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***PERFORMANCE AFF INDEX***
***PERFORMANCE AFF INDEX*** .............................................................................................1 ***1AC*** ..........................................................................................................................................2
Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 3 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 5 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 6 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 7 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 8 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 9 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................. 10 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................. 11 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................. 12
***2AC ANSWERS*** .................................................................................................................... 13
2AC A/T: FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................................... 14 2AC A/T: CAPITALISM K.............................................................................................................................. 15 2AC A/T: PERFORMANCE CO-OPTED ........................................................................................................ 16
***NEG*** ....................................................................................................................................... 17
Framing of Appropriate Methodology/Limits Link............................................................................................ 18 Realism Link.................................................................................................................................................... 20 Form Key Yo ................................................................................................................................................... 21 Poetry Solvency ............................................................................................................................................... 23 A2: Linguistic Resistance Fails......................................................................................................................... 25 Forgetting Alt................................................................................................................................................... 26 IR Theories Link .............................................................................................................................................. 28 A2: Realism good............................................................................................................................................. 29 A2: Perm/CP No Solve: Mimetic v Aesthetic Reps of IR .................................................................................. 30 Realism Link.................................................................................................................................................... 32 A2: Perm-Mimesis v. Aesthetic Approach=Mut Excl ........................................................................................ 33 Solvency/A2: Cedes political ............................................................................................................................ 35 Framework ....................................................................................................................................................... 36 Debate as newscast/reps K internal ................................................................................................................... 37 security rhetoric bad ......................................................................................................................................... 38 questioning reps = good .................................................................................................................................... 39 security discourse bad....................................................................................................................................... 41 security discourse = bad ................................................................................................................................... 43 AT: s¶quo security discourse............................................................................................................................. 45
***LD*** .......................................................................................................................................... 47
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Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 3
Soon after Liberation, Seoul began to teem with 370 different political parties and civic groups. Every morning when you woke up several more had hung out their signboards. Parties with just five members appeared, lacking even a signboard. The commander of the occupying forces, General Hodge, detested the Koreans, calling them cats or worse. All the Koreans working in Hodge's headquarters and the Koreans in the streets outside his headquarters were liberally doused with DDT. Smothered in that poisonous powder the Koreans would giggle helplessly while they boiled with seething shame. Thanks to the Americans who came for the war in 1950 Korea again became a land of DDT, fleas, bugs, and the plentiful lice and nits about their bodies, even invisible microbes, were uncivilized Koreans so the Americans drenched the Koreans in plentiful quantities of DDT. All the orphans likewise were baptized in Hallelujahs and DDT. Offspring with neither dad nor mom became the offspring of DDT. Ch'oe Johan, a war orphan, his family name was that of the director of his orphanage, Zion Home, his given name the John of St. John's gospel. His original name, Pak Sun-Sik, was completely forgotten. Since his room happened to be next to a stinking cesspool, Ch'oe Johan's blanket always smelt of a mixture of DDT and sewage. Ah, home, sweet home.
Ko Un Five Poems from Maninbo (Ten Thousand Lives)
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 4 .
is just as much about the allocation of power within society as it is about warding off an external threat. In each case. the situation in Korea became directly linked to the security and economic interests of the four great powers.´Now I would like to examine how Korea¶s security dilemmas became intertwined with Cold War international relations and how the ensuing identity constructs continue to shape politics on and toward the peninsula long after the collapse of the Soviet Union. States have identities just as individual people do. however. China. in one of the most influential early texts on Korean politics. but the struggle for influence in Korea did not remain a Soviet-American affair. I will pay particular attention to the role of the United States. one between Japan and China (1894-1895) and the other between Japan and Russia (1904-1905).Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 5 Performance 1AC The tumultuous history of the Korean peninsula cannot be isolated from the security-driven policies and practices of global powers. the United States. Specifically. how Gregory Henderson. Acknowledging the importance of geopolitical factors is not as obvious as it seems at first sight. And each has good reason for doing so. Bleiker. reiterated the same theme: ³more than anything. far from imminent. one that sees it solely as a rogue and this a source of danger and instability. for nothing about the past and present dilemmas on the peninsula can be addressed or even understood without recourse to the United States. 2005 (Roland.´ A solution is. If this judgment is wrong. for the West tends to project a very one-sided image of North Korea. Many studies of Korean politics and society. the Korean peninsula has always been an important factor in the security policy of the surrounding powers. I bring the earlier discussions of individual and national identity back to the locus classicus of security studies. to its object and subject: the state. With the Sino-Soviet split in the early 1960s and the reemergence of Japan as an economic power. Divided Korea. By scrutinizing the geopolitical context of Korea¶s security dilemmas. Nicholas Eberstadt. for instance. especially those conducted under the broad influence of the modernization paradigm. for instance. In the 19th century two major wars were fought for control of the peninsula. the Soviet Union. are evident and much discussed but not so some of the interactive dynamics that have led to the standoff in the first place. Then the situation rapidly deteriorated until the peninsula was literally at the brink of war. dialogue between North Korea and the United States is the importance key to a solution.´The deeply . often interpreted as nuclear brinkmanship. The arbitrary partition of Korea in 1945. This is why China repeatedly stressed that the latest nuclear crisis was primarily an issue between North Korea and the United States. I will give special attention to the two nuclear crises that have haunted the Korean peninsula since the early 1990s. and the subsequent transformation of this supposedly provisional settlement into a permanent division of the peninsula. They struggle with a variety of internal dilemmas. paid relatively little attention to geopolitical issues. perceptions of North Korean hostility have a direct effect on the U. In this chapter I seek to shed light on at least some of them. for instance. foreign relations. The problem is that these interactive dynamics are hard to see. the competition was largely a rivalry between these two hegemons. 35-8) Constituting a natural link between the Asian mainland and Japan. in 1993-1994 and in 2002-2003.S. Consider. This is why Elizabeth Kier believes that it is ³counterintuitive to assume that military doctrines respond only to objective conditions in the international arena. the events were strikingly similar: North Korea made public its ambition to acquire nuclear weapons and withdrew from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. Both the United States and North Korea see each as a threat. Our identification of threatening rogue nations justifies a continued military presence overseas and solidifies America s hegemo ic positio in the world. pgs. must be attributed largely to the strategic and symbolic importance of Korea in the emerging Cold War power struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. the geopolitical importance of Korea increased. The dangers of North Korea¶s actions. stresses that ³North Korean policies and practices have accounted for most of the volatility within the Northeast Asian region since the end of the Cold War. I stand most ready to have it proven so. which are then projected onto the outside world. With the development of military technology and the increased globalization of the confrontation between the great powers in the 20th century. in his final speech as South Korea¶s president. Military doctrine. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. But each is also implicated in the production of this threat. and Japan. argues that ³external factors are for Korea and her internal courses of secondary importance. Kim Dae-Jung. Initially.
the U. even if the situation is in reality far more complex and interactive. this militaristic attitude has. As during the Cold War. Pyongyang bears perhaps the lion¶s share for much of the culture of insecurity that still persists on the peninsula. in part because the highly specialized discourse of security analysis has managed to attribute responsibility for the crisis solely to North Korea¶s actions. Indeed. is not to absolve North Korea of responsibility. In the absence of a global power that matches the United States. from bombings of civilian airliners to tunnel and submarine infiltrations across the DMZ. .Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 6 entrenched image of North Korea as a rogue state is part of an identity-driven political attitude that severely hinders both an adequate understanding and potential resolution of the crisis. building up a strong military arsenal is viewed as the key means through which this line is to be defended.The rhetoric of rogue states is indicative of how U. Over fifty years it has committed at least a dozen terrorist acts.S. not to speak of countless other provocations and verbal aggressions. The consequences of this posture are particularly fateful in Korea. designed both fortify its authoritarian rule and to win concessions from the international community.S. identity and difference. Bush has embarked on a form of crisis diplomacy that explicitly generates threats in order to improve its negotiation position and force its opponent into submission. Drawing attention to the interactive dimension of security dynamics. administration under President George W. But this does not mean developments take place in a vacuum. Look at Washington¶s recent promulgation of a preemptive strike policy against rogue states. The ³evil empire´ may be gone but not the [Continued«] Performance 1AC [Bleiker Continues«] underlying need to define safety and security with reference to an external threat. The effect of these threats has been largely obscured. intensified. if anything. and the role of the United States in it. foreign policy continues to be dominated by dualistic and militaristic Cold War thinking patters. in an almost mirror image of North Korea¶s vilified brinkmanship tactic. The production of crises has become a hallmark of North Korean politics. for it reinforces half a century of explicit and repeated nuclear threats against the government in Pyongyang. Rogues are among the new threat perceptions that serve to demarcate the line between good and evil.
Various excellent books have the situation rapidly deteriorated. Particularly problematic is the approach of the most influential external actor on the peninsula. for it reinforces half a century of American nuclear threats toward North Korea. ix-xi) Korea. Divided Korea.A fundamental rethinking of security is required if the current culture of insecurity is to give way to a more stable and peaceful environment. two specters haunt the peninsula: a military escalation. I identify broad patters of conflict and embark on a conceptual engagement with some of the ensuing dilemmas. even outright war. By early 2003 both seek not new facts and data but new perspectives. to gain concessions from the international community. This makes security a self-fulfilling prophesy. Contributing to this task is my main objective of this book. From then on. publicly contemplated the possibility of a preemptive strike against North Korea. the United States. ideologically isolated and economically ruined. the United States and North Korea were threatening each other with outright war.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 7 Performance 1AC Despite our continued presence and influence. although less evident. Few policy makers. when Few conflicts are as protracted as the one in Pyongyang admitted to a secret nuclear weapons program and subsequently withdrew from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. To be more precise. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. I do so by exploring insights and options broader than those articulated by most security studies specialists. The dangers of North Korea¶s nuclear brinkmanship are evident and much discussed. Miscalculations or a sudden escalation could precipitate a human disaster at any moment. While pursuing this objective I offer neither a comprehensive take on the Korean security situation nor a detailed update on the latest events. and journalists ever try to imagine how North Korean decision makers perceive these threats and how these perceptions are part of an interactive security dilemma in which the West is implicated as much as is the vilified regime in Pyongyang. pgs. Equally dangerous. are the confrontational and militaristic attitudes with which some of the key regional and global players seek to contain the volatile situation. not least because the highly technical discourse of security analysis has managed to present the strategic situation on the peninsula in a manner that attributes responsibility for the crisis solely to North Korea¶s actions.Dealing with North Korea is perhaps one of the most difficult security challenges in global politics today. Particularly significant is the current policy of preemptive strikes against rogue states. East Asia has remained a region of constant war. and a North Korean collapse. where deeply hostile and anachronistic Cold War attitudes have posed major security problems for half a century. even if the situation is in reality far more complex and interactive. The latest such attempt occurred in the autumn of 2002. it is the inherent ³other´ in a globalized and neoliberal world order. I aspire to what Gertrude Stein sought to capture through a poetic already done so. 2005 (Roland. not least because its leaders periodically rely on threats. Totalitarian and reclusive. which could easily destabilize the northeast Asian region. in its most militaristic posture in decades. I . such as nuclear brinkmanship. security analysts. Washington¶s inability to see North Korea as anything but a threatening ³rogue state´ seriously hinders both an adequate understanding and potential resolution of the conflict. Bleiker. Yet North Korea survives. Even Japan. Any attempt to resolve hostilities must first begin with a fundamental rethinking of these paradigms. The status quons emphasis on security does not provide stability . The problematic role of these threats has been largely obscured.it only increases tensions to the point where accidents and miscalculations could risk further escalation into all-out war.
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metaphor: the political and moral obligation to question the immutability of the status quo; the need to replace old and highly problematic Cold War thinking patterns with new and more sensitive attempts to address the dilemmas of Korean security.
Aesthetic approaches to world politics can reveal new ways of revealing the security dilemmas of the status quo.
¡ ¡ ¡
These insights cannot be
schola ship. Language provides us with the means of carving out thinking space and affecting social change. It embodies the potential of transversal dissent and gives an alternative to the quick-fix solutions that only further the problem instead of understanding its complexity. Bleike , co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin, 2009 (Roland, Aesthetics and World Politics, 171-2) How, indeed is it possible to speak critically in the prevailing scholarly language of international relations? Many commentators are skeptical and correspondingly frustrated. Consider the Indian public intellectual AshisNandy and the
Australian aboriginal scholar and activist Marcia Langton. The former laments that important voices from around the world cannot be heard because they do not speak in the language of the Western academy. The latter stresses that there is a major gap between scholarly discussion and
How, in a more general sense, is it possible to speak critically, in English ± a language that has historically evolved from the centre of the world, first from the British colonial empire, then from the vantage point of American hegemony, and now as the new lingua franca of international political, economic and cultural interactions? How to express those silenced voices, those worlds that lie beyond the linguistic zone of exclusion that the global dominance of English has established? How to decentre the centre through the language of the centre? Poetry can show us ways of dealing with these important and difficult issues, with the µreconstruction of the world through words¶. This is why ± as demonstrated in several case studies through this book ± literature plays a particularly important role in authoritarian contexts, where aesthetic engagements might be able to open up spaces for dissent and promote social change. But the importance of aesthetics goes much further, touching upon the very essence of political life. This is so even though the radically different viewpoints that a poetic image illuminates may not always be directly translatable into clear-cut policy recommendations. The poetic imagination can show us ± in the form of a micro-experiment that reveals much larger implications ± how to bring into view many of the repressed perspectives, voices and emotion that otherwise may never reach the eyes and ears of those who theorize or practice world politics. By focusing my case studies on the
the actual lives of indigenous people. How then, is it possible to speak critically in scholarly language? poetic imagination I have, in some ways, gone against the trend of recent contributions to the aesthetic turn. Many scholars have begun to focus on the role of images and on popular, rather than high culture. My focus on the poetic is not meant to question and counter this trend: visual culture is one of the most important and largely under-studied aspects of international relations. Likewise, popular culture offers a range of important ventures to understand world politics. My decision to engage the links between poetics and politics is in part a result of personal interests and of the need to focus a scholarly inquiry in order to provide meaningful insights and sustain an argument in a systematic manner. But there is a more substantial issue as well: no matter how much our age revolves around visual images, we can never escape words, for language is far more than a means of communication: it is the very basis of how we make sense of the world and, ultimately, of who we are. Our individual and cultural values are
ma ginalized voices that
emain hidden in t aditional IR
directly translatable to policy prescriptions
athe they open space fo
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inevitably intertwined with the manner in which we speak and write about ourselves and our surroundings. There is no escape from the prism of language, from the manner in which words represent the world in culturally specific manners. But what we can do ± both as scholars and as politics beings ± is to engage this process: to be aware of how language frames the world and how a linguistic reframing might also allow us to rethink and reshape the real world. A successful [Continued«]
rethinking of world politics,
a search for a more peaceful and just international order, must deal with representation. It must engage the languages through which we have come to distinguish the safe from the threatening, the rational from the irrational, the possible from the impossible. What is needed is a critique of language that opens up possibility to gaze beyond the giveness of world politics, that can problematize political dilemmas which have been rendered unproblematic, even invisible, through years of normalizing speech and corresponding political practices.
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We believe that a critical approach to world politics is necessary to explore the linkages and complex systems that actually comprise the subject matter of international relations. Problem-solving approaches are doomed not only to fail to recognize the complexity of transversal struggles, but also replicate and sustain modes of domination that exist. Transversal struggles provide the alternative framework for examining agency and dissent that challenges state-centric modes of violence in Tibet. Instead of focusing on large scale forms of resistance, transversal dissent focuses on the more urgent task of resisting at the non-heroic level. We therefore affirm the resolution (the United States Federal Government should substantially reduce its military presence in South Korea) through the use of poetry. Signing the ballot is an affirmation of the potential for dissent contained within poetry.
