him. the oldest and largest in the colony. ca. J. 56 Queen’s Rd. Umbelina Maria. After the failure of the soda water business. Maria Teresa. Braz Maria. Braz Maria de Noronha. National Library of Australia. His elder brother João Joaquim was highly successful in business in these years. Francisco Xavier.

pp. 118. 13 December 1866. 152 . when his brother-in-law. 450 It appears that a local appointment was made to this senior position to save costs. to the Earl of Carnarvon. though both were inevitably criticised.B. History of Hong Kong. 42. artist unknown.13 reproduced in Historic Pictures. 212- 221. 451 The Mint and its garden. 1866.Shanghai Banking Corporation in 1864. Januário Carvalho. Endacott. Looking East towards Causeway Bay and North Point. as it was by no means certain that the opening of a Mint in Hong Kong would be successful. ‘Auth. 449 His first real break came in 1866. chief clerk. AH 88. The appointment was included in the Blue Book for 1866. 449 Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hongkong. Will not require them until opening of Mint’. 1st clerk of the Treasury. 11. pp. 77. Eastern Entrepôt.00. p. 451 Its problems were fully reported by the governor. CO 129/116. more through trading circumstances than any shortcomings with its operations or the quality of its coinage. Hong Kong Museum of Art. Endacott. CS/1021/00200933. reprinted in G. The Mint was indeed unsuccessful from the beginning. Sir Richard Macdonnell. p. $120. recommended his appointment as 1st clerk of the newly established Hong Kong branch of the Royal Mint. G. 43 – Mint – 13 April 1866 – Recommend Mr Braga. 450 CS/1021/00200934.B. ca. 1841-1920. recommended by his relative Mr Carvalho of Treasury.

when the value was $46. though these coins were minted in London. p. keen to establish a new currency. ‘Mr Thunder’. one of whom died in infancy.000 in value. History of Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s future seemed doubtful. as he was called. it rocketed to $910. it did not compare with the responsibility he had enjoyed at the Mint. 42. he needed a fresh opportunity and a secure income. too often found to be debased. the Master of the Mint. 452 The attempt to impose a European system of coinage was both a commercial failure and a disastrous administrative error. six of the eleven banks in Hong Kong failed in 1867. Known to be an exacting employer. 147. Then in August 1870. Endacott. Kinder was a hard man to please. 46. not Hong Kong. 126.The Mint opened on 7 April 1866. out of the blue. He already had four children. 2.000. 457 G. Vicente found employment as a temporary clerk in the Colonial Secretary’s Office as early as 1867. 457 As has happened so often. CS/1021/00200933. and the next year became 5th clerk. some of his Japanese employees a few years later were truly afraid of ‘Kaminari san’. 124-125. p. op. B. History of Hong Kong. 14 June 1867. There was a slow increase until 1881. With a large family. Auth. 453 However. ‘this coinage is growing more and more in favour among the vast population of the neighbouring [Chinese] Empire. the circulation of silver coins amounted to $10. 146. and its closure must have been a cruel blow to Vicente. Chinese merchants preferred to weigh silver rather than to trust coinage. cit. Moreover. when the Hong Kong Mint closed. 453 The failure of the Mint is discussed by G. purchased the machinery of the Hong Kong Mint and employed its Master to set up the Imperial Mint at Osaka. 147. and this antipathy could not suddenly be changed. 454 R. 454 With the Mint under threat. 1868. 1868-1875. 153 . and another three were born in the next two years including the birth in June 1870 of twin sons. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. pp. 455 He gained rapid promotion. The Mint seemed to have offered a splendid opportunity. p. probably owing to confidence in its exactly uniform standard of value. On the contrary. As the governor. the economic outlook in Hong Kong at the time was bleak.S. 455 CS/1021/00200933. Vicente quickly won the esteem of Major William Kinder.600. explained to Lord Knutsford on 31 October 1889. Kinder. Thomas William Kinder and the Japanese Imperial Mint. B. 458 The Japanese government. and that the coins are not only used as money. vol. besides the closure of the Mint. 456 While a secure position.. Hanashiro. came the offer of a senior and responsible position in Japan. Endacott. Mint. Sir William des Voeux. 456 Hong Kong Blue Book. p. there was no condemnation of the Mint’s staff. 1841-1941.B. Endacott. but are to a considerable extent converted into buttons and other ornaments. 452 G. History of Hong Kong. In 1888.’ R.L.S. 159. CS/1021/00200934. pp. Hanashiro. ceased operations in the summer of 1867 and finally closed in April 1868. Yet twenty- five years later there had been a complete reversal. Jarman. 458 R. In 1867.

From António M. was keen to take with him experienced and capable staff from Hong Kong. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong Unlike the Hong Kong Mint. They began a thorough-going overhaul of the Japanese political and economic Director of the Japanese Imperial Mint. Jorge da Silva. and recommended his former clerk for appointment to the position of Chief Accountant. foreign trade had been all but prohibited by the Japanese government. when a small group of samurai seized power in the name of the young Meiji Emperor. who had recently ascended the throne. For more than two centuries until the 1850s. this venture could not be allowed to fail. who as a young man of 26 was sent abroad in 1870 to study Western 154 . One of the leaders of the new Japan was Ito Hirobumi. though sufficient contact was kept with the Dutch for the government to be aware of the vast growth of Western power and influence in the first half of the nineteenth century. Map 16 – South-East Asia A steady trickle of Portuguese left Macau and Hong Kong for better employment opportunities in Japan and the Treaty Ports along the China coast and the Yangtze River. Matters came to a head in 1868.

459 In 1871 a new currency adopting the gold standard system was promulgated. MS 4300/4. Kinder recommended the appointment of two men who had worked under him in Hong Kong. seeking to withdraw his refusal. He had six small children. J. 461 The others were a young Englishman. This unsatisfactory situation was made still worse by the fact that the Imperial Government coined pieces of inferior quality to meet its pressing need for money during the War of the Restoration when troops had to be paid to fight daimyo who resisted the new order. in Japan from 1870 to 1875. and leaving them in Hong Kong was initially too much to contemplate. Braga. and C. there being then in currency over sixty kinds of gold. sizes. Kinder sent the letters on to the Minister of Finance. who was in Japan from to 1867 to 1877. Braga was employed by the Mint from 15 June 1871 to 13 March 1875. 460 The Mint was an enormous project for the new Japanese government. but then withdrew. V. he established a new taxation system and was the prime mover in currency reform. It is not known whether he intended moving them to Japan. 461 Braga hesitated for some time before accepting the position offered to him in Japan He initially accepted Kinder’s offer on 5 September 1870. but taking his large family to a strange country without modern medical care was too great a challenge. silver. 459 Ito realised that a firmly-founded monetary system is one of the necessary conditions for the development of industry and the progress of trade. The Early History of Double-entry Book-keeping in Japan. To keep the accounts of the Mint. 380. They were Vicente Braga as Chief Accountant and his brother Carlos as assistant accountant.J. Returning to Japan in 1871. October 1959.M. and was one of the key institutions of the government’s effort to modernise Japan.E. already in Osaka.currency systems. It went much further than the regulation of the Japanese currency. to say nothing of the expense. Braga. in line with international practice. Ito was fortunate that both plant and personnel were available in the Far East. who remained at the Mint until 1875. copper. and qualities. and iron coins of heterogeneous forms. Besides these there were as many as 1. was one of three Westerners who filled crucial roles in the early development of double-entry book-keeping in Japan. p. Braga Papers. At the time of the Meiji Restoration the monetary system of Japan was in a hopelessly confused state. strongly recommending Braga’s appointment. K. Nishikawa. William Gogswell Whitney (1825-1882). Braga from 18 July 1872 to 11 January 1875. Alexander Allan Shand (1844-1930). and an American. sent to J.M. Nishikawa.600 kinds of coins current only within the dominions of various daimyo clans. evidently from the records of the Imperial Mint.4/22. However. in October 1870 he changed his mind and wrote two letters to Kinder. 155 . 460 Notes by K. The new Mint was an essential first step in ensuring its success.

Vicente Braga is behind Mrs Kinder’s left shoulder. later renegotiated with the Japanese government on 1 August 1871. From R. 213-214. 126. 1 December 1870. pp. 1868-1875 Braga was not yet in Japan by 25 November. Hanashiro. when he signed a contract with the Oriental Bank. cit. op.S.. 115. Hanashiro.. as were expatriates generally in the Far East. p. op. 156 . as a foreign employee of the Mint.. Hanashiro reprinted the contract. Col. plus a passage for himself and his family. Hanashiro. The body language of the young man on the right leaves no doubt about her role in the group of foreign staff. 466 He was also provided with a ‘suitable Japanese home furnished in the vicinity of the Mint’. will be of great advantage to you.S. He was entitled. resigned. as equal to the British senior staff. when he resigned from his position in the Colonial Treasury. Hanashiro. 465 R. 465 He was paid a good salary of $200 per month.S. Secretary Office. 467 Moreover he was accorded recognition that he could never have gained in Hong Kong. pp. 82. 5th clerk. 464 He was in Yokohama by 19 December. Hong Kong. 467 Ibid. p. cit.S. Nihon boki shidan. 462 Mr and Mrs Kinder and three of the foreign staff. op. Thomas William Kinder and the Japanese Imperial Mint. vice Braga. He was regarded.. 466 R. 464 CS/1021/00200934. p. Well knowing the intricate and difficult accounts you will have in your department of the Mint I cannot too strongly advise you to accept his services as I am certain his special knowledge gained partly in Banks and partly under myself in the Royal Mint. pp. 462 K. 463 R. 213-214. nor could any other Portuguese have done so for the greater part of another century. the yen being then in parity with the dollar. the Prime Minister received 800 yen. Auth. Nishikawa. to a year’s salary after three years’ service. Appointment of Kraal. 100-101. 463 and appears to have left Hong Kong for Osaka at the beginning of December 1870. cit.

23] 旅の家つと 23 号 Call Number (請求記号)YDM22666 468 Ibid. but by her father. Notes by K. or whether his wife refused to leave Hong Kong for the uncertainties of Japan can never be known. not irreconcilable with the first. not by their father.M. p. 468 The Braga brothers were two of only a few exceptions. and he may never have returned to Hong Kong. Osaka. Vicente Braga did not disappoint his employer. He eventually left the Mint on 13 March 1875. 213.. José Pedro Braga. 148-149. 381.M.. these were then translated into Japanese. 157 . 469 He kept all the books of the Mint in English. op. evidently from the records of the Imperial Mint. 471 Japanese Imperial Mint. with the result that his three year contract. was not renewed. 129. p. Most other foreign experts had also gone by that time. He left his wife newly pregnant with another child. sent to J. 469 Ibid. cit. One was that his behaviour was manipulative. and that he created an unpleasant atmosphere in the Accountant’s Department.. thus making complete sets of books in each language. 470 The other view. In Japan. 129.. but continued on a short-term basis. 471 K. their eighth and last. Vicente’s family never joined him. was that his personal influence was so great that his style of penmanship was practised in the Mint long after he had gone. There can be no doubt that she was deserted. October 1959. Nishikawa. National Diet Library. Braga Papers. with seven small children to be cared for. MS 4300/4. He proved to be a valuable employee who performed his duties with diligence and competence. and felt deserted. was born on 3 August 1871. p. Nishikawa. pp. Tokyo Source [Tabi no Iezuto No. 1899.4/22. There were two contrasting views of his influence.Indeed Kinder was instructed that all his foreign staff had to be British subjects. Whether he deliberately left them for good. which ran until August 1874. Braga. J. 470 Ibid.

go. on display at the Japan Mint Museum.S. and Vicente Braga.472 His influence ran well beyond that. Other ministries followed. 473 R. 475 [Nine signatures follow] 472 www. cit. 474 He had trained his successors well. p. 475 Ibid. and many students were placed under Mishima’s direction. V. was acknowledged as the father of modern book-keeping in Japan. At the present time you are most distinguished for imparting and for so kindly giving your instruction that we have learned that useful art of book-keeping which you have established for us . 474 K. Mishima’s mentor. This they adopted for a man who was obviously held in esteem.E. 473 Although he remained at the Mint for fewer than four years. 158 .mint. Braga's first double-entry accounts book in Japan. op. 166-167. Some months later they wrote: Osaka 26th January 1876 Dear Sir. western book-keeping methods became general throughout Japan. Some were sent to study at the Mint.. Nihon boki shidan. Nishikawa. and were placed under the supervision of Mishima. he left with a glowing testimonial. Mishima Tametsugu. and we shall never forget your services as the introducer of the useful art of book keeping into our country. Hanashiro. sententious address. His assistant. 108..html Accessed 15 August 2012. pp. Within a few A group of them knew of the English practice then in vogue of recognising achievement with a formal... which attracted the attention of officials of the Ministry of Finance in Tokyo.. became well versed in double-entry book-keeping. Although we are far away off we hope our friendship will continue for ever .

Masuda. 1971. and square copper pieces. Tokyo. Over time. similar in quality and weight to the Mexican dollar then in general use in Asian countries. Brassey. 478 A copy of the Official Translation of the letter of appointment is in the Braga file at the Hong Kong Heritage Project. A Voyage in the ‘Sunbeam’. The original of this photograph has not been located. The ancient coinage consisted of long thin oval obangs and shobangs. This led to his appointment on 19 December 1875 as Instructor of Book Keeping in the Okurasho. 477 The Imperial Mint of Japan is a large handsome building.The Imperial Mint had an immediate and profound effect on the Japanese system of currency. emphasising the powerful Western influence in the way it operated. and was circulated. the Finance Ministry at the excellent salary of 400 yen per month. worth from two dollars to eighteen pounds each. was coined as the medium for trading. Anna Brassey. square silver itzeboos. and the processes are carried out in the same manner. 476 A British visitor to Japan in 1877. Kojiro. p. such as the phoenix and the dragon. under the name of the ‘trade silver yen’ as legal tender within the limits of the ports already opened to foreign trade. and is marked in English characters. 348. plus a ‘suitable residence in Tokio’. This photograph was possibly taken between 1876 and 1878 while he was employed as Instructor of Book Keeping by the Finance Ministry in Tokyo. 476 A special silver coin. as it is arranged on exactly the same principle as the one in London. The contrast between the two moneys is very great. for the whole of the old money is being called in and replaced by the government. Vicente Braga’s role as both accountant and instructor was by 1875 well known in Tokyo. 159 . with a hole in the centre. Nihon boki shidan. T. it proved impossible for the Japanese government to maintain the gold standard adopted in 1871. A. and ornamented with Japanese devices. left an impression of the Mint’s successful impact. It did not seem worth while to go minutely over the Mint. Japan: its commercial development and prospects. the silver yen was circulated freely throughout the country. 46. 478 It was a most significant appointment. p. Braga. 477 Vicente E. from Nishikawa. in great force just now. and from 1878. while that which is taking its place is similar to European coinage.

323. the Ministry of Finance derives its name.S. Hartcher. 485 Japan Times. Mr Braga’. Under the leadership of its founder. p. working with Cornes & Co. 481 J. Between 1887 and 1895 he was the first Portuguese Vice-Consul in Kobe. 24 May 1961. a leading commercial house. 484 This was usually an honorary appointment. married and settled there. 28 March 1911.S. after which he joined a British firm. given to a leading national resident in the Accessed 30 April 2009. 130. who later referred to him as ‘my old friend. that of Japan. 3. even astonishing. the Okurasho. 479 For this ancient and prestigious Japanese institution to appoint a foreign instructor was remarkable. vol. p. Hongkong Daily Press. Notes taken by H. cit. 483 Japan Chronicle. Cornes & Company Limited was established in Yokohama in 1861 and became the oldest international trading house in Japan. 160 . Frederick Cornes. MS 6681/3/7. 24 May 1961. 485 In July 1911 he went to Shanghai to 479 Its roots run deep into Japanese history. and gave courses in accounting which were attended by several pupils who later became teachers and writers on book-keeping. but his eldest son. It is a reflection both on the desire for radical reform on the part of the Meiji government. the company began trading in silk and tea but soon expanded its activities to include other merchandise. In the seventh century the ruling imperial court was said to be made up of three parts: the focal (inner) shrine of the kami (gods) 480 It appears that during this time he became personally known to Marquis Ito. Hanashiro. 482 Japan Times. P.. followed his father to Japan in 1880. and then shipping and insurance. or treasure-store. at Kobe. 482 This was probably Cornes & Co. Williams. August 1998. a young English textile merchant. 481 His appointment to the Ministry of Finance continued until 31 July 1878. the outer shrine of the tenno (emperor) and the okura. is like no other. Williams Papers. Did he ever think of the family he left in Hong Kong? We shall never know. Box 35. 22 March 1911. http://www. 483 His commercial ability and government contacts would have been invaluable in this firm’s varied trading activities. R.Among the Ministries of Finance in the world’s developed states. ‘great storehouse ministry’. quoting an obituary in the Japan Chronicle. H. op. 480 Japan Chronicle.S.cornes. 484 CS/1021/00200931-2. Vicente Braga seems to have left Hong Kong with hardly a backward look. National Library of Australia. 28 March 1911. Famílias Macaenses. Braga drafted an accounting and book-keeping system for the Japanese Government. The Ministry: The Inside Story of Japan's Ministry of Finance. reviewed by Raymond Lamont-Brown. Francisco Xavier. Contemporary Review’. and an intellectual and political force as well as an economic one. and on the calibre of the consultant chosen. 23 March 1911. The Okurasho was the hub of real bureaucratic power in Japan’s economy. From the okura. Forjaz.

p. three brothers who died young and his brother-in-law Hugo Remédios. He had the strong advantage of being present at the beginning of what became a great commercial revolution in Japan.macanesefamilies. Hong Kong Public Record Office. Cathedral. 117. several of whom were named after their father’s forebears and siblings. The Will of Delfino Noronha. 488 CS/1021/00246455: Baptisms R. 113). though a brief obituary appeared in the Hongkong Daily Press. It appears that his body was returned to Japan for burial in Shogahara Cemetery. 491 K. for in 1891 Vicente was godfather to her eldest daughter Maria. and there establishing modern accounting practices ab initio. Probate File No. drawn up in 1897.Accessed 9 May 2009. These included both his grandfathers. Carl Smith. 161 . His grave there is notable for its unique decoration. 486 Vicente’s younger daughter Umbelina (‘Bellie’) married Antόnio Hugo dos Remédios in Hong Kong in 1890. p. Paul Braga. It bears an open ledger in recognition of his important role in the introduction of double-entry book-keeping to Japan (K.E. Hong Kong. 489 He died there on 22 March 1911. the second. 30 May 1891. The first was Carolina Maria. Hugo and Umbellina [sic] dos Remedios. born in 1911 and 1914. op. 144/4/1011. Maria Madelena. but the next year contracted cholera and died aged 48 on 17 September 1912. 1019 of 1876.. Nishikawa. None was named after his own father. 490 Hongkong Daily Press. 487 http://www. recognised by the 486 CS/1021/00200719. 24 May 1961. Much later. 487 It is clear that there was no breach in this relationship. José Pedro. His last two children were daughters. had nine sons. Nihon boki shidan. 23 September 1912. A newspaper cutting kept by his grandson. he left Japan to join her in Shanghai. 491 His youngest son. Hong Kong Public Record Office HKRS No. Sponsor: Vincentius Braga and Silva dos Remedios.C. cit. She moved to Shanghai where she brought up a family of ten children. a drawing of the grave appeared in Ripley’s Believe it or not. 489 Japan Times. who had died on 11 January 1906. 488 About 1897. indicated that V. 490 His death passed unnoticed and unrecorded by the family in Hong Kong whom he had last seen forty years earlier.establish a branch of the His father and his elder brother Francisco who had joined Vicente Braga in Japan were firmly excluded from those held in honoured memory. Yet Vicente Braga had created a career that was highly distinguished. Braga was then in Shanghai. Maria.htm/. Both were named in memory of their grandmother. The success he achieved and the esteem in which he was held would not have come but for the competence he plainly possessed. 23 March 1911. Nishikawa. CS/1021/00200931. born 27 May child of A. Kobe. Hongkong Telegraph.

Bapt. and had a son. Carlos did not. practically the age at which João Joaquim had become the successful manager of the Victoria Dispensary. Memorial 2330. 25 August – 162 . Braga and Co. dated 27 March 1862. 14 October 1859. who then ran the business in his own name (CS/1021/00200657. Registered 29 March 1862. the year in which he briefly worked in his brother João’s pharmacy (CS/1021/00200661. In 1866 he bought into the partnership. Braga & Co. José Pedro.J. to Chun Ah Sing. Victoria.. it was taken over by J. His efforts did not lead to the long-term success towards which he obviously worked hard. Memorial 2685. The fragmentary details known of his career serve chiefly to indicate how hard it was for an ambitious man to succeed if he did not have early breaks. dated 1 August 1863. Two of his brothers succeeded in doing so. trader to Joaquim Caldeiro. Inland Lot 679 – remaining part in consideration of $5. 19 June – Mr Carlos José Braga admitted partner in French Dispensary – in future Figuereido.000. Braga despised his father for his desertion. an obscure clerk.government. though J. Braga’s Medical Hall. Part 4 – Carlos José Braga. Registered: 4 August 1863). The soda water business mentioned earlier was set up jointly with Vicente when he was twenty. Carlos José Braga and Vicente Emigdio Braga to Joaquim Caldeiro. a former long-standing employee of J. In September 1869. trader.L. was that their careers were built entirely through their own endeavours and their conspicuous merit. had a career even more distinguished. trader. Britto. 1866. which had been set up at 118 Queen’s Road in 1853. Section B. Baptisms Sé – José Calisto Braga leg. The following information seems to have come from the Hongkong Daily Press. Section A in consideration of $5. the son he never saw. Following the failure of their venture. as so many of his compatriots did. 492 492 He married in his teens. The common ground between them. the youngest of the five sons of João Vicente Braga. (108 Queen’s Road. but it seems that it did not prosper. and it became C. and he is likely to have become. Inland Lot 699. born in Macau in 1859. he and Vicente joined in real estate speculation that seems to have ended badly as economic times worsened during the straitened 1860s (CS/1021/00200659-70. 21 October 1859).P. represents another aspect of the endeavours of this aspirational family’s attempt to break out of the strait-jacket of the ‘Portuguese clerk class’ in Hong Kong. Carlos José Braga and Vicente Emigdio Braga. 1866. and to which two of his elder brothers had attained. b. Curiously. Memorial 2326. He tried to emulate the success of his brothers by emigrating. son of Carlos José Braga and wife Filomena Maria Braga. dated 27 March 1862. Carlos José Braga and Vicente Emigdio [sic] Braga. He again tried his hand as a chemist and joined the staff of the French Dispensary. his employers and his students. His attempts at a successful business career met with three failures before he reached the age of 34. trader.000. Registered: 28 March 1862. his name unnoticed in any published records. born 1841 Carlos José Braga. Central). Inland Lot 679 in consideration of $2.

. sent to J.M. 148).P. evidently from the records of the Imperial Mint. French Dispensary – in future firm conducted in name of J. All five of his sons appear to have left Hong Kong permanently. Mochizuki. This he flatly refused to accept. Whether he returned to Hong Kong is not known. As it turned out. Shanghai and the Philippines.M.L Britto. pp. and was employed there as Assistant Accountant. p. as the year 1900 drew to a close. p. Japan To-day.e. op. cit. Vicente was in charge of the valuable Bullion Office. Vicente. his youngest grandson. but to go into exile in Macau. Int[erest] of Carlos José Braga ceased 15 September – and João Luciano Britto admitted partner. was placed in the sixth rank. Braga has taken over French Dispensary. 17 September 1869). It was a splendid vindication of João Vicente Braga’s courageous leap in the dark. In Japan’s very hierarchical society it was decided to assign ranks for all the foreign staff. for Britain. Braga Papers. 17 September. October 1959.J. Japan. and João L. Mr Figuereido’s interest ceased 21st [instant] – i. The foreigners employed at the Mint were regarded as very status conscious. not for Britain. this stand did nothing to endear them to their employers. Nishikawa. in 1900 he left Hong Kong. However. Carlos José Braga was employed by the Mint from 18 July 1872 to 11 January 1875). also planned to leave Hong Kong for what he hoped would be a brilliant career in Britain. 219). Britto. Braga & Co. apparently a ruined man. though the government did not budge from its determinations (R. Hanashiro. 163 . 113..S. As soon as the Japanese authorities felt that they could dispense with foreign staff. and this was particularly true of Carlos Braga (R.). as did several other junior foreign staff. not one living member of his family in the male line remained in Hong Kong. A Souvenir of the Anglo-Japanese Exhibition held in London. op. cit..4/22. It is remarkable that at the end of the nineteenth century. was in the eighth rank. J. they did so. p.S. business in future under style J. J. cit. then to build in the next forty years a public career of far greater distinction that his grandfather could ever have imagined. he returned to Hong Kong two years later. so he must have been under his brother’s close supervision. Int[erest] of Carlos José Braga in French Dispensary ceased 15th. 21 August. Thereafter. Carlos. They felt that their social status as gentlemen had not been appropriately recognised. Hanashiro. while Carlos did the accounts for the far less important Copper Department (K. the Chief Accountant. Britto adm[itted] partner. MS 4300/4. 1869. (R.João Vicente Rosa Braga and his family had set off for Hong Kong about 1844 with high hopes for a bright future in the British colony. Naturally.S. he dropped out of sight. Hanashiro. Carlos followed his brother Vicente to Japan not long after the Imperial Japanese Mint commenced operations.L. the services of Carlos were dispensed with early in 1875 after less than three years (Notes by K. Carlos may have felt that his brother João Joaquim had let him down. op. 113- 115). C. Whereas Vicente went on to become a senior adviser to the Japanese government. his subordinate. 1910. akin to the Japanese civil service ranks. Braga. September 29 -. 1869.. In the following generation. His background does not suggest any experience in this occupation. Braga. C.

164 .

p. but the year in which letters-patent were granted. almanacs. 65. 24% of the garrison died. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. 275. A row of small houses built here in 1842 were soon unoccupied. p. judicious and humane conduct of General D’Aguilar [the commanding officer] in immediately embarking the men for England’. who in recent years had been taken on in junior clerical positions and as translators. as well as the growing mercantile community. the governor of Hong Kong. Ride. British merchants took their staff with them. reported Sir John Davis. 165 . Danish and Prussian communities between 1821 when the cemetery was opened until 1857 when it was formally closed. permitting the East India Company to acquire church property. but reinforced solidly by the presence of the Royal Navy and a substantial garrison. The first was in the early years of the British colony as British merchants moved from the uncertain Portuguese presence in Macau to the far more stable British jurisdiction some 60 km away. resulting in the acquisition of the site in 1821. 2 August 1844. 494 493 L.T. A Protestant Cemetery in the Far East. A marble tablet above the entrance to the cemetery bears the date 1814. Tarrant. newspapers.. cit. of carefully-prepared lists. a degree of susceptibility to tropical diseases that seemed greater than that of the Portuguese in Macau. lost 218 of its 491 men. op. the 55th. Ride. It was backed. cit. This included young Portuguese men from Macau. 5. op. 1841-1941.. affirms the right of the Protestant community to own the property. 494 Davis to Lord Stanley. p. Chapter 6 Delfino Noronha and the Portuguese community. not only by a treaty wrung by force from the reluctant Chinese government. Naturally. 45). p. In 1843. books and pamphlets. too. R. They brought. 493 The Colonial Cemetery at Happy Valley in Hong Kong was thereafter used even more intensively as the British garrison. ‘The lives of the remainder were only saved by the prompt. this refers not to the opening of the cemetery. One regiment.L Jarman. their occupants soon dying of fever (W. The tablet. The old Protestant Cemetery in Macau bears mute witness to the high mortality rate already suffered by members of the British. 1844-1900 Portuguese emigration from Macau to Hong Kong in the nineteenth century took place in several waves. therefore. suffered grievously from malaria and other tropical diseases. American. The British brought with them to Hong Kong two characteristics: their love of order.

Familias Macaenses. Part I. Boxer. born about 1710. Noronha and Rosa Braga families. thought to have been born in Macau about 1735 to Baltazar de Noronha. pp. pp. principally members of the last two: Delfino Noronha and the sons of João Vicente Rosa Braga. the other tragic. J. He was the seventh son of João de Noronha. 166 . 72. Thus by the 1830s. 497 J. each family is discussed in this study.P. 496 but little is known about the Noronha family in Macau other than their genealogy. No Portuguese names are mentioned. the family had been established in Macau for perhaps a century. the sixth and youngest child of Manuel José dos Remédios de Noronha and his second wife. 495 Noronhas had been eminent in the Portuguese empire in the East since the sixteenth century. 2.P. Hongkong. one industrious. 496 C. Delfino Noronha was born on 30 June 1824.R.These two British characteristics. Portuguese Seaborne Empire. 1839-1844. A history of Hongkong from the time of its cession to the British Empire to the year 1844. 42-98. 495 J. Braga. Forjaz. Braga. Ana Rita do Rosário. Rozario. Delfino Joaquim Noronha was born on 30 June 1824. later averred that he was possibly the first Portuguese to establish his own business in the new British colony. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. p. Because of their significance. Tarrant. 814. Manuel de Noronha was also the youngest child in his family. p. Among these were members of several families. vol. This chapter is concerned principally with Noronha. and not yet 20 when in 1844 he set up in Hong Kong what would eventually become the colony’s leading printery. 497 It is likely that the family arrived in Macau in the early eighteenth century from Goa. 325-326. W. His grandson. notably the d’Almada. provided opportunities for a small group of young Portuguese men whose emigration arose from their aspirations rather than from the circumstance of their employment. William Tarrant went into detail about the location of business in Hong Kong in 1842 and 1843. Remedios. Already closely related. the two families were again connected by marriage in 1862. 128.

p. However. no. when its Jesuit community was swept away along with that of St. 501 L. 167 . Its splendid church. 498 J. Gomes. 501 The Portuguese Crown. met the expenses of repairing. October 1956. and the premises were occupied by the military garrison. 24. Education was one of the pillars of the Portuguese occupation of Macau in its early days. provisioning. 3 (Portuguese Empire issue). 2. finishing with a splendid rococo chapel in 1758. Familias Macaenses. in Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. vol. lay neglected and steadily deteriorating until its destruction by fire in 1835. St. 359. p. Canton Miscellany.Delfino was thirteen when his father died on 7 December 1837. p. Photographs – Stuart Braga. Paul’s. St. in 1762 it too was closed. Macao’. ‘The Jesuit Seminary and church of St. 1831. Joseph’s College was established in 1730 by the Jesuits. Only its facade survived. 15. built between 1620 and 1637. ‘Actual state of Macao’. Joseph’s remained closed until 1784. 5. 498 The numerous and perhaps reasonably well-off Noronha family must have been in a position to send a boy who showed promise to the well-regarded St. 147. Efemérides da História de Macau. Paul’s. Ljungstedt. Joseph’s College. Forjaz. to become an enduring symbol of Macau’s vanished glory. no. acting under the abiding principle of the Padroado. 499 The west front and north elevation of the chapel of St Joseph’s College.500 It had a fine and grand set of buildings which took more than a quarter of a century to complete. 1762.G. Hugo-Brunt. Lazarist Fathers from the Seminary of Chorão in Goa. p. Joseph. 500 A. 14 March 2012 In addition to St. vol. 499 M. The renowned St. Paul’s College had been founded in 1565 but was closed in 1762 under Marquis Pombal’s decree dissolving the Jesuit Order throughout Portuguese territories. when it was re-opened by the ‘Congregation of Missions’. staffing and furnishing the college. 818.

507 By 1836. to the work of missionary priests. no. It was almost the last remnant of this fifteenth century arrangement between the papacy and the Portuguese Crown. vol. July 1965. 1938. p. 1. 504 A. Of this institution.which was now able to claim royal patronage. though not as a candidate for the priesthood. and are esteemed by the public not less for their virtues as for their talents. no. ‘So much for an old account of St. Paul’s College. p. 504 During the 1830s. which left the nation bankrupt. 250. as a result. the college struggled on with difficulty. without attribution. The principal aim of this institution is to provide China with evangelical teachers. Ljungstedt had withdrawn his warm praise of the staff of St. was either British or American. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire. Paul’s. October 1956) p. as ‘the Royal College of St. 15. Boxer. Nevertheless. training both Chinese priests and the sons of local citizens who. p. The Gem of the Orient Earth. Macao’. were of ‘the first rank in society’. men of exemplary conduct and benevolent dispositions. 3 (Portuguese Empire issue). St. 502 In this. 24. not to a school of churchmanship. 22. quoted by M. Chinese Repository. Joseph’s’. Hugo-Brunt. Macao the Holy City. 358. a definite decline set in. replacing it with a non-committal remark: The priests belonging to this college are all European Portuguese. pp. in Canton Miscellany. of course. the principal aim is to provide China with Evangelic teachers. Joseph. one of whom is the Superior. which never re-opened. Dyer Ball. 503 M. Ljungstedt. in Journal of Oriental Studies. Joseph’. ‘The Jesuit Seminary and church of St. in Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians vol. in this context. 31. The word ‘evangelical’ refers. Joseph’s College had great difficulty in obtaining staff from Portugal. vol. 342. 5. p. Joseph’s. Ljungstedt wrote warmly of it: The priests belonging to this Royal College are all Europeans. The anonymous writer. in 1831.505 A somewhat jaundiced view in 1835 was that the college ‘has seen its best days’. 1831. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China and description of the city of Canton. 168 . 4. Hugo-Brunt. 503 During the Napoleonic Wars. 506 The subsidy from the Portuguese Crown evidently ended during three years of civil war in Portugal from 1832 to 1834. in Boletim Eclesiástico. The next twenty years saw the college at its height. familiar with Macau. 6. These Professors are six in number. apart from the comment. no. Did Dyer suppose that nothing had changed in 70 years? 505 ‘Os Lazaristas em Macao. it took the place of St. 506 ‘Extracts from a private journal’. Macao’. ‘An Architectural Survey of the Jesuit Seminary Church of St.R. 507 C. as Ljungstedt would term them. 1784-1845’. Ljungstedt. no. October 1835. 23. This description was repeated in 1905 by J. p 293. He gave a detailed description of the curriculum that young Delfino Noronha would have studied. He was one of thirteen 502 A. commonly six: their superior is appointed from Europe. 2.

Many children of the inhabitants participate in them.509 St Joseph’s had a precarious existence during the mid-nineteenth century. With dwindling opportunities available. This was to acquire a disused printing press in Macau to train their students as printers. part of the general collapse of activity in Macau following the British occupation of Hong Kong in 1841 and the subsequent removal of British merchants there in the next few years. philosophy. 24. but the ‘craft’ of printing was a different matter. but the college continued to function until 1845. Ljungstedt. its reputation suffering as a result. Fr Joaquim Gonçalves. when it closed. it nevertheless turned in these difficult years to a new form of training that proved to be of enormous importance. 356. the Lazarist Fathers adopted a new strategy that proved to be highly successful for the boys and of cardinal significance for the future of the Portuguese community throughout the Far East. were settled in the college.local Portuguese boys. for food and cell. but in the late 1820s and 1830s. 15. 169 . two boys from Manila whose fathers were Portuguese. rhetoric. 3 (Portuguese Empire issue). and thirteen born at Macao. and acquire sometimes. others attend the lectures delivered ‘gratis’ by the Professors at distinct hours. born at Macao. p. Seminary teaching ceased in 1836.202 in 1830. 511 The families of these boys were obviously as forward-looking as the priests who taught them. two Malays. 31. ‘The Jesuit Seminary and Church of St. Some children dine at the College and join their families at night. In 1815 eight young Chinese. p. The figures are the same as those he gave in Canton Miscellany. no. 5. this seems small. no. An historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China and description of the city of Canton. 508 Even allowing for the fact that education was then the prerogative of a tiny elite. a thorough grounding in the ‘craft’ of printing was given to the boys of St Joseph’s through the work of an outstanding man. The Chinese language is taught. 510 Although the college may have been in decline as an academic institution. who can afford to pay for their children a small remuneration monthly. arithmetic.) p. October 1956. but was briefly closed again in 1870 when the Jesuits were expelled for the second time. Joseph. where the students learn to speak genuine Portuguese. He also detailed the curriculum: ‘The Professors give instruction in the Portuguese and Latin grammar. even to the sons of the elite of Macau. and sixteen boys. 1831. fix them at college. seven young Chinese. It followed that its practitioners would strive to ensure that their work was excellent.’ 509 Canton Miscellany. 511 The work of Fr Gonçalves is discussed in detail in Appendix 16. in Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians vol. A small group of people who had for decades dominated the albeit 508 A. The idea that Portuguese people would ever engage in manual work in the Far East was out of the question. So it proved. given a Portuguese male population of 1. though few of them are made priests. theology etc. 510 M. Macao’. Parents. Hugo-Brunt. Printing had only recently arrived in Macau. In 1831. and English and French occasionally. 1831. It eventually reopened in 1862. a taste for the improvement of their minds.

