Capitalism k Index (1) | Karl Marx | Marxism

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 1

***CAPITALISM K INDEX***
***CAPITALISM K INDEX*** .............................................................................................. 1 ***1NC*** ................................................................................................................................ 2
1NC ................................................................................................................................................................... 3 1NC ................................................................................................................................................................... 4 1NC ................................................................................................................................................................... 5 1NC ................................................................................................................................................................... 6 1NC ................................................................................................................................................................... 7

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Link: ID PTX ..................................................................................................................................................... 9 Link: ID PTX ................................................................................................................................................... 10 Link: ID PTX ................................................................................................................................................... 11 Link: Multiculturalism...................................................................................................................................... 12 2NC Multiculturalism Link............................................................................................................................... 13 Link: Standpoint Ptx......................................................................................................................................... 14 Link: Feminism ................................................................................................................................................ 15 A2: Patriarchy=Root of Cap ............................................................................................................................. 16 Link: Discourse First ........................................................................................................................................ 17 Link: Discourse First ........................................................................................................................................ 18 A2: Gibson Graham.......................................................................................................................................... 19 A2: Turn-Include Excluded Voice .................................................................................................................... 20 Link: Ethic to the Other .................................................................................................................................... 21 Link: Ethic to the Other .................................................................................................................................... 22 A2: Aff=Ethical Relationship ........................................................................................................................... 23 Link: Postmodern K of Militarism .................................................................................................................... 24 A2: Modernity=Root Cause of Violence ........................................................................................................... 25

***MPX*** ............................................................................................................................. 26
Cap=War.......................................................................................................................................................... 27 Resist Cap=Key to Ethics ................................................................................................................................. 28 Cap=Bad for Enviro ......................................................................................................................................... 29 Cap=NV2L ...................................................................................................................................................... 30

***ALT*** .............................................................................................................................. 31
Alt Solves Cap ................................................................................................................................................. 32 Alt Prereq to Solve Case ................................................................................................................................... 33 Alt Prereq to Class Conc (A2: Perm Solves Cap) .............................................................................................. 34 Case: Identity Ptx No Solve .............................................................................................................................. 36

***PERM*** .......................................................................................................................... 37
A2: Perm.......................................................................................................................................................... 38

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 2

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Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 3

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The affirmative¶s rejection of truth claims about the material role of actors and structures in history conflates all knowledge with Enlightenment rationality-this ahistorical viewpoint precludes the most relevant and politicizing modes of analysis Palmer, Canada Research Chair in Canadian Labour History and Canadian Studies @ Trent University, 1996 (Bryan D., "Old Positions/New Necessities: History, Class, and Marxist Metanarrative," in "In Defense of History," Ed. by E. Meiskins Wood & John Foster, p.65-72)
have wrapped their antagonism to history in a series of intellectually seductive tautologies which beg the fundamental questions of the historical process. Central to this outlook is a refusal of post-Enlightenment systems of rational thought, which are reduced to a form²narration²and a substance²accommodation of bourgeois rule²that relegates such "knowledge" to complicity with various oppressions.2 It is as though poststructuralism, in an immense social reconstruction of the deep historical past, would like to see the entire eighteenth-century Age of Revolution, which was, to be sure, a bourgeois project, jettisoned. In some staggering leap of idealism, it seeks to polevault over the class contents and transformations of thought associated with 1776,1789,1792, and the Industrial Revolution, leapfrogging the nineteenth century, the experience of colonial revolt, and the first workers' state (1917). Yet all of these occurred as historical process and have rich narrative structures of meaning in the politics and culture of modern times, from Blake and Beethoven to Marx and Munch to Veblen and Van Gogh. However incomplete the Enlightenment project, compromised as it was in its origins in the bourgeois proclamation of egalitarianism as a property-based legal right rather than a social condition of fulfillment, it was a revolutionary transcendence of the feudal order, which had been confined for centuries in castelike conceptions of social station and the incarcerating thought of superstition, divinity, and absolutism. It was the purpose of Marxism, as the maturing worldview of the emerging proletariat, to materialize and radicalize Enlightenment rationality, extending its potential not just to this or that privileged sector of society, but to all of humanity. Just as Mary Wollstonecraft took
On one level this is not particularly new. But postmodernists/poststruc-turalists the possibilities inherent in the Enlightenment's Pandora's box of equality and extended her defense of the French Revolution and Thomas Paine's Rights of Man to a feminist articulation of the rights of woman, reaching well past patriarchy's powerful presence in bourgeois thought and practice, so too did Marx build on Enlightenment idealism to construct its oppositional challenge, historical

materialism. Poststructuralism allows no such reading of distinctions and developments within Enlightenment thought, condemning all post-Enlightenment modes of discourse as hopelessly compromised with the project of subordination.Particularly suspect in current theory is the Enlightenment "metanarra-tive," with its
"explicit appeal to some grand narrative, such as the dialectics of Spirit, the hermeneutics of meaning, the emancipation of the rational or working subject, or the creation of wealth."3 This obsolete discourse, a supposed product of the modernist crisis of metaphysical philosophy, merely masks the disintegrations of such narratives, and their dispersal into the unstable clouds of postmodernity's lofty discursiveness.4Postmodernists/poststructuralists

thus disavow, in their formalist and ultimatist rejections, divergences of considerable, oppositional importance. They throw out Kant and Hegel as well as Marx, all of whom rely on metanarratives of one sort or another, little consideration being given to the fundamental differences separating such systems of thought. All states are simply states, and hence oppressive, an anarchist might argue (Down with the Bolsheviks!); all wars are to be condemned, asserts the pacifist (We take no sides in Vietnam!); all metanarratives are suspect and compromised, there being no master categories of explanatory authority, proclaims the post-structuralist
(Away with all interpretive pests!). In the comment that follows I concentrate on the Marxist "metanarra-tive," an unfulfilled project of radicalizing Enlightenment rationality that much contemporary theory refuses in its repudiation of historical materialism. Marxist

metanarrative is rejected, ironically, at precisely the historical moment that it is critically necessary, its insistence on reading history in class terms, as a succession of identifiable structures and agencies propelled by material interests, being fundamental to the interpretation of the movement from past to present, especially in the context of contemporary life, where humanity is more and more connected in the globaldimensions ofexploitation and oppression.5

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Will the American Empire collapse at some point in the not too distant future? No reading of history can miss the mortality of empires. and the fear of "mutually assured destruction" (MAD) kept the superpowers well-behaved. its decisive advantage. Freedom for the world is already there if America is free. But there is a saying in India that "even a dead elephant is worth a million bucks. Moreover. bringing down much else besides itself. confusing its power with its freedom. Finally. All hunger and most of child and infant mortality are man-made. their morality cosmetic. a predicament which has changed substantially now. at the back of their minds. And the peril is is the looming threat of unprecedented crises and possiblespecies extinctionon accountof the changes in climate and other natural disastersthat ongoing industrial revolutions are precipitating. especially because of the growing speed and precision of technologies of destruction. there is the danger of public health catastrophes ± not excluding public outbreaks of madness ± in a globalized world. alas. backed and underwritten by the rapidly encroaching institutions of state corporate capitalism.All of this raises political temperatures around the globe and makes conflict between and within societies ever more likely." It may well turn out that the American Empire. squarely responsible. best symbolized by the breakdown of the Bretton-Woods system. privileged humanity is collectively. "the American way of life" ± of expressways and supermarkets. but there is a stunning.stateofnature. There is a sharply accelerating convergence of crises. when we know better. driving us collectively towards an abyss of perhaps historic proportions. You can't be serious about bringing freedom and prosperity to others while torturing and killing people in your own prisons or letting your own people die in hurricanes.) Humanity has often been threatened in the past by the cumulative consequences of its own follies. Their compassion is selective. numbed silence over the quiet genocides that have become routine in this cowardly old world. we may wipe ourselves out through nuclear war. Then of course.http://www. by common agreement amongst economists. Propaganda through action. and the End of the World as We Know It?. If China and India succeed even half-way in achieving American standards of living. This might call it. This auto-censorship is also because those who bring us the news are also perhaps aware. And yet this empire is uniquely different from every other in history. that everyday reinforcesAmerican dominance and what is arguably. the most predatory and ultimately selfdestructive style of life known to humanity. No shame is felt by our species when we are collectively culpable for crimes of a magnitude incomparably greater in scale than the undoubted damage being done by bloodthirsty terrorists. I would only like to draw attention to something which has escaped mention thus far: the force of cultural hegemony. It is fair to say that heightened especially since cowboys are writing a "what can we get away with" foreign policy for the superpower. This essay has sought to draw how diverse peoples right across the world conceive and assess their way of life. ended in the 1970s. looking the other way from obvious crimes. comes from the cultural hegemony it exercises over no matter where one looks today. In this sense. Tyranny.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 4 1NC Capitalism is creating multiple scenarios for extinction²we must confront centralization of power within the economic elite to stop band-aid solutions to these massive problems Shrivastava. all the millions of victims of wars of choice are actually victims of the entirely avoidable human lust for power. (After all. thatthe reigning world order is to be held responsible for such crimes against humanity. we are all like the "good Germans" of the early 1940s. The tragedy of our world is that it is. but the colossal murderous routine of hunger and disease falls below the threshold of media sensation. What is new today is that tyranny and decline of substantive democracy these two forces of destruction are increasingly enhanced by the historically unprecedented powers of destructive technology. Maybe that is precisely what is beginning to happen before our eyes since the dawn of the present century. It is this confusion which has to be brought before the public eye for moral intelligence to be provoked and a new world to be sought.html) No serious person doubts that we live today in a world in which nobody has to die of hunger or curable diseases. for which educated. We are invited to feel (rightly) indignant at the hundreds of lives lost to terrorism every week. it is precisely this fact which accounts for the rise of consensual the . And lull thy own sins fast asleep. Our thinking and moral sense has been corrupted by the distortion of our audio-visual capacities: the sensational damage done by terrorists is shown to us every evening on our TV screens. This makes physical security a matter of the highest concern for most people. Empire. . Moreover. For a detailed political map of the world as it appears today to a concerned observer. like a wounded tiger. [61] To exacerbates the prevailing conflicts further.Perhaps they should be reminded of a verse from William Blake every time they set about seeking to fix some wrong in an oil-producing nation: µO¶er my sins thou sit and moan: Hast thou no sins of thy own? O¶er my sins thou sit and weep. 2006 (Aseem. one face these crises-ridden times with courage and to make room for fresh hopes and new visions of human freedom. So this one shall have its end too. a fact that governments are always good at manipulating to their political advantage. apart from being market-based. a more distinct possibility today than perhaps at any point during the days of the Cold War. It is this. In conclusion. We live under the dispensations of the US Empire today. when American enemies could be more precisely located and targeted.Ph D in Economics at Univ of Massachusetts. there is assuredly no planet left. in that while geography is still quite central to it. There humanity is threatened with extinction from multiple sources of its own making. the golden age of US capitalism. as much as by natural causes. too many to go into here.org/tyrannyEmpire1. kicks and screams its way to a slow death in the human jungle. exaggerating threats as and when necessary for their narrow purposes. often acting on them in order to retain the credibility of threats.the manifold hypocrisies of the rulers of the world must be repeatedly shown up. skyscrapers and giant corporations ± has become the very norm for evaluating everything else.

