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Racism, Sociology of

Matthew Clair, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
Jeffrey S Denis, McMaster University, Hamilton, ON, Canada
Ó 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
This article is a revision of the previous edition article by P.L. Van Den Berghe, volume 19, pp. 12720–12723, Ó 2001, Elsevier Ltd.

Abstract

The sociology of racism is the study of the relationship between racism, racial discrimination, and racial inequality. While
past scholarship emphasized overtly racist attitudes and policies, contemporary sociology considers racism as individual- and
group-level processes and structures that are implicated in the reproduction of racial inequality in diffuse and often subtle
ways. Although some social scientists decry this conceptual broadening, most agree that a multivalent approach to the study
of racism is at once socially important and analytically useful for understanding the persistence of racial inequality in
a purportedly ‘postracial’ society.

At root, racism is “an ideology of racial domination” (Wilson, They applied the term to plants, animals, and humans as
1999: p. 14) in which the presumed biological or cultural a taxonomic subclassification within a species. As such, race
superiority of one or more racial groups is used to justify or became understood as a biological, or natural, categorization
prescribe the inferior treatment or social position(s) of other system of the human species. As Western colonialism and
racial groups. Through the process of racialization (see Section slavery expanded, the concept was used to justify and prescribe
Racism as a Social Process), perceived patterns of physical exploitation, domination, and violence against peoples racial-
difference – such as skin color or eye shape – are used to ized as nonwhite. Today, race often maintains its ‘natural’
differentiate groups of people, thereby constituting them as connotation in folk understandings; yet, the scientific
‘races’; racialization becomes racism when it involves the consensus is that race does not exist as a biological category
hierarchical and socially consequential valuation of racial among humans – genetic variation is far greater within than
groups. between ‘racial’ groups, common phenotypic markers exist on
Racism is analytically distinct from racial discrimination a continuum, not as discrete categories, and the use and
and racial inequality. Racial discrimination concerns the significance of these markers varies across time, place, and even
unequal treatment of races, whereas racial inequality concerns within the same individual (Fiske, 2010).
unequal outcomes (in income, education, health, etc.). While For most social scientists, ‘race’ is distinct from ‘ethnicity’.
racism is often implicated in both processes, contemporary A major distinction is the assumption of a biological basis in
racial inequalities and forms of discrimination are not always the case of race. Races are distinguished by perceived common
the immediate result of contemporary racism (Pager and physical characteristics, which are thought to be fixed, whereas
Shepherd, 2008). The sociology of racism investigates the ethnicities are defined by perceived common ancestry, history,
relationships between these three phenomena, asking when, and cultural practices, which are seen as more fluid and
how, why, and to what extent they reproduce one another. In self-asserted rather than assigned by others (Cornell and
the post-Civil Rights era, with (overt) racism now widely con- Hartmann, 2006). Thus, Asian is usually considered a ‘race’,
demned, one challenge for social scientists is to conceptualize whereas Tibetans and Bengalis are considered ethnicities.
and measure its more subtle and diffuse manifestations and Although ethnicity and nationality often overlap, a nationality,
lasting effects. such as American, can contain many ethnic groups (e.g.,
Italian-Americans, Arab-Americans). Yet, all three categories –
race, ethnicity, and nationality – are socially constructed, and,
Definitions as such, groups once considered ethnicities have come to be
seen as races and vice versa. Moreover, some groups who are
Racism cannot be defined without first defining race. Among now taken for granted as ‘white’, such as the Irish, Italians, and
social scientists, ‘race’ is generally understood as a social Jews, were once excluded from this racial category. The defi-
construct. Although biologically meaningless when applied to nitional boundaries of race and ethnicity are shaped by the tug
humans – physical differences such as skin color have no and pull of state power, group interests, and other social forces.