P. Joseph’s. It was heir to the long tradition of Catholic endeavour in Goa and Macau that began with the Jesuit mission in the 1560s. Father Joaquim Affonço Gonçalves: Sinologue and pioneer of technical education in the Far East’. July 2011. There is a pride of race among them that is out of place in this Free Trade generation. Braga. They now grasped the new opportunity of what in later generations would be termed technical education. 514 Its records are in the J. 514 Let J.’ Cited by J. like all Westerners in Macau. 170 . and a few years later in Hong Kong. It gave their sons what seemed to be the only chance of a good career in what was clearly going to be a very different world. journeyman engineers … Why not? … [The Portuguese] must turn their attention to trades and handicraft and eschew clerkships. Braga.P. Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau. tailors. His account leads directly to a discussion of the role of the Portuguese in the printing 512 S. their chance of education in Hong Kong having been snatched from them in wartime. 513 The day of universal literacy lay well into the future. and the market for printed materials in Portuguese or English was in the 1830s and early 1840s still quite small. Braga. p. it is clear that local people must have been employed as compositors to put out the growing volume of printed material. blacksmiths. MS 4300/8. particularly at Canton. Over a long period of time the Portuguese. refused to have anything to do with manual work.M. Delfino Noronha’s grandson. shoemakers. rather than a trade. 23. no. Australia. St. J. A century after Fr Gonçalves’ most praiseworthy efforts. Braga tell the story of his grandfather’s experience at St.P. The rights of aliens in Hongkong. In effect. Nor did that tradition of technical education end there. ‘The right man in the right place at the right time. 512 Printing was still seen as a craft. would initiate a comparable endeavour in Macau to provide technical education for Portuguese youth who had sought refuge in neutral Macau during World War II. The only ones with any knowledge of printing were the Portuguese boys trained at St. Joseph’s. who found ready employment in nearby Canton in the 1830s. 44. Braga Papers.1/20. High standards were de rigueur for the well- educated British and American merchants these technically educated boys hoped would be their clients. Joseph’s College became for a few years the forerunner of technical education in the Far East. Although there are no contemporary records to indicate this. 513 A correspondent in the Hongkong Telegraph in August 1895 observed: ‘there are no Portuguese commercial life of Macau watched helplessly as business opportunities slipped away. 3. though growing rapidly. vol. cabinetmakers.

and died on 1 March 1879 in Hong Kong. The explanation for the steady increase in the number of Portuguese compositors in Hongkong can be found in the fact that there had been a printing press at St. as the expense of engaging compositors from England or elsewhere would have been prohibitive. He traces its origin to the farsighted decision of the Lazarist Fathers in Macau to give the cream of the colony’s youth a new direction in life.F. at Macao. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. For some of such youths the printing press at St. Joseph’s College in Macao at which Portuguese lads were given training as compositors and printers. This meant fewer opportunities at sea for Portuguese youths in Macao who were seeking employment. ‘Macanese Families’. obviously aiming at American patronage with the business name ‘New Washington Press’. Braga. #42504. as it proved. offered a training in a new craft which provided a remunerative living. the United States. 515 One such who set out on his own in Macau was F. Canton and other places. competing for China’s trade. During the second and third decades of the XIXth Century increasing numbers of foreign ships had appeared in Far Eastern waters.P. Some of the young type-setters upon completing their apprenticeship migrated to the neighbouring British colony as the demand there for men skilled in this class of work increased with the growth of the settlement. But for these Portuguese compositors. Shuck. 171 . Félix Feliciano da Cruz was born in Macau about 1810. in Hongkong and elsewhere in China. Accessed 30 August 2010. Hongkong. the newspapers in Hongkong could not have functioned. 516 Website. and other countries had greater resources than the Portuguese. 516 He is known to have printed the important Portfolio Chinensis. Joseph’s College. da Cruz. The priests of the well-known school had adopted the idea of giving instruction in the art of printing as a means of providing the youths of Macao with a desirable profession when the older calling of the mariners’ career no longer offered the rewards which could be had by them in older days. The young Portuguese compositors trained at that institution were the ones who staffed the printing works not only of the British and American missionaries and other foreign printing establishments at Macao. The wealthy trading concerns of Britain. 131. but also the composing rooms of Hongkong’s newspaper offices for several decades. and this had the effect of reducing the number of Portuguese vessels engaged in commerce in the East. p. edited by Jehu Lewis Shuck (1812-1863).industry throughout the Far East. and sharing in the trade between Macao and a number of other places. one of the earliest American Baptist 515 J.

missionaries to China, arrived in Macau in 1836, moved to Hong Kong in 1842, and
subsequently settled at Canton. Like Elijah Bridgman and some other early
American missionaries, he was also a scholar who sought to improve understanding
of relations between China and the West. 517 Da Cruz’s work indicates that a high
standard in printing both European type and Chinese characters had already been
achieved, the Chinese characters evidently having to be individually hand cut. By
1849 he had moved to Canton and was operating the Armenian Press. 518

Delfino Noronha is likely to have gained experience in one of the printing
establishments in Macau. It was one thing to learn the ‘craft’ of printing, quite
another to learn how to run a printing business. He was fortunate to have a family
who could set him up as an independent printer in the early days in Hong Kong. He
was married in Macau, but the date is unknown, having not been located in the
surviving registers of any of Macau’s parishes. 519 It was possibly in 1840 when he
was sixteen and his bride eighteen. 520 She was Umbelina Maria Basto, the natural
daughter of António Teixeira Machado Basto, a member of the Macau Council, and
Carolina Dober, perhaps the child of a visiting Dutch seaman. 521

Early marriages were common, and it seems that Umbelina was brought up in an
orphanage until she was eighteen and then married off. 522 Despite her background,

A biography by Thelma Wolfe, I give myself: the story of J. Lewis Shuck and his mission to the
Chinese, Hall, Richmond, Virginia, 1983, is summarised by a sketch in a family website,, accessed, 11 May 2012.
Hongkong Almanack, 1849.
However, the records of St António were lost in a fire that broke out during the Great Typhoon of
September 1874 (M. Teixeira, ‘The Macanese’, Review of Culture, no. 20, 2nd series, July/September
1994, p. 119.
According to a website detailing members of the Guterres family, connected to the Noronha
family., accessed 31 August 2011.
J. Forjaz, Familias Macaenses, vol. 2, p. 821.
The opinion of Alberto Guterres, well versed in the traditional culture of Macau. He has for many
years closely examined the history of the Noronha family, and concludes, ‘Let us assume that
Umbelina’s own mother Carolina Dober returned to her native Holland since being a single mother in
Macao would have been unbearable and thus requiring Umbelina’s father Antonio Teixeira Basto to
assume full responsibility for her upbringing. He would have sent Umbelina to the Orphanage of
Santa Rosa de Lima to provide her with a proper education and did not take her into his home.
Umbelina would have been educated until her 18th birthday. Umbelina was then required to make a
choice either to remain in the orphanage and study to be a nun or to leave the orphanage as required
under the rules (I am here relating to the orphanages in Goa in respect to decision making at 18th year
of age, and I assume the same for Santa Rosa de Lima in regard of the same rules). She probably left
to marry Delfino around her 18th birthday.’ (Email to this writer, 25 January 2011).

she was the daughter of a vereador, a member of the Council, and one of the homems
de maior condição, men of higher standing, respected community leaders. 523

Three children were born to Delfino and Umbelina in Macau in the next four years:

Henrique Lourenço de Noronha, 9 August 1841

Carolina Maria, 2 December 1843

Diocleciano Lúcio, date of birth unknown, but probably in 1845.

A further ten were born in Hong Kong between 1847 and 1859, including at least
one set of twins. Besides Saturnino António and Secundino António, it seems
probable that Maria Clotilde and Leonardo were also twins. 524 The ten were:

Maria Clotilde, 25 February 1847

Leonardo, 1847

Capitolina Maria ‘Lily’, 5 August 1848

Henrique Delfino, 1849

Saturnino António, 9 June 1850

Secundino António, 9 June 1850

Lídia Maria, 22 August 1851

Maria das Dôres ‘Quita’, 13 April 1853

Maria Antónia ‘Avonina’, 8 June 1856

Carlos Henrique ‘Charlie’, 22 January 1859. 525

Two of them were to become particularly significant in the story of this family:
Carolina Maria, the eldest of six daughters and Charlie, the youngest of seven sons.

C.R. Boxer, Portuguese Seaborne Empire, p. 289; C.R. Boxer, Portuguese Society in the Tropics:
the Municipal Councils of Goa, Macao, Bahia and Luanda, 1510-1800, pp. 45, 50.
J. Forjaz, Familias Macaenses, vol. 2, pp. 821-822. Twins were common in the Noronha family.
Alberto Guterres (email to writer, 20 January 2011) disagrees with the list given by Forjaz, regarding
Secundino as the younger twin brother of Saturnino, both born on 9 June 1850.
J. Forjaz, Familias Macaenses, vol. 2, p. 821, gave the date 17 January 1859, but his grandson,
Ernest Morrison, Looking up, looking down the road, p. 201, preferred 22 January 1859.

All but one, Lídia Maria, survived infancy. The survival of all the others is a tribute
to the remarkable improvement in public health in the British colony, in the
generation that discovered modern hygiene in the mid-nineteenth century.

Hong Kong 1854. Trade painting by an unknown artist.
As seen in the detail below, the artist has taken pains to be topographically accurate.

Hong Kong Museum of Art AH64-160

As Delfino’s sons grew up, some were taken into the business, and acquiring their
father’s skill and attention to detail, became in due course successful printers in
Shanghai, Singapore and elsewhere in the Far East. It does not seem that any of them
remained in their father’s business in Hong Kong. It may be that they, like their
father, were keen to head out on their own, and were encouraged by him to do so.

It seems that Noronha moved to Hong Kong some time in 1844, despite a claim in
the China Directory, 1871, that his firm was founded in 1841, right at the beginning


of British settlement. This is
improbable, not only because of his
youth, but because continued British
occupation of Hong Kong was by no
means certain until 1843. Moreover, his
second child was born in Macau in
December 1843. Soon afterwards, as his
grandson observed, ‘he dared to face the
rigours of the climate and the social
uncertainties of young Hongkong without
the assurance of a fixed salary’.
Macau, though close to Hong Kong, was
cooled by sea breezes, and had a more
equable climate in summer. Hong Kong
soon gained the reputation of being a
Advertisements in China Directory most unhealthy place, and many young
1871 British men, not only soldiers, died soon
after arriving. Moreover, any Portuguese
subject going to Hong Kong was
venturing into the unknown. Would he be able to make his way in this new British
colony, in which there might be no place for foreigners?

The maker of the printing press available to Noronha when he set up business in
1844 in Hong Kong is not known, but initially it may have been one of the presses
earlier established in Macau, bereft of its clientele on the departure of the British
community to Hong Kong. In that case, Noronha and his backers, presumably his
uncles, may have been able to acquire a press relatively cheaply. J.P. Braga
mentioned that his grandfather brought a small press with him from Macau. A
comparison of the early printing done for the British and American communities in
Canton and Macau suggests that there may have been several identical presses, with
much the same array of fonts. Suppliers of printing presses in England probably sent

A. Cartwright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong and Shanghai, p. 354. The 1841
claim is contained in an advertisement for Noronha and Sons in the China Directory, 1871. I am
indebted to Mr Wang Gang of Hong Kong for this reference.
J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 128.

similar equipment to clients around the world. The name of one early Canton press,
the Albion Press, suggests that its equipment came from this famous maker.

Noronha set up business in Hong
Kong in Oswald’s Terrace,
Wellington St, a little to the west
of the new English settlement. 528 It
was close to what had already
been designated as the Chinese
quarter of the town, where
buildings were crowded close
together and rents much cheaper
than the Central Business District.
He remained there for more than
twenty years. Given that the
occupation of Hong Kong was still

Hongkong Almanack for 1847 uncertain, all arrangements were
printed by D. Noronha, 1846 temporary and makeshift for the
first two years. 529 Early paintings
Hong Kong University Library show a little settlement clinging to
the coast of a rocky island with a
towering mountain behind it. Here developed the community in which Delfino
Noronha lived, worked and eventually prospered.

The earliest example of his work known to survive is the Hongkong Almanack for
1847, 530 the first issue in 1846 having been printed by Shortrede at the China Mail

W. Tarrant, A history of Hongkong Part I, 1839-1844, p. 45. ‘West of Cheung-wan [i.e. Sheung
Wan] came some China houses built by Mr Oswald (Noronha’s Printing Office now)’. [i.e. 1861,
when Tarrant’s book was printed.]. This appears to have been Richard Oswald, a shopkeeper who ran
a business named R. Oswald & Co. (Hongkong Almanack, 1846). Tarrant, describing the town in
detail, commented that before this part of it was reached, ‘civilization, in the shape of bricks and
mortar stopped’. (p. 43). An obituary of Noronha in the Hongkong Daily Press, 8 February 1900,
claimed that this was then the Central Business District. In fact that has always been Queen’s Road
G.B. Endacott and A. Hinton, Fragrant Harbour, p. 50.
Copies of the Almanack for 1846 to 1849 are held by Hong Kong University Library, of the 1848
Almanack by the Library of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and copies of the 1849 and 1850
issues by the National Library of Australia. It is not known why the archaic form ‘Almanack’ was

office. 531 The 1847 issue, a modest booklet of 14 pages, bears Noronha’s colophon at
the foot of the title page, and was printed for William Tarrant. Tarrant held a senior
government position as Clerk of the Registry Office, a position that eventually
evolved into Registrar-General.

A vade mecum such as the Almanack would have been an essential reference in his
work, and the following year he expanded it ambitiously. As well as a monthly
calendar, it contained a complete listing of the officers of the Establishment, of
British, American and European business houses and an alphabetical listing of all
non-Chinese residents in Hong Kong, Canton and Shanghae (sic).

The Almanack and Directory for 1848 was comparable to similar publications issued
at much the same time in the Australian colonies, but was not as elaborate as English
provincial directories of that period, which were commonly illustrated with small
steel engravings of major features of the town described. 532 Nevertheless, it was a
formidable undertaking, apparently done in his spare time. The Hong Kong market
for such a publication was very limited; indeed, in the issue for 1849, Tarrant
admitted that more than half of the previous issue had remained unsold. 533

The Price of the present Almanack and Directory is fixed at ($1
½). One and a half Dollars. If the Editor was obliged to pay only
a moderate rate of wages for the labour of compilation and
correction of the press (instead of doing it himself unassisted) the
publication even at this price, (which in English Money is large,)
would prove an absolute loss. This remark it is hoped will have
the effect of urging the Public to patronize it to a greater extent
than heretofore, and not allow more than half an edition to remain
on hand – waste Paper.
Victoria, Hongkong, December 1848. WILLIAM TARRANT

By 1848 Noronha was employing a compositor, L. do Rozario, and again printed the
Hongkong Almanack and Directory for 1849 for Tarrant, his compositor by then
being António Fonseca. Besides listing all the official establishments, the early Hong
Kong almanacs carefully listed all the non-Chinese adult population. Most were

Like most mid-nineteenth century pamphlets, it was issued in blue paper wrappers. A copy was
offered for HK$70,000 at the International Antiquarian Bookfair, Hong Kong, in January 2009 by
Picture This, Hong Kong.
e.g. Tunbridge Wells: Clifford’s Descriptive Guide for Tunbridge Wells, with Rules for Drinking
the Waters, Tunbridge Wells, n.d. [1837].
The Hongkong Almanack and Directory for1849, p. 3. Tarrant signed and dated the preface,
indicating that his work was as up-to-date as possible.

employees of the large English merchant houses, or of several German and other
European traders. The European staff of each firm was listed; they included 35
Portuguese. 534 Most of the British concerns employed Portuguese staff from the first,
but never in managerial roles. This became a settled pattern both of employment and
social stratification. However, the clerks in the various merchants’ offices, many of
them Portuguese, were listed only in their place of employment, and not in the
alphabetical listing of residents. What came to be called the ‘Portuguese clerk class’
had already emerged by 1848, and its members effectively dropped out of sight as
far as the British businessmen and government officials were concerned.

There was also a substantial Indian mercantile community initially composed of
Bohras from Mumbai (then Bombay). Thirty-eight Indian traders are listed in the
nineteenth century Hong Kong directories, beginning as early as 1841, with
Abdoolally Ebrahim & Co, still in business towards the end of the twentieth
century. 535 In 1849 there were only three independent Portuguese businessmen: José
Lourenço Pereira, who managed the ‘Medical Hall’, Delfino Noronha, printer and
António Luiz d’Encarnação, auctioneer. All three conducted service businesses
rather than the far more profitable mercantile enterprises. All seized the opportunities
offered by the new British settlement. Hong Kong was notoriously unhealthy, and
the mortality rate, especially among the hapless troops, was high for several years.

As well as these three, João Joaquim Rosa Braga was employed at the Victoria
Dispensary for more than a decade in these early years of the British colony, soon
becoming its manager, and eventually purchasing the Medical Hall. His success has
already been discussed. The varied fortunes of other members of the Braga family
for the next three generations form a large part of this thesis and their story will be
taken up in later chapters. The Noronha family too would have a significant role in
the business history of Hong Kong for several generations, the printery being still in
family ownership in 1941, when the Japanese Occupation brought all European
business activity to a sudden end. Delfino Noronha’s successors maintained the high
standard established by their distinguished forebear.

S. Bard, Traders of Hong Kong: some foreign merchant houses, 1841-1899, p. 106. They are
included as employees of the various ‘hongs’; their identity, indeed the chief reason for their presence
in Hong Kong at all, was bound closely to their employment.
S. Bard, op. cit., pp. 90-92.

‘The crowded confines of the praya district.’ Illustrated London News, 5 May 1866.
In this westward view, the artist has emphasised two towers: The first, and most prominent,
is St John’s Anglican Cathedral in the left foreground. Further distant are the twin towers of
the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception. Until the 1870s, the Portuguese community
lived in crowded terrace houses in the narrow streets immediately around the cathedral.

Following the first three, several successful Portuguese mercantile enterprises
emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century. M.C. Rozario & Co. was
perhaps the most successful of these. Marcos Callisto do Rozario was at first a
partner of James Stevenson, one of the many who came from Canton to Hong Kong
where he established the firm of Messrs. Stevenson & Co., shipping agents and
merchants trading with Australia. In 1857 Rozario established his own firm, and
became a substantial exporter of many kinds of valuable commodities, mainly to the
USA and Australia. Rozario & Co. was seen as ‘a large and profitable business’.536
Its founder was regarded by the Portuguese community as one of its leading
members, like Noronha, with whom he formed a close friendship. He was among the
first to send his sons to England for their education; a small trickle would follow.
‘He left a large estate at his death’, observed J.P. Braga regretfully in 1943, having
himself lost everything in 1941 when Hong Kong was occupied by the Japanese.

Another early Portuguese settler in Hongkong did very well in business. João José
dos Remedios ‘took with him a fortune’ from Macao in the 1850s and continued to
prosper in Hongkong. He was an enterprising man and among his ventures was a
shipping service, J.J. dos Remedios & Co. By 1867 he had a staff of six, and set up a
subsidiary company, Remedios & Co., both companies trading as merchants. ‘It is

J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 205; S. Bard, op. cit., p. 107.

said that at the time of his death his estate exceeded a million dollars – a vast fortune
for that time’, sighed Braga. 537 By the 1870s, the well-to-do of all communities were
looking to escape the crowded confines of the praya district. Remedios was the first
Portuguese resident to buy land in a locality then regarded as far from town. He
acquired a Farm Lot at Pokfulam, where he built his family residence, with enough
spare land for a sizeable flower and vegetable garden from which the family table
was supplied with fresh produce daily. Pokfulam, high above the western extremity
of the city, was well beyond the reach of the only public transport at that time, the
sedan chair. 538 Braga added that ‘Mr. Remedios must have had considerable
enterprise to build a home in such a far-off suburban district. But he was one of the
fortunate few who could afford the upkeep of a small buggy and pony to provide the
means of quick transport to the city and back for his ordinary daily business.’ 539

There were few other Portuguese-owned joint stock companies in the nineteenth
century. One that survived for more than forty years until 1905 was Brandão & Co.,
with offices in Wellington Street, Hong Kong, and also in Macau. José G. Brandão
began as a bank clerk, and in 1863 set up in business with several related partners.
These were José M. V. de Figueiredo and his two brothers-in-law, the sons of João
Baptista Gomes, regarded as ‘an old and well-to-do Macao family’. All the partners,
says Braga, took an active part in Portuguese community life. 540

Three more were short-lived: Francisco Paulo Soares set up as F.P. Soares & Co,
general merchants, at 525 Queen’s Road between 1861 and 1867. Figueiredo & Co.
was in Stanley Street from 1872 to 1876, and Ribeiro & Co. in Graham Street, also
from 1872 to 1876. All were located in the small area near the Catholic Church.
Concentration close to the focus of community life was a characteristic of the Hong
Kong Portuguese until their departure in the 1960s and 1970s.

More than once in his seminal book written during World War II, J.P. Braga
commented on the Portuguese lack of initiative in early Hong Kong, deploring the

J.P. Braga Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 150. S. Bard, op. cit., p. 107. The date of his
death is unknown.
Pokfulam was one of the ten smaller villages on Hong Kong Island described by Tarrant in A
history of Hongkong Part I, 1839-1844, p. 3. Romanisation was haphazard before the Wade-Giles
system was adopted. The names are recognisable, but are now somewhat changed. The ten, as
rendered by Tarrant, were: Sookunpoo, Hoong-heong-lao, Sow-ke-wan, Sai-wan, Shek-hoe, Tai-tam,
Wong-nau-kok, Kong-lam, Shek-pai-wan and Pok-foo-lum.
J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, pp.189-190.
S. Bard, op. cit., p. 107; J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, pp. 144, 205.

fact that they had drifted into
the subordinate role of an
unenterprising underclass,
while others prospered,
including not only the
British, Americans, Germans
and Jews, but also Indians
and, conspicuously, some
Chinese compradors as
well. He saw how well the
British and Americans in
particular, had made use of
what was still a new
development in the Far East,
the limited liability joint
stock company. His severe
criticism of his own
community was wholly
A playbill printed on silk in 1849. In the border justified, given that so few
below the patriotic flourish ‘God save the Queen’
Portuguese had exploited
has been inserted ‘Printed at Noronha’s office’.
what for many others became
Charlotte du Rietz Rare Books, Stockholm
a golden opportunity.

If the Portuguese pioneer settlers in Hongkong had recalled the
lessons of the past they might have repeated the success of their fore-
fathers. The changing nature of trade and the greatly increased cost
of ships created new problems, it is true, but the difficulties of the
newer age could have been overcome had the Portuguese been
willing to club together in joint stock enterprises. Unfortunately,
however, the peculiar jealousy they harboured of one another’s

The word comprador has a remarkable history in the Far East. A Portuguese word meaning
‘buyer’, it came from Goa, originally referring to the native servant who went to market to buy
supplies for his master’s household. His role, both in Goa and Macau, grew to encompass the keeping
of household accounts. In nineteenth century Hong Kong, the word evolved to refer to the
intermediary between a European trading house and its Chinese suppliers. A successful comprador
had to have an excellent command of both English and Chinese. H. Yule & A.C. Burnell, Hobson-
Jobson, p. 243. Possibly the most successful comprador was Robert Ho Tung, Head Comprador of
Jardine Matheson & Co. in the 1880s. This important role and his outstanding business acumen made
him fabulously wealthy and influential. His support of the Braga family, sustained for half a century,
is discussed in Appendix 14.

success proved to be an impediment to any attempt at Portuguese
collective enterprises. The children of those who did succeed seldom
inherited the thrifty and business-like traits of their fathers, and great
fortunes were lost by the second or third generation. 542

Noronha produced work of a high standard from the beginning. An example of his
early work is striking proof of this. It is a theatre programme printed on silk in
1849. 543 It indicates several things. It shows skill in dealing with a difficult medium.
The inking is even and the execution shows a good grasp of the aesthetics demanded
by an elite clientele and, importantly, it reveals that the printer had a good press and
an extensive range of font and other devices available to him. He was in a position
to compete for the top end of the colony’s business.

His grandson’s memoirs, written with filial pride, provide an insight into Noronha’s
work practices:

Mr Noronha was himself an expert compositor. Until his business
justified the larger staff which he came to employ in later years, and
sometimes even after then, he would often set up the type himself
for the more important of his publications, a practice which he
dropped, however, in the last decade of his life. Nor is it generally
known that in the first years his wife used to help with the inking
and the working of the printing press, thereby proving herself to be
a true woman pioneer who was willing to share the hardships and
the work of the men who ventured forth into new fields of
By dint of hard work and thrift, and in spite of the ravages of the
climate and other handicaps of life in Hongkong’s early days, Mr
Delfino Noronha brought up a large family of children and
grandchildren and built up a prosperous business. 544
The first printing in Hong Kong was the Hongkong Gazette which appeared on 1
May 1841, later becoming the Hong Kong Government Gazette. From 1843, it was
printed by Andrew Shortrede, a well-established Edinburgh printer who apparently
came to Hong Kong to exchange a cold climate for a tropical one.

J.P. Braga The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 150.
An example was offered by Charlotte du Rietz Rare Books, Stockholm, at the Third International
Antiquarian Bookfair, Hong Kong, December 2009. The Amateur Dramatic Club had been formed in
December 1844, but soon languished, and was revived in 1848. This was one of its early productions.
Historical and Statistical Abstract of the colony of Hongkong, 1841-1920, p. 4.
J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 129.

The terrace houses to the right are
on Zetland Street, close to the
Anglican cathedral and the
premises of Augustine Heard
& Co., later the French Mission.
Noronha lived and worked on
Zetland Road from the late 1870s
until his death in 1900.

2. 1. 3.
1. Oswald’s Terrace, Wellington Street – 1846 to 1866
2. 1 Hollywood Road – 1867 to ca. 1879
3. 5-9 Zetland Street – ca. 1879 to 1900

Map 17 – Location of the premises of Noronha & Co., 1846 to 1900

From Tsai Jung fang. Hong Kong in Chinese history: community and social unrest
in the British Colony, 1842-1913, Map B.

Noronha had three competitors, the chief of whom was Shortrede, who also
produced a newspaper, the China Mail, first published in 1845. The Hongkong
Almanack and Directory for 1846 shows that Shortrede had ten employees, seven of


whom were Portuguese compositors. 545 Shortrede was one of the inner circle of
English businessmen and public servants, and of the elite group who founded the
Hongkong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, established under vice-regal
patronage in 1847. He drafted its rules and printed its journal. 546 He is likely to have
been a member of Zetland Lodge, the Masonic Lodge, which almost immediately
became a significant and very prominent part of the Hong Kong social and
commercial scene. Like all freemasonry at the time, it excluded Catholics, and was
thus part of the intentional system of exclusion of non-British communities from the
governing and social elite of the colony.

Noronha’s next competitor was John Carr, who started the colony’s first newspaper,
the Friend of China and Hong Kong Gazette in 1842. By 1845 he had a flourishing
business, employing five Portuguese. 547 Carr ran this paper until 1859, when it was
purchased by Tarrant. 548 The third was John Cairns, who in 1843 took over the
Hongkong Register on the death of its proprietor, John Slade. The Hongkong
Register, which continued until 1863, was the successor of the Canton Register, first
published in 1827. 549

For Noronha to compete with Shortrede, Carr and Cairns was both courageous and
daunting. Not only were they already well-established on the scene, but they were
also well-known in the small community. 550 In the three or four years since they set
up their businesses, it had become established that in the printing industry the
Portuguese were employees, not proprietors. There would scarcely have been room
for another printer, and Noronha struggled for some years to gain a foothold in the
limited market.

They were: Jozé M. de Silva, Manoel Luiz Roza Pereira, Francisco C. Barradas, Vicente F.
Barradas, João Braz Garcon, Simão V. Roza and Joaquim da Silva, with two Englishmen, Andrew
Dixon the overseer and J.W. Warren, the book-keeper. Athanazio de Fonseca joined the firm in 1847.
Hongkong Almanack for 1846, p. 43; Hongkong Almanack for 1847.
President’s Report, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, 1969, p. 1.
They were a book-keeper, Jozé P. Souza, and four compositors, Luiz M. de Azevedo, António de
Azevedo, António R. Vidigal and Roque R. Vidigal. Hongkong Almanack for 1846, p. 38; Hongkong
Almanack for 1847, p. 38.
L.T. Ride, A Protestant Cemetery in the Far East, p. 115.
Cairns employed a staff of three compositors: António H. Carvalho, Jozé H. Carvalho and
Cypriano do Rozario. Hongkong Almanack for 1846, p. 37; post by R. Butt on,
Accessed 28 August 2010.
Shortrede and Cairns were members of a jury enquiring into the deaths of three Chinese seafarers
in an altercation with Hong Kong police. Straits Times, Singapore, 4 November 1849.

p. 555 Historical and statistical abstract of the colony of Hongkong.P. 150-151. da Silva e Souza. Sir Hercules Robinson. 555 As the writer of an obituary expressed it on Noronha’s death in 1900. 553 By 1860 his business had expanded to such an extent that he employed six compositors. Endacott. Noronha continued to prosper and in 1868. both 10 December 1859. A Biographical Sketchbook of Early Hong Kong. with a workforce comprising his own compatriots. was an attractive alternative to the incoming governor. The Chinese edition was discontinued after about fifteen years. Pereira. now greatly assisted by his sons. 551 Noronha had successfully set himself a huge challenge in beating such strong opposition.E. Andrew Shortrede died in 1858. had troubled relations with several early governors. pp. Sir Richard MacDonnell. C. Public Records Office. 553 HKRS 149-2-133 and HKRS 149-2-216. 554 The government contract gave Noronha public standing as well as assured business. was then the most important in the colony. Governor of Hong Kong and Delfino Noronha.’ 556 A family tradition. They were: J. 552 G.C. and his firm. 1861. d’Azevedo. proudly recounted by J. 185 . Noronha had proved himself the best of the four. Andrew Dixon. 554 All were Portuguese.B. ‘the printing business of Mr. which increased when a Chinese edition of the Government Gazette was published from 1 March 1862 onwards. China Directory. Hong Kong. Hong Kong. assured Noronha that so long as 551 Information from Mr Wang Gang. Chief Editor. 12. was that Robinson’s successor. 1841-1920. printer: Delfino Noronha agrees to carry out printing etc.J. was taken over by its long- time overseer. Shortrede & Co. Shortrede. for the Hong Kong Government including the publishing of a separate sheet or sheets called ‘the Hong Kong Government Gazette’ and shall be at his liberty to insert advertisements in such gazette. possibly written by his son Henrique.. Braga. 14 March 2008. Vicente Barradas.Yet within 15 years. 24 February 1900. Petrel Publishing House. a peppery Scot. O Porvir. It must have given Noronha immense satisfaction to sign the following memorandum: Memorandum of agreement between H. from whom Noronha was able to wrest the government contract. L. H. Sir Hercules Robinson. 556 An unsigned obituary in the Portuguese weekly. Sanchez and H. in 1859. 552 By contrast. Hong Kong. the able young Portuguese printer. Rodrigues.

with little Latin. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. it had become ‘Noronha & Sons. 153. or ‘Noronha e Filhos’ for Portuguese publications. the name ‘Noronha & Co’ had been adopted. but by 1867. p. Braga. printers to Hongkong Government’. spelt it ‘perpetuam’. and the firm would continue under this name until 1941.2/72 – Noronha & Co. He continued to use the business name. 557 ‘Great fire at Hong-Kong’ Nearly 200 buildings were destroyed in the vicinity of Queen’s Road West. Braga. Wellington St. Noronha’s business was still located at Oswald’s Terrace. 186 . 558 557 J. 22 December 1866. This was printed in his father’s book. J. Braga. MS 4300/7.M. Braga Papers.P. ‘Noronha’s Printing Office’ in 1864. 558 A small select bibliography of the firm’s output was recorded by J. In 1860. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. p. Braga. Illustrated London News. J.his firm continued to give satisfaction. 151.P.M. they would remain government printers in perpetuum. By 1874. including Noronha’s premises.

559 He moved to two large houses nearby at the corner of Pottinger St and Hollywood Road opposite the Central Police Station.. it was across the road from Zetland Lodge. 559 O Porvir. Smith also mentioned an obituary in the China Mail. Bard. 1871 By 1879 he had moved again to 5-9 Zetland Street. but in the Central Business District where the English firms were located. 561 S. the mid-point of this period. Noronha had become well-established. op. Hong Kong. slightly above the waterfront. 560 Hongkong Daily Press.A disastrous fire on 30 October 1866 nearly destroyed the business. 8 February 1900. 24 February 1900. cit. referenced by Carl Smith. p. 561 For some years between the 1860s and the 1880s his sons Henrique and Leonardo were in the business. he employed six others. and survived longer than the rest. This was a particularly salubrious address. Importantly. However. Noronha was able to minimize his losses and create a better establishment that remains the best up to today with no other firm able to surpass it in present Hongkong’. In 1870. Noronha & Co. and he remained in residence and in business there for the rest of his life. CS/1017/00165937-8. as the obituarist expressed it. 560 China Directory. 109. ‘Mr. was the largest of a number of Portuguese printing firms. 187 . the stately headquarters of Hong Kong’s leading Masonic Lodge.

Bradell. M. p. 188 . 126. 823. Some who had been with Noronha for several years set out on their own.M. Noronha was now training the next generation of printers. in much the same way as his father’s role in Hong Kong. 28. Moore & R. J. p. 564 In 1880 Delfino bought an established Shanghai printing business. 564 J. Xavier. 562 None had been with him ten years earlier. 563 Having had excellent training himself. Here he produced the Straits Settlements Government Gazette. China Directory. Hongkong Daily Press. St. 565 J.2/72 – Noronha & Co. 2. vol. vol. Pereira. 286. some of his sons went to Canton. The first was Henrique Lourenço. 567 Other sons stayed in Hong Kong. Over the years.2/21 – Carvalho. In 1865. who had become his father’s right hand man. Braga. accepting a twenty-year contract. foreman. citing ‘five years manager in Noronha’s Printing Office’ as his credential. but it seems that they did not remain in their father’s business. However. de Pinna. Makepeace. MS 4300/7. M. Singapore Eurasians: Memories and Hopes. G. and renamed it ‘Noronha & Sons’. like most Portuguese youths. 8 February 1900. with the Oriental Bank. 2.A. 563 Hongkong Daily Press. F. 314. p. Shanghai.J. with the Government Gazette to be produced each Saturday. p.all Portuguese. António. Campos. Ebert-Oehlers. 1871. Braga-Blake & A.S. p. following the death of its owner. One hundred Years of Singapore. In 1879 he was invited to Singapore to take charge of the Government Press. and five compositors. António H.E. and all those there in 1860 had moved on. Carvalho. as he himself had done. 566 Hongkong Daily Press. possibly Leonardo. 565 Carvalho had been the Portuguese consul in Shanghai. 566 It was initially managed by Henrique Hyndman. It appears that there was a rapid turnover of staff. MS 4300/7. The Portuguese Missions in Malacca and Singapore. There was also a Chinese Gazette produced 562 They were B. I am indebted to Alberto Guterres for these references. 1880-1898. Familias Macaenses. Braga Papers. where their father assisted them to launch out on their own. Henrique. Forjaz.P. a member of the Portuguese community. Pereira. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. Singapore Straits Directory. vol. 567 J. Teixeira. an indication of the importance of printers in the Portuguese community there as elsewhere in the Far East. 20 March 1865. A. Perpetuo and A.P. perhaps because of the owner’s exacting standards and punishing deadlines. F. 1861.F. A. 3. Manila and Singapore. ‘Celestial Empire Press’. de Souza advertised that he had ‘established himself in this Colony’. had earlier started his career as a bank clerk. W. eventually retiring to Hong Kong in 1899. China Directory. 8 February 1900. and later by one of Noronha’s sons.

returned to Hong Kong in 1889 to take his brothers’ place. 1962. He was popular not only in Hongkong but he also enjoyed a wide circle of Macao friends. Young J. Of him I cherish fond memories. ‘Rizal in Hongkong’. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. had married Vicente Emilio Braga in 1863. Three of them died of smallpox in 1887 and 1888. on Monday. several grandsons joined the firm. and was always immaculately dressed. Noronha was one of the principal founders of the Portuguese community club. pp. 129. December 4-8. Wednesday and Thursday. He could see and emulate the personal qualities that had made the older man a successful businessman and a respected community leader. By 1904. In the eyes of Austin Coates. Noronha was the outstanding figure in that community. he wrote. Coates. 1961. but at his mother’s urgent behest. Club Lusitano. described in the records as ‘Inland Lot 257 568 China Directory. 571 A. 569 J. Proceedings of the International Congress on Rizal. it had 195 members.P. Nearly half a century later. He was small and slight. sporting and charitable organisations would follow. 570 In the next half century other clubs. In 1865 he took out a mortgage for $1. still in their teens. and he was my ideal of a perfect gentleman. 189 . Carolina Maria. with his gentle ways and courteous manners. not merely a busy and successful printery in which high standards were set and expected. 571 His business success enabled him to invest in property. and José Rizal National Centennial Commission. 569 As a significant community leader. International Congress on Rizal. albeit in a much smaller way than the large British mercantile establishments. p. a very promising boy. 1871.three times weekly. 17-19. had been sent to Calcutta to further his education. Noronha’s eldest daughter. Whereas others did not stay long. and had five sons. 570 Bye-laws of the Club Lusitano Ltd. 288. José Pedro. Braga had the opportunity to observe his grandfather closely in the last decade of his life.P. 568 The nature of such publications suggests that copy must often have reached the printery with very little notice and that hours were long. the only Hong Kong historian to bother with the Hong Kong Portuguese. José Rizal National Centennial Commission. He found. the foundation of which in 1865 was discussed in Chapter Three. Manila. p. but also a centre of intellectual activity. Their youngest brother. The next chapter will discuss this family tragedy.500 on a Chinese temple property. Braga.

Hong Kong Branch. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. Added to the colony of Hong Kong in 1860.P. p.M. and described by him in the ‘Notes and Queries’ section of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Noronha was a co-founder of the Hongkong Horticultural Society. 1870-1875 J. Marciano Baptista. 573 and developed a ten acre estate at Yaumati. dwelling house and building erected thereon’. 572 The mortgage remained unpaid.P. Joss House. October 1973. on the western side of Kowloon. Braga. 573 J. Braga collection. Hong Kong. Mr Delfino Noronha was the first Portuguese to invest in land across the harbour … at Yaumati. Noronha sold the temple to a committee of three representatives of the Chinese community. as mortgagee. 190 . Braga also wrote of his grandfather’s role in developing Kowloon on the north side of Hong Kong harbour. it remained unoccupied by Europeans for some years. ca. p. nla. 229. Kowloon Point. and in 1869. The first plots of land sold in the area were not originally building lots.pic-vn3294981 J. they were known at the 572 Researched by the distinguished local researcher Carl T.

hk/ws/online/yaumatei/eng/early/index. Two of the first lots.grs. beginning as ‘farm lots’ and were sold by public auction.. a single fare amounted to less than one cent. Sir Matthew Nathan. which. the partners adopted the initial syllables of their Christian names. after its name. Hong Kong: http://www. 191 . 2 and 3.051 compared with 218 in Tsimshatsui. Noronha commenced an irregular ferry service to Kowloon. to hasten its progress.L.P. namely F. Dorabjee Naorojee. the population of Yaumati had grown to 8. At the beginning. He then invited his friend Mr Marcus Calisto do Rozario to become joint owner with him of this land. 577 Public Record Office. was all painted white. There was no regular timetable. 574 Ibid. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. Mr Rozario agreed. Paul Braga Papers.’ J. the main centre of population in Kowloon in the 1870s. This was done in 1873. Chinese villagers were understandably hostile to what was taking place. 575 Hongkong Times. Braga. commenced operations with a regular service between Central and Tsimshatsui. and what was described as ‘a fine house’ was then built on the ‘Delmar’ estate. p. 228. were bought by Mr Delfino Noronha from the original owner. F. including José d’Almada e Castro. ‘Many of the shanties are being removed’.gov. A Parsee opium merchant. added the Hongkong Times. Thus it came about that the estate came to be called ‘Delmar’. at least three of them to Portuguese. and he subsequently acquired an additional lot consisting of a further five acres of land adjoining his first purchase. p.htm. Keen to develop the area further. 576 This early form of transport did not last long. By 1897. 575 The rights of Chinese villagers who had been there for centuries counted for nothing.L. so no development could take place without the prior construction of a police station. naming the business the Star Ferry Co. – Farm Lot. A long blast from the boat’s whistle announced the impending departure of the ferry. Further details are given by Luff. in 1898. South China Morning Post. 7 August 1967. ‘Round and about in Kowloon’. 574 Twelve lots were sold in this first auction in 1869. It took vigorous action by an early twentieth century governor. accessed 11 May 2012. 9 September 1873. Kowloon was then entirely rural. 577 but the rest of Kowloon still remained largely undeveloped. of a total of five acres. running between Central and Yaumati. and as a distinctive name for the property. quoted by John Luff. 230. which took place when the Chinese coxswain thought that the launch had a sufficient complement of passengers on board. and so fares were collected in cash (a cash was worth 1/10 of a cent). 576 ‘The service began with a single-deck steam-launch called Blanche.

P. 579 The programme. he was the last survivor of the group of pioneers who had come from Macau almost at the beginning of British rule in Hong Kong. the estate was not retained by his heirs. already seen as a hothead. Braga’s recollection is correct. the Spanish. The execution of Rizal in 1898 enraged young Braga. However. Noronha was pre-eminent among perhaps half a dozen respected leaders. with property on Hong Kong Island and a large estate in Kowloon. Braga’s daughter. then still largely undeveloped.P. 152. He became a classic nineteenth century liberal. 579 In his community. That can be inferred from the grandson’s reminiscences. However. Unlike most of the others.His role as Government printer made Noronha more politically aware than most members of his community. The event is further discussed in the next chapter. not with fellow Iberians. and perhaps the elderly Delfino as well. José Braga.. presumably printed by Noronha & Co. but with unlimited future prospects. 192 . to publish a philippic attacking the injustices of British rule in Hong Kong. Noronha’s 67th birthday on 30 June 1891 was celebrated in fine style with a musical soirée at which members of his family did him honour. is in a photograph album compiled by J. and must have followed the struggle for manhood suffrage in Britain with keen interest. 578 J. written nearly fifty later. It is significant that they identified themselves. but Hong Kong did not share in the constitutional developments of other parts of the British Empire. I still recall the horror and indignation which filled the Portuguese community in Hongkong when the news reached the British colony of the treacherous manner in which the beloved leader of the Filipino people had been done away with. Braga. 578 If J. it was a liaison that may have disturbed some members of his family. There was the same sense of common purpose against a perceived injustice. but with the Filipino nationalists. leading to difficulty after his death. José became friendly with the Filipino radical José Rizal. Caroline Braga. he had prospered and became a man of substance. the antipathy of a suppressed group towards those in power. The chief outlet for a liberal was to take an interest in events abroad. now in the possession of this writer. and listing the music and recitations as well as the names of the participants. this ‘horror and indignation’ felt by the Portuguese community in Hong Kong is perhaps a reflection of their own feelings towards the British. although he permitted his young grandson. By the time of his death.P. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. p.