Discontent! What a powerful thing it is. We all should have more discontents that ought to be than discontents that are. The discontent that I feel for myself when at midnight I inspect myself under direct light from a lamp. Half-written texts books as yet unread a watch gone dead these are surely my strength. Outside the window I see cars rushing down Route 38 by night. Even they are my discontent. What a powerful thing! -----³Discontent,´ in Songs of Tomorrow by Ko Un
a great variety of activities. slowly. and thus influenced the transversal constitution of societal values. Even the agent becomes gradually blurred. but that does not mean the effects of voting for a poetic dissent are any less real. for instance. Dissent works by digging. poetry does illustrate the potential of dissent. whose purview has tended to be confined to the domain of high politics. The potential of such interferences can only be unleashed through a long process. But how can something as inaudible as transversal poetic dissent possibly be evaluated? How can a form of resistance that engages linguistic and discursive practices be judged. This is true of critique of language in general. At a time when the local and the global become ever-more intertwined. of course. The poetic imagination not only illustrates why global politics cannot be separated from the manner in which it has been constituted and objectified. does not directly cause particular events. Human Agency. But poetry is. The impact of discursive dissent on transversal social and political dynamics is mediated through tactical and temporal processes. Popular Dissent. Rather than attacking direct manifestations of power. There are no quick and miraculous forms of resistance to discursive domination. The world will not be changed immediately. However. Those who have read it may have passed altered knowledge on to other people. have the potential to acquire significant transversal dimensions. But this does not render their effects any less . An analysis of poetic dissent provides insight into the processes through which these sites of struggle operate. but also without being separated from it. often of a daily and mundane nature. pgs. underneath the foundations of authority. and Global Governance. 2000 (Roland. A linguistic expression of dissent works by insinuating itself into its target ± the population at large ± without taking it over. poetic dissent seeks to undermine the linguistic and discursive foundations that have already normalized political practices. Bleiker. nor do I believe that they can actually be solved.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 11 Performance 1AC Judging the political effects of poetry is impossible. it does not visualize an opponent in space and time. only one of many linguistic and discursive sites of dissent. by the very nexus of power and knowledge it seeks to distance itself from? These difficult questions beg for complex answers. or merely be understood. at least not in an absolute and definitive way. Discursive forms of transversal dissent will always remain elusive. poetry draws attention to a multitude of increasingly important transversal spheres that have all too often been ignored by international relations scholars. 270-2) Poetry is one of the dissident practices that become visible through this reframing of global politics. whatever form it takes. The effect of a poem cannot be reduced to its author or even to the poem itself. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. I do not claim to have solved them here. but also reveals how linguistic interferences with these objectifications can exert human agency and engender processes of social change. A poem. It unfolds its power through a gradual and largely inaudible transversal transformation of values. Only by taking individual stands against dominant readings of linguistic conventions can viable dissent occur. Poetic engagements with the linguistic constitution of political practices testify to the transversal and transformative potential that is contained in everyday forms of resistance. In doing so.
precisely because it refuses to be drawn into narrow political debates. Neither does this recognition invalidate efforts to assess the role of language in interfering with the constitution of global politics. While having succeeded in subverting various linguistic aspects of the existing [Continued«] Performance 1AC [Bleiker Continues«] order. The fact that the underground poetry scene was penetrated by the State Security Service has challenged both the credibility of the poets and their attempt to carve out an autonomous aesthetic space. It is in this sense that the Prenzlauer Berg poetry scene ± precisely because of its mixed success. rather. attempts to stretch language such that a more critical view of daily life in East Germany could be expressed. particularly its attempt to challenge the political. the Stasi revelations highlight the need to come to terms with the complex and transversal elements that are entailed in breaking out of existing webs of power and discourse. But rather than undermining the validity of their activities altogether. In some ways the young writers of the 1980s have shown that poetic dissent can be politically relevant even though. The East German poetry scene at Prenzlauer Berg. the poetry scene at Prenzlauer Berg also epitomises some of the difficulties that are entailed in discursive forms of transversal dissent. call for a more sensitive and modest approach to the question of evidence and human agency. .Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 12 potent or real. precisely because of its controversies and failures ± has contributed a great deal to our understanding of the transversal struggles that make up contemporary global politics. or. has served to illustrate the complexities that are entailed in transversal struggles. spatial and linguistic constitution of Cold War international politics. Their works were transgressions. It does. however.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 13 ***2AC ANSWERS*** .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 14 2AC A/T: FRAMEWORK .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 15 2AC A/T: CAPITALISM K .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 16 2AC A/T: PERFORMANCE CO-OPTED .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 17 ***NEG*** .
at times gradually. 57-86) The doorkeepers of IR are those who. thereby circumscribing possible solutions to conflicts. George Canguilhem argues.Within these margins each discipline recognizes true and false propositions based on the standards of evaluation it established to assess them. Such procedures not only suggest on what grounds things can be studied legitimately. as detached observer. if the doorkeepers did not inform us that their methodological suggestions emerged from years of teaching a coregraduate course at one of North America¶s foremost research institution. they are mere value statements. can produce value-free knowledge. In every society the production of discourses is controlled. They establish the rules of intellectual exchange and define the methods. Keohane. All other utterances have no cognitive and empirical merit. one could easily mistake their claims as parodies of positivism. They create systems of exclusion that elevate one group of discourses to a hegemonic status while condemning others to exile. state-centric discourse. texts or social practices. Such a positivist position assumes only that which is manifested in experience. Robert O. organized and diffused by certain procedures. This model depoliticizes issues of perspective and framing. ³Forget IR Theory. Byoutlining the methodological rules about how to conduct good scholarly research. Bleiker. that believes the social scientist. 1997 (Roland. normative claims. in a Foucaultian sense.´ Alternatives 22:1. that ³qualitative´ and ³quantitative´ research approaches do not differ in substance for both can (and must be) systematic and scientific. One does not need to be endowed with the investigating genius of a Sherlock Holmes to detect positivist traits in these pages. talked. Hence. knowingly or unknowingly. but also decide what issues are worthwhile to be assessed in the first place. make sure that the discipline¶s discursive boundaries remain intact. These functions emerge as soon as the and Sidney Verba.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 18 Framing of Appropriate Methodology/Limits Link They are the doorkeepers of IR-they strive for ³real world education´ by limiting the spectrum of acceptable IR scholarship to objective. and instruments that are considered proper for the pursuit of knowledge. to come back to Nietzsche. which emerges from observing µreality¶ deserves the name knowledge. and written of in a normal and rational way. at times abruptly. authors present their main argument. Discourses. It is not my intention here to provide a coherent account or historical survey of the exclusionary academic conventions that have been established by the discipline of IR. We are told that the goal of research is ³to learn facts about the real world´ and that all hypotheses ³need to be evaluated empirically before they can make a contribution to knowledge´. Which facts? Whose µreal¶ world? What form of knowledge? The discursive power of academic disciplines. theymaintain a certain unity across time. They determine the limits of what can be thought. Instead. why ³all things that live long are gradually so saturated with reason that their origin in unreason thereby becomes improbable.´ Academic disciplines are powerful mechanisms to direct and control the production and diffusion of discourses. Indeed. a unity that dominates and transgresses individual authors. unprovable speculations. I want to illustrate the process of disciplining thought by focusing on a recent publication by three well placed academics. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. In other words. legitimate or illegitimate. they fulfill important and powerful doorkeeping functions. They explain. the doorkeepers inform us that what distinguishes serious research about the ³facts´ of the ³real world´ from casual observation is the search for ³valid inferences by the systematic use of well-established procedures of inquiry´. Although the boundaries of discourses change. are subtle mechanisms that frame our thinking process. a topic has to fulfill a number of preliminary criteria before it can even be evaluated as a . Gary King. works such that a statement has to be ³within the true´ before one can even start to judge whether it is true or false. techniques. selected. One easily recognizes an (anti)philosophical stance that attempts to separate subject and object.
we are powerful and we are only the least of the doorkeepers. but disciplined thought´. The warning is loud and clear: ³A proposed topic that cannot be refined into a specific research project permitting valid descriptive or causal inference should be modified along the way or abandoned´. then just try to go in despite our veto. for ultimately all research topics that have no ³real-world importance´ will run ³the risk of descending to politically insignificant questions´. or to those who even have the audacity of questioning what this µreal world¶ really is.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 19 legitimate IR concern. or publishing criteria determined by the major journals in the field. Admittance cannot be granted at the moment to those who are eager to investigate the process of knowing. linked to such aspects as university admittance standards. Or could it be that these allegedly unimportant research topics need to be silenced precisely because they run the risk of turning into politically significant questions? The systems of exclusion that doorkeeping functions uphold is sustained by a whole range of discipline related procedures. called debates. the outcome of the discussion is already circumscribed by the parameters that had been established through the initial framing of debates. At least the doorkeepers of IR have not lost a sense of (unintended) irony. They force the creation and exchange of knowledge into preconceived spaces. The criterion of admittance. Even if one is to engage the orthodox position in a critical manner. the doorkeepers laugh. A research topic must ³pose a question that is µimportant¶ in the real world´ and it must contribute to the scholarly literature by ³increasing our collective ability to construct verified scientific explanation of some aspect of the world´. to those who intend to redraw the boundaries of µgood¶ and µevil¶ research. The doorkeepers of IR remind the women and men from the country who pray for admittance to the temple of IR that only those who abide by the established rules will gain access. the doorkeepers notify us. are twofold. They readily admit that ³we seek not dogma. policies of hiring and promoting teaching staff. Thus. . as soon as one addresses academic disciplines on their own terms. teaching curricula. Academic disciplines discipline the production of discourses. one has to play according to rules of a discursive µpolice¶ which is reactivated each time one speaks. examination topics. And if you are drawn to the temple of IR after all. But take note.
Noam Chomsky provides another example of the links between language and politics. Consider how Oceania introduced Newspeak to accommodate its official ideology. The reputation..originally almost always wrong and arbitrary. Nietzsche provides an astonishing account of its dynamics: This has given me the greatest trouble and still does: to realize that what things are called is incomparably more important than what they are. the essence and is effective as such. . the very idea of epistemological critique is a heretic thought and the sentence thus becomes simply untranslatable. They represent the relationship between people and their environment. New words were invented and invariably. The same linguistic dynamic of exclusion is at work in IR theory.´ Alternatives 22:1. are built upon a set of prejudices that are expressed via metaphors. The language of realism has rendered any challenge to its own political foundations unthinkable. Carol Cohn demonstrates how the particular language that they employ not only removes them from the µreality¶ of nuclear war. Yet. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. The consequences. He argues that mainstream discourses linguistically presented the ³involvement´ in Vietnam such that the actual thought of an American ³aggression´ or ³invasion´ was unthinkable. They are part of a larger discursive struggle over meaning and interpretation. or simply µpeace¶. Yet. a thought diverging from the principles of Ingsoc . merely because people believe in it. Without using the actual term reification (Verdinglichung). Bleiker. name. 57-86) Languages. in Nietzsche¶s view.Consider how Robert Gilpin criticizes the post-structuralist language of Richard Ashley by declaring entirely unintelligible his claim that ³. and appearance. Not surprisingly. but also are essential for the articulation of an epistemological critique. Languages are more than just mediums of communication. Cohn rightly stresses. they simply would be unintelligible and untranslatable.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 20 Realism Link Realism is the lingua franca of today¶s securitized IR theory-it distances us from the reality of war and the pursuit of national interests by camouflaging systems of exclusion and violence as inevitable facets of human experience. but also constructs a new world of abstraction that makes it impossible to think or express certain concerns related to feelings. morality. are fateful because the language of defense intellectuals has been elevated to virtually the only legitimate medium of debating security issues. George Orwell¶s fictional world provides a perfect illustration for this subjugating power of languages. The objective of this exercise was that ³when Newspeak had been adopted once and for all and Oldspeak forgotten. selectively filtered images of objects and impressions that surround us. almost Ideas become reified because reality and dominant discursive practices merge to the point that the links between them vanish from our collective memories.´ The following passage illustrates well the extent to which language and social practice are intertwined. undesirable ones either eliminated or striped of unorthodox meanings.that is.´ By then history would be rewritten to the point that even if fragments of documents from the past were still to surface. the usual measure and weight of a thing. Ingsoc. We find similar dynamics at work in the more µreal¶ (but equally Orwellian) IR world of defense intellectuals.should be literally unthinkable. what it counts for . a heretical thought . Gilpin admits that he frequently was unable to follow Ashley¶s argument. the process of neglecting that we are all conditioned by decades of linguistically entrenched values largely camouflages the system of exclusion that is operative in all speech forms. We become accustomed to our distorting metaphors until we ³lie herd-like in a style obligatory for all.all this grows from generation unto generation. ³Forget IR Theory.. thrown over things like a dress and altogether foreign to their nature and even to their skin . an integral element of politics. The concepts used in this sentence not only make perfect sense to any critical social theorist. What at first was appearance becomes in the end. read through the Newspeak of scientific realism. until it gradually grows to be part of the thing and turns into its very body. where the dominant realist language renders discussions of epistemology virtually impossible.the objective truth of the discourse lies within and is produced by the discourse itself´. and this despite plenty of readily available evidence in support of such an interpretation. 1997 (Roland.
or at least with the manner in which these practices have been constituted.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 21 Form Key Yo Bleiker. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. A concept is always a violation. The usage of concepts is Adorno¶s starting point. Consider. It is more because it imposes a particular interpretation of freedom upon and beyond the conditions of freedom sought after at a particular time and place. In making this assumption. something someone (a man!) has and others don¶t. The objective then becomes to conceptualize thoughts such that they do not silence other voices. 1997 (Roland. we need to employ concepts to express our ideas. filed ad actaasrelics of a past way of thinking that is no longer adequate to deal with an increasingly complex and intertwined sphere of contemporary life. one can appropriate and open up the meaning of existing concepts. Adorno follows a well carved out path. we hear the echo of Nietzsche. interconnected.´ Here. Adorno recognizes that even before dealing with specific speech contents. Some traditional realists view(ed) it . existing concepts Besides appropriating the constituted meaning of one can open up possibilities for more inclusive ways of theorizing and acting by resorting to an all together new way of conceptualizing. µdiplomacy¶. But how do we prevent new concepts from imposing their own subjectivities? No concept will ever be sufficient. an imposition of static subjectivity upon complex.´ Alternatives 22:1. µhegemony¶. He shows how the judgment that one is free depends on the concept of freedom. for instance. methods that will always remain attempts without ever reaching the ideal state that they aspire to.´ From this perspective the first step in any process that tries to escape the controlling power of orthodox IR theory entails paying close attention to its linguistic practices. 57-86) I focus my attempt to forget IR language on Theodor W. the concept of µpower¶. that which has no history can be defined´. Various authors have suggested methods for this purpose. concepts can never entirely capture ththeire objects that they are trying to describe. if challenges to orthodoxy and attempts to open up thinking space are to avoid being absorbed by the dominant discourse. as a result. Adorno¶s reading of Nietzsche. I have chosen Adorno because he epitomized both the languages mold a thought such that it gets drawn into subordination even where it appears to resist this tendency. Thus. We know of Mikhail Bakhtin¶s dialogism. To talk of IR. to simplify things a bit. µanarchy¶. but co-exist and interact with them. Acknowledging and dealing with the political dimensions of concepts is essential in the effort to defy the doorkeeping power of orthodox IR. Nietzsche was already aware that ³all concepts in which an entire process is semiotically concentrated elude definition: only strengths and dangers of this approach. First. Hence. ³Forget IR Theory. It is less because it cannot adequately assess the complexities of the individual¶s expectations and the contexts within which s/he seeks freedom. ³there is nothing more wicked and harmful to freedom than liberal institutions´. one that is also linked µreality¶ of IR. µsecurity¶. who transformed the terms µ schwul¶ and µqueer¶ from derogative and discriminatory expressions to positively imbued assertions of identity that create possibilities for more inclusive ways of thinking and acting. and continuously changing phenomena. But this concept is both less and more than the object or subject it refers to. But diverging opinions pressed for a more broad conceptualization. not simply a subjugating force. In this phallocentric definition. Even closer to the struggles over the meaning of such concepts as µstate¶. power is the capacity to act. will ever do justice to the object it is trying to capture. we can observe to functions of consent and legitimacy. but at least as much an enabling opportunity. and µethics¶. This strategy was demonstrated in political practice by German and English speaking gay/lesbian activists. Others again view power as a complex structure of actions that permeate every aspect of society. There are at least two ways through which one can subvert the delineation of thinking space imposed by orthodox definitions of IR concepts. Adorno argues that ³the concept of freedom always lags behind itself. The linguist Fritz Mauthner already considered Sprachkritik as ³the most important task of thinking humanity´ and the poet Paul Valéry probably captured its objective best when claiming that ³the secret of well founded thinking is based on suspicion towards language. What Nietzsche emphasized in a historical manner. a theory of . that. again. Orthodox IR concepts are then simply left behind. who already claimed that liberal institutions cease to be liberal as soon as they are established. Adorno illustrates through a contemporary example. as ³man¶s control over the minds and actions of other men´. The form of writing becomes as important as its content. As soon as it is applied empirically it ceases to be what it claims it is. then they must engage in a struggle with conventionally recognized linguistic practices. or of anything for that matter. Critique of society cannot be separated from Sprachkritik. Yet. critique of language.
This disenchantment of the concept is the antidote of critical philosophy. The first step towards disenchanting the concept is simply refusing to define it monologically. and agendas of those one is unaccustomed to But how does one conceptualize such attempts if concepts can never do justice to the objects they are trying to capture? The daring task is. validity claims and the like.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 22 knowledge and language that tries to avoid the excluding tendencies of monological thought forms. Adorno even intentionally uses the same heeding when building social theory. through a rationalism and universalism that is violently anti-Bakhtinian and anti-Adornian. in relation to each other. and searches for possibilities to establish conceptual and linguistic dialogues among competing ideas. Closer to the familiar terrain of IR we find Christine Sylvester¶s feminist method of empathetic cooperation. Jürgen Habermas attempts to theorize the preconditions for ideal speech situations. That contradictions could arise out of this practice does not bother Adorno. Instead. fears. to resist the distorting power of reification and return the conceptual to the non-conceptual. in this case. he accepts the existence of multiple meanings. such that ³claims to truth and rightness can be discursively redeemed´. speech forms. . Indeed. Communication. to open up with concepts what does not fit into concepts. which aims at opening up questions of gender by a ³process of positional slippage that occurs when one listens seriously to the concerns. values. it impedes the concept from developing its own dynamics and from becoming an absolute in itself.´ concept in different ways in order to liberate it from the narrow definition that language itself had already imposed on it. texts. albeit. draws connections between differences. one should add. Concepts should achieve meaning only gradually. he considers them essential. should be as unrestrained as possible. as we know from Adorno.