natural association with group differences in ability or behavior From a sociological perspective, it is this social construction
– race nevertheless has tremendous significance in structuring of race – not its ‘natural’ existence – that is the primary object of
social reality. Indeed, historical variation in the definition and inquiry in the study of racism. Bundled up with eighteenth
use of the term provides a case in point. century classifications of various racial groups were assertions
The term race was first used to describe peoples and societies of moral, intellectual, spiritual, and other forms of superiority,
in the way we now understand ethnicity or national identity. which were used to justify the domination of Europeans over
Later, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, as Euro- racialized others. In the North American context, racist ideol-
peans encountered non-European civilizations, Enlightenment ogy served as justification for land appropriation and colonial
scientists and philosophers gave race a biological meaning. violence toward indigenous peoples as well as the enslavement

International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 19 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.32122-5 857

sustained. and nation-states used race in everyday life and social systems.g. the individual. precipitous decline in overtly racist attitudes. The issue took on embedded in taken-for-granted laws. and was legitimated by dominant scientific discourses gender (e. and symbolic resources. primarily an individual problem of overt hostility that could be In the late nineteenth century. as measured by demarcated by the changing nature of race and racism as con. Intellectual History increasing immigration. whereby ‘ethnic’ European immigrants originally racialized as ‘other’ would gradually Contemporary approaches to racism center on explaining the assimilate into the American mainstream as full-fledged well-documented persistence of racial inequality and racial ‘white’ citizens. groups. drives racial prejudice and discrimination (cf their time – maintained racist attitudes and incorporated racist Nagel. and norms that greater urgency during and after World War II when the systematically (dis)advantage certain groups. emerged.. phase considers diffuse relationships between these concepts These theories often focus on group-level processes and social and the ways in which historical. attitudes that were a historical relic (as opposed to a systemic social process) that would inevitably fade with time. It was later used to In this first phase. in which dominant theories. and ology. as violence directed at blacks and other minorities under Jim individuals. Du Bois.. (e. the second new theories to account for the subtlety of present-day racism.g. Racism pervaded society. For example. a social scientific discipline. and the economic rise of developing nations coincided with the There are at least two distinct phases in the sociology of racism. policies. understood. are constructed and challenged at micro-.) groups excel more than others. the American Civil how race mattered for the distribution of material and Rights Movement. few scholars studied racism. differences in educational attainment could be for sociologists has been to assess these changes and their explained by legally segregated schools.E. Sociology of of Africans starting in the sixteenth century. various such as Social Darwinism. that racism itself has transformed into more covert forms. and the state were explicit about Crow laws. and nation-states talked discrimination and policies excluding blacks from well-paid about. including soci. This assumption of inevitable attenuation was most evident in Contemporary Definitions of and Approaches theories of immigrant assimilation. theories arose to explain why racism.and It has witnessed the (re)emergence of once-ignored critical and macro-levels. groups. representative opinion surveys.g. as sociology emerged as diminished through interracial interaction (e. turn of the century. 1954). exploring how racist associated with the Chicago School – began to view racism as ideologies and discriminatory practices have become a distinct social problem worthy of study. unconscious. income inequality between increasing waves of non-European immigration to the West whites and blacks could be readily explained by workplace changed how individuals. structural analyses of racism (à la DuBois) as well as manifold tionship between racism and racial inequality. however. . 1967. economic. as a social problem. defining racism as prejudicial beliefs and justify the state-sanctioned social. and macro- drawing on psychology’s emphasis on individual prejudice.B. suggesting (racial. or changed individual-level attitudes. 1990). class. Bonacich. While the first phase focused on the direct rela. institutional. which misapplied the concept of theories of ‘new racisms’ (see Section New Racisms) and natural selection to the social world to account for why some implicit biases (see Section Implicit Bias) emerged. Blumer. some sociologists – primarily racism (see Section Institutional Racism).g. which proposed an inex. and racial inequality persisted. under these conditions. levels (see Sections Racism as a Social Process and Responses conceived racism as a set of explicit individual-level beliefs and to Racism). racial discrimi- century – typically considered racism as a set of overt nation. Collins. who analyzed the political. etc. that are constructed. economic. viewed. racism. or in interaction with. A major task jobs... 1960s. and categorized race. and/or status resource competition (e. the fall of colonialism abroad. In the 1980s and 1990s. and symbolic attitudes provided little difficulty for the social scientist. the confluence of the Civil Rights Movement. As racial prejudice declined structed by social actors and social forces after World War II. Building on this latter perspective. class conflict (e. the second phase – from the mid. many social scientists – truly products of in this view. And since the devastating consequences of racism reached their ugly peak. meso-. other scholars assumptions into their explanations of racial group differences have examined the intersections of racism with colonialism in social outcomes. 1958). and racial inequalities sociological study of racism. when the scientific validity of ‘race’ Sociologists have also elaborated theories of institutional came under closer scrutiny. The first phase – from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth 1997). Beginning in the 1920s. (One later sociologists viewed racism as fundamentally rooted in notable exception was W.g. In the West. (unevenly) in the United States and the world (Bobo et al. Allport. inter- Western institutions and psyches. etc. political economic roots of racism and its perverse impacts on Blalock. 1995). 1972).. The 1950s and implications for racial discrimination and inequality. twentieth century to the present – considers racism as not This moment may be characterized as the start of the second simply explicit attitudes but also implicit biases and processes (and contemporary) phase in the sociological study of racism. and enacted at both micro. global anticolonial movements.. organizations.) Instead of studying racism group contact could exacerbate the perceived group threat that. In the mid-twentieth century. Blauner.858 Racism. to Racism orable straight-line process. whereas earlier scholars defined racism as perpetuate racial inequality. witnessed a shift in how individuals. and systemic forms of racism interact with other social forces to For example. form in some places more than others. social scientists have turned attention to the This period can be characterized as the first phase in the social processes whereby race. discrimination in an era of declining overtly racist attitudes. 1969). structures as opposed to.

