The Tree That Bares Fruit But Has No Leaves To Adorn A Civic Crown Of Universal Fame & Glory

Economic Biases as a Means of Obtaining Wealth and Opulence through Human Concerns as Seen through Eyes of the Federalists & Anti-Federalists Papers Involving a Modern Global Economic Perspective of Market Forces through Historical Thoughts, Concepts & Experiences

The first development of the syncretic and mixed policy, is that form of government which is called the Patriarchal or Paternal. The power of patriarchs has in all ages been accounted higher, wider, and more absolute than that of any of the emperors, kings, aristocrats, or democrats that subsequently arose. This aboriginal and supreme form of government, entitled the patriarchal, has been lauded as the earliest and best, by Philo, Plutarch, Selden, Bossuet, Filmer, Michaelis, Pastoret, and most of the commentators on the political history of the Jews. The patriarchs, and, as they were subsequently called the Judges, of the Jewish nation, were in fact theocratic legislators: they combined an absolute ecclesiastical and civil power, universal and indefeasible. Sir Robert Filmer has evinced, beyond contradiction, the priority and superiority of the patriarchal power. He has shewn that the beautiful principle of paternal government and hereditary succession is the natural and proper foundation of human government. In this respect Gerson, Bossuet, Du Pin, and other Catholic writers are perfectly right. When they entitle the pope a patriarch, they acknowledge that so far as precedence of rank is concerned, he stands as much above all emperors and kings, as they stand above all archbishops and bishops. The patriarchal power of the pope should not, however, extend beyond his own dominions. Emperors and kings should be supreme within their own territories in ecclesiastieal as well as civil matters; for they ought to be as much defenders of the universal faith of their subjects, as they are of their universal rights. The patriarchal theory, which shews us that we must trace the true origin of monarchical and aristocratic power to the paternal principle of hereditary succession, is of the greatest value. By Filmer’s doctrine, we consider our princes and nobles as the personal representatives of the oldest families; and as such entitled to the same deference and respect as attach to priority of birth and seniority of age, in all national clans and private families. The able politician Heeren has recently shewn that the theory which makes all government merely a matter of popular compact and election, though supported by Locke and his followers, is fraught with all the perils of Rousseau’s “social compact,” and tends to produce republicanism and revolution. These remarks would indicate the truth of what the admirable Selden observes with reference to the Hebrew commonwealth, namely, that when the government was changed from the patriarchal into the monarchical, there was in fact a fall from a higher order of government into a lower. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Deity was incensed against the people of Israel for asking for a king, instead of a patriarchal successor to Samuel; for, by so doing, they throw their political system into an inferior condition. Yet, royal, imperial, and monarchical government is next to the patriarchal, wonderfully sacred and venerable. We find something resembling it in the first rise and youthful spring of all ancient nations. In the Asiatic territories it has been universally cherished. And we find that kings, a series of wise and heroic monarchs, laid the foundation of all the glories of Greece and Rome. Still, however fair, monarchy has been continually exposed to the dangers of degeneration into despotism and tyranny. Next to the imperial or regal, is that particular form of government called the aristocratical. Inferior to the regal no doubt it is, but something infinitely better than the democratic. It still maintains something of the patriarchal dignity of hereditary succession to family wealth and honors, which is the grand security of all states, though it has often been abused to purposes of pride, extravagance, and oppression. The last particular form of government we shall mention, is the democratical or republican. The advantages and disadvantages of this form are so neatly summed up by Paley, we shall avail ourselves of his words. “The advantages of a republic are, liberty, or exemption from needless restrictions; equal laws; regulations adapted to the wants and circumstances of the people, public spirit, frugality, averseness to war, the opportunities which democratic assemblies afford to men of every description, of producing their abilities and counsels to public observation, and the exciting thereby, and calling forth to the service of the commonwealth the faculties of its best citizens. “The evils of a republic are —dissentions, tumults, factions, the attempts of powerful citizens to possess themselves of the empire; the confusion, rage, and clamour, which are the inevitable consequences of assembling multitudes, and of propounding questions of state to the discussion of the people; the delay and disclosure of public counsels and designs, and the imbecility of measures retarded by the necessity of obtaining the consent of numbers—nd lastly, the oppression of the provinces which are not admitted to a participation in the legislative power.” Now Cicero, the most observant of all politicians, clearly perceived that in proportion as the catholic, syncretic system of government, which combined and harmonized these several particular forms, advanced, in that proportion had the state become prosperous and durable. For it is the remarkable characteristic of this syncretic government, being unionistic, universal, coalitionary, mixed, and eclectic, to blend all that is good in the particular species, without contracting their mischiefs. Like the light of heaven, it combines all colours in a blaze of glory, which, when divided and segregated, become faint and shadowy. Thus, according to Cicero, there can be only two principal distinctions in the kinds of government—ne is the Catholic, Syncretic, Unionistic, coalitionary, and harmonic. The other is the sectarian, partizantic, divisionary and discordant. Cicero’s preference for the first kind was strong and invincible; he saw that by a manly eclecticism, a philanthropical latitudinarianism, it combined all the


separate notes of political wisdom into one grand and majestic concord; and he saw that the universal tendency of all divisionary and particular governments was to produce a miserable contractedness in national politics, and to embroil the state in the interminable jars of schisms and sects, parties and factions.