October 1834. next to his wife. A fluted column was raised over the grave. Happy Valley. The Chinese Repository had observed in 1834 that ‘a European printer would require as much salary as ten Chinese put together’. an apt metaphor for strength and continuity. he would have fitted well into the British stereotype of the qualities they sought in members of the Portuguese community. who were required to be inconspicuous. 193 . saw themselves as craftsmen. hard-working. vol. dependable. some of whom were descendants of fidalgos. 254. Catholic Cemetery. sallow man. However. Chinese Repository. while the Portuguese printers. in the values of the nineteenth century. Noronha’s grave. he was ‘Prestimoso e benemesto macaense’ – ‘the most prestigious and benevolent Macanese’. from the British point of view. The firm of Noronha & Co. 3. Like most other members of the Portuguese community of Hong Kong. they were poorly paid. he was not impressive. Happy Valley. O Porvir (The Future). was taken over by his sons Henrique. As such.To the Portuguese community. 580 However. 581 As menials. quiet. Print from microfilm in Macau Public Library 23 March 2012 Noronha died at the age of 75 on 6 February 1900. and subservient. p. A small. 581 Delfino Noronha. Hong Kong 24 February 1900 Photograph by Stuart Braga. the Portuguese gentry. Portuguese weekly newspaper in Hong Kong. described generically as ‘service’. who had predeceased him in 1894. who 580 A headline in an obituary in O Porvir (The Future). he did his job ably and reliably. and was buried in the Roman Catholic Cemetery. 6. no. their British clients saw them as tradesmen. they belonged to an inferior and menial social order. 24 February 1900.

7. moreover many of his descendants were distinctly aspirational too. 584 An obituary appeared in the Hongkong Daily Press. managed the company after Leonardo’s death. was clearly written by one of them. Delfino Noronha was one of a small group of Portuguese immigrants in mid- nineteenth century Hong Kong to create a significant niche for themselves as senior government officers. Hong Kong. 835. early twentieth century. 144/4/1011. J. Forjaz. It remained there until the fall of Hong Kong in 1941. 582 Leonardo had married Maria Joséfa de Castro Basto. 8 February 1900. on the western fringe of the Central Business District. Noronha and Co. are on the right. Noronha was among a few whose aspirations went much further. the writer noted: 582 Probate File No. 19 of 1900. p. The premises of Noronha & Co. becoming for several generations an under-class of bank clerks. moved again from Zetland Street to No. a Portuguese community weekly. racially disqualified from gaining managerial rank. Familias Macaenses. 194 . 3A Wellington Street. Leonardo. published in O Porvir (the Future). no.died in 1905. whose brother José Maria ‘Jeje’ de Castro Basto. His obituary. 338. The English press seldom noticed the passing of members of the Portuguese community. Courtesy of Mr Wang Gang.P. Eduardo ‘Edo’ Noronha (Leonardo’s son and Jeje’s nephew) then ran the company until his death in 1921. 583 The exclusion of J. April 1922. Wellington Street. vol. 2. 583 The Rock. vol. in the legal profession or in successful businesses. and Secundino. Hong Kong Public Record Office HKRS No. who died in 1913. Braga from this management team of family members will be discussed in the next chapter. 584 Most others entered clerical employment. 2. not far from where it had begun. Referring to that family. behind the gas lamp post. p.

Historical Pictures. Oswald’s Terrace. 585 O Porvir. Hong Kong Museum of Art. is immediately in front of the left tower. p. 48 grandchildren and 27 great- grandchildren living at the time of his death. Hong Kong harbour was always crowded with shipping. and even more so after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. ca. with 8 children. The small terrace houses in the foreground were the homes of the Portuguese community until the mid-1870s when rising rents forced most of them to move higher up the hill. The photograph was taken from Caine Road in the Mid-Levels. 59 grandchildren and 35 great- grandchildren. The cathedral was rebuilt here in 1888. 1870. where Noronha’s printery was located. 24 February 1900. 195 . Delfino de Noronha was a true patriarch and in his life was fortunate to share his life with 10 children. 71. 585 The twin towers of the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception (1859-1888) dominate the foreshore of this crowded scene.

While politically sentient. was based on unflagging personal drive. realising that it would serve no purpose.Noronha’s achievement. he blazed a trail that his grandson. 196 . who held him in high esteem. His place in the Portuguese community in Hong Kong was that of a patriarch both in his family and the Portuguese community he had done much to support. a passion for excellence. like that of several other heads of eminent families. would follow with determination in later years. However. and a strong sense of public duty. he was not an activist.

Tony Braga. 31 May 1987. However. d’Almada e Castro. Januário A. p. This was certainly true of J. Braga. A decade later. who left Hong Kong for Japan in December 1870. Chapter 7 Printer’s devil – J. which his grandparents had left behind them a century before. The comment may say more about Tony Braga than about his grandfather. leaving his wife newly pregnant with her eighth child. but a potentially brilliant career was denied him. Another lasting contribution was a substantial portion of a written record covering over a century of his community’s contribution to Hong Kong. ‘Some notes on the Portuguese in Hong Kong’. never to return.P. described by a later community leader as ‘the community’s biggest champion for a long period of years. He died in 1944. but never gained a strong financial position and died a poor man. Success is seldom uniform. came to have a large 586 L. was always something of a misogynist. 587 According to his grandson. 1871-1900 Many people in public life have a chequered career. a bachelor. 587 In the absence of José’s father. rejected by his family and his career again apparently ruined. but the marriage was consistently unhappy. 272. 197 . He married young and had thirteen children. he built an increasing public reputation over several decades. one who was a keen fighter against discrimination’. fleeing from once prosperous Hong Kong to the comparative safety of nearby Macau. He was born on 3 August 1871.M. Recovering. In his last years. Napoleon and Roosevelt to be aware of the heights to which they ascended and the severe crises they endured. before victory was in sight.P. It seems that he never saw his father. Braga. he was exiled. Much the same is often true in quite minor positions of leadership. he was overwhelmed by the catastrophe of war and was forced to abandon all that he had worked hard to achieve. 2 Sessão. Naturally. seldom unaccompanied by serious reversals and even tragedy. One has only to think of great figures such as Churchill. in South China Morning Post. Braga. A. Carvalho (1830-1900). a kinsman. 586 As a boy he had shown great promise. Vicente Emilio Braga. this led to gossip. March 1949. the kindest of which was that he had fled to escape a loveless marriage. Yet he was to leave his mark in a distinguished record of disinterested public service. Boletim Instituto Português de Hongkong. at the age of 29.

pp. At the conclusion. p.B. José Braga gave a glimpse of childhood in a traditional Portuguese home in Hong Kong in the 1870s. The imaginative initiative of the Governor. invoking their blessing in a single word: “benção”. upon rising.P. J. as Chief Cashier in the Colonial Treasury. Braga’s mother. and the responses are said by the others in unison before the little family altar (no matter how humble. Braga’s uncle’s brother. as a rule after the evening Angelus. A History of Hong Kong. In Portugal. sister of Carolina Maria Rosa Braga (#14475). Writing in 1943 as an old man of 72. 166. bankers and senior public servants. Carvalho was the first Portuguese nominated to the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. This nomination arose from his position in the Treasury rather than his leadership in the Portuguese community. They were relieved when it transpired that he could not take his seat. Endacott.P. No attempt to delineate an average Portuguese family in Macao or Hongkong would be complete without a description of the family prayers and devotions which are an important part of life in most Portuguese homes – and especially of the old-fashioned homes. the children in turn take the right hand of their parents and kiss them “Good-night”. to which the parents reply: “Deus dei graça” (“May God bless you. 89-95. married Capitolina (‘Lily’) Noronha ( #29159). 590 He added that ‘this formula is the Macao patois for corrupted Latin. 590 J.P. 181-182. A photograph of Pope- Hennessy adorned the frontispiece of this pamphlet. The whole of the five mysteries of the rosary are recited. J. The family group assembles in the parents’ room. Braga. 198 . Geraldo Carvalho (#29160). and therefore unable to take the oath of loyalty to the Queen. Thus Januário Carvalho was J. who presented an adulatory address to Pope Hennessy (read by Carvalho) when he left the colony in March 1882.role in the boy’s life. 589 Naturally. The rights of aliens in Hongkong. but the entire Portuguese community as well. 589 Carvalho continued to take a keen interest in the boy’s welfare as he grew up.P. Braga. Reviled by the British community.P. a Portuguese subject. the correct reply is “Deus te abençoe” ’. In 1878. was the most prominent leader of the Portuguese community at that time. each home has its family altar). Braga’s paternity lingered and may have been a contributing factor to his serious reversal of fortune in 1900. G. it outraged the British ruling class of merchants. pp.”). 588 Carvalho was a close friend of his grandfather and. Pope Hennessy was viewed by the Chinese and Portuguese in a far more favourable light. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. ‘Was Carvalho more than just a good friend?’ asked the rumour-mongers. this rebuff humiliated not only Pope Hennessy and Carvalho. Sir John Pope Hennessy. as he was an alien. 588 The brother of Januário Carvalho (#14446 ). The senior feminine member generally leads the prayers. The gossip concerning J.

Shortly before he left Hong Kong to take up the position of inaugural Professor of Chinese at Oxford University. St. vol. vol. Braga gave the foundation of this school as ten years later. Braga Papers. 592 A. but the authorities seem to have taken little notice of them (G. The growth in the Portuguese community led to the establishment of another school. 146..M. Being an Address delivered at the College by Mr. Educational provision for the youth of Hong Kong. opened by the Canossian Sisters. China Review. 1926. Drawing by Tom Briggs. Braga. p. J. 150.P. Joseph’s College golden jubilee celebrations: brief historical retrospect. Endacott. Portuguese or Chinese. and close to Noronha’s printery. 592 J. 591 Italian Convent School. Braga would later aver that three generations of his family had been taught there. José’s four brothers who survived infancy. cit. p. pre-1841 to 1941. was not mentioned then or later. illus. a former pupil. 172-193). The Portuguese community. The Canossian Sisters.P. 593 Fragment of an autobiographical note written ca. However. on the 17th May. since 1850 there had been a Portuguese Boys’ School in Wellington Street. but the Portuguese community in Hong Kong was now beginning to embrace the greater opportunities now available to them. Francisco Xavier. who was at the forefront of Chinese and English education in Hong Kong for thirty years. Both were ‘supported by the scholars’.The boy was fortunate to be the youngest in his family. Sweeting. J. 3. 1971. Legge delivered a lengthy lecture describing in detail Hong Kong when he arrived in 1843. but is set in type similar to other work known to have been printed in his printery. already present in some numbers. usually known as the Italian Convent School. Braga identified his source as ‘the Paper from Hongkong presented to the Imperial Education Conference in 1911’. Education in Hong Kong.P. are likely to have had their schooling here or at the Italian Convent School before being taken into the family printing business as junior compositors. The Vanishing City. This pamphlet bears no printer’s colophon. p. 593 591 A. Three generations of the Braga family attended this school. op. 1943. ignored the Portuguese community entirely. 1977. It is likely that he had some copies of his address run off. J. reprinted in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 1874. pp. History of Hong Kong. in the Portuguese enclave. no. 2. in 1860. p. Dr James Legge. 11. 1860. an Italian order. 142.1. MS4300/13.B. ‘In September 1860 the first Catholic school for European boys was opened in a very small house in Staunton Street with two teachers’. There had been little provision for schooling in Macau a generation before. 163-176. Braz Maria and António Manuel. had been indifferent since the founding of the colony thirty years before his birth. pp. Crisswell.1/1. Caine Road. Briggs & C. the noted sinologue. 4. João Vicente. Hong Kong Branch. 199 . opened a school. Sweeting. Published in T.

Sweeting. However. ca. as the school was simply not St. 200 . p. commercial life in Hong Kong. It ranked St Saviour’s sixth of nine schools inspected. few if any Catholics would ever go to an Anglican School at this time of deep division between the Catholic Church and all Protestants. Francis Xavier’s College in Shanghai in 1874.. 1. saw it as ‘the equal of any boys’ school in the Colony’. combining the two earlier 594 schools. and reported that ‘arithmetic was very weak indeed’. was established on Wellington Street in 1865. Saviour’s. p.L. Kennedy to Carnarvon. op.J. Its founder. the Anglican bishop. 146). The Pontifical Foreign Mission Institute in Hong Kong.. 1858-1958.J. p. cit. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. completely re-organised. Jarman. aided by the government. chapter 18. Sweeting. 595 It was taken over by the French Lasallian Brothers in 1875. cit..B. Sweeting. since boys with good English stood far better chances of employment. 143. chose the same name as the famous Jesuit College in Macau. St. Paul’s College as a high quality secondary school in 1849 (A. the reorganisation of St. St. Ryan. Joseph’s College commenced with 75 boys. pp. Sweeting. 596 St. It began with 152 boys. along lines that had already proved effective in Agra and Colombo and renamed St. cit. op. S. 1841-1941. op. Endacott. and grew rapidly to 256 by 1879.. Joseph’s College. 1858-1958. The Portuguese community was clearly at a disadvantage at a time when the provision of secondary education was rapidly expanding throughout the world. Rev. There was no provision for Catholic secondary education until a commercial college. 430. Ryan. A government report in 1876 presented a different view. cit. The 594 A. Its name was chosen for the same reason: it was planned to be the spearhead of an evangelistic thrust into China (A. 595 Its leading apologist. 325). Joseph’s College. 209-211). its instruction was in English. R. Hong Kong: diamond jubilee 1875-1935. Fr S. Hong Kong: preparing boys well enough for ‘a large and handsome building’ A postcard produced by Graça & Co. p. The Pontifical Foreign Mission Institute in Hong Kong. chapter 17. established three centuries earlier. 596 The Anglican Church.. George Smith. 597 S. 1910. vol. cit. but enrolments fell away. Like the establishment of St. op. Ryan. Joseph’s College. Robinson Road.. 24 August 1876. including Hong Kong and Shanghai. 153. A. Saviour’s as St. the Rt. G.J. Joseph’s College in 1875 in Hong Kong was both a major endeavour to remedy the situation and a strong response to anti-Catholic sentiment following the Vatican Council of 1870 which promulgated the dogma of Papal Infallibility (Saint Francis Xavier's college diamond jubilee souvenir album 1874-1934. had established St. op. 597 Although it catered entirely for the Portuguese community. p.

Brother Cyprian. Braga Papers. MS Acc08/113 was a pupil. who entered the school that year. and parents knew it. December 27th. and Raimondi’s opponents gradually fell silent. There were. had been a distinguished teacher in New York and Quebec and had held the directorship of several schools in his native land. The Hong Kong Guide 1893.. a third storey being added ten years later. op. p. 201 . S. While the critics’ cultural concerns were genuine. and his nine sons in later years had an English education. Portuguese community was deeply divided about this.J. as immigrant communities tend to be. strong growth and a vigorous 599 St Joseph’s College Annual Distribution of Prizes. From Saturday. enrolments grew to 382. 599 An able Director from 1880 to 1883.P. Canada. Brother Ivarch National Library of Australia Louis was Director and consolidated a growing 598 This led to an outburst of bitter hostility towards the French brothers and Bishop Raimondi (an Italian) who supported them. 1884. 598 José Braga. 1884 1884 to 1889. this was yet another example of the small-mindedness that had so often wracked the Macanese community in days gone by. Ryan. the critics did not then set up their own language classes. José was fortunate to attend St. Joseph’s during a period of experienced administration. A contemporary handbook called it ‘a large and handsome building’ (B. building programme. The next year. he bought a block of land in the Mid-Levels on Glenealy below Robinson Road and a two-storey building was built in 1881. The realities of life in Hong Kong demanded English education. In May 1883 these were suspended because of the small number enrolling in them. Those who stood for cultural maintenance saw this as ‘an act of hostility to the Portuguese’. Shepherd. however. 80). cit. Portuguese classes for those who wanted to study the language. chapters 18 and 19. while José Braga J. In order to cater for the needs of the fast-growing school.

reputation for excellence. 600 The curriculum was what had by the 1880s become the
standard Modern curriculum, fairly recently introduced in England, and replacing the
traditional rigid emphasis on mathematics and the classical languages. Young Braga
was introduced to English literature and history and world geography. He kept for
the rest of his life the programmes for the 1884 and 1886 annual distribution of
prizes at St. Joseph’s. 601

In 1884, Master J.P. Braga, aged 13, was
given an unusually early opportunity of
public speaking, which may well have been
formative in his thinking and in his public
career many years later. Then in the ‘Special
Class’, he delivered an extract from a speech
in the House of Commons by William Pitt
the Elder on the American War, a classic
statement of British policy in the Seven
Years’ War (1756-1763) from the man
chiefly credited with the rise of Britain as a
world power in the mid-eighteenth century.

Two years later, in 1886, at the end of the
proceedings, he gave the closing address at
J.P. Braga, Certificate of Nationality
what was also the close of his school days
J.P. Braga Papers, MS Acc08/113
there. He played the lead role in a play
described as ‘A Farce’, ‘Mr Handsome’s Private State Letters’. He also had some
private tutoring from a Mr Hart-Milner. 602 He had excelled at school and received
the reward for the conspicuous distinction he had attained. 603 This was the award of
the Belilios Scholarship, ‘the highest and most coveted prize, with the exception of
the Queen’s Scholarship.’ 604

600's_College,_Hong_Kong. Accessed 30 August 2010.
Papers of J.P. Braga, National Library of Australia, MS 4380, MS Acc08/113. Hereafter cited as
J.P. Braga Papers.
Press cutting, possibly from O Extreme Oriente, a Portuguese newspaper published in Hong Kong,
6 April 1889.
St. Joseph’s College, Annual Presentation of Prizes, 27 December 1884 and 22 December 1886.
Both programmes were printed by Noronha & Co.
It had been endowed not long before, in 1883, by E.R. Belilios in memory of his wife (E.J. Eitel,
op. cit., p. 564). A sum of sixty dollars was paid to the headmaster of the school, to be paid to the

It was already an established practice for some
Portuguese families to send a promising boy to
Calcutta to complete his education. 605 Delfino
Noronha had already done this for his youngest
son Carlos Henrique. 606 He now sent his youngest
Braga grandson too. Whether his grandfather,
Delfino Noronha, or J.A. Carvalho, or both in
combination, paid for him to go to school in India
is unknown, but one thing is certain. As José left
Hong Kong, Carvalho gave the boy two copies of
a photograph of himself, one of which was
inscribed: ‘A meu caro José. J.A. Carvalho, Hong
Kong 2 de Dezo. de 1886’ (‘To my dear José ...’).
J.A. Carvalho, Braga’s mentor He kept them on his desk for the rest of his life.
J.M. Braga Pictures, Box 1/65. Both still exist, scratched, faded and marked with
a couple of ink splashes. 607

Carvalho’s example of community leadership, his encouragement and practical
support were a life-long inspiration for the fifteen-year-old boy venturing into the
unknown. José also kept another important document. Before he left, Delfino
Noronha made sure that his grandson’s citizenship was clarified. To put his status
beyond doubt, José was granted a Certificate of Nationality under the Governor’s
seal attesting to his British citizenship. 608

prize winner at the rate of $5 a month so long as he remained at the school (Letter from A. Lister,
Secretary of the Trustees of the Belilios Scholarships Fund, to J.P. Braga, 23 December 1886.
However, it does not appear that José Braga received any of this; he received the accolade but not the
money. J.P. Braga Papers, MS 4380, MS Acc08/113). South China Morning Post, 16 January 1929,
interviewing J.P. Braga, who had just been appointed to the Hong Kong Legislative Council.
Writing in 1943, J.P. Braga instanced ‘João Maria Silva [who] received his early education in
Hong Kong, but continued his studies in the Jesuit College of St. Xavier in Calcutta where several
Portuguese lads from Hong Kong also went for their studies in the last quarter of the 19th century.’
J.M. Braga Papers, MS 4300/13.3/3.
E. Morrison, Looking up, looking down the road, p. 9.
Pictorial collection, National Library of Australia, nla.pic-vn3597099.
J.P. Braga Papers, MS 4380, MS Acc08/113.

Park Street Site of St Xavier’s College on Park Street

Map 18 – Calcutta in the nineteenth century
In keeping with the Jesuit policy of educating the elite, St Xavier’s College
was located in one of the best streets of the city, Park Street.

Left: a map redrawn by the Baptist Mission from an unnamed French original.
Right: Park Street in 1842, from a map published by
the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.

On 13 January 1887, José entered St. Xavier’s College, as one of 146 boarders. St.
Xavier’s was India’s leading Jesuit school, located at 10 and 11 Park St, Calcutta.
The Jesuits had followed their tradition of aiming at the top level of society, and
opened their school in 1860 in two properties on Calcutta’s best street, close to the
fine Regency mansion built in 1808 by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, effectively the
Athenaeum of Bengal. St. Xavier’s rapidly won the reputation of being the best
Catholic school in the Far East, a distinction that St Paul’s College in Macau had
once boasted. Its staff was almost entirely Jesuit. As early as 1862 it was granted


affiliation with Calcutta University. This was primarily an elite academic
institution, and Fr Armand Neut, S.J., the Rector, was strongly opposed to an attempt
made in 1886 to introduce technical education. 610 Among a few mementos of his
school days, José Braga kept the school calendar for 1887 and the programme of the
school’s prize-giving on 13 December 1887. Both were substantial and well-printed
booklets, the calendar being of 60 pages and the programme of 16 pages. 611 The
expert printer’s grandson would have cast an approving eye over both, noting that
they were printed at the Catholic Orphan Press. Another generation of youngsters
was being trained in the craft of printing. The two booklets reveal much about the
school’s curriculum and organisation.

It was a big school. In 1886 the
enrolment was 741 boys,
considerably larger than St.
Joseph’s in Hong Kong. However,
this figure included the ‘School
Department’, largely composed of
Indian boys in primary and lower
secondary classes. The ‘College
St Xavier’s College: ‘the Harrow on the
Hooghly’, its buildings remarkably similar to the Department’ had 206 boys, in four
1860s buildings of Harrow-on-the Hill. upper secondary years. St.
From the college’s website, Xavier’s was modelled on the
Accessed 14 February 2012
English Public School of the mid-
Victorian era. A flattering English visitor termed it ‘the Harrow on the Hooghly’.612
The school calendar indicated close supervision of its students, its fussiness and
attention to detailed and prescriptive rules which governed daily routine, the Reading
Room and Billiard Club, the Savings Bank and the Literary Society. Many pages of

Wikipedia article, St. Xavier’s College, Kolkata, accessed 30 August 2010.
R. Kochhar, Seductive Orientalism: English education and modern science, ‘Social Scientist’,
36:45-63, 2008. However, Fr Neut, a Belgian priest, presumably educated at that great centre of
learning, Louvain, was no dry academic, but a distinguished scholar and humanitarian. In the year that
J.P. Braga attended his school, Fr Neut spent part of the summer holiday visiting the Dutch Leprosy
Hospital in Ceylon. He was impressed with what he saw, and the schoolmaster’s eagle eye is evident
in his comment, ‘the neatness and cleanliness of the place was remarkable’.
(Journal of the Dutch Burgher Union of Ceylon, vol. 32, no. 4, April 1943, p. 133.
%201943(1).pdf. Accessed, 31 August 2010).
Calendar of St. Xavier’s College, 1887 and St. Xavier’s College, Distribution of Prizes, 13
December 1887, National Library of Australia, J.M. Braga Papers, MS 4300/13.1/1.
D. Berwick, A walk along the Ganges, p. 43.

the calendar were devoted to prescribed texts, which generally dictated the
curriculum, the textbook being followed meticulously. 613 Fr Neut informed parents:

unceasing care is taken to form the character of the pupils; to
inspire them with a love of Religion and Morality; to accustom
them to gentlemanly manners, to habits of cleanliness and order, in
short to prepare them for their various duties in afterlife. 614
The Calendar printed the names of prize winners in each subject and the names of
the next eight boys were printed in accessit order. Pencilled markings alongside the
names of boys in Standard VII indicate that these were José Braga’s class mates.

His name appeared twice in the prize list. He had excelled at St. Joseph’s in Hong
Kong, but at St. Xavier’s was ninth in English. Newly arrived, he had not yet
achieved his potential, and here he was in stiffer competition with English boys. Not
surprisingly, the accomplished young orator from Hong Kong won the prize for
Elocution and Delivery. In the contemporary British manner, there was a monthly
examination, with the names of the top eight boys printed in rank order. ‘Joe’, as his
British contemporaries called him, pencilled in the rankings for the next month’s
examination. This was a fiercely competitive school, where expectations were high,
both of the boys themselves, and the scholarly Jesuits who taught them. The only
indication of co-curricular activities was that there was a school band. Here too,
bandsmen would compete for one of two silver medals. The most glittering and
presumably the most coveted prize, was a gold medal for English Composition,
presented by a Maharajah, who held the exalted decoration of KCSI – the Imperial
decoration of Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India.

There were few Indians in the upper classes, and most of the few had Parsee names.
This was the enterprising and ambitious community who had set up prosperous
businesses throughout the Far East, including Hong Kong. In José Braga’s day,

The school’s organisation was complex. The ‘School Department’ had four upper classes, grouped
as the ‘Middle Department’, divided into Standards V, VI, VII and Preparatory Entrance. Above this
was the much smaller ‘College Department’, preparing students for further studies. In each ‘standard’
there was a silver medal for the dux and general proficiency prizes for the next three students. In
José’s copy of the prize list, a pencilled number 14 may indicate that this was his overall ranking. In
addition, there was a prize for each subject in the Modern curriculum as adapted to Catholic education
– Religious Instruction, Latin, Mathematics, English, History, Geography and finally, Elocution and
Delivery. Calendar of St. Xavier’s College, 1887.
Calendar of St. Xavier’s College, 1887, p. 9.

Indians had little access to St. Xavier’s. 615 St. Joseph’s had an almost entirely
Portuguese enrolment, but the boys at St. Xavier’s were mainly English, with a
scatter of Portuguese names. The Calendar for 1887 has the names of all the boys
enrolled the previous year. In Standard VI there were 64 boys in 1886; this was the
group that Braga joined the following year. Four had Portuguese names, thirteen
Indian, one Chinese, while the remaining forty-six had English names. José Braga
did well to perform towards the top end of this crème de la crème of colonial youth.

Despite the obvious advantages of St. Xavier’s, José and his family – his grandfather
and his mother – were ambitious for the boy. Rather surprisingly, he moved at the
beginning of 1888 to another school in Calcutta, Roberts College, which lacked the
cachet of St. Xavier’s College, but had its own particular advantage.

Apparently named in honour of the eminent soldier, Lord Roberts of Kandahar,
Roberts College boasted several of the appurtenances of a thoroughly modern school
– a cadet corps, and an ‘athletics department’, which played other schools in cricket
and football. By the 1880s, sport was a regular part of the late Victorian regime of
‘mens sana in corpore sano’, even in a small school, though not yet at St. Xavier’s
College. Roberts College was non-sectarian; perhaps not the obvious place for a
devout Catholic family to send their youngster. He was one of sixteen boarders, who
lived with the Principal’s family, ‘cared for as members of a Christian household’. 616
There were 108 pupils at the school, then in its fourth year of operation. 617

It was run by one G.S. Gasper, who was quite direct in his methods of compulsion:
‘Every boy over five feet in height is considered a member of our Volunteer Rifle
Company’. 618 Gasper’s school was outside the grant-in-aid system that had done
much throughout the British Empire to open educational opportunities, but which in
his view had lowered standards. ‘Our curriculum of studies will show that the
amount of work done in our seven classes is more than we could do in nine if we
worked for government money. We are thus able to offer superior work while saving

This was just over a year after the foundation in December 1885 of the Indian National Congress
(initially led by an Englishman, A.O. Hume), seeking better opportunities for Indians in their own
country. A little later it would spearhead the push for Indian independence.
Roberts College, Distribution of prizes ... 15 March 1890, p. 17.
Ibid., p. 5.
Ibid., p. 17.

two years’ schooling.’ 619 In short, Gasper was a crammer, and aimed to get his boys
through the Calcutta University Entrance Examination in the shortest possible time.
Gasper’s institution apparently outlasted other small schools in an era when there
was no regulation of educational establishments, and anyone could put up his
shingle, hoping to attract students by advertising good results. ‘Joe’ Braga’s
performance would have given Roberts College a huge boost.

An informal group photograph shows that he was on good terms with the other boys,
one of whom wrote a warm letter of congratulations to Joe and ‘Mrs Joe’ when he
married seven years later.

Joe Braga?

This faded photograph is located with the Carvalho carte de visite in J.M. Braga Pictures,
Box 1. It is tentatively identified as a school group from Roberts College in 1888.
None of the figures is clear, but a comparison with his wedding photograph
on page 215 taken seven years later suggests that the boy indicated is
‘Joe Braga’, as his school mates knew him.

Doubtless he exceeded the expectations of his family, the school and perhaps
himself. Every school hoping to gain public standing offered a gold medal to its best
student in the top class. José Braga won the medal in 1888. The Entrance
Examination to Calcutta University was set at a high bar, as was the fee charged: 10
rupees, the same as a month’s fee at Roberts College. 620 The examination was held
on 11 February 1889, and Gasper sent up twelve candidates, but only two were

Ibid., p. 17. He claimed neither a university degree nor a military commission and gave no
references, though he secured a distinguished man to present the school’s prizes. Over time, he
developed an international clientele: Lee Toon Tock, and Quah Beng Kee, both from prominent
Penang families, attended Roberts College roughly a decade later.
(, Accessed 16 October 2009).
J.P. Braga kept the receipt. J.P. Braga Papers, MS 4380, MS Acc08/113; Roberts College,
Distribution of prizes ... 15 March 1890, p. 17.

successful. J.P. Braga, who had already won the gold medal of Roberts College, was
awarded a First Class pass, and won the only scholarship available to a European in
the Province of Bengal. 621 The news was greeted with satisfaction in a Portuguese-
language newspaper in Hong Kong:

We are delighted with the news that our fellow-countryman Mr. José
P. de Noronha Braga was awarded the gold medal, the
highest prize of the University Entrance Class of Roberts College of
Calcutta. The medal was presented to Mr. Braga by Sir Alexander
Wilson at the distribution of prizes at the Dalhousie Institute on 5th
of March [sic. The date was actually 15 March]. Mr. Braga did his
course of studies here at St. Joseph’s College and with some private
lessons with Mr. Hart-Milner. 622
José Braga, scion of a hard-working family who had already made good in Hong
Kong, now seemed set for a stellar career, and planned to study law in England. It
is significant that the newspaper chose to add his matronym Noronha to his name in
the old Portuguese manner, no longer used in Hong Kong. This was a family which
had given him quite literally a golden opportunity, with whom he had a very strong
identity and to whom he was unfailingly loyal. Both identity and loyalty were about
to be tested in a very cruel way.


The success of his grandfather’s business had sent José Braga to school at St.
Joseph’s, then to St. Xavier’s and Roberts Colleges. The firm was no longer named
Noronha & Sons, as by 1880, Delfino’s sons Henrique and Leonardo had left the
colony. In their place were three sons of Vicente Braga, who had departed in 1870
for Japan. His eldest son, Francisco, followed him some years later. The next three
sons, João Vicente, Braz Maria and António Manuel may have worked for a time in

Roberts College, Distribution of prizes ... 15 March 1890, p. 6; ‘At the University Entrance
Examination in 1889, he won the Scholarship awarded to the European section of scholars of the
Province of Bengal.’ Fragment of an autobiographical note written ca. 1943 by J.P. Braga. J.M. Braga
Papers, MS 4300/13.1/4. The medal is inscribed, ‘Albert Memorial College, Entrance Class’ (in the
possession, 2012, of his granddaughter, Mrs Angela Ablong). Gasper had perhaps purchased the
remaining stock of gold medals from another small school that had closed its doors.
Press cutting, possibly from O Extreme Oriente, 6 April 1889. I am indebted to J. Bosco Correa for
his translation from the Portuguese. John L. Hart-Milner was sub-editor of the Hongkong Telegraph, a
newspaper with which Braga would have close connections in later years. Born in Macau in 1848, he
died in Hong Kong on 11 July 1889. (Transcription by Patricia Lim of memorial in Colonial
Cemetery, Happy Valley.


their grandfather’s business, where their work supported their youngest brother in
India, apparently on the threshold of a brilliant career. 623 Whether they envied his
success can never be known, for in a disastrous 18 month period all three died of
smallpox. There is no record of the anguished letters that must have passed from
Hong Kong to Calcutta as first Braz, then António and finally João died between 15
May 1887 and 29 October 1888. 624 They were three casualties in a serious epidemic
that reached its height in March 1888 when it claimed 100 casualties each week and
overwhelmed medical facilities. 625 Admissions between 1884 and 1888 to the
Smallpox Hospital, a hulk inaptly named Hygeia, which was moored off-shore, tell
part of the story. 626

Year Admissions

1884 7

1885 14

1886 11

1887 65

1888 99

1889 19

1890 2

Another unknown is the way the crisis was discussed in Hong Kong. Delfino could
not bring his sons Henrique and Leonardo back to Hong Kong. Henrique had the
government printing contract in Singapore, while Leonardo was running Noronha
& Sons in Shanghai. He may have considered bringing employees into partnership.
That did not happen. After running a demanding business for more than 45 years,
he may have become difficult to work with, but it would be rash to make this

Though Braz Maria was an assistant in the New Oriental Bank at the time of his death.
J. Forjaz, Familias Macaenses, vol. 3, p. 324.
New York Times, 11 March 1888, quoting an article from the London paper Figaro.
Frederick Stewart, Acting Governor, to Lord Knutsford, 2 September 1889, 27 August 1891, R.L.
Jarman, Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports, 1841-1941, vol. 2, pp. 37, 100.

assumption. A fairer conclusion is that this was a family business, and Delfino was
resolved that it should remain so. 627 In the event, there was only one outcome to the
family tragedy. Perhaps after exhausting all other possibilities, his mother prevailed
on her youngest son, José, to return to assist his grandfather. It seems to have taken
a long time before this decision was reached, because he did sit for the university
entrance examination, four months after the death of his brother João.

It was a shattering blow for the young man. Still only 17 ½, he was not old enough,
and lacked the means, to stand on his own feet and go to England to pursue the
legal studies on which he had set his heart. His duty was clear; he must return to his
family’s aid. It was a very courageous thing to do. There was no way of knowing
whether the epidemic had run its course. If he went back to Hong Kong, was he
facing a death sentence? Smallpox, now eradicated from the world in the greatest
single triumph of modern medicine, was fatal in about 30% of cases, but it had
wiped out three of his brothers. It was endemic in the tropics, and had proved a
serious scourge in Hong Kong in the 48 years of British occupation. It was a
horrible way to die, and José would have known that. Those who survived were
scarred for life with deep disfiguring weals on their faces and bodies. Perhaps this
was the best he could hope for.

On 15 March 1889 he received his gold medal at Dalhousie Institute in Calcutta,
applauded by the whole school and their guests. Less than two months later, he was
back in Hong Kong, working in the printing office of Noronha & Co. as a junior
compositor, a ‘printer’s devil’. His disappointment was profound. Delfino Noronha
did what he could to help his grandson deal with it. He contacted a Portuguese
lawyer of his acquaintance, Valentim Rozario, who wrote to ‘Mr Bragas’ seeking to
dissuade him from a legal career, describing the law as ‘nothing else but
humbug’. 628 The young man, no fool, must have regarded this letter for what it
was: ‘nothing else but humbug’. Rozario went on:

If you were to article yourself to a Solicitor practising in this
Colony you will have to undergo much drudgery in the Office
for 6 long years! and put up with any amount of nonsense; for it
is his interest to hinder and retard your progress for fear of
competition and cutting him down.

He made this plain in his Will, executed in 1897.
Valentim A. Rozario letter to J.P. Braga, 9 May 1889. Paul Braga Papers.

José knew that working in the printery could well turn into a lifetime of drudgery,
not just six years of it. Curiously, he kept the letter, and it was discovered a century
later in the papers of his youngest son, Paul. Perhaps Paul too had hankered after a
legal career that did not eventuate.

José Braga did not succumb to a deep depression. The ferocious pace of Noronha’s
printing office ensured that; the never-ending deadlines kept him on his toes.
Moreover, he may have seen himself as Noronha’s heir apparent. At all events, he
threw himself into his work, and into developing a warm relationship with the much
older man. He had left Hong Kong in December 1886 as a boy, returning two years
later as a young man with poise and with a very substantial accomplishment to his
credit. He determined not to allow this unrealised potential to atrophy. The printing
press would be the means by which he could make his mark as a publicist and
journalist, but a decade later, this proved to be his undoing.

His time in India left José Braga with two important legacies. Firstly, he had rubbed
shoulders with English boys, and had proved himself to be their social equal and
intellectual superior. Secondly, he learned from this British community how to work
with people, and not against them. In his own career as a businessman from 1910
onwards, he was an effective company director and chairman, but never collaborated
with other members of the Portuguese community except on the boards of social

In Calcutta he saw the huge social gulf between the British and the Indians,
powerless in their own land. As a schoolboy at a British school, he had for two
years adopted the superior social attitudes of the ruling class. Returning to Hong
Kong, he was thrown sharply back into the position of social and economic
inferiority that the Portuguese were obliged both to occupy and to expect.

José Braga had too much drive to keep his head down for long. An opportunity
came in 1891 for him to organise a family celebration that was to have important
personal consequences. His youngest uncle Carlos Henrique (Charlie) Noronha,
only twelve years older than himself, had met a visiting Australian, Corunna Louisa
Pollard, in Calcutta in 1884. Corunna, known to her family as ‘Crun’, was a
member of a large family theatrical troupe, the Pollard Liliputians, who had won
acclaim in Australia, New Zealand and India



between 1881 and 1884. 629 Not herself a performer, but more a wardrobe mistress
and dresser, Corunna returned with Charlie to Hong Kong where they married. 630
Another Pollard sister, Eleanor (‘Nellie’), was also married in India that year, to an
English engineer, Daniel Chester. 631 A third sister was Olive, a violinist, who as a
child prodigy had already been to India. A few years later, possibly in 1888, it
appears that Olive again came to Calcutta to visit her sister Nellie Chester. 632 Here
she met Joe Braga. 633 Joe, a year younger than Olive, was a fine-looking boy of 17,
and a confident member of a group of English lads.

