Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Development
Series Editors
Jürgen Baumert
Marta Tienda
Edited by
Gisela Trommsdorff
University of Konstanz
Xinyin Chen
University of Pennsylvania
cambridge university press
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town,
Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City
A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs
for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not
guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
In Memoriam of Professor Fred Rothbaum
ix
x Contents
Index 443
Contributors
xiii
xiv Contributors
Bonn and Augsburg). He has been president of the sections for Sociology of
Family and Youth and for Migration and Ethnic Minorities in the German
Sociological Association and of the Committee on Family Research (RC06)
in the International Sociological Association. He is currently the pres-
ident of the executive committee of GESIS, the German Social Science
Infrastructure Services, and P.I. and speaker of PAIRFAM, the German
Family Panel. His research interests include family, lifespan, intergenera-
tional relationships, demography, migration, and interethnic relations with
an emphasis on cross-cultural comparisons.
Vinai Norasakkunkit, Minnesota State University, United States
Vinai Norasakkunkit received his PhD from University of Massachusetts,
Boston, and is associate professor of psychology at Minnesota State
University, Mankato. His research interests are in the intersection of
cultural psychology and clinical psychology, as well as the psychological
consequences of globalization.
Lisa D. Pearce, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States
Lisa D. Pearce is associate professor of sociology and Carolina popula-
tion center research Fellow at the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill. Her research focuses on religion’s influence on well-being and family
attitudes and behavior in adolescence and young adulthood. She studies
these processes in the United States and Nepal using both quantitative and
qualitative data. Pearce recently published the book A Faith of Their Own:
Stability and Change in the Religiosity of American Adolescents with Melinda
Lundquist Denton (2011).
Urip Purwono, Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia
Urip Purwono received his Drs. in Psychology (Clinical) from Universitas
Padjadjaran, Bandung, Indonesia; MS (Education) from Indiana University,
Bloomington, Indiana; and MSc and PhD in psychology from the University
of Massachusetts at Amherst. His methodological research interests include
test theory, test construction, test adaptation, and structural equation mod-
eling. His research also focuses on youth’s achievement, values, and religios-
ity as they are related to the individual’s well-being. In addition, he develops
educational tests that are widely used in Indonesia.
Vikki Rompala, La Rabida Children’s Hospital, Chicago, United States
Vikki Rompala is a licensed clinical social worker. Her clinical, research, and
policy experience in child welfare, youth development, and school-based
outpatient clinics, hospitals, and in-home services has provides a wider per-
spective of the overlaps among systems and provides a voice for families
and children who are often disenfranchised within these systems.
xx Contributors
xxv
xxvi Preface
of interest not only to social and behavioral scientists who study adolescent
development, but also to sociologists, economists, and political scientists.
This volume is also useful to educators and practitioners (e.g., counseling
and clinical psychologists, social workers) who provide services to youth,
particularly with diverse cultural backgrounds.
To conclude, values and religion as part of cultural context obviously play
a substantial role in adolescent development. As most societies in today’s
world are undergoing rapid changes, how values, religious beliefs, and cul-
ture affect social competence, attitudes, and behaviors of adolescents in
their adaptation to the new environment is an important issue for develop-
mental scientists. Our goal in putting together this volume is to provide a
forum for systematic and in-depth discussions of theoretical perspectives,
research findings, existing problems in the research, and strategies to solve
the problems in this area. We hope these discussions will be conducive to a
better understanding of adolescent development in a changing context and
further exploration of the involvement of contextual factors in development
in the future.
Acknowledgments
xxix
Part One
Theoretical Perspectives on Values,
Religion, and Adolescent Development
in Cultural Context
1 Cultural Perspectives on Values and Religion
in Adolescent Development
A Conceptual Overview and Synthesis
Gisela Trommsdorff
Abstract
This chapter discusses why research on adolescent development will benefit
from a focus on values and religion using a culture-sensitive approach. In
the first part, the relations among culture, values, and religion in adolescent
development are briefly summarized. The second part deals with the topic
of adolescent values, and the third part addresses religion and religiosity.
Each part discusses relevant research from a multidisciplinary perspective
and highlights major issues, results, and gaps in sociological and psycho-
logical research. Finally, the theoretical and empirical contributions of this
volume are discussed, and suggestions are made for future research in order
to achieve a better understanding of adolescent development in a changing
cultural context.
3
4 Trommsdorff
outcomes and conditions. Other chapter topics include the role of culture,
values, and religion in adjustment of Indian (Mishra, Chapter 18) and
Indonesian Muslim youth (French, Eisenberg, Purwono, & Sallquist, Chapter
6), as well as the role of religion and culture in life-satisfaction (Bond, Lun,
& Li, Chapter 5), in future orientation of Israeli Palestinian girls (Seginer &
Mahajna, Chapter 11), in career orientation of U.S. girls (Pearce & Hardie,
Chapter 12), and in romantic relationships of Israeli and German adoles-
cents (Nauck & Steinbach, Chapter 13). Several authors deal with the social-
ization and developmental conditions for the role of culture, religion, and
values in adolescent development. For example, Granqvist discusses precon-
ditions and implications of attachment in the development of adolescents’
self- and world-views. Socialization in the family in different cultures is dis-
cussed by several authors (e.g., Knafo, Daniel, Gabay, Zilber, & Shir, Chapter
16; Mayer & Trommsdorff, Chapter 15; Rubin, Malti, & McDonald, Chapter
8), as are the effects of culture and socialization in the peer group (Chen
et al., Chapter 10; French et al., Chapter 6; Larson, Jensen, Kang, Griffith, &
Rompala, Chapter 7). Cultural socialization in different educational institu-
tions is discussed by Mishra for Indian youth (Chapter 18).
To summarize, the work in this volume assumes that cultural models of
agency give meaning to values and religion and also influence their role in
adolescent development. However, studies on the nature, correlates, and
function of adolescents’ values and religious orientations in cultural con-
texts are rare in developmental research. Therefore, selected major theoreti-
cal and empirical contributions to this topic, open questions, and insights
from chapters of this volume are summarized in the following overviews on
values and religion.
(mid- and late adolescence), taking into account the motivational structure
of values and value priorities, and the impact of religion and religiosity on
value priorities and attitudes toward family, prosocial behavior, and accep-
tance of the law. The implications of his study are manifold, suggesting the
need for more research on the role of parents and the agency of adolescents
(e.g., rejecting or accepting parents’ values) in their value development.
From a different theoretical perspective, Hofstede (1980, 2001), a pio-
neer in the study of cultural dimensions of values, proposed a culture-level
approach; his focus is on national-level patterns of values. Many studies have
used his concept of individualism/collectivism as a personality variable and
for predicting behavior (for features distinguishing individualists from collec-
tivists on the individual level, see Triandis, 1995). However, the assumption
that individualism/collectivism are two poles of one dimension is not sup-
ported empirically, as Oyserman, Coon, and Kemmelmeier (2002) showed
in their extensive meta-analysis. Another problem is that the individual level
and the cultural level have often been confused in past research. It is neces-
sary to ask how individual and cultural value orientations are interrelated,
and how the individual and cultural levels of values can be disentangled (for
overviews, see Davidov, Schmidt, & Billiet, 2011; Smith & Schwartz, 1997;
van de Vijver, Hemert, & Poortinga, 2008; for an example of an empirical
cross-cultural study on values of adolescents regarding their future and the
family, see Mayer & Trommsdorff, 2010).
The question of whether values can predict behavior has been dealt with
in various studies, which, however, have mostly ignored the role of cultural
variables. A cultural focus for the prediction of behavior is suggested by
Schwartz’s value theory and also by the social axioms theory that draws on
expectancy-value theory to predict behavior (e.g., Bond, Leung, Au, Tong,
& Chemonges-Nielson, 2004). There is considerable empirical evidence on
the motivational and behavioral qualities of values based on the Schwartz
Value Theory. According to Schwartz (2006), values represent priorities in
life and serve a motivational function. Self-reported value priorities are
related to certain personality variables and reported (or observed) behav-
iors such as prosocial, antisocial, environmental, political, consumer, and
intellectual behaviors (see Bardi & Schwartz, 2003, for a review). However,
research on individual and cultural/structural aspects regarding the value-
behavior relationship is still rare (for exceptions, see Schwartz, 1996;
Schwartz & Sagi, 2000; Schwartz, Chapter 4 in this volume).
issue. Adolescence has been recognized as a crucial period for value devel-
opment. In the literature, it is widely assumed that a certain level of abstract
thinking, brain maturation, and identity formation is a precondition for
adolescents’ value development (cf. Nurmi, 1998; Schwarz, 2007). Erikson’s
(1968) view of the process of identity formation has been further elaborated
by Marcia (1966; for a meta-analysis of studies on identity status change, see
Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010). Recent discussions by Azmitia et al.
(2008) on identity, including the individual and social self, link the develop-
ment of a personal identity and a social identity, opening the perspective for
interdisciplinary approaches on adolescent development (Phinney, 2008).
This recent issue may stimulate a culture-informed approach as suggested
in the present volume.
Several value-related studies on adolescent development have dealt
with adolescents’ self-concept (e.g., a longitudinal study by Alsaker &
Olweus, 1992), life goals (e.g., Grob, 1998; Nurmi, 1998), or future orienta-
tion (Steinberg et al., 2009; for an extensive overview, see Seginer, 2009).
However, culture and religion have rarely been taken into account in these
studies. Therefore, the present volume addresses this gap and includes
chapters that address the often missing link between specific aspects of self
and culture. Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen (Chapter 3) discuss the increas-
ing self-awareness in adolescence and explain cultural differences in key
concepts of self-awareness, related to the vantage point of awareness, the
conception of self, and the nature of self-evaluation. The authors further
discuss the function of these aspects of self-awareness in cultural differ-
ences in spirituality. Two other chapters discuss the relation between future
orientation (occupational aspirations) and religious socialization (e.g.,
Seginer and Mahajna [Chapter 11] for Israeli Palestinian girls; Pearce and
Hardie [Chapter 12] for girls from the United States).
Research on values leads to the further question of the relations between
values and behavior. Findings of relations between prosocial values, moral
development, and prosocial behavior such as civic engagement or politi-
cal activity (e.g., Flanagan, 2004) have stimulated questions regarding the
context in which such values and behaviors develop. In this volume, Rubin,
Malti, and McDonald (Chapter 8) investigate personal relationships and
moral development in relation to the development of civic competence.
Larson, Jensen, Kang, Griffith, and Rompala (Chapter 7) examine peer pro-
cesses associated with the development of prosocial values and how they
are shaped by culture. The authors base their discussion on (“youth-cen-
tered”) programs including ethnically diverse youth. These chapters are of
special interest for better understanding the role of values in positive youth
development.
14 Trommsdorff
To date, only a few studies have taken into account sociocultural changes
as a changing context for adolescent development. In an extensive analy-
sis, the Study Group on Adolescence in the 21st Century chaired by Reed
Larson and colleagues examined the expected societal and developmental
trends in the next few decades including regional studies on the transfor-
mation from childhood to adulthood (Brown et al., 2002; Larson, Wilson,
Brown, Furstenberg, & Verma, 2002). The authors note various ongoing
changes in the proximate and distal contexts of adolescents’ daily lives that
point to new developmental tasks for adolescents worldwide. However,
adolescents’ development of values in rapidly changing sociocultural con-
texts is only rarely studied (e.g., Silbereisen & Chen, 2010; Trommsdorff,
1992, 2000).
The issues of value change in adolescent development under conditions
of major social and economic changes and related questions are discussed
in this volume by several authors. For example, Chen, Wang, and Liu
(Chapter 10) focus on changing values and behavior regarding individu-
ality and group orientation of urban and rural Chinese adolescents who
live in very different socioeconomic and cultural contexts. In their discus-
sion on Japanese youth, Norasakkunkit and Uchida (Chapter 9) address
the problem of youth having withdrawn from participating in the society
due to Japan’s transition into a postindustrial economy. The authors show
that high- as compared to low-risk adolescents prefer less interdependent
values, thus departing from the predominant cultural value of interdepen-
dence in Japan. This result adds to the general goal of this volume to clarify
effects of culture on adolescent development.
Anthropological, sociological, and psychological research on values
all indicate that individual values are embedded in the broader sociocul-
tural context and differ in content and relative importance. However, more
research is needed to bridge the cultural and individual levels of values and
to clarify the conditions for the transmission and stability of values and
their association with behavior.
Psychological Studies. Wilhelm Wundt (1926) was one of the first scientists
in the psychology of religion to elaborate on the psychological, cultural, and
anthropological foundations of religion, highlighting these relations in one
of the 20 volumes of his Völkerpsychologie. Different theoretical approaches
have followed, such as the phenomenological approach of William James
(1985; religion as useful hypothesis), Sigmund Freud’s theories on religion
(1961; religion as solid illusion), attachment theory (God as attachment
figure), and humanistic psychology (for a review on the psychology of reli-
gion, see Paloutzian & Park, 2005; Wulff, 1991). The study of religion has
recently been the subject of new interest in psychological research (e.g.,
Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Hinde, 1999; Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, &
Gorsuch, 1996; Paloutzian & Park, 2005; Pargament, 2002; Saroglou, 2011).
Among other approaches, evolutionary (Atran, 2002, 2007), neuroscientific
(Kapogiannis et al., 2009), and cultural psychological perspectives (Belzen,
2010) have been suggested. This diversity may provide good arguments for
bridging different disciplines in the psychology of religion.
Recent studies in the psychology of religion have focused on the indi-
vidual level of religiosity (including emotions, cognitions, and behavior)
as a subjective experience (Emmons, Barrett, & Schnitker, 2008) and have
examined religion as an individual and a collective “meaning system”
(Silberman, 2005). Some approaches view religion as unique because it
provides people with ultimate meaning in life (Emmons, 1999; Emmons
et al., 2008; Pargament, 2002), whereas others regard religion as a cultural
artifact (Belzen, 2010), as a cultural byproduct among the various aspects of
cultural activity, or as an output of cognitive systems that do not exclusively
apply to religion but are shaped by the history of human evolution (Boyer &
Bergstrom, 2008; Hinde, 1999). The relation between religion and cultural
20 Trommsdorff
individual (e.g., economic) life conditions and religiosity. In the same line
of reasoning, the study by Hayward and Kemmelmeier (2011) using cross-
national panel data on religiosity and economic attitudes shows stron-
ger associations of Protestantism with respect to indicators of cultural
Protestantism as compared to individual Protestant religiosity. This study,
as well as chapters in this volume (e.g., Bond, Lun, & Li [Chapter 5]; Mayer
& Trommsdorff [Chapter 15]; Schwartz [Chapter 4]), underscore the need
for multilevel modeling in this research area.
Another main issue is the function of religion. A functional approach
has been suggested from evolution theoretical perspectives indicating
that religion has contributed to the development of mankind and cultures
(e.g., Atran & Norenzayan, 2004; Boyer & Bergstrom, 2008; Wilson, 2003).
More specifically, psychological researchers have studied the function of
religion for individuals and groups for interpersonal behavior, assuming
that religiosity is related to cooperation and prosocial behavior (Bremmer,
Koole, & Bushman, 2011; Henrich et al., 2010; Norenzayan & Sheriff, 2008).
Religious beliefs may encourage virtues such as prosocial behavior and pos-
itive psychological states such as hope, which, in turn, may impact mental
health and life-satisfaction (Loewenthal, 2007). Further functions of reli-
gions may include satisfying basic needs (e.g., for security, self-regulation,
autonomy, and connectedness; Baumeister, Bauer, & Lloyd, 2010; Saroglou,
2011), providing resilience (Pargament & Cummings, 2010), and increas-
ing life-satisfaction (Myers, 2008; Pollner, 1989). However, empirical results
on these assumed functions of religiosity are not consistent.
Recently, and in contrast to views on religion as beneficial, some authors
have seen religion as a risk factor, undermining health and well-being and
inducing conflict (Raiya, Pargament, & Magyar-Russell, 2010). Religion
may stimulate adolescents to engage in risk-taking behavior, violence, and
self-sacrifice. Pargament (2002) contends that religion is a unique force that
may play a beneficial role but also can be a source of distress. Culture and
individual values may influence the way religion is manifested in behavior
and adolescent development.
The often-assumed simplistic relationship between religiosity and life-
satisfaction is actually quite complex. Multiple factors may mediate and
moderate the links between religion and well-being (or health). For exam-
ple, Galen and Kloet (2011) have reported a reverse u-shaped curve for adult
samples in the United States, showing that both people who are confidently
religious and those who are atheists report higher well-being than do people
with low certainty of their belief or nonbelief in God. Furthermore, in con-
texts with difficult life conditions, religiosity is highly related to subjective
22 Trommsdorff
well-being (Diener et al., 2011). These studies underline the role of context
in the function of religiosity. In a study on Japanese individuals, Jagodzinski
(2011) reports a low level of influence of religion on life-satisfaction due to
a general low individual sense of autonomy and control. This result is in
line with the finding by Sasaki and Kim (2010) on the impact of religion
on secondary control and social affiliation in the United States and Korea.
In Asian communities, as compared to European-American communities,
social affiliation and belonging are more highly valued than is personal
agency; therefore, religion seems to fulfill a different function in both cul-
tures – either promoting affiliation or fostering a sense of control.
The recent cross-cultural study by Sasaki et al. (2011) demonstrates a
three-way interaction of genes, culture, and religiosity predicting well-
being, thus underscoring the multilevel relationships between biological
factors, culture, religiosity, and well-being. Sasaki et al. (2011) have exam-
ined how culture (value of social affiliation) and biology (oxytocin recep-
tor gene) may interact in their impact on this association in Korean and
European-American samples. This line of research may provide a better
understanding of the harmful or beneficial effects of religion for well-
being. “Religious factors can affect mental health, sometimes for the good,
sometimes not, and some of these effects vary with the cultural context”
(Loewenthal, 2007, p. 140).
It is assumed here that the complexity of this issue cannot be reduced
when ignoring cultural factors and developmental processes. Accordingly,
more research is needed on the culture-specific effects of religion because
cultural factors may limit or support religious influence. In addition to
independent influences of contexts, one also has to understand how con-
texts combine and interact (Huston & Bentley, 2010). Therefore, this vol-
ume deals with much-neglected questions regarding the psychological
and sociological aspects of religion in adolescent development taking into
account cultural context.
is rare. Therefore, a major goal of this volume is to fill this gap. Culture-
sensitive theorizing is needed to discuss the developmental conditions and
the functions of religiosity in adolescents. One focus is on the developmen-
tal conditions; another focus is on the developmental outcomes and functions
of religiosity.
only influence religious service attendance and not affect private religious
beliefs. Taking into account the role of the cultural context, Kelley and De
Graaf (1997) showed that the impact of parents’ religiosity is moderated by
the national religious context. This is an important result in line with con-
clusions from some chapters in this volume (e.g., Mayer & Trommsdorff,
Chapter 15).
In their longitudinal study of intergenerational transmission of religion,
Bengtson, Copen, Putney, and Silverstein (2008) demonstrated that grand-
parents and parents are independent and joint agents of religious socializa-
tion. Knafo et al. (Chapter 16 in this volume) show that direct influence
occurs through parental values and practices. The mother influences ado-
lescents’ religious development most strongly, followed by the church, the
father, and friends (Hunsberger, 1995; Hunsberger & Brown, 1984). Family
values (Sabatier, Mayer, Friedlmeier, Lubiewska, & Trommsdorff, 2011)
and, moreover, the parent–child relationship have been identified both as
direct influences and as mediating factors in the development of adoles-
cents’ religiosity (Granqvist, 2002; Granqvist & Dickie, 2006).
Results from chapters in this volume are in line with this conclusion. For
example, Granqvist (Chapter 14) has shown that the quality of parent–child
relationships is related to adolescents’ secure or insecure attachment pat-
terns, which in turn may influence one’s relation to God or the divine as an
attachment figure (see also Kirkpatrick, 1995). This idea has been further
elaborated by Rothbaum et al. (Chapter 3) in their theoretical approach on
self-awareness and religiosity.
An important theoretical and empirical question that remains open is:
can religiosity be seen as a specific value system that is transmitted through
socialization processes in the family and other contexts, similarly to other
values, or is religiosity a unique phenomenon that only partly resembles or
overlaps with values? In the latter case, different processes of socialization
and transmission may be relevant. Therefore, a question for further research
is whether the theoretical and empirical approaches to the transmission of
values (see Schönpflug, 2009) are applicable to the transmission and the
development of religiosity as well. Most research on the religiosity of ado-
lescents is not based on longitudinal data, and thus lacks empirical evidence
on the transmission process. Reported similarities between parents and
their adolescent children are not necessarily a valid indicator of “successful”
socialization processes, as studies on parent–child value congruence have
shown (see Knafo et al., Chapter 16 in this volume; Trommsdorff, 2009a).
Culture-informed empirical approaches to the socialization conditions
of religiosity are rare. An exception is the research by the Study Group on
Cultural Perspectives on Values and Religion 27
discuss whether and how religious beliefs are associated with positive youth
development taking into account the cultural context.
Several authors of this volume (e.g., Bond et al.; Granquist; Kornadt;
Rothbaum et al.) call attention to the function of religiosity in fulfilling basic
human needs (e.g., for security, belonging). However, under certain condi-
tions, religiosity may result in distress and antisocial behavior as Kornadt
(Chapter 2) argues. In line with attachment theory, Granqvist (Chapter 14)
shows that religiosity may also be related to insecure attachment and neg-
ative developmental outcomes. A possibly positive developmental out-
come may be seen in the culture-specific associations between religiosity
and future orientations for Israeli Palestinian Muslim girls (see Seginer &
Mahajna, Chapter 11). However, a somewhat different view is suggested by
Pearce and Hardie (Chapter 12) regarding the gender-specific career expec-
tations for religious female adolescents from the United States.
Saroglou (Chapter 17) discusses whether religiosity can predict posi-
tive developmental outcomes from an individual difference perspective,
thus arriving at different implications of religiosity for personality stability
versus personal growth. Consequently, he discusses the possibly adaptive
function of religious doubt in adolescence.
French et al. (Chapter 6) report positive outcomes (e.g., adjustment and
social competence) of religiosity for Indonesian Muslim adolescents in
West Java, a highly homogenous culture. This result was expected because
of parents’ authoritative parenting style and adolescents’ involvement with
religious peers.
The chapter by Bond, Lun, and Li (Chapter 5) is a valuable example of how
to identify conditions for positive and negative functions of religiosity in dif-
ferent cultures. The authors related macro- and microlevels in order to exam-
ine the associations between religiosity and well-being and happiness. Taking
into account sociocultural factors, the authors analyzed data from the World
Values Survey to explore the impact of the national context on the strength
of the relations between both personality (values) and social factors (reli-
gious engagement) and life-satisfaction. Different results for life-satisfaction
occurred depending on the (national or individual) level of analyses. These
results underline the role of normativity (social support) in religious values
and practices for positive developmental outcomes such as life-satisfaction.
Conclusions
The chapters of this volume clearly show that culture, values, and religion
have significant impacts on youth development. These studies therefore
30 Trommsdorff
between cultural models of agency, values, and religion arise. These phe-
nomena may partly overlap but differ in their impact on individual develop-
ment. Their overlap may consist of providing a self- and world-view based
on a meaning system including goals and control beliefs necessary for ado-
lescent development. Although Johnson, Hill, and Cohen (2011) have sug-
gested conceiving of culture and religion as world-views, our suggestion
here is to go a step further by understanding all three phenomena – cultural
models of agency, values, and religion – as interrelated self- and world-views
that influence adolescent development (Trommsdorff, 2012). This approach
could provide a fruitful theoretical basis for future research in this area, as
has been elaborated in this volume, because it takes into account the cul-
tural context of values and religion in adolescent development.
In this volume, Kornadt (Chapter 2) discusses religion as a world-view
guiding the development of adolescents’ values, identity, and behavior. He
suggests a historical and motivational approach to religiosity, assuming
basic needs for security and belonging. In Chapter 2, he also describes rela-
tions between values and religion in different cultural contexts, which may
induce pro- and antisocial behavior. Rothbaum et al. (Chapter 3) focus on
implications in the increasing development of self-awareness, and the cul-
tural differences in the key components. The authors conceive of spirituality
as a way of coping with existential concerns. More specifically, Granqvist
(Chapter 14) discusses the religious development of adolescents and their
respective self- and world-views in an attachment theoretical framework,
referring to the socialization conditions and functions of secure and inse-
cure attachment. Accordingly, a major theoretical contribution of this vol-
ume is its focus on cultural values and religiosity in the development and
function of self- and world-views.
Further, ongoing globalization, including immigration and religious
pluralism (Casanova, 2007), gives rise to questions of whether and how
this societal change affects adolescents’ development. These questions have
been dealt with in this volume (e.g., by Chen et al. [Chapter 10]; Knafo
et al. [Chapter 16]; Larson et al. [Chapter 7]; Nauck & Steinbach [Chapter
13]; Norasakkunkit & Uchida [Chapter 9]; Pearce & Hardie [Chapter 12];
Saroglou [Chapter 17]; Seginer & Mahajna [Chapter 11]) and have stimu-
lated areas for future research.
In addition, the social and psychological conditions for nonreligios-
ity (see Atran & Norenzayan, 2004) and for conversion to new religious
movements (Streib, Hood, Keller, Csöff, & Silver, 2009 view conversion
as “deconversion”) need more clarification, as the chapters by Knafo et al.
(Chapter 16) and Saroglou (Chapter 17) indicate. Studies on the conditions
32 Trommsdorff
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by a grant from the German Research
Foundation (DFG GZ, TR 169/14–2) as part of the project
“Developmental Conditions of Intentionality and its Limits” and as part
of the Interdisciplinary Research Center “Limits of Intentionality” at the
University of Konstanz. I thank Boris Mayer for his comments to an earlier
version of this chapter, Jeanette Ziehm for editing the references, and Holly
Bunje for language editing.
References
Allport, G. W., & Vernon, P. E. (1931). A study of values. Boston, MA: Houghton
Mifflin.
Alsaker, F. D., & Kroger, J. (2006). Self and identity. In S. Jackson & L. Goossens (Eds.),
Handbook of adolescent development: European perspectives (pp. 90–117). Hove:
Psychology Press.
Alsaker, F. D., & Olweus, D. (1992). Stability of global self-evaluations in early ado-
lescence: A cohort longitudinal study. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 2,
123–145.
Arnett, J. J. (2006). Emerging adulthood. The winding road from the late teens through the
twenties. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
(2011). Bridging cultural and developmental psychology: New syntheses in theory,
research, and policy. In L. A. Jensen (Ed.), Emerging adulthood(s): The cultural psy-
chology of a new life stage (pp. 255–275). New York: Oxford University Press.
(Ed.). (2012). Adolescent psychology around the world. New York: Psychology Press.
Arnold, F., Bulatao, R. A., Buripakdi, C., Chung, B. J., Fawcett, J. T., Iritani, T., ... Wu,
T. S. (1975). The value of children: A cross-national study. Vol. 1. Introduction and
comparative analysis. Honolulu: East-West Population Institute.
Atran, S. (Ed.). (2002). In gods we trust. The evolutionary landscape of religion. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Atran, S. (2007). The nature of belief. Science, 317, 456.
Atran, S., & Norenzayan, A. (2004). Why minds create gods: Devotion, deception, death,
and arational decision making. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 27, 713–770.
Azmitia, M., Syed, M., & Radmacher, K. (2008). On the intersection of personal and
social identities: Introduction and evidence from a longitudinal study of emerging
adults. New Directions for Child & Adolescent Development, 120, 1–16.
Baltes, P. B., & Brim, O. G. (Eds.). (1980). Life-span development and behavior. Hillsdale,
NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Bardi, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2003). Values and behavior: Strength and structure of rela-
tions. Personality and Social Psychological Bulletin, 29, 1207–1220.
Barry, C. M., Nelson, L., Davarya, S., & Urry, S. (2010). Religiosity and spirituality dur-
ing the transition to adulthood. International Journal of Behavioral Development,
34, 311–324.
Barz, H. (Ed.). (1992). Religion ohne Institutionen? Eine Bilanz der sozialwissenschaftli-
chen Jugendforschung. Teil 1 des Forschungsbericht “Jugend und Religion” im
Auftrag der Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Evangelischen Jugend in der Bundesrepublik
Deutschland (aej) [Religion without institutions? A balance of the social science
youth research. First part of the research report “youth and religion” on behalf
of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Evangelischen Jugend in der Bundesrepublik
Deutschland]. Opladen: Leske + Budrich.
Baumeister, R. F., Bauer, I. M., & Lloyd, S. A. (2010). Choice, free will, and religion.
Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, 2, 67–82.
Bell, D. (1977). The return of the sacred? The argument of the future of religion. British
Journal of Sociology, 28, 419–451.
Belzen, J. A. (2010). Towards cultural psychology of religion: Principles, approaches, appli-
cations. New York: Springer Science + Business Media.
Bengtson, V. L. (1975). Generation and family effects in value socialization. American
Sociological Review, 40, 358–371.
34 Trommsdorff
Bengtson, V. L., Copen, C. E., Putney, N. M., & Silverstein, M. (2008). Religion and
intergenerational transmission over time. In K. W. Schaie & R. P. Abeles (Eds.),
Social structures and aging individuals: Continuing challenges (pp. 305–333). New
York: Springer.
Berger, P., Davie, G., & Fokas, E. (2008). Religious America, secular Europe? A theme and
variations. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Berger, P. L. (Ed.). (1999). The desecularization of the world: Resurgent religion and world
politics. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
Bilsky, W., Janik, M., & Schwartz, S. H. (2011). The structural organization of human
values – Evidence from three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS). Journal
of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42, 759–776.
Boehnke, K., Hadjar, A., & Baier, D. (2009). Value transmission and zeitgeist revisited.
In U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural transmission. Psychological, developmental, social,
and methodological aspects. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Boehnke, K., & Welzel, C. (2006). Wertetransmission und Wertewandel: Eine explorative
Drei-Generationen-Studie [Value transmission and value change: An exploratory
three-generation study]. Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung und Sozialisation,
26, 341–360.
Bond, M. H., Leung, K., Au, A., Tong, K. K., & Chemonges-Nielson, Z. (2004).
Combining social axioms with values in predicting social behaviors. European
Journal of Personality, 18, 177–191.
Boyatzis, C. J. (2005). Religious and spiritual development in childhood. In R. F.
Paloutzian & C. L. Park (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of religion and spiritual-
ity (pp. 123–143). New York: The Guilford Press.
Boyatzis, C. J., Dollahite, D. C., & Marks, L. D. (2006). The family as a context for reli-
gious and spiritual development in children and youth. In E. C. Roehlkepartain,
P. E. King, L. Wagener, & P. L. Benson (Eds.), The handbook of spiritual development
in childhood and adolescence (pp. 297–309). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Boyer, P., & Bergstrom, B. (2008). Evolutionary perspectives on religion. Annual Review
of Anthropology, 37, 111–130.
Bremmer, R. H., Koole, S. L., & Bushman, B. J. (2011). “Pray for those who mistreat
you”: Effects of prayer on anger and aggression. Personality and Social Psychological
Bulletin, 37, 830–837.
Brisset, C., Sabatier, C., & Trommsdorff, G. (2008, July). Values, family relationships, and
religiosity in two European countries: France and Germany. In G. Trommsdorff &
C. Kagitcibasi (Chairs), Cultural patterns of family relationships and value orien-
tations. Symposium conducted at the 19th International Congress of Psychology
(ICP), Berlin, Germany.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature
and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Brown, B. B., Larson, R. W., & Saraswathi, T. S. (Eds.). (2002). The world’s youth:
Adolescence in eight regions of the globe. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bruner, J. S. (1990). Acts of meaning. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bubeck, M., & Bilsky, W. (2004). Value structure at an early age. Swiss Journal of
Psychology, 63, 31–41.
Bucher, A. A., Oser, F., & Reich, K. H. (2007). Religiosität und Spiritualität im Kulturvergleich
[Religiosity and spirituality in cross-cultural comparison]. In G. Trommsdorff &
H.-J. Kornadt (Eds.), Enzyklopädie der Psychologie: Themenbereich C. Theorie und
Cultural Perspectives on Values and Religion 35
Hurrelmann, K., Albert, M., & TNS Infratest Sozialforschung (2006). 15. Shell–
Jugendstudie: Jugend 2006. Eine pragmatische Generation unter Druck [15th Shell–
youth study: Youth 2006. A pragmatic generation under pressure]. Frankfurt:
Fischer–Taschenbuch–Verlag.
Huston, A. C., & Bentley, A. C. (2010). Human development in societal context. Annual
Review of Psychology, 61, 411–437.
Inglehart, R. (1977). The silent revolution: Changing values and political styles among
Western publics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
(1997). Modernization and postmodernization: Cultural, economic and political change
in 43 societies. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
(2007). Mapping global values. In Y. Esmer & T. Pettersson (Eds.), Measuring and
mapping cultures: 25 years of comparative value surveys (pp. 11–32). Leiden, The
Netherlands: Brill.
Inglehart, R., & Baker, W. E. (2000). Modernization, cultural change, and the persistence
of traditional values. American Sociological Review, 65, 19–51.
Inglehart, R., Basañez, M., & Moreno, A. (1998). Human values and beliefs – A cross-
cultural sourcebook: Political, religious, sexual, and economic norms in 43 societies.
Findings from the 1990–1993 World Values Survey. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press.
Inglehart, R., & Welzel, C. (Eds.). (2005). Modernization, cultural change and democracy.
New York: Cambridge University Press.
Jagodzinski, W. (2004). Methodological problems of value research. In H. Vinken, J.
Soeters, & P. Ester (Eds.), Comparing cultures. Dimensions of culture in a compara-
tive perspective (pp. 97–121). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
(2011). Autonomy, religiosity and national identification as determinants of life
satisfaction: A theoretical and empirical model and its application to Japan.
Contemporary Japan, 23, 93–127.
Jahoda, G. (2007). Kulturkonzepte im Wandel [Changing conceptions of culture]. In G.
Trommsdorff & H.-J. Kornadt (Eds.), Enzyklopädie der Psychologie: Themenbereich
C. Theorie und Forschung: Serie VII. Kulturvergleichende Psychologie: Band 1.
Theorien und Methoden in der kulturvergleichenden und kulturpsychologischen
Forschung (pp. 3–24). Göttingen, Germany: Hogrefe.