seeing in the movement's ideas and actions not the class mobilizations of the time but the hangover of an eighteenth-century politics that somehow distanced itself from the class actualities of the historical context. Canada Research Chair in Canadian Labour History and Canadian Studies @ Trent University. or even denies. engaged with the complexities of the material world of the early nineteenth century. past and present.1996 (Bryan D. whose politics of the 1980s had been formed within the conservatizing and hostile drift of the Labour Party away from the working class. and future.P. Thus the past can only be textually created out of the imperatives of the ongoing instance. and social transformation. Thus. for instance." Ed. and its unfortunate textualization of imperialist plunder and indigenous resistance. The alternative is a pre-requisite to an understanding of power as contingent and to create effective resistance in the form of Marxist counterhegemonies Palmer. Marxist and historical materialist criticism of contemporary theory and its insistence on the politics and historically central practices of class do not rest only on a series of denials. is a moment of revolution thwarted. "Old Positions/New Necessities: History. is the further silencing of those marginalized "others. in contrast. with its understandable refusal of the Orientalist metanarrative. there is a critical parting of the analytic seas in the two traditions' approaches to historical context as a material force. There is no doubt that Thompson's Making is driven by a commitment to the revolutionary aspirations of the working class. He reads Chartism's successes against the politics of mass upheaval in the 1830s and 1840s." in "In Defense of History. rather than cut adrift to float freely in the cross-currents of attending to its obscured social relations and situating those corners of suppressed history within the larger ensemble of possibilities that were something more than the ideological fiction of the established archival record. Kiernan. Moreover. This is a long way from Stedman Jones. not as a contest between aristocracy and bourgeoisie. Stedman Jones. and the tradition of histo-ricized literary criticism associated with Raymond Williams and Terry Eagleton. discourses. the condescending class dismissiveness of contemporary historiographic fashion is strikingly evident. for all of its dissident commitments. resulting inevitably in a particular structuring of past. Rather.8An ironic consequence of postcolo-nial deconstructive writing. is hardly alien to the Marxist method. sometimes for worse. does not necessitate refusing the significance of other points of self-identification. Poststructuralism/post-modernism sees history as an authorial creation. by E. and Marxist Metanarrative. such as race and gender. most evident in the rich body of writing associated with British Marxist historians such as Christopher Hill. explores the opaque nooks and crannies of English popular radicalism. whose political practice and theory ran headlong into Stalinist and mainstream social democratic containments. sometimes for better. The significance of the knowledge/power coupling. The supreme irony is that the "present" of Stedman Jones's text is nothing more than an ideological adaptation to Thatcher's Britain. imagery. but whose umbilical link to class formation on a global sale is twisted in the obscured Rodney Hilton. attentive as it generally is to the instinctual preservationism of power.65-72) It is worth reiterating the obvious. this or that particular. Thompson." in striking contrast. but as the unfolding symbolic will of a population galvanized as much by imagery as political principle. to . which has consistently grappled. with the problematized meaning of the base-superstructure metaphor. a "heroic" challenge that. struggle." whose differences are celebrated. Thompson's "present. whatever its failures. within which all struggles for emancipation and all acts of subordination take place. resting unambiguously on the causality of productive forces and the determinative boundaries set by fundamentally economic relations. Class. just as it can be obscured or distorted²to the actors of the past. such as class. p. Edward Thompson. mediated by the involvement of the sans-culottes. Representation. uncovering an underground insurrectionary tradition that flew in the face of constituted authority in the opening decades of the nineteenth century. and texts can hardly be said to be understated in the theory and practice of historical materialism. but that does not undermine his text's authority precisely because it is. a displacement of the past that paints a major history of working-class mobilization into a derivative corner of denigration and denial. When the French Revolution is interpreted. In its insistence that history be contextualized in the material world of possibilities of the past. as well as standing in stark revolutionary contrast to the stolid constitutionalism of later generations of working-class reformers and their Fabian historians.G. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class (1963) and Gareth Stedman Jones's poststructurally inclined reading of Chartism in The Languages of Class (1983). a major historiographical difference separates the essentially Marxist understanding of class formation. which is associated with Foucault. that the costs and content of abandoning metanarrative are most evident. searches for ways to distance himself from the specificities of Chartism's times. whatever side of the class divide their feet touch down upon.. dominance. remains significant to both the history of the working class and the class content of contemporary left politics.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 5 1NC Our critique turns their impacts. Marxism's metanarrative tries to be true²believing that such a process can be located.6 Finally. Meiskins Wood & John Foster. claim that Marxism is a metanarrative of explanatory importance. Marxism has always been attentive to the relationship of ideas. and V. since the obvious is precisely what poststructuralism/postmodernism often obfuscates. and consciousness evident in E. What separates Marxism's metanarrative from postmodernist incredulity of all master categories is not. however. present. a conjuring up of the past to serve the discursive content of the present.7 It is when postmodernist/poststructuralist readings of history are scrutinized to see how metanarrative is suppressed.

Changes going on in Britain were mirrored elsewhere. For while his simplified catalogue-like listing of the onward march of left defeat has some resonance in terms of contemporary political economic development. in its ." Instead of being a master category of historical explanation. polls in the advanced capitalist economies of the West almost universally locate society's major discontents in the material failings of a social order that has visibly widened the gap between "haves" and "have-nots.9 In the words of David Harvey: Postmodernism has us accepting the reifications and partitionings. Yes. financial markets. what are we to see but the actual confirmation of "intellectual Marxism?" Did not Marx write that. confirm rather than undermine historical materialism. It had never. while denying the kind of meta-theory which can grasp the political-economic processes (money flows. In doing so he does disservice. At the end of 1995. the better to avoid the necessity of engaging subjectivity and its oppressive objectification under capitalism. and conditioned by "actually existing socialism's" Stalinist deformations and ultimate collapse. however much this metanarrative of materially structured resistance intersects with special oppressions. is to challenge and oppose this obfuscation. outside of Cuba and (less so) China. with their "retreat from class. In Britain."14 Class politics were dealt a severe blow in the capitalist counterrevolutions and Stalinist implosions of the post-1989 years. or there will be no gains forced from the already all-too-apparent losses of recent capitalist restorationism. whatever the problematic connotations. etc. Against those who saw in the bureaucratic grip of Stalinism a fundamental. international divisions of labour.10 Postmodernistic antagonism to metanarrative thus carries with it a particular price tag. together with that of the trade unions. the Stalinist economies and their ruling castes have." and suggest that at moments of "enthusiastic striving for innovation"²which is certainly a characteristic of the postmodern²such ideas might well result in a "more deeply rooted domination of the old routine?"13 Historical materialism would suggest that there is a profound difference between the trajectory of political economy in one epoch. Poland. "The ideas of the ruling class are in eveiy epoch the ruling ideas. Once-Soviet workers. and the decline of the left. providing an alternative to such material misreadings. Class. may well be among the last to acknowledge the blunt revival of class in the face of contemporary capitalism's totalizing materiality. Joyce collapses the two. of course. Class many plural subjectivities. His accounting is one-sided and distortingly one-dimensional. which Marxists from the Trotskyist tradition have been predicting since the publication of The Revolution Betrayed (1937). where class. As Joyce alludes to the "fall" of class as a product of global restructuring. a structure and a politics. and have instead invested so much in recent proclamations of their discursively constructed identity politics." undermining the mythical middle class and depressing the living conditions of those working poor fortunate enough to retain some hold on their jobs. pointed in a similar direction to that of economic change. essen-tializing. Trotsky wrote: "In reality a backslide to capitalism is wholly possible. intensity and reach over daily life. from France to Canada. but also on a wider public. one in which the significance of class is almost universally marked down. and homogenizing impulses. Patrick Joyce claims that British history. gone anywhere. again. actually celebrating the activity of masking and cover-up. Indeed. from Korea to Brazil. The reasons for this are not hard to find. as a category and an agency. and these are currently unleashed with a tragic vengeance as even the once degenerate and deformed workers' states look to the ideological abstractions of the world market for sustenance rather than relying on proletarian powers. but the greatest change of all was the disintegration of world communism. Joyce conveniently understates the presence of other dimensions. to both past and present. in the 1990s. can provide. Nevertheless. erected at just the moment that the left is in dire need of the clarity and direction that class. seen to be a "traditional" working class. their supposedly pristine ideas dripping with the thoroughly partisan politics of a particular historical period? Joyce's words. trade union and left defeat. many of them academic fair-weather friends of Marxism. class has not so much fallen as it has returned. The legacy of Marxism in general. and the actual social relations of production and contestation in another historical period.Those thinkerswho have failed to see the transitory nature of postmodernism/poststructuralism. Even if trends in the 1990s were unambiguously of the sort pointed to by Joyce. is evident in one historian's confident statement. and of historical materialism in particular. Mass strikes now routinely challenge capital and its states. ironically. has thus reasserted its fundamental importance. who saw socialism sour in the stale breath of generations of Stalinism. if flawed. or social grouping. economic decline and restructuring have led to the disintegration of the old manual sector of employment. More and more of humanity now faces the ravages of capitalism's highly totalizing."11 a withdrawal hastened by new offensives on the part of capital and the state. and the like) that are becoming ever more universalizing in their depth. as both a category of potential and becoming and an agency of activism. there is no indication that this has lessened the importance of class as an agent of social transformation and human possibility (a master category of metanarrative). and the rise of the right. the implosion of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. not only on the academic mind. and its attendant ideologies. They will no doubt find some variant of "difference" to cling to. building an oppositional worldview that can play some role in reversing the class struggle defeats and weakening of the international workers' movement that has taken place as capital and the state have been in the ascendant over the course of the last thirty years. to be sure. it has become one term among many. mistakenly. and with it the retreat of intellectual Marxism. once explained in terms of class struggle. must now be regarded differently: There is a powerful sense in which class may be said to have "fallen. sharing rough equality with these others (which is what I meant by the "fall" of class). Identified as simply one of has actually been obscured from analytic and political view by poststructuralism's analytic edifice. The rise of the right from the 1970s.12 To "deconstruct" such a statement is to expose the transparent crudeness of its content. are voting Communist again. towards a loosening of the hold class and work-based categories had. all the fetishisras of locality.) have on our exploration of the tangible class composition of early nineteenth-century society? Is it not rather unwholesome for supposed intellectuals to be bartering their interpretive integrity in the crass coin of political fashion. Almost a decade of tyrannical Yeltsin-like Great Russianism and the barbarism of small "nation" chauvinisms should have made it apparent where the politics of national identity lead. it is most emphatically not the case that the analytic meanings of this period of supposed change could be transferred wholesale to a past society quite unlike it²what possible relevance can the fall of a degenerated and deformed set of workers' states (the Soviet Union. Hungary. place. it will be the revival of class mobilizations that will retrieve for socialized humanity what was lost over the course of the 1990s in Russia and elsewhere. There are no answers separate from those of class struggle. taken a headlong plunge into the privatization despotisms of the 1990s. and of what was. That this process is embedded less in theory and more in the material politics of the late twentieth century.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 6 1NC isolations of cultures and countries. which bears a disappointing likeness to Time magazine. blockade against the restoration of market relations.

its anti-foundationalist conception of power. Feb 28. as suggested by Walker. As I have sought to highlight in the second and third part of this chapter. "Beyond an Historicism Without Subject: Agency and the Elusive Genealogies of State Sovereignty" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention. As this chapter has shown." The alternative is historical materialism. HM may develop better and richer analysis in thinking about the relationship between power relations. As I have stressed in the first section. all that is old is not always without value.html) The primary objective of this volume is to bring social history back in IR in order to challenge its ahistorical and essentialist categories as much as its core postulates. present. we have to bring back agency at the heart of our theorizing since it is through its historically specific practices that human create and transform²albeit seldom as they have initially planed²their environments. Our contention is that despite their significant contributions in challenging the supremacist position of analysis have impeded their capacity to think about IR in terms of historical process. This is indeed an old way of looking at the world. http://www.com/meta/p180176_index. such method of investigation tends to reify language in giving too much unity to rules/structures of enunciation. However. 2007 (Thierry.allacademic. in a maxim particularly suited to the linked fortunes of materialism's past. a metanarrative of exploitation within which all identities ultimately find their level of subordination/domination. As one "Old Man" of Marxism. But postmodernism/post-structuralism notwithstanding. a lifelong defender of radicalized Enlightenment values. once proclaimed. and future: "Those who cannot defend old positions will never conquer new ones. the focus on discourses and symbolic structures without a proper contextualization of the relations and dynamics of power they are an integral part of should be abandoned. which also tends to loose sight of the different ways in which different agents may mobilise discourses²make references to similar symbols and used them in following the same (proper) of mainstream IR. rules and is ruled. it has also been Poststructuralist contention to challenge IR selfimage in shedding light in its theoretical role as a practice of forgetting. as I have argued. its endeavour to analyse power relations on the basis of de-centring of the human subject. their method rules of enunciation²in order to achieve quite distinctive sets of objectives and reproducing quite different set of social practices. Indeed. institutional and symbolic structures of enunciation in embedding them in a wider geopolitical environment. .Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 7 1NC singular capacity to assimilate other categories of being and congeal varieties of power. If the imperative of thinking about social institutions²sovereignty²in dynamic terms necessitates that we abandon any attempt to fix meaningsinto rigid definitions. and its own historical analysis which focuses solely on moment of epistemic ruptures without adventuring into an explanation of its causes have left us with an image of ³history without subject´. This mode of analysis is epistemologically superior to post-modernism-it renders a historically cognizant scholarship that is more effective at organizing dissident discourses Lapointe.