Three years later, in 1891, she went to Hong Kong, probably to visit her sister
Corunna Noronha. The visit of this famous young artist, whom José had already
met, was an opportunity not to be missed, and he put together a ‘Soirée Musicale’
to celebrate his grandfather’s 67th birthday. A beautifully printed little card also
honoured the old printer. This was a large family gathering, in which Olive Pollard
was the only outsider, but she was centre stage. 634

She had written a song, ‘A Birthday Wish’ in honour of Delfino, and played her
violin in three of the twelve items. ‘Joe’, as she called José, used his gifts of oratory
in the recitation of Edgar Alan Poe’s ‘The Raven’, a darkly mysterious piece of
verse. She was as captivated by him as he was by her. Born on 18 January 1870 in
Tasmania of English parents, she came from the English culture that Joe had

The variant spelling ‘Liliputians’ rather than ‘Lilliputians’ was intentional.
The location of the marriage is given as Calcutta in the birthday book of yet another sister, May
Pollard, in the writer’s possession. However, J. Forjaz, Famílias Macaenses, vol. 2, p. 822, indicated
that the marriage took place in Hong Kong. This record is to be preferred, as Forjaz had consulted
church records. It seems likely that the family were told that they were married, but that happened
some time later.
P. Downes, The Pollards, p. 69.
I am indebted to Peter Downes of Wellington, New Zealand, who has carefully traced the
movements of members of the Pollard family, corroborating a family oral tradition. Peter Downes’
The Pollards is the definitive study of this remarkable family.
According to her daughter, Mrs Maude Franks, South China Morning Post, 11 April 1962.
The others taking part, in order of appearance, were Edith Maria Carvalho (Delfino’s great-niece),
Carlos Henrique Noronha (son – Corunna’s husband and thus Olive’s brother-in-law), António Hugo
dos Remedios (José’s brother-in-law. His wife, Umbelina ‘Bellie’ dos Remedios, was thus Delfino’s
granddaughter), Eugenio José Lopes and Francisco Xavier Lopes (Delfino’s grandsons), Clara Maria
Noronha (granddaughter), Edmundo Artur Carvalho (husband of Delfino’s granddaughter) and José
Maria ‘Joe’ Noronha (grandson). Besides having married into the Noronha family, the two Carvalhos
were the children of Januário Carvalho, Delfino’s old friend and José Braga’s mentor. J. Bosco Correa
and Emeritus Professor Henrique A. d’Assumpção AO have kindly identified all those taking part
from the names on the programme. The card does not bear the imprint of Noronha & Co., but could
not possibly have been printed elsewhere. It is in the possession of the writer.

and included several high-quality photographic portraits and illustrations. 1892. Imbault-Huart. If he could not become an English-trained lawyer. 637 635 The marriage certificate is in the J. he could still marry an Englishwoman. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. 2 vols. MS 4380. pp. 129-130. MS Acc08/113. and after which he still hankered. 215 . H. Nearly four years later. 636 J. 1898. at the Catholic Cathedral. 2 vols. José Braga and Carlos Noronha seem to have taken particular responsibility for the major jobs that came the way of Noronha & Co. Norton-Kyshe. with its unremitting schedule of deadlines for the Government Gazette. she returned to Hong Kong to marry him on 5 May 1895. 1895.P. J.P. Braga’s own list of the major productions of Noronha & Co. Leach. 636 Volume 2. these were: A. The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of the Colony of Hongkong from 1844 to 1890. During the 1890s. comprising the illustrations.imbibed in Calcutta. has been digitised by the National Library of Australia.gen-vn4837423. http://nla. Stewart Lockhart. J. 1891-1892. Meanwhile. These two huge legal tomes were flawlessly produced. the busy life of the printery went on. Manuel pratique de la langue chinoise. 2 vols. 635 Wedding of José Pedro Braga and Olive Pauline Pollard. Hong Kong Stuart Braga collection . Braga The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong. The Currency of the Farthest East from the Earliest Times up to 1895.W. 637 This group is extracted from J. 5 May 1895.

Stewart Lockhart. 640 Commendation like this from the Colonial Secretary was a significant reward. Scottish double-barrelled surnames are not hyphenated. great difficulty has been experienced in dealing with these blocks on a modern press. Stewart Lockhart attended the funeral (Hongkong Daily Press. Sir James Haldane Stewart’ in M. 8 February 1900). This was a remarkable sign of esteem. attention and expertise. 285. of printing from boards of irregular thicknesses. A book like this had to be error-free. ‘Stewart Lockhart.. Owing to the peculiar custom. the book contains a ‘Printers’ Note’: Currency of the Farthest East affords an excellent illustration of the art of wood engraving as practised by the Chinese. old Delfino Noronha was a man who rarely gave praise. This article should be entitled. both because of its outstanding scholarship. viii. Munn (eds). it is hoped that the illustrations may prove interesting as examples of wood engraving among the Chinese. 638 Unusually. vol. H. was certainly counter-cultural at that time. p. More than a century later. which is usual among the Chinese.Stewart Lockhart’s book may have been the job that required the greatest care. p. This book was the first part of what would now be termed a catalogue raisonné. 640 Ibid. It contained many illustrations including full-sized images of early wedge-shaped tokens from pre-Han civilisations. the conservative Chinaman still adheres to the old method of illustrating his book by means of woodcuts. Holdsworth and C. 1. 216 . Though the result obtained. a Protestant. p. While photogravure is rapidly replacing this ancient art in Europe. 639 In his introduction. the catalogue is still regarded as an important reference work. Braga of Noronha & Co. His grandson 638 Shiona M. but the author has not noticed this. in the Catholic cathedral. However. and also because of the author’s prominence in Hong Kong. For such a senior government officer. The Currency of the Far East from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. 639 J. The author was the Colonial Secretary and Registrar- General. to attend the funeral of a member of the Portuguese community. the most important person in the colony after the Governor. Stewart Lockhart went out of his way to acknowledge the work of Mr C. ‘for the skilful manner in which the plates have been printed’. Sir James Haldane’. Airlie. may not be perfect. and had become an authority on the subject. Noronha and Mr J. ‘Lockhart. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. as shown in the accompanying volume. When Delfino Noronha died in 1900. Stewart Lockhart had collected Chinese coins and tokens for many years. ix.

642 Fully discussed in P. but the days of military plunder had not yet ended.treasured a note scribbled on a scrap of paper in printer’s blue pencil. after his death the gates were returned in 1924. The last two decades of the nineteenth century were the high point of British imperial expansion in which the map of the world was be-spattered by Imperial red. His action was widely condemned. The first sentence appears to refer to a job well done. So too did the British community. Noronha 3/8/97 It was not an easy time to be a foreigner in the British Empire. 643 By the 1890s. Great Britain and Hong Kong’s New Territories. MS 4380. Written in Portuguese. which stubbornly resisted the British take-over of the New Territories in 1898. Wesley-Smith. 641 It happened to be written on the younger man’s 26th birthday. a push began which resulted in the acquisition of the New Territories as a 99 year lease in 1898. Wesley-Smith. I am grateful to J. in China and in Hong Kong. However. and when he retired. MS Acc08/113. the Kowloon peninsula on the north side of the harbour was added to the Crown Colony in 1860. 643 In Hong Kong. had the iron gates of the village removed. took them with him to his estate in Ireland. Your affectionate grandfather D. 1980. The Indian Empire. ‘the brightest jewel in the Crown’.P. ‘The Kam Tin gates’. and was accentuated in 1894 by what the Governor termed ‘an unexampled calamity’. 642 The British government effectively did as it pleased in China. was proclaimed in 1876. the racial divide in Hong Kong was particularly marked. 46-47. In Hong Kong. This incident became a long-lasting part of Hong Kong folk- lore. a spectacular example was the punitive action taken against the walled village of Kam Tin. 217 . it read: José It is very explicit as far as the last condition – it is one more [illegible] of your character which I highly praise. Hong Kong Branch. Bosco Correa and Fernando Menezes Ribeiro for their translation of this difficult fragment. pp. Unequal Treaty 1898-1997: China. by which time plunder was unacceptable. Braga Papers. and in the 1880s. P. The Governor of Hong Kong. Sir Henry Blake. but there is no indication of that. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. a 641 J.

644 Drastic action was required to deal with public health issues that had been neglected for far too long in the rapidly growing city. Braga. One letter. 14 September 1895. p. 54. op. It was the worst Chinese slum. The Siam Free Press. 3. 218 . A few highly publicised cases of the failings of Portuguese clerks led to an outpouring of racism in letters to the editor that would be not only unthinkable but also illegal in most parts of the world a century later. 3. 19. from ‘An Old Resident’. 647 The nineteenth century was a great age for the publication of pamphlets. Braga. vol. the Portuguese community found itself caught in an outburst of withering scorn for non-British people publicly expressed in the newspapers. put in plain terms the socio-economic deprivation that the Portuguese suffered in a capitalist system in which there were few constraints limiting the rich and powerful. The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong. 646 Not all the correspondence was anti-Portuguese. Braga.P. quoted in J.P. Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau. and took many years to abate. 647 Hongkong Telegraph. 1895. they would not be subjected to so many indignities.’ 645 One pointed observation seems to have provoked an outburst by young José Braga. Troops using aggressive cleansing measures moved through Taipingshan. Braga ‘An unexampled calamity’. and in the next few years. 75- 76. September 1894. and who are supplanting the English merchants in every branch of commerce. still smarting from what had happened to him six years before. The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong. Antagonism and contempt between the two communities were intense. who are absorbing the bulk of trade in the Colony. fiercely resisted by the Chinese population. July 2007. the location of the largest number of fatalities. usually replete with bombast and prolixity. If instead of being a poor community the Portuguese were powerful and influential like the Germans. quoted in J..serious outbreak of bubonic plague. J. The next year.P. pp. an English-language paper in Bangkok. no. cit. he participated energetically in the newspaper dialogue with a letter to the Hongkong Telegraph: 644 S. At first. 27 August 1895. 646 Hongkong Telegraph. blandly observed that ‘Hongkong is passing through one of its periodic fits of jingoism which generally takes the shape of a denunciation of all aliens. 645 Siam Free Press. Australia. or wealthy like the Jews. ‘Another Victim’ described the Portuguese as ‘the degenerated descendants of a once mighty race’. quoted in J.P. p. there would be wholesale slum clearance. Braga’s Rights of Aliens in Hongkong is a good example of it.

650 648 Letter to the Editor.’ 648 He followed this up in December 1895 with a 95 page pamphlet that reprinted much of the correspondence that had erupted in August and September. would find a better life. however feeble. that proved to be the way in which most of their descendants. 22-23. in Portuguese. The Echo concluded its lengthy discussion with a comment on the young man of 24 who had taken up the cudgels on behalf of the otherwise silent and submissive Portuguese community. 649 The lengthy discussion is set out in full in The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong. great or small. raise a voice. p. pp. 15 pages of the reports of Echo Macaenses and Extremo Oriente. The Echo. Emigration It would eventually be the last of these. 649 Naturally. of necessity. just as pointedly. did so. and must. Technical education b. and by discussing measures for securing a better future for the rising generation. 11 September 1895. in a long article on 11 September. by promoting an association. I share in the wrongs so patiently endured by it. the Macau and Hong Kong Portuguese press took a great deal of interest in what was going on in Hong Kong. Braga. The Echo. quoted in J. At the outset let me state that I am not posing myself as the champion of the community to which I belong. three generations later. Hongkong Telegraph. in vindication thereof. He had pointedly remarked that he did not see himself as the champion of that community. Some were long- winded. An association c. Braga’s pamphlet reprinted. but being a factor of that community. pp. The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong. The rest of its article was reprinted in the original Portuguese. reprinted in The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong. 650 Echo Macaenses. but Braga translated the last paragraph. commented on the inferior status of the Hong Kong Portuguese. 72. We hope the young writer will continue to defend the just and sacred cause of his compatriots and exert himself for their well- being. and offered a way forward: Three measures as follows suggest a swift way to prepare a better future for the Portuguese of Hong Kong:- a. some percipient and far-sighted.P. emigration. 219 . to watch over the general interests of the Portuguese community at Hongkong. 25-40. 28 August 1895. by repelling unjust aggressions.

p. It bears the colophon ‘Printed and published at Noronha & Co. This was no time to foment trouble in the middle of the serious depression then gripping capitalist economies and stultifying international trade. Braga had his grandfather’s permission.P. Hong Kong suffered severely. very well arranged and very effective for the purpose you had in view. May 1897. perhaps even his blessing. to go ahead with what others would have seen at best as a very young man’s polemic. A petition to the Governor in May 1893 had warned that ‘there has been experienced a condition of local depression previously undreamt of’. One who did notice the little book was J. I am very glad the Telegraph was able to give you such support. almost all of whom had to keep their noses to the grindstone to survive in the Hong Kong mercantile economy. Francis. if you will permit me to say so. 220 . as well as word.J. who wrote: My dear Mr Braga I congratulate you on the appearance of your little volume. in action. almost all of which was with British companies. but at worst. Very truly yours Jno J. a reckless and foolish publication.It was a challenge that ‘the young writer’ would indeed take up in later years. There were few if any activists in the Portuguese community.’ José would surely have had to pay for it himself. 651 The serious epidemic of bubonic plague in 1894 then added to the colony’s woes. There is no doubt that J. It is hard to see for whom the pamphlet was written. I read it through with great pleasure. Senior members of the community would have been alarmed at this outburst from a young hothead. Happy and prosperous new year to you and all yours. It would certainly have been ignored by the British community. Francis 651 Odds and Ends. Any suggestion of radicalism would surely threaten their employment. 66. It is. but the company’s name was there for all to see – if anyone bothered.

Hong Kong under imperial rule. in M. 128.P. usually homosexuality. Braga’s pamphlet was very much in tune with the stance taken by this paper. the beneficiaries of his far-sighted philanthropy on several occasions. In household terms. He came to figure prominently in the affairs of the Hong Kong community generally and in particular in the affairs of the Braga family. Holdsworth and C.P. J. Charles Henry Maurice Bosman. These were the Eurasians. because few of the British bothered to learn Chinese. J. This was Robert Ho Tung. 653 According to Sir Reginald Stubbs. N. MS 4380. Francis. 1912-1941. was the owner of the Hongkong Telegraph. in 1880 through his father’s business connections with the firm. when Francis purchased the paper. If the Portuguese were down-trodden. Miners. but they were not Portuguese. 653 There was but one outstanding exception. Braga kept Fraser’s letter among his most precious personal papers. This was a position usually held by a well-connected Chinese. p.This was powerful affirmation from the owner of the Hongkong Telegraph. Francis continued its tradition of being an irritant to the government of the day. 654 May Holdsworth. but there are many variations – joined the comprador’s office of Jardine. Eurasians were commonly held to have all the vices and none of the virtues of both parents. the Chinese habitually referred to Eurasians as ‘bastards’ – as did the British. J. there had to be a go-between fluent in both English and Chinese. and in the thinking of the time. Matheson & Co. There was one other community – if that is the term for a small group of people ostracised even more completely than the Portuguese. 654 Ho Tung – the name by which he became generally known. Eurasians were pariahs to both the British and Chinese communities. p. the product of a union between a European man and a Chinese woman. from a domestic ménage to a great trading corporation. QC. who took a Chinese mistress. Sir Robert’. a barrister. J. Braga Papers. who died in 1895. that made them tend towards crime and perversion. ‘Ho Tung. 652 There may have been a few others who bothered. By the early 1880s he had through sheer ability become Head Comprador. of which he would become manager seven years later. Marriage between the races was a very rare circumstance. a careful reading of the Telegraph for the period indicates that the paper itself made no reference to Braga’s pamphlet. 195. It was a position of unique importance in Hong Kong. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. founded in 1881 by Robert Fraser-Smith. 221 . this was usually the cook who 652 Undated. a man so remarkable as to rise far above all prejudices. but December 1895 or January 1896. one of several children fathered by an English businessman with Dutch ancestry. MS Acc08/11. However. born in 1862. In any European set-up. so a Eurasian was more commonly the result of a mesalliance. Munn (eds).

Ho Tung earned admiration. and its Head Comprador had to be a person of immense skill as a manager and negotiator. though he had not been through the Robert Ho Tung. Others might dismiss it as a youthful and intemperate outburst. which effectively placed a curfew on the Chinese community. he acquired very considerable wealth.supervised domestic arrangements and purchased supplies. He quickly became Hong Kong’s first millionaire. Ho Tung kept his finger on the pulse of Hong Kong. retiring from Jardine’s in 1889. but to Ho Tung. Braga’s obvious potential appealed to Ho Tung. ensuring a tidy profit for himself in the process. who over the next sixty years would go to considerable lengths and would donate large sums to give opportunities 222 . regarded by nobody as dishonest or corrupt. excellence that transcended the wisdom of the Imperial viceroys and the business acumen of the Western merchants. There was no more powerful or profitable business undertaking in the Far East than Jardine’s. and it seems certain that he had read Braga’s pamphlet which also protested against racial discrimination. not the contempt and derision usually meted out to a Eurasian. 1916.000 was a small fortune. Perhaps even more. Such skills were almost unknown at that time. the greater was the expectation both of excellent performance and profit to the man holding this position. Taller than most Chinese. with superb fluency in written English and Chinese. he would have experienced in full measure the treatment handed out to Eurasians. exacting process of the Imperial Examinations that University of Hong Kong List of honorary continued until 1905. In a sense he possessed an graduates. Ho Tung was one of the leaders in a protest by the Chinese community against the Light and Pass Ordinance. it revealed Braga’s considerable skill with words and his preparedness to pursue an issue with determination. Yet as a youth. he cut a striking figure dressed in the robes of a mandarin. and with blue eyes. In less than ten years. but Ho Tung possessed them. These were qualities that Ho Tung valued. together with command of several dialects. and then setting out in business on his own account. It followed that the larger the organisation. In a place where money talks. This was accepted practice. at a time when $1.

was his children’s English teacher. no.. who lived in the tenth century. first published less than a year later in November 1896.. José Braga’s sister-in-law. 655 Braga must have been aware that in writing and publishing Rights of Aliens he was like a soapbox orator fulminating to an empty park. but he gave the well-known Noronha address. 657 He did not ignore the technical challenge he faced: The conditions in regard to printing which prevailed in Hongkong twenty years ago are not materially changed today . not Noronha & Co. Braga could never hope to create a local version of the superb and internationally renowned Illustrated London News or The Graphic. Braga referred to several short-lived predecessors. sought to be bland and inclusive. Looking up. p.P. the China Magazine. [in the Far East] the primitive methods of the inventor Fungtau. progress in Europe and progress in the East in this respect have not been concurrent. but he might find a clientele for a pastiche of non-political local comment. 1. There had never been a successful magazine in Hong Kong comparable to numerous British and European magazines catering for an intelligent. Doery. November 1896. 657 Odds and Ends.for a better life to people who showed promise. an elegantly written and well-produced magazine printed on a press owned by William Jardine. his bi-monthly magazine Odds and Ends. Hong Kong. and Odds and Ends was no exception.. Morrison. For a time they seemed to fulfil the hopes of their promoters . Each has a 223 . Ho Tung already had contact with the Noronhas. 656 If his pamphlet Rights of Aliens had been abrasive and confrontational. That was more than sixty years earlier.. Perhaps he had been told to soften his public image. Braga was the publisher. [In Europe] graphic art has approached a state of perfection . Long Life. 202. His next foray into publishing was directed to what he hoped would be a wider market. E. This time. historical pieces and an occasional feature article. If it were to find a market. looking down the road.. J. short stories. p. [but] after a short career all three papers have disappeared from circulation. as Corunna Noronha.. the China Punch and the Magpie. 658 Copies of all of these are rare. in November 2009 by John Randall (Books of Asia). Two copies of the China Magazine were offered at the International Antiquarian Bookfair.. in 1831. 9 Zetland Street. Inaugural issues of nineteenth century magazines usually proclaimed their intentions. 658 655 E. are still employed at the present time. that was essential. Golden Peaches. 7. well-educated readership. 656 The first literary magazine in the Far East was the Canton Miscellany.

. Braga was aiming high to compare his magazine with this fine production.B. op. 163 and 256. Five numbers of Odds and Ends were published between November 1896 and August 1897.000. five. 224 . printed using half-tone technology. cit. and produced as expertly as could be achieved anywhere in 1897. Endacott. in May 1897 posed studio photograph of two Chinese merchants set onto the front cover. J. The third issue should have been a winner. 659 G. pp. perched spectacularly on a rocky islet 26 miles south of Hong Kong. It was graced by seven photographs.P. was a huge boon to shipping approaching Hong Kong. They included five fine studies of the newly completed Gap lighthouse. 659 The fourth issue. 162. and a very important step forward. then the latest development. It had taken six years to build at the enormous cost of $150. This was too self-deprecatory. His first issue contained two well-executed photographs and the second.

Braga briefly mentioned it. a dead-end job from which there was no prospect of promotion. He sought subscribers and advertisers in each issue. in Proceedings of the International Congress on Rizal. he found himself consigned to a position he felt was far below his capabilities: medical officer at Victoria Gaol.P. 12. In his memoir of the Portuguese in Hong Kong. He lodged with the family of José Maria Basa in the Portuguese district. as ‘a short-lived magazine which I edited and printed in my grandfather’s printery’. August 1897. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. The little group of Hong Kong Portuguese activists gave passionate support to the Filipinos in their struggle for justice. in passing. José Rizal. but more of this a little later. but advertisements appeared only in the first. Rizal. 662 Basa and Marques introduced Rizal to some of their friends among the small group of professionals in the Portuguese community. The fifth number. next door to Lourenço Pereira Marques. 225 . the real challenge was to find a readership. were Dr Wençeslão Cesário de Silva. Manila. under Spanish rule for more than three centuries. 1962. Coates. 4-8 December 1961. Delfino Noronha and José 660 A. José Braga had been part of a small group of people who had become keenly interested in events on the other side of the South China Sea in the Philippine Islands. Braga. The real challenge was not technical. for they too saw themselves as the victims of injustice. Among these. ‘Rizal in Hong Kong’. a member of a distinguished and once-wealthy Macanese family who had studied medicine in Dublin and there gained British citizenship. Coates. 662 A. 129. written more than forty years later. for Noronha had kept abreast of changing technology. did not take off. 661 J. p. The little magazine. 661 Apart from his forays into publishing. according to Austin Coates. and possessed the most modern printing press in the colony. An independence movement grew there during the 1880s. Rizal found himself among a group of like-minded radicals – a discontented group of potential trouble-makers. journalistic skill and printing expertise was lavished. it was all to no avail. Returning to Hong Kong to practise. on which so much care. Philippine Nationalist and Martyr. 660 Instead. led by a Filipino physician. p. pp. 213-214.contained a superb photographic study of the Filipino patriot Rizal. Rizal lived and practised medicine in Hong Kong from November 1891 until March 1892. vol. 288. José Rizal National Centennial Commission. was the last. However.

Pedro Braga. 663 Braga confirmed that he did indeed meet Rizal at his grandfather’s

At his table I met many interesting figures of the day. Among
these was the Filipino patriot, José Rizal, while on his last visit
to Hongkong, not long before his arrest and murder by the
Spanish in Manila…I still recall the horror and indignation
which filled the Portuguese community in Hongkong when the
news reached the British colony of the treacherous manner in
which the beloved leader of the Filipino people had been done
away with. 664

Rizal returned to Manila in June
1892, was soon arrested, and after a
protracted delay, was tried for
treason, found guilty and
immediately executed by firing squad
on 30 December 1896. Though he
was not a practising Catholic, Rizal’s
last spoken words were
‘Consummatum est’. The Filipino
people would treasure them as they
did the Saviour’s last triumphal cry.
They would treasure, too, his last
This fine study of Rizal
written words. The night before Rizal
was inserted into the fourth issue of
Odds and Ends, died, he wrote a farewell poem,
May 1897
‘Ultimo Adiós’, to the Filipino
people, which was to become a
rallying-cry as they honoured their martyred hero. It was smuggled out of his prison
cell inside the fuel tank of the spirit lamp by the light of which it had been written.
The melodramatic tale continues.

Together with a photograph of Rizal, a copy was sent to Hong Kong, where it came
into the possession of J.P. Braga, who was putting together the next number of Odds
and Ends. Braga, who greatly admired Rizal, resolved to print it, with the
photograph. Wanting to make the best possible job of the photograph, he sent it to
A. Coates, ‘Rizal in Hong Kong’, in Proceedings of the International Congress on Rizal, 4
December 1961, vol. XII. José Rizal National Centennial Commission, Manila, 1962, p. 298.
J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 129.

London. It was printed on a superior card and inserted into the issue for May 1897. It
was accompanied by Rizal’s poem, printed in Spanish, entitled Mi Ultimo
Pensamiento, by which title it was known for several years. 665

To Braga this may have been a gesture of remembrance, but to others, it might have
seemed an act of defiance. It was a time when discretion seemed prudent. The
international situation in the Far East was tense throughout the 1890s, as war broke
out between China and Japan in 1894, followed by often-competing demands from
all the Great Powers for further concessions in China. Following the death of Rizal,
protracted unrest in the Philippines led to American intervention there. Filipino
nationalists declared independence, and after the Americans took effective control in
1898, there was talk of a Philippine Republic being organised in Hong Kong. The
British government warned Sir William Robinson, the Governor, against allowing
this. 666 Yet here was a publication, emanating from the Government Printer’s office,
which seemed to be overtly encouraging these dissidents.

The death of Delfino Noronha at the age of 76 on 6 February 1900 gave José Braga's
enemies the opportunity they sought. By the end of the year, he was out of the
business and out of Hong Kong. There is no documentary evidence for what
happened, but it does not take much imagination to apply to this situation an
observation that Braga made on more than one occasion. It weighed heavily on his
mind, because he had borne the brunt of it.

It has regretfully to be admitted that the failure of the
Portuguese to combine their material and intellectual strength
for the common weal has been due principally to their inherent
jealousy of one another’s success ... These traits have been
markedly evident all through the history of the Portuguese in
Hongkong. 667
Other members of the Noronha family had been concerned about the direction of
events for some time. Young José had been acting for years as though he were the
heir apparent to the business. Perhaps the last straw was that on 31 December 1898

A. Coates, Rizal, Philippine Nationalist and Martyr, pp. 339-340.
G.B. Endacott, op. cit., p. 227.
J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, p. 138.

he was admitted to partnership in Noronha & Co. Printers & Publishers. 668 His own
account of it was that he had become joint manager with his uncle, Leonardo
Noronha, 669 but subsequent events indicate that it was not a satisfactory relationship.
Braga’s son Jack related his version many years later.

My father, José Pedro Braga, eventually became the manager,
greatly to the disgust of his uncles and when old man Noronha
died, the uncles decided to sell the business for a sum, something
like $HK350,000 in the year 1901, which at that time was a
tremendous amount of money for a purchase of that kind. 670
While the amount mentioned is likely to have been greatly exaggerated by years of
disappointed hopes, the memory of tensions between nephew and uncles is
undoubtedly accurate. In his will Delfino Noronha made careful provision for family
members who seemed to him to need it most. His estate was divided into nine parts,
only one of which went to one of his sons, Leonardo. All the rest went to women.
However, there were four trustees, including his sons Henrique and Leonardo and his
son-in-law, António Basto. The fourth trustee was J.P. Braga. 671 He may have been
the apple of his grandfather’s eye at the beginning of the year, but his fall from grace
was swift. Faced with the united hostility of the other three, he was no longer able to
sustain the prominent position that he had come to enjoy with his grandfather’s
goodwill. 672

José’s uncles, Henrique, Leonardo and Secundino Noronha took charge. The first
two at least were experienced printers, and had been part of ‘Noronha & Sons’ when
the business was known by that name in the 1860s. By 1900, both Henrique and
Leonardo were themselves elderly, having retired from their businesses in Singapore
and Shanghai, so the firm was run, first, by Leonardo’s brother-in-law José Maria de
Castro Basto, and later by Leonardo’s son, Eduardo Noronha. The firm retained the
government contract and remained in family ownership in succeeding generations
until World War II, but J.P. Braga was excluded, never to return.

Hong Kong Government Gazette, 7 January 1899, CS/1021/00200845.
Interview in the South China Morning Post, 16 January 1929.
Interview with J.M. Braga, 11 June 1972.
MO/AH/CS/INDEX/N 22423. Probate File No. 19 of 1900. Hong Kong Public Record Office
HKRS No. 144/4/1011.
One episode in this difficult situation throws light on what was to be an abiding facet of his public
career for the rest of his life. His sister-in-law, Corunna Noronha, had separated from her husband
Carlos, José’s uncle, who had gone to Shanghai. She and her three children were in difficult
circumstances, and José did what he could to secure her portion of the inheritance. Her gratitude was
still remembered by her grandchildren a century later. E. Morrison, Looking up, looking down the
road, p. 202.

Why did his Noronha uncles and cousins want to be rid of him? Even before Delfino
Noronha died, the knives were out for J.P. Braga. He had pushed the limits too far.
As others might see it, The Rights of Aliens in Hongkong had attacked the British.
His enthusiastic support of Rizal ran counter to Hong Kong Government policy.
These rash actions seriously compromised the firm’s government contract, which
might be revoked. The government contract provided a cash flow that was almost
immune from the wild swings of boom and bust in Hong Kong’s economy. Week in
and week out the Gazette appeared, so say nothing of other government work.
Nothing must be allowed to jeopardise this golden tide.

Braga ascribed some actions of others to ‘inherent jealousy’. In this case, ‘malice’
might be a better word. There was the old gossip about his suspect parentage. 673
More recently, his marriage was a source of adverse comment. It was an unsuitable
marriage, outside the Portuguese community, to the sister-in-law of Carlos Noronha,
whose marriage was seen as a failure. 674 He had his grandfather’s ear and made too
much of that connection, to the exclusion of others. Even in the celebration of his
grandfather’s 67th birthday, this young man had taken centre stage. There was no
senior member of the family whose name appeared on the program to act as
chairman for the evening or to deliver a speech, de rigueur for formal Portuguese
gatherings. Calcutta-educated, he had become too self-important, as they saw it. It
seems to have counted for nothing that José had returned to Hong Kong in 1889,
obedient to his family’s call in a crisis, or that he had been responsible for several of
the firm’s best productions in the ensuing decade. There was no job for him in Hong
Kong, and within a few months he had been banished to Macau by his family.

If Macau had so little to offer his grandparents in the 1840s that they left, it had less
in 1900. There had been several more waves of émigrés in the intervening half
century. The first was in 1849, following the murder of the Governor, João Maria
Ferreira do Amaral. On that occasion, the Governor of Hong Kong sent a warship to

This was still to be heard in the 1990s.
E. Morrison, Looking up, looking down the road, p. 202.

ensure Macau’s survival. 675 Macau again seemed in peril in 1864, and there was
more British sabre-rattling and more Portuguese emigration. 676 Far worse was the
Great Typhoon in September 1874, which devastated Macau, leaving at least 2,000
dead. 677 In the next few months several hundred people fled to Hong Kong from
Macau. Its historian sadly commented that ‘the disastrous typhoon consummated the
ruin of the Macanese’. 678 A few nostalgic émigrés would sometimes return at
weekends. A modern vignette of their impressions gives some understanding of the
sleepy backwater to which J.P. Braga came.
In the lobby of the Hing Kee Hotel, the aroma of jasmine tea added
pleasantly to the murmur of that Sunday morning. The space was
ample and comfortable, devoid of luxury. Around the small
rosewood tables where teapots were steaming, portly weekend
clients reclined on worn Victorian sofas and armchairs, speaking in
English. The majority, who had arrived the night before, came from
Hong Kong and Canton to drink and play fan-tan, a Chinese betting
game. In their conversation, which was always animated, they
invariably contrasted the decline of old Macau, with no port or
infrastructure, with the charm and wealth of the young and vibrant
Hong Kong. 679
It seemed an ignominious end to what had once been a very promising career. The
parallel with Joseph in the Old Testament is striking. José Braga even bore the name
of the patriarch whose brothers sold him into slavery in Egypt. In 1929 he told the
Press that ‘his state of health calling for a change of climate, he went to Macao where
he taught English in the Commercial Institute for two years.’ 680 Then and now, the
phrase ‘state of health’ is often a euphemistic subterfuge for concealing something
untoward. More than a century later, an unpalatable truth need no longer be
concealed. This young man was seen by his family as an upstart printer’s devil. In
plain language, they kicked him out.

J.P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, pp. 177-179.
S. Braga, ‘Macau puts on a show’, Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau, vol. 22,
no. 2, July 2010.
S. Braga, ‘The Great Typhoon of 1874’, Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de Macau,
September 2008.
C.A. Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macao, p. 429. By 1885, even Lourenço Marques, the head of
what had once been Macau’s leading family, owners of the palatial mansion at one time occupied by
the President of the Select Committee of the East India Company, was forced to sell up. ‘The family
was not able to maintain the big house at that time’, commented a collateral descendant (Patrick
Rozario, in South China Morning Post, 20 September 2010. According to Rozario, Marques sold the
mansion and its large grounds for only 35,000 patacas ).
Amadeu Gomes de Araújo, chapter ‘Caminhos Cruzados’ (‘Crusaders’ Paths’) in Diálogos em
Bronze: memórias de Macau. Translated by Pureza d’Eça and Henrique d’Assumpção.
South China Morning Post, 26 January 1929. However, he did tell his son Noel in 1924 that he had
to battle with ill-health as a young man.

Chapter 8

Making his mark – J.P. Braga 1900-1929

J.P. Braga was fortunate to have something to turn to in Macau, even if it was a
position far below his capacities and his previous attainments. He secured an
appointment to teach English at the Instituto Comercial, the Commercial Institute.
Conversely, the Institute was lucky to have him. Situated towards the south part of
Macau, the Commercial Institute was close to St. Lazarus’ Church. In terms of
Braga’s career, nothing could be more appropriate. In 1900, that career seemed
finished as far as future prospects were concerned. He was exiled from his
birthplace, Hong Kong, rejected by the Noronha family which had nurtured him in
childhood and young manhood. Now he was apparently without prospects. Yet in
1929, he was back in Hong Kong, with a large family of his own, a reasonably
successful businessman, a board member of two significant public companies, the
unquestioned leader of his community, and to crown all, on the cusp of a significant
political career as the first Portuguese member of the Hong Kong Legislative
Council. His appointment received the plaudits of the entire Press and the Portuguese
community. Lazarus indeed!

Little is known of J.P. Braga’s two years in Macau teaching English at the
Commercial Institute, established in 1878. Akin to an English Comprehensive
School of the same era, it was indirectly the by-product of one of those periodic fits
of Portuguese anti-clericalism designed to weaken what was seen as the dead hand of
conservative Catholicism. In 1870, priests of the Jesuit order were again expelled,
and once again, St Joseph’s College closed its doors, to the consternation of the
Macanese community. It wreaked havoc on what little provision for public education
existed in Macau. The President of the Leal Senado, Lorenço Marques, told the
authorities in Lisbon that the Jesuits ‘are the only persons in Macau who are really
qualified. Without them, education will cease’. This appeal to have the expulsion
revoked was ignored. Apprehensive lest the youth of the little settlement face an


illiterate future, the local community set up two schools of its own, one being the
Commercial Institute. 681

All the students were local
Macanese boys. None was a
native English speaker, though
these students possibly had a
smattering of English before
entering the school. The school’s
English programme would have
been far below the standard of
St. Joseph’s in Hong Kong, let
The English classroom, Instituto Comercial, 1920s. alone St. Xavier’s in Calcutta. It
Macau, No. 96, 1996, p. 141. was an age well before teacher
training was required, and Braga’s achievements at schools in Hong Kong and India,
followed by a decade in Noronha & Co. in Hong Kong would have been known to P.
Gomes, the head of the Commercial Institute. His book, The Rights of Aliens in
Hongkong, had been warmly applauded in Macau, where he was well-regarded. The
Commercial Institute’s tuition was in Portuguese and the curriculum utilitarian. It
did not provide a full secondary course, though its offering was thorough and the
school had an excellent tone and reputation. 682 In English lessons, the students were

There were four Jesuits then on the staff, and without them, as Fr Manuel Teixeira, himself a
Jesuit, expressed it: ‘the Seminary fell into decadence’. (L. A Ferreira, Um Brado pela Verdade, ou a
questão dos Professores Jesuitas em Macau, pp. 13-16; M. Teixeira, Pedro Nolasco da Silva, p. 67).
With Macau facing a future of illiteracy, a group of concerned citizens headed by Maximiano António
dos Remédios met in 1871 to found the Associação Promotora da Instrução dos Macaenses, the
Association for the Promotion of Macanese Education (Website of the Associação Promotora da
Instrução dos Macaenses - Accessed 29 October 2010). Among its
initial members was José Joaquim Braga, who subscribed $300 of the $11,000 raised to establish the
school (O. Vaz, ‘The Commercial School: a victory for Macau’, Macau, No. 96, 1996, p. 136). As a
result of the Association’s efforts, two institutions were set up, first the Instituto Comercial in 1878,
and some years later, in 1894, the Liceu Nacional de Macau, preparing students for Coimbra
University in Portugal (M. Teixeira, Liceu nacional Infante D. Henrique jubilee de oiro, 1894-1944;
Liceu de Macau. Accessed 30 October 2010). Of these,
the major one came to be the Liceu, corresponding to an English Grammar School. The Commercial
Institute was set up to prepare boys for the limited commercial opportunities that Macau still offered,
or in hope of emigration to Hong Kong or Shanghai. It had taken seven years to achieve this, perhaps
because of the colossal set-back occasioned by the devastating Great Typhoon of 1874. It took a
determined champion, Pedro Nolasco da Silva, to get the school started, and following his death in
1912, it was named in his honour (M. Teixeira, Pedro Nolasco da Silva. See also J. Guedes and J.
Silveira Machado, Duas Instituições Macaenses ).
As attested by a former pupil, Filomena Marie Semiramus Jorge dos Santos in Casa Down Under,
15, 2, June 2003, pp. 5-6.

following a course in what would now be termed English as a Second Language –
utilitarian, basic and almost devoid of literature.

These boys already spoke Portuguese and Cantonese, supplemented by the local
Macanese patuá. English was in fact their fourth language, and they would have
spoken it with a pronounced accent in which the Cantonese glottal stop was
prominent, and with little understanding of the idiom and delicate nuances with
which the English language is endowed. There was only one class in English, and
the school was struggling for enrolments, with only 52 students in its three year
course. 683 Little English was needed in this place. The boys needed to know no more
English than was needed to secure lowly employment in a bank or to get them by in
dealing with what little commerce there was with Hong Kong. 684

Whatever the frustrations of working at a level far below his ability might have been,
the position did at least provide steady employment for J.P. Braga, who had a
growing family. There were two girls and two boys when he left Hong Kong. They

Jean Pauline, born on 23 June 1896, whose second name was also her mother’s
second name.

José Maria [Jack], born on 22 May 1897

Maude Caroline, born on 8 December 1898, named after a maternal aunt and her
paternal grandmother

Delfino [Chappie], born on 13 February 1900, named in honour of his paternal
grandfather, who had died a week earlier.

O. Vaz, ‘The Commercial School: a victory for Macau’, Macau, No. 96, 1996, p. 140.
There was so little of this that from 1846 until 1939 there was no British consulate in Macau (J.M.
Braga, ‘British Consulate in Macau’, Renascimento, 30 September 1945, p. 3. John Rickett, Esq., was
consular agent in Macao, subordinate to the Consul at Canton. There were consuls at all five Treaty
Ports, but not at Macau (AngloChinese Calendar, 1845, pp. 33-34). By 1846, even this agency
appears to have been closed. Hongkong Almanack, 1846, p. [6]). The Protestant chapel, last known to
be used in 1860 (S. Braga, ‘Macau puts on a show’, Casa Down Under: Newsletter of the Casa de
Macau, Australia, vol. 22, no. 2, July 2010) was then abandoned, and was eventually occupied by a
fireworks factory that enjoyed rent-free premises until Bishop Duppuy, the Anglican Bishop of
Victoria, Hong Kong began to take an interest in 1921 (J. Crouch-Smith et al., Macau Protestant
Chapel, a short history, pp. 24, 58; L.T. Ride, An East India Company Cemetery, p. 63).