It illustrates how poetry can be a way of coming to terms with history. breaks its spell. This sense of suspense is accentuated by the fact that Igel fuses sentences with commas. keeping me under their spell. is a form of remembering. One is inevitably thrown into a continuous questioning mood.´ Alternatives 22:1. they held me near the house like a vine. syntactic. fulfills the task of a critical memory. Moreover. under the light of drying sheets. Igel¶s poem not only captures this objective in content. this or that idea. but because it cannot do otherwise. a language that is not a vine. semi-columns or a simple µand¶ where they normally would be terminated with a period. as I learned their language¶) but refuses to close this question with an appropriate question mark. i did not want to miss the personified sound of my name. The poem is not able to escape the constraints of language. Once you have understood the content of my speech. an example will have to suffice.A poem is a conscious transgression of existing linguistic conventions. Only an extended lecture of poetry can succeed in stretching the boundaries of our mind. In this sense poetry sets itself apart from prose because it negates. It disappears as soon as it has fulfilled its purpose. the suspense of the initial question even goes beyond the end of the poem for Igel refuses to close it with any sort of punctuation. actively engaged in a critique of the dominant language in order to create thinking space in a suffocating society. does not vanish after its usage. which smelled like urine. the forgetting that a poem like ³The Pupil´ does. No isolated citation will ever do justice to this objective. But for the more limited purpose of this paper. except maybe through the refusal to capitalize µI¶ and the first word of the poem. by contrast. then. In a societal context (East Germany of the 1980s) of strong ideological dogmatism and strict behavioral rules. Igel is one of thek East German poets who. but a free-standing and freely growing tree. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. pushing its branches up into the open sky. her poem entirely disregards the German linguistic convention of capitalizing nouns . making strange that which is familiar.´ a poem written by Jayne-Ann Igel. my voice a bird-squeak. designed to rise from its ashes. because that is what poetry is all about. much like Adorno¶sSprachkritik. Indeed. it assures a presence beyond death and . Needed. during the 1980s. In doing so it ³breaks up the inertia of language habits´ and ³liberates the subject from a number of linguistic. about opening up thinking space and creating possibilities to act in more inclusive ways.´ Illlustrating the power of poetry to rediscribe reality is no easy task. even violating the stylistic. For example. a searching more inclusive ways of looking at the constitution of things present and past. the form of my speech becomes meaningless. held me by the neck with their teeth Needed. she starts off with a question (µwas I caught forever. The question µwas i caught forever. For Kristeva. ³The Pupil. Indeed. a protest against an established language game and the system of exclusion that are embedded in it. poetic language disturbs. different ways of perceiving what we already know. it is about unsettling. not by chance or as a side effect. and social networks. expresses aspects of the transition from the Cold War to a new international order. a radical critique of language that pierces through the plaster of the ruling philosophy. as i learned their language¶ echoes long after the last word is read. fractures meaning. 57-86) Poetry has the potential of subverting and unsettling the encroachment of dominant IR practices. the fingers pierced through the plaster. whose shoots they clip ped. ³Forget IR Theory. as i learned their language. a permanent state of suspense that lasts until the end of the poem. around the substance of form. Poetry. her poem purposely violates a number of existing linguistic conventions. for poetry is not about this or that argument. The breaking fee. it vanishes from your memory. but it makes these constraints its raison d¶être. Poetry revolves. He separates poetry from prose and stresses that in the latter form is not preserved. but also in form. Sprachkritik. illustrates. so that they do not darken the rooms and close to the wall of the house i played.A poet renders strange that which is familiar and thus forces the reader to confront that which s/he habitually has refused to confront. the attempt to stretch language games isprobablythe single most important definingcharacteristic of poetry. psychic. those who carried my name in their mouth. slips away from the linguistic teeth drilled into one¶s neck. It is about searching for a language that provides us with different eyes. and grammatical rules of linguistic conventions. Her poem deals not so much with the obvious forms of repression that existed at the time. Valéry The form of the poem. transgresses rules. but with more subtle and far more powerful aspects of discursive domination: was i caught forever. 1997 (Roland.a subversive act my English translation is unable to convey. confined to the wall of the house and constantly trimmed. It is an integral part of speech. Or so at least claims the influential voice of Paul Valéry.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 23 Poetry Solvency Bleiker. for it arguably is the most radical way of stretching.Poetry isSprachkritikat its most self-conscious existence.
It was in winter.´ with how ³the mortal ones can learn.´ The radically different viewpoints that a poetic image illuminates may not always be directly translatable into clear-cut policy recommendations.For(to)get a new angle on IR. Listen. MERCY. Poetry can bring about a slow transformation of discursive and linguistic practices that gradually open up spaces for more inclusive ways of perceiving and practicing IR. perspectives and emotions that otherwise may never reach the prose oriented theorists and practitioners of contemporary wor(l)d politics. anybody and anything that cannot be identified with the speaking (realist/liberal) subject? How to speak in a language that has historically evolved from the center of the world. The work of Christine Sylvester and James Der Derian comes to mind. with the ³reconstruction of the world through words. how to live in language. historically delineated moment. not to search for beauty or a more perfect representation of reality. the Other. to walk through the silence that orthodox IR language has imposed on its community of scholars. In the square coffin manacled to my wrist: small countries pleaded through the mesh of graphs. Derek Walcott: beyond the current. Poetry addresses this difficult issue. Forget. then from the vantage point of American hegemony. We know of some attempts that successfully stretched the boundaries of IR language. A compact man. economic and cultural interactions? How to express those silenced voices. But such attempts remain rare. Steeples. Rotting snow flaked from Europe¶s ceiling. on one lapel a crimson buttonhole for the cold ecstasy of the assassin. spires congealed like holy candles. .Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 24 Poetry remains the most underrated and unexplored approach to reconceptualizingwor(l)d politics. We need more of them.How to speak in a language that has structurally excluded women. and now as the new lingua franca of international political. but they have the potential to contribute immensely by bringing into a dialogical realm many of the repressed voices. but simply to be able to speak again. once more. Xeroxed forms to the World Bank on which I had scrawled the one word. Feel. first from the British Colonial Empire. in treble-spaced. I crossed the canal in a gray overcoat. those worlds that lie beyond the linguistic zone of exclusion that the global dominance of English has established? How to decenter the center through the language of the center? Poetry can show us ways of dealing with these important and difficult issues.
if it can reach and change the minds of most people. Zarathustra knows that. Zarathustra is constantly torn back and forth between engaging with people and withdrawing from them. but around the inventors of new values does the world revolve. and related subjects. my suggestions should not be read as ready-made solutions or endorsements of particular writing styles and forms of conceptualizing. saturated with obstacles and contradictions. relativism. for debates about language will never come A critical author must. Taking this dynamic seriously means that one can no longer simply ³sidestep many issues in the philosophy of social science as well as controversies about the role of postmodernism. Critique must be supplemented with a process that forgets the object of critique. he hails. not scientific rigidity. 1997 (Roland. Changing the practice of IR is a long process. only be achieved if alternative knowledge can break out of intellectual obscurity. The systems of domination and the possibilities for change that are embedded in language are as real as the practices of Realpolitik. . They will always constitute sites of contestation that an author cannot. They effect the daily lives of people as much as the so-called ³real-world issues´ of orthodox IR. But thoughts of engaging with humanity never leave him. and so do potentials to avoid them.´ The inaudible character of these transformative potentials does not make them any less real.´ Fire-fighters are holding off the blaze. Discourses live on and appear reasonable long after their premises have turned into anachronistic relics. ³Must one smash their ears before they learn to listen with their eyes?´ At times he appears without hope: ³what matters a time that ³has not time´ for Zarathustra?. While acknowledging the continuous problems about words and their meanings. of deconstructing IR. it revolves inaudibly. or at least should not circumvent. by definition. of forgetting and remembering that slow transformative potentials are hidden. Hence. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. Nietzsche was well aware of this inevitable dilemma. Rhetoric and dialogue is needed.´ Alternatives 22:1. The masses fail to comprehend his attempts to defy herd instincts and problematize the unproblematic. 57-86) A topic that deals with the struggle over meaning and interpretation does not easily lend itself to a conclusion. trumpet of anti-positivism while advising at the same time to focus only on ³questions of fact´. I suggested that efforts should not stop at this point. ³But their hour will come! And mine will come too! Hourly they are becoming smaller.for fire. More inclusive ways of theorizing and living world(s) politics cannot surface over night. Language is politics disguised. Doorkeeping functions emerge everywhere. of course. Zarathustra returns to the mountains. great difficulties in doing this. on the other hand. ³They do not understand me.why do I speak where nobody has my ears? It is still an hour too early for me here´. defy the language of the dominant discourse in order not to get drawn into its powerful linguistic vortex and. Succumbing to the power of language. However. discursive power has. he claims. that can be wrapped up in a few succinct points or classified neatly into existing categories. weary of themselves and languish even more than for Dissident scholarship will not immediately incineratethe dry grass of orthodox IRprairies. There are no quick solutions. above all.. It is inour daily practices of speaking.. articulate alternative thoughts such that they are accessible enough to constitute viable tools to open up dialogical interactions. regains hope that monological discourses will give way to dialogue. no new paradigms or miraculous political settlements that one could hope for. I am not the mouth for these ears´. ³are not our loudest but our stillest hours. more sterile . withdraws in the solitude of his cave. This can. especially if they touch upon the very issue of language. without being ³goaded into taking seriously Any scholar who is concerned with the inevitable impact of theorizing on daily practices of wor(l)d politics must take seriously questions about words and their meanings.One can no longer blow the water . poorer.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 25 A2: Linguistic Resistance Fails Bleiker. a text that breaks with established practices of communication to escape their to an end. The great events in history.and verily. Language is never adequate to express social dynamics. meant to demonstrate the crucial and unavoidable political function that language plays in the theory and practice of wor(l)d(s) politics.´ One can no longer avoid questions of ethics and responsibility by hiding behind the language of realism and the inevitability of power politics. on the one hand. He repeatedly climbs down from his cave to the depths of life.´ importance of genealogical critique.poor herbs! poor soil! and soon they shall stand there like dry grass and prairie . Not around the inventors of new noise. ³Forget IR Theory. There is no essence that crystallizes. They are. Conclusions are illusions. the nature and existence of truth. that the herds will understand him one day. The above presented conceptual and stylistic strategies for undermining dominant and monological discursive practices constitute only illustrative examples.
becomes one of turning forgetting from a selective. I will then retrace Nietzsche¶s next step. what is around us and in us. an engagement with what he calls ³active forgetfulness. probably never existed. Forgetting is not only a negative process. seen from Milan Kundera¶s reversed perspective. that they always presupposed. forgetting tries to escape the vicious circle by which these social practices serve to legitimize and objectivize the very discourses that have given rise to them.´ a way of thinking that enables ³a tabula rasa of the consciousness. how they constrain and enable. The need to forget emerges from recognizing the problematic links that are commonly drawn between cause and effect. isolate a couple of pieces out of a continuum of complex and intertwinedevents. a source to provoke thought before it too has to be forgotten in order not to turn into a new orthodoxy.that formerly. Jeanette Winterson: They say that every snowflake is different.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 26 Forgetting Alt Bleiker. It is one of the reasons why some consider his work as the conceptual turning point from modernity to postmodernity. If that were true. Such a duality. Countless events of the past.. conscious forgetting opens up possibilities for a dialogical understanding of our present and past. that the salvation of man must depend on insight into the origins of things. By observing why Nietzsche ended up with this position I will explore the µriches of significance¶ that could emerge once we liberate IR theory from the compulsion to link the search for peace with exploring the origins of present dilemmas in world politics. We cannot keep in mind too many things. Neither does forgetting amount to turning a blind eye towards the violent nature that characterizes present world politics. Nietzsche ended up with this position by dealing with a set of methodological dilemmas similar to those I am trying to address in this paper. but to employ his work as a stepping stone. becomes active by turning into forge(t) and for(to)get.Forgetting becomes an instrument of dialogue and inclusion. This is why it is futile to search for a causal origin in this web of human life and to think we could somehow ground a better world on this form of flawed insight. arbitrary and unconscious constitution of things past into an active. seeking comfort and security in the familiar interpretation of long gone epochs. then. Nietzsche¶s own words may explain best the importance of forgetting for a critique of orthodox IR: Why is it that this thought comes back to me again and again and in ever more varied colours? . We merely establish arbitrary links between things that we consider important. or. The process of forgetting. a neglecting and overlooking.Nietzsche claims.´ I will draw primarily upon the work of Friedrich Nietzsche to explore the process of forgetting orthodox IR theory. Instead of perpetuating IR nostalgia. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. ³remembering is a form of forgetting. is a process of healing: Only now do I believe you healed for healed is who forgot. cannot and should not be simply chased out of our collective memory. In that sense my paper deals with methodological concerns. something we often do without being aware of it. It refuses to tie future possibilities to established forms of life.´ Nietzsche claims. even if they are characterized by violence and insecurity.My approach to forgetting IR theory will revolve primarily around issues of language. The task. with what conventionally is considered form rather than . ³How foolish it would be. for Nietzsche. [t]he more insight we possess into an origin the less significant does the origin appear: while what is nearest to us. From this vantage point forgetting is a process or remembering. it reorients our memories. offer powerful opportunities to think and act beyond the narrow confines of our present world. gradually begins to display colors and beauties and enigmas and riches of significance of which earlier mankind had not an inkling. but also a necessary part of our existence. how could we go on? How could we ever get up and off our knees? How could we ever recover from the wonder of it? By forgetting.´ makes room for new things. new thoughts. This is not to essentialize Nietzsche or render him heroic. There is only the present and nothing to remember. conscious and more inclusive process. ³to suppose that one only needs to point out this origin and this misty shroud of delusion in order to destroy the world that counts for real. at the same time.´ Alternatives 22:1.´ Nietzsche¶s skepticism towards grounding critique in an investigation of the origins of things is important. 57-86) To forget orthodox IR theory is not to ignore the IR practices that have framed our realities. ³Forget IR Theory. so-called ³reality. 1997 (Roland. new possibilities. how they are part of a discursive form of domination and.. such as the Holocaust. but .Rather than further entrenching current IR security dilemmas by engaging with the orthodox discourse that continuously gives meaning to them. indeed. when investigators of knowledge sought out the origin of things they always believed they would discover something of incalculable significance for all later action and judgment.
conceptualize.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 27 substance. Yet. the manner in which we approach. Form turns into substance. . think. and formulate IR has a significant impact on how is practiced. Language frames politics.
the term he uses in the above quoted passages. a source to which everything can be traced back. however. Genealogies. Cynthia Weber.´ Alternatives 22:1. its contemporary practices cannot be understood without knowledge of its origins. R. which are also translated as ³origin´ into French (and English). Drawing attention to terminological subtleties of the German language. These terms do not indicate a search for a telos in history. a site of truth. pursuing this theme.B. searching for the origin (Herkunft) of moral prejudices. by contrast. plays of power. Genealogies focus on revealing subtle systems of subjection. a method of critique that is associated with Nietzsche.We need to scrutinize the stories that have been told about the past. reveal a common theme. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. he argues that we need a critique of moral values. 1997 (Roland. Foucault illustrates that the key issue revolves around what sort of origins one searches for. They read multiplicity into history. They deconstruct orthodox IR. James Der Derian rereads the history of diplomacy. but part of a historically constructed system of exclusion. to the ethnocentric dimensions of IR theory.J. . By doing so. To reach a critical understanding of IR. focus on the process by which we construct origins and give meaning to our past. how one embarks upon and presents this task. Such a quest is futile and dangerous for it attempts to uncover an authentic essence in things.what and who was left out on the way. further deconstructs the history of sovereignty and intervention. alternative approaches to IR reread and rewrite the discipline¶s present and past. Christine Sylvester revisits the three discipline-defining IR debates and ruminates about the consequences that are entailed in their failure to take gender issues and feminist theorizing into account. David Campbell scrutinizes how United States foreign policy produced and reproduced a specific form of political identity. we need to known how we have arbitrarily constructed the present . Genealogies will always remain necessary.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 28 IR Theories Link Bleiker. Nietzsche demonstrates this approach when. Nietzsche strongly condemns the quest to discover an Ursprung. These examples. Various scholars also drawn attention to aspects of culture. as he argues. for. It is not my task here to summarize these diverse and highly complex attempts. Jim George surveys the evolution of classical approaches to IR. fragment what was considered unified. A few examples. disturb what was taken as immobile. Many of these attempts to scrutinize the historical origins of the present take the form of genealogies. reveal a common theme in critical IR scholarship: the quest to find out where the ideas and underlying principles that influence our life emanated from. presented here in an oversimplified and selective way. But did he not throw up his hands and warn of searching for the origin of things? An interpretative essay by Michel Foucault sheds light on this seemingly paradoxical issue. Walker challenges the ways in which centuries of modern political discourses have entrenched a state-centric dichotomy between the domestic and the international spheres. some form of original meaning. despite empirical cases that confound these assignments. The task of genealogies is radically different and much better captured by the terms Herkunft and Entstehung. the value of these values themselves must first be called in question . 57-86) In an attempt to open up what Jim George called ³thinking space´. ³Forget IR Theory. this quest excludes everything that does not fit into the particular interpretation that is imposed upon a complex set of past and present events. and men the one of life takers. Jean Elshtain goes back in IR time and observes how patriarchal discourses have assigned women the task of life givers. an authentic starting point.and for that there is needed a knowledge of the conditions and circumstances in which they grew. under which they evolved and changed. the desire to reveal how the dilemmas of contemporary world politics are not immutable. trying to demonstrate how they have transformed one particular and subjective view of reality (the realist / positivist one) into reality per se. and those many others which were silenced. Bradley Klein analyzes how strategic studies have continuously narrowed down discussions of security issues. listen to repressed voices and scrutinize why we have ended up where we are today.
nor have our abilities to prevent deadly conflicts. as mimetic approaches do. An aesthetic approach. but from those that explore how representative practices themselves have come to constitute and shape political practices. assumes that there is always a gap between a form of representation and what is represented therewith. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. Some of the most significant theoretical and practical insight into world politics emerges not from endeavours that ignore representation.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.We gradually forget that we have become so accustomed to these politically charged and distorting metaphors that we take them for real and begin to µlie herd-like in a style obligatory for all¶. More specifically.3 But argues for the need to validate an entirely different approach to the study of world politics: aesthetics. famines and diplomatic summits are shown to us in their usual guise: as short-lived media events that blend information and entertainment. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. by contrast. an increasing number of scholars with are confronting the question of representation. Rather than ignoring or seeking to narrow this gap. seek to represent politics as realistically and authentically as possible. aiming to capture world politics as-it-reallyis. 2001 (Roland. The latter.Our insights into the international have not grown substantially. . Although most approaches to international political theory remain wedded to mimetic principles.4 This essay of well-established procedures of inquiry¶. From Kosovo to Afghanistan violence remains the modus operandi of world politics.2 Those who make the analysis of these political events their professional purview²the students of international relations (ir)² adhere to representational habits that have become equally objectified and problematic. even after successive generations of social scientists have refined their models and methods. aesthetic insight recognises that the inevitable difference between the represented and its representation is the very location of politics. Many of them are social scientists for whom knowledge about the µfacts¶ of the µreal world¶ emerges from the search for µvalid inferences by the systematic use relatively little practical knowledge has emerged from these efforts. it contrasts aesthetic mimetic forms of representation. 509-533) We have all grown accustomedto familiar representations of the international and its conflicts. whichhave dominated ir scholarship. Only a risk that alternative theoretical approaches can yield peace. Bleiker.Wars. Even proponents of scientific research lament that µstudents of international conflict are left wrestling with their data to eke out something they can label a finding¶. The numbing regularity with which these images and sound-bites are communicated soon erases their highly arbitrary nature.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 29 A2: Realism good We control uniqueness-orthodox IR is predominant mode of analysis today²squo isn¶t all that peaceful.