James, W. (1985). The varieties of religious experience. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Johnson, B. R. (2008). A tale of two religious effects: Evidence for the protective and
prosocial impact of organic religion. In K. Kovner Kline (Ed.), Authoritative com-
munities: The scientific case for nurturing the whole child (pp. 187–225). New York:
Springer.
Johnson, C. N., & Boyatzis, C. J. (2006). Cognitive–cultural foundations of spiritual
development. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. Ebstyne King, L. Wagener, & P. Benson
(Eds.), The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp.
211–223). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Johnson, K. A., Hill, E. D., & Cohen, A. B. (2011). Integrating the study of culture and
religion: Toward a psychology of worldview. Social and Personality Psychology
Compass, 5, 137–152.
Jowell, R., Kaase, M., Fitzgerald, R., & Eva, G. (2007). The European Social Survey as
a measurement model. In R. Jowell, C. Roberts, R. Fitzgerald, & G. Eva (Eds.),
Cultural Perspectives on Values and Religion 39
Measuring attitudes cross-nationally: Lessons from the European Social Survey (pp.
1–31). Los Angeles, CA: Sage.
Kagitcibasi, C. (1973). Psychological aspects of modernization in Turkey. Journal of
Cross Cultural Psychology, 4, 157–174.
(2006). Theoretical perspectives on family change. In J. Georgas, J. W. Berry, F. J. R.
van de Vijver, C. Kagitcibasi, & Y. H. Poortinga (Eds.), Families across cultures: A
30–nation psychological study (pp. 72–89). New York: Cambridge University Press.
(2007). Family, self, and human development across cultures: Theory and applications
(2nd ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Kapogiannis, D., Barbey, A. K., Su, M., Zamboni, G., Krueger, F., & Grafman, J. (2009).
Cognitive and neural foundations of religious belief. PNAS Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 106, 4876–4881.
Kelley, J., & De Graaf, N. D. (1997). National context, parental socialization, and reli-
gious belief: Results from 15 nations. American Sociological Review, 62, 639–659.
King, P. E., & Boyatzis, C. J. (2004). Exploring adolescent spiritual and religious devel-
opment: Current and future theoretical and empirical perspectives. Applied
Developmental Science, 8, 2–6.
King, P. E., & Roeser, R. W. (2009). Religion and spirituality in adolescent development.
In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology, Vol 1:
Individual bases of adolescent development (pp. 435–478). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Kirkpatrick, L. A. (1995). Attachment theory and religious experience. In I. R. W. Hood
(Ed.), Handbook of religious experience (pp. 446–475). Birmingham, AL: Religious
Education Press.
Kitayama, S., & Imada, T. (2010). Implicit independence and interdependence: A cul-
tural task analysis. In B. Mesquita, L. F. Barrett, & E. R. Smith (Eds.), The mind in
context. (pp. 174–200). New York: Guilford.
Kluckhohn, C. K., & Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in value orientations. Evanston,
IL: Row, Peterson and Company.
Knafo, A., Assor, A., Schwartz, S. H., & David, L. (2009). Culture, migration, and
family value socialization: A theoretical model and empirical investigation with
Russian immigrant youth in Israel. In U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural transmission.
Psychological, developmental, social, and methodological aspects (pp. 269–296). New
York: Cambridge University Press.
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2009). Accounting for parent–child value congruence:
Theoretical considerations and empirical evidence. In U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural
transmission. Psychological, developmental, social, and methodological aspects
(pp. 240–268). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Kohlberg, L. (1981). Essays on moral development: Vol 1. The philosophy of moral devel-
opment. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row.
Kroger, J., Martinussen, M., & Marcia, J. E. (2010). Identity status change during
adolescence and young adulthood: A meta–analysis. Journal of Adolescence, 33,
683–698.
Kunnen, S. (2012). Introduction. In S. Kunnen (Ed.), A dynamic systems approach to
adolescent development (pp. 1–2). New York: Psychology Press.
Lambert, W. W. (1992). Cultural background to aggression: Correlates and consequences
of benevolent and malevolent gods and spirits. In A. Fraczek & H. Zumkley (Eds.),
Socialization and aggression (pp. 217–230). Berlin: Springer.
40 Trommsdorff
Larson, R. W., Wilson, S., Brown, B. B., Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., & Verma, S. (2002).
Changes in adolescents’ interpersonal experiences: Are they being prepared for
adult relationships in the twenty–first century? Journal of Research on Adolescence,
12, 31–68.
Lenski, G. (1961). The religious factor: A sociological study of religion’s impact on politics,
economics, and family life. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
Lerner, R. (2002). Concepts and theories of human development (3rd ed.). Mahwah, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Lerner, R. M., Lewin-Bizan, S., & Warren, A. E. A. (2011). Concepts and theories of
human development. In M. H. Bornstein & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Cognitive develop-
ment: An advanced textbook (pp. 19–65). New York: Psychology Press.
Lerner, R. M., Roeser, R. W., & Phelps, E. (Eds.). (2008). Positive youth development
and spirituality: From theory to research. West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton
Foundation Press.
Levesque, R. R. (2002). Not by faith alone: Religion, law, and adolescence. New York: New
York University Press.
Loewenthal, K. (2007). Religion, culture and mental health. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego–identity status. Journal of
Personality & Social Psychology, 3, 551–558.
(1993). The ego identity status approach to ego identity. In J. E. Marcia, A. S. Waterman,
D. R. Matteson, S. L. Archer, & J. L. Orlofsky (Eds.), Ego identity: A handbook for
psychosocial research (pp. 3–21). New York: Springer.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition,
emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50,
370–396.
Mayer, B., & Trommsdorff, G. (2010). Adolescents’ value of children and their intentions
to have children: A cross-cultural and multilevel analysis. Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 41, 671–689.
Mayer, B., Trommsdorff, G., Kagitcibasi, C., & Mishra, R. (in press). Family
value patterns of independence/interdependence and their intergenera-
tional similarity in Germany, Turkey, and India. Family Science. doi: 10.1080/
19424620.2011.671503
McCullough, M. E., & Willoughby, B. L. B. (2009). Religion, self–regulation, and self–
control: Associations, explanations, and implications. Psychological Bulletin, 135,
69–93.
Miller, R. B., & Glass, J. (1989). Parent–child attitude similarity across the life course.
Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51, 991–997.
Miller, W. R., & Thoresen, C. E. (2003). Spirituality, religion, and health: An emerging
research field. American Psychologist, 58, 24–35.
Myers, D. G. (2008). Religion and human flourishing. In M. Eid & R. J. Larsen (Eds.),
The science of subjective well–being (pp. 323–346). New York: Guilford.
Nauck, B. (2009). Intergenerational transmission, social capital, and interethnic contact
in immigrant families. In U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural transmission. Psychological,
developmental, social, and methodological aspects (pp. 161–184). New York:
Cambridge University Press.
Cultural Perspectives on Values and Religion 41
The intersections of personal and social identities. New Directions for Child and
Adolescent Development, 120, 97–109.
Piaget, J. (1928). Immanence et transcendence [Immanence and transcendence]. In
J. Piaget & J. de la Harpe (Eds.), Deux types d’attitude religieuse: Immanence et tran-
scendence (Editions de l’Association Chretienne d’Etudiants de Suisse Romande,
Depot ed., pp. 5–40). Geneva: Labor.
Plante, T. G., & Sherman, A. (Eds.). (2001). Faith and health: Psychological perspectives.
New York: Guilford.
Pollner, M. (1989). Divine relations, social relations, and well–being. Journal of Health
and Social Behavior, 30, 92–104.
Powell, L. H., Shahabi, L., & Thorensen, C. E. (2003). Religion and spirituality: Linkages
to physical health. American Psychologist, 58, 36–52.
Raiya, H., Pargament, K. I., & Magyar-Russell, G. (2010). When religion goes awry:
Religious risk factors for poorer health and well–being. In P. J. Verhagen, H. M. van
Praag, J. López–Ibor Jr., L. Cox, & D. Moussaoui (Eds.), Religion and psychiatry:
Beyond boundaries (pp. 389–411). New York: Wiley–Blackwell.
Ream, G. L., & Savin–Williams, R. C. (2003). Religious development in adolescence.
In G. R. Adams & M. D. Berzonsky (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence. (pp.
51–59). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Roelkepartain, E. C., King, P. E., Wagener, L., & Benson, P. L. (Eds.). (2005). The handbook
of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Rokeach, M. (1969). Value systems and religion. Review of Religious Research, 22,
2–23.
(1973). The nature of human values. New York: Free Press.
Rothbaum, F., Pott, M., Azuma, H., Miyake, K., & Weisz, J. (2000). The development of
close relationships in Japan and the United States: Paths of symbiotic harmony and
generative tension. Child Development, 71, 1121–1142.
Rothbaum, F., & Trommsdorff, G. (2007). Do roots and wings oppose or complement
one another? The socialization of autonomy and relatedness in cultural context. In
J. E. Grusec & P. Hastings (Eds.), The handbook of socialization (pp. 461–489). New
York: Guilford.
Rothbaum, F., & Wang, Y. Z. (2010). Fostering the child’s malleable views of the self and
the world: Caregiving practices in East Asian and European-American communi-
ties. In B. Mayer & H.-J. Kornadt (Eds.), Psychologie – Kultur – Gesellschaft (pp.
101–120). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag.
Rudy, D., & Grusec, J. E. (2001). Correlates of authoritarian parenting in individualist
and collectivist cultures and implications for understanding the transmission of
values. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32, 202–212.
Sabatier, C., Mayer, B., Friedlmeier, M., Lubiewska, K., & Trommsdorff, G. (2011).
Religiosity, family orientation, and life satisfaction of adolescents in four countries.
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42, 1375–1393.
Saroglou, V. (2011). Believing, bonding, behaving, and belonging: The big four reli-
gious dimensions and cultural variation. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42,
1320–1340.
Saroglou, V., Delpierre, V., & Dernelle, R. (2004). Values and religiosity: A meta–
analysis of studies using Schwartz’s model. Personality and Individual Differences,
37, 721–734.
Cultural Perspectives on Values and Religion 43
Sasaki, J. Y., & Kim, H. S. (2010). At the intersection of culture and religion: A cul-
tural analysis of religion’s implications for secondary control and social affiliation.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 101, 401–414.
Sasaki, J. Y., Kim, H. S., & Xu, J. (2011). Religion and well–being: The moderating
role of culture and the oxytocin receptor (OXTR) gene. Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 42, 1394–1405.
Schönpflug, U. (Ed.). (2009). Cultural transmission. Psychological, developmental, social,
and methodological aspects. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Schwartz, S. H. (Ed.). (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical
advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
(1996). Value priorities and behavior: Applying a theory of integrated value systems.
Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Schwartz, S. H. (2006). A theory of cultural value orientations: Explication and applica-
tions. Comparative Sociology, 5, 137–182.
(2007). Cultural and individual value correlates of capitalism: A comparative analysis.
Psychological Inquiry, 18, 52–57.
Schwartz, S. H., & Sagi, G. (2000). Value consensus and importance: A cross-national
study. Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, 31, 465–497.
Schwartz, S. H., & Vecchione, M. (2011, June). A revised theory and new instrument
to measure basic individual values. In S. H. Schwartz (Chair), A refined theory
of human values: What, how, and why? Symposium conducted at the Regional
Meeting of the International Association of Cross-Cultural Psychology (IACCP),
Istanbul, Turkey.
Schwarz, B. (2007). Jugend im Kulturvergleich [Adolescence in cross-cultural compar-
ison]. In G. Trommsdorff & H.-J. Kornadt (Eds.), Enzyklopädie der Psychologie:
Serie VII, Band 2. Kulturvergleichende Psychologie: Kulturelle Determinanten des
Erlebens und Verhaltens (pp. 599–641). Göttingen, Germany: Hogrefe.
Scott, J., & Braun, M. (2006). Individualization of family values? In P. Ester, M. Braun, &
P. Mohler (Eds.), Globalization, value change, and generations. (pp. 61–88). Leiden,
The Netherlands: Brill.
Seginer, R. (2009). Future orientation: Developmental and ecological perspectives. New
York: Springer Science + Business Media.
Silbereisen, R. K., & Chen, X. (Eds.). (2010). Social change and human development:
Concepts and results. London: Sage.
Silberman, I. (2005). Religion as a meaning system: Implications for the new millen-
nium. Journal of Social Issues, 61, 641–663.
Silverstein, M., Gans, D., Lowenstein, A., Giarrusso, R., & Bengtson, V. L. (2010). Older
parent–child relationships in six developed nations: Comparisons at the intersec-
tion of affection and conflict. Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 1006–1021.
Smith, C., & Lundquist Denton, M. (2005). Soul searching. The religious and spiritual
lives of American teenagers. Oxford: University Press.
Smith, P. B., & Schwartz, S. H. (1997). Values. In J. W. Berry, M. H. Segall, & C. Kagitcibasi
(Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology. Social behavior and applications (Vol.
3, pp. 77–118). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Spranger, E. (1921). Lebensformen. Geisteswissenschaftliche Psychologie und Ethik der
Persönlichkeit [Life forms. Humanistic psychology and ethic of personality]. Halle,
Germany: Max Niemeyer.
44 Trommsdorff
Trommsdorff, G., & Nauck, B. (Eds.). (2005). The value of children in cross-cultural per-
spective. Case studies from eight societies. Lengerich, Germany: Pabst Science.
Trommsdorff, G., & Nauck, B. (2006). Demographic changes and parent–child relation-
ships. Parenting: Science and Practice, 6, 343–360.
Trommsdorff, G., & Nauck, B. (Eds.). (2010). The value of children: Overview and
progress and recent contributions [Special section]. Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 41.
Trommsdorff, G., & Rothbaum, F. (2008). Development of emotion regulation in cul-
tural context. In S. Ismer, S. Jung, S. Kronast, C. von Scheve, & M. Vandekerckhove
(Eds.), Regulating emotions: Social necessity and biological inheritance (pp. 85–120).
New York: Blackwell.
Trommsdorff, G., Suzuki, T., & Sasaki, M. (1987). Soziale Ungleichheiten in Japan und
der Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Social disparities in Japan and Germany]. Kölner
Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 39, 496–515.
Turner, B. S. (2011). Religion and modern society: Citizenship, secularisation and the
state. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
van de Vijver, F. J. R., Hemert, D. A., & Poortinga, Y. H. (Eds.). (2008). Multilevel analysis
of individuals and culture. New York: Erlbaum.
Verma, S., & Maria, M. S. (2006). The changing global context of adolescent spiritual-
ity. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. Ebstyne King, L. Wagener, & P. L. Benson (Eds.),
The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 124–136).
London: Sage.
Warren, A. E. A., Lerner, R. M., & Phelps, E. (2011). Research perspectives and future
possibilities in the study of thriving and spirituality: A view of the issues. In A. E.
A. Warren, R. M. Lerner, & E. Phelps (Eds.), Thriving and spirituality among youth:
Research perspectives and future possibilities (pp. 1–18). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Waterman, A. S. (1985). Identity in the context of adolescent psychology. New Directions
for Child Development, 30, 305–324.
Weber, M. (1958). The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. New York: Scribner.
(1988). Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie [Collected articles about sociol-
ogy of religion] (9th ed.). Tübingen, Germany: Mohr.
Werner, H. (1948). Comparative psychology of mental development. Oxford: Follett.
Whiting, B. B., & Whiting, J. W. M. (1975). Children of six cultures: A psycho–cultural
analysis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Wilson, D. S. (2003). Darwin’s cathedral: Evolution, religion, and the nature of society.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Woodhead, L. (2008). Gendering secularisation theory. Social Compass, 55, 187–193.
Wulff, D. (1991). Psychology of religion: Classic and contemporary views. New York:
Wiley & Sons.
Wundt, W. (1926). Völkerpsychologie: Eine Untersuchung der Entwicklungsgesetze von
Sprache, Mythus und Sitte [Ethnopsychology: An investigation of the developmen-
tal laws of speech, myth, and convention]. Leipzig: Alfred Kröner Verlag.
Youniss, J., McLellan, J.A., & Yates, M. (1999). Religion, community service, and identity
in American youth. Journal of Adolescence, 22, 243–253.
2 Psychological Functions of Religion in
Youth – A Historical and Cultural Perspective
Hans-Joachim Kornadt
Abstract
Psychological functions of religion in youth are discussed from a motiva-
tional and anthropological approach including a historical and cultural
perspective. The role of religious beliefs in ancient, medieval, and tradi-
tional societies are described, referring to some possible origins in the evo-
lution of such beliefs. These origins are seen in the belief in an invisible
“other” (or spiritual) world, motivated to make sense of otherwise incom-
prehensible events. This is assumed to have strong psychological effects
on the formation of religion in mankind, on the development of religious
practices, and the role and importance of shamans and priests. The psycho-
logical functions of religion in adolescents’ development by initiation rites,
and in modern societies with focus on natural sciences and a seculariza-
tion of the worldview are discussed. There are a great variety of beliefs and
strong differences in the importance of religion in different cultures. The
importance and power of religion differ, ranging from fundamentalism to
secularization. The importance of these differences for emergent adults are
considered. Religiosity may foster identity development, civic engagement,
prosocial activities, and life satisfaction. However, it can also promote
other less desirable behaviors in youth like intolerance and aggressiveness
against unbelievers. Both the cultural context and individual motivations
are shown to affect religious development and personality development in
adolescence in various ways.
In this chapter, I discuss religion and the power of religious belief from
a psychological perspective and describe the effects of belief in God and
an “other” spirit world. First, I discuss the stabilizing role of religion for
societies and for the power of priests and shamans. Second, I describe the
ambiguous importance of religion and the power of belief for the develop-
ment and value orientation of youth.
46
Psychological Functions of Religion in Youth 47
demands, using oracles and omina. They told how the spirits should be
appeased by rituals, offerings, and worshipping (Wahle, 1973). In this stage
of development, worshipping and offerings were presented in order to
receive the god’s benevolence. Thus, offerings and praying had the char-
acter of do ut des: it was a pragmatic action, like exchanging presents with
neighbors to establish a friendly relationship or to make peace with ene-
mies or rivals.
The nature of worship as a “deal” between men and spirits changed fun-
damentally when divine demands were no longer seen as directed to the
benefit of the gods, but to fellow men. People had developed – based on the
theory of mind – the ability to understand others’ intentions and wishes,
which led to them experiencing others’ needs and emotions as well. This
empathy became a central component of religious beliefs, at least for one’s
own religious group. This was, for instance, expressed by King Musili of the
Hittites in the 14th century before Christ. He declared that an oracle had
disclosed that the misfortunes their people had suffered over the last 20
years were the divine punishment for a crime among humans (Maier, 2008).
This indicates the belief that a god is demanding moral conduct between
men – not just toward the god alone – and that disobeying this demand is
a sin, which will be severely punished by invisible powers or gods. In the
Bible, the same is described as a consequence of “eating from the tree of
knowledge,” and “recognizing one another” became the precondition of sin.
Religious moral demands became the basis for guilt and the fear of being
severely punished, possibly with eternal punishment after death.
Various mystery cults developed (Kloft, 2010), such as the Osiris cult in
ancient Egypt and later in Rome, the Demeter cult in ancient Greece, and
the Persian Mithras cult, which later in Roman times even spread through
Western Europe.
In many of these cultures, the priest held high status and a great deal
of power as the interpreter of the meaning and wishes of the gods. Priests
could order special offerings, which in some cultures even included human
sacrifices. The Celtic Druids in Ireland offered human sacrifices until the
third century after Christ (Cunliffe, 1993; Demandt, 2005).
invisible world with its mighty spirits. Shamanism is therefore also a par-
ticularly impressive example for the power of belief in the other world.
Shamans were like priests – the middlemen between the present and the
other world, men and spirits, the living and the ancestors.
The central concept in Shamanism is the belief in the soul. The vital soul
enables the body to live. Decline of vitality was interpreted as weakness of
the vital soul, caused for example, by an enemy’s sorcery or contact with
the “radiation” of another strange soul. A free soul can leave the body for a
limited time: if the shaman is in a trance, his or her soul can get in contact
with spirits of the other world, and return with knowledge (e.g., how to heal
a sick person, who told the truth, or what the best time is for harvesting,
hunting, or warfare). For any human, when a dramatic event occurs – such
as a sudden, severe shock or a serious argument – the soul becomes severely
disturbed and can even temporarily leave the body, causing serious sick-
ness or even death (Winstedt, 1982). All these phenomena demonstrate the
strong power of belief. Bad events were mostly interpreted as being caused
by one’s own mistakes or wrongdoings.
Summary
There are three points to underline: first, the idea of an invisible other world
exists more or less in all cultures. This is sometimes a special sphere distinct
from our real, visible world. Sometimes, there is no real distinction: the
spirits of the other world are present everywhere and the real world is only
a part of the whole unknown universe, or a transition to the invisible world.
Second, belief in the other world can be an extreme power. With the Batak
of northern Sumatra, the shaman, or Datu, could in former days be the
master of life and death. A man who violated a taboo or was condemned by
the Datu to face an ordeal could die within a few days, even though he was
physically untouched. It was the effect of a shock owing to guilt, or to anxi-
ety of severe punishment in the other world (Kornadt, 2011; Winkler, 1925;
M. Yamaluddin, personal communication, March, 1985). Third, any belief
referring to the invisible other world is immune against logical arguments.
The details of such a belief are seen as higher wisdom and therefore irre-
futable. The power of belief is strikingly formulated by the German writer
Wilhelm Busch (1954): “Nur was wir glauben, wissen wir gewiss” (Only
what we believe do we know with certainty).
believed in the afterlife, and earthly life was seen as a passage toward the last
judgment, leading either into paradise or to eternal damnation. Christians
who did not accept parts of the official faith were prosecuted (e.g., Albigenser;
Jan Huss), others were burned as witches. In famous European paintings of
the 15th and 16th centuries, those beliefs are convincingly depicted.
Today in some art circles, it has become even fashionable to trivialize
Christian symbols like the Holy Communion or the crucifix as a joke. In
Germany, there is scarcely any protest against such Christian sacrilege,
although the same is not true for acts of Islamic heresy (Huber, 2010).
However the importance of religion varies considerably between cul-
tures: the importance of Christianity varies between West and East Europe,
Russia, and the United States. In Germany, 33 percent claim to be without
any religious association (Gasper, 2009). In the United States, in contrast,
intensive religious life exists in numerous communities, and 80 percent of
students report to believe in God (Higher Education Research Institute,
2003; Smith & Lundquist Denton, 2005). Within these communities, there
is a great variety of beliefs: even members of the Evangelical Alliance, which
have similar positions regarding the creation and rejection of evolution-
ary theory can have opposite positions in other important aspects. All of
these mostly protestant communities descend from the early European
immigrants who left their homes to practice their individual interpreta-
tions of Christianity (Gasper, 2009).Within Islam there is splitting between
the Sunnis and the Shiites, and differences exist as well between the ortho-
dox Wahhabites (in Saudi Arabia) and more moderate forms of Islam (in
Tunisia, hitherto Indonesia).
image and personal and social identity, this is a crucial developmental period,
and it is a sensitive time for religiosity (Barry, Nelson, Davarya, & Urry, 2010;
Good & Willoughby, 2008). Especially in Western European societies, adult
life has become very diverse, embracing a wide variety of lifestyles (Côté,
2009; Gagné, 2011; Patterson & Hastings 2007; Spilka, Hood, Hunsberger, &
Gorsuch, 2003). The media has a diverse and important influence. In one’s
professional life, there is decreasing stability. For youth, it is therefore dif-
ficult to develop an image of what kind of a person they want to be in the
future (see Seginer, 2008, 2009, for future orientation and identity develop-
ment of adolescents). Adolescents have difficulty fulfilling their basic needs
for autonomy and relatedness in different cultural contexts (Rothbaum &
Trommsdorff, 2007) and in a permanently changing environment (Mayer &
Trommsdorff, Chapter 15 in this volume).
In this circumstance, the timing of puberty becomes relevant. Whereas
puberty coincided with the transition to adulthood in the past, that is no
longer the case today. During puberty, physiological hormonal changes
are accompanied by psychological effects that often result in higher emo-
tional liability (Arnett, 2000, 2007) and excitability, combined with a need
for higher physical activity (Steinberg, 2005), especially in males because
of an increase of testosterone (Henning & Netter, 2005). In behavior, this
is expressed through sensation seeking and an increased tendency toward
aggressive behavior (Rosenblitt, Soler, Johnson, & Quadagno, 2001). In
some traditional cultures, these tendencies have been channeled through
initiation rites, sometimes by headhunting – the practice of taking and pre-
serving a person’s head after killing them (Cunliffe, 1993; Hoskins, 1989).
The Christian equivalent is confirmation in Catholicism and Protestantism,
but confirmation takes place between 12 and 15 years of age and, as a result,
is no longer associated with a transition to adulthood.
It is not surprising that more or less isolated youth cultures (Bukowski,
Brendgen, & Vitaro, 2007) have developed, separate from adult life with its
duties and regularities (Süss, 2009). During emerging adulthood (Arnett,
2000), youth have a great deal of time to explore their personal identity.
Some experiment with various identities (Baer, 2009), sometimes reinvent-
ing themselves to match the prevailing norm of their special social circle
(Baier, Pfeiffer, Simonson, & Rabold, 2009; Farin, 2010). They experiment
with premarital sex, drugs, alcohol, and other risky behaviors. Some come
even in serious conflicts (Arnett, 2007): contest binge drinking is on the
rise. In Germany, for example, the number of youths between ages 10 and
19 who were hospitalized with severe alcohol intoxication increased by 178
percent (to 26,428 youth) between 2000 and 2009 (Statistisches Bundesamt,
Psychological Functions of Religion in Youth 55
rejection. This, and their orthodox Islamic faith, will pose severe difficul-
ties for their personality development and future development in Western
society.
The secular participants in the Vaybee board also “identify with their
original nation” (Holtz et al., 2011) and do not really belong to the group
with the hybrid identity (p. 17). They accept living in a foreign country, and
their primary aims are economic success and to take advantage of learn-
ing opportunities. Those who support the construction of minarets show a
stronger identification with Germany, but they fear right-wing extremism
as well as orthodox Islamism. This, and their moderate Islamic faith, will
make their further development in Germany easier.
The difference between the two groups was also expressed in the preva-
lence of mentioning certain topics: typical Islamist terms like Sharia, Kuffar,
and Jihad, as well as the simplifying alternative of good versus evil – indicating
little critical thinking – appeared frequently on the Ahlu Sunnah discussion
board but rarely if at all on the Vaybee board. The topics within the Vaybee
discussions often focused on identity and integration into German culture,
probably indicating a successful personality development.
this adolescent and other youths are certainly complex, likely a result of an
amalgam with social problems. Nevertheless, the power of a belief in God
and the other world is certainly part of their motive.
Conclusion
Belief in a caring God can provide adolescents with support and stability
and further their positive development. However, although fundamentalist
beliefs can be accepted in orthodox cultures, these beliefs can lead to serious
difficulties in secular societies. This underlines the importance of cultural fit
in development. Further research is needed on the psychological functions
of spiritual practices (e.g., prayer and meditation) and the development of
religious belief and its consequences for personality development.
Acknowledgments
I thank Rachel Seginer and Holly Bunje for their valuable comments and I
thank Jeanette Ziehm for assistance in editing the manuscript.
References
Ahmad al–Qadi, I. A. R. (1981/2006). Das Totenbuch des Islam / Islamic book of the
dead. (S. Makowski & S. Schuhmacher, Transl.). Frankfurt: S. Fischer (Original
work published 1977).
Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens
through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55, 469–480.
(2007). Emerging adulthood: What is it, and what is it good for? Child Development
Perspectives, 1, 68–73.
Atran, S. (2010). Talking to the enemy: Faith, brotherhood, and the (un)making of terror-
ists. New York: Harper Collins.
Baer, H. (2009). Jugendreligionen [Religious youth]. In J. Sinabell, H. Baer, H. Gasper, &
J. Müller (Eds.), Lexikon neureligiöser Bewegungen, esoterischer Gruppen und alter-
nativer Lebenshilfen (pp. 108–110). Freiburg: Herder.
Baier, D., Pfeiffer, C., Simonson, J., & Rabold, S. (2009). Jugendliche in Deutschland als
Opfer und Täter von Gewalt [Youth in Germany as delinquents and victims of vio-
lence]. Hannover: Kriminologisches Forschungsinstitut Niedersachsen.
Barry, C. M., & Nelson, L. J. (2005). The role of religion in the transition to adulthood for
young emerging adults. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 34, 245–255.
62 Kornadt
Barry, C. M., Nelson, L., Davarya, S., & Urry, S. (2010). Religiosity and spirituality dur-
ing the transition to adulthood. International Journal of Behavioral Development,
34, 311–324.
Bellah, R. (1970). Beyond belief. New York: Harper & Row.
Birgegard, A., & Granqvist, P. (2004). The correspondence between attachment to par-
ents and God: Three experiments using subliminal separation cues. Personality and
Social Psychology Bulletin, 30, 1122–1135.
Brown, B. B., Larson, R. W., & Saraswathi, T. S. (2002). The world’s youth: Adolescence in
8 regions of the globe. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bukowski, W. M., Brendgen, M., & Vitaro, F. (2007). Peers and socialization: Effects on exter-
nalizing and internalizing problems. In J. E. Grusec & P. D. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook
of socialization: Theory and research (pp. 355–381). New York: Guilford Press.
Busch, W. (1954). Nur was wir glauben, wissen wir gewiss. Der Lebensweg des lachenden
Weisen [Only what we believe do we know with certainty. The life of the smiling
sage]. Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt.
Clark, G. (1962). World prehistory. An outline. London, UK: Cambridge University
Press.
Côté, J. E. (2009). Identity formation and self-development in adolescence. In R. M.
Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology, Vol 1: Individual
bases of adolescent development (3rd ed.) (pp. 266–304). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley
& Sons.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1993). The Celtic world. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
Dalai Lama (2005). Die Welt in einem einzigen Atom: Meine Reise durch Wissenschaft
und Buddhismus [The world in a single atom: My journey through science and
Buddhism]. Berlin: Theseus.
Demandt, A. (2005). Die Kelten [The Celts]. München: Beck.
Deutsch, N. L., & Theodorou, E. (2010). Aspiring, consuming, becoming: Youth identity
in a culture of consumption. Youth and Society, 42, 224–254.
Dingfelder, S. F. (2011). Reflecting on narcissism: Are young people more self-obsessed
than ever before? Monitor on Psychology, 42, 64–66. Retrieved from: http://www.
apa.org/monitor/2011/02/narcissism.aspx
Draper, R. (2009). The holy peninsula of Mount Athos. National Geographic, 216,
134–149.
Eccles, J. S. (2007). Families, schools, and developing achievement-related motivations
and engagement. In J. E. Grusec & P. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of socialization:
Theory and research (pp. 665–691). New York: Guilford.
Elkind, D. (1999). Religious development in adolescence. Journal of Adolescence, 22,
291–295.
Emmons, R. A., & Paloutzian, R. F. (2003). The psychology of religion. Annual Review
of Psychology, 54, 377–402.
Farin, K. (2010). Jugendkulturen heute [Youth cultures today]. Politik und Zeitgeschichte,
27, 3–8.
Gagné, I. (2011). Spiritual safety nets and networked faith: The “liquidity” of family and
work under late modernity. Contemporary Japan, 23, 71–92.
Gasper, H. (2009). Das Christentum und seine Ränder. [Christianity and its borders]. In
H. Gasper, H. Baer, J. Sinabell, & J. Müller (Eds.). Lexikon christlicher Kirchen und
Sondergemeinschaften (pp. 9–34). Freiburg: Herder.
Psychological Functions of Religion in Youth 63
Ginges, J., & Atran, S. (2011). The challenge of violent extremism. American Psychologist,
66, 507–519.
Good, M., & Willoughby, T. (2008). Adolescence as a sensitive period for spiritual devel-
opment. Child Development Perspectives, 2, 32–37.
Granqvist, P. (1998). Religiousness and perceived childhood attachment: On the ques-
tion of compensation or correspondence. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion,
37, 350–367.
(2002). Attachment and religiosity in adolescence: Cross-sectional and longitudinal
evaluations. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 260–270.
Heider, F. (1958). The psychology of interpersonal relations. Oxford, UK: Wiley.
Henning, J., & Netter, P. (Eds.). (2005). Biopsychologische Grundlagen der Persönlichkeit
[Biopsychological fundamentals of personality]. München: Elsevier.
Higher Education Research Institute (2003). The spiritual life of college students: A
national study of college students’ search for meaning and purpose. Los Angeles:
University of California Graduate School of Education and Information Studies.
Retrieved from http://spirituality.ucla.edu/docs/reports/Spiritual_Life_College_
Students_Full_Report.pdf
Hölliger, F., & Haller, M. (2009). Decline or persistence of religion? In M. Haller, R.
Jowell, & T. W. Smith (Eds.) The international social survey program, 1984–2009.
London: Routledge.
Holtz, P., & Wagner, W. (2010, September). Religiöser Fundamentalismus 2.0: Ergebnisse
einer Analyse von über 6500 Postings in neun vorwiegend von jungen Muslimen
genutzten deutschsprachigen Internetforen [Religious fundamentalism 2.0: Results
of an analysis of more than 6500 postings in nine German Internet forums, which
are mainly used by young Muslims]. Paper presented at the 47th Congress of the
Deutschen Gesellschaft für Psychologie (DGP’s), Bremen, Germany.
Holtz. P., Wagner, W., & Sartawi, M. (2011). Discrimination and minority identities:
Fundamentalist and secular Muslims facing the Swiss minaret ban. Manuscript sub-
mitted for publication.
Hoskins, J. A. (1989). On losing and getting a head: Warfare, exchange, and alliance in a
changing Sumba, 1888–1988. American Ethnologist, 16, 419–440.
Huber, W. (2010). Das Abendmahl als Lachnummer [The Holy Communion as joke].
Die Zeit, 48. Retrieved from: http://www.zeit.de/2010/48/Sakrileg–Oper
Kary, J. (2011, March). Mehr Studienanfänger in Ingenieurswissenschaften / Immer
längere Ausbildungszeiten [More freshmen for engineering science / Increasing
duration of education]. Markt und Mittelstand. Retrieved from: http://www.
marktundmittelstand.de/portal/strategie–personal/2078/mehr–studienan-
faenger–in–ingenieurswissenschaften–immer–laengere–ausbildungszeiten/
King, P. D., & Roeser, R. W. (2009). Religion and spirituality in adolescent development.