The Braga Family circa 1903

Delfino “Chappie” Braga Olive Pauline Braga Maude Braga Jean Pauline Braga
Carolina Maria de Noronha Braga (mother of J.P. Braga)
Clement Braga José Maria “Jack” Braga

J.M. Braga Pictures Collection, Box 2, National Library of Australia

They were growing up in a most unpromising environment. A Hong Kong journalist,
Carlos Montalto de Jesus, was at that time writing an improbable book, Historic
Macao, published in English in Hong Kong in 1902 at a time when few if any
English people cared anything about Macau and would be unlikely to buy a book
about it. In Macau, people were uninterested in their past, and unreflective about it.
The picture that Montalto de Jesus painted of the present and future of Macau was

The resources and opportunities of the Macaenses, their maritime
and commercial activity, their hardihood and prestige, are all a dream
of the past. Whilst improvidently increasing and multiplying abroad,
they are constantly decreasing in number at Macao, mostly in
consequence of the new generation emigrating in search of
employment, of bread, which Macao, alas, cannot give to her own
hapless sons, destined to vegetate as the proletariat of prosperous
foreign communities in the Far East, to eke out a jaded, hopeless


existence, to which is condemned many a gifted, promising youth,
thus blighted like the doomed regeneration of Macao. 685
For J.P. Braga, the experience can only have been dreary and frustrating, but it was
in his nature to give it his best effort. When he left for Hong Kong in August 1902,
Gomes wrote a warm letter of congratulations and thanks, concluding, ‘Amigo muito
grate’ – ‘Your most grateful friend’. 686 J.P. Braga left a good name behind him. An
indication of this is that some twenty years later, his son Jack, despite having left
Hong Kong in disgrace, was also given employment as a teacher in Macau.

Braga had no intention of dropping out of sight, but his future must have seemed
bleak, especially when he had come to distrust what he later called ‘the commercial
immorality of the place’. 687 A way out of this entrapment came from what may have
been a wholly unexpected quarter. This was an approach from Robert Ho Tung, who
suggested that J.P. Braga should apply for the position of Manager of the Hongkong
Telegraph. 688 He wrote: ‘I have succeeded in bringing up your name to the notice of
the board without their knowledge that you would be a very suitable man to become
the manager of the paper.’ 689

The Hongkong Telegraph had been published for some twenty years, but had a
dubious reputation. 690 What was needed was a good manager as well as a good

C.A. Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macao, p. 424.
P. Gomes to J.P. Braga, 26 August 1902. J.P. Braga Papers, MS Acc08/113.
J.P. Braga to his son Tony, 13 August 1934. A.M. Braga Papers.
A.M. Braga, South China Morning Post, 31 May 1987.
R. Ho Tung to J.P. Braga, letters, 8 May, 15 May 1902, J.P. Braga Papers, National Library of
Australia, MS Acc08/113.
It is necessary to explain why Braga’s background and hands-on approach made him Ho Tung’s
favoured candidate for a position with considerable difficulty. The Telegraph was one of three
English language newspapers then published in Hong Kong. These were the old established China
Mail, first published in 1846, the Hongkong Daily Press, first published in 1857 and an afternoon
paper, the Hongkong Telegraph, first published in 1881. Another, which appeared in 1903, was the
South China Morning Post, the only one of the four to survive into the twenty-first century. The
Telegraph was founded and edited by an extraordinary man, Robert Fraser-Smith, who developed a
remarkable reputation for creating trouble. He was a member of the group of dissidents with which
Rizal would later be associated during his brief sojourn in Hong Kong. He was frequently hauled
before the courts for libel and usually convicted. In a place where excessive consumption of alcohol
was the norm and was regarded with some tolerance, Fraser-Smith’s heavy drinking drew comment.
When found guilty of libel, with the option of a fine or gaol, he always preferred the prison option,
because it gave him better publicity and perhaps the opportunity to dry out (R. Hutcheon, SCMP The
First Eighty Years, p. 7. Robin Hutcheon observed that Fraser-Smith was given the privilege of living
in ‘first-class debtor’s prison conditions’. There was something of a tradition in this. William Tarrant,
the editor of the Friend of China, who had a grudge against the governor of the day, was thrown into
gaol in 1854. He was housed in the debtors’ wing and given preferential treatment, his dinners being
sent to him by the Hong Kong Club, according to John Luff, ‘the Fourth Estate’, South China
Morning Post, 28 August 1967, cutting in the Paul Braga Collection. Fraser-Smith ran the Telegraph
for fourteen years until his death in 1895. Fraser-Smith’s ‘scurrilous allegations’ throughout this
period had given it a bad name but a reputation for cutting-edge journalism and therefore a continuing

editor, a man with a sound knowledge of the printing industry, a businessman’s
grasp of running a profitable enterprise, a profound understanding of the local scene
and the ability to maintain its high profile in Hong Kong. This was the best prospect
to raise circulation and develop a steady profit. Ho Tung had a man in mind whose
work and capacity he clearly knew. 691 Accordingly, he offered the position of
manager to Braga. 692

Ho Tung had thrown a lifeline to J.P. Braga and to his children. 693 He wrote, using
the surname ‘Braga’ as a salutation. In the accepted courtesies of that era, lasting
until the 1960s, this implied cordiality. ‘Mr Braga’ would be strictly formal and
impersonal. These two men were ‘on terms’.

Hong Kong
My dear Braga,

At a meeting held yesterday afternoon it was decided to appoint
you as the manager of the “Hong Kong Telegraph” on the terms
stipulated in your application. Mr Skertchley will send you draft of
agreement which is being prepared by Mr Sin Tack Fan ... I am
prepared to wait till the rough plan is ready, but I trust you will ...
let me have the sketch as soon as possible, as I may be leaving the
colony for a trip north at a moment’s notice.

readership R. Hutcheon, op. cit., p. 18). The paper was then acquired by an Irish lawyer, John Joseph
Francis, who died in 1901. Francis, sole proprietor from 1895 until 1900, formed the business into a
limited liability company. There followed a series of short editorships, those of Chesney Duncan until
1899, E.F. Skertchley until 1902, and then E.A. Snewin until 1906. After Francis’ death, the majority
shareholding was acquired by Robert Ho Tung and several of his associates ‘who wanted an outlet for
their views’ (R. Hutcheon, op. cit., p. 7). The shares were held in the name of the Chinese Syndicate,
precursor of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce ( Accessed 8
October 2010). Ho Tung knew that the paper lacked stability and steady direction, but considered that
it had potential.
Sir Robert Ho Tung to J.M. Braga, 15 February 1944: ‘Your father and I have been lifelong friends
and on many important occasions have been working together.’ J.M. Braga Papers MS 4300 /13.1/1.
The substance of Ho Tung’s letter was confirmed in notes prepared by A.M. Braga for an
interview with Beverley Howells, A.M. Braga file, p. 4. This led to an article, ‘Braga’s wealth of
Hong Kong stories’, which was published in the South China Morning Post, 31 May 1987.
It is significant that Braga kept the correspondence and the ensuing contract together with a very
small collection of important personal papers that he treasured. Among others were his Certificate of
British Nationality, his wedding certificate, prize lists from St. Joseph’s, St Xavier’s and Roberts
Colleges, a letter from a school chum in India, and little else. When he fled to Macau as a refugee in
1942, these were entrusted for safe-keeping to his daughter, Jean. She did indeed keep them safely for
the rest of her life. They were found after her death in a bank safe-deposit box, and are now in the
National Library of Australia. J.P. Braga Papers MS Acc08/113.

Yours very truly,
Ho Tung 694

His appointment was for a five year term on a salary of $350 plus a guaranteed
annual bonus of 5% of the company’s profit, or $600, whichever was the greater.
The contract provided that ‘it shall be competent for the Company to summarily
dismiss the said José Pedro Braga ... in case the said José Pedro Braga shall prove
habitually intemperate or dishonest...’ 695

Although he was initially appointed for five years, Braga stayed for eight. He turned
around the fortunes and tone of the paper. Hong Kong journalism had for decades
had an unsavoury reputation for ‘a hearty appetite for libel, invective, smear and
emotional gossip.’ 696 Under his control, with an editor who was responsible to him,
he insisted on fair criticism from its editors. 697 By 1908, an exhaustive study of
businesses in the Far East could comment that the three Hong Kong papers ‘were
now in one accord moulded on high principles and thoroughly living down the evil
reputation gained, not undeservingly, in former years’. 698

In 1906, an experienced editor, A.W. Brebner, was appointed and continued until
1910. 699 With Braga as manager and Brebner as editor, the Telegraph became a
model of clear presentation and content that gave reliable news and information,
above all on the shipping movements so essential for this major maritime
community. The young firebrand of the 1890s had mellowed. The Telegraph
continued, as it had done since 1881, to support the Chinese Republican movement.
While that might once have been construed as subversive and embarrassing to the
government, it was obvious after the Boxer rebellion of 1900 that the Qing dynasty’s
days were numbered, and that China needed an effective replacement. A pro-
Republican position was no longer deemed radical.

J.P. Braga Papers MS Acc08/113.
Ibid. Fraser-Smith’s bibulous indiscretions had left a memory that was not easily erased.
R. Hutcheon, op. cit., p. 4.
Ibid., p. 7.
A. Wright and H.A. Cartwright, Twentieth century impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai and other
treaty ports of China, p. 347.
Brebner had experience in the Aberdeen Free Press before going to Jamaica as sub-editor of the
Daily Times, whence he proceeded to Hong Kong in 1906.
Accessed 16 May 2012.

92. and two sons and their wives. A deluge of rain this morning. J. Later that year. and the fact that his obvious integrity and courtesy gave him entry everywhere – these natural advantages enabled him to cover the Hongkong field accurately and thoroughly. caused the collapse of seven houses at Po-hing-fong.M. 239 . near the disinfecting station at Chau-siuki. It was the story of another destructive storm that led to heavy loss of life. his knowledge of Hongkong affairs. Endacott. so that story did well. Hong Kong: a hundred years of church history 1849-1949. 702 700 G. the Telegraph. 700 Bishops do not often drown. but in another it was important.-Reuter. She.E. Braga Papers. Hugh. who was on a pastoral visit by boat. 701 Sydney Morning Herald. then the leading international newsagency. Joseph Charles Hoare. because whatever the outside world knew of the colony passed through his hands. 116-117. and that disasters would be the best means of catching the world’s attention. He realised that local affairs would have little interest elsewhere. would receive two medals for gallantry in saving life during this disaster. he wrote a report that was picked up by a newspaper in drought- prone Australia. 702 Hongkong Telegraph.In 1906 Braga was appointed the Hong Kong correspondent for Reuter’s.1/40. 18 July 1925. An ex-member of the Legislative Council was killed. his faculty for sifting reports for their significance and importance. pp. Braga could not have known when he wrote this report that one of his sons. are among the dead. and on his relinquishing it on 31 August 1931. It was in one sense a small extra commitment. including the Anglican bishop. The total number of persons living in the collapsed houses is believed to be 200. He held the Reuter’s appointment for twenty-five years. the most destructive typhoon in the colony’s history struck.B. So far seven bodies have been dug out from the debris. 701 DELUGE IN HONGKONG. MS 4300/14. The Diocese of Victoria. following the torrential rains of the last few days. Many years later. 4 September 1931. and D. with which he had severed his connection twenty years earlier. with heavy loss of life. It is feared that his mother. fol. his keen ‘nose for news’. remarked: His long residence here.

16 May 1929. and would come to take a leading role in its affairs. Wright and H. his was one of nine photographs published in an article on the Hong Kong press in A. p. 703 A. By then regarded as one of Hong Kong’s leading newspapermen. J. and ultimately dependent on his compliance with the wishes of the owners. 705 G. 250. Ho Tung had twice made overtures to sell the paper to the morning paper. 705 Braga had been a member of Club Lusitano since young manhood. 345.P. 1904. an eminent and public-spirited medical practitioner. who was one of the founders of the Hong Kong College of Medicine. Cartwright. 703 Acceptance in the British community.A. 706 The Bye-laws of the Club Lusitano Ltd. Cartwright. A newspaper executive’s position is always precarious. 704 This was a literary and debating society. Twentieth century impressions of Hongkong. Endacott. Wright and H. the South China Morning Post. 704 South China Morning Post.P. but membership of the exclusively British Hong Kong Club was out of the question. 345. Braga as Manager of the Hongkong Telegraph.B. p. forerunner of the University of Hong Kong. started by Sir James Cantlie. for within three years of Braga’s arrival at the Telegraph. contains a list of members. History of Hong Kong. 706 . pp.A. once totally denied to the Portuguese. J. Twentieth century impressions of Hongkong. Shanghai and other treaty ports of China. Braga had become a well-recognised figure in the Hong Kong newspaper world.By 1908. 1908. and he became a committee member of the Odd Volumes Society. Shanghai and other treaty ports of China. rating his own entry and photograph in Wright’s compendious tome on the ports of the China coast. gradually commenced. 240 . That ownership was itself precarious. 282.

His papers contain no record of appreciation from the directors of the Hongkong Telegraph Company. p.1/40. Historic Macao. formerly business manager of the paper. J. ‘At the offices of the Hongkong Telegraph an interesting ceremony took place. 708 Attempting to resolve the rancorous dispute. under the by-line ‘Twenty-Five Years Ago’. Hutcheon. On her death on 21 November 1998. 1908. 708 C. In 1910. Montalto de Jesus. South China Morning Post 31 October 1935.1/40. who has been with the Telegraph for a number of years. Caroline M. Braga.M. It was brought to Australia in February 1999. J. Braga Papers MS 4327. the directors of the Post could not close the deal at a price acceptable to Ho Tung. 712 The presentation was reported in the South China Morning Post 1 November 1910.M.P.A. Although Braga’s contract had specifically absolved him from any responsibility for the paper’s content.M. cit. The illuminated address appears to have been lost. 439-452. the Portuguese government took up the matter of the boundary between Macau and China. Mrs Sheila Potter. Historic Macao. Braga’s daughter. Braga. 3. Montalto de Jesus. 712 707 R. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 710 C. the Hong Kong Government brokered a conference between the Portuguese and Chinese governments. reprinted this item in 1935. but the staff gave him a silver bowl to mark the occasion. never resolved despite the three and a half centuries of Portuguese presence there and much acrimony in the second half of the nineteenth century. Mr. pp. As the Post put it. The previous year. Braga collected the documents prepared to argue the Portuguese case and had them specially bound. 711 In October 1910. daughter of Hugh Braga. this led to a parting of the ways with the Chinese owners of the Telegraph.M. undated [December 1926].’ The Post. 709 The conference dragged on inconclusively from June to November 1909.P. steadfast in his rejection of Portuguese claims to any form of sovereignty. his son Jack observed that his father ‘asked to be excused to retire from the company’. Braga Papers. fol. Braga. it passed to her niece. fol. Kao.M. 709 A Patria. José Braga was a member of the Commissão Portuguesa de Delimiticão de Macau set up for the purpose. 93. when Mr J. Gilding the lily. Transencoes documentos respeitantes os limites de Macau. J. 444. 707 There was a more direct threat to editorial independence. The bowl was latterly in the possession of J. MS 4300/14. J. the connection had been severed. the Chinese commissioner. was presented with an illuminated address and handsome silver bowl. he left the Telegraph to commence his own business. op. 241 . and his colleagues showed their appreciation in a very tangible manner. a keen supporter of Braga.. 711 J. is severing his connection. p.Lacking capital themselves. Braga and Brebner were to discover the limits. A careful search of the original file of the Hongkong Telegraph in the Hong Kong Public Record Office revealed no mention of this presentation. Braga interview. 26.A. 11 June 1972. 710 Brebner also took a partisan stand on the matter in favour of Portugal.

Montalto de Jesus. and daily deadlines cannot be avoided. but her role and that of her sister Corunna. BY THE STAFF OF THE HONG KONG TELEGRAPH IN TOKEN OF THEIR HIGH REGARD AND AFFECTION ON THE OCCASION OF HIS DEPARTURE FROM THE MANAGEMENT 31.A. Increasingly. 713 J. hereafter referred to by the name by which she was known in the family. BRAGA ESQ. 714 Caroline Braga interview. 20 October 1996. should now be examined at greater length. Modern feminists might see Olive as a helpless victim trapped in circumstances from which there was no escape from constant pregnancy and the poverty that inevitably ensued from there being too many mouths to feed. p. and he seems to have given little attention to the parenting of his own rapidly increasingly family. which for more than eight years was bound up with the Telegraph and its associated job printing.P. op. J.P. Braga set out single-mindedly to prove his detractors wrong.The inscription read: PRESENTED TO J. all of whom survived infancy. He had grown up in a household without a father.10. and there was also a miscarriage.. thirteen children were born. Another exceptional feature in a tight-knit community was that José Braga had married outside it. 242 . he gained a reputation as a competent manager. 714 Large families were the norm in the Portuguese community in Hong Kong. As the inscription showed. Braga’s family was a prime example. but there was a personal cost. cit. Newspapers have a relentless pace. 424.10 Like many men who have suffered a severe reversal in their fortunes. Between 1896 and 1914. She could 713 C. ‘Crun’. Besides this he set out to build a public profile as well as acceptance in the Portuguese community.P. but this family was exceptional. Olive Braga’s background has been mentioned briefly in an earlier chapter. Montalto de Jesus had rather sourly commented in 1902 that Macanese families were ‘improvidently increasing and multiplying abroad’. His whole time and attention were given to his career. he achieved both as the years went by.

the eastern Australian colonies and India have also been touched upon. the youngest of her nine sons. 717 P. daughter of Jack. by a well-known Australian children’s writer. particularly her nine sons. no friends outside the family and no time to themselves. received a sound education. The eight girls of the first family were particularly affected by this very unusual background. was adopted. 715 Olive herself had been a member of an exceptionally large Victorian family. 15. died of cancer of the womb. 243 . and led to a scandal in India (P. 196. 25. he formed them into a touring theatrical troupe. but one of his sons set out on a similar tour in 1910 with another troupe called Pollard’s Lilliputian Opera Company. bear’. ‘Lilliputian’. they had a very structured life in which music played a very large part. 5. Their highly successful tours of New Zealand. His children bore their father no bitterness about their treatment.not confide in anyone. the Broken Hill Barrier Miner. 27 April 1910. 716 Interview with his daughter. May Pollard. This prefigured in some ways the milieu in which Olive would later bring up her own large family. 25 March 1910. By then a demanding regimen like this was seen as child abuse. pp. her eldest son. 208). the Adelaide Register. Argus. The Pollards. but greatly respected his firmness and strict control. told two of her granddaughters that her marriage had been nothing but ‘bear. This unhappy episode has also been traversed in a novel. 717 Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels may have painted an idyllic 715 Angela Ablong. bear. Wahroonga. with small children playing adult roles. none of the children being family members. including the Melbourne Age. It was widely reported in the Australian press. and another three children were born. 27-30 April 1910. but also the undoubted fact that several of the children were highly talented musicians and performers. Their success was not only the product of the novelty of this remarkable family. 28. May Pollard was then aged 99. he married her younger sister Corunna Elizabeth. To support this great brood of whom all but two survived infancy. 28 April 1910. 22 April 1910. daughter of Paul. 716 In fact Pollard was looked upon by his contemporaries as a good father and valued citizen. The Pollards. Once they were on tour there were also the incessant demands of practice. Before going on their long tour in 1881. and Frances Rufener. This time the more usual spelling. 24 December 1967. the Pollard Liliputians. She was the thirteenth of the fifteen children of the first marriage of James Joseph Pollard. The younger girls had little schooling. Downes. but towards the end of her life. Kirsty Murray. though all of them. the Adelaide Advertiser. James Pollard died in 1884. Downes. NSW. a piano tuner who emigrated from London to Tasmania in 1854 in search of better opportunities. 12. pp. India Dark. née Weippert. rehearsal and performance and constant moving from one place to another. When his wife Mary Eleanor. 16 April 1910 and the Launceston Examiner 16.

1881. These troupes were an enormous attraction in all parts of the Western world and would never have been thought of as child labour. Nellie and Corunna (named after her aunt and step-mother). 2 February. In those two years she also appears to have been first violin in one of Brisbane’s theatre orchestras. joining her sister Nellie Chester. The Pollards. 20 October 1887. then returning with her to India in 1888. undertaking that their children would be brought up as Catholics. The Pollards had grown up as nominal Anglicans. but Pollard’s Liliputians were less fortunate. Rockhampton. The younger members also had much older brothers and sisters to look after them. P. Perhaps enticed by this attention. This was no life for children. 719 She played solo violin in Brisbane with the Brisbane Orchestral Society conducted by Henry Pollard twice in September 1884 and later gave solo performances at Rockhampton in 1887 and 1888. undated. 13 September 1884. She was highly praised by reviewers (Brisbane Courier. escaped this demanding regime in India in 1884 to get married. This may be a garbled recollection of the original Liliputians’ tour. probably written by her son Tony. They themselves earnestly embraced the Catholic faith. in hindsight. 719 The next ten years were quiet. an obituary in the South China Morning Post. apart from the celebration in Hong Kong in 1891 of Delfino Noronha’s 67th birthday. 14. Paul Braga Papers.i. 1943.’ Email to this writer from Peter Downes. 25 man she scarcely knew. largely because they were all (or mostly) of the same family and travelled with their step- mother and father. The theatrical environment (performers and audiences) in those years allowed and. Downes. Here she once again held centre stage as she had done as a child in the early days of the Pollard Liliputians. 4. encouraged what we would now call the ‘exploitation’ of children on the professional (and amateur) stage. but is the informed opinion of Peter Downes. p. but Corunna and Olive were married in a Catholic church. 720 Olive Braga to her daughter-in-law Audrey Braga. The Pollards were probably treated better than many other troupes of children. Olive returned to Australia. but not in the context of the time. and may have lived in Brisbane with her brother Harry. she returned four years Olive Pollard in later to Hong Kong to marry a glamorous young ‘HMS Pinafore’. occasionally giving public performances as a violinist. 718 No wonder that two of the older girls. but marked ‘received 15 June’. 20 September 2011. However. This is uncertain. 21 November 1887.picture of Lilliput. 15 June 1888). 14 February 1952. Olive later remarked: ‘I was considered very devout – but there was no depth in my religion. Morning Bulletin. She may then have gone to Melbourne. 244 . some of whom were growing into young womanhood. especially girls. indeed.’ 720 718 Peter Downes has observed: ‘Very true.e. claimed that ‘she was engaged to tour Australia and New Zealand with her uncle in a series of concerts’.

Gleanings from South China. 3. 38-42. The limitations of her upbringing remained with her. North Carolina. 721 Lonely and desperate. made worse by the fact that her marriage broke down for a lengthy period between 1900 and about 1906 when she and her husband Charlie Noronha resumed married life. a fine violinist whose performances often drew rapturous applause. followed by more years of the incessant demands of small children and making do with little. Olive kept a tattered copy of their magazine. that told the story of what happened. pp. looking down the road. Olive did not learn Portuguese at all. Winn. again spent in Macau as a refugee. 722 Gleanings from South China. The younger boys wore patched hand-me- downs for many years and were constantly hungry. and she never learned to form close relationships outside the family. whose home base was at Charlotte. Looking up. vol. E. then Olive. the Bible Missionary Society. 1943 to 1945. pp. of the conversion of both sisters in 1905 and 1906: first Crun.P. the two sisters came into contact with missionaries from an American Protestant mission. returning early in 1906 to Hong Kong. 245 .Olive lived in Hong Kong from 1895 until 1900. and the war years. Charlie and Crun went on to enjoy a tranquil old age in a very different culture. 201-202. then in Macau. a Miss F. now became as shut away as though she had entered a contemplative order of nuns. where she lived for most of the rest of her life. no. A girl who had been a child prodigy. Morrison. Lacking Portuguese. Instead of celibacy. Both remained intensely devout Protestants for the rest of their lives. She died on 13 February 1952. apart from a long visit to her sister Nellie in America in 1930-1931.1. 721 Moving first to Manila and in 1930 to the USA. Her sister Crun was in a similar plight. 722 It contains a lengthy account by one of the mission team. she had to endure the constant strain of pregnancy and child-bearing for twenty years. she was shut off from contact with the community in which her husband moved with increasing self-assurance. 12-15. January 1907. and had only a little Cantonese.

R. saying when a Divorce Bill came before the Legislative Council that divorce was ‘a luxury for the leisured’. Caroline said late in life that when her father came home for dinner. Olive never attended any occasion when a wife’s support of a prominent public figure might be expected. 246 . and bitterness had abated during the still more bitter experiences of war. Braga Papers. and his business career would be irretrievably damaged. J. We talked about God.. which is only natural. 723 The circumstances of Olive’s conversion and her husband’s sense of bitterness and devastation are discussed in detail in Appendix 6. The Scylla of divorce in the conservatively Catholic Hong Kong Portuguese community was utterly unthinkable. He chose Charybdis. Olive was intransigently Protestant. Her husband kept up appearances. 21 October 1945. one side of the story. Charlie Noronha. ‘the atmosphere was most unpleasant’. fol. 725 The Critic. greatly affronting Grayburn and stirring up trouble for the editor. However. after her parents had finally separated. José knew that his uncle. J. 28 October 1932. but nearly forty years later. Caroline spoke to her father about those times. Their twelfth child. José resolutely Catholic and deeply traumatised by what had happened. If he did either.3/4. 20 October 1996. 79. Grayburn’s divorce was reported on the front page of the Hongkong Telegraph. He must surely have considered leaving his wife or forcing her to leave him. 26.1/34.M. 5 November 1932. of course. Hutcheon. and the facade of a marriage was maintained by both from then on. MS 4300/14. He used to resent tactlessness and having things thrust on him. 724 South China Morning Post. in 1943. 726 Caroline Braga to this writer. SCMP The First Eighty Years. and he regretted so much that certain missionaries came into Mother’s life with unreasonable ideas which had such an influence on Mother that he could not stand them . 724 This was perhaps an indirect reference to the highly publicised divorce of Vandeleur Grayburn. 725 By 1917 the marriage had effectively ended. his public image would be ruined. and there is another. 726 723 Caroline Braga to James Braga. Braga added that ‘the best thing about divorce is that it is hard to achieve’. Braga Papers MS 4300/13.This was. Chief Manager of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corp.. the Charybdis of putting up with a devoutly Protestant wife was profoundly unpalatable. had separated from Crun and left Hong Kong for Shanghai. He had a choice between Scylla and Charybdis. James Braga Papers.M. had not been born when these events took place. p. Caroline.

Looking up. a leading Brethren elder. They did not consider themselves a sect or a denomination. 12.000 adherents at its height in the 1840s. who also became firm members of the Brethren. It followed that people who became alienated from a religious and cultural community such as the Catholic Church might find a spiritual home among the Brethren. but saw themselves simply as followers of the Lord Jesus Christ. the Brethren have had an influence on Protestant Christianity far beyond their numbers. Morrison. They were incessant and uncritical readers of the Bible. obedient to His Word. and went hand in hand together. v. The Brethren steadfastly refused to count heads – or souls – so that their numbers are impossible to determine. whose religious observance was so utterly different from Catholic worship. hierarchical systems and liturgical forms. All adopted anglicised names: Delf. I am grateful to Mr John R. 730 E. they were members of a family. They were Delfino.W. Although they were never a large movement. D. Robinson. Prince. reverting instead to their view of the practice of the Primitive Church in the Book of Acts when disciples met with each other and with the Lord in the breaking of bread. commonly called ‘Plymouth Brethren’ from their origins in Plymouth in the 1830s. Some religious bodies have more to do with belonging than with believing. As children of God. 247 . Carlos and Umbelina. but for the Brethren. so that in time. The most important single Meeting. 12. seeking to live in the presence of the Lord and were constant in prayer in the literal way that the apostle Paul had enjoined. Anglican Archbishop of Sydney. many of the Brethren came to have close sympathies with mainstream Evangelical churches. looking down the road. 730 727 As the Anglican Marriage Service expresses it. 728 Their emphasis on the Scriptures linked many of them with other conservative Protestants. joined during the following century. was reckoned to have 5. belief and discipleship were paramount. 727 Both women became members of the Christian Brethren movement.B. Crun had three children. 728 Romans 12. which many of them. So it proved for Olive and all but one of her thirteen children. 729 According to the Most Rev. Charlie and Lena. p. Bethesda Chapel in Bristol. 1985-1996. 729 The name of the movement gives a clue to the nature of the people who belonged to it. for checking this comment on the Christian Brethren. and bringing them up ‘in the fear and nurture of the Lord’. or their descendants. They rejected all formal ecclesiastical structures.Crun and Olive threw themselves body and soul into supporting their children.

The baptismal record in the Cathedral register reads. during which time another three sons were born. born 6 December 1903. José returned in August 1902 to Hong Kong. Paul Braga Papers. the husband of his aunt Umbelina [‘Bellie’] Early in 1906 José rented a large house. By October 1910. who lived with the family.i. He was given the baptismal name Anna Noel to conform to the Catholic practice of using a saint’s name. 37 Robinson Road. named for [António] Hugo dos Remédios. returning periodically for recreation and procreation. Carolina. undated. there were four more boys. She stayed there for several more years.After two years in Macau. It is more likely that José Braga's mother. born on 6 December 1903.e. in the Mid-Levels of Hong Kong. leg. refused to leave Macau. It had long been common for Portuguese businessmen to leave their families behind in Macau while they worked in Hong Kong. Anna Noel Braga. all born in Hong Kong. before moving to Kowloon on the other side of the harbour in 1926. 731 Hugh. After her death on 11 January 1906. as transcribed and translated by Carl Smith: ‘Bapt. born at such a critical time in her life. 17 Calcada St Agostinho. 732 The Braga family moved from Macau and lived at Robinson Road for twenty years. 22 December 1903. but was always known as Noel. on the edge of what had become some thirty years earlier the domicile of most of the Portuguese community. soon after José’s return to Hong Kong Noel. The three were: Clemente Alberto [Clement]. soon after his mother’s conversion. born on 28 August 1907. he was able to move his family to Hong Kong. become a Baptist pastor in the United States. named after his uncle who had died of smallpox in 1888. born on 27 April 1906. António Manuel [Tony]. These were: James. 731 The priest thought that he was baptising a girl.’ CS/1021/00200843. Olive would later aver that she had fled Macau to escape earthquakes there. born on 15 February 1905. She would live to see this son. dau. leaving Olive in Macau with her four children. just after her conversion. when José left the Telegraph. 248 . 1943. Sé. born on 23 September 1902. but marked ‘received 15 June’. 732 Letter from Olive Braga to her daughter-in-law Audrey Braga. of José Pedro Braga & Olive Pauline Pollard Braga.

João Vicente [John Vincent]. Olive received strong support from several stalwarts. made them a family group who maintained high standards in all that they did. Ladies’ Bible Class 5. and a Miss Meadows. Both were named in honour of their grandmother. Gospel Meeting 7 p. Dr Harry Lechmere Clift and his wife Winifred. A few group snapshots survive of the seven boys born between 1902 and 1910. Study of Scripture 8 p. J.m. born on 16 June 1910.’ 249 . notably two English medical missionaries.30 p. too.m. the second son. a little further away on Pedder St. Friday. They were far from being a rough street gang: family pride. the Portuguese form of the name. Prayer and Praise Meeting 7-8 p. 7 February 1920 detail the weekly activities of what appears to have been a thriving religious community: ‘Gospel Hall.P. They were a family within the family and remained close for many years...m. now with nine sons. often augmented by uniformed sailors from the ships of the Royal Navy’s China Station and soldiers from the garrison. This was not a family name. which varied between twenty and thirty.m.. Thursday. had run out of people he wished to commemorate.30 p. Carolina Maria. 733 St Joseph’s College had its Religious Instruction. they lived a double religious life. Paul. named after his paternal grandfather. Braga. Above all. Saturday. the gentle influence of a devoted and godly mother counted for much.m. Braga had hoped for another daughter in order to honour his mother’s memory. Carolina Maria [Caroline or ‘Carrie’]. The last two children of this large family were girls. the Braga family formed a substantial part of the congregation.. and its formal. firm school discipline and the strong leadership of Chappie. born on 25 September 1908. stately worship. 733 The Church Notices in the South China Morning Post. 10 and 12 Pedder Street – Sunday. and in the evening to the Gospel Meeting of the Brethren at the Gospel Hall.m.P. J. born on 14 March 1914. Tuesday. Study of Scripture 5. Breaking of Bread for Believers only 11 a. It also seems that he decided not to use Paulo.. born on 19 December 1911 and lastly Maria [Mary]. From about 1907. who had died in 1906. going to Mass on Sunday morning at the nearby Catholic Cathedral. At the Gospel Hall.

accessed. in C. 737 He changed that to: It shall not be long I hope before I shall be able now to start and enjoy serving the Lord. by then employed in a bank. also led the way in their spiritual development. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. The draft survived in the papers of his brother Paul.G. 735 These included Miss Robinson’s Magazine. It grew rapidly to a membership of 100 (St Joseph’s College.1/40. Braga’. passing on tracts and pamphlets that had been written for soldiers. Jack. 738 http://www. 8 May 2011.M. author’s collection. he wrote to his Auntie Crun in Manila expressing his appreciation of her assistance in his spiritual growth.J. an Army officer who was also a keen Catholic layman. Bowen. 734 Hongkong Sunday Herald. Clement and Noel. 734 Over a period of many years. Joseph’s College was established by Major F. A copy of this survives. Sarah Robinson. 11 October 1936.S. Sarah (1834?-1921)’. The reference to lessons suggests that Chappie. presumably Clement. The name of Miss Meadows is to be found in documents connected with three of the older boys. This was a period when strong emphasis was laid on youth movements such as the Young Men’s Christian Association and the Mutual Improvement Associations set up by the Presbyterian Church. fol. manners. 736 Earlier that year he had drafted a letter to his cousin Lena in Manila: I have not been able to enjoy a [week-night] meeting at the Gospel Hall as their services coincide with my Chappie. J. A Historical Dictionary of British while the Boy Scout Movement was founded in Britain in 1908. 19 February 1917. arriving in Hong Kong on 11 September 1913 when the 1st Hong Kong Scout Troop of St. It spread rapidly through the British Empire. the leader of his brothers in most of their activities. It shall not be long I hope before I shall be able to start and enjoy serving the Lord. 736 Delfino Braga to Corunna Noronha. 738 In the next few years until it lapsed during the Great War for want of mature leadership when its senior members were absorbed by the Hong Kong Volunteers. had enrolled in an evening accountancy course. Her aim was ‘to improve the health. 63. produced by a remarkable morals campaigner. 134). ‘Robinson.the daughter of a missionary in Macau.scout. Delfino [‘Chappie’]. bearing the signature ‘C. physical fitness and stamp collecting.’ J. 735 She was a good local example of the wider moral reform movement of the late nineteenth century. p. Hong Kong: diamond jubilee 1975-1935. including sport. the three eldest Braga boys. Hartley. Miss Meadows in particular was a strong influence on the youngsters. 250 . 737 Delfino Braga to Umbelina [‘Lena’] Noronha. Chappie and Clement all joined it. but shall be able to go on Sundays. In September 1917. aged 17. and morals of British soldiers by removing them from their unseemly haunts and by putting them in touch with Christian influences.

741 Letter from A. The Catholic Church too had its sodalities. then aged thirteen. 740 Braga News.M. 8 April 1987. 13 August 1910. They were spellbound by her exquisite violin playing. and led by the clergy. Jack. She would gather them round the piano after school and lead them in singing hymns. Olive’s quiet influence was paramount.M. the boys were required to attend Confession. 741 The double religious life could not last indefinitely. no. She played with such warmth of expression that the tones of her instrument have lived with me all down the years from my early childhood. She kept her troubles private. 251 .M. and my first musical memory is hearing her play Mozart. for she retained a fine instrument made by the great Amati family of Cremona that must have been acquired during the heady early triumphs of the Pollard Liliputians. 3. Braga to Mrs Beverley Howells. the Angelus might be intoned each evening. My mother was a highly talented violinist. 1920s They learned to play themselves. though as childhood advanced into searching 739 ‘There was always music in the house. whether or not they retained her faith. and its impact was designed to be one of wholesome living in mind and body. ca. 8 April 1987. 740 In Catholic homes. Periodically. Braga file. and it will surprise you what the Lord has done’.’ Letter from A. though they tended to be more formal. with its chorus at the end of each verse. the children sang with their mother the Revival hymn ‘Count your many blessings’. and her children saw only a loving mother seeking to share with them her strong Christian faith.M. It remained graven on their memory to the end of their days. MS 4300/2. violin sonata in E minor [K 304]. Hugh Braga album starting in infancy on a quarter-sized instrument. name them one by one. A.739 Olive Braga reading her Bible. produced a hand-written ‘Braga News’ which advertised that ‘lessons in music will be given free of charge by mother to anyone’. ‘Count your blessings. but in the Braga household. Besides the Brethren. Braga Papers. J.1/3. Braga to Mrs Beverley Howells.While not specifically Christian it was certainly Christian in tone.

refused to go to Mass any more. one of the very few Portuguese families in Hong Kong to become Protestant.P. It seldom surfaced. 742 J. 743 Their conversion meant the severance not only of attendance at Mass each Sunday. Braga. Impotence and frustration led to estrangement. There was trouble at home and school. Braga Papers. He wrote. apart from an attempt made by Noel in 1926 to convert him. though his elder sister Jean counselled him not to open wounds. 252 .P. to Jack. If I had only spoken the words clearly and at the right time. Braga was angry. At some time about 1917. Braga to J. but the end of their connection with the Portuguese Catholic community as well. He sent the letter. concluding: My disobedience to the voice of the Lord condemned me terribly.P. They remained to varying degrees anti-Catholic from then on. J.M. There was nothing that J. He wrote a long account of the confrontation in his diary.M. but they did not recant. what a difference there might have been! As a result of my disobedience great troubles might come and Father may be much more difficult to reach. scored across with red pencil. Braga could do about it. J.3/2. That community regarded Protestants with fear and loathing. his father’s reaction was swift and bitter. 8 May 1926.adolescence. there was a group reaction – the word ‘revolt’ may not be too strong – and all but Jack. For almost the whole Braga family to have turned against the Church and thrown in their lot with the Protestants was almost beyond belief. the only remaining Catholic. 742 His children never discussed religious matters with their father. furiously: This is adding greater sorrow to my complete disappointment in James. With every year I find life’s cup of sorrow in the family gets a larger fill. Noel distraught. in which both odium theologicum and economic thraldom played a part. 5 June 1929. they began to question the necessity for auricular confession. That finished with both the older and the younger man adopting entrenched positions. 743 Noel Braga Diary. there was endless and horrified gossip. but when James wrote to his father in 1929 telling him that he intended to study at Moody Bible Institute at Chicago. who had already left school. In this close-knit community. MS 4300/2.

soon to number thirteen. J. people may have seen that J. like their father.P. but the Protestant Bragas also regarded themselves as ‘PBs’ – the usual abbreviation for ‘Plymouth Brethren’. and that his two eldest sons. processed food stuffs or animal products. a catalogue of the products he planned to import.In the end. Jack commenced with the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corp. and most items in the lengthy list were either the handicrafts of cottage industry. Philomeno [‘Meno’] Baptista. Chappie’s account book shows that in 1917 he was paid $20 a month by his employer. One was the necessity of securing an income adequate to provide for a family of eleven children. The Industrial Revolution that would transform China in the late twentieth century lay far into the future. That did not translate into a suitable commercial opening.P. was the fact that he was by now a well-known public figure. in the form of a small book. 253 . he faced an uncertain future for the third time in his life. 744 In coming to that conclusion. Jack and Chappie. though. The list was arranged from A to Z rather than in product type. with a proven record of managerial experience in printing and publishing. they were termed) had thrown their lot in with the British in the hope of improving their standing in the community and thus their prospects in life. Macau. less forbidding difference. 24 November 2010. He rented premises in the heart of the city at 16 Des Voeux Road. perhaps indicating the vendor’s inexperience in wholesale marketing. and published. Paul Braga Papers. 744 Interview. Braga’s business career had not prospered as well as he might have wished. Credit Foncier. Braga had indeed found it difficult to develop a prosperous business after he left the Hongkong Telegraph in October 1910. Not yet forty. This time there were significant differences. ‘destined to vegetate as the proletariat of [this] prosperous foreign community in the Far East’. had both become poorly paid bank clerks. so he determined to set up in business as a printer and as an importer of Chinese smallgoods. they were examples of the ‘gifted. the only sense members of the Portuguese community could make of it was that the Protestant Bragas (‘PBs’. promising youth’ of the Portuguese community. The Catholic community would not have realised it. and Chappie with the French bank. 745 Perhaps their younger siblings hoped not to be. The calamities that befell both Jack and Chappie before 1920 devastated their family and had far-reaching consequences for the seven younger sons that will be discussed in a later chapter. Commercial Products of South China. it was seen as a cynical economic exercise. Another. as Montalto de Jesus had expressed it. not a religious conversion. Central. In short. 745 On leaving school.