Both portray their objects through particular modes ofrepresentation. Rather than constituting this gap as a threat toknowledge and political stability. been conducted in the former. the similarities between the work of a painterand a social scientist.7 Much of ir scholarship has. Indeed. at a certain time of the day. if only briefly. as are the colours and size of the painting. they recognise that the difference between represented and representation is the very location of politics. even its frame.The second accepts or even affirms that representing the political isa form of interpretation that is. The most influential contributions to the discipline.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3. with Jacques Derrida. The materials are those chosen by the artist.9 Or. Our effort to make sense of this eventcan.8 Much representation is still widelyseen as process of coping which. for instance. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. erases all traces of human interference sothat the µartistic¶ end-product looks just like the original. Realism has made µthe real¶ into an object of desire. by way of illustration. these choices make up the very essence of the photograph: its aesthetic quality.11 They are theories against representation. Even a naturalistic painting is still a form of representation. it could offer us little political insight. A political event. What is at stake. to the prevailing wisdom of ir scholarship. is µthe knowability of theworld¶.particularly in North America. Hayden White would say. embark on a direct political encounter. ideally. This is why representation µalways raises the question of what set of true statements we might prefer to other sets of true statements¶. even though its seemingly authentic reproduction of external realities may deceive us initially. as one of the most influential contemporary methodology textbooks in political sciences states: µthe goal is to learn facts about the real world¶. Note as well that even if the ideal of mimesis²a perfect resemblancebetween signifier and signified²was possible. speak of two fundamentally different approaches. It would merely replicate what is. and in has changed since then.15 A photograph is no different . in Saussurian language. of course. It draws attention to what. they are not really theories ofrepresentation. It too is taken at a certain time of the day. and the fact that µknowability depends on its susceptibility to representation¶. mimeticmode of representation. But. and thus be as useless as µas a facsimile of a text that is handed to us in answer to our question of how to interpret thattext¶. 509-533) it is necessary to juxtapose them. One perhaps could. decisions that havenothing to do with the essence . They uphold the notion of a neutral observer and acorresponding separation of object and subject. cannot determine from whatperspective and in what context it is seen. by contrast. as Elaine Scarry puts it. What becomes obvious fairly soon²that the painting is not a pipe itself. they result from artistic and inevitablysubjective decisions on form taken by the photographer. Indeed.13Aesthetic approaches. incomplete and bound up withthe values of the perceiver. David Singer proudly announced during the behavioural revolution Before exploring the significance of aesthetic insights that µthere is no longer much doubt that we can make the study of international politics into a scientific discipline worthy of the name¶. for they engage the gap that inevitably opens up between a form of representation and the object it seeks to represent. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. Thefirst seeks to discover a truth or an originthat somehow escapes the necessity ofinterpretation. Indeed. It is painted from a certain angle.14 Consider. continue to adhere almost exclusively to socialscientific conventions. but only an artistic representation thereof²challenges the very notion of mimesis.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 30 A2: Perm/CP No Solve: Mimetic v Aesthetic Reps of IR -realism aims for neutral knowledge of real world= ³mimetic´ -realism can¶t solve K mpx-no theory of reps/erases study of effects of reps -reps do matter-framing of political event Bleiker.12 It is a process through which we organise our understanding of reality. never be reduced to the event itself. by its very nature. It comes into being only through the process of representation. but a certain light.10 Mimetic approaches do not pay enough attention to the relationship between therepresented and its representation. is called the arbitrariness of the sign: the fact that the relationship between signifier (the drawing of the pipe) and the signified (the pipe) is contingent on a range of interpretative steps. then. thus. J. It cannot capture the essence of its object . 2001 (Roland. Recall for a minute the famous painting by the surrealist René Magritte: the one that features a carefully drawn pipe placed above an equally carefully hand-written line that reads µCecin¶est pas une pipe¶ (µThis is not a pipe¶). with a certain focus and from a certain angle. undoubtedly. of course. aesthetic approaches accept its inevitability. But political reality doesnot exist in an a priori way.
It too remains a form of interpretation. No social scientist can ever represent a political event or issue independently of the form chosen for this task. It too reflects colour choices. and with that an inherently political exercise.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 31 of the actual object that is photographed. framing. It too says just as much. The very same principles engulf our attempts to analyse and understand therealities of world politics. angles. brushstrokes. about the artistic choices of the interpreter than the object of interpretation. if not more. Even the most thorough empirical analysis cannot depict its object of inquiry in an authentic way. .
or by Kenneth Waltz about how to interpret the µlogic¶ of µanarchy¶ during the Cold War²and then turn them into universal and a-historic explanations that allegedly capture the µessence¶ of human nature and international politics.. diplomatic summits and other state actions that are imbued with international significance. Ensuing attempts to µextract the eternal out of the transient¶ are manifest in the strong social scientific dominance of ir scholarship. that the entire purpose of a scholarly analysis µis to elicit recognition. i. The exact nature of this dominant Realist and Liberal views of the international rely on a particular set of representations. be real. This is because we are wedded to conventions of language.31 . the anti-representational values of Realism have shaped how we perceive the boundaries between the rational and the irrational. to allow the object it represents to appear without hesitation and equivocation¶. based on quantitative archival research. Carr and Hans Morgenthau about how to deal with the spread of Nazi Germany.26 Representation is always an act of power. just as Magritte¶s painting of a pipe was aimed at undermining µthe mimetic conventions of realistic painting¶.25 But few tasks are more daunting than that.28 The power to raise subjective interpretations to a level of objectivity is rooted in a variety of factors other than the mere persuasiveness of the respective perspective. one must note that existing social scientific approaches to ir already have an aesthetic. 2001 (Roland. really. The belief in resemblance and recognition is part of our desire to order the world. Realism has been unusually successful in this endeavour: it has turned one of many credible interpretations into a form of representation that is not only widely accepted as µrealistic¶. that a scientific analysis of Cold War intelligence.27 Expressed in other words. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. Time is one of these factors: a simple but important one.24 The task of critically analysing world politics is to make fuller use of various faculties and to challenge the mimetic and exclusive conventions of Realist international politics. As a result. Through decades of dominance in academic scholarship. 509-533) Nothing is harder than to notice the obvious that was not noticed before. but it undoubtedly contains elements of the Western intellectual heritage. the elements which are µpurely subjective in the representation of an object.29 Before examining attempts to challenge mimetic representation it is necessary to draw attention to some of the blurred boundaries between the aesthetic and the mimetic. and that what we see and think must. This very selective romantic aesthetic is supplemented with the scientific heritage of the Enlightenment. the belief that people can shape history. and its form varies from author to author. not to the object¶. that Cold War spy films are not real. but also appears and functions as essence. to search for rational foundations and certainty in a world of turmoil and constant flux. to appropriate Michel Foucault¶s words. the quest for independence and selfdetermination. can contain equally subjective representational dimensions.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3. yet it is much more difficult to accept. Notwithstanding their mimetic objectives. policy formation and public discourse. Realism has been able to take historically contingent and political motivated commentaries²say by E. revolutions.e. This power is at its peak if a form of representation is able to disguise its subjective origins and values. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. We all have an intuitive longing for the hope that what we represent is what we see and think. of course.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 32 Realism Link -normalizes itself by negating analysis of framing by parading as objective science -still has an aesthetic meaning-that of western heritage -masculine ptx internal link Bleiker. First. that is. conventions that tell us. we have forgotten whether we understand Realist interpretations by noticing resemblances to the world or whether we notice resemblances as a result of having internalised such interpretations. We know. What has been retained from the romantic ideal is the autonomy of the Self. with the desire to systematise. particularly the Enlightenment and Romanticism.30 In the world of ir scholarship this translates into a masculine preoccupation with big and heroic events: wars. Realism has managed to suppress what Kant would have called the µaesthetic quality¶ of politics.H. for instance. what constitutes its reference to the subject. aesthetic is debatable. Realist theories of (anti)representation have been around for so long that the metaphors through which they legitimise their political view of the world (from the primacy of the µnational interest¶ to the dictates of µRealpolitik¶) no longer appear as metaphors.
Morgenthau tooacknowledges that representation is an imperfect process. While acknowledging limits to what µthe naked eye¶ canobserve about the political. not toargue how we can know it¶.42 The result is a narrow and problematicform of common sense. First. as a result. This is why even the more moderate constructivist scholarsrely on analytical tools that are largely confined to mimetic principles. believes that µepistemologicalissues are relatively uninteresting¶ because µthe point is to explain the world. 2001 (Roland. This is why Waltz¶s otherwisecommendable attempt to move away from resemblance and recognition ends up ina science-driven process of abstraction that isolates a few select features andproduces generalities from them. Inthe extreme version. the neorealist version µblocksthe construction of people in international relations and hinders our view of statesas more than the proverbial empty boxes¶.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. They have elevated afew select faculties. Morgenthauargues. Instead. Social science.37 Why. remain slim if we put all our efforts intosearching for a mimetic understanding of the international.They have dramatically narrowed the scope of inquiriesinto world politics and the tools available to pursue them. is social science¶. He does so by likening the difference between the practiceof international politics and the attempt to derive a rational theory from it to thedifference between a photograph and a painting. and far more consequential: a relatively narrow. from our purview. especially if this mode of thought suppresses important faculties we want to solve those problems our best hope. Rather than celebrating the diversity of life and drawing from itssensual potentials. one thing that the naked eyecannot see: the human essence of the person portrayed¶. The result is the erasure of a crucial location of political struggles. ConsiderWendt¶s highly indicative position that knowledge needs to be both systematic andscientific to be of any value. is not presented as a form ofinterpretation.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 33 A2: Perm-Mimesis v.41But Waltzian abstraction is obsessed with deduction. thus. Thecomplexities mentioned above fade when it comes to affirming the core values andpurpose of ir research. likewise.40 Or so at leastargue three prominent political science and ir scholars. most of the prevailing approaches fail to recognise and deal withtheir own aesthetic. distinct from the realities they seek to explain. categorisation and scientificlegitimacy. µshows everything that can be seen by the naked eye¶. literature and otherhumanistic disciplines«are not designed to explain global war or Third Worldpoverty. then. as abstraction in art seeks to do. The photograph. Kenneth Waltz. slim as itmaybe. Issues of global warand Third World poverty are far too serious and urgent to be left to only one formof inquiry. Christine Sylvester stresses. The consequences of suchpositions are far-reaching.43 stresses that µ[p]oetry.He goes as far as arguing that µexplanatory power is gained by moving away fromreality. or it seeks to show. Aesthetic Approach=MutExcl A2: PERM!!!!! -2 reasons Bleiker.35 In some passages.for abstraction is an inevitable component of any process of representation. namely the µobjective laws thathave their roots in human nature¶. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin.36 The most explicitcontemporary extension of this approach is perhaps found in Alexander Wendt¶sattempt to theoriseunobservables through scientific realism. are there significant problems with the mimetic conventions ofprevalent approaches to international political theory? Two points are particularlycrucial here. Morgenthau nevertheless is convinced that it is possibleto capture the µessence¶ of politics and society. does more. He Hope for a better world will. The painting. reason in particular. 509-533) Some of these tensions between the mimetic and the aesthetic have insinuatedthemselves into prevalent ir scholarship. µWeend up with abstraction whether we want ³it´ or not¶. that mimesis is bydefinition impossible. thedomain of representation. positivist and exclusiveunderstanding of social science has come to dominate much of ir scholarship. bycontrast.39 Second. in one of his relativelyfrequent escapes from mimetic conventions. and given them the power to order allothers. not by staying close to it¶.38 Wendt. and as such if . the main objective remains to elicit recognition and to closeor ignore the gap between a representation and what is represented therewith. Mimesis in Realist scholarship contains few if any elements ofirony or self-reflection. stresses that theories result from aprocess of abstraction and are. this approach holds that all hypotheses µneed to be evaluatedempirically before they can make a contribution to knowledge¶.The problem here is not with abstraction per se. indeed. µ[I]t shows.
thus.meaning and significance of a political event can be appreciated only once wescrutinise the representational practices that have constituted the very nature of thisevent. . Aesthetics is an important and necessaryaddition to our interpretative repertoire. consists of legitimising a greater variety ofapproaches and insights to world politics.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 34 andfails to understand and engage the crucial problem of representation. It helps us understand why the emergence.One of the key challenges. We need toemploy the full register of human perception and intelligence to understand thephenomena of world politics and to address the dilemmas that emanate from them.
from approaches that affirm appearances without disturbing thought towards approaches that add to our understanding and. force us to think. 2001 (Roland.49 The remaining parts of this essay now explore efforts at such forms of legitimisation in the context of ir scholarship. And yet. as the close association of Abstract Expressionism with Cold. the significance of aesthetic insight is located precisely in the fact that it µcannot be attained in any other way¶. an experience. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin.45 This is why the Australian painter David Rankin. without imposing one faculty upon another. Abstraction here seeks to free our senses from the compulsion to equate knowledge with the rational recognition of external appearances. thought and sensibility. stresses that the paintings of Paul Klee and other seemingly non-political artists µwere political in an exciting way because they were leading to shifts of sensibility within society¶. For Deleuze.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 35 Solvency/A2: Cedes political Bleiker. 509-533) To broaden our knowledge of the international does. aesthetic understanding is based on the very acknowledgement that signification is an inherently incomplete and problematic process. of course. Guernica allows us to move back and forth between imagination and reason. by contrast. as Hans Georg Gadamer puts it. is one to legitimise approaches to thought.War politics amply demonstrated. philosophical and historical insights cannot always be verified by methodological means proper to science. To preserve political relevance in such a process is. this difference amounts to a move from recognition to a direct political encounter. knowledge and evidence that contradict virtually every central principle that has guided ir scholarship since its inception as an academic discipline? Knowledge communicated through artistic. Indeed. Indeed. memory and understanding. This sensual transgression of mimetic conventions is perhaps at its most extreme in those visual instances where figuration is given up altogether.47 It produces what can be called an µexcess¶ experience. . indeed. Abstraction then draws attention to the fact that a figurative painting runs the risk of leading the eye to the temptation of recognition. that is. however. then. an investigation into the very phenomenon of understanding. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. Abstraction. abstraction has taken on very explicit political dimensions. sensuous at times. far from self-evident.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3. What is needed is a more fundamental reorientation of thought and action: a shift away from harmonious common sense imposed by a few dominant faculties towards a model of thought that enables productive flows across a variety of discordant faculties. which cannot be apprehended or codified by non-aesthetic forms of knowledge.48 And this is why aesthetic truth claims need to be validated by means other than empirical evidence and scientific falsification procedures.44 An illustration from the world of art may help: consider how the significance of Picasso¶s Guernica as a form of insight into and historical memory of the Spanish Civil War is located precisely in the fact that the painter aesthetically engaged the difference between the represented and its representation. whose abstract canvasses engage political themes from the Holocaust to the Tienanmen massacre.46 How. projects an immediacy of sensation that is not linked to direct representational tasks. require more than simply adding a few additional layers of interpretation. They require productive and respectful interactions among different faculties or.