In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (3rd ed.,
pp. 435–478). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
King, P. E., & Furrow, J. L. (2004). Religion as a source for positive youth develop-
ment: Religion, social capital, and moral outcomes. Developmental Psychology, 40,
703–713.
Kirkpatrick, L. A., & Shaver, P. R. (1990). Attachment theory and religion: Childhood
attachments, religious beliefs, and conversion. Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion, 29, 315–334.
64 Kornadt
Kloft, H. (2010). Mysterienkulte der Antike: Götter, Menschen, Rituale [Mystery cults of
the ancient world: Gods, men, rituals]. München: Beck.
Kornadt, H.-J. (2011). Aggression: Die Rolle der Erziehung in Europa und Ostasien
[Aggression: The role of child rearing in Europe and East Asia]. Wiesbaden: VS
Verlag.
Lademann-Priemer, G. (2009). Eltern-und Betroffenen-Initiativen. [Initiatives of
parents and persons concerned]. In J. Sinabell, H. Baer, H. Gasper, & J. Müller
(Eds.), Lexikon neureligiöser Bewegungen, esoterischer Gruppen und alternativer
Lebenshilfen (pp. 53–55). Freiburg: Herder.
Ladurner, U. (2008). Bitte informieren Sie Allah! Terrornetzwerk Pakistan. [Please inform
Allah! Terror network Pakistan]. München: Herbig.
Lerner, R. M., Roeser, R. W., & Phelps, E., (Eds.). (2008). Positive youth development and
spirituality. West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton.
Maier, B. (2008). Sternstunden der Religionen. Von Augustinus bis Zarathustra [Great
moments of religion. From Augustine to Zarathustra]. München: Beck.
McCullough, M. E., & Willoughby, B. L. B. (2009). Religion, self-regulation, and self-
control: Associations, explanations, and implications. Psychological Bulletin, 135,
69–93.
Mishra, R. C., & Dasen, P. R. (2005). Spatial language and cognitive development in
India: Urban/rural comparison. In W. Friedlmeier, P. Chakkarath, & B. Schwarz
(Eds.), Culture and human development (pp. 31–51). New York: Psychology Press.
Müller, K. E. (2006). Schamanismus: Heiler, Geister, Rituale [Shamanism: Healers, spirits,
rituals]. München: Beck.
Nordbruch, G. (2010). Islamische Jugendkulturen in Deutschland [Islamic youth cul-
tures in Germany]. Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 27, 34–38.
Pargament, K. I. (2002). The bitter and the sweet: An evaluation of the costs and benefits
of religiousness. Psychological Inquiry, 13, 168–181.
Patterson, C. J., & Hastings, P. D. (2007). Socialization in the context of family diver-
sity. In J. E. Grusec & P. D. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of socialization: Theory and
research (pp. 328–351). New York: Guilford.
Roeser, R., Lerner, R., & Phelps, E. (Eds.). (2008). On the study of spirituality and devel-
opment during adolescence. West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton.
Rosenblitt, J. C., Soler, H., Johnson, S. E., & Quadagno, D. M. (2001). Sensation seeking
and hormones in men and women: Exploring the link. Hormones and Behavior,
40, 396–402.
Rothbaum, F., & Trommsdorff, G. (2007). Do roots and wings oppose or complement
one another? The socialization of autonomy and relatedness in cultural context. In
J. E. Grusec & P. Hastings (Eds.), The handbook of socialization (pp. 461–489). New
York: Guilford.
Sagemann, M. (2008). Leaderless Jihad: Terror-networks in the twenty-first century.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Seginer, R. (2008). Future orientation in times of thread and challenge: How resilient
adolescents construct their future. International Journal of Behavioral Development,
32, 272–282.
(2009). Future orientation. Developmental and ecological perspectives. New York:
Springer.
Psychological Functions of Religion in Youth 65
Abstract
Self-awareness increases dramatically for adolescents worldwide. We seek
to understand how cultural differences in self-awareness may contribute to
cultural differences in spiritual awareness among adolescents. The focus is
on comparisons between European-Americans and East Asians. There is
little research on cultural differences in self-awareness, despite substantial
evidence of cultural differences in its key components: (1) the vantage point
of awareness – whether it is a first person perspective, from the inside-out
(European-Americans) or a third person perspective, from the outside-in
(East Asians); (2) the conception of self and of standards – whether self is
seen as relatively independent and standards are based on personal desires
and ideals (European-Americans) or self is seen as interdependent and
standards are based on social obligations and norms (East Asians); and (3)
the nature of self-evaluation – whether it is focused on enhancing esteem
(European-Americans) or maintaining face (East Asians). We suggest
that self-awareness may activate mortality salience and thereby may elicit
cultural worldviews. Cultural differences in self-awareness leads to differ-
ent spiritualities that present different “worldview” defenses against the
existential concerns engendered by the interaction of self-awareness and
mortality salience. Salvation through prayer and through good deeds, and
approval from a loving God, common in Christianity, alleviate European-
Americans’ mortality concerns. By contrast, meditation, self change, and
unity with the universe, common in Buddhism, alleviate East Asians’ mor-
tality concerns.
We begin with two quotes. The first is from Herman Hesse’s (2008) power-
ful and lyrical novel Siddhartha. The novel concerns a young man’s search
for self-discovery in the time of the Buddha. Prior to the Buddha’s enlight-
enment, his name was Siddhartha:
66
Cultural Differences in Self-Awareness 67
Slower, he walked along in his thoughts and asked himself: “But what is this,
what you have sought to learn from teachings and from teachers, and what
they, who have taught you much, were still unable to teach you?” And he found:
“It was the self, the purpose and essence of which I sought to learn. It was the
self I wanted to free myself from, which I sought to overcome. But I was not
able to overcome it, could only deceive it, could only flee from it, only hide from
it. Truly, no thing in this world has kept my thoughts thus busy, as this my very
own self, this mystery of me being alive, of me being one and being separated
and isolated from all others, of me being Siddhartha!” (“Awakening,” para. 3)
Siddhartha’s awareness of the self and his desire to overcome that aware-
ness is, we suggest, a first step in his journey to spirituality. This notion is
clearly and succinctly captured by Ho and Ho (2007) in their very thought-
ful review of the literature on spirituality: “Awareness of one’s existence does
not qualify as an essential aspect of spirituality; awareness of that awareness
does. A spiritual person is aware of not only his existence, but also aware
that he is aware of it; he is, furthermore, capable of contemplating the fright-
ful consequences of losing his self awareness or even his being” (p. 69).
Building on these ideas, we claim that the common denominator of
diverse forms of spirituality is awareness of a higher order existence that
is rooted in self-consciousness and is liberated from secular concerns.
According to Hart & Goldenberg (2007, p.104), “societies in the east and
west have made sense of humans’ self conscious nature in ways that triv-
ialize the body and glorify the spiritual self. All spiritual systems of belief
focus on a nonmaterial realm that is essentially infinite and eternal.”
Spiritual awareness is poorly understood in part because the research
that helps clarify it is located in relatively segregated literatures. The ques-
tions raised in this chapter are alternately developmental, cultural, and
social psychological in nature and almost always spiritual: (1) Why does
spirituality increase markedly in adolescence? (2) Why are there cultural
differences in spirituality? and (3) Why does mortality salience lead to
increases in spirituality?
Echoing Ho and Ho (2007), we suggest that the answers to these three
questions center on self-awareness. To support this claim, we review evi-
dence that: (1) self-awareness increases dramatically for adolescents world-
wide, (2) cultural differences in spirituality – between Christians’ focus on
God’s approval of self on one hand and Buddhists’ focus on transcending
self (embracing non-self) on the other hand – reflect differences in self-
awareness, and (3) mortality salience leads to spiritual awareness because it
leads to changes in the nature of self-awareness.
68 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
The chapter is divided into five sections: First, we examine basic exper-
imental research on self-awareness, almost all of which was conducted by
Western investigators. Second, we examine the development of self-aware-
ness, focusing on three aspects. Third, we consider cultural differences in
those three aspects of self-awareness, as well as cultural differences in the
broader construct. Fourth, we consider how self-awareness fosters mortal-
ity salience, and how mortality salience strengthens worldviews, especially
spiritual ones. Fifth and finally, we draw from the above research to explain
how cultural differences in spiritual awareness, as seen in Christianity and
Buddhism, reflect cultural differences in self-awareness.
Development of Self-Awareness
Self-awareness is a process that evolves throughout childhood (Damon &
Hart, 1982). It begins with recognition of the physical self in infancy and
progresses to a “theory of mind” in early childhood. Theory of mind refers
to children’s understanding of their own and other individuals’ mental
states. It involves the ability to consider the perspective of others and to
70 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
make judgments from that perspective even when it differs from one’s own
perspective. There is considerable cross-cultural synchrony in the develop-
mental sequence, if not the exact age, at which children gain facility with
various theory of mind tasks such as those involving awareness that the
self can hold false beliefs (Callaghan et al., 2005; Liu, Wellman, Tardif, &
Sabbagh, 2008; Sabbagh, Xu, Carlson, Moses, & Lee, 2006).
Children’s knowledge about mental representations continues to increase
during middle childhood (Hughes & Leekam, 2004). Developments rel-
evant to self-awareness include understanding second-order beliefs (e.g.,
John thinks that Mary thinks that…”; Perner & Wimmer, 1985); the role of
pre-existing biases and expectations in influencing decisions (Carpendale
& Chandler, 1996; Chandler, Sokol, & Hallett, 2001; Pillow & Henrichon,
1996); deception (Happé, 1994); and mixed and ambivalent emotions
(Harris, Johnson, Hutton, Andrews, & Cooke, 1989). Particularly relevant
to spiritual awareness is the finding that prior to age eight, children do not
understand that prayer is often in response to negative emotions and that
praying can improve emotions (Bamford & Lagattuta, 2010).
According to Flavell (1999), there is a marked increase during adoles-
cence in the ability to see the self and others as actively interpreting rather
than as passively responding to the environment. Adolescents realize
that divergent, even conflicting, intentions and views about the self arise
because people are multidimensional and context-dependent (Oosterwegel
& Oppenheimer, 2002; Proulx & Chandler, 2009). Adolescents’ increases in
perspective taking and in understanding of mind (Epley, Keysar, Van Boven,
& Gilovich, 2004; Guroglu, van den Bos, & Crone, 2009; see also research
on “mind mindedness,” Demers, Bernier, Tarabulsy, & Provost, 2010; Meins
et al., 2003) may reflect growth in brain regions that are implicated in social
cognition (Choudhury, Blakemore, & Charman, 2006). Increased per-
spective taking from ages 8–36, evidenced by the ability to rapidly switch
between a first and third person perspective, has been linked to the devel-
opment of brain regions presumed to control that ability (Choudhury et al.,
2006).
Perhaps the crowning achievement of adolescent cognitive development
is the ability to habitually think about thought – to regularly take one’s own
thought as an object of reflection (Elkind, 1985; Inhelder & Piaget, 1958).
This achievement, which is elaborated throughout adolescence (Bacow,
Pincus, Ehrenreich, & Brody, 2009; Enright, Shukla, & Lapsley, 1980;
Sauter, Heyne, Blote, van Widenfelt, & Westenberg, 2010), makes possi-
ble the “awareness of the awareness of one’s existence” emphasized by Ho
Cultural Differences in Self-Awareness 71
Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard, 2003; Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, &
Weisz, 2000). In European-American communities, early childhood is seen
as a time to cultivate personal preferences and self-distinctiveness. In East
Asian and other collectivistic communities, there is much less emphasis on
these early expressions of individualism. Instead, there is relatively greater
emphasis on fostering young children’s adherence to role expectations,
social norms, and authority (Greenfield et al., 2003; Rothbaum et al., 2000;
Rothbaum & Trommsdorff, 2007).
Third, there are differences in evaluation. Self-evaluation can take the
form of face, which is conferred by others (I am what you think I am) and
is reciprocal – others’ obligation to confer face to self relates to self ’s obliga-
tion to confer face to others. Alternately, self-evaluation can take the form
of self-esteem, which is conferred by self (I am what I think I am, not what
you think I am) and is one-way – conferring esteem to self does not require
conferring esteem to others (Heine, 2001; Kim & Cohen, 2010).
East Asians are more concerned with face and European-Americans are
more concerned with self-esteem. There is greater emphasis on, elabora-
tion of, and earlier use of face concepts in Chinese children (Wu, 2009)
and on self-esteem in U.S. children (Miller et al., 2001). Chinese children
are aware at an earlier age than U.S. children that people sometimes pres-
ent misleading information about themselves (Heyman, Fu, & Lee, 2007).
In European-American communities, caregivers emphasize the importance
of fostering children’s positive view of themselves, and they seek to instill
such views through the use of praise. In East Asian and other collectivistic
communities, there is much less emphasis on developing a positive self-
evaluation (Rothbaum et al., 2000). Indeed, too positive a view of self is dis-
couraged and self-criticism is valued at least as much as caregivers’ praise
(Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Norasakkunkit, 1997; Miller, Sandel,
Liang, & Fung, 2001; Miller, Wang, Sandel, & Chao, 2002; Wang, Wiley, &
Chiu, 2008). Modesty and humility are more likely to foster a concern with
face than are pride and self-confidence (Kitayama et al., 1997).
Differences in evaluation relate to the differences in perspective and con-
ception of self. In a self-focused condition, the more people have an inde-
pendent conception of self, the greater their self-deceptive enhancement,
which relates to self-esteem concerns. In the same (self-focused) condition,
the more people have an interdependent conception of self, the greater their
impression management, which relates to face concerns (Lalwani & Shavitt,
2009).
Cultural differences in perspective, in conception of self and self ’s stan-
dards, and in evaluation, which are fostered in early childhood, become
74 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
in awareness that the eyes of others are on the self, that is, face concerns.
This increase in public self-awareness (how others see me) led Japanese
to demonstrate greater concern about the consistency of their attitudes
and behaviors (e.g., to demonstrate greater dissonance reduction effects).
However, an increase in public self-awareness had no such effect on
European-Americans and, in a more recent study, it had the opposite effect
on them (Imada & Kitayama, 2010). European-Americans justified their
choices less when the eyes of schematic others were on them than when
others’ eyes were not on them, presumably because they felt constrained by
others and did not seek to defend choices they made under external pres-
sure. They are more invested in choices they see as free and as springing
from the authentic self.
Similar cultural differences were observed when the social eyes prim-
ing method was used to examine how hard people work (Na & Kitayama,
2010). Task performance was much better when the task had been chosen
in the absence of the social eyes priming than in the presence of such prim-
ing for European-Americans, but the pattern was reversed for Asians (i.e.,
Koreans) and Asian-Americans, suggesting that Americans work harder on
a task that is chosen in private, but Asians work harder on a task that is
chosen in public or, at least, when public self-awareness is raised. Because
participants were seemingly not conscious of the social eyes priming
manipulation, these effects are most likely caused by unconscious processes
(Imada & Kitayama, 2010).
It is important to note that Americans justify choices more than the
Japanese when others are not made salient (Kitayama et al., 2004). Several
studies indicate that Americans are especially invested in choices they
make in private (Patall, Cooper, & Robinson, 2008; Savani, Markus, Naidu,
Kumar, & Berlia, 2010). Findings from these studies as well as from the
studies by Kitayama, Heine, and their colleagues are consistent with our
interpretation that private, as compared to public, self-awareness may be of
greater concern to, and have greater effects on, European-Americans than
East Asians.
Related findings are reported in the literature on public versus private
“self-consciousness” – a close cousin of self-awareness (Lalwani et al.,
2009). Collectivists, such as Japanese, are high on impression management,
which is consistent with their face concerns. Collectivists’ efforts to mold
others’ impressions of themselves are linked to their public self-conscious-
ness. By contrast, individualists, such as Americans, are relatively low on
impression management and high on self-deceptive enhancement, which
is consistent with self-esteem concerns. When they are high in private
76 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
& Fischer, 2006; Koole & Van den Berg, 2004; Silvia, 2001; Solomon et al.,
1991; Vail et al., 2010).
The above findings indicate that self-awareness can, but does not always,
elicit cultural worldviews. The pathway from self-awareness to cultural
worldviews is moderated by mortality salience (Mandel & Smeesters, 2008).
Worded otherwise, people are likely to come to embrace cultural worldviews
as a response to being self-aware and having their own mortality highly
salient to them. Both conditions (self-awareness and mortality salience) are
likely when people are exposed to events that disrupt the ongoing flow of
behavior (prompting comparison to standards) and that threaten one’s way
of life – a serious illness or injury, a significant loss, failure, or rejection, or
events that threaten to undermine deeply held beliefs or values.
Spiritual and religious beliefs are frequently relied upon worldviews,
especially when mortality is salient (Greenberg et al., 1990; Vail et al., 2010).
Spiritual worldviews are particularly well suited to mitigate death anxiety
because they are all encompassing, rely on concepts that are not easily
disconfirmed, and promise literal immortality (Vail et al., 2010). Spiritual
worldviews provide an antidote to concerns about self ’s non-existence
by preserving “life in a symbolic and indirect manner” (Pyszczynski,
Greenberg, & Solomon, 1999, p. 838). A belief in larger forces that are eter-
nal, that transcend the self, and to which self is connected, serves to (a)
extend the meaning of one’s existence and (b) extend one’s personal exis-
tence (e.g., through one’s immortal soul, in Christianity). In addition to
promising an afterlife and supernatural agency, Christian spiritual world-
views typically entail belief in human ascension from nature, and spiritual
distinctions between mind and body (Vail et al., 2010). There are hundreds
of studies supporting the thesis that reminders of death increase people’s
advocacy of worldviews that reinforce their sense of themselves as worthy
members of a meaningful universe, rather than as mere animals fated only
for obliteration (Greenberg, Sullivan, Kosloff, & Solomon, 2006).
Whereas spiritual and other cultural worldviews are most often sought
under threat, terror management theory explicitly claims that worldviews
are pursued even when threats are not salient. Worldviews provide a gen-
eral reservoir of protection against chronic anxiety associated with ongoing
awareness of the inevitability of death. “Even when people are not con-
sciously thinking about death and external events are not drawing attention
back to this problem, the pursuit of self-esteem and faith in one’s worldview
are ongoing endeavors that function to protect them from implicit knowl-
edge of their ultimate fate” (Pyszczynski, Greenberg, Solomon, Arndt, &
Schimel, 2004, p. 437). People’s knowledge of their existence, and of their
78 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
events pertaining to the self (Newman, Duff, & Baumeister, 1997; Wenzlaff
& Wegner, 2000), mortality salience, and the spiritual awareness to which it
gives rise, are not frequent experiences for many individuals. This is espe-
cially the case for most youth whose exposure to death is infrequent and
thus more easily suppressed.
As noted earlier, one of the most common ways of overcoming the
adverse effects of death anxiety, and obviating the need for worldview
defenses, is by bolstering self-evaluations (or in-group evaluations). High
levels of self- (and in-group) esteem reduce the likelihood that manipula-
tions of mortality salience will trigger worldview defenses (Pyszczynski et
al., 2004). When self- or in-group esteem is high, spiritual awareness is less
necessary to defend against threats to mortality. The converse is also true:
people high in spiritual awareness are cognizant of forces much larger than
themselves and they have less need for self-esteem as a defense against mor-
tality (Dechesne et al., 2003).
Granqvist & Hagekull, 1999; Granqvist et al., 2010; Kirkpatrick & Shaver,
1990; Reinert & Edwards, 2009). Similarly, we suggest a correspondence
effect whereby security in self-awareness, owing to high levels of self-
esteem, gives rise to security in spiritual awareness. The latter is likely to be
manifested as confidence in a safe spiritual base to which the individual can
return if spiritual exploration leads to feelings of danger – for example, fears
of mortality or punishment.
Following the reasoning of attachment theorists, we are suggesting that
spiritual awareness can serve as a defense against self-awareness (the com-
pensation dynamic) as well as a mirror of self-awareness (the correspon-
dence dynamic). Self-awareness is often triggered by failure and leads to
unfavorable comparisons to self ’s standards (I am not doing as well as I
should) and to negative emotion. In those cases, self-awareness can moti-
vate people to compensate for their negative feelings, and spiritual aware-
ness can serve as a defense against perceived vulnerability, inadequacy and,
ultimately, mortality. Spiritual awareness provides “relief ” either in the form
of alignment with an omnipotent God or “no self ” – a merging of self with
the cosmos, thereby taking the “bite” out of self-awareness or lessening its
presence in self ’s consciousness.
In cases of correspondence, by contrast, negative self-awareness moti-
vates people to adopt a negative model of spiritual awareness: “a view of God
as remote and inaccessible” or a fear that one might easily fall out of God’s
favor (Granqvist et al., 2010, p.54). People’s relationships with God and the
afterlife are not necessarily benign. In the Judeo-Christian tradition, God
accepts and forgives, but also judges and punishes. We must account for our
sins and we might have a blissful afterlife – or we might be punished and
sent to hell. Correspondence also occurs in cases of positive self-awareness.
When people feel comfortable in a state of self-awareness, they are likely
to develop a corresponding (positive) spiritual awareness. In these cases,
spiritual awareness provides an other-worldly frontier that one feels safe to
explore, just as a positive view of the self as worthy of protection and care
provides the safety to explore the secular world (Bowlby, 1969). Spiritual
awareness can be uplifting, allowing people to align with forces greater than
the self or with humanity generally, and to move away from earthly con-
cerns and toward ultimate concerns and things that matter most.
It is also possible that spiritual awareness feeds back to influence self-
awareness. According to attachment theorists, spirituality as compensa-
tion might set in motion an “earned security” process for individuals who
are initially insecure with respect to attachment. As noted by Granqvist et
al. (2010), “it is even possible that a process of positive change in working
Cultural Differences in Self-Awareness 85
Summary
Cultural differences in self-awareness lay the foundation for differences in
spiritual awareness. Among Westerners, the shift is from one’s own first
person perspective to the perspective of an all-powerful God, from an
independent sense of self to a self aligned with God, and from a concern
with self-esteem to a concern with God’s approval. Among Easterners, in
contrast, the shift is from a secular, collectivistic worldview to a worldview
emphasizing a common humanity, from an interdependent sense of self to
a nonself, and from a concern with maintaining face to a concern with com-
passion and not judging self or others.
Increased spiritual awareness requires three elements:
•• First, it requires cognitive changes in adolescence, leading to increased
self-awareness. The nature of self-awareness in different cultures depends
on the perspective, conception of self, and form of evaluation that is
prevalent in the culture.
•• Second, it requires high levels of mortality salience, which result from
threats to self and to self-awareness. Adolescents do not just fear death of
the body, but also loss of consciousness. The ways in which adolescents
negotiate mortality salience differs across cultures largely because of cul-
tural differences in self-awareness.
•• Third, spiritual awareness requires spiritual worldviews, which are prev-
alent in each culture and which become more accessible under condi-
tions of mortality salience.
Differences between European-Americans’ Christian spiritual awareness
and East Asians’ Buddhist spiritual awareness reflect culturally specific
solutions to universal existential problems engendered by the interaction of
self-awareness and mortality salience.
86 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
Notes
1. Opposite dynamics have also been found – inducing mortality salience (e.g., sublimi-
nally presenting words about death) leads to increased concerns about self-awareness,
as indicated by efforts to decrease self-awareness (Arndt et al., 1998).
References
Arndt, J., Greenberg, J., Simon, L., Pyszczynski, T., & Solomon, S. (1998). Terror man-
agement and self-awareness: Evidence that mortality salience provokes avoidance
of the self-focus state. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 24, 1216–1227.
Bacow, T. L., Pincus, D. B., Ehrenreich, J. T., & Brody, L. R. (2009). The metacogni-
tions questionnaire for children: Development and validation in a clinical sample
of children and adolescents with anxiety disorders. Journal of Anxiety Disorders,
23, 727–736.
Bamford, C., & Lagattuta, K. H. (2010). A new look at children’s understanding of mind
and emotion: The case of prayer. Developmental Psychology, 46, 78–92.
Bargh, J. A. (2004). Bypassing the will: Towards demystifying the nonconscious con-
trol of social behavior. In R. R. Hassin, J. S. Uleman, & J.A. Bargh (Eds.), The new
unconscious (pp. 37–60). New York: Oxford University Press.
Baumeister, R. F. (1987). How the self became a problem: A psychological review of his-
torical research. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 163–176.
(2010). The self. In R. F. Baumeister & E. J. Finkel (Eds.), Advanced social psychology:
The state of the science (pp. 139–176). New York: Oxford University Press.
Beaman, A. L., Klentz, B., Diener, E., & Svanum, S. (1979). Self-awareness and transgres-
sion in children: Two field studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37,
835–846.
Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss: Vol. 1. Attachment (2nd ed.). New York: Basic
Books.
Brehm, J. W., Wright, R. A., Solomon, S., Silka, K., & Greenberg, J. (1983). Perceived dif-
ficulty, energization, and the magnitude of good valence. Journal of Experimental
Social Psychology, 19, 21–48.
Broughton, J. (1978). Development of concepts of self, mind, reality, and knowledge. In
W. Damon (Ed.), Social cognition: New directions for child development. Vol. 1 (pp.
75–100). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Brown, K. W., & Ryan, R. M. (2003). The benefits of being present: Mindfulness and its
role in psychological well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84,
822–848.
Burke, B. L., Martens, A., & Faucher, E. H. (2010). Two decades of terror manage-
ment theory: A meta-analysis of mortality salience research. Personality & Social
Psychology Review, 14, 155–195.
Callaghan, T. C., Rochat, P., Lillard, A., Claux, M. L., Odden, H., Itakura, S., … Singh,
S. (2005). Synchrony in the onset of mental-state reasoning. Psychological Science,
16, 378–384.
Carpendale, J. I., & Chandler, M. J. (1996). On the distinction between false belief under-
standing and subscribing to an interpretive theory of mind. Child Development, 67,
1686–1706.
Cultural Differences in Self-Awareness 87
Chandler, M. J., Sokol, B. W., & Hallett, D. (2001). Moral responsibility and the interpre-
tative turn: Children’s changing conceptions of truth and rightness. In B. F. Malle,
L. J. Moses, & D. A. Baldwin (Eds.), Intentions and intentionality: Foundations of
social cognition (pp. 345–366). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Chiu, C. Y., Gelfand, M. J., Yamagishi, T., Shteynberg, G., & Wan, C. (2010).
Intersubjective culture: The role of intersubjective perceptions in cross-cultural
research. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5, 482–493.
Choudhury, S., Blakemore, S. J., & Charman, T. (2006). Social cognitive development
during adolescence. Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, 1, 165–174.
Cohen, D., Hoshino-Browne, E., & Leung, A. (2007). Culture and the structure of per-
sonal experience: Insider and outsider phenomonologies of the self and social
world. In M. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology, 39 (pp.
1–67). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Creswell, J. D., Lam, S., Stanton, A. L., Taylor, S. E., Bower, J. E., & Sherman, D. K. (2007).
Does self-affirmation, cognitive processing, or discovery of meaning explain can-
cer-related health benefits of expressive writing? Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 33, 238–250.
Damon, W., & Hart, D. (1982). The development of self understanding from infancy
through adolescence. Child Development, 53, 841–864.
Dechesne, M., Pyszczynski, T., Arndt, J., Ransom, S., Sheldon, K. M., van Knippenberg,
A., & Jannsen, J. (2003). Literal and symbolic immortality: The effect of evidence of
literal immortality on self-esteem striving in response to mortality salience. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 722–737.
Demers, I., Bernier, A., Tarabulsy, G., & Provost, M. (2010). Maternal and child char-
acteristics as antecedents of maternal mind-mindedness. Infant Mental Health
Journal, 31, 94–112.
Dosch, M., Loenneker, T., Bucher, K., Martin, E., & Klaver, P. (2010). Learning to appre-
ciate others: Neural development of cognitive perspective taking. Neuroimage, 50,
837–846.
Duval, T. S., & Silvia, P. J. (2002). Self-awareness, probability of improvement, and the
self-serving bias. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 49–61.
Duval, T. S., & Wicklund, R. A. (1972). A theory of objective self-awareness. New York:
Academic Press.
Ekman, P., Davidson, R. J., Ricard, M., & Wallace, B. A. (2005). Buddhist and psycholog-
ical perspectives on emotions and well being. Current Directions in Psychological
Science, 14, 59–63.
Elkind, D. (1985). Egocentrism redux. Developmental Review, 5, 218–226.
Enright, R. D., Shukla, D. G., & Lapsley, D. K. (1980). Adolescent egocentrism-sociocen-
trism and self-consciousness. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 9, 101–115.
Epley, N., Keysar, B., Van Boven, L., & Gilovich, T. (2004). Perspective taking as ego-
centric anchoring and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87,
327–339.
Flavell, J. H. (1999). Cognitive development: Children’s knowledge about the mind.
Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 21–45.
Fredrickson, B. L. (2004). Gratitude, like other positive emotions, broadens and builds.
In R. A. Emmons & M. E. McCullough (Eds.), The psychology of gratitude (pp.
145–166). New York: Oxford University Press.
88 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
Froming, W. J., Walker, G. R., & Lopyan, K. J. (1982). Public and private self-awareness:
When personal attitudes conflict with societal expectations. Journal of Experimental
Social Psychology, 18, 476–487.
Goukens, C., Dewitte, S., & Warlop, L. (2009). Me, myself, and my choices: The influence
of private self-awareness on choice. Journal of Marketing Research, 46, 682–692.
Granqvist, P. (1998). Religiousness and perceived childhood attachment: On the ques-
tion of compensation or correspondence. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion,
37, 350–367.
(2002). Attachment and religiosity in adolescence: Cross-sectional and longitudinal
evaluations. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 260–270.
Granqvist, P., & Hagekull, B. (1999). Religiousness and perceived childhood attachment:
Profiling socialized correspondence and emotional compensation. Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion, 38, 254–273.
Granqvist, P., & Kirkpatrick, L. A. (2004). Religious conversion and perceived childhood
attachment: A meta-analysis. International Journal for the Psychology of Religion,
14, 223–250.
Granqvist, P., Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2010). Religion as attachment: Normative
processes and individual differences. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 14,
49–59.
Greenberg, J., Pyszczynski, T., & Solomon, S. (1986). The causes and consequences of
the need for self-esteem: A terror management theory. In R. F. Baumeister (Ed.),
Public self and private self (pp. 189–212). New York: Springer-Verlag.
Greenberg, J., Pyszczynski, T., Solomon, S., Rosenblatt, A., Veeder, M., Kirkland, S., &
Lyon, D. (1990). Evidence for terror management theory II: The effects of mortal-
ity salience on reactions to those who threaten or bolster the cultural worldview.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 58, 308–318.
Greenberg, J., Sullivan, D., Kosloff, S., & Solomon, S. (2006). Souls do not live by cogni-
tive inclinations alone, but by the desire to exist beyond death as well. Behavioral
and Brain Sciences, 29, 474–475.
Greenfield, P. M., Keller, H., Fuligni, A., & Maynard, A. (2003). Cultural pathways
through universal development. Annual Review of Psychology, 54, 461–490.
Guroglu B., van den Bos, W., & Crone, E. A. (2009). Fairness considerations: Increasing
understanding of intentionality in adolescence. Journal of Experimental Child
Psychology, 104, 398–409.
Haidt, J. (2006). The happiness hypothesis: Finding modern truth in ancient wisdom. New
York: Basic Books.
Happé, F. G. E. (1994). An advanced test of theory of mind: Understanding of story char-
acters’ thoughts and feelings by able autistic, mentally handicapped, and normal
children and adults. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 24, 129–154.
Harris, P. L., Johnson, C. N., Hutton, D., Andrews, G., & Cooke, T. (1989). Young chil-
dren’s theory of mind and emotion. Cognition and Emotion, 3, 379–400.
Hart, J., & Goldenberg, J. L. (2007). A terror management perspective on spirituality and
the problem of the body. In A. Tomer, G. T. Eliason, & P. T. P. Wong (Eds.), Existential
and spiritual issues in death attitudes (pp. 91–114). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Heatherton, T. F. (2011). Neuroscience of self and self-regulation. Annual Review of
Psychology, 62, 363–390.
Cultural Differences in Self-Awareness 89
Heine, S. J. (2001). Self as a product of culture: An examination of East Asian and North
American selves. Journal of Personality, 69, 881–906.
Heine, S. J., & Hamamura, T. (2007). In search of East Asian self-enhancement.
Personality and Social Psychology Review, 11, 4–27.
Heine, S. J., Harihara, M., & Niiya, Y. (2002). Terror management in Japan. Asian Journal
of Social Psychology, 5, 187–196.
Heine, S. J., Takemoto, T., Moskalenko, S., Lasaleta, J., & Henrich, J. (2008). Mirrors
in the head: Cultural variation in objective self-awareness. Personality and Social
Psychology Bulletin, 34, 879–887.
Hesse, H. (2008). Siddhartha (EBook). Retrieved from http://www.gutenberg.org/
files/2500/2500-h/2500-h.htm
Heyman, G. D., Fu, G., & Lee, K. (2007). Evaluating claims people make about them-
selves: The development of skepticism. Child Development, 78, 367–375.
Ho, D., & Ho, R. (2007). Measuring spirituality and spiritual emptiness: Toward ecume-
nicity and transcultural applicability. Review of General Psychology, 11, 62–74.
Hughes, C., & Leekam, S. (2004). What are the links between theory of mind and social
relations? Review, reflections and new directions for studies of typical and atypical
development. Social Development, 13, 598–619.
Imada, T., & Kitayama, S. (2010). Social eyes and choice justification: Culture and disso-
nance revisited. Social Cognition, 28, 589–608.
Inhelder, B., & Piaget, J. (1958). The growth of logical thinking from childhood to adoles-
cence. New York: Basic Books.
Jonas, E., & Fischer, P. (2006). Terror management and religion: Evidence that intrinsic
religiousness mitigates worldview defense following mortality salience. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 91, 553–567.
Kashima, E. S., Halloran, M., Yuki, M., & Kashima, Y. (2004). The effects of personal and
collective mortality salience on individualism: Comparing Australians and Japanese
with higher and lower self-esteem. Journal of Experiment Social Psychology, 40,
384–392.