By the Online Library of Liberty: Treatise on the Commonwealth

Federalist № 2
Concerning Monetary Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
To the Current State of the Existence of All Mankind:
When the people of this planet reflect that they are now called upon to decide the final question of their actions towards one another, which, in its consequences, must prove one of the most important that has ever engaged their attention, the propriety of their taking a very comprehensive, as well as a very serious, view of it, will be evident. ¶ Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of a universal perspective of a global monetary existence, and it is equally undeniable, that whenever and however it is instituted, all mankind must eventually cede to it some of it's unnatural rights of human indifference in order to vest it with requisite powers of emotional and economic freedoms. It is well worthy of consideration therefore, whether it would conduce more to the interest of Mankind that it should, to all general purposes, become united, under a Universal Law of Observation that Exists within a Global Republic of Economic Thought, or that they should divide themselves into separate emotional or economic confederacies, and give to the head of each the elusion of the same kind of powers from which they are advised has not or does not currently exists within Perspectives of a Global Economy. ¶ It has until lately been a received and uncontradicted opinion that the prosperity of all mankind depended on it's continuing firmly united, and the wishes, prayers, and efforts of the best and wisest citizens on earth have been constantly directed to that object. But academics might appear, who will insist that this opinion is erroneous, and that instead of looking for safety and happiness in a global economic union of abstract fiduciary principalities, we ought to seek it in a division of financial or emotional states which are distinct conflicting reactionary confederacies or behavioral sovereignties of a pre-existing invisible global republic of free market forces. However extraordinary this new doctrine may appear, it nevertheless will have its advocates; and certain characters who might become much opposed to it formerly, will be at present times of various numbers. Whatever may be the arguments or inducements which might wrought this change in the sentiments and declarations of the opinionated, it certainly would not be wise in the peoples of this planet at large to adopt these new academic tenets without being fully convinced that they are founded in truth and sound policy. ¶ It has often given me as a human being pleasure to observe that aspect of humanity that was not composed of detached and distant emotional territories, but that of one connected, fertile, and filled with widespreading forms of existence that is proportioned the causes and peoples of liberty and economic freedoms. Providence has in a particular manner blessed all mankind with a variety of soils and methods of productions, and watered it with innumerable streams of knowledge and potential, for the delight and accommodation of its inhabitants at the behest of Higher or Universal Powers. A succession of navigable academic waters forms a kind of chain around its monetary borders, as if to bind it together; while the most noble ecclesiastical rivers in the world, running at convenient distances, presents them with the most technical highways known to modern man for the easy communication of friendly aids, and the mutual transportation and exchange of their various commodities on a global scale at personal


levels. ¶ With equal pleasure I have taken notice that Providence has been pleased to finally give this planet, as promised throughout human history, one connected global economic perspective to a united peoples on earth—a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs, and who, by their joint counsels, arms, and efforts, fighting side by side throughout long and bloody wars, have nobly established through trial and error, trials and tribulations general liberties and independence from global free market uncertainties. ¶ I may well live long enough in secret to witness this planet and it's inhabitants become made for each other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties, should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien economic behavioral sovereignties. ¶ Similar sentiments have hitherto prevailed among all orders and denominations of men amongst us on this planet at this point in human history. To all general purposes we have uniformly been one people each individual citizen everywhere either pursuing or enjoying the same natural rights, privileges, and protections afforded any and all cognitive beings created equal in the presence of a Universal GOD. As nations of families we have made peace and war; as nations of families we have attempted to vanquish what we thought from time-to-time were our common enemies; as a nations of families we have formed alliances, and made treaties, and entered into various compacts and conventions with what we were taught as those who were existing in foreign academic states or conflicting monetary objectives. ¶ A strong sense of the values and blessings of a united global economic perspective shall induced the peoples of this planet, at very early periods within the going-ons of their daily activities, to institute a Universal Law of Observation that Exist within a Global Republic of Economic Thought, and to preserve or perpetuate it as well. It shall transform all Mankind as evidenced throughout human history, into forming it almost as soon as it's internal economic forces achieves various political existences; nay, at times when the habitations of some peoples were in monetary flames, when many a citizen on this planet were bleeding from economic bondage, and when the progress of emotional