Instead of simply adding an extra layer of interpretation. these rules also delineate the limits of what can be thought. the so-called Third Debate never actually took place and orthodox ir scholarship has remained by and large unaffected by the postmodern challenge. sometimes passionately. It is in this sense that postmodern scholarship has taken the µlinguistic turn¶and recognised that our understanding of the world is intrinsically linked to the languages we employ to do so.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3. truth. a desire to control and impose order upon events that are often random andidiosyncratic. thus.The process of forgetting the restraining boundaries of conventional ir scholarship is well on its way. scholars seek to explore. was unusually hostile. Disciplines establish the rules of intellectual exchange and define the methods. As a result. is not primarily. Innovative solutions to existing problems cannot be found if our efforts at understanding the international remain confined to a set of rigid and well-entrenched disciplinary rules. all meaningful knowledge of the world. as Costas Constantinou puts it. aesthetic approaches stressed that our comprehension of facts cannot be separated from our relationship with them.52 Rather thancontinuing a long modern tradition of finding replacements for the fallen God. of a generally accepted world view that provided a stable ground from which it was possible to assess nature. but often with very little understanding of the actual theoretical and practical issue that postmodern authors had tried to grapple with. whether based in science or not. one of critique. aesthetic approaches view academic disciplines as powerful mechanisms that direct and control the production and diffusion of knowledge. This more recent shift in knowledge-production is characterised by various scholarly attempts to understand or depict world politics in ways other than through the languages and concepts of social theory. speak of a second aesthetic turn. in short.59 The purpose. talked. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. languages that express histories of human interaction. that thinking always expresses a will totruth. politics. the key objective revolves around finding new ways to understand the dilemmas of world politics. common values. is. presented as anapproach that ignores the process of representation and holds the problematic belief that the social scientist. Contrary to prevalent social sciencewisdom. Rather. can produce value-free knowledge. While providing meaning. µtheoretically playful²but plausible²narrative[s] through which to reread and revise the picture of world politics¶. by extension. From such a perspective postmodernscholarship has started an important engagement with what David Campbell called µthe manifest consequences of [choosing] one mode of representation overanother¶. knowledge. The reaction.postmodern scholarship accepts the ultimately contingent nature of political life.55 Postmodern contributions moved from a process of recognition towards apolitical encounter. at the end of the medieval period. techniques. or at least not only. the very nature of world politics byquestioning the notion of common sense that had established itself at the heart ofthe discipline. and instruments that are considered proper for the pursuit of knowledge. There was widespread and dismissive talk of nihilism and relativism. and written of in a normal way.54 Linked to this insight into representation is a more broadly conceived discussion of positivism and its relationship to the theory and practice. as detached observer. theysought to challenge. One could. 2001 (Roland.53 What is significant here is the recognition that language is the precondition for representation and.A slightly different way of conceptualising postmodern approaches would be to draw attention to their aesthetic qualities. then. By moving away from established forms of representation.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 36 Framework Bleiker. of an µanything goes¶ ideology. as is often the case in a fundamental political encounter. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. the disappearance. languages that have successfully established and masked a range of arbitrary viewpoints and power relations. . indeed. coherence and stability. 509-533) For many commentators the key feature that unites all these diverse approaches has to do with the need to come to terms with µthe death of God¶. Being aware of the problematic dimensions of representation. life itself.Positivism.
Ignatieff looks for help in the example of Goya¶s during televised coverage of US elections decreased from 43 to 9 seconds.63 Or note how in the period from 1968 to 1988 the average sound-bite whatever substance can still be packed into what remains is likely to get further blurred when presented in the context of other news and no-news. would fit on three-quarters of the front page of the New York Times¶. fromdrive-by shootings to touch-downs. famines. it becomes evident that µwar is the easiest of realities to abstract¶.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.66 Furthermore. from the often highly disturbing realities that are communicated to us. and that this abstraction process is intrinsically linked to whatever representational practices prevail at the time. throwing biggest wars and nuclear firestorms out hoping to impress the judge-this practice distances us from the reality of the violence we speak of-never question framing in this context-this is a form of calculated omission Bleiker. can make sense only as long as it stays within the detached and neatly delineated boundaries of academic disciplines. which permeates all mimetic approaches. We all distance ourselves. 2001 (Roland. high art is not the only location of such aesthetic encounters with the political.61 Indeed. As soon as one confronts the actual realities of conflict zones. carnivalesque challenges to the narrow and single representation of reason in the pubic sphere. the closer one observes political struggles on the ground the more one realises the manipulationsof realities that are part of the very essence of politics. home-runs and laundry detergent adds. more evident Abstractions about war are intertwined with representational practices that are increasingly shaped by the dictates of the entertainment-oriented media industry.67 . Consider the fact that µthe entire script content of the CBS nightly half-hour news than in the domain of television. abstractions that simplify causes and consequences¶. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory.experiences that µall exercises in political judgement depend on the creation of ³virtual realities´. µwhich confront [the] desire to evade the testimony of our own eyes by grounding horror in aesthetic forms that force the spectator to see if as for the first time¶. for instance. suggests that significant critical potential is hidden in the seemingly homogenising and suffocating forces of Direct aesthetic encounters with the political can contribute to a more inclusiveand just world order. The numbing regularity and the mimetic conventions with which these images and sound-bites are communicated to great masses soon erases their highly subjective and problematic representational form. John Docker. Look at how Michael Ignatieff has learned not from academic ruminating. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. We create a moral shield from wars and famines that are not our own.65 Aesthetic insight is one of the tools we can employ against such forms ofnumbing regularity and complacency. in one way or another. for they challenge our very notion of common sense byallowing us to see what may be obvious but has not been noted before. both as numbed spectators of televised realities and as scholars wedded to social scientific conventions.64 Figures are probably even lower today. Confronting the massive tragedy of theBosnian War. 509-533) An aesthetic move beyond the comfort of academic disciplines inevitably highlights the problematic dimensions of representation. popular culture. to engage our representational habits and search for ways of heeding to forms of thought that can reassess the realities of world politics. Indeed. and Horrors of Warand Picasso¶s Guernica. where he detects.62 Nowhere are the representational dimensions of politics.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 37 Debate as newscast/reps K internal debate has been reduced to spray and pray newscast. perhaps the most crucial source of collective consciousness today. but from extensive on-theground. This is whywe have a responsibility. the unproblematised understanding of reality-as-it-is. and our mimeticattempts to conceal them.
where antagonistic Cold War rhetoric and a general climate of fear and distrust continue to drive interactions between the key actors. Jang Si Young and AhnPyong-Seong. This is why fundamentally new forms of thinking and acting are required. and policy perspectives change constantly. Many security experts would readily agree. issues. stress that genuine peace is unlikely in the immediate future because "it will require considerable time for the two Koreas to promote exchanges and confidence building" before any progress can be made. instead. security discourse/policy analysis would rather have us continually secure ourselves." But militaristic and state centric approaches to security (which continue to guide policy making. 2005 (Roland. however. for instance. They have "driven North and South Korea into the trapping structure of a vicious cycle of actions and reactions." . not easy. Without dealing with questions of reconciliation and forgiveness. A detailed study by Moon Chung-in. the absence of a culture of reconciliation calls for a reinforcement of conventional defense postures. which means that in order to begin to understand this conflict in its entirety and to look at the entrenched structural issues. credible deterrence. for it is hardly possible to find a way out of the current security dilemmas through the political mind-sets that have created them in the first place. 3 But in the logic of prevailing realist security thinking. for instance. of course. xxix-xxx) One can argue about who is to blame for the renewed tensions in korea. media coverage. of course. How is one to facilitate nonviolent coexistence among people divided by the memory of pain and death? What are they to remember? And how? What are they to forget? And why? These difficult but fundamental questions are hardly ever posed in Korea.S. we need to first reconcile present grievances and differences so as to move beyond the distrust and hatred we have in the status quo.the persistently recurring patterns of conflict suggests a more deeply entrenched structural problem. Bleiker. not necessarily new or radical. i seek to understand and deal with the more fundamental question of why such standoffs keep emerging and reemerging in the first place. position toward North Korea: It is based on the assumption that the only "genuine alternative to war with North Korea is now." A similar logic underlies the U. to engage these debates is not the purpose of this book.the present culture of insecurity is unlikely to give way to a more peaceful order. and always has been. This is why Jang and Ahn argue that a "sustained build-up of its military strength is essential [to South Korea's] security. but the nature of the problem remains the same. has shown how various attempts to manage the Korean conflict through the conventional logic of military deterrence have turned out disastrously. Divided Korea. to start this is. continually maintain a µfriend/enemy¶ distinction. But the task of constructing a nonviolent future out of a violent past is.A sustained diplomatic breakthrough cannot occur without first promoting a cult of reconciliation. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. we have to step outside the realm of policy making and traditional security analysis. at least not in the conventional sense. and many influential academic analyses) reproduce the very dangers that they wish to ward off. The key actors.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 38 security rhetoric bad before we can engage in diplomatic solutions. one that goes far beyond short-term tactical maneuverings of policy makers.
that the United States often did not hear signs of compromise emanating from Pyongyang because the prevalent story line about North Korea. even though plenty of evidence showed that a series of other factors. a analysis of representations that departs from prevalent discourse is crucial to solving the conflict between the koreas Bleiker. including the dramatic loss of historic trading partners. farmers' markets emerged in many parts of the country. forinstance. North Korea's own views and policy statements. He reveals a consistent and rather strikingpattern: whenever the United States resorted to an aggressive politic. when the US has adopted harsher policies towards north korea. more important. xxxiii-xxxiv) But even rouge states change. for the most part the US is unwilling to publicly recognize these political trends because they contradict prevailing representations of north korea. As a result the security situation on the peninsula improved only when the United States embarked on a "give-and-take" diplomacy that recognized that Pyongyang's seemingly erratic behavior is in face a rather consistent bargaining tactic designed to gain specific benefits in exchange for giving up the nuclear option. but-like any other nation. nuclear diplomacy toward North Korea between 1988 and 1995. Various authors stress that evil is a term of condemnation for an inherently irrational and Washington and Pyongyang. Pyongyang responded in kind. Similar patterns of action and reaction can be seen in foreign policy.Sigal demonstrates.S. This is why key parts of the "story" did not actually appear in the news and could thus never enter the realm of dialogue. The dangers of a militarized foreign policy and public discourse have intensified during Bush's tenure. However. It reacts to both internal and external factors. a more tolerant attitudeled to significant North Korean concessions. Divided Korea. were rarely reported in the Western press.they respond to international and domestic influences. The inability to see political trends that contradict prevailing stereotypical images is linked to the overall representational practices that prevail in much of the Western world. exacerbated the problem. The government further reinforced this trend through incentive-based agricultural principles.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 39 questioning reps = good north and south korea don¶t exist in a vacuum. Look at how Pyongyang introduced various significant policy changes during the late J99OS. By contrast. Consider the result of an extensive study by Leon Sigal of U. except that "evil rogue states" replaced communism as the ultimate threat in world politics. In response to the near collapse of the official economy. was simply too strong and too deeply entrenched. and not just in bearing to thosestates that constitute them as rogue. the very term evil prevents serious investigation into security dilemmas and." . Bruce Cumings goes so far as to argue that the state of American media coverage of Korean security affairs was so inadequate that "often one had to read North Korea's tightly controlled press to figure out what was going on between Look at U. His policies signal a strong desire to return to the familiarity of dualistic Cold War thinking patterns. such an ideological stancecannot sufficiently recognize and react to the interactive dynamicof security relations. the one that revolves around an image of an aggressive Communist state incapable of compromising. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. and when the US was more wiling to negotiate. into innovative solutions to them. he stresses. 2005 (Roland. funny enough. Thus the inability to prevent a widespread famine could be attributed only to flawed (Communist) economic policies. therefore. Pyongyang was more willing to make concessions. North Korea does not exist ina vacuum. According to YuhJi-Yeon. media representations of the North Korean famine. the coverage says far more about US preconceptionsand strategic interests than it does about the actual events that took place in the wake of the devastating 1995 floods.S. Pyongyang would be less cooperative. For one.
and more important. the framework through which social. economic.14 The consequences of such attitudes go far beyond the domain of military policy.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 40 perhaps even incomprehensible phenomenon. for the dominant approach to security also provides. The result is not only paralysis²the belief that when a crisis occurs nothing can be done except reinforce military-based defense²but also. an inability to appreciate nuances and detect changes when they occur. and humanitarian issues are perceived in Korea. as Hazel Smith stresses. .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 41 security discourse bad current policy discourse involving north korea involves academics and strategists who don¶t actually have access to north korea make security decisions or policy predictions about it. Hut the reports that document these experiences and insights seem to have little influence in the West. not as we might wish it to be. Consider a South Korean report on human rights in North Korea. on top of that. Divided Korea." They considered the vast majority of reports to be factual.is almost impossible to verify. but value-oriented and normativeattitudes were most common in stories relating to north koreanpolitics. academics. these representations are then claimed to be µobjective¶. which revolves not only around factual occurrences but also. one of the world's most secluded states." But that does not prevent them from stressing that their study is "based on facts." summarizes . Hazel Smith goes so far as to speak of a "de facto opening up of the country to the outside world. 2005 (Roland.commissioned by President Bill Clinton. Cunnings. around the projection and evaluation of threats. various populations of foreign humanitarian organizations took up residence in North Korea." especially not in the domain of security policy. how rare it is. Basing their analyses on-a survey of two "conservative" (Donga llboand Seoul Sinmun) and one "progressive" (HankyoraeSinmun) newspaper. but Western policy analysts hardly ever consult this data.." or "normative. which tend to emphasize. Much about the decision making that occurs is impossible to retrace."Even as they perpetuate the image of an unknowable hermit kingdom.Look at how the otherwise nuanced Perry report.-" Clearly.fora journalist to be allowed to report from this reclusive country. Bleiker. The authors readily admit that there is a "lack of verifiable or corroborating evidence. indeed.North Korea is. and above all. where therehas been far too much destruction and antagonistic rhetoric to allow for observations that are even remotely objective." The refrain of an unknowable hermit kingdom is equally central to newspaper representations of North Korea." It advocated a "realist view. a hard-headed understanding of military realities. There are increasingly numerous and detailed studies on society and politics. as a result of the famines that followed the floods of 1995." "value-oriented. the hermit kingdom is no longer quite as reclusive as its reputation has it. or at least imply.which is . including Pyongyang's foreign policy and negotiating behavior.They were given more and more access to the country. for instance. and policy makers tend to stress that the so-called hermit kingdom of North Korea is so secretive that it is virtually impossible to obtain objective information about how it makes policy. Some say they have access to 75 percent of the country or 80 percent of the population."' Economists emphasize similar theme.An extensive empirical survey of newspaper articles in South Korea confirms this impression. This practice is as widespread as it is paradoxical. likewise. xxxv-xxxvii) Journalists.19 Moreover. "We are completely ignorant of what is happeningin that part of Korea. something that had hitherto been inconceivable. Several prominent authors have indeed acknowledged that it is impossible to advance value-free judgments on Korean politics and history." She stresses that many or the nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) active in the North have been able to get access to significant information about the country. stressing. The authors also stress how much this form of reporting. which-given the paradigm of the korean state." this tendency is particularly fateful in the domain of foreign and security policy. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. The latter are inevitably matters of perception and judgment. the researchers categorized stories as being "factual. It demonstrated that explicit "value-oriented" reporting is much more frequent in coverage of North Korea than any other topic. This is particularly the case in Korea. many influential academic and policy approaches toward North Korea advance strong claims to objectivity. But more details about North Korea are becoming known to the outside world." There is no such thing as an "objective reality. argues that a wealth of information is now available about many crucial aspectsof North Korea's history. given the antagonistic nature of discourse on north korea. insisted that the United Spatesshould deal with North Korea "as it is.one observer. often with the assistance ofx government authorities. that the North is a "statistical wasteland.
"One must ask: whose reality? For what purpose?In whose interest?With what consequences? Needed. are not only policy approaches based on an understanding of North Korea "as it is" but also. Strategic "reality" in Korea is the reality seen through the lenses of the strategic studies paradigm. But because the realist ideology is articulated from the privileged position of the state." The policy perspectives that are based on realist ideology can thus be presented as "hard-headed" understandings of "military realities. and above all." even though (or. attempts to understand how the current security dilemmas "have become what they are. has influenced public perceptions over the past decades. precisely because) next to nothing is known (or being acknowledged) about the actual realities of North Korea. then.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 42 mostly negative. any opposing perspective can relatively easily be dismissed as unreasonable or unrealistic. This paradigm filters or selects information in a way that sets limits on what can and cannot be recognized as "real" and "realistic.A more adequate understanding of the nature and function of security policy in Korea must thus problematize approaches that seek to legitimize themselves through an uncritical reference to "reality." .
it mentioned. the South Korean capital. Bush. foreign policy. Kim II Sung talked about this dilemma to Cambodia's head of state. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. The review explicitly cited North Korea with regard to two scenarios: countering an attack on the South. north korea has escalated its pursuit of nuclear weapons. and halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. who testified on this matter to Congress on March 19." citing as evidence Pyongyang'sexport of ballistic missile technology and its lingering ambition to become a nuclear power. This wasconfirmed not only by the Korean peninsula energy development Organization but also by CIA Director George J. outlined in detail when preemptive strikes are legitimate and would be used as a way to "stop rogue states and their terrorist clients before they are able to threaten or use weapons of mass destruction against the United States.". Long before the most recent crisis unfolded. While the first nuclear crisis unfolded. for it could serve as a-credible deterrent against a U. hopelessly lacking in credibility. nuclear threats. it is hardly surprising that Pyongyang reacted angrily and called Washington officials "nuclear lunatics. do indeed reveal that from the 19805 on North Korea perceived itself as increasingly weak and vulnerable to external attacks. One could point out.S. In his State of the Union Address ofFebruary 2002. like any country. The "mother of all confessions" does.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 43 security discourse = bad US nuclear threats have intensified since the bush administration. ie. The new "National Security Strategy. This sudden turnaround in U." released in September 2002. Construction of the two light-water reactors promised to North Korea was five years behind schedule. Norodom Sihanouk. north korea¶s government feels vulnerable to outside attacks. Divided Korea. can just as easily be seen as the origin of the present nuclear crisis in Korea. 48-51) U. as several commentators have. the promised . that before October 2002. which became available after the collapse of Communist regimes in eastern Europe. Some even go so far as to suggest that "when the U.S. In June 2002 details of a "Nuclear Posture Review" became public. for instance.S. scares North Korea.S. but this isn¶t taken into account in western security policy analysis that looks to intimidate north korea with nuclear threats." Be thatas it may." Nor is it surprising that Pyongyang is reluctant to give up its nuclear option. Donald Gregg is one of the rare senior American diplomats want to take off our shirt. and after that we will be nude.S. as many commentators now recognize. Indeed. 'using tactical nuclear weapons to neutralize hardened artillery positions aimed at Seoul. 2005 (Roland."But even he could make such an admission in public only after he had retired from the the question of responsibility for the recurring nuclear crises in Korea becomes a very blurred affair. declassified As a result of this increasing the prime objective of the government in Pyongyang has moved. according to which the new U. of course. north korea¶s desire for nuclear weapons as a deterrent mirrors the attitude and behavior of the US. and simultaneously. fromforcefully unifying the peninsula to the simple task of regime survival." A few months later Washington made its threats official. Tenet. nuclear threats toward Pyongyang intensified again when Washington's Korea policy became more hawkish with the inauguration of President George W. Kim stressed that "they vulnerability. absolutely naked. insists that nuclear weapons are vital to its own security but harmful to the security of others.S. But the United States also did not live up to the Agreed Framework.Bush singled out North Korea as one of three nations belonging to an "axis of evil. attack. Faced with a sudden intensification of U. State Department. and therefore the nuclear ambitions of the nation are due largely to poor US/North Korean interactions." who acknowledges that "the U. it becomes intelligence documents. the desire for such a deterrent only mirrors the attitude and behavior of the United States. put this interpretation in perspective. 2001. Bleiker. which sharply reversed the more conciliatory approach pursued during the Clinton administration. strategic doctrine relied on the possibility of preemptive nuclear strikes against terrorists and rogue states. but very few western decision makers have the sensitivity torecognize these factors and take them into account when formulating their policies.In view of the reinterpretation of events that I have 'presented here. our coat and now our trousers. North Korea had by and large complied with the terms of the 1994 agreement .S.