Kim, H. S. (2009). Express your social self: Cultural differences in choice of brand-
name versus generic products. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35,
1555–1566.
Kim, Y. H., & Cohen, D. (2010). The jury and abjury of my peers: The self in face and
dignity cultures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98, 904–916.
Kirkpatrick, L. A., & Shaver, P. R. (1990). Attachment theory and religion: Childhood
attachments, religious beliefs, and conversion. Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion, 29, 315–334.
Kitayama, S., & Imada, T. (2010). Implicit independence and interdependence. In B.
Mesquita, L. Feldman Barret, & E. Smith (Eds.), The mind in context (pp. 174–200).
New York: Guildford.
Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., Matsumoto, H., & Norasakkunkit, V. (1997). Individual and
collective processes in the construction of the self: Self-enhancement in the United
States and self-criticism in Japan. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72,
1245–1267.
Kitayama, S., Snibbe, A. C., Markus, H. R., & Suzuki, T. (2004). Is there any “free” choice?
Self and dissonance in two cultures. Psychological Science, 15, 527–533.
90 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
Koole, S. L., & Van den Berg, A. E. (2004). Paradise lost and reclaimed: An existen-
tial motives analysis of human-nature relations. In J. Greenberg, S. L. Koole, &
T. Pyszczinsky (Eds.), Handbook of experimental existential psychology (pp. 86–103).
New York: Guildford.
Lalwani, A. K., & Shavitt, S. (2009). The “me” I claim to be: Cultural self-construal elicits
self-presentational goal pursuit. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 97,
88–102.
Lalwani, A. K., Shrum, L. J., & Chiu, C. Y. (2009). Motivated response style: The role
of cultural values, regulatory focus, and self-consciousness in socially desirable
responding. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 96, 870–882.
Leary, M. R., Adams, C. E., & Tate, E. B. (2006). Hypo-egoic self-regulation: Exercising
self-control by diminishing the influence of the self. Journal of Personality, 74,
1803–1831.
Lillard, A. S. (1998). Ethnopsychologies: Cultural variations in theories of mind.
Psychological Bulletin, 123, 3–32.
Liu, D., Wellman, H. M., Tardif, T., & Sabbagh, M. A. (2008). Theory of mind devel-
opment in Chinese children: A meta-analysis of false belief understanding across
cultures and languages. Developmental Psychology, 44, 523–531.
Mandel, N., & Smeesters, D. (2008). The sweet escape: The effects of mortality salience
on consumption quantities for low and high self-esteem consumers. Journal of
Consumer Research, 35, 309–323.
Markus, H., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition,
emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Mazor, A., & Enright, R. D. (1988). The development of the individuation process from
a social-cognitive perspective. Journal of Adolescence, 11, 29–47.
McCullough, M. E., Emmons, R. A., & Tsang, J. (2002). The grateful disposition: A con-
ceptual and empirical topography. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82,
112–127.
McCullough, M. E., & Willoughby, B. L. B. (2009). Religion, self control, and self-
regulation: Associations, explanations, and implications. Psychological Bulletin,
135, 69–93.
Meins, E., Fernyhough, C., Wainwright, R., Clark-Carter, D., Gupta, M. D., Fradley,
E., … Tuckey, M. (2003). Pathways to understanding mind: Construct validity
and predictive validity of maternal mind-mindedness. Child Development, 74,
1194–1211.
Mikulincer, M. (1998). Attachment working models and the sense of trust: An explo-
ration of interaction goals and affect regulation. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 74, 1209–1224.
Miller, J. G. (1994). Cultural diversity in the morality of caring: Individually oriented
versus duty-based interpersonal codes. Cross-Cultural Research, 28, 3–39.
Miller, P. J., Sandel, T. L., Liang, C. H., & Fung, H. (2001). Narrating transgressions in
Longwood: The discourses, meanings, and paradoxes of an American socializing
practice. Ethos, 29, 159–186.
Miller, P. J., Wang, S., Sandel, T., & Cho, G. E. (2002). Self-esteem as folk theory: A
comparison of European American and Taiwanese mothers’ beliefs. In C. S. Tamis-
LeMonda & R. Harwood (Eds.), Special issue of parenting: Science & practice:
Parental ethnotheories: Cultural practices and normative development, 2, 209–239.
Cultural Differences in Self-Awareness 91
Na, J., & Kitayama, S. (2010). Motivational effects of choice in East and West: The moder-
ating role of social eyes priming. Unpublished manuscript, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor.
Newman, L. S., Duff, K. J., & Baumeister, R. F. (1997). A new look at defensive projec-
tion: Thought suppression, accessibility, and biased person perception. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 980–1001.
Oosterwegel, A., & Oppenheimer, L. (2002). Jumping to awareness of conflict between
self representations and its relation to psychological well-being. International
Journal of Behavioral Development, 26, 548–555.
Patall, E. A., Cooper, H., & Robinson, J. C. (2008). The effects of choice on intrinsic moti-
vation and related outcomes: A meta-analysis of research findings. Psychological
Bulletin, 134, 270–300.
Perner, J., & Wimmer, H. (1985). “John thinks that Mary thinks that…” Attribution
of second-order beliefs by 5–10 year old children. Journal of Experimental Child
Psychology, 39, 437–471.
Pham, M. T., Goukens, C., Lehmann, D. R., & Stuart, J. A. (2010). Shaping customer
satisfaction through self-awareness cues. Journal of Marketing Research, 47,
920–932.
Pillow, B. H., & Henrichon, A. J. (1996). There’s more to the picture than meets the eye:
Young children’s difficulty understanding biased interpretation. Child Development,
67, 803–819.
Proulx, T., & Chandler, M. J. (2009). Jekyll and Hyde and me: Age-graded differences in
conceptions of self-unity. Human Development, 52, 261–286.
Pyszczynski, T., Abdollahi, A., Solomon, S., Greenberg, J., Cohen, F., & Weise, D. (2006).
Mortality salience, martyrdom, and military might: The great Satan versus the axis
of evil. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32, 525–537.
Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., & Solomon, S. (1999). A dual-process model of defense
against conscious and unconscious death-related thoughts: An extension of terror
management theory. Psychological Review, 106, 835–845.
Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Arndt, J., & Schimel, J. (2004). Why do peo-
ple need self-esteem? A theoretical and empirical review. Psychological Bulletin,
130, 435–468.
Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., & Hamilton, J. (1990). A terror management
analysis of self-awareness and anxiety: The hierarchy of terror. Anxiety Research,
2, 177–195.
Rachlin, H. (2000). The science of self-control. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Reinert, D., & Edwards, C. (2009). Attachment theory, childhood mistreatment, and
religiosity. Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, 1, 25–34.
Roberts, J. E., Kassel, J. D., & Gotlib, I. H. (1996). Adult attachment security and symp-
toms of depression: The mediating role of dysfunctional attitudes and low self-
esteem. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 310–320.
Rothbaum, F., Pott, M., Azuma, H., Myake, K., & Weisz, J. (2000). The development of
close relationships in Japan and the United States: Paths of symbiotic harmony and
generative tension. Child Development, 71, 1121–1142.
Rothbaum, F., & Trommsdorff, G. (2007). Do roots and wings complement or oppose
one another? The socialization of relatedness and autonomy in cultural context. In
92 Rothbaum, Wang, and Cohen
Tsai, J. L., Miao, F. F., & Seppala, E. (2007). Good feelings in Christianity and Buddhism:
Religious differences in ideal affect. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 33,
409–421.
Twenge, J. M., Catanese, K. R., & Baumeister, R. F. (2003). Social exclusion and the
deconstructed state: Time perception, meaninglessness, lethargy, lack of emotion,
and self awareness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 409–423.
United States Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
(2004). International Religious Freedom Report. Retrieved from http://www.state.
gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2004/c12779.htm.
Vail, K. E., Rothschild, Z. K., Weise, D. R., Solomon, S., Pyszczynski, T., & Greenberg,
J. (2010). A terror management analysis of the psychological functions of religion.
Personality and Social Psychology Review, 14, 84–94.
Wachholtz, A. B., & Pearce, M. J. (2009). Does spirituality as a coping mechanism help
or hinder coping with chronic pain? Current Pain and Headache Reports, 13,
127–132.
Wakimoto, R. (2006). Mortality salience effects on modesty and relative self-effacement.
Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 9, 176–183.
Walach, H., Buchheld, N., Buttenmüller, V., Kleinknecht, N., & Schmidt, S. (2006).
Measuring mindfulness – the Freiburg Mindfulness Inventory (FMI). Personality
and Individual Differences, 40, 1543–1555.
Wang Y. Z., Wiley, A. R., & Chiu, C. Y. (2008). Independence-supportive praise versus
independence-promoting praise. International Journal of Behavioral Development,
32, 13–20.
Wenzlaff, R. M., & Wegner, D. M. (2000). Thought suppression. Annual Review of
Psychology, 51, 59–91.
Wicklund, R. A., & Gollwitzer, P. M. (1982). Symbolic self-completion. Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Wiekens, C. J., & Stapel, D. A. (2010). Self-awareness and saliency of social versus indi-
vidualistic behavioral standards. Social Psychology, 41, 10–19.
Wu, S., & Keysar, B. (2007). Cultural effects on perspective taking. Psychological Science,
18, 600–606.
Wu, X. (2009). The dynamics of Chinese face mechanisms and classroom behaviour: A
case study. Evaluation & Research in Education, 22, 87–105.
Yen, C. L., & Cheng, C. P. (2010). Terror management among Taiwanese: Worldview
defense or resigning to fate? Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 13, 185–194.
Part Two
Universal and Culture-specific
Functions of Adolescent Values and
Religion
4 Values and Religion in Adolescent Development
Cross-National and Comparative Evidence
Shalom H. Schwartz
Abstract
This chapter briefly reviews the nature of ten basic values recognized in cul-
tures around the world that influence attitudes and behavior in all societ-
ies. Using data on Protestant, Roman Catholic, Muslim, Eastern Orthodox,
Jewish, and no religion samples of adolescents and adults from representa-
tive national samples from 30 countries, it addresses questions important
for understanding the development of adolescents’ values and the relations
of their values to religion. Research reveals that, by mid-adolescence, the
dynamic structure of conflicts and compatibilities that gives coherence to
adult value systems has already developed. Moreover, this holds in all six
religion groups. Thus, the structure of relations among the ten basic values is
largely a function of universal developmental processes rather than of social-
ization into particular religions. Adolescents understand and organize the
ten basic values in ways similar to adults, but their value priorities differ from
those of adults. Adolescents accord substantially less importance than adults
do to all of the other-oriented values. They are less concerned than adults
with promoting the welfare of members of their in-group (benevolence)
and of the wider society (universalism) and with avoiding change or uncer-
tainty (security, conformity, and tradition). On the other hand, adolescents
give higher priority than adults to self-enhancing values (achievement and
power) and to values that encourage the pursuit of excitement (stimulation)
and pleasure (hedonism). Values that emphasize autonomy (self-direction)
peak in late-adolescence and remain very important until the mid-30s before
declining thereafter. The chapter discusses aspects of development and
socialization that can account for these near universal trends and for small
changes in value priorities that occur between mid- and late-adolescence.
Do more and less religious adolescents differ in their value priorities? The
chapter reports that, strikingly, very similar patterns emerge regardless of
religion. Religiosity relates most positively to tradition values, positively to
97
98 Schwartz
Self-
Openness Direction Self-
to Change Universalism Transcendence
Creativity Social Justice
Freedom Equality
Stimulation
Exciting Life Benevolence
Helpfulness
Hedonism
Pleasure Tradition
Devoutness
Humility
Achievement
Success Conformity
Ambition Obedience
Self- Power
Enhancement Authority Security Conservation
Wealth Social
Order
and compatibility among the ten values (Schwartz, 1992, 2006; Schwartz &
Boehnke, 2004).
way” describes a person for whom self-direction values are important. “It is
important to him to be rich. He wants to have a lot of money and expensive
things” describes a person who cherishes power values. We inferred respon-
dents’ own values from their self-reported similarity to people described
implicitly in terms of particular values.
For each portrait, respondents answered: “How much like you is this
person?” Six labeled responses ranged from “not like me at all (1)” to “very
much like me (6).” The score for the importance of each value is the mean
response to the items that measure it. Two portraits operationalized each
value, with three for universalism because of its very broad content. To
eliminate individual differences in use of the response scale, each person’s
responses were centered on his or her own mean.
Universalism
v3
Self-Direction v8
v1 v19
v11 v18
Benevolence
Hedonism/
Stimulation
v12
v6
v21 v9
v10 Tradition
v15
v20
v13 v14
v4 v16
Achievement Power v17 v5
v2 Security v7 Conformity
rather than emerging in clearly distinct regions. Item 19, protecting the
environment, emerges in the universalism region for adults but in the adja-
cent benevolence region for adolescents. This suggests a slight difference in
the meaning of this value. Its location with benevolence, a value concerned
with the welfare of close others, suggests that adolescents see protecting
the environment as a more personal concern than adults do. This genera-
tional difference may reflect the much greater emphasis on preserving the
environment in the socialization and education of children as compared to
their parents.
From Figure 4.2 we can conclude that, when we take mid- and late ado-
lescents together, the significant distinctions among the basic values found
among adults are indeed already present. Moreover, separate multi-dimen-
sional scaling analyses of the value items in the mid- and late adolescent
samples yield virtually identical projections. In sum, on average, adoles-
cents apparently develop an understanding of the ten basic values by age
15, and they already make the distinctions among the values that they will
continue to make in adulthood.
Do adolescents recognize the same conflicts and compatibilities among
the basic values that adults do? That is, is the circular motivational struc-
ture, with the same opposed and compatible values, already present among
104 Schwartz
priorities does not appear to affect the way adolescents distinguish among
values and organize them into a coherent system. This does not mean that
social experience has no influence on the emergence of the value struc-
ture. The structure reflects the conflicts people experience when they must
choose between mutually opposed goals (Schwartz, 2006). Such conflicts
arise in the everyday experience of children, adolescents, and adults in all
human groups. They help to shape the structure of values.
The observed similarity of the value structure across groups makes it
legitimate to compare the values of these groups. It allows us to assume that
the meanings of the ten values are reasonably similar for adolescents and
adults and for adolescents from different religious groups. This is critical
when we look at similarities and differences in value priorities.
4.5
3.5
2.5
SEC CON TRA BEN UNI
Figure 4.3. Adolescents’ and adults’ priorities for other-oriented values compared.
Note: SEC = security, CON = conformity, TRA = tradition, BEN = benevolence, UNI =
universalism
wider society (Schwartz & Bardi, 2001). The change in tradition occurred
only among Protestant adolescents, for unclear reasons. The other-oriented
values became increasingly important with age from adolescence across
each succeeding adult cohort until at least age 75 (except for universalism
that levels off after age 50). For security and conformity values, however,
this trend begins only after adolescence.
Now consider the self-oriented values: self-direction, stimulation, hedo-
nism, achievement, and power. Figure 4.4 reveals that adolescents attri-
bute substantially more importance than adults do to all of them except
self-direction. Not surprisingly, stimulation and hedonism show the big-
gest differences. These values express adolescents’ greater pursuit of excite-
ment and pleasure as they explore and experiment, still relatively free of
the social role constraints and physical limitations of adulthood (Lerner
& Steinberg, 2009). Adolescents also give higher priority than adults do to
the self-enhancing values of achievement and power. This may reflect their
pursuit of social acceptance and success as part of their emerging identi-
ties (Jarvinen & Nichols, 1996). After adolescence, all four of these values
show decreased importance in each adult age cohort until at least age 75.
This decrease is already underway between mid- and late-adolescence for
stimulation, hedonism, and achievement values.
Self-direction values follow a somewhat different trajectory. These values
express the importance of autonomy of thought and action, of independence
in making decisions. They are at the peak of importance in late-adolescence
and remain very important until the mid-30s. During this period, individu-
als establish and consolidate their distinct identities in the world of work
Values and Religion in Adolescent Development 107
4.2
3.8
3.4
3
SDIR STIM HED ACH POW
Figure 4.4. Adolescents’ and adults’ priorities for self-oriented values compared.
Note: SDIR = self-direction, STIM = stimulation, HED = hedonism, ACH = achievement,
POW = power
and intimate relations, separate from their family of origin (Côté, 2009).
Thereafter, like the other self-oriented values, self-direction is less impor-
tant with each succeeding adult age cohort.
of religiosity with values. However, these differences may also make various
religions more or less attractive to adolescents depending on their values,
thereby affecting their implicit choices to be religious.
The bottom part of Table 4.1 reports the means and standard deviations
for the religious groups on the religiosity index, controlled for age and gen-
der. An analysis of covariance reveals that self-reported religiosity scores
of Muslim and Eastern Orthodox adolescents do not differ. However, both
have significantly higher scores than the other groups. Each of the other
groups differs significantly from those with lower scores. Not surprisingly,
adolescents who indicated no religious affiliation had a substantially lower
score (2.76, SD = .49). The variance of religiosity is especially large among
Jewish adolescents. This reflects the fact that being Jewish is both an eth-
nic and religious identity. One can be a secular as well as a religious Jew.
High variances of both traditional values and of religiosity account for the
extremely strong correlation between them among Jewish adolescents. A
detailed analysis of the observed differences on religiosity between religions
is beyond the scope of this chapter.
Citizenship: Supporting Those Who Are Worse Off. Virtually all religions
call upon their members to support those worse off than they are. Do ado-
lescents who are more religious respond to this call more than less religious
adolescents do? Does religiosity play a larger or smaller role than basic
values in the endorsement of this call? The most relevant basic values are
universalism that should promote concern for the weak in society and power
that should inhibit sacrificing own interests to support others. Respondents
were asked, “To be a good citizen, how important is it to support those who
are worse off?” Columns 3 and 4 of Table 4.2 show the results of regressing
responses to this question on values and religiosity.
Universalism and benevolence values contributed most positively to
support for those who are worse off, tradition values also contributed pos-
itively, and power values fostered opposition to endorsing this view. Girls
and younger adolescents viewed supporting others who are worse off as
more important. Together, the values, age, and gender explained 10.1 per-
cent of the variance in responses. Adding religiosity as a predictor (Table
4.2, column 4) increased the variance explained to 11.4 percent. Adding
religiosity reduced the contribution of tradition values to insignificance,
reflecting the correlation of religiosity with this basic value. Although reli-
giosity explained an additional 1.3 percent of the variance in the attitude
toward supporting the less well off, its contribution was less than that of
both universalism and benevolence values. The analysis suggests that ado-
lescents’ basic values have a stronger impact on their stance toward this
social behavior than their religiosity does.
112 Schwartz
1 2 3 4 5 6
congruence was also relatively high for power values. Value dissimilarity
was greatest for hedonism values. Adolescents’ values correlated approx-
imately .81 with their parents’ socialization values for tradition, .44 for
power values, but less than .28 for hedonism, benevolence, universalism,
and achievement values.
Did adolescents’ accuracy and/or acceptance of parental values account
for the levels of value similarity? For most values, both accuracy in perceiv-
ing the values parents sought to transmit and acceptance of those values
contributed to adolescent–parent value congruence. Indeed, the combina-
tion of accuracy and acceptance largely, although not completely, explained
the level of congruence. Across the ten values and four dyad combin-
ations, accuracy had a somewhat stronger impact on congruence than
acceptance did.
Two interesting variations merit comment. The relatively high congru-
ence for power values was due to an especially high level of acceptance.
Adolescents adopted the same orientation to controlling people and
resources they perceived their parents expressed through power values.
Regarding conformity, sons (but not daughters) tended both to misperceive
their parents’ conformity values and to reject the conformity values they
perceived. Thus, sons rebelled against their parents’ normative expecta-
tions, and their rebellion blinded them to the degree of conformity their
parents actually expected of them.
parents are high on both warmth and demandingness. They try to con-
sider the child’s point of view in setting standards, explain what they
demand, and are willing to negotiate. Indulgent parents are high on
warmth but low on demandingness. Autocratic (authoritarian) parents
are high on demandingness and low on warmth. Unlike authoritative
parents, they impose their standards on the child and do not negoti-
ate. Indifferent (permissive-neglectful) parents are low on both demand-
ingness and warmth. The following analyses of the effects of parenting
styles are based on the same sample discussed above (Knafo & Schwartz,
2003, 2005). Parental warmth and demandingness were measured as per-
ceived by adolescents.
The only parenting styles that correlated significantly with parent–
adolescent value congruence were those that affected both accuracy and
acceptance of perceived parental values. Indulgent and authoritative par-
enting were not related to congruence. Both correlated positively with
acceptance but not with accuracy. The warmth aspect of these two parent-
ing styles may have motivated adolescents to accept their parents’ values.
Yet indulgent parents may not articulate their values clearly enough to
enable adolescents to perceive them accurately. The index of authoritative
parenting was particularly weak. This may account for why, despite the fact
that authoritative parents make clear demands and explain them, this par-
enting style did not affect accuracy of perception.
The warmth (responsiveness) aspect of parenting was measured as a
latent variable based on seven items (Knafo & Schwartz, 2003). Warmth
correlated positively with accuracy, with acceptance, and with congruence.
Adolescents are likely to find interacting with warm, responsive parents
both comfortable and unthreatening and therefore, spend more time with
their parents. They would therefore have more opportunity to see and hear
what their parents value and, being less anxious, be able to better under-
stand the values their parents express. Warmth might also increase their
identification with their parents and motivate adolescents to accept their
parents’ values.
Both autocratic and indifferent parenting correlated negatively with accu-
racy, with acceptance, and with congruence. In Western cultures, autocratic
parenting is accompanied by anger, coercion, and humiliation of children
(Rudy & Grusec, 2001). This is likely to reduce adolescents’ desire to spend
time with their parents, to interfere with their ability to understand the
values their parents express, and to undermine their motivation to accept
whatever values they do perceive. Indifferent parenting provides no clear
expectations or standards from which to infer parental values accurately.
Values and Religion in Adolescent Development 117
Conclusion
Examination of the structure of values among adolescents from 30 countries
revealed that the near universal motivational structure of relations among
different values is already present by mid-adolescence. Adolescents experi-
ence the same conflicts and compatibilities among their values that adults
do. This pattern emerges even before adolescence. Socialization into partic-
ular religions with their unique value priorities does not appear to affect the
basic values adolescents distinguish or the way they organize these values
into a coherent system. Separate analyses of Roman Catholic, Protestant,
Eastern Orthodox, Muslim, Jewish, and non-religious adolescents yielded
virtually the same motivational structure of values.
Adolescents attribute substantially less importance than adults do to all
the other-oriented values: benevolence, universalism, security, conformity,
and tradition. They attribute substantially more importance than adults
do to four self-oriented values – hedonism, stimulation, achievement, and
power – but differ little in self-direction. Physical development and iden-
tity construction processes, together with social structural constraints and
opportunities, explain the adolescent–adult value differences. Between
mid- and late-adolescence, only small, but meaningful, changes occur in
value priorities.
Regardless of their religion, adolescents who are more religious give
higher priority to tradition and conformity values and lower priority to
hedonism, self-direction, stimulation, and power values than less religious
adolescents do. Religiosity relates only weakly to benevolence and univer-
salism values, despite the centrality of these values in religious doctrines.
118 Schwartz
The findings suggest that how religious adolescents are depends more on
their own value-based choice than on religious socialization. Adolescents’
value priorities have greater influence than their religiosity on the centrality
of the family in their lives and on how important they think it is to help the
needy and always to obey the law.
What may appear to be parental value transmission actually involves
active value acquisition by adolescents. Parent–adolescent value similarity
depends on accurate perception of parents’ socialization values and accep-
tance of these values. Various parenting factors influence value similarity by
affecting accuracy and acceptance. Exposure to parents’ social circles and
parental warmth and responsiveness increase similarity. Autocratic and
indifferent parenting and love withdrawal undermine similarity in Western
cultures.
Overall, what does this chapter and my other research suggest about the
joint roles of values and religiosity in adolescence? Adolescents actively
participate in acquiring their value priorities rather than passively inter-
nalizing them. Adolescents from different national and religious cultures
express their basic motivations through the same set of near universal
values. Although they are born into a particular religion (or none), how
religious adolescents are depends mainly on choices they make based on
their personal values. Among adolescents (as among adults), religiosity
expresses conservation and openness values. However, these are not the
main values that provide autonomous motivation for positive social behav-
ior. Rather, universalism and benevolence values promote such behavior
and power opposes it. Religion typically adds to this motivation primarily
through encouraging conformity to social expectations.
There are, of course, types of religion and religious people that give prior-
ity to a different set of values. The examination of relations between values
and religion presented here points to many questions for future research. I
conclude by mentioning only a few. (1) Do the associations between religi-
osity and value priorities described here hold for all types of religions? What
of nonestablished religions, non-monotheistic religions, religions that focus
on universalistic social action or that emphasize individual spirituality? (2)
Are there really differences between religions in the value priorities of their
adherents? Observed value differences are heavily confounded with demo-
graphic differences between religious groups and with the cultural, social,
economic, political, and historical characteristics of the countries in which
different religions are concentrated. Can impacts of religion per se be iso-
lated from those of these confounds? (3) Does the impact on social behav-
ior and attitudes of religiosity as compared with basic values vary across
Values and Religion in Adolescent Development 119
Notes
1. See, for example: Beech & Schoeppe (1974); Bilsky, Döring, Niemann, Rose, Schmitz,
Aryus, Drögekamp, & Sinderman, (in press); Boekaerts, de Koning, & Vedder (2006);
Bubeck & Bilsky (2004); Daniel, Benish-Weisman, Knafo, & Boehnke (in press);
Grusec & Kuczynski (1997); Harter (1999); Keats (1986); Knafo & Schwartz (2004);
Roccas (2005); Saroglou & Muñoz-García (2008); Saroglou, Pichon, Trompette,
Verschueren, & Dernelle (2005); Thompson, Meyer, & McGinley (2006).
2. Data downloaded on April 20, 2008 from http://ess.nsd.uib.no/streamer/?
module=download&year=-1&country=&download=\
Cumulative+Data\01%23ESS1–3+-+Cumulative+data+file%2C+edition+1.0\.\
ESS1–3e01.spss.zip. R Jowell and the Central Coordinating Team, European Social
Survey 2002/2003: Technical Report, London: Centre for Comparative Social Surveys,
City University (2003).
3. The coefficients in the index showed partial scalar invariance across all ESS countries
except Turkey. I use the Turkish coefficients Billiet and Meuleman provided for the
Muslim sample. Correlations are comparable across the five religious groups, but cau-
tion should be exercised in drawing conclusions about mean differences.
References
Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens
through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55, 469–480.
Bahr, H. M., & Chadwick, B. A. (1985). Religion and family in Middletown, USA.
Journal of Marriage and Family, 47, 407–414.
Baker, W. E. (2005). America’s crisis of values. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press.
Beech, R. P., & Schoeppe, A. (1974). Development of value systems in adolescents.
Developmental Psychology, 10, 656–664.
Billiet, J., & Meuleman, B. (2007, October). Religious diversity in Europe and its relation
to social attitudes and value orientations. Paper delivered at the European Social
Survey conference on Citizenship and Cultural Identities in the EU, Istanbul:
Turkey.
Bilsky, W., Döring, A. K., Niemann, F., Rose, I., Schmitz, J., Aryus, K., … Sinderman,
J. (in press). Investigating children’s value structures – Testing and expanding the
limits. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology.
Boekaerts, M., de Koning, E., & Vedder, P. (2006). Goal-directed behavior and con-
textual factors in the classroom: An innovative approach to the study of multiple
goals. Educational Psychologist, 41, 33–51.
Bubeck, M., & Bilsky, W. (2004). Value structure at an early age. Swiss Journal of
Psychology, 63, 31–41.
120 Schwartz
Collins, W. A., Welsh, D. P., & Furman, W. (2009). Adolescent romantic relationships.
Annual Review of Psychology, 60, 631–652.
Côté, J. E. (2009). Identity formation and self-development in adolescence. In R. Lerner
& L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology. Volume 1: Individual bases
of adolescent development (pp. 266–304). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons.
Daniel, E., Benish-Weisman, M., Knafo, A., & Boehnke, K. (in press). Personal and cul-
ture-dependent values as part of immigrant adolescent identity. In R. K. Silbereisen
& Y. Shavit (Eds.), Living together apart: Migrants in Israel and Germany.
Darling, N., & Steinberg, L. (1993). Parenting style as context: An integrative model.
Psychological Bulletin, 113, 487–496.
Döring, A. K., Blauensteiner, A., Aryus, K., Drögekamp, L., & Bilsky, W. (2010). Assessing
values at an early age: The picture-based value survey for children (PBVS–C).
Journal of Personality Assessment, 92, 439–448.
Durkheim, E. (1954/1912). The elementary forms of religious life. J. W. Swain (trans.)
Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Elliott, G. R., & Feldman, S. S. (1990). Capturing the adolescent experience. In S. S.
Feldman & G. R. Elliott (Eds.), At the threshold: The developing adolescent (pp.
1–14). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Gallagher, E. V. (1997). God and country: Revolution as a religious imperative on the
radical right. Terrorism and Political Violence, 9, 63–79.
Grusec, J. E., & Goodnow, J. J. (1994). Impact of parental discipline methods on the
child’s internalization of values: A reconceptualization of current points of view.
Developmental Psychology, 30, 4–19.
Grusec, J. E., & Kuczynski, L. (1997). Parenting and children’s internalization of values.
New York: Wiley.
Hamilton, M. (2001). The sociology of religion: Theoretical and comparative perspectives.
London: Routledge.
Harter, S. (1999). The normative development of self-representations during adoles-
cence. In S. Harter (Ed.), The construction of the self: A developmental perspective.
New York: Guilford.
Homer, P. M. (1993). Transmission of human values: A cross-cultural investigation
of generational and reciprocal influence effects. Genetic, Social, and General
Psychology Monographs, 119, 343–367.
Hood, R. W. Jr., Hill, P. C., & Spilka, B. (2009). The psychology of religion: An empirical
approach, 4th Ed. New York: Guilford Press.
Jarvinen, D. W., & Nichols, J. G. (1996). Adolescents’ social goals, beliefs about the causes
of social success, and satisfaction in peer relations. Developmental Psychology, 32,
435–441.
Kalish, R. A., & Johnson, A. I. (1972). Value similarities and differences in three genera-
tions of women. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 34, 49–54.
Keats, D. M. (1986). A cross-cultural model for the development of values. Australian
Journal of Psychology, 38, 297–308.
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2001). Value socialization in families of Israeli-born
and Soviet-born adolescents in Israel. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32,
213–228.
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2003). Parenting and adolescents’ accuracy in perceiving
parental values. Child Development, 73, 595–611.
Values and Religion in Adolescent Development 121
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2004). Identity formation and parent–child value congru-
ence in adolescence. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 22, 439–458.
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2008). Accounting for parent–child value congru-
ence: Theoretical considerations and empirical evidence. In U. Schönpflug
(Ed.), Perspectives on cultural transmission (pp. 240–268). New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Knafo, A., & Spinath, F. M. (2011). Genetic and environmental influences on girls’ and boys’
gender-typed and gender-neutral values. Developmental Psychology, 47, 726–731.
Lerner, R. M., & Steinberg, L. (Eds.). (2009). Handbook of adolescent psychology, 3rd Ed.,
Volume 1: Individual bases of adolescent development. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of the family: Parent-
child interaction. In P. H. Mussen (Series Ed.) & E. M. Hetherington (Vol. Ed.),
Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 4. Socialization, personality, and social develop-
ment (pp. 1–102). New York: Wiley.
Melech, G. (2001). Value Development in Adolescence [in Hebrew]. Unpublished doc-
toral dissertation. The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Miller, R. B., & Glass, J. (1989). Parent-child similarity across the life course. Journal of
Marriage and the Family, 51, 991–997.
Roccas, S. (2005). Religion and value systems. Journal of Social Issues, 61, 747–59.
Rokeach, M. (1973). The nature of human values. New York: Free Press.
Rudy, D., & Grusec, J. E. (2001). Correlates of authoritarian parenting in individualist
and collectivist cultures and implications for understanding the transmission of
values. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32, 202–212.
Saroglou, V., & Muñoz-García, A. (2008). Individual differences in religion and spiritu-
ality: An issue of personality traits and/or values. Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion, 47, 83–101.
Saroglou, V., Pichon, I., Trompette, L., Verschueren, M., & Dernelle, R. (2005). Prosocial
behavior and religion: New evidence based on projective measures and peer rat-
ings. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 44, 323–48.
Schwartz, S. H. (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical
advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. Advances in Experimental Social
Psychology, 25, 1–65.
(2003). A proposal for measuring value orientations across nations. Chapter 7 in
the Questionnaire Development Package of the European Social Survey. Website:
http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/index.php?option=com_docman&
task=doc_view&gid=126&Itemid=80.
(2006). A theory of cultural value orientations: Explication and applications.
Comparative Sociology, 5, 136–182.
Schwartz, S. H., & Bardi, A. (2001). Value hierarchies across cultures: Taking a similari-
ties perspective. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32, 268–290.
Schwartz, S. H., & Boehnke, K. (2004). Evaluating the structure of human values with
confirmatory factor analysis. Journal of Research in Personality, 38, 230–255.
Schwartz, S. H., & Huismans, S. (1995). Value priorities and religiosity in four Western
religions. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58, 88–107.
Schwartz, S. H., Melech, G., Lehmann, A., Burgess, S., & Harris, M. (2001). Extending
the cross-cultural validity of the theory of basic human values with a different
method of measurement. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32, 519–542.
122 Schwartz
Sherkat, D. E., & Ellison, C. G. (1999). Recent developments and current controversies
in the sociology of religion. Annual Review of Sociology, 25, 363–394.
Siegal, M., & Barclay, M. S. (1985). Children’s evaluations of fathers’ socialization behav-
ior. Developmental Psychology, 21, 1090–1096.
Smetana, J. G. (2000). Middle class African American adolescents’ and parents’ concep-
tions of parental authority and parenting practices: A longitudinal investigation.
Child Development, 71, 1682–1686.
Thompson, R. A., Meyer, S., & McGinley, M. (2006). Understanding values in rela-
tionships: The development of conscience. In M. Killen & J. G. Smetana (Eds.),
Handbook of moral development (pp. 267–297). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Weber, M. (1905/1958). The Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. New York:
Scribner’s.