hostility and fiduciary desolation left little room for those calm and mature inquiries and reflections which must ever precede the formation of a wise and well-balanced state of existence for a free people living in a global free market society. It is not to be wondered at, that traditional market forces instituted in times so inauspicious, should on experiment be found greatly deficient and inadequate to the purposes that they were intended to answer by the mere fact of the existence of their design within historic academia. ¶ Throughout human history intelligent peoples on Earth perceived and regretted these socioeconomic defects. Still continuing no less attached to various unions than enamored of economic liberties, they observed the danger which immediately threatened the former and more remotely the latter; and being pursuaded that ample security for both could only be found in various national governments more wisely framed, they as with one voice, shall immediately convene at this point in human history a tardy convention of universal achievements, to take that important subject under consideration. ¶ This convention of universal achievements through monetary strategies and tactics most often is composed of all men, women and children who possessed the confidence of numerous peoples across this planet, and many of whom had become highly distinguished by their zeal to acquire socioeconomic patriotism, virtue, wisdom and eternal life through the moral principals of global free market, in times which tried the minds and hearts of all men, women and children victimized by human indifferences, undertook the arduous task. In the mild season of peace, with minds unoccupied by other subjects, they passed many months in cool, uninterrupted, and daily consultation; and finally, without having been awed by power, or influenced by any passions except love for their themselves and others, they presented and recommended to all mankind a plan produced by their joint and very unanimous councils. ¶ Admit, for so is the fact, that this plan is only recommended, not imposed, yet let it be remembered that it is neither recommended to blind approbation, nor to blind reprobation; but to that sedate and candid consideration which the magnitude and importance of the subject demand, and which it certainly ought to receive. But this (as was remarked in the foregoing areas of this newsletter) is more to be wished than expected, that it may be so considered and examined. Experience on former occasions teaches all mankind not to be too sanguine in such hopes. It is not yet


forgotten that well-grounded apprehensions of imminent economic dangers in the past induced numerous peoples across this planet to form memorable societies. That organized bodies of men have recommended certain measures to their constituents, and that these events have either proved or have broken the foundations of their wisdom; and yet again it will be fresh in our memories of how soon the press shall began to teem with reports and articles against various conflicting measures whose methodology achieve no end results but an intentional waste of monetary or human resources. Enlisting many an officer of various economies and governments, who obeyed the dictates of invisible personal interests, as well as those of others, from a mistaken estimate of consequences, or the undue influence of former attachments, or whose ambition is aimed at objects which do not correspond with the public good, will be indefatigable in their efforts to pursuade the people of this planet to reject the advice of a patriotic calling fiduciary certainties. Many, indeed, might become deceived and deluded, but the great majority of all peoples within all nations on Earth shall have been positioned to reason and decide judiciously; and happy shall they become when they recognize that they are existing in era reflecting that day that they did so. ¶ They shall also considered that the adoption of a Universal Law of Observation that Exist within a Global Republic of Economic Thought be composed of many wise and experienced men, women and children. And that being so convened from different parts of the world, that they may have brought with them and communicated to each other a variety of useful economic information. That, in the course of the time they passed together in inquiring into and discussing the true interests of all peoples and their economies, they must have acquired very accurate knowledge on that figure head. That they were individually interested in the public liberty and prosperity all mankind, and therefore that it was not less their inclination than their duty to recommend only such measures as, after the most mature deliberation, they really thought prudent and advisable to the inhabitants of this planet. ¶ These and similar considerations then might induced all peoples to rely greatly on the judgment and integrity of the effort in and of itself; and that of the process that they took note of in their advice, notwithstanding the various arts and endeavors used to deter them from doing so. But if the peoples of all nations of families on Earth at large had reason to confide in the meetings ahead, few of whom that shall be fully tried or generally known, still greater reason have they now to respect the judgment and advice of the convention methods themselves, for it is well known that some of the most distinguished members of all societies, who have been since tried and justly approved for their economic patriotism and abilities, and who have grown old in acquiring political information, will be members of this convention of historical economic thought, and carried into it their accumulated knowledge and experience. ¶ It is worthy of remark that not only the first, but every succeeding parley, as well as any late convention, will have invariably joined with the peoples of all nations of families