or on the street. Sociology of 859 Without explicit ideologies of racial domination as a direct group’s sense of entitlement to resources and privileges appears cause. While stereotypes. These theories problem is not ‘hidden’ racist sentiments or cultural stereo- often acknowledge the history of racism in shaping contem. then at least as implicit or covert biases.. in which members ‘symbolic racism’. While inquiry into internal- stereotypes and moral resentments (rooted in childhood ized racism has been criticized as victim blaming and racially socialization) toward ‘irresponsible’ blacks. Unlike Research on implicit biases has its limitations. as it demystifies an blame blacks (and other minorities) for their social problems insidious element of white privilege and systems of power. interpersonal interaction (Lane et al. 2013). Racism. inequality despite the decline in overt racist attitudes can be found in the growing literature on implicit bias. prejudices. We Another explanation for persistent racial discrimination and now turn to these approaches.g. Since the 1970s. 456). or ideologies – and the precise form(s) some social scientists claim this ‘broadening’ of the concept these take – remains contested. rather. to explain persistent inequality by showing how racism although the observed decline in overt racist attitudes shows endures today – if not so much within individuals. and wealth. For has shown that minorities (not just whites) sometimes hold example. 2001: p. 1958). scores of studies have considered the alleviate respondents’ hesitancy to report socially undesirable association between race and various attributes and judgments. 1967. at school.) Various theories have arisen to account for this paradox. Despite this outpouring of research and theorizing. Pyke (2010) argues that this work is critical to (1997) concept of ‘laissez-faire racism’ also highlights persis. and if not so much as society. despite increased support for racial equality in principle. attitudes and to draw out the deeper meanings behind revealing that. 2010. nonverbal) behaviors and emotions that could affect principles that stereotype subordinated racial groups as unde. of racism serves a ‘political agenda’ (van den Berghe. (For additional variations on the new racism theme. 1998). Instead of focusing on the cultural problems racial equality. affirmative action and reparations). and housing the racial status quo without sounding racist (Bonilla-Silva. regardless of whether racism or ‘political principle’ continuing racial inequality (e. Massey and Denton. credit markets. styles. As such. which is “triggered when the dominant tive participants may not generalize to real-world contexts . many whites reject policies such as affirmative porary inner city black culture but argue that subordinates’ action because of principled opposition to government inter- cultural behaviors are at least one immediate cause of vention. and persistent frames. which merges a genuine belief in the of a subordinated racial group accept the negative stereotypes universalistic principles of Western liberal democracy with and attitudes toward their group. or New Racisms negative attitude toward. positive attributes and stereotypes with whites than with other Using these techniques. however. is that implicit biases can tudes on opinion surveys represents an actual decline in racism impact expectations and actions. Fiske. types. perhaps some individuals consciously hold racist a survey but may be revealed in everyday interpersonal inter- attitudes but withhold them when surveyed. Moynihan et al. drawing One major line of work in the contemporary sociology of from recent findings in cognitive psychology and its nascent racism examines whether the observed decline in racist atti. Kinder and Sears implicit antiblack biases of many blacks. how can we explain persistent racial inequalities in threatened by subordinate group gains or aspirations” (Denis. some Some scholars point to the (alleged) cultural deficiencies of critics (e. More recent work serving and thereby justify existing racial inequalities. such opposition effectively replicates racial of historically oppressed groups. Pager and Shepherd. criminal sentencing. Furthermore. 2010). other scholars have attempted inequality (see Section Institutional Racism). particularly blacks (Banaji and Greenwald. ‘colorblind racism’ refers to a set of policies meant to alleviate racial inequalities. a group(s). 