Yet it was the only way forward for Braga. Portuguese merchants at Macao were not above trafficking in the “black mud” of such evil repute’. increasingly. Braga would write. 254 . 63. On at least one occasion. all from Siam. Simão d’Araújo Rosa Sr. 747 However. had once had in the mid-eighteenth century. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. that struggle took a turn that in later years he would have wished to forget. and presumably in other years. discussing the rapid growth of the opium trade in the late eighteenth century.051 piculs of human hair was valued at £163. At 60 kg per picul. rice. such as cumquats Soy sauce – casks of 667 lb. blinds and furniture Buffalo horns Castor Oil Fans (Palm Leaf) Feathers Firecrackers – a big selection of these Ginger Glue Human hair (drawn. in 1917.P. Braga. However. Joss sticks Mats and matting Peanuts and peanut oil Preserved fruit. 747 J. unwashed) – supplied in cases of 133 ½ lbs. His struggle continued to be. ‘a large business was done in Feathers and Human Hair’. there were few differences in this list of commodities. 746 This enterprise resumed a trading connection with Siam that his great-great- grandfather. Nevertheless. a lonely one. 1841-1920. p. Some examples are: Bamboo brushes. in many varieties and qualities. he approached the Macau government for a share in that 746 Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hongkong. In 1943. J. 66 noted that in 1919. who obviously lacked the capital and the contacts with British businessmen to set up anything more substantial. in 150 years trade had been transformed. and none of his sons became partners in it.P. In 1920 the export of 7. or. Lastly. but not for this trader. or 45 gallons Tobacco leaf – in bales of 146 ½ lb. p. It never became a large one. desperate for income. as it had always been. ‘sad to relate. Most of these local products were low in value by comparison with manufactured products imported from Europe.429. this amounts to more than 4 tonnes of human hair. from Japan. In that long passage of time. the careful planning and presentation of his catalogue indicates how thoroughly he had planned and set up his business.

Pedido de J. with a local flavour. J. ‘Old Hongkong resident’. P.M. powerfully enhancing the role of the Press as the Fourth Estate. the local sole contractor was referred to as the opium ‘farmer’. It appears that the bid was unsuccessful. Macau.’ J. Braga remained wedded to the world of print. His son Tony remarked: In his time J. 4. Although all the opium was imported from Calcutta. 751 It may have been this practice that in 1925 led the Post to crack down on writers who ‘deem it meet to infuse into their criticisms thinly veiled abuse under the cloak of anonymity.P.500 taéis de ópio cozido pertencentes à companhia concessionária cessante Tai Seng. chairman of the board of the South China Morning Post.B. 63. This person had a five year contract. Scott Harston. He gradually built up a high profile in Hong Kong at large and in the Portuguese community in particular. Braga.M. Though no longer a newspaper man.traffic. though the file was active for six months. em nome de um sindicato que pretendia concorrer à arrematação do exclusivo do ópio. and he constantly stressed the need for a fairer deal for the local born. 750 Notes prepared by A. In them he exposed much that was wrong with the social system in those days. Parliament. 7052. de 3. suggesting that the market was dwindling. 21 November 1917-28 May 1918. Braga for an interview with Beverley Howells. Quantities were controlled. de Hong Kong. Braga file.. but he continued to march to the same drumbeat. cit. unlike some who adopted a nom de plume such as the clichéd ‘Pro Bono Publico’. to Henry Ching. Under an Anglo-Portuguese treaty signed in 1913. the opium trade was allowed to continue both in Hong Kong and Macau for local consumption only. When its contract expired in 1917. Command Paper. with an annual limit of 260 chests for Macau. J. A. the editor. as reported by a later editor. p. Great Britain. it appears that 3. Trespasse à Companhia Iau Seng. 749 It was inevitable that Braga would seek to take a prominent part in public affairs. He always signed his letters.P. ‘A Briton’. 748 In Macau this was held by a company called Tai Seng. April 1987. The brash gossoon who had rushed into print with Rights of Aliens in 1895 was now more temperate in his views. or. File No.P. Braga headed a syndicate seeking sole rights to sell this remaining opium at auction before a new contract came into effect. 255 .MO/AH/AC/SA/01/06290.500 taels (131 kg) of prepared opium remained unsold. para lhe ser concedido um periodo de 10 dias com vista à preparação do ópio antes do início do contrato. op. 750 Letters to the editor have always been a prominent feature of newspapers in the British tradition. probably contributed more letters to newspapers in Hong Kong than anyone else. 749 Arquivo Histórico. 1913. 751 748 Agreement between the United Kingdom and Portugal for the regulation of the opium monopolies in the colonies of Hong Kong and Macao. p. Robin Hutcheon.

It took much longer for the first Portuguese Justice of the Peace to be appointed. R. to Chinese. The former Chief Justice received $6. who had lived in Hong Kong for 44 years. who had been the proprietor of Noronha & Co.L. The unwritten policy of exclusion extended.The role of the Portuguese community in Hong Kong remained problematical. a group of twenty-four leading members of the Portuguese community. Braga did not attend the ceremony. Annual Report 1893.528.368. 754 Braga must have 752 Januário Carvalho. Boys educated locally would never again receive these appointments. When ‘Edward Joseph Noronha’ – he was thus named in the Government Gazette – was appointed a Justice of the Peace in 1916.M. Chief Clerk of the Colonial Treasury. reproduced in this book. 87.A. had retired on a pension of $2.C. a few wealthy Chinese had by the late nineteenth century achieved a degree of prominence that could not be ignored. since 1910. 558. 754 A. was. son of Leonardo. Noronha’s death in March 1921 was described as a serious loss. one of the two major Portuguese community associations in Hong Kong. Braga. Pensions of this magnitude paid to Portuguese would be unthinkable by the 1920s. 113. Jorge da Silva. in the back row. the significant appointment of Justice of the Peace was granted to a few Chinese. Jarman.P. 1841-1941. shows his eldest son Jack. both in the Government Service and in the principal mercantile hongs. 17. no. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. The political consequences of this will be discussed in the next chapter. Alexandre Grandpré. In the meantime. Silva received $2. April 1922. Hurley. 753 Those responsible positions were seen as the birth right of men who were educated in the English Public Schools. 256 . Picturesque Hongkong. R. but also to the Colony at large.C. Carvalho – was not repeated in the following generations as the British colonial service became far more highly structured and stratified. pp.A. including J. 2. 118. J. 752 It followed that local people were excluded from the upper levels of Government Service. then aged twenty. much greater than it is today. not only to the Catholic community.P. wrote in 1923: In the early days the number of Portuguese residents in the Colony all holding responsible positions. 7. vol. but the official photograph. p. The early prominence of a few who had held significant Government positions – the d’Almada brothers.000. p. The Rock. and was President of the Club de Recreio. However. as they were in private enterprise. J. of course. p. in proportion. Silva and J. his cousin. 93. This was Eduardo José (‘Edo’) Noronha. presented him with a silver rose bowl. Hurley. The Portuguese in Hong Kong. 753 R. Indians and Eurasians as well as to Portuguese.

25 April 1919. On 5 February 1935. 755 Other community positions followed in the next few years. at the request of Sir William Shenton. The protracted dispute came to a head with a proposal for port works in Macau alleged by the Canton authorities to encroach on Chinese territory. Joseph’s College golden jubilee celebrations: brief historical retrospect. 17 May 1926. 759 He had earlier been the occasional speaker at the college’s golden jubilee in 1926. Braga. had British names. the Hong Kong Government brokered 755 Hongkong Government Gazette. it appears as Appendix 7. when J. 1926. The Prince of Wales visited Hong Kong in 1922 during a year-long tour of the Empire. The Rock.P. 756 He was for many years a very loyal supporter of St Joseph’s College. but it was revived in 1928. He was often 757 present on its public occasions. 6 March 1920). he put his own nine boys through the school. p. Work eventually 257 . a former pupil. Braga Papers. on the 17th May.1/40.1/40. 1. 102 in number. fol. for in 1919 he too was appointed a JP. Braga Papers. 1. all British. 9 May 1919. fol. Hong Kong: diamond jubilee 1975-1935. vol. to the great displeasure of NCOs in the Macau garrison. who demanded that he explain his actions (South China Morning Post. 757 Such as the prize-giving in 1920. He joined the committee of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals – it was not yet the RSPCA – and earned the comment ‘he has done much valuable work for local causes’. J. 761 Despite the on-going turmoil in China following the 1911 revolution. by then eminent in the community. Being an Address delivered at the College by Mr. 760 St. 300. It was then stated that the association was founded almost fifteen years earlier. p. November 1920. It was an embarrassment painfully reminiscent of more than two centuries of Macau’s humiliation in dealing with the Chinese Empire. MS 4300/14. An early student of St Joseph’s and a distinguished alumnus. Hongkong Government Gazette.M. St Joseph’s College. 2. and noted that ‘Father’s address was a feature of the occasion’. 15 January 1929.1. July 1928. Also. no. 1. 230. no.1. 7. J. MS 4300/14. new series vol.. 21 were Chinese. He did not have long to wait. 756 South China Morning Post.M. Of these. p. 759 The Rock. 758 South China Morning Post. p. The Governor of Macau reluctantly sanctioned this. Too lengthy to be included here. In 1914 he was ‘the leading spirit in the formation of the first Old Boys’ Association. 15 January 1929. The remainder. he prepared a list of all the committees to which he had belonged. It appears not to have survived World War I. and 134 non-officials.reflected that the appointment could have been his had events not conspired against him in 1900.M.P. 7. In 1919 there were 60 official JPs. 760 He remained interested in the running sore that was the dispute between Portugal and China concerning the boundary of Macau. Noel Braga Diary. J. was President. His son Noel was present. 761 Once again. Braga.P. J. 758 It was short-lived. Braga was a member of the Executive Committee set up to make suitable arrangements. 1 Jewish and 4 Portuguese. of which he was the Honorary Secretary’. J. 134. Braga Papers MS 4300/13. hence in 1914. the Canton authorities took strong exception to a major land reclamation project planned by the Macau government for many years and finally commenced following World War I. the contractor was forced to stop work when Chinese workers refused to continue. 6 Parsee or Indian. Early in 1920.

M. Paiva. a year later: he has laboured. Macau. where development had been slow since it was added in 1860 to the Colony of Hong Kong. often in the face of great difficulties. 1996. founded a monthly Catholic periodical. adding. he chose to use a nom- de-plume. Historical and statistical abstract of the colony of Hongkong. J. 768 The Rock. 767 The issue for April 1922 contained a full-page photograph of Braga. and Braga.1/3. 22 March 1926. It was. 765 J. Its inclusion in this official compendium of significant events suggests that this step was regarded by senior government officials as important. no longer contributed to it. vol. 763 Letter to J. 258 . the Portuguese decoration gave him still more respect in the Portuguese community. F. ‘A home shared by Hong Kong’s Portuguese community’.M. Unusually. in October 1929. p. Braga Papers. 763 If his appointment as a Justice of the Peace gave him greater standing in the Hong Kong community. 26 October 1929. 767 The Rock. Braga Papers MS 4300/13. 768 resumed on the harbour reclamation and was largely completed by 1926 at a cost of more than HKD $6 million (South China Morning Post. 762 Some years later.J. 765 A long-standing member of Club Lusitano.M. ‘St Josephian’. No. pp. draft notes for Chapter 20. Braga The Portuguese in Hongkong and China.P. Braga became its leading contributor. 762 J. Braga Papers. 10. 587. he commented later. July 1923. and he has had no small share in bringing it to its present position as the English Catholic magazine of the Far East. an ‘ever-recurring problem’. he was appointed Comendador da Ordem de Cristo by the Portuguese government in recognition of his role in the conference. who had founded the Boy Scouts in Hong Kong in 1913 and revived it on his return from the Great War. J. 69. whose public career was increasingly busy. After about 1928 it became the vehicle for the Jesuits in Hong Kong. describing him as a member of the editorial staff. for his regular and penetrating observations on the local scene. 766 An incomplete list of the Presidents of Club Lusitano published in 1996 failed to include his name.a Macau Boundary Delineation Conference to deal with the issue. 766 In 1920. held at Hong Kong in 1921. 764 His letters to the newspapers were full of ideas about the progress of this peninsula on the north side of the harbour. 65. MS 4300/14. he joined the committee of the Kowloon Residents’ Association. MS 4300/13. 96. Following the family’s move to Kowloon in 1926. The Rock. to maintain the high literary and artistic standard set by the founders of the magazine.3/3. p. Bowen. 3.P. Braga took a leading part in the conference. especially in Kowloon. 20. 1-8. T. he was elected President in 1927.1/40 passim. 1920-1932. Braga from the Governor of Macau. p. which had been founded in 1919. 1841-1920. no. 9 January 1920. 764 South China Morning Post.

which is in some respects the child of that movement. and maintained in the records of the Hong Kong Bureau of Census and Statistics. and F. be aggressive. 233-239. take up the task!’ a call perhaps consciously reminiscent of the well-known flourishes of his antecedents. and the repercussions were felt in Hong Kong. has become the standard work. these years were not all a story of steady advancement. What had once been the great Chinese Empire was wracked by civil war throughout the decade and Chinese nationalism began to assert itself. and other cities. 126-134. Braga. 1911-1949. China Readings – 2: Republican China: nationalism. 770 There was overcrowding 769 The May Fourth Movement has received rather less attention than the subsequent rise of the Chinese Communist Party. Schell. not servile. The troubles in China led to a flood of refugees to Hong Kong. The May Fourth Movement was an intellectual turning point in Chinese reactions to the outside world. 252-256. Between 1915 and 1925. Latourette. The revulsion of Chinese intellectuals at their country’s humiliation by Japan’s twenty-one demands in 1915 and the subsequent indignities inflicted on China at the Versailles Conference in 1919 led directly to the May Fourth Movement. pp. with many Chinese escaping official notice.For J. 1839-1923. 769 There were soon far-reaching consequences that would be calamitous for many people in Hong Kong. The May Fourth Movement: intellectual revolution in modern China.S. Among the principles of the ‘Call to Youth’ by Chen Duxiu in 1915 were ‘be independent. The official history of the South China Morning Post characterised the decade after World War I as ‘the chaotic twenties’. Hong Kong and Shanghai were obvious foci of discontent. Teng and J.100. K. ‘youth. Cambridge. The turmoil that followed the 1911 revolution in China showed no signs of abating. China’s Response to the West. The later study (1960) by Chow Tse-Tsung. Harvard University Press. and the rise of communism. a documentary survey. Although it obviously smacks of a journalistic headline. 242-245. It was a seminal event that radicalised Chinese intellectual thought. the population increased from 509. However. unrest there could not be dismissed as only the by-product of Chinese troubles. Mass. especially pp. Discussion of it includes. A History of Modern China. Schurmann and O. war. Rousseau and Marx. not retiring’..P. It was always recognised that the actual population was likely to be at least 20% higher. the comment was just. He concluded. pp. 64-86. 259 . beginning in Peking on that day in 1919. There followed serious trouble in Shanghai.200 to 725. Hong Kong found itself an immediate target of Chinese dissatisfaction with the status quo of subjection to foreigners. initially. 770 As recorded in the Hong Kong Blue Book. S. much less a triumphal progress. Fairbank. Harvard East Asian Studies.

but engineers and fitters formed the Chinese Engineers Guild. 1912-1941. p. cit. with a Chinese Seamen’s Union being established. 89 777 R. Miners. 773 This at once precipitated the called- for general strike. Braga’s office staff at once departed. Chung Lu Cee. ‘A Study of the 1925-26 Canton-Hong Kong Strike-Boycott’.. which went on strike for higher pay in April 1920. op. 60. It was fired upon by European police from the British concession. 771 With shipping at a standstill for eight weeks. There was little unionism in Hong Kong. 85. p. With the colony crippled. A settlement was negotiated by Sir Robert Ho Tung. respected by both sides and himself a major shipowner. the strike soon leading to a general strike and the exodus of much of the Hong Kong Chinese population to Canton. 11-14.P. op. MA thesis. after the 1922 experience.000 Europeans joined a labour force to keep essential services going. Miners. There were food riots and looting in 1919 when there was a critical shortage of rice and thus desperation among the Chinese population.of squalid tenements and a huge increase in rents. cit. 773 R. p. with compensation for their lost income during the strike. p. pp. Hutcheon. Chung Lu Cee. op. N. That additional cost was a particularly bitter pill to swallow for the shipowners. After World War II. This inevitably led to further industrial action. 775 However. the shipowners. contingency plans had been made in Hong Kong to keep essential services going. 93. 774 Thousands more did the same. 777 771 R. 774 Noel Braga Diary. Shameen. and there was serious loss of life. the union quickly won. with 52 people killed and 117 wounded. The Hong Kong Volunteers were called out. Ho Tung emerged as the man of the hour and personally guaranteed the fund. University of Hong Kong. who had to subscribe to a fund to pay it. 11-14.. troops patrolled the streets to maintain order and 2. 772 N. but this was a massive defeat for the Hong Kong Government. 775 R. There was loss of life when striking domestic servants making their way on foot towards the border were fired upon. who used his immense prestige and wealth to resolve an apparently intractable situation. 57. were forced to give way. believing rumours that the government would poison the water supply. cit. pp. 23 June 1925. a move backed by the local authorities there. 776 Ibid. Chung Lu Cee. cit. 260 . op. Hong Kong under imperial rule. backed by the Hong Kong Government. 776 The British knew that they could rely on ‘the staunch and ever loyal Portuguese’. It too went on strike in January 1922. they were no longer prepared to be taken for granted. 772 Far worse was to come when an unruly demonstration in Canton on 23 June 1925 called for another general strike against British imperialism. The servants in the Braga household and J... p. Most of the strikers’ demands were met.

he resorted to a Hong Kong University limited form of gunboat diplomacy. A subdued strike committee saved face by organising a demonstration on ‘Double Tenth’.The strike was less effective than the two earlier strikes had been. although essential services were maintained. op. Sir Cecil Clementi. the fifteenth anniversary of the 1911 Revolution. 779 N. an effective boycott of British goods and shipping. traditionally effective on the China coast. proposed robust military action that would have been tantamount to a third Chinese War. and vowing to continue the struggle against 778 R. pp. 54. 119. though it was applauded by the local British population. The number of ships entering Hong Kong harbour fell by 60%. celebrating their achievement. p. He has been criticised for allowing the ruinous boycott to drag on for another year. However. but refused to give way to political demands unacceptable to London and to a scale of compensation that he regarded as blackmail. inherited an unprecedentedly difficult situation. 778 Stubbs’ successor. Wisely. he consulted his Executive and Legislative Councils in five joint sessions in the next twelve months of 779 Sir Cecil Clementi. The Governor of Hong Kong. 10 October. by the cat’ did not appeal to the local Chinese population.. in September 1926. who arrived in October 1925. Detail of a portrait held by Eventually. but this was not the massive use of force and firepower that Stubbs had sought. 293 n 36. most businesses were running again. 1926 economic calamity and political stalemate. but the Colonial Office rejected any such suggestion.. Stubbs’ proposal ‘to appeal to their deepest feelings — that is. 261 . organised by the strike committee in Canton. Chung Lu Cee. cit. continued for 15 months. cit. by sending marines to Canton and clearing the pickets from the wharves. Officials in London correctly judged that Hong Kong could not be starved into submission as Macau had been on many occasions during the previous three centuries. Miners. Sir Reginald Stubbs. British public opinion or the Foreign Office. and by September. A gunboat was moored there to keep them away. op.

Braga was no exception. the boycott was quietly dropped. 785 In 1935 imports and exports were down to half their 1931 values. p. It is hard to see another governor dealing with the situation more effectively. 780 While one British writer.P. Nevertheless. p. Chung has mounted a more persuasive argument. 783 The loss of trade has been estimated at up to HK$500. has seen this as a result of Clementi’s patient negotiation and firm if limited action. Imports fell by 19. with an additional $500. 786 N. cit. Miners. 782 Ibid. p. 784 Recovery would be slow and protracted. 262 . Chung deals with them in two lengthy chapters. Many people were ruined. 179-304 781 R. given what Chung has described as the ‘nebulous and ever-changing political situation at Canton’. pp. Chiang did not favour the idea of having to deal with troubles from the British at Hong Kong in the south while campaigning in the north. cit. 780 The tortuous and ineffectual negotiations with the left-leaning Canton authorities only terminated with the ascendancy of the Kuomintang. and trade between Canton and Hong Kong slowly recovered. 19. R. pp.. Miners. 1933. 306. cit.000. 784 N. op. cit. op. and before it did occur. already seen as a promising young executive.. Chung Lu Cee. p. At the time. commerce was again hit badly by the Great Depression a few years later. 785 Hong Kong Annual Report. the long boycott was an economic catastrophe.imperialism. 781 It was for Clementi a victory of sorts. 786 The deteriorating economy seriously affected the business confidence of the colony.000. he shared something of his troubles with his son Noel. op. 15. 23. Miners. Clementi realised that the vehemence of the political storm in Canton had to run its course. Chung Lu Cee. She has established that the end of the boycott was ordered by Chiang Kai-shek once he gained the ascendancy in Canton..6% from the previous year’s value. Chiang was primarily preoccupied with the military expedition against the militarists [in the north]. The settlement of the strike boycott was therefore considered necessary. 783 Extensive detail is given by R. cit. p.000.7% and exports by 14. op. 128-140. 305. and J. op.. 782 With long experience as a younger man in the colonial service in Hong Kong.000 wiped from Hong Kong property values and share prices. Nevertheless..

was already working.P. Tomes & Co. 790 In this weltanschauung a minor Portuguese local had no place. Braga Papers. 790 D. p.. An extremely active – even aggressive – enterprise. 272. he admitted to his son Jack that he had rashly borrowed on margin to speculate on the stock market. Braga might well have supposed that the worst of his troubles were behind him. Braga spoke of The collapse resulting from the strike and boycott on the 22nd June 1925.B. to become Shewan. 21 October 1931.. which resulted in his losing all his savings when the market collapsed. That was a disastrous year for the Portuguese of Hong Kong. Many savings of a lifetime vanished into thin air on that fateful afternoon in mid-June.M. Braga to J. before the crash of 1925.P.P. Braga. He said that everybody who had money lost and those who did not lose were those who did not have the money to lose. 789 J. 787 Fifteen years later. inasmuch as the money which he had hoped to retire on has been snatched out of his hands. It can be very embarrassing and ruinous. The firm was wound up in 1891 and Shewan & Co. I went to Father’s room. Charles Alexander Tomes. MS 4300/2. J. At times he would stop to say how unfortunate circumstances have been and how cruel the present trouble has been. Portuguese pioneering: a hundred years of Hong Kong.P. as it were. The date was actually 23 June 1925. it developed wide- ranging business interests in several cities. All these disadvantages and avoidable loss should impress on you the folly of over-speculation when you are not in a position to take up your forward commitments.3/8. and he is left with heavy debts to pay without hope of being able to meet his liabilities at present . but Robert Gordon Shewan was an exception to this arrogant outlook. On the Portuguese side what was most resented was ‘the calm British assumption of superiority’. in 1881 where another Englishman. He had caught the eye of one of the few successful British businessmen to treat members of the Portuguese community as anything other than underlings beneath their notice. Great Britain and Europe in the eighteenth century. p. 263 . 788 Privately. Shewan had joined the long-established American firm Russell & Co. and as general managers and agents for 787 Noel Braga Diary. 789 By the early 1920s. J. took its place. in 1895. and we talked about his financial difficulties. 12. in a broadcast talk marking the centenary of Hong Kong. Horn. after much hesitation. J. 6 May 1926.M. 788 J. Braga.

assessed on their performance in court. while J.P. Miners. hardware. 264 . fire-crackers. 792 S. 794 N. and others. 793 It was the beginning of a fulfilling career for both. Lawyers could be. as by the early twentieth century it had become one of the major firms in the Far East. who became its company secretary while still in his early twenties. Bard. Electricity supply here since 1890 had been the monopoly of the Hong Kong Electric Company. 77. p. 793 N. in much the same way that the heads of major companies were elected to the Shanghai Municipal Council. 791 The rise of Shewan. Braga’s political career in the ensuing decade would hardly have been possible had he not held some reasonably significant position in business. he never recovered financially from the major setback of the 1925-1926 strike and boycott. 111. as it was usually known. A necessary first step towards higher office for anyone in public life in Hong Kong was committee work in some position open to public scrutiny. 130-131. 249. D.many others. tea. and also employed one of his sons. four appointed 791 Initially Shewan.P. 30. glassware. are both dealt with in the next chapter. Tomes & Co dealt with the commodities that Russell & Co had exported from Canton through Hong Kong for half a century – raw silk. 795 South China Morning Post. and were.. cit. rattan. Power. and imported cottons. op. Foreign Traders in Hong Kong. However. The two aspects of his public life. p. despite his prominent position. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch. pp. where the demand for electricity was far smaller than on Hong Kong Island. p. and wine and spirits. It was set up in 1883 following a damning report prepared by Osbert Chadwick on the appalling sanitary conditions in the colony. vol. Braga to join the board of China Light. Shewan invited J. 1990. hemp. silk piece goods. As it expanded it acquired shipping. was spectacular. Noel gave his father unswerving support and loyalty despite the religious gulf that divided them. matting. Initially comprising four officials. insurance and manufacturing agencies. commercial and political. ‘Hong Kong's Hongs with Long Histories and British Connections’. woollens. 794 Prominent businessmen such as the Chief Manager of the Hongkong Bank and the General Manager of Jardine’s were automatically appointed to the Council. 795 Significant in the public eye was the oddly-named Sanitary Board. 13 February 1920. 792 Shortly after World War I. and was associated with the forming of the Green Island Cement Company and the China Light and Power Company. Cameron. flour. raw sugar. which generated electricity for Kowloon. Waters. Tomes & Co. the promising Noel Braga.

It was an advisory. Dr W. supervision of Markets and Slaughter Houses. pp. 796 N. 22 December 1926. However. The census of 1921 gave a total population of 625. 1-5. the board remained quiescent until the next serious epidemic. cit. In each year during this period more than 1. Braga Papers. Miners. and at the two Disinfecting Stations a Dead Box was provided.unofficial members were added in 1886. and the next year.V. or 0. of whom only 61 had Chinese names. provision was made for a further two unofficial members to be elected by ratepayers who were also qualified to be jurors. Miners. In its own small way Hong Kong rained compliments on J. ‘It rained silver platters for several weeks’. and this for an advisory body. op. 798 As outlined in the annual reports of the Sanitary Department. totalling 37 of the 127 premises under control).e.000 corpses were collected from the streets in a regular morning pick-up. garbage collection) and Nightsoil Removal. broadly speaking. the Sanitary Board became a body of importance. The electorate for the Sanitary Board was thus 0. its significance lay in the fact that it was the only element of elected self-government in the colony. This was an attempt to deal with a terrible social evil that reflected the extent of destitution and starvation among refugees fleeing the constant warfare in inter-bellum China. 799 It was a tremendous boost to Braga’s public standing when in 1926 he was appointed a temporary member of the Sanitary Board in the place of a government unofficial appointee. encompassed many of the public health responsibilities of a British local government body.M. fol. 799 N. 98% of the population were immediately excluded. 800 South China Morning Post. 147. Ambulances were also provided by the Sanitary Dept. Its public importance was emphasised by the panic which accompanied the serious outbreak in 1894 of bubonic plague. 265 .. during the next twenty years. pp.. 797 This. Offensive Trades (of which pig-roasting was the major one.P.M. The 61 Chinese electors were 1 in 10.009% of the total population.g. op.24% of the population. control of Public Bath Houses and latrines. and its membership was coveted as never before. Disinfection of infected clothing. was one witty comment. 800 When William Pitt the elder triumphantly concluded the Seven Years’ War in 1763. these were Scavenging (i. p. Report of the Sanitary Department for the Year 1929. an outbreak of typhoid in 1926 which affected more Europeans than hitherto.. Braga. The Hongkong Sunday Herald led the way.500. not an executive body. 22 February 1927. 4-9. although the electorate was tiny. 134. 798 Because of the epidemic. South China Morning Post. No further comment is necessary. J. MS 4300/14.1/40. 4. surely one of the smallest electorates ever. 797 E. Koch. he was feted in towns and cities throughout Britain. In 1920 the number of jurors was 1. who was on a year’s ‘home leave’.000. p. 796 This led to press criticism of the inadequate way it had carried out its functions. Report of the Sanitary Department for the Year 1931. cit. However. House Cleansing. control of Cemeteries. As all jurors were required to have a working knowledge of English. but was extended to include the special requirements of an Asian city with significant public health problems.155.

1/34.1/40. and whose public spirited work for the Colony on many occasions has won him the respect and goodwill of the entire British community. It has shown that it recognises the claims of the large Portuguese community to a voice and share in our civic administration. MS 4300/14. 14 November 1926.M. The Government is to be commended on its choice. 802 China Mail. Braga Papers.1/40.P. It is very fitting that the honour should fall to Mr Braga. 1. 802 “E’ com imenso júbilo” A Patria welcomes J. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 13 November 1926. fol.M. 801 The China Mail pointed out: The appointment is without precedent in the history of the Colony. 801 Hongkong Sunday Herald. as this is the first occasion on which a member of the Portuguese community has been appointed to the Sanitary Board. 266 .P. J. Braga Papers. [The Government] has shown that it appreciates public-spiritedness on the part of any resident irrespective of nationality. Congratulations will be showered on Mr J. J. Braga’s appointment J. and Mr Braga is to be congratulated on a notable distinction. 1.M. Braga on his appointment as a member of the Sanitary Board during the absence of Dr Koch – congratulations that will by no means be confined to the Portuguese community of which Mr Braga is one of the most respected members. whose position in the Portuguese community is acknowledged. folio 2. MS 4300/14. fol.

The next few years would see major concessions following the Round Table Conferences of 1931. 803 The Portuguese language is rich in embellishment and flattery. intended to grant dominion status to India). 805 This was steadily increasing in India. Braga had broken through a significant glass ceiling entirely through his own conspicuous merits. stressed continuously in this thesis. 805 803 A Patria. though as Comendador de Ordem do Cristo. concluding: the day will not be too far away when the Portuguese Government honours a man of his intelligence. MS 4300/14. and most recently the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms in 1919. However. Tiago. In securing this appointment. but probably November 1926]. and A Patria laid it on thickly. where major concessions were gradually being wrung by force from a reluctant British government (Initially the Morley-Minto reforms of 1909. in October 1929. In other parts of the Empire.. there had been throughout the nineteenth century a steady move towards representative government in colonies with white majority population. with the Ordem de S. adding percipiently: We must emphasise that membership of the Sanitary Board is sought after by the British themselves. 267 . A Patria. clear perception and brilliant literacy.M. but similar moves in other colonies had hardly begun. for it is seen as a stepping stone to a seat on the Legislative Council.. outlined Braga’s work for the Portuguese community and for the interests of Macau in some detail in a leading article. was achieved without any sort of radical agitation. The modesty of the nominee would not have permitted him to apply for membership himself. a lower order than the highly esteemed Ordem de S. his exceptional intelligence and savoir faire’. fol. Braga Papers. 1932 and 1935. for that is what it was. in every sense of the word . culminating in the India Act of 1935. The second is that this small step in constitutional development. 804 Braga did indeed receive state recognition from Portugal three years later.. two things must be borne in mind. beneath their contempt. is that the Portuguese had been beneath everyone’s notice until this point – indeed.1/40. in recognition of services rendered to Portugal and Macau. It has been this great modesty which has now brought his name even more to the fore. the Order of St James. Tiago.. 804 At first glance all this fuss about a temporary position on a second-rate board in a remote colony seems inordinate.The local Portuguese-language monthly. J. The first. 2. [undated. Translation from Portuguese by Dienecke Carruthers. well known for his fine character and cultured background . extolling this ‘gentleman.

Major C.M. 10-13. Benjamin Wylie. 807 A testy reply from the Board’s chairman was also fully reported. These were two good men to have as backers. SCMP. Wylie had been with the Post since 1909. MS 4300/14. among other insanitary practices. the Head of the Sanitary Department. Manners was Chairman of the Star Ferry Company. 3 March 1927.Braga used the time well.M. J. Hongkong Daily Press. 8. he was elected unopposed in 1927 to one of the two elected positions when it fell vacant. N.L.M. a philippic against the Board’s lack of action in dealing with insanitary conditions conducive to typhoid at a Chinese village. OBE. President of the Hong Kong Automobile Association and a Council member of the Boy Scouts Association. Kaulungtong. Suffolk. Even in dealing with the important Central Market on the Hong Kong side. South China Morning Post. Hutcheon. 809 South China Morning Post. Manners. the acting chairman. A touch of British triumphalism was added in the name of the newly built approach road. His other nominator was C. and things did change. In the next twelve months he kept up the pressure. 30. 808 A man who had lost three brothers in a smallpox epidemic was the ideal person to tackle public health issues with passion. which was at the northern extremity of Kowloon. Braga had begun a practice of irritating complacent officials that he would continue for the next ten years.1/40. initially doing all he could to stir the Sanitary Board and its chairman. 809 They lived on the Hong Kong side. who saw in Braga a capable man very active in public affairs. meat was prepared on wooden surfaces that could not be cleaned properly. The spacious new development. 22 February 1927. the first eighty years. pp. New Kowloon. Braga Special Map Collection.M. As a result. a water-borne disease. His speech on this occasion was reported in extenso in the press. Devon. a European ‘garden suburb’. At his first meeting. but other members backed Braga. and was familiar with Braga’s work at the Telegraph and his growing prominence during the next 16 years. 23 March 1927. 30 November 1927. close to an area then being developed as Kowloon Tong. Other members of the Sanitary Board urged caution in interfering with traditional Chinese customs. attracted detailed press attention. 806 South China Morning Post. Hong Kong Branch (websites of the three bodies accessed 17 May 2012). 808 South China Morning Post. National Library of Australia. 806 He then turned his attention to unhygienic conditions in the Central Market. He was nominated by the General Manager of the South China Morning Post. Somerset and Cornwall. 22 February 1927. into vigorous action in regard to the prevention of typhoid. Waterloo Road. 20 April 1927. such as Norfolk. 268 . The developer’s map of the project is in the J. Kent. Map 53/14. 31. where. Braga Papers. well away from the outbreak of typhoid at Kowloon Tong. 807 Hongkong Telegraph. seemed unaware of unsanitary conditions there. R. Smith. fol. directed at attracting British business people away from what is known as the ‘Hong Kong side’ to the ‘Kowloon side’ temptingly named the streets after some of the more appealing English ‘home counties’.

and was at the threshold of a more significant role in business and public affairs that would draw upon all the experience he had gained. having died in 1921. 269 . the first Portuguese Justice of the Peace. other members of the Portuguese community would benefit from his achievements. There was no precedent in Hong Kong for a member of the Portuguese community. little regarded by others. Noronha. had become the most prominent member of the Portuguese community. Braga. E.P. J. In that time..It was a quarter of a century since he had returned to Hong Kong as Manager of the Hongkong Telegraph. His attainments were entirely his own.J. He had survived serious personal and financial crises. he did not stand on the shoulders of others.P. J. In creating this degree of public esteem. though in later years. to take so prominent a part in public life and to devote so much of his time to honorary positions.

270 .

Hugh and John. with three of them.P. A fourth son. despite several serious bouts of illness and the constant battle to gain equality in a British colony that maintained an unswerving belief in the superiority of all things British – commercial practice. becoming successful executives of these two companies. It was. and this gave him a solid reason to work hard for the development of this hitherto neglected part of the colony. was his indispensable right-hand man in his own office. Noel. For Braga to have carved out what amounted to a personal niche in this rigidly hierarchical and exclusive system of control was no mean achievement. He had acquired his own home in mainland Kowloon after many years of renting in an area of Hong Kong Island that was becoming overcrowded and less attractive. observed Carlos da Roza. Braga 1929-1941 Forty years after he had won a gold medal in India as a very promising boy. Braga’s most significant achievement was his appointment in January 1929 as a member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council. After many years of difficulty. He saw several of his sons established in business. These were busy and fulfilling years. especially at a time of on-going economic crisis and a deteriorating international situation from 1931 onwards. efficient administration and its self-assured domination of Hong Kong society. Braga again won unprecedented distinction in becoming the first member of the Portuguese community to be appointed to membership of the Hong Kong Legislative Council. Chapter 9 ‘Son of Hong Kong’ – J. Tony. legal procedures.P. becoming an effective chairman of two thriving public companies. Both personally and in his community. ‘a position much desired and eagerly sought after by all residents of 271 . J. another leading member of the Portuguese community. he at last gained in these years a degree of prominence in business. largely due to his initial achievement. Others would follow in later years.

predictably. was never applied to Hong Kong. South China Morning Post. History of Hong Kong. pp. J. B. all of whom were senior officers of the government. Braga’s appointment. in J. When news of the change reached Hong Kong. Indeed Shanghai was the model for British administration in China in the 1920s. Matheson & Co. 272 . 811 J. Endacott.M. Hong Kong’s Transitions. the taipan of Jardine.M. 43. but on the 813 nomination of the unofficial Justices of the Peace. went to the exclusive Hong Kong Club to elect their two representatives. as in Shanghai. 7. where the English minority was tiny and transitory. 813 Ibid. the Legislative Council grew with it. one of whom. Chapter 1. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. and official members. 810 He might have added that no-one really expected that such a thing would ever occur. (South China Morning Post. 27.1/40. in recognition of the difficult circumstances facing the new colony. both were kept deliberately small when they were set up in 1843. was David Jardine. 812 G.Hong Kong’. the only other foreign settlement on the China coast to have its own administrative structure. Therefore all members of both councils were appointed. p. were always in a majority. In the case of Hong Kong. two unofficial members of the Legislative Council were added in 1850. Over the next half century. no Portuguese ever became a member of the Shanghai Municipal Council.. highly delighted. ‘Hong Kong in British Decolonisation’. The normal practice in nineteenth century British colonies was to establish an Executive and a Legislative Council as something of a brake on the governor’s autocratic power. 811 It is necessary to trace the history of community participation in the Hong Kong Legislative Council in order to explain the significance of da Roza’s remark. Darwin. Foot. 24 January 1929.P. 812 Both had three members. They were appointed by the governor. compared with less than 10 per cent in Hong Kong. 38. 1842-1997. but the model of government by elected representatives. When the Council was enlarged by the 810 At a dinner held to celebrate J. 13 January 1919). fol. subject to the governor’s direction. p. as three-quarters of British economic interests in China were concentrated there. That set the pattern for exclusivity from then on. the fifteen justices. 83. Following representations from the Hong Kong business community which were duly approved by the Colonial Office. Brown and R. a central doctrine to Victorian liberals. as the colony grew in importance and diversity.

