Journal of European Ethnology

25:2 MusEUM TuscuLANUM PREss 1995

Ethnologia Editorial Board

Europaea Carla Bianco (Italy), Jeremy Boissevain (Netherlands), Nils-Arvid

Bringeus (Sweden), Joaquim Pais de Brito (Portugal), Wolfgang
Journal of Bruckner (Germany), Kiril V. Cistov (Russia), John W. Cole (USA),
Esteva Fabreget (Spain), Alexander Fenton (Scotland), Ueli Gyr
European Ethnology (Switzerland), Tamas Hofer (Hungary), Lauri Honko (Finland),
Orvar Lofgren (Sweden), Jan Podolak (Slovakia), Holger Rasmus­
Editor sen (Denmark), Klaus Roth (Germany), Lucienne A. Roubin
Professor Bjarne Stoklund (France), Bjarne Rogan (Norway), Martine Segalen (France), Zofia
Institute of Archaeology Sokolewicz (Poland), Bjarne Stoklund (Denmark), Nils Storii (Fin­
and Ethnology land), George Thompson (Northern Ireland),Ants Viires (Estonia),
Vandkunsten 5 Gunter Wiegelmann (Germany).
DK-1467 Copenhagen
Denmark Editorial assistant
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Editorial
Female Worlds
The majority ofthe contributions to thi s issue of
Ethnologia E uropaea is about women's lives
and female worlds .
Based on extensive fieldwork in the extreme
northeast of Portugal, Brian Juan O'Neill, de­
scribes the life cycles oftwo women, living in the
same village within a distance of a few hundred
meters . Their actual lives, however, are so dif­
ferent that one may ask, do they have anything
in common at all? Brit Berggreen in an explor­
ative paper goes behind the modern stereotypes
about the female roles. In Scandinavian tradi­
tion and in a Greek field material she finds
examples of female strength and power and
"arenas of women's authority". The independ­
ent role of the married women in Greece is also
the subject of Ulrike Krasberg in her article on
the role of the dowry and the situation of the
women in the island of Lesbos . She shows that
in spite offeminist critique in the 70s the dowry
in the form of a house is today becoming more
and more important, as a symbol of economical
success and female authority. The article by
Anne Monjaret deals with the feast of Saint
Catherine's Day as it was celebrated in Paris in
the "roaring 20s" and the role the press had in
the development of urban festivities. It is, how­
ever, also a study offemale roles, as this day was
especially celebrated by the socalled "Cathc­
rinettes", i.e. single girls in their mid-twentieth
among workers and employees in Paris .
The last two articles have totally diffe re n t
topics . The contribution by Harald Kleinschmidt
is a study of bodily movements as a category o f
social action. Through a detailed study o f con­
temporary sources he tries to prove, that the re
are parallel changes in the military field and in
dancing in two periods: The 15th and the 18th
century. These changes can not be explained by
internal factors but must be considered as a
form of social action, which were "subjected to
wider behavioural norms". Finally, Andrei A.
Znamenski in his paper discusses the role played
by the US pioneer in ethnology, Lewis Henry
Morgan ( 18 1 8-188 1), in Soviet anthropology of
the 20th century.
In October 1995 a conference on "European
Ethnology in Changing Europe" was held in
Pecsvarad, Hungary, arranged by the journal in
cooperation with Janus Pannonius University
in Pees. The papers and the discussion together
with a report on the conference will be pub­
lished in the next volume of Ethnologia Euro­
paea.
95
Diverging Biographies: Two Portuguese
Peasant Women
Brian Juan O'Neill

O'Neill, Brian Juan 1995: Diverging Biographies: 'I\vo Portuguese Peasant Wom­
en. - Ethnologia Europaea 25: 97 -1 1 8.

Life-histories and biographical portraits frequently fall into the trap of "the
typical" - the narrator is presumed to represent key elements supposedly common
to most or all other members of a culture. Avoiding this path, we focus on the life
courses of two women in a Portuguese hamlet pertaining to the upper and lower
extremes of a manifold social hierarchy. These two villagers' individual life-cycle::;,
their marital and familial universes, and their total social worlds are indeed sn
divergent that we are led inexorably to the question - despite their common place
of residence, do they have anything in common at all?
Three major phases of the two women's life paths are sketched - childhood and
adolescence, adulthood and marriage, old age and death - highlighting the Central
European features ofthis community in Tras-os-Montes province, and stressing its
profound dissimilarity from the Mediterranean culture area. A number of theoret­
ical stances within the field of biographical studies hover in the background:
classic anthropological texts recited by one ego, more sociological angles on social
mobility and group trajectories, philosophically oriented hermeneutical portraits,
and recent forays into post-modernist schemes focused on the dialogic relation
between the observer and the observed. This paper falls clearly into the second of
these trends. Might there not be at least two or even three "typical" life courses
within European villages of this kind?

Professor Brian Juan O'Neill, Department of Anthropology, ISCTE (lnstituto

Superior de Ciencias do Trabalho e da Empresa), Avenida das Fon;as Armadas,
1 600 Lisboa, Portugal.

What is it really like to be a peasant woman in
a tiny hamlet in the extreme Northeast of Por­
tugal? What is the nature of the social world
around her, and how is it perceived and inter­
preted by her?
Let us glance closely at one specific case: a
rural community of some 200 inhabitants in the
province of Tras-os-Montes. Focusing on the
life-cycles of various women who were born and
raised, and who lived and died, within the
confines of this small hamlet will allow us to
arrive close to the point of an imaginative leap
into the subjectivity and consciousness of these
peasant women. This kind of portrait follows,
therefore, less closely a path of objective, dis­
tant, or descriptive anthropology and more the
course of a humanistic exercise in quasi-liter­
ary identification, although our aim will fall
short of actually taking this leap into full sub-
jectivity. Can we come as near as possible to
reproducing some ofthe feelings and experienc­
es of real farming women1 without dissolving
hundreds of them into a larger statistical mass?
What is the character ofthe sequence of overall
phases oflife through which these women pass?
Childhood and adolescence
Let us briefly trace the life courses of two
women from rather different social origins .
Immediately, w e note that the ritual moment of
birth is actually a false start. That is, one's life
does not begin abruptly at the moment ofbirth:
in social terms, an entire series of patterns ,
habits, and orientations2 are already prepared
and set in motion by the total family world
revolving around the infant. This will be clear
when we grasp the almost diametrically oppo-

97
s i te l i fe paths of Jul i a (a fa i rly w ell-to-do- peas­
ani, with two celi bate a n d one married d a ugh­
ters) a n d Caroli n a (an u n m arried m oth e r o f
fo u r ba ::; i ard :;) : the "card::;" i n play in e a c h o f
ihe:;e l i fe cyc l e :; h ad a l ready been t o a l arge
-

exieni si acked w ith greater or lesser advantage

fo r each of the women i nvolved . One of o u r
ap pa rent p a r ad oxe s o f an alys i s i s th i s very fact
- ho w c a n w e e x p l a i n the coexi:;tence within the
same minuscule hamlet of two so divergent
biographical paths?
Carolina is c u rrently 64 y e ar s o f age, a n d
Julia would be 9 4 . Both w ere baptised i n the
tiny C a thol ic c hapel of Fontela s" , alth o u gh i n
Juli a's case the space oftim e between birth and
b apt i s m was merely a fo r tnight wh ile in Caro­
lina's it was almost three months .4 Upon ba p ­
tism, they entered not only the consecrated
worl d of ecclesi asti cal regi sters but th e social
world of family ritual and ceaseless festivals of
commemoration, which incl ude C h r ist mas ,
Easter, patron saints' days, first communion,
and a whole array of lesser religious holidays.
At the actual baptismal ceremony, however, we
can already detect some disparate details: al­
though all the ritualised steps carried out dur­ Fig. 1 . Baptismal ceremony inside Fontelas' chapel.
The priest prepares holy water which will be sprin­
ing the occasion appear identical, in the social
kled over the child's head shortly, above the stone font
realm we find a wider circle of relatives around (pia bapti.�mal). Note the age of the child: in cases
Julia, different modes of physical poise and such as this, emigrant parents resident in France
dress around Carolina, but almost identical may decide to wait up to three or four years to baptise
their children within this village setting during their
ways of cooking the baptismal feast in the
summer return visits in August.
infant's home (although the quantities of food
and kinds of socialisation between the guests
show subtle differences). standing but also for literally dozens of others
On this day, both babies will acquire a pa­ from the lower peasant strata in outlying vil­
drinho (godfather) and a madrinha (godmoth­ lages of the area, thus spreading their prestige
er) to look after them in the event of their outwards and downwards from their own fam­
parents' premature deaths and, in general, also ily and social station.
to provide a parallel source of informal educa­ Also on this day, Julia's and Carolina's par­
tion and parentage. But who precisely are these ents become the co-sponsors (compadre and
padrinhos and madrinhas in each case? While comadre ) of each of their respectively chosen
Julia acquires a highly respected landowner or ;sodfathers a:ld godmothers, thus establishing
local political figure and a well regarded school­ a strong social, economic, and festive tie be­
teacher as her godfather and godmother, Caro­ tween various households which will continue
lina will obtain a day-labourer or middling to be reinforced via multiple occasions of coop­
farmer and a peasant woman of no particular eration and reciprocity. But almost no one at
social distinction. While Carolina's godparents Carolina's baptism is a relative of Julia's , and
occupy this position perhaps for the first time , very few of the guests at one of the ceremonies
Julia's godfather and godmother play their roles are involved in regular agricultural or social
not only for children of their own high social relations with the guests at the other: they

98
constitu te vi rtually two separate worlds. In this
sense, apart from the 30 or 40 re l atives and a
few friend:; present at each baptism, through
the forgi ng of godparental ti e:;, both Julia and
C arolina become immediately absorbed into
two compl ex and highly d i ssimilar social fields
of interrel ationships .
How, then, do the two women pass through
their years of childhood in the village? What can
we see as common or divergent in their daily
domestic and agricultural activities as each of
them grows up?
Firstly, let us glance at the houses in which
Julia and Carolina were raised . At the South­
ern end of the hamlet, directly next to the
resident priest's enormous h ouse, we find Julia's
(Fig. 7) - a large building with a spacious
veranda facing South overlooking a large thresh­
ing-floor or eira. A stairway here in back, hid­
den from the public eye, leads directly into the
priest's kitchen, allowing any and all of the
members of these two connected households to
pass from one to the other in complete privacy.
In fact, both contiguous houses were originally
one huge casa- in Julia's childhood - as Julia is
the priest's maternal aunt. The two houses
were divided upon the death of the priest's
mother (Julia's sister) when a general inherit­
ance division was effected. The bedrooms (quar­
tos), kitchen (cozinha), and living room (sala)
where visitors are received are large, ample
divisions, permitting a wide variety of furniture
and decorative objects to be displayed.
Immediately opposite the door opening onto
the narrow village street or caminho on the
North side, only three or four metres distant,
lives a niece of Julia's, while about 20 metres to
the West reside seven other families of peasants
(lauradores) and former day-labourers (jornal­
eiros), with whom the members ofJulia's family
maintain an absolute minimum of contact. Di­
rectly South, the terrain extending outwards
from Julia's house blends with a series ofkitch­
en-gardens (cortinhas) used to grow vegetables
and fertile meadows (lameiros) for the house­
hold's cows and oxen. Spatially situated in this
manner, therefore, we can see that the house­
hold is almost hermetically sealed off on all four
sides from the view of people passing along the
nearest street.
Carolin a's h ouse provides a truly stark con­
trast (Fig. 2). Located at the Eastern extreme o f
the hamlet, i n a section (bairro) composed o f
three other tiny inhabited houses and a few
haylofts , the aggregate spaces comprising thi:;
household total merely about one-fifth ofthat of
Julia. Indeed, all of Carolina's domestic life
takes place in one single room: her own and two
smaller beds are crowded onto one side, and a
few thin poles extend above her wooden floo r­
boards and open hearth (lareira) to smoke-dry
sausages in the winter. The stone walls are
pitch-black with soot, accumulated over dec­
ades of natural fireside heating and cooking.
There are no windows anywhere in the room .
On the other side of the street, and immediately
behind this minuscule house-room, extend some
kitchen-gardens belonging to other villagers ;
Carolina does not own a private threshing-floor,
but merely a share in part of the space compos­
ing one ofthe eleven corporate threshing-floors
pertaining to groups of families in the hamlet
(in her case, there are another six co-owning
households). The furniture and miscellaneous
objects exposed inside Carolina's room are pal­
try, and the entrance doorway opening directly
onto the street exhibits her room instantly to
any passing villager. There is no veranda, no
patio, and, indeed, upon inviting the anthropol­
ogist inside, Carolina herself presented her
living quarters with an emphatic note of shame.
We must not lose sight, however, of the di­
mension of time - born in 1902, Julia grew up
within her current household with her sister
and two brothers, whereas Carolina, born in
1932, grew up in another one with her four
sisters and two brothers. While the former, as a
child and adolescent, will have heard much of
the Monarchist Revolt5 led by Paiva Couceiro in
this region between 1910 and 1912, and have
lived through the inception of the First Repub­
lic and the First World War, the latter will recall
the Second World War and, a few years earlier,
the presence in the hamlet of fugitives from the
Spanish Civil War of 1936-39. Rarely travel­
ling outside the confines of the circumference of
twenty or so small hamlets in the environs, or of
the four Spanish hamlets between five and ten
kilometres distant on the other side of the
border, both women possess the common fate of
99
Fig. 2. View of the central sections (bairros) of the hamlet., showing t.he crowding of houses which in some cases
are connected by the same stone wall. In the foreground lie half-a-dozen highly fertile kitchen-gardens
(cortinhas), each pertaining to different owners. At centre-right, to the left of the small house with the white wall
and just behind the chimney, the roof of Carolina's tiny house is visible.

rural lives circumscribed almost totally within
the bounds of their own families and natal
village. Without ignoring such external or in­
ternational events as those mentioned above,
our focus must continue along these lines of
family and village: it is within these two con­
texts - not so much in their links with the outer
world, or in the temporal epoch in which the two
girls grew up - that we can trace the main
divergences in these two lives. Family and vil­
lage constitute two forms ofsocial filters, through
which all outside events and processes are trans­
formed. Let us continue to examine why these
two women obtained such differing experiences
through this same social filtering process.
During the first years of infancy and child­
hood, perhaps the most striking divergence in
Julia's and Carolina's lives can be perceived via
a simple opposition between an inner, domestic
field (stressing the confines of the rural house)
and an outdoor, agricultural sphere. From a
very early age, almost all of Julia's activities
within her family's social world were confined
strictly to the household: rarely would she par­
ticipate in farming chores which involved long
distances from the house, and even her brief
visits to the nearby family kitchen-gardens
allowed only the most fleeting of verbal ex­
changes with other villagers. The sphere of
relatives around her - including her siblings as
well as an array of first and second cousins in
adjacent households in the centre of the hamlet
- is relatively small, thus tending to limit her
instances of play and recreation to a narrow
circle of two or three other households. Rarely
will she be seen playing with a larger group of
children in the public streets or open spaces of
the hamlet: careful and conscious social train­
ing will avoid this sort of indiscriminate min­
gling of children, viewed by the wealthier strata
as distinctively chaotic. Dress patterns, the
learning of social etiquette, forms of speech and

100
formal l i n guistic address, her first religious
confession11 and holy comm u n ion, her entry into
school, first menstruation, and the contours of
her overall personality and femininity will all
be gently but forcefully sh aped by her immedi­
ate domestic context; her mother, sisters, aunts,
and madrinha will play decisive roles in the
process .
Caroli n a's upbringing will clearly evince a
number of parallel patterns - true, she will also
have her first confession at around the age of 7
or 8 and fi rst communion around the age of 14,
enter school at the same age as Julia had
earlier, and acquire her own distinctive person­
ality via the influence of her own mother, sis­
ters, and other women. But here we catch the
difference : the outdoor world and the roles of
childhood friends and neighbours will stand out
strikingly. Why should thi s be so? Firstly,
throughout these years Carolina will spend an
enormous amount of time outside her home in
agricultural tasks with other women. The re­
treat from open places, the almost introverted
Fig. 3. Girl aged 9 helps her parents, grandparents,
escape from the public eye that characterises
and celibate uncle (not visible) reap rye grain in late
Julia's family's form of social comportment, and June with a sickle (fouce). Small fields such as this
the avoidance of socialisation with the other one are reaped with family labour in a few hours,
village children are all perfectly inverted in while larger ones may take an entire day or more and
require work-parties of up to 10 or 1 5 villagers. All
Carolina's case. From the minor tasks of her
labour is highly valued, however slow or untrained,
household such as ploughing rye fields, cutting regardless of sex.
hay, planting potatoes, and irrigating their gar­
dens to the more large-scale events such as the in the ownership of land and, secondly, the role
enormous threshings (mal has) uniting up to 50 of domestic servants . At the end of the 1970s,
or 60 villagers or the annual pig-slaughter Julia's household owned a total landholding of
(matanr;a do porco) and its Pantagruelian feasts, 35 hectares , the fourth largest in the hamlet. Of
Carolina from a very early age began to work, this total, 5 hectares were rented out to other
eat, speak, cooperate, play, and joke alongside a poorer villagers, the rent being paid each year
wide array of female villagers, incessantly ex­ not in money but in a fixed amount of bushels
changing agricultural labour tasks throughout (alqueires) of rye grain. The large size of this
the four seasons of the year. In contrast to farm implied, necessarily, the continual hiring
JUlia's primarily domestic activities, Carolina's of day-labourers to execute the myriad agricul­
have included a much greater portion of time tural tasks needed for the farm's upkeep. Many
outside the household in the fields , either at of these labourers came either from Carolina's
work with implements or carrying meals to and own family or wider kindred group, or from
from the plots to serve the large teams or work­ households of similar socio-economic standing.
parties joined for each occasion. This is not to Virtually all of Julia's land was inherited: she
say, obviously, that the same activities do not has never needed to purchase, rent, or swap
occur in Julia's household, but ratherthat Julia's plots of land in order to subsist.
social visibility as an active participant in them In contrast, Carolina's landholding - total­
has been radically more restricted and mute. ling little more than 1 . 5 hectares, of which the
Two reasons for this are, firstly, differences major proportion of tiny parcels were either

10 1
ren ted or lent to her for cultivation - is one of
the te n smal le:;t i n the 60 or so hou:;eholds
comprising the hamlet as a whole. Carolina is
barely able t o provide meal:; for her:;elf and her
two resident sons, and depends u pon frequent
don ations offood from her brothers, s i sters , and
friends during peri ods of festivity and abun­
dance. Thi s scenario with respect to l an d has
meant that Carolina, just as her siblings , has
had to work for wages or payment in kind
(grain, bread, meat, fruit, and wine) on a daily
basi :; throughout every year for other more
well-to-do families . During her childhood and
adolescent years , this fact became gradually
clearer, as Carolina herselfparticipated in such
paid labour. However, parallel with this kind of
work, there have also been a multiplicity of
tasks carried out for her own family and kin: at
these, the type of festivity and the atmosphere
ofmutual aid was markedly different. We should
bear in mind, though, that precisely those short­
comings that Julia avoided (due to her high
social status from the start) were all problemat­
ic realities for Carolina: the size and nature of
the key resource of land thu s conditioned from
a very early stage two entirely different orien­
tations to work and general economic wealth.
Servants provide another significant factor.
By tracing backwards a number of families via
genealogies and parish documents , we can con­
clude that the half-dozen wealthiest house­
holds have nearly always had resident servants
(criadas I criados) . These would be both female
as well as male, the former ideally aiding in
domestic chores and the care of children and the
latter in the heavier outdoor tasks in the fields
and with the animals. But who were these
servants, and what were their social origins?
Usually they were villagers from the very poor­
est offamilies, whose subsistence in their moth­
ers' households was precarious . At a very early
age (as young as 8 or 9) they would be taken on
as servants in aproprietario or lavrador house­
hold, remaining there for a long period of years .
Once married, however, they would depart; we
will see nevertheless that a large proportion of
servants remain unmarried for the rest of their
lives. Carolina herselfwas a servant in a number
of households in the hamlet for a span of a few
years at a time, while Julia's household had
102
h i red servan ts consistently duri n g preced ing
generation :; . ln fact, some servan ts ended up
worki ng for the same family their moth e r or
father had served in many years earlie r.
But our key point here is perhaps the f(Jllow­
i ng: in Julia's case, a whole series of fem a le
servants (as many as three or four at the s ame
ti me) were con stantly aroun d the h ouse and
capable of carrying out cooking and cleaning
tasks as well as the rearing ofchildren, whereas
in Carolina's case, a larger sector of her l i fe was
spent working for others and in continual d a i ly
contact with women of a higher economic stand­
ing and, indeed, diflering social values than her
ow n . O n e outsta n d ing ch aracteri s t i c o f
Carolina's adolescence, therefore, i n relation to
Julia's relative immobility and permanen ce,
was an exceedingly mobile and flexibl e series of
abodes. She shifted residence between a pl eth­
ora of households in different parts of the ham­
let, never really settling down in any one of
them, and never accumulating any considera­
ble fortune or capital in land, animals, a house,
furniture, or financial assets . Although not a
perpetual servant, Carolina provides a model
for most poorer and middling women who h ave
spent some portion (however brief) oftheir lives
working for others . 7
Finally, courtship reveals another point of
contrast which, again, indicates differences rath­
er than any universal local feminine norm.
Girls ofJulia's status, for example, rarely court
more than once . There may be quite a lot of talk
concerning boy A from Fontelas or boy B from a
neighbouring hamlet, but real and fully defined
courtship (namoro) tends to occur as a prepar­
atory phase for marriage (casamento). There
are a number of prescribed stages involved
among upper level families: the parents must
have intimate knowledge of their daughter's
future groom and his family context. Very little
contact is actually made between the two fian­
ces apart from ritually controlled visits and
some occasions of joint family festivities (reli­
gious or lay) or at public dances (bailes). One
key aspect is the status of a girl in Julia's social
class: once a noiva (fiancee) linked in betrothal
to a specific noivo, if the courtship relation
breaks off, establishing a second one is ex­
tremely difficult and can lead to total blockage
Fig. 4. Proprietdria (large
landowner), ca 187 1 (repro­
duction of old photograph).
Patterns of dress, hair­
styles, and social poise
among the wealthy, and
even the spatial location of
the person photographed -
always indoors, and usually
alone - demarcated them
quite clearly from the rest
of the peasantry.

for the girl involved. The stakes are high, and
virtually everyone in the hamlet at any one
moment knows exactly who is pledged to whom.
Girls in C arolina's situation confront a rad­
ically different social and sexual world. In the
social groups of day-labourers, cottagers (caba­
neiros), and artisans (carpenters, blacksmiths,
shoemakers, masons, and tailors) there exists a
tacit rule that courtship does not necessarily
lead directly to marriage. Many women in these
groups never marry at all, but bear children
nonetheless; some establish common-law "mar­
riages" of cohabitation with men, who in some
cases are not the biological fathers of all oftheir
partner's children. Other women may marry at
as late an age as 60 or 70. Courtship, in these
cases, barely exists at all. This is not to say,
however, that there are not a prescribed series
of phases or steps through which a girl and boy
pass in their personal sexual or romantic ties .
On the contrary, the latter ties proliferate - but
they simply do not in the vast majority of cases
lead immediately on to marriage. Carolina her­
self had several partners and married none of
them. But there is a price to be paid for this
semblance of free love or at least free choice -

103

when we analyse the social statuses of girls and
women with multiple or sequential courtships
or lovers, they systematically turn out to occupy
the lower and middle rungs of the social ladder.
Many sexual encounters in Fontelas are ex­
tremely brief and take place, curiously, in out­
door contexts far from intimate bedroom
spheres: in fields, meadows, thickets, and hay­
lofts. There appears to be no pressing repres­
sion of sexuality or indeed of reserved social
demanour when women speak ofthese relation­
ships. Only in cases of outright rape (uiolat;ao I
estupro) or the exploitation of servants or maids
by their male employers (frequently, these men
are married) does a note of bitterness enter the
discussion. Otherwise, the entire topic of court­
ship seems to remain quite remote from the
conversation and preoccupations of these fam­
ilies. Marriage is a simple matter-of-fact affair
- sex and love are quite another thing.
This absence of a well-defined set of norms
and restrictions on adolescent and youthful
relationships suggests that for women (and the
same holds for men) there are two worlds of
courtship: one, strictly formalised and carefully
controlled in the case of a small group ofwealth­
ier families, and another, much more flexible
and lax, among the poorer and middle-level
families. Virginity is simply not a crucial factor
in these women's lives: even a bastard child by
104
Fig. f>. You n g w o m e n :twn it­
i n g i n v i tations to dunce :.1t a
local baile follow i n g a reli­
gi o u s fe.�ta in honour or a
patron saint. Althoul-(h a n
occasional outs id e r :1 rela­
-
tive or friend irom a nen rLy
tow n or city - m ay atte n d
the se dances (woman a t fitr
left), they arc predominant­
ly composed of rural yo u ths
from the host village unci a
dozen or so neigh bo u r i ng
h am lets . These local fcRtive
ev e n ts constitute cr u cia l
moments of social encounter
between prospective mar­
riage partners: the summer
months can provide a maxi­
mum of up to 20 or :.10 such
dances in the area compris­
ing Fontelas and its sur-
rounding hamlets.
another father does not constitute an obstacle
to cohabitation or later marriage. The existence
oftwo distinct spheres suggests that the respec­
tive weight of factors such as property, social
prestige, and the family name vary drastically
in relation to each of these socio-economic lev­
els . Clearly, individual characteristics such as
beauty and general physical appearance, health,
a reputation for hard work, and the subtle
emotional and psychological attractions between
two specific personalities play their roles: but
what we note with particular attention is the
absence of one, and only one structured path
from courtship directly to marriage . Some other
and quite complex mechanisms must be opera­
tive within these women's lives, in order to
explain such divergent life paths with respect
to courting and early liaisons .
Adulthood and marriage
In July of 1932 in the small chapel of Fontelas,
at the age of29, Julia married a Customs Guard
(guarda-fiscal) from a neighbouring parish (aged
3 1 ) . Although Julia was listed as a proprietaria
(landowner, or wealthy peasant) little addition­
al information contained in the brief entry in
the Parish Register tells us any more about the
social context of this wedding. The youngest of
four siblings, Julia married third in order: one
brother a n d one sister had both married in
1923, the eldest brother marrying much later in
1943 at the age of 46 (his bride was 38). Of
Julia's th ree daughters, the two eldest remained
celibate and the youngest married a spouse
from another hamlet in the area, later moving
out: this couple had a son and a daughter, who
are now Julia's only grandchildren.
Carolina has never married and, at the age of
64, will probably not marry any of the four
fathers of her four illegitimate children (two of
these fathers married other women, the two
others remaining unmarried and residing with
their married sisters). Carolina gave birth to
these four sons between 1958 and 1966 - she
was respectively aged 26, 28, 3 1 , and 34 at the
time of each ofthe births. In each case, the child
was baptised subsequently in the chapel sys­
tematically registering an unknown father (pai
incognito). Although these baptismal ceremo­
nies all involved family celebrations, there were
no marriages and no weddings. To all appear­
ances, Carolina produced a matrifocal kinship
group of mother-and-children with socially ab­
sent and legally invisible fathers .
How can we interpret these cases in the light
of the overall life-cycle phases of marriage and
adulthood in this rural society? Let us first
glimpse at the general picture before returning
to the cases of Julia and Carolina.
Not everyone - and we refer here equally to
men and women - necessarily marries. At the
end of the 1970s, for example, only 32 of 76
women over the age of 15 were married (35 were
single and 9 were widows). Of the women aged
40 or more, 19 were married but 20 were still
unwed. The age at which women marry is also
significant: if we compare all 105 marriages in
the hamlet between 1870 and just before 1980,
the average age ofbrides has been 3 1 .0 and that
of grooms 33.2. It is extremely rare for women
to marry in their teens or even in their early
twenties. Another factor is the total absence of
any form of dowry (dote). When a woman mar­
ries, she can expect virtually nothing from her
parents or groom apart from a trousseau (enx­
oval) ofbed linens, towels, and other fabrics. No
land, animals, houses, or large sums of money
are donated to the bride or even for that matter
to the newlyweds as a couple. In fact, in most
cases there is no new household at all : th e
groom usually takes up residence in his w i fe's
parents' household thus maintaining the over­
all number ofhouses in the hamlet unchange d .
That i s t o say, marriage i s disconnected with th e
construction of new homes: each married cou ­
ple is absorbed by one of their parents' family
lines (usually the wife's).
Four further factors are also crucial . Occa­
sionally, the newly married couple may reside
separately in each of their parents' households
for up to 10 or 15 years after their marriages . I n
anthropological terminology, this i s called na­
tolocal residence, because both bride and groom
continue to work and take meals in their natal
households. They have merely a room in the
bride's parents' household to which they retire
in the evenings. The next morning, the husband
will eat breakfast, lunch, and dinner as well as
work the entire day with his own parents . The
children are brought up in their maternal grand­
parents' household with their mother, granting
the father the distant, nocturnal role of a visit­
ing husband. Eleven couples studied resided in
this fashion (22 spouses) for between one and 1 5
years, but historical documents and genealo­
gies indicate additional examples in former
decades. The key point to stress here is that
within this form of marriage, the bride and
groom are as it were preserved as if they were
still unmarried children. In other words, they
are treated only as semi-adults living in a kind
of extended or prolonged adolescence. Marriage
changed virtually nothing in their life courses.
Or, in more precise terms, the long-term social
implications of marriage only take effect dec­
ades later, when their children are already well
into their own life-cycles. We can well ponder:
why did they marry at all?
The significance of this form of residence
may not seem clear at first sight, even for
anthropologists . There are very few cases re­
ported in the ethnographic literature indicat­
ing, firstly, that the phenomenon is relatively
rare and, secondly, that ethnologists themselves
may not have granted it due attention. The first
possibility appears most probable: in fact, the
only detailed analyses available of natolocal
residence ( also termed by some duolocal resi­
dence) are those by Robin Fox ( 1978) for Tory
105

Fig. 6. Bride (noiua) a few moments prior to her
wedding (boda). As is common in these Northern
Portuguese villages, this bride was some months
pregnant at the time. A schoolteacher in another
nearby hamlet, her husband was aguarda-republica­
na (a municipal o fficial concerned with the mainte­
nance of "law and order" in local towns and villages).
The wedding will also be followed by a dance.
Island in Northern Ireland, Carmelo Lis6n­
Tolosana ( 1971) for the province of Orense in
Spain's Northwestern region of Galicia, and
Meyer Fortes ( 1970) for the Ashanti in West
Mrica. Other briefer descriptions have men­
tioned natolocal residence in Northeastern Por­
tugal near Bragan\(a (Rio de On or) and in neigh­
bouring regions of Spain, namely Leon and
Salamanca (Pais de Brito 1989). This overall
geographical rarity, along with repeated cases
registered in the Northwestern areas of Portu­
gal and Spain, is simultaneously curious and
perplexing, and suggests the need for further
comparative research.
One of the most striking aspects of this type
of conjugal residence is the almost hidden na­
ture of the married couple. Everything indi-
106
cates the n ewlyweds' subj u gation to a h i ghly
authoritarian gran d parental gen eration: it is
the maternal grandparents who bring up the
grandchildren (the children ofthe bride and her
visiting husband), while the paternal grand­
parents maintain control of their married son's
labour and time. The possibilities of con struct­
ing a totally independent house are m i n i m a l or
indeed nonexistent: the new husband and wife
must simply wait for a future period of domestic
independence. During these years , each n atal
household (that of each pair of grandparents)
prevails over the conjugal pair who reside sep­
arately. Why is this situation accepted at all?
Firstly, there are no direct means of access to
financial capital (at least not until the l ate
1980s); secondly, the semi-communitari an so­
cial organization of the hamlet limits the total
number of houses composing the comm unity
(each of which maintains at least some form of
use rights on communal land), thus avoiding an
imbalance between scarce communal resources
and an excess of households or population.
Thirdly, each grandparental household admits
that they "need the labour oftheir children even
when married"; fourthly, the grandparents are
themselves psychologically dependent upon
their children, thus favouring an extremely
slow process of the latter's leaving home . All of
these constitute reasons explaining, at least
partially, the existence of this form of post­
marital residence .
But there is a fifth explanation, which re­
sides within the structure of the society as a
whole, within its system of property transmis­
sion. As no form of property is inherited until
the death of a parent, adults in their 40s or 50s
still do not have access to large quantities of
capital . This constitutes a sort of biographical
social fact with repercussions for our analysis of
women's life courses: both women as well as
men pass through prolonged phases of econom­
ic and psychological dependence on their paren­
tal and grandparental generations . We found
that many cases of natolocal residence termi­
nate precisely at the moment that one (or two)
of the parents of one of the spouses dies . At that
date, they take up joint residence. This means
that, rooted within the system of reproduction
of the rural houshold, lies a seat of domestic
power which grants a high degree of control to
the elde rly and a subaltern role to younger
adults res i ding natolocally. The latter live a
kind of nocturnal married life, a form of semi­
matrimony, akin to Caribbean styles ofmatrifo­
cal family structures in which the figure of the
absent (or visiting) husband is preponderant.
Clearly, a husband and wife who reside na­
tolocally lor some 5 or 10 years will always end
up living together at some later date - but
during tho�:�e years they will have lived within a
form of semi-permanent matrimony with a note
of repression. The husband is termed pai (fa­
ther) and the wife mae (mother) by the children,
but the term for the wife's father, for example,
will be an extension of the word "father" - pai
Andre. Similarly, the maternal grandmother
will be termed mae Amelia, etc. The paternal
grandparents, in contrast, have no special term
ofaddress- here the standard Portuguese words
for grandfather and grandmother are used (avo I
av6). These linguistic usages afford proof of the
virtual social obliteration of the parental gener­
ation (the husband and wife residing separate­
ly). The grandparental generation, as it were,
jumps past the parents directly to the grand­
children's generation, leaving aside the biolog­
ical mother and father. It is important to stress
that there is a strict gender equality within this
phenomenon: both husband and wife are re­
stricted in their conjugal life - neither the
masculine nor the feminine lines are favoured.
That is, there appears to be no special emphasis
on male dominance or on female precedence.
Although neither Carolina nor Julia resided
nato locally, each of them has siblings, who, at
one moment or another, resided for a number
of years separately from their respective spous­
es.
But three further elements complicate the
issue of marriage: firstly, bastardy is wide­
spread in Fontelas and its neighbouring ham­
lets - since 1870 a total of 4 7% of all infants
baptised have been illegitimate. Some women
bear up to four or five natural children (jilhos
naturais) of the same father, later marrying
him, while others have serial liaisons and serial
bastards. The vast majority of jornaleiras (day­
labouring women) and domesticas ("women
engaged in housework") also had unknown fa-
thers , as well as mothers and grandmothe r::;
who were themselves illegitimate. We sho u l d
however note that none o f these relationsh ip�:�
are ever referred to (even by the women them­
selves) as remotely resembling any kind o f
prostitution: n o money circulates, and none o f
the persons involved conceptualises the liai ­
sons in such fashion.
In other words, there are various diflering
legal and social statuses linked to the figure of
the illegitimate child . For example, the parents
of a bastard may later marry each other, th u �:�
legitimating the child completely. I n these cas­
es, the biological father may legally recognise
his natural child (this process is termed perfil­
hac;ao) but not marry the mother. In this case,
the illegitimate child remains partially re­
deemed and financially protected via the j udi­
cial (but not matrimonial) link established be­
tween the father and mother. But a larger
number of cases follow a more pitiful path:
these are cases of zorros (the word derives from
the Portuguese for fox - raposa and suggests
-
mischievous and/or malicious activities), whose
natural parents never marry nor recognize them
juridically. This category of bastard is the most
shameful of all, because the child remains en­
tirely divorced from all possible links to the
biological father. Neither in legal nor in social
terms are they ever assisted by the latter. This
explains the pejorative connotation of the word
zorro I zorra - these bastards are marginalized
out to a virtually sub-human level. Linguisti­
cally and symbolically, they represent savages
(raposas) within a natural world, shunted away
from cultural and domestic spheres. This is an
important point for our analysis of Carolina: all
four of her bastard children by four different
fathers are zorros.
Secondly, couples occasionally live together
out of wedlock - they are termed amancebados
or amantizados by the Church or simply viewed
as juntos (living jointly) by other villagers . The
children need not be the children of the resident
male, and we must note that local priests toler­
ate all of these practices . Particularly among
the lower social groups, children (legitimate or
not) are a key resource as labour, wage-earners,
and domestic company. The fact that such cou­
ples are not strongly ostracised by the rest of
107
the com m u n i ty �mggesis that there arc not
merely one but two patterns of "m arried" li fe
which can be followed. The technical term con­
cubinage is applicable here, although it tends to
place greater stress on the concubine as a lesser
or secondary spouse in relation to a husband;
the unwed mother is the key pivot, around
wh ich mul tiple men revolve. The pattern ap­
pears almost polyandrous or mairifocal, as re­
ported for the Caribbean area, with women
collecting a siring of relationships with differ­
ent men, some of whose children they bear and
retain as future domestic aid.
How can we explain these differing marital
models? One means is via analysis of the inher­
itance system - a few heirs are favoured by
their parents and marry at a relatively young
age, while their brothers and sisters arc s u bile­
ly pushed aside i n to the realm of tem porary
unions, concubinage, and bastardy. Thai i s , one
heir obtains the greater portion of a house and
the parents' land, while the other brothers and
sisters acquire much less. Few paths are open to
these - either they emigrate, marry into anoth­
er village, or remain celibate in their brothe r's
or sister's household, in social roles somew hat
suggestive of that of domestic servants . This is
why so few people actually marry: the key to
high social standing is not marriage, but rather
inherited wealth.
Very few women marry up strategically into
the higher social groups, while a great number
marry husbands of equal rank or marry down
via relationships of sex and co-residence out-

Fig. 7. Julia (second from left) on the veranda of her large house. At the time the photograph was taken , Juli a
was aged 74 an d her eldest daughter (far left) aged 43 and celibate. To the right, Julia's son-in-law and youngest
daug hter with their three c hildren and a neighbour. At the far right, part of the priest's house can be seen
connected to Julia's kitchen. Note that the open space in the foreground, where brush and firewood are stacked ,
is spatially removed from the hamlet's streets.