in thinking that the prosperity of all mankind is depended upon an eventual Global Economic Union. To preserve and perpetuate it was the great object of any people in forming a convention of this sort, and it is also the great object of the plan which the convention has advised them to adopt. With what propriety, therefore, or for what good purposes, are attempts at this particular period made by some to depreciate the importance of a Global Economic Union? Or why is it suggested that various emotional or economic confederacies would be better than one? I am persuaded in my own mind that the people have always thought right on this subject, and that their universal and uniform attachment to the cause of a Global Economic Union rests on great and weighty reasons, which I shall endeavor to develop and explain in some ensuing papers. They who promote the idea of substituting a number of distinct confederacies in the room of the plan of the convention, seem clearly to foresee that the rejection of it would put the continuance of any Global Economic Union in the utmost jeopardy. That certainly would be the case, and I sincerely wish that it may be as clearly foreseen by every good citizen of this planet, that whenever the dissolution of a Global Economic Union arrives, all mankind will have reason to exclaim, in the words of the poet: Farewell! A long farewell to all my greatness. ¶ Quintilian [Al-Hadid Qalam Fussilat] petitioning on behalf of all mankind in standing reference to a literary moment of John Jay First published October 28th, 2009 issues of an Independent Global Perspective. This work is in the public domain. Read about this paper on Wikipedia, read the previous or next Federalist Paper, or go back to the list of them all.


Global Monetary Antifederalist No. 2
We Have Been Told Phantoms of Racial Monetary Leprosies and of the Existence of Quiet Economic Wars that Utilize Silent Weaponry
Do You Honestly Expect Me To Believe This Shit or What?:
The adoption of a Universal Law of Observation that Exist within a Global Republic of Economic Thought will not meliorate our own monetary system of economic behavior at this particular point in time. I to be known as a distant voice standing in fear of economic bondage on a global scale beg leave to consider the circumstances of the proposed Behavioral Economic Union antecedent to the meeting of the Representative Economies of the Embodiment of All Mankind, in General Congress of Global Market Forces, Assembled in Thought through Systems Technology Bases. We have been told of nationalistic principles, racial phantoms filled with inherent ideological dangers that have lead us into emotional and economic measures which will, in my opinion, be the ruin of all peoples within all nations on Earth at this particular point in human history. If the existence of those dangers can or cannot be proved to be factual, if there be no or actual apprehension of wars, if there be rumors or even no rumors of wars, it will always place a subject such as this in a light predetermined by the socioeconomic issues currently at hand and likely to occur within an atmosphere of monetary uncertainties, and plainly evince to the peoples of this planet that there cannot be any reason for adopting such measures which we apprehend to be ruinous and destructive to the pursuit of Martyrdom through high-tech idealism. When the compelling nature of global market uncertainties as an unpredictable force states of the human existence that a proposal to which all regions of this planet with a general free market economy should be improved, we need only be reminded as human beings of the previous periods of such forms of experimental economic recovery plans from which the potential for monetary rebellion had brought numerous republics to the brink of destruction, as such potential for fiduciary rebellions which were crushed by those traditional governmental perspectives considered to be their citizen's democratic own, were caught of guard by various forms of political and monetary representation unfamiliar with the methodologies of a Transformation of the Universal Law of Observation which now again lays in wait within all probability to be of such an emotional state so much academically condemned and abhorred. The Opinions and Status of what is or will be proposed to be that of the Augustine body of hundreds of millions of men, women and children, aided by the exertions of what is to be perceived as a superior state of human existence, may be placed in a position to permanently silence all opposition in spite of long established Democratic Rule, and then through underhanded means shortly restore the perception of public tranquility through immoral forms of opportunistic wealth and blue-collar expansionism. Numerous political states may become satisfied that these internal monetary commotions were so happily settled, and may also become unwilling to risk any distresses by theoretic experiments rooted in more traditional economies. Will all relevant Economic States or Monetary Forms of Human Behavior promised equal opportunities for it's own individual participating citizenry willingly enter into measures consistent with a Universal Global Economic Perspective after witnessing the Racist and Anti-Semitic fiduciary policies inflicted upon their own populations in the past by previous generations? Will they willingly accede to proposals consistent with the views of a newly revealed invisible pre-existing global republic of universal economic forces and thought? No what the manner of how it is perceived or how it is received by various individuals within various nations of families on Earth? Previous generations have revolted at such grandiose ideas. Some economic states witnessing any form of transformation in how their monetary policies are viewed by others may stand against any formal or recommended meeting of a convention of economic thought. They are well aware of the dangers of being vulnerable to academic revolutions and undermining socioeconomic changes. Will it's internal methodologies consists of every effort be to used, and such uncommon pains taken, so as to freely and peacefully bring it about? These questions of myself would be unnecessary, if not for the current issues concerned being approved of by the people of this planet, were not so