It revived proposals made a generation earlier by a British elite. That of the seven elected unofficial members (all of whom shall be British subjects) two shall be elected by the Hongkong General Chamber of Commerce. it being made clear that the additional member was to be Chinese. 1841-1920. 816 South China Morning Post. three (two of whom shall be of British race and one of Portuguese race) by British subjects who are jurymen . an equal number of official members 814 were added at the same time. then the largest venue in Hong Kong. 126-127). in their own interests. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. Braga was one of the dignitaries on the platform. 817 The meeting filled the Royal Theatre.P. 24 January 1929. initially attracting strong support. but its timing was poor. Sir Reginald Stubbs. and the one by the Chinese 814 Thus by 1894. See Appendix 8.M. two unofficial members. South China Morning Post. Hong Kong under imperial rule. Immediately after the war. Instead. it is necessary to indicate what occurred in the context of the role carved out by J. revived the Association. 5. 60.appointment of further unofficial members. p. namely 8.P. joined its committee. Braga. As a committee 817 member. with a new governor. the Secretary of State for the Colonies in London saw it for what it was. pp. To detail the constitutional development of the Hong Kong Legislative Council lies outside the scope of this thesis. It received short shrift from the governor. J. the Council had been enlarged to thirteen: six unofficial and seven official members. Sir Henry May. and from the Colonial Office in London. 815 Historical and statistical abstract of the colony of Hongkong. These were: That as regards all the unofficial members of the Legislative Council (other than the two Chinese nominated members) the principle of election instead of nomination shall be applied. A proposal for the Legislative Council to have an elected majority emerged when a 815 Constitutional Reform Association was established on 3 May 1917. Henry Pollock and Percival Holyoak. Braga and his successors. the number of unofficial members was increased by one. Miners. J. 1912-1941. a grab for power by a tiny plutocracy of about 800 British businessmen who sought to rule. in office. This step resulted from a petition from European residents seeking an elected European majority.P. That the number of unofficial members shall be increased from 6 to 9 and that the number of official members shall remain as at present. one by the Justices of the Peace. This was no expression of high-minded liberal principle. World War I was hardly a suitable time for a remote colony to be seeking constitutional change. J. A well-attended public meeting was held on 9 January 1919. 273 .. However.1/40. fol. over a Chinese population of a quarter of a million (N.. It is therefore dealt with in the form of an appendix. 10 January 1919. The proposed changes were greeted enthusiastically. no 816 stranger to reform agitation.

The other Portuguese speaker. probably J. The chairman. the first eighty years. and an up-and-coming young lawyer.L. described at his death in 1927 as the ‘Grand Old Man of the Portuguese community’ in an obituary by ‘an old friend’. 819 J. but this did not win much support. argued that all Portuguese residents. who he claimed would in this proposal control three of the nine elected seats on an elected Legislative Council. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 818 These motions were duly carried. the inclusion of a Portuguese member was a significant departure from earlier proposals. General Chamber of Commerce. Braga. fol. 14). and had suffered for it.M. or some other body representative of the Chinese community. Amended Resolution Carried – Portuguese 820 “Audacity” – Government by Peakites. several were active in public life. J. Hutcheon. J. 274 . this time there was an important difference. he did not speak at the meeting. Two members of the 819 Portuguese community spoke. which generally favoured the old-established rival paper. However. SCMP. The Post took up both comments in the headline of its detailed report of the meeting: ‘Constitutional Reform. who had been Chief Clerk of the Harbour Office. Wisely. as most of the JPs and members of the Chamber of Commerce lived on the Peak (The press report does not indicate which member of the Alves family spoke. with an amendment: the reduction of the representation of the Chamber of Commerce from two to one. the Hongkong Daily Press. 820 South China Morning Post. though he was not averse to the principle of election. Sir Reginald Stubbs felt that he could ignore these people. should be able to vote for a Portuguese representative on the Legislative Council. If such a step were to be taken. Hongkong Telegraph.P. The Post was no lover of Hong Kong’s Peak- dwelling elite. 11 July 1927. not only British subjects. Leo d’Almada.’ This initiative received no more attention from the government than earlier attempts at ‘Peakite’ control of Hong Kong. R. unwilling to be associated with the bitter and abrasive comments of the elderly Alves or the impractical suggestion of the youthful d’Almada. 10 January 1919. 10 January 1919. Holyoak. He told the Colonial Office: 818 South China Morning Post.P. it must be presumed that a nominee was in mind. 55. Alves scathingly denounced the influence of the elite ‘Peakites’.L. Braga on the platform suggests that he was the man the Constitutional Reform Association would put forward. Although labelled as ‘audacity’. Braga knew that he too had been brash and outspoken in his younger days. p. numbering some 200 people.1/41. The presence of J. Alves and Leo d’Almada. grandson of the distinguished civil servant of earlier times. twice rejected by the Colonial Office. acidly reprimanded Alves for his sharp comments on the Chamber of Commerce and the Portuguese (meaning d’Almada) for their audacity in seeking what would amount to a reserved seat elected by universal male suffrage of that community. It is likely to have been José Luiz de Selasia Alves. For his part.

The general indifference of the community to all matters of public life was almost unbelievable.. crucial in those troubled times. CO 129/511/28. more than a quarter of the population of the colony. The Colonial Office raised no objection to the proposal. cit. The targets of this remark were plainly Pollock and Holyoak. ‘The European desire for constitutional reform has been more or less killed by the realisation that any changes would have to be made in a 824 Sinophile direction’. p.. put down a question for the governor at the March 1928 meeting of the Legislative Council asking whether a 822 representative of Kowloon could be added to the Council. that being left to Clementi’s discretion. 25 April 1928. there the matter rested. especially in the hitherto neglected Kowloon and the New Territories. both in terms of constitutional development and in the growth of the colony. Sir Cecil Clementi. one of the prime movers for the ‘Peakite’ reform in 1919. Henry Pollock. 824 Ibid. 135. one official minuting. who had replaced Stubbs in 1925.. He went beyond Pollock’s suggestion to propose that the Legislative Council should be enlarged by two further unofficial members. Clementi was determined that things must change. Amery Colonial Secretary. The Colonial Office did not specify the race of the two new members nor the method by which they were to be chosen. op. 823 Ibid.000 in 1918 to 250. 25 April 1928. Miners. informing the Secretary of State that 823 ‘I find myself in sympathy with the object of the present proposal’. meaning that two further additional official members would also be appointed. should be diminished. and was strongly opposed to the previous proposal for constitutional change. 821 Although the Colonial Office saw that this was too dismissive. and the other would be a third Chinese representative. CO 129/511/29.S. neither of whom had enjoyed good relations with Sir Henry May. 822 Clementi to L. p. and Minute dated 8 October 1928 in CO 129/509/14. 18. especially in the Far East. The Constitutional Reform Association was a farcical body of a few dozen persons which owed its origin to the personal pique of certain persons against the previous governor. and the serious anti-British strikes and boycott of the next few years put an end to any suggestion that the governor’s authority. CO 129/511/5. One unofficial would represent Kowloon. A man of action. Despite the 821 N. He noted that the population of Kowloon had increased from 80. Instead the impetus for change came from an unlikely quarter. Still more was this the case when the international situation deteriorated throughout the 1930s. gave this idea his support.000 in 1928. 275 .

103. irrespective of race or sect.P. 276 . per se. the writer went on. 5. as ‘one of the 825 finest governors the Colony ever had’. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. The editor of a new and short-lived paper. Braga’s ability and initiative be limited to the narrow confines of the Sanitary Board? Why should his undoubted talents for focusing attention on vital problems and for acting as spokesman of the whole community. 19 January 1929. not be extended to the Legislative Council? The Government may be a benevolent autocracy. p. fol. Cameron. author of several Hong Kong histories. Power. Clementi has been described by Nigel Cameron.troubled times he faced for a year after he assumed office.1/40. the Hong Kong Observer. J. There had already been a public call for J. and.M. After drawing attention at some length to his outspoken and effective role in the Sanitary Board. Braga to be appointed to the Legislative Council. incapable of truly 825 N. with a certain degree of journalistic bombast. editorialised ‘Mr Braga for the Council’. Why should Mr. China Mail. to ask.

fol. J. Braga. the Hongkong Daily Press told its readers. was similarly applauded by the Telegraph. No happier choice could have been made than that of Mr. the new Chinese member. fol. 829 Hongkong Telegraph. a lawyer.M. First and foremost. Clementi’s selections were well accepted by the whole English-language press in Hong Kong. had rendered valuable service in the strike of 1925. but the appointment may also be regarded as a recognition of the point that the Portuguese community is entitled to some representation. The selection of Mr Braga has fulfilled a double purpose. Not only does it give Kowloon its own non-Chinese member. with a conspicuous record of service in the Chinese community. Dr Tso Seen-wan (1865–1953). 277 . 826 Hong Kong Observer. the Hongkong Telegraph observed that The factors that have operated in the selection of the two new Councillors are obvious. many of whom would have preferred the ‘Peakite’ proposal of 1919 and reflected on the deep-seated prejudice that beset Hong Kong society. They were promulgated in Hong Kong on 14 828 January 1929 and immediately acted upon by Clementi. also a Kowloon resident. 3 March 1928. This ‘establishment’ paper pointedly refrained from commenting on the merits of either of the new unofficial appointees. interpreting the wishes of the community who pay for the time they do not call. no. 34.1/40. for reform in colonial Hong Kong came from the top down.M. who. 827 CO 129/511/8-10. 18 January 1929. Kowloon representation was desired and it is most gratifying to find that both seats have been allocated to residents of the peninsula. It is possible that this strongly worded argument led to Pollock’s raising the matter a few days later at the next meeting of the Legislative Council. born in the Colony. but that of itself is no reason why an improvement should not be effected in the personnel of the Legislative 826 Council. Dr Tso. 7. ‘Kowloon comes of age’. 1. The manner of authorisation of this step was the issue of Royal Instructions to the Governor. J. 1. 828 Hong Kong Government Gazette. After discussing the merits of the two new official members. the Harbour Master and the Director of Medical and Sanitary Services. vol.1/41. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 15 January 1929. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. has given years of unstinted service to the public and whose active participation in public life in recent times has shown him to be admirably qualified for the honour now 829 accorded him. The 827 Instructions were duly amended.

the China Mail. 831 R. J. J. Those days. a member of the Hong Kong Portuguese community. It was the Portuguese who first went over in considerable numbers to Kowloon from Hong Kong to take up residence there and many of the very picturesque villas and attractive gardens still to be seen on that side of the harbour were built and laid out by Portuguese who migrated from Hong Kong . It printed a concise but informative biographical sketch of the new unofficial appointees.M.. fol. 5. Hutcheon.1/40.M. – and a poor one 830 at that. 832 South China Morning Post. cit. #336662. It was left to J. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 833 China Mail. Álvares. clearly the product of skilled interviewing.M. 53. having capably weathered the strikes of 1922 and 1925. could not resist a swipe at the Daily Press. Cavil can 832 only come from malcontents. fol. op. fol. there were many people in Hong Kong who regarded the little settlement on the opposite side of the harbour rather as a joke. (1905-1990). p. 15 January 1929. 2. Happily His Excellency’s choice has fallen upon men.. Both Mr Braga and Dr Tso are residents of Kowloon and with their appearance at the meeting of the Legislative Council Kowloon may consider itself as having fully come of age. said the Daily Press. and possibly at a much later date. who by general consent must be called both capable and eligible.1/40. the very capable Henry Ching.. a Eurasian of Australian birth. J. 16 January 1929. had gone. Thirty years ago. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. The Post’s editor. 3. and a delicate and well-deserved compliment to that section of the community. Álvares was an Assistant Overseer at China Light. It is particularly fitting that Mr. thus the appointment of a Portuguese resident to represent the interests of Kowloon in the Legislative Council is most appropriate. 22 January 1929. 278 . Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 830 Hongkong Daily Press. The South China Morning Post had developed a much stronger position during the 831 1920s. concluding with a favourable comment on each.1/40. to crow 833 delightedly in a cartoon published in the fourth local paper. Braga should have been selected to represent Kowloon on the Legislative Council. The artist is tentatively identified as José Augusto Álvares.

Clementi welcomed all four new members. (Applause.1/40. 835 Hong Kong Hansard. who in a very literal sense is a son of Hongkong. and going on to say: In the Honourable Mr. the previous June. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. At the first meeting of the enlarged Council on 24 May.M. 834 Editorial. fol.) We all of us appreciate the value of the Portuguese community here resident. was Kowloon’s major symbol of progress. correctly lauding the Harbour Master and the Director of Medical and Sanitary Services. Sir Cecil Clementi would have been well aware of the ferreting instincts of his new councillor.M.’ So it proved. The impression given by the cartoon that Braga had something to do with the Kowloon-Canton Railway was misleading.1/41. South China Morning Post. June 1928. Hong Kong Observer. 46. suggested the Observer. fol. J. already a famous landmark. enough to add its comment. and it is a pleasure to us that Mr. was that ‘officialdom simply cannot bear a man with the ferreting instinct.1/40. The reason why Braga was not already a member of the Legislative Council. He would be a thorn in their very tender 834 sides. 279 . it had added a perceptive judgment to its earlier advocacy of Braga’s elevation to the Legislative Council. Álvares. 24 January 1929. should inaugurate the 835 representation of that community in the Legislative Council. All the artist was trying to convey was that the clock tower. The Hong Kong Observer apparently did not last long Cartoon by J. 8. fol. who had attracted much public attention during his membership of the Sanitary Board. 25 January 1929. However. Braga.M. Braga I welcome the first representative of the Portuguese community to sit in this Council. China Mail. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. for Kowloon had indeed come of age. 5. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 22 January 1929. J. J.

’ South China Morning Post. who in turn presented it to her nephew. 25 January 1929. MR.P. Each held a special celebration.P. J. but for the whole community.1/40. So too was J. 25 January 1929. J. Braga.M. Braga quoted Clementi’s gracious welcome in one of a series of broadcast talks marking Hong Kong’s centenary. fol. J. and deserved to be celebrated. Stuart Braga. and the Portuguese community in particular marked the occasion with a significant presentation.P. Caroline M. it passed to his sister. Congratulatory messages were received from the Governor of Macau. of Sydney. who regarded it as his most precious possession.M. the President of the Leal Senado and several Portuguese community bodies. Club Recreio and the Associação Portuguesa de Soccoros (Portuguese Mutual Aid Society) in his honour. MS 4300/14. The bowl passed on J. on 20 January 1941. I hope to hand it down to my children and by them to my children’s children. Braga’s appointment to the Legislative Council. Eulogistic addresses were made by the presidents of Club Lusitano. 837 South China Morning Post.P. fully 837 reported in the press.J. BRAGA. 5-8. 8. There were lengthy speeches. Twelve years later. 838 Portuguese Pioneering: a Hundred Years of Hong Kong 280 . son of Hugh Braga. BY THE PORTUGUESE COMMUNITY IN COMMEMORATION OF HIS APPOINTMENT AS A MEMBER OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL TH HONGKONG 24 JANUARY 1929 It was a great leap forward. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. not only for the man himself. Braga’s death to his son Anthony M. Noronha’s appointment as a Justice of the Peace had been recognised with the presentation of a 836 silver rose bowl. Braga. It was brought to Australia in September 1994. the Portuguese community greeted the elevation of one of its leading members to the Legislative Council with immense satisfaction. On his death on 9 May 1994. ‘I thank you from the bottom of my heart for this valuable piece of silver which I shall be proud to keep as a testimonial of your friendship and goodwill. Braga told the bowl’s donors.Both the Portuguese community and the Kowloon community welcomed Braga’s appointment. later published 838 as a booklet by Club Lusitano. That welcome had been the pinnacle of his own 836 On accepting the presentation. Braga Papers. This has indeed transpired.1/40. The inscription reads: PRESENTED TO THE HON. E. J. fol. Having been ignored by the British for such a long period of time.

career. 839 The press at once noted that ‘there was a decided “kick” in some of his comments’. J. it must be pointed out that both of these ‘constituencies’ had previously been ignored. but there were occasions on which Braga in particular spoke only for his own sectional interest. There was no period of quiet apprenticeship as he learned the ropes in his new role. In his defence. Nevertheless. Both were public-spirited men who worked for the benefit of the whole community. now three.1/40. China Mail. Braga Papers. 10. 22 January 1929. fol.M. Braga’s appointment introduced into the affairs of the Legislative Council a greater degree of particularism than there had previously been. 12.1/40. This applied in particular to the nominee of the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce. fol. 281 . J. The Legislative Council had for some time had members who saw themselves as representing sectional interests. if not constituencies. for Braga had acquired over many years of active public life a considerable insight 839 Hongkong Sunday Herald.M. Braga and Tso not only knew that they had been appointed to represent double constituencies – Kowloon and their respective ethnic groups – but they were told by the Governor that this was the case. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. to the two. and also one of the major events in the life of the Portuguese community in the 100 years of Hong Kong’s history as a British colony. Chinese members. 7 March 1929. MS 4300/14. and to a lesser extent.

but little about his public life in Hong Kong. Jack had to be very careful what he said in wartime Macau. Braga’s sons later reflected on their father’s role in the Legislative Council. he did not see himself as an unofficial Leader of the Opposition.. Hong Kong’s stage of constitutional development provided for discussion and dissent. J.g. who drafted an obituary shortly after his father’s death in February 1944.M. 842 A popular appellation reflected in several biographies. It was novel for a new member to take such an active part in the Council’s debates. The Legislative Council in which his father had played such a major role had been swept away by the occupying Japanese. Like Bright. writing so much later.into the working of the various government departments. Braga was convinced that social injustice must be vigorously opposed. Hutchinson. He wrote: He was the first representative of the Portuguese community and one of two of the first members representing Kowloon to occupy a place on the Council. and certainly he was one of the most vigorous and stimulating representatives of the people in all the years of the Council. As a young man in the government printer’s office. 841 J. Tony wrote a lengthy essay on several generations of the Braga family for a 840 journalist preparing an article for the South China Morning Post. he made enemies as he challenged complacency. John Bright. Two of J. could be more reflective.P. More than forty years later. Both comments were just. The elder Braga undoubtedly saw himself as the people’s tribune. in much the same way as did John Bright. Both had seen it at close quarters. e.. Braga file. José Pedro. his part in many public questions proved 841 that he was always on the side of the poor and helpless. London.M. but not for an organised and sustained attempt to provide an 840 Notes prepared by A.P. Tony. the English radical 842 leader of early Victorian England. “The tribune of the people”.M.2/17 – Braga. So nobly did he fulfil his duties that he opened the way to future Portuguese representation as he did in the other official posts which he occupied . 1879. Unlike Bright. He served as a member of the Legislature for two full terms. 282 . if uncritical. he had learned much about the Council’s procedures. like Bright. The first was Jack. and wrote chiefly about his father’s role there. Braga for an interview with Beverley Howells. Braga Papers MS 4300/7. A. April 1987. but this man was no tyro.

voted to support the Government on most issues. 8 October 1932. but his was the sole vote against the bill. Mr Braga alone of the unofficials voting with the 843 Government. 6. 846 If his searching questions could make it difficult for government officials. fol. 846 In the middle of the Depression he attacked ‘the bears of Ice House Street’. he spoke strongly against the use of prisoners in Stanley Gaol to print government work. he spoke at 844 length against a Divorce Bill. his was the only dissenting voice and vote. Therefore Braga. Obviously regarding this as most unusual. Their retorts were scathing and 843 Clementi to Passfield.P. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.1/34. 283 . 28 October 1932. His sparring with the Colonial Secretary and Colonial Treasurer on this occasion had an unpleasant tone. CO 129/519/31. Clementi enclosed with his despatch copies of the South China Morning Post of 24 September 1929 which reported J.. did not. J.1/34. but they were obviously the two major companies of which he was a board member (Hongkong Telegraph. An exception was the budget for 1930. 17 December 1936. the vote was passed by the official majority. J. fol. stockbrokers on Hong Kong’s Wall Street who he considered were manipulating the market in two Kowloon companies. the practice of employing English senior public servants when local people could do the job every bit as well. it was seen by all other members as a sensible economy. J. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 845 Ibid. The Council patiently heard him out.M. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.alternative to the colonial system so powerfully entrenched. This was the only occasion in Braga’s eight years membership that his name was mentioned in a despatch to the Secretary of State. 101.’ Braga could occasionally tilt at windmills. They seldom voted as a bloc against the Government.1/34. arguing that this was an 845 intrusion into private enterprise. Again. they could also get their own back. He resented. At a time of declining commerce and falling revenue. like the other unofficials. In the budget debate in 1931. Braga’s dissent from the position taken by the other unofficials. 844 South China Morning Post. He did not name them. All but Braga voted against it. 24. only to find that this increase was in fact a provision for the pensions of two senior officers who had retired in England. On another occasion. he argued against an increase in the budget to pay sterling salaries at a time when money was scarce. Braga never hesitated to be the sole voice advocating or opposing something about which he felt strongly.M. Peel and Caldecott. As a leading Catholic layman. but succeeding governors. 26 September 1929. as did all local people. Clementi. 26. which provided an appropriation for road works in Kowloon that the other unofficials thought unnecessary. fol. Stubbs sometimes used his despatches to criticise councillors.M. ‘On a division being called. 25).

and the Council Chamber is the place where Government 849 should answer any criticisms of its plans for spending public money. hit by the Great Depression before it had recovered from the 1925-1926 strike and boycott. they had no experience of a Portuguese who did not behave as they thought he should. Air- conditioning was not installed in government offices until the 1960s.1/34. These fairs were not directly associated with his position on the Legislative Council. in which difficulties were resolved in the punkah-cooled offices of senior colonial officials rather than in the open forum of the Legislative Council. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. ‘Better the worst of Chambers than the best of antechambers’ (W. they were brilliantly successful. they did not achieve their objective. The fairs. 849 Hongkong Daily Press. which was far bigger. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 382. It took much effort to drum up support at a time of prevailing gloom. 100-101. 4 October 1930. 67. This man was a Portuguese. J. One of his early concerns was the serious decline in commerce. held when the Depression was at its worst. it must be pointed out that the estimates presented to the Finance Committee did not make this plain. They had been disadvantaged by the steep decline of the Hong Kong dollar relative to sterling. Braga was chairman of the committee for the first. ‘The Council Chamber is the proper place for Unofficial Members to express their doubts about any Government proposal. p. In terms of the volume and value of trade. caused by the slump in the colony’s trade. he ran both. The press.1/40. both opened on 24 May. and vice-chairman for the second. commerce remaining depressed for some years to come. appreciated his probing. In terms of an expression of optimism for future 850 recovery. a member of a community whose members were expected to be submissive and amenable. 848 F. in 1932 and 1933. A borrowed place: the history of Hong Kong. J. 284 . Empire Day. A later observer of the 848 Hong Kong scene remarked that ‘the Portuguese were habitually slighted’.R. but arose from it. The Life and Times of Cavour. fol. 847 exasperated. even the Daily Press. Braga’s role went well beyond mute attendance at its meetings. and G. Sewell. the local representative of the 847 South China Morning Post.M. The ‘punkah’ allusion of the Daily Press is an interesting glance though an Eastern prism at Cavour’s famous adage. p. were a valiant effort to turn the tide. Not even electric fans were common in the early 1930s. the only space large enough. fol.R.’ Unlike some other members of the Legislative Council. In Braga’s defence. and agreed to run it. 504).M. 4 September 1931. Braga suggested that Hong Kong stage a British Empire Trade Fair. especially in financial matters. 850 Hong Kong lacked anything approaching an exhibition hall or convention centre. Welsh. In effect. Thayer. The result was that two fairs were held. so the fairs were held in the capacious lobby of the recently completed Peninsula Hotel. It deplored what it described as ‘under the punkah politics’.

with an edition running late. When I eventually reached him. The Post. “Don’t know how I manage to get my own work done”. It appears to be one of three such albums prepared for presentation to significant people. Hong Kong. the owner of the Peninsula Hotel.P.P. broadcast address on ZBW. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. and some. Sir William Shenton. but most of all.L. Another went to N. not a gossip sheet. Braga mentioned having presented such an album to the Hon. unfortunately.1/34. 22 May 1933. rather cruel. he has not faltered in his determination to make the Fair an unqualified 851 success. Braga seemed to know where everything was and in a second was able to put his hand on whatever he wanted. but those associated with Mr.M. I dropped in to see Mr.M. some thoughtless. The undercurrents can only be guessed at. managing director of the Hongkong Engineering and Construction Company. Mr J. Braga. A splendidly bound album of photographs of the opening of the Fair and of its exhibits survived the Japanese Occupation and is in the collection of the Hong Kong Heritage Project.P. J. Mr. Vice-President of the British Empire Fair. Plans were lying here and there. His son Tony was in and out of his father’s office. J. but the forthcoming Fair. Smith. Braga know how he does it 852 – by working 16 hours a day and more. I would be ungrateful if I did not conclude with a word of thanks to the Hon. Braga for the magnificent work he has done in connexion with this Fair. 45. Kowloon’s Legislative Councillor. it invited readers to become acquainted with Braga: Meet one of the busiest men in Hongkong – the Hon. 46. J. some destructive. Mr. he remarked. but Braga’s public life had often been marked by a dogged determination to silence his critics. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. and coming back for the signature. reported in the next day’s South China Morning Post. the Colonial Secretary. It is probable that another was presented to Sir Elly Kadoorie. Surrounding his table was file upon file dealing with the Fair. his private telephone was ringing and at almost minute intervals it kept ringing throughout our conversation. reported in the next day’s paper. Despite criticism. J. dashing away to type out an important letter. an archive set up by Sir Michael Kadoorie to record his family’s long involvement in the territory.1/34. yet there was no confusion.Federation of British Industries was brutally frank in a broadcast address just before the 1933 Fair. a big event for Hong Kong. Shortly before the opening of the Fair. R. fol. scribbling down a few notes. Braga the other day and found a queue of young men outside his office waiting for an interview. seldom gave its readers a cameo of public figures. 852 South China Morning Post. Honorary Secretary of the Fair. So it was on this occasion. prompted the paper to make an exception. fol. 851 G. Sewell. He had all the appearance of a London City editor. 19 May 1933. 285 .

poultry and pork. Braga file. The beauties of Kowloon and the New Territories. 855 A. though the Kowloon-Canton Railway was in operation and a motor road had been put through to link its main towns with Kowloon. Accordingly. 70. 25 May 1933.P.M. he argued unsuccessfully for such fairs to be held regularly in order to show-case Hong Kong. 25. J. Coming soon after his re-appointment to a second four-year term on the Legislative Council. then 854 mainly agricultural. 46.1/34. wrote much later: I well remember him saying to Sir Elly Kadoorie back in the 1920s after they had both come back from a motor drive round the New Territories: ‘There are almost unlimited possibilities for the New 855 Territories in the future!’ 853 South China Morning Post. he wanted to make Hong Kong self-reliant in some foods. He did not forget that his grandfather had pioneered farming in Kowloon in the late nineteenth century. J. He published a pamphlet. whose indefatigable work in arranging for the 853 exhibits has been crowned with triumphant success. It may have been written with Sir Elly Kadoorie in mind. the New Territories were still undeveloped. the Fair was one of Braga’s major successes.The paper was more than cordial in its editorial the day after the opening. and looking further back. at least in vegetables. Tony. principally worthy of commendation is the Hon. A.M. fol. Braga. Braga felt that Hong Kong’s administrators were often lacking in vision. fol. leader. Mr. Braga to Beverley Howells.M. 854 Ibid. 286 . seeking to attract the interest of people on the Hong Kong side to whom it would never have occurred to cross the harbour. 26 April 1934. The purpose behind the British Empire Fair is to advertise the Empire and to make use of British Hongkong as an appropriate shop window . his father’s right-hand man. but the eight years of his membership were also marked by set-backs.M. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 69. Supported by the Post.. he knew how Macau had so often been starved into submission. Rice would always have to be imported... if not to advertise local products. During the 1920s. South China Morning Post reporter. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.1/34. 8 April 1987. J. An obvious one was the decision (not his) taken in 1934 not to hold further fairs because no further business had been generated.

M. 287 .G. 858 Chater had been chiefly responsible for a major praya reclamation in the Central District commencing in 1890 and finally finished more than a decade later. 7 November 1935. A major wharf and godown [warehouse] complex was built close to the terminus of the Kowloon-Canton Railway. 857 Hongkong Daily Press. Braga to Sir Elly Kadoorie: ‘There are almost unlimited possibilities for the New Territories in the future. Shewan has already been mentioned. A still more eminent businessman 858 was Sir Paul Chater. Braga told Jack in 1935: Hughie and I are going out with the old man [Sir Elly Kadoorie] to tiffin [lunch]. He remarked that ‘the day will come when the inhabitants of Hong Kong will look upon the farmers of the New Territories 857 as a very important asset of the Colony. 1841-1920. and then of the Legislative Council undoubtedly enhanced his business career. Braga to J. the New Territories ca. 39.3 / 7. 856 J. with 3. beginning with the Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Company. which opened in 1910 (Historical and statistical abstract of the colony of Hongkong. thus earning him a knighthood in 1902. 655 ft. p. It was completed in 1916 (Historical and statistical abstract of the colony of Hongkong. 61. Braga Papers MS 4300 /2.’ Braga’s growing prominence. 1920. J. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.P. was a step very much in tune with Braga’s thinking.M.’ Braga special map collection no.472 entries and over 300 exhibitors.1/34.P. and after that we are going to do a tour of 856 Kowloon and the New Territories. 8 January 1934. J. Braga and Sir Robert Ho Tung encouraged the foundation of a New Territories Agricultural Association and in 1934 Braga opened their inaugural Annual Show. His connection with R. J.P. fol.M. which greatly benefitted the colony. 59). 42). He then looked to developments on the Kowloon side. Braga. Map 19 – Manuscript map of Kowloon and. Chater’s decision to build a larger wharf. p. Over the next few years they kept an eye on those possibilities. showing the newly completed motor road. J. (200 metres) in length. first as a member of the Sanitary Board. 1841-1920.

It had a Consultative Committee. managed by his firm.P. Tony Braga. which only supplied the island. which J. This was re-organised in 1928 with its own board of directors. No-one bothered with the then miniscule market of Kowloon until Shewan set up China Light and Power Company in 1901.P. on which both Shewan and Chater sat. Braga’s ability and integrity. Braga was invited to join. Tomes & Co. reflected that ‘Shewan was impressed by J. They were 288 .Chater already had an interest in the Hong Kong Electric Company. Shewan. who had seen them working together.

An Armenian by birth. Its length. Hong Kong. who were highly optimistic about future developments in the 859 Colony generally and especially in the New Territories. So too had Sir Paul Chater. is an indication of the impact made by this remarkable man. A. The exception was Harry Compton (he pronounced it ‘Cumpton’. and under sound management. J. Cameron. the most respected businessman in Hong Kong. and I feel very sorry at his death. p. When Shewan appointed Noel. N. but a collection of obituaries from all the English newspapers in Hong Kong and Shanghai. Hong Kong as we know it today would probably have a quite different look. Diary.P. 289 . All but one were local people. in the old 859 Notes prepared by A. 5. often at the age of 55. as Company Secretary in May 1925. Braga paid Chater a unique tribute. the company began to show a profit as domestic use of electricity increased rapidly in the years following World War I. Some sixty years later. Shewan had also singled out Noel Braga as a promising young man.both men of vision. Chater gave him friendly support. By the mid-1920s.P. Nigel Cameron assessed Chater’s role in generous terms. ‘Without the energetic and far-sighted mind of Paul Chater both in Hong Kong Island and in Kowloon. 860 Noel Braga. 27 May 1926: ‘Sir Paul Chater was the greatest man in Hongkong.M. p. 1926. He was one of the most civil and courteous men I have ever known. April 1987. 861 Sir Paul Chater: the grand old man of Hongkong. Power. then aged only 21. whose far-sighted business decisions and benefactions had touched most parts of the life of 861 Hong Kong. Braga file. Chater could never have returned to his homeland after the massacres during and after World War I. Noel recorded Chater’s death the next year at the age of 80 with genuine sorrow and 860 esteem. The story of his life is so bound up with the history of Hongkong that it can almost be said he laid the foundation of Hongkong’s greatness. 132 pages.M. For his part. Despite its length of over 100 pages. his career his amazing success and his death. was in many ways the “father” of the Colony and the grand old man of Hongkong. and seldom later than 60. 23. Shewan had gathered a capable team of directors. J. this is not a biography. although the 1925 strike and boycott demonstrated how vulnerable it was. Braga. linking him with Shewan.’ His comment that Chater was the oldest British resident is a reflection of the fact that almost all British businessmen and civil servants retired to the ‘Home Country’. There appears to be no comparable tribute paid to any other person in the history of Hong Kong. He gathered all the obituaries in the Hong Kong and Shanghai papers and printed them in a memorial volume. and would not have developed so astonishingly in the fields of shipping and industry as it did during their lifetime and afterward’. Braga for an interview with Beverley Howells. He did more for Hongkong than any other man and was probably the oldest British resident at the time of his death.’ Chater and Shewan needed local people of ability to take on management positions in the various companies in which they were interested or had formed.

including two 862 terms as Chairman in 1933 and 1937. 290 .P. and Sir Elly and his sons decided to transfer a considerable part of their capital to Hong Kong. Carlos da Roza. was Chairman in 1932. Braga’s interest in the company was obviously not technical. 30). and whose political career earned him a knighthood in 1948 as Sir Man Kam Lo. as he expressed it. and joined the board in 1928. the possibilities of the New Territories were almost limitless. invested more and more money in China Light until the Kadoorie 864 family became the largest shareholders in this company. Sir Elly Kadoorie appears to have rotated this position among the board members rather than leave it in the hands of one man who might then become too independent.M. 5. and Sir Elly Kadoorie. whose connections with Braga went back to 1919. the prominent accountant and businessman. He joined the Consultative Committee in 1922. Sir Robert Ho Tung retained his seat on the 863 board from 1926 to 1933. Braga for an interview with Beverley Howells.1/33. explained the connection in a nutshell. with Kadoorie keeping a very firm grip on the 862 Others included another leader of the Portuguese community. J. Sir Elly Kadoorie. Braga file. fol. 865 J. but arose from his conviction that. a President of Club Lusitano. Cameron. who was most enthusiastic about the possibilities for expansion of Kowloon and the New Territories. A. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. The Kadoorie family’s fortune had been invested largely in public companies in Shanghai. whose understanding of his father’s affairs in relation to the Kadoorie family was unparalleled. Power. a leading Jewish financier in Shanghai. at a time of rapidly growing demand for electricity. continued when the business was reorganised in 1928. and remained on the board until his death in 1936. 864 Notes prepared by A. 267.English manner). Towards the end of the 1920s. whose long connection lasted from 1919 to 1947. like Braga. 15 August 1936. Another member was the prominent Eurasian lawyer Man Kam Lo. and like Braga.P. 863 N. after discussions with J. p. Sir Elly Kadoorie and J. p.M. educated abroad (South China Morning Post. Braga was an original board member in 1928. became interested in what had been until then quite a small firm. Tony Braga. The firm had retained a small holding of stock in the China Light & Power Company from its inception. He was appointed chairman in 1934 and again in 1938.P. Braga worked together amicably in the next decade. April 1987. Braga.M. 865 The appointment was noted by his son Noel in his diary on 1 May 1928.

‘Why cannot people realise 868 that war is such a horrible. A02/15. Hong Kong Heritage Project. Sir Elly was most hospitable to any of Braga’s children if they happened to be passing through Shanghai. Braga’s regular reports to Sir Elly Kadoorie for 1938. adding. in matters large and 870 small. reported Mary to her brother Paul in 1939. inhuman thing?’ He knew that Kadoorie had an eye for titbits of news. always opposed to the move. detestable. Evidently. he gave this position his major attention. Hong Kong Heritage Project.fortunes of the company. to keep a close watch on the company. Others included Hugh and Nora on their honeymoon in 1935 and Audrey Braga in 1940. after Braga’s term of office on the Legislative Council had concluded. Braga to Sir Elly Kadoorie. adding bluntly that ‘there is too much of this sharp division among the staff. In this he acted without board approval. Braga initially had the board’s support to make the appointment. Few of the firm’s records survived the Japanese Occupation apart from the Minute Books. as the Deputy Manager normally did. His son Lawrence. his second term as chairman. Braga to Sir Elly Kadoorie. 868 J. Sir Elly gave J.P.P. Particularly in 1938. A02/15). Braga relayed some tragic stories to Kadoorie. Hong Kong Heritage Project. 16 September 1938. complete from the company’s foundation.P. giving Kadoorie not only detailed information on the progress of China Light’s big new power station being built at Hok Un. a young man in his twenties. Staff morale was important. 867 J. joined the board in 1930. which does not contribute to harmonious and efficient working in a big organisation such as ours’ (J. and for 1940. Braga knew that Kadoorie’s controlling interest was exactly that. but explained his decision in detail to the elder Kadoorie. the Power Station Superintendent. A02/15. but Lawrence Kadoorie. 870 A prime example was the board’s decision in September 1938 not to appoint F.C. ‘It is bad policy to give any offence to the man’. Braga wrote a detailed report to Kadoorie at least twice weekly on a specially printed 867 letterhead. turned the opinion of three other board members. An interesting example is his acidulous comment on the knighthood awarded ‘after many years of disappointed hopes’ to Sir Robert 869 Kotewall. Braga and Kadoorie developed a most cordial relationship. Braga stuck to his guns and gave instructions that Clemo was to attend board meetings. he told Kadoorie. because what mattered at that juncture to both 866 Mary Braga to Paul Braga. he wrote. Braga to Sir Elly Kadoorie. but it was not one of equals. but comments on affairs in Hong Kong and the looming threat of war as Canton fell to the Japanese and Hong Kong filled with destitute refugees. who lived at Marble Hall.P. 291 . a magnificent mansion in Shanghai.P. 17 October 1938. Paul Braga Papers. ‘I want to see justice done to Clemo’. who held one of the Chinese seats on the Legislative Council. to enable the older man. 869 J. 10 June 1938. are held by the Hong Kong Heritage Project. 27 July 1939. ‘We were met and entertained by the Kadoories with true Jewish 866 hospitality’. Clemo. Braga the backing he sought. as Acting Deputy Manager in the absence of that officer.

J. Kadoorie in Shanghai on 8 February 1944. In the background is Lion Rock Photographs by courtesy of Hong Kong Heritage Project men was the rapid completion of the company’s new power station at Hok Un. 292 . Site formation well advanced. They died within six days of each other. Braga speaking at a ceremony to mark the commencement of construction. 123-136. Braga in 871 N. Removal of the hill of solid granite on the line of Argyle St (foreground) was the top priority. 1934. ca.P. 871 commenced in 1937. Power. Waterloo Road curves below the crest of what would become Braga Circuit. pp. An aerial view. both men were caught up in the catastrophe of war. 1931. Cameron. of what was to become the ‘Garden Suburb’. 20 January 1932. It is hard to imagine a more unpromising site for what was at the time a major housing development. ca. and opened to much éclat on 26 February 1940. The following year.