Both the United States and North Korea have contributed a great deal to fuel each other's fears.'1 " Perhaps most important. by starting its nuclear program and resuming its missiles tests. told a New York Times journalist. There were steps toward domestic reform. and forms of blackmail to extract maximal concession from a negotiating counterpart. But not everyone believed Pyongyang when it declared in October 2002.S." for the removal of U. Scott Snyder. Kim Jong II. which foresees that "countries without nuclear weapons must not be threatened by those who possess them. bluff. as it did a decade earlier. that a hard-line U. how the United States has quickly forgotten.It is striking how North Korea's approach in 20022003 paralleled its behavior during the crisis of 1993-1994. of course. . threat of preemptive nuclear strikes. but that is not the main point anyway. ." Even the dramatic language that shocked the world media in early 1003 was entirely predictable. was literally a rehearsed metaphor from the first crisis.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 44 annual fuel deliveries became increasingly threatened because of high oil prices and opposition from influential conservative elements within Congress.Instead of appreciating and building on these concessions. such as the introduction of quasi-market principles and the opening of special economic zones." for instance. called it a North Korean tactical maneuver. in an extensive study of Pyongyang's approach during the first crisis. Pyongyang started to clear mines in the DMZ and worked toward establishing road and."That is.The point is not to attribute responsibility for the reemergence of a nuclear crisis on the peninsula.Neither claim could at this stage be empirically verified. in February. Nicholas Kristof. The Russian foreign minister. and entered into diplomatic relations with a dozen Western countries. Snyder writes of a remarkably rational and entirely consistent approach. foreign policy toward North Korea focused on Pyongyang's lingering nuclear ambition. most notably in domains such as family exchanges.S. Kim Myong Choi. Nor have they learned much from the lesson of the first nuclear crisis. Consider. Pyongyang most likely assumed. U. most notably its partisan guerrilla legacy." North Korea. precisely what happened eight months later. At that time an unofficial North Korean representative. and cultural exchanges. a number of rather striking concessions that Pyongyang made in the period leading up to the second crisis. North Korea's leader. or ignored. troops had been one of North Korea's key demands for decades. business contacts. The apocalyptic threat of turning Seoul into a "sea of fire. for instance. North Koreastarted to open up its borders: it accommodated several hundred representatives of foreign aid organizations. North Korea's worry began to grow with Bush's "axis of evil" speech earlier that year. increased cooperationwith (capitalist) Russia. for instance. "will respond to the breakdown of the nuclear deal . that it had never ceased its nuclear program. Kim mentioned. the very existence of long-standing American nuclear threats against North Korea is not only contrary to the i(?94 agreement but also a direct violation of the international non-proliferation regime. More important is that the United States failed to pay attention to a series of rather obvious North Korean gestures long before the crisis came to be seen as a crisis in October. railway links with the South. It is parr of an all-too-predictable emotional vocabulary that has prevailed in NorthfcHfM'* W$W FHt HN* M»>«! &»¥* irninmfMH HUH SWUMnNi?n«li»!i. There was also progress toward a rapprochement with the South.62 This in itself could be seen as the "mother of all concessions. one that relies on "threats. speaks of a "crisis-oriented negotiation style" that is rooted in North Korea's particular historical experience. it i* not much different from the more rationally expressed U. sought to normalize talks with Japan. that he foresaw "a crisis beginning in the latter half of this year. . even publicly acknowledged the importance of a continuous deployment of US troops in south korea. administration would not engage in serious dialogue until North Koreathreatened to withdraw from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. But decision makers in Washington have clearly not been sufficiently aware of their own role in generating fears and counter-reactions. he stresses that their presence is a threat only so long as the relationship between North Korea and the United States remains hostile.S.S.
Virtually all official defense statistics present a seemingly alarming North Korean presence. Divided Korea. As a result the techno-strategic language of defense analysis has managed to place many important security issues beyond the point of political and moral discussion. it could seriously impede Flexible Deterrence Options (FDO) operations by U. The ensuing construction of common sense provides experts (those fluent in techno-strategic language of abstraction not only with the knowledge but also with the moral authority to comment on issues of defense. But in 2. as the only realistic way of warding off the respective threat. in turn. 2005 (Roland.000 the refrain remained exactly the same. and technical language all work to move an understanding of security further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. and naval forces. and this is what we must change in order to address security from a social or political standpoint. highly technical terms. Experts on military technologies have been essential in constructing North Korea as a threat and in reducing or eliminating from our purview the threat that emanates from the United States and South Korea toward the North. Bleiker. the United States and South Korea have argued that the balance in the peninsula represents one or the most severe imbalances in military power anywhere in the world.S.000 to 650. On the other hand we have become used to these distorting metaphors to the point that the language of defense analysis has become the most accepted²and by definition most credible and rational²way of assessing issues of security. But at least some aspects can be understood by observing the central role that defense analysis plays in the articulation of security policy. 56-8) Why is it so difficult to deal with. particularly by decision makers. for instance. The South Korean Defense White Paper at the time argued that its military power is only 65 percent of North Korea's and that a military balance would not be reached until after 2000. Such analyses have in essence been reduced to discussions about military issues that. the interactive dynamics of security dilemmas? Why is it still possible to present as rational and credible the view that North Korea alone is responsible for yet another nuclear crisis on the peninsula?And why have militaristic approaches to security come to be seen.Even . Consider how. not easy to find. even though they are quite obviously implicated in the very dynamic that has led to its emergence in the first place?Answers to these complex questions are. issues are presented. or even recognize. North Korean troops were said to outnumber South Koreans by 840. for decades. During the late 19805.000. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. The political debate about each side's weapons potential. are presented in a highly technical manner. for instance. even though the claims are used to legitimize important political decisions. The argument has been made that even if the North uses ballistic missiles." A fundamental paradox emerges: on the one hand an array of abstract acronyms and metaphors has moved our understanding of security issues further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. forces. They juxtapose. jargon. aircraft. of course. this analysis exists only from the privileged vantage point of the state.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 45 AT: s¶quo security discourse security and defense analysis is so technical and objectified that doesn¶t let us see the interactive dimensions of security problems. abstract acronyms. I certainly do not pretend to offer them here. and it possesses strong capabilities of conducting mobile warfare designed to succeed in a short-term blitzkrieg. Consider a random example from one of many recent "expert" treatises on North Korea's missile program: "If North Korea launches a ballistic missile attack on South Korean airfields and harbors. the accuracy or circular error probable (CEP) of the Rodong-1 (about 1 km) is such that it would not be able to undertake airstrike missions. with the North enjoying an even greater advantage in tanks. is articulated in if non-experts manage to decipher the jargon-packed languagewith which defense they often lack the technical expertise to verify the claims advanced. while simultaneously perpetuating itself as the most credible and rational way of security. The Defense White Paper still insisted that "North Korea has the quantitative upper hand in troops and weaponry.
even reaching a staggering 37. And excessive they are. are either untrained or soldier-workers engaged in civil construction. paint a similar picture. points out that the much-feared million-man North Korean army is largely a fiction. who have gained access to much of North Korea's territory in the last few years. not quality. the picture suddenly looks very different. critics were already pointing out that the official statistics quantity. the North's 23. likewise. And yet the myth of the strong North Korean army. For years scholars have questioned the accuracy of the calculations and the political conclusions derived from them.In a detailed study of the subject Moon Chung-in argues that even without U. the 3.000 of the South. for instance.96Sigal. Seoul's defensive needs seem much more modest in comparison. In the 1980¶s. Policy makers and security experts keep drawing attention to North Korea's excessive military expenditures. Articulated from the privileged vantage point of the stare. the strategic studies discourse acquires a degree of political and moral authority that goes far beyond its empirically sustainable claims. of "the world's third largest military capability. "South Korea is far superior to the North in military capacity" and cites major quality differences in such realms as communications.S. But statistics. Many of North Korea's tanks and aircraft are obsolete." Humanitarian workers. that "the few tanks seen on the road cannot get from one village to the next without breaking down or running out of fuel. analysis to realize that . which is hardly ever done in official Given its superior economy.4OO. its 50 submarines against 6.17 million standing forces against the 690. nuclear and other weapons stationed in or (possibly) directed toward the Korean peninsula. he estimates.95 These critiques have intensified in recent years. averaging an estimated 27.001 armored vehicles against the Smith's 2.9 percent in 1998. located at a mere 3. nuclear support.S. leaving its "ground forces and lines of supply vulnerable to attack from the air. and that in terms of the latter the South enjoys a clear strategic advantage over the North. when one compares the expenditures of the two Koreas in absolute terms. electronic warfare. One does not need to be fluent in techno-strategic language of security over the years this unequal pattern of defense spending has created a qualitative imbalance of military capacities on the peninsula. intelligence. and so on and so forth.5 percent of the GDP. North Korea's 1." is as prevalent and as hyped as ever. "The political manipulation of statistics for defense expenditures perfectly illustrates how technical data are used to project threats in a particular manner. the North's 78 brigades against the South's 19.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 46 for instance.5 percent that Seoul spends on its military amounts to more than twice as much as the North Koreans spend. even without including U. They stress. and cutting-edge offensive weapons systems. no matter how excessive the North's expenditures appear to be in terms of percentage of the GDR. about half. indeed.5 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) over the last few years. at a time when the country was being devastated by a famine.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 47 ***LD*** .
abstract acronyms. the accuracy or circular error probable (CEP) of the Rodong-1 (about 1 km) is such that it would not be able to undertake airstrike missions. bleiker 2k5 [roland. in turn. The argument has been made that even if the North uses ballistic missiles. The political debate about each side's weapons potential. the interactive dynamics of security dilemmas? Why is it still possible to present as rational and credible the view that North Korea alone is responsible for yet another nuclear crisis on the peninsula? And why have militaristic approaches to security come to be seen. I certainly do not pretend to offer them here. not easy to find. ³ Why is it so difficult to deal with. even though they are quite obviously implicated in the very dynamic that has led to its emergence in the first place?Answers to these complex questions are. for instance. or even recognize. divided korea. while simultaneously perpetuating itself as the most credible and rational way of security. are presented in a highly technical manner. Consider a random example from one of many recent "expert" treatises on North Korea's missile program: "If North Korea launches a ballistic missile attack on South Korean airfields and harbors. jargon. super smarty pants.S. On the other hand we have become used to these distorting metaphors to the point that the language of defense analysis has become the most accepteds and by definition ens uing cons truction of common s e provides experts(those ens strategic language of abstraction ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ mo t credible and rational ¢ way of a e ing is ues of s s ecurity. is articulated in highly . But at least some aspects can be understood by observing the central role that defense analysis plays in the articulation of security policy. p 56-8]. security and defense analysis is so technical and objectified that doesn¶t let us see the interactive dimensions of security problems. as the only realistic way of warding off the respective threat. and technical language all work to move an understanding of security further and further away from the realities of conflict and war.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 48 1. Such analyses have in essence been reduced to discussions about military issues that. of course. particularly by decision makers. forces." A fundamental paradox emerges: on the one hand an array of abstract acronyms and metaphors has moved our understanding of security issues further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. The fluent in techno- not only with the knowledge but als with the moral o authority to comment on is uesof defens Experts on military technologies have been essential s e. in constructing North Korea as a threat and in reducing or eliminating from our purview the threat that emanates from the United States and South Korea toward the North. it could seriously impede Flexible Deterrence Options (FDO) operations by U.
" is as prevalent and as hyped as ever.17 million standing forces against the 690. Articulated from the privileged vantage point of the stare. for instance. even though the claims are used to legitimize important political decisions. this concept of security also allows experts moral authority to do whatever it is they feel is best. . And yet the myth of the strong North Korean army. electronic warfare. which means that a pre-requisite to discussing the resolution would be a way of re-viewing security so as to see it as being accessible to the general public. even reaching a staggering 37. the 3. leaving its "ground forces and lines of supply vulnerable to attack from the air. yet these claims and projections of threats.S. its 50 submarines against 6. and it possesses strong capabilities of conducting mobile warfare designed to succeed in a short-term blitzkrieg. with the North enjoying an even greater advantage in tanks. no matter how excessive the North's expenditures appear to be in terms of percentage of the GDR. etc. for instance.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 49 technical terms. therefore.5 percent of the GDP. But when one compares the expenditures of the two Koreas in absolute terms. Even if non-experts manage to decipher the jargon-packed language with which defense issues are presented. "South Korea is far superior to the North in military capacity" and cites major quality differences in such realms as communications. the status quo of security politics wold remove questions of security from debate. nuclear support. Consider how.5 percent that Seoul spends on its military amounts to more than twice as much as the North Koreans spend. the picture suddenly looks very different. And excessive they are. that "the few tanks seen on the road cannot get from one village to the next without breaking down or running out of fuel. about half. language. for instance. who have gained access to much of North Korea's territory in the last few years. The Defense White Paper still insisted that "North Korea has the quantitative upper hand in troops and weaponry."The political manipulation of statistics for defense expenditures perfectly illustrates how technical data are used to project threats in a particular manner. intelligence. the close-mindedness of security rhetoric makes its own claims unverifiable. averaging an estimated 27. Virtually all official defense statistics present a seemingly alarming North Korean presence. Seoul's defensive needs seem much more modest in comparison.000. the current attitude of security is problematic for the defense of our nation or others. Policy makers and security experts keep drawing attention to North Korea's excessive military expenditures.001 armored vehicles against the Smith's 2. nuclear and other weapons stationed in or (possibly) directed toward the Korean peninsula. at a time when the country was being devastated by a famine. During the late 19805. even without including U. for decades. the North's 23. and so on and so forth. without being responsible to anyone who doesn¶t adopt their same demeanor and µexpertise¶. As a result the technostrategic language of defense analysis has managed to place many important security issues beyond the point of political and moral discussion. They stress. of "the world's third largest military capability. which desensitizes us to the violence or consequences of our military endeavors. are the founding basis of our national defense policies. the United States and South Korea have argued that the balance in the peninsula represents one or the most severe imbalances in military power anywhere in the world.96 Sigal. and cutting-edge offensive weapons systems.95 These critiques have intensified in recent years." Humanitarian workers. the strategic studies discourse acquires a degree of political and moral authority that goes far beyond its empirically sustainable claims. critics were already pointing out that the official statistics quantity. In a detailed study of the subject Moon Chung-in argues that even without U. But in 2. North Korea's 1. not quality. and naval forces. paint a similar picture. Many of North Korea's tanks and aircraft are obsolete.000 to 650. which is hardly ever done in official statistics. points out that the much-feared million-man North Korean army is largely a fiction.4OO. and it is problematic in that it removes realities of conflict from war. jargon. Given its superior economy. For years scholars have questioned the accuracy of the calculations and the political conclusions derived from them. this card says that security rhetoric is very technical. likewise. this causes three main problems in the status quo.000 of the South. aircraft.5 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) over the last few years. The South Korean Defense White Paper at the time argued that its military power is only 65 percent of North Korea's and that a military balance would not be reached until after 2000. are either untrained or soldier-workers engaged in civil construction. the North's 78 brigades against the South's 19. North Korean troops were said to outnumber South Koreans by 840.9 percent in 1998. and that in terms of the latter the South enjoys a clear strategic advantage over the North. he estimates.S. In the 1980¶s. located at a mere 3. indeed.000 the refrain remained exactly the same. One does not need to be fluent in techno-strategic language of security analysis to realize that over the years this unequal pattern of defense spending has created a qualitative imbalance of military capacities on the peninsula. they often lack the technical expertise to verify the claims advanced. They juxtapose.