5 Religion and Life Satisfaction of Young
Persons around the World
Personal Values and Societal Context
Abstract
Current satisfaction with life may be taken as a positive achievement for
youth, and considered a prophylactic against antisocial and self-destructive
behavior. The roles of a youth’s values and religious engagement in the
achievement of satisfaction with life were explored in this study, using the
most recent data from the World Values Survey (WVS). Multinational in
provenance, the WVS affords the opportunity for researchers to explore
the impact of national context on the strength of the linkages from per-
sonality factors (such as values) and social factors (such as religious
engagement) to life satisfaction, thereby providing assurance of the uni-
versality or cultural groundedness of the psychological phenomenon in
question.
In this study, we examined the moderating roles of three societal factors:
human development, government restriction on religion, and social hostility
toward religion. We found that, at the national level, the reported life satisfac-
tion of youth was positively related to the level of development of a society;
at the individual level, it was negatively linked to their level of secularism in
value, but positively to their level of social-religious engagement. The nega-
tive role of secularism did not vary across nations, but the positive effect of
social-religious engagement on satisfaction with life was found to vary as
a function of the level of religious restriction in a society. Specifically, the
effect of social-religious engagement on life satisfaction among youth was
enhanced under the societal conditions of lower government restriction and
higher social hostility toward religion.
Together, these findings suggested that apart from general socioeconomic
development of a society, religious values and practices are also important
predictors of life satisfaction among youth; however, the impact of social-
religious practices appears to be susceptible to the influence of restriction on
religion imposed by a society on its members. We interpret these outcomes
123
124 Bond, Lun, and Li
in terms of youth’s apparently universal search for meaning and the social
support for religious belief provided by shared worship and societal struc-
tures that enhance or restrain the plausibility of religious belief in a secular
world (Berger, 1969).
“Far fewer studies have investigated the relation of such moral and value-
based characteristics as prosocial values, spirituality, moral character, personal
responsibility, a sense that one is making a meaningful contribution, to one’s
community, and personal identity with other indicators of adolescent and adult
well-being” (p. 399).
and functioning” (p. 1257). They list the following functions served by reli-
gious–spiritual concerns:
They can provide one with a cognitive map of the world that makes it meaning-
ful. Such worldview beliefs can fill many functions. They provide a paradigm
for, among other things, how the universe began, what the purpose of life is,
and how to understand injustice and death (Argyle & Beit-Hallahmi, 1975);
they may provide a buffer against mortality-based anxiety, enhancing a sense
of safety and security (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986), and they
may satisfy needs for a purpose in life, anchoring a sense of what is right and
wrong (Baumeister, 1991). Moreover, such beliefs connect people, enabling the
sharing of a system of values and rules that is obligatory for a social group
(Kuczkowski, 1993), values and rules that may be a prime guiding force for
actual behavior (Mądrzycki, 1996) (pp. 1257–1258).
may lie in the plethora of definitions and measurements that have been
developed by those studying the psychology of religion. Shek (2010) reports
thus:
Based on content analyses of 31 definitions of religiousness and 40 definitions
of spirituality, Scott (1997) reported that the conceptions [of both types of defi-
nitions] were distributed over nine content areas, with no definition containing
most of the conceptions in different domains. These content areas include: 1)
experiences related to connectedness or relationship; 2) processes contributing
to a higher level of connectedness; 3) reactions to sacred and secular things; 4)
beliefs or thoughts; 5) traditional institutional structures; 6) pleasurable exis-
tence; 7) beliefs in a sacred or higher being; 8) personal transcendence; and 9)
existential issues and concerns (p. 343, brackets added).
Each of these nine categories has inspired the creation of associated mea-
sures to assess the strength of that aspect of religious orientation in individ-
uals. Correlating such scores with various outcome measures is bound to
yield various conclusions regarding the positive, neutral, or negative conse-
quences of spiritual orientations.
Adding to the confusion is the possible impact of national–cultural con-
text on any of the reported findings on the psychology of religion – the
same process could show different strengths, or even reversals, in different
national–cultural groups (see e.g., Li & Bond, 2010). Multinational studies
thus become necessary to ascertain the universality or cultural grounded-
ness to the functioning of religious phenomena in young people. The cul-
tural context surrounding religious enactments by youth probably makes
a difference in how “religiousness” is conceptualized among the young
people.
An Empirical Demonstration
We tested the aforementioned hypotheses using the Wave 5 data of the
World Value Survey (WVS 2005–2008). Our focus was to understand the
effect of religious values and practices on the satisfaction with life among
youth, so only the data provided by young people between 15 and 24 years
Religion and Life Satisfaction of Young Persons 133
old were selected for analysis. Due to missing data on some or all of the
questionnaire items of current interest, only 9,618 young people (51.8
percent female) from 43 countries were included in the final analysis.
As for personal values, a person high in traditionalism endorsed author-
ity, the importance of God, and national pride more, but endorsed the
post-materialistic values of self-expression and independence, as well as
autonomy, less; the opposite would be true for a person high in secularism.
A person’s level of social-religious engagement was captured by the ques-
tion, “Apart from weddings, funerals and christenings, about how often do
you attend religious services these days?” This item was used as a measure
of the level of social-religious involvement of the participants. To assess
their level of life satisfaction, participants answered the question, “All things
considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these days?”
using a 10-point rating scale.
Social Indicators
The Human Development Index (HDI) was used as our measure of the
national context for human development. The HDI was devised by the
United Nations Development Program (UNDP) as part of the Human
Development Report. The index includes equally weighted measures of life
expectancy, educational development, and GDP to indicate a country’s level
of development. HDI ranges between 0 and 1, with a higher value indicating
a higher level of development in a society. The index in 2007 (UNDP, 2009)
was used to match the WVS Wave 5 data used in the present research.
The Government Restriction Index (GRI) and Social Hostilities Index
(SHI) were the two other measures of the national context for religious
practice. The Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life is a project involv-
ing the collation of information pertinent to religious practices in differ-
ent societies around the world (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life,
2009). According to the report of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public
Life regarding global restrictions surrounding religion, government actions
and hostility toward religious groups are the two main ways in which reli-
gion is restricted in a society. The measure of government restriction in
a society was created through identifying: “(1) constitutional restrictions
or restrictions based in national law or policy; (2) restrictions imposed by
government officials at any level, whether codified in law or not; (3) use of
force or coercion against religious groups by government agencies or their
representatives; and (4) government favoritism toward particular religious
groups” (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2009, p. 31).
134 Bond, Lun, and Li
1 2 3 4 5
1. Life Satisfaction (citizen mean) –
2. Secularism (citizen mean) .26 –
3. Social-Religious Engagement (citizen mean) –.41** –.74** –
4. GRI –.32* –.27 .16 –
5. SHI –.26 –.26 .24 .72** –
6. HDI .69** .65** –.71** –.17 –.14
the correlation between HDI and life satisfaction was significantly positive
at the country level.
6.5
Life satisfaction
6.0
The relationship between secularism and life satisfaction was not mod-
erated by any of the proposed social indicators. However, cross-level inter-
action effects were observed in the relationship between social-religious
engagement and life satisfaction. Specifically, both GRI and SHI moderated
the relationship between social-religious engagement and life satisfaction,
albeit in different directions. Figures 5.2 and 5.3, again produced by the
HLM software, depict these interactions. Although GRI and SHI are both
indicators of obstacles to unfettered religious practice in a society, hostili-
ties directed toward religious groups in the society strengthened the bene-
ficial effect of social-religious engagement on life satisfaction.1 As expected,
however, higher levels of governmental restriction on religion appeared to
be detrimental to the relationship between social-religious engagement and
life satisfaction.
These findings indicate that different sources of restrictive forces sur-
rounding religious involvement in a society function differently to affect
how social-religious engagement predicts a person’s satisfaction with life.
Paradoxically, the more proximal contextual factor of hostility strengthened
the link between social-religious practice and life satisfaction; the more dis-
tal contextual factor of governmental restrictions weakened that same link.
7.53
GRI = low
GRI = median
GRI = high
7.39
Life satisfaction
7.26
7.12
6.99
1.00 2.73 4.47 6.20 7.93
Social-religious engagement
Figure 5.2. Visual depiction of the interaction between GRI and social-religious engage-
ment in predicting life satisfaction.
7.21
Life satisfaction
7.09
6.96
6.84
1.00 2.75 4.50 6.25 8.00
Social-religious engagement
Figure 5.3. Visual depiction of the interaction between SHI and social-religious engage-
ment in predicting life satisfaction.
knowledge of the host of other personality factors influencing the life sat-
isfaction of youth.
Third, we should note that the negative relationship between secular-
ism and life satisfaction for youth occurs regardless of any other personal
or societal conditions. Perhaps it is a “contemporary universal” for youth;
indeed, for any generational cohort. Future research, inspired by this dem-
onstration, could assess the generalizability of this finding.
This consistent, negative relationship between secularism and life satis-
faction may be re-construed as a consistent, positive relationship between
traditionalism and life satisfaction. Traditionalism in values, as operation-
ally described in this study, involves the endorsement of a belief in God,
the value of obedience, respect for authority, national pride, and security
as opposed to the more secular emphases on self-determination, indepen-
dence, self-expression, and quality of life. So, the traditionalism associated
with life satisfaction for these contemporary youth has a deferential, submis-
sive quality, embracing religious and other sources of authority. The hunger
for stability and security provided by these bulwarks of support during a
searching stage of life (e.g., Erikson, 1964, on the developmental challenge
of identity versus role confusion or Eccles et al., 2003, on the importance of
meaning in life), and amid the welter of possible alternatives supported by
their less authoritative peers, may be decisive in promoting some degree of
life satisfaction for these young persons.
Berger (1967) has written persuasively of the human need for structure,
providing an endorsable meaning and sense of resolution to the uncer-
tainties of our “throwness” into the world. The religious dimension to this
resolution adds the element of transcendence to the struggle for meaning
and purpose, providing perspective and detachment from pressing worldly
alternatives for a youth’s decision regarding how to live. The religious com-
ponent to some youth’s traditionalism may add to their sense of satisfaction
already sustained by sources of authority in this world.
Such confirmation may be less important for other persons at different
stages of the life cycle. It will be recalled that the occasional reversals of
the positive relationship between traditionalism and life satisfaction in Li
and Bond (2010) was found in representative samples of the population age
groups, and then only for nations high in HDI. Given our present results
for Wave 5, we expect that a reanalysis of youth alone in Waves 1–4 would
reveal the pattern of results observed here, namely (for youth), secularism
in values is always associated with lower level of life satisfaction regardless
of their nation’s HDI.
140 Bond, Lun, and Li
However, certain other societal contexts support and sustain the strength
of the connection between social-religious engagement and life satisfaction.
Li and Bond (2010) have argued that the strengthening between a psycho-
logical input, like secularism of values for example, and life satisfaction is a
consequence of the stronger sense of worldview confirmation provided in
these contexts. So, in less developed societies, they showed that tradition-
alism was more strongly connected to life satisfaction because the plau-
sibility structures for a traditional worldview are more ubiquitous in less
modernized societies; uncertainty is thus less frequently provoked, and citi-
zens endorsing traditional values are sustained by these structures; they are
more satisfied with their lives.
We believe that the same confirmation dynamic arises for the positive
relationship between a youth’s social-religious engagement and his or her
life satisfaction. As shown in the present research, this social-psychological
process is strengthened in societies where there are either higher levels of
hostility directed toward religious groups or lower levels of governmental
restriction on religion. So, certain features of the national context matter;
there are undoubtedly other features of the national context moderating
this relationship.
It is compatible with our hypothetical “plausibility structures” that, in
societies with lower governmental restrictions on religions, the relation-
ship between religious engagement and life satisfaction should be stron-
ger – there is no direct institutional challenge to one’s religious practices.
However, why should the link between social-religious engagement and
life satisfaction be strengthened in societies where there is active hostility
against religious groups? Surely, this active aggression against religious
groups undercuts the plausibility of one’s religious belief.
Instead, societal hostility enhances the level of life satisfaction that results
from social-religious engagement. So, societal opposition to religion, more
directly and interpersonally expressed, is different in its social-psychological
impact than is resistance at the national–institutional level. We speculate
that the dynamics of group cohesion change when out-group hostility is
perceived to operate. First, less committed religious group members will
reduce their social-religious engagement. For those who remain, and as
research on realistic group conflict has shown, in-group cohesion will be
enhanced under conditions of hostility practiced against the in-group by
various out-groups (Levine & Campbell, 1972). Ironically, the hostility lev-
eled by out-group persons may act as a confirmation of in-group members’
beliefs.
142 Bond, Lun, and Li
Conclusion
Current satisfaction with life may be taken as a positive outcome for youth to
have achieved and may be considered a prophylactic against antisocial and
self-destructive behaviors. The roles of a youth’s values and religious practice
in the achievement of such a crucial outcome were explored in this study,
using the most recent data from the World Values Survey. As it is multina-
tional in provenance, the WVS enables researchers to explore the impact of
national–societal context on the strength of the linkages between individ-
ual characteristics (such as one’s basic value orientations) and interpersonal
dynamics (such as social-religious engagement) on a youth’s current satis-
faction with life, thereby providing some empirical assurance of the univer-
sality or cultural groundedness of the psychological processes in question.
In this paper, we examined the moderating roles of three national–societal
factors – a nation’s level of human development (HDI), its social hostility
toward religion, and its government’s restriction on religion – on these indi-
vidual processes. Both a youth’s traditionalism and social-religious engage-
ment associated positively and separately to his or her life satisfaction, an
outcome arising from youths’ need for a structured, transcendent, and socially
supported worldview. The positive effect of traditionalism (the opposite of
secularism) was consistent across nations, but the positive effect of social-
religious engagement on satisfaction with life was found to be qualified as a
function of the two types of religious restriction in a society. Specifically, the
link between social-religious engagement and life satisfaction among youth
was enhanced under the societal conditions of lower government restriction
and of higher social hostility. Thus, a youth’s religious values and social prac-
tices are important predictors of his or her life satisfaction, but the impact of
religious practice appears to be susceptible to the institutional and social sup-
port accorded to one’s religion in his or her nation. They were strengthened
Religion and Life Satisfaction of Young Persons 143
Notes
1. Given that GRI and SHI are highly positively correlated with each other, we were aware
of the possibility that suppressor effect may be the alternative explanation to the oppo-
site signs of their respective interactions with social-religious engagement. To exam-
ine this possibility, additional HLM analyses were conducted with these two indices
separated. In the model with GRI and HDI as level-2 predictors, it was found that the
interaction between GRI and social-religious engagement was still negative though
non-significant, b = –0.01, p = .14. In the model with SHI and HDI as level-2 predic-
tors, the interaction between SHI and social-religious engagement remained positive
but became statistically non-significant, b = 0.001, p = .81. Therefore, the opposite
signs of the two interaction terms may not be accounted for by statistical artifact.
References
Diener, E., Tay, L., & Myers, D. (2010). Religiosity and subjective well-being across the
world and the USA. Paper in revision.
Diener, E., & Tov, W. (2012). National accounts of well-being. In K. C. Land, A. C.
Michalos, & M. J. Sirgy (Eds.), Handbook of social indicators and quality of life
research (pp. 137–157). New York: Springer.
Eccles, J., & Gootman, J. A. (2002). Community programs to promote youth development.
Washington, DC: The National Academies Press.
Eccles, J., Templeton, J., Barber, B., & Stone, M. (2003). Adolescence and emerging adult-
hood: The critical passage ways to adulthood. In M. H. Bornstein, L. Davidson, C.
L. M. Keyes, & K. A. Moore (Eds.), Well-being: Positive development across the life
course (pp. 383–406). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Emmons, R. A. (1999). Religion in the psychology of personality: An introduction.
Journal of Personality, 67, 873–888.
Erikson, E. (1964). Childhood and society. New York: Norton.
Fu, P. P., Kennedy, J., Tata, J., Yukl, G., Bond, M. H., Peng, T. K. … Cheosakul, A. (2004).
The impact of societal cultural values and individual social beliefs on the per-
ceived effectiveness of managerial influence strategies: A meso approach. Journal
of International Business Studies, 35, 284–305.
Hofmann, D. A. (1997). An overview of the logic and rationale of hierarchical linear
models. Journal of Management, 23 (6), 723–744.
Hogg, M. A., Adelman, J. R., & Blagg, R. D. (2010). Religion in the face of uncertainty:
An uncertainty-identity theory account of religiousness. Personality and Social
Psychology Review, 14, 72–83.
Inglehart, R., & Klingemann, H. D. (2000). Genes, culture, democracy, and happiness.
In E. Diener & E. M. Suh (Eds.), Culture and subjective well-being (pp. 165–183).
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Kam, C. C. S., & Bond, M. H. (2008). The role of emotions and behavioral responses in
mediating the impact of face loss on relationship deterioration: Are Chinese more
face-sensitive than Americans? Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 11, 175–184.
Kleiner, K. (2010). Is life getting better? Moving beyond economic measures of well-
being. U of T Magazine, Winter, 29–32.
Kwan, V. S. Y., Bond, M. H., & Singelis, T. M. (1997). Pancultural explanations for life
satisfaction: Adding relationship harmony to self-esteem. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 73, 1038–1051.
Lai, J. H. W., Bond, M. H., & Hui, N. H. H. (2007). The role of social axioms in predicting
life satisfaction: A longitudinal study in Hong Kong. Journal of Happiness Studies,
8, 517–535.
Leung, K., & Bond, M. H. (1989). On the empirical identification of dimensions for
cross-cultural comparisons. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 20, 133–152.
(2004). Social axioms: A model for social beliefs in multicultural perspective.
Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 36, 119–197. San Diego, CA:
Elsevier Academic Press.
(2007). Psycho-logic and eco-logic: Insights from social axiom dimensions. In F.
van de Vijver, D. van Hemert, & Y. P. Poortinga (Eds.), Individuals and cultures in
multilevel analysis (pp. 199–221). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Levine, R. V., & Campbell, D. T. (1972). Ethnocentrism: Theories of conflict, ethnic atti-
tudes and group behavior. New York: Wiley.
Religion and Life Satisfaction of Young Persons 145
Li, L. M. W., & Bond, M. H. (2010). Does individual secularism promote life satisfac-
tion? The moderating role of societal development. Social Indicators Research, 99,
443–453.
Lykken, D., & Tellegen, A. (1996). Happiness is a stochastic phenomenon. Psychological
Science, 7, 186–189.
Matsumoto, D., Yoo, S. H., Nakagawa, S., Alexandre, J., Altarriba, J., Anguas-Wong, A. M.,
& Zengeya, A. (2008). Culture, emotion regulation, and adjustment. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 925–937.
Morrison, M., Tay, L., & Diener, E. (2010). Subjective well-being and national satisfac-
tion: Findings from a worldwide survey. Manuscript submitted for publication.
Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life (2009). Global Restrictions on Religion.
Retrieved August 24, 2010 from http://pewforum.org/uploadedFiles/Topics/
Issues/Government/restrictions-fullreport.pdf
Raudenbush, S. W., & Bryk, A. S. (2002). Hierarchical linear models: Applications and
data analysis methods (2nd ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Sagiv, L., & Schwartz, S. H. (2000). Value priorities and subjective well-being: Direct rela-
tions and congruity effects. European Journal of Social Psychology, 30, 177–198.
Saucier, G., & Skrzypińska, K. (2006). Spiritual but not religious? Evidence for two inde-
pendent dispositions. Journal of Personality, 74, 1257–1292.
Schwartz, S. H. (1994). Beyond individualism and collectivism: New cultural dimensions
of values. In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, Ç. Kağıtçıbaşı, S. C. Choi, & G. Yoon (Eds.),
Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method and applications (pp. 85–119).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Shek, D. T. L. (1993). Meaning in life and psychological well-being in Chinese college
students. The International Forum for Logotherapy, 16, 35–42.
(1999). Parenting characteristics and adolescent psychological well-being: A lon-
gitudinal study in a Chinese context. Genetic, Social and General Psychology
Monographs, 125, 27–44.
(2010). The spirituality of the Chinese people: A critical review. In M. H. Bond
(Ed.), The Oxford handbook of Chinese psychology (pp. 343–366). Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
UNDP (2009). Human Development Report. Retrieved August 24, 2010 from http://hdr.
undp.org/en/media/HDR_2009_EN_Complete.pdf
Veenhoven, R. (2005). If life getting better? How long and happily do people live in
modern society? European Psychologist, 10, 330–343.
6 Indonesian Muslim Adolescents and
the Ecology of Religion
Abstract
In this chapter, we provide an overview of our studies that have explored
the relations between Indonesian Muslim adolescents’ religiosity and spiri-
tuality with their social competence and their relationships with peers and
parents. We first reviewed our findings that individual differences in adoles-
cent religiosity and spirituality (SR) was associated with multiple aspects of
competence including positive associations with peer acceptance, prosocial
behavior, regulation, self-esteem, and academic achievement and negative
associations with externalizing behavior, loneliness, and aggression. We then
reviewed studies suggesting that religious adolescents tended to develop
friendships with others of similar religiosity. These associations predicted
that adolescents who were friends with highly religious peers increased
their religiosity over time. Finally, we looked at the interconnection between
parent–adolescent relations and adolescent SR and adjustment. Parental
warmth moderated the relation between parent religiosity and adolescent
SR, and SR mediated the relation between parental warmth, parental religi-
osity, and adolescent prosocial behavior. These results are consistent with our
view that in this highly religious community, religion is strongly associated
with multiple aspects of adolescents’ lives. Second, we argue that adolescent
religiosity must necessarily be understood within a relationship context, an
idea that is consistent with an ecological perspective on child and adolescent
religiousness.
146
Indonesian Muslim’s Ecology of Religion 147
Indonesia
Indonesia is the fourth most populous country and is the home of the largest
Muslim population. The participants in the studies reviewed in this chap-
ter attended public schools in Bandung, a city of approximately two million
inhabitants in West Java. This region is considered one of the most strongly
religious in Indonesia (Bianchi, 2004; Glicken, 1987) and the form of Islam
typically practiced here is similar to that practiced elsewhere in its focus on
the textual foundations of the Koran and its emphasis on the five pillars of
Islam (i.e., testimony of faith, performance of the five daily prayers, fasting
during Ramadan, almsgiving, and making the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca)
(Gade & Feener, 2004). The government is a democracy within which six
religions are officially recognized. Religious affiliation appears on official
identification cards and religion is a required subject in both public and
private schools. Although there have been some calls to incorporate Sharia
“Islamic law” into the judicial code (Bianchi, 2004), there is little public sup-
port for this (Davis & Robinson, 2006). In the year 2000 World Values Survey
of 18- to 24-year-old youth, 100 percent of the Indonesian sample indicated
that religion was very important in their daily life (Lippman & Keith, 2006),
providing further evidence of the importance of religion in this country.
The context within which religion is experienced by adolescents in our
sample differs in numerous ways from that typically experienced by youths
in North America and Europe. Adolescents in our sample attended schools
where almost all students, as well as most of their teachers, were Muslim.
Furthermore, Islam in Indonesia is interwoven with culture and tied into
collectivist patterns of behavior (Cohen, Hall, Koenig, & Meador, 2005;
Snibbe & Markus, 2002), and the distinction between secular and religious
worlds is diminished and religion permeates daily life. Religious practice is
often observable as classmates are aware of mosque attendance, adherence
to prayer requirements, and compliance with fasting.
We expected that religion would be connected with many aspects of
the social life of Indonesian adolescents. This hypothesis is based on the
salience of religion in the lives of West Javanese adolescents, the intercon-
nection between religious and cultural values and world views, and the
extent to which adolescents interact with peers and adults who are obser-
vant Muslims. In the following sections, we review our past research that
assessed the relation between religion and social competence, peer relation-
ship, and parent and adolescent relationships.
Indonesian Muslim’s Ecology of Religion 149
Our Samples
The studies that we describe in this chapter came from two longitudinal
studies, both of which were completed with Muslim students from public
schools in Bandung, West Java as participants. Using Sample 1, we assessed
the relations between religion and social competence and religion and par-
ent–adolescent relationships. Sample 2 focused specifically on the religion
and peer relationships.
Sample 1 came from a study designed to assess relationships between
Christian and Muslim adolescents (Eisenberg, Sallquist, French, Purwono,
Suryanti, & Pidada, 2009). As described by Sallquist, Eisenberg, French,
Purwono, and Suryanti (2010), data were obtained at four different points
in time. After an initial screening (T1), a sample (T2) of 1,254 seventh
grade students, 285 adolescents, including 205 Muslim youth (M = 13.47
years), were assessed and extensive information was obtained from par-
ents, adolescents, teachers, and peers. Approximately five months later at
T3 (M = 13.88 years), data were obtained from 183 eighth grade Muslim
youth. Finally at T4, approximately one year later, 300 Muslim ninth grade
adolescents (M = 14.91 years) were assessed. This sample included 136
adolescents who had participated in earlier assessments and 164 who were
newly recruited from the classrooms of prior participants. All of the par-
ticipants were Muslim, but varied in the consistency of their participation
in expected religious practices.
At T2, 19.1 percent were classified as very consistent, 65.0 percent con-
sistent, 13.7 percent inconsistent and 1.1 percent nonpracticing. The major-
ity of participants in the T2 sample were in the middle class, with 2 percent
lower, 20 percent lower middle, 32 percent middle, 43 percent upper mid-
dle, and 2 percent upper SES levels. There were 46 percent of mothers and
64 percent of fathers who reported having some college education. The
studies that we describe in the following sections used data from different
time periods, a necessity because different measures were administered at
each assessment period.
Sample 2 (French, Purwono, & Triwahyuni, 2011) included 1,010 Muslim
adolescents in the eighth (M = 13.37 years) and tenth (M = 15.36) grades.
One year later, we sought to recruit those participants who remained in
their sample school, yielding a Y2 sample of 889 adolescents. Within the
Y1 population, 1.85 percent reported always performing both the required
and recommended practices, 51.51 percent reported always performing
required practices, and 51.51 percent reported intermittent performance of
required practices; there were no adolescents in this sample who were non-
practicing. The majority of participants were from middle-class families, an
150 French, Eisenberg, Purwano, and Sallquist
1.00 Teacher-report
(.32) externalizing
relation between parent religiosity and adolescent SR. In other words, the
relation between parents’ and adolescents’ SR was partially explained by the
extent to which they had a warm relationship. These findings add to those
of Bao et al. (1999), Myers (1996), Okagaki and Bevis (1999), and Granqvist
(1998; 2002) that warm and positive parent–child relationships moderate
the relation between parents’ and adolescents’ religiousness.
We also explored how parental religiosity, parent–adolescent warmth,
and adolescents’ SR combine to predict multiple aspects of competence. As
reported in the previous section, we found (using information from T2,
T3, and T4 of the Sample 1 data) that adolescents’ SR was associated with
multiple aspects of competence, including low levels of externalizing and
internalizing behavior, high self-esteem, and prosocial behavior. Thus, in
addition to exploring the extent that parental religiosity, parent–adolescent
warmth, and SR directly predicated aspects of social competence, we were
curious about the possibility that SR might mediate some of these relations.
Consistent with our hypotheses, we found that the associations between
parental warmth and a prosocial latent variable were mediated by ado-
lescent SR. In other words, the associations between parent–adolescent
warmth and these multiple aspects of competence were explained by the
level of the adolescents’ SR.
Evidence that parental warmth moderates the relation between parent
religiosity and adolescent SR in conjunction with the finding that adolescent
SR mediates the relation between parent religiosity and parental warmth
and adolescent prosocial behavior provides evidence in support of our posi-
tion that religion plays an important role in the relation between parent–
adolescent relationships and adjustment. We argue that these findings are
consistent with suggestions that parenting is embedded within the cultural
context and that cultural meaning systems are integral to understand the
relationships between children and parents (Bornstein & Lansford, 2010;
Harkness & Super, 1995). We suspect that within this collectivist and highly
religious culture, the behaviors of parents and children are strongly influ-
enced by the religion that permeates daily life and is interconnected with
cultural meaning systems. In the next section, we review evidence that reli-
gion in this culture is also connected with adolescents’ relationships with
peers.
Peers and Religion. There is evidence from studies in the United States
that peer relationships are relevant to understanding adolescents’ religiosity
(Regnerus, Smith, & Smith, 2004; Schwartz, Bukowski, & Aoki, 2006) and
may help explain mechanisms by which religiosity and social competence
Indonesian Muslim’s Ecology of Religion 155
are connected (Wallace & Williams, 1997). In this section we review our
research on Indonesian adolescents that pertains to these hypotheses.
Researchers of peer influence have focused on two synergistic processes,
both of which are relevant to understanding the impact of peers on religion
(Prinstein & Dodge 2008). First, youths tend to most often develop friend-
ships and other associations with others who are similar to themselves. This
process, labeled homophily, has been demonstrated with respect to antiso-
cial behavior (Cairns, Cairns, Neckerman, Gest, & Gariépy, 1988), inter-
nalizing behavior (Hogue & Steinberg 1995), and academic achievement
(Cook, Deng, & Morgano, 2007). There is some evidence that a similar pro-
cess occurs in U.S. adolescents with respect to religiosity such that adoles-
cents tend to associate with others with similar levels of religiosity (Smith
& Denton 2005). The second process is that peers influence each other in
ways that may lead them to change their behavior, thus leading them to
become increasingly prosocial, antisocial, or academically successful over
time (Prinstein & Dodge 2008). Similar process may occur with religios-
ity. Regnerus et al. (2004) found that the adolescents’ church attendance
was predicted by the church attendance of their friends one year previously.
These results add to those of others (King, Furrow, & Roth, 2002; Schwartz
et al., 2006) that adolescents’ religiosity is associated with the religiosity of
their friends. Adolescents who have religious friends also appear to exhibit
less problematic behavior as illustrated by the findings of Burkett and
Warren (1987) that religiosity appears to influence marijuana use indirectly
through involvement with peers who abstain from such use and Simons,
Simons, and Conger’s (2004) observations that children’s religiosity was
negatively associated with involvement with deviant peers, a pathway that
accounted for the lower delinquency of religious children.
their friends’ attendance. It is also likely that adolescents who are inclined
to either increase or decrease their levels of religiosity might befriend oth-
ers who support these changes.
We then looked at the relation between having religious friends and net-
work associates and the exhibition of antisocial behavior using data from
the first year of Sample 2. We found that for boys, having both religious
friends and religious network associates added to self-religiosity in predict-
ing desistance from antisocial behavior. For girls, these effects were much
weaker, with only marginal effects for the relation between self- and net-
work members’ religiosity.
The results of the analyses above add to findings from the studies of
U.S. adolescents that relationships with religious peers are associated with
reduced antisocial behavior. Perhaps as suggested by Stark (1996), religious
adolescents contemplating deviant behavior might discuss the extent to
which their behavior is consistent with religious values with their friends
and network associates. Second, because religious adolescents exhibit lower
levels of deviancy than nonreligious adolescents, interactions with religious
peers are likely to be associated with reduced facilitation of antisocial behav-
ior. Consistent with this hypothesis, Simons et al. (2004) found that child
religiosity was negatively associated with involvement with deviant peers.
Third, it is likely that religious youths engage in activities that contribute to
reduced antisocial behavior as well as put them in proximity to peers with
shared interests that they are likely to befriend. In the United States, reli-
giously devoted youth tend to participate in organized clubs and activities
(Smith & Denton, 2005) and engagement in such activities undoubtedly
increases their exposure to other religious youth and may increase their
prosocial behavior and decrease their involvement in unsupervised activ-
ity (Eccles, Barber, Stone, & Hunt, 2003). It is reasonable to suppose that
a similar process might occur in Indonesian adolescents, but this has not
been studied.
The results from these two studies provide evidence that peers tend to
associate both in friendships and networks with others of similar religiosity
and suggest that these associations may impact adolescents’ religiosity and
their exhibition of antisocial behavior. These conclusions must be offered
tentatively, given our inability to test causality using our correlational meth-
odology. Nevertheless, such causal pathways are reasonable given other
findings of the extensivity of peer influence (Prinstein & Dodge, 2008), and
may be extremely important in explaining mechanisms by which individu-
als’ religious beliefs translate into exhibited behavior (Wallace & Williams,
1997). These findings further provide support for a central thesis of this
158 French, Eisenberg, Purwano, and Sallquist
chapter, that is, that the religion of Indonesian youths is reflected in daily
activities and is connected to their social relationships.
Conclusions
We argue that in the highly religious culture of West Java, religion is inter-
connected with worldviews, values, and relationships. Although we believe
that similar processes occur within other religions and in other areas of the
world, we urge caution in generalizing our results obtained from the study
of Indonesian Muslim youth in West Java. We are uncertain whether our
results would also be seen in Muslim youth in other countries. The cultural
context within which Islam exists in Indonesia is substantially different
than that which exists in many other regions and further research is needed
to explore how adolescents in these countries experience religion.
Likely even more extreme is the contrast between the context within
which youths in this study and those in many Western cultures experience
religiosity. All of the adolescents in these studies were Muslim and nearly all
exhibited moderate to high levels of religiosity. They attended schools and
lived in communities where most of the persons with whom they interacted
were also Muslim. Furthermore, as noted throughout this chapter, Islam
in Indonesia is interwoven with culture and tied to collectivist patterns of
behavior (Cohen et al., 2005; Snibbe & Markus, 2002). The strong distinc-
tions that are made between the religious and secular worlds are less pro-
nounced in West Java than they are in many Western countries.
Nevertheless, there are grounds to believe that religion is also inter-
connected with social competence and relationships for youths in North
America and Europe, although perhaps not to the same extent as for
Indonesian youth. As reviewed in earlier sections of this chapter, studies
of North American youths have revealed that religion is related to multiple
aspects of social competence, interconnected with parenting, and associ-
ated with peer relationships.
In our research, the religious involvement of Muslim children and ado-
lescents has been consistently associated with positive outcomes such as
social competence and warm parent–child relationships. It is apparent,
however, that this is not always the case in Indonesia or in other parts of
the world (Kimball, 2002). Boyatzis et al. (2006) notes that religiousness
in some U. S. families is associated with bigotry and abusive parenting. In
Indonesia and elsewhere, terrorist acts have been committed with religion
as a stated justification. In our work, however, we have seen no evidence
that religious involvement is associated with negative outcomes although
Indonesian Muslim’s Ecology of Religion 159
we are cognizant of the possibility that this might be the case for some
outcomes, under select circumstances, in some populations, and for some
individuals.