108

Fig. 8. Carolina (right) dressed in black, in mourning
following the death of an elder sister, with a neigh­
bour whose four children emigrated to France. At the
time the photograph was taken ( 1988), C arolina was
aged 56.
side wedlock. In this fashion, the landholdings
and social status of the upper groups are in no
way threatened by this parallel world of second­
ary unions : their property is not divided (or,
more exactly, it is divided between fewer heirs)
and the presence in the village ofa large number
of bastards with little or no claims to landed
wealth only serves to uphold and reinforce the
status of the proprietario group. Many of these
bastards - particularly the girls - pass through
a phase of servanthood for these very families.
The inheritance system, thus, affords a clue to
the internal logic of the dual marriage pattern.
Marriage, then, is not immediately coinci­
dent with adulthood. This is quite clear in
Carolina's case - never passing through the
formal ritual phases of ecclesiastical wedlock,
she nevertheless has managed to participate in
a whole field of other social relations and expe­
riences including the rearing of children and
membership in a large kindred group. The con­
tact between her sons and their many cousins is
constant: indeed, two ofher sons live elsewhere
- one with an aunt, and another as a servant i n
a laurador household. However, there i s a price
to be paid. This price is exclusion, or relative
removal, from high social status. This is where
Julia's example takes over. By retaining a cen ­
tral role in a wealthy household, she has main­
tained high status both as aproprietaria as w e l l
a s her feminine role a s a married woman. But
it is not marriage per se that has granted her
this, but rather an entire family legacy of social
prestige and high respect. When both Julia and
Carolina - mature and in their twenties or
thirties - confront the question Who am I?, they
face the entire patrimonial and matrimonial
history of their kindred groups (Bourdieu
1980:249-70). On the one hand, in Julia's gene­
alogy we find schoolteachers, aldermen who sat
on local councils , priests, landowners, Customs
Guards, police officers, and even (back in the
eighteenth century) an informer or familiar of
the Portuguese Inquisition resident in Fonte­
las. Carolina, on the other hand, has an im­
mense array of relatives with less prestigious
occupations populating her genealogy: day-la­
bourers above all, cottagers, servants, shep­
herds, artisans, and some middling peasant
lauradores. All of her eight siblings (sisters as
well as brothers) have had one or more bastard
children at some point in their lives, and many
of these have also lived in temporary unions .
Only two of them married.
This is not to say that some people do not
move up the social scale at some moments, but
simply that the relative position of any specific
woman within her social group is very clearly
established early on in her life-cycle. The mar­
gins or limits of each individual woman's ef­
forts , skill, and personal inventiveness will vary
and, of course, affect each one's own life path to
varying degrees, but always within the general
confines of her social group. Thus, a celibate
woman of 45 years of age - exemplified by both
of Julia's daughters - maintains a highly re­
spected social role in the hamlet despite her
idiosyncratic femininity as an unmarried wom­
an without children. Carolina's social status,
however, remains quite low and her only hope of
aid in old age are her sons' future assistance
and the sporadic support and reciprocity avail­
able via her larger group of siblings. Thus,
109
Fig. 9. Middle-level lavradora woman (left) preparing sausages with the aid of two neighbours. This kitchen is
typical of many r ece ntly refurbished houses: note the new chimney and roof. Hanging above the table and hearth
(lareira) are smoke d hams (presuntos) and two of the variety of local sausages.

instead of marriage, the key nexus of female
adulthood is social status and its derivation
from landed wealth.
A final element concerns labour and produc­
tion. One of the factors contributing to social
status among all but the very wealthiest wom­
en is a reputation for hard physical work. This
applies to all women of the middle and lower
groups. There are only half a dozen or so truly
heavy and difficult agricultural chores which
even the strongest women must leave for men to
do . Thus, women can be seen occasionally
ploughing, they will assist in the shearing of
sheep (tosquia), guide water along irrigation
ditches into their meadows and gardens, rake
and collect hay (feno), cut rye grain in the fields
with sickles during the June reapings (sega­
das), collect straw in enormous bundles at the
August threshings (malhas), gather fruit and
chestnuts in the autumn, cut firewood in the
winter, and orient virtually all of the tasks
comprising the December pig-slaughter except
the actual killing and butchering of the swine.
Women are tireless toilers , accumulating this
wide variety of essentially outdoor tasks above
and beyond their domestic chores of cooking,
washing, shopping, childcare, and the feeding
and tending of household animals. Physical
labour, in this sense, tends to create an entire
sphere of social evaluations within which indi­
vidual women are closely watched and judged
by other women (and men) as particularly skill­
ful, patient, and dedicated to their family's
farming rhythms . The slightest lapse in this
cycle of work is immediately noticed, and can
contribute to negative gossip and even mali­
cious slander.
Work, then, and more specifically highly
visible outdoor work, constitutes a constant
field of activity and mutual vigilance between
women. While in the case of women of the
highest social status, any kind of agricultural
work becomes demeaning (they simply avoid
being seen working outdoors), for all the re­
maining women in the hamlet one of the keys to
generalized social respect and prestige is the

1 10
mainte n a nce of a good reputation for healthy
and con s i::;ten t travai l .
Even th e personalities o f the two women
exhibit feature::; linked to thel:ie working pat­
terns: that of the reclusive and excessively shy
Julia contrasts sharply with the more expan­
sive, humorous, and extroverted character of
C arolin a . There is no end to this rhythm of work
in temporal terms: young girls are socialised
rapidly into agricultural tasks, adult women
continue heavy labour endlessly, and elderly
women ca rry on working oudoors into their 70s
or 80s at lighter tasks until the onset in infirmi­
ty or old age.

Old age and death

A glance at patterns of old age and death will
now allow us to conclude our comparison of
Julia and Carolina. Death, unlike marriage,
constitutes the major fulcrum around which
much offamily life revolves . It is at death and
not marriage that major readjustments of prop­
erty and emotional relations take place - both
between brothers and sisters or children and
parents as well as between other relatives such
as uncles and aunts, nephews and nieces, grand­
parents and grandchildren. Virtually noone in
any social group inherits any property at mar­
riage, which means that extremely long life­
cycles store up property partitions until very
late in villagers' lives . Many mature adults only
really inherit legal titles to land when they are
in their 40s or 50s: until then they must depend
exclusively upon the resources of their parents
or upon slow and cumulative purchases or trades
of small plots . Indeed, many villagers only marry
precisely at the point in their biographical tra­
jectories when one set of their parents has died,
thus in a sense liberating them from fiercely
dependent obligations upon their close natal
kin.
The significance of this is, partly, that upon
reaching old age and later senility, elderly vil­
lagers have a guaranteed source of protection
and care via their children, whether the latter
are married or not. In anthropological terms ,
this kind o f kinship system appears t o place a
much stronger stress on descent or consanguin­
eal relations than upon marital or affinal ones.
Fig. 10. Corpse ofa woman who died ( aged 66) in 1977,
exposed in the living room (sala) of her house on the
day following her death. This night, villagers will
visit the deceased, sprinkle holy water over the corpse,
and remain for some period between approximately
2 1 :00 and 02:00 at the vigil (mort6riol I vigilia), talk­
ing, praying, and accompanying the close relatives of
the deceased. Each ofthe hamlet's 60 or so households
should send at least one person to this vigil. The
burial (enterro) and funeral service follow on the next
day, normally in the late afternoon.
Hence the importance for poorer women of
having some descendants, even if these are
bastards. This will imply that the elderly al­
ways have someone from among their kin to
assist them as they age; and we recall that they
preserve their legal titles to land, literally until
their dying day. Mortuary ritual and mourning
indicate an openly expressive attitude towards
death, reminiscent ofPhilippeAries' category of
mort apprivoisee ( 1976). Into the nineteenth
century, corpses were buried in the earth under
the chapel's floorboards. Afterwards, they were
buried in the churchyard (adro) immediately
outside the church walls, until 1957 when the
hamlet's cemetery was constructed. Death is

111
co n fron ted i n an extremely n a t u ra l , m atter-of�
fact way, a n d the m e m o ry o f decea ::; e d rel atives
is con::;tuntly re freshed ann uully d u r i ng masses
fo r their :; o u t :; an d o n 2 N ovember when 11owers
and peta l s arc s p read on e a rthen or (more
recently) marble gravestones. Vi l lagers know
e x a ctl y who is b u ried i n each grave of th e
cemetery, a n d i n many cases who was buried
d i r e c tly u n d ern e a th as w e l l .
Upon arr i v i n g c l ose t o old age , even with
ailments and a g r a d u a l retreat fro m p hysical
task:;, m os t e l derly v i l l agers ( l i v i n g together or
as widows) can be re la t i v e l y sure that their kin
will p rovid e ample support. The agricultural
and festive cycles also assure that even isolated
ind i v i du als rar ely enter deep depressive phas­
es of introversion or hopelessness . There are
always some family members nearby with whom
one can share and coll abo rate. However, even at
the moment of death, we find gradations of
social status constantly apparent: while the
funerals of women of Carolina's social standing
may comprise some 50 or so odd persons, those
of wealthy proprietarias such as Julia draw up
to a few hundred, and usually include villagers
from many kilometres away. We should be care­
ful therefore, when discussing wide-ranging
models such as those of Aries concerning men­
talities or attitudes towards death, not to re­
main blind to the subtle local differences in real
peasants' practices and social comportment at
such mortuary occasions.
One way ofvisualising the life-cycle of wom­
en in this case is to step back slightly and
compose an overall regional comparison be­
tween Fontelas and the Mediterranean cultur­
al area to the South. We can construct the
following simple diagram, which will bring us
back in the end to our two feminine examples.
In the first part, we have a schematisation of
the basic pattern ofthe life-cycle in the Mediter­
ranean societies of Southern Europe, whereas
the second part depicts the three possible life
courses of women (and, in fact, of men as well)
in Fontelas and other communities within the
circum-Alpine region.
The key difference in these systems - in
which that which characterises Fontelas re­
sembles the mountain areas ofNorthern Spain,
the Pyrenees, and the French, Swiss , and Aus-
1 12
Mediterranean Societies:
birth -? I marriage 1---? ldeathJ
1
birth --,)- Jmarriage J -7 JdeathJ
1
birth --,)- J marriage J-7J deathJ
3 cycles I 6 moments of transfer
Fontelas:
a) birth --,)- celibacy --,)- JdeathJ
b) birth -----7 parallel union JdeathJ
1 /'
bastard birth
c) birth -----? marriage
1
legitimate birth
3 cycles I 3 mome nts of transfer
trian Alps (Burns 1963) - is that in typically
Mediterranean life-cycles property and social
status are transferred twice in every person's
life-cycle8, first at marriage via dowries and
again later at death. Further, each marriage
leads to legitimate births and, because of the
high value placed upon marriage, there is a
very low incidence of celibacy. Life-cycles are
short, and marriage takes place (for women at
least) at a very young age.
Fontelas, in contrast, affords an example of
an extreme stress removed from marriage and
shifted to death as the key moment oftransmis­
sion. There are not one or two, but actually
three common female life paths : (a) celibacy, (b)
parallel liaisons or unions (brief or permanent)
such as concubinage or popular marriage, and
(c) formal marriage. Reproduction can occur in
two of these paths (b & c) while high social
status can be achieved also in two of them (a &
c). In the Mediterranean, through the course of
three women's life-cycles there are normally six
moments at which the transfer of property and
social status take place. In contrast, in Fontelas
there are only three - all delayed until death.
This is the crucial distinction. Furthermore,
Fig. 11. Woma n p l a c i n g flow­
ers on the s i m p l e earthen
grave ofa re lative on All Sou i R'
Day (2 November). Note the
marble gravestone;; of anoth ­
er fa m i l y t o t h e r i ght, w ith
res pec tive d ates, verHes, a n d
oval photogra p h of t h e de·
ceased. These m arble v a u l ts
(jazigos) a re now p rogressive­
ly ubiq u i tous, t h us displac­
i n g and antiquating the m o re
primiti ve buri a l mo u n d s of
earlier ti mes.
many people in the Portuguese case only marry
after the deaths of their parents. Marriage is
thus practically dissolved as a key biographical
moment.
In other words, the entire life-cycle (and here
the model applies to all social groups) is an
extended, prolonged, and severely delayed pro­
cess in which marriage and conjugal relations
are subordinated to the firm links between
consanguineal kin, particularly elderly parents.
Bastards and single mothers simply reinforce
this pattern. Thus, unlike the Mediterranean,
in any one life-cycle, there is only one point (not
two) at which major rearrangements occur -
this is at death. Control of rural households by
chefes de familia (household heads), the divi­
sion of land parcels, and the redefinition of
agricultural labour roles all tend to take place
only following a death, not before. This creates
a tendency toward an excessive postponement
of crucial biographical decisions to a very late
phase in the cycle.
But what is the meaning of this contrast for
our two specific cases? The first conclusion we
can reach is that this part of the North of
Portugal presents a radically different femi·
nine world from that of the South. Our major
anthropological studies confirm this: as early
as 1935 Paul Descamps noted the distinctive­
ness of certain Northern regions, although his
family monographs in the style of Frederic Le
Play were but incipient ethnographic works
(0'Neill 1994). Even demographic studies con­
firm the pattern as well (Rowland 1984). Emilio
Willems ( 1955) pointed to patterns of matrilo­
calismo (matriarchality?/matrilocality?), and
three modern anthropologists all note the per­
vasive roles of women in rural communities of
the Minho province in Northwestern Portugal,
although this region has been characterised for
a long time by intense male emigration (Callier­
Boisvert 1966; Brettell 1986; Pina-Cabral 1986).
In other words, there are indications that the
striking matrifocality of Northern Portuguese
rural society (particularly in the Minho) is a
very old pattern, but we do not yet know exactly
how old or precisely to what degree (and when)
the process of male emigration has contributed
to this state of affairs as a primary or unique
conditioning factor in the Northeast region of
Tras-os-Montes.
But in the Alentejo and Estremadura prov­
inces of the South, we find a much more radical
subordination of women to men particularly in
the public and political spheres (Cutileiro 197 1;
Lawrence 1982; Riegelhaupt 1967). We have
not focused closely, for deliberate reasons, on
the roles of women as reflected by the roles of
men. For instance, Fontelas simply exhibits a
rather calm and relaxed relationship between
the sexes, quite the opposite of the tensions and
conflicts described for Mediterranean Portugal.
113
Su l ly Cole's recen t stu dy o f' P o rt u g u ese fis h i ng
women i n a Northern coasta l v i l l age ( 1 99 1 ) i s
particularly i n teresti n g fo r i ts d i scussion of
women's roles in r·el ation io men. F u rthermore ,
illegi t i m acy seems io be pervasive also in other
rura l commun ities of the North, as noted al­
ready by Livi Bacci ( 1 97 1 ) u n ci more recently by
Alb i n o ( 1 986) in Braganc;:a, Hurra ( 1 987) in
Bei ra Alia, Callier- Boisvert ( 1 988) in ihe Alia
Minho, and Godinho ( 1995) in 6 municipalities
ofAiio Tn1s-os-Mon tes. T h e theme as presented
here for merely one ham lei a ffords o n l y the iip
of the iceberg: patterns of parallel family and
sex u a l life, i l l egi tima cy, and alternative forms
of marri age consti tute one of the particular
fasci n ations of early modern a n d contemporary
Portuguese history.
Finally, we cannot ignore a micro-regional
component: preci sely as repo rted for the collec­
tive, communitarian village of Rio de Onor in
Northeast P or t u ga l (Dias 1953; Pais de Brito
1989), the socio-political status of women in
many of the hamlets in Tras-os-Montes is ex­
ceedingly high. In Fontclas as well, widows and
unwed mothers retain a voice and even votes on
the village council (conselho de vizinhos), and
they are consulted whenever an overall deci­
sion affecting the entire village must be taken.
In wider geographical and cultural terms, then,
we confront an example of the substantially
high social status of women in European rural
societies (a point already very convincingly made
by Goody in 1976 and again in 1983), in contrast
to the extensive Mediterranean case of relative
female subordination.
That is to say, we find in the rural villages of
Northern Portugal a form of kinship organiza­
tion along bilateral or cognatic lines: all broth­
ers and sisters inherit property and social sta­
tus on an equal legal footing. Primogeniture is
rare, and we have no reason to affirm that there
are any forms of overriding or glaring male
dominance. Women are simply not repressed,
devalued, subordinated or exploited by men or
indeed by the overall society (note that in the
situations of natolocal residence we have re­
ferred to, it is the married couple and not just
the wife who is suppressed). Women are cer­
tainly not used as pawns in a game of chess,
through complex circulations and marriage
1 14
exchanges between individual men or co l l ective
f�t m il ies or l i n eages (Goody 1 990). Th i s i s w hy
the social system exemplified by thi s ham l ei is
so radically distinct from villages thai bel o n g to
the Mediterranean world: this kind of beh av­
iour and the social statuses of women we h a ve
been examining would be almost tota l a n a t h e­
ma in Southern Portugal , Southern Italy, An d a­
lusian Spain, Greece, Sicily and S ardinia, or
the Maghreb. Women in Fontelas simply live on
a different planet.
Conclusion
Returning to Julia and Carolina, we arc aware
that a large series of questions hover unan­
swered. We have not constructed a truly bio­
graphical profile of either of these two women,
but rather simply a prelude to the inner d imen­
sions of subjectivity, feelings , emotions, and
overall socio-psychological orientations. We have
no doubt that the two cases constitute little
more than illustrative case-studies . But we
have tried to deconstruct the presupposition, or
assumption, that there must necessarily be
only one model of the female life-cycle in a small
rural Portuguese village . We have stressed that
there are at least two very different extremes of
personal trajectories . 9
Neither Julia nor Carolina rose socially in
the course of their life paths10, nor did either of
them descend or fall dramatically in the social
scale. Each remained almost exactly within the
same socio-economic niche occupied by their
respective parents. Neither upward nor down­
ward mobility characterises their social life­
cycles. Instead, they provide crystalline models
of the maintenance or even somewhat hegem­
onic holding of specific role positions within a
concrete hierarchy of social ranks . This is why
their biographies are so diverging: born and
brought up within the same apparently com­
mon cultural context, their individual trajecto­
ries exhibit totally different paths. We could in
fact pose the question - what do they have in
common at all?
But the topic may be complicated yet further.
Why not propose the coexistence of three femi­
nine life-cycles? While stressing the upper and
lower extremes of the social ladder, we have
perha ps lo::;i ::; i ghi of the m i ddle-l evel grou ps.
These, i n deed , s h i ft more flexibly between rel ­
atively mobi l e n i ches in the middle rungs : the
social gro u p o f' la umdores, o r "pca::;ani plo ugh­
ers", partake both of aspects specific to the
upper ru ngs as wel l as clements ofthose lower
down. Thi s makes them even more difficult to
analyse. For instance, it is among the lower and
middle group::; th ai we veri(y the highest rates
of emigration to the more developed Western
counirie::; ::; i n ce the 1960::; - villagers left mostly
for France, but also Germ any, Switzerl a n d , and
Luxembourg. This wave of emigration was not
total ly n o r predominantly mascu l ine, th u s p re­
clud i n g a s i tuation i n the v i l l age resem b l i n g
that described for the Minho, o f mobile m a l e
m igrant::; a n d res ident female villager::; ( Brei­
tell 1 986). This migratory element surely com­
plicates any form of analysis of women's l i fe
courses.
But another angle on the problem o f the
middle social groups is also pertinent: how
closely do Julia's and Carolina's biographical
paths resemble those of these middling laura ­
dora women? Unl i ke wealthy proprietarias or
near-destitute jornaleiras, women in this mid-

Fig. 12. The inner emotion­

al world, the subjective per­
ceptions and feelings of ru­
ral Portuguese women, re­
main relatively out of the
reach of classic anthropo­
logical monographic models
drawn in objectivist, de­
scriptive tones. Brief case­
studies only give us a fleet­
ing glimpse of these highly
personal, intimate dimen­
sions. Long, detailed indi­
vidual life-histories, narra­
ted orally by these women
themselves, constitute a
task of another order.

1 15
d i e gro u p tend to ach ieve a re ason a b l e m od i c u m
o f s c l f � s u f fi c i c n cy based u pon a m i n i m a l l a n d ­
Al l p h otographs by H r i u n J u a n O' N e i l l 1 976-78,
ho l d i n g , a l a rge d o m estic gro u p or m any ch i l­
dre n , a n d 1:10me ( i f n o t exCCl:l l:l i v e ) �:�oc i a l pre::;­
tige . 1 1 Arc we con f'ron tccl , therefore, rathcr th un
w i t h a series o r g r a datio n �; or the same basi c
fem a l e trajectory, w i t h th ree d iverge n t l i fe pa ths
in es�;cnce, or m e re l y two oppos i n g ends of an
o ventl l py ram icl w i th upper and lower extremes?
Most of our m ateri a l see m s to go a gain st the
idea of a h a rmon i o u s , u n d i rrc re n t i atecl , i dy lli c ,
and n ostal g i c r u ra l Arca d i a - even a m o n g 200
or so v i ll agers , the a nthr o p o l o gic a l lens can
focus on enorm o u �; social ch asms between wom­
en l i v ing in houses a few dozen metres away
from e a c h other. Th i l:l analysis p rovid es , t h en ,
in a sense, a ba c kdro p for further and more
detailed biogra p h ic a l analyses. Life-histories ,
bi o g ra p hic a l portrait�;, and the u se o f local doc­
uments such as diaries and letters could carry
on fro m here and lead u s m u c h d e epe r into the
subjectivity and inner worlds of specific indi­
vidual women. 1 2
Our aim, however, will have been achieved in
part if we have, firstly, suggested with clarity
that there is no single programmed life course
for rural women , no one form offemale personal
development, and perhaps even no simple ex­
pression in any patrticular village context of
any hypothetical feminine norm of"Portuguese
culture" carried within the minds or hearts of
real peasant women. 1 '3 Secondly, should our
materials have provoked even the slightest
note of doubt, confusion, query, and perplexity,
then we will have succeeded in highlighting
some of Portugal's intense fascination. In delv­
ing briefly into the lives of two women, we have
merely scratched the surface of one of the most
complex rural corners of Europe.
1 16
Notes
except fi g. 4.
1. We h a v e not adopted h ere any f i1rm o f t h eoreti­
cal analys i s d e r i v i ng from femi n i st a n th ro p o l og­
i c a l schoo l s or t h e t opi c of "gender re l a t i o n s" ,
a l t hough s u c h approaches cou l d offe r eq u a l ly
sti m u l a t i n g res u l ts . O u r m aj o r stress - as re­
fl e cte d in the contours of our origi n a l re::;ea rch ­
has been placed upon stratification and c;ocial
h i erarchy rather th an on m asculi ne/fe m i n i ne
d i fferences. Wh i c h f�1ctor deserves u l t i m a te p ri­
o r i ty (ge n d e r or h i e ra rchy?) re m a i n s a pa radox.
2 . P. Bo urd i e u ( 1980:87-109) w o u l d cal l t h i s con­
g lo mera te of patterns, habits, and orientations
habitu.s, or a set of durable dispositions i n c u l ca­
ted s l o w l y but forcefully over t i m e w i th i n the
beh a v i our an d men tal i ty of vi llagers v i a c o m p lex
processes of education and soci alisation .
3. "Fontelas" is a pseudonym for a hamlet l ocated in
the district of Bragan((a in 'l'ras-os -Montes p rov­
ince. It is one of four hamlets comprising ihe
parish and is approximately 4 kilom e tres from
the Spanish border (Orense province, Ga l i c i a ).
4. We have access to these dates via the Parish
Register of baptisms, m arri age s , and b u r i a l H for
all men and women in the four hamlets of the
parish for the period 1870-1990. Innumerable
other forms of information on demograph i c and
social patterns such as intervals between b i rt h s ,
ages of single and married mothers, kinship tics,
ages at marriage and death, etc., are contained
within these very detailed ecclesiastical sources,
and are susceptible to sophisticated historical
and anthropological analysis.
5. This Monarchist Revolt was a kind of small­
scale, modern Portuguese counter-revolution re­
sembling the Vendee in Western France at the
end of the eighteenth century.
6. At the age of 7, children normally make their
first confession in the church and appear listed
in the priest's Confessional Roll (Rol dos Confes­
sados), which is another rich archival document
for the study of social and familial relations. All
residents of the parish's four hamlets over the
age of 7 are listed, with their full names, ages,
other co-residents in the household, marital sta­
tus, occupation, and an annotation indicating
"confession" and (when taken) "communion".
7. Until recent national legislation in Portugal fol­
lowing the political and social transformations
inaugurated in 197 4, the legal status of domestic
servants was extremely precarious. In remote
villages such as this, their contracts were almost
exclusively arranged by word ofmouth via direct
personal accords between servant and employer.
Payment could follow any form: goods, clothing,
food, wine, grain, or money - or, of course, any
combination of these.
 8. The a n t h ropologica l l i teratu re on M ed i t errrl ne­
an soc iet ies is hy now q u i te va st.. Fo r a gen e r a l
ove rv iew o n w o m e n a n d p ropert y i n M ed i t e r ra­
nean l� u ropc, see the co l l ect i o n of elol�ay� ed i ted
by Rav i s-G io rd a n i ( 1 !J!:l7). La�lutt's m a p of fi1 u r
broad s u b- regio n s o f E u rope ( ] 98:.1 : 526-7), i f
somcw hat q uc�tionablc i n a n t h ropological terms ,
is neve rth e l ess h i gh ly p rovocative i n h i gh l ight­
in g the contra�t between a Southern M e d i terra­
n e a n fiun i ly a rea a n d a more Northerly, Centra l
E u ropean o n e . Sue a l �o D i a � · c l a��ic b u t �ti l l
hi gh l y perti n e n t poi n t s o n the c u l t u ral h i story o f
the Suevi i n Nort hern Pnr·tu ga I (Din s 1 97 4 ) .
9. We have a q�ucd e l sew h e re ( 1 987b), fo l l ow i n g
Ed m u nd Leac h 's h e ret i c a l theoretical propos i ­
ti on � ( ] 96 1 ), that not me re ly one but two :;y:;tcms
of i n h e r itance cocxi � t in t h i � h a m l et. Th i s i s o u r
maj o r point, w h ich h a :; :;tro n gcr i m p l i cati on s lor
biogra p h i ca l stud ius of a �nc i o l ogical natu ru ( B e • ·­
tau x 1 98 1 ; B o u r d i c u 1 986; M i n tz 1 960) th a n fo r
either classic anthropological life-histories (Sim­
mon:; 1942; Smith 1954) centred on one narrator,
mo re recent po:; t-motl e rni:;t bi ogr a phi c al por­
traits focusing on the ob:;erver/observed dia­
logue relation (C r apa n za n o 1 985), or more phil­
os o p h i cally oriented hermeneutical analyses
(Watson & Watson-Franke 1985). One of the
most fascinating a n d ch al l en gi n g questions for
future research resides in the potential for fus­
ing or combining two or more of these four gen­
eral trends, as Catani ( 1 982; 1 989) has shown .
10. The concept of life path is derived here from
Giddens' discussion of the dimensions of time
and space developed in the work of the geogra­
pher T. Hiigerstrand (Giddens 1984: 110-119).
Clearly, the term suggests other kinds of concep­
tualisation ofthe biographical life course, whether
in the form oflife-histories narrated orally (Smith
1981) or of trajectories or the social mobility of
individuals (Bertaux 1978; Bertaux & Bertaux­
Wiame 1988).
11. Curiously, women in the lavrador group almost
always marry and bear large numbers of chil­
dren, practically never hire servants, and very
rarely give birth to bastard children. We have
dealt elsewhere (O'Neill 1987a : 173-259) with
the complexities of these differences between
upper, middle, and lower level women with re­
gard to marriage, celibacy, and illegitimacy.
12. Unfortunately, no such written records (diaries/
autobiographies) were found in Fontelas for ei­
ther women or men; our earlier study ( 1987 a) did
not entail a full-scale search for documents of
this nature. In other villages and towns of the
area, future searches might well yield fertile
materials in the form of letters, diaries, and
memoirs. Anthropologists have not to date re­
corded any truly exhaustive oral life-histories of
peasants in Portugal, despite Brettell's brieftext
( 1978), although recently more attention has
been granted to biography (Conde 199 1 ; 1993,
p a rt icu l a rly w i t h reference to a rti sts) and l i fe­
h i st o r i es of w orkers (Maga l hf.ies, Fe r n a n des &
O l i ve i ra 1 99 1 ) . P u b l i s hed memo i rs a n d a u to b i ­
ogra p h ic� i n Portugal a rc more a b u n d a n t L h a n i s
common l y n�� umcd ( Pa lma Ferrei ra 1 98 1 ; H.o­
c h a 1 992).
1 �! . Along thc:;c l i nes, sec the magn i fi ca n t study o f
women i n a l l o f t h u regi ons of Portu ga l by M n r i r1
Lamas ( 1 948 ) , s u p erbly documented w i th h u n ­
d reds of e t h n ogra p h i c p hotogra ph s . This <: l a s s i e
w o r k o n w o m e n l eave� no :;bred of doubt a� t o t h e
w ide v a ri e ty of social co n texts throug hout t h e
cou n try sh a p i n g the l i fe cou rses o f r u r a l w o nw n .
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Societies of Married Women
Forums for Identity Building and Female Discourse

Brit Berggreen

Brit Berggreen 1995: Societies of Married Women. Forums for Identity Build i n g­
and Female Discourse. - Ethnologia Europaea 25: 119-129.

Du ring the 1 9th century and i nto the 20ih the general attitude towards worncn
wa::; that they should be obliging and submissive. Contesting notions thai t h i s
pattern should b e a historical universal this paper suggests that there have been
associations ofmarried women as collective standard setters. Serving as collective
authority units such associations have supported and directed patterns of female
authority within household circles. Exploring this view circumstantial evidence
has been found in folklore and observations of Norwegian folk life. Continuing a
discussion started by the Finn Uno Harva ( 1 944) additional material has been
provided from communities in contemporary Greece where annual celebrations
take place among married women to celebrate fertility with the midwife as ihe
centre of the festival. Finally a guild model for married women's societies is
proposed, suggesting that their main product - vital for the well-being of the
community as a whole - is the offspring, not at the moment of birth, but nurtured
and shaped into the approved standard.

Dr.philos. Brit Berggreen, Professor ofEthnology, University ofBergen, IKK, Olaf

Ryes vei 19, N-5007 Bergen, Norway.

and feel guilty when expressing anger. Moder­

Introduction
When Iraqui leader Saddam Hussein was at his
hottest in the news surrounding the Gulf War
1990-9 1, I was watching a CNN interview with
a 6-7 year-old boy. He was upset at the report of
Saddam's actions, and I heard his serious and
indignant voice: "Why can't anybody tell his
mom what he's up to. " This has struck me as
having to do with another episode which in­
volved a woman, whose son, when reaching the
age of about 13, confided in her that "frankly'' he
was a little scared ofher. Very upset she told her
husband, and was calmed down by the answer:
"All boys are afraid of their mothers . " I choose
to see these episodes as reminders of Mother as
an authority, perhaps the ultimate authority in
the minds and lives not only ofboys, but of girls,
and of adults as well. I see it also as a reminder
of the often blurred borders between love and
respect, and between respect and fear. Modem
women in western urban societies have been
socialized into being loved as the obvious aim,
nity has introduced an image of womanhood
based on the tender and loving female paragons
of popular educators . Postmodemity seeks the
pre-modern, and may find alternative paragons
varying according to time, place and social
belonging.
In this paper I shall go back in time, search­
ing for the authority of married women as indi­
viduals and as members of women's societies in
close knit communities. The standards ofhouse­
wives have been much noticed and discussed,
and gradually and increasingly studied in the
context of housewives' own agreements. Such
standards are factual, but need investigation to
be culturally visible. There have been closed
societies of women, to which men have been
denied access. Such societies have been more or
less formalized, ranging from women of specific
neighbourhoods to networks offriends or kin ( cf.
Smith-Rosenberg 197 5 ). There have been fields,
which have been the sole domain of women,
where men have been denied the right to inter-

119
fore . I n t.radition : d r u r a l N o rway h o u sew ives
h a d the i r a r e a :-; o f re :-; pon s i b i l i t y, u n ti l modern
'
not i o n s of u w o m a n :-; p l ace, and of the m u l e us
h e r :-; u pc rv i :;o r penetrated all :;ociul c l us::;e::; .
Except us u set of norm::; t he c u l t u r a l pro c e ::; s i s
h u rd to p i n dow n . S u ch not i o n ::; be�an w i th the
bureaucratic bou rge o i s i e in E u r o pe 's l ead i n g
nati ons duri ng th e l ust h u l f o f the l 8th century.
In N o r w ay it took h o l d l ate r, a ro u n d 1 830-40.
Real au thor ity is more e a s i l y concealed than
form ul i zed h i e ru rch i es w i th a u tho r i ty a s ::; u med
th r o u gh con venti o n s . People conce a l be h av i o u r
w h i c h d e vi ate s fro m c u l t u r a l p rescr ipti on (Berg­
green 1990). What s h o u l d interest us is women's
acceptance of male s u prem acy and the powerful
vehicles fo r s p re ad i n g the no ti o n . 'T'hat males
grasp the notion is less intriguing. ln Norway
there was a noticeable change in attitudes and
practices, l i ke barring women from the vote,
which was liberally granted to men in 18 14, and
explici tly barri ng women from university edu ­
cation in 1836 (Hernes 1982). In several ways
the Zeitgeist expe ct e d women to keep a low so­
cial profile except in the ballrooms and at the
teapot. This period lasted until ca 1880 when
women openly were organized to fight for the
vote (obtained in 1913). They were granted ac­
cess to the University in 1882. During this time
span, from ca 1830 to ca 1880 external authori­
ties also contributed to breaking up traditional
patterns of domestic management and neigh­
bourhood organizations in the local communi­
ties. The .modern notions of womanhood - with
the man as the superior -was preached from the
pulpits and entered the minds of common people
as patterns through school-books, but not al­
ways as practice.
Some evidence of women's independence of
male opinions can be found in derogatory nick­
names for women who let themselves be domi­
nated by their husbands . Nikkedukke, literally
meaning a nodding doll, godfjotte, "a simple­
ton", and mehe , "a spineless person" are among
them. Certainly there are also nicknames for
husbands, who let themselves be bossed around
by their wives, but this is not my topic here .
Somehow the idea of the submissive wife has
been confused with the factually submissive
wife, whom it is hard to respect or admire, but
easy to pity.
120
My research has convinced me that ther e
huve been con ventions or codes between w o men
re ga rdi n g what kind of behaviour was or w as
not acceptable, whether among them::;clves,
their daughters, sons or husbands . These codes
and conventions were not necessarily fixed , but
cons tan tl y renegotiated through commen ts and
discussion s. It is worthwhile to consider a "soci­
e ty of married women" as comparable to a
crafts-guild, where the behaviour is strictly
con tro ll e d to secure the survival and welline of
g u i l d members (Berggree n 1973). Let us leave
the common view of women as vigilant narrow­
minded and mean gossips and rather see them
as bosses, indeed as workshop masters, with a
rational approach to the management and allo­
cation of time and resources . Among (tradition­
al) married women the main product was the
child, not just the newborn, but the child devel­
oped into a responsible adult person. Just as the
dabbler (No. fusker, Ger. Pf'uscher) was a threat
to the guild members, irresponsible offspring
producing illegitimate children upset not only
the individual household to which he or she
belonged, but the whole community of neigh­
bours, who were depending on each other in the
daily toil and on social occasions . It was a social
convention that children belonged within the
setting of marriage.
Resource management and behaviour ac­
cording to rules were of vital importance for a
community of neighbours. For men and women
alike marriage was the entrance ticket to full
membership in the community. To give birth
was a privilege for married women, or at any
rate, a community of married women decided
whether an illegitimate child was a shame or
not.
Forums for setting standards and giving
evaluations are my concern here. For decades
women have been told that they are the manag­
ers of soft values, and the virtuous virgin and
the tender and loving mother have been hailed
in literature and promoted by presentations of
the ideal family life in school readers . Tradi­
tional notions of womanhood have yielded to
doctrines of woman's nature, especially since
the 18th century when Rousseau's Sophie and
Richardson's Pamela entered the minds of the
novel reading public. The virtuous Lotte of
Goethe's Dif• Leiden desjungen Wert hers should
also be menti oned in this connection. These
characters have become the new dream women
for men, !ig-urel:l they might want their women
to emulate . These females were creations by
and for the needs and wishes of male fancy,
perhaps women dreamed up as a contrast to
those they knew from real life. We may see ideal
patterns ati wishful interpretations of the Nat­
ural Law (naturrett): "A petty bourgeois family
pattern implying an amenable and mild home
wife ach i eves the status of being a natural ,
sensible and good arrangement", writes Jon
Hellesnes ( 1974:70) and claims this as a deficit
of Rousseau's thinking and writing.
My presentation is based on a search for
arenas of women's authority, and especially on
findings suggesting the way married women
have set standards and carried them out. I am
searching for a "wife-power" (koneuelde), dis­
cussed by law historian Gudmund Sandvik
( 1978). It is especially in Norwegian circum­
stantial evidence that I have begun my search,
but field work experience from Greek Macedo­
nia has provided me with new perspectives and
the courage to set my discussion within a larger
European framework. My presentation is ten­
tative, based on work in progress.
Strict mothers , kind fathers
Today it is acceptable to talk about both a
female and a male part of the same person. "The
female part of me wants to embrace the audi­
ence, the male part of me wants to conquer it" ,
I heard a female opera singer say in a radio
interview. The same day a male film-maker
talked about "letting out the female part of
himself ". The present Stand der Forschung is
turbulent and the socially hermaphroditic man
or woman is becoming accepted. This is complex
territory. Still I venture into it, turning my back
to the present. The pre-modern is my concern.
Let me first tum to the topic of being afraid
of one's mother. The shrew, hanging out the
window, loudly scolding her own offspring and
even those of others, demanding good behav­
iour, has been expelled from good company, just
as the wife with the rolling-pin has been ban­
ished to the cartoons. In the mid 1970s Anne
Louise Gjesdal Christensen started her sea rch
for the soft mothers among working-class a n d
lower middle-class people, but what her inform ­
ants said, thinking back on their childhood wal:l
this: "Father was kind, but mother was strict. . "
A fair amount o f this must have t o d o w i t h
women's strength, authority and power as her
husband's partner, earning his respect and th e
respect of others . This authority was exercised
within her domain. Such domains have more
often than not been overlooked. Within Norwe­
gian cultural historical research, however, there
has been a long-term research program going
on from ca 1940 until the 1970s on peasant/
farm communities and rural neighbourhood s
(Gards- og grannesamfunn. The Institute for
Comparative Research in Human Culture in
Oslo). The material is largely unpublished, but
the former director Rigmor Frimannslund, lec­
tured for a generation ofEuropean ethnologists
at the University of Oslo on the basis of this
material, spreading the message of equality
between husband and wife as administrative
heads of separate spheres. This should be men­
tioned, even if here is not the place to present
the material nor to list Norwegian titles dealing
with the topics.
The significance of marriage
There is an anecdote circulating about the Swed­
ish author Selma LagerlOfafter she had become
world famous as a novelist and a Nobel Prize
winner: She was at a dinner party, and b e ing a
most celebrated woman she found it reasonable
to begin to move towards the table when the
party was asked to take their seats . But the
hostess stopped her with the words: "The wives
first, Selma dear." Whether true or not it
illustrates a main topic in this presentation,
namely the dividing line between married and
unmarried women. This has become so blurred
in our contemporary culture that there is rea­
son to remember the former aspect of marriage
as the precondition for full membership of the
adult peasant society, in this case for both
women and men. The differences in privileges
(and obligations) ranging from the young mar­
ried woman, the established wife, the widow or
the retired old woman in traditional societies,
121
such us among Norwegi an peasants, is some­
th ing we today m u::;t be re m i n ded of beca use we
no longer have the same system of responsibil­
ity, dependence, rights a nd d u ties a::; before .
Their rank w as mi rrored i n the elaboration of
their dress .
"Before" here means especi ally the time be­
fore ca 1850, but with offshoots into our own
day::;. Limits in time are hard to set because
attitudes continue to exist and appear unex­
pectedly even when they are believed to have
disappeared. My methodological strategy is
above all to seek situations where (married)
women act with confidence, and see themselves
as respectable wives who observe the codes of
their peers and man age their time and resourc­
es in interplay with others , according to peer
standards. There is a special word denoting
this, namely kone;;ere , which literally means
"wife's honour". The legal concept of "key pow­
er" (Ger. Schlilsselgewalt ), is another term to
consider. This term belongs within Germanic
law as has been discussed by Danish law histo­
rian Inger Diibeck ( 1978). I shall refer to some
well-known Norwegian folklore, and then to a
women's festival in Greek Macedonia, where I
have taken part for two consecutive years and
otherwise observed at second-hand.
Folklore
One of the better known Norwegian popular
ballads is about "Paul and his hens" ("Pal sine
h�ner" ) . 1 It is now categorized as a children's
song with Pal seen as a small boy fearing his
mother's wrath, after a fox has taken the hen he
should look after. It would not be of much
consequence ifthis were a matter between a son
and his mother, but a closer study reveals that
Pal is the husband, afraid to come home to his
wife, mor (No. matmor, literally "food-mother").
In one version of the ballad his fear is so strong
that he considers emigrating to America rather
than confront "mother" .
We do not need much insight into housewife
rationality to put the loss of a hen into an
irritating context of loss of time and resources.
Let us play a little with the everyday issues
behind the fox-takes-hen situation. Egg- money
was a cash income for women, and even when
122
the eggs were not sold, they w ere valu able i te ms
i n the h o usehold diet. A hen that had stopped
laying eggs might at least be made into a soup.
To replace a hen meant either the expense of
buying another one, or time consumed in h atch­
ing and feeding a chicken till it became an egg­
laying hen. All hens are not good egg-layers , so
the original hen was not necessarily com pen­
sated. In addition to her loss, the wife most
likely was disappointed and cross because Pal
had not paid attention. His failure in turn is a
strike against the reputation of the household:
Mother has a careless man in her economic
sphere . We should remember that in the song
there is also an allusion to his having lost the
flour the day before when he was at the mill to
have the grain grinded.
A luckier man in the world of folk tales was
Gudbrand i Lia, also known from the stories of
Hans Christian Andersen ("Father is always
right"). Gudbrand started out to sell a horse and
continued bartering until he returned home
empty-handed. The ironic element in this story,
what makes it appear beyond reality, is that his
wife is not only understanding, she positively
applauds his stupidities as he confesses them.
In the first narrative we have a wife who
becomes angry, in the second, one who surprises
us by miraculously not becoming angry. The
structural basis of dumb man and authoritative
wife is present in each of these pieces offolklore.
The main issue, then, is not whether men are
afraid of their wives or ifboys are afraid of their
mothers . I shall take one more step and ask:
Whom is mother afraid of? It is well-known that
the neighbours directed behaviour mutually in
close-knit societies . "What will the neighbours
say ?" was a question that had to be asked. In
these circumstances my question concerning
whom mother fears may be seen as only rheth­
orical. We know that women were standard
setters, or perhaps rather keepers of respecta­
bility, keeping an eye upon each other and upon
each others' offspring. We know that there was
a hierarchy of women. Her attire would show
her status, not only as married or unmarried,
but also as a newly-wed or an established mar­
ried woman. The young wife was attired differ­
ently from the established wife, and the old wife
had yet another form of dress.2