25-6]. the aff departs from the traditional security analysis in order to look at the ways security is constructed. mimetic. super smarty pants. it becomes a metaphor that problematizes the lin k between the represen tation an d that which is represen ted. paranoia. observations neatly fit into preconceived and clearly delineates conceptual boxes. it refuses to iden tify an object by its n ame or face value. and military hostilities. is n ot mimesis in the con ven tion al sen se of the word. Bleiker 2k9 [roland. milankundera says. L paintings seem perfectly mimetic correspondence between signifier and signified. soup cans are not soup cans per se. for iron y always refers to somethin g else that is what literally expressed. iron y irritatesn. let alone from such an attempt at perfect mimetic resemblance? though. can a useful. his famous series of at first sight: they seek nothing but a soup cans: total critical understanding emerge µif art adapts to [the] mot superficial such undistorted representation of external realities can be it is not in the sense described above. iron ic mimesis. µit is difficult to see how it is through such such adaptation that is can resist it¶.rather. ironic art does not anticipate that all of our even aspects of out effort to make sen se of social phen omen a. the challenge to commodification and consumerism thus works through ironic mimesis. the way we see other nations through our securitzedlense leads to greater threat constructions that ultimately fuel xenophobia. 2. irony is a of metaphorical distinction-and this distinction is of an inherently aesthetic nature. it does n ot aim for an authen tic represen tation .the deceives us on ly in itially highlights the problematic objectives of mimesis. then . the impossibility of perfect resemblan ce. the very nature of irony is just as magritte¶s painting of a pipe that is not an actually pipe. iron y draws atten tion to the fact that represen tation is an in evitably political issue. aesthetics and world politics. subversive insofar as it draws attention to to what is taken for granted and would otherwise go unnoticed. peter burger warns. warhol¶s paintings of fact that warholns n aturalistic style complex occurren ces an d in con sisten cies an d con tradiction s are accepted as in evitable . rather than blindly replicating this security jargon in a slew of cost/benefit analysis and numbers games. it does so because it exposes the world in all its a biguities an d this den ies us the certain ties we are cravin g for. they are representations thereof. process at least but this is not to say this located in the tension between representation and represented.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 50 3. element of the commodity society¶. how naturalistic representation of a common consumer object. and the way it impacts society on whole. that there is always a gap between what is observed an d how this observation is ¤ ¤ £ £ £ k at andywarhollooking atcampbell soup cans. for some.
its seems that our AFCMC¶s were compromised by a 17% increase of GTB¶s in the middle eastern region.. contention 1. i whole-heartedly affirm.´. so as to encourage neighboring units to surrender. maintaining our WMD¶s and increasing supplies of A-4¶s and AG¶s for strategic ACMI via ACMMP from the DOD We have used this building-block approach to operational availability assessments for the maximization of the resolutions security questions to investigate how an alternative mix of active and reserve forces and their capabilities can be aligned to a range of missions. contention 2. ¥ therefore. when it comes down to looking at the consequences of a future detonation of BWO¶s in this area. including homeland defense.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 51 represented in and through language. we dont use our civil liberties anyways To be fair. because my value deals directly with the physical and psychological state of secured security. see also america. we should try to maximize security. Resolved: when in conflict. and that the is no other. the ballot is the way in which you ironically affirm the resolution in hopes of frustrating and further questioning the link between my representation of security and how security is represented as per the status quo of the resolution. in that it means theaff is ahead in terms of the AFPT that compromises the AFP of our air-force. the ironist. about the vocabulary that is currently used. is a person who has doubts is also aware of two additional insights: that no argument phrased in the present language can sustain or dissolve these doubts. the implication of this increase has 3 implications for the instrumental implementation of the resolution. but richardporty says.. we can see the residual effects far outweigh the probability of successful deterrence of any counter-strike operatives that we might see from guerrilla fighters on the periphery of the regions borders it maximizes security. we have no way of being secure. see also all land located between canada and mexico the value for the round is security. which is why the aff takes up an ironic discursive strategy that reinterprets prevalent security rhetoric by looking at representations of security in the status quo. . the criteria is being secure. a nations security ought to take precedence over the civil liberties of its population nation¶s security is defined as america..if it isnt on a bumper sticker. we probably wont even notice that we¶ve lost anything. alternative vocabulary that can ever be final in the sense that it would be able to grasp the essence of things. and to begin developing the mid to long-term scenarios being developed alongside emerging war-fighting concepts (see the discussion of the ³Joint Operations Concepts´ and ³Analytic Baseline. this is the most important value because without security. During FY 2004 and the first part of FY 2005. this is also essential to answering the resolutional question of security. as this is essential to maintaining security which is my value. trust me. The resolution pits national security against civil liberties. to meet the criteria. see also the US.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 52 ***A/T: PERFORMANCE*** .
like the vivid scene in the switching yard or the people trudging across the snowy overpass with children. something not subject to control. Burke's example of the public execution shows that he was open to the possibility. hydrocarbons. pgs. Kant would also probably have consigned this toxic cloud to the category of 'the monstrous'. Cain and Abel. become the first murderer and the first victim respectively. There is nothing that prevents either of these judgements from being legitimate. De Quincey allows aesthetics to outdo ethics by letting the Sublime outdo the beautiful. We weren't sure how to react. benzines. But it was also spectacular. looked into a pit and loved what I saw there. PhD Philo @ Univ of Bergen. packed with chlorides. but we thought of it at the time it in a simple and primitive way. but they are not necessary relevant. In Both cases we are dealing with judgements of taste -_and' aesthetic taste does not necessarily conform to our moral judgements. as some seasonal perversity of the earth like a flood or tornado. food. provided it is conducted with order and a sacred respect for the rights of civilians. so much larger than yourself. Our helplessness ' did not seem compatible with the idea of a man-made event.why should not human violence . has something sublime about it.which perhaps is even more terrifying . Crimes are fascinating. and their sons. . Even so. This was a death made in the laboratory. Possibly as an ironic comment on Kant. defined and measurable. either.Burke. precisely because of its excessive and dreadinspiring nature. would claim without hesitation that this American solider was having a sublime experience Broadly speaking. but we can just as easily claim that violence is sublime.as long as they¶re aesthetically pleasing. Kant restricted the experience of the Sublime to encounters with nature. even though he did not develop it. took the Sublime in a different direction. Svendsen.It is difficult to imagine any human act that distinguishes itself as sublime more than murder. even though he also included certain man-made phenomena. War is not simply the spirit of ugliness . A Philosophy of Fear. If the violence in nature can be a source of aesthetic experience . and they often took their motifs from real figures. created by elemental and willful rhythms. it is also an affair of great and seductive beauty. St Peter's in Rome and war.'''Kant would not recognize this as sublime. It was a terrible thing to see. belonging.. on a par with murder. Adam and Eve disobey God's command by eating from the Tree of Knowledge. on the other hand. Norway. And 1 saw a terrible beauty here. such as the Pyramids. . Can then a war that is conducted without respect for individual rights not be considered as more sublime? Let us take a remark by an american soldier in Vietnam.He admittedly highlights war as something sublime.32 Kant thus debars himself from examining the seam uncovered byBurke and that De Quincey took to its extreme by showing human destructiveness to be a source of aesthetic delight. or whatever the precise toxic content. This does not mean that moral considerations are necessarily irrelevant in relation to the aesthetic assessment of an object or an event.also be a source of aesthetic experience? Violence has its own power of attraction.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 53 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K Debate as aesthetics is problematic because it would affirm violence for the sake of aesthetic experiences or in the name of a sublime encounter. more powerful. controlled warfare: 'war itself. escorted across the night by armored creatures with spiral wings. Kant. so close. but rather relegate it to the_category of 'the monstrous'. It is surely possible to be awed by the thing that threatens your life.' This can be questioned. so low. 1 had surrendered to an aesthetic that was divorced from that crucial quality of empathy that lets us to feel the sufferings of others. but it is tamed. an enormous toxic cloud is a sublime phenomenon in Don DeLillo's novel White Noise:The enormous black mass move like some death ship in a Norse legend. part of the grandness of a sweeping event. Well-known examples of this are John Gay's The Beggar's Opera (1728). Nietzsche's mention of pleasure and the Sublime at a world perishing would have been completely alien to him. Stendhal's Le Rouge et le noir (1830) and several of Dostoevsky's novels. 81-85) De Quincey takes Burke's and Kant's reflections one step further. Accounts of various types of crime are as old as literature itself. 2008 (Lars. who talks about the thoughts that struck him when he was standing looking at the bodies of North Vietnamese soldiers: That was another of the times I stood on the edge of my own humanity. to see it as a cosmic force. a tragic army of the dispossessed. it must tie stressed that all of these were [Continued«] . It can be claimed that violence is repulsive. phenols. though. Our fear was accompanied by a sense of awe that bordered on the religious. this allows for things like murder to be possible.
An aestheticizing of crime in general had taken place. The dista nce is thereby created that is required for the experiencing of the Sublime. to supreme art.he artist is not the author who depicts the murder. the murderer becomes the supreme artist. From the shocker novel to Quincey.35 There is nothing to indicate that Schiller fictionalized presentations. In ca n be objected here that De Quincey inserted too great a distance. The work of art is not. ('The Threepenny Opera') Peachum says: 'Murder is as fashionable a Crime as a Person can be guilty of. because it shows what monsters the strong and mighty are. later refashioned by Brecht into his Dreigroschenoper. and that the absence of identification with the victim deprives the observer of the fear that is crucial for a sublime experience. Here.the claim is actually also made that great people have the right to commit crimes. but the actual murderer. Therefore.'3 '' This aestheticizing. T. yes. who wrote that murder was aesthetically higher than theft. for example. realit y is greater than fict ion and the real murder creates a stronger aesthetic response than the fictional one. the fear would be so overwhelming that the aesthetic experience wou ld be impossible. art -and someone who creates art is an artist. Michel Foucault did De Quincev consider murder a work of art and the murderer as an artist?Becatfse murder creates an aesthetic response in the observer. Beautiful murders are not something for people who commit crimes for profit. remained within the realm of fiction.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 54 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K [Svendsen Continues«] remarks that a new kind of crime literature had sprung up at the time of De Quincey:A literature in which crime is extolled because it belongs to the fine arts. that really great people are exclusively entitled to commit them. If one really had to manage to assume the stance of the victim. As Burke had already shown in the example of the public execution. This also means that the perspective from which the murder is considered cannot be that of the victim but has to be the murderer's own . or from Chateau d'Otrante to Baudelaire a complete revision of the ethical norms of crime literature takes place . because being a scoundrel is despite everything a kind of nobility. What De Quincevdelights in about murder is not the suffering of the victim but the sight of an artist who uses somebody else's body as raw material to create his work. but the murder itself. however. by definition.. Friedrich von Schiller. murder. Already in John Gay's The Beggar's Opera. as De Quincey saw it.Why . De_Quincey takes everything one step further. would consider a real murder as a work of art. and everything that arouses such a response is. since Schiller was mainly operating within a fictional horizon. because it can only be the work of people who are exceptions. What is radical about him is that he considers reality as art and elevates the most extreme of human acts. De Quincey went far beyond. then.or that of an observer. the narrating of the murder.
is often something evil.and then let it be known that a high-ranking criminal was to be executed on the square outside. however. It would be something other than moral considerations that attracted them to the place of execution. although this explanation is not particularly convincing. and to add the most exquisite music .Morality is subordinate to aesthetics. in relation to taste. he claims. The fact that 'Murder Considered as One of the Fine Arts' is also satirical does not really make it any less offensive. De Quincey is not starting from scratch here.brilliant of actors.Genet is here influenced by the ideas of. When everything is simply a matter of taste and shock there is no limit to what is justifiable. either. and that they quite simply wanted to witness justice being done in full. A Philosophy of Fear. is the emphasis on sublime reality outdoing sublime art. with the most. He stresses that the strongest emotional experiences we have are linked to the feeling of being-threatened. Even if they are actually able to prove that an act is despicable because of the harm it causes. pgs77-79 ] That which rouses an aesthetic reaction. Norway. where we take pleasure in something we fear at the same time. a difference between feeling real fear and having [Continued«] . Charles Baudelaire. gripping tragedy.9 Everything shocking thing about De Quincey's text is that he advocates looking at a murder not from a moral standpoint but rather from an aesthetic perspective. can be made beautiful. Therefore no outside person can bring me back onto the right path. that is what decides whether I will reject or accept it. In a draft of the preface to Les Fleurs du mal (1857). Burke points out that we find it satisfying to watch things that not only would we be unable to get ourselves to carry out but would rather not have seen carried out. Genet writes: Mnralists with their good will come a cropper against my dishonesty. and I do so solely on the basis of the song it awakens in me. so long as it is aesthetically pleasing. first and foremost. without sparing anything when it came to scenography. however. He is probably right about that. The crucial thing about the above example.'7 There is. 2008 (Lars. The result would be that the theatre would be empty in no time. but b developing ideas expressed by Edmund Burke and Immanuel Kant In his study of the Beautiful and the Sublime. the ethical is subordinate to the aesthetic. Svendsen. outdo an aesthetical one. Jean Genet introduces his autobiographical The Thief s Journal (1949) by writing that he has been driven 'by a love of what we call evil'. in other words. because an ethical objection will_not1. even treachery. And every objection that an act is immoral will be completely futile. Baudelaire writes. "the most perfect ideal image of masculine beauty is Satan" Prior to Baudelaire. PhD Philo @ Univ of Bergen. an enjoyment that was dark. amoral and asocial. this culminates in an µanything goes¶ sort of approach that cannot condemn anything. among others. It is conceivable that all these people flocked to the public execution out of a strong moral feeling. The crucial thing is whether or not an act is beautiful. and good and evil become. Burke points out a source of aesthetic pleasure that is essentially different from the delight of experiencing the beautiful. The Baudelaire notes that he is seeking 'to extract beauty out of evil'. aesthetic categories: 'we can find pleasure in t he vilest of things'. but Baudelaire seems mainly to link the beautiful to evil.7Every act. that is." In his diaries. He points out. He waits to 'seek a new paradise' bv 'enforcing a pure vision of evil'.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 55 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K When we use aesthetics as the decision calculus in debate. similar thoughts were also discussed by Thomas De_Quincey in his essay of 1827. I am the only one who can decide if it is beautiful or elegant. And this feeling is raised to the Sublime. 'Murder Considered as One of the Fine Arts'. claiming for example that murder is the most precious of beauty's jewels. . Burke writes that one could announce one's intention to stage the most sublime. that there is a contradiction between the aesthetic and themoral reactions to certain events.as a matter of course. can be beautiful.
is that fear creates pleasure when it does not get too close.it feels quite simply dreadful. A tornado. for example. we will be unable to feel any pleasure . so that we feel more secure. Burkes fundamental premise. . can be a sublime sight. everything changes and the experience of the Sublime opens up for us.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 56 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K [Svendsen Continues«] a sublime experience. but only if you are at distance and not in immediate ganger of being sucked up into it. then. but there must be fear involved. since fear is the basic principle of the sublime. if we believe that life and limb are in danger. when an element of distance is added.
that one's inner life lacks zest. however. Biochemically speaking. which means 'incantation' and designates anattraction. At best. PhD Philo @ Univ of Bergen. 2008 (Lars. because you yourself are taking part in the fictional universe in a more direct way. lends color to the world. There are few aesthetic experiences that can rival feeling such terror so profoundly andintensely. the typical response to fear is to try and create the greatest distance between ourselves and what it is that scares us . either. As mentioned earlier. Warren Zevon captures this well in the song 'Ain't that Pretty at All' (1982): ³I'm going to hurl myself against . and how I sat on tenterhooks on my cinema seat. in the original meaning of the word. there are a host of positive emotions available? Why should the emotion of fear be so attractive when our emotional register contains so many other emotions [Continued«] . we engage in aesthetic activities to break the monotony of everyday existence. Such a fascination with the frightening is of course no new phenomenon. 73-6) Nietzsche complains that the world has lost much of its charm because we no longer fear it enough. where a not insignificant part of my horror came from the artist H. film. I was even more petrified when. when far too young. films and tv series designed to fill people with ten-sion and fear are among the most popular. Our reason for doing. P. 'Charm* comes from the Latin carmen. A world without fear would be deadly boring.but here we have sought it of our own free will.the wall 'Cause I'd rather feel bad than not feel anything at all´ But why should we covet a negative emotion when. or computer game. however. for example.not least with the emergence Zero crime and no fear We've bred all our kittens white So you can see them in the night´. something that can be an important reason why exciting films and experiences are so entertaining. You think you have become hardened after having read and seen so many. And it can be irksome to feel that life is emotionally just ticking over. A_ world from which all fear has been eliminated would seem to be very unattractive. A Philosophy of Fear. and that nothing will ever have quite the same effect again. pgs. I had hairs standing out on my arms continuously for so many hours that it seemed possible they would stay that way permanently. To be strongly affected by something gives our lives a kind of presence. The emergence of the culture of fear can scarcely be said to have made. computer games can be even more sinister than both novels and films. It is reminiscent of the society Nick Cave describes in the song 'God is in the House' (2001): ³Well-meaning little therapists Goose-stepping twelve-stepping Teetotalitarianists The tipsy. fear is related to curiosity. We find examples ot this in the art and literature of both antiquity and the Middle Ages. I saw Ridley Scott's Alien (1979).' This diagnosis hardly seems to apply to our age.I thought it was so sinister that I hardly dared read another page. and during games in the Silent Hill series. I can remember when the film The Silence of the Lambs (1991) came. until the mid-eighteenth century that the frightful became a central aesthetic category. There is. Lovecraft was a great strain on my nerves as a child . Reading tales by Edgar Allan Poe and H. Norway. yet I could not stop myself from reading on even so. It is then that emotions that' are basically negative can appear to be positive alternatives to this inertia.the world more charming. so is that these experiences somehow give us a positive feeling and fulfill an emotional need. R. but then something new comes along that takes you to a domain of terror previously unknown to you.Fear is without a doubt something delightful about being terrified almost out of one's wits by a novel. for fear is linked to charm ² at least. There of the Gothic novel. Novels. considering the fact that we otherwise tend to shun everything that scares us. the author Stephen King is said to have sold about 250 million copies of his novels.One can wonder what it is about such films and the like that is so attractive.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 57 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K Boredom creates a need to be erased and fear presents itself as a desirable emotional experience through which we alleviate our boredom. the reeling and the drop down pissed We got no time for that stuff here. despite everything. In order to release ourselves from the boredom that culminates from our culture of fear. It was not. Svendsen. Giger's monster being only hinted at for most of the film. an interesting point here in Nietzsche.
yet one that even so results in our protecting ourselves. mind-shaking experiences "that set the whole body on alert.´. on the face of it. In that case. but our grief is not bitter ._so_that we are not injured. The fearful appears to be something else and thus something that can counteract a boring everyday life. and through Art only. The tears that we shed at a play are a type of the exquisite sterile emotions that it is the function of Art to awaken. but we are not wounded. This might. that is. cocooning ourselves and isolating ourselves from the world around us.. that we can realize our perfection. so as to learn to master their fear. We weep. and through Art only. . seem to clash with the assertion that we are living in a culture of fear. Children too can benefit from this. one would think were many times more attractive? Perhaps part of the answer is that out these experiences is. Boredom forces a move towards!what goes beyond. and that the fear we experience in forms of fiction.4 The reason why we seek that. And a more intense experiencing of fear would seem to be a cure . Oscar Wilde writes about how art expresses reality. but in a tamed form. nevertheless. through Art. If we are living in a culture where most things are seen from the perspective of fear..of boredom. We grieve. To see a horror film or play some terrifying computer game are safe ways of experiencing dangers.or at least a partial alleviation. It is not a fear that gives us the great. I emphasized that the fear that primarily surrounds us in this culture is a 'low-intensity fear'. becomes a privileged space where we can experience all the emotions that life can offer us. without having to pay the price that these emotions are often linked to in real life. however. Earlier. Violent and frightening fictions can be good media for the processing of our emotions. these voluntary fear experiences ought surely to be superfluous. weak 'grumbling'. That is why art is to be preferred to life:´Because Art does not hurt us. for Wilde. though.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 58 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K [Svendsen Continues«] we have a need to experience our whole emotional register. extreme sport and so on breaks with a humdrum 'everydayness'. life. the increasing commonness of boredom can partly be said to be result of the culture of fear. that we can shield ourselves from the sordid perils of actual existence. Art. It is through Art. It is more a fear that can be described as a "constant. not that we believe they will help us master life but guile simply because they are productive in themselves.