Findings that religion is interconnected with relationships as well as
activities and daily life point to the usefulness of adopting an ecological
approach to understanding religion in the lives of adolescents (King &
Roeser, 2009). Within this perspective, adolescents’ religiosity occurs within
a context that includes individuals, organizations, activity structures, and
cultural practices, values, and meaning systems. We suggest that such a per-
spective is important not only for understanding the place of religion in
the lives of Indonesian Muslim youths, but also for understanding youths
from other regions and from different religions. It is particularly important
to understand how religion connects with relationships as well as aspects
of adolescent development such as identity and self-esteem. Our study of
influence of Islam within the lives of Indonesian Muslim youth, however,
provides an illustration of the value of using an ecological perspective to
understand adolescent religion.
References
Bao, W. N., Whitbeck, L. B., Hoyt, D. R., & Conger, R. D. (1999). Perceived parental
acceptance as a moderator of religious transmission among adolescent boys and
girls. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 61, 362–374.
Benda, B. B., & Corwyn, R. F. (1997). Religion and delinquency: The relationship after
considering family and peer influences. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion,
36, 81–92.
Bianchi, R. R. (2004). Guests of God: Pilgrimage and politics in the Islamic world. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Blakeney, R. F., & Blakeney, C. D. (2006). Delinquency: A quest for moral and spiritual
integrity. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. L. Benson, P. E. King, & L. M. Wagener (Eds.),
The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 371–383).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Bornstein, M. C., & Lansford, J. E. (2010). Parenting. In M. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of
cultural developmental science (pp. 259–277). New York: Psychology Press.
Boyatzis, C. J., Dollahite, D. C., & Marks, L. D. (2006). The family as a context for reli-
gious and spiritual development in children and youth. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P.
L. Benson, P. E. King, & L. M. Wagener (Eds.), The handbook of spiritual develop-
ment in childhood and adolescence (pp. 297–309). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Burkett, S. R., & Warren, B. O. (1987). Religiosity, peer associations, and adolescent
marijuana use: A panel study of underlying causal structures. Criminology, 25,
109–131.
Cairns, R. B., Cairns, B. D., Neckerman, H. J., Gest, S. L. L., & Gariépy, J. L. (1988). Social
networks and aggressive behavior: Peer support or peer rejection? Developmental
Psychology, 24, 815–823.
160 French, Eisenberg, Purwano, and Sallquist
Chaudhury, S. R., & Miller, L. (2008). Religious identity formation among Bangladeshi
American Muslim adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Research, 23, 383–410.
Cohen, A. B., Hall, D. E., Koenig, H. G., & Meador, K. G. (2005). Social versus indi-
vidual motivation: Implications for normative definitions of religious orientation.
Personality and Social Psychology Review, 9, 48–61.
Cook, T. D., Deng, Y., & Morgano, E. (2007). Friendship influences during early ado-
lescence: The special role of friends’ grade point average. Journal of Research on
Adolescence, 17, 325–356.
Davis, N. J., & Robinson, R. V. (2006). The egalitarian face of Islamic orthodoxy: Support
for Islamic law and economic justice in seven Muslim-majority nations. American
Sociological Review, 71, 167–190.
Donahue, M. J., & Benson, P. L. (1995). Religion and the well-being of adolescents.
Journal of Social Issues, 51, 145–160.
Dowling, E. M., Gestsdottir, S., Anderson, P. M., von Eye, A., Almerigi, J., & Lerner, R.
M. (2004). Structural relations among spirituality, religiosity, and thriving in ado-
lescence. Applied Developmental Science, 8, 7–16.
Eccles, J. S., Barber, B., Stone, M., & Hunt, J. (2003). Extracurricular activi-
ties and adolescent development. Journal of Social Issues, 59, 865–889.
doi:10.1046/j.0022–4537.2003.00095.x.
Eisenberg, N., Sallquist, J., French, D. C., Purwono, U., Suryanti, T., & Pidada, S. (2009).
The relations of majority-minority group status and having an other-religion friend
to Indonesian youths’ socioemotional functioning. Developmental Psychology, 45,
248–259.
Elder, G. H., & Conger, R. D. (2000). Children of the land: Adversity and success in rural
America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Elifson, K. W., Petersen, D. M., & Hadaway, C. K. (1983). Religion and delinquency: A
contextual analysis. Criminology, 21, 505–527.
Farver, J. M., & Wimbarti, S. (1995). Indonesian children’s play with their mothers and
older siblings. Child Development, 66, 1493–1503.
French, D. C., Eisenberg, N., Vaughan, J., Purwono, U., & Suryanti, T. A. (2008). Religious
involvement and social competence and adjustment of Indonesian Muslim adoles-
cents. Developmental Psychology, 44, 597–611.
French, D. C., Purwono, U., & Triwahyuni, A. (2011). Friendship and religiosity of
Indonesian Muslim adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 40, 1623–1633.
doi: 10.1007/s10964–011–9645–7.
Gade, A., & Feener, R. M. (2004). Muslim thought and practice in contemporary
Indonesia. In R. M. Feener (Ed.), Islam in world cultures: Comparative perspectives
(pp. 183–215). Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.
Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretations of cultures. New York: Basic Books.
Geertz, H. (1961). The Javanese family; a study of kinship and socialization. New York:
Free Press of Glencoe.
Glicken, J. (1987). Sundanese Islam and the value of hormot: Control, obedience, and
socialization in West Java. In R. S. Kipp & S. Rogers (Eds.), Indonesian religions in
transitions (pp. 238–252). Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Granqvist, P. (1998). Religiousness and perceived childhood attachment: On the ques-
tion of compensation or correspondence. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion,
37, 350–367.
Indonesian Muslim’s Ecology of Religion 161
Prinstein, M. J., &. Dodge, K. A. (Eds.). (2008). Understanding peer influence in children
and adolescents. New York: Guilford.
Regnerus, M. D. (2000). Shaping schooling success: Religious socialization and educa-
tional outcomes in metropolitan public schools. Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion, 39, 363–370.
Regnerus, M. D., Smith, C., & Smith, B. (2004). Social context in the development of
adolescent religiosity. Applied Developmental Science, 8, 27–38.
Rich, Y., & Cinamon, R. G. (2007). Conceptions of spirituality among Israeli Arab and
Jewish late adolescents. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 47, 7–29.
Roehlkepartain, E. C., Benson, P. L., King, P. E., & Wagener, L. M. (2006). Spiritual
development in childhood and adolescence: Moving to the scientific mainstream.
In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. L. Benson, P. E. King, & L. M. Wagener (Eds.), The hand-
book of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 1–15). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Sallquist, J., Eisenberg, N., French, D. C., Purwono, U., & Suryanti, T. A. (2010).
Indonesian adolescents’ spiritual and religious experiences and their longitudi-
nal relations with socioemotional functioning. Developmental Psychology, 46(3),
699–716. doi:10.1037/a0018879
Sarwono, S. W. (2005). Families in Indonesia. In J. L. Roopnarine & U. P. Gielen (Eds.),
Families in global perspective (pp. 104–119). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Schottenbauer, M. A., Spernak, S. M., & Hellstrom, I. (2007). Relationship between fam-
ily religious behaviors and child well-being among third-grade children. Mental
Health, Religion, & Culture, 10, 191–198.
Schwartz, K. D., Bukowski, W. M., & Aoki, W. T. (2006). Mentors, friends, and gurus:
Peer and non-parent influences on spiritual development. In E. C. Roehlkepartain,
P. L. Benson, P. E. King, & L. M. Wagener (Eds.), The handbook of spiritual develop-
ment in childhood and adolescence (pp. 109–123). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Simons, L. G., Simons, R. L., & Conger, R. D. (2004). Identifying the mechanisms
whereby family religiosity influences the probability of adolescent antisocial behav-
ior. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 35(4), 547–563.
Smith, C., & Denton, M. L. (2005). Soul searching: The religious and spiritual lives of
American teenagers. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Snibbe, A. C., & Markus, H. R. (2002). The psychology of religion and the religion of
psychology. Psychological Inquiry, 13, 229–234.
Stark, R. (1996). Religion as context: Hellfire and delinquency one more time. Sociology
of Religion, 57, 163–173.
Tarakeshwar, N., Stanton, J., & Pargament, K. (2003). Religion: An overlooked dimen-
sion of cross-cultural psychology. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 34, 377–
394. doi:10.1177/0022022103034004001
Thomas, D. L., & Carver, C. (1990). Religion and adolescent social competence. In T. P.
Gullotta & R. Montemayor (Eds.), Developing competence in adolescence: Advances
in adolescent development (pp. 195–219). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Underwood, L. G., & Teresi, J. A. (2002). The daily spiritual experience scale:
Development, theoretical description, reliability, exploratory factor analysis, and
preliminary construct validity using health related data. Annals of Behavioral
Medicine, 24, 22–33.
Indonesian Muslim’s Ecology of Religion 163
Abstract
Globalization is increasing the challenges adolescents face in developing
coherent prosocial values. In many societies, traditional systems of value
transmission are eroding and youth are exposed to more diverse reference
groups and cultural belief systems. This chapter examines the developmental
processes through which youth work together with peers to formulate values
in the face of these challenges. We focus on organized youth programs as a
valuable arena to understand and support these processes. Using qualitative
longitudinal data from 11 culturally diverse, high quality programs, we iden-
tified two interlinked peer processes of value work. The first process entailed
youth actively opening themselves up to moral realities beyond their own. This
occurred through listening, “talking out,” and coming to empathize with the
personal experiences of others. The second process involved collective analy-
sis. Youth discussed each other’s stories; they compared, challenged, and cri-
tiqued the basis for different value positions.
Piaget theorized that youth develop moral principles through interactions
with peers. This chapter provides grounded theory on how similar processes
function in a global world. Under favorable conditions, peers play powerful
roles assisting youth’s efforts to synthesize hybrid value perspectives. They
pool their collective experiences to analyze and wrestle with the vexing value
issues of a pluralistic world. The chapter concludes with a review of how
similar and differing processes of value development may be enacted across
global cultural contexts.
164
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 165
parents’ conceptions of right and wrong with alternative moral codes. They
may face daily situations that pit different value systems and moral priori-
ties against each other: loyalty to clan, sacred traditions, individualism; also
different notions of when and how respect for others is expressed. For youth
from immigrant families and minority groups, the challenges may include
dealing with people and images that denigrate one’s own value system,
practices, and identity (Berry, 1997; Halverson, 2009). Whether a youth
is part of a stigmatized or privileged group, prosocial value development
requires dealing with the injustice of cross-group misunderstanding and
mistreatment.
The stakes are high. Some youth fail to formulate a consistent set of
values. At the psychological level, this confluence of cultures can result in
cultural dislocation (Berry, 1997; Giddens, 2000) and identity confusion
(Jensen, Arnett, & McKenzie, 2011). At the societal level, it can feed inter-
group conflict and lead to a citizenry that is uncommitted to and disen-
gaged from civic participation (Huntington, 2004).
Value development entails the task of understanding how different codes
apply to self and others across daily situations. Youth must begin to sort
out how different moral arguments translate to variegated cultural contexts.
How do you act in a situation when your parents’ values dictate a different
response than the moral codes in force with peers, at school, or in a work
context? How do you “do to others as you would have them do to you”
when the others have been shaped by different life experiences – or when
they disrespect your values?
These are complex questions. In order to comfortably inhabit prosocial
values, adolescents must figure out how to act in contexts where multiple
mentalities and value systems are at play.
remorse.” However, she said that SisterHood, “surely did help me, because
… this year, I think about people’s feelings more, and how I would feel if
that was me.” Her fighting had diminished and she was no longer involved
in gangs. This value shift from I toward we has been found in other research
on youth programs as one from “atomism to collective agency” (Kirshner,
2009) and “island to archipelago” (Deutsch, 2007).
Second, many youth in our programs reported learning to better under-
stand and appreciate the value codes of others. They described learning to
examine assumptions of different value systems, sort out moral arguments,
and develop moral sensibilities that took this diversity into account. For
example, a young woman at Youth Action explained, “Now I see different
races and I try to talk to them and try to be as friendly as I [would] be to
my own race” (Watkins et al., 2007). A number of youth also said the pro-
grams broadened their sense of responsibility to the wider society – they
developed civic and social justice values (Dawes & Larson, 2011). Latisha at
SisterHood said: “Being in that program makes you want to better yourself
and the community around you.” They widened their circle of empathic and
moral concern (cf. Templeton & Eccles, 2008).
who were prepared to act on their beliefs. To achieve this goal, they felt that
the conditions within the group and the process of value development had
to come at least partly from the youth.
To this end, at the start of the year, Lynn and Janet asked one of the
returning members to lead a discussion to set the rules the youth wanted to
follow. Youth started with humorous suggestions: “no fighting; no biting.”
Then they came up with a good American list: listening without interrupt-
ing, being nonjudgmental, offering experience not advice, sharing deci-
sion making, upholding honesty and confidentiality. The youth and leaders
reminded each other of these rules over subsequent sessions, sometimes
challenging members who violated them. Over time, these rules became
internalized as group norms. They became part of a group culture that cre-
ated conditions of equality, cooperation, and common purpose (see also
Larson, 2007).
Research on group dynamics indicates that a crucial step in formation
of a well-functioning group is development of mutual trust (Wheelan,
Davidson, & Tilin, 2003). At SisterHood these rules – this internalized
culture – became the foundation for this trust. Mutual trust in groups cre-
ates a feeling of interpersonal safety, which allows people to take risks and
break out of their egocentric shell (Hollingshead et al., 2005). Midway
through the year, Chantel reported: “We’re like this big group of goofy
people that like to be around each other. We give each other space and we
respect each other’s ideas.” K’sea said of her peers, “like they understand
you and you understand them.” We found that a similar shared culture
and mutual trust developed, in differing degrees, across other programs
we studied.
Research on group dynamics identifies another feature of groups that
may facilitate the difficult work of developing values and learning to apply
them to complex contexts. They can provide beneficial conditions for col-
laborative information processing (Hinsz, Tindale, & Vollrath, 1997).
When there is mutual trust, working groups develop collective memory.
They become better at retrieving past information than when individuals
are alone. Such groups are also more reliable and consistent than individu-
als in how they process information. As a result, they are often found to be
better at formulating solutions to problems. Knowledge, thinking, and crit-
ical judgment are pooled.
In the programs we studied, youth pooled not only their memories
but their newly developing metacognitive skills. They used these skills to
work together on the difficult tasks of value development in a complicated
world.
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 173
and actively piecing together the narrative strands of others’ lives, these
individuals and their experiences became vivid, authentic, and morally
significant.
This discovery process, we believe, was aided by the youth’s new meta-
cognitive skills, including those for perspective taking and biographical
reasoning. Opening oneself up is a constructive process. These new poten-
tials enable teens to perform abstract mental operations to understand how
others’ lives shape who they are now (Habermas, 2011). Chantel described
coming to understand how past experiences shaped what the African youth
thought and felt. Youth used their new skills for biographical reasoning to
understand how formative experiences, parents, and culture influence each
other’s moral beliefs and actions. These metacognitive skills helped them
expand their circle of moral inclusivity.
However, this was not just a dry cognitive process. It often involved
emotion, including empathizing with others’ experiences of pain and hard-
ship. Baumeister, Vohs, DeWall, and Zhang (2007) describe how emotions
can serve an important developmental function by directing attention to
the causes of the emotion and then stimulating analyses that influence
future emotion and behavior. Chernise recounted exactly this process at
SisterHood. The interviewer asked her to explain what accounted for the
greater sense of civic responsibility she developed in the program. Chernise
then described their experience watching videos in which people had been
treated unfairly – in one case, news footage from an incident in which white
vigilantes dragged an African American man to death behind a pickup
truck. These experiences she said, “make us upset; we cry and we cry as a
group.” The group then discussed the roots of what they felt; in this case,
the pernicious prejudice against people of African descent in the United
States. Chernise said these emotions and the subsequent discussions made
her want to speak up in the future when she witnessed acts of racism. She
was developing moral emotional sensibilities.
Youth often drew on their own experiences as a tool for these empathic
processes. Anthropologist Ronato Rosaldo (1989) describes how empathy
with someone from a different culture is catalyzed by discovery of compara-
ble emotional experiences. Donato at Youth Action reported this empathetic
breakthrough in listening and talking with GLBT youth. He discovered how
similar their experiences of prejudice were to his as a Mexican American.
This discovery, he said, made him stop making gay jokes and start chal-
lenging peers who did. Other youth described these breakthroughs in hear-
ing about the humiliation, anger, absurdity, and joys people experienced in
different life situations (Watkins et al., 2007). They discovered that these
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 175
“others” are not just objective abstractions; they are living, breathing, feel-
ing human beings. Their values and actions had been wrought by powerful
experiences, deserving of moral respect.
Collective Analysis
The process of active opening up included more than individual epiphanies.
It involved deliberative processes of collective analysis. Youth discussed
each other’s stories, asked questions, compared, challenged, and critiqued
the basis for different value positions. Chernise summarized the delibera-
tive process the group used at SisterHood to discuss powerful issues like the
video in which the man was dragged to death:
We just speak on it and try to come up with different solutions … We talk about
it and ask questions like, “Why does this happen?” … We just go around the
group, one by one and we say our different opinions and then like, if we want,
to further someone else’s opinion to our opinion, or ask questions why we feel
this way.
Youth drew conclusions by evaluating and building on the pool of infor-
mation and arguments offered by the group. In interviews, they attributed
their value changes to comparing value positions, defending their opinions,
“talking it out,” and combining their different perspectives.
A frequent topic of youth’s collective deliberations at SisterHood was
their parents and their parents’ traditional values. K’sea, whose parents
came from Ghana, said of her father: “I kind of see him as an individual
who is stuck on traditions and the whole Ghana tradition and a lot of stuff
like that. But other people telling me about their experiences with their
fathers made me appreciate what he does.”
By comparing her experiences with others’ (including joking about
their parents’ strange ways), K’sea said she came to have a more accepting
understanding of her father and his firmly held values. Similarly, in her
first interview, Bernita expressed dissonance because her mother (from
Cameroon) “doesn’t want anything to do with America.” Later, however,
she described coming to understand and become more accepting of her
mother’s values and worldview, partly because she was able to hear insider
reports on American parents. She explained: “People got to see how my
mom was, and I got to see how – to compare.” Just as youth came to see
diverse peers as moral entities, they came to see parents through deliber-
ative analysis. They opened their value frameworks to encompass wider
perspectives.
Again we suggest that the new cognitive skills of adolescence are at
work. These youth appeared to be using their new skills to examine the
176 Larson, Jensen, Kang, Griffith, and Rompala
assumptions behind value positions, analyze the parents’ value systems, and
modify their own value constructions to be more inclusive.
Perhaps the most challenging value work is dealing with people’s neg-
ative views of one’s own group (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997). We have
already discussed how youth at SisterHood talked through their reactions
to a horrifying video of an African American being dragged to death. In
research on youth theater programs, Halverson (2009) describes a more
structured deliberative process of value work through which youth from
marginalized groups addressed these issues. This process began with each
youth bringing in an autobiographical or other story related to a focal
topic youth had selected. Focal topics included immigration, racial dis-
crimination, and being gay in America. The youth then identified and
analyzed the underlying elements of episodes that cut across their sepa-
rate stories, including both positive experiences (the strengths of immi-
grant families) and negative experiences (episodes that typify prejudices
or how their group is perceived by the majority of society). In the next
step, the youth selected, reshaped, and fused these stories into a collec-
tive script that, for example, addressed the challenges faced by immigrant
Mexican youth in the United States. These scripts often contained coun-
ter-narratives in which patterns of prejudice were exposed and that posi-
tioned the youth as moral agents. This deliberative process, Halverson
reports, allows youth to critique different value positions, including neg-
ative representations of themselves. It also allows them to recast these
representations in the final script in ways that articulate values. As in the
programs we studied, emotions contributed to this deliberative process,
and were shaped by it.
These collective analyses had some resemblance to the collective peer
processes that Piaget described. However, in addition to logic, youth were
employing cultural reasoning that considered value positions in relationship
to multiple moral codes. Often youth’s analyses led them to syntheses of par-
ents’ and others’ values. Youth were constructing hybrid moral sensibilities.
Enactment
The first two peer processes in the youth’s value work involved thinking and
feeling. The third process entailed enactment of values in a social arena.
This is an important step. To be meaningful, values have to survive the test
of being operationalized in real-life contexts. Indeed, research shows that
values are as likely to follow from actions as they are to produce actions
(Allen & Antonishak, 2008). Our data suggested the two worked together:
that youth refined values through practice.
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 177
One way youth did this was through addressing real-world dilemmas.
Members of SisterHood confronted one of these dilemmas when several
members had not sold the group’s agreed-upon quota of candy for their
fundraiser. This was hard because it was a breach of trust within the group.
(In one case, a girl sold her quota but her parents had found the money and
used it to buy food.) After much deliberation, they decided they had to be
firm and stick to their initial decision to exclude people from their final
retreat if they had not done their part. Cassandra said they had learned how
important it is to talk directly to the people involved, rather than ignoring
the problem or using it as an excuse to not do their own part. Real-life situ-
ations like this required youth to learn the pragmatics of applying values to
complex contexts.
Youth also reported value development from sticking up for their val-
ues and beliefs. Jade at SisterHood described the youth’s interactions in the
program “as a test for the real world.” It was a chance to practice and learn
how to deal with people of different races and religions. Quite a number of
youth in the activism programs we studied described learning to “speak up”
for their values; for example, learning to stand up against bigotry with peers
(Watkins et al., 2007) or to lobby public officials for a cause they believed
in (Larson & Angus, 2011). This process of standing up for values was also
important in the theater and film programs described by Halverson (2009).
By enacting stories that identified injustices and expressed their values,
youth were articulating their beliefs to an audience.
Enactment moves one from possessing abstract values to taking stances
as a moral actor. Youth learned to express and manage their values in the
face of disagreement and stigmatization.
Acknowledgments
We would like to give special thanks to the youth and program staff who shared
their experiences with us, especially those in SisterHood. We are also indebted
to Kevin Thomas, Andrew Tonachel, and many others. Finally, we thank the
William T. Grant Foundation for their generous funding of this research.
Notes
1. We recognize that the meaning of terms like positive, prosocial, and even develop-
ment can vary across (and even within) cultures (Jensen, 2011), but we hope our text
adequately reflects this possibility without our taking pains to make it a major focus.
2. All names of programs, youth, and leaders are pseudonyms.
3. In each of the 11 programs, we followed a sample of 8–12 youth (total 108) over two
to nine months of program activity (a total of 712 interviews). We also conducted
site observations and interviews with program leaders. The majority of the programs
were urban. Two-thirds of the youth were from non-European ethnic groups, and
approximately a quarter were from immigrant families (see Larson & Angus, 2011).
4. This search for simple causes, Brown et al. (2008) suggest, is because the statistical
techniques available to quantitative researchers constrain them from testing more
complex bilateral relationships.
5. These illustrations, of course, do not address the unanswered question of how fre-
quent different co-constructive processes are across nations or in peer interactions
within or outside of adult-structured institutions.
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 183
6. It is also worth noting that the peer group has a less prominent place in the lives of
Asian than North American youth. Less time is spent with peers (Larson & Verma,
1999) and they are found to be less dependent on peers for self-validation (Chen
et al., 2009). Thus, they may be less motivated to turn to peers for value work.
References
Allen, K., & Antonishak, J. (2008). Adolescent peer influence: Beyond the dark side. In
M. J. Prinstein & K. A. Dodge (Eds.), Understanding peer influence in children and
adolescents (pp. 141–160). New York: Guilford.
Alvarez, B. (1994). Assessing youth programs: An international perspective. Comparative
Education Review, 38, 253–266.
Ardizzone, L. (2002). Towards global understanding: The transformative role of peace
education. Current Issues in Comparative Education, 4, 16–25.
Baumeister, R., Vohs, J., DeWall, C., & Zhang, L. (2007). How emotion shapes behavior:
Feedback, anticipation, and reflection, rather than direct causation. Personality and
Social Psychology Review, 11, 167–203.
Berry, J. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. International Journal of
Applied Psychology, 46, 5–34.
Brown, B. B. (2004). Adolescents’ relationships with peers. In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg
(Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (2nd ed.) (pp. 363–394). Hoboken, NJ:
Wiley.
Brown, B. B., Bakken, J., Ameringer, S., & Mahon, S. (2008). A comprehensive concep-
tualization of the peer influence process in adolescence. In M. J. Prinstein & K. A.
Dodge (Eds.), Understanding peer influence in children and adolescents (pp. 17–44).
New York: Guilford.
Chandler, M. J., Lalonde, C. E., Sokol, B. W., & Hallett, D. (2003). Personal persistence,
identity development, and suicide. In W. F. Overton (Ed.), Monographs of the
Society for Research in Child Development, Serial no. 273, 68 (2).
Chao, R. K., & Otsuki-Clutter, M. (2011). Racial and ethnic differences: Sociocultural
and contextual explanations. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21, 47–60.
Chen, X. (2011). Culture, peer relationships, and human development. In L. A. Jensen
(Ed.), Bridging cultural and developmental approaches to psychology: New syntheses
in theory, research, and policy (pp. 92–112). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Chen, X., Chung, J., & Hsiao, C. (2009). Peer interactions and relationships from a cross-
cultural perspective. In K. H. Rubin, W. Bukowski, & B. Laursen (Eds.), Handbook
of peer interactions, relationships, and groups (pp. 432–451). New York: Guilford.
Dawes, N. P., & Larson, R. W. (2011). How youth get engaged: Grounded-theory research
on motivational development in organized youth programs. Developmental
Psychology, 47(1), 259–269.
Deutsch, N. (2007). From island to archipelago: Narratives of relatedness in an urban
youth organization. In R. Josselson, A. Lieblich, & D. P. McAdams (Eds.), The
meeting of others: Narrative studies of relationships. Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
Dodge, K., Dishion, T., & Landsford, J. (Eds.). (2006). Deviant peer influences in pro-
grams for youth: Problems and solutions. New York: Guilford.
184 Larson, Jensen, Kang, Griffith, and Rompala
Durlak, J. A., Weissberg, R. P., & Pachan, M. (2010). A meta-analysis of after-school pro-
grams that seek to promote personal and social skills in children and adolescents.
American Journal of Community Psychology, 45, 294–309.
Eccles, J. S., & Gootman, J. A. (Eds.). (2002). Community programs to promote youth
development: Committee on community-level programs for youth. Washington, DC:
National Academy Press.
Eisenberg, N., Fabes, R., & Spinrad, T. (2006). Prosocial development. In W. Damon &
R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology (6th ed.) (Vol. 3, pp. 646–718).
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley & Sons.
Fischer, K. W., & Bidell, T. R. (2006). Dynamic development of action and thought. In
W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology (6th ed.) (Vol. 3,
pp. 313–399). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Freeman, S. G. (2009, August 22). Young Sikhs find a way to express faith with a mix of
tradition and modernity. New York Times, A15.
Frey, L., & Sunwolf (2005). The symbolic-interpretive perspective of group life. In M. S.
Poole & A. B. Hollingshead (Eds.), Theories of small groups: Interdisciplinary per-
spectives (pp. 185–239). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Friedman, T. L. (2000). The Lexus and the olive tree: Understanding globalization. New
York : Anchor.
Gaertner, S. L., & Dovidio, J. F. (2000). Reducing intergroup bias: The common ingroup
identity model. Philadelphia: Psychology Press.
Giddens, A. (2000). The consequences of modernity. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.
Gilmore, D. D. (1990). Manhood in the making: Cultural concepts of masculinity. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Gonzales, N. A., & Cauce, A. M. (1995). Ethnic identity and multicultural competence:
Dilemmas and challenges for minority youth. In W. Hawley & A. Jackson (Eds.),
Toward a common destiny: Improving race and ethnic relations in America (pp. 131–
162). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Habermas, T. (Ed.). (2011). The development of autobiographical reasoning in adoles-
cence and beyond. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 131, 1–17.
Haedicke, S., & Nellhaus, T. (Eds.). (2001). Performing democracy: International per-
spectives on urban community-based performance. Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan Press.
Halverson, E. (2009). Artistic production processes as venues for positive youth devel-
opment. Revista Interuniversitaria de Formacion del Profesorado (Interuniversity
Journal of Teacher Education), 23(3), 181–202.
Hammack, P. L. (2006). Identity, conflict and coexistence: Life stories of Israeli and
Palestinian adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Research, 21, 323–369.
Hansen, D., Larson, R., & Dworkin, J. (2003).What adolescents learn in organized youth
activities: A survey of self-reported developmental experiences. Journal of Research
on Adolescence, 13, 25–56.
Hinsz, V., Tindale, R., & Vollrath, D. (1997). The emerging conceptualization of groups
as information processors. Psychological Bulletin, 121, 43–64.
Hollingshead, A. B., Wittenbaum, G., Paulus, P., Hirokawa, R., Ancona, D., Peterson,
R., … Yoon, K. (2005). A look at groups from the functional perspective. In M. S.
Poole & A. B. Hollingshead (Eds.), Theories of small groups: Interdisciplinary per-
spectives (pp. 21–62). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 185
Hosang, D. (2008). Beyond policy: Ideology, race and the reimagining of youth. In S.
Pedro, J. Ginwright, & N. Cammarota (Eds.), Beyond resistance! Youth activism and
community change: New democratic possibilities for practice and policy for America’s
youth (pp. 3–20). London: Routledge.
Huntington, S. P. (2004). Who are we? The challenges to America’s national identity. New
York: Simon & Schuster.
Jensen, L. A. (2008). Through two lenses: A cultural-developmental approach to moral
psychology. Developmental Review, 28, 289–315.
(2011). The cultural-developmental theory of moral psychology: A new synthesis. In
L. A. Jensen (Ed.), Bridging cultural and developmental psychology: New syntheses in
theory, research and policy (pp. 3–25). New York: Oxford University Press.
Jensen, L. A., Arnett, J. J., & McKenzie, J. (2011). Globalization and cultural identity
developments in adolescence and emerging adulthood. In S. J. Schwartz, K. Luyckx,
& V. L. Vignoles (Eds.), Handbook of identity theory and research (pp. 285–301).
New York: Springer Publishing Company.
Johnson, L. R., Johnson-Pynn, J. S., & Pynn, T. M. (2007). Youth civic engagement in
China: Results from a program promoting environmental activism. Journal of
Adolescent Research, 22, 355–386.
Killen, M., Lee-Kim, J., McGlothlin, H., & Stangor, C. (2002). How children and adoles-
cents evaluate gender and racial exclusion. Monographs of the Society for Research
in Child Development, 67, 120–129.
Kirshner, B. (2009). “Power in numbers”: Youth organizing as a context for exploring
civic identity. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 19, 414–440.
Kuhn, D. (2009). Adolescent thinking. In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook
of adolescent psychology (3rd ed.) (Vol. 1, pp. 152–186). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Lansdown, G. (2001). Promoting children’s participation in democratic decision-making.
Florence, Italy: Innocenti Research Center, UNICEF.
Larson, R. W. (2000). Toward a psychology of positive youth development. American
Psychologist, 55, 170–183.
(2007). From “I” to “We”: Development of the capacity for teamwork in youth pro-
grams. In R. Silbereisen & R. Lerner (Eds.), Approaches to positive youth develop-
ment (pp. 277–292). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Larson, R. W. (2011), Positive development in a disorderly world. Journal of Research on
Adolescence, 21, 317–334.
Larson, R. W., & Angus, R. M. (2011). Adolescents’ development of skills for agency in
youth programs: Learning to think strategically. Child Development, 82, 277–294.
Larson, R., Hansen, D., & Moneta, G. (2006). Differing profiles of developmental experi-
ences across types of organized youth activities. Developmental Psychology, 42 (5),
849–863.
Larson, R., Jarrett, R., Hansen, D., Pearce, N., Sullivan, P., Walker, K. … Wood, D. (2004).
Organized youth activities as contexts of positive development. In P. Linley & S.
Joseph (Eds.), Positive psychology in practice (pp. 540–560). New York: Wiley.
Larson, R. W., & Verma, S. (1999). How children and adolescents around the world spend time:
Work, play, and developmental opportunities. Psychological Bulletin, 125, 701–736.
Larson, R. W., Walker, K., & Pearce, N. (2005). Youth-driven and adult-driven youth
development programs: Contrasting models of youth-adult relationships. Journal
of Community Psychology, 33, 57–74.
186 Larson, Jensen, Kang, Griffith, and Rompala
Laursen, B., & Hartup, W. H. (2002). The origins of reciprocity and social exchange in
friendships. New Directions in child and adolescent development: Social exchange in
development, 95, 27–40.
Magen, R. H., & Mangiardi, E. (2005). Groups and individual change. In S. Wheelan
(Ed.), Handbook of group research and practice (pp. 351–361). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Mahoney, J. L., Vandell, D. L., Simpkins, S., & Zarrett, N. (2009). Adolescent out-of-
school activities. In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent
psychology (3rd ed.) (Vol. 2, pp. 228–267). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (2003). Models of agency: Sociocultural diversity in the
construction of action. Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 49, 1–57.
Mitchell, T. (Ed.). (2001). Global noise: Rap and hip-hop outside the USA. Middletown,
CT: Wesleyan University Press.
Newman, B., & Newman, P. (2001). Group identity and alienation: Giving the we it’s
due. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 30, 515–538.
Norman, J. M. (2009). Creative activism: Youth media in Palestine. Middle East Journal
of Culture and Communication, 2, 252–274.
Patel, E. (2007). Acts of faith: The story of an American Muslim, the struggle for the soul of
a generation. Boston: Beacon Press.
Pettigrew, T. (1998). Intergroup contact theory. American Review of Psychology, 49,
65–85.
Phinney, J. S., & Kohatsu, E. L. (1997). Ethnic and racial identity development and men-
tal health. In J. Schulenberg, J. Moggs, & K. Hurrelman (Eds.), Health risks and
developmental transitions in adolescence (pp. 420–443). New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Piaget, J. (1965). The moral judgment of the child (T. A. Brown & C. E. Kaegi, Trans.) Palo
Alto, CA: Annual Reviews.