Braga’s appointment to the Sanitary Board and to the Board of China Light placed him in a far better position for a senior post in the local business scene – in Kowloon. J. and had seen his growth in stature and capacity over several decades. intimately involved in the conduct of his father’s business affairs. Tony Braga.. assessed his family’s role: At that time. 150. Ho Tung and later Kadoorie were evident.Macau on 14 February. As Sir Robert Ho Tung had previously expressed a desire to dispose of his shareholding in the Hong Kong Engineering and Construction Company. but not the great British-controlled firms whose palatial head offices lined the praya on the Hong Kong side. it was badly affected by the 1925 strike. set up in 1922. Hong Kong Engineering and Construction Company. The area to be developed. 293 .’ Braga’s other major business activity in the 1930s was in another of the concerns in which the inter-locking interests of Shewan. 872 Ibid. was sold by the Government at public auction on 16 January 1931 [an error. The project. Braga and his son Hugh conceived a scheme for the Hong Kong Engineering and Construction Company to transform a huge barren tract of land in Kowloon into a model housing estate.². was one of Ho Tung’s interests. ‘Two of the oldest and wisest heads in the company’s affairs were missing 872 from the first meeting after the trauma of the occupation. and the building of a modern residential suburb of detached and semi-detached houses with gardens. the date was 16 November 1931]. which worked out at 24. Braga persuaded Sir Elly Kadoorie to provide financial backing for the proposed new housing development. This was the Hongkong Engineering and Construction Company.P. comprising 1. They were missed as the firm began to recover when the war ended. Once again. The Hongkong Engineering and Construction Company.000 for the land. The site consisted to a large extent of two high hills with a deep valley in between. and with wide approach roads from Argyle Street and Prince Edward Road. J. especially in the construction industry.000 ft. paying $326. provided for the levelling of the two hills and filling up of the valley. Ho Tung had watched Braga since the 1890s.P. Like most businesses. as designed by Hugh Braga. That waterfront had been created by Sir Paul Chater between 1900 and 1903.333. p. and was slow to recover. situated between the Diocesan Boys’ School and the Kowloon Hospital. the successful bidders.5 cents a square foot.

retaining this 874 position until the Japanese Occupation. 875 South China Morning Post. 3 February 1930. Braga himself told a board meeting in June 1941 that he had been put in by Ho Tung and told that he had six months to turn the company’s fortunes around or it would be wound up.1/40. J. The purchase of what at once became its major project took place on 16 November 1931. Braga Papers MS 4300/14..P. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.1/34.P. 1. 6-7.. Kowloon Tong had followed in the mid-1920s.M. fol. Peace Ave and Victory Ave. J.1/40. but its developers got into difficulties and approached J. fol. 873 Notes prepared by A.M.P. J.M. 93. Liberty Ave.M. the project was successfully completed. In due time. Hongkong Engineering and Construction Co. What was termed the ‘Garden Suburb’ was described by the Post as ‘one of the biggest property undertakings in the 875 history of the colony’. South China Sunday Star. fol. Hongkong Engineering and Construction Co. 294 . 17 November 1931. 7 January 1932.M. and the Government rewarded the principal movers in the development of Kowloon’s prime residential area by naming the two main roads running through the estate as Kadoorie Avenue and Braga 873 Circuit. Braga file. 874 Minutes. Braga became Chairman and Managing Director in February 1930. J. A. 17 June 1941. Braga Papers. MS 4300/14. Braga to use his good offices to seek relief from Government for their financial problems (South China Morning Post. Minutes. 15 July 1929. He added that he was given the small salary of $250 per month. Other areas nearby had been opened up with a view to the expansion of European residential areas: Homantin soon after World War I. Tony’s reference to Ho Tung’s role was cautious. April 1987. The minutes of this meeting make it clear that the ‘Garden Estate’ scheme was proposed by Hugh Braga. pp. Braga for an interview with Beverley Howells. J. with its obvious street names. 34-38).

876 Letter. no dividends were paid.M. 295 . fol. 21. with a small profit of $5. 11 August 1932. Minutes. South China Morning Post. 881 J. on a small emolument as chairman. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.1/34. His fee was half that. cit. 880 He pointed out in 1941 that his predecessor as Chairman had received a fee of $1. 4 May 1970.M. high. [We] let the hill of 30. His membership of the boards of China Light and the Construction Co.93. Erik Faber.g. reporting a confidential conversation with a key consultant. However. letter to Sir Elly Kadoorie. 1-9. op. 82. 30 April. A02/15. There was a long period of site development of the roads and 100 building sites. Hong Kong Heritage Project. and no increase had been made in the eleven years since his appointment in 1930.57 in 1935. still essentially a small town 877 caught up in its own affairs. 17 June 1941. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 96 and 97. 878 As reported to the Company’s 1936 Annual General Meeting. as it was usually called. 4 April 1938.1/34. It meant that J. Braga. J. 4 May 1933. 200 ft. 23 January. In the meantime. One reason for the hesitancy on the part of investors in the site was the existence of a hill of solid granite 50 ft. The purchase and development of this 30 acre (12 hectares) site and its steady progress attracted much press attention in Hong Kong. and the first four houses were not built until 1936.P. 14 April 1938. South China Morning Post. 18 April 1936. with a still smaller 879 profit of $2. as did the widespread recognition of his significant community service.M. his son Hugh described the reason for its neglect until the 1930s and the company’s successful approach to this large project.510. Loose cutting at end of album.500 per annum. income from the quarry kept the company solvent.178. Hongkong Engineering and Construction Co. The stone for all the retaining walls and for 876 concrete for the earlier residences came from this quarry. and the directors agreed to 878 forego half their directors’ fees. In a candid moment. long and occupying ¾ of the width of Argyle St. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 30 January 1932. J.1/34.P. things were no better. Paul Braga Papers. Hugh Braga to Paul Braga. 23. gave him status. 877 e. South China Sunday Star. This was in addition to his salary as Managing Director of $250 per month. Hutcheon. 880 was still unable to recover from the financial disaster of 1925-26. p. By 1937. R. fol. ‘I have no money and never pretended to be with any. 879 South China Morning Post. he told Kadoorie. 7 January 1932.Much later.000 tons as a quarry and turned a major liability into a profit. 42. 22. J. One of the conditions of sale was that this hill had to be removed by the purchaser at his own cost. Braga. Hongkong Telegraph. But one 881 thing I quite assured him I had and that was a good name’. $750..

Braga Papers MS 4300/2. Would this recognition be made formal? J. Braga. Braga was the first member of the Hong Kong Portuguese community to receive the OBE. J.B. J. However. but other unofficial members of the Legislative Council had received higher decorations for less distinguished service. 296 . “Warmest congratulations. using the family’s nickname ‘the General’ for their father. whereas Hong Kong officialdom might think that an OBE is quite adequate for what I have done.M. 14 June 1935. Am just going to send this telegram to Father.M. It looks like a “cumshaw” from the departing 883 Peel the snob.P. 89. ‘the General’ responded pacifically.P. who was away in Shanghai. he was appointed an Officer of the Order of the 882 British Empire (OBE). 3 June 1935. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. the mere fact that recognition has been made is gratifying enough when the achievement of my self-imposed task to raise the prestige 882 Hong Kong Government Gazette. Probably my services to Hong Kong are over-rated by the family and my more intimate friends. J. 883 A. South China Morning Post. Greatly disappointed meagre recognition. However. A cumshaw was a pittance given to a beggar in the street.E. fol. Braga’s work for the British Empire Trade Fairs in 1932 and 1933 both merited and received recognition. Braga to J.M. Sir William Peel concluded his term of office as governor in December 1935.M. In the King’s Birthday honours in June 1935. Family. After all these years of service the General is given just a paltry O.1/34. Tony wrote a note to Jack. It rankled with his family.” It’s disgraceful. 6 June 1935.3/4.

The community rose to the occasion. The superbly illustrated menu card was among 886 the few personal papers of J. Mrs Angela Ablong. 22nd July 1935’ A superbly illustrated menu card. who later produced similar work in the POW camp at Shamshuipo and after the war. His passport.1/33.M. of our community in the Colony is the best form of reward I could 884 hope for.3 His compatriots recognised that no other member of the Portuguese community had received comparable recognition.P. 19 June 1935. whatever the comparisons.M.P. as a Portuguese. Marciano ‘Naneli’ Baptista. J. he was made a Visitor of the Shanghai Club. in the writer’s possession. was held (2012) by Braga’s granddaughter.3/6. Braga to survive the war. the counter-part of 887 the Hong Kong Club. Chinnery’s pupil. on the strength of his OBE. but seldom in letters.M. His sons commonly referred to their father as ‘the General’ in conversation between themselves. J. indicates that he was away from Hong Kong from 12 to 22 July 1935. dated 11 June 1935.3. J. Braga Papers MS 4300/2. he was debarred.M. Braga to J. Hong Kong.B.E. thought to have been executed by Marciano Baptista. as it had done six years earlier. by most of 885 the Portuguese community. 884 J. Braga Papers MS 4300/13. Although unsigned. it is likely to have been executed by the skilled graphic artist. He had just returned from Shanghai. ‘Naneli’ Baptista was the grandson of the earlier Marciano. where he was delighted to find that. and tendered him a dinner at Club Lusitano. 23 July 1935. Braga Papers MS 4300/13. Mr.P.M. attended. Braga. 886 J. 887 The invitation from the Shanghai Club. at Club Lusitano by Members of the Portuguese Community. ‘Dinner given in honour of The Hon. J. from which. O. 297 . Braga Papers MS 4300/14. Braga. wrote the Post. 885 South China Morning Post.

a later editor. but he got nothing. in M. p.1/33.M.. Holdsworth. 29 August 1936. 298 . Lo was appointed to the Council in 1936 while Tso still held his seat. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. and a conservative sagacity that have made him a valued adviser to Government’. M. Munn (eds).. Both have deserved well of the public and cannot be allowed to withdraw from the Council without adequate expression of the public’s thanks. Braga could not be described in words like this! Ching knew his man. Henry Ching’s editorial style in 888 the Post is unmistakable.Braga might have expected the higher award of Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) when he retired from the Council fifteen months later.. ‘Tso Seen-wan’. 74. Indeed. the honour of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire was conferred on him. fol. 439. and he could not swallow it. 890 South China Morning Post. the Chinese community had very feeble “champions” on the Council’. nor had he mistaken the date. but he found it hard to say anything specific.’ Henry Ching deftly assessed each man.. in January 1937. Hinting at the lack of recognition. ‘Before Mr. Lo’s appointment. He could not bear to admit in public that he had been passed over for a reward that most others received. Four years afterwards. A correspondent to Ching’s paper was still more direct. SCMP. making a broadcast to mark the centenary of Hong Kong in January 1941. he described both Tso and Braga as ‘two tried and proven public servants . J. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. ‘Tso’s ‘unobtrusive demeanour conceals a surprisingly virile personality . p. wrote ‘Non- 890 Chinese’. the first eighty years. 889 M.K. he remarked that ‘before the retirement of the first Portuguese member from the Legislative Council in 1937. members of the Chinese community 889 saw him as subservient to the government. 29. The Press was more generous than the Government.’ He did not admit that the award was made two years before his retirement. 888 As pointed out by Robin Hutcheon. at the conclusion of his second term of office. It was a bitter pill. Holdsworth and C.

Perhaps more than any other member of the Council. familiarity with workaday problems and an indefatigable enthusiasm for development. His utterances are marked by concern for Hongkong as Hongkong – a territory with its own economic and social problems. he looked forward. Braga to J. and I was very glad to see this point emphasised in a 891 South China Morning Post.1/34.P. Braga. he has been fearless and outspoken.3/6.M.. but his criticisms have always been constructive in character. 893 J.M. 299 . loose cutting at end of album. His public service [has been] based on long residence. When he has differed from the Government on matters of policy. who told Jack: I called on both Wylie and Ching in person the other day to thank them for their magnificent leader. A man of high moral courage. Mr. Instead. 892 Hongkong Telegraph. Probably more than any other member of the Council he is in contact with the Colony’s industries and with those therein engaged. 30 January 1937. J. Braga’s complete retirement from public life would be an irreparable loss to the 891 community. loose cutting at end of album. warmly appreciated by Braga.. Sir Andrew Caldecott had succeeded Sir William Peel as Governor in December 1935. 26 January 1937. The Hongkong Telegraph added: Always a strong advocate of the development of the mainland. 28 January 1937. Mr. the permanent home of thousands whose domestic interests are so easily overlooked in the consideration of matters of high finance and politics. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. he has never wavered in his faith in the future of the Colony. Ching the editor of the South China Morning Post. J. Both of them were extremely nice. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. Regret at his decision to retire is universal. J. This editorial was referred to by the governor in his valedictory statement at the Council’s next meeting. while refraining from comment on anything that had transpired in his predecessors’ terms of office. It was all very gratifying to hear from both of them that I fully deserved all that they said . and I fully appreciated the genuineness of 893 their congratulations.M.1/34. Happily in the case of Mr Braga and Dr Tso their public service is in no wise terminated by the expiry of their appointments on the Legislature.M. Wylie was the Managing Director. He was gracious in his public tribute. Braga Papers MS 4300/2. They were generous and gracious comments. Braga had come to be regarded as the champion of 892 the people.

his appreciation of the retiring Colonial Treasurer. a member of the Executive Council. Sir Andrew Caldecott. Man Kam Lo.P.H. Stuart Braga collection. The truth is that the successful Legislative Councillor is never really functus officio because he has become the proved friend and trusted confidant of 894 the Administration and the people. and Dr Tso Seen-wan. neither of which possessed the photograph. 300 . Copies have been given to the Hong Kong Public Record Office and the Archives of the Hong Kong Legislative Council. four months later. 894 Hong Kong Hansard. However. Other unofficial members of the Legislative Council identified include Sir Robert Kotewall. J. In the centre is the governor. Hong Kong dignitaries. also reported in South China Morning Post. 4 February 1937. nor could they add to the identifications given above. was always distinctive in Chinese dress. January 1937. ca. Braga is seated at the left. Taylor. Indeed Mr Braga is already busy with the organisation of our local Coronation festivities and Dr Tso will shortly sail for England to represent us at the Abbey ceremony. E. recent newspaper appreciation of what they have done for Hong Kong. Sir Robert Ho Tung. Looking back over the past 29 years I can remember several cases in which public-spirited gentlemen accomplished even more valuable work for the community and exerted an even greater influence on public opinion after their retirement from the Legislature than they did during membership of it. 3 February 1937.

wrote that ‘Dr Sousa.M.1/40. Hugh wrote to Jack on 14 November 1934 that ‘Father is picking up very nicely’. fol. 93. and in 1935 had given a gold medal and two silver medals to be presented at the Company’s Annual Dinner for the members who enlisted the greatest number of recruits for the Portuguese Company. 14 April 1937. was far more fulsome. Braga.3/7. as he had lost so much money in the strike. J. 897 Noel Braga Diary. 11 September 1935. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. thought at one time that I might not be able to pull 898 through’. A group photograph of prominent people taken about January 1937 shows a sick man of 65 seated heavily in his chair. 13 August 1934. A photograph taken in January 1929 when he took his place on the Legislative Council shows a 896 man of 58 in his prime. and he was hospitalised for a month in the newly completed Queen Mary Hospital.M. J. 92.M. That led to a mild stroke in January 1938. 896 China Mail. then a particularly painful and debilitating illness. 301 . who met all expenses. Hong Kong Hansard. but in a much reduced form. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 19 January 1929. 895 South China Morning Post. who had been in attendance. 5.M.1/34. at that time largely immedicable. Tony and Paul.M. He was hospitalised for several weeks in 1934 with gall bladder trouble. J. Braga to A. He was no stranger to worry and ill-health. It took him several months to recover. He was patron of the Portuguese Company of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. The ill-health of earlier years returned. J. 77. However. South China Morning Post. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. In 1926 Noel recorded that his father ‘spoke of the hard times he had as a young man. fol. and when he recovered. Braga Papers MS 4300/2. without 897 money and severely handicapped by ill-health’.1/34. J. Lung trouble laid him low that year for some time.1/34. and he went to Shanghai to recuperate. Braga Papers MS 4300/14.P. staying with his sister Bellie. and the intense pressure of running both a business and a public career told on him.M. 898 Hongkong Daily Press. besides which three of his sons were members of the Volunteers: Hugh. 895 That support continued. loose cutting at end of album. he was aging rapidly. He suffered from chronic high blood pressure. J. 27 October 1934. 15 April 1937. but recovered well. This photograph appears earlier in this chapter.Braga’s role in public life did indeed continue. Later photographs tell a different story. 8 May 1926. fol.

Kadoorie replied. At his suggestion. Hongkong Engineering and Construction Company.’ Five years later.P. 6 November 1936. Braga was such a prominent public figure. ‘on condition that the name of the Managing Director was associated with the other’.M. Braga Papers MS 4300/13. in 1943. J. 6 October 1936. however. It had been expected to take five years. then approaching the completion of its long period of development of the J. that I am able to perform my 899 duties as usual. 1937 ‘Garden Suburb’.’ 302 . accepting. the street names would become the most visible monument for both men in this uniquely attractive residential locality. he recognised that it had affected 900 his ability to write. 900 Draft Chapter 21 of his The Portuguese in Hongkong and China. commenting to the board that ‘he hoped the Directors 902 would understand that he was not seeking publicity’. Braga. Braga too accepted.P. 15 February. 903 Hong Kong Government Gazette. He was able to continue his chairmanships of both China Light and the Construction Co.1/34. J. 19 February 1938 from unidentified newspapers. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. 901 ‘Mr.3. his progress received 901 press attention.P.. Loose press cuttings at end of album.P. Hong Kong Heritage Project. and we are considering various potential avenues. 904 ‘It is such a unique environment in HK that we should probably do something to remind people about its heritage. In the fullness of time. Braga A02/15. dated 27 January. He told Sir Elly Kadoorie later that year that ‘I cannot expect my health to be restored to what it had been. J. Braga in no danger’. 899 Braga to Kadoorie. resolved to ask Sir Elly Kadoorie for his consent in requesting the Government to name the road running through the Estate after him. such as a simple website. and by October 1936 several houses were ready for occupation. 902 Minutes. The names Kadoorie Avenue 903 and Braga Circuit were gazetted in November 1936. the board of the Construction Co. There is one fortunate circumstance. still in the early twenty-first century a source of 904 satisfaction to the company that provided the financial support for its development.M. J. 10 August 1938. ca. As J. Three cuttings.

The website was developed some months later. Braga would love to have had a career liked Leo’s. By that time. accessed 20 May 2012. he went to England. Leonardo d’Almada Jr. Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons Ltd. taking the title Sir Albert. Portuguese trapped in Hong Kong had no way out. 906 J. 6 June 2011. He was followed by Sir Roger Lobo in 1985. most departed for the USA and other Pacific 908 Rim countries.P. J. 243. Oxford. 1912-1941.1/ After a successful career at St Joseph’s College. The history of the laws and courts of Hongkong. 22 January 1937. 303 . In the 1960s and 1970s. Hong Kong under imperial rule. to this writer. This was the young scion of Hong Kong’s premier Portuguese family. So too had the numerical strength of the Portuguese community. and his successor followed his lead. He in turn was succeeded by another St Joseph’s boy. Forty years earlier.A less visible but far more important legacy was the succession of other prominent members of the Portuguese community to positions of responsibility in Hong Kong’s public life. 142. the numbers of which were fast dwindling following serious troubles in the mid-1960s. In 1942 they fled en masse to nearby Macau. Alberto Rodrigues. In 1971 he became the first Portuguese in Hong Kong to receive a knighthood. p. Braga Papers MS 4300/14. A distinguished career of service to the community and the university led to his appointment to the Legislative Council in 1953. J. loose cutting at end of album. On leaving St Joseph’s in 1927. he studied medicine at Hong Kong University.thekadoorieestate. grandson of the man whose connection with the origins of Hong Kong had received 906 such acclaim. 907 South China Morning Post. and returned to Hong Kong where he enjoyed a brilliant legal and political career that effectively began with his 907 appointment to the Legislative Council in 1937 at the age of 32. Director.P. Like Braga. Braga had demonstrated that a Portuguese 905 councillor could not be ignored. attitudes of racial inequality had passed. 908 This exodus is discussed in Chapter 13. Nicholas Colfer. http://www. 905 Hong Kong Government Gazette. Miners. Leonardo d’Almada e Castro. There was a regular place on the Legislative Council for a Portuguese member for the next two generations. p. he became known for his activism. N. W. studied law at Exeter College. 25 January 1937. Norton-Kyshe. J. in 1925- 26.

1937. Hong Kong centenary stamps. The 25c stamp used a photograph that grandly celebrated the new head office of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. He did not try to set an agenda for what still had to be done. Sir Shouson Chow and Sir Robert Ho Tung. in J. These were augmented by the reminiscences of the two grand old men of the Chinese community. Marques. Noronha.1/33. he did not attempt to overstate their significance. Soares and Baptista as well as his own. in Hong Kong Centenary Commemorative Talks. In the current generation of leaders. Unidentified press cutting. Wisely. He gave no names. possibly from China Mail. ZBW. In discussing the role of the Portuguese community at large. ‘Portuguese pioneering: a hundred years of Hong Kong’. Several postage stamps were issued. Instead there were cameos of Hong Kong’s commercial. They were those covered in earlier chapters of this thesis: d’Almada e Castro.M. Remedios. between 18 and 21 January 1941. It was a fair statement of the true position of the 909 J. opened on 10 October 1935. to Dr Graça Ozorio. still anonymously. Henrique Botelho and Marciano (‘Naneli’) Baptista. ca. Rosario. 31. folio 142. China’s National Day. MS 4300/14. Braga Papers. he referred. Braga. and a series of talks were broadcast on the radio station. Braga was the obvious choice for the first of these. January 1941. Two talks on non- British communities were also included: the Portuguese and the Indians. p. but any Portuguese listeners would have had no trouble identifying the leading families he mentioned. the planner of these talks did not put together a triumphalist array of British achievements.P. Not surprisingly. It was not the time to brandish big issues. and there was no mention of the Opium War that led to the presence of the British in the first place. this man whose 304 . merely saying that ‘in business the Portuguese obtain positions and remain in employment by virtue 909 of attentive devotion to duty’. Hong Kong celebrated its centenary as a British colony in 1941 with a good deal of display. and Braga rose to the occasion well in a reflective address that acknowledged what had been achieved. sporting and cultural life.

305 . Three of his sons who married in Hong Kong chose St Andrew’s Anglican Church. for the most part. The contributions made by four of Braga’s sons were solid. there was a group of aspirational achievers. A02-15. John became Assistant Secretary of China Light in 1939. The gradual closing of his public life from 1937 on gave him a greater degree of family life than he had ever known. respectable and industrious. and by 1935 had seven children. Passing years brought a partial healing of the breach in family relations caused by the religious split some twenty years earlier. By then. named for José Braga’s mother. 910 J. made special mention of the opportunities afforded by Catholic schools and latterly by Hong Kong University. 26 August 1937..Portuguese community. but had developed. who had made a real difference to the whole community. They were not the downtrodden proletariat that Montalto de Jesus had lugubriously depicted. Carolina. The eldest. and by the end of 1941. Besides. 911 Minutes. Jack married in Macau in 1924. Eventually there would be eighteen. 1939-1940. though a layman of such prominence could easily have obtained an episcopal 913 dispensation had he so wished. there were seven more grandchildren. into what might be thought of in the social composition of a European city as a lower middle class. close to the family home at Knutsford Terrace. José Braga did not attend any of them. Of these. Braga to Sir Elly Kadoorie. He told Noel firmly in 1926 that he would always remain a Catholic. José Pedro Braga undoubtedly stood head and shoulders above others.P. was born on her grandfather’s 55th birthday. Hong Kong Heritage Project. General Works Manager of the Construction Co. 24 November 2010. was described by his father as ‘a key employee of the 910 Company who had played the game by the Company’.. 913 Filomeno (‘Meno’) Baptista interview. his father’s term of office as a member of the Legislative Council had concluded and his affairs were much quieter. Hongkong Engineering and Construction Co. This meant that to enter a Protestant church was a mortal sin. These two circumstances created a special relationship. Hugh. in August 1937. Of seven sons still in Hong Kong. After many years as a 912 clerk. education had been so vital to his success. 13 June 1938. 912 Hong Kong Jurors Lists. Noel’s was to the stable management of China Light as Company Secretary. for their weddings. 3 August 1926. Tony became Property 911 Superintendent in the Construction Co. six married between 1934 and 1940.

As they grew into adult years during the 1920s and 1930s. the small boy seated on the ground in front of Olive. Christmas 1937 at Knutsford Terrace. Later. 306 . She had invested so much into the upbringing of her thirteen children that she simply could not let them go. Olive would not attend any of the weddings either. Paul Braga Papers. 22 October 1943. she became a hypochondriac. As a result she had difficulty walking. her children became very caring of their mother. knowing very well how hard life had been for her. It seems that the surgery was only partially successful. ‘Joe as Father Xmas’. and underwent 914 several operations in the 1930s. All her adult sons except Jack lived in the large family home until their marriages. By the end of the 1930s. Only one of her four daughters married: Maude. Paul wrote to his brother James of his concern ‘that she was doing 915 herself more harm [than good] with all the poisons she has been taking for years’. Gynaecological problems were unmentionable in that era. but for a very different reason. only Tony remaining a bachelor. All her food had to be puréed. She had become care-worn and chronically ill. This is apparent in movie film taken by Hugh in 1938. 915 Paul Braga to James Braga. she had become increasingly dependent on her youngest 914 These were mentioned in various letters. the second. By courtesy of Noel Braga’s son Maurice. Not surprisingly. but never specified. prone to over-dosing herself with all sorts of medicines.

Kowloon had fallen to the Japanese on 11 December. Hong Kong Heritage Project. that night and the following day. MLMSS 2205. thousands of Chinese roamed the streets in bands. I felt very bad when the time 917 came to say “Good-bye”. but incapable of independent action. having been evacuated to Australia in July that year. Isaac Newton.M.P. demanding. he wrote.P. and there were large gatherings at the family home at Knutsford Terrace.daughter Mary. Lavalle. Each year from 1936 to 1940 brought at least one more infant to the gathering. 6 July 1940. and there were two days of anarchy before the victorious Japanese began to restore order. 307 . Birch & M. Occupied by the Argentine Consul. A02/15. close to Paul’s home on nearby Braga Circuit. then in her twenties. armed with choppers. diary. meat cleavers and daggers breaking into many houses. ‘7 sons. Tony wrote: The police abandoned [Kowloon] … without any warning to the people. Most of the Braga family gathered in 26 Kadoorie Ave.. Cole. He enjoyed his role as a grandfather in a way that he had never done as a father. A reign of terror followed throughout the afternoon. ‘It was hard to part from these dear little ones. up at the site [the Kadoorie Avenue estate] all the tenants left behind congregated in one house 919 for safety and we fought off the looters. 917 J. ‘It was a very nasty sound’. Christmas brought all the younger Bragas together in the early years of their married life. it had a very heavy teak door. 916 As Olive described him on the back of the 1937 photo. It was a time of terror with looters armed with knives. In the centre was 916 ‘Joe as Father Xmas’. 918 nearly a kilometre away. and Hugh’s family was no longer there. Another battle took place there. State Library of NSW. Senõr R.. In 1941 there was no happy gathering at Knutsford Terrace. followed by an obligatory group photograph on the tennis court. and was therefore selected as a fortress. 27 June 1942. bamboo poles and some with revolvers . Braga to Sir Elly Kadoorie. James had gone to America with his new wife Anne. This separation is hard to endure’. though on Christmas Day 1940. prematurely aged mother. Captive Christmas. in A. whose life was gradually stifled by a clinging. May Pollard Papers. told Kadoorie. with the added note. 919 Tony Braga to James Braga. J. sent to her sister May Pollard in Australia. 29. 918 Dr Isaac Newton. 4 daughters & 5 “in laws & 3 babies ’. James Braga Papers. p. a doctor at nearby Kowloon Hospital could hear the roar of looting in Nathan Road. not yet 70 years of age.

Of the approximately 100 houses on the Estate in 2012. between 1936 and 1940. General Works Manager and Architect for the Estate. The following summary and account are taken from a long letter sent by Paul to James on 22 October 1943 following his escape to Free China.J. and 25 December 1941. In these two days. Paul added that ‘it was due mainly to the cool-headedness of the Argentine Consul 920 and Tony that we did not lose’. 308 . February 2009. Courtesy of Mr N. 22 were still the original houses designed by Hugh Braga.T. Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons Ltd. James Braga Papers. menacing mob of between forty and fifty looters. 920 Paul Braga to James Braga. severely damaged by a residents of the Estate sought refuge from direct hit from British shelling between 12 looters. Colfer. the men present repelled two determined attacks from a shouting. Map 20 – Kadoorie Avenue and Braga Circuit Master Plan. R. Lavalle’s house.M. 11-12 December 1941. where the remaining Hugh Braga’s house.

On the fly-leave she wrote. After being starved for the past fortnight we all agreed that it tasted better than any meal before.. in Paul Braga’s words: a broken man both physically and mentally . With the 921 earnest hope that these calamities may soon be over’.. 19 December was Caroline’s 30th birthday. The Scriptural quotation is Joshua 1:9. suggesting that this building would suit them. There was even a box of crackers!! And the room was decorated with ‘Xmas banners saved from previous years . Memorable days. These days of defeat and fear left José Braga. The women took refuge in their faith.. The besieging of Hongkong’. It matters to Him about You. James Braga Papers. Paul told the story of an unforgettable Christmas Day: He got Audrey [Paul’s wife. He often and often spoke of his devotion to each of us 922 and repented at his aloofness in past years. 19th Dec: ’41. 922 Paul Braga to James Braga. We all admired him for his wonderful patience and the way he “took it” without any complaints. who spoke Japanese. Two of our chickens were killed and tinned food (corn etc. ‘Fear not. a public stairway joining the two levels. It was the first time we had showed real indifference to the blazing of artillery fire from Jap guns in the several vacant lots of the site – some of them so close to our house that the plates jumped on our tables from the concussion in the air. 309 . ‘The Battle of Hong Kong.. 22 October 1943. and with the Japanese military close by they knew they were safe from looters for the present. what was to be our last real feed. During the fire and cross-fire we all 921 Found in Caroline’s effects after her death in 1998 and now in this writer’s possession. Then there was a real ‘Xmas pudding which was made from ingredients Aud bought a few weeks previous.The house was immediately above the headquarters of China Light. ventured out on the second day and made contact with some Japanese soldiers.) made up for the rest. (Most of these shells missed their targets. So it proved. all the servants having fled] to cook a special ‘Xmas tiffin for the whole family. Yet he rallied for Christmas Day. one hit Hughie’s house and wrecked it completely). be of good courage. It was the happiest and yet the gloomiest tiffin we ever had. neither be dismayed. Noel. Nor did we leave our seats during the return shelling from British forts in Hongkong which brought direct hits on some of the Jap guns. and her mother gave her a small book of devotional verse. The Lord Thy God is with thee wheresoever thou goest. Mary added.

The children. four of them. he broke down in tears and it was some time before he was able to resume. said Noel’s 923 wife Marjory fifty years later. When he spoke of Maude and the children [Maude was not there. her whereabouts uncertain. ‘We knew what that meant’. 22 May 1991. 310 . and to have more patience with each other. facing a perilous future]. 923 Marjory Braga interview. but you could never imagine more laughter and talk from a ‘Xmas party when the guns were silent. Father gave a speech in which he told us how he really loved his family always. ‘Hong Kong had surrendered’. were there in the house. the sound of gunfire on Hong Kong Island ceased and there was silence. and wanted us all to stick together through the trouble. As darkness fell on that strangest of Christmas Days. At the end of the meal. sat still.

926 In later years. a selection of the Museum’s historical photographs. the family lived in modest comfort. McDougall and B. 1906-1925 Growing up at Robinson Road When José Braga brought his family back to Hong Kong from Macau in 1906. not far from where the Braga family lived at No. 19. but those memories were just below the surface. life was much ‘a particularly attractive residential area’. 926 Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hongkong. 39. p. in 1906. It is human nature to try to ignore the hard times. children back to Hong Kong. Pettman. p. McDougall and B. p. about 500 feet above sea level. The Ohel Leah Synagogue Hong Kong. 6 June 1902. This district was described at the time as ‘one of the loveliest spots on the island . 311 . He knew Hong Kong Museum of History. late nineteenth century.. 924 It was ‘a particularly attractive residential area at that time’. 19.. At that stage. in Macau could not provide them with the education they would need to succeed in a world dominated by the British Empire. It was essential to bring the City of Victoria. 105. Pettman. p. 925 K. 37. 925 No. The synagogue was located at 70 Robinson Road. 1841-1920. from first-hand experience that schools . with a full view of all boats and islands’. a rented property on what was already known as the Mid-Levels of Hong Kong Island. By 1910 when 924 Jewish Chronicle. there were seven to feed and educate. the family looked back on their childhood with affection. harder. While their father had his good position at the Telegraph. but once Robinson Road. The Ohel Leah Synagogue Hong Kong.. cited by K. they lived at 37 Robinson Road. 37 was a large and comfortable two-storey house built on a new extension to the road. he was on his own. Chapter 10 ‘The honourable tribe’ The Braga family in Hong Kong.

1938. Kotewall was a prominent lawyer. A.P. Tony would recall that his mother had done all the cooking. 928 Not far away lived R.L. P. 11. Kotewall. 930 Annual Report. 927 She would have been the only European woman in Hong Kong to do so. added Tony. I revere her memory’. Snow. 312 . 931 Noel Braga Diary. 5. Jarman. a cook and perhaps a ‘makee-learn’. there were another two girls. Hong Kong Annual Administration Reports. and the two younger girls to St Stephen’s Girls’ College. 8 April 1987. and by 1914. in R. Sir Robert’. Holdsworth and C. Jean paid the fees for her 927 Sunday Morning Post. vol. 929 P. the father of this large family was justifiably proud that he had managed to put them all through school and get them started in life. though in the straitened times after the 1925-26 strike and boycott. which was what Braga would like to have been.M. 1841-1941. ‘She coped very well with all problems. 23. Gillingham.M. in M. p. Sir Robert Ho Tung. 931 This meant that all nine boys went to St Joseph’s. was the first. a young girl learning her skills the hard way in a foreign household. 928 Notes prepared by A. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. The fall of Hong Kong. 31 May 1987. The Braga household made do with a single wash amah. were cheap in those days. and had a household of 26 servants. M. Braga on the Legislative Council. The struggle and poverty that flowed from this situation have already been referred to.M. p 196. and even poorly paid Portuguese Stuart Braga collection: Hugh Braga's album clerks could afford two or three: a wash amah. 930 Looking back in 1926 on these hard years. but sometimes there was no money even for that one. 929 Rich and successful. Sir Robert Kotewall became in 1938 the second Eurasian to be knighted. page 172. 8 May 1926. Holdsworth . who would later sit with J. At the Peak. knighted in 1915. Munn (eds). Servants 37 Robinson Road.he left the Telegraph there were four more boys. p. Braga for an interview with Beverley Howells of the South China Morning Post. In his eightieth year. Braga file. Olive had then to do everything herself. ‘Ho Tung. Home of the Braga family from 1906 to 1925. with its known excellence.

932 John and Paul were later prize- winners. 313 . 933 South China Morning Post. Tony. ca. Caroline and Mary. Left to right: Clement. but several of the boys were fine sportsmen.younger sisters. 1918. fifteen and eighteen years her junior. Hugh. Maude. April 1908. Hugh and Tony. Stuart Braga collection: Hugh Braga's album was enormous. and for a year paid the university fees for her brother Hugh when he forfeited his scholarship. 933 School sport was unknown in their father’s day. 932 South China Morning Post. each a champion athlete. Chappie. In one year. 31 January 1919. the brood of nine children would grow in number to thirteen. three of the boys won prizes at St Joseph’s: Noel. Hugh and Paul. Noel. but she also contributed to the weekly family budget. Jack. perhaps because the Physics taught at St Joseph’s had not been of a sufficient standard. James. St Joseph’s was largely staffed by unsalaried Religious. 17 March 1927. Within six years. Chappie. Each of the children who had the opportunity to stay at school did well. especially Jack. but Jean’s commitment to her sisters The Braga family on the steps of 37 Robinson Road. Her income from piano teaching cannot have been large. Jean.

Less prominent in the Braga ménage was the second daughter Maude. Jean enthusiastically embraced supposed ‘health’ diets. An early family photograph taken in Hong Kong about 1908 shows the two girls head and shoulders above the crowd of small fry. Paul Braga Papers). She was a woman of promise. a small baby. All the younger boys wore hand-me-downs for many years. Jean also inherited her father’s intellect. the ‘rat room’. an interesting reflection on changing technology. 935 She was brought up in the environment of her mother’s conspicuous musical talent. vivacious person who despite difficult circumstances retained an infectious enthusiasm for whatever life had to offer. She learned the piano from her older sister and had a lovely singing voice. 936 According to undocumented family tradition. when access to the family home at Robinson Road was difficult. the most extreme being a lecture by a visiting nutritionist/faith healer who convinced Jean that one chicken liver was equivalent in nutritional value to a whole chicken. friendly. ravenously hungry. in a letter to her youngest son Paul in 1943. as a secretary. for misbehaviour. she became the first woman in Hong Kong to hold a motor cycle rider’s licence.The two older girls. Born in December 1898.’ (Olive Braga to her daughter-in-law Audrey Braga. she hoped to study abroad. and it was Jean who ensured that they were not ill-fitting. undated. For a time. becoming a capable violinist and pianist. with a demeanour of gentle authority.e. especially the violin. and was dux of her school. 1943. The picture is one of excessive expectation of a young woman who had little time to live her own life. or was obliged to take through sheer necessity. of Jean’s ‘extraordinary love for teaching and her wonderful aptitude in fashioning clothes. and more than two years younger than Jean. though she inherited both her mother’s musicality and her ability to pass it on. and sent to school next day with a slice of bread and dripping for lunch. Tony. Jean in particular was the one to whom her mother looked in the many years of exhausting and unremitting care for small children. were given half a chicken liver each for dinner. She became an accomplished horsewoman before the motor age. she necessarily took a lesser role in household management than Jean came to take. but marked ‘received 15 June’.i. July 1991). but it was a memory shared without bitterness (By Tony Braga with this writer. Like her father. Caroline and Mary following in Jean’s footsteps. Olive later wrote. Maude was seven when the family returned to Hong Kong and grew up to become an energetic. her younger brothers. but Maude worked for the Standard-Vacuum Oil Co. 935 An undocumented tradition is that she was to have been awarded a scholarship for this purpose. is on Jean’s lap. Another memory is of being shut in a dark room. 934 Significantly. but it went to a student with better connections. 314 . James on Maude’s. but this did not eventuate. Three of the Braga sisters became music teachers. She was vivacious and charming and was sought after as a music teacher. though in later life they could laugh about it. 936 934 Her younger siblings’ memories of Jean’s household management were not always happy ones. Yet Jean retained her love of and commitment to music. trained by her mother. found themselves of necessity caring for their mob of young brothers. Jean and Maude.

Maude was a competent horsewoman and later visited Shanghai to compete at a gymkhana there. four years younger than herself.M. warmly supportive of her mother’s conversion soon after the family’s return to Hong Kong. that she Maude Braga. Jack to Noel. He led them in party games. She was even-tempered. Maud got shocked & went away leaving nine. his progress to be measured. James Braga Papers. Jean was only twenty-one years of age when her brother Delfino. 938 On hearing of her death in 1962. It is easy to imagine the uproarious fun they enjoyed together. We all had tea first of all upstairs and then we went down stairs for the games and songs. so the others followed until we came to the last which was Hugh and he got married to Caroline. was born in 1900. and was clearly the leader in his family.3/12. Braga Pictures. 939 Delfino Braga to Lena Noronha. like Jean. always called ‘Chappie’. all born in the next ten years. died a terrible death in 1917. good soul that she is. and. 315 .’937