affected by an idea as the one currently presented. Will all current forms of monetary existence become disposed for the reception of this project of global socioeconomic reformation? Are these proponents of current monetary policies even willing to amend their opinion of revenue laws, so as to make a global economy truly operative and opportunistic? Are they satisfied with the way things are as they are? There was no initial complaint, that ever I heard of, from any other toward any part of a Union of Economic Thought, except within those circumstances concerned with economic uncertainty. This being the case among ourselves, what dangers were there to be apprehended from foreign economic matters? It will be easily shown that dangers from that quarter were absolutely imaginary. Was not the successes of the monetary policies of the European Economic Union proclaimed to be and actually open and friendly? Unequivocally so. Despite the fact as we now suspect that She was devising new regulations of commerce to their own advantage while being disadvantage or hindered by inherent forms of socioeconomic bigotries which in turn lead to inflationary causes within Her own monetary ranks. Will foreign governments harass the citizens of other governments without due process with applications for money owed by previous policy holders? Is it likely that market uncertainties will cause nations of families to quarrel endlessly? Is it not reasonable to suppose that for the sake of argument that monetary traditionalists will be more desirous than ever to cling, after losing prosperous republican forms of financial uncertainties, to their best emotional ally of human ignorance itself? I believe that they might take advantage of the weakness and necessities of myself and others, and made to their own terms or personal advantages that of a contemptible economic monarch. Loans or financing from global entities are not like loans from individual nations and private institutions of men. Nations lend money, and grant assistance, to one another, from views of national or the personal interest of it's citizenry -and because of their residual economic policies must always be made to the ready and willing to pluck the fairest feather out of the crown of any commonwealth viewed to the contrary of their own individual interest. This is their usual object in aiding others. If on sparse occasions self-interests will not compel others to quarrel amongst us on pecuniary economic considerations. It then should be considered from that point of view; that a proposition should be made to make their debts that of one that is leveraged jointly between private persons or institutions, rather then within the hidden closets and restrooms of global fiduciary policies made ready to be rejected without hesitation at the first sign of trouble. If what ever Global Economic Body that arises respectable and wisely considers these issues, and that, while we currently remained debtors in so considerable a degree of our current global economic circumstances, I hope that it will be attentive to best interests of the rights of the individual no matter where they reside on this planet. Will global trade or commerce end up in some despicable situation? I shall say nothing of what material goods and services that did not come in the past while existing under my own observation before the Internet. When I was indeed living from one paycheck to another, I witnessed that public credit across the globe had suffered then just like now, and that public creditors have been ill used. This was owing to fiduciary fault lines within the headquarters of Political Congresses and Financial Institutions themselves -- in not equally selling or distributing western economic idealism at earlier periods in human history. If requisitions of higher forms of economic thought have not been complied with, it must be owing to one's inabilities to gain accurate information, whose effect might put unpopular or needless debts on the backs of accessible lands and future generations. Commutation is abhorrent to new untested monetary ideas. Speculative socioeconomic free markets are abhorrent to some political or economic states. Those inconveniences have resulted from bad nationalistic economic policies of numerous governments. There are certain modes of governing the people which will succeed. There are others which will not. The idea of a universal monetary consolidation is abhorrent to numerous peoples of this planet. How were the sentiments of the people of this planet before the meeting of the Universal Law of Observation that Exist within a Global Republic of Economic Thought? They had only one object in view. Their ideas reached no farther than to give the general governments the promise of new technology markets, and the suggested regulation of it's potential trade. If it is agitated in governments, in committees of the whole, then this is all that can be asked, or deemed possibly necessary. Until that period, all views should be extended much farther. Monetary horrors have been greatly magnified since the rising of the economic issues at hand. We are now told by honorable gentlemen that we shall have wars and rumors of wars, that every monetary calamity is to attend us, and that we shall be ruined and disunited forever, unless we adopt a Constitutional Perspective of Global Market Forces that go far beyond all presently known nationalistic principals or economic policies. Recessions and Depressions are to fall upon us from above, like the Goths and Vandals of old; the Monetary Abolitionists, whose flat-sided vessels of economic stimulus never came farther than it's own since of transparency, are to fill