Quintana, S. M. (1998). Children’s developmental understanding of ethnicity and race.
Applied and Preventive Psychology, 7, 27–45.
Rogoff, B. (1998). Cognition as a collaborative process. In W. Damon, D. Kuhn, &
R. Siegler (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology (5th ed.) (Vol. 2, pp. 679–744). New
York: Wiley.
Rosaldo, R. (1989). Culture and truth: The remaking of social analysis. Boston: Beacon
Press.
Roth, J., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2003). Youth development programs: Risk, prevention and
policy. Journal of Adolescent Health, 32, 170–182.
Saraswathi, T. S., Mistry, J., & Dutta, R. (2011). Reconceptualizing lifespan development
through a Hindu perspective. In L. A. Jensen (Ed.), Bridging cultural and develop-
mental approaches to psychology: New syntheses in theory, research, and policy (pp.
276–302). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Schlegal, A. (2011). Adolescent ties to adult communities: The intersection of culture and
development. In L. A. Jensen (Ed.), Bridging cultural and developmental approaches
to psychology: New syntheses in theory, research, and policy (pp. 138–160). Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Selman, R. L. (2003). The promotion of social awareness: Powerful lessons from the part-
nership of developmental theory and classroom practice. New York: Russell Sage
Foundation.
Peer Groups and Positive Value Development 187
Serpell, R., & Hatano, G. (1997). Education, schooling, and literacy. In J. W. Berry, P. R.
Dasen, & T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology: Basic pro-
cesses and human development (2nd ed.) (pp. 339–376). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Stattin, H., Kerr, M., Mahoney, J., Persson, A., & Magnusson, D. (2005). Explaining why
a leisure context is bad for some girls and not for others. In J. Mahoney, R. Larson,
& J. Eccles (Eds.), Organized activities as contexts of development (pp. 211–234).
Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Templeton, J., & Eccles, J. (2008). Spirituality, “Expanding circle morality,” and positive
youth development. In R. M. Lerner, R. W. Roeser, & E. Phelps (Eds.), Positive
youth development and spirituality: From theory to research (pp. 197–209). West
Conshohocken, PA: Templeton Foundation Press.
Tienda, M., & Wilson, W. (2002). Youth in cities: A cross-national perspective. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Tynes, B. (2007). Internet safety gone wild? Sacrificing the educational and psycho-
social benefits of online social environments. Journal of Adolescent Research, 22,
575–584.
Watkins, N., Larson, R., & Sullivan, P. (2007). Learning to bridge difference: Community
youth programs as contexts for developing multicultural competencies. American
Behavioral Scientist, 51, 380–402.
Wheelan, S. A., Davidson, B., & Tilin, F. (2003). Group development across time: Reality
or illusion? Small Group Research, 34, 223–245.
Youniss, J. (2009). When morality meets politics in development. Journal of Moral
Education, 38, 129–144.
8 Civic Development in Relational Perspective
Abstract
Civic competence has been posited as an important outcome of productive
adolescent development. This chapter introduces a relational model of civic
competence, including factors that may lead some individuals onto path-
ways to the development of civically competent behavior. More specifically,
the model describes the significance of relationship quality with parents,
peers, and friends as well as socially competent (or incompetent) behaviors
in the development of civic competence. The model suggests social relation-
ships as a significant antecedent to civic competence and as a buffer for risks
associated with disengagement. Because this model focuses on relationship
quality, it is evident that it is embedded in cultural practices and values.
Inevitably, the role of relationships and social competence on civic compe-
tence outcomes also varies as a function of who the child, the parents, and
the friends are. Finally, we propose that adolescents’ positive experiences
with friends and parents may encourage the development of civic compe-
tence even for individuals who were initially aggressive or anxiously with-
drawn as children.
188
Civic Development in Relational Perspective 189
Development
Parent–Child Outcome
Relationship
Social Behavior
Social
Competence
Withdrawal Civic
Competence
Aggression
Peer
Relationship
Psychosocial Theory
Psychosocial theorists (Erikson, 1968) have long stressed the significance
of relational antecedents for the development of civic competence. It has
been posited that, particularly in adolescence and emerging adulthood,
social relationships serve as the experiential backgrounds for the growth
of civic competence. Thus, for example, the emergence of personal iden-
tity and related motivational orientations toward social justice and care are
thought to develop, in part, as a function of interpersonal experiences in
close, supportive social relationships. Psychosocial theory also argues that
the processes, skills, knowledge, and social support that make competence
possible in the major tasks of one developmental period serve to build the
192 Rubin, Malti, and McDonald
Relationship Theories
Perhaps of equal or greater relevance are the premises drawn from social
relationship theories. These theories make significant contributions to
understanding the development, over the long term, of civic competence
and engagement. Attachment theorists (Bowlby, 1969), for example, have
suggested that the development of secure relationships with primary care-
givers enable (and predict) the development, not only of social competence
and a positive sense of self, but also of qualitatively rich extra-familial rela-
tionships. It has been suggested that the development of an “internal work-
ing model” (IWM), which allows for the internalization of security and
trust within familial and extra-familial relationships (Mikulincer & Shaver,
2005), may provide the basis for a willingness to act prosocially and gener-
ously on the behalf of others (Hastings, Utendale, & Sullivan, 2007). In sum,
children’s relationships and social experiences with others may well influ-
ence, both directly and indirectly, the development of civic competence in
adolescence and early adulthood. The processes by which this may occur
are described in the section on Hinde’s perspective.
Hinde’s Perspective
We frame our research within the interpersonal, theoretical framework offered
by Hinde (e.g., 1979). Hinde has suggested that social development can best
be understood by distinguishing among the contributing characteristics of (1)
the individual, (2) the interactions between individuals, and (3) the relation-
ships formed and maintained by individuals, in part as a function of their indi-
vidual characteristics and the nature of their social interactions. Individuals
bring to social exchanges fairly stable orientations and a repertoire of skills
for perspective taking and thinking about the self in relation to others. These
social cognitions about such matters as societal issues and solving interper-
sonal dilemmas are believed to predict the ways in which individuals interact
Civic Development in Relational Perspective 193
from the secure child–parent bond. Furthermore, the child forms a belief that
the self is competent and worthy of positive responses from others.
The process by which a secure attachment relationship is thought to
result in the development of social competence and positive relationships
with peers may be described briefly as follows. The internal working model
(IWM) of the securely attached young child allows him or her to feel secure,
confident, and self-assured when introduced to novel settings; this sense of
felt security fosters the child’s active exploration of the social environment
(Sroufe, 1983). In turn, exploration of the social milieu leads to peer inter-
action and play. Peer interactions and play allow children to experience the
interpersonal exchange of ideas, perspectives, roles, and actions. From such
social interchanges, children develop social competence, mature ways of
thinking about the social world, and positive peer relationships (see Rubin
et al., 2006a for a review).
Research also indicates that securely attached elementary and middle
schoolers are more socially competent, are better able to make and keep
friends and to experience qualitatively rich and supportive friendships (e.g.,
Booth-LaForce, Rubin, Rose-Krasnor, & Burgess, 2004). With this in mind,
secure attachment, perhaps through facilitating a “mutual responsive ori-
entation,” may enhance the demonstration of prosocial acts and the inter-
nalization of parental values (Rose-Krasnor & Denham, 2009). It may well
be that young adolescents who have experienced positive, supportive, and
secure relationships with parents and peers would be inclined to consider
the well-being of others and participate in activities that would enable oth-
ers in their social communities to benefit from their own good deeds.
Relatedly, developmental models of social responsibility and morality
propose that a sense of social responsibility is rooted in the formation of
close relationships to significant others, such as parents (Smetana, 1997).
As noted above, supportive, secure parent–child relationships reinforce the
demonstration of supportive, prosocial behaviors in extra-familial relation-
ships and with others in general (Kochanska & Murray, 2000). This process
may promote later trust in one’s own moral judgments and foster principled
moral reasoning (Arsenio & Gold, 2006), compassion, altruism, tolerance,
and empathy (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2005).
grade; Time 2). Additionally, data from two cohorts of 12th graders was
included in the present analysis (N = 167; Time 3). The sample attended
middle schools in middle- to upper-middle class neighborhoods in the sub-
urbs of Washington, DC. Approximately, 62 percent of adolescents’ moth-
ers and 65.3 percent of their fathers had a university degree.
A larger sample of 1,461 6th graders participated in grade-wide socio-
metric and behavioral nomination assessments. Participants completed
surveys in group testing sessions (at lunch or in gym). Then a subsample
of targeted participants was invited to complete additional questionnaires
during a laboratory visit in the spring of their 6th grade year. For 8th and
12th grade assessments, participants completed questionnaires on a com-
puter, via an online survey tool, or by paper and pencil questionnaires sent
home.
Civic competence was measured in 12th grade (Time 3) by civic activity
engagement and meaningfulness of civic engagement. Participants com-
pleted The Leisure Activities Questionnaire (LAQ; based on Passmore &
French, 2001), which in part assesses the nature, frequency, and enjoyment
of community service activities, as indexes of civic activity engagement.
Adolescents were asked to report their most frequent community service
activities, indicate the frequency of participation, and rate their enjoyment
of the activity. Participants were asked to provide up to three activities,
which were coded into two categories: civic and non-civic. Activities were
judged as civic if they were community, service-oriented or politically-ori-
ented (e.g., canned food drive, soup kitchen, volunteering at a hospital). A
sum score of civic activities was created and used as an indicator of “civic
engagement.”
In addition, for the 12th grade assessments, young adults were asked
to rate how meaningful and important community service activities were
to them. Perceived meaningfulness of community service activities was
assessed by four items (e.g., “How much are community service activities
an important part of who you are?”). A sum score was created (Cronbach’s
α = .90) and labeled “meaningfulness of civic engagement.”
The Network of Relationships Inventory Questionnaire (NRI; Furman
& Buhrmester, 1985) was completed at T1 by participants and assessed
provisions of close relationships with mothers and fathers. The NRI com-
prises 10 conceptually distinct subscales that load onto two factors (e.g.,
Furman, 1996): (1) support (affection, admiration, instrumental aid, com-
panionship, intimacy, nurturance, and reliable alliance) and (2) negativity
(antagonism and conflict). Perceptions of maternal and paternal support
198 Rubin, Malti, and McDonald
.22**
Parent–child
relationship –.07
Friendship .09*
relationship
.04
References
Adams, R. E., Bukowski, W. M., & Bagwell, C. L. (2005). Stability of aggression dur-
ing early adolescence as moderated by reciprocated friendship status and friend’s
aggression. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 29, 139–145.
Arsenio, W. F., & Gold, J. (2006). The effects of social injustice and inequality on chil-
dren’s moral judgments and behavior: Towards a theoretical model. Cognitive
Development, 21, 388–400.
Bond, M. H. (Ed.). (1996). The Handbook of Chinese psychology. Hong Kong: Oxford
University Press.
Booth-LaForce, C., Rubin, K. H., Rose-Krasnor, L., & Burgess, K. B. (2004). Attachment
and friendship predictors of psychosocial functioning in middle childhood, and the
mediating roles of social support and self-worth. In K. A. Kerns & R. A. Richardson
(Eds.), Attachment in middle childhood (pp. 161–188). New York: Guilford.
Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss: Vol. I. Attachment. New York: Basic Books.
Bradford, K., Vaughn, L. B., & Barber, B. K. (2008). When there is conflict: Interparental
conflict, parent–child conflict, and youth problem behaviors. Journal of Family
Issues, 29, 780–805.
204 Rubin, Malti, and McDonald
Brendgen, M., Vitaro, F., Turgeon, L., & Poulin, F. (2002). Assessing aggressive and
depressed children’s social relations with classmates and friends: A matter of per-
spective. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 30, 609–624.
Chen, X. (2011). Culture, social interaction, and socioemotional functioning: A contex-
tual-developmental perspective. In X. Chen & K. H. Rubin (Eds.), Socioemotional
development in cultural context (pp. 29–52). New York: Guilford.
Dodge, K. A., Coie, J. D., & Lynam, D. (2006). Aggression and antisocial behavior in
youth. In N. Eisenberg, W. Damon, & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child
psychology: Vol. 3, Social, emotional, and personality development (pp. 719–788).
Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons Inc.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: youth and crisis. Oxford: Norton & Co.
Flanagan, C. A. (2000). Social change and the ‘social contract’ in adolescent develop-
ment. In L. J. Crockett & R. K. Silbereisen (Eds.), Negotiating adolescence in times of
social change (pp. 191–198). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Flanagan, C. A., & Faison, N. (2001). Youth civic development: Implications of research
for social policy and programs. Social Policy Report, Vol. XV (1). Ann Arbor, MI:
Society for Research in Child Development.
Flanagan, C. A., & Gallay, L. S. (1995). Reframing the meaning of “political” in research
with adolescents. Perspectives on Political Science, 24, 34–41.
Furman, W. (1996). The measurement of children and adolescent’s perceptions of friend-
ships: Conceptual and methodological issues. In W. M. Bukowski, A. F. Newcomb,
& W. W. Hartup (Eds.), The company they keep: Friendships in childhood and ado-
lescence (pp. 41–65). Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press.
Furman, W., & Buhrmester, D. (1985). Children’s perceptions of the personal relation-
ships in their social networks. Developmental Psychology, 21, 1016–1024.
Furman, W., & Collins, W. A. (2009). Adolescent romantic relationships and experi-
ences. In K. H. Rubin, W. Bukowski, & B. Laursen (Eds.), Handbook of peer interac-
tions, relationships, and groups (pp. 341–360). New York: Guilford.
Gardner, M., Roth, J., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2008). Adolescents’ participation in organized
activities and developmental success 2 and 8 years after high school: Do sponsor-
ship, duration, and intensity matter? Developmental Psychology, 44, 814–830.
Hart, D., Donnelly, T. M., Youniss, J., & Atkins, R. (2007). High school community ser-
vice as a predictor of adult voting and volunteering. American Educational Research
Journal, 44, 197–219.
Hastings, P. D., Utendale, W. T., & Sullivan, C. (2007). The socialization of prosocial
development. In J. E. Grusec & P. D. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of socialization:
Theory and research (pp. 638–664). New York: Guilford.
Havighurst, R. J. (1972). Development tasks and education. New York: McKay.
Hinde, R. A. (1979). Towards understanding relationships. London: Academic Press.
Keller, M. (2004). Self in relationship. In D. K. Lapsley & D. Narvaez (Eds.), Moral develop-
ment, self, and identity (pp. 267–298). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Keller, M., & Edelstein, W. (1993). The development of the moral self from childhood
to adolescence. In G. G. Noam, T. E. Wren, G. Nunner-Winkler, & W. Edelstein
(Eds.), The moral self (pp. 310–336). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
Khaleque, A., & Rohner, R. P. (2002). Perceived parental acceptance-rejection and psy-
chological adjustment: A meta- analysis of cross-cultural and intracultural studies.
Journal of Marriage and Family, 64, 54–64.
Civic Development in Relational Perspective 205
Poulin, F., Dishion, T. J., & Haas, E. (1999). The peer influence paradox: Friendship
quality and deviancy training within male adolescent friendships. Merrill-Palmer
Quarterly, 45, 42–61.
Rohner, R. P. (1986). The warmth dimension: Foundations of parental acceptance-rejection
theory. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.
Roisman, G. I., Masten, A. S., Coatsworth, J. D., & Tellegen, A. (2004). Salient and
emerging developmental tasks in the transition to adulthood. Child Development,
75, 123–133.
Rose-Krasnor, L. (1997). The nature of social competence: A theoretical review. Social
Development, 6, 111–135.
Rose-Krasnor, L., & Denham, S. (2009). Socio-emotional competence in early child-
hood. In K. H. Rubin, W. Bukowski, & B. Laursen (Eds.), The handbook of peer
interactions, relationships, and groups (pp. 162–179). New York: Guilford.
Rubin, K. H., Bukowski, W. M., & Parker, J. G. (2006a). Peer interactions, relationships,
and groups. In N. Eisenberg, W. Damon, R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child
psychology: Vol. 3, Social, emotional, and personality development (pp. 571–645).
Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons Inc.
Rubin, K. H., Coplan, R. J., & Bowker, J. (2009). Social withdrawal and shyness in child-
hood and adolescence. Annual Review of Psychology, 60, 141–171.
Rubin, K. H., Dwyer, K. M., Booth-LaForce, C., Kim, A. H., Burgess, K. B., & Rose-
Krasnor, L. (2004). Attachment, friendship, and psychosocial functioning in early
adolescence. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 24, 326–356.
Rubin, K. H., Lynch, D., Coplan, R., Rose-Krasnor, L., & Booth, C. L. (1994). “Birds of a
feather … :” Behavioral concordances and preferential personal attraction in chil-
dren. Child Development, 65, 1778–1785.
Rubin, K. H., Oh, W., Menzer, M., & Ellison, K. (2011). Dyadic relationships from a
cross-cultural perspective: Parent-child relationships and friendship. In X. Chen &
K. H. Rubin (Eds.), Socioemotional development in cultural context (pp. 208–236).
New York: Guilford.
Rubin, K. H., Wojslawowicz, J. C., Rose-Krasnor, L., Booth-LaForce, C., & Burgess, K. B.
(2006b). The best friendships of shy/withdrawn children: Prevalence, stability, and
relationship quality. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 34, 143–157.
Schulenberg, J. E., Sameroff, A. J., & Cicchetti, D. (2004). The transition to adulthood as a
critical juncture in the course of psychopathology and mental health. Development
and Psychopathology, 16, 799–806.
Smetana, J. G. (1997). Parenting and the development of social knowledge reconceptu-
alized: A social domain analysis. In J. E. Grusec & L. Kuczynski (Eds.), Parenting
and children’s internalization of values: A handbook of contemporary theory (pp.
162–192). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons Inc.
Sroufe, L. A. (1983). Infant–caregiver attachment and patterns of adaptation in preschool:
The roots of mal-adaptation and competence. In M. Perlmutter (Ed.), Minnesota
Symposia in Child Psychology (Vol. 16, pp. 41–83). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Stouthamer-Loeber, M., Wei, E., Loeber, R., & Masten, A. S. (2004). Desistance from
persistent serious delinquency in the transition to adulthood. Development and
Psychopathology, 16, 897–918.
Civic Development in Relational Perspective 207
Valdivia, I. A., Schneider, B. H., Chavez, K. L., & Chen, X. (2005). Social withdrawal and
maladjustment in a very group-oriented society. International Journal of Behavioral
Development, 29, 219–228.
van IJzendoorn, M. H. (1997). Attachment, emergent morality, and aggression: Toward
a developmental socioemotional model of antisocial behaviour. International
Journal of Behavioral Development, 21, 703–727.
van IJzendoorn, M. H., & Sagi-Schwartz, A. (2008). Cross-cultural patterns of attach-
ment: Universal and contextual dimensions. In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.),
Handbook of attachment. Theory, research, and clinical applications (2nd ed., pp.
880–905). New York: Guilford.
Wray-Lake, L., Syvertsen, A. K., & Flanagan, C. A. (2010, March). A multidimensional,
longitudinal approach to understanding adolescents’ values of social responsibility.
Paper presented at the Society for Research on Adolescence meeting, Philadelphia,
PA.
Yates, M., & Youniss, J. (1996). Community service and political-moral identity in ado-
lescents. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 6, 271–284.
Youniss, J., Bales, S., Christmas-Best, V., Diversi, M., McLaughlin, M., & Silbereisen, R.
(2002). Youth civic engagement in the twenty-first century. Journal of Research on
Adolescence, 12, 121–148.
Part Three
Impact of Values and Religion on
Adolescent Adjustment in Times of
Social Change
9 Marginalized Japanese Youth in
Post-industrial Japan
Motivational Patterns, Self-Perceptions, and the
Structural Foundations of Shifting Values
Abstract
There is an increasing population of youth in Japan who are being pushed
to the periphery of Japanese society. These include the NEETs (Not in
Employment Education or Training), the Freeters (low-skill workers in highly
insecure jobs), and the hikikomori (social isolates). We argue that Japanese
youth marginalization has resulted, in large part, from economic and social
structural changes in post-industrial Japan. We further argue that any dis-
cussion of values and motivational processes of youth should be examined
within the context of the cultural and societal forces that are marginalizing
many of them. In doing so, we compare at-risk youth with mainstream youth
on independence and interdependence, post-materialist attitudes, and moti-
vational styles. Additionally, we discuss the role that religion has played on
helping youth transition into adulthood in the past versus in the present.
Finally, we conclude the chapter by discussing the youth volunteer move-
ment in the wake of the March 11, 2011 earthquake and what that might
represent for the values and future of Japanese youth.
211
212 Norasakkunkit and Uchida
Japan, 2010). Indeed, many Japanese youth report future goals that do not
include becoming a leader or overachieving in their careers but rather hav-
ing more leisure time (Zielenziger, in press). The idea that Japanese youth
are starting to place greater value on their inner happiness is consistent with
Inglehart’s (1977) contention that as industrialized societies accumulate
wealth to the point where the basic needs of most members of the soci-
ety are met for a prolonged period of time, individual values, especially
among the youth, will begin to switch from materialist values (emphasizing
economic and physical security) to post-materialist values (emphasizing
meaning and self-expression).
Inglehart (1977) argues that the switch in values from materialist to
post-materialist among the youth can occur even as the values of older gen-
erations remain unaffected by the economic affluence of society. Inglehart
further argues that under these circumstances, it should not be surprising
that an intergenerational gap, and even an intergenerational conflict, could
ensue. However, in Western societies, the youth who are in conflict with the
older generation will express their grievances through rebellion and pro-
test, as was seen during the Vietnam era in the United States.
What is different about Japan is that despite the two-decade long eco-
nomic stagnation, structural changes in the labor markets, and the impor-
tance of fresh ideas, innovation, creativity, flexibility, openness, trust, and
calculated risks in sustaining a healthy post-industrial economy, a rigid
seniority system within corporate structures and government bureaucracy
is still very much in place (Sato, 2010). Consequently, young Japanese peo-
ple continue to be disempowered from having much of a voice in reshaping
core institutions or playing an active role in the economic futures of their
society. To make matters worse, economic opportunities in the form of long-
term employment, are still largely preserved for middle-aged male workers.
Many young job seekers have to take on a series of part-time or temporary
jobs with little prospects for upward mobility, as is the case for most Freeters
(Genda, 2005; Kosugi, 2008). Even in such precarious positions, it is in the
interest of the youth to remain in the labor market as it becomes substan-
tially more challenging to reenter the Japanese workforce should there be
any gaps in their employment histories. The tendency for youth to fall into
such disempowered positions suggests that, as one analyst has put it, “Japan
is a country run by old men, for old men” (Lehmann, 2002). This is espe-
cially true at a time when the geriatric population is growing whereas the
youth population is shrinking.
Thus, it is not surprising that within the protected bubble of their unre-
formed lifetime employment system, the senior elites continue to propagate
Marginalized Japanese Youth 215
case that the younger generation is simply not as motivated to work as hard
as their predecessors who were strongly driven by the desire to improve
their own standards of living while building up their own nation from the
ruins of World War II to become a global economic powerhouse by the end
of the twentieth century.
Mathews (2004) argues that whereas criticisms from the older genera-
tion to the younger generation are likely to occur in every generation and
that every younger generation will grow older only to similarly criticize
the next younger generation (see also Trzesniewski & Donnellan, 2010),
he also argues that young Japanese today may never be like their elders
because many young employees intend to eventually leave their companies,
even though doing so would likely result in a decline in salary and status.
Mathews thus concluded that many of the young employees’ discontent
with their companies outweighed the financial loss and insecurities they
may experience in leaving their companies. This willingness to put self-
fulfillment over security also speaks to the emergence of post-materialist
values of Japanese youth today.
Thus, even when the select few (mostly males) make it into the long-
term employment system, their potential for leaving their companies may
be associated with less secure prospects than their predecessors were able
to take for granted. Because Japanese society continues to operate under a
breadwinner ideology, the lowered prospects for economic security among
young Japanese males today means that Japanese women would be less
interested in marrying them or wanting to start families with them. Indeed,
the lowered status of men in such a breadwinner system is arguably respon-
sible for the dangerously low marriage and birth rates among young adults
in Japan (Brinton, 2011).
In sum, the scholarly work of researchers like Brinton (2011), Genda
(2005), Kariya (2011), and Kosugi (2008) have revealed that the increasing
population of Freeters, NEETs, and hikokomori in modern Japan stem from
young people being trapped between cultural expectations and the reality of
a society in which the institutional means for supporting those expectations
are hardly in place anymore. Yet, no obvious alternative path to achieving
full status in society seems to exist other than to follow the ethos of the
post-war manufacturing economy where self-sacrifice and constant cali-
bration of the self to social expectations are to be made for one’s company
and for national economic growth. Post-materialist values have little room
to be realized and actualized in this type of social reality. It should therefore
come as no surprise that the youth of today’s Japan are becoming increas-
ingly demotivated to conform to interdependent norms. At the same time,
Marginalized Japanese Youth 217
however, they may also be feeling lost about how to fend for themselves in a
post-industrialized world fraught with uncertainties when all their parents
and teachers did for them was to aspire for them to enter the security of
the protected bubble, albeit a shrinking one, of the long-term employment
system. Nor did their parents and teachers seem to consider what would
happen to them if they failed. Ultimately, this is, in large part, how Japan
created its own lost generation in the 21st century (Zielenziger, 2006).
High Risk versus Low Risk Youth. Norasakkunkit and Uchida (2011) were able
to replicate the prototypical Japanese persistence pattern produced in Heine
and colleagues’ (2001) study among the low risk students. However, among
the high risk students, the pattern was reversed, as was expected. This finding
suggests that high risk students exhibited a persistence style that deviated from
that which would be considered adaptive in an interdependent cultural sys-
tem. Although the persistence style of high risk students appeared to resemble
that of the North American students found in Heine and colleagues’ study, a
closer look at the association between NEET tendencies and persistence levels,
through simple slope analyses, suggested that whereas NEET tendencies were
indeed associated with being demotivated by failure, NEET tendencies were
not necessarily associated with being more motivated by success.
1,000
800
600
400
200
0
Hi Risk Kyodai Low Risk Kyodai Kyodai Students 1999
Students 2009 Students 2009
Figure 9.1. Overall persistence time: Kyoto University (Kyodai) students in 2009
versus 1999.
Post-materialist Values
At face value, it is tempting to simply suggest that the lifestyles chosen by
Freeters and NEETs represent youth’s post-materialist values and rebellion
against what they perceive to be outmoded values embodied in society’s
expectation for them to conform to the “legitimate” path to responsible and
respectable Japanese adulthood. Although there is no doubt that some youth
have chosen to lead a lifestyle of a NEET for those reasons, and indeed, such
explanations were quite popular in the 1990s (e.g., see Yamada, 1999), we
tend to agree with Brinton (2011), Genda (2005), and Zielenziger (2006)
that the problems of Freeters, NEETs, and hikikomori are largely a function
of changing societal structures that are pushing young Japanese people to
the periphery of society.
Therefore, to look for signs of post-materialist values, it is more appro-
priate to directly measure attitudes and choices that are in the control of
the individual. One way is to look at attitudes toward competition, pre-
sumably because competition is a value that tends to promote material-
ist interests but detracts from post-material pursuits, unless the society is
deeply entrenched in the Protestant ethic like the United States where atti-
tudes toward competition tends to remain quite favorable (see Hayward &
Kemmelmeier, 2007; Weber, 1904/1930). Thus, if some segment of mar-
ginalized Japanese youth (i.e., NEETs and hikikomori) represent individuals
who are most affected by structural changes in society, it seemed reasonable
to compare Kyoto University students with NEETs/hikikomori on attitudes
toward competition to see if there is a trend toward moving away from
competition as a necessary virtue for society.
Marginalized Japanese Youth 225
Rank Place of Business/ Engine- Physic- Math/ Social Intensive Fine/ Health Education Huma- Unde- Other * “Practical” “Less
Origin Manag ering al/Life Comp Scienc English Applied Profes (%) nities clared (%) Majors Practical”
ement Scien uter es (%) (%) Arts sions (%) (%) (combined Majors
(%) ces (%) Scien (%) (%) first four (combined
ce (%) columns) remaining
(%) columns,
excluding
undeclared
majors (%)
1 China 24.30 20.20 12. 60 10.70 6.70 4.90 2.80 2.10 1.90 1.10 2.60 10.10 67.80 29.60
2 India 15.30 38.80 10.20 19.80 3.00 0.20 1.40 4.90 0.70 0.60 0.90 4.20 84.10 15.00
3 South 17.00 12.60 7.60 5.20 10.00 4.90 10.80 5.10 3.90 4.70 4.10 14.10 42.40 53.50
Korea
5 Taiwan 25.50 16.60 9.40 5.80 7.10 4.60 7.70 4.00 5.80 1.90 1.80 9.80» 57.30 40.90
6 Japan 20.90 4.40 5.70 2.90 13.20 11.30 8.80 3.20 3.40 4.40 4.80 17.00 33.90 61.30
7 Saudi 22.10 24.00 4.10 9.60 2.50 21.40 1.20 4.20 2.00 0.80 2.80 5.30 59.80 37.40
Arabia
9 Vietnam 39.70 10.80 6.80 9.40 3.40 6.30 2.60 5.50 1.60 1.20 3.50 9.20 66.70 29.80
10 Turkey 18.60% 23.30% 7.90% 10.00% 12.60% 4.70% 3.60% 1.10% 3.70% 0.60% 2.20% 9.70% 59.80% 38.00%
11 Nepal 26.20% 13.80% 15.80% 11.70% 6.00% 0.20% 1.40% 9.20% 0.80% 1.90% 1.80% 11.20% 67.50% 30.70%
15 Thailand 26.60% 18.80% 7.10% 8.30% 7.00% 4.40% 3.70% 4.40% 3.10% 1.70% 2.30% 12.60% 60.80% 36.90%
16 Hong 31.90% 9.40% 7.40% 4.90% 13.80% 2.10% 6.10% 2.30% 1.20% 2.40% 5.70% 12.80% 53.60% 40.70%
Kong
18 Indonesia 36.70% 18.80% 5.30% 6.30% 6.30% 6.20% 5.80% 3.50% 2.50% 1.80% 2.00% 10.70% 67.10% 36.80%
21 Malaysia 21.50% 28.40% 10.50% 6.00% 8.00% 0.70% 3.10% 3.90% 3.00% 1.40% 4.30% 9.20% 66.40% 29.30%
23 Pakistan 24.50% 23.20% 6.10% 10.70% 9.50% 0.90% 2.50% 5.10% 2.70% 1.90% 3.30% 960% 64.50% 32.20%
* Includes primarily agriculture, communications, law, general studies, and multi-interdisciplinary studies.
Note: Data from the Open Doors Report on International Educational Exchange, retrieved May 12, 2011 from http://www.iie.org/opendoors.
Marginalized Japanese Youth 227
volunteering and youth in Japan. Our generation has been hated on by a lot
of society, and I think that after the earthquake students have woken up and
realized there’s more to life, that we can make a big difference.”
Volunteering also came up when we visited a youth support agency
that helped us obtain data from recovering hikikomori clients for our
studies previously discussed (Norasakkunkit & Uchida, 2011; Uchida &
Norasakkunkit, 2010; Uchida et al., 2010). In a meeting for the parents of
hikikomori, one fully recovered hikikomori came up front to talk about his
experience. When he was asked what experience most impacted him dur-
ing his recovery, he talked about his volunteering experience. “I didn’t feel
any pressure. Yet, when I volunteered, I felt that people were appreciative of
me. I felt needed,” he said. “I think that’s when I started to feel good about
working.”
Although it is too soon to tell how volunteering will be shaped by the
crisis currently unfolding in Japan, we believe that one of the important
lessons that can be learned from the impact of the March 11, 2011 natural
disaster and from youth volunteers in Japan is that many Japanese youth
are not seeking to be left alone by the older generation. Instead, the val-
ues that changed the most as a result of the disaster and their motivations
to volunteer suggest that they seek connection from a position of mutual
respect, self-fulfillment, and even mutual sacrifice, not from a position of
low status, self-denial, and disempowerment. Although Western pop cul-
ture has no doubt influenced the values of Japanese youth, it is unlikely that
Japanese youth want to fully embrace American-style rugged individualism
with its emphasis on self-reliance and independence. Rather, they appear to
be seeking a more compassionate and egalitarian kind of interdependence
where the self also has some room to be expressed and where their post-
materialist values can have a place to live and breathe. If the youth of Japan
are allowed to negotiate a role in shaping such a future, the pervasiveness
of youth problems such as NEETs, hikikomoris, and teenage suicide may
finally be a thing of the past.
References
Arnett, J. J. (2004). Emerging adulthood: The winding road from the late teens through the
twenties. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Brinton, M. (2011). Lost in transition: Youth, work, and instability in postindustrial Japan.
New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. Experiments by nature
and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Marginalized Japanese Youth 231
Burnett, J. (2011, April 12). Japanese youth step up in earthquake aftermath. Retrieved
May 30, 2011, from http://www.npr.org/2011/04/12/135348165/japanese-youth-
step-up-in-earthquake-aftermath.
Cabinet Office, Government of Japan (2009). Hikikomori ni kansuru jittai chosa [An
investigation of the nature of hikikomori]. Retrieved from http://www8.cao.go.jp/
youth/kenkyu/hikikomori/pdf_index.html.
Chow, P., & Bhandari, R. (2011). Open doors 2011 report on International Educational
Exchange. New York: Institute of International Education. Retrieved May 12, 2011
from http://www.iie.org/opendoors.
DfEE (2001). Transforming youth work. Department for Education and Employment
[in the UK].
Fiske, A. P., Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., & Nisbett, R. E. (1998). The cultural matrix of
social psychology. In D. Gilbert, S. Fiske, & G. Linzey (Eds.), Handbook of social
psychology (pp. 915–981). Boston: McGraw-Hill.
Genda, Y. (2005). A nagging sense of job insecurity: The new reality facing Japanese youth.
Tokyo: International House of Japan, Inc.
Giorgi, L., & Marsh, C. (1990). The Protestant work ethic as a cultural phenomenon.
European Journal of Social Psychology, 20, 499–517.
Gottesdiener, L. (2011, April 7). Japan’s youth build generations’ identity in time of cri-
sis. Retrieved May 30, 2011, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/04/07/
japan-earthquake-tsunami-youth_n_846178.html.
Hamamura, T., Meijer, Z., Heine, S. J., Kamaya, K., & Hori, I. (2009) Approach-avoidance
motivations and information processing: A cross-cultural analysis. Personality and
Social Psychology Bulletin, 35, 454–462.
Hayward, R. D., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2007). How competition is viewed across cultures:
A test of four theories. Cross-Cultural Research, 41, 364–395.
Heine, S. J., Kitayama, S., Lehman, D. R., Takata, T., Ide, E., Leung, C., & Matsumoto, H.
(2001). Divergent consequences of success and failure in Japan and North America.
An investigation of self-improving motivations and malleable selves. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 599–615.
Hunter, M. (2011, March 12). Orderly disaster reaction in line with deep cultural roots.
Retrieved May 30, 2011, from http://news.blogs.cnn.com/2011/03/12/orderly-
disaster-reaction-in-line-with-deep-cultural-roots/.
Inglehart, R. (1977). The silent revolution: Changing values and political styles among
Western publics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
(2008). Changing values among Western publics from 1970 to 2006. West European
Politics, 31, 130–146.
Kamata, T. (2000). Ethos of edge (Oudouron vol.3): Edge no shisou waraberon: Initiation
naki jidai wo ikinukutameni [The guide to survive the modern era without an initi-
ation process]. Tokyo: Shinyousha.
Kameda, T., & Inukai, K. (under review). Emotional functioning, socio-economic uncer-
tainty, and cultural pathology: An investigation of the impact of SES on momen-
tary and elicited emotion.
Kariya, T. (2011). Credential inflation and employment in ‘universal’ higher educa-
tion: Enrollment, expansion and (in)equity via privatisation in Japan. Journal of
Education and Work, 24 (1–2), 69–94.
232 Norasakkunkit and Uchida
Kitayama, S., Mesquita, B., & Karasawa, M. (2006). Cultural affordances and emotional
experience: Socially engaging and disengaging emotions in Japan and the United
States. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 91(5), 890–903.
Kosugi, R. (2008). Escape from work: Freelancing youth and challenge to corporate Japan.
Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press.
Koyama, A., Miyake, Y., Kawakami, N., Tsuchiya, M., Tachimori, H., & Takeshima, T.
(2010). Lifetime prevalence, psychiatric comorbidity and demographic correlates
of “hikikomori” in a community population in Japan. Psychiatry Research, 176,
69–74.
Lehman, J. P. (2002, April 22). Gerontocracy and its perks sap resources. Retrieved May
22, 2011, from http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20020422jl.html.
Mainichi News (2010, April 27). More Japanese children lack motivation, value inner
happiness. Retrieved May 20, 2010 from http://mdn.mainichi.jp/features/
news/20100426p2a00m0na006000c.html.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for
cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98(2), 224–253.
doi:10.1037/0033–295X.98.2.224
Masuda, T., & Nisbett, R. E. (2001). Attending holistically vs. analytically: Comparing
the context sensitivity of Japanese and Americans. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 81, 922–934.
Mathews, G. (2004). Seeking a career, finding a job: How young people enter and resist
the Japanese world of work. In G. Mathews & B. White (Eds.), Japan’s changing
generations (pp. 69–93). New York: Guilford Press.
Matsumoto, D. (2002). The new Japan: Debunking seven cultural stereotypes. Yarmouth,
ME: Intercultural Press.
McClelland, D. (1961). The achieving society. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand.
Moore, J. C. (2009, July 28). Students giving up dream majors for practical pick. Retrieved
May 12, 2011, from http://www.vcstar.com/news/2009/jul/28/local-students-
forgo-dream-majors-in-hopes-of-a/.
Norasakkunkit, V. (2007, July). Pictorial versus verbal priming: Standardizing an experi-
mental priming procedure in the United States and Japan. Paper presented at the 7th
Biennial Conference of the Asian Association of Social Psychology, Kota Kinabalu,
Malaysia.
Norasakkunkit, V., & Uchida, Y. (2011). Psychological consequences of post-industrial
anomie on self and motivation among Japanese youth. Journal of Social Issues,
67(4), 774–786.
OECD Stat (2009). Country statistical profiles. Retrieved from http://stats.oecd.org/
Index.aspx?DataSetCode=CSP2009.
Oyserman, D., Coon, H. M., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2002). Rethinking individual-
ism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses.
Psychological Bulletin, 128(1), 3–72.
Quinn, D. M., & Crocker, J. (1999). When ideology hurts: Effects of feeling fat and the
Protestant ethic on the psychological well-being of women. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 77, 402–414.
Saito, T. (1998). Shakaiteki hikikomori: Owaranai shishunki [Social withdrawal: Unending
adolescence]. Tokyo: PHP Shuppan.
Marginalized Japanese Youth 233
Sakai, M., Horikawa, H., Nonaka, S., Matsumoto, M., & Hirakawa, S. (2011). Research
report on the nature of hikikomori. Proceedings of the KHJ Parents’ Association
Meeting.
Sanchez-Burks, J. (2002). Protestant relational ideology and (in) attention to relational
cues in work settings. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 919–929.
Sankei News (2011, April 26). The number of volunteers at the disaster site sharply decrease
compared with the Hanshin Great Earthquake. Retrieved May 30, 2011 from http://
sankei.jp.msn.com/life/news/110426/trd11042607400003-n1.htm.
Sato, Y. (2010). Japan’s traditional seniority system fading as new disparities emerge.
Retrieved May 30, 2011, from http://www.fgl.tohoku.ac.jp/rsch/05/tpc01.shtml.
Singelis, T. M. (1994). The measurement of independent and interdependent self-con-
struals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 20(5), 580–591.
Statistics Bureau (2011). Labor force survey (long term time series data). Tokyo: Ministry
of Internal Affairs and Communications, the Government of Japan. URL: http://
www.estat.go.jp/SG1/estat/List.do?bid=000001007702&cycode=0 (accessed May
5, 2011).
Tatsuki, S. (2000). The Kobe earthquake and the renaissance of volunteerism in
Japan. Journal of Kwansei Gakuin University Department of Sociology Studies, 87,
185–196.
The Japan Times Online (2011, March 27). The young volunteers. Retrieved May 30, 2011
from http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/ed20110327a2.html.
Trzesniewski, K. H., & Donnellan, M. B. (2010). Rethinking “Generation Me”: A study
of cohort effects from 1976–2006. Perspective in Psychological Science, 5(1), 58–75.
Uchida, Y. (2002). Culture and implicit self-construals. Paper presented at the International
Symposium on the Socio-Cultural Foundations of Cognition, Kyoto University,
Kyoto, Japan.
Uchida, Y., & Norasakkunkit, V. (2011). Hikikomori/NEET keikou to taijinkankei no
kentou [The NEET Risk Factor Scale and special considerations to interpersonal
factors]. Manuscript in prep.
Uchida, Y., Norasakkunkit, V., Kishimoto, S., Fujiwara, M., Kondo, M., & Morisaki, S.
(December 18, 2010). Seinenki no shakaiteki tekiyou: hikikomori/NEET no bunkash-
inrigakuteki kentou [The social adaptation of youth: Considerations from a cultural
psychological perspective]. The Kokoro Research Center Convention on Research
Findings (2010). Kokoro Research Center, Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan.
Uchida, Y., Park, J., & Kitayama, S. (2008, February). Explicit and implicit social orienta-
tions: Independence and interdependence in Japan and the U.S. Paper presented at
the 9th Annual Conference of the Society of Personality and Social Psychology,
Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Uchida, Y., Takahashi, Y., & Kawahara, K. (2011). Higashi nihon daishinsai chokugo no
jakunen sou no seikatsu koudo oyobi koufukudo ni kansuru eikyou [The immedi-
ate effects of the great earthquake of eastern Japan on the lifestyle and happiness of
youth]. Working paper of the Economic and Social Research Institute. Cabinet Office
of the Japanese Government.
Wagatsuma, H. (1983). Encyclopedia of Japan 3. Tokyo: Kodansha.
Weber, M. (1904/1930). The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. New York: The
Citadel Press.
234 Norasakkunkit and Uchida
Yamada, M. (1999). Parasaito shinguru no jidai [The age of parasite singles]. Tokyo:
Chikuma Shobo.
Yamagishi, T. (1999). Trust and social intelligence. Genetics, 11, 158–165. (In Japanese)
Zielenziger, M. (2006). Shutting out the sun: How Japan created its own lost generation.
New York: Nan A. Talese.
(in press). In T. Kawai & Y. Uchida (Eds.). Hikikomori-ko. Kyoto: Sogensha.
10 Adolescent Cultural Values and Adjustment
in the Changing Chinese Society
Abstract
Over the past two decades, China has been changing dramatically toward a
market-oriented society, particularly in urban areas, which may undermine
the traditional cultural and religious systems. Individualistic ideologies
and values are required for adjustment and success in the new compet-
itive environment and are increasingly appreciated by individuals, espe-
cially in the young generations. This chapter focuses on cultural values and
their relations with adjustment in Chinese youth from urban, rural, and
rural-to-urban migrant backgrounds. There is emerging evidence suggest-
ing differences between the urban and rural adolescents in their cultural
values. Whereas group orientation and social connectedness continue to
be valued among rural and urban adolescents, urban adolescents are more
likely than their rural counterparts to appreciate and approve the expres-
sion of personal distinctiveness and develop a “unitary and stable” self that
is separate from social context. Moreover, among urban, but not rural or
migrant, adolescents, values of uniqueness have become important for the
development of social status in the peer group and school achievement. As
a future direction, it will be interesting to explore how adolescents in China
integrate diverse values in their adaptation to the changing sociocultural
context.
235
236 Chen, Wang, and Liu
(Elder 1974). Recent studies (e.g., Silbereisen, 2005) have also revealed
that sociopolitical changes in Eastern European nations after the fall of the
Berlin Wall have pervasive effects on the relationships, behaviors, and life
adjustment of youth.
Researchers who study social change and human development are often
interested in individual cultural values (e.g., Silbereisen, 2005). Value sys-
tems are highly susceptible to the influence of environmental change and,
at the same time, serve as a guideline for interpersonal interaction and
individual functioning. Kagitcibasi and Ataca (2005), for example, found
that the cultural values of Turkish parents changed over the past three
decades as a result of the transformation of the society. Turkish parents
in 2003, particularly in high socioeconomic status urban families, valued
autonomy and independence more than those in 1975. The urbanization
and socioeconomic development were associated with a decline in mate-
rial dependence within the family and an increase in positive attitudes
toward children’s independent and exploratory behaviors. Similar findings
concerning changes in cultural values of independence and individuality
have been reported in other societies such as Maya communities in Mexico
and Guatemala (e.g., Greenfield, Maynard, & Childs, 2000) and Germany
(Eickhorst, Lamm, Borke, & Keller, 2008; Keller & Lamm, 2005).
social and political order of the society and even encouraged the pursuit
of personal freedom, although the notion of individuality in Taoism has
not been generally recognized in Chinese culture (Yu, 2004). This may be
illustrated in Zhuangtze’s teaching, “Going back and forth between heaven
and earth and moving freely around the world without being hindered by
others are called ‘du you’ (keeping something to self, uniqueness). A person
with the quality of ‘du you’ is a noble person.” (Zhuangtze, 2006; p. 99).
Moreover, the Chinese society has been changing since early in the last
century when Western ideologies were introduced into the country (Yu,
2004). This change has accelerated over the past three decades as a result
of the economic reform in China. Many traditional Chinese cultural val-
ues are incompatible with the requirements of the market-oriented society
that emphasizes individual initiative, active exploration, and competitive-
ness. To function adequately and obtain success in the new environment,
individuals need to learn skills that help them behave in an independent
and assertive manner (Chen & Chen, 2010). In a recent study, Liu et al.
(2005) found in an observational study of parent–child interactions that
Canadian parents had relatively higher scores on the encouragement of
autonomy/individuality whereas Chinese parents had relatively higher
scores on encouragement of connectedness. However, within the Chinese
sample, there was a substantial individual variability on both autonomy-
and connectedness-oriented parenting behaviors. Indeed, like Canadian
parents, Chinese parents had higher scores on encouragement of autonomy
than on encouragement of connectedness. In both Chinese and Canadian
samples, parental encouragement of autonomy was associated with child
autonomous behavior whereas parental connectedness was associated with
child connectedness and affiliative behavior.
Of particular relevance to adolescent development are the significant
changes in educational policies and practices in Chinese schools. As required
in the “Outline of the educational reform” established by the Ministry of
Education of (Yu, 2002), many schools have expanded the goals of educa-
tion to include helping children develop social and behavioral qualities that
are required for adaptation in the competitive society. Whereas academic
achievement continues to be emphasized, children are also encouraged to
develop social skills such as expression of personal opinions, self-direction
and self-confidence, which have traditionally been neglected in Chinese
culture (Yu, 2002). A variety of strategies (e.g., encouraging students to
engage in public debate and to plan and organize their own extracurricular
activities) has been used to facilitate the development of these skills. The
emphasis on individuality and self-expression in education and other social
Adolescent Cultural Values and Adjustment 241
showed that by the early part of the twenty-first century as cities in China
became more deeply immersed in a market economy, shy children, unlike
their counterparts in the early 1990s, were perceived as incompetent and
problematic and thus rejected by peers and displayed adjustment problems.
Similar results were reported in samples of high school students in China
(Liu, Chen, Li, & French, in press).
It has been argued that whereas individuality and independence are
increasingly valued, group orientation and social connectedness may not
necessarily be discouraged or weakened in China (Yang, 1986). According
to this argument, during the transition to modernization, some traditional
values, especially those with vigorous cultural roots, may be maintained
and manifested in the social lives of Chinese people. As a core aspect of
Confucian holistic philosophy and contemporary collectivistic ideologies,
group orientation is likely to display its robustness in the context of social
change and continue to affect social interaction and individual functioning
in Chinese adults and children (Oyserman Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002;
Triandis, 1995).
Table 10.1. Means and Standard Deviations of Values in Urban, Rural, and Migrant
Groups
not in the other two groups. Uniqueness was also positively associated with
loneliness in rural and migrant groups. In contrast, group orientation was
positively associated with peer preferences and academic achievement in
rural and migrant groups, but not in the urban group. Finally, social con-
nectedness was positively associated with peer preference in urban students
and negatively associated with loneliness in all groups.
The associations of individual assertiveness with both sociability and
aggression are rather interesting. The results suggest that regardless of
the background, adolescents who are socially competent and aggressive
Adolescent Cultural Values and Adjustment 247
in China are more likely than others to value assertiveness. These results
are consistent with the argument that sociability and aggression are both
based on a high level of social initiative or a tendency to actively participate
in social interaction (Chen & French, 2008). To display either sociable or
aggressive behavior in social situations, adolescents need to be confident
and motivated to interact with others. Values of assertiveness may be con-
ducive to the development of self-confidence and social interest. The dif-
ferences between social competence and aggression may be derived from
different levels of self-control, the ability to modulate social initiative or
assertiveness. Whereas social assertiveness based on a high level of self-
control may lead to socially competent behavior, the combination of high
assertiveness and low self-control constitutes a basis for the development of
aggressive-disruptive behavior (Chen & French, 2008).
Values of uniqueness and group orientation appeared to be particu-
larly useful in characterizing the differences between the urban and rural
students; uniqueness positively predicted peer preference and academic
achievement in urban students, and group orientation positively predicted
these variables in rural students. More strikingly, uniqueness positively
predicted feelings of loneliness in rural students. The results clearly showed
that values of uniqueness and group orientation have different meanings
in adolescent social and psychological adjustment in urban and rural
regions. Unique personal characteristics and distinct behavioral styles not
only are more appreciated but also play a more important role in shap-
ing social relationships and school performance in urban youth. However,
striving for uniqueness may not fit with the social expectations of confor-
mity, unity, and obedience that are traditionally valued in rural Chinese
society (Chen, 2010). Thus, it is not surprising that adolescents in rural
areas who value uniqueness tend to feel lonely and socially dissatisfied.
Consistent with these arguments, rural adolescents who value group ori-
entation appear to have advantage in obtaining peer support and achieving
school success.
The relations between values and adjustment in migrant students were
largely similar to those in rural students. Like their rural counterparts,
for example, migrant students who valued uniqueness tended to report
higher loneliness than others. Therefore, although migrant students did
not endorse either traditional group-oriented values or urban individ-
ualistic values, the functional meanings of these values in social, school,
and psychological adjustment remained virtually the same as those in the
rural group. This may be because the migrant sample was selected from the
migrant children’s school where almost all students came from rural areas of
248 Chen, Wang, and Liu
the country. These students were raised and socialized mainly in the coun-
tryside. Because of their temporary residence in the city, migrant students
often think of themselves more as members of their hometown than as a
part of the urban population (Sun, 2006; Zhan et al., 2005). The extensive
early experience, continuous influence of the family and the community,
and frequent contact with relatives and peers in the village (e.g., stay in the
hometown for several months each year when the school is closed in the
summer and in the spring holidays) are likely to help rural migrant students
to form a climate in the school in which traditional group-oriented values
are emphasized and used to guide social interactions.
References
Berry, J. W., Phinney, J. S., Sam, D. L., & Vedder, P. (2006). Immigrant youth in cul-
tural transition: Acculturation, identity, and adaptation across national contexts.
Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Bronfenbrenner, U., & Morris, P. A. (2006). The bioecological model of human devel-
opment. In W. Damon (Series Ed.) & R. M. Lerner (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child
psychology: Vol 1. Theoretical models of human development (pp. 793–828). New
York: Wiley.
Bulletin of China’s Economic and Social Development in 2009 (2010, February, 25). Xin
Hua She, Beijing.
Chen, X. (2010). Socioemotional development in Chinese children. In M. H. Bond (Ed.),
Handbook of Chinese psychology (pp. 37–52). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Chen, X., Cen, G., Li, D., & He, Y. (2005). Social functioning and adjustment in Chinese
children: The imprint of historical time. Child Development, 76, 182–195.
Chen, X., & Chen, H. (2010). Children’s social functioning and adjustment in the chang-
ing Chinese society. In R. K. Silbereisen & X. Chen (Eds.), Social change and human
development: Concepts and results (pp. 209–226). London: Sage.
Chen, X., & French, D. (2008). Children’s social competence in cultural context. Annual
Review of Psychology, 59, 591–616.
Chen, X., Rubin, K. H., & Li, Z. (1995). Social functioning and adjustment in Chinese
children: A longitudinal study. Developmental Psychology, 31, 531–539.
China Youth & Children Research Center (2007). A study of adaption of children of
migrant workers to the urban life. Reports of the China Youth & Children Research
Center, November 16. http://www.cycs.org/Article.asp?Category=1&Column=130
&ID=5809
Eickhorst, A., Lamm, B., Borke, J., & Keller, H. (2008). Fatherhood in different decades:
Interactions between German fathers and their infants in 1977 and 2001. European
Journal of Developmental Psychology, 5, 92–107.
Elder, G. H. Jr. (1974). Children of the Great Depression. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Elder, G. H. Jr., & Shanahan, M. J. (2006). The life course and human development. In W.
Damon (Series Ed.) & R. M. Lerner (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol 1.
Theoretical models of human development (pp. 665–715). New York: Wiley.
Fuligni, A. J., & Zhang, W. X. (2004). Attitudes toward family obligation among
adolescents in contemporary urban and rural China. Child Development, 74,
180–192.
Garcia Coll, C., Crnic, K., Lamberty, G., Wasik, B. H., Jenkins, R., Garcia, H. V., &
McAdoo, H. P. (1996). An integrative model for the study of development compe-
tencies in minority children. Child Development, 67, 1891–1914.
Greenfield, P. M., Maynard, A. E., & Childs, C. P. (2000). History, culture, learning and
development. Cross-Cultural Research, 34, 351–374.
Greenfield, P. M., Suzuki, L. K., & Rothstein-Fisch, C. (2006). Cultural pathways through
human development. In K. A. Renninger & I. E. Sigel (Eds.), Handbook of child psy-
chology: Vol. 4. Child psychology in practice (pp. 655–699). New York: Wiley.
Guo, L., Yao, Y., & Yang, B. (2005). Adaptation of migrant children to the city: A case
study at a migrant children school in Beijing. Youth Study, 3, 22–31.
Adolescent Cultural Values and Adjustment 251
Hart, C. H., Yang, C., Nelson, L. J., Robinson, C. C., Olson, J. A., Nelson, D. A. …
Wu, P. (2000). Peer acceptance in early childhood and subtypes of socially with-
drawn behaviour in China, Russia and the United States. International Journal of
Behavioral Development, 24, 73–81.
Ho, D. Y. F. (1986). Chinese pattern of socialization: A critical review. In M. H. Bond
(Ed.), The psychology of the Chinese people (pp. 1–37). New York: Oxford University
Press.
Hong, Y. Y., Morris, M. W., Chiu, C. Y., & Benet-Martinez, V. (2000). Multicultural
minds: A dynamic constructivist approach to culture and cognition. American
Psychologist, 55, 709–720.
Huang, A., & Du, X. (2007). Comparative analysis of urban-rural differences of family
education in China. Journal of Yibin University, 1, 107–110.
Kagitcibasi, C., & Ataca, B. (2005). Value of children and family change: A three-decade
portrait from Turkey. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 54, 317–337.
Keller, H., & Lamm, B. (2005). Parenting as the expression of sociohistorical time: The
case of German individualisation. International Journal of Behavioral Development,
29, 238–246.
Li, L. (2006). A study of home education styles in rural areas. Research on Continuing
Education, 2, 95–97.
Liu, J., Chen, X., Li, D., & French, D. (in press). Shyness-sensitivity, aggression, and adjust-
ment in urban Chinese adolescents at different historical times. Journal of Research
on Adolescence.
Liu, M., Chen, X., Rubin, K. H., Zheng, S., Cui, L., Li, D. … Wang, L. (2005). Autonomy-
vs. connectedness-oriented parenting behaviors in Chinese and Canadian moth-
ers. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 29, 489–495.
Markus, H., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition,
emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Nielsen, I., Nyland, B., Nyland, C., Smith, R., & Zhang, M. (2006). Determinants of
school attendance among migrant children: Survey evidence from China’s Jiangsu
province. Pacific Economic Review, 11, 461–476.
Oyserman, D., Coon, H. M., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2002). Rethinking individual-
ism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses.
Psychological Bulletin, 128, 3–72.
Shen, R. (2006). Problems and solutions for child education for migrant rural worker fam-
ilies. Journal of China Agricultural University (Social Science Edition), 64, 96–100.
Silbereisen, R. K. (2005). Social change and human development: Experiences from
German unification. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 29, 2–13.
Singelis, T. M. (1994). The measurement of independent and interdependent self-con-
struals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 20, 580–591.
Sun, H. (2006). About the social adaptation of children of migrant workers in the city.
Reports of the China Youth & Children Research Center, December 2. http://www.
cycrc.org/cnarticle_detail.asp?id=1421
Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., Way, N., Hughes, D., Yoshikawa, H., Kalman, R. K., & Niwa, E.
(2008). Parents’ goals for children: The dynamic co-existence of collectivism and
individualism in cultures and individuals. Social Development, 17, 183–209.
Triandis, H. C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
252 Chen, Wang, and Liu
Abstract
This chapter examines how Sunni Muslim girls in Israel construct their
future orientation. Underlying are three basic premises: (1) adolescent future
orientation plays a pivotal role in guiding entrance to adulthood, (2) future
orientation is shaped by contextual forces including religious–cultural set-
ting and family environment, and (3) religious practices are shaped by local
circumstances. The article consists of three parts: (1) the conceptualization
of future orientation, (2) the developmental setting of Muslim girls in Israel,
and (3) how they construct their future orientation. This part presents a six-
step model depicting future orientation, its family antecedents and academic
achievement outcomes, and empirical estimates for two pertinent future life
domains: higher education and marriage and family. Employing a mixed-
method approach, quantitative analyses (Structural Equation Modeling)
show a good fit for each of the two empirical models. Yet, higher education
has a positive effect and marriage and family has a negative effect on aca-
demic achievement. Qualitative analyses of their hopes and fears narratives
indicate that these girls resolve the tension between devotion to religious-
traditional life via early marriage and aspirations for emancipation via higher
education by following three strategies: completing education before getting
married, marrying a supportive husband, and harnessing education for the
good of the collective.
Our work focuses on Muslim adolescent girls in Israel. Its aim is to exam-
ine how these girls construct their future orientation as they grow up in
a minority society whose relations with the Israeli Jewish majority are
characterized by both inclusion and exclusion. As citizens, they officially
bear equal rights, yet in many respects, they are excluded from the Jewish
253
254 Seginer and Mahajna
Future Orientation
Future orientation is an umbrella concept defined differently by various
future-thinking researchers. Assuming that time perspective is not inde-
pendent of its content (Nuttin and Lens, 1985) our analyses have taken
With God’s Help 255
X1 X2 X3 X4 Future Orientation
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y4 Y5 Y6 Y7 Y8 Y9 Y10 Y11 Y12
Ad-Par
Rel
Self FO FO FO Acad
Emp Mot Cog Behav Ach
Par
Beliefs
X5 X6
The Future Orientation Three Component Model. The model was devel-
oped in response to questions about the psychological forces that prompt
representation of future images (antecedents) and the behavioral processes
it induces (outcomes). Consequently, the model consists of motivational,
cognitive representation, and behavioral components – each indicated
by two or three variables – and the relations between them. Given that
motivational forces prompt both cognitive representation and behavioral
engagement, they are directly linked to both (Figure 11.1, box).
and its affective tone, and a sense of internal control attributing responsibil-
ity for the materialization of prospective hopes and plans to the self.
Future Life Domains. Earlier research (Seginer, 2008) has shown that ado-
lescents across different sociocultural settings include in their future life
space three core domains: higher education, work and career (instrumental
domains), and marriage and family (relational domain). As indicated ear-
lier, we will analyze two life domains in this study: higher education and
marriage and family. Underlying it is the importance Muslim girls in Israel
have been giving to higher education (“education is a weapon in women’s
hands,” Seginer & Mahajna, 2003, 2004) and the pressure for arranged early
marriage (in 2008, the median age of marriage for Muslim girls in Israel was
20.3 and the average age 21.3; Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, 2010).
Given the importance of context for the study of developmental issues
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979), the empirical analyses of the future orientation
model follow the description of Israeli Muslim cultural–religious setting
and its meaning for adolescent girls.
The Debate about Women in the Islam. Like holy writings of other reli-
gions, the Qur’an is rich with ideas, represents multiple views, and is
open to interpretation. What is true of its entirety is particularly relevant
to women in the Qur’an (Ahmed, 1992). Moreover, as noted by Pickthall
(1999), although the Qur’an mentions the name of only one woman, many
of its verses are devoted to women, including their behavior, relations with
men, and the way they dress. The main debate is whether the Qur’an teaches
equality of the sexes indicated by verses that give equal standing to men and
women (Jones, 2007, 33: 35) or male dominance, indicated by verses in
which men are described as controlling women (Jones, 2007, 4:34).
According to Ahmed (1992), Muhammad’s teachings advocated both.
However, the Abbasid Caliphate of Iraq (750–1258) chose to ignore the
equality teachings and inculcated its subjects with male dominance prin-
ciples. The power given to patriarchs created a misogynist society that sur-
vived the Caliphate and continues to shape relationships between women
and men in the family, the workplace, and the political system. This inter-
pretation survived not because it represented a more authentic version of
Muhammad’s teachings but because it was initiated by the politically dom-
inant (Ahmed, 1992).
avoid open conflict with the Shari’a (Islam religious law) and introduce a
gradual reform, the state allows for concessions with the Muslim law (Peled,
2001).
The second reason is that the ethnic labor market in occupations such
as teaching, health services, and municipal services offers women jobs
in which they do not compete with the Jewish majority (Khattab, 2003),
thereby granting them greater employment openings. The third reason is
that opportunities for higher education create another avenue for profes-
sional jobs, and in principle also enable participation in the political sys-
tem. The trend that starts in high school continues in college and has a
direct bearing on women’s participation in the workforce.
Eight years after high school graduation, 30 percent of the women but
only 19 percent of the men earned a university degree. However, overall,
fewer Arab and Jewish women than Arab and Jewish men hold a paid job
(21 percent and 60 percent of Arab women and men and 58 percent and 62
percent of Jewish women and men, respectively). Among women with 16+
years of education, the workforce gap narrows: 74 percent of Arab women
(compared to 79 percent of Jewish women) hold a paid job (Israel Central
Statistics Bureau, 2011).
However, the benefits of education and career are double-edged. As in
other Muslim societies in the Middle East, educated women’s paid jobs con-
tribute to the family’s standard of living but do not improve their status.
Instead, men use it to substantiate patriarchal family patterns that lead to
women’s frustration and sense of powerlessness, which at times also affects
their health and obstructs political participation (Azaiza et al., 2009).
Moreover, the burden of carrying out two jobs – at home and in the job
market – with no help from husbands has led women to quit paid jobs
(Abu-Baker, 2003).
Family Environment
Underlying our conceptualization of family environment are two assump-
tions: (1) that adolescents’ outcomes are affected mainly by how adolescents
experience family environment (perceived family environment), and (2) that
given its multidimensionality, the family environment in this analysis con-
sists of adolescent–parent relationships as one dimension relevant for a wide
range of adolescent development outcomes and parents’ beliefs regarding
adolescent girls’ roles as a dimension specifically relevant to future orien-
tation. Together, these two dimensions address the relational–emotional
(adolescent–parent relationships) and the cognitive–ideational (parental
beliefs) aspects of home environment.
260 Seginer and Mahajna
Parental Beliefs. Parental beliefs pertain to the ideas and subjective knowl-
edge individuals hold, specifically applying to their role as parents. Like all
other beliefs, they draw on social models and personal experiences as filtered
through cultural lenses (Goodnow & Collins, 1990). Their content – commu-
nicated in family discourse and via parental behaviors – pertains to a wide
range of issues regarding the nature of children in general and of parents’
individual children, child rearing practices, and the values underlying them.
As noted earlier, in this analysis we focus on beliefs about young women’s
roles vis-à-vis higher education and early marriage. Underlying these beliefs
is the tension between entering the traditional role of wife and mother at
an early age and the pursuit of equal opportunities for education and occu-
pation (Mahajna, 2007; Seginer & Mahajna, 2004). Because beliefs reflect
cultural models and because collectivistic societies expect a greater sense
of commitment to the in-group, we assume parental beliefs about young
women’s roles are of particular relevance to Muslim girls.
underlying this model has been that each of its three components plays a
part in constructing the future. Specifically, it involves pondering the value
of each future life domain, the probability and controllability of fulfilling
their hopes (the motivational component), considering the future via hopes
and fears (the cognitive component), weighing options and focusing on one
(the behavioral component). To examine future orientation in context and
indicate its consequences for adolescents’ functioning, we developed an
extended model of future orientation that includes both family antecedents
and academic achievement outcomes, as described in the next section.
Domain Specificity. Although the model is generic and fits data about
various future life domains, we propose that the path between future ori-
entation and academic achievement is positive for higher education and
negative for marriage and family. Underlying it is the different meaning
of the two domains and the girls’ awareness that academic achievement is
instrumental for higher education admission but of no avail for early mar-
riage. To illustrate, “…I am getting married this summer, so why should I
worry about education?” (Seginer & Mahajna, 2011).
X1 X2 X3 X4
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y4 Y5 Y6 Y7 Y8 Y9 Y10 Y11 Y12
Ad-Par
Rel .52
Self .36 FO .76 FO .68 FO .34 Acad
.67 .09 Emp Mot Cog Behav Ach
Par ζ1=.66 ζ2=.57 ζ3=.42 ζ4=.37
Beliefs .42 .14 3 ζ5=.88
X5 X6
X1 X2 X3 X4
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y4 Y5 Y6 Y7 Y8 Y9 Y10 Y11 Y12
Ad-Par
Rel .57
Self .08 FO .60 FO .65 FO –.27 Acad
–.38 –.01 Emp Mot Cog Behav Ach
Par ζ1=.67 ζ2=.89 ζ3=.63 ζ4=.37
Beliefs .34 .21 ζ5=.93
X5 X6
Figure 11.2 Empirical estimate of the six-step future orientation model: (a) The higher
education domain N = 617, CFI = .963 RMSEA = .045; (b) The marriage and family
domain. N = 617, CFI = .944 RMSEA = .055.
Moreover, our findings have shown that whereas in all other groups
examined by us, the motivational component of the instrumental domains
(higher education, work and career) as well as the relational domain (mar-
riage and family) is affected by a sense of self-worth (Seginer, 2009; Seginer
et al., 2004), for Muslim girls, the motivational component of the marriage
and family domain is linked only to traditional Muslim parental beliefs that
instruct early marriage for women. Underlying it is the Muslim patriarchal
family system (Booth, 2002) whereby through marriage, male dominance is
transmitted from father and other family males to husband.
However, as noted in earlier analyses of Muslim girls’ future orientation
(Seginer, 2005; Seginer & Mahajna, 2004), the pursuit of higher educa-
tion rarely involves an open questioning of religious practices or paternal
authority. Instead, Muslim girls seek ways to intertwine emancipation (via
education) and tradition (via accepting arranged marriage). Their hopes
and fears narratives reveal three such ways. One is sequential pursuit of edu-
cation and marriage: the preferred order is education first followed by mar-
riage. Consider the following excerpts from our study interviews:
“Regarding marriage, I think a girl should get married only after completing
her education. I hope God will help with my education and my marriage. I am
not against being engaged after I complete my matriculation examinations. As
long as my fiancé will agree that I continue my education and that our wedding
will not take place immediately.”
However, girls for whom marriage has been arranged before high school grad-
uation find comfort in hopes to resume education, “later on.”
In the future I would like to continue my education and I will insist on it. At the
end of the school year I am getting married. I hope my family life will be good
and successful and my husband will support and encourage me to continue my
education.
I wish I could graduate from high school, study Psychology and only then think
about marriage. But the circumstances in which I live force me to get married
now after I graduate from 11th grade. I fear I will regret I left school although it
is not my fault. But I think that later on I will go back to school.
A second way is hoping for a supportive husband. This is the most common
and least efficacious consolation girls develop for themselves: “I hope to be for-
tunate and be engaged to a person who is understanding, open, and respects
the woman, and will agree to share responsