The Formation of the Marxian Revolutionary Idea

Author(s): Eric Voegelin

Source: The Review of Politics, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Jul., 1950), pp. 275-302
Published by: Cambridge University Press for the University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of
Review of Politics
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1404662 .
Accessed: 18/05/2014 09:33

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Cambridge University Press and University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of Review of Politics are
collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Review of Politics.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 The Formation of the Marxian Revo-
lutionary Idea
By Eric Voegelin

T HE Marxian idea of the great proletarian revolution that will end

the pre-historyof mankind and inaugurate its true history sprang
into public effectiveness through the Communist Manifesto.' Well
known as is the progress of this idea after its formulation and publica-
tion of 1848, we know comparativelylittle about the process of its for-
mation in the preceding decade. The main cause of this unsatisfactory
state must be sought in the fact that the materials for a study of the
genesis of he idea have been completely available only since 1932.2 In
the meantime, the monographic literature on the subject has clarified
many details; but a comprehensivestudy is still a desideratum.3
Gnostic Revolt
The starting point for the independent movement of Marx's
thought seems to have been a gnostic position which he inherited
from Hegel. Specifically, the Marxian gnosis expressed itself in the
conviction that the self-conscious movement of the intellect was the
ultimate source of knowledge for an understanding of the universe;
faith and the life of the spirit were expressly excluded as independent
sources of order in the soul. Moreover, this conviction was from the
beginning accompanied by an attitude of revolt against "religion" as

1 This study of "The Genesis of the Marxian Idea" is taken from the writer'sHistory
of Political Ideas to be published by the Macmillan Company of New York. It is a sec-
tion from the chapteron "Gnostic Socialism: Marx" in Volume III.
2 Marx-Engels, Gesamtausgabe(Erste Abteilung), Volumes I-V, (1927 1932); and
Karl Marx, Der Historische Materialismus. Die Frihschriften, edited by S. Landshut and
J. P. Mayer, 2 volumes (Leipzig, 1932).
3 One of the best, though brief, analyses of the early thought of Marx is the "Einlei-
tung" by Landshut and Mayer to their edition of the Frihschriften. Of great value are,
furthermore,the sections on Karl Marx in Karl Loewith, Von Hegel bis Nietzsche (Zur-
ich-New York, 1941). Of special interest for the philosophical anthropology of Marx
is the section "Feuerbachet l'illusion religieuse" in Henri de Lubac, S.J., La Drame de
l'Humanism Athee (Third Edition, Paris, 1945). The English reader will find a report
of the content of Marx's writings up to 1847 in H. P. Adams, Karl Marx in his Earlier
1Writings(London, 1940). Unfortunately the author, while reporting the contents, has
refrainedfrom analyzingthe problemsof Marx.
275

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
276 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

beyondhumanconsciousness.
a spherewhichrecognizeda realissimum
This is the positionof Marxas it appearsin his doctor'sdissertation
of 1840-41.4
In the "Vorrede"of the dissertationMarx attacksthe "theologiz-
ing intellect"of Plutarchbecauseit dares to criticizea philosopher
like Epicure. Against such presumptionMarx defendsthe "sovereign-
ty" of philosophy. "Philosophydoes not make a secret of it. The
confessionof Prometheus:'In one word, I hate all the gods,' is its
very own confession,its own sentenceagainstall heavenlyand earthly
gods who refuse to recognizehuman self-consciousness(das mensch-
liche Selbstbewusstsein)as the supreme divinity-by the side of
which none other shall be held." Human self-consciousnessis the
god for the philosopherand "Prometheusis the foremostsaint and
5
martyrin the philosophicalcalendar."
This central theme was elaboratedby Marx in a note on the
existenceof God.6 Demonstrationsof the existenceof God are logic-
ally worthless,and besidesthey miss the point. For, all gods, whether
Greek or Christian,have really existed insofar as they were a "real
force" in the life of man. If gods are imaginedas real they will be
effective,indeed,in the minds of the believers.Nevertheless,they are
subjectiveideas, and they are ineffectivewherethe subjectiveidea is
not entertained. "Bring paper-moneyinto a country where the use
of paper is unknown,and everybodywill laugh about your subjective
idea. Come with your gods in a countrywhere other gods are be-
lieved, and peoplewill demonstrateto you that you are sufferingfrom
imaginationsand abstractions.""What a particularcountry is for
particulargods from abroad,that is the countryof reason for God
on principle;it is a regionwhereHe ceasesto exist." The implications
of the ultimacyof reasonableself-consciousnessbecomeclearerthrough
the use to which in the opinion of Marx demonstrations of the exist-
ence of God can be put. If they cannot demonstratethe existence
of God, at least they will demonstratethe existenceof human self-
consciousness.In fact they are "logicalexplications"of consciousness.

4 Karl Marx, Uber die Differenzen der demokritischenund epikureischenNaturphi-

losophie, Gesamtausgabe,volume I/1.
5 Op. cit., p. 10.
6 This is a note to the "Appendix" of the dissertation,entitled Kritik der plutarchi.
schen Polemik gegen Epikurs Theologie. The Appendix itself is lost. The note is in op.
cit., pp. 80 f.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 277

In the ontological proof, for instance, the being that is given in its
immediacy as the source of the idea of God, is not God but the self-
consciousness. In this sense, all proofs for the existence of God are
in fact proofs of his non-existence. Correctly such demonstrations
would have to be formulated: "Because nature is badly organized,
God must exist," or "Because the world is unreasonable, God must
exist." But what can be the meaning of such formulations unless they
mean that "God exists for a man for whom the world is unreasonable,
and who therefore himself is unreasonable?" Marx summarizes the
result of these reflections in the sentence: "Un-reason is the exist-
ence of God." 7
Thus the sovereignty of consciousness and the anti-theistic revolt
are present from the beginning. They enter as motives into the re-
flections of Marx on the philosophical situation that had been created
through the system of Hegel. There are systems like the Hegelian
and Aristotelian in which philosophy "closes itself into a completed,
total world"; they are "nodal points" in philosophy which interrupt
advancement in a straight line. Since further perfection of the sys-
tem is impossible in contemplation, the successors will turn toward a
philosophical practice and critique of the age. "It is a psychological
law that the theoretical mind, when it has become free in itself, is
transformed into practical energy, and as will turns against the mun-
dane reality which exists independent of it." 8 The spectacle of such
half-contemplation and half-action is not edifying in either the post-
Aristotelian or the post-Hegelian "curriculum vitae" of philosophy.
But while the performance of the epigoni is depressing, the situation
as such is inescapable.9 Once human self-consciousness has become
completely "concretized"in a system of this kind, one cannot go back
to the unreason of faith.10 One can only advance beyond the half-

7 Op. cit., p. 81.

8 Op. cit., pp. 64 and 131.
9 The choice of the subject for the dissertationwas determinedby this insight. Marx
was interested in post-Aristotelianphilosophy because of the parallel with his own post-
Hegelian situation. The point is expresslymentioned,p. 131.
10 Marx characterizesthe religious culture of the Middle Ages as "the age of
realized unreason" (p. 9). In this argument lies the fallacy of Marx's thought. When
philosophicalspeculationhas become completely "concretized,"that is, when it has reached
the impasse of a radically gnostic interpretationof the universe like Hegel's the only thing
a spiritual realist can do is to drop gnosis and return to the original sources of order in
the soul, that is, to the experiencesof faith. The "necessity"under which Marx consid-
ered himself to be, does not stem from the philosophical situation but from the fact that
he was in demonic revolt against God.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
278 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

heartedepigoniccompromise betweenphilosophy and worldtowarda

complete surrenderof philosophy and a radical "critique"of theworld.
"WhenAthenswasthreatened a
by devastation, Themistocles induced
the Atheniansto leavethe city entirely,and to founda newAthens
on the sea,as on a newelement." 11 The precisenatureof thisstep
apparently had beenclearto Marxeven earlierthanat the timeof
the dissertation.At least,in the letterto his father,of November10,
1837,we find indicationsthat an old faith had beenshatteredand
that "newgods" had to be placedon the altar. Fromidealistic
philosophy,Marxhadturned(at theageof nineteen)toward"search-
ing the idea in realityitself." "Formerly the gods had lived above
the earth,nowtheyhavebecomeits center." 12