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 8 ***LINKS*** .

there is someone who revives a proper political passion of division and confrontation. Native American tribal unity).always ready to satisfy the demands of each group and subgroup (gay tourism. Slovenia for Slovenians (against the excessive presence of ³southerners´. µhybrid¶ lifestyle groups. it often depends merely on the different prospective from which the observer views the movement for maintaining a group identity. the event in the guise of a ³return to the roots´ can only be a semblance that fits the capitalist circular movement perfectly or ± in the worst case ± leads to a catastrophe like Nazism. immigrants from the ex-Yugoslav provinces). Furthermore the opposition between fundamentalism and postmodern pluralist identity politics is ultimately a fake. divided into endless subgroups (Hispanic women. the postmodern strategies of identity politics.. united (not by capital. the so-called µfundamentalisms¶. white AIDS patients. but is ready to introduce a division of ³us´ versus ³them´). Heidegger mistook the Pseudo-event of the Nazi revolution as the Event itself. Hispanic music. just as Pauline Christianity did to the Roman global empire. . The Ticklish Subject. but) by the non-substantial link of the Roman legal order ± so what we need today is the gesture that would undermine capitalist globalization from the standpoint of universal Truth. a complete belief in political issues. black gays. is only possible and thinkable only against the background of capitalist globalization: it is the very way capitalist globalization affects our sense of ethnic and other forms of community belonging: the only link connecting these multiple groups is the link of capital itself. but only so much as it is the identity of the supposedly authentic Other (say. despite hating the guts of Buchanan in the USA. America for the Americans (against the Hispanic invasion). This cycle of deterritorialization and reterritorialization creates the preconditions that made Nazism possible we must reassert the dimension of the Universal against capitalist globalization Zizek µ99 (Slavoj. even leftists feel a kind of relief in their appearance ± finally. of openly admitting that. simply striving to maintain its specific way of life and cultural identity. whose basic formula is that of the Identity of one¶s own group. Slovenian Critic. precisely in so far as one proclaims to speak from a universal standpoint. Under these conditions. etc) which temporarily disturb the calm surface of the capitalist ocean ± no wonder that. one does not aim to please everybody. in its social functioning. aiming at the tolerant coexisting of evershifting. Le Pen in France or Haider in Australia. p. in the USA. We are thus more and more deeply locked into a claustrophobic space within which we can only oscillate between the non-event of the smooth running of the liberal-democratic capitalist New World Order and fundamentalist Events (the rise of local proto fascisms. the limit/conditioning of its functioning. More precisely. more than ever. this incessant diversification.. Badiou draws an interesting parallel here between our time of American global domination and the late Roman Empire.as Deleuze emphasized years ago ± capitalist ³deterritorialization´ is always accompanied by re-emerging reterritorializations. there is an inherent split in the field of particular identities themselves caused by the onslaught of capitalist globalization: on the one hand. one has to insist that the only way open to the emergence of an Event is that of globalization-with-particularization by (re)asserting the dimension of Universality against capitalist globalization. albeit in a deplorably repulsive form.). shifting identities. speculative identity): a multiculturalist can easily find even the most fundamentalist ethnic identity attractive. in these circumstances. The sign of today¶s ideologico-political constellation is the fact that these kinds of pseudo-events which seem to pop up (it is only rightwing populism which today displays the authentic political passion of accepting the struggle. since . lesbian mothers«) This ever flowering of groups and subgroups in their hybrid and fluid. concealing a deeper solidarity (or.The line of separation between postmodern identity politics and fundamentalism is thus purely formal. to put it in Hegelese.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 9 Link: ID PTX ³Identity politics´ are only conceivable against the backdrop of capitalist globalization this system appeases subgroups in order to calculate and control their existence. implying the practice of excluding the threatening Other(s): France for the French (against Algerian immigrants). on the other hand there is post-modern culturalist µidentity politics¶ groups. 209-211) Here however one must fully endorse Badiou¶s point that these ³returns to the Substance´ are themselves impotent in the face of the global march of capital: they are its inherent supplement. also a µmulticulturalist¶ global state in which multiple ethnic groups were thriving. It has often been remarked that. each insisting on the right to assert its specific way of life and/or culture. Today. a fundamentalist group can easily adopt. presenting itself as one of the threatened minorities.

then.´ We can then theorize radicalization and political action as not simply or only conditioned by the experience of oppression or as the exclusive domain of the oppressed. the notion of social justice that corresponds to this view depends on asserting the rights of and redressing the wrongs inflicted upon victims. and thus of a clearer insight into how to resist those conditions through political action. or Morales¶s novelistic narrative of how an ³Anglo´ ³goes over´ to a Chicano nationalist and internationalist politics. in the category of totality as the carrier of revolutionary principle. . Associate Professor of Political Theory Hobart and William Smith College³Zizek¶s Politics´2006 Page 118 ± 119 We can approach the same point from another direction. one¶s experience of race in the U. The experience of oppression is usually claimed as providing one with a privileged consciousness of the entire complex of sociohistorical forces that produce the oppressive conditions. who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole´ (Marx. The truth of that limited daily experience of London lies. functioning as human rights that designate the very space of politicization. Careful distinctions. It is thus we can understand Marx¶s theory of how ³a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat. a portion of the bourgeois ideologists. we can theorize political consciousness and action in much broader and complex ways. Yet those structural coordinates are no longer accessible to immediate lived experience and are often not even conceptualizable for most people´ (349). for punishing offenders against its rights . Institutionally.pdf) The importance of this point lies in the fact that most frequently it is experience and not essence that is invoked as the sacred grounding of political authority. Rather. Thus. As Zizek points out.S. it is bound up with the whole colonial system of the British empire that determines the very quality of the individual¶s subjective life. identity politics works through a whole series of depoliticizing moves to locate. rather. We need to recognize. The particular struggle of identity politics compartmentalizes its resistance and allows for Capital to destroy its radical nature. Jodi Dean. as rooted in historically determined objective interests that exceed a limited correspondence with a narrowly construed identity of oppression and as most efficaciously rooted. identity politics ³requires an intricate police apparatus (foridentifying the group in question. and in particular.edu/pi/PI1. as the critic Gilroy and the writer Morales do. might not provide one with an objective understanding of the mechanisms of racial oppression which would seem necessary for developing a cogent strategy of resistance against the objective conditions of racial capitalism. Recovering Politics: Rethinking Chicana/o Nationalism. however. separate. Particular differences are supposed to be acknowledged and respected. distinctions which problematize the valorization of experience as the source or precondition of heightened political understanding and consciousness. and Resistance to Racism in Alejandro Morales's Death of an Anglo.. Identity Politics.52 Systemic problems are reformulated as personal issues. for providing the preferential treatment which should compensate for the wrong this group has suffered. that in the world under global capitalism we have witnessed ³a growing contradiction between lived experience and structure´ such that the truth of any experience ³no longer coincides with the place in which it takes place.udmercy. No particular wrong or harm can then stand in for the ³universal wrong. we see that. and redress wrongs. ³Manifesto´ 481). There can be no guarantee that conflicts over the meaning of µrace¶ will always be resolved in a politically radical or progressive direction´ (24). Post Identity. in Gilroy¶s words. methodologically. Herein lies the importance of the separation of political consciousness from racial identity constituted by the distinction between the terms ³Chicana/o´ and ³Mexican American.1/PI11_Libretti.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 10 Link: ID PTX Theorizing political action as conditioned by experience makes it impossible to understand racial oppression and makes effective resistance to capitalism impossible Libretti µ97 (assistant professor in the English Department at Northeastern Illinois University. Identity politics today emphasizes the specificity of each identity and experience.´53 Multiculturalism is thus a dimension of postpolitics insofar as it prevents the universalization of particular demands. as Fredric Jameson has noted. in India or Jamaica or Hong Kong. which may be global in nature. liberalarts. ³its meanings are unfixed and subject to the outcomes of struggle. viewing race as a political category.. following Lukacs insistence in History and Class Consciousness.´51 Rather than opening up a terrain of political struggle. need to be made between knowledge and experience. Indeed. Forgetting Identity.

If it wasn't.e. Providing the strike spread to other industries (it didn't just happen in isolation) and was maintained. etc..anarchistnews.org/?q=node/48)3 I'm not going to spend time explaining Australian capitalism or how it adversely affects the ordinary working person. make more money) by reporting it. they will always work in the interest of Australian capitalism. These groups feel that it is important that Gay people have their own exclusive input into the group and form their own sexuality-based grouping. for the most part they are well meaning but they are still helping capitalism along. The distrust of white liberals and white politicians is something rife within Koori identity politics. It is in the best interests of Australian capitalism that we all remain divided by layer upon layer of identity-based differences. Naturally. RACE During the arrival of Europeans into this country over successive generations. whether we are Kooris. But the approach of Capitalism is to divide us carefully within groups and to maintain tensions between us.e. or social group-based. it is generally claimed. So what if 3 million people march in the streets. GENDER The relationship between men and women in Australia has been severely damaged by the separatist excesses of the bourgeois women's movement in the late 1980s and 1990s. who have a lot to lose by real change. we might try and see past our differences (and as human beings they will always be numerous). if workers in the factories refused to make guns or filled the bullets with flour. is necessary to counter the patriarchal tendencies of every left wing group (whether they actually exist or not) and a great deal of time is taken up philosophizing about whether such things are taking place and what form they take . politics actually plays within capitalism. and it is here that we can find the only common ground with which to deal with Australian capitalism. women. So why do so many people spend time engaged in the politics of identity? The reasons are varied but by and large I think it is because it is safe to do so. seek work. thus promoting a better understanding of their own sexuality within a hostile homophobic community. of course. Of course. separating states and regions with football matches. nothing like this will ever be possible whilst we continue to accept that identity-based politics is anything but a con job.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 11 Link: ID PTX Identity politics feed capitalism ± it¶s a safe way to ignore the class struggle and perpetuates oppression on a global scale Anarchist News µ05 (Identity politics ± capitalism in action!. and those persons they sexually interact with. a great many Gay people have traditionally been liberally-minded and tended to see beyond the differences in people. is traditionally the enemy of capitalism. ethnicity. But what is lacking is a proper theoretical understanding of the role that identity.By encouraging a gay identity as a means of self-protection and as a form of pride in one's self. Mainly as a by-product of blunt necessity. to acknowledge that such barriers are simply irrelevant might mean that other barriers between working people might also break down. SEXUALITY Sexual politics are often a regular feature of identity-based solutions. where they create any division. we are unable to effectively change anything. All members of the ruling classes control work and contribute nothing to it. Conveniently.) Of course. It attempts division at every level. wouldn't be engaged in it. just as authoritarian as Australian capitalism. More recently the Howard Liberal government has engaged in a campaign of division focused on welfare recipients somewhat reminiscent of the Nazi Party's propaganda war on Jewish people during the '30s. sexuality. and it will be forgotten. and even individuals on the basis of mundane arguments such as whether Ford or Holden is better. CLASS So what type of grouping is there that does not divide us in any way? What do we all have in common outside these shallow capitalist-created social groups? All members of the working class work. SEXUALITY Someone's sexuality is someone's personal feelings. etc. Of course. Identity Politics is an approach that is doomed to constant failure. of course. This. because they are not a koori. seeking to establish separate groupings within each of these . What remains of the Koori people is a very small percentage of the total Australian population and. Identity-based political groups (often for example Trotskyist-type groups) pose a political solution to Australian capitalism in an identical fashion: they follow and assist capitalist ideas. RACE A great many persons involved in identity politics spend time on the "white" liberal side of Koori identity politics. tomorrow they will be back home feeling good about themselves. something would change.. Australian capitalism uses division to maintain itself. (For that matter if it spread among workers throughout the world there would be no wars at all. seemingly oblivious to the fact that Koori indigenous law is completely patriarchal and. Without beginning with what we have in common . No real change ever takes place and social uprisings such as anti-war movements are very quickly simply ignored by capitalism as they have no solid basis upon which to force real and lasting change. gay people are encouraged to divide themselves from other workers and spend their lives attaining a capitalismapproved (consuming) "queer" identity. students are supported by their working families). etc. persons involved in identity-based politics would argue that they are doing just this. or are supported by the benefits of work in order to live (welfare is provided by taxes from Australian workers. whilst we are all opposing each other. indeed. men. and so many bourgeois people. Australian governments virtually wiped out the Aboriginal people. However. To break down the barriers between sexualities or. GENDER Bourgeois feminism permeates virtually every left wing group.http://www. or the wharfies refused to load the ships with war toys for Iraq and 3 million people marched in the streets to protect them from the capitalists trying to use force to get their own way. Australian capitalism seeks to create ghettos of Gay people by inadequately protecting Gays from the homophobic views and attacks of some members of the heterosexual "community". they are unable to make any effective change on their own.hence we are now foisted with the 'pro-family' politics of the NationalLiberal coalition. It is not relevant to anyone but the person involved.. this is something that most people involved in some form of "alternative politics" already seem to understand. Australian capitalism would have no choice but to capitulate.a counter culture exclusively for women. or exclude certain people solely because of their race. the news services will be able to increase their ratings (i. and try to find what we have in common. gender or sexuality (i. It is in the interests of Australian capitalism that Kooris have a fierce national identity to separate them from the "white people". capitalism has thrived on increased divorce rates and the tendency of men and women to live separately. creating new markets for cars for women. not gay). encouraging community amongst indigenous Australians as a separate group. capitalism wouldn't allow it. this has lead to a declining birth rate and raised concerns about where the next generation of working drones is going to come from . not a woman. But just in case we still have a lingering desire to make a change. Persons involved in this form of politics often follow the "black consciousness" approach. in many ways. Otherwise. This. as such. reinforcing the division between men and women already fostered by Capitalism. It tries very hard to split us into opposing groups based on gender. all. and are divided.rather than trying to find it later from "broad coalitions" of groups that are from the start structurally- .. we are offered recycling and enviro-based pseudo-activism so that we can feel like we are making a change. This does not mean that they do this intentionally. The fact that we subsist on the basis of work as a class is the one thing that we all have in common. and that a great many well-meaning political groups are attempting to encourage change in precisely the reverse direction to that which will bring it about. home units for single people.