2008)? see Quillian. most consider it a necessity – offering an empirically Implicit Bias and socially useful toolkit of approaches for understanding the durability of racial inequality in the twenty-first century... persistent rejection of 2012: p. then at least that racism is socially unacceptable in much of contemporary within institutions and organizations. they argue that (white) opposition scholars have questioned the reliability and validity of the IAT. social scientists have developed various techniques – from Relying on psychological experiments. understanding the mechanisms whereby racial inequality is tent antiblack (and antinative) stereotyping and a tendency to reproduced and can even be empowering. 1997.’s essentialist. unconscious negative or merely a decline in the social acceptability of expressing such beliefs and feelings about racial groups may not appear on attitudes. interaction with cultural sociology. the extent to which individuals still hold racial explicit attitudes. Yet.. An implicit bias is an unconsciously triggered belief in the inferiority of..g. 12721). may be (1981) attribute this principle–implementation gap to interpreted as a form of internalized racism. forms of racism that are expressed not in avowed racist atti. (Bobo et al. Bobo et al.g. 2007). to racial equality policies is rooted in perceived racial group Others suggest that laboratory experiments on nonrepresenta- threat (Blumer. Some symbolic racism. 2006. Sniderman and Carmines. 1997) argue that the people of color – in particular. individuals more readily associate ambiguous or contradictory responses. The assumption. The (e. health. actions at work. directly motivates opposition to policies intended to advance Patterson. In short. surveys repeatedly show that many whites support implicit biases against their own group despite articulating racial equality in principle but resist policies to implement it explicit beliefs in racial equality (Livingston. on average. these biases predict distinct (especially sponta- tudes but rather in contextually specific moral and symbolic neous. for example. 2002). Similarly. 1993. and an Implicit more subtle questions to new forms of discourse analysis – to Association Test (IAT).. sociologists have uncovered new races. and scripts that are used to explain and justify racial discrimination in hiring. inner city blacks.

focusing on general (Fiske. pursuits – othering. neighbor- could moderate autocognitive processes. Denis (2015) illustrates how the mutually reinforcing processes of subtyping. and age) shape the another line of scholarship seeks to identify and explain the influence and prestige of individuals in small group settings.). institutions. attitudes. 2012). and beliefs. and social arrangements are struc- processes in face-to-face interaction and meaning-making tured by racial hierarchy and supported by colorblind ideology. and political avoidance norms enable many The upheavals of the post–World War II period made plain the white Canadians to maintain laissez-faire racist attitudes.. such as social processes.. In on new racisms and implicit biases documents the changing social psychology.. often translating into social. and One major departure from past scholarship is contemporary social forces constructing and signifying race. 2007) to systems. subordinate adaptation. institutions. as a process.. processes. and structures. its reputation for gangs). Small. 2014). provide more meaningful explanations of scripts. and may even approach there are two major lines of research – one that conform to. One difficulty of macrolevel approaches is of a particular race).g. as lower status persistence) in racism. Schwalbe et al. ‘systemic racism’.. objects. Bonilla-Silva’s (1997) struc- reproduce racial inequalities (e. nation-state bureaucracies and methods (such as the census or First defined by Stokely and Hamilton (1967). In a small-town ethnography. status characteristics (e. social forces. Satzewich. and norms of organizations. it social processes and actors that account for change (and highlights the role of self-fulfilling prophecies. it is more often used to explain cases of their tendency to present ‘grand’ narratives that abstract or disparate impact. 