- the New Materialism

The Thesesof Feuerbach
The dissertationshowsMarxdissatisfied with the semi-action of
the contemporary politicalintellectuals.He demandsa transition
fromspeculative philosophy to a "radical"critiquewhichcan be no
less thanan embodiment of the ideain realitythroughrevolutionary
action. This is the coreof the Marxianidea. This coreitself has
been elaboratedfrequentlyand voluminously by Marx,and beyond
this partof his workstretchthe evenmorevoluminous ramifications
of detail. In the presentcontextwe mustrestrictourselvesto the
analysisof a few documentsin whichthe formulations are most
stronglyconcentrated.We shallfirstconsiderthe Theseson Feuer-
bach,a documentthat is of inestimable importance becauseit allows
us to relatethe terminology of Marxwith traditionalphilosophical
terms.13
On the fundamental problemof the conflictbetweenphilosophy
andthe newnon-philosophy, ThesisII informsus: "Thephilosophers
haveonly interpreted worldin theirvariousways;the point,how-
the
ever,is to changeit." This sentenceis the key to the understanding
of the aggregateof theses. If the oppositionof "interpretation"
and
"change" weresynonymous withthe traditional Aristotelian
opposition
of theoryand practice,therewouldbe no point in the antithesis.
Philosophers,of course,"interpret"the world;to deprecate thisfunc-
11 Op. cit., p. 132.
12 Edition of Landshut and Mayer, volume I, p. 7.
13 Under this name go two pages of a notebook of Marx, containing eleven theses
"ad Feuerbach." They are publishedin Gesamtausgabe,volume V, pp. 533-535.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 279

tion of the bios theoretikos

by pointingto the relevance(es kommt
daraufan) of the
changing worldwouldbe senseless,for nobody
maintainsthatcontemplation is a substitute
for practice,
or viceversa.
Moreover, one cannot "change the world" as one can "interpretthe
world"; one can only act within the world. Through this curious
terminology, Marxrevealshis intentionof transposing into "practice"
an attitudetowardthe worldthat is possibleonly in contemplation.
The "practice" of Marxcanchangethe "world," becausetheworldis
understood as a streamof existencewithinwhichthe idea,or reason,
movesconcretely.The logos is not an unchangeable orderof the
soul and the world,to be discovered in contemplative
detachment; it
is a dialectically
moving idea within the world; and we can come to
grips with this movingidea only by embeddingourselvesthrough
practice into its historically concrete motion.
The "world"is the concretestreamof history;and the life of
man is essentiallypartof the life of mankindin history. Man has
no destinyof the soul in the religioussense,apartfromthe destiny
of the social,historical
worldof mankind.Fromthisposition,Marx
criticizesFeuerbachbecausethe latter-while dissolvingreligion
psychologically into an illusionaryconstructionof man-still has
left standingthe natureof individualman as the originatorof the
illusion. Accordingto Feuerbach, God is an imaginary subject,pro-
jectedby the mindof man,to whichareattributed the highesthuman
values. "Theabsolutebeing,the God of man,is the beingof man
itself." God is "themirrorof man";into God man has projected
"hishighestthoughtsand his purestfeelings";God,therefore, is "the
essenceof man."The greatturningpointof historywill comewhen
"manbecomesconsciousthat the only God of manis manhimself."
"HomohominiDeus!" The spectreof God mustbe laid;and man
must take backwhat he has thrownawayby projectingit into a
divine,supernatural existence.14With all this, Marx is in hearty
agreement.He is not satisfied,however,with whathe calls Feuer-
bach's dissolutionof "the religiousessenceinto humanessence"
(ThesisVI). Suchhumanessence,the "religious mind"in itselfis a
non-existingabstract(VI and VII). Feuerbachassumes an "isolated"
individualas the creatorof the religiousillusion. The individual,
however, has no "human essence"; in its reality it is "the whole of
14 On the views of Feuerbach see Henri de Lubac, Le Drame de I'Humanisme
Athee, pp. 23 ff., and the bibliographygiven in the footnotes.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
280 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

social relationships"(VI). The "religiousmind"in itself is a social

product;an individualfeels religiouslybecauseit "belongsto a spe-
cificsocialform"(VII). Feuerbachhas correctlyseen the "fact of re-
ligiousself-alienation" in the creationof a supernaturaldivineexistence
and, in its wake, "the duplicationof the world into a religiousand a
mundaneworld." He has, indeed, "reducedthe religiousworld to
its mundanebasis." But he has not seen the most importantproblem:
that theremust be a reasonwhy "the mundanebasissets itself against
itself, and fixes for itself an independentrealmin the clouds." This
peculiarprocess can be explainedonly through "a schism and self-
contradictionwithin the mundanebasis." Feuerbach'sanalysisdoes
not go far enough for Marx. The contradictionin the mundane
basis itself must be "theoreticallyunderstoodand practicallyrevolu-
tionized"(Thesis IV).
With these clarificationsof the meaningof practicein mind, we
must read a summarizingsentence like: "Social life is essentially
practical"(Thesis VIII). We shallnot understandthe practiceof social
life as a basisfor a life of meditationin solitude. The attributesmean
that all life is social throughout,that it has no dimensionof solitude;
and that all life is practicalthroughout,that it has no legitimate
dimensionsof contemplationin the Aristoteliansense. Hence, "all
mysteriesthat might induce mysticismin theory, will find their ra-
tional solution in human practice and in understandingthis prac-
tice" (VIII). In his zeal for closingthe streamof existentialpractice
hermeticallyagainstall deviationsinto contemplation,Marx expressly
condemnsany attemptat producingsocial changethrougheducation.
Such an attemptwould overlookthe fact that the educatorsmust be
educatedthemselves;it would split society into two parts of which
one is superiorto the rest in a miraculousmanner. Circumstances
can be changed only through action; and this change and action
coincideso that in fact a changeof circumstances is a self-transforma-
tion; and this self-transformation is the very process that must be
understoodas "revolutionarypractice"(Thesis III). The idea of a
subjectof cognitionand moralsas distinguishedfrom objectsof cog-
nitive and moral action must be abolished;the subjectitself must be
conceivedas "objective"(gegenst'indlich)and humanactivityas "ob-
jective activity." Reality,on the other hand, must not be conceived
as object for a subjectbut as "sensuouslyhuman activity"(sinnlich
menschlicheTitigkeit) (Thesis I). Thus, in termsof philosophical