. The manner in which human sense perception is organized. It extends to ever new positions. all mythologies and all myths. is jeopardized by reproduction when substantive duration ceases to matter. And in permitting the reproduction to meet the beholder or listener in his own particular situation. is determined not only by nature but by historical circumstances as well. technical reproduction can put the copy of the original into situations which would be out of reach for the original itself. not only technical ± reproducibility. all founders of religion. can exist only by undermining the authenticity of the original object.´ Presumably without intending it. One might generalize by saying: the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition. This unique existence of the work of art determined the history to which it was subject throughout the time of its existence. a most sensitive nucleus ± namely. In the case of the art object.http://www.. that is. ranging from its substantive duration to its testimony to the history which it has experienced. too. all legends. its authenticity ± is interfered with whereas no natural object is vulnerable on that score. and therefore the entire historical context in which the original object was produced. Beethoven will make films. This includes the changes which it may have suffered in physical condition over the years as well as the various changes in its ownership. of course. Confronted with its manual reproduction. cathartic aspect. The situations into which the product of mechanical reproduction can be brought may not touch the actual work of art. which is adjustable and chooses its angle at will. This reproduction. which was usually branded as a forgery..The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. And photographic reproduction. yet the quality of its presence is always depreciated. Both processes are intimately connected with the contemporary mass movements. he issued an invitation to a far-reaching liquidation. The authenticity of a thing is the essence of all that is transmissible from its beginning. the medium in which it is accomplished. This produces a change in perception which allows for the masses to be controlled by the spectacle of the dominant culture.marxists. Its social significance. This is a symptomatic process whose significance points beyond the realm of art.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/ge/benjamin. it reactivates the object reproduced. Rembrandt. performed in an auditorium or in the open air. By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence. This phenomenon is most palpable in the great historical films.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 59 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K The art of the affirmative cannot be dissociated from the technological processes which enabled its ability to be reproduced. These two processes lead to a tremendous shattering of tradition which is the obverse of the contemporary crisis and renewal of mankind.. and the heroes crowd each other at the gate.htm] Even the most perfect reproduction of a work of art is lacking in one element: its presence in time and space. can capture images which escape natural vision. process reproduction is more independent of the original than manual reproduction. Above all. and the very religions. This holds not only for the art work but also. such as enlargement or slow motion. One might subsume the eliminated element in the term ³aura´ and go on to say: that which withers in the age of mechanical reproduction is the aura of the work of art. First. await their exposed resurrection. its unique existence at the place where it happens to be. it enables the original to meet the beholder halfway. The presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity. with its great shifts of . resounds in the drawing room. process reproduction can bring out those aspects of the original that are unattainable to the naked eye yet accessible to the lens. The whole sphere of authenticity is outside technical ± and. For example. The fifth century. Their most powerful agent is the film. The traces of the first can be revealed only by chemical or physical analyses which it is impossible to perform on a reproduction. the mode of human sense perception changes with humanity¶s entire mode of existence. The reason is twofold. the former. for a landscape which passes in review before the spectator in a movie. particularly in its most positive form. be it in the form of a photograph or a phonograph record.Critical theorist. is inconceivable without its destructive. in photography. The cathedral leaves its locale to be received in the studio of a lover of art. Since the historical testimony rests on the authenticity. Chemical analyses of the patina of a bronze can help to establish this. the liquidation of the traditional value of the cultural heritage. And what is really jeopardized when the historical testimony is affected is the authority of the object. for instance. Secondly. the choral production. with the aid of certain processes. the original preserved all its authority. changes of ownership are subject to a tradition which must be traced from the situation of the original. not so vis-à-vis technical reproduction. In 1927 Abel Gance exclaimed enthusiastically: ³Shakespeare. During long periods of history. Benjamin 36 [Walter. however. as does the proof that a given manuscript of the Middle Ages stems from an archive of the fifteenth century.
perhaps. it is possible to show its social causes. The concept of aura which was proposed above with reference to historical objects may usefully be illustrated with reference to the aura of natural ones. its reproduction. Unmistakably. however close it may be. you experience the aura of those mountains. To pry an object from its shell. The adjustment of reality to the masses and of the masses to reality is a process of unlimited scope. which is just as ardent as their bent toward overcoming the uniqueness of every reality by accepting its reproduction. both of which are related to the increasing significance of the masses in contemporary life. We define the aura of the latter as the unique phenomenon of a distance. who resisted the weight of classical tradition under which these later art forms had been buried. the desire of contemporary masses to bring things ³closer´ spatially and humanly. The scholars of the Viennese school. It rests on two circumstances. Namely. They did not attempt ± and. as much for thinking as for perception. you follow with your eyes a mountain range on the horizon or a branch which casts its shadow over you. This image makes it easy to comprehend the social bases of the contemporary decay of the aura. Every day the urge grows stronger to get hold of an object at very close range by way of its likeness. If. And if changes in the medium of contemporary perception can be comprehended as decay of the aura. saw no way ± to show the social transformations expressed by these changes of perception.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 60 population. The conditions for an analogous insight are more favorable in the present. reproduction as offered by picture magazines and newsreels differs from the image seen by the unarmed eye. while resting on a summer afternoon. and there developed not only an art different from that of antiquity but also a new kind of perception. However far-reaching their insight. formal hallmark which characterized perception in late Roman times. Thus is manifested in the field of perception what in the theoretical sphere is noticeable in the increasing importance of statistics. saw the birth of the late Roman art industry and the Vienna Genesis. Uniqueness and permanence are as closely linked in the latter as are transitoriness and reproducibility in the former. is the mark of a perception whose ³sense of the universal equality of things´ has increased to such a degree that it extracts it even from a unique object by means of reproduction. these scholars limited themselves to showing the significant. were the first to draw conclusions from them concerning the organization of perception at the time. Riegl and Wickhoff. to destroy its aura. . of that branch.
relies on a bewitching hypostatization of appearance and the beautiful. Contrary to Adorno¶s construction of the sublime.Walter Benjamin and the Aesthetics of Power. Etching the landscape with flaming banners and trenches technology wanted to create the heroic feature of German Idealism. but references to the synthesizing force of the beautiful appearance ± piped through the tubes of a nationalistic mass culture ± are primarily at work in the fascist attack on political modernity. and difference in bogus imagery of equality and coherence. and to integrate the masses into a symbolic synthesis. the revaluation of the sublime can be essential to our understanding of Benjamin¶s critique of fascism and its simultaneous practices of seduction and terror. For what Benjamin emphasizes with regard to the fascist spectacle is precisely that to which Adorno¶s modernist construction of sublime art is opposed. Reformulating eighteenth. rupture.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 61 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K The aestheticization of politics. also obliterates the foundations of sober judgment and moral autonomy. fascism dreams the megalomaniac dream of unlimited reality control and technological domination over nature. every wire entanglement an antinomy. In addition. Although the landscapes of total mobilization must suggest some sort of intimacy and reciprocity between technology and nature. Franz Kafka. theories of fascism. to remake the modern state into an expression of unified and resolute action. The fascist aestheticization of politics.and nineteenth-century aesthetic concepts within the terrain of industrial culture. humanity and the other at its fringes. Junger¶s art of war declares the boundlessness of the will to power and the human systems of representation. and Bertolt Brecht. every barb a definition. as for Adorno. its force to generate images out of which humanity may create powerful utopias. film. fascist theories of war silence nature through aesthetic myths of technological omnipotence. Deeply imbued with its own depravity. Instead of reconciling humanity with the forgotten forces of nature. the features of death. that is. and under the hallmark of fascism¶s mythologizing use of technology. thereby. It went astray. in an exemplary fashion. then. In order to prolong the experience of war into the civilian life of Weimar Germany. Koepnick 99 [Lutz. nature loses its otherness. the notorious poetic German fascination with nature celebrates an unprecedented. Allegorical fragmentation and instability rather than metaphorical harmony establish the modes of address and aesthetic exchange that Benjamin believes emancipatory according to his leftist political agenda. legitimate modernist art cannot be anything but an art of discontinuity. Fascism renders the beautiful appearance and social masquerade a . the functionalistic appropriation of art in the Soviet Union during the 1920s. (TGF 126. Professor of Germanic Languages and Literatures at Washington University in St. those senuous settlers. In these visions of a landscape of total mobilization. its utopian appeal to reconciliation. Whether referring to the aesthetic modernism of Charles Baudelaire. albeit totally perverted reoccurrence: The pioneers of peace. according to Benjamin. Louis. decentering promise of subliminity. and as far as anyone could see over the edge of the trench. Not the discontinuous. every explosion a synthesis. the fascist spectacle propagates a totalization of appearance and thus tries to erase all difference. polyphony. and instead of preserving the utopian dream of such a reconciliation. For Benjamin. were evacuated from these landscapes. GS 3:247) In the aestheticizing view of modern warfare. the fascist spectacle corrupts nature and uopian wish-energies and. on the other hand. totality and closure. the surroundings become a problem. one that eliminates social tensions. by undermining the authenticity of the work of art. and thus strip nature of its transcending power. Fascist ideologies of war render technology as an aesthetic myth that effaces all boundaries and correspondences between the realm of nature and social life. This allows for systems of domination to eliminate social tensions which would undermine the mobilization of the masses for war. or any progressive utilization of the new medium. they in fact only testify to the utter erosion of nature under the false totality of fascism¶s aesthetic excess. fascist mass aesthetics also debases the semantic wealth of nature: projecting its reactionary modernism on the features of the modern world. subject the category of nature to the imperatives of modern warfare. What it considered heroic were the features of Hippocrates. and self-limitation. Benjamin valorizes modern aesthetic practices whenever they succeed in subverting traditional claims to continuity. and by day the sky was the cosmic interior of the steel helmet and at night the moral law above. According to Benjamin. makes everything equal by eliminating all boundaries. technology gave shape to the apocalyptic face of nature and reduced nature to silence ± even though this technology had the power to give nature its voice.Pg 77-9] Whether or not Welsch¶s reconstruction does full justice to Adorno¶sAesthetic Theory.
GS 1:281). thus. . drives society into the ³abyss of aestheticism´ (OTD 103.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 62 practical expression of the will to power and.
appropriate the Cartesian split between spirit and materiality so as to bar any critical debate about the use of technology and the equality of progress. her argues. according to its economic nature. ³Indeed. Benjamin contends as early as 1930. Koepnick 99 [Lutz. GS 1:481). Poised at the threshold of the twentieth century. the expulsion of the aesthetic from the heavens of uncontested meaning and the exile of artists from the Olympus of social representation.Pg 77-9] But the fascist war not only violates nature. and ritual sacrifice. . fascism anticipates such counterforces of revenge and directs them against the other objects of repression. fascist warfare instrumentalizes the powers of revolt only in order to quell their potency.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 63 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K The aestheticization of politics uses the self-justifying nature of political action to undermine the social tensions which make resistance against oppression possible. it also represses technology itself as it enslaves its own full potential. Benjamin borrows the concept of ³das Geistige´ from his own early metaphysical vocabulary to describe this repression of discourse. Louis. To reject any legitimacy claim. though highly intriguing and influential. one to which society ought to respond with astonishment rather than critical discussion.. fascist theories of warfare immunize technological modernity against democratic discourses of legitimation and emphasize the ontological abyss between the universe of ideas and the world of technical means. Shaped by great politicians as are statues out of clay. to unemployment and the lack of markets. the masses. will therefore also describe a ³slave revolt of technology´ (TGF 120. fascism exempts technology from any processes of discursive legitimation. rather than the actual agents of slavery. aestheticism desired. Against the background of comprehensive social changes during the nineteenth century. at least theoretically. no doubt requires further explanation. GS 1:507-8). GS 3:238). a revolt of modern technology against its bondage through reactionary politics and the suspension of historical dialectics. Benjamin quickly denounces what he understands as the cultic legitimation of warfare in fascism as ³an uninhibited translation of the principles of l¶art pour l¶art [art for art] to war itself´ (TGH 122. Capitalist societies. Analogous to what motivates the public spectacles of pseudo-emancipation. Presenting war as a self-referential event demanding veneration. Vis-à-vis the ever expanding commodification of art and the emergence of mass cultural practices.¶ the claims to which society has denied its natural material´ (ILL 242. Any future war. submission. aestheticism tried to enshrine art in a hermetic cage.Walter Benjamin and the Aesthetics of Power. Professor of Germanic Languages and Literatures at Washington University in St. war serves only itself. Imperialistic war is a rebellion of technology which collects. It conceived of form as the sole content of the artwork and revolted against any attempt to render moral correctness a principle of aesthetic judgment. This figure of thought. Yet with cunning. While it rejected the subjugation of art under the bourgeois principle of utility. a luxury object. European aestheticism sought to redefine this social decline of art as its inner virtue. calling for a total emancipation of art from moral commitment and mimetic veracity. Warfare epitomizes the systematic castigation of nature and technology in a modern age that fails to live up to its potential. Through war. in the form of µhuman material. fascist ideologues of war argue. Fascism¶s ideology of war perfects this tendency. the fascist state stages an insurrection against itself in order to gain control over all potential forces of subversion: ³The horrible features of imperialistic warfare are attributable to the discrepancy between the tremendous means of production and their inadequate utilization in the process of production ± in other words. Just as the stage management of politics replaces rational participation with emotional synchronization. GS 3:240). bourgeois society cannot help insulating everything technological from the so-called spiritual. Though anything but unified. aestheticism believed it could secure the autonomy of art within bourgeois society by transforming the work of art into an object of cultic stature. Technological progress. adheres to an autonomous logic of evolution and renewal. GS 3:238). In his essay on Ernst Junger et al. to transform art into a selfreferntial system. and it cannot help but resolutely excluding technology¶s right of codetermination in the social order´ (TGF 120. the l¶art pour l¶art [art for art] movement articulated the most radical response to the gradual commercialization and decentering of nineteenth-century art ± that is to say. fascism claims technology does not serve any human purpose. Aiming at a ³theology of art´ (ILL 224. l¶art pour l¶art [art for art] epitomized the romantic quest for aesthetic absolutes.
but it also. it also silences the many ways in which Benjamin¶s work could still inform a critical analysis of our own age. not into spectacles of ideological incorporation but into principally open and heteroglossic scenes of emancipation.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 64 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K Our alternative is to reject the aestheticization of politics by affirming the politicization of art. confusingly. and politics.Pg 23-4] What Benjamin defines as aesthetic politics. Professor of Germanic Languages and Literatures at Washington University in St. democratic ends.Walter Benjamin and the Aesthetics of Power. Modern industrial culture. Louis. undoes the very categories according to which Groys and others today continuously evaluate the validity of certain aesthetic and political agendas. This entails the rejection of the way in which we disavow the uses of art that serve the purposes of oppression and violence. reject the tactics of disavowal inherent to aesthetic politics. the twentieth century signifies a historical moment at which cultural production emerges as largely integrated into economic production and the political. the politicization of art ± designates nothing other than forms of mass cultural practice that take themselves seriously and. Benjamin¶s avant-gardism hopes to channel the potentially democratizing force of industrial culture. For Benjamin. creating the conditions which make true emancipation possible. economy. therefore. Our politicization of artistic expression thus allows for us to channel the forces of industrial culture to ethical. on the contrary. Benjamin¶s avant-garde alternative. and as importantly. Opposing fascism. This integration. renders problematic the way in which political dictates drape modern mass culture as art and thus transform the popular into a tool of domination and manipulation. on the other hand ± that which he calls. an age marked by the ever more global incorporation of culture. makes possible the aestheticization of politics a la fascism. . then. on the one hand. does not address the role of bourgeois art in twentieth-century society but. Koepnick 99 [Lutz. opens up the possibility of a cultural politics that may progressively intervene in the course of economic and political development. Benjamin implies. To follow Groys¶s suggestion and historicize this endorsement of the modern popular ± Benjamin¶s popular modernism ± as an essentially Stalinist project not only at once belittles the atrocities of Stalinism and misses the complexity of Benjamin¶s program.