2004).. individual acts. including racial inequalities.g. a firm with a formal policy of excluding applicants Penner. boundary main- over.g. the stereotypical low expectations of their group considers racism in historical context. define. theories of that contribute to the persistence of system-wide racial institutional racism give analytic primacy to the taken-for- inequalities – from cognitive classification processes that allow granted policies. humans to identify and categorize others (Massey. Sociology of where behavioral and attitudinal dynamics may differ. ideology-based Racism as a Social Process homophily. and distribute racism refers to particular and general instances of racial resources to groups at the macrolevel (Omi and Winant.g.g. including the creation of racial challenge the racial status quo (see Section Responses to categories and the signification of these categories in relation to Racism). reproduced in concrete settings. One benefit to the study of racism as a social organizational or institutional contexts. some scholars explore The literature on institutional racism is diffuse but coheres how racial identities and statuses are embodied and enacted in on the point that macrostructural processes. Similarly. and organizations at particular times and applicants from a low income. 1980 on ‘historically specific racisms’). Saperstein and overt (e. the symbolic interactionist tradition. Indeed. and new sociologists examine how symbolic boundaries are constructed institutional theories that view contemporary workplaces as against racialized others. such as the labor process is attention to the fluidity of racial categorizations and market or the nation-state. While setting aside the question of why ‘race’ mechanisms that account for macrolevel changes over time. hood) that perpetuate racial segregation (e. spatial.g. institutional standardized education) that categorize. a firm with an informal policy of excluding contexts. . structures that enable such disparate impacts are what consti- level social processes maintain and change racial categories. Within this broad. race.. minority neighborhood due to places (see Hall. discrimination. research on raci. While research despite frequent positive contact with indigenous peoples. all of these microlevel studies and another that considers microsocial processes that operate offer insights into how racial inequalities and stereotypes are in interpersonal interaction. 2000). economic. The increasing sociology’s shift from locating racism in individual beliefs and focus on racialization. 2013). gender. practices. as opposed to interpersonal interaction through distinctive habits. process-based members are viewed and treated in terms of. and domination in Wimmer. (2000) have identified generic how political. 1994. and ideas (Murji and Solomos. initially became a salient marker. character. inequality. contexts in which ostensibly neutral scripts and procedures and temporal boundaries at the mesolevel (e. We may lose explanatory more resources to one group than another without overtly precision on the nuanced operation of race in particular racist intent (e. Drawing on Goffman and racism’. and modes of self-presentation that inadvertently contemporary racial inequality. and emotion management – that create and reproduce engagement with macrosociological research on the media and inequalities. Anderson. status characteristics theory considers how content. and implications of new forms of racism. and how these responses perpetuate or constructing racial meaning. While institutional racism can be their embeddedness in power relations (e.860 Racism.g. etc. 2011). and mechanisms (Lamont et al. styles. More. people. The rules. is part of the growing attitudes to considering it as primarily a phenomenon of sociological focus on uncovering general social processes and higher-level entities. Rather than explaining racial inequality via alization has revealed fundamental processes and mechanisms individual-level racism (conscious or otherwise). mutability of racial classifications and racism. cultural other institutions that could shape implicit attitudes. Much of this work also The term ‘racialization’ tends to designate theories of racism considers the everyday responses of historically marginalized as a macrolevel historical process. Racialization’s focus on the constructedness Institutional Racism of racial meaning shifts analytic attention away from the content of racism and toward the individuals. 2010). groups. More tural conception of racialized social systems’ emphasizes broadly. 2005. exploitation. Racialization is the process of groups to racism. tute institutional racism (and variants such as ‘structural stereotypes. and opportunity Another process-oriented approach considers how micro.. where organizations or societies distribute totalize the way race operates. studies of implicit biases would benefit from deeper tenance.