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 281

practiceis definedas an existentialstreamin

tradition,revolutionary
whichthe subjectis objectified
andthe objectsubjectified.This is the
positionwhichMarxcallshis "newmaterialism"; it is the positionof
"humansocietyor socialhumanity" as distinguishedfromtheposition
which recognizesthe existenceof individualman and bourgeois
society(ThesesIX andX).15
(biirgerliche)
Critiqueof Heavenand Critiqueof theEarth
The Marxiancriticalpracticestartswith the critiqueof religion
and it proceedsto the critiqueof politicsand economics.The prob-
lem of this systematically secondphasewas formulated by Marxin
his KritikderHegelschenRechtsphilosophie. "Thecritiqueof religion
ends with the insightthat man is the highestbeingfor man; this
impliesthe categoricalimperative to overthrowall relationships in
whichman is a humiliated, oppressed, neglected,despisedbeing." 16
"The critiqueof religionis the presupposition of all critique."
In the illusionary realityof heaven,man"haslookedfor the superman
(Ubermensch)"; insteadhe foundthe reflection of himself. Now he
realizesthat he himselfis the superman; and he will no longerbe
satisfiedwithrecognizing himselfas the "non-man (Unmensch)"that
he formerlybelievedhimselfto be. "Manmakesreligion,not religion
man." "Religionis the self-consciousness and self-feelingof a man
whoeitherhasnot yet gainedhimself,or whohaslost himselfagain."
This man,however,(directedagainstFeuerbach!) is not an abstract
being outside the world. "Man is the worldof man," that is, state
and society. This socialworldproducesreligion"asa perverted con-
sciousnessof the worldbecauseit is a perverted(verkehrte)world."
Religionis the "generaltheory"of a perverted world. It gives"im-
aginaryreality to human essence (Wesen) because humanessence
has no true reality." "The struggleagainstreligionis the struggle
againstthatworld,of whichreligionis the spiritual aroma."Religious
miseryis the manifestation of real misery,and at the sametime a
protestagainstit. Religionis the cry of oppressed creature- "it is
the opiumof the people." 17

15 For an entirely different interpretationof the Theses on Feuerbach the reader

should refer to Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx (London, 1936), pp. 272-307.
16 Karl Marx, Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie. Einleitung (1843) Gesam-
tausgabe,volume I/i, pp. 607 if.
17 Op. cit., p. 607.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
282 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

The destruction of religion,thus,is the beginningof the revolu-

tion, not its end. The "illusionary happinessof the people"must
now be replacedby "itsrealhappiness."The "imaginary flowerson
the chain"havenot beentom off in orderthatmankindnowshould
wearan "unimaginative chainwithoutconsolation"; on the contrary,
manshouldnow throwawaythe chainandbreakthe livingflower.18
Disillusioned man shouldnow regainhis reason,and "movearound
himselfas aroundhis realsun." Now thatthe "beyondof truth"has
disappeared, it is "thetaskof history"to establish"thetruthof this
world." "Thecritiqueof heavenchangesintoa critiqueof the earth,"
the critiqueof religionand theologyinto the critiqueof law and
politics.'9

WesternPoliticaland GermanRadicalRevolution
Embarking on his critiqueof law andpoliticsMarxdid not criti-
cize actualinstitutions;rather,he criticizedHegel's Philosophyof
Law. In justifyingthis procedure, he made a contribution to the
understanding of German politicsand of its conflict
with Western
politicalculturethat even todayis well worthreadingas a whole.
In the presentcontext,however,we must confineourselvesto his
principleof intepretation.
Marxobservedthe time-lagin politicaldevelopment betweenGer-
many and the West. The English and French revolutions abolished
the ancienregimein theirareasand established the modernnational
stateas theexpression andinstrument of bourgeoissociety(biirgerliche
Gesellschaft). The revolutions were carriedto successby a class,but
theywereexperienced as representativerevolutionsof the nation. A
revolutionof thiskindcannotbe madewithsuccessunlesscertaincon-
ditionsbe fulfilled. That "a part of societyemancipates itself and
obtainsgeneralrule"is possibleonly if the revolutionary classcan
undertake"the generalemancipation of societyfrom its particular
position." The politicalemancipation from the feudalregimecan
be experienced as generallyvalidonlywhenthenewvaluesof economic
and educational privilegesbecomeaccessibleto everybody-at least
on principle. Since in fact this will hardlyever be the case, "no

18 Op. cit., p. 607 f. The simile of the "imaginaryflowers on the chain," etc., is
probablythe last transformationof the Rosicruciansymbolismof Hegel.
19 Op. cit., p. 508.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 283

class of societycan play this role withoutevokinga moment(ein

Moment) of enthusiasm in itself and in the masses,a momentin
whichit fraternizes and flowstogetherwithsocietyat large,in which
it can be takenfor societyand be experienced and recognized as its
generalrepresentative." "Onlyin the nameof universalrightsof
societycan a particular classvindicategeneralrulefor itself.""Revo-
lutionaryenergyand spiritualpathos(Selbstgefiihl)"are not suffi-
cientfor obtainingthis emancipation.In orderto achievethis "co-
incidenceof a nationalrevolutionwith the emancipation of a par-
ticularclass,"anotherclass must exist whichis experienced as the
"socialsphereof the notoriouscrimeagainstthe wholeof society;"
so thatthe liberation fromthis classcanappearas the generallibera-
tion. The "negative-general" importance of the Frenchnobilityand
clergyconditionedthe "positive-general" importance of the French
bourgeoisie as the emancipating class.
In all theserespects,the Germanpoliticaldevelopment is behind
the times. No revolutionshave occurred;an anachronistic ancien
regime continues to exist. And there is no prospect of a revolution
in the Westernsense,for neitherhas Germany a classof such"cour-
age and ruthlessness" that it couldappearas the "negativerepresen-
tative"of society,nor doesit havean estateof sufficient "breadth of
the soul" and "revolutionary audacity"that even the momentary
identification with the "soulof the people"wouldbe possible. "In
Germany relationbetweenthe variousspheresof societyis not
the
dramatic,it is epic." As a consequence, everysphereof German
its
society"experiences defeat, before it can celebratea victory,"de-
velops its narrowness before it can unfold its generosity,is involved
in its struggle with the lower classwhen it its
begins struggleagainst
the higherclass. "The princesare engagedin a struggleagainst
kingship,the bureaucrats againstthe nobility,the bourgeoisie against
them all, while the proletarians alreadyenter into their struggle
againstthe bourgeoisie." 20
of
The difference politicaldevelopment betweenthe Westernna-
has
tionalstatesandGermany important consequences. The Western
revolutions are not the end of history. The modernstatein its per-
fectionhas liberatedmaninsofaras differences of religionand prop-
no
erty longer determine differences of political statusfor the indi-

20 Op. cit., pp. 617 ff.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
284 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

vidual. "The perfect political state is by its nature the generic life
of man in opposition to his material life." Nevertheless, the whole
structure of "egoistic life" is retained as social life outside the sphere
of the state. In the perfect political state man leads a double life: in
political community he lives as the generic being, in society he lives
as a private individual. The complete liberation through complete
socialization of man is not yet achieved. "Political emancipation is a
great progress"; nevertheless "it is not the last form of human
emancipation"; it is only "the last form of human emancipation
within the present world order."21 In Germany, as distinguished
from the West, not even political emancipation has been achieved
hitherto. But precisely because the German political situation is an-
achronistic and below serious discussion, German political speculation
could abstract from this reality and instead, through Hegel, develop
"the idea of the modern state" into its last consequences. "The Ger-
mans have thought in politics, what the other nations have done.
Germany was their theoretical conscience." The incompleteness of
human emancipation through the political state has come to conscious-
ness in German political thought. The question is: can Germany
achieve a practice, that is a revolution, a la hauteur des principes,
lifting it not only "to the official level of modem nations, but to the
human height that will be the next future of these nations?" 22
In his theory of the opposition between Germany and the Western
nations, and in particular in the question just raised, Marx came
closest to being a German national thinker. He was seriously con-
cerned about the place of Germany among the nations. He saw the
political misery that seemed to cut off all hope for a historical role of
importance; but he also saw the splendid intellectual achievement.
He felt himself to be a thinker who could draw out the practical
consequences of the Hegelian philosophy of the state; but he was
gloomy about the German people's power to become the carrierof the
ultimate revolution for the liberation of mankind. Germany, he felt,
has not scaled "the middle steps of political emancipation together
with the modem nations." It has not reached in practice the steps
which in theory it has passed. How could the "salto mortale" of
the "radical revolution" be possible? Another end seems more prob-
21 Karl Marx, Bruno Bauer: Die Judenfrage (1843), op. cit., volume I/I, pp.
584 ff.
22 Einleitung, pp. 613 f.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 285