Societies of married women
I have had the opportunity of be ing involved
first-hand with an organi zed com m unity of
married women th rough parti ci pation i n the
celebration of the midw ife in the village of
Monokl issi a in the adm i n i strative district of
Serres in Greek Macedonia. There are many
unanswe red questions concerni n g this festival,
and much guesswork as to its age and origin
(Berggreen 1995). Thus 1 shal l state only what
the women themsclve::; claim. They told me that
when their foremothers came as refugees in
1922 from Eastern Thrace in Turkey, they
brought the custom with them. The general
version of this practice is, that each year on
January 8th they gave themselves the liberties
of men. They took over the village cafe and sent
the men home to cook and clean and look after
the children and the elderly sick while they
granted themselves a delightful day for festival
and fun open to women. They played tauli
(backgammon), smoked tobacco, played cards
and drank alcoholic beverages, danced in the
streets and ended the day with a gigantic feast
with orgiastic elements . lt was a celebration for
married women only, until unmarried women
were allowed in from 1990 on. In the centre of
the celebrations was the midwife. At some stage
the women in this village had begun to call their
celebration the Women's Rule or Gynaecocracy
day. In a neighbouring village the women cele­
brated under the name of The Midwife's Day.
When I participated in the 1990 festival in
Monoklissia unmarried women were allowed in
for the first time . This particular year the cele­
bration was such: The day before the actual
festival there was a collecting of victuals or
money to buy provisions for the evening meal
and the premises were prepared for the celebra­
tions . The women had had their own assembly
house since 1962 when the women's organisa­
tion, the Lysistrate (Lysistrata), had it built.
Since then they were independent of the men's
village cafe. In the assembly house textiles
were arranged to decorate the shelves and a low
oriental table set in front of the fireplace. Also
a miniature of an ox cart was taken down from
the top of a cabinet and put on exhibit in a more
prominent place. This cart should remind them
that they were peasants. (Some years earl ier a
real horse cart was used and driven aro u n d i n
the village, filled with jolly women. Now the re
were only tractors in the village . )
O n the actual day o f the festival there i s a
gathering of women, dressed in regional cos­
tumes and male musicians in women's clothes,
those which were originally used in the village,
and much plainer than the gaudy garments the
women now wear. The musicians are not from
the village . "Gypsies", the women explained,
and at least one ofthem looked like one. These
men take part during the whole day's celebra­
tion. The younger women carry victuals to the
kitchen gang of older women, who are in plain
clothes. One of the most prestigeous tasks is to
manage the cooking. The younger helpers dance
their way to the kitchen premises with bread
baskets and vegetables.
Next comes a dance through the village, the
women following the musicians or vice versa, to
every house. There they claim tributes from
those who are at home, and they visit the eldest
women, who appear in their black widows' gar­
ments, followed by a daughter or daughter in
law. These eldest are warmly greeted and
hugged. Men who are encountered are chased
and splashed with water from a little tin bucket
with a basil twig.
After the tour through the village the women
go back to the assembly house for a meal. Then
it is time for the main procession. This takes
place to honour the midwife, babo, mammi or
maia, which she is alternately called. On a tray
there is water, olive oil, soap and a towel, and
some kind of a phallic symbol (leeks are quite
common). The babo receives the procession and
entertains the most prominent women on her
balcony, where a low table and cushions are set
out. A lot of joking and laughter goes with the
encounter. Afterwards the babo leads the danc­
ing and joyful procession back to the assembly
house. (In 1991 one woman simulated a birth
with a plastic doll that was "born" , fully clothed,
then later undressed and "baptized" in a plastic
tub at the square outside the assembly house,
the women sang and performed all the ceremo­
nies otherwise belonging to the church liturgy. )
The next and most serious session was a
formal lunch for invited representatives of the
123
local ad m i n i s t ra t io n , the muyor a n d oth er::;.
D u r i n g t h i s pol it i c u l segm e n t o f the fest i v u l the
women give u n d receive i nib r m u t i o n o n th e
imp o rta n c e of women i n ::;oci ety ; the pre::;ident
ofthe Women'::; Assnciutinn i::; the ma i n h n s tes::;.
Th e e ve n i n g cel ebration i s the plenary gath ­
ering. Th e e l dest women ::; i t as gue::;ts ofhunour
wh i le the you n ger o n es dance. Here there i s
space ibr any w h i m , and the women have great
fun simulating the behaviour of men, especially
through slapping bottoms, or l ifting skirts to
peep u n der n eat h . The cl i max is a skiUtablcau
with sexual-orgiastic clements , w h ich the male
musicians must not see. They have been play­
ing the whole night. Now the curtai ns are drawn
for the first time, blocking their visu al contact
with the celebration. Sexuality is referred to i n
a lively manner throughout the celebration .
Sometimes, th e women expla in, men have tried
to sneak into the celebration, dressed as wom­
en. Such an occurrence belongs to the great
happenings which the women relate over and
over again. To chase s uch men and drag the
clothes off them belongs to the burly-burly, and
is retold with intense, delighted and malicious
pleasure. At around 11 p.m. the party is over.
The last participants dance with their coats on
before leaving, reluctantly.
I took part again in 199 1 . During a summer
visit in the village the following year I watched
a full and unedited video-recording of the cele­
bration of 1992. There were no obvious or signif­
icant deviations from the schedule I had per­
sonally been part of the two previous years, but
we should keep in mind the "revolution" of
letting unmarried women in, beginning in 1990,
and the improvisations and alterations which
the celebration patterns have undergone (cf.
Berggreen 1995). The celebration, neverthe­
less, is hard to maintain, with the possible
exception ofthe evening gathering when friends
and relatives come up from the district capital
of Salonika and the town Serres. The popula­
tion of the village is aging. There are few chil­
dren for the husbands to look after on the
women's day, and the most active women in the
day celebration had matured into grandmoth­
ers . Instead of being a village celebration, for­
mal organizations had adapted the custom to
secure its continuation. The organizers of the
124
" Gy n ae c o c r acy " or M o n o k l i s s i a were m e m bers
of a pol i t i ca l women'::; o r ga n i z ati o n gi v i n g prior­
ities to women's rights, whereas in the n e i gh­
hou ri ng vi I I age ofAno Kamilla female m o m bers
o ft he h isto rical assoc iation were the orga n i zers
of "The M idwife's Day", thus stressing t radi­
tio n .
Some attention has been paid t o such cele­
brations , mostly by men who have been barred
from direct participation. Uno Harva ( 1 944)
wrote an article on "societies of married women
w ith the ir attached inauguration rituals" d e m­
onstrating a vast amount of evidence of such
closed societies of married women with recur­
ring annual celebrations, including written
records tracing the custom back to the 16th
century. I read this article with renewed i nter­
est after h aving taken part in the women's
festival in Monoklissia. Harva refers especially
to conditions in Germany and East European
regions, from which I am led to suspect that the
celebration of Greek women has a connection
with corresponding celebrations among (Bul­
garian) Slavs, and that the subject ought to be
approached from such a point of view as an
alternative to seeking direct connections with
antiquity which is a popular suggestion.
The women's right to an annual celebration,
usually held in a tavern, has often been ex­
plained by the people themselves in the same
way as legendary myths with origins lost in
darkness, writes Harva ( 1944:279). The ingre­
dients of the annual festival he describes con­
sist of a procession, transgressions of bounda­
ries of decency, and the prohibition of men's
participation, even of their simply making an
appearance, for "if women got hold of a fellow,
they undressed him, removing his hat, coat or
boots, which should later be returned through
ransom either in cash or some bottles of wine". 3
Now there was also a more serious purpose
attached to the celebrations, namely to set up
courts to judge women who failed to keep the
accepted standards of the village. A well-re­
garded woman held the chair, and through her
guidance sentence was passed on women who
did not keep appropriate standards of cleanli­
ness, or failed to discipline her children proper­
ly (Harva 1944:279).4 They all had to pledge
secrecy. A woman who did not restrain herself
but told i h e sec rets o f'ihc i n i t i a t ed or c o n s e c ra t­
ed, "mul:li l:l i i w i th h e r w i n e m ug i n ihe c h i m ney
corner, or sull'cr w o rs e p u n i shm e ntl:l still". li
should pe rh apl:l be added thai social exclul:l ion
or ostracism (bci ng "sen t io C o ve n t ry" ) was ihe
most severe p u n i s h m ent in trad i ti on al socie­
ties .
Harva's reconstructed soci ety o f married
women is built upon e lements from many areas
and sources where there arc variations both
regarding ihe date and ihe details ofihc obser­
vation of ihe day. The purpose of ihe societies,
however, seems obvious : 1.b aflirm and strength­
en their community thro ughout ihe annual
cycle of work, struggle and conflicts with an
unbridled celebration, but also io create a closed
circle of initiated and married women versus
the unmarried and uninitiated. "Not even the
old spinsters - those who were over 25 years old
were seen worthy of being partakers of these
mysteries", whereas those who had married
since the last celebration were admitted into
the society of the married women. They had to
go through an initiation ritual. New initiates
should bring gifts to those who were more
established and pay them respect. Thereafter
the newcomers were acclaimed with a hurrah.
They were thrown thrice up into the air and
wished childluck and prosperity. Now they were
admitted into the wives' league.
Harva writes about a suggestion that the
origins of the right the women had once a year
to be "made the equals of men ( . . . ) were a faded
memory of the Germanic woman's past promi­
nent position in society . . . " He then adds: ''There
is, however, to be noticed that such a women's
society or women's guild, as far as is known, has
not taken place in the North, where traces ofthe
ancient Germanic popular culture ought to have
been better kept than at other locations" (p.
280).
So Harva thinks that such festivals may be
traces of an ancient Germanic culture in which
the position of women traditionally was strong,
and he had expected to find such traces in the
North. He does not, but he finds to his surprise
a similar tradition among the mordvines of
Russia.
What does not fit in well with Harva's per­
spectives, fits remarkably well into the position
o f present day researchers. When wome n i n i h c
Monokl i s l:l i a h u rly-burly made fi.t n ofihe m e n 's
ways and styles, some would claim thai t h i s
belongl:l i o ihe category of cul:lioms thai make
fun of one's superiors.
Researchers who work with such ritual s of
reversion, in which the normal world i s topsy
turvy, interpret them as outlets of energies thai
might otherwise become dangerously exp l o­
sive. In a paradigm that views women as sup­
pressed, this may be a viable interpretation. An
alternative interpretation, however, is thai these
rituals are a means for women to strenghien
their mutual ties and to set up continued stand­
ards for future village life. My central argu­
ment is that married women have had a kin d of
guild - the word league should also be suggest­
ed - and an annual court of justice, all being
focused through one annual day of celebration s,
rituals and togetherness .5 Ifwe take for granted
that such rituals are expressions of inequality
and power hierarchies, shall the absence of
such customs suggest some degree of equality
and mutual respect between the sexes?
Norwegian folk life
In order to get closer to a conclusion, we move
back to Norway and the issue of standard­
setting among married women. For illumina­
tion of the subject it may be worthwhile to read
the school-teacher K.L. Huus's complaints about
(western) Norwegian women in 1872:
"She commands the household's economy ac­
cording to the old custom that has conveyed this
right to her. She manages the family's property
where management is important to live well
and happily, and not only in the living room, but
in kitchen, cellar, barn and animal buildings
almost everything is placed under her direc­
tion, as nobody stands in that order in the
family that they may surpass her or keep any
kind of control with her and her management"
(Huus 1872:4).
This particular school-teacher was eager to
enact reforms, and to please contemporary civil
authorities and he wrote with disgust about the
strong women, and men who were powerless in
125
the i r re l a ti o n s w ith the i r w ives. He gave ev i ­
dence of' p o we rfu l a n d h ead:;t ro nl:( women who
did n o t tole rate interference from thei r h u s­
band:; i n d o m e :; ti c affa i r:; .11 Throughuut the 19th
cen t u ry m e n were :; u p p o rte d by strong ideolo­
gies i n the bclief t h at they had m o r e w its than
women a n d the right to take p r e c ede n ce ove r
them i n de c i sio n m a ke-u p . T h i s attitude oc­
curred first i n the u pp e r c l a :; s e s . We s ee th ro u gh
the autobiography o f Gustava Kielland (born in
1800) how she struggles to bend her awe under
the strong correction and ad m o n i shments of'
her husband, the t he o l og i an and priest G abriel.
(Sh e is renowned becau:;c she started the first
women's mission ary society. ) In h i s history of
the Norw e g i a n ( state ) chu rch , H e ggtv e i t
( 1905 : 1 1 9) mentions a lay preacher i n south­
west Norway, who was acti ve in the mid 1800s:
"Both by the clergy and the parishioners he was
generally held in high esteem, it was :;aid,
however, that he to some extent lived in a less
harmonious relationship with his wile, without
it being easy to deci de who bore the real guilt.
There is the possibility that he was somewhat
strict with her, too particular in trifles and
somewhat authoritative as he demanded un­
conditioned obedience and submission in all
matters, and she did not always put up with
this. This caused struggle and a tense relation­
ship between them."
There is certainly much to be read between the
lines in this quote, which presents an image of
militant and very conservative men of the cler­
gy in the history of the Norwegian church dur­
ing the 19th century. Such men were to be found
in most sectors . By and by women accepted the
new doctrines and "took to their senses" , but as
we may learn from Huus ( 1872), the males
within the peasantry in west Norway were still
subjugated by self-willed women who accepted
no interference, that is of course within the
women's own fields of authority.
Does this imply that because Nordic women
have not had a role reversal festival as the
Greek and Slavic women have, they have not
felt a need to give vent to suppressed feelings
accumulated during the year? The question
must be left open. There are, however, indica-
126
tions o f' married women's authority and l iJ r u rns
liJr i ts m a i n te n a nce w i th i n the structu re uf' th.e
so-ca l l ed "old peas a n t society".
The key power - "Schliisselgewalt"
H u us ( 1872) wrote about women's a u th o r ity
over the economic afli1 i r s of the househ o l d ac­
cording to "an old custom" that had entitled her
to this right. He says nothing about the nature
of th i s old c u stom . It may be connected with the
old law ter m Schlassel,.;ewalt: the rightfu l au­
thority of one spouse to step in for the other in
matters c oncer n i n g the household".7 This Ger­
man word Schlasselgewa.lt covers what in Swed­
ish is n amed as a wife's disposal over lds och
nyckel : "lock and key". The Danish scholar Ing­
er Diibeck ( 1978: 106) has dealt with this phe­
nomenon in her juridical dissertation . With
regard to the well-being of family and kin, and
to general business management as well, it was
imporant that a wife be able to carry out jurid­
ical acts in favour of the general housekeeping.
Gunvor Tn.etteberg ( 1951) has also written about
the key power of women in traditional Norway,
and explains : The women in Hordaland (a coun­
ty in west Norway) carried in former days a set
of artifacts in their belts . "From a silver brooch
hung knife, keys and needlecase in long rib­
bons" (Trretteberg 195 1 :41).
Trretteberg knew 25 such brooches from
Hordaland, and in addition she knew some
from same areas. 8 A vicar and folk life research­
er wrote as early as 177 4 that the custom was
beginning to decline. Townswomen had stopped
wearing the "belt-sets" (beltesaker) around 1700.
Approximately 100 years later the custom be­
gan to decline among country women.
What in legal terms are mere words, become
concrete material in Trretteberg's study. She
also refers to the SchlUsselrecht of women. But
she stresses the keys as a symbol, and puts little
stress upon the authority that went along with
having full administrative authority over silver
cabinets and flatware chests, linen and provi­
sions . There were many keys to be in charge of.
In the dowry alone there should be at least
three keys: for a clothes-chest and for two chests
of bed-clothes. It was a relief to distribute the
keys with three at each side, she comments,
with refe rence to a pict u re of a sculpture, show­
ing a woman from F'a n a n car Berge n . "
This custom of wearing keys and other belt
artifact� vani�;hed at approxi mately the �:>amc
time as a cultural trans formation took place
from around 1830, with a regression in women's
(informal) rights. Helga Hernes discusses the
political theories predominant among 18th cen­
tury phil osophers , and applies them to an ex­
planation of why women fared so badly in the
new nati on states as these were established . In
Norway the "intell ectual and cultural" position
ofwomen w as "seriously sapped" from ca 1820-
30, when higher education was institutional­
ized and formalized. As late as 1832 the first
law was passed that explicitly denied women
the right to vote at elections, a right that was
finally granted them in 1913 (Hernes 1982 : 2 1£).
Through the biography of Camilla Collett
( 1 8 13-1896), the most prominent of women's
rights activists throughout the 19th century,
one gets the impression confirmed that there
was a tightening of women's sphere after the
rather l iberal 18th century, when Camilla's
mother and aunts had led a freer life when they
were young. The curtains were drawn in the
"dolls houses". Now began "the epoch of the
lonely housewife", to use Biiij e Hanssen's words.
Berndt Gustafsson ( 1956 : 1 6 1 ) has discussed
the discrepancy between ideal and reality where
reality was the woman "holding a dominating
position within her own domestic sphere, a
position which was undermined by industrial­
ization and the decay of personal housekeeping.
Ideologically, she was subordinate to man, but,
in reality, she was in many things his equal".
Natural law as a universal principle made
obsolete all regional laws and conceptions of
justice, and with reference to women, natural
law decreed that it was "natural" that men
were her superiors. This conception was so
strong during the 19th century that when law­
yers then and later were confronted with the
strength and authority that women were grant­
ed through the Schlilsselgewalt, they did not, or
would not believe it, and interpreted the laws in
women's disfavour. 10
A guild model for women's community
I began by referring to popular culture and i t�;
::;uggestions that a wife and mother wa::; a n
authoritative figure, respected and even fea red
by spouse and offspring. Next I referred to the
annual celebration of the married wives' day o ff
throughout (especially) Eastern and Midd l e
E urope. Then I suggested that the lack o f s uch
a celebration in the North rather affirms the
strong position of women than contradicts it.
Finally I pointed at the conspicuous use o f belt
keys through a custom that finally disappeared
around 1840. I also point to the social , economic
processes that led to a total cultural chan ge
after ca 1830.
Gudmund Sandvik ( 1878) used the w ord
koneuelde "wife's power" with reference to a
-
stipulation found in medieval Borgarting Jaw.
It concerns the situation in which a husband
has so strong a "wife's power" over him that she
will not bend to his will. The actual case given
stated that when he says that she shall remove
their child from her breast after she has nursed
it through two lents and into the third, she
refuses . He then is subjected to koneuelde ac­
cording to the law. Now, there must be some
authority to support a woman who resists her
husband, some consensus among women about
a reasonable length of nursing time.
I bring this matter in here to link the commu­
nities of married women to women's authority
and management over birth and child rearing,
and also to suggest a view of married women as
a professional group and a judicial authority in
issues that touch upon women's affairs.
I suggest the guild as a model for the socie­
ties of married women. When laws are unwrit­
ten they are subject to change in a more flexible
way than when statutes are proclaimed in par­
agraphs and signed by the members of a group.
They are nonetheless prerogatives, often as
authoritative as formal laws. Unwritten codes
are more difficult to relate to because even
leadership may be subtle and pursued collec­
tively by the demizens - those who set the
standards of local good taste. I shall only sug­
gest the analogy with formal guilds, referring to
evidence that ordinary guilds have been within
the reach ofwomen. Angeliki Lai:ou ( 1986) writes
127
in h e r a rt i c l e "The festival of 'A gui h e ' " about
w o m e n '�:� gu i l d �:� in Byza n t i n e C o n �:�ianiin o p l e .
The guil ds were made up by cloth makers ,
spin n e r�:� , weaver�:� and wool card e r�:� , a l l honor­
able pr o fe ss i o n s for wome n . D u ri n g an annual
festival i n May, besides the ce lebration itself,
there w ere older women to pres ide over the
youn ger. The former had the a u tho r ity to p u n­
ish those who had n ot ke p i standards of expect­
ed quality. At the arsenal in Venice during late
Middle Ages a n d e a rl y Renaissance ( 1 3th-15th
ce nt ury ) , the re was a crafts me n 's gui l d of s ail ­
makers made up enti re ly by w omen (Lane 1934,
Berggreen 1973).
Granted that giv i n g birth is a matter for the
married woman only, one may see how both
individual "workshops" (i.e. households) and
"guilds" (i.e. the community of married women)
are upset and disturbed by non - guil d produc­
tions . Jonas Frykman ( 19 7 7 ) has analyzed re­
actions against the "whores" of rural society,
mainly in rural Scania. Through the position of
"whores" one may gain some understanding for
the "cruel" stands taken by collectives of mar­
ried women towards extra-marital pregnan­
cies . I take the point ofview that the community
of wives as a body were bound together by
loyalty to household standards and codes of
social (and sexual) behaviour. As mistresses of
the housewives' craft they could not tolerate
dabblers or anything else that would upset the
order in their houses, or their reputation as
housekeepers . They have had their housewives'
honour and pride, their husmor::ere, to keep and
defend.
128
Notes
'l'h i s st. u rly i s p a rt. o f an onJ.{o i n � resea rch p roject. t.it. led
"'J'he w;e a n d nbu::;e o f heroi ne:;" dea l i n g w i th w o m en
in G reek and N o rwegi a n n a t i o n a l identity b u i l d i ng.A
fi rst d r a ft o f t h i s paper was read n t the i n ternati onal
confe rence " Reth i n k i n g Se l f n n d Soci ety : S u bject ivi­
ty, Gen d e r a n d Identity. Centre f(lr Fem i n ist He­
search in the H u m a n i t. ieR/Cen tre fhr the S t udy of
E u ropean C i v i l ization, U n i versity of Bergen J u n e l-
2, 1993. I thank professor EJecta Are n a ! for her
meticulous ren d i n g o f m y paper, h o p i n g th a t. 1:1 h e w ill
fi n d th i s vers ion a l oy a l fol l ow u p , and an i m p rove­
ment..
1.. The Scandinavian "a " i s pronounced as "au" in
Paul.
2. This is known both from the w riti ngs and oral
i n fc1rmat.ion o f the dress h istoria n Agot. Noss.
An gel ikf Hatzimichali ( 1 978) has written about
corresponding differentiations in Greek fo l k cos­
tume c u stoms. Worst. of a l l was th e p l ight. of th e
unmarried woman who had to wear a hood or
some other indication of her shame. Some will
remember Nathaniel Hawthorne's no v e l , The
scarlet letter where the heroine of the novel was
forced by her co m m un i ty to wear an "A" for
adultery.
3 . Harva refers to Albert Becker: Frauenrechtli­
ches in Brauch und Sitte. Programm des K.
Human. Gymnasiums Zweibriicken 1912/13 .
4. Harva's reference is Albert Becker: Frauenrecht
in Brauch und Sitte, Zur Geschichte des Weiber­
braten.s bei Speyer: (Hess. Blatter fiir Volkskunde
X, 1911.
5. A good participant study of the January 8th
women's day is Dede ( 1976). Her view is that the
celebration belongs to a fertility rite, focusing on
the midwife. Professor offolklore Loukatos 1977
has reported on her article and several others
which deal with the same celebrations. He has
noticed that the day is the festival day of the
female saint Dominique, and that there is a large
monastery named for the saint near Constanti­
nople (Istanbul). With regard to Monoklissia,
the church is left out entirely and has no part in
the celebration.
6. I have interpreted this issue in many articles and
works, most recently in Berggreen 1989 and
1990. Professor Ida BJorn, Bergen, also refers
frequently to Huus, who wrote "On Woman" in
1872, as his entry in a competition on how to
improve female household standards, for which
he won first prize.
7. My translation from Duden's Deutches Uni­
versal Worterbuch 1983. The original text
reads: "Befugnis des einen Ehepartners den
andere in Dingen, die die Haushaltsfiihrung
betreffen, mit rechtlicher Wirkung zu ver­
treten."
 8. Her st. urly is rn t h e r w i d e l y ;;coped , cove ri n g ety­ Women's celebration o f 8 Ja n u a ry in contc m pom ry
mol of.(y, a rt i f�1ct s h a pes a n d the i r d i stri b u ti o n Greece . I n : B r i t Be rggrccn & Na n n o Mari n a t o s
from A s i a t o Norway. (eds): Greece & Gende1: Athens (Norwegian ln;;ti ­
9. From N ord m a n d sd a l e n , Frcdensborg Palace, tute in Athcns ) : 7 fi-9 0 .
North Zea l a n d , De n m ar k . The sculptures are Blum, Grethe Authen 199 1 : Women a n d j ustice i n
from a ro u n d 1. 770. Norway c. 1300- 1 600. In: People and places in North ­
1.0. Law h i s tor i a n Hi l de Sandv i k , University ofOslo, ern Europe 500- 1 600. Woodbridge (The Boydcl l
oral inform ation . Her fi nd i n gs arc parallel to Press): 225-235.
those of M a ry B e ard ( 1973) who demonstrated Dede, Maria 1976: I mera tis mamis i babos. Arheion
how t h e i n llu e n ti a l j u r i st B l ackwell's i nterpre­ Thrakis, No. 1 84, Athcns: 1 95-208.
tation::; of E nglish laws a n d statutes came to Diibeck, Inger 1978: K¢bekoner og koncurrence. C o­
wea k e n the j udicial position of women to such a penhagen.
degree, th at they were el i m i n ated as judicial Frykman, Jonas 1977: Horan i bondesamhiillet. L u n d .
persons and s u bj ugated to men . Discussions of Gustafsson, Berndt 1956: Manligt - Kvinnligt -Kyrh ­
these i s s ues a re ongo i n g and evi d e nc e i s contin­ ligt i 1800-talets svenska folkliv. Stockholm.
uously presented and (re)interpreted. Harva, Uno 1944: De gifta kvinnornas samfund med
hithorande upptagningsriter. Folk-Liu 1943/44:
277-285.
Hatzimichali, Angeliki /1978/: The Greek folk costume
References I-II. Athens.
Haugen, Inger 1983: Til sladderens pris - eller: om <l
Beard, Mary, R . , 1973: Women as force in history. vrere prisgitt sladderen. Sosiologi i dag, 4 : 3 9-5 8 .
London (Collier Books). Heggtveit, H . G . , 1905: Den norske kirke i det 19.
Berggreen, Brit 1973:Sj¢mann og handverker. Seil­ arhundre I. Kristiania.
makere ued Oslofjorden og Skagerrak 1850-1914. Hellesnes, Jon 1988,Hermeneutikk og kultur. Oslo.
Oslo. Hernes, Helga Maria 1982: Staten - Kuinner ingen
Berggreen, Brit 1989: Da Kulturen kom til Norge. adgang. Oslo.
Oslo. Lalou, Angeliki 1986: The festival of "Agathe"; Com­
Berggreen, Brit 1990: Idealm¢nstre og realm¢nstre: ments on the life of Constantinopolitan women .
Kryssing au kj¢nnsrollegrenser i norsk bondekultur Byzantium: Tribute to Andreas N. Stratos I-II,
ca. 1850- 1920. Dissertation for the doctor of philos­ I: 111-1 2 2 .
ophy d e gre e, University of Oslo (Unpublished). Lane, F. C . 1 93 4:
Venetian ships and shipbuilders of
Berggreen, Brit 1991: "Kvinner selv . . . " Kvinners the Renaissance. Baltimore.
nasjonale erfaring. In: Anders Linde-Laursen & Larsen, Anne Kathrine 1984: "Elska din granne, men
Jan Olof Nilsson: Nationella identiteter i Norden ­ !at grinda stande" - sosialt samvrer i en vestnorsk
ett fullbordat project? Eskilstuna (Nordiska ra­ bygd. In: Arne Martin Klausen (ed . ) Den norske
det): 149-174. vrerematen. Oslo: 164- 1 7 7 .
Berggreen, Brit 1993: Camilla Collett i skyggen av S andvik, Gudmund 1978: Koneveldet i Gulatingslag.
antikken. In: 0ivind Andersen & Asbj¢rn Aarseth Jus og Jord. Oslo: 241-246.
(eds): Antikken i norsk litteratur. Bergen. 0stgaard, N.R. , 185 1 :
En Fjeldbygd - Billeder fra
Berggreen, Brit 1995: Realities and wishful thinking: 0sterdalen. Kristiania.

129
Die Mitgift und die Stellung der Frau auf
der griechischen Insel Lesbos
Ulrike Krasberg

Krasberg, Ulrike 1995: Die Mitgift und die Stellung der Frau auf der griech i ::; c h e n
Insel Lesbos . - Ethnologia Europaea 25: 1 3 1-140.

In Griechenland zahlt traditionellerweise die Braut einen Brautpreis. Dem n a c h

muss der Vater der Braut a m Tage ihrer Verehelichung ihr und ihrem zukiin ftige n
Ehemann zumindest ein Haus oder - in der Stadt - eine Eigentumswohn u ng
iibereignen, kann er es sich erlauben, auch noch Geld und Land. Dieser Mitgitl­
Brauch wurde in den 70er Jahren von der griechischen Frauenbewegung als e i n
,Verschachern" der Frau heftig angegriffen. Trotzdem erfreut sich heute die 'pri kn'
- die Mitgift, zu der auch das Haus gehiirt - wachsender Beliebtheit und zw a r in
dem Maile, wie zunehmend mehr Geld - i m Ausland oder auch i m Land selbst ­
verdient werden kann. Wie die 'prika' die Stellung der Frau in der heutigen
griechischen Gesellschaft kulturell definiert bzw. umgekehrt: wie die Stellung d c r
Frau im Mitgift-Brauch ihren kulturellen Ausdruck findet, wird hier dargcste l l t
und e s wird gezeigt, daB das Haus, iikonomisch und ideologisch zur Frau gehiirig,
einen gewichtigen Gegenpol zur patriarchalischen Dominanz des Mannes in d e r
gesellschaftlichen Offentlichkeit bildet.

Priv.Doz.Dr. Ulrike Krasberg, Fachgebiet Volkerkunde, Philipps- Universitiit Mar·

burg, Kugelgasse 10 (Kugelhaus), D-35032 Marburg / Lahn, Deutschland.

Es gibt in der Ethnologie zwei widerstreitende
Tendenzen, die Stellung der Frau au.Berhalb
der modernen westlichen Gesellschaften zu
sehen bzw. zu beurteilen. Die eine - die feminis­
tische - geht von einer universell kulturellen
Zweitrangigkeit der Frau aus und versucht
diese mit dem Ziel aufzuzeigen, tiber eine
Bewu.Btmachung der Diskriminierung der Frau
eine allmahliche Veranderung ihrer gesell­
schaftlichen Stellung einzuleiten.
Die andere - mehr von Ethnologinnen ver­
tretene - Tendenz ist die, die Stellung der Frau
in einer anderen Kultur sozusagen von innen
her zu betrachten. Diese empatische Sichtwei­
se oder hermeneutische Forschung hat nicht
die Veranderung im Blick, sondern mochte das
kulturell Besondere in bezug auf die Lebenssi­
tuation oder die Stellung der Frau herausarbei­
ten. Hier liegt die Betonung eher auf dem 'Soll­
Zustand' einer Kultur und beschreibt das kul­
turelle Idealbild von der Stellung der Frau.
Beide Sichtweisen schlie.Ben sich scheinbar
gegenseitig a us: Die erste bezichtigt die zweite
der Idealisierung und Romantisierung bauerli-
cher Lebensumstande unter Ausblendung der
Aspekte der Realitat, die die miserablen Le­
bensbedingungen der Frau offenbaren wtirden.
Die zweite wirft der ersten ebenfalls die Verzer­
rung von Realitat vor, namlich durch Ethno­
zentrismus bzw. feministische a priori-Annah­
men. Auch wenn es feministischen Unter­
suchungen in erster Linie urn Defezit-Analysen
als Basismaterial zur Verbesserung der Situa­
tion der Frauen ginge, so die Argumentation, so
wtirde doch gleichzeitig auch immer das Bild
einer Kultur entworfen, wie es sich aus dem
Blickwinkel etwa der Slums einer Dritte-Welt­
Gro.Bstadt ergabe. Und dies bedeute aus Sicht
ethnologischer Frauenforschung ebenfalls Dis­
kriminierung und zwar im Sinne des 'other­
ings'. D.h. die Moglichkeiten, die eine Kultur
der Frau bote, ihr Leben in Wtirde zu ftihren,
blieben hier ausgeblendet. In der Konsequenz
bedeute dies die Annahme, da.B die westlich
modernen Gesellschaften in bezug auf das Ge­
schlechterverhaltnis unhinterfragt an der Spit­
ze einer Werteskala lagen. Diese erkenntnist­
heoretische Problematik mochte ich im folgen-