Conversely. (such as Canada’s Indian Act) and practices (such as the Indian and practices of subordinated racial groups.g. responses of stigmatized groups in Brazil. that it dilutes the meaning of racism (Miles. 1989) and attaches Moreover. as well as the creative strategies they use to cope with and respond to racism. subordinated groups’ knowledge serves as equally qualified resumes or research participants to a corrective to the elite. Henry and Tator. until racism is eliminated. Yet. seize unique opportunities in the form of and racialized differential treatment and outcomes. when coupled with complementary have examined the conditions under which racial minority evidence about labor market processes. 2006). and other crosscutting categories (Satzewich.) offer Alternative approaches to institutional racism are less unique perspectives on the inner workings of oppression and totalizing. from a sociology of knowledge discrimination at the firm or organization level by sending standpoint. and ideas that perpetuate racial inequality Numerous studies. ideologies. showing how it covertly shapes their daily life system. responses to racism has blossomed alongside a robust soci- Still other approaches focus on state and nonstate ology of immigration literature. These studies have nant social scientists (Feagin. gendered. the relative hand. have documented the stigma- can be identified and dismantled. While an ethnic niches. 2012) are providing These conceptions of institutional racism and systemic racial/ insights into the effects of. 2010). 1995) and indigenous peoples absolve the role of individual actors in maintaining racism. responses to. positions and experiences (raced. Is it fair. and the While audit studies suffer from uncertain generalizability (case United States. racism. and the like. is it contexts constrain and enable individual opportunities.g. centered conceptions in their totalizing nature (see Section In one groundbreaking study.. forms of resistance. Building on this work.. and Lamont and Mizrachi (2012) systematically compare the housing markets (Quillian. Moreover.g. Audit studies. minority groups and recent immigrants has highlighted racial 2001).. She argues that these women’s narratives dinate groups. 12) reminds us. and ‘white racial frames’ that can be traced back rience racism. the point of these theories is not to only underscores the uniquely pernicious nature of antiblack blame the innocent but to improve understanding so that the and anti-indigenous racism in North America (Dixon. and encounter different obstacles. Contemporary institutional racism perspective highlights the general systems assimilation is variegated and the incorporation of new. Essed (1991) examined how Racism as a Social Process). groups has proven anything but straightforward. 2010). Feagin (2010) analyzes the institutional spaces. Feagin and Sikes. and organizations that perpetuate perpetuate it. etc. whose life chances vary considerably by class. and procedures that account for pernicious varying strategies. Another variant is the dominant racist ideologies and engage in habitual interactions (internal) colonialism model. people. They have been criticized routines but also illuminating their diverse and often subtle for downplaying diversity within both dominant and subor. we gain insight on important avenues through This (increasingly comparative and cross-national) work on which racial discrimination and inequality persist. Western knowledge systems of domi- employers. a growing liter- imposes its ideas. they suggest that race and racism black women in the Netherlands and California navigate operate on various levels and in various corners of the social everyday racism. competition and tension between native-born moral condemnation where it is undue (van den Berghe. and strategies for colonial oppression are similar to macrohistorical process. knowledges. (Alba and Nee. arguing that the comparative study of responses studies do not tell us about all firms) and cannot specify the illuminates how institutions. they do enable us affirmative action and diversity programs at the state and to identify the precise levels of discrimination in specific firm organizational levels (e. 1990). in which one racialized group that perpetuate their own subordination. 1991) and responses to group’s presumed superiority (Frideres and Gadacz.. The literature on internalized racism (see Section to sixteenth century slavery and imperialism. Israel. to label an institution. classed. practices. Allport (1954: p. policies. often and processes that maintain racial inequality. and varying national mechanisms that account for racial discrimination (e. for instance.. 1996. Yet. found that racial discrimination still exists in hiring. orga. are important knowledge ipso facto because their unique social gender.. landlords. Sociology of 861 Similarly. credit. and lifestyles on another via policies ature also interrogates the multiple experiences. (e. Waters et al. which highlights the agency of institutions – such as the criminal justice and education immigrants in shaping their incorporation into host societies systems and the media – assessing the rules. increasing attention is being paid to those who expe- societal norms. or even accurate. 2008). One criticism of these studies is that they appear to place the Responses to Racism burden of overcoming racism on the shoulders of the targets While the contemporary sociology of racism focuses mostly of racism rather than on the actors and institutions that on the processes. discourses. seek to measure racial resistance (cf Collins. 2003). Indeed. Pager and Shepherd. 2012). Racism. 2014). which is ‘racialized’ as such. stigmatization (Lamont and Mizrachi. “The unpleasant flavor ease with which some immigrants (despite being racialized) of a word should not mislead us into believing that it stands have integrated into the mainstream economically and socially only for a value-judgment”. creditors. institutional tization and racism faced by upwardly mobile middle-class racism’s focus on the extraindividual might obscure and blacks (e. discrimination. 2006. 2008). it is important to . 1982). residential school system) that are justified by the former studies of ‘everyday racism’ (Essed. Still others contexts. concluding that Implicit Bias) illuminates how the targets of racism may accept American society is fundamentally racist. systems. McAdam. combating various forms of racism. Other due to employers’ covert or implicit biases or uncontrolled scholars have assessed antiracist and multicultural policies and differences between research participants?). Increasingly. one criticism is racialized. discrimination between subordinate groups (Bobo and nization. norms. 2011). for example. or society ‘racist’ if such intent is lacking? On the other Hutchings.g.g. such as Kirshenman groups and their allies mobilize in social movements for racial and Neckerman’s (1991) analysis of employers’ statistical justice (e. regulations. Denis. Different immigrant groups employ laws.

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