able: "One morning,Germanywill find herselfon the level of

European decadence (Verfall), before she has ever reached the level
of European emancipation."23 This prophetic vision, however, was
rejected by Marx. He did not consider a political revolution in the
Western sense a possibility for Germany, but he still believed in the
possibility of the radical revolution. "It is not the radical revolution
that is a utopian dream for Germany, not the general human eman-
cipation, but rather the partial revolution that is only political." 24
The German emancipation will never be achieved piecemeal by par-
ticular classes of society, as in the West, but it can be achieved at one
stroke by a class which is part of the bourgeois society and at the
same time not part of it, that is by the proletariat.25
The proletariat is "an estate which is the dissolution of all estates,"
"a social sphere which has universal character through its universal
suffering"; it has no particular claim because no particular injustice,
but injustice as such, is committed against it; it has no historical title,
it has nothing but the human title; it is a social sphere "which cannot
emancipate itself without emancipating all other spheres of society";
it is "the complete loss of man and, therefore, cannot regain itself
without regaining man completely." "The proletariat is the dissolu-
tion of society in form of a particular estate." "When the proletariat
announces the dissolution of the present order of the world, it only
reveals the secret of its existence, for it is in fact the dissolution of
this order of the world." The proletariat, thus, will be the material
weapon of philosophy, while in philosophy it will find its spiritual
weapons. When the lightning of thought has struck into this soil
of the people, the emancipation of the German into Man will be
accomplished. "The head of this emancipation is philosophy, its heart
is the proletariat. Philosophy cannot become reality without abolishing
the proletariat, the proletariat cannot abolish itself without realizing
26
philosophy."
This faith in the translation of philosophy into reality through the
German proletariat, is supported by a historical reflection on the Ger-
man Reformation. The faith in a revolution that starts with specula-
tion makes sense in the light of the German past. "Germany'srevolu-
23 Op. cit., p. 616.
24 Op. cit., p. 617.
25 Op. cit., pp. 619 f.
26 Op. cit., pp. 619-621.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
286 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

tionary past is theoretical, it is the Reformation. At that time it was

the monk, now it is the philosopher, in whose brain the revolution
begins." Luther's Reformation was the first step of a German revolu-
tion. Luther broke the faith in authority, but he has put the authority
of faith in its place. He has liberated man from external religious-
ness, but he has made religiousness the substance of man. Protestant-
ism, thus, did not bring the true solution, but it certainly revealed the
true task, that is, the struggle against the priestly substance of man.
"The most radical fact of German history," the Peasant War, broke
against the wall of the new Protestant theology. Today, when this
theology itself has broken down, the anachronistic, political state will
be broken by the new philosophy.27 These passages show that Marx
was perfectly aware of the connection between his own thought and
German Protestantism. There is, indeed, an intelligible line of mean-
ing running from Luther's destruction of ecclesiastic authority,through
the destruction of dogmatic symbols in the generation of Strauss,
Bruno Bauer, and Feuerbach, to the destruction of "all the gods,"
that is, of all authoritative order in Marx. While it would be incor-
rect to say that the way of Protestantism leads with any inner neces-
sity from Luther to Hegel and Marx, it is true that Marxism is the
final product of disintegration in one branch of German, liberal
Protestantism.

Emancipation and Alienation

Emancipation is the general category under which Marx conceives

the advancement of man to his complete freedom. "All emancipation
is reduction of the human world, of relationships, to man himself."
Religious emancipation is the reduction of religion to the religion-
making consciousness of man, as accomplished by Feuerbach. "Po-
litical emancipation is the reduction of man, on the one hand to a
member of bourgeois society, that is, to the egoistic, independent
individual, on the other hand to the citizen, that is to the moral
person." This schism of man must be overcome through the next
and last step in emancipation. Only when "the real, individual man
takes back the abstract citizen," only when he as individual man has
become generic being (Gattungswesen) "in his empirical life, in his
individual work, in his individual relationships," only when man "has

27 Op. cit., p. 615.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 I'HE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 287

recognized his 'forcespropres'as socialforcesandorganized as such,"

only when, as a consequence,he "no longerseparates socialforcefrom
himselfin the formof politicalforce,"is humanemancipation com-
pleted.28 The overcoming of the state is a historicalproblem which
resembles in its structurethe overcoming of religion."Thepolitical
constitution washithertothe religioussphere,the religionof a people's
life, it was the heavenof its generalityin oppositionto the earthly
existenceof its reality.. . . Politicallife in the modernsenseis the
scholasticism of a people'slife."29
The courseof pasthistoryhas beenthe "alienation" of man,the
task of futurehistoryis his "emancipation." In alienation(or self-
alienation)man loses himselfto the beyondof religionand social
institutions;throughemancipation he drawsthese objectified sectors
of his essencebackinto his existence.We havearrivedat the core
of the Marxianphilosophy of history. The historyof emancipation
(fromreligious,throughpolitical,to ultimatesocialemancipation) is
the reversalof the processof alienation.In orderto arriveat the
criticalsolution,the revolutionary thinkermusthavea criticalunder-
standing of the of
genesis the evil. Sincecontemporary evil has its
origin in the relationbetweenman and nature,it can be overcome
only throughbringingnatureundercontrolof manso that freedom
beyondnaturecan unfold. Since the vicissitudes of man'srelation
withnaturearethe subject-matter of history,we musttracethehistory
of manfromits mostprimitivebeginnings, whenmanemergesfrom
his animalcondition;we mustfollowit throughthe variousphasesin
whichmanbecomesevermoredeeplyinvolvedin the processof pro-
duction,to the point of completeself-alienation; we must further
studythe possibilities of emancipation whichgrowparallelwith in-
creasingalienation;and we must,finally,conceivethe idea of the
revolutionary overthrow of the orderof alienationandits replacement
by the orderof freedom.
Substance
and Processof History
All criticalhistorymuststartwithcertain"presuppositions."
They
must,however,not be of a dogmaticnature;theymustbe "realpre-
that is, "therealindividuals,
suppositions," theiractionsandmaterial
28 Zur Judenfrage,op. cit., p. 599.
29 Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie,ad ? 279, op. cit., p. 436.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
288 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

conditionsof life." The firstpresupposition is "theexistenceof living

humanindividuals" with a bodilyorganization and a relationto the
restof naturewhichis conditioned by this organization.30 Man dis-
tinguishes himself from animal as soon as he starts producinghis
meansof life; in suchproduction indirectlyproducetheirma-
men
teriallife. Theirwayof production becomestheirwayof life (Lebens-
weise). Fromthis startingpoint,Marxtracesthe differentiation of
production from sexualreproduction and division of labor on the level
of the family,throughfurtherdifferentiation on the tribaland other
locallevels,to the systemsof production and divisionof laborunder
the conditions of modemnationalsocietiesandtheirinterrelation on a
world-market. Parallelwiththisdifferentiation of production goesthe
development of ideasin and
politics,law,morals,religion metaphysics
in close correlation with the processof materialproduction of life.
"Consciousness can neverbe anythingbut consciousbeing(Bewusst-
sein,bewusstes Sein), and the beingof manis his reallife-process."
"Ideologies" no historyof theirown;theyare a by-product
have of
the materialprocess. "It is not consciousness thatdetermines life; it
is life that determines consciousness." With the development of crit-
ical history,"philosophy loses its mediumof existence."It can be
replaced,at best, "by a summaryof generalresultsthat can be ab-
stractedfrom the studyof the historicaldevelopment of mankind."
Such abstractions, however,are worthlessif they be separatedfrom
real history.They muststrictlyservethe orderingof historicalma-
terials-in the mannerin whichMarxis doing it.31
The "materialprocessof production"and its differentiation
throughdivisionof laborare established as the irreducible substance
of history. This process of differentiation contains an inevitable
conflictof increasing that
acerbity, is, the conflict between the interest
of the workingindividualand the interest of the larger groupof
individuals who are engagedin production throughdivisionof labor
and exchangeof products."As soon as laboris divided,a definite,
exclusiverangeof activityis assignedto everybody; this rangeis im-
posed on him, he cannot escape it; he is hunter, fisher or herdsman,
or critic,andhe mustremainwithinhis rangeunlesshe wantsto lose
his meansof life."32 Whileundermoreprimitive technological con-
volumeV, p. 1Q.
30 DeutscheIdeologie(1844/45), Gesamtausgabe,
31 Op. cit., pp. 10-17.
32 Op. cit., p. 22.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 289