131

Fig. 1 . G assc i m Dorf.
den sozusagen illustrieren, urn so cine Gewich­
tung der einzelnen Argumente vornehmen zu
konnen. Ich habe cin Beispiel aus Europa ge­
wahlt, das deshalb bcsondcrs interessant ist,
weil es einmal zcigcn kan n , wie stadtisches und
landliches Leben aufeinander bezogen sind.
Zum anderen wird daran deutlich, daB "l'ra­
dition und Moderne' keine Antagonism en sind,
d.h. die Tradition nicht ein absterbendes Relikt
ist, das in den Nischen der Moderne noch zu
finden ist, sondern die Tradition sozusagen das
'Material' liefert, moderne Weltanschauungen
zu Ieben. Das Beispiel stammt uberdies aus
einer Kultur, die als die Wiege des Patri­
archats d.h. als Ausgangspunkt aller Frauen­
diskriminierung gesehen wird, namlich Grie­
chenland. Auch der westlich-moderne Begriff
vom Patriarchat bekommt hier neue Gewicht­
ungen.
Bei meiner ersten Feldforschung in Griechen­
land (Krasberg 1980) war einer der nachhal­
tigsten Eindriicke das SelbstbewuBtsein mei­
ner Gastgeberinnen in den verschiedenen Or­
ten Griechenlands, die ich bereiste. Ich hatte in
Deutschland fiinf Griechinnen kennengelernt,
die als Arbeitsmigrantinnen dart lebten, und
die ich nun wahrend ihres Sommerurlaubs
nacheinander in ihren funf verschiedenen Dor­
fern in Griechenland besuchen durfte. Sie fuhr-
132
ten m i ch in i h re n Oiirfcrn in die Ha u se r i h rer
Vc rw a n d tc n u n d Frc u n d i n n e n , und ich c rl e bte
cine Fra ucnwelt, d i e so ga r n icht zu dem B ild
paf3te , das i c h mir ti ber die Frauen gc m a cht
h aiic , angcsi chts dcr m i:i n n l i c h-patri a rcha len
Oftcnil i ch kcit aufgricchischcn Dorfpl i:itzcn und
Gasse n , wo Frauen hiichstcns mal im H i n ter­
f:,'Tu n d d u rch d i e Kul issc huschtcn . Abcr a uch
meinc Gastgeberinnen batten nichts m e h r ge­
mein mit den meist sehr zuriickhalienden,
schwcr arbeitenden Migrantinnen, wie ich sie
in Deu tsch l and kcnncngc lernt h atte. S i c :.�i1 hl­
ten bier zu den Reichen im Dorf, waren gcrn
geseh ene Gi:iste u n d stets i m Mittelpunkt der
Gcspriichc .
Zwar wu Bte i ch a u ch d a mals schon , d aB
Frauen von ihrer Famili e , vertreten durch rlen
Vater, bei der Hoch zeit ihr eigenes Haus m i t in
die Ehc bckommcn, und ich sah diese Hi:i u scrja
auch, ausgebaut oder neugebaut je nachdcm.
Die Bedeutung, die diose Hausmitgift ftir die
Stellung und das SelbstbewuBtsein der Frauen
in der griechischen Gesellschaft hat, wurdc mir
aber erst spater bewul3t, als ich mich auf der
Insel Lcsbos 'niederlicl3' und tiber viele Jahre
immer wieder in dem gleichen Dorf forschte.
Ich erlebte wie Migrantenfamilien ins Dorf
zuruckkehrten, ihre Tochter verheirateten und
wie der Bau oder Ausbau des Mitgifthauses
auch unter der jungen Generation und den
zuruckgekehrten Migranten von vehementer
Bedeutung war und keineswegs ein ausster­
bender Brauch.
Die Hausmitgift 'prika'
Auf der lnsel Lesbos 1, wie in der gesamten Ost­
Agais und auf den Kykladen2 war und ist es
bauerliche Tradition, daB jede Frau bei ihrer
Hochzeit auBer der Aussteuer, die vor allem
Bett- und Tischwasche, Decken, Teppiche usw.
umfaBt und in der Regel von den jungen
Madchen selbst angefertigt wird, eine Mitgift ­
die 'prika' - in Form eines Hauses bekommt,
worin ihre zukunftige Familie wohnen wird .
Durch Arbeitsmigration konnen heute auch
ehemals armere Familien das Geld fur ein neu­
es Haus oder eine Eigentumswohnung in der
Stadt aufbringen und erreichen damit zugleich
eine Statusverbesserung3. Die Arbeitsmigra-
Fig. 2. Ein Haus wird Mit­
giftshaus.
tion hatte bei vielen Familien gerade dieses
Ziel, genug Geld zu erarbeiten, urn der oder den
Tochtern neu gebaute Hauser mit in die Ehe
geben zu ktinnen.
Diese Tradition der Hausmitgift war ur­
spriinglich nur im tistlichen Griechenland zu
finden. Im Norden und Westen Griechenlands
herrschte Patrilokalitat. Hier muBte der Ehe­
mann fur eine Wohnstatt sorgen, d.h. die Braut
zog zum Brautigam bzw. zu den Schwiegerel­
tern4. Etwa nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wurde
es nach und nach in ganz Griechenland obliga­
torisch und besonders auch in den Stadten, der
Braut ein Haus bzw. eine Eigentumswohnung
mit in die Ehe zu geben. Du Boulay beschreibt
wie auf der Insel Euboa in den 60er Jahren eine
Eigentumswohnung in Athen der Traum aller
jungen Madchen ist und die Vater durchaus
gewillt sind, diesen Traum durch Fabrikarbeit
in Deutschland Realitat werden zu lassen, urn
damit den Tochtern vor allem die 'schmutzige'
bauerliche Arbeit im Dorf zu ersparen (du Bou­
lay 1974; 1983).
Auch wenn eine Familie auf Lesbos schon
ein leerstehendes Haus aus der weiblichen Li­
nie in ihrem Besitz hat - etwa von der verstor­
benen GroBmutter -, das fiir die Thchter nur
noch renoviert werden miiBte, nehmen viele
Familien heute doch die finanzielle Anstren­
gung auf sich, eine Eigentumswohnung in der
Kreisstadt oder gar in Athen zu kaufen, urn der
Tochter eine Statusverbesserung durch Hyper­
gamie zu ermoglichen. Das Haus im Dorf wird
aber in den seltensten Fallen verkauft und
auch Vermietungen sind nicht die Regel. Das
Haus steht leer und damit bereit, irgendwann
wieder als Mitgift-Haus zu dienen. Oder - was
in den letzten Jahren haufiger vorkommt -
wenn die Tochter im Alter nach der Pensio­
nierung ihres Mannes a us der Kreisstadt oder
aus Athen wieder ins Dorf ziehen will, dann
wird das leerstehende alte Haus renoviert und
dient nun als Alterswohnsitz5• Die Tradition
der Haus-Mitgift hat also im Zusammenhang
mit der Arbeitsmigration wieder an Bedeutung
gewonnen und ist gerade auch in den GroBstad­
ten aktueller denn je. Dariiberhinaus ermog­
licht es eine Art 'lebenszyklisches Pendeln' zwi­
schen Heimatdorf und Ausland bzw. griechi­
scher GroBstadt.
Gegen diesen Brauch der Hausmitgift hat es
in den 70er Jahren in Griechenland vor all em in
den GroBstadten von feministischer Seite her
Proteste gegeben6• Es wurde argumentiert, daB
die Frauen durch die 'prika' Opfer von Mitgift­
j agern wiirden, und daB sie in den Verhand-
133
lu ngen i.ibcr d i e Hlihc dcr M i tgi f'i, d ie zwisch en
dcm Bra u tigam b:t.w. :; e i n c m Vate r und d e m
Vater d c r B raut ofli z i e l l gefi.i h rt werden , w i c
einc Ware vcrschachert w i.i rden . Dari.i bcrh inaus
hatten arme Madchen ohne H a u s kc i n c C h a n ce
eincn Ehem a n n zu fi ndcn7. Un d a u f3 crcl c m
wi.irdc schon die Geburt cines M adchcns d urch
diesc H aus m i t gi ft von den Eltcrn als Kata­
strophe empfi.mdcn, so d a f.l sie von klein auf
unerwiinscht und wenig geliebt waren.
I n wieweit diese Protc:;te bewirkt h abcn , da[\
heute die Hausmi tgi f'i n icht mohr gcsctzU ich
verankert ist, sci dahingestcllt . Trotzdem
wi.i nschen ge rade hcutc die Frauen diese Mit­
gif't und ?:war Tochtcr wic Mi.ittcr u n d unab­
han gi g von dcr rca len Existc n z cines zu kiinf'ti ­
gen Ehemannes. Un d die Familicn u n te rn eh ­
mcn in der Tat gro f3c An stren gungcn, ein Haus
odor cine Eigcntumswoh n u ng bci dcr Hochzcit
bercitzustellen. Dies tiiten sie sichernicht, wenn
nebcn dem scheinbar objcktivcn Grund, da/3 die
Frischverheirateten j a irgendwo wohnen miis­
sen, nicht auch noch andere s ubjektive Griinde
fiir die Hausmitgift sprechen wiirden. Auf Les­
bosjcdenfalls spiel t in den Di skussionen urn die
Mitgift wie sie von den Frauen gefiihrt wird, die
Furcht vor Mitgiftjiigem oder die Vorstellung
ein unerwiinschtes Geschlecht zu sein, keine
Rolle. lch mochte nun zeigen, warum im Gegen­
teil zu den eben wiedergegebenen Argumenten,
die Stellungder Frau gerade durch die Hausmit­
gift gestarkt wird bzw. Ausdruck dieser Starke
ist - sowohl in bezug auf die Familie als auch im
Rahmen der Dorfgemeinschaft.
Die Hausmitgift in einem Dorf auf
Lesbos
Die griechische Familie ist eine patrizentrisch
organisierte. Der Vater ist der Repriisentant
der gesamten Familie, er ist der erste, 'o protos',
und Frau und Kinder verhalten sich ihm ge­
geniiber in der O ffentlichkeit auch entspre­
chend. Durch die Hausmitgift aber entsteht -
sozusagen inoffiziell - eine besondere Verbin­
dung zur miitterlichen Linie. Fiir die meisten
alten Hauser im Dorf laBt sich aufzeigen, daB
sie schon in der vierten oder fiinften Generation
von der Mutter auf die Tochter iibergegangen
sind. In jeder Generation wurde das Haus un-
134
tor dcr Reg i e d e :; d a w gc kom m e nc n Fami l i e n­
v a t e r::; u n d m i t den E rsp a rn i s s e n d e r Fa m i l ie
ren o v i e rt , umgebaut u n d a u f de n Stand der
aktuel len Wohn bcdiirfn i sse gebracht, s o ebB
j cd e r Vater cs d a n n w i cdcr n f li z icl l a l s s e i n e
Mitgifi an die Tochtcr prascnticren konntc (vgl .
Kr as berg 1995 ).
Die Gcburt ci n c r Tochtcr bedeu tct. f'i.i r d i e
Fam ilie also in der Tat den Beginn einer g ro t.! en
wirtschaftlichen Anstrengung. Sie muss mit
ihrer Arbeit l an gs te n s binncn zwei J a h r7. ch n ­
tcn sovicl G eld crwirtschaf'tcn, dal.l sic c n twe­
der ein neues Haus bauen oder zumindest i hr
cigen es u m bauc n lassen kann. Die zwcitc Lo­
s u n g bcde utct dann n och zusatzli ch , daf3 die
Eliern u n d d i e n och unvcrhcirateten Gosch wi­
ster in ein and cres Haus ?:iehen m i.i sscn . Au ch
hier entstehcn u n ter Umstan den Kosten fi.ir
Renovicrung und Umbau.
Aber - und dadurch relativiert sich diese
wirtschaftliche Anstrengung - jede Fam ilie
fangt sozusagen im 'gemachten Nest' an, und
ihre i:ikonomischen Bemiihungen geltcn dann
ausschlieHlich den Kindem und insbesondere
den Madchen . Wcnn Jack Goody von den Kin­
dem als 'raison d'etre' der christlichen Familie
des Mittelmeerraumes spricht (Goody 1986:
169), so wird dies bier besonders deutlich . Der
wirtschaftliche Erfolg einer Familie wird durch
die Kinder - die Ti:ichter - reprasentiert und
nicht von den eigentlichen Urhebem, den El­
tem. Oder - aus anderer Perspektive heraus
betrachtet - die Friichte der Arbeit von (Ehe-)
Mann und (Ehe-)Frau materialisieren sich nicht
nur, sondern bekommen auch eine ethische
Dimension: das Ansehen und der soziale Status
der Tochter sind gleichbedeutend mit Ansehen
und Status des Vaters und umgekehrt. Und
Vater, die sich im Zusammenhang mit der Hoch­
zeit ihrer Tochter nicht gro/3ziigig verhalten,
geraten durchaus unter sozialen Druck, denn
Hochzeitsverhandlungen sind immer auch halb
i:iffentlich.
Im Rahmen dieser Hausmitgift bekommt
die Beziehung zwischen Vater und Tochter eine
starke emotionale Betonung. Zwar tritt der
Sohn in die FuBstapfen seines Vaters in der
Weiterfii hrung der Familie in der patrilinear
strukturierten Gesellschaft und arbeitet oft
auch mit ihm zusammen, das emotionale Ver-
Fig. 3. Nachbarinnen beim
Gesprach auf der Gas�c.
haltnis von Vater und Sohn aber ist kulturell
als ein distanziertes angelegt. So vermeiden
Vater und Sohn es auch heute noch, etwa im
gleichen Kaffeehaus zu sitzen. In der Bezie­
hung zur Tochter dagegen besteht die Mtiglich­
keit eines nahen herzlichen Umgangs mitein­
ander, auch wenn - oder gerade weil - diese
Beziehung traditionell mit vielen moralischen
Tabus belegt ist. Aber die Tochter verktirpert
sozusagen das materielle Lebensziel des Va­
ters . Und diese Beziehung kann auch nach der
Hochzeit bestehen bleiben.
Mit der Mtiglichkeit, im Ausland Geld zu
verdienen und der Ausweitung dieses Mitgift­
brauchs tiber die regionalen Grenzen des tistli­
chen Griechenlands hinaus auf das ganze Land,
hat sich auch eine bessere Versorgung der Stih­
ne durchgesetzt. Frti.her bekamen in den land­
lichen Gebieten die Stihne in der Regel ein
Stuck Land und Vieh bei der EheschlieBung
oder wurden im Handwerksbetrieb der Eltern
beteiligt, so daB sie fti.r das materielle Wohl
ihrer Familie sorgen konnten. Auch heute be­
kommen sie noch ein Stuck Land fur denAnbau
von Gemti.se und die obligatorischen Oliven­
baume, wichtiger aber ist es geworden, den
Stihnen irgend eine Art von Geschaft zu ermtig­
lichen. Sei es, daB ihnen ein Taxi von den Eltern
gekauft wird oder ein Ladenlokal gebaut oder
gemietet wird, in dem sie Handel betreiben
ktinnen8• Zumindest aber bekommen sie heute
eine Handwerksausbildung, was unter ande­
rem auch bedeutet, daB sie ihre Arbeitskraft
dem bauerlichen Familienbetrieb nicht mehr
zur Verfti.gung stellen ktinnen. Die Eltern mti.s­
sen also nicht nur arbeiten, urn die Ttichter
materiell gut zu versorgen, auch die Stihn c
fordern heute ein 'Startkapital' fur die Ehe.
Eine Entwicklung, die die Kindzentriertheit
der Familie noch verstarkt hat. Wobei aber
hinzugefti.gt werden muss, daB sich auch auf
dem Lande Griechenlands die Zwei-Kinder­
Familie immer mehr durchsetzt. Eine Entwick­
lung zu der der gesellschaftliche Druck, Ttich­
ter und Stihne materiell gut zu versorgen, zwei­
fellos beigetragen hat.
Das sah frti.her - etwa in der Zeit vor dem
Zweiten Weltkrieg - anders a us . Da waren die
Familien kinderreicher und die Stihne muBten
mit ihrer Arbeit in der bauerlichen Familie
dazu beitragen, daB die S chwestern ihre
Hausmitgift bekommen konnten, und erst wenn
alle Schwestern verheiratet waren, konnten
auch die Bruder eine Familie grti.nden. AuBer
einem Stuck Land und Vieh aus dem Familien­
besitz - wobei auch die Ttichter oft noch ein
Stuck Land bekamen - brachten diese nichts
mit in die Ehe . Sie wurden zwar rechtlich Besit­
zer des Hauses ihrer Frau - mit dieser zusam­
men -, da das Haus aber praktisch und ideell
als die ureigenste Domane der Frau angesehen
wurde ( und das gilt heute noch), muB man eher
135
sagc n , d a B d i e Mi1nncr wie e i n Gust i m eigencn
Huus lcb(i)cn . A u l.\cr ihrcm Pl atz am E Btisch
und dcr Halt"te des ehcl i chcn Bettes steht ihnen
a uch hc utc kcin Ru u m i m Haus zur Verfi.igung.
lm Fall einer Ehcschcidung m u Bte damals (und
ha ute ) der Mann das Haus verlassen und ver­
such c n , bei weiblichen Verw andten Unter­
sch l u pfzu finden . So ist es nicht vcrwunderlich,
wcnn die alteren Manner im Dorf sagen, sie
batten zwar alle hart fi.ir die Hauser arbeiten
mi.isscn, aber gchorcn tate ihnen keins , sie
gehorten aile ihren Schwestern u n d Ehefrauen
(Krasberg 1989). Diese fast 'abhangige' Stellung
dcr Manner wird auch daran deutlich, daB es
nur sehr wenige unverheiratete Manner gibt.
In dem Dorf auf Lesbos gibt es drei Junggesel­
len, deren 'Schicksal' allgemein bedauert wird .
Bei den mehr als drei unverheiratetenlge­
schiedenen Frauen dagegen wird kein AnlaJ3
des Bedauerns gesehen. Sie haben ihre Hauser
und fiihren alle im Rahmen der 'weiblichen
Domane' der Dorfgesellschaft ein selbstandiges
Leben.
Sehen wir uns die Familie auf dem Land an,
die Arbeitsteilung zwischen Mann und Frau
und ihre j eweilige Stellung in der Dorfgemein­
schaft: Auf dem Lande kommt dem Haushalt
und damit der ibn fiihrenden Hausfrau tradi­
tionell eine groBe Bedeutung zu. Nach wie vor
wird der i.iberwiegende Teil der Lebensmittel
selbst hergestellt: Kase, Yoghurt, Nudeln, Ge­
back und Si.issigkeiten, Wein und nati.irlich
wird der Gemi.ise- und Obstbedarf der Familie
aus dem eigenen Garten erwirtschaftet, eige­
nes Olivenol wird hergestellt, Eier und zum Teil
das Fleisch kommen ebenfalls aus eigener Pro­
duktion. Somit werden die Grundbedi.irfnisse
des Lebens - Wohnen und Ernahrung9 - in der
Hauptsache von den Frauen sicher gestellt.
Jede Frau arbeitet in ihrem Haus fi.ir ihre
Familie, aber soweit es geht zusammen mit den
N achbarinnen. Diese N achbarschaftsgruppen
sind Solidargemeinschaften, die das ganze Dorf
umspannen. Jede Frau ist darin eingebunden
und verbringt mit ihnen in der Regel mehr Zeit
als mit dem Ehemann. In ihrer N achbarschafts­
gruppe erfahrt sie Anerkennung fiir ihre Ar­
beit, mit ihr lebt und arbeitet sie. So ist der
Wohnbereich der Dorfer, der praktisch iden­
tisch ist mit dem Dorf insgesamt - lediglich die
136
Hauptstra Be, die Platze u nd die KafJchi.i user
s i nd den Man n ern reserv i ert - der Leben:;- und
Arbeitsbereich der Frauen. Der Ehe m a n n ist
zwar jeweils das Oberhaupt der Fami l i e - und
daran zweifelt niemand - aber sein Lcbens­
und Arbeitsbereich licgt auBcrhalb des bcbau­
tcn Teils des Dorfes. Dort, wo er seiner Arbeit
als Schafer nachgeht und den Gcmi.isega rten
der Familie bewirtsch aftet . Oder, i s t e r
Handwerker und hat eine Werkstatt im Dorf,
dann ist dies der Platz wo er seine Tagc ver­
bringt, unterbrochen von Autcnthaltcn im Kaf­
fehaus.
Als Bauersfrau batten die Frauen im Dorf
schon i mmer eine wescntli che okonom i sche
Rolle. Diese Stellung der Frau hat sich h a ute
inhaltlich gewandelt aber nicht an Bedeutung
verloren. Mit der Heirat beginnt das eigcn tli­
che Arbeitsleben der Frau, das meist an der
Arbeit ihres Ehemannes orientiert ist10, ihr
aber auch die Moglichkeit laBt, einer eigenen
Verdienstmoglichkeit nachzugehen, was heute
immer mehr an Bedeutung gewinnt. So arbei­
ten die Frauen heute im Dorf nicht nur im
Geschaft ihres Mannes mit, im Kaffehau s , in
der B ackerei oder Metzgerei - den traditionell
mannlichen Domanen -, sie eroffnen durchaus
auch eigene Geschafte sowohl im Dorf als auch
in der Kreisstadt. So entstanden im Dorf in den
letzten Jahren ein Laden mit Handarbeitsarti­
keln, ein Laden mit Haushaltsgeraten und ein
Laden mit dem Sortiment eines Kiosks wie
Zeitschriften, Zigaretten, Si.issigkeiten usw. im
Dorf, die alle ausschlieBlich von Frauen gefi.ihrt
werden. Eine andere hat auf dem Familien­
grundsti.ick am Meer eine Touristenpension
eroffnet und verdient in den Sommermonaten
genausoviel Geld wie ihr Mann mit seiner
Schreinerei im Dorf ( vgl. Salamone & Stan ton
1986).
Das Startkapital fiir diese Unternehmen wird
oft im Ausland verdient. Andererseits hat die
Familie aber auch dadurch, daB sie im 'gemach­
ten Nest' eines vollstandig mtibilierten Hauses
ihren Anfang nimmt, eine gute B asis, urn wirt­
schaftliche Unternehmungen zu beginnen. Und
daB eine Frau tatkriiftig mitarbeitet, ist nicht
ungewtihnlich. Auch wenn in der mannlichen
Dorf6ffentlichkeit die Familienvater sozusa­
gen die Wohlhabenheit der Familie reprasen-
Fig. 4. Nachbarschaftskooperation.
tieren, und sie diejenigen sind, die z.B. die
Mitgiftverhandlungen vor der Hochzeit fuhren,
so weiB doch jeder und jede im Dorf, welchen
Anteil die einzelne Frau am Florieren des Wirt­
schaftsbetriebs 'Familie' hat.
Die soziale Anerkennung, die ein Ehepaar
bei der Hochzeit der Tochter genieBt, deren
festlicher Verlauf stets im vollstiindig einge­
richteten Mitgifthaus der Tochter beginnt, ist
offensichtlich so stark, daB diese sogar den
Umzug der Eltern in ein oftmals bescheidene­
res Haus ausgleichen kann. Und andererseits
muB man sehen, daB eine Tochter, die erlebt wie
ihre Eltern daftir arbeiten, daB sie ein ange­
messenes Haus mit in die Ehe bekommt, mit
Sicherheit keine Minderwertigkeitsgeftihle ent­
wickelt (wie von den Gegnerinnen des Mitgift­
brauchs postuliert wurde), sondern im Gegen­
teil, sich bewuBt wird, welche starke Bedeu­
tung ihre Person sowohl fur ihre Herkunftsfa­
milie, als auch als Mitglied der Dorfgemein­
schaft hat. Den Brauch der Hausmitgift ab­
zuschaffen, kann also weder im Interesse der
Tochter noch im Interesse von Vater und Mut-
ter liegen . Er ist sowohl Ausdruck moralischer
Orientierung - der Kindzentriertheit der Fa­
milie - als auch Ausdruck des wirtschaftlichen
Erfolges von Mann und Frau in der Familie .
Die Tradition der Hausmitgift stiirkt also
sowohl die Stellung der Tochter in der Familie
als auch die Stellung der Frau in der Dorfge­
meinschaft und stellt dartiberhinaus ja auch
den besonderen Bezug zwischen Vater und Toch­
ter her. Der RufnachAbschaffung der Hausmit­
gift ist im Zusammenhang mit Tendenzen der
Modernisierung der griechischen Gesellschaft
nach westlicher Art zu sehen. Offensichtlich
aber ist die kulturelle Eigendynamik der griechi­
schen Gesellschaft und ihr Selbstverstiindnis
weitaus starker als der eher abstrakte Wunsch,
'westlich zu sein'. Der heutige Umgang mit der
'prika' ist ein gewandelter, ein 'moderner'. Die
Eigentumswohnung in der Stadt oder der kom­
fortable Neubau eines Einfamilienhauses im
Dorf - erworben und gebaut mit Geldern aus
der Arbeitsmigration - zeugen davon.
Das SelbstbewuBtsein griechischer Frauen
hat seine Wurzeln zweifelsohne in ihrer Stellung
137
in dcr gri cch ischcn GcRc l lsch u ft R O wie sic tra­
d i t i on c l l i n tcrprcticrt w i rd . D i e Hau�;m itgi ft
und das Haus als weiblichc Domane sind die
Materi alisierung dcr kulturellen Idee von der
Stel l un g dcr Frau. Dicse Stcllung ist sozusagen
als 'Lccrstellc' in dcr Gcsellsch aft vorgesehen
und vorgcgebcn und jcdc Frau kann sie nach
Beli cbcn ausfi.illcn, abcr immcr im cntsprc­
chenden Rahmen . Innerhalb dieses Rahmens
hat sie Macht, geht sie daruber hinaus - und
Eman zipation im westlic h en Sinn bedeutet das
U bersc h reiten gcse l l schaftl ich festgesetzter
Grcn zen - verliert sie ihre Macht und ihre
Stel l u ng in der Gesell scha ft uberhaupt. Es ist
nicht verwundcrlich, dafi die Tradition dcr
Hausmitgift nicht ausstirbt. Die wirtschaftli ­
che Anstrengung lohnt sich fUr aile Beteiligten :
Die Frauen bekommen ihre Hauser und die
Manner als Vater die Ehrc . Am wenigsten posi­
tiv wirkt sich allerdings die Hausmitgift auf
den Ehemann aus. Auch wenn bei oberflachli­
cher Betrachtung es so scheinen mag als sei er
der cigentlich Begunstigte beim Mitgiftbrauch.
Er bckommt zwar zu seiner Braut ein Haus
dazu und wird auch formal der Besitzer. Nach
eigenem Gutdunken tatsachlich daruber ver­
ftigen kann er in der Praxis aber nicht. Das
kann er nur im Einverstandnis mit seiner Frau.
Auf der emotionalen Ebene kommt er von auBen
dazu und muB sich seine Stellung als Hausherr
und Vater erst erarbeiten. Erst in der Rolle des
Mitgift gebenden Vaters ist er dann auf dem
Hohepunkt seiner formalen Macht und seines
Prestiges .
Die griechische Gesellschaft - sowohl auf dem
Land wie in der Stadt - weist dem Mann offizi­
ell die erste Rolle zu. Diese wird vor all em in der
O ffentlichkeit von Mannern und Frauen in Sze­
ne gesetzt11• Dieses patriarchalische Schauspiel
findet sein Gegengewicht in der Stellung der
Frau in Haus und Familie, wobei 'Familie' auch
ein Geschaft, d.h. einen selbstandigen Verdienst
der Frau fur die Familie umfassen kann. In
dieser kulturellen Idealvorstellungvon der Rolle
von Mann und Frau, nii.mlich daB sie zusam­
men den 'Wirtschaftsbetrieb Familie'zum Wohle
der Kinder leiten und zwar jeder mit seinen
festumrissenenAufgaben, ist eine gewisse Selb­
stii.ndigkeit der Frau vorgegeben. Solange das,
138
was sie tut, als ctwas angc�;chcn worden kunn,
das dcm Woh l dcr Fam i l i e dicnt, ist sic ungc�;e­
hen und hat einen sicheren Platz. So hat die
Frau im Rahmen der Familic die Mogli ch kcit,
einen eigenen Lebensentw u rf zu gestalte n . So­
lange sich die Frau nicht gegen die Fam i lie
entschcidet, ist die Hausmitgi ft , die ' p r i ka',
sowohl cin Symbol als auch die gan z matc r i c lle
Basis fUr die Starke der Frau .
Anmerkungen
1 . Diesem Aufsab: l i c gt cine Fc l d forsch u n g H l l f der
gr i ech i sc hc n Inscl Lcsbos z ugr u n d u , d i u a u s
muhreren muhrmonatigcn Aufenihaliun in den
Jahrcn von 1 98 1 - 1 987 bcsicht und c i n c m cin­
j ahrigen Aufenthalt von 1 988-1 989, rlcr Tci l ei­
ncs Forschun gssiipcn d i u m s der D c u t ::; ch c n For­
schungsgemeinschaft war.
2. Siehe h i erzu besonders d i e Un ters u ch u n g- von
Vernier ( 1984) uber die Erbfolge auf dcr Ky kla­
den-Insel Karpathos , wo bis zum zweiten Welt­
krieg etwa die alicstc 1.bchicr Haus und G r u nd­
besitz erbte und ihre jungeren Geschwi stcr als
Knechte und Magde den Besitz weiter bewirt­
schafieten, wenn sie es nicht vorzogcn n ach
Athen oder ins Ausland arbeiten zu gchc n . Siche
auch Kenna ( 1976).
3. S . du Boulay 1974: Eine Dorfmonographie auf
der Insel Eubtia und 1983: eine Untersuchung
zur traditionellen Mitgift in diesem Ort und
ihrem Wandel zur Hausmitgift ( 1983:263 fD . S .
auch Herzfeld 1980 zur Mitgift.
4. S. Campbell 1964. Auch Hirschon zeigt in ihren
Untersuchungen im stadtischen Milieu von Pi­
raus, daB die Mitgift in Form einer eigenen
Kuche fur das neuverheiratete Paar von groBer
Bedeutung isi (Hirschon 1983 ) . Eine gewisse
Ausnahme bildet das in den GroBstadten Ende
des letzten Jahrhunderts entstehendc Burger­
tum: hier wurde schon fruh die Bedeutung einer
guten Mitgift beim Einheiraten in reiche und
machtige stadtische Familien gesehen, wie Sant
Cassia und B ada 1992 am Beispiel Athens zei­
gen .
5. Die Einsicht, daB leerstehende Hauser nicht in
j edem Fall ein Zeichen fur das 'Sterben' eines
Dorfes durchAbwanderung sind, wurde mir erst
bewuBt, nachdem ich uber Jahre hinweg immer
wieder in das gleiche Dorf gekommen war und
erlebt hatte, wie Hauser als Mitgift wieder in­
stand gesetzt wurden und Ehepaare, die aus der
Arbeitsmigration in Deutschland nach Athen
gegangen waren nun plotzlich ein Haus aus dem
erweiterten Familienbeitz renovierten und ins
Dorf zuruck zogen.
 6. S. d i 1 • Z u s a m m e n t:rsfH.tnJ.: d i eser D i s kussion von
S;�v r: u u i s 1 97 2 : 1 fi2 f.
7. D ie let.zt.e griech ische Kun i gi n An n a -M a r i a hat.Le
einen Fond e i n �-:ericht.eL, a us dem armc griec h i ­
sche Miidchen c i n e ' p r i ka' beko m m e n kon nten ,
urn e i n e n E h e m a n n w linden . E s gab u n d gibt.
aber :wch j u nge F ra u e n , die zu Ve r w a n d te n ins
Aus l a n d geh e n , um sel bst. i h r·c 'pri ka' ;o: u verd i c­
nen . U n d n a t.li rl ich h a L cs i m mc r :.ruch Miidchcn
ge gc b c n die o h n c ' p r i ka ' c i n o n gut.cn �: h c m a n n
gefu nden h a b e n . Von i h nc n w u rdc ge sa gt , sic
gehon ' n a ckt.' in die E h e .
8. Hio rfli r s t o h t die pos i ti v e E n t.wi ckl u ng, die dor
Hancle l in don sUid t. i ::;chen Zentren a u f cl e m Lan­
de - ge rade a u c h a u f der· l n sel Lesbos - ge mac h t
haL: Die E ! Lern habcn i n der Arbeit.smigration
gen u g G cl d c ra rbeit.et. u n d ge s pa r t., u m n i cht nur
den 'l'iicht.e r n ein Haus miL in die Ehe zu geben,
so n d e m auch , urn d i e Sii h n e m i L e i n o m Geschiift.
in der n iichsten Kl e i n s t.a dt. w ct.abl i e ro n (s. Kras­
berg 1 980 und 1992).
9 . Es ist. in bezug auf die Diskussion urn den sozia­
len Wa n d e l i nt.eressant., da/3 ge r ade die Frauen,
die lange im Ausland gelebt haben und dort mit
der Problematik der Rei nheit der Lebensmittel
konfront.iert waren, i m Dorf die traditionelle
Eigenproduktion von Nahrungsmitteln wieder
schatzon.
10. Stott beschreibt am Beispiel der Insel Mykonos
berufliche Heiratsendogamie. Fischer-, Schafer­
und B;�uernfamilien heiraten u ntereinander. Die
Familien verstehen sich als Wirtschaftsbetrieb,
in dem Mann und Frau miteinander arbeiten,
und in ihrer jeweiligen Herkunftsfamilie ihre
'Facharbeiter-Ausbildung' bekommen (Stott
1973).
1 1 . Um einen lastigen fahrenden Handler loszuwer­
den, sagte eine meiner N achbarinnen aufLesbos
zu ihm :,Mein Mann hat mir verboten, das zu
kaufen!"
Literatur
du Boulay, Juliet 1974: Portrait of a Mountain Vil­
lage. Oxford.
du Boulay, Juliet 1983: The Meaning of Dowery:
Changing Values of Rural Greece. In: Journal of
Modern Greek Studies: 243-70.
Campbell, J.K. 1964 : Honour, Family, and Patron­
age. A Study of Institutions and Moral Values in a
Greek Mountain Community. Oxford.
Goo dy, ,Jack 1 986: Die En twiddu nf.f von Elw u n d
Fn. m ilie in Eu.ropn.. Berl i n .
1-lerzlu l d , Michael 1 980: The Do w ry i n G reece : Tcr m i ­
n n l ogi cil l Usage a n d Historical Reconstruct i o n . I n :
Eth nuh istury: 225-2 4 1 .
Hi rscho n , Ren e 1 9 8 3 : Under o n e Roof: M a r r i age,
Dowry, and F m11 i l y Re l ation s in P i raeus. In: D .
Ken ny & M. Kcrtzcr (cds): Urbn.n. Li{e in Mediter­
ranean Europe. Urbana: 299-323.
Ken n a , M ;� rgilrcL 1 976 : H o u s e s , Fiel d s , a n d G raves:
Prope rty and Ritual Obligations on Greek b l a n d .
I n : Eth n o l ogy : 2 1-34.
Kmsbcrg, Ulrikc 1 980: lch m ache die Nru:ht zu. m Tag.
Em n. nz ip n.tion n n d. Arbeitsemif.fm tion. Griech isclw
Frauen in Griechenland und Deutschland. F ra n k­
forUM.
Krasbcrg, Ulrike 1989: Tradition und Mode r n e i n
Griechen land. Von stadtischen Lebensidealen u nd
den Bcdingungen des Lebens auf dcm La n d , v o n
Arbeitsmigranten und dorflichcr Hcimat. I n : An. ­
th rop os: 433-46.
Krasberg, Ulrike 1992: Arbeitsmigration und sozia­
ler Wandel in einer Kreisstadt im landlichen G r i e­
chenland. In: Anthropos: 223-2 3 1 .
Krasberg, Ulrike 1992a: Auch in Griechenland: Gc­
trennte Welten der Manner und der Frauen. In: Ver
Fremde : 168-174.
Krasberg, Ulrike 1993: Emanzipation oder Diskri m i ­
nierung? Zur Situation griechischer Frauen in
Deutschland. In: R. Rausch (ed . ) :
Frauen, Sexuali­
tat und Mutterschaft in der Ersten und Dritten
Welt. Marburg: 148-64.
Krasberg, Ulrike 1996: Kalithea. Mann und Frau in
einem griechischen Dorf FrankfurUM. (Im Druck)
Salamone, S . B . & J . B . Stanton 1986: Introducing the
'nikokyra': Ideality and Reality in Social Process.
In: J. Dubisch (ed.):Gender and Power in Rural
Greece. Princeton: 97- 120.
Sant Cassia, Paul & Constantina Bada 1992: The
Making of the Modern Greek Family: Marriage and
Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Athens. C ambrid­
ge.
S av ra m i s , D e m o s te n e s 1 9 7 2 : Das sogenannte
schwache Geschlecht. Miinchen.
Stott, MargaretA. 1973 : Economic Transition and the
Family in Mykonos. In: Greek Review of Social
Research: 122-33.
Vernier, Bernard 1984: Vom rechten Gebrauch der
Verwandten und der Verwandtschaft: Die Zirkula­
tion von Giitern, Arbeitskraften und Vornamen auf
Karpathos (Griechenland). In: H. Medick & D .
Sabean (eds): Emotionen und materielle lnteressen.
Sozialanthropologische und historische Beitrage
zur Familienforschung. Gottingen: 55- 1 1 2 .
139

Summary
In G reece a marriage contract traditionally
contains a house or an apparimeni, which is
given by the brid e's father and is a part of her
dow ry. This dow ry - 'pri ka' - was seen by Greek
fem i n ists in the 70s as to barter away the
woman and was severely critizised. But never­
theless the 'prika' is becoming more and more
important. Today no girl will marry without a
'prika' and normally a girl's father will not deny
a 'prika' thai means at least a house or an
appartment. This development is due to the
increasing possibility to earn money either in
Greece or elsewhere in Europe . Therefore, to
del iver a house for their daughter's marriage is
140
one of the most prestigious paren tal acts in
Greece today. The 'prika' tradition in a modern
sense, shows the economical successful work of
a family. Economic success is combined w i ih the
cultural status of a woman: House and h o u se­
hold are the indigenious domain of women, men
only have a place at the table and in the m a r i tal
bed, but they spend the day outside the h o use.
Men in the Greek village say, we all worked for
these houses (in the village), but we don't owe
them, they belong to our wives or daughters . So
the ideological and economic connection be­
tween women and house(hold) can be seen as a
real counterpart to the patriarchal gestu s of
men in public.
La fete de la Sainte-C atherine a Paris dans
les Annees folies vue a travers la presse
Anne Monjaret

Monj aret, Anne 1995: La fete de la Sainte-Catherine a Paris dans les Annecs ful lm;
vue a travers l a presse. - Ethnologia Europaea 25: 141-1 5 5 .

Celebree tous les 25 novembre p a r l e s catherinettes, celibataires d e 25 a n s , p a r lm;

ouvrieres e t l e s employees, la fete de sainte Catherine connait dans l e s annccK
1920 une expansion considerable qui en fait une veritable institution parisicnnc
que la presse ne manque pas de commenter. En ces Annees folles, defiles, bals,
concours de chapeau de Catherinette et marches de Catherinettes animeni Ia
capitale qui devient, dans un tel contexte, terrain a des debordements. L'Egl isc
scandalisee reagit et s'empresse, afin prone-t-elle de retrouver l'ordre, de reactivcr
des messes en l'honneur de sainte Catherine.
Cet article examine done une fete traditionnelle en mouvance a travers les discours
de la presse de l'epoque et montre ainsi son role dans le developpement des
festivites urbaines .

Anne Monjaret, Docteur en ethnologie, Membre associe du Centre d'ethnologie

franr;aise (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique I Musee National des Arts
et Traditions Populaires), 6 avenue du Mahatma Gandhi, F-75116 Paris Cedex
France.

La Sainte-Catherine1, celebree le 25 novembre, Paris comme pour mieux stimuler ce temps de

et ce depuis le Moyen-Age, se definit comme la
rete des filles a marier et des vieilles filles, celles
dont on dit qu'elles "coiffent sainte Catherine".
De nombreux cultes, aux vertus propitiatoires,
s'observent, a cette occasion, sur le territoire
fran�ais. Ainsi, les jeunes filles se rendaient
dans les eglises pour coiffer d'une couronne la
statue de leur sainte patronne. A Paris a la fin
du XIXe siecle, les milieux professionnels fe­
minins, et en particulier de la mode, adoptent
tout naturellement sainte Catherine comme
patronne. Chaque annee, c'est !'ensemble des
ouvrieres de l'aiguille, encore appelees "midi­
nettes", qui fetent la Sainte-Catherine. Les
"catherinettes", celibataires agees de 25 ans,
re�oivent ce jour-la un chapeau vert et j aune,
couleurs de la sainte.
Dans les annees 1920, la fete connait une
expansion considerable. Periode de profondes
transformations politique, ecomonique, sociale,
mais aussi artistique, cette decennie se caracte­
rise par l'euphorie generale qui conduisit a
qualifier cette periode "d'Annees folies". L'elite
culturelle, artistes et ecrivains, se retrouve a
la creativite et des audaces. La communication
de masse (presse, radio, cinema, publicite) se
developpe et joue un important role dans les
changements sociaux et culture! qui s'operent a
ce moment-lit. Etudiants (Quat'z art), couturie­
res ( Sainte-Catherine) et employees (Fete des
dactylos en 1925, Bal des catherinettes dactylo­
graphes en 1926) et autres corps profession­
nels, tous, en ce lendemain de guerre, semblent
avoir besoin de se reunir, de se divertir. Aussi,
les fetes, les bals et les manifestations sportives
se multiplient. La musique par de nouveaux
rythmes (Fox-trot, Charleston) pousse a la fete.
La rete vient comme pour faire la separation
entre deux temps, celui de guerre et celui du re­
commencement. Apres une rude periode, la de­
compression s'amorce qui poussee a !'extreme
prend les formes non seulement d'un divertisse­
ment, maisegalementd'undebordement. La mise
en place d'un ordre institutionnel canalise pro­
gressivement le desordre collectif. La Sainte­
Catherine n'echappepas a ce mouvement. Apres
les annees 1925, elle sera encadree par differen­
tes instances, ecclesiastique ou policiere.

141
 En cc::; a n ncc::;-l a , l cs n om brc u scs m a n i festa­
ti o n s de Ia Sai n tc-Cath cri n c-cortcgcs, m arches
de::; cathcri nette s , bats ct concu u rs-animent la
cu p i ta l c . La tete occupc Lo u ::; l e::; e::;paces de la
v i l le, de !'atelier :) Ia rue. S i e n sortant dans la
rue , Ia fete c l argit son p u b l i c , c'csL aussi grace a
I' action des journ a u x q u'cl l c tend a devenir plus
popu l a i rc , con nuc de n om breux Parisiens .
L'oQjcctif de eeL article c::;t d'analyser, au­
deJa de !'aspect documentaire de Ia presse dans
le�; Annces folic�;, lc role des journaux dans le
dev e l o ppcment de�; festiv iLes u rbaines, mais
aussi de cerner les representations de la fete
dont its sont porie urs . L'a n alyse de la presse
permet de degager u n e i m age des evenements
qui sc sont succedes s u r u n e periode de plus de
dix ans et de percevoir les polemiques engend­
rees par les debordements festifs . Cette analyse
connait, certes, des limites dues aux materiaux
utilises et a !'absence d'autres sources qui ser­
viraient de contrepoid s a la vision qu'ils presen­
tent; mais si l'on doit relativiser les faits rappor­
tes , Ia representatio n q u i en ressort, est en elle­
meme parlante et significative de !'opinion de
l'epoque sur des sujets sensibles tels que celui
des moeurs , celui de Ia place de la femme dans
la societe.
Une presse active
La Sainte-Catherine occupe une place de choix
dans la presse nationale et parisienne (L'Echo
de Paris, La Croix, Le Figaro, Le Gaulois,
L'Illustration, Le Journal des debats, L'Oeuure,
Paris-Soir, Le Petit journal, Le Petit Parisien,
Le Temps et Vu ) , dans la pre sse feminine (L'echo
de la mode) et feministe (La Franr.;aise, La Fron­
de), quotidiens , hebdomadaires ou mensuels de
tout bord touchant ainsi un large lectorat. 2 La
"presse de masse" qui cherche done a atteindre
le grand public et a le fideliser, n'a pas seule­
mentjoue un role de mediateur et d'informateur,
limitant son investigation aux comptes-rendus
des evenements, mais elle a egalement partici­
pe au bon deroulement des manifestations et
des fetes en s'y associant. La multiplicite des
informations diffusees durant tout le cycle festif
(les preparatifs, la fete et l'apres-fete) souligne
l'etendue du phenomene. Dans un meme jour­
nal, des articles illustres de croquis, de dessins
142
humorisLiqucs ou de photographics sc s u cccdcnt
sur trois ou q uaLrc j o u rs , Ia Sainte-Catherine
pouvant egalement faire la Une du j o u rnal.
Ain�;i l'Eclw de Paris de 1920 a 1929 avec une
regularite etonnante ne manque pas de couvrir
l'evenement en illustrant parfois les propos des
journalistes de photographies et de dcs�; i n s .
Quelques jours avant l e 25 nove m brc, les
journaux annoncent les diflerentes manifc::;ta­
tions prevues dans la capitale et ne manquent
pas de specifier les lieux et les modalites
d'inscription aux concours, les horaircs des ga­
las et des messes. Ils rappellent aussi les origi­
nes et les pratiques d'antan qui existaienL au­
tour de la Sainte-Catherine. Le cycle festif est
ainsi amorce. L'attente est cultivee, et la fete,
preservee, perpetuee. Elle devient objet publi­
citaire que la presse tend a promouvoir en usant
des procedes de communication.
Mais, le role des journaux ne s'arrete pas la
puisqu'ils parrainent aussi des concours ( 1 925,
Le Matin), des courses ( 1925, Le Petit Parisien),
des spectacles ( 1928, Le Journal), re<;oivenL en
leur sein des catherinettes . Ils participent acti­
vement a la valorisation de cette fete, a son
essor et a sa popularite. Les festivites achevees,
ils en donnent des comptes-rendus . L'objectif
est de sensibiliser le grand public face a cet
evenement, de le rendre accessible a tous , en
autres termes comme l'a dit Edgar Morin ( 1962:
50) a propos des medias, "de vehiculer des
valeurs communes", en !'occurrence, en cette
premiere moitie du siecle, celles qui associent a
la femme, le travail et le mariage .
Au-dela de ses objectifs presents et contextua­
lises, la presse elabore la memoire collective,
celle des parisiens, dont les referents soot fixes
et limites par le discours desjournalistes. Ainsi,
dans ses comptes-rendus, la presse a toujours
privilegie la presentation des celebrations dans
le milieu de la haute couture plutot que dans les
autres milieux professionnels . La Sainte-Ca­
therine est d'abord consideree comme la fete
patronale des couturieres avant d'etre celle des
catherinettes. Le prestige associe a la haute
couture fait rever, l'image vehiculee doit etre
positive et renvoyer a la sphere de l'imaginaire.
La presse a contribue non seulement a
l'instauration et l'essor de la fete dans ce milieu
particulier, mais elle a egalement aide a la
constructi o n d'unc i m age "type" qui lie haute
couture ct S a i nte-Catherin e. Cotto m em o irc
collective c o mple te la memoire individuelle qui
est sans do utc plus aflective. 'routes deux repo­
sent cepcn dant sur des principes selectifs simi­
laires (Ma urice Halbwachs 1950). Les jour­
naux, refl cts de Ia societe, evoluent comme elle .
lis appar ti cn n cn t a la fois au present et au
passe. En figeant des moments de l'histoire, ils
deviennent des elements constitutifs de notre
memoirc , los supports de nos souvenirs .
La prcssc n'a, cepcndant, pas ete le seul
stimulant de la fete, la variete des manifesta­
tions proposees dans la capitale a eu le meme
effet. C'est done l'interdependance des actions
menees q u i ont permis de rendre la fete aussi
populaire .
Des manifestations ludiques ou l'ordre
apparent
La rete renvoie inevitablement a la question du
ludique ct a sa fonction sociale . Les divertisse­
ments, spontanes ou organises, fleurissent dans
tous les coins de la capitale. La fete permet de
se sentir ailleurs, d'echapper provisoirement a
la monotonie quotidienne en comblant par le
jeu (Johan Huizinga 195 1:26) ou par l'imaginaire
une realite parfois difficilement supportable.
Les crises qui ponctuent cette premiere moitie
du siecle, les difficultes economiques et sociales
qui la touchent, renforcent la caractere ludique
des temps voles au travail. La fonction de la fete
est finalement d'aider a accepter toute situa­
tion. Le hal et les manifestations qui s'y gref­
fent, remplissent ces conditions .
Des espaces clos pour mieux se retrouver
A Paris comme dans sa banlieue, les bals de
Sainte-Catherine, bals "publics", rassemblent
la jeunesse; les barrieres sociales se trouvent
momentanement levees. Les etudiants, les
employees s'associent aux festivites des ouvrie­
res. Des salles specialisees, des theatres, des
hotels ouvrent leurs portes pour accueillir les
catherinettes et leurs "supporters"; les plus
celebres sont celles du Luna-Park, du Moulin de
la Galette, du Palais d'Orsay, du Magique City,
du Moulin Rouge, de la Salle Cadet, du Tyrol, de
chez Mimi Pinson, du theatre Marigny, des
Hotels continental et intercontinental, de I a
salle Wa gr a m de I a M u tu a l i te, e t bien d':lU trcs
,
encore . Certaines de ces salles ont aujourd'h ui
disparu ou se sont reconverties en boites de n u it
ou en restaurant. Ces bals ou galas restent,
indifferemment, a !'initiative de maires, dejour­
naux (Le Mat in, Paris Soir, Le Journal, Le petit
Journal), de corporations de metier (couture,
dactylographie, R.A. 'f. P. . . ), d'associations
d'etudiants, de Chambres syndicales , de partis
politiques, et plus tardivement de syndicats
(C.G.'l'. ) . Ces soirees tres influencees par l c
music-hall, sont bien souvent animees par des
vedettes du spectacle comme Josephine Baker.
Les annees 1930 verront defiler sur les plan ­
ches des personnalites telles que Maurice Che­
valier, Fernandel . . . En 1927, L'Oeuvre signale
que deux ministres du gouvernement, e n
}'occurrence 'fardieu et Bokanowski, ont ouvcrt
un bal. Les benefices de ces manifestations
reviennent parfois a des oeuvres sociales com­
me la societe de secours mutuels , la Maison de
la midinette, la Maternite de la couture.
Un bal pour trouver un mari!
Les bals publics ont un role dans le developpe­
ment de la sociabilite parisienne . Les jeunes
ouvrieres et employees attendent avec impa­
tience cette sortie autorisee, car aller au hal,
c'est se divertir, se delasser, mais c'est aussi
"faire sa j eunesse". Quand on sait que le hal de
la Sainte-Catherine est considere comme l'une
des dernieres chances donnees a la catherinette
pour trouver un mari, laquelle negligerait cette
opportunite? Le nom de certains bals comme
"Foire aux fiances", est d'ailleurs revelateur de
cette fonction matrimoniale. Ces soirees dan­
santes permettent dans la convivialite, les ren­
contres amoureuses. La danse invite a la decou­
verte de I'autre et contribue au developpement
des relations sociales les plus intimes. Elle
introduit des codes relationnels; comme le jeu,
elle a ses regles, mais la promiscuite des corps,
I a liberte d'expression, consequences de ce temps
festif, les rythmes musicaux (Jazz) et les danses
a la mode (Charleston, Fox-trot), font vite ou­
blier les contraintes du social. Pour la catheri­
nette comme pour les autres celibataires desi­
reux de se marier, la danse s'impose comme la
voie de la rencontre et du plaisir d'etre ensem-
143
bl e. U n proverbe popu l u i re gascon dit d'uil le u rs :
"J e u n e fil lc q u i ne dansc pa s nc sc marie pas"
(A. G irard 1 974).
La catherinctte n'a linulcmcnt plus qu'a
s'c l a ncer sur Ia pi ste . Coitlee de son chapeau,
pan�e de ses plu s beaux atours , l a j eune celiba­
taire accompagnce de ses am i s et de ses collc­
gues de trava i l , se re nd dans Ia soi ree du 25
novembre au bal de Sainte-Catherine ou elle
rencontrera peut-etre son futur epoux. Dans ce
hal de la "derniere chance", la catherinette met
parf(lis en oeuvre des strategies pour attirer
l'attention sur elle, mais en general, son cha­
peau, symbole de la fete, signe d'identite, suffit
a Ia distinguer des autres et a signifier sa
disponibilite. Malgre certaines contraintes et
bien qu'il ne permette pas systematiquement
l'heureuse rencontre, ce hal apporte du "bon
temps", le plaisir de toutes sorties en groupe et
fait oublier les mauvais moments .
Le concours: une bonne f"a t;on de "tirer son cha­
peau"'' aux catherinettes!
La particularitc de la Sainte-Catherine ne resi­
de pas dans ce seul hal, mais bien dans les
concours de chapeau et les elections de reines
qui l'accompagnent et qui apportent a la tete
fantaisie, comique, inattendu. Ce concours de
chapeaux reunit un j ury souvent compose
d'artistes de renom (de la chanson, du theatre),
de personnalites du sport. Cette animation tres
prisee met en scene les symboles de cette fete :
la catherinette et son chapeau. Les indications
de la presse sur les premiers concours restent
floues. L'emploi du terme "catherinette" qui
connut alors une extension de sens et fut attri­
bue a toutes les ouvrieres en rete le 25 novem­
bre, ne suffit plus a lui seul a designer le profil
des candidates; il semblerait, en effet, qu'au
debut du siecle, l'ensemble des ouvrieres dont
les chapeaux etaient differents de ceux des
catherinettes, etaient egalement conviees a
participer aux jeux. La date d'apparition de ces
concours pose egalement probleme, car rien ne
laisse entrevoir leurs premices. La sortie de la
rete dans les rues de la capitale qui remonte aux
cinq premieres annees du siecle a sans doute
contribue au developpement de ce type de ma­
nifestations . Ces concours existent aussi grace
a !'impulsion des quotidiens qui demandent des
144
chapeaux fabriques a !'aide de papier j ournal.
Ccs concours qui l a issent cours a !'imagi n a tion
creatrice expliquent l'evolution du bon net de
catherinette qui, de la coifle en dentel l e se
metamorphose en chapeau pittoresque ou gro­
tesque.
Souvent poussee par ses collegues, la cathe­
rinette accepte de concourir malgre ses ct.ats
d'ame, ses hesitations ; elle monte sur la scene
tiraillee entre la crainte de paraitre en public et
l'envie de remercier ses collegues et amis qui lui
ont offert un chapeau et l'ont mise a l'hun ncur
toute la journee. En acceptant ce role de repre­
sentation, lajeune fille rentre aussi dans un jeu
de concurrence entre les differentes maisons de
couture, banques egalement. Si cette presen ta­
tion de bonnet met en valeur la catherin ette,
elle designe aussi les competences et les savoirs
des collegues qui se sont exprimes dans s a
fabrication. L e choix des themes d u bonnet
evoque les preoccupations des groupes profes­
sionnels, et en ces annees 1920, c'est un langage
collectif qui se constitue. Les themes sont li­
sibles par taus. D'abord coiffe regionale en den­
telle blanche garnie de rubans vert et jaune
( 192 1 , 1924), le bonnet se transforme progres­
sivement en chapeau et prend des allures plus
fantaisistes. L'actualite politique, sociale, cine­
matographique qui a touche l'annee en cours
est source d'inspiration. Ainsi en 1927 les fouil­
les de Glozel, site prehistorique decouvert en
1924, depuis tres controverse.
Chacune des concurrentes ayant ete presen­
tees, lejury se retire pour deliberer; l'animateur
s'empresse d'annoncer les resultats, et les heu­
reuses gagnantes quittent alors la scene char­
gees de nombreux prix dont la valeur varie d'un
concours a l'autre. Apres cet entracte, la fete
continuera a battre son plein, la piste de danse
rouverte ne desemplira plus jusqu'au petit
matin. Le concours se double parfois d'une
remise de dot. La Sainte-Catherine se rappro­
che de la rete de la Rosiere, institutions qui
avaient pour but d'aider les jeunes filles vertu­
euses, souvent de conditions modestes, de fa­
milies nombreuses, a trouver un epoux.
Les reines de la jete
Depuis les annees 1920, les elections de reine se
multiplient; les reines des catherinettes ou les
reines de I a mode cotoient les Miss de tout genre
(Miss Sa in ie-Ca therine, Miss Ca therinette). En
1923, "un concours de beaute entre represen­
tantes de ioutes les nations europeennes" est
meme organise (£'Ill u stration 1923). L'election
de Miss Monde n'est pas loin. Un seul lien existe
entre tou ies, le critere de selection qui reste
esthetique. On est loin de la fete des jeunes
filles qui dans le contexte villageois manifestait
la solidarite collective. Desormais, fete des ca­
therineites, elle integre les nouvelles valeurs
sociales ei urbaines . La "fille de Sainte-Cathe­
rine" ou encore la "reine des Catherines", sym­
bole de la virginite et de la vertu dans la societe
tradition nelle, n'est plus elue par ses camara­
des pour representer la jeunesse feminine, elle
est choisie par unjury masculin (Martine Sega­
len & Josseline Chamarat 1983 ), dont les crite­
res de selection designent des lors la catherinet­
te comme une femme-objet. Seules sajeunesse,
son apparence physique et sa bonne presenta­
tion comptent desormais . Les reines des cathe­
rinettes se confondent bientot avec les Miss. Si
la beaute est couronnee, on n'oublie pas de
souligner que cette fete est celle de la couture,
en elisant une "fee de la mode parisienne".
"Reine", "fee" sont des termes qui renvoient a
l'imaginaire des contes; celui de "Miss" possede
egalement sa part de reve. Les ouvrieres se
retrouvent projetees, pour un soir dans un autre
monde.
Les manifestations de rue
La Sainte-Catherine , fete des ouvrieres et des
employees, traverse les quartiers laborieux de
la capitale et suit les deplacements des entre­
prises de la mode et de celles ou se recrutent les
catherinettes (banques, grands magasins, etc . ) .
L e s festivites stimulent la participation d e pa­
risiens et levent les barrieres sociales pour un
temps; les rues de la capitale se transforment
en scene de spectacle.
La "Marche des catherinettes"
La "Marche des catherinettes", encore appelee
"course des catherinettes", se presente comme
une course relais. Organisee par le j ournal, Le
Petit Parisien, de 1925 a 19334 qui couvre
l'evenement dans ses pages, elle connait tres
vite une grande popularite. Ses regles sont
simples. Dix equipes de couturieres" dont l'u ne
est c a t h e r i n e tt e , d ' a t e l i e r s diffe r e n t ::; ,
s'affrontent sur une distance de huit kilometres
a parcourir en moins de quarante-cinq minutes .
L'itineraire se modifie quelque peu d'une ann6c
sur I' autre, mais les points de depart et d'arrivee
restent les memes, privilegiant un axe Sud­
Nord. De Montpamasse a Montmartre, alors
"commune libre", la competition traverse les
quartiers de la couture. Tous les six cents metres,
s'organise un relais. Chaque suppleante cha­
peautee attend avec impatience la remise d u
"temoin"6, u n carton a chapeau, pour continuer
la course. Tout au long du trajet, les applaudis­
sements et les encouragements de la foule a i ­
dent a oublier la fatigue. Des taxis, des cyclistes
escortent ces demoiselles. Des scenes souvent
cocasses, pas toujours reglementaires, animent
ce spectacle donne aux parisiens. Une jeune
fille se retrouve sur le guidon d'un des cyclistes.
Une autre active son pas et transforme sa
marche en une veritable course , ce que ne sem­
ble pas apprecier le commissaire de la course
qui doit veiller a son bon deroulement. L'anse
du carton d'une concurrente ayant cede,
l'encombrement de la boite freine aussitOt sa
course; une autre trepigne en voyant les candi­
dates la devancer, certaines sont prises de ma­
laises . Tous ces contre-temps echauffent les
esprits . L'honneur de conclure la course est
laisse aux catherinettes qui prennent le dernier
relais. Cette fin de course est couronnee par
l'accueil, en grande pompe, des personnalites ,
"autorites de la 'commune libre' de Montmar­
tre". Maire et Mairesse, capitaine des pompi­
ers, garde-champetre, prefet en uniforme sa­
luent les gagnantes; la catherinette de l'equipe
gagnante est portee victorieusement, tandis
que les perdantes et les autres concurrentes
suivent en autocar jusqu'au Moulin de la Galet­
te ou un repas les attend ainsi qu'un concours de
bonnets .
Si cette marche est un veritable spectacle,
elle reste a deux titres , competition, d'abord par
son caractere sportif, ensuite par la rivalite
qu'elle provoque entre les equipes adverses. En
effet, endurance, effort et agilite, sont les qua­
lites necessaires pour concourir. On est dans
l'ordre de la performance, il leur faut aller vite,
etre les meilleurs. La competition se marque
145
com me l 'u f'fi r m a t i o n de Ia d i ffcrc nt:c, ci c'csi s u r
e l l e q u e repo:,;e l c :; e nj e u x d u p re:,;iige :;ot: i a l . O n
s c b u t conire d e s eq u i pes sportive:;, m a i s s u r­
tout t:nn irc des a te l i ers , de:; m a i :;on:; de couture
s p e c i fiquc:; La m a rche dcv i e n i un des moycns
. d o n n e l e ton de la fete.
de m o n irer aux ;m ires scs t:ompetences cxiru­
pro lc:;:;ionnc llcs, de m cttrc en v a l e u r une cohe­
s i o n de m e t i e r. Et bien q u e l 'excrc i t:c s'cffcctuc
s e u l e , chaquc m archeuse est cepcnd an i int6-
gree a un groupe. Cetie marche repose sur les
memes princi pes que los conco u r:; d e bonnet, les
j e u ncs Iil lo:; partici p a n t b i e n sou v e n t aux deux.
Rep re sen tation �� double objectiC personnel et
collectif, cette cou rse re l a i s s'in scri t d a n s u n e
tradition festive et sportive. L c corps expos6 e t
lib6r6 d e s con t rai n tes h a b i tuel l es se don ne a
voir. Les Annees fol l e s d6couvrcnt u n e n ouvel l e
conception du corps, u n corps modele par ! 'effort
p hysiqu e , mais uussi u n corps f6minin mascu­
linise7. Les courses en sont }'expression.
Diflicile auj ourd'hui d'expliqucr un engoue­
ment si ephemere pour ces courses populaires.
Lc J o urnal Le Petit Parisien en cessant s a prise
en charge a motive la disparition de la course;
aucun autre journal n 'uyant pris l e relais , la
course s'eteind fautc d'un nouvel initiateur.
L'arret de cette "m a r ch c des catherinettes" a-t­
il ete motive par une desaffection generale, par
un deplacement des preoccupations? Les crises
successives, economiques et sociales, de 1929,
de 1936, marquent et reglent desormais la vie
des parisiens. Seuls les defiles survivront a ces
crises. Plus spontanees, contrairement aux cour­
ses, ils ne demandent pas de patronage ni
d'organisations precises .
Les autres jeux de la rue
En dehors de ces courses, des monomes qui
reunissent les ouvrieres et les employees en fete
se forment dans les rues de la capitale, et
principalement aux abords des lieux du travail
feminin. Dans les annees 1925, la Place de la
Concorde et la rue de la Paix, lieux privilegies
des maisons de haute couture, sont ainsi enva­
hies par les couturieres costumees. Sorties de
leur atelier ou de leur bureau, toutes les autres
femmes au travail rejoignent les defiles en
formation sur les grands boulevards, desormais
espaces sceniques. Les deguisements themati­
ques attirent 1'attention, detournent les regards
146
e n co re q u e le brui t :; i gna l e avec plus d '6v i d e nce
t:eite p rese nce. Le:; jcunes femmes chuntent a
tue-tete des textes evocateurs de ce q u 'e l les
:;on t . B ien que date de 1936, le texte s u i vant
Midinettes de Paris
Adorant les amourettes
Nous sommes les midinettes
Aimant les jeux et les ris
Nous arborons sur nos tete:;
Bonnets campes fierement
Car nous avons vingt-cinq an s
Vivant les c a thcrin c ttc s !
(L'Oeuure 1936)
Elles aiment semer le trouble e n acti onnant des
engins bruyants . " . . . Ellcs etaient, (. .. ) munies
d'un nouveau jouet populaire : tete de chien en
metal, montee sur une petite poire en caout­
chouc et qu'une simple pression faisait 'jap­
per' . . . " (L'Echo de Paris 1921).
Inversion des roles, permissivite caracteri­
sent cette journee de la Sainte-Catherine . Ces
jeunes femmes tentent de derider I' assistance,
interpellant les hommes a leur passage. La
catherinette poussee par ses collegues embras­
se les hommes, simples badauds ou forces de
l'ordre. La rencontre d'un marin necessite de
toucher fixe sur le bonnet, le pompon rouge,
porte-bonheur. D'une fa9on plus provocante,
certaines n'hesitent pas a danser autour d'un
homme d'Eglise. Le 25 novembre 1925, le cure
de la paroisse Notre-Dame-de-Bonne-Nouvelle
a ete "victime" d'un tel acte et en temoigne en
1933 dans la revue paroissial Le Sentier. Elles
noircissent le visage des passants renouant
ainsi avec l'usage du "machurage" ou du bar­
bouillage, generalement effectue par des gar-
9ons sur les filles et qui appartient aux "proce­
des ruraux de deguisements" a forte connota­
tion sexuelle (Arnold Van Gennep 194 7). Ces
scenes sont croquees ou photographiees par les
journalistes pour illustrer leurs articles.
Et c'est dans l'allegresse que les defiles se
forment, puis se deploient et se renforcent, au
fur et a mesure que les petites bandes jusqu' alors
disseminees, viennent grossir leurs rangs. Meme
s'ils reunissent une majorite d'ouvrieres de la
mode, ces d e fi l eR du 2!'i n o v cm b rc nc r en v o i e n t
ni aux c o rt e ge s p ro fcRsion n e i R , n i aux proces­
sions co rp o r ati :; tc s . Pa:; de banni crcs pour aflic­
her une appurtenance curpura t i :;ie, mai:; com­
me seu l :; e mblemes des couleurs, le vert et le
jaune . Ces corteges ne possedent pas de rcelles
codifications, si cc n 'c s t qu'i l s rentrent dans
tradition festiv e de Ia Sainte-C atherine .
Le j e u d e s exces
Un dera page pe ut transformer ces jeux conv i­
viaux en des jeux plus brutaux et incontrola­
bles. L'espace urbain devient la scene d'une fou­
le decha'inee commettant toutes sortes d'abus .
C e s conduites sociales spontances revelent le
danger que recelent les rassemblements de
masse qui risquent de degenerer a tout moment.
A Paris, des 1906 etjusqu'en 1 946, des deborde­
ments s'observent lors de la Sainte-Catherine,
mais c'est s urtout l'entre-deux-guerres qui res­
te significative de ces periodes d'exces.
Des 1 9 1 3 , les Journaux com me L a Franr;aise
et L'Ecln. ir, commencent a parler de la Sainte­
Catherine en terme de scandale. Mais, la guer­
re 14-18 provoque }'interruption des rejouis­
sances dans les rues. II faudra attendre l'apres­
guerre pour voir le retour des festivites et des
debordements . La rete vient la comme pour
marquer une separation entre deux periodes,
en I' occurrence, celle de la guerre et celle de la
reconstruction, et comme pour masquer mo­
mentanement les tensions . En ces annees 1920,
la rete, le bal populaire, le cinema permettent
aux travailleurs de se distraire en des temps ou
la situation sociale et economique est difficile.
Ces debordements de la Sainte-Catherine qui
suivent une decompression generale s'observent
entre 1920 et 1928, periode non seulement la
plus revelatrice de ces phenomenes sociaux,
mais qui coincide avec les Annees folies. Sui­
vent des annees plus calmes, consequence de la
crise internationale et, sans doute, de la reprise
en main par les pouvoirs publics .
Lesjournaux s'efforcent de couvrir les evene­
ments , de relater l e s manife stations qui
prendront place sous la rubrique des faits di­
vers. Le Journal La Franr;aise porte parole du
Comite national des femmes fran�aises8 inter­
vient avec virulence et regularite pendant toute
ceiie peri ode d 'exccs. La mission moral iste et de
protecti on femi n i n e q u e s'est fixe l e cum i t •
national des femmes explique de telles inte r­
vention:; . Mai:; il n'est pas le seul. Le Ga u lois
( 1924), Paris-soir ( 1925, 1928, 1929), Le Pet i t
Journal ( 1925), L a Croix ( 1926, 1929), L'Ec h o
d e Pa ris ( 1926, 1 930), L'Oe uvre ( 1927), Le Figa ­
ro ( 1 928), Journal des de bats ( 1 928), - presse
d'opinions multiples - ne machent pas leurs
mots non plus . Le discours est clair, parfois
simplificateur, mais toujours demonstratif. La
Sainte-Catherine provoque le trouble des es­
prits et des corps, comme l'evoque le titre de
certains journaux : "La Fete Profanee" (La Fra.n­
c;n.ise 1 9 1 3) , "La Sainte-Catherine est devenue
une mi-careme" (L'Oeuvre 1927), "La fete d e
sainte Catherine ne doit p a s etre I 'occasion d'un
scandale" (Le Figaro 1928) ou encore "La police
contre les catherinettes" (Paris-Soir 1928). Cet­
te fete pose probleme , et pour mieux denoncer
ces mefaits , la presse dresse un tableau noir des
evenements , les dramatise en illustrant ses
propos de temoignages choquants . "Le gout du
sensationnel, inevitable ponctuation du langa­
ge journalistique, tend a maquiller le reel, a
selectionner les evenements, les plus pittores­
ques ou les plus tragiques" (Michelle Perrot
1974: 46). La memoire collective s'elabore a
partir des faits selectionnes, simplifies , et sans
doute tronques donnant aux souvenirs des allu­
res d'exemplarite et de transparence.
Comment la fete devient-elle terrain prop ice aux
debordements ?
En effet, les rues de la capitale deviennent le
terrain de debordements. Mais quels en sont les
declencheurs? Quelle est la veritable physiono­
mie de ces manifestations? Que cache cette
foule?
D'abord, entrent en scene les corteges, regrou­
pement des ouvrieres de la mode, accompagnes
d'amis, voire de membres de la famille. Leur
formation suffit a inciter les passants a se
joindre aux rejouissances, a suivre le parcours
des farandoles. Les eclats de rire qui fusent, les
chansons, les tenues fantaisistes et excentri­
que s provoquent l'enthousiasme, suscitent
l'envie de s'amuser. L'insouciance des a�teurs,
le ton joyeux et inoffensif de ces monomes,
prendront fin des !'intervention de personnages
147
"pc rvcrs" scion l cs ic rmcs de Ia prcssc. Aux
bad a u d s p a i s i bl c s q u i , a u h a R a rd d es rcncnn ­
trcs, p rofitcni du spectacl e sans rec l l e p a rtici ­
pati o n , s'aj o u ic n i ccux q u i v i c n n c n i gon fl c r le�:�
ran gs d e ccs defi le�:� pour m i cu x lcs pcriurbcr.
Ccs p rovocateu rs s'int.rod uiseni subrcpticcmc n i
ct. s a n s vcrgogn c, sc fau fi l cni ct. sc i ra nsfur­
mcn i en agresscurs. De " fau sses o u v ricrcs" q u i
n c soni, d i i-on , q ue d e s pro�:�ii t.u6c�:�, s'i ncrusieni,
semani la "pagaille". "Jeunes gens", "6iudi­
anis", sou ve nt. fil s de bou rgeois doni on con nali
lcs pratiqucs l i be rti nes ct. l e u r e n gou e m c n i
p o u r l e s cha h u ts ct. lcs bizuiagcs , n c m a nqueni
pas cct.tc occasion pour fest.oycr. Sc mclcnt. a
eux les "faux eiudiants" cnnstitues en bande:
les " m au v a i s gar<;o n s " , lcs " i n d i v i d u s " , l c s
"voyous", les "energum€mes", les "goujats", les
"frelons", pilleur de miel d'abeilles, elles-memes
symboles des ouvrieres. Tous nargu eni ct agres­
sent l e s j e unes fe m m e s dont on p l a i d e
l'irrcsponsabil it6. Leu r sa n s-gen e ei l eur inso­
lence choqucni, car ils s'en prenneni aux plus
vulnerables des j c u n cs lilies. Leur conduiie les
place du cote du desordre . Les interdits bafoues
donnent le ton de ces evenements .
Comme le relate la presse, les perturbations
vont "du troubles de la circulation" a la "deca­
dence". Les jeux anodins, le manque de discipli­
ne des "petites folles" se transforment en
"poursuites", en "bousculades scandaleuses".
La Sainte-Catherine a des allures de mi-careme
et les mascarades deviennent carnavalesques.
Si la farandole est "debraillee", le pelerinage est
"frivole". "Les scenes se font repugnantes." Les
corps en "contorsion" laissent place aux "spec­
tacles penibles" et degradants qui rappellent
les "bacchanales", "bacchanales effrenees", ou
encore les "saturnales", evoquant la licence. A
certaines bouches de metro, des photographies
pornographiques vendues au cote des brins de
fleurs d'oranger artificielles, circulent en toute
liberte (Paris-Soir 1927). Le symbole de la vir­
ginite cotoie les images du sexe. A-sexualite et
sexualite sont les caracteres de la Sainte-Ca­
therine.
Ces agitations collectives conduisent a la
transgression de certains interdits , develop­
pent des attitudes sexuelles excessives. Ils re­
velent une image encore meconnue de la Sain­
te-Catherine, restee dans les esprits, la rete des
148
j c u n c �:� li l ies. O n d ecouv rc uno tete ou !a l i bc rte
prcnd l u fiJ rme de l i bc ri i n agc ou de v i o l e n ce.
Lcs fem mes a p paraissent sous des j ou rs ex­
trem es, puta in::; ou vierges, provocairices uu
vi cLi m e s . "
Vierge et vicl i m e ot.t. pu.tain el p rovocat rice: pas
d'a ltern a t i ve!
Les images de la put.ain et de la vierge qui rcs­
soricnt du discours journalistique appartien­
ncnt a l a symbolique lice a sainte Catherin e et
rc nvoicni au theme de la sexualit.e fem i n i ne
dans la culture chret.ienne. "La vierge fut !'ideal
du sentiment amoureux tandis que Ia prosti­
tuee fut !'i n carnation de la sexualite" (Edgar
M orin 1 962: 1 98). Blanc, noir, cette mise en sce­
ne manicheenne des extremes montre combi en
le langage de la presse est reducteur, schemati­
q u c , tendancieux et sans nuances. Mcmc si
l'oQjectivite laisse a desirer, meme si la passion
ideologique l'emporte et trompe, surprendrc et
exciter !'interet du lecteur restent les objectifs
principaux pour atteindre un vaste public. Si les
debordements relevent du langage des execs,
les articles de presse qui abordent ces faits font
eux usage d'exces de langage. Leur rhetorique
se place ineluctablement du cote de la debauche .
Les portraits esquissees refletent la norme.
Les articles des journalistes opposent claire­
ment la fragilite et la sensualite de lajeune fille
a la virilite et a la brutalite masculines. Sou­
vent presentee en position d'inferiorite, lajeune
fille subit les agressions des hommes qui ne
savent se contenir. Elle est confrontee "aux
moeurs d'hommes", de quelques milieux que ce
soit. Ainsi, en 1913, Jane Misme rapporte que
parmi les 63 individus arretes, on compte 26
employes de commerce, 3 employes de banque,
3 employes de bureau, 1 employe de ministere,
4 etudiants, une dizaine d'ouvriers et quelques
professions diverses (La Franr;aise 1913). Ils la
deshabillent du regard, ou plus vulgairement
comme dit !'expression populaire "se rincent
l'oeil"; du regard au toucher, la tentation
d'oublier les distances respectables ou respec­
tees des corps est grande, le passage a l'acte
possible. La presse rapporte que les agresseurs
s'en prennent en groupe a leur victime creant
un rapport de force. Les jeunes femmes doivent
se defendre seules face a 5 a 20 hommes. Ces
femmes sont m a n i pulecs com mc des poupees ,
leur corps irau m a ii s 6 .
Les commcniaircs de Ia p rcssc pr6scnteni
les jeuncs fcm m c l:l c o mm c i m prudcnicl:l mais ils
ne manqucn i j amais de lcs d6fcndrc, lcs decul­
pabiliser dans touies situations d'agression.
Leurs atti tudes , l eurs "beii scs" sont justifiees
par leur age "dangereux", par leur statui de
jeunes adolesccnics, j ustc l:loriies de l'enfancc,
ou encore de "fillcs du pcuple". Leur travcstis­
sement provoque Ia confu s i o n , l es plar.:ani du
cote des prostituees. Malgre to ut cola, cllcs
restent des ouvricrcs, les travailleuses dont Ia
France a bcsoin ei est fiere . Travail et Patrie,
telle est la devise. Seuls les spectateurs sont
parfois critiques , car par leurs regards appro­
bateurs, leur non-intervention, ils rentrent dans
le j eu des provocateurs et participent indirecte­
ment au developpement des debordements.
Contrairement aux "vraies catherinettes" qui,
ne se permettraient pas d'etre dehors , les pro­
stituees font du trottoir leur lieu de travail, et
comme cUes, les jeunes fillcs en fete descendent
dans la rue, s'appropriant en quelque sorte
leurs attributs: travestissement, frivolite, pro­
vocation. Tout accuse dej a ces "fausses ouvrie­
res": leur metier, leurs moeurs legeres et dou­
teuses , leur fac;on d'etre et leur indecence . Leur
marginalite suffit a provoquer le soupt;:on. Leurs
attitudes corporelles genent. Mais que ces fem­
mes soient vierges ou putains, c'est de leurs
corps dont il est question, ce corps qui, comme
I' a ecrit Franc;oise Loux ( 1979: 97), est le princi­
pal acteur de la rete.
Le corps des femmes attire le regard, seduit,
mais au-dela de ces attitudes inoffensives, des
scenes de violence physique comme psychique
apparaissent. On quitte le registre encore bien­
seant du baiser pour se retrouver de I'autre cote
des barrieres de !'admissible. Le traumatisme
guette la victime, ridiculisee, desarticulee com­
me une marionnette. Une jeune fille de 14 ans
"empoignee" par une douzaine d'individus qui,
a pres lui avoir arrache ses jupes, l'ont elevee a
bras-le-corps et fait "gigoter" sous les yeux du
public" (La Franr;aise 1913). Le jeu est brutal.
Des jeunes filles sont retrouvees a demi-deve­
tues. Les actes gratuits caracterisent ces sce­
nes. Les temoignages se multiplient dans la
presse. "Un autre a vu une pauvre petite d'une
d i zain c d'annecs assaillie par 4 o u 5 6ncrgu m e­
n o s , son chapeau j ct6 par terre ct ab1m6" (Ln
Fran qaise 1924). A la brutalite des gcsics,
l:l '�j o u tc unc brutalit6 l:lcxucllc. Si I' on en c ro i i I a
prcssc, ces femmes violecs, souillees, blcss6cs,
se retrouvent au bord de la folie regretiant
quclque peu leur sortie festive. L'analysc de Ia
presse fait apparaitre que la transgression pas­
se par la violence, le contact des corps ei l e u r
exposition. En effet, l e s corps e n rete sont aussi
ccux de la provocation. Commc la prosiitu6c q u i
v i i d e s a chair, ils sont montr6s, parfois memo
avec ostentation. Mais, les femmes qui oscni
s a n s p u d e ur s ' exhiber, s o n t tr a i t 6 c s
"d'echevelees", d e "debraillees". Dans cette so­
ciete du debut du siecle, la femme nc doii
devoiler aucune des parties de son corps aux
regards exterieurs a !'exception du visage ,
jusqu'au chapeau qui cache les cheveux. La
retenue est de rigueur. Et bien que traditionnel­
lement, la Sainte-Catherine soit le jour ou lcs
filles portent la coiffe, "le traditionnel bonnet
leur est seulement une occasion de la jeter par­
dessus les moulins"10 (La Franr;aise 1924). La
"promiscuite", les "contorsions", les "gesticula­
tions douteuses" les "baisers a pleine bouche" ­
'
expressions utilisees par les journaux - ne
peuvent qu'inciter a l'acte sexuel, "a ]'excitation
de tous les bas instincts (L'Oeuvre 1927). A
••
l'idee de sexualite, s'ajoute celle de salete, tou­
tes deux font reference a la souillure et a ses
tabous. Les femmes sont "fripees" et "crottees".
Des lors , cette rete "frappe tous ceux qui se
preoccupent de la moralite de Ia jeunesse et de
la proprete de la rue". En somme, toutes ces
jeunes femmes qui s'adonnent aux plaisirs de la
fete et se liberent des contraires quotidiennes,
sont assimilees aux prostituees car elles en­
freignent les lois sociales. Elles cassent l'image
habituellement positive de la midinette, ou­
vriere dont le charme, la gaiete, le courage,
l'honnetete et la jeunesse ne peuvent qu'etre
appreciees . La Sainte-Catherine derange quand
elle commence a "depasser les bornes", quand
les conduites tant masculines que feminines
deviennent condamnables.
Polemiques autour de la Sainte-Catherine
En ces annees 1920, les journaux se font l'echo
de !'opinion des differentes instances politi-
149
qucs, fem i n i ne s , p o l i c ic rcs et cath o l i q u cs q u i
n'h6sitent pus a d 6 n oncer l c s m 6 f'u i ts d ' u n c tc l l c
fete . L e re gard d e s u u trcs , d e s p r o v i nci u ux
com me des 6trangers, i mporte a ces di gn i t u i re s
qui t i c n n e n t :l preserver l'i mage de l u cupi tul e
du bon gout, de !'elegance. L e d6voilement d ' u ne
autre facette n 'esl. pas souh a i tabl e .
E n 1 924, Le Gn. u .lois se demande p o u r q u o i
"Ia fete beauco up pl us parisicnne, pl u s char­
manto, plus gaic, p l u s fra n r;; a ise que l a j ou rn 6 e
du l e r mai , s u rto u t d e p u i s q u e les patrons
s' i n g6 n i en t a I a rendrc touj ours p l u s u gr6ab l e et
touj o urs pl u s ga ic" n'est pas offici alis6c; d'a utres
journaux, en p ar tic u l i e r La Fran(:aise , recom ­
mandent ou ex ige nt en revanche sa suppres­
sion . Cette attein te aux bonnes moe urs et aux
savoir-vivre, l'obscenite des scenes choquent.
Les quotidiens s'accurdent a denigrer ces mani­
festations q u i degenerent et dont on perd le
contr6le. On reproche a la Sainte-Catherine de
ressembler par ses execs a Ia tete des bl anchis­
seuses de la mi-carcme, qui XIXe siecle etait la
fete de tous les lavoirs parisiens que chaque
quartier elisant sa rein e. Ban quet, hal, defile de
chars sur lesquelles les laveuses posent degui­
sees animent cette journee ou toutes les extra­
vagances sont permises. "En 1886, une reine
excentrique figurait Ia mariee d'une noce, the­
me de char sans doute: 'Vetue de blanc, Ia tete
ornee d'une couronne, non point de fleurs
d'orangers, mais d'oranges naturelles, (elle) se
faisait remarquer par une rotondite abdomina­
le peu commune', grossesse miraculeuse, gage
de prosperite pour le groupe" (Alain Faure 1978:
137). Avant ces debordements, la fete de Sainte­
Catherine etait reputee sage, celebree dans
l'intimite des ateliers . Les femmes ne descen­
daient pas dans la rue. Vierges et recluses,
telles elles sont, telles elles resteront. Ce passe
exemplaire sert a mieux critiquer les nouveaux
caracteres de la fete et a construire un modele
ideal. Comme l'explique Maurice Halbwachs,
"cette nostalgic, cette memoire affective nous
permet de sortir un moment de Ia contrainte de
la societe actuelle et nous presenter Ia societe
passee comme un lieu d'attirance. En retour
cette liaison du present avec le passe valorise la
continuite sociale et la societe se revele etre a la
fois contrainte et valeur desiree" ( 1925: 112). Ce
discours reste plut6t moralisateur. Le corps
150
fcm i n i n n'a paH sa pl ace d a n s la rue et en core
m o i n s s i scs a tt i t u d es son t out rancicres . "Muis
pourquoi fau t-il vous voir passer ainsi deb ruil­
l 6 es , fri p6es, c rottcs, 6chevclees, le bon net de
t rave rs o u l e cha p e au rej et6 en arrierc, I u v oix
6rai l l ec d'avoir trop erie, le regard tout en sem­
ble hardi ct v aci l l ant d'avoir un peu bu , d6gin­
ga nd ees ct gesticul antes, rouges et suantcs . . .
Les plus sages d'entrc vous n'echappent point,
par l'un uu ] 'au tre de ces details, a cette v i l a i ne
apparence nee de j u i e s , helas ! mediocres" (La
Fra n qaise 1935).
La presse de tout bord, scandalisee, sc fait
l'6cho de ce laisser-aller collectif. '!'res v i te ,
certaines instances feminines demandent, par
l c biai s de Ia presse, aux pouvoirs publics d' ag ir,
du moins de reagir pour redresser rapidement
Ia situation, reprimer les abus. Des arresta­
tions sont eflectuees, mais les individus arrctes
sont trop vite relaches aux yeux du Conseil
National des femme s , section moralite, qui a
toujours ete attentif aux emportements de Ia
Sainte-Catherine et qui a demande Ia protec­
tion des jeunes filles devant le danger des
"moeurs d'hommes", !'intervention et Ia sur­
veillance renforcee de la police restee passive
jusque Ia. Le Conseil preconise le maintien des
jeunes filles dans les ateliers, Ia suppression
des deguisements excentriques; en 1928, il ira
meme jusqu'a envoyer une lettre a tous les
employeurs de la couture pour les sensibiliser
au probleme. II elargira les debats sur le theme
de la protection des jeunes filles pauvres et
essayera de montrer que les naissances illt3giti­
mes et Ia prostitution ne sont pas des faits
etrangers a la fete. La presse catholique, elle,
s'etonne de "Ia joie la plus folie et la plus exube­
rante" et s'indigne "des rejouissances materiel­
les, souvent dangereuses". Ses reactions vont
expliquer les decisions prises par le clerge, et en
particulier Ia reprise en main effectuee par le
cure de l'Eglise Notre-Dame-de-Bonne-Nouvel­
le.
Face a toutes ces declarations et protesta­
tions, comment reagit Ia police? Au cours de
cette periode marquee par des debordements,
son attitude change du tout au tout. En 1913,
malgre les demandes d'intervention, aucune
mesure n'est prise, ce qui est, d'ailleurs repro­
che au Prefet de police. Dans son discours repris
en parti e d a n s La Fm n (·n.isf' ou encore d a n s
L'Eclair, L e prcfet recon nait des execs; m a i s
s'etant ren d u r u e de la Pui x et n'ayant rien
constatc de mcprisable, il ajo u te a ussi q u 'il y a
exagerati on du phenomcne . II a flirme des lors
son soutien aux agents vivement critiques et
justifie l e u r comportement. Tandis que les de­
mandes d'i n terven tions se poursuivent, il fau ­
dra enco re attendre avan t de voir un renforce­
ment de !a surveillance . En 1927 , les deborde­
ments pren nent une tourn u re inquietante aux
yeux des fcministes . "Une centa i n e d' arr e s ­
tations dejeunes v auriens ont cte opcrces et on
nous a an noncc que plusie urs agents avaient
ete blesses; mais on ne nous dit pas com bien de
jeunes filles ont ete ce soir-la, detourn6es de gre
ou de force, seduites, violees, combien bebes
abandonnes en resulteront, ni combien de rna­
lades, ni combien de filles iront rejoindre le
lamentable troupeau des prostituees" (La Fran­
r;aise 1 927). Suite a ces in cidents brutaux,
!'interdiction de tous les monomes et rassem­
blements lors de Ia Sainte-Catherine fut edic­
tee. La presse s'en fait l'echo. En 1 928, Paris­
Soir titre "Le Prefet de police interdit les mono­
mes" et developpe les propos du prefet:
"Le rete des catherinettes n'est pas un carnaval .
Nous ne saurions a aucun prix autoriser des
individus, plus ou moins ]ouches a brutaliser:
des fillettes, sous pretexte que le jour de Ia
Sainte-Catherine tout le monde s'embrasse. "
La meme annee, L'Echo de Paris precise que
"contrairement a ce qu'on voyait depuis quel­
ques annees, Ia fete a garde toute lajournee une
excellente tenue, quasi familiale, meme sur les
boulevards . . . ".
La rete connait done des retournements de
situation qui appartiennent au phenom€me de
foule et a ses exces (Serge Moscovici 1985) et qui
provoquent !'escalade de Ia violence. Les prati­
ques illicites observees et l'insoutenable des­
ordre definissent ces mouvements collectifs con­
traires a !'image d'ordre desiree par Ia societe,
par l'Etat ou l'Eglise. Selon Gustave Le Bon
( 1895), Ia foule est impulsive, mobile et irritable
ainsi qu'imprevisible. Rien ne peut empecher
un basculement; tout dans Ia rete le condition­
ne. Liesse, exces d'alcool, liberte corporelle et
gestuelle, langage equivoque ou grossier contri­
buent, par lejeu de Ia stimulation, de !'imitation,
a donn er nai ssance aux dcchalnements . Et le
jour de la Sainte-Catherine en est !'illustra t i o n .
E n ces annees 1920, ceiie fete a reussi a soul e­
ver contre elle unc partie de !'opinion , et s i
uujourd'hui, i l n'en reste plus I a moindre trace
dans les memoires, la virulence des temoign a­
ges des journalistes de l'epoque permet de con ­
server le souvenir de ce qui a marque dix annees
de Sainte-Catherine parisienne, au cours des
Annees folles .
Quand l'ordre du religieux s'oppose au
desordre de la rue
La presse ne neglige aucun evenement et men ­
tionne les nouvelles celebrations religi eu scs
parisiennes (messes, processions) . Le Journal
La Croix developpe plus naturellement ces
manifestations .
L'eglise a toujours cherche a recuperer les
cultes populaires elargissant ainsi le champ de
son controle social. La Sainte-Catherine ne fait
pas exception a Ia regie. Les messes du 25
novembre venerent Ia patronne des jeunes fil­
les . A Paris, en l'eglise de Ia Madeleine, a partir
de 1897, il est mentionne dans les registres des
annonces ( 1852-1947), pour Ia date du 25 no­
vembre: "Reunion des jeunes filles de Ia parois­
se a !'occasion de Ia Sainte-Catherine. Messe et
allocution par un des vicaires de Ia paroisse." II
n'etait alors pas encore question, ni de messe
des catherinettes , ni de messes des midinettes .
1925 laisse entrevoir les premices d'une telle
ceremonie . Le pelerinage a sainte Catherine,
malgre ses motifs non religieux, procede d'un
interet nouveau accorde aux pratiques cultu­
relles populaires. Les jeunes filles renouent
avec des traditions sacrees en allant coiffer Ia
statue de Ia sainte situee dans le quartier du
Sentier ou se concentrent les artisans de Ia
mode. La presse catholique qualifie ce pelerina­
ge de "frivole".
Le cure de Ia paroisse Notre-Dame-de-Bon­
ne-Nouvelle dans le deuxieme arrondissement,
pris a partie par des jeunes filles en rete sur les
boulevard s , decide de creer une messe a
!'intention des catherinettes et de "toutes les
employees du commerce, de l'industrie, des
banques et des arts". Son projet ne prend veri­
tablement forme qu'en 1926 et a pour objet de
151
fa i re con trepo i d s aux de b ord emen t::; s i gn ales
par lu pre::;se . "Deja d a n s les a n n ee::; 1 900,
l'a rc he v e c h e de Pari s ::;'eta it associe a une pro­
te::;tation adre::;::;ee aux couturi er::; , re::;pun ::; a­
bles de modes i ndecentes et provocatrices" ( G il ­
les L ipovetsky 1987 : 9 5 ) . Ce tte reprise en m a i n
montre l e souci d'e v i te r tou te d e p erdi t ion des
vale u rs chretie n n es, de ral enti r le processus d e
la:ici::;atiun dej a en tame en ville. 'cLes fetes avec
taus l eurs rites revitalisent les croyances en
empechant qu'elle::; s'efl"a cent des memoires"
(Jea n n e Fri bou rg 1 980: 8 2 ) . La tete duit ctre un
moyen dynamique de ramener les parisiens
vers la pratique reli gi euse La messe de sainte
. t en t a la procession non seulement pour sa
Catherine s'i n scrit dans une tell e volonte. Les
raisons qui ont motive sa creation viendraient
egalement d'un compromis entre les patrons et
l'Eglise. Les journees des ouvrieres etant trap
longues, les heures suppl cmen tai res du dim an ­
che les empechant d'accomplir leur devoir reli­
gieux, il fut decide de ch6mer le 25 novembre,
afin que les ouvrieres puissent se rendre aux
messes et aux procession s . " .. .Sait-on qu'il y a a
Paris 800 000 midin ettes, dont 400 000 vien­
nent chaque matin de la grande banlieue. Quand
elles partent par les premiers trains, l'eglise de
leur paroisse est encore fermee, quand elles
rentrent, le soir, l'eglise est dej a fermee; il ne
leur reste que les deux heures de dejeuner,
apres un repas rapide, elles n'ont d'autres res­
sources que d'aller faire un tour de boulevards,
chose souvent epineuse" (La Croix 1926). II
n'etait alors pas question que les patrons com­
pensent la penibilite du travail quotidien des
ouvrieres par unjour de repos. Ces faits laissent
entrevoir la mentalite patronale de l'epoque et
les difficultes rencontrees par les ouvrieres dans
leur lutte pour I' amelioration de leur condition
de travail. Des oeuvres, comme celle du Midi,
tentent de subvenir aux besoins de ces femmes
en leurs offrant des salles de repos equipees de
bibliotheques , des restaurant s . Des cours
d'instruction religieuse leur sont egalement
proposes .
En 1926, l'officialisation de cette messe est
saluee dans la presse (L'Echo de Paris, La Croix
1926) et la reussite de l'evenement est demon­
tree par l'imposante foule qui s'est deplacee,
trois cents a quatre cents catherinettes n'ayant
pu penetrer dans l'eglise. A douze heures tren-
152
te, ap rc ::; ) i n au g ur atio n de l'autel dans I a cha­
'
pelle d cd i ee a ::;ai nte Ca the ri n e , la messe et une
prem i e re benediction des bonnets , les catheri­
n ctte::; ::; u i v i e::; d'un archeveque, du cure et d'un
publ i c averti ou curie ux, se sont rendues en
pr o c essio n a Ia s t a t ue de Ia sainte a I' angle des
rues de Cl cry et Poissonniere 1 1 • La deuxicme
benediction de bonn ets ach evee, les intrepides
catherinettes juchees sur une echelle et sur­
plombant la foule, deposent une gerbe de fleurs
aux pieds de Ia statue et une couronne de fleurs
sur sa tete, heritage du rituel connu dans les
campagnes franr,:aises. Les catherinettes assis­
sol ennite, mais aussi pour les qualites recon­
nues de marie use de la sainte . Pour les catheri­
nettes affublees d'un chapeau volumineux et
lourd, l'accomplissement des gestes symboli­
ques releve de l'epreuve initiatique. La situa­
tion de la statue oblige effectivement a surmon­
ter les desagrements du desequilibre, du verti­
ge, et a prendre quelques risques lors de la pose
du bouquet et du baiser a la sainte . Ce baiser
qui s'apparente a une "bise" que I' on fait comme
a une amie, est plus familier que respectueux.
En revanche, les piqures effectuees a l'aide
d'epingles sur la statue reiterent les gestes
observes dans les anciens cultes des saints . Un
lien etroit se tisse entre lajeune fille et la sainte,
par l'intermediaire d'une epingle, d'un bouquet
ou d'une couronne, et de fac;on physique par le
baiser1 2 •
Les ceremonies se succederont sur ce meme
m o d e l e j u s qu e d a n s l e s a n n e e s 1 9 6 0 .
L'evenement prend une telle ampleur que
d'autres paroisses suivent l'exemple de l'eglise
du Sentier. L'eglise de la Madeleine (Paris-Soir
1928), l'eglise Saint-Roch (Journal des debats
1928), toutes deux proches des maisons de haute
couture, et la Basilique Sainte-Clotilde sis non
loin de la place de la Concorde se joignent aux
festivites . A l'eglise Saint-Roch, une procession
durant laquelle des jeunes filles portent la sta­
tue de sainte Catherine succede parfois a la
messe. Des brioches et des souvenirs sont aussi
distribues. Avec sa statue, le Sentier reste toute­
fois le "sanctuaire" le plus apprecie. Cet engoue­
ment subit du religieux ne trouverait-il pas son
explication dans ]'absence de sacralisation qui
caracterise jusqu'alors ces festivites? Pour que
Ia rete soil. iotal c, cl lc doit s'accompagner d'un
ceremon i a l que lc l u d iquc a l u i soul n'apporic
pas , balancer entre un ordre etabl i ct un des­
ordre. Par u illc u r::;, u-i-on roc l lcmeni atra irc a
un publi c de praiiq uanis , de croyanis? Ou esi­
ce tout sim plemcni un public qui renoue avec
des tradi tions anciennes doni Ia magnificence
vient renforcer, a scs ycux, Ia valeur de Ia fete?
Plus que de religieux, il s'agii de religiosiie ou
de traditi on reinvenioe.
La presse: expression d'une fete et de
son epoque
Dans les annees 1920, en dehors de son princi­
pal role d'informatcur, la presse patronne de
nombreuses manifestations . Elle poursuivra
cette demarche mediatique dans les annees
1930 et au-dela. En eflet, Le Petit Parisien reste
l'organisateur de la "marche des catherinettes"
jusqu' en 1933. D'apres les films d'actualite 1'�,
Le Journal en 1932 et en 1934, Paris-Soir en
1937 et en l 938, Le Soir en 1 937 sont a l'initiative
de galas qui reunissent des gens du spectacle
aussi connus que Prejean, Maurice Chevalier
ou Fernandel ou des acteurs du cinema comme
Gaby Morlay ou encore Erich von Stroheim.
La presse donne une image de la societe en
plein mouvement. La Sainte-Catherine des
"Annees folies" se caracterise par l'extra­
ordinaire defoulement collectif. Toutes ces trans­
gressions n'etonnent qu'en partie, car elles sont
les constituants meme de la rete. Elles desig­
nent la difference entre le temps quotidien et le
temps festif et permettent, de fa�on consciente
ou inconsciente, de reproduire le chaos origi­
nel, d'en acquerir les formes pour mieux tran­
cher avec l'ordre habituel et favoriser ainsi la
naissance d'un nouvel ordre, d'un nouveau
temps de la regle. La transformation commen­
ce par celle du paraitre. Deguisements , mas­
ques, maquillages aident a se sentir autre;
viennent ensuite le vin et l'alcool qui, excitant
ou affaiblissant, changent les comportements.
Les individus laissent au vestiaire leur role
social pour en revetir un, plus ludique, voire
plus violent et se liberent ainsi de toutes les
tensions . La rete permet d'extirper de soi ce qui
appartient ordinairement a l'indicible et a
l'invisible.
Cos annees de tous les execs restent, touic­
fois, marginal et exceptionn cl puisqu'ellcs n e
s'etendent que sur une duree d e dix ans . Elles
appartiennent au contexte social de l'epoque, a
l'ambiance generale qui regne a ce momen t-I n
sur l a capitale. L a situation specifique e t com­
plexe des " Annees folles" a sans doute contribuo
a l'essor de la Sainte-Catherine parisienne . Et
comme le refletent les festivites du 25 novem­
bre, ordre et desordre s'affrontent. La rete ap­
pelle a laj ouissance des corps et ses detracteur::;
a leur dressage; le corps est tiraille entre sa
libre expression et son maintien. A Ia domesti­
cation accrue des corps tant dans le travail que
dans les loisirs , repond une liberte corporell e
plus intense dans les moments de ruptures
festifs . Effectivement, durant ces annees , "le
corps se voit imposer un programme de rationa­
lisation et de productivite" (Michel Collomb
1986: 1 0 1 ). Du sport de competition aux mode­
les de travail tayloristes, tout pousse a la per­
formance et a l'efficacite; de nouvelles images
du corps apparaissent ainsi qu'un nouveau Ian­
gage et une autre conscience de celui-ci. '11
s'exprime deja par une plus grande franchise
sur tout ce qui concerne la sexualite. Dans ce
domaine aussi c'est le temps des experiences et
de l'affranchissement des tabous" (Michel
Collomb 1986: 102) qui se soldera par de vives
critiques. Le rejet systematique de toutes for­
mes d'expression corporelle revele l'image du
corps imposee par par toute societe complexe.
"Plus la societe se complexifie, se distancie par
rapport au travail physique, plus les rapports
avec autrui deviennent 'polices', passent par
des abstractions et, parallelement, plus le corps
est discipline, reprime dans ses manifestations.
Au contraire, plus une societe se sert de son
corps, plus elle l'utilise dans toutes les circon­
stances de la vie" (Fran�oise Loux 1979: 80).
Dans la societe moderne, la discipline des corps
tout au long du cycle de vie s'inscrit largement
dans une politique de controle. Et la rete n'en
est que le reflet.
Les annees 1930 se marquent par le retour
de formes festives plus conventionnelles. La
rete est dans la rue mais ne semble aucunement
perturber la vie quotidienne des parisiens. La
presse reprend un ton plus descriptif.
153
Notes References
1 . Cct. a rt i c l e est c x t m i t d ' u ne t he�e co n H : I c rec :'1 Ia A l b i ::; t u r, M a'it(! & A rn w ga t h c , D a n i e l 1 97 7 : 1/ isl o i re
tete de s a i n te C a t h e r i n e � � Pa r i � d e I a fi n du XlXc du j'(> m i n isnll' {i·a. n (·a i.� . Pn r i R . EdR des Fe m m es.
s i cc l c :'\ n w; j o u rs , ::;ous Ia d i rect i o n de M a rt i n e B e l l a nge r, C . , G od c c h o t , J . , G u i r a l , 1'. & Tc JT o u , F.
Sc ga l c n , Pari s X N a n t.crrc ( :) pnra itrc en 1996 ) . 1 972: Hisloire 1-femiml" dr> Ia p re sse fm n ('aise de
2 . Pou r p l u s d e prec i s i o n s s u r cctt.c p rcssc, ::;c 1 8 7 1 it 1.940. Prcs::;c U n i v c r t:�i ta i rc de France. t. 3 .
re po r te r a I a l i s t . c des sou rces e n f i n d ' a rL i c l c . B l u m , F. , C h a rn be l l a n d , C . & D r ey fu s , M . 1984: M ou­
:3 . C c j c u d e mot pcnnct d'cxpri m c r d e u x i d e e ::; . Au v c m c n t de fe m m e::; ( 1 9 1 9- 1 940) I n : Gu ide::; des
scm; I i t te ra l , c ett. c m e ta p h o rc s i gn i fi c I a p a rt i ci ­ SOI.ll'CCH d ocu m c n t.n i rcs , Vie socialr>. n ° l l -1 2 .
p a ti o n au concou r::; de c h a p eau de I a S a i n te­ Ca�encuve, J e a n 1 982: La vie da. n s La. societe m o der·
Catheri ne ct. d a n ::; :;on �ens figu re, i l permct de n e . P a r i s . G a l l i m a rd ( I d e e s ) .
" m arq ue r son n cl m i rn t i o n e n R i gne cle com p l i ­ Col l om b , M i c h e l 1 986: Lr•s A n n for•s folies. P a r i s . l3el­
m e n t" a u x ca n d i d ates cl u conco u rs . fimd .
4. . Sc r e p o r te r a u x m:t. u a l i te s G a u m o n t. e ga l c r n c n t. J?:w re, Al a i n 1 978: Pa ri.�, Ca ni r n e · Prena. n l . Du. car­
5 . Le Te m ps de 1 925 p a rl c d c m od i ::;tc s , dc cousct.t.cs n a va l it Pa ris du XlXe siecle . P a ri s . H ach e tte .
ot. d'cm ployec::;, l cs act. u a l i t.e::; G a u m o n t. de 1 930- F r i bo u rg, ,J e a n n e 1 980: F'e l es a Saragosse. Paris.
32 parl c n t. d e v cndc u ::; c s . lnst.it.u t. d'et.hnologie .
6 . D a n s lcs com peti t i ons sportivcs, l c te rn o i n e s t u n Gcrbod , Pa u l 1 98 7 : Le ba I e n F r a ncc a u XIXc ct. a u XXe
b:1to n nct q u e se passc n t lcs cou rc u r::; de rc l a i s . s i c c l e . So c i a bilil e, p"u.uoirs et s oci e tes ? I n : Actcs du
lei !'objet choisi , un carton a chapeau, signale col l oq ue de Rou e n . 24-26 novembre 1 983. G.R. H.L.S.
! 'importa nc e du ch a p e a u dans les rituels de Ia reunis par Fran<;oise Thelamon . Rouen. Pu b l i ca­
S ainte - C ath e r i n e , m a i s a u s s i dans Ius pratiq ues tions de l ' U n i versit.6 de Rou e n . 110: 167-1 7:!.
feminines de 1'6poquc. Lcs femmes nc sortaient Girard, Alain 197 4: Le choix du conjoint. Une enquete
alors que I a tete couverte d'un chapeau dont le psycho·sociologique en Fra nce . Paris. INED. PUF.
carton, b oit.c ro n d e , scrvait it son rangc m c n t. ct. a Cahier n °7 0 .
sa prote cti o n . Halbwachs, Maurice 1 9 2 5 : Les cadres socia.ux de La
7 . Dans les a n n e e s 1 920, o n nom m e "Ga n_: o n n e s" m. enwire . Pari s . Presse Universi taire d e Fra n ce .
les jeunes filles qui menent une vie independan­ Halbwachs, Maurice 1 9 5 0 : La. Mem.oire collective.
tc et. adoptent. des m an i c re s considerees comme Paris. Presse Universitaire de France.
m ascul i n e s . Elles portent los ch eveux courts et Hui zi nga, Juhan 1. 95 1 : Homo Ludens: essai .� u r la
revetent aussi le costume d'homme. f'onction du jeu. Paris. Gallimard.
8 . "Le Conseil National des Femmes : fonde en Le Bon, Gustave 1895: Psychologie des fou.les. Paris.
190 1 , il regroupe de nombreuses associations Presses Universitaires de France.
feminines. En 1 962, son programme ctait a p e u L'em.pire de l'ephemere . La
Lipovetsky, Gilles 1987:
de choses pres le meme que 30 ans plus tot, mode et son destin dans les societes modernes.
excepte le droit de vote. Reformes des regimes Paris. Gallimard.
matrimoniaux, repression de la prostitution, lut­ Loux, Franf<oise 1979: Le corps dans la societe tradi­
te contre l'alcoolisme, amelioration de !'habitat, tionnelle . Paris. Berger-Levrault.
lutte pour 'une paternite consciente' . . . " (Mai:te Morin, Edgar 1962: L'esprit du temps. Essai sur la.
Albistur & Daniel Armogathe 1977: 449) . culture de ma.sse. Paris. Grasset.
9 . Michelle Perrot retrouve dans l e s greves femi­ Monj aret, Anne 1992: La. Sainte-Catherine a Paris de
nines des images simi! aires aux notres. Les fem­ la. fin du XIXe siecle a nosjours. Ethnographic d'une
mes en mouvement sont soit "amazones" et done jete urbaine et professionnelle. These de doctorat,
combatives, soit "proies", "inoffensives", on re­ sous Ia direction de Martine Segalen. Universite de
cherche alors le meneur masculin. ( 1974: 3 22 ) Il Paris-X Nanterre.
existerait done un discours type sur les femmes Moscovici, Serge 1985: L'Age des foules. Bruxelles.
descendant dans le rue. Ed. Complexe.
10. "Jeter son bonnet par-dessus les moulins" signi­ Namer, Gerard 1987: Memoire et societe. Paris. Meri­
fie au sens figure adopter une attitude frivole, diens Klincksieck.
"braver la bienseance pour une jeune fille". Perrot, Michelle 197 4:
Les ouurieres en greue, France
11. La statue ayant ces traits effaces par le temps, il 1871-1890. Paris-La Haye. Mouton. 2 vol.
est decide en 1929 de la remplacer. Segalen, Martine & Chamarat, Josseline 1983: La
12. La catherinette reproduit des gestes charges rosiere et la "Miss": les reines des fetes populaires.
d'une symbolique qui repond a la demande In: L'H.istoire, 5 3 : 44-55.
d'obtention d'un epoux. Touiller Feyrabend, Henriette 199 1 : L'entre-deux­
13. Corpus depouilles a la Videotheque de la Ville de guerres ou le tournant d'un siecle. In: Quand l'affiche
Paris. faisait de la reclame, Catalogue d'exposition eds de
RMN : 12-19.
Van Gennep, Arnold 1943-1958: Manuel du Folklore
franr;a.is contemporain. Paris. A. Picard.

154
Journaux
(Journaux d 6 po u i l l 6 � po u r l u p6riode de� a n n6e�
1920)
La Croix (Jou rn a l d ' i n s p i ration catho l i q u e )
2 6 nov. 1 92 fi ; 2 : 1 , 2 4 , 2!) n ov. 1 926; 2 1 , 27 nov.
1929; 27 nov. 1 9a O .
L'Echo de In nwde (Jo u rn a l de modo)
2 7 nov. 1 927 ( 1 923-1 926, 1 928-1 934: r i e n ) .
L'Echo de Jla ri.� ( J o u rn a l de d ru i te )
2 7 nov. 1 920; 2!), 26 n o v . 1 92 1 ; 25, 26 nov. 1922, 2 5
nov. 192:3 , n ov. 1 924; 26, 27 n ov. 1 926, 24, 2!), 26 n ov.
1927; 2n, 26 nov. 1 928; 26 nov. 1 92 9 ; 2:3, 26 nov.
1930.
Le Figaro (J o u r n a l de d roite)
26 nov. 1 920; 24, 2!), 26, 27 nov. 1 92 1 ; 2 1 , 26 nov.
1925; 25, 26, 29 nov. 1926; 25, 26 nov. 1927; 21 nov.
1929.
La Fran(:aise (1 906- 1940) ( J ou rn a l d'Education et
d'action feminines et organe du Conseil national
des femmes fran�;aises)
2 dec. 1 9:.! 1 ; 29 nov. 1 924; 5 dec. 19 2 5 ; 27 nov. 1926,
1 7 dec. 1927; 24 nov. 1928; 16 nov. 7 dec. 1929; 22,
29 nov. l 930.
La Fronde (Journal lem iniste "j uge trop bourgeois
p ar les socialistes, trop revolutionnaire par les
bourgeois, trop sericux pour los Pari sians, trop
parisien pour Ia province" I eite par Evelyne Sulle­
rot dans La Presse fii m inine, Paris, Armand Colin,
1963)] .
2 5 , 26 nov. 1926, 26 nov. 1927 ( 1928: rien).
Le Gaulois (Journal de droite, haute qualite)
25 nov. 1924.
£'Illustration (1843-1943) (Magazine Illustre)
1923-II.
Journal des debats (Journal politique et litteraire,
republicain conservateur)
24, 26, 27 nov. 1928 .
L'Oeuvre (Souvent anticlericale, ouvert a gauche,
mefiant a l'egard des communistes)
23, 25, 26 nov. 1927.
Pari.� -SoiT· (,J o u r n a l rl ' i n formations i l l u s t rc l a p rcs
1 93 1 1 )
25, 26, 28 nov. 1 92 3 ; 24, 25, 26 nov. 1924; 2:3 , :l li , :.!()
n ov. 1 92!); 2!), 26 nov. 1 926; 2 1 , 2!), 28 nov. 1 92 7 ; 20,
23, 24, 25 nov. 1928; 22, 23, 24, 2 5 , 26, 30 nov. ] 929;
22, 23, 24, 25, 27 nov. 1930.
Le Petit jou rnal (Gauche republicaine)
28 nov. 1 92 5 .
Le Petit parisien (J ournal d e grandes informations,
Re pub l icain R d a n s los an neos 20)
23, 25, 26, 27, 28 nov. 1927.
Le Temps (Journal d'information de ton moder6 )
26 nov. 1 92 1 ; 26 n ov. 1. 922; 23 nov. 1923 ; 26 nov.
1 924; 26 nov. 1 dec. 1 92 5 .
Vit. (Magazine I l l ustre)
28 nov. 1928; 20 nov. 1929.
Summary:
Every November the 25th since the 1920s, the
feast of Saint Catherine's Day has been cele­
brated by the "Catherinettes", i.e. single girls at
the age of25 , female workers and female employ­
ees . It has become quite a real "institution" in
Paris, on which the newspaper don't neglect to
comment. During the "Annees folies", proces­
sions, popular dances, hat contest, "marche de�;
Catherinettes" livened up Paris. Disorders ap­
pearing, the Church decided to organize a Saint
Catherine's ceremony to maintain social order.
This article analysis the evolution of a tradi­
tional feast through newspapers in the 1920s
and shows them the role of the press in the
development of urban festivities .
155
The Military and Dancing

Changing Norms and Behaviour, 15th to 1 8th Century

Harald Kleinschmidt

Kleinschmidt, Harald 1995: The Military and Dancing. Changing Norms and
Behaviour, 15th to 18th Century. - Ethnologia Europaea 25: 157-176.

The tiJJlowing study focuses on the history of bodily movements as a catego ry o f

soci a l action. A twofold comparison i s attempted, first between bodily move m e n t�
in the military and in dancing, second between changes in these movements d u r­
ing the 15th century, on the one side, and, on the other, during the 18th centu ry.
The result ofthe first comparison is that bodily movements , neither in the mil itary
nor in dancing, are autonomous; they do not follow some motivation resulting from
internal factors in either the military or in dancing; instead, they correlate with
forms of behaviour which can be found contemporaneously in other walks of l i fe .
The result of the second comparison is that, during the 15th century, an equ i l i b­
rium position emerged, first in dancing, out of which many different movements
could be performed; in the 18th century, this equilibrium position was given up,
first in the military, in favour of a position which forced the individual into a

dynamic flexibility of the body and into a tension; through its release, the tension
enhanced movements. Again, this change can be traced in many contemporaneous
aspects of 18th-century European culture.

Harald Kleinschmidt, Prof Dr habit., Institute of History and Anthropology,

University of Tsukuba, 1 - 1 - 1 Tenno-dai, Tsukuba-shi. 305. Japan.

According to Clausewitz's ( 1832: 236) concep­ of bodily movements as specific elements of

tion of warfare, the political consequences of
military campaigning can only be of lasting
effect under the condition that a "tension" per­
meates the entire armed forces of a "nation",
embracing combatants of all ranks . Thus
Clausewitz postulated the existence of a uni­
formity of social action within the armed forces
as a conditio sine qua non for lasting success in
warfare, and, further to this, he believed that
each "nation" represents a quasi living body
politic into which the actions of all individual
members ofthat "nation", combatants and non­
combatants alike, have to be coordinated if one
"nation" is to succeed in its struggle with rival
"nations". Because action as normative behav­
iour includes bodily movements , Clausewitz
also assumed that bodily movements are typi­
cal not only for the armed forces of a "nation",
but also of the "nation" as a whole. However,
this assumption is far from obvious, because it
is well known that, only since the 19th century,
it has become customary to perceive variations
"national" behaviour and to discredit as obso­
lete and inefficient the previous custom of asso­
ciating bodily movements with social groups
rather than groups of the subjects of a single
ruler. 1
Therefore, the following questions must be
asked, first, which changes occurred in military
movements that could induce Clausewitz to
formulate his assumption, second, what the age
ofthose types of military movements was which
were abandoned at the beginning of the 19th
century, third, which groups were affected by
the changes ofmilitary movements, and, fourth,
how military movements are related to other
forms ofsocial action in different walks oflife. The
method for the answering of these questions
shall be that of comparison. First, changes in
military movements during the second half of
the 15th century shall be compared with simi­
lar changes in dancing at the same time; the
purpose ofthis comparison shall be the analysis
of the coming into existence of a type of bodily

157
m ov e m e n ts w h i ch , i n the m i l i tary as well as i n
d a n c i ng, were d es igned fbr the m a i nt ena n ce o f
a stable e q u i l i br i u m of the body. Second, an
ana l ogou s com p a rison s h a l l be ca r r i ed out be­
tween m i l i tary movements and d a n c i ng at the
e n d of the 1 8th century; the purpose of this
second comparison shall be the a n al y s i s of the
co m i n g into existence of another type of bo d i l y
movements which, in tho military as well as in
dan ci ng, were d e s igne d for the accomplishment
of dyn amic £1 e xi bility of the body.
Changes in military movements dur­
ing the second half of the 15th century
Throughout the h i gh and late Middle Ages,
military movements were, as a rule, conducted
for the purpose of accomplishing direct interac­
tions along a straight line which interconnected
opposed combatants. This rule applied to the
dual combat of the knights as well as to the
matches of the bourgeois fimcers . In both kinds
of combat, the opponents tried to thrust their
weapons upon each other in attempts to test
which of both had to give way. 2 The rule also
applied to battle tactics , which, still at the end
ofthe 15th century, were conceived, for example
by the Swiss, as engagements between two
formations pushing against each other. a These
tactics enforced the use of pikes and swords as
offensive weapons. Conversely, they limited the
use of projectiles (except for the special cases of
the English longbowmen, the Genovese cross­
bowmen and the Aragonese4) and, specifically,
retarded the deployment of firearms.5 In this
type of combat, the space surrounding the com­
batants was not of tactical significance in itself;
for movements which deviated from a straight
line were either forbidden, as in the tourna­
ments, or were not part of battle tactics at all.
Instead, space was only used for allowing each
combatant to accomplish his goal, namely to
attack, hit and beat his opponent swiftly and
directly.
This type of combat underwent a thorough
change through the lansquenets ofRoman King,
Emperor Elect and Roman Emperor Maximil­
ian I ( 1459-15 19). The hallmark of the lan­
squenets was no longer a custom of fighting
along a straight line, but they preferred a circle-
158
w i s e movement which enabled them to a t t ack
their opponents from many d i rtcren t a n g l e s . An
ea rly p iece of evi dence fbr thi s novel figh ting
t e ch n i q u e of the l a n squ e nets was p r ov i d e d by
Je a n Molinet in h i s report on Maxim i l i an's
arrest in the city of Bruges in J an u a ry 1 488.
Mol i n e t reports that, on some occasion , Co unt
Eite l fried r i ch I, a y outh friend of Max i m i l i a n's ,
was present in the centre ofthe city, w aiti ng for
Maximilian with a band oflansquenets in Sai nt­
Domas square. Molinet writes that l!:itc l frie­
drich wanted to prevent his lansqu e n ets from
the idleness of w aiting in the square an d com­
manded them to train themselves for lighti ng;
Eitelfriedrich is made to have ordered h i s l an­
squenets to form "the snail" l "limach. on "l a c ­
cording to the "w a y of the Germans". Im m edi­
ately, Molinet says, the lansquenets arr a yed
themselves in ranks and files , four by fo ur, and
marched circlewise across the square, drifting
slowly to the outside while marching. Su dde nly,
Eitelfriedrich shouted a command: "Everybody
fell his pike !", and the command was carried out
instantaneously. But, Molinet goes on, the citi­
zens of Bruges, watching the show, misunder­
stood the formation of the "snail": Instead of
regarding the formation as an instrument of
training and as a piece of show, they mistook it
as an attack by the lansquenets on the city,
screamed and tried to flee the place or hide in
their homes. Hearing the noise, Maximilian
came to the square and tried to calm down the
citizens . But he failed and was arrested by the
city authorities for misconduct and breach of
peace (Molinet 1828: 207-208).6
In the context ofthis study, it is not necessary
to inquire about the truth ofMolinet's assertion
that Maximilian was arrested in Bruges be­
cause of the misconduct ofhis lansquenets . For,
even if Molinet was wrong in assuming this to
have been the case, his report still contains the
valuable information that, to the citizens of
Bruges in 1488, the formation ofthe "snail" was
something new, which they did not understand,
whereas, for the lansquenets themselves, it was
then already current practice. This was so,
because two commands by their band leader
Eitelfriedrich sufficed to make the lansquenets
do what was expected of them. Molinet's report
also discloses an image of violence and war-
pronene:;s attached to the lansquenets at that
time.
The novelty of the formation of the "snail" is
underlined by the fact thai Molinei's report is
one of the earliest l iterary references to this
formation . Not only Molinet's own word lima­
chon was new at the ti me, but also other vernac­
ular renderings of the Latin testudo, namely
Middle English sna.yle and Middle High Ger­
man schnegge were uncommon at the time of
Molinet's report. Up to the end of the 15th
century, testudo and its vernacular variants
had been used, for instance in the Latin and
vernacular editions of Vegetius, for the descrip­
tion of a machine in siege warfare. In this
context, testudo had denoted an armed covered
cart in the shape of a turtle and equipped with
a pestle that could ram holes into stone walls
(Vegetius 1 885: IV/14; Hohenwang 1477: fol .
63r; Knyghthode 1 9 3 5 : v v 2371, 2379, 2385). I n
the beginning o f the 16th century, the word
testudo and its vernacular variants changed
their meanings from a technical instrument in
siege warfare to a training formation for fight­
ing bands; and this change always occurred in
connection with the reception ofthe lansquenet
type of combat.7 Thus, the process of the change
of the meaning of testudo and its vernacular
variants shows that the circlewise formation of
the "snail" as described by Molinet emerged as
the hallmark of the lansquenet type of combat.
What was novel about the formation of the
"snail" was the circlewise movement of the
lansquenets in a training formation. They prac­
ticed this formation under the command of
their band leaders in preparation for battle, but
not in the battle itself. Thus, from its very
inception, the formation ofthe "snail" displayed
the willingness of the lansquenets to abandon
the medieval convention of fighting along a
straight line. Instead, for their training forma­
tion and their combat actions, they tried to
employ the space surrounding them in the bat­
tle field and elsewhere, and they made efforts to
increase the movability of their bodies . In this
way, the lansquenets could employ the physical
strength of their bodies for the purpose of push­
ing against their opponents into many direc­
tions and, ultimately achieved a tactical advan­
tage over the Swiss who retained their knightly
Fig. 1 . From Hans Talhoffer's fencing manual (Illum i ­
nated manuscript, Vienna, Kunstmuseum, Watlcn­
sammlung, also referred to as the Ambras Codex) ,
early 15th century. Two m e n fight with pikes. They
push the pikes against each other. The turning point
is in the upper part of their bodies .
way of fighting along straight lines well into the
16th century.
Correspondingly, the pictorial representa­
tion of individual warriors differed fundamen­
tally between the late 15th-century depictions
of Swiss fighting forces and 16th-century lan­
squenets. In the Swiss pictorial chronicles, the
Swiss warriors are shown to march by equal
step in large and densely packed formations, as
they keep the upper parts of their bodies slight­
ly inclined to the front. The turning point of
their bodies is relatively high, namely in the
upper part of their bodies, and when a warrior's
leg is shown to be stretched out to the back, it
forms almost a straight line with the upper part
of the body of the same warrior. The same type
of postures is depicted in the 15th-century fenc­
ing manuals (Hergsell 1889, plates 88, 89; Schil­
ling 1943/5 : 635)8 [Fig. 1] .
By contrast, early 16th-century depictions of
lansquenets display warriors who, as shown by
Hans Holbein the Younger ( 1497-1543)9, thrust
their weapons into many different direction
from out of a firm and stable stand on the
ground; they have both legs placed wide apart
from each other, keep the upper parts of their
bodies upright, so that a warrior's leg stretched
out to the back and the upper part ofhis body do
not form a straight line; also, the turning point
oftheir bodies is rather low, in the hip zone [Fig.
159
Fig. 2. Hans Holbein the Younger: The Lansquenets' Battle (drawing, Basel, O ffentliche Kunstsammlung), ca
1530. A sequence of dual combats is shown with men thrusting their halberds and battle axes against enemies
in many different directions. The turning point is in the hip zone of their bodies .
2) . Holbein also depicted the battle scene as a
sequence of dual combats, no more than losely
coordinated. In these dual combats, the lan­
squenets make ample use ofthe space available
to them and fully rely on their individual phys­
ical strength in battle action. Hence, in battle
action, the lansquenets were accustomed to
breaking apart their formations into dual com­
bats sooner than it had been the practice of the
Swiss .
These new types o f combat initiated b y the
lansquenets can be understood as the results of
the preference given to circlewise movements
over movements along a straight line. The new
types of combat demanded efforts for the main­
tenance of a stable equilibrium under the con­
dition of rapid and energetic movements and
pushs into many directions . Their equilibrium­
oriented behaviour enabled the lansquenets to
combine the goal of the high movability of their
bodies with the demand of maintaining a firm
stand against their opponents in dual combats.
The conditions were, first, that the lansquenets
were allowed to rely on and employ the physical
160
energies contained in their bodies; second, that
they could make ample use of the space within
/
which their fighting actions were to take place;
and, third, that they kept themselves fit for
battle action and trained themselves for the
purpose of increasing the movability of their
bodies10 [Fig. 3) .
Changes in dancing during the second
half of the 1 5th century
In medieval dancing, the movements of the
head and of the arms played a significantly
deictic part in determining the meaning of ges­
tures of expression; hence they appear to have
been carefully and purposefully chosen. By con­
trast, determining the steps and the move­
ments of the feet seem to have been left to the
individual dancers11 [Fig. 4) .
However, by the beginning of the 15th centu­
ry at the latest, more regularizing attention
seems to have been awarded to the steps and
the movements of the feet, whereas the impor­
tance of the movements of arms declined. For
Fig. 3. 1• rom Ch ri;;tinn gge­
nolph's fe n c i n g m a n u a l
(book i l l u;;t.ra t i o n , p r i n te d
at Franckfu rt ) 1 fifi8. The
printer Ege n o l p h m ay have
used olde r d r a w i n gs , p o s s i ­
bly from DU rer's workshop.
Two men fif.(ht with p i ke s .
They p u sh t.h e p i kes aga i nst
each oth e r·. The t u r n i n g
point is in the h i p zone of
their bodies.
example, crossing one's legs while stepping for­
ward became the expression of aristocratic be­
haviour 1�; and a number of dancing steps (sim­
ple, double, piua, saltarello, ripessa, contrapas­
so, mouimento, volta, and others) became pre­
scribed for dancers who were to enact them in
groups. Further to this, in the 15th century,
members of groups of dancers were expected to
move to and from each other, encircling one
another or weaving in and out of geometrical
patterns of choreographies. Specifically, this
was the case in one variant of a bassa danza
named Verceppe, which was described by danc­
ing master Antonio Cornazano of Piacenza (ca
1429 - ca 1484)13 in the following way: Verceppe
is a dance similar to a skirmish ["scaramuc­
cia"] . Dancers form groups of five, two ladies
and three gentlemen. The ladies stand in the
centre, the gentlemen stand around them. In
this arrangement, they perform a saltarello, all
at the same time, and then they stop their
movements . Then the first and the last gentle­
men begin to encircle the ladies in such a way
that they begin on their left feet and enact two
doubles (Cornazano 1916: 18-20).
Cornazano's choreography describes a dance
performed in geometrical patterns including
circlewise movements, such as turns. On the
one side, the dancing master had the task of
composing the dance in advance, as if it were a
piece of music; on the other side, the dancers
had the obligation ofpracticing the dance under
the supervision of the dancing master and fol­
low the prescribed choreography. The earliest
references for such dancing masters come from
the 15th century. 14
In sum, 15th-century dances display meas­
ures for the training of dancers who need to
acquaint themselves with the choreographies
of professional dancing masters . The arrange­
ments emphasize circlewise movements of danc­
ers according to geometrical patterns, thereby
awarding a higher importance to the space
which the dancers use for the enactment of
their movements. For want of contemporary
normative sources, it is impossible to ascribe
characteristics of normative behaviour to these
types of bodily movements; however, the paral­
lelism ofthe novel bodily movements in dancing
in the earlier 15th century with the novel bodily
movements in the military at the end of the
15th century seems to suggest that the innova­
tions in either walks of life were more than
merely contingent.
Pictures of the new dances followed suit in
displaying formations of dancers, all of whom
are depicted in a stable equilibrium position,
from out of which they can perform circlewise
movements . 15 Among others, in an early 16th­
century woodcut ascribed to Durer ( 14 7 1-1528)
( 1970: 1443) [Fig. 5] , three women and three
men are dancing in a circle, moving by different
kinds of step after the music. One dancer, who
is placed in the foreground ofthe picture, stretch-
161

Fig. 4. From the Manesse manuscript (Heidelberg
Un i versity Library), early 14th century. A man and a
woman dancing. They move their arms as if gesticu­
lating. Their hands are in dcictic positions .
es his leg out behind himself and keeps the
upper part of his body upright. The turning
point ofhis body is relatively low in the hip zone,
and the leg stretched out to the back and the
upper part of his body do not form a straight
line . This is exactly the same type of position as
the one in which the lansquenets were depicted
at the same time. 1 6
Comparison between movements i n the
military and in dancing
Parallelisms between novel movements in the
military and in dancing become explicit in the
equation by Cornazano of the Verceppe with the
scaramuccia. 17 By this equation, Cornazano dis­
plays himself as an author knowledgeable in
dancing as well as in military matters . 18 In fact,
Cornazano was in the services of the Sforza, of
the Este and of Bartolomeo Colleoni and au­
thored a number of works on military theory. 19
162
In these works, Cornazano commented on the
Ro man m i l itary trad i ti o n , us i ng mainly Vcge­
tius, whose canon of military exercises he rec­
ommended ( 1493: tal. lv). Cornazano was thus
a conservative as a military author, but could
nevertheless be innovative as the author of a
dancing manual . The same combination of danc­
ing and military expertise can be observed , at
the practical level, about Maximilian l. He did
not only support the lansquenets type of com­
bat, but also introduced circlewise movements
into the to urnaments�" and in fencing� 1 , a s he
was an active dancer following the new style.22
In all these respects, Maximilian preferred sta­
ble equilibrium positions and circlewise move­
ments .
The comparison of military and danci ng
movements as actions leads to the first ob,;erva­
tion that both types of movements were not
perceived to be as far apart as it may appear
from a 20th-century perspective. Moreover, sim­
ilar types of changes in bodily movements oc­
curred in the military as well as in dancing. In
both cases, two types of movements competed
during the 15th century: The traditional type
was performed along straight lines and as an
action the purpose of which it was to allow one
individual to interact swiftly with another indi­
vidual; the new type was enacted as a circlewise
movement or a movement according to geomet­
rical patterns and as an action the purpose of
which it was to enable an individual to make
use of the space around itself and to conduct
movements and pushs energetically into many
different directions from out of a stable equilib­
rium position. A closer look at the emergence of
the new type of movement reveals that the
innovation occurred in dancing about two gen­
erations earlier than in the military.2a
Hence it may be concluded that, during the
15th century, the courtly festivals resembled a
playgrouml f:Jr innovations, anticipating early
on what was to become daily practice in the
military only at the end of the century. As far as
the military was concerned, however, the inno­
vations did not before the beginning of the 16th
century become dominant over the traditions of
the high and late Middle Ages . Instead, Maxi­
milian and his aristocratic lansquenet band
leaders had to fight uphill, as it were. Still at the
Fig. 5. The A u g:; b u rg Torch
D ance ( p r i n ted broadsheet,
ascribed t o Di.i re r ) , ea rly
16th cen t u ry. Men a n d
women en act ci r c l e w ise
movements. The turning
point is i n t he h i p zone of
their bod ieR.
very end of the 15th century, the new type of
combat, which they favoured, proved unsuc­
cessful in battles against the then still domi­
nant Swiss. 24 Therefore, Maximilian must have
been eager to introduce the new type of circle­
wise movements and the stable equilibrium
position against the opposing pressures of his
own time and even under the impression of
defeat in battle. In his own time, Maximilian
could no more than hope that the new forms of
action would eventually succeed; in fact, how­
ever, they became dominant soon after his death
in 1519. 25
Changes in military movements dur­
ing the 18th century
The stable equilibrium position was retained
throughout the 17th century, although a stiff
element began to dominate movements. 26 This
element is recognizable in military movements,
sports and dancing, where warriors, sportsmen
and dancers began to keep stiff all those parts
of their bodies which were not essential to the
performance of movements. As drill manuals 2 7
show, by the end of the 1 7th century, this stiff
element had been accepted in the armed forces
of all European states as well as in the British
colonial army in North America.
These drill manuals were commissioned alike
by continental absolutist rulers, private com­
manders of army regiments, the captains of the
Free and Imperial Cities as well as by com­
manders in the British armies . They all agreed
that it should be the purpose ofmilitary exercis­
es to "form" a ruler's subjects into "blindly
obedient soldiers" (Dietrich 198 1 : 229). It was
then understood that this goal was to be accom­
plished by way of training the peasants to
accept and perform specific new positions and
bodily movements and that, through the specif­
icity of these positions and movements, the
soldiers were to obtain a distinguished "bon
air". The soldiers were to hold their heads
upright and motionless, keep their eyes open
and look straightforwardly into the eyes of
theirs counterparts; the soldiers were to stand
stiffly on their feet and were to march with their
knees stretched out straight and with their
heads turned above their right shoulders; and
163
they were to keep their bod ies upright (Regl e­
ment for the Prussi an Jn fantery 1 74�1 : TT/2,7;
Regl e m ent for the Prussian Infantry 1726: III
2,6; Il/2 , 1 3 ; Il/2, 19).
In contral>t with the stable equilibrium posi­
tions of the 16th century, in the late 17th- and
18th -centu ry pos i tions and bodily movements ,
the eq u i l i bri um was used for the twofold pur­
pose, first, or keeping the soldiers' bodies tight
and upright and of constraining their move­
ments, and, secon d, of making them enact all
com manded move ments promptly and swi ftly.
Instead of trai ning their bodies for physical
strength and making them concentrate them­
selves on their arms and legs, the soldiers were
to focus their atten tion on the meticulous enact­
ment of given orders (Reglement for the Prus­
sian Infantry 1726: Il/2, 19), on keeping their
spines straight and motionless (Reglement for
the Prussian Infantry 1726: 1112,8), and per­
forming movements briskly and strictly by com­
mand only (Reglement for the Prussian Infan­
try 1726: Il/2 , 1 2).
These positions and movements stood in
exact opposition against the sturdy peasant
behaviour with its loose, flexible, but occasion­
ally wild movements . Therefore, constraining
the flexibility of movements implied their con­
trol by a superior agency as well as by the
moving soldiers themselves (Reglement for the
Prussian Infantry 1 743: Xl/3,7).
These principles of manual drill, namely
keeping the body upright and tight, stretching
his limbs and keeping them stiff, and moving by
command only and then briskly, appeared most
clearly in the Prussian drill manuals issued
under Frederick William I and Frederick II. Yet
they were not a Prussian invention; instead,
they can be found already in late 17th-century
French drill manuals. 28 Drilling soldiers for
"blind obedience" was necessary, because, in
the complex battle tactics of the later 17th and
the 18th centuries, the common soldiers were
expected to execute commands without reason­
ing, although they themselves were frequently
unable to understand the commands given to
them. Moreover, reasoning which was endemic
among the peasant populations 29 was then in­
tolerable in the armies because it would have
impeded the prompt execution of the com-
164
mands .'111 Finally, most armies were made up
from motley bands of pressed or conscri bed men
whose personal conduct left much to be des i r·ed.
When successful, the drill produced sol d i ers
who were ready to subordinate themselves to
the discipline of the corps, to act by com m a nd
only and, when moving, distinguish v i s i bly be­
tween moving and motionless parts of their
bodies. Thus the outward impression which the
soldiers gave of their professional behaviour
was that of a natural, living machine . Indeed,
specifically the Prussian army and its sol d i ers
were compared with a well ordered mach i n e
already i n the 18th century.'11 Hence, l i n ear
tactics and the kind of drill it demanded w ere
compatible with the mechanistic principles gu id­
ing the Enlightenment.3 2
However, linear tactics began to be subjected
to criticism under the impression of the Seven
Years' War ( 1 756-1 763). Already in 1 76 1 , an
English military theorist criticized the Prus­
sian military practice and, particularly, its ap­
plication in the British armed forces. He argued
that Prussian drill was an exaggeration, even if
it was based on sound reason and good for the
maintenance of discipline, and that, if the sol­
diers ought to stand still, they should do so
without constraint (Dalrymple 1 7 6 1 : 67). In­
deed, during the Seven Years' War, Prussian
drill had been popular in Britain, although, in
detail, Prussian rules for military movements
were nor identical with those prescribed in the
official drill manuals for the British armed
forces. 33 Dalrymple argued against what he
perceived as the unnatural Prussian habit of
using the soldiers' bodily energy for the purpose
of keeping their bodies motionless and tight.
Instead, in Dalrymple's view, it was rational to
allow the soldiers to move their bodies "natural­
ly" and without constraint.
Dalrymple's criticism marks the beginning
of a movement against linear tactics and the
behavioural rules stipulated by it. Since then,
critics began to argue that, instead of focusing
bodily energies onto motionlessness and stiff­
ness, it made more sense to direct the soldiers'
activity to what the critics assumed to be battle­
relevant action. In other words, critics of linear
tactics maintained that the kind of drill which
was exemplified by the Prussian rules had little
or no con nection any longer with battl e action;
instead, th ey i nsisted, m i l i tary drill should pay
respect to the true "nature" of the soldiers in
order to a llow them to act appropriately in
battle. In sum, critics ofthe linear tactics placed
their conception of "nature" against the ma­
chine and, thereby, denied the previous convic­
tion that the machine was natural. Hence, since
the 1760s, nature and the machine had become
incompatible.
What was the difference? Jacques Antoine
Hippolyte de Guibert ( 1743-1 790), perhaps the
leading prerevolutionary critic of the armed
forces of the Ancien Regime, observed the fol­
lowing about the position without arms :
"Whenever the soldier is in this position, he
shall stand motionless and shall observe strict
silence. However, he shall not stand like a
lifeless machine, but shall rather resemble an
animated picture, which can begin to work and
move at any moment" (Guibert 1774: 165).
Thus Guibert associated the machine with
motionlessness, which was no longer worth a
consideration. He did no longer want the sol­
diers to observe a static and tight position while
standing; instead, he understood the standing
positions as the preparatories for subsequent
movements . Against the prescriptions of the
earlier 18th century, Guibert emphasized the
movability of the soldiers' bodies and believed
that it was "natural" to interconnect the stand­
ing positions with the movements that were to
follow them (Guibert 1774: 73-76).
Because Guibert rejected the previous fu­
sion of nature and the machine, he was com­
pelled to indicate his own criteria for the "nat­
uralness" of behaviour. On the occasion of his
command for marching, he explained:
"I have paid keen attention to the fact that
every class of human beings, every nation has
its own way of walking as it has its own physi­
ognomy. . . . But, in one single respect of the
mechanism ofwalking, all human beings agree.
Namely, all human beings move their bodies
forward while stepping ahead; among all hu­
man beings, the weight ofthe body alternating­
ly rests on the leg which stands on the ground,
and all human beings lift up their opposite f(>ot
for the second step, after they have placed th i s
leg o n the ground. I n this respect, m y ba�i c
principles of the drill step are correct and com ­
patible with nature" (Guibert 1774: 183-184 ) .
According, t o Guibert, a drill rule was "correct",
if it was compatible with "nature", and com pat­
ibility with "nature" did not result from abid­
ance by pre-existent orders, but was to be
gleaned from empirical observations of what
was common to all mankind. Hence, to Gui bert,
"nature" was no longer the order ofthings in the
world, but the common property of mankind.
Hence, to him, movements were "natural" when
they could be shown to be performed by all
human beings . Consequently, and because hu­
man beings do not usually constrain their move­
ments, Guibert was compelled to delete from
drill all rules the goal of which was to restrict
the movability of the soldiers . Instead, movabil­
ity had become the main goal of military exer­
cises , and the soldier had been transformed
from a "lifeless machine" into a dynamic instru­
ment of warfare.
These attitudes brought Guibert into opposi­
tion against linear tactics . He questioned the
principles guiding conventional 18th-century
warfare and rejected them when he could not
find an empirical foundation for them, but only
the desire for the preservation of existing hab­
its and, beyond that, the status quo in general .
Guibert rode an attack on the then still domi­
nant Prussian tactics and argued that Prussian
tactics were no more than the fixed rules of
"slavish" game, in which everyone will succeed
who abides by the rules meticulously (Guibert
1780: 124). With this attack, he disclosed a
major weakness of the Prussian tactics, namely
that the artfully balanced house of cards34,
which it represented, would collapse at once, if
only one player refused to accept the rules ofthe
war game. lt becomes immediately evident that
Guibert theoretically anticipated Napoleonic
strategies. 35
Guibert's ideas were fully utilized for the
compilation of the drill manual for the troops of
the French revolutionary army of 1791. In this
manual, a rule for the position of the soldiers
without arms was prescribed which followed
165
 "
fi'!•', 3 .
· • · ··
....-
Fig. 6. Fro m the French d r i l l manual of 1791 (book
ill ustration, pri n ted i n Paris by gov e rn m e nt com­
m a n d ) . "Fig. 2" shows a sol d i e r in the p os i t io n stand­
ing u nder arm s, s l i gh t l y l e a n i n g to the front. "Fig. 3"
shows a soldier marching; his body is upright.
the one suggested by Guibert. But the drill
manual of 1791 went far beyond Guibert in that
it did not only abandon the stiffness of the
position of the body, but, further to this, ruled
that , while standing, the soldiers should lean
the upper parts of their bodies slightly to the
front (Reglement for the French Troops 1 7 9 1 :
I I ) [Fig. 6] . This rule w a s connected with what
was prescribed for marching:
"To the front! March! Upon the first command,
the full weight ofthe body shall rest on the right
foot. Upon the second command, the left foot is
lifted swiftly, but without shaking, is brought
forward two feet ahead of the right, the knee is
in tension, the tiptoes are slightly turned to­
wards the ground and twisted slightly towards
the outside, together with the knee. At the same
time, the body is pushed forward, and the foot is
placed on the ground flatly and smoothly at the
very distance at which it is from the right foot.
Hence the weight of the body must always rest
on the foot that stands on the ground. Immedi­
ately, the right leg is pulled ahead swiftly, but
without shaking, with the tiptoe stroking the
ground without touching it" (Reglement for the
French Troops 1 7 9 1 : 17-19).
166
The tension of the ma rch was to result from the
f()Tward i n cl i n a ti o n of the u pper p ar t of the
soldiers' bodies during the standing posi tion . In
th i s position , the sol d i er s were forced to use
their en ergy for keeping themselves upright
until they could release this energy i nto for­
ward movements. Thus the tension prod u ced
by the forward inclination of the standing posi­
tion made soldiers desire to march swiftly, lest
they fell down on the ground. To this tension, a
further accelerating factor was added w h i ch
was to result from the stretching towards the
ground of the knees and tiptoes. Together, the
combined effects of the forward inclination and
-.· :-:: · ··
. of the downward stretching of the knees and
tiptoes increased, first, the speed with which
steps could succeed each other, and, second , the
distance covered by the steps . In sum, as Gui­
bert, the French drill manual of 1791 took
standing positions to be the preparatories for
marching; but it went beyond Guibert in pre­
scribing rules, in consequence of which the
soldiers were in a tension which compelled
them to employ their bodily energy for the
purpose of gaining more ground more swiftly.
On the basis of these rules, the mass armies
levied since 1793 were drilled, so that the drill
manual of 1791 could become the tactical basis
for Napoleonic strategies . It remained in effect
until 1830 and was quickly applied in modifica­
tions in Italy and England already by 1800. In
the German speaking areas, the earliest appli­
cations of the French drill manual of 1791
appeared in the Austrian Imperial army in
1806, whereas the Prussian army received its
first French inspired drill book only in 1 8 1 2 .36
At the latest at this point oftime, linear tactics,
which had been founded on conformity and
static behaviour, had been replaced by the dy­
namics and desire for originality so characteris­
tic of 19th-century military practice.37 Hence­
forth, bodily movements came to be regarded as
dynamic actions .
Changes in 18th-century dancing
By far the most important 18th-century courtly
dance was the minuet, which contained the
expression of well-orderedness already in its
name.38 But the agreements between the minu-

et and military movements were not limited to
formalities ; instead, they concerned many dif­
ferent details of rules for positions and move­
ments . For example, in 1 7 17, Gottfried Tau­
bert, a German dancing master, prescribed rules
for dancers according to which they should
adopt a well-ordered position in which a stable
equilibrium is always to be preserved; dancers
were expected to keep their bodies tight and
upright and their knees stiff (Taubert 1 7 1 7 :
411-412, 4 1 8 ) ; they were t o constrain their
movements while stepping forward (Taubert
1 7 1 7 : 42 1). In detail, Taubert ruled that danc­
ers had to stretch their knees and tiptoes while
moving forward and stiffen all parts of their
bodies that were not required for the purpose of
moving (Taubert 1 7 1 7 : 422-423). Instead, danc­
ers had to keep their bodies upright and in a
stable equilibrium [Fig. 7] .
Taubert believed that the well-ordered and
constrained movability of the body was an ex­
pression of the "naturalness" of dancing. By
contrast, Taubert regarded such movements as
unnatural or "affected" which were disorderly,
indecorous and exaggerated through an overex­
tension ofmuscles (Taubert 1 7 1 7 : 411-4 1 2 , 42 1 ) .
I n Taubert's conception o f dancing movements,
order and a stable condition did not stand
against, but were indicative of"naturalness", in
Fig. 7. Arnold Va n h accke n ,
The Min u et (engrav i n�c:),
1 7 ::3 5 . A man and a woman
enact circl ewi Re move­
ments . Their bodies a rc u p­
r ight and kept i n a tight po­
sition.
the same way as in the early 18th-century
military movements'!!) the machine did not stand
against "nature".
Such behavioural norms reflected the world
of the courts with the aristocracy as the ruling
elite which was closely tied together in a system
of Europe-wide kin affiliations and social inter­
relations . Hence the behavioural norms ex­
pressed in the minuet were constitutive for the
courtly elite which, for itself could sanction
deviations from or even disregard for these
norms . But, throughout most ofthe 18th centu­
ry, the attitude toward these norms among the
peasants was distant and rejective, whereas
the bourgeois attitudes were mixed. Those mem­
bers of the bourgeoisie who wanted to assimi­
late themselves to or compete with the aristoc­
racy tried to imitate the norms ofcourtly behav­
iour, while the critics of the aristocracy ex­
pressed their criticism through attempts at the
establishment of novel behavioural norms .
Such indecision can be traced in the works of
two mid- 18th-century men of arts, those by
William Hogarth ( 1697-1764), English painter
and art theorist, and those by Jean Georges
Noverre ( 1727-1810), Swiss-born dancing mas­
ter, choreographer and ballet theorist. In 1753,
Hogarth described the minuet step as a com­
mon "inundating movement" in the course of
167
w h i c h the bod i es of t h e d u n c c rs move up un d
dow n w h i l e ste p p i n g fo rw a rd ( Hoga rth 1. 955:
1 57). The mi n u et s t e p was th u s a step on high
hee l ::� , w h i c h cond i t i o n e d t h e "i n u ndatin g move­
ment". The I aUe r w a s i n turn intensified by the
stretching of the knees and the tiptoes as pre­
scri bed by Taubert a n d repeated by H ogarth in
h i :; p i cto rial works :'" Hogarth approved such
ki nd::� of step:; as an expression of beauty and
placed them in opposition against two unbe­
com i n g types of m ovement, on the one side,
those o f peasants w h i c h h e described as disor­
derly and wild, and, on the oth er, those of the
dan c i n g master:; whose tight and upright posi­
tions he brandmarked as l u dicrous (Hogarth
1986: 97). Thus, Hogarth knew two kinds of
deviations from his own aesthetic ideal of move­
ment as represented in the minuet, first, the
boorish ignorance of aristocratic behavioural
norms, and, second, the purposeful rejection of
some of these norms (Hogarth 1986; 1.27-135).� 1
Similar observations can be gleaned from
N overre's theoreti cal leiters on the art of danc­
ing and on the ballets, fi rst published in 1.760.
As a man of bourgeois origin, Noverre com­
posed ballets for an aristocratic audience� 2 , usu­
ally at the demand of territorial rulers .
In his letters, Noverre once described the
bodily movements of dancers as the movement
of a machine:
"According to my opinion, nothing is more diffi­
cult than to hide our own mistakes, particularly
in those moments when, through some intense
execution, the whole machine is moving and in
a continuous vibration and when it sacrifices
itself to unnatural movements and incessant
strains. If, in these moments, art can overcome
nature, the dancer deserves every praise! " (No­
verre 198 1 : 226).
N overre's image of the machine was similar to
that of Guibert's, namely an instrument for the
facilitation of quick and intense movements,
such as jumps or lifts of other dancers . But such
movements posed a problem. The problem was
that dancers had to exhibit slow actions, when
quick movements were required, and they had
to preserve the visible impression of an equilib­
rium when intense and destabilizing movements
168
w e re to be perf()rmed. In order to combi n e their
q u i c k and intense movements with the i m p res­
sion ofbalanced positions and slow actions, danc­
ers were in need of a stable position of stead fast­
ness, in which they could keep their bodies up­
right. Hence Noverre still demanded the 18th­
century constrained stable equilibrium positions
in the novel contexts of rapid movements (No­
verre 1 98 1 : 247-248, 258-259).
As the early 18th-century dancing masters,
Noverre used the position of a stable equi l i bri­
um ior the purposes of accomplishing controlled
and constrained movements and of reducting
tensions , as he gave preference to the use of
bodily energy for the purpose of keepin g the
body and its limbs tight, upright and stifl".
The 19th-century reception of Noverre's
works supports the assumption that his rules
for positions and movements became the stand­
ard of what has since been referred to as the
classical ballet. However, what was , in the 18th
century, an expression of contemporary behav­
ioural norms, has remained a mere reminis­
cence since the 19th century. This has been so,
because, soon after the publication ofNoverre's
letters, the waltz as a new type of dance became
popular, first in the bourgeois communities of
towns and cities of the later 18th century. The
waltz followed other rules . Its hallmark were
swift turns through which the dancers received
a tension allowing them fast movements with
flexible bodies. The waltz had been representa­
tive of the kind of country dances which Ho­
garth had abhorred. But, already in 1.77 4, Jo­
hann Wolfgang von Goethe described the waltz
as a fashionable dance which he highly appre­
ciated. According to Goethe, it was a pleasure to
dance the waltz because ofthe tensions it creat­
ed (Goethe 177 4: 22-25). �3 Goethe's reference to
the waltz is of interest because it shows that, at
the time when Noverre created his equilibrium­
oriented ballet dances for aristocractic audienc­
es, the upper bourgeoisie had already adopted a
new type of bodily movement, which was no
longer equilibrium-oriented, but was based on
periodical changes between tension and fast
movements on the one side, relaxation and rest
on the other. 44
In sum, during the later years of the 18th
century, conventional behavioural norms com-
peted w i th i n n ovative ones, whereby the aris­
tocracy adhered to the conventionalisms and
the upper bourgeoisie preferred the innova­
tions. The conventional behavioural norms were
drawn on positions of a stable equilibrium, the
innovative ones focused on the flexibility and
dynamic movability of the body. Since the be­
ginning of the 1 9th century, the conventional­
isms have s urvived only in the classical ballet.
C omparison between bodily move­
ments in the military and dancing
A thorough change took place in military bodily
movements during the second half of the 18th
century. The equilibrium position, which had
emerged during the 15th century and had been
transformed into a tight position of a stable
equilibrium during the 17th century, was given
up in favour of a dynamic type of movement
resulting from tensions in the soldiers' bodies .
The change began during the Seven Years' War
and sparked off a radical criticism of the then
valid norms underlying linear tactics . Initially,
critics articulated their views merely in works
on military theory, but, already during the
1 7 70s, novel rules for movements appeared in
printed drill manuals, although then featuring
conspicuously only in Steuben's manual for the
troops of the Continental Congress in North
America. However, since the 1790s, a radical
transformation of the rules for military move­
ments occurred, in the course of which, by the
first decade of the 19th century, the convention­
al behavioural norms were either abandoned
completely or thoroughly called into question.
The late 18th-century change of military
movements is remarkable because it was car­
ried out by military officers who belonged to the
aristocracy or were nobilitated bourgeois .45
Hence the change reflected more than the polit­
ical demands and wishes of the late 18th-centu­
ry bourgeoisie, but represented changes of pat­
terns of actions which resulted from initiatives
of the aristocracy which dominated the officer
corps in the armed forces of the late 18th­
century states. The reform-demanding aristo­
cratic officers defended their demands, not with
aesthetic or emotional motives, but with argu­
ments on the efficiency of military action.
By contrast, the preference for dynamic ty pe
of movements in dancing was initially con fi ned
to members of the upper bourgeoisie, who de­
vised new behavioural norms in oppositio n
against the aristocracy. During the 18th c e n tu ­
ry, the resulting novel types of movement, rep­
resented in the waltz, remained confined to the
bourgeoisie, whereas the aristocracy retai n e d
the conventional 18th-century dancing move­
ments, represented in the courtly minuet. • H
Although the new type of movements spread
into bourgeois sports already before the end o r
the 18th century, the conventional type ofmove­
ment has been retained in the form of th e
classical ballet well beyond the 19th century.
Consequently, the change in dancing move­
ments was gradual and partial, whereas, i n
military movements, i t was rapid and total .
Nevertheless, in both processes of change, the
gross result was the same. In both cases, a new
type ofbodily movements from out of a dynamic
alternation of periods of tensions with periods
ofrelaxation was superimposed upon a conven­
tional type of bodily movements from out of
tight positions of a stable equilibrium.
Juxtaposition of the changes in bodily
movements of the 1 5th and the 18th
centuries and some remarks on the
importance of military history for so­
cial and cultural history
In the previous six chapters, two processes of
change have been investigated and compared
touching upon aspects of culture which, at first
sight, may not at present be regarded as closely
related. Specifically, the military and dancing
have been searched for behavioural norms rel­
evant to movements as actions. Investigating
movements in the military and in dancing has
given support to the assertion that military
movements are not autonomous and do not
result from some specifically military rational­
ity.47 Mutatis mutandis, the same is true for
dancing movements; also in dancing, behav­
ioural norms do not follow from internal factors,
such as aesthetic or emotional motivations .48
Instead, the comparison between bodily
movements in the military and in dancing has
produced evidence which suffices to show that,
169
in both cases , m ov e m e n ts as a form of soci a l
action w e re s u bj ected t o w i der behavioural
norm o w h i ch are d efi n a b l e in terms of space and
ti m e , u s it were, ao pa ri::; and pa rcel o f s pe c ifi c
"spaces ofco m m u n i ca ii o n ":w H ow ever, th e co m ­
pari son does n o t o n ly p rod uce s i m i l a rities, but
it also displays di flcrences . One d i fference con ­
cerns the rel ative c h ronol ogy of the ch an ges ,
the other refers to the eflects of the changes on
gro ups .
D u ri ng the 15th centu ry, changes of military
m o v e m e n ts fiJl l owed c h a n ge s uf d a n c in g move­
m e n ts after about two generations. In both
forms of social action, t h e ch a nges were total in
that no residuals on c o n venti o n a l ity were left
beyond the fi rs t h a l f o fthe 1 6th century. More­
over, changes in both forms of social action
originated among the elites , n amely the urban
patriciates in I taly and F lan d ers and the princely
nobility in Burgundy and the German speaking
areas, and then perm e ate d into other social
groups .
B y contrast, d u rin g the 18th century, chang­
es in military and dancing movements were
launched by different social groups. Changes in
military movements were initiated among the
aristocratic or nobilitated officer corps, where­
as changes in dancing were promoted by the
upper bourgeoisie. At the beginning of the 19th
century, the change in military movements was
complete, whereas the change in dancing move­
ments did not exclude residuals of convention­
ality well beyond the 1 9th century.
Consequently, the effects of the changes in
both forms of social action were different. The
late 15th-century equilibrium position and its
related behavioural norms developed into the
dominant characteristic of all European social
groups, regulating the bodily movements of
their members regardless of origin and place of
settlement. Although it will be admitted that,
perhaps, farmers and bourgeois were more fre­
quently subject to territorial policing regula­
tions than the nobility, the principal conformity
ofbehavioural norms helped constituting social
groups as Europe-wide groups, whose behav­
ioural norms were - at least in part - not subject
to the partial legislation of territorial rulers .
But the result ofthe corresponding change at
the end of the 18th century was fundamentally
170
d i tlc r e n t . Al th ou gh the cha nge br o u g h t i nto
e x istence a new type o fbod i ly m ovement�:� , it did
nut lead to a c o mple te redefinition ofbeh avi our­
al norms . Instead, in the case of d ancin g re�id­,
u als of c o nven ti o n al i ty ushered in an aesth etic
hi s to ri ci sm, which has rightly been rega rd ed as
characteristic of 1 9th-century art and c u l ture.
Bu t wi t h reg ard to the military, the ch a n ge was
total. Neither in military theory nor in m i l itary
practice were there any residuals of conven­
tionali ty allowed to persist beyond the first
decade of the 19th century. Even at the end of
the century, a historian like Hans Delbriick
faced ardent criticism by military pra cti tion ers
when he made an attempt at proving the prin­
cipal rationality of 18th-century lin e ar tactics ."0
Finally, the new behavioural norms of the
19th century were no longer made in the expec­
tation of Europe-wide acceptance. Instead, it
was believed that they were going to be valid
only within specific groups which were regard­
ed as definable in terms of a common language,
history and culture and for which the term
"nation" came in use. It is against this back­
ground that Clausewitz could argue that uni­
form behavioural norms, such as those concern­
ing social action, ought to permeate the entire
armed forces of a nation.
Notes
1 . See: Eichberg ( 1975), pp. 118- 135. Id. ( 1978), pp.
188 ff. Nitschke ( 1979), pp. 127-140. Id. ( 1989),
pp. 2 7 7-3 15.
2 . See on the knightly tournaments: Barber ( 1989),
pp. 48-76. J. Barker ( 1986). Denholm-Yaung
( 1948), pp. 240-268. Fleckenstein ( 1985). Poe­
schko ( 1984). J. Vale ( 1982). See on fencing:
C astle ( 1888). Hergsell ( 1881). Id. ( 1896). Hils
( 1985). Id. ( 1987), pp. 1-54. Nitschke ( 1987), pp.
70-7 1 , 133-135. A bibliography of the fencing
manuals is provided by Vigeant ( 1882).
3 . See on Swiss warfare in the later Middle Ages:
Grosjean ( 1953), pp. 129- 1 7 1 . Id. ( 1976a). Id.
( 1976b). Haene ( 1899), p . 165. Kleinschmidt
( 1 989), pp. 24-26. Sablonier ( 1979), pp. 429-477.
Schaufelberger ( 1966). Id. ( 1972). Id. ( 1974).
Wackernagel ( 1956), pp. 283-3 16. Winkler ( 1982).
The best pictorial source on late medieval Swiss
warfare is the Berne Chronicle by Diebold Schil­
ling the Elder ( 1 943/5).
 4. See on E n gl i s h archery: Bradbury ( 1985). Deters
( 1913). C f. on the crossbow: Harmuth ( 1975).
Heer ( 1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 1 7 0-2 0 0 . And cf. on the
Aragonesc: Sablonier ( 19 7 1 ) .
5 . S e e o n t h e development offirearms technology i n
late med ieval Europe: Kleinschmidt ( 1991a).
Rathge n ( 1 9 2 8 ) . Schmidtchen ( 1 9 7 7 a ) . Id.
( 1977b). ld. ( 1 977c). Id.( 1990).
6. Cf. Ne l l ( 1 9 14), pp. 228-232.
7. I have l i sted the references in my paper Klein­
schmidt ( 1986), pp. 105-1 1 2.
8. On the date of this fencing manual cf. : Hils
( 1985), pp. 16fi-1 7 2 .
9. Printed , among others, b y Trease ( 1974), p. 239 .
10. See th e descriptions and depictions by Marozzo
( 1536). Sainct-Didier ( 1573).
1 1 . See: Nitschke ( 1987), pp. 26-28, 136. Wolf( 19 18/
19), pp. 1 0-42.
1 2 . See: Adel mann/Weise ( 1954), p p . 26-3 3 . Gaul­
hofer ( 1 9:10). Krienke ( 1959), p. 86. Taubert ( 1968),
pp. 88-89. Tikkanen ( 1912), pp. 47-5 2 . Weise
( 1949), pp. 172- 194.
13. He may have followed the early 15th-century
model provided by Domenico da Piacenza (ca
1390 - ca 1465 [Ms Paris, Bibliotheque Nationa­
le, Fonds ital. 972, fol . 13ff. Cf. : Brainard ( 1977),
p . VI. Prevenier/Blockmans ( 1988), p. 3 1 5 .
1 4 . See: Brai nard ( 1979), p p . 2 1-44. Sachs ( 1933),
pp. 199-200. At the same time,when the dancing
masters appear, the social position ofthe fencing
maste rs becomes upgraded to a respectable pro­
fession ; cf. : Hils ( 1 986), pp. 255-2 7 1 .
15. See: Bourcier ( 1978), p p . 5 1-63. Brainard ( 1977),
pp. I-VII . Dolmetsch ( 1975a), pp. 9-3 3 . Id.
( 1975b), pp. 18-48. Wood ( 1952), pp. 92- 116.
16. See also Diirer ( 15 12), plate I. Cf. : Hene ( 1934).
Kleinschmidt ( 1989), p. 69. Lochner ( 1953), p. 1 3 .
Nitschke ( 1987), p . 150. Schnitter ( 19 7 1 ) , p p .
445-453. Wassmannsdorff ( 1870). Id. ( 18 7 1 ) . I n
Maximilian's Freydal, a knight is depicted in the
same way as Diirer depicted his dancers; see:
Leitner ( 1880/82), fol. 159. For a parallel in
sports, specifically in 16th-century tennis see:
Gillmeister ( 1986), pp. 23-39, 53-7 3 .
1 7 . This Italian word is commonly believed t o b e a
derivation from Old Frankish-Lombard skirm­
j an, which appears in Italian during the 14th
century as a nomen agentis.
18. See: Kleinschmidt ( 1 989), pp. 53-54.
19. Posthumously printed: Cornazano ( 1493). Id.
( 1507). Cf. : Serebey ( 1926), p. 455.
20. Leitner ( 1880/82), fol . 139, 202, etc.
21. See: Leckiichner ( 1532). Maximilian, Weissku­
nig ( 1888), p. 104.
22. Leitner ( 1880/82), fol . 139, 202, etc.
2 3 . There are, evidently, mid 15th-century battle
pictures and pictures of fighting men which
exhibit attitudes that came to be practiced only
at the very end of the century; see, for example,
the battle of nude men by Antonio del Pallaiuolo
( 1431- 1498) who depicted men as fighting in an
equilibrium position in largely the same way as
that which has been described here for t h e 1 6t h
century. However, this and other battle p a i n t­
ings do not seem to reflect the current mi l i ta ry
practice, but, instead, an ideal of bodily behav ­
iour which became exhibited through militar·y
action.
24. For instance, in connection with the Swiss/Swn ­
bian war of 1499, Maximilian himself was awa re
of the tactical disadvantage that the lansq u c n et
type ofcombat included. On occasions, he accused
his lansquenets of insubordination and blamed
losses ofbattles on them, even in official publ i c a­
tions which were devised for his own praise; sec:
Maximilian, Weisskunig ( 1888), cap. 174.
2 5 . Against the arguments presented by scholars
such as Hermann Wiesflecker and Gerhard Oest­
reich, I have tried ( 1986; 1994) to defend my view
that Maximilian was an innovator of circlew i s e
movements a n d the equilibrium position a n d
that these innovations contributed t o the m a i n ­
tenance of group discipline outside the control of
centralized institutions. Cf. Oestreich ( 1 969),
Wiesflecker ( 1 9 7 1/86).
26. The introduction of this stiff attitude into mili­
tary movements was one important consequence
of the military reforms of the Oranians. See:
Kleinschmidt ( 1989), pp. 96-149. Id. ( 199 1 ). I d .
(in press). For equivalents in fencing see: Herg­
sell ( 1896).
27. A list is provided in Kleinschmidt ( 1989), pp.
358-384.
28. Kleinschmidt ( 1989), pp. 150-195.
29. See the remarks by Bleckwenn ( 1987), pp. 55-
72, and Duffy ( 1987), pp. 7-1 3 . The stereotype of
the sturdy, unbecoming, fat and disorderly peas­
ant can be traced back well into the 16th century,
when Diirer emphasized it in his theory of pro­
portions and depicted peasants in them same
way; see: Anzelewsky ( 1988), p . 184. The obser­
vations by Bleckwenn and Duffy tell against the
contention by Biisch ( 1981), pp. 14-4 1 , that, in
18th-century Prussia, military drill had a direct
militarizing impact on peasant life.
30. Cf. for an explicit contemporary statement: Diet­
rich ( 19 8 1 ) , p . 23 1 .
31. See: Duffy ( 1987), p. 9 9 . Kunisch ( 1990), p p . 49-
83. Kirkinen ( 1960), Peil ( 1983), pp. 489-595.
Stollberg-Rilinger ( 1 986), pp. 9-187.
32. For a contemporary view see: Nicolai ( 1770). Cf. :
Hohrath ( 1990). See further o n the attitudes of
military officers towards the Enlightenment:
Bertaud ( 1979), pp. 3 5-4 1 . Bien ( 1979), pp. 68-
98. Doig ( 1988), pp. 1-1 0 . Duffy ( 1987). Jones
( 1980), pp. 29-48. Kann ( 1982), pp. 29-45. Kelly
( 1982), pp. 120-1 3 1 . Kieselbach ( 1988), pp. 486-
490. Koser ( 1904), pp. 239-2 7 3 . Kunisch ( 1975),
pp. 173-2 2 2 . Repgen ( 1985), pp. 27-49 . Hence,
one can hardly, as Wehler ( 1987), pp. 244-254,
does, place the linear tactics in opposition against
the Enlightenment.
171
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176
"A Household God in a Socialist World"

Lewis Henry Morgan and Russian/S oviet Anthropology

Andrei A. Znamenski

Zn amenski, Andrei A. 1 9 9 5 : " A Household God i n a Socialist World". Lewis Hen ry

Morgan and Russian/Soviet Anthropology. - Ethnologia Europaea 25: 1 7 7- 188.

'l'he a rti c l e discusses Lhe reasons ((>r high appraisal of Lewis Henry M o rgan 's
cLh n ological heritage in Russian/Soviet social scholarship. Morgan's social evo l u ­
tionism, attached to Marxism by Frederick Engels, sounded attractive for the
Soviet scholarship, which pulled Morgan's ideas out of the context of the n i n e­
teenth century thought and planted to the social scholarship of the 1930s- 1. 980s.
Fro m the early 1930s anthropological officialdom in the former USSR canon i zed
Morgan's ideas, especially his matriarchy thesis and the prophesy about the
returning to the classless society in the new advanced form. Until the early 1980s
Lhe Soviet anthropology, reduced to the study of the "primitive comm un i st
form ation", developed in the rigid framework of the Morgan-Engel's concept. The
article is based on the original Russian/Soviet sources.

An drei A. Znamenski, Senior Lecturer, Samara Pedagogical Institute, Russia.

"Reinterpreted by Engels, Morgan became the
most important ancestral figure for Soviet eth­
nology, and he is a revered - though perhaps
rarely read - authority in the broader tradition
of Marxist theory."
Adam Kuper, The Invention ofPrimitive Society
( 1988: 72).
Scholars have indicated that the social scholar­
ship in the former totalitarian society of the
Soviet Union displayed considerable attention
to the history of the primordial society. This
subject, at first glance, lacks any political rele­
vance. On the other hand, it is a good illustra­
tion of the fact that all types of intellectual
activities, even those not connected directly
with the ruling ideology, could not escape the
totalitarian grips . The rationale is very simple.
If we are to take for granted the collective
essence of the ancient kin structure, the short
period of the class-dominated relations in the
long term perspective might seem temporary,
or more accurately, represents the precondition
for the return to the primordial system, except
on a new bdsis. In short, the anthropological
and sociological research became a rationaliza­
tion for the future totalitarian utopia. This was
especially true concerning the former Soviet
Union where all branches of the social scholar­
ship were tightly connected with the dominant
Stalinist ideology called Marxism-Leninism.
This kind of scholarship was not related to the
methods of Marxism. Rather, it served to prove
the principles of the state's ideology. The situa­
tion is very typical for any totalitarian regime
(Gellner 1988: 1988; Trautmann 1987: 252-
253; De Wolf 1992: 4 73-4 75).1
Each area of social science had its own bor­
ders, within which scholars were allowed to
pursue their own research. Thus, for example,
when in the beginning of the 1930s, the totali­
tarian suppression of the social sciences in the
USSR was in many respects finished, anthro­
pology lost its broad cultural approach and was
reduced to the study of "primitive communist
formation" (Slezkine 199 1 : 481).2 In one of the
collective monographs we find substantiation
for the ideological importance of this "primitive
communism" - "to the founders of scientific
communism, it was additional evidence in favor
of the inevitability of transition from capitalist
society to the communistic one" (Ter-Akopian
199 1 : 163).
Marx and Engels received this evidence in

177
An (·ie n l Society , the work of a n Am e r i c a n a n ­
i h r opo l o giR i , Lew i s Hen ry Morga n . As T h o m a H
R. Tra u i m a n n p u t it, M o r ga n 's ::;ocial evol u ii o n ­
i::;m cou l d be "He rv i ceable io i h o H e who wi::;h io
find i n it a rg u m e n t s fo r s oci a l ch a n ge " (Traut­
ma n n 1987: 2 5 1 ). The m as i e r i n g o f h i s w o rks by
fou nders of the Marxism a d v a n ce d M o rg a n 's
wri ti ngs to the v e ry ce n te r o f' i h e i d e o l o gy i n the
Soviet Un ion in the 1930s- 1970s. 'fh i s essay
concerns the a b s o rptio n of Morgan's ideas by
the Ru::;::;ian a n d Soviet soci al scientists, an­
th ropol ogists, h i s to r i a n ::; , soc iolo g i s ts , w h o con ­
sidered Morgan Jor a l ong time "a household god
in a socialist world" (Ibid . ) . The analysis of this
and similar cases might p rov id e an additional
illustration of the Soviet totali tar i an control
over intellectual activities when the regime
used "scientific arguments" rather than direct
suppression of scholars . I n add i ti o n , thi s case
can illuminate adaptation of Western ideas to
the Russian environment.
Marx's and Engels' reinterpretations
of Morgan
It is well known that Frederick Engels credited
L.H. Morgan, who is considered the founder of
American ethnology, with independently dis­
covering materialistic understanding of histo­
ry, which was earlier invented by Karl Marx in
Europe. With minor modifications Engels com­
posed his own The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State ( 1972) around the Mor­
gan conception of human progress. The Origin
laid the foundations for Marxist anthropology:
the "primitive communistic" nature of the pri­
mordial society, matriarchy as the necessary
form of organization (later replaced by patriar­
chy with the coming of the early class society),
and linear evolutionary development of society
through stages of progress.
Like Morgan, Engels was convinced that the
governing tendency in the history of human
marriage was the diminishment of legitimate
sexual partners for men and for women as social
evolution progressed, with the monogamous
family as a final result, corresponding to the
society of private property. Engels seems to
have been so consumed with Morgan's discov­
ery of collective kinship that he accepted the
178
I u tt e r 's m a t r i a r c hy i h e ::; i ::; u n c r i ti c a l l y a ::; being
r e l a te d d i re c t l y io the co l lecti v i st orga n i zation
of ihe primord i a l society. The only d eve lop m ent
that En ge ls added was material on the ancient
G e r ma n H , G reeks and Ro m a n s . He also s h arp­
ened the materialistic i n terpretation, el i m inat­
i n g M org an from the "last remnants of idealis­
tic h usk."
However, contrary to common opinion, Marx's
view of the primordial society was far more
complex than the simpli stic versions of M organ
and Enge l s . Marx a p p ro a ch ed the subject more
creatively. He acknowledged Morgan's great
contribution to the theory of gens and their
early eg a lit a ri a n character, but unlike Morgan/
Engels he did not state thai matriarchy p re c ed­
ed patriarchy. Instead , it was Marx's view that
the first social ranks a n d divisions di d exist in
classical collective kins. For Engels and Mor­
gan these ranks and divisions appear only dur­
ing the period of transformation of the kinship
groups (kins) into class society (the so-called
"military democracy period", according to En­
gels). It was this idea that was introduced into
the ABC of Soviet anthropology. Marx also com­
posed the comprehensive synopsis of Morgan's
Ancient Society, in which he elaborated on the
concepts of American anthropology's founding
father (Krader 1974). Marx also intended to
write a special study on this subject, emphasiz­
ing the conflict between families and gentes
rather than the evolutionary sequence of patri­
archy after matriarchy. On the contrary, En­
gels, claiming he was obliged to fulfill the will of
his late friend to write the book on primordial
society, followed Morgan more closely both in
concept and even in terminology. This fact was
already noted by scholars (Bloch 1983: 48; Du­
naevskaya 199 1 : 181).
However, Marx's synopsis became known to
researchers only in 1946 after it had appeared
for the first time in Russian. By this time,
however, in primordial studies, Engels'/Mor­
gan's school of thought was dominant and abso­
lutely opposed the main ideas expressed by
Marx in his synopsis. Despite the aforemen­
tioned differences between Marx and Engels ,
both o f them shared the common conviction
that Morgan gave them ethnographic founda­
tions for their own conceptions ofcollectivism in
the anc i e n t ki n society. "Why was th i s proof of
the one-ti me existence nfpri m i i i v e com m u n i s m
s o imporian i i o Marx?", Helen Constas asked in
1967 only io re::;pond, "Bccau::;e the fact thai ii
had once existed in the past became a guaran­
tee that it would sure ly once again exist in the
future, th rough the working of the dialectic of
history. The incorporation ofMorgan thus served
an important p urpose for Marx: it intensified
Marxist eschatology. . . " (Proceedings o{the Sev­
enth Intern ational Anthropological Congress,
IV, 1964 : 460).
In spite of the obvious elements of social
evolutionism in hisAn.cient Society, Soviet Marx­
ist authors specially sti p u lated that Morgan
should not be pl aced in the company of other
prominent evolutionists such as John Lubbock,
Edward Taylor or Herbert Spencer. The reason
for such an exception lies in Morgan's attempts
to put technological progress at the core of
societal development, the corner stone of the
whole Marxist theory. He also recognized not
only the gradual evolutionary sequence but the
"qualitative leaps", and at the end ofhis classic
treatise made a prophesy about the future dis­
appearance of the contemporary society. In­
stead, he envisioned the development of a new
structure resembling the former collectivist kins,
or, in Morgan's own words , a society embodying
'a revival, in a higher form, ofthe liberty, equal­
ity and fraternity of the ancient gentes' (Mor­
gan 1985: 522). One Soviet author, Ter-Akopi­
an, who conducted research on the role of"prim­
itive communism" in Marx's and Engels' con­
ceptions , even noted that Morgan was the first
researcher into primordial society to express a
socialist perspective in human society's devel­
opment (Ter-Akopian 199 1 : 199).
Therefore, in view of Marxist authors, as an
unintentional prophet responsible for the dis­
covery ofthe essence of primordial society, Mor­
gan stood apart from his own time and rose
above all other contemporary thinkers (Ter­
Akopian 199 1 : 28; Tokarev 1978: 59). In Soviet
anthropological discourse even Morgan's pupils
and followers, such as John W. Powell, were
criticized for their deviation from the founding
father's basic conceptions. Soviet authors de­
picted him as the thinker who possessed the
true understanding of historical events, in con-
trast to h i s l ater evol utionist followers , w h o
beca me "apologi sts o f th e American capital ­
ism". It was the obvious contradiction with the
M arxi::;t principles themsel ves, which po s tul a te
the princi pic ofhistoricism . Another prominent
Soviet anthropologist wrote on the significance
of Morgan for Marxist scholarship:
"It was the optimistic beliefin the human being,
in progress of society, and in triumph of reason,
that i s , in the victory of communist societal
organization, that, most of all, brought Mor­
gan's ideas closer to those of founders of Marx­
ism, and most of all, gave this American scholar
such high esteem" (Tokarev 1978: 62).
It is interesting to note the typical evolutionary,
even Enlightenment terminology of this pas­
sage .
As is very well known, the development of
social scholarship put evolutionism under strong
criticism at the turn of the century. The new
factual data broke the linear conception of de­
velopment and pushed scholars to relativism.
The Boasian Historical School provides the best
example of this trend. "Father" Franz and his
pupils concentrated their efforts on the study of
specific cultures rather than on speculations
about global development of mankind. Further­
more, relativists came to recognition of equality
of all cultures , while evolutionists commonly
shared the concept of their hierarchy. The lan­
guage, methods and the manner of the materi­
als' presentation in the works of Taylor, Mor­
gan, Engels, and other social scholars of that
time bore the natural markers of the epoch and
could hardly "stand apart" from it. They more or
less unanimously did their researches accord­
ing to the established cliches . These studies
usually represented "piles" offactual data some­
times picked up from distinct historical periods .
Most probably Roman/ancient Greek chroni­
cles and memoirs of European travelers to the
"savage" areas served as the sources for such
works, the latter providing the relevance for the
former. The goal was to demonstrate the unity
of development of ancient Europe and the mod­
ern "savages". This view, for its own time, con­
stituted on the whole the new important step in
social sciences, which refuted attempts to mod-
179
e rn i ze h i sto ry, co n ce pti on s or sta t i c/degenera­
ti on i n th e deve l o p m e n t of' "u n d ev e l o ped peo­
" cou n tries a n d the Un ited States , Mo rga n H con­
pl e s o fthat. ti me. Later, h owever, the evolution ­
ist ideas th e m sel ves enco u n te red the ch all e n ge
of rel ati v ist anthropol ogy. The new posi tivist
social scholarsh i p primarily o p p o se d two ai:i­
pecis of the o l d anthropol ogy, the concept o r
matri archy a n d th e p erce p t i ons about t h e l i ne­
ar evol ution o f' th e soci ety.
Sov iet ethn ology, nevertheless, absorbed
m a ny evolu tionist doctrines a nd ke pi i n tact
Morgan's teach i n g i n con trast to the ch ange i n
world scho l a rs h i p . J n ad d i tion , i n the Soviet
Union, where M arxi sm was transformed i n to
the state's ideology, hii:i concepts, in Frederick
Engels' version, became the stand ard theoreti ­
cal model for the whole generation of anthropol­
ogists from the late 1920s. Through their stud­
ies they were supposed to provide only factual
evidence for Morgan's ideas . As one Soviet eth­
nologi cal authority n oted, "it seems th ere is no
country like the Soviet Union where the name
of Morgan is so popular" (ProceedinRs of the
Seventh Intern ational Anthropological Con ­
gress, IV, 1964: 492).
Russian perceptions of Morgan's writ­
ings
In the second halfofthe last century, prior to the
establishment of his authority in the Soviet
scholarship, Morgan's kinship conception had
large appeal for Russian scholars of liberal and
democratic orientation. Among them were such
prominent researchers and thinkers as the so­
ciologists Maksim M. Kovalevski, Peter Lavrov,
the anthropologists Nikolai Ziber and Leo Y.
Sterenberg. Incidentally, it was Maksim Kova­
levski who, being on friendly terms with Karl
Marx, introduced him for the first time to Mor­
gan's classic Ancient Society. At that time the
book was relatively little known in Europe
(Kovalevski 1909: 11). The attention towards
Morgan and the evolutionism seems to have
contained more than purely academic interest.
Morgan's ideas on the linear progress, that
finally leads to the restoration of the communal
forms oflife, provided additional support for the
arguments about inevitable movement of the
society to a better collectivist future.
180
Wh i l e at the turn of'the century, in E u r o p ean
'
ceptions as well as evolution ary theory o n the
whole lost their i nll uencc, i n Russia these i deas
conti n ued to dom i n ate a l a rge part of anthropo­
logical research . Apparently, we might partial­
ly expla i n th i s situation by the fact that Rus­
sian social scholarsh i p lagged behind Western
theory : the indirect reH ection of the general
u nderdevelopment of the society and economy.
In anthropology only oral ethnograph y and
((Jl kl o re experienced the strong i n fluence ofthe
"hi storical school". ln other fie lds the evolution­
i s m remained the major academic tool. Tokarev
illustrated this fact by the dynamic of tran sla­
tions of main Western anthropological works in
Russia. In the pre-evolutionary period we could
hardly find any book transl ations discussing
ethnology. Later on, at the second half of the
last century, all major treatises of Western
evolutionists became available for the Russian
audience. However, at the turn of the century,
when rel ativism and agnosticism replaced evo­
l u tionism with its ideas of progress, the signif­
icant part of the Russian scholarly community
lost interest in the contemporary works ofWest­
ern anthropologists, and the translation work
stopped. As a result, the relationships between
Russian and Western anthropology loosened
(Tokarev 1966: 361). "Russia was the only coun­
try, where his teaching [Morgan's] was accepted
and received further creative development",
proudly wrote Mark Kosven, a very influential
popularizer of the Morgan's matriarchy theory
from the 1930s to the 1950s (Ter-Akopian 199 1 :
3 2 ) . Furthermore, i t is interesting t o note that
after the first publication of Ancient Society in
the United States, two translations were print­
ed, one in Germany in 1891, and the other in
Russia. It is peculiar that the Russian transla­
tor used this German text as the original, and
Morgan's treatise in the Russian variant had
the title Primitive Society.
The first Russian scholar to employ Mor­
gan's ideas for his research was Nikolai Ziber,
whose views stood closely to Marxism. At first,
he taught at the Kiev University, then moved to
Switzerland, where he spent much of his aca­
demic career. In 1883 he published Essays on
History of Primitive Economic Culture, where,
focusing un the economy of "primitive commu­
nism", i n a typi cal evol utionary manner he
attempted to provide abundant factual evi­
dence in �:� u pport ofthe matriarchy thesis and
collective essence of the primordial society. Zib­
er extensively used Morgan's periodization of
human progress and even his terminology.
Praising Morgan and other evolutionists with
similar views, he argues that the subject of
matriarchy had received such deep analysis
that it no Junger demanded any new theoretical
reevaluation. "All our tasks for future research,"
he stressed, "include, on the one hand, accumu­
lation of a quantity of factual materials con­
firming the collective kin theory, and, on the
other, insights into the economic basis of vari­
ous kin unions" (Ziber 1883: 291). He even
formulated his summary remarks at the end of
the book as a carbon copy of the Ancient Socie­
ty's concluding prophecy: "We may doubtlessly
come to the conclusion that the new type of
commodity slavery created by capitalism for
industrial purposes represents the most hate­
ful and vilest form that has ever existed". lt was
somehow possible, he continued, to justify the
ancient forms of slavery, in Rome or Greece,
rather than to rationalize "capitalist slavery",
"enrichment of the class of civilized monsters"
(Ibid . : 504).
In some respects , he came up as the prede­
cessor of Frederick Engels, since Ziber, having
finished his study in 188 1 , became the first
European apologist of "primitive communism"
prior to the appearance of the Origin ofFamily.
"The scientific significance of Ziber's work",
stated Tokarev, "is especially considerable since
he for the first time posed a question about the
character of production relationships, property
forms in the primitive pre-class society, the
problem, which neither Morgan nor Engels
clearly defined" (Tokarev 1966: 355 ). Therefore,
it was natural that in the Soviet Union Ziber's
Essays had come out twice, in 1923 and in 1937
(Nikolski 1929: 15; Tokarev 1966: 355).
The well-known scholar, Maksim Kovalevski,
was also exposed to Morgan's ideas for a long
time. Soviet historiography depicted him as a
"bourgeois positivist influenced by Marxism"
because at first he was friends with Marx and
Engels, and later left his radical views. Kova-
levski focused primarily on the comparative
analysis of communal forms of ownersh i p in
different cultures . In addition, he wrote a few
works on the disintegration of kin society. How ­
ever, the major role here belongs to Leu Y.
Sterenberg, who academically and administra­
tively contributed to the formation of the early
Soviet anthropological scholarship through h i s
numerous students . H e started his own re­
search at the end of the last century in Russian
Far East, where he was in exile for his revol u ­
tionary activities . Sterenberg analyzed kin s h i p
systems of the Siberian indigenous peoples,
and the Nivkh people of the Sakhalin Island in
particular.
Specifically, he discovered the remnants of
the so-called "group marriage" among Sakha­
lin and Amur River natives. This type of mar­
riage, according to Morgan/Engels, constituted
a step towards the formation of a monogamous
family. Engels even translated Sterenberg's
paper on this topic for a German social-demo­
cratic magazine, and praised in his notes this
support ofMorgan's conceptions . Moreover, Ste­
renberg became acquainted with Ancient Soci­
ety's theories through Engels' Origin while serv­
ing a short prison term in an Odessa city prison
(Sterenberg 1933: X) . At the same time, as the
shift in ideas towards relativism occurred, a
small group of Russian scholars started to re­
consider "matriarchy" and "primitive commu­
nism" under the stress of new ethnographic
data. For example, Kovalevski, who traveled
and lived abroad for a long time, became one of
the first prominent scholars to share this here­
sy. Despite this , in 1905 he wrote that matrilin­
eal kinship had dominated the native life all
over the Western Hemisphere, and could also
be found on Madagascar and the Tonga Islands
(Butinov 1965 : 1 8 1 ) .
Soviet absorption of Morgan
The very character of the Morgan's evolution­
ary concept, universality, totality, and finally
its eschatological essence, had strong appeal for
the Soviet totalitarian scholarship. Tolstov, the
leading Stalinist anthropologist and an admin­
istrative "bloodthirsty turk" (Slezkine 199 1 :
4 79), stressed i n 1946:
181
"U n l: o m p r o m i s ed struggle for the Mo rga n tra­
d i t i o n i n a n th ropol ogy, frl r ra i :;; i n g o u r sch o l a r­
s h i p to the h ighest l eve l , f(,r gen u i ne i n troduc­
ti on of s c i e n ti fic methodol ogy of Mcl l"X i s m-Len ­
in ism i n to : m th ro p o l o gic a l studies re present a
ch ar act e r i s tic featu re of the d e v e lop m e n t of
an t h ro p o l o gy in our coun try" (TolRtov 1 946: 7).
Anoth e r s c h o l a r, po p u l ar i n the Sov iet anthro­
pol ogical establish m e n t i n the 1960s and 1 970s,
conti n ued :
"One can come to the objective truth on ly go i n g
al o n g the road l a i d by L . H . Morgan and Freder­
ick Engels. All other ways only leads to the
deviati on from the c re ati o n of u n i fi e d and gen ­
uine teaching about primordial society" (Se­
menov 1968 : 184).
It should be noted that Soviet anthropology
all owed and even demanded modifications of
Morgan's/Engels' views. But this reevaluation
concerned only minor details, the general prin­
ciples were assumed to be above any criticism.
Thus, from the 1940s to 1960s Soviet scholars
basically left alone Morgan's speculations about
particular forms of kinship evolution (so-called
"group marriage", "panulua family", etc.), which
anthropological observations never proved.
Engels himself indicated that Morgan's con­
cepts would demand corrections in the spirit of
new ethnographic data. However, it was also
Engels who defined the limits for this future
revisionism, adding that reevaluation should
not concern Morgan's basics : collectivism of the
primordial society and matriarchy. According
to Tolstov, "we consider the basic postulations of
Morgan's teaching about the primitive society
to be strongly verified" (Tolstov 1946: 10), and
in the "spirit of Engels and Lenin" he provided
the Marxist periodization of the primordial
society:
1. The epoch of primitive herd, when the man
and the very structure of the society had not
yet been formed.
2 . The classic gentes (kin) society of "primitive
communism".
3. The "military democracy" stage (the term
belonging to Engels), of transition from the
182
p r i m o rd i a l Roci ety to the society o f rud i m en­
tary cl a sse:o;/r-a n ks . E a r l i e r Morga n 's peri odi­
zation fo rmul ated th e foll owing stages:
1 . "S a v a g e ry ", w h en p e opl e s u b s i ste d m a i nly
on wild life .
2 . "B a rba r ity" , th e p e r i od oflhe i n i ti a l for m s of
c u l tivation a n d p ro d u c ti o n.
3 . "P ol i t ica l society" or civi l i zation : the appear­
ance of private property, state, governm e nt,
et c .
Morgan c o n n e c ted ra d i c a l cha nge s in soc ietal
development with various technological inven­
tions . Praising him for this novelty, neverthe­
less , Soviet Marxists considered th at view "im­
mature". Il was Frederick Engels who, hav i ng
connected primitive technology with people's
relations in the process of production, was cred­
ited for the "deep" el aboration on ideas con­
tained in Ancient Society. However, on the whole,
the Soviet anthropology viewed Morgan's con­
cepts as extremely relevant for the contempo­
rary schol arship, especially such aspects as
collectivist nature of the primordial society,
lack of individual families and movement from
matriarchy to patriarchy as the reflection of
transition from the classless society to a slav­
ery/feudal structure. According to Julia Aver­
kieva, one of the ardent proponents of"matriar­
chy thesis", all primordial studies consist of two
absolutely different periods : before the appear­
ance ofAncient Society and Engels' Origin, and
after publication oftheseworks (Averkieva 1979:
11). In this sense, Morgan's ideas really became
"The Book of Genesis" for Soviet anthropology.
Furthermore, until the early 1980s Soviet
ethnological "output" even in form, shape and
content strongly reminded the classical evolu­
tionist works of the nineteenth century. In addi­
tion, Soviet scholars hardly practiced anthropo­
logical case and community studies, which un­
avoidably could lead to the relativist view of
culture and society. Instead, scholarship canon
demanded universal approaches, and as a re­
sult, numerous generalization studies mush­
roomed in anthropological research. From ide­
ological positions, the officialdom of the Soviet
ethnology rebuked all attempts to reevaluate
the basics of the kin theory. Scholars who tried
to argue that matriarchy not necessarily repre-
sented col l c c i i v i ::; t k i n structu re o f t h c p r i m o r­
dial society not n ece ss a r ily constituted the con­
notation of matr i a rchy rece ived l abel s of"imita­
tors ofb u urgc u i s tho ught" and "rcv is i un ists". ln
the totalita rian sch o l a rs h i p the l atter word
lacked the neutral meaning it has in the West­
ern acade mic com m uni ty In the Soviet ethno­
. scholarships are united in their furious malice
logical di scourse the collectivist essence of the
early society b�came the synonym of matriar­
chy and vice-versa. Therefore, any challenge to
this concept was treated as a d�fense of individ­
ualism and private property that di rectly l ed to
the apology of exploitation. On� ofthe authors,
who speciali zed in writing theoretical studies
on primordiality, stated :
" . . . while Scientific Communism received
through the historical research of primitive
society genuine evidence on i n evitable doom of
capitalism, the apologists of anti-communism
naturally had to make attempts to reconsider
these data" (Pershitz 1967: 17).
Therefore, like in the other fields of Soviet
social scholarship, the academic polemics be­
tween Marxists and relativists transferred into
a politico-ideological dispute. The appearance
ofmajor translations of Morgan's works in Rus­
sian in the first half of the 1930s was not
accident. The consolidation of the Soviet total­
itarian regime at this time also concerned uni­
fication and standardization ofhumanities and
social sciences . In 1933 Mark Kosven published
a biographical study of Morgan. The next year
translations of Ancient Society and Houses and
House Life of American Aborigines came out.
Besides, in 1935, after careful preliminary work,
a part of Morgan's correspondence was pub­
lished (Kosven 1933; Morgan 1934; Morgan
1934a). Furthermore, in 1937-1938 Elena Blom­
kvist, a Soviet student of Native Americans,
translated into Russian his classic League of
Iroquois . However, the book did not appear in
Russia until 1983 (Morgan 1983). We may pre­
sume that League with its numerous "imma­
ture idealist flaws" obviously did not represent
a useful ideological tool for Soviet anthropology.
The editor of Houses and House Life, intro­
ducing this work to the Russian reader, ex­
pressed strong hope that all Soviet anthropolo-
gists would usc Morgan's works as books o f
ready r e fe re n ce:
"In our time, when the primitive communism
i ssue acquired large theoretical and political
significance, when bourgeois and social-fascist
against teaching on primitive communism , nut
avoiding in their struggle a direct falsification
of facts, the appearance of Houses and House
Li(e in Russian will play an important role
because it will provide high quality material on
the communistic character of primitive tribes"
(Morgan 1934a: VIII).
This ideological discourse gave the official eth­
nology a good opportunity to refute all present
and future challenges to the established ideas
since, from an ideological point of view, to crit­
icize the relativist conceptions of such scholars
as Bronislaw Malinowski or Franz Boas by
means of simple academic polemics was not an
easy task. This criticism unavoidably could
lead to the plurality of views, lack of ideological
correctness or theoretical unification. There­
fore, it was better to state that "bourgeois pro­
fessors" intentionally distorted ethnographic
materials to attack Morgan's conceptions, which
in turn was a challenge to Marxism. Soviet
anthropologists, who specialized in criticism of
the "bourgeois ethnology," even emphasized that
Morgan's books "officially" or intentionally were
silenced in the United States. This was an
bizarre attempt to ascribe to Western scholar­
ship the same canons, which dominated in
Soviet ethnology.
Lenin's view about the degeneration of the
whole Western thought from the beginning of
the century provided the starting point for the
criticism of all "bourgeois theories". According
to Lenin, the decline ofbeliefin ideas of progress
reflected the general decay of the capitalist
society that came into its last stage, imperial­
ism, the eve of the socialist revolution. In other
words, everything that came after the inven­
tion of Marxism carried a stamp of degenera­
tion. Consequently, scholars who did not share
Marxist views were considered the defenders of
declining society.
In his biography of Morgan Mark Kosven
183
stressed that "struggl e aga i n st Morgan's con­
cepti ons, th i s "struggle o f' i deas" is the s i m ple
refl ection of class struggle" ( Kosven 1 93 3 : 68).
Moreover, Avcrkicva, who dedicated all her
theoretical and topi cal w ritings to the defense
of Morgan's heritage", even stated that "histor­
ically and philosophical ly, these scholars I Mor­
gan's evol utionisi followers i n the United States l
represented more mature thinkers than Amer­
ican anthropologists of the twentieth century"
(Averkieva 1 979: 65). Challenging such views,
an Ameri can participant of' the 1 967 Congress
of Anthropological Sciences in Moscow rightly
compared Morgan's role in ethnology with thai
ofLamark in Biology - we should respect him as
a pioneer, but it would be absurd to speculate on
what current scholarship could get from his
teaching (Proceedings of' the Seventh Interna­
tional Anthropological Congress, IV, 1 964: 484).
However, considering the American attitudes
towards Morgan, we should not forget that from
the 1960s onward, with the general rise of left,
left-liberal ideas, and the growth of popularity
of Marxist concepts in the academic communi­
ty, a few scholars made attempts to reassess his
conceptions, stressing their relevance to the
contemporary scholarship. However, as Adam
Kuper noted, in the American anthropological
tradition debates about Morgan primarily evolve
around his kinship theory (Kuper 1988: 74).
Trautmann's study ( 1987), for example, pro­
vides an illustration of this approach. In recent
scholarship Robert Bieder seems to have pro­
vided the best brief analysis of Morgan's place
in the history ofAmerican anthropology (Bieder
1986: 245-246). But these attempts certainly
has nothing to do with the ideological approach
of the former Soviet ethnology, which developed
another tradition, inagurated by Engels, which
concerned with social evolution and the "origin
of the state". In the same way, the appearance
of nco-evolutionism in American anthropology
became a reaction against extremes of relativ­
ism rather than a return to Morgan's ideas in
their classic form.
The Soviet ethnological establishment also
made insistent attempts to link the very per­
sonality of Morgan with his "communistic ide­
as" to make the utopian consistency complete.
At first, from the biographical study by Kosven,
184
who borrowed basic assess ments of' Morgan's
pe rsonality from another Mo rga n's b i o g r a p h er,
Theodore Stern, it became common to depict
the founder ofAmerican ethnology as a con tra­
dictory person. On the one hand, he w as a
"bourgeois", "capitalist" who by tradition dem­
onstrated his religious piety. On the other, in
contrast to many of his contemporari es, "vi­
cious unscrupulous professors", he displayed
"academic honesty", and came to the "natural"
conclusions in the spirit of "spontaneous mate­
rialism". Thomas 'l'rautmann neatly rem arked
that "Morgan's charm for Marx was exactly that
he was a ''Yankee Republican" and a capi talist,
in that his contributions were therefore beyond
suspicions (Trautmann 1 98 7 : 255).
Incidentally, Soviet social scholarship often
used such arguments about "spontaneity" of
"honest bourgeois scholars" to prove the "scien­
tific character" of Marxism-Leninism or better
to say, the Soviet totalitarian version of Marx­
ism. This assessment of Morgan dominated in
Soviet anthropology until the mid- 1960s, when
Semenov attempted to reconsider this view. As
is known, in the late 1 950s Leslie White, a
major and consistent proponent of Morgan con­
cepts in the United States, published large part
of his correspondence and diaries . One can
learn from these materials that Morgan had
been rather active in Indian affairs, in addition
to his defense of the Iroquois in his youth.
Diaries also exposed his critical approach to­
wards the United States Indian policy and
European ruling circles. This social criticism
evidently did not go beyond the normal liberal
attitude to the governmental policies of the
period.
However, the temptation to link the person­
ality of the scholar with his "communistic" con­
ceptions was irresistible. In connection with the
150th anniversary of Morgan's birthday Se­
menov made such an attempt. While Kosven
depicted him as an ordinary bourgeois, Semen­
ov went to the other extreme, calling Morgan a
"revolutionary democrat" . In the Marxist
Leninst j argon this assessment meant that a
person approached very closely towards "genu­
ine" Marxist teaching. Following this logic, Se­
menov even stated that after the mid- 1870s
Morgan made a crucial step towards Commu-
nism! (Semenov 1 968: 23-24). The author picked
up all available h a r::;h q u otations and critical
statements of Morgan about contemporary so­
ciety, and buill a con::;i::;tent chain of hi::; "natu­
ral" drift tow ards "soci a l i st orientation". Hav­
ing failed to find in h i s writi ngs and notes
critical com m ents d i rectly rel ating to the Amer­
ican political system, Semenov widely employed
Morgan's E uropean diaries.
In these notes Morgan strongly criticized
European aristocracy, church bureaucracy and
expressed Rympathetic feelings to the Paris
Commune revolutionaries massacred by the
French m i l i tary in 1870. At the same time, in
the same comments he praised American de­
mocracy! These remarks forced Semenov to
produce additional explanations. Otherwise,
the "integrity" of Morgan's personality could
have fallen apart. The Soviet ideologist found
his way out, speculating about Morgan's sup­
posed homesickness for the United States dur­
ing his long travel across Europe and his belief
in so-called "American agrarian Communism" .
Helen Constas was right arguing that this sup­
posed "inconsistency" in the afore mentioned
views, in reality, presents evidence that Mor­
gan in his notes stood for the equality of oppor­
tunities rather than against private property
(Proceedings of the Seventh International An­
thropological Congress. Moscow, IV, 1967 : 457).
In this context, his harsh statements against
European aristocracy find reasonable explana­
tion.
The Prophet reconsidered
Later, after a slight destalinization, a large
number of Soviet anthropologists raised on
Morgan's/Engels' ideas, continued to demon­
strate their adherence to these views. Matriar­
chy and collectivism of the "primitive society"
were considered untouchable. However, from
the beginning of the 1960s there appeared first
scholars who attempted to reevaluate both de­
tails and corner stones of Morgan's conception.
The important role in this process belonged to
the 7th World Anthropological Congress held in
Moscow, where Soviet anthropologists for the
first time were widely exposed to the variety of
Western theories . Soviet and Western partici-
pants even organized a speci al session excl u ­
s ively on the s ignificance of Mo rgan's heritage
for the contemporary scholarship. It is also
important that the complete texts of these de­
bates became available to the Soviet audience,
which could form its own opinion of primordial
studies without anybody's interpretations.
Prior to and after the congress a group of
scholars from the Moscow Institute of Ethnog­
raphy attempted to publish results of their
research, where they found the lack of matrilin­
eal kinship in the cultures under consideration.
One of them, N .A. Butinov, a student of tradi ­
tional society ofN ew Guinea, indirectly started
to rethink Morgan's matriarchy. He expressed
his views in a monograph The Origin and Eth ­
nic Composition of Native Population of New
Guinea (Butinov 1962). Major anthropological
purists, Julia Averkieva, A. Pershitz, Leo
Fainberg, and N . Cheboksarov, delivered a
strong ideological rebuke to Butinov's book,
blatantly stating that Soviet ethnology would
not accept the sociological schemes of Western
anthropology. Moreover, they continued, "Buti­
nov's work worried wide circles of Soviet an­
thropologists ." That response also contained a
direct conviction, "The author [Butinov] drifted
to the camp of direct opponents of Marxist
teaching about primordiality" (Averkieva, Per­
shitz, et al. 1963: 201). Butinov carried on a
polemic with his critics within the strict limits
of Marxist discourse, the established rules of
the game in Soviet totalitarian scholarship. He
specifically expressed doubts over the direct
connection between the collectivist nature of
the "primitive society" and matriarchy since his
own research showed that New Guinea people
lived in collective kin communities within the
patrilineal kinship system.
His opponents attempted to assert that pa­
triarchy constituted the later institution, a log­
ical consequence ofthe colonizers' influences on
the natives . They also blamed him for extend­
ing specific Australian and New Guinea cases
to the primordial society's history as a whole.
Summarizing the results of the polemic, the
editorial board of Soviet Ethnography, the offi­
cial journal of Soviet anthropology, stated in
typical ideological cliches :
185
"We want to avoid the com paring of quotations
belonging to the founders of Marxism . I n our
opinion, it is rather well known that Engels
consi dered matrilineal kin as preceding to pa­
triarchy and Lenin did not oppose this view as
well" (Suvetskaya Etnograf£a 1965 : 187).
In si milar cases , after such conclusions all de­
bates were considered to be finished. However,
two other anthropologists, V.N. Bahkta and
V. R. Kabo took the side of B utinov. They began
argu i ng the divers i lied character of primordial
comm unities based both on kin and territorial
structures. Incidentally, all three scholars spe­
cialized in anthropology of the Pacific region
(Bloch 1983: 116).
Defenders of Morgan's thesis in their own
case studies attempted to challenge the revi­
sionist views. For example, Averkieva ( 1974) in
her book North American Indians. From Kin to
Class Society employed Native American an­
thropology to assert the early matrilineal or­
ganization of all American Indian nations . Us­
ing the traditional Marxist-evolutionist dis­
course, she (like Morgan and Engels) utilized
Greek and Roman chronicles as well as compar­
ative data on Ancient Asia's nomads . In addi­
tion, she dedicated a special chapter to criticism
of the Boasian "historical school" and contem­
porary nco-evolutionism in the United States.
However, at the turn ofthe 1970s Soviet ethnol­
ogy was gradually losing its ideological consist­
ency. Working in the limits ofMarxist tradition,
anthropologists started to bring relativist con­
cepts into their concrete research. Besides, the
"primitive communism factor" lost a large part
of its ideological significance. The very expres­
sion "primitive communism" disappeared from
all major books and reference editions in the
1960s and 1970s (Ter-Akopian 199 1 : 163 ) . Writ­
ings, that still used this cliche, put it into
quotation marks .
Interestingly enough, from the 1930s to 1970s
the strength of ideological attacks on revision­
ists ofMorgan softened as the totalitarian grips
loosened. Let's compare, for example, two dis­
courses. In 1933 attacking Robert Lowie Kos­
ven used the following words, "Current official
American ethnology under the leadership of its
recognized chief, self-satisfied and frivolous,
186
Robert Lowic, who became famous for bci n g the
first to crusade against Morgan in A m e rica,
directs all its efforts to overthrow the teach ing
about kin ." However, in the 1970s Avcrkieva,
one of the Marxist purists of the Soviet an thro­
pology, already wrote, "In 1919 one new theore­
tician I Lowie l of the historical school came up
with an attempt to prove the primord i a l it y of
patriarchy. Generalizing the opinions of his
colleagues, he pointed out that American eth­
nology considers the question of the h i storical
relationship of matrilineal and patri l i n e a l in­
stitutions closed" (Kosven 1933 : 66; Averkieva
1974: 15-16).'1
By the mid- 1980s a greater part of Soviet
scholars de facto refuted Morgan's/Enge l s' con­
ceptions. Only a small number of scholars, who
made their carries through the criticism of so­
called "Western revisionists in anthropol ogy"
continued to put forward arguments in favor of
"primitive communism" as a mandatory socio­
economic formation through which all peoples
passed at different time periods before embrac­
ing the class society. Some of these scholars
nowadays try to shadow their past ideological
campaigns, stating that they had been motivat­
ed exclusively by "pure scholarship" (sec Se­
menov 1992: 3 1) .
Incidentally, the current criticism o f the to­
talitarian heritage in Russian anthropology
represents additional interest. The attempts to
defy remnants of Soviet ethnology are carried
on in a typical Russian manner, with tradition­
al extremes . For instance, the current Director
of the Moscow Ethnological Institute asserts
that Russian anthropology should be radically
reshaped according to Western concepts (Ger­
man, American?) . Today Russian anthropolo­
gy, earlier called "Ethnography", even changed
its name to "Ethnology". A few critics of such
measures rightly observed that these drastic
attempts might destroy some positive features
of the scholarship, for example its historical
approach (Shnirelman 1992: 390).
The treatment of Morgan's ideas in Russia
provides an illustration of the "applied" and
"practical" attitude to science and social schol­
arship in the Russian tradition, which had
designed scientific knowledge to promote cer­
tain "just cause". This role dramatically in-
creased i n the Soviet to ta l i ta r i a n :o oc i e ty where
,
Anthropol ogy Rtarted to :ocrve i d eologi cal goa l :,;
o f the govern ment. Taken o u t o f i t s historic
epoch and :opecific c o n te xt , Morgan's ideas start­
ed to pl ay an a bsol u tely ditlorent role at a
differen t time. I n a similar way, many other
scholarsh i p concepts brought from the West to
the Russian/Soviet soil shared the similar fate.
Notes
1 . For exa mple, in 1976 duri ng an East-West an ­
thropol ogical conference J u l i a P. Averkieva ar­
gued that the major goa l of Soviet anthropolo­
gists wa� to provide materi als prov ing the estab­
lished M a rxist-Le n i n ist concept of historicism:
see Averkieva ( 1 980: 1 9) .
2. Incidentally, Yuri Slezkine w a s the first who
discus�ed in his dissertation the ideo logization
of Soviet anthropology in the 1920s and 1930s:
see Slezkine ( 1989 ) .
3 . Averkiova's academic "journey" in the Stalin and
post-Stalinist environment seems to reflect the
hardHh i p s of the whole generation of Soviet so­
cial scholars of the 1930-1950s. In the beginning
ofher career this talanted anthropologist worked
with Franz Boas and authored many interesting
Marxist studies on the transition of the North­
west Coast Indians from the kin society to the
class-based structure (Averkieva 1966; 1 9 7 1 ;
1992). Stamped a s a n "unloyal" a n d "suspicious"
scholar, who traveled abroad, later in the end of
the 1940s she had to go through Stalin's concen­
tration camps . Evidently, Averkieva as many of
her colleagues, falsely accused in various "crimes",
by their orthodox and dogmatic Marxism, at­
tempted to convince everybody in their loyalty.
See a short biographical sketch of Averkieva in
Mark A. Sherman's "Introduction" to Averkieva
( 1992: XVII-XX).
4. It is also interesting to observe how militant
ideological discourse that purists used to criti­
cize their home opponents (in this case Butinov)
softened from the early 1960s to the second half
of the 1970s; compare, for example, Averkieva,
Pershitz, a.o. ( 1963) with Pershitz ( 1980).
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Contents
Vol. 2 5 - 1995

Editorial: Ethnic and National Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

Jonas Frykman: The Informalization of National Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Gosta Arvastson: The Politics of Morales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Bernhard Tschofim: ,Verfremdungen". Ethnizitii.t und alltagsii.sthetische
Erfahrungen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Reginald Byron: European Identities Transplanted Across the Atlantic.
The Irish-Americans of Albany, New York . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Dina Siegel: Political Absorption. The Case of New Immigrants to Israel
from CIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Bo Lonnqvist: Rhetorik im Dienst der ethnischen Mobilisierung.
Die finnlandschwedische Konkordanz 1860-1990 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Dunj a Rihtman-Augustin: Victims and Heroes. Between Ethnic Values
and the Construction of Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Reana Senjkovic: The Use, Interpretation and Symbolization of the
"National". Croatia 1990/92 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Aija JanelsiJ;J.a Priedite: Die Abwertung der nationalen Symbolik am
Beispiel Lettlands 1987-1994 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Mojmir Benza: Project for a Slavic Ethnological Atlas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Editorial: Female Worlds . . . . .. . .. .. . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . .. .. . .. .. . . . .. . .. . . . . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . . . 95
Brian Juan O'Neill: Diverging Biographies: Two Portuguese
Peasant Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Brit Berggreen: Societies of Married Women. Forums for Identity
Building and Female Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Ulrike Krasberg: Die Mitgift und die Stellung der Frau auf der
griechischen Insel Lesbos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
Anne Monjaret: La rete d e la Sainte-Catherine a Paris dans l e s Annees
folies vue a travers la presse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
Harald Kleinschmidt: The Military and Dancing. Changing Norms. and
Behaviour, 15th to 18th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Andrei A. Znamenski: "A Household God in a Socialist World".
Lewis Henry Morgan and Russian/Soviet Anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177

189
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adopted:
For journals or composite works:
Christiansen, Palle 0. 1979: PeasantAdaption to
Bourgeois Culture? In: Ethnologia Scandi­
nauica: 98-151.
Hofer, Tamas: Phasen des Wandels im ostlichen
Mitteleuropa. In: G. Wiegelmann (Hg.): Kul­
tureller Wandel im 19. Jht. Gottingen: 251-
264.
For books:
Burke, Peter 1978: Popular Culture in Early
Modern Europe. London.
Hall, Stuart, & Tony Jeffersson (eds) 1976: Re­
sistance through Rituals. London.
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Ethnologia
Europaea
Journal of
European Ethnology

Contents ofvolume 25:2

Editorial: Female Worlds .................................................................................... 95

Brian Juan O'Neill: Diverging Biographies: Two Portuguese
Peasant Women ............................................................................................... 97
Brit Berggreen: Societies of Married Women. Forums for Identity
Building and Female Discourse ..................................................................... 119
Ulrike Krasberg: Die Mitgift und die Stellung der Frau
auf der griechischen Insel Lesbos .................................................................. 131
Anne Monjaret: La fete de la Sainte-Catherine a Paris dans les Annees
folles vue a travers la presse ·········································································· 141
Harald Kleinschmidt: The Military and Dancing. Changing Norms
and Behaviour, 15th to 18th Century ............................................................ 157
Andrei A. Znamenski: "A Household God in a Socialist World".
Lewis Henry Morgan and Russian/Soviet Anthropology .............................. 177
Contents of volume 25-1995 ............................................................................. 189

ISBN 87-7289-342-7
ISSN 0425-4597