a µracism with a distance¶²it µrespects¶ the Other¶s identity. Multiculturalism is a racism which empties its own position of all positive content (the multiculturalist is not a direct racist. http://www. And. or. we are no longer dealing with the standard opposition between metropolis and colonized countries. from a kind of empty global position. then. of course). the ideal form of ideology of this global capitalism is multiculturalism. but nonetheless retains this position as the privileged empty point of universality from which one is able to appreciate (and depreciate) properly other particular cultures²the multiculturalist respect for the Other¶s specificity is the very form of asserting one¶s own superiority. a global company as it were cuts its umbilical cord with its mother-nation and treats its country of origins as simply another territory to be colonized. he doesn¶t oppose to the Other the particular values of his own culture). we shall all not only wear Banana Republic shirts but also live in banana republics. In other words. inverted. the relationship between traditional imperialist colonialism and global capitalist self-colonization is exactly the same as the relationship between Western cultural imperialism and multiculturalism: in the same way that global capitalism involves the paradox of colonization without the colonizing Nation-State metropole. from Le Pen to Buchanan: the fact that the new multinationals have towards the French or American local population exactly the same attitude as towards the population of Mexico.org/?view=1919] How. there is capitalism within the confines of a Nation-State. of course. does the universe of Capital relate to the form of Nation-State in our era of global capitalism? Perhaps. conceiving the Other as a self-enclosed µauthentic¶ community towards which he. the final moment of this process is the paradox of colonization in which there are only colonies. At the beginning (ideally. Multiculturalism. treats each local culture the way the colonizer treats colonized people²as µnatives¶ whose mores are to be carefully studied and µrespected¶. learning about the ³other´ without escaping the racist society in which misrepresentations about the other are created in the first place Zizek. multiculturalism is a disavowed. politically. this relationship is best designated as µauto-colonization¶: with the direct multinational functioning of Capital. maintains a distance rendered possible by his privileged universal position. This is what disturbs so much the patriotically oriented right-wing populists. the attitude which. culturally) the colonized country.we are simply chasing our tails and John Howard and his mates are laughing their arses off as identity-based groups help capitalism divide working people. no colonizing countries²the colonizing power is no longer a Nation-State but directly the global company. . what follows is the relationship of colonization in which the colonizing country subordinates and exploits (economically. with the accompanying international trade (exchange between sovereign Nation-States). Oct 1997 [Slavoj. the Cultural Logic of Multinational Capitalism. multi-culturalism involves patronizing Eurocentrist distance and/or respect for local cultures without roots in one¶s own particular culture. Link: Multiculturalism Multiculturalism is the ultimate ideology of global capitalism²its respect for the ³other´ mirror colonists respect for natives.newleftreview. the multiculturalist. That is to say.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 12 based on exclusionary and fortress-like ideas . Brazil or Taiwan. In the long term. self-referential form of racism. professor of philosophy and psychoanalysis at the European Graduate School. after national capitalism and its internationalist/colonialist phase. Is there not a kind of poetic justice in this self-referential turn? Today¶s global capitalism is thus again a kind of µnegation of negation¶.

but rather in the fact that Capital is effectively an anonymous global machine blindly running its course. the same goes for today¶s capitalist who still clings to some particular cultural heritage.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 13 2NC Multiculturalism Link Multiculturalism distracts attention from fighting capitalism²focusing on individual struggles like ethnic rights fragments resistance Zizek. http://www. mutatis mutandis. µfundamentalism¶ and other crimes. in the guise of µcultural studies¶. So we are fighting our pc battles for the rights of ethnic minorities. Oct 1997 [Slavoj. professor of philosophy and psychoanalysis at the European Graduate School. . of different life-styles. that there is effectively no particular Secret Agent who animates it.org/?view=1919] And. or. of gays and lesbians. is doing the ultimate service to the unrestrained development of capitalism by actively participating in the ideological effort to render its massive presence invisible: in a typical postmodern µcultural criticism¶. everybody silently accepts that capitalism is here to stay²critical energy has found a substitute outlet in fighting for cultural differences which leave the basic homogeneity of the capitalist world-system intact. The horror is not the (particular living) ghost in the (dead universal) machine. as we might put it. It is effectively as if. Multiculturalism. The conclusion to be drawn is thus that the problematic of multiculturalism²the hybrid coexistence of diverse cultural life-worlds² which imposes itself today is the form of appearance of its opposite.newleftreview. of the massive presence of capitalism as universal world system: it bears witness to the unprecedented homogenization of the contemporary world. since the horizon of social imagination no longer allows us to entertain the idea of an eventual demise of capitalism²since. The true horror does not reside in the particular content hidden beneath the universality of global Capital. identifying it as the secret source of his success²Japanese executives participating in tea ceremonies or obeying the bushido code²or for the inverse case of the Western journalist in search of the particular secret of the Japanese success: this very reference to a particular cultural formula is a screen for the universal anonymity of Capital. the Cultural Logic of Multinational Capitalism. the very mention of capitalism as world system tends to give rise to the accusation of µessentialism¶. and so on. while capitalism pursues its triumphant march²and today¶s critical theory. but the (dead universal) machine in the very heart of each (particular living) ghost.

indeed. yet cannot finally renounce what it has lost forever. and. the literary nature of the a priori status of the soul vis a vis reality becomes conscious: the self. here. privilege certain specific figures of feminity and preclude others?¶Why is such radical historicizing false. as a necessary consequence.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 14 Link: StandpointPtx Locating political struggle within particular struggles masks capitalism¶s universal nature²people can¶t draw the lines between different forms of oppression Zizek. the next historico-philosophical step In a priori utopianism. a man can become the hero. cut off from transcendence. Such duality can only be given form by lyrical means. subjectivity gave rise to the heroism of its militant interiority. despite the obvious moment of truth it contains? Because today¶s (late capitalist global market) social reality itself is dominated by what Marx referred to as the power of µreal abstraction¶: the circulation of Capital is the force of radical µdeterritorialization¶ (to use Deleuze¶s term) which. because he has the inner possibility of experiencing life as a literary creator.¶ Mutatis mutandis. as he was in abstract idealism. it is the very attempt to locate particular roots that ideologically occludes the social reality of the reign of µreal abstraction¶. here. from their significance to the individual¶s soul The precondition and the price of this immoderate elevation of the subject is. of its privileging a particular content. rather. as a result. There. but. as the only material worthy of self-realization. even if it wanted to do so. man becomes the author of his own life and at the same time the observer of that life as a creative work of art. defeat is the precondition of subjectivity. the vehicle of the utopian challenge to reality. and thus to help the social body to maintain its politicoideological good health? No less than social life itself. is not the notion of totalitarianism one of the main ideological antioxidants. he now carries his value exclusively within himself. an interiority which protects itself in the form of a literary work demands from the outside world that it should provide it with suitable materials for thus forming itself. the values of being seem to draw the justification of their validity only from the fact of having been subjectively experienced. the outside world was to be created anew on the model of ideals. the center figure of a literary work. life forces it to continue the struggle and suffer defeats which the artist anticipates and the hero apprehends. An interiority denied the possibility of fulfilling itself in action turns inwards. the abandonment of any claim to participation in the outside world. In romanticism. By taming free radicals antioxidants help the body maintain its natural good health. which neutralize harmful molecules in the body known as free radicals. it was also conceptually its heir. actively ignores specific conditions and cannot be µrooted¶ in them. 117-118) The inner importance of the individual has reached its historical apogee: the individual is no longer significant as the carrier of transcendent worlds. recognizes itself as the source of the ideal reality. The romanticism of disillusionment not only followed abstract idealism in time and history. . There. disobedience can have dire consequences. The aff¶s prioritization of subjective experience over objective analysis necessitates the abandonment of any higher goal ± inward oriented politics are doomed to failure Lukacs µ71 (Philosopher. today¶s self-professed µradical¶academia is permeated by unwritten rules and prohibitions²although such rules are never explicitly stated. in its apparent all-encompassing neutrality. As soon as it is fitted into a coherent totality. The Theory of the Novel. here. It is no longer. was crushed by the brute force of reality. the universality that occludes the twist of its partiality. and cruel towards itself and the world. professor of philosophy and psychoanalysis at the European Graduate School. life would deny it such a satisfaction. Life becomes a work of literature. however. in its very functioning. the individual. the certainty of failure becomes manifest. the novel of the romantic sense of life is the novel of disillusionment. One of these unwritten rules concerns the unquestioned ubiquity of the need to µcontextualize¶ or µsituate¶one¶s position: the easiest way to score points automatically in a debate is to claim that the opponent¶s position is not properly µsituated¶ in a historical context: µYou talk about women²which women? There is no woman as such. so does not your generalized talk about women. as in the standard ideology. p. Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism?. There. pg. 2001 [Slavoj. 1-4] On the µCelestial Seasonings¶ green tea packet there is a short explanation of its benefits: µGreen tea is a natural source of antioxidants. whose function throughout its carrer was to tame free radicals. disappointed. the romanticism becomes skeptical.

Western feminism has also µsucceeded¶ to the extent that the torture and atrocities in US-occupied Iraq involved women in the immediate chain of command: from Rice at the top toMajor General Barbara Fast (top intelligence officer responsible for reviewing detainee condition before release) to General Janis Karpinski (director of Abu Ghraib prison) down to the three women Lynndie England. class-neutral fixation on µgender equality¶ within prevailing capitalist institutions has µsucceeded¶ to the extent that most corporate PR spokespeople are now women (perhaps because we somehow still tend to view women as more µsincere¶) and the ubiquitous advertising image of a successful CEO now also tends to be that of a woman. a white steel worker might in all likelihood not be surprised at any of this. since openly class-based. the defining criterion of µsuccess¶ within contemporary capitalism is not gender or race or sexual orientation but achieving the µequality¶ of thoroughly espousing ruling class values and mind sets. So don¶t just bug me. mainstream feminism¶s systemically naïve. Zhang Yin. 2004 [Peter. We¶re in the same cotton field. Capital has now manifestly become what it inherently always was: a powerful cosmopolitan levelling force that knows neither nation.html] One cogent argument against a facile or reductionist emphasis on class alone. in the µpost-modern¶ age of intensified globalisation and cultural McDonaldisation. eco-activist living in Germany. At times.org/theContinuingCharm. A Nelson Mandela in power might well enable a new black bourgeoisie and middle class but will not touch the wealth and power base of the ruling classes and will symbolically bestow the highest national honours on a kleptocrat and genocidal dictator like Indonesia¶s Soeharto. has also been frequently made by the various adherents of µidentity politics¶. Don¶t bother me. Megan Ambuhl and Sabrina Harman of the seven soldiers actually made to carry the can and be charged with abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib. (Laughs. culture and sexual orientation for understanding and changing socially oppressive structures has been a radical given since the 60s and 70s. quirks. only class focus serves to address these inequalities Newinsky. preferably even of non-European background.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 15 Link: Feminism Feminism only smooths the way for capitalism²even if it creates equality. A greater degree of civil rights for oppressed minorities as achieved in the US or South Africa will not change the class realities manifest in South Central LA or Soweto. However. massive violence and poverty still continue in the name of capitalist hegemony. a black middle and upper class is no different in its material interests and prevailing aggregate consciousness to any other middle or upper class. and doubtless an over-focus on class can often obfuscate. Thus from a critical Marxist perspective. Unlike many a white liberal. a paper recycling capitalist. . view of collective shame or guilt about the historical legacy of black slavery: I got no use for the black militant who¶s gonna scream three hundred years of slavery to me while I¶m busting my ass. despite the froth of Christian fundamentalist backlash. however. He may also have a different. distract from or gloss over such factors and their various forms of oppression. institutions and identities are but grist for its all-levelling mill of expansion and accumulation. all non-monetary qualities. http://www.) I have one answer for that guy: go see Rockefeller. gender nor race as a barrier to its drive to self-accumulate. [7] Thus. The Continuing Charm of Marx. The µfeminism¶ even within Chinese Stalinism has enabled China¶s richest billionaire to be a woman. The importance of non-class factors like gender. Beyond all theoretical argument. Capital is an inherently revolutionary force that sweeps all before it. Condoleezza Rice and Colin Powell and a plethora of black CEOs in the US may be taken as cases in point: neither being a female nor being black need now necessarily preclude one from becoming a member of the imperial ruling classes (nor.stateofnature. See Harriman. ethnicity. responses. the sheer empirical facts would now seem to confirm the social (and thus heuristic) µultimate¶ predominance of class over all other factors underpinning µidentity politics¶. for social change activists to throw the baby of class and class struggle out with the bathwater of dogmatic µworkerism¶ or simplistic µclass analysis¶ comes at the great price of likely delusion. such factors can undoubtedly override class factors. You know what I mean? (Laughs.) [6] Similarly. would it any longer really matter if either of them were gay). As the Communist Manifesto so forcefully argued. Empirically.