ditionssuchdependence on specialized activityis stillbearable because

even specialization on this level leavesa broadfield for diversified
humanwork,the situationbecomesdisastrous underconditions of in-
dustrialproductionfor a world-market. "The fixation social
of
activity,the consolidation of ourownproductintoan objective power
(sachlicheGewalt)dominating us, growingout of control,crossing
our expectations, destroyingour33calculations, is one of the principal
factorsin historicalevolution." "The morewealthhe produces,
and the morehis production gainsin powerand volume,the poorer
becomesthe worker.""Workdoesnot producecommodities only;it
produces itself and the worker as a commodity." "The of
realization
workis its objectivation." "Theworkerputshis life into the object;
butthenhis life is no longerhisbuttheobject's.""Whattheproduct
of his workis, he is not." "Thelife thathe hasgivento the object,
opposeshim as inimicaland alien." "Theworkerbecomesthe serf
of his object." "His workis externalto hisbeing." "He doesnot
affirm,he negateshimselfin his work." "Onlyoutsidehis workthe
workeris withhimself,in his workhe is outsidehimself.""He is at
homewhenhe doesnot work,andwhenhe workshe is not at home."
"Hencehis workis not voluntarybut compulsory, it is compulsory
labor. It is not a satisfaction of his wants,but only a meansfor
satisfyingwantsoutsidehis work." "Theresultis that the working
man can feel himselffree only in his animalfunctionsof eating,
drinkingandprocreating, andperhapsin his housing,ornaments, etc.,
whilein his specifically humanfunctionshe is onlyan animal.""Eat-
ing, drinkingand procreating certainlyaregenuinehumanfunctions,
which
too. Butin theabstraction separates themfromthewiderrange
of humanactivityand makesthemultimateand sole aims,theyare
beastly(tierisch)." Man is distinguished fromanimalthroughthe
universality of his relation with nature; he does not producefor neces-
sity alone; but can give form to his material existence throughscience
and beauty. This wholerangeof productive activitywhichdistin-
guisheshuman life is degraded to the levelof a meansof life. The
productive, free existence of man "becomes a means for his physical
existence." This "alienation"of human productivityis inherentin
the divisionof labor;it hasnothingto do withhigheror lowerwages.
A rise in wageswouldbe nothing"buta bettercompensation of

33 Op. cit., p. 22 f.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
290 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

slaves;it would not for the workerand his workreconquer their

humandestinyand dignity." "Evenan equalityof income,as de-
mandedby Proudhon,changesonly the relationof the workerto his
workinto thatof all mento theirwork. Societywouldthenbecome
the Capitalistin the abstract."34The conditionsof existencein
modemsocietyhavebecomean accidentfor the workeroverwhich
he has no controland "overwhichno socialorganization can give
him control."35
The last sentencesmightdestroythe assumption(whichis fre-
quentlymade) that Marxwas impressed by the materialmiseryof
the workerin his time,and that with the materialimprovement of
the worker'slot the necessityfor the revolutionwould disappear.
Socialreformis not a remedyfor the evil whichMarxhas in mind.
This evil is the growthof the economicstructure of modernsociety
into an "objective power"to whichman must submitby threatof
starvation.The principaland characteristic featureswhichappearoff
and on in the descriptions of Marxcanbe reducedto the following:
1. The separation of theworkerfromhistools. Thischaracteristic
is determined by industrialtechnology.No mancanindividually own
andoperatethe toolsof modemindustrial production.The "factory"
the
or, generally, "place of work,"cannot be the "home."
2. Job dependence.This characteristic has the samedetermining
cause. No man can earna livingin an industrial systemunlesshe
findsa job in some"enterprise" whichassembles the tools for pro-
ductionand marketsthe product.
3. Divisionof labor. No mancan produceany wholeproduct.
The processof production mustbe centrallyplanned,and the single
workeris confinedto the phasein the processassignedto him. Marx
was verymuchawareof the supremeinsultto humandignitywhich
lies in the fact that at the end of his life, whena mansummarizes
whathe has accomplished, he may haveto say: All my life I have
spentin cooperating in the production of a certaintype of Grand
Rapidsfurniture andtherebydegraded humanity in myselfandothers.
4. Specialization. is intimately
This characteristic connected with
34 Oekonomisch-philosophische Manuskripte (1844), Gesamtausgabe,volume III, pp.
82-93.
35 Deutsche Ideologie, op. cit., p. 66.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 291

thepreceding one. Evenif thetotalproductis not an insultto human

the
dignity, productivity of manhas no appreciable rangefor unfold-
if
ing his work to
is confined a small sectorof productionon which
as a wholehe has no influence.
5. Economicinterdependence. No mancan live a wholelife if
his existenceis permanently threatened,not by naturalcatastrophes
as in the caseof a peasant,butby socialactionsbeyondhis control-
be theynew inventions, or the closingof a marketthroughtariff,or
miscalculation of management, or changein customers' taste, or a
general economic crisis.
SocialisticMan
The enumerated are thoseof an industrialsystem
characteristics
of production.Since Marxdid not wish to abolishthe industrial
system,and in particular sincehe wasfully awarethatno changein
socialorganization, as for instancepublicpropertyof instruments of
production,could abolishthese evils, the questionarises:what pre-
ciselydid he wantto achieveby a communist revolution?This is the
crucialpointof the Marxiansystemof thought,and it is the point
whichordinarily is neglected.Marxhas not saidmuchaboutit; but
he has said enoughfor makinghis intentionsclearbeyonddoubt.
Wild as it may sound,he wantedto retainthe industrial systemof
production with its inevitabletechnological of work,
differentiation
but he wantedto abolishhumanspecialization.Man was supposed
to emergefromthe revolution as an integrallyproductivebeingthat
by his own will would work one day at a machine,the next dayin an
office, and the third day as a litterateur. A primitive, but unmis-
takable formulation of the idea occurs among his complaints that
division of labor produces such occupational fixations as hunter,
fisher, etc. This evil will be overcome in "communist society, where
nobody has an exclusive range of activity, but everybody can train
himself in every branch; where society regulates general production
and thereby makes it possible for me to do one thing today and an-
other thing tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, to fish in the afternoon,
to be a husbandman in the evening, and to indulge in literary work
after supper, as it pleases me, without any necessity for me ever to
become a hunter, fisherman, husbandman or critic."36
36 Deutsche Ideologie, op. cit., p. 22.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
292 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Again,incredible as it maysound,this is the visionwhichMarx