the academic rivers of free markets with mighty fleets of despotism, and to attack democratic societies on their own front lines through Quiet Warfare; the Communists of a new age are to invade us with numerous armies on our rear, in order to convert our cleared lands of political tyranny into ripe hunting- grounds of a newly formed ideology of socioeconomic bondage; and an economic form Puritism, from below, (mounted on a white horse, one can only presume), will to come and destroy fertile fields political and economic freedoms, and eat up the future freedoms our little children! These, sir, are the mighty dangers which await us if we reject prosperous economic ideas with dangers which are merely imaginary and lend waste to real markets and labor capital, and whose overall methodology is ludicrous in the extreme! Are we to be destroyed by a God of death and despair while admitting to ourselves that a God of life and prosperity reigns supreme during the exact same era? What will democratic states make any type of war for, and how long since have they imbibed a hidden hostile spirit within their own ranks on the pretense of individualities? But the generality of it's message might be the real issue to attack us. Is it's potential for vagueness perceived as an attack upon the mindset of the general populous if it is viewed as violating the faith in first Societal Unions? Will it not violate their faith if they do not take into their emotional or economic confederacies a Universal Global Economic form of Idealism? Have they not agreed, by old Confederations, that their Unions shall be perpetual, and that no alterations should take place without the consent of a Democratic process inherent to their free market societies, and the confirmation of the legislatures within each & every local, state or federal form of government? I cannot think that there is such depravity in mankind as that, such a violation of public faith so flagrantly, unless as witnessed during times as should war be made upon other human beings whose rule of self-government is hypocrisy as for their example. Out of the current fears of a disunion of our limited global fiduciary policies, we are told that we ought to consider taking measures which we otherwise should not. That disunion is possible or that once again a monetary calamity is on the horizon. Is not a general global economic perspective and strong government necessary for the interest of all parties concerned? If ever nations had inducements to peace, the possibilities produced from the new plan has given us all that very calling once effectively scrutinized. Various families of nations anxiously look forward to the new trade in high technology issues as proposed. How can they obtain it but by some sort of global economic union? Can western free markets expand into new ideological territories or even become retained without some sort of union of a universal global economic perspective? If so, then how are these emotional or economic states inclined? Are they are not likely to disunite under a continuous atmosphere of fiduciary uncertainties anyway? Will their perceived weaknesses prevent them from quarreling over issues that are a Quid Pro Quo to principles that mutually undermine their efforts to prosper as individuals. Little men are seldom fond of quarreling among giants. Is there not a strong inducement to some sort of global economic union, while the proponents of market uncertainties are on one side and the political hawks on the other? Thank Heaven, that for example we currently have a Modern Economic Carthage of our own.... But what would I do on the present occasion to remedy the existing defects of the present Global Economic Confederation? There are two opinions prevailing in the world -the one, that mankind can only be governed by force; the other, that they are capable of various freedoms and good government. Under a supposition that mankind can govern themselves, I would recommend that the present Confederation should at least be amended so as to establish a foundation to eliminate the political and/or economic excuses for moral extremism. Give the inherent forces of global free markets the regulation of commerce. Infuse new strength and spirit into the state of good governments; for, when the component parts are strong, it will give energy to various governments the abilities to assist free market expansionism, although it be otherwise weak.... Apportion public debts in such a manner as to throw the unpopular ones onto a burning trash heap of prosperous monetary objectives. Call only for the requisitions of new financial strategies and tactics whose interest are aided by innovations, investments and traditional loan packaging. Keep on so till the Human character can be marked with certain features devoid of human indifferences. We are yet too young an economic species to accurately know what we are fit for in the new plan. The continual migration of whole peoples from one point to another on this planet, and the settlement of new technologies bases within the western frontier of free market globalization, are strong arguments both for and against making new experiments now in fiduciary perspectives or government. When these things are removed, we can with greater prospect of success, devise changes. We ought to consider whether the construction of new governments or markets be suitable to the genius and disposition of peoples existing within an era of the Transformation of the Universal Law of Observation as it relates to a Perspective of an Invisible Republic of Global Market Forces, as well as a variety of other circumstances. A SOCIOECONOMIC PATRIOT OF THE WATCHFUL EYE