This is. . Vol 18 Iss 2. which is a central achievement of Marx.like the wage-capital relationship . A recent example of this is the existence of active support from women-and not only career women . By this I mean that immediately personal forms of domination like patriarchy. Nature. slave ownership or feudal appropriation are inseparable from lived relations between dominating and dominated human beings. Conversely. The Missed Rendevous of Critical Marxism and Ecological Feminism. On the other hand. Socialism. Capitalism. serfs. it misses the difference between different forms of domination. while at the same time obscuring the implicit patriarchal functions of neoliberal strategies that create precarious situations for the majority of women around the world." impersonal forms of domination . I am convinced. June 2007 [Frieder. teaches philosophy at Free Univ of Berlin.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 16 A2: Patriarchy=Root of Cap Patriarchy exists as another form of domination from capitalist relations²focusing solely on abuse of women ignores capitalisms role in destroying women¶s positions in the neoliberal order Otto Wolf. and housewives. To ignore this groundbreaking difference makes it impossible to understand why capitalist politics historically has always been capable of mobilizing active support for its projects from those oppressed by personal forms of domination slaves. Proquest] Von Werlhof sees "patriarchy" as the "deeper structure" of capitalism. it blinds us to the very real dangers of capitalist accumulation as such-just as it simultaneously threatens to undermine human labor and nature. objectively "reified. a profoundly ambivalent formulation. On the one hand." This reflects the neoliberal achievement in casting the welfare state as something explicitly patriarchal.for the neoliberal politics of dismantling the fordist "welfare state.really function in separation from the personal relations of those involved.

Existentialism is the most thoroughgoing philosophy of individualism in our time. This desolation of the individual is the wellspring of inconsolable tragedy. served as the secretary of the American Committee for the Defence of Leon Trotsky. and thought to the latest triumphs of art and technology. Indeed. The existentialists are averse to routine. rights. the solitary human mind is completely sovereign in shaping its real existence. and pitted against a coercive society. the class. whose ideas and lives have outrageously flouted the ordinary canons of moral conduct. With nothing but its own forces to lean on and its own judgment as a guide. Only at the bottom of the abyss where the naked spirit grapples with the fearful foreknowledge of death are both the senselessness and the significance of existence revealed to us. even the vagaries of the autonomous personality against any oppressive authority.Marxism takes the reverse position. By a grim paradox. are a futile business. and the individual coexist in the closest reciprocal relationship. To a materialist such human functions as speech and thought reflect the traits of things but do not create them. These opposing conceptions of the object-subject relationship are reflected in the conflict between the two philosophies on the nature of the individual and the individual¶s connections with the surrounding world. we develop into individuals only in and through society. the world of things. The category of the isolated individual is central in existentialism. It must be said that theheresies of the existentialists do not always succeed in shedding completely the values of the society they rebel against. to nature over society and to society over any single person within it. All submission to projects not freely chosen is evidence of bad faith.Kierkegaard assailed the sluggishness and selfdeception of the smug citizens around him only to embrace the Christian God with more passionate intensity. clings to the concept of the totally free person beholden solely to himself as the pivot of his philosophy and moral theory. organised movement. our attempts to make consciousness coincide with ³facticity´. These have ranged from religious orthodoxies to philosophical systematising. is thwarted by things and other people. In the process of subduing objective reality for their own ends they change themselves. For Marxists. society.Take away from . externally imposed ideas.Thus existentialism pictures the individual as essentially divorced from other humans. existentialism is thereafter unable to fit the subjective reactions and reflections of the personality to the environing conditions of life.org/archive/novack/works/history/ch12. from toolmaking. We are essentially social beings. initiatives. Simone de Beauvoir and Sartre analyse writers such as the Marquis de Sade and Jean Genet. Having cut off the individual from organic unity with the rest of reality. wrote Kierkegaard in describing how he turned to an existentialist view of life. That is why it is nonconformist rather than revolutionary. ³I came to regard it as my task to create difficulties everywhere´. It champions the spontaneity of the individual menaced by the mass. And Sartre. existentialism is a creed of nonconformism. the isolated individual is an abstraction. in our self-discovery and self-creation of what we authentically are. from capitalist exploitation to Stalinist regimentation. which is characterised by the action of human beings in changing the world. and whatever is uncongenial to the desires of the ego. Kierkegaard set about to disturb the peace of mind of the hypocritical Danish middle class. Nature. or disciplined modes of behaviour. The true existence of a person. The truth and values of existence are to be sought exclusively within the experiences of the individual. and is ultimately controlled by it. Nietzsche heralded the superman who was to rise above the herdlike crowd and transcend good and evil. ³Be yourself at all costs!´ is its first commandment. or established institution. Historical materialism takes an entirely different approach to the relationship between individual and environment.´ In accord with the conception that other aspects of reality acquire existence only to the extent that they enter human experience. The individual can attain genuine value only in contest with these external relationships. The favoured heroes of Camus and Sartre are rebels and outsiders. at loggerheads with an inert and hostile environment. it asserts. It seeks to safeguard the dignity.htm] The contrast between the idealistic subjectivity of the existentialist thinkers and the materialist objectivity of Marxism can be seen in the following assertion of Heidegger in An Introduction to Metaphysics : ³It is in words and language that things first come into being and are. http://www. as any consistent materialism must.We must turn inward and explore the recesses of our beingin order to arrive at our real selves and real freedom. who attacks stuffed shirts and stinkers for their egotism.marxists. All distinctive things about humans. are products of our collective activity over the past million years or so. George Novack¶s Understanding of History. The subjective comes out of the objective.The whole of existentialism revolves around the absolute primacy of the conscious subject over everything objective. The targets of existentialism¶s protest are as diversified as the interests and inclinations of its exponents. Existentialism proclaims the urge of the individual to develop without hindrance. speech. from bourgeois morality to workers¶ bureaucratism. says Sartre. is in constant interaction and unbreakable communion with it. only materialist focus can challenge the system Novack.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 17 Link: Discourse First Discursive focus doesn¶t create social change²its focus on pure individualism leaves people trapped to fend off capitalist hegemony with their own devices. whether it be physical or social. These external forces crush the personality and drag it down to their own impersonal and commonplace level. the state. it must confront and solve all the problems of life. Heidegger makes not simply the meaning but the very existence of things emanate from our verbal expression of them. It gives existential priority. from the regular operation of natural processes and the play of historical forces. With individual liberty as its watchword and supreme good. 1956 [George. Butits constitutional aversion to the organised action of mass movements determined by historically given circumstances renders it incapable of finding an effective solution of this problem for the bulk of humanity. The external world exists regardless of our relations with it and apart from the uses we make of its elements. says Sartre.

of which each has a separate principle . the socialist movement has made one of its chief aims and persistent concerns the defence and expansion of individuality²however much this has been violated in practice by bureaucratic powers speaking in the name of socialism. Since the social structure shapes and dominates the lives of individuals. The specific nature of the individual is determined by the social content of the surrounding world. this narrow self-seeking. the world of atoms. One of the major contradictions of capitalism is that it has brought humans into the closest ³togetherness´ while accentuating conditions that pull them apart.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 18 Link: Discourse First the person all the socially conditioned and historically acquired attributes derived from the culture of the collectivity and little would be left but the biological animal. Like the existentialists. . imagination. hard egotism and nameless misery´ which he observed over a century ago still strongly permeate our acquisitive society.´ The ³barbarous indifference.Even the special kind of solitude felt by people today is an outgrowth of the social system. is here carried out to its utmost extreme. and ideas. This shapes not only our relations with other people but our innermost emotions. Frederick Engels noted this when he described the crowds in the London streets in his first work. But Marxism differs from existentialism by denying that individualism as a philosophy can provide an adequate method of social change and political action. Capitalism socialises the labour process and knits the whole world into a unit while separating people from one another through the divisive interests of private property and competition. it has to be transformed by the collective struggle of the working people in order to eliminate the conditions that repress individuality and create an environment suited to the unhampered cultivation of the capacities of each living human being. is the fundamental principle of our society everywhere Ö The dissolution of mankind into monads. The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 : ³This isolation of the individual.

not "revolution. and in their haughty contempt for revolutionary thinking and politics." Gone is the project of getting rid of it. In their unreflective romanticizing of reform. Strangely enough.and in . corporations get to keep ownership of the means of production and their profits." But it is another thing to argue that revolutionary practice cannot happen on epistemological grounds. postmodern/ postMarxists do not regard these positions as a surrender of the Marxist project at all. Socialist Review.K.50 My main point here is that throughout The Full Monty .K-. as the exact fulfillment of that commitment. neatly packaged in postmodern gift wrapping. and that all we can do is make capitalism as user friendly as possible while obscuring and co-opting the Marxist tradition. or not endorsing the politics of the film. Gibson-Graham's reading of The Full Monty is both liberal and reactionary. J. while working class communities continue to lap dance their way through "identification across difference" rather than doing union organizing.property relations are never questioned or challenged."49 all one can strategize about is how to make capitalism more "user friendly.K. The bottom line is this: When one looks closely at what postmodern/post-Marxist theory actually offers."48 I disagree strongly.com/p/articles/mi_qa3952/is_200101/ai_n8932891/pg_11) J. but rather. "is inherently conservative and capitalocentric.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 19 A2: Gibson Graham Gibson-Graham preclude revolutionary thinking ± their blind faith in reformism leads to capitalist co-option of the aff/perm Poetevin µ01 (member of the SR editorial collective. and after it is done "representing capitalism through the lens of overdetermination.K. It is one thing to say that we are at a political conjuncture in which the thing to do is to work hard for reform. http://findarticles.they end up reconfiguring and consolidating capitalism back in.the alleged obsession of Marxists with seeing "capitalism" everywhere . The politics advocated by J. What the postmodern Marxist's reading of The Full Monty demonstrates is that in their desire to get rid of "capitalocentrism" . That this kind of argument can be presented not only as "noncapitalist" but also as Marxist thinking should be enough to demonstrate the political bankruptcy of this paradigm. GibsonGraham through their reading of The Full Monty is nothing but liberal politics with post-structuralist delusions of grandeur. Gibson-Graham's review of the film as well . state-administered "economic justice" platform centered around individual private liberties. It is also interesting that JK Gibson-Graham maintain that challenging their analysis of The Full Monty. J. end of anti-capitalism as we knew it: Reflections on postmodern Marxism.Gibson-Graham's style of postmodern/post-Marxism delivers what boils down to good old-fashioned liberalism: a mild. In the postmodern/post-Marxist "noncapitalist" world.

and inequality. culture. The extent to which the arguments about the relationship between hunting and culture utilized by the OFAH and the NOTO are politically motivated as opposed to sincerely felt by white hunters is impossible to know. economic.we end up in an endless cycle of claims and counter-claims about the linkages between the uses of nature. it is more fruitful to think through how this case reveals some of the limitations of identity politics as a means of achieving social. Rather than engage in a futile debate about the honesty of white hunters' claims about the place of hunting in their culture and identity. Socialism Vol 13 Iss 1. The debates about hunting.not only those odd. This may represent an interesting side effect of the intellectual critique of whiteness and masculinity as hegemonic cultural forces. and relationships with nature. Capitalism. .Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 20 A2: Turn-Include Excluded Voice There¶s no risk of a link turn-elite groups will hijack notions of culture to reinforce their place in social hierarchy by offering their own counternarratives-cooption outweighs Dunk. They indicate that culture is now recognized by these organizations as a form of political capital. religious minorities. Those who have been the principal object of this critique are now recasting their own place in the social hierarchy as a cultural rather than a purely economic-political phenomenon. Proquest] The arguments employed by the OFAH and the NOTO exemplify a number of interesting developments in the ongoing struggles about identity.A discursive strategy and ethical position similar to that employed by subaltern groups to defend endangered minority cultures is here being used to support the status quo. alienation. quaint immigrant groups. Many who have operated from a more explicitly Marxist-oriented perspective have long been wary of the potential implications of arguing and acting on primarily cultural grounds as opposed to political and economic terrain. Nature. March 2002 [Thomas. and rights. teaches in the Department of Sociology at Lakehead University. and environmental justice. or remnant indigenous peoples. and rights reveal that. cultural traditions. This is not to prejudge the nature of the intention that lies behind the arguments of white men's organizations regarding their culture. Hunting and the Politics of Identity in Ontario. in the absence of a deeper engagement with the entire systemthat simultaneously involves the destruction of nature and the creation of social dislocations. the legal profession and the lay public are picking up on the anthropological idea that everyone has culture . The state. power.

She writes that through the sheer "power of ideas" a new ecological "myth" which recognizes the net of relationships in which humans are involved is coming to replace an older Cartesian "mechanical" myth that separated people into "atoms" and denied them agency (xix-xxvii). Post-al ethics. . is only ethical when it deals with one hungry person at a time. in its privileging of the subjective over the objective. disparate. since transformation of class relations is deemed a "totalitarian" imposition of one subjective will over another. in other words. and the resulting deepening divisions between the haves and the have-nots. is not the result of a more "savvy". is the dominant understanding of social change today. in contemporary articulations of ethics the social is a series of autonomous. subvert the "good society" (a concept that is. ethics today is post-foundational.org/Spring2003/theimperialismofeatingwell. responded to the needs of an emerging capitalist system. etc. have instead learned not to "mistake our ethical choices for radical public politics" (19). not its material roots. Ethics. is one of the main manifestations of theoretical "savvy-ness" today. to put it differently. and aleatory events operating independently of any over-arching logic (such as the logic of exploitation). These and other similar reformist practices aimed at addressing only the most intolerable effects of hunger. is now "post-al" and. not criticize them DeFazio. to be more general.Ethics. As a result. of course. that is. On these terms. http://www. in other words. if not deeply suspicious. as a result. on the contrary. and equality of outcome is neither possible nor desirable" (20). it was focused on the aims of "integrating" social classes into the capitalist system at a time of deep unrest brought about by the conflict between dying feudal relations and industrialization. a moment in which capitalism has somehow broken free from its exploitative past (1-2). This. The "good society" was basically an attempt to assure the increasing numbers of dispossessed that the market could meet the common needs of all. Spring 2003 [Kimberly. is a response to the new needs of capital in the era of cybercapitalism in which the material developments in production that have enabled the possibility of an economically just society are held back by private ownership and must instead be explained as a problem of "bad ideas" if this contradiction is to be secured. food pantries redistribute surpluses. it is necessary to emphasize.Modern ethics. whereas traditional ethics was at least formally committed to a notion of "equality". did not come about due to the triumph of new or "better" ideas. What is necessary to note about contemporary ethics is that unlike the "traditional" ("modernist") ethics of John Stuart Mill or Kant. and. in other words. Ethical theorists regard transforming hunger by eradicating its roots in private property as highly "unreasonable" and "crude". are widely seen as the only "reasonable" solutions. begins with the assumption that we have entered a post-historical. postclass. With the generalization of capitalist relations throughout the world. he declares. understanding that the hungry are not in any fundamental way "different" from the fed. As a result. Ethics in what is called "post-industrialism". post-al ethics is resigned to inequality. is no longer aimed at "integrating". therefore. ethics has instead become more interested in "recognizing" "difference" and the underlying alterity that. Social change. for whom ethics involves the study of the "good society" (the "polis") and finding the ideal means of living a "good life". is an articulation of the way in which individuals are trained to deal with the contradictions of capitalism. For instance: those with food give to those who do not.redcritique. That is to say. It puts itself forward as a "radical" ethics because it does not essentialize or monolithize the subject. which turns the history of capitalism into the progress of ideas and erases the way in which the possibilities of social change are the product of human labor in order to obscure the fundamental exploitation of labor that is central to the organization of capitalist society. largely abandoned today as a modernist fantasy of wholeness that reduced the complexity of the social to a false unity). The Imperialism of ³Eating Well´.htm] The cultural imaginary in the West today is dominated by the discourse of "ethics". post-historical moment of history.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 21 Link: Ethic to the Other Ethics guarantees continuation of poverty and hunger²ethicists only manage social anatagonisms¶ created by capitalism. on post-al terms. The shift from modern to postmodern or post-al ethics. turns social structures into modes of personal behavior and thus sees social change basically as a matter of changing individuals' minds and ideas.Ethics. Ph D Candidate in English at Stony Brook Univ. This is a claim that Francis Moore Lappé makes in the new introductory chapter to the 20th Anniversary Edition of Diet For a Small Planet. the primary solutions to hunger are individual and subjective ones that promote life-style changes and daily negotiations within existing unequal social structures. as Mas'udZavarzadeh explains. without any common and underlying principles of judgment. or including the excluded. Post-al ethicists. Ethics. ethics today is more concerned with managing the effects of social inequalities. and views all discussions of "equality" as totalizing fictions aimed at concealing over the fundamental "difference" that constitutes the social. now deemed too "mechanical" by both activists like Lappé and "high theorists" like Derrida alike. As pragmatist Chris Barker succinctly puts it "The modernist goal of equality is beset with problems. "sophisticated" or "radical democratic" understanding of ethics²the shift. hunger is not viewed as a structure of social relations tied to ownership of property (class)²a view based on the understanding that a transformation in property relation is the necessary precondition of eradicating hunger. in other words. a book that has maintained its ongoing popularity by appealing to activist sentiments yet at the same time effectively disconnecting hunger from any encompassing theory of hunger as a product of capitalism. post-industrial. In other words. changes in what constitutes "ethical" behavior are an effect of shifts in the needs of capital. Rather .

resigned to deep inequalities. and replace them with local ones which can be micro-managed. in short.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 22 Link: Ethic to the Other Whereas the ethics of the "polis" emphasized collectivity and politics (albeit often in an idealist fashion). To be ethical today is to recognize class and other differences but to conclude at the same time that nothing can be done to address these contradictions. is a manifestation of the growing cynicism of bourgeois society.Ethics today is thus more concerned with managing the effects of growing divisions resulting from the concentration of capital in the hands of the few. post-al ethics abandons both. and ongoing privatization of all aspects of social life. . in order to evacuate social(structural) contradictions from the scene of theory.Post-al ethics. It substitutes "community" for collectivity and emphasizes interpersonal relations and individual differences.

as he puts it. I argue. "negotiates" on subjective and local terms the already existing unequal relations among people. it is an ethical ruse for the complete privatization of social resources under imperialism. Ph D Candidate in English at Stony Brook Univ." (283). to "repay" a social or economic debt). is always already available. Rather than actually opening any space from which to examine the inherent contradictions of language. or be governed by a duty [. http://www. Derrida's deconstruction of any connection between the local and the global operates to legitimate the suspension of all social structures such as regulation of the market and eliminates any conception that the state is required to ensure livable wages. without condition. in other words.. And it is precisely this ethical relation to the other that Derrida calls "infinite hospitality" (282): the idea that one gives to the other "infinitely"²without beginning or end. Hospitality. Spring 2003 [Kimberly. is like "ethics" and "eating well".org/Spring2003/theimperialismofeatingwell. Hospitality. interiorized.htm] According to this logic. But in fact many worldwide do not eat. instead. That is. and even more do not "eat well". The self is never single but plural. is in actuality a means of defending the interests of the ruling class by removing the ethical act from determination by material conditions. or to finance advanced educations for the working class.] For if I practice hospitality 'out of duty' [«] this hospitality of paying up is no longer an absolute hospitality. a trope deployed to exceed class binaries. Not only does the trope of ethical eating naturalize the relation between the haves and the have-nots. obligation. like other social resources. Derridean ethics. or determination. hospitality must not pay a debt. "Repaying" and "legislating" are textualist codes for the social praxis of changing objective historical structures²codes which are seen as "monolithic" and thus as stopping the play of differences that inherently undermine all attempts at conceptualization. It is an act of ethical willfulness that must be motivated spontaneously. but the very availability of the food "eaten well" by the subject²that is. As Derrida emphasizes. for whom food. it is no longer graciously offered beyond debt and economy" (83). . without boundaries or determinants. It is the theoretical equivalent of free-trade agreements. who is to be assimilated. nor can it be "legislated". What appears to be a "beyond" class argument. Hospitality is in effect a code.e... Derrida's entire argument is based on the assumption that. which claims to resist essentializing social relations by appealing to the textual slippage of social codes. hospitality cannot be the effect of existing relations of material inequality(i. support comprehensive healthcare. the conditions under which it is produced²is taken for granted. "one must eat". where he writes: "To be what it 'must' be.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 23 A2: Aff=Ethical Relationship Guarantees only link no link turn²the other is only incorporated to be a new market for capitalism²turning distinct cultures into parts of an autonomous machine DeFazio. Corporations too are invested in precisely such notions of "hospitality" because they function outside the "law". The "excessiveness" of hospitality in fact becomes even more explicit in Derrida's recent text Of Hospitality.redcritique. not so much for sophisticated reading. the ethical subject is one who no longer simply identifies with the self but respects the other by "identify[ing] with the other. and indeed the boundary between self and other is continually blurred. But it is precisely this textual logic of "graciousness" and "hospitality" that enables corporations on the one hand to refuse to pay taxes on their profits²taxes on which working people are forced to rely for social services²and on the other to "donate" large (tax-free) sums to charity (to be used at the discretion of local administrators). The Imperialism of ³Eating Well´. but for economic deregulation. is an alibi for the interests of the bourgeois subject.

2007 (Thierry.allacademic. Lapointe. in this context. Feb 28. . "Beyond an Historicism Without Subject: Agency and the Elusive Genealogies of State Sovereignty" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention. Hobson calls the fallacy of tempo-centrism and chronofetishism (Hobson 2002).As critical approaches generally argue. I argue that Poststructuralism eschews an analysis of the historical process of formation and transformation of forms of knowledge/social power in relations with differentiated forms of institutionalized social practices. While acknowledging their contributions in critiquing the a-historical and essentialist foundations of mainstream IR scholarship. uneven and differentiated social relations that create the historical conditions for such discourses to emerge. it tends to evacuate the specific. these hierarchical relations are themselves shaped through and conditioned by various institutionalised structures of power²material and discursive²that reproduce social relations of domination and subordination between human subjects across time and space.html) It becomes clearer. reproduce and transform different sets of social relations of power by human agents across space in a given historical period. It will be argued that Poststructuralism magnifies the internal coherence of an epistemic paradigm²discursive rules of an historical era²and downplays the variety of ways in which specific discourses can be mobilized to produce.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 24 Link: Postmodern K of Militarism Poststructuralism¶s characterization of the international system by inequalities in military power overlooks historical materialist conditions underlying militarism and war.com/meta/p180176_index. thathierarchical relations of power in the international system may not solely rest on ³objective´ inequalities in military might as has been contended. This paper seeks to critically explore the way in which PostStructuralist scholars in IR have approached the question of the historicity of state sovereignty. http://www. The question of their historical conditions of emergence and transformation appears to be the fundamental problematise the historical conditions of emergence of discourses and practices of state sovereignty remains a question that still needs to be debated. Critical scholarship remains deeply divided on the way in which they problematize the relation between power and sovereignty. it will be argued that the central weakness of one for any critical approach in IR that seeks to avoid what John M. Thus. it exists a fundamental line of fracture dividing Poststructuralism and Historical Materialism in their respective ways to theorise the articulation of power relations/dynamics of power with social discourses and social institutions across time and space. In this regard. How to Poststructuralism is that by understanding formation and transformation in state sovereignty as expression of shifting discursive paradigms.

127-131) By conflating the social relations of capitalism with the intellectual and technological progress of ³modernity." Ed. Meiskins Wood & John Foster." in "In Defense of History.´ the product of the former can be laid at the door of the latter. as products of distinctive tendencies within capitalist society. the propensity to treat large sections of humanity as ³inferior´ or ³subhuman. the tendencies towards barbarism ± are seen as inevitable or natural. 1996 (Kenan. In postructuralist discourse racial theory.´ the contrast between technological advance and moral turpitude.senior visting fellow at the Department of Political. by E. p. colonialism. its technological advancements. its ideological commitment to equality and universalism ± are denigrated while its negative aspects ± the inability of capitalism to overcome social divisions. colonialism. International and Policy Studies at the University of Surrey.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 25 A2: Modernity=Root Cause of Violence Rejecting modernity and calculative thought lumps together capitalism¶s distinct social relations and dehistoricizes the specific conditions enabling racism. or the Holocaust are not investigated in their specificity. . The specific problems created by capitalist social relations become dehistoricized. but are all lumped together as the general consequence of ³modernity.´ In this way the positive aspects of ³modern´ society ± its invocation of reason. and the Holocaust Malik. "The Mirror of Race: Postmodernism and the Celebration of Difference.

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 26 ***MPX*** .

Iranian and Turkish capitalists rely on the help of their states as they compete with each other for influence and contracts in the southern belt of the former USSR. The result is that at any point in time there are half a dozen wars or civil wars. and Greece backs the Serbs in horrific wars in former Yugoslavia. Malaysia and Vietnam clash over control of the oil reserves thought to lie close to uninhabited islands in the China Sea. Germany backs Croatia. supplementing economic competition with displays of military prowess. but rather his picture understates the destructiveness of the system. . the US backs the Bosnian Muslims. China. the Russian military wage vicious wars to hang on to vital oil pipelines through Chechnya and influence in the Tadjik republic bordering Afghanistan. American capitalism seeks to persuade European and Japanese capitalism to accept its dictates by proving that it alone has the power to wage war in the vital oil rich regions of the Middle East.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 27 Cap=War Capitalism is the root cause of war-self interested states pursue economic prosperity ChrisHarmon. in one part of the world or another. 90 1995 The only sense in which Marx is 'outdated' is not that the system is more rational than he thought. Israel tries to carve Egypt out from economic influence in the Arabian peninsular. editor of the Socialist Worker. using the most horrendous forms of 'conventional' weaponry. Turkish and Greek capitalists encourage a mini-arms race as each seeks to establish a dominant role in the Balkan countries once controlled by Russia. They also use the state to force rival capitalists to accept their dictates. the Philippines. Economics of the Madhouse p. Capitalists do not merely battle against each other on markets.

crucial theoretical advances have been made that enable the transcendence of all forms of economism. In particular we should not overlook Marx¶s central insight that in order to create universal global system the forces of capitalism seek to conceal the politico.e. And Zizek¶s point is that this mystification is magnified through capitalism¶s profound capacity to ingest its own excesses and negativity: to redirect (or misdirect) social antagonisms and to absorb them within a culture of differential affirmation. however. and more recently Laclau and Mouffe. the initial prohibition conjures up the very thing it fears). but it is neither neutral nor ideal and its price in terms of social exclusion is exorbitant. the human cost in terms of inherent global poverty and degraded µlife chances¶ cannot be calculated within the existing economic rationale and. Zizek¶s point is rather that in rejecting economism we should not lose sight of the systemic power of capital in shaping the lives and destinies of humanity and our very sense of the possible. Capitalism does indeed create a space for a certain diversity. That is to say. This requires some care and subtlety. the tendency today is towards a kind of political boutiquism that is readily sustained by postmodern forms of consumerism and lifestyle. the patronizing reference to the µdeveloping world¶). In this way. . 14-16 2004 For Zizekit is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol and recognize that our ethico-political responsibility is to confront the constitutive violence of today¶s global capitalism and its obscene naturalization/anonymization of the millions who are subjugated by it throughout the world. For far too long. What is persistently denied by neo-liberals such as Rorty (1989) and Fukuyama (1992) is that the gentrification of global liberal capitalism is one whose µuniversalism¶ fundamentally reproduces and depends upon a disavowed violence that excludes vast sectors of the world¶s population. Conversations with Zizek p. With the likes of Hilferding and Gramsci. Zizek argues that the problem that now presents itself is almost that of the opposite fetish. Instead of Bolshevism. neo-liberal ideology attempts to naturalize capitalism by presenting its outcomes of winning and losing as if they were simply a matter of chance and sound judgment in a neutral marketplace. the fear of economism can end up reinforcing a de facto economic necessity in respect of contemporary capitalism (i. at least for the central capitalist regions. Marxism has been bedeviled by an almost fetishistic economism that has tended towards political morbidity. the prohibitive anxieties surrounding the taboo of economism can function as a way of not engaging with economic reality and as a way of implicitly accepting the latter as a basic horizon of existence. In this new context.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 28 Resist Cap=Key to Ethics You have an ethical obligation to reject capitalism ± it¶s costs are beyond calculation Glyn Daly. In an ironic Freudian.Against the standardized positions of postmodern culture ± with all its pieties concerning µmulticulturalist¶ etiquette ± Zizek is arguing for a politics that might be called µradically incorrect¶ in the sense that it breaks with these types of positions and focuses instead on the very organizing principles of today¶s social reality: the principles of global liberal capitalism.discursive violence of its construction through a kind of gentrification of that system. This is not to endorse any kind of retrograde return to economism.Lacanian twist. That is to say. Northhampton. Senior Lecturer in Politics in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at University College. social exclusion remains mystified and nameless (viz. in consequence.

As growth is the key to raising profits. the system continually engenders the expansion of production. It questions neither how the population bomb was created. mountains. Ecological Panopticism: The Problematization of the Ecological Crisis.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 29 Cap=Bad for Enviro History proves expansion of capitalism destroys the environment²places profits before environmental sustainability Hwang. nor why the ecological equilibrium was destroyed. Winter 1999 [Sung U-K. as the motor of capital. capitalism always disrupts the social mediation of man-nature relations. Phd U of Conn. Whether incubated in a preexisting society or imposed forcibly from outside. Profitability. but an ongoing process of capitalism. http://findarticles. and waste. the problematization of the ecological crisis. and even the ideas of nature and culture on the model of the industrial factory. replaces social needs-and ecological sustainability-in determining what to produce and how to distribute. people of the pre-capitalist societies. Its market nexus precludes the reproduction of nature (both physical and human) which are not themselves subject to exchange valuation. The ecological crisis is not a surprising interlude to.com/p/articles/mi_qa3709/is_199901/ai_n8843780] With these false causalities. forests. it turns a blind eye to those forces that have effected the plight. While attracting public gaze to the direst scenes of ecological disasters. History proves that when capitalism rushes in. while attending exclusively the urgent predicament. birds. consumption. it capitalizes the rivers. skies. . distracts the attention from the main culprit of ecological pillage.

you want Coca Cola.. Capitalism. . Rather. I ask people whether this abundance of industrially produced satisfiers in our global supermarkets has really satisfied them and really made them happy. or beer or some other industrially produced beverage. Whereas needs as such cannot be increased. thus. But if we keep in mind what we really need." And he continues: "The process of redefining needs that are experienced at the personal level cannot be the same for everyone . love. Max-Neef distinguishes between needs and satisfiers. . Questioning Needs: A Rejoinder to Victor Wallis. But there are also needs for affection." Here I disagree strongly. . and closeness. I shall not buy any toys. they feel alienated." . Instead of drinking water when you are thirsty. But Wallis criticizes my position by saying. But it strengthens human relationships. It does not harm nature. respect.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 30 Cap=NV2L Life in capitalism not worth living²individuals have a negative view of life looking for more and better things to satisfy them. which therefore cannot lead towards a realizable political strategy. that I "simply wish artificial or excessive needs out of existence. always living in an uncomplete and dismal state Mies. and work. learning. friendship." that I do not take into account "people's present day starting points . And I find that increasingly even people from the wealthy classes in both the rich countries and the global South are not happy. It is not a commodity. etc. which he calls subsistence needs. . Dec 2006 [Maria. And they were very happy. All these needs are universal. And these basic needs are limited. and many of them would not be commodities. I follow the Chilean economist Manfred Max-Neef in his definition of needs. adventure. pleasure. I try to make them aware of capitalism's colonization of our deep needs by offering us a limitless amount of satisfiers from all over the world-satisfiers which are all commodities and must be bought. Most importantly. which you have to buy on the market. one of my students said: "I told my children that this year I shall give them Time to Tell Stories. fantasy. And without understanding the source of their alienation.They include the need for food and drink. And capitalism has been able to increase satisfiers endlessly. Socialism Vol 17 Iss 4. enjoyment. clothing. Proquest] I agree with Wallis that mainstream environmentalism has reflected on the way human needs are met rather than on the needs themselves. adventure. satisfiers can. because it is an unalienated satisfaction of needs. for love. because it satisfies a whole range of needs of both the children and the mother: the need for attention. One year when we discussed diese issues before Christmas. I call this process "the non-commodified satisfaction of our needs. I do not try to solve today's ecological problems by a moralistic appeal to people to curb their needs. formerly Professor in Applied Social Sciences at the Fachhochschule in Cologne." "Time to Tell Stories" is a satisfier that does not cost anything. Nature. for curiosity. This does not mean that we should not buy anything as satisfiers. they seek ever more new satisfiers. Mainstream ecologists want to solve all problems by new technological inventions. In spite of the wealth all around them. we would look for different satisfiers. That means their real needs are not satisfied. fantasy.4 He says that the basic needs are the same for everyone in both poor and rich countries and poor and rich classes. and these latter needs I also include as subsistence needs. And both the children and the mother will remember this storytelling time throughout their lives. they search for a kind of deus ex machina. shelter. company.

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 31 ***ALT*** .

seeing through ideological fantasies by learning how to think again outside the confines of current restrictions has. whether consciously or unconsciously. "internally" believe in it . pp 22-23) (with fantasy itself being defined as the false externalization of something within the subject. namely. the social efficacy of money as the universal medium of exchange (and the entire political economy grounded upon it) ultimately relies upon nothing more than a kind of "magic. 3 Dec 2004. 2000a. . as Zizek claims. interdisciplinary research fellow in psychoanalysis at EmoryUniversity." that is. the illusory projection of an inner obstacle. even if one succeeds in exposing them to the underlying logic of their position. Iss. at least for the time being. the effort to cure an intellectual constipation resulting from capitalist ideology and thereby to truly open up the space for imagining authentic alternatives to the prevailing state of the situation. From this perspective. the belief in money's social efficacy by those using it in the processes of exchange.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 32 Alt Solves Cap Rejection critical to create space of non-commodified relations²only showing that capitalism isn¶t inevitable opens up space for actions outside the system Adrian Johnston. makes it highly unlikely that people can simply be persuaded to stop believing and start thinking (especially since. at bottom. this point of capitalism's frail vulnerability is simultaneously the source of its enormous strength: its vampiric symbiosis with individual human desire. ³The Cynic's Fetish: SlavojZizek and the Dynamics of Belief´ Psychoanalysis. p 16). derailing capitalism by destroying its essential financial substance is.capitalism's life-blood. And yet. money. Since the value of currency is. Maybe. Zizek. Another definition of materialism offered by Zizek is that it amounts to accepting the internal inherence of what fantasmatically appears as an external deadlock or hindrance (Zizek. the potential to operate as a form of real revolutionary practice (rather than remaining merely an instance of negative/critical intellectual reflection). Or. might respond in a manner resembling that of the Judas-like character Cypher in the film The Matrix (Cypher opts to embrace enslavement by illusion rather than cope with the discomfort of dwelling in the "desert of the real"): faced with the choice between living the capitalist lie or wrestling with certain unpleasant truths. in a certain respect. many individuals might very well deliberately decide to accept what they know full well to be a false pseudo-reality. the most important task is simply the negativity of the critical struggle.Vol. 9. and the fact that the late-capitalist cynic's fetishism enables the disavowal of his/her de facto belief in capitalism. is simply a fetishistic crystallization of a belief in others' belief in the socio-performative force emanating from this same material. in and of itself. reducible to the belief that it has the value attributed to it (and that everyone believes that everyone else believes this as well). as easy as dissolving the mere belief in this substance's powers. many of these people are convinced that they already have ceased believing). 2001d. The "external" obstacle of the capitalist system exists exclusively on the condition that subjects. Why is this the case? Recalling the analysis of commodity fetishism. Perhaps the absence of a detailed political roadmap in Zizek's recent writings isn't a major shortcoming. Culture & Society. a deceptively comforting fiction ("Capitalist commodity fetishism or the truth? I choose fetishism"). the more disquieting possibility to entertain is that some people today.

" When placed within a more holistic historical materialist context²animated by the concept of praxis²the problems raised by postmodernism look entirely different. historical progress. not to revel in the "carnival" of capitalist productive and market relations. p. which attempts to utilize the insights of thinkers like Foucault.18 The denial within postmodernist theory of the validity of historical critique covers up what is really at issue: the denial of the historical critique of capitalism. As David McNally says. Marx himself provided another model. is that one loses sight not of "reason in history" in some abstract sense. 1996 (John. this can only be accomplished within a historical context." These are things that the historian (and social scientists in general) should guard against. Meiskins Wood & John Foster. gender. and Baudillard to market goods within a capitalist economy. Thompson observed. This is not to ignore the fact that Marxism² which has sometimes given rise to its own crude interpretations and historical travesties. and Raymond Williams. But this does not mean. Oregon. issued an order banning the word "progress."19 Historical materialism at its best provides a way out of this dilemma." "positivisms. it abandons from the start all hope of transcending capitalism itself and entering a post-capitalist era." the "tendency to intellectualize the social process"²"the rapid delineation of the deep process of a whole epoch. he presented what still ranks as the most thorough.185-193) The weaknesses of postmodernism²from an emancipatory perspective² thus far overshadow its strengths. nationality. and language²is to be addressed at all.21The irony of post-modernism is that while purporting to have transcended modernity. Indeed. To abandon altogether the concept of thing: the total obeisance to capital. who deny any reality outside the text²the political and historical weaknesses from a left perspective are even more glaring. Yet they held firm to the critique of capitalism and their commitment to the struggles of the oppressed. It is said that Nicholas I.20 These thinkers distanced themselves from the positivistic "official Marxism" that grew out of the Second International and later turned into a caricature of itself in the form of Stalinism. as in the case of Stalinism²has frequently been identified with the kind of "totalizations" and "essentialisms" that postmodernist theorists have singled out.22 ." and "structuralisms" that have intruded on the philosophy of praxis itself²-a self-critique that has produced has sometimes been called "the postmodern agenda"²consisting of issues like identity. The danger of such ahistorical or anti-historical views. Postmodernist theory is therefore easily absorbed within the dominant cultural frame and has even given rise recently to texts such as Postmodern Marketing. precisely in order to expel the kinds of "essentialisms. Meanwhile. and history itself are only effectively analyzed within a context that is simultaneously historical in character. As Thompson pointed out in a 1977 essay on Christopher Caudwell." History²as centuries of struggle and indeed progress suggest²is more meaningful than that. By undermining the very concept of history²in any meaningful sense beyond mere story-telling² such theorists have robbed critical analysis of what has always been its most indispensable tool. these particular examples tell us that if what materialism has long engaged in its own self-critique. Derrida. Marxism has sometimes relied on " 'essentialist' tricks of mind. that we "sail a boundless and bottomless sea" that has "neither starting-point nor appointed direction" and that our only task is "to keep afloat on an even keel. as distinct from Foucault. Such analyses do not abandon the hope of transcending capitalism. nor of the notion of human progress as a possible outcome of historical struggles. embodying some definite content²the idea that the Czar found so threatening.P. leading to a convergence between left thought infected by Nietzsche and the dominant liberal "end of history" conception. revolution. is any conception of a counter-order to the disciplinary orders described. would only be to submit to the wishes of the powers that be. And here one might openly wonder with Foucault "what difference there could ultimately be between being a historian and being a Marxist. Such political disengagement by intellectuals on the left in the present epoch could only mean one materialism will remain the necessary intellectual ground for all those who seek. but a site of struggle. Missing from Foucault's analysis. "In Defense of History. culture." What the contributions in this volume have in common is the insistence that issues like language. as the philosopher Michael Oakeshott contended with respect to political activity in the 1950s. historical the insights of theorists like Gramsci. prof. Sartre. In the more extreme case of "textual postmodernists"²those postmodernist thinkers like Derrida.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 33 Alt Prereq to Solve Case Historical materialism is an indispensable tool for the critical interrogation of language and identity²the affirmative risks being absorbed into the dominant cultural frame Foster. like that of postmodernism generally." Ed. Lyotard. actively opposing theory (even "Marxist" theory) that purported to be "suprahistorical. by E. in automatic human progress. Czar of Russia. race. but rather of "the reasons of power and the reasons of money. in a nineteenth century sense. Thompson." in "In Defense of History. as E." Today we no longer believe. culture. in the more general sense of the possibility of progressive human emancipation. the environment. and revolutionary. adding irony and color to a commercial order that must constantly find new ways to insinuate itself into the everyday lives of the population. Moreover." In his Theses on Feuerbach. "Language is not a prison-house. of sociology @ Univ. but to transcend them. materialist (in the sense of focusing on concrete practices).going critique of what he called the "essentialist" conception of human beings and nature. Perhaps this will be the final destiny of postmodernist theory²its absorption by the vast marketing apparatus of the capitalist economy. But to abandon theory and historical explanation entirely in order to avoid "essentialism" and "foundationalism" is a bit like throwing out the baby in order to keep the bathwater clean.

Capitalism. herein lies the qualification of the political purchase of the new social movements. Proquest] For O'Connor.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 34 Alt Prereq to Class Conc (A2: Perm Solves Cap) Only by integrating the 1AC narrative into the ideological frame of materialism can we create counter-hegemonic movements strong enough to effect widespread change-class consciousness is key to unify fractured counter narratives that exist in the squo Rosewarne. The political import of new social movements is limited. and for assuming leadership in forging a transformative politics. 2) their political organization is generally framed specifically to respond to environmental and/or other challenges. for sustaining the struggle of the coalition of the new social movements. The argument developed by O'Connor in CNS is that the capacity of the movements to forge broadly based and enduring coalitions that seek to build responses to both the first and second contradictions in the struggle against capital's hegemony will necessarily be precarious. The latter are more likely to feel the effects of "particular" incursions on their well-being. . It is in this context that the universality of the experience of working peoples is held to provide the most constructive axis around which those social movements campaigning against capitalist hegemony might coalesce. or could be. and 3) they tend to be formed in given political spaces. because it is held to extend beyond particular issues and locales. Working peoples across communities are considered more likely to be touched by the effects of capitalism's contradictions beyond the waged workplace in ways that other social groups are not. "Particularity" defines their politics. whereas in contrast. Dec 2006 [Stuart. is regarded as the most powerful instrument for marshalling the various oppositional forces. the effect will manifest as a generalized and more comprehensive erosion of the material well-being of working peoples compared with other social groups. As varied as these impacts are. The working class oeuvre. Socialism Vol 17 Iss 4. Socialist Ecology's Necessary Engagement with Ecofeminism. political economist in the School of Economics and Political Science at the University of Sydney. because1) they tend to be formed in response to particular material challenges. working peoples are generally less likely to be in a position to quarantine themselves from the impact of the assault on the conditions of production. The corollary of this is that the generalized nature of working people's experienceis held to provide a more comprehensive foundation both for buildinga political force and for sustaining the unanimity of purpose that is necessary for mounting a challenge to capitalist hegemony. Nature.

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 35 .

for instance.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 36 Case: IdentityPtx No Solve Rejecting identity as a social construction takes it out of historical and social context. How." Rattansi seems at first to define anti-essentialism simply as opposition to an ahistorical understanding of social phenomena. particularly positivism." Ed. defining and determining elements or ensemble of elements²'human nature. 1996 (Kenan. postmodern anti-essentialism. Sociologist Ali Rattansi has described anti-essentialism as a "manoeuvre cutting the ground from conceptions of subjects and social forms as reducible to timeless." in "In Defense of History. and by rejecting any idea of "totality" that might allow us to see the commonalities or connections among heterogeneous and diverse elements. its distinctive "laws of motion" or systemic logic. p. hostile to the idea of timeless or unchanging social forms. in some other aspect.112-117) "Poststructuralist thinking. How. unchanging. Butby insisting that society is inherently and irreducibly heterogeneous and diverse. in which racial divisions are a natural and permanent necessity. making it appear natural and justifying biological theories of race Malik. in other times and places? We could argue about whether the "essence" of capitalism should be seen in the logic of the market. then race becomes not a historically specific social relation but an eternal feature of human society²just as it is in reactionary biological theories of race. But unless we can characterize the fundamental specificity²the "essence. or in some combination of these. But this kind of indeterminacy is precisely the foundation of ahistorical explanations. and that the subject is constructed through the unconscious in desire.' for example. fantasy and memory. the logic of the market or mode of production. The paradoxical result. we cannot distinguish it from other types of societies. can we understand the historical nature of capitalism as a specific social form without identifying the specific determinants that distinguish it from other social forms. In this he reflects much postmodern thinking which finds the meaning of social forms not in relations but in differences." if you will²of capitalist society. for example. I shall argue. senior visting fellow at the Department of Political. "The Mirror of Race: Postmodernism and the Celebration of Difference. just like the laws of nature. In other words. International and Policy Studies at the University of Surrey. then. It suggests instead that identities are floating. or in the case of the social. "opposes the notion that a person is born with a fixed identity²that all black people. The problem can be seen in the very concept of "anti-essentialism" as understood by postmodernist thinkers. But he slides from this rejection of ahistorical explanation to a repudiation of social "determinants" altogether. should we analyze race in modern capitalist societies? If we treat race as just an "identity" detached from any specific social determinants. that meaning is not fixed and universally true at all times for all people. Meiskins Wood & John Foster. This may seem an odd conclusion to draw from positivist view of society underpinned nineteenth century racial theories. Rattansi identifies anti-essentialism with an insistence on indeterminacy. poststructuralist discourse has undermined its own capacity to challenge naturalistic explanations of difference. even if these determinants are conceived as historically specific. by E. He rejects any idea that social forms can be explained by reference to forces or pressures like the "logic of the market" or the "mode of production" which permeate and shape the social order. have an essential underlying black identity which is the same and unchanging. A non-essentialist understanding of society is apparently one that denies any unifying patterns or processes among the diverse and constantly shifting fragments that constitute society. in the particular mode of production. because its roots lie precisely in a hostility to naturalistic explanations of social phenomena."1The reminder that our identities are not naturally given but socially constructed is a useful antidote to the idea that human differences are fixed and eternal. Because the ." sociologists David Bailey and Stuart Hall have argued. treating the laws that govern human relations as quantifiable and permanent. is a conception of identity scarcely different from that of nineteenth-century racial theory. which reduce social laws to natural laws. opponents of racial theory have always been hostile to naturalistic theories of society.

Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 37 ***PERM*** .

really changing.organization": the "conspiracy" is already in the "visible" organization as such. What we should accept is that there is no need for a secret " organization-within. which are all not only tolerated but even supported by the media.Capitalism K-Reagan Camp 38 A2: Perm Mutually exclusive. I am Therefore tempted to reverse Marx's Thesis 11: the first task today is Precisely not to succumb to the temptation to act. Here people reproach me: When you practise criticism. like epistemology The alt solves case and outweighs-means perm isn¶t net beneficial and you reject it on face The direct call to action without the universalist element of our alternative leads to interpassivity which allows capitalism to subsume your movement. or use child labour-they are tolerated and supported as long as they do not get too close to a certain limit. not simply capitalism and state apparatuses. posing as a humanitarian). but to prevent something from really happening.in a typical paranoiac gesture . denouncing and boycotting companies which do not respect ecological conditions. feminist and anti-racist campaigns.. you are also obliged to say how one should make it better.Greenpeace.there is no perm because: a) We PICd out of the way they framed the narrative in the 1AC.171 2002 Indeed.an. If standard Cultural Studies criticize capitalism. the anti-democratic "conspiracy". 5If. Senior Researcher at the University of Ljubljana Revolution at the gates p. etc. this is incontrovertibly a bourgeois prejudice. they do so in the coded way hat exemplifies Hollywood liberal paranoia: the enemy is "the system". after ruthlessly generating profit. .169. but that . globally. giving large donations to churches.till that of Adorno:To the question "What should we do?" I can most often truly answer only with "I don't know. the hidden "organization". things will remain the same!". victims of ethnic or sexual abuse etc. in the way the political space and state apparatuses work. since the "normal" functioning of capitalism involves some kind of disavowal of the basic principle of its functioning (today's model capitalist is someone who. All this frenetic humanitarian. even if they seemingly encroach an economic territory (for example. We¶re impact turning their methodology-their claims that case is a DA to the alternative¶s historical lens proves competition b) Cross apply any other links-these are all reasons why the implementation of or the rhetoric justifying the plan are incompatible with the alternative Severance-our links are based on framing-severance is a voting issue because it makes stable neg ground impossible-destroys clash. Many times in history it so happened that the very works which pursued purely theoretical goals transformed consciousness. activity fits the formula of "Let's go on changing something all the time so that." I can only try to analyse rigorously what there is. in the capital system. This kind of activity provides the perfect example of interpassivity: of doing things not in order to achieve something. but to question he hegemonic ideological coordinates. In short..those who "really want to do something to help people" get -involved in (undoubtedly honourable) exploits like Medecins sans frontieres-. and thereby also social reality. as if there were a secret Organization behind the "visible" capitalist and state organs. then generously shares )arts of it. this act will not be performed in an empty space -it will be an act within the hegemonic ideological coordinates. ***This is uniquely abusive if they don¶t defend the policy implications of the plan-this justifies links to parts of the plan that aren¶t intrinsic to plan action. the ultimate act of transgression is -to assert this principle directly. politically Correct. SlavojZizek. we follow a direct call to act. depriving it of its humanitarian mask. The problem with this critical stance is not only that it replaces concrete social analysis with a struggle against abstract paranoiac fantasies. to intervene directly and Change things (which then inevitably ends in a cul-de-sac of debilitating impossibility: "What can we do against global capital? ").it unnecessarily redoubles social reality. To my mind. our historical moment is . today.

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