transfers
to the situationof the modernindustrialsystem. The revo-
lutionin face of "alienation" in orderfor mento regain
is necessary
their "self-activity"(Selbstb,etitigung)as well as to securetheirexist-
ence. It will assumethe form of an "appropriation of the existing
totality of productiveforces." Under internationaldivisionof labor,
these forces exist in the form of a universal,world-widesystemof in-
terdependence."The appropriation,therefore,must have a universal
characterwhich correspondsto the universalityof productiveforces
and commerce. The appropriation of these forces is in itself nothing
but the developmentof individualfacultiesin correspondence with the
materialinstrumentsof production. Hence, the appropriationof a
totality of instrumentsof productionis the developmentof a totality
of facultiesin the individuals." In orderto achievea humanrevolu-
tion of this kind, a certaintype of individualis needed. Only the
proletariansare capableof performingthe feat becausetheirindividual
existenceis no longer bound up with a specialtype of propertythat
would limit the interestof their activity. All formerrevolutionswere
limited (borniert), becausethe self-activityof the revolutionaryclass
was limitedby its specifickind of privateproperty. The proletarian
withoutpropertyis the fit agent to bringa mass of productiveinstru-
ments "undereach individual,"and to "subsumepropertyunder all."
Moreover,the methodof the revolutionis determinedby the universal
characterof the industrialsystem. Only a universalassociationof
proletarianson the world-scalecan, throughits revolution,breakthe
power of the presenteconomicand social structure;and only such a
universalrevolutionwill developthe universalcharacterand the energy
that are necessaryto executethe appropriation.Only afterthis revolu-
tion will "self-activitycoincidewith materiallife." Only then "are
individualsdevelopedinto total individuals,""workwill havechanged
into self-activity,"and the "hithertoconditionedcommercewill have
changedinto the commerceof individualsas such." Divisionof labor
cannot be abolishedby forgetting about it; the "individualsmust
subsumethe objectiveforces under themselvesand therebyabolish
(aufheben) divisionof labor. This is impossiblewithoutcommunity.
Only in communitywith others does the individualhave the means
at his disposalto develophis facultiesin all directions."37
37 Deutsche Ideologic, op. cit., pp. 57 f. and 63 f. The reader should also compare
Kapital, volume I (4th edition, 1890), pp. 39-46. The thought is substantiallythe same

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 293

History,thus,is movingtowardthe appearance of the "totalin-

dividual,"or-in othercontexts-of "socialistic man." Man must
recovercompletelyfrom his alienationin orderto becomethe per-
fectlyfreeandindependent beingwhichin essencehe is. The "libera-
tion fromproperty" willbe the lastact of thisdrama.In a revealing
pageMarxhas formulated the connection betweenthis conception of
historyand his originalrevoltagainstGod. A being-he says-
"is independent only whenit standson its own feet; and it stands
on its ownfeet only whenit owesits existenceto nobodybut itself."
A manwholivesby graceof somebody elseis dependent - andI live
mostcompletely by the of
grace somebody else when he "hascreated
my life,"when the sources of my life lie outside myself. The belief
in creationis the sourceof the feelingof dependence; and this idea
-
of "creation"-Marxreflectssadly is ratherdeep-rooted in the con-
sciousnessof man. The ideathatnatureshouldbe throughitself,as
wellas the ideathatmanshouldexistthroughhimself,is "inconceiv-
ableto himbecauseit contradicts all tangibleexperiences (Handgrief-
of
lichkeiten) practical life." Man knowshimselfas a link in the
chainof being,and inevitablyhe will feel urgedto ask wherethis
chainbe suspended.Marxhas laid his fingeron the resistance to
the ideaof a "superman": longas as man remains aware of his con-
ditiohumana,as long as he retainshis consciousness of his "tangible
experience"of dependence, he willnot be easilypersuaded thatthrough
the mysteryof revolution he willbe transfigured into a self-contained
divinity. Moreover,Marxknowsthat he is not strugglingagainst
a "belief"in creationor in any othersymbolthat mightfurnishan
answerto the question;the resistance ratherarisesfromtheexperience
and from the question itself. The questionmustnot be raised-or
his ideais finished. It is the same situationin whichComtefound
himselfwhenhis positivistic restriction of knowledgeto the observa-
tion of world-immanent regularitiesran into the questfor the arche,
for the originof being. And Marxresortsin this situationto the
samedesperate measure as Comte:sincefromthe immanentist position
thereis no answerto the question,the questionitselfmustbe sup-

as in Deutsche Ideologie. There occur, however,such famous formulationsas the Fetisch-

charakterder Waarenwelt (p. 39), the very revealingcomparisonof the post-revolutionary
industrial society with the situation of the many-sidedRobinson (p. 45), and the reflec-
tions on Christianityas the ideological environmentin which the idea of the limited indi-
vidual can thrive (p. 45 f.).

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
294 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

pressed. Marx issuesa dictatorialprohibitionagainstaskingsuch

they have "no sense";stickto
questions-they are "abstractions";
the realityof being and becoming!38 At this criticaljunctureMarx,
like Comte,declareshis intellectual by the refusalto an-
bankruptcy
swerquestions.And thenhe continueswiththe ominousdefinition:
"socialistic
man"is the manwho doesnot ask suchquestions.39

CrudeCommunism
and TrueCommunism
For socialisticman the "wholeso-calledhistoryof the world"is
nothingbut the production of manthroughthe workof man. In this
processhe has underhis eyes "the irresistible proof of his birth:
of his genesisthroughhimself."The essentiality(Wesenhaftigkeit)
of man in natureis givento sensualintuition;in the face of this
experience the questfor an alienbeingbeyondnatureand manbe-
comesa practicalimpossibility."Atheism,as the denialof this non-
essentiality(Unwesentlichkeit) no longermakessense,for atheismis
a negationof God and throughthis negationpositsthe existenceof
man." Socialismneedsno mediation;it startsright-away with the
sensuousconsciousness of man in natureas trueessence. It is the
positiveself-consciousness of man, not mediatedthroughdenialof
religion. And in the same manner,"truelife"is the positivereality
of man,not mediatedthroughabolitionof privateproperty,that is,
throughcommunism.In the nextphaseof history,communism will
be positiveas "negationof the negation,"-"butcommunism as such
is not the aimof humandevelopment, - it is not the formof human
society."40 Communism, like atheism,is the counter-ideato a his-
toricalstatethatmustbe overcome.Marx,likeBakunin,is awareof
the dangerthat lies in facileattemptsat givingcontentto the vision
of the futureby elaborating a catalogueof concretedemandswhich
canbe nothingbut negativesof presentevils. Communism is not an
institutionalreform; it is, indeed, a change in the nature of man.
With thisdangerin view,Marxhasdistinguished carefullybetween
"crude communism" (roher Kommunismus) and "true communism"
or socialism. Crude communism is the "positive expression" of abol-

38 Oekonomisch-philosophische Manuskripte(1844), op. cit., volume III, pp. 124 f.

39 Op. cit., p. 125, line 18 ff.
40 Op. cit., p. 125 f.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 295

ishedprivateproperty;it establishes "generalprivateproperty"; it is

a and of
only "generalization perfection privateproperty." The dom-
inationof the propertyin thingsis so enormousthat crudecom-
munismwantsto annihilateeverything that cannotbe ownedas pri-
vate propertyby everybody.It considers physical,immediate owner-
the
ship only purpose of life. It does not abolish the worker'sexist-
encebut extendsit to everybody; it wantsto destroyall distinguishing
talentby violence,etc. The natureof this type of communism be-
comesparticularly clearin its idea of a communization of women.
"We may say that the idea of a community of womenrevealsthe
secretof this crudeand thoughtlesscommunism." Womanleaves
marriage and enters into generalprostitution; the world of wealth
leavesprivatepropertyand entersinto generalprostitution with the
community. Such communism, "in its radical negation the per-
of
sonalityof man,"is a continuation of the formerprivateproperty.
"Thegeneralenvywhichconstitutes itselfas poweris only a hidden
formin whichavaricerestoresitselfand satisfiesitselfundera differ-
ent form."Competition underconditionsof privatepropertyis envy
and desireof levellingturnedagainstthe greaterprivateproperty.
The crude communistmanifeststhe perfectionof this desirefor
levelling. The abolitionof privatepropertyis not a trueappropria-
tion; it ratherdestroyscivilization by its returnto an unnatural sim-
of
plicity poorpeople who are not beyondprivateproperty but have
not yet arrivedat it. Hence,the community of crudecommunism is
nothingbut a community of workandof equalityof incomepaidout
by the communityas the generalcapitalist. "CrudeCommunism,
thus, is only a manifestation of the rascality(Niedertracht)of pri-
vateproperty thatwantsto establish itselfas a positivecommunity." 41

True communism is the returnof man to himselfas socialman

"within the whole wealth of humandevelopment up to this point."
It is a completedhumanistic naturalism, "the true solutionof the
conflictbetweenmanand nature.""It is the solvedriddleof history
and knowsitself as the solution." Communist society"is the true
resurrection of nature,the realizednaturalism of manandthe realized
humanismof nature."42

41 Op. cit., pp. 111-113.

42 Op. cit., pp. 114 and 116.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
296 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

The Manifesto
The genesis of the idea is substantiallycompletedwith its appear-
ance on the world-sceneas the CommunistManifesto (December
1847-January 1948).43 As far as the ideas of history,revolutionand
communismare concerned,the Manifestocontainsnothingthat is new;
on the contrary,it containsconsiderablyless than the result of our
precedinganalysis,as is inevitablein a documentwhich has no the-
oretical intentionsbut merely wants to propagandize. Nevertheless,
we must brieflydwell on the formulations,if not on the ideas, for
the Manifestois a masterpieceof politicalrhetoric. After a century,
its formulae have neither lost their revolutionarypathos nor their
effectivenesson the politicalscene.
In the Preamblethe authorsfix the scale of importancefor their
pronunciamento.Communismis recognizedas a force by all Euro-
pean powers. It is a spectrethat hauntsEurope. The Pope and the
Tsar, Metternichand Guizot, Frenchradicalsand Germanpolicemen
have allied themselvesin a "Holy Chase"to lay the spectre. Such
recognitionby the old powers creates an obligation for the Com-
muniststo clarifytheir views and to submitthem to the public. The
new world force entersthe lists against the powersof the old world.
The first sectionof the Manifestodevelopsthe historicalperspec-
tive of Communism. "The history of all society up to the present
is the history of class struggles." There have always been classes
and estates, oppressorsand oppressed. Moder society, however,is
distinguishedfrom all earlier periods through the simplicityof the
pattern. "Our whole society is splitting more and more into two
great hostile camps,into two great classesfacing each other- Bour-
geoisie and Proletariat." The appealingpatternof Manichaeansim-
plicity is set; there are only two forces, good and evil; anybodywho
is not on the good side, inevitablyis on the bad side. The Manifesto,
then, follows this patternand deals, first, with the rise of the bour-
geoisie and, second,with the proletariat.
The man of the bourgeoisiehas risenfrom the serf of the Middle
Ages to becomethe operatorof modernindustryand commercespan-
ning the globe; and as his political instrumenthe has created the
modem representativestate. "The bourgeoisiehas a most revolu-
tionary role in history." The descriptionof the revolutionaryrole
Partei, Gesamtausgabe,volume VI, pp. 523 if.
43 Manifest dcr Konmmunistischen

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 297

itselfbeginswithreflections on the bourgeoisieas thedestroyer of "all

feudal,patriarchal, idyllicrelationships." But the derogatory begin-
ningssoonchangeintoa praiseof the achievements of thebourgeoisie
suchas no enlightened haseverwritten.The bourgeoisie
progressivist
"has accomplished much greatermiraclesthan Egyptianpyramids,
Romanaqueducts and gothiccathedrals."It has made"production
and consumption all countriescosmopolitan";
of it has "drawnaway
the nationalsoil fromunderthe feet of industry"; the old "localand
nationalself-sufficiencyand exclusiveness" are replacedby a general
interdependence of all nations. And whathasbeendonefor material
has also beendone for intellectual production."Nationalonesided-
nessand limitationbecomesmoreandmoreimpossible, and fromthe
many national
and local literaturesthere rises a world literature."
Throughimprovement of communications "even the most barbaric
nationsaredrawnintocivilization."All nationsmustadoptbourgeois
methodsof production, unlesstheywantto perish. "In one word,it
hascreateda worldin its ownimage."It hascreatedourgreatcities,
and "tornan appreciable partof the populationfromthe idiocyof
rurallife." "It hasmadethe country-side dependent on the city,the
barbaricor half-barbaric countrieson the civilizedones, the peasant
nationson the bourgeois nations,the Orienton the Occident."In its
classruleof barelya centurythe bourgeoisie hascreatedmoremassive
and colossalforcesof production than all precedinggenerations to-
gether."In brief:we hearthe authentic tones of a Condorcet, with
the massivepridein the expectedcompletedestruction of all historical
and the transformation
civilizations of all mankindinto a universal
bourgeoissociety.
The splendorof the bourgeoisie, likeevery-
however,is transitory
thing in the worldexceptCommunism. The bourgeoisie go and
must
its achievementswill be inheritedby the successorthat has grown
underits rule,by the proletariat,"theclassof modernworkerswho
live only as long as they can find work." The characterization of
proletarianexistencecontainsnothingnew. Of interest,however,is
the descriptionof the phasesin the struggle. "Its struggleagainst
the bourgeoisiebeginswithits existence."At the beginningwe have
no morethan individualand local strugglesagainstindividualand
localoppression.With the expansion of industry,the massesof pro-
letariansgrow and their common situationbecomesmorevisibleto
them. Coalitionsandassociations areformed;localrevoltsbreakout.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
298 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Momentaryvictoriesare followed by defeats; the real result is the

nationwidecoalitionand the centralizationof the class struggle. The
proletariatis on its way toward organizationas a class and party.
The progressiveproletarization of ever largergroupsin societythrows
educatedpeople into the proletariat. And the disintegrationof the
old societyinducessmallgroupsof the rulingclassto becomerenegade
and to join the revolutionaryclass whichhas the futurein its hands.
"As formerlya part of the nobilitywent over to the bourgeoisie,so
now a part of the bourgeoisiegoes over to the proletariat,and in
particulara part of the bourgeois-ideologists who have workedthem-
selves throughto an understandingof the historicalmovement."Thus,
we have finally arrivedat Marx and Engels themselves,the bourgeois
ideologistswho can tell the proletarianswhat the historicalprocessis
all about and provide intellectualleadershipin their capacityas or-
ganizersof the CommunistParty.
The second section of the Manifesto deals with the relationbe-
tween proletariansand Communists. Here we find a new set of ideas
concerningthe function of communistleadershipin the proletarian
struggle against the bourgeoisie. The opening sentencesare of par-
ticularimportancebecausethey containthe principleswhichlater were
developedinto the idea of Communismas the universalchurchof the
proletariat. The section begins humbly enough: "The Communists
are not a separateparty in opposition(gegeniber) to other workers'
parties." But the next sentenceturns this rejectionof rivalryinto a
universalistclaim: "They have no interestsseparatefrom those of the
proletariatas a whole." The implicationsare far-reaching,for this
sentenceis neithera statementof fact that would be open to verifica-
tion, nor is it a program;it is ratherthe fundamentaldogma which
declaresthe spirit of the proletariatas a whole to be residingin the
CommunistParty. Any programmatic intentionis explicitlyrejected
by the following sentence: "They do not set up principlesof their
own by which they want to shape the proletarianmovement." The
Communistsare not distinguishedfrom other proletariangroups by
principlesand programsbut by the universallevel of their practice.
"In the variousnationalstrugglesof proletarians,they emphasize,and
put to the fore, the commoninterestsof the proletariatas a whole,
independentof nationality";and: "In the various successivestages
throughwhich the strugglebetweenproletariatand bourgeoisiemust
pass, they alwaysrepresentthe interestsof the movementas a whole."

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 299

Beyondregionaland temporaldiversification of the struggle,there

loomsthe centralleadership of the Communists.And, indeed,the
nextparagraph formulates the vanguard-principle: "In theirpractice,
the Communists are the mostresolute,everforwardpushing,section
in the workers' partiesof all countries;in theirtheory,theyhavethe
advantage overthe greatmassof the proletariat throughtheirinsight
into conditions,courseand generalresultsof the proletarian move-
ment. In theirimmediate aims,for the rest,the Communists do not
differfrom otherproletarian parties;theseaims are: "formation of
the proletariat into a class,overthrow of bourgeoisrule,conquestof
politicalpowerthroughthe proletariat."
The remainder of the secondsectiondeals with expositionand
defenseof the ultimateaimsof Communism.The authorsstressthe
non-programmatic characterof these aims. "The theoreticaltheses
of Communists are in no waybasedon ideasor principles thathave
beeninventedor discovered by this or that world-reformer(Weltver-
besserer).""Theyare no morethan generalexpressions of actual
relationships in a real class struggle,in a historicalmovementthat
goes on underour veryeyes." Communist theses,thus,mustnot be
misunderstood as programmatic demandsfor changingan actualstate
of things;on the contrary, theyrevealthe actualstateof thingsand
suggest that the tendencies,actuallyinherentin the historical process,
are carriedto theirfull realization.Hence,the accusations levelled
againstCommunism are unfounded. Their opponentschargethe
Communists with the intentionof abolishingprivateproperty.The
Manifestoagreesthatthisis the substance of Communist theory.But
what does this abolitionmeanin face of the fact that the socially
relevantpropertyis capitalistpropertyand the great mass of the
peoplehas no suchpropertyanyway?And if it is takenfromthose
who haveit, is that reallyexpropriation? No, for "capitalis a col-
lectiveproductand canbe set into motiononlythroughthe common
activityof manymembers of society,and in last resortonly through
the commonactivityof all members of society.Capital,therefore, is
not a personal,it is a socialpower";andto be a capitalist means"to
holdnot a purelypersonal,but a socialpositionin production.""If,
therefore,capitalis convertedinto communal property,belongingto
all members of society,suchconversion does not transform personal
propertyinto socialproperty.Onlythe socialcharacter of property is
transformed.It loses its classcharacter."The so-calledexpropria-

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
300 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

tion, thus, only transforms an actual situation into a principle of

public order. The same type of argument is, then, applied to the
charges against abolition of bourgeois marriage, of nationality, of
religion and of "eternal truths, like freedom, justice, etc."
The theses of Communism lift the march of history into conscious-
ness. They are not a programfor interferencewith an established
order;they are an insightinto an orderthat is cominginto being,that
is growing under the disintegratingorder of the old society. The
Communistsand their followerscan feel themselvesthe executorsof
the law of history. Again we must note the strong touch of Con-
dorcet in this conceptionof the Communistsas the directorateof
mankindon its marchtoward the realm of freedom Nevertheless,
historydoes not marchall by itself; the directoratemust lend a help-
ing hand. The raw-material for the realizationof the aim is present:
the proletariansas a class outside society,withoutpropertyand with-
out nationality("The workershave no country"). But this material
must be shaped through the awakeningof class-consciousness, and
then the revolution itself must be undertaken. The conquest of
power will be a prolongedprocess;betweenbourgeoisrule and free
society, there will be interposedthe transitionalperiod of the dicta-
torship of the proletariat.44The first step will be the elevationof
the proletariatto the place of the ruling class in democracy. The
politicaldominationwill then be used "graduallyto wrest all capital
from the bourgeoisie,to centralizeall instrumentsof productionin the
hands of the state, i.e., the proletariatorganizedas ruling class, and
as rapidlyas possibleto increasethe total of productiveforces." This
can be done only "throughdespotic interventionsin the right of
propertyand bourgeoisconditionsof production";such measuresmay
appearas indefensibleby economicstandardsbut they are inevitable
for the purposeof revolutionizingthe whole method of production.
In the courseof this development,class-differences will disappear,pro-
ductionwill be concentratedin the handsof the associatedindividuals,
publicpowerwill lose its politicalcharacterbecauseit is no longeran
instrumentof class rule, and, finally, the old societywill be replaced
by "an associationin whicheverybody'sfree developmentis the con-
dition for the free developmentof all." The Manifesto ends with
the famous call to revolutionaryassociation:"The proletarianshave

44 The term is not yet used in the Manifesto, though the subject-matteris discussed.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE MARXIAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEA 301

nothingto lose in it but theirchains. They havea worldto win.

of all countriesunite!"
Proletarians
Tactics
The Manifestowaspublished in February, 1848. In 1850,when
it was clearthatthe timefor a proletarian had not
world-revolution
yet come,the eschatological
excitementof the Manifestosubsidedand
the problems of revolutionary
tacticscameto the fore. We maycon-
cludethisstudyof thegenesisof theMarxianideawitha fewpassages
on tacticsfromthe Addressto theBundderKommunisten, of March,
1850.
The immediate problemfor Communists wasno longerthe seizure
of powerin a democratic revolution.The democrats who wereca-
of
pable winning a revolutionwerenot communists. The immediate
problem was the alliance
with revolutionarydemocraticgroupswher-
everthey startedmovingand the ruthlessfightagainstthe allieson
the morningafterthe commonvictory. It was alreadysubstantially
the situationthat we haveexperienced in the PopularFrontpolitics
of the 1930'sand the resumptionof the fightagainstdemocracyafter
the victory. Marxinformshis listenersthat "thedemocratic petty-
bourgeoiswant to concludethe revolutionas fast as possible"as
soon as they havetakencareof theirown interests.But "it is our
interestand our task to makethe revolutionpermanentuntil all more
classesare removedfrompower,until statepower
or less propertied
is conquered the
by proletariat of proletarians
anduntiltheassociation
has advancednot only in one countrybut in all importantcountries
of the worldto the pointwhererivalrybetweenproletariansin differ-
ent countrieshas ceasedand at least the decisiveproductiveforces
are concentratedin theirhands. We are not interestedin a change
in privatepropertybut only in its annihilation,not in conciliationof
classantagonisms but in the abolitionof classes,not in reformsof
presentsociety in the foundation
but of a newone."45 In orderto
carryon the fight, as far as of the political
possiblea stabilization
situationmustbe prevented.Duringthe conflictas well as immedi-
atelyafterward, the proletariansmustcounteract all attemptsat calm-
ing downthe revolutionary excitement.The democratic partiesmust
45 Anspracheder Zentralbehordean den Bund, reprintedin Karl Marx, Enthillungen
zu Ko1n (Berlin, 1914), p. 130.
iber den Kommunistenprozess

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
302 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

be held to their most radical promises and their most terroristic

threats. Mob violence should not be prevented or merely tolerated;
it should be fostered and organized by the Communists in order to
compromise the democrats.46 In the special German case, the Com-
munists must oppose any attempt at a federative construction of the
constitution. "Under no circumstancesmust it be tolerated that every
village, city and province can oppose revolutionary activity which
must proceed from a center in order to be most effective.47 When a
constitutional settlement is reached at last, the Communists must top
every legislative reform measure proposed by the democrats, by a
more revolutionary demand of their own. "When the petty-bourgeois
propose the purchase of railroads and factories, the workers must
demand that these railroads and factories should be confiscated by
the government without compensation because they are the property
of reactionaries. When the democrats propose a proportional tax,
the workers demand a progressive one; when the democrats propose
a moderately progressive one the workers insist on a tax which rises
so fast in the upper bracket that big capital will be ruined. When
the democrats propose a regulation of the public debt, the workers
demand a declaration of public bankruptcy. Hence, the demands
of the workers must always be guided by the concessions and meas-
ures of the democrats."48
The details of the advice will change with the situation. The
pattern is clear and well-known to all of us: it is the systematic dis-
ruption of society in the hope of creating such disorder that the Com-
munist minority can rise to victory.

46 Op. cit., p. 132.

47 Op. cit., p. 135.
48 Op. cit., p. 137.

This content downloaded from 192.38.90.68 on Sun, 18 May 2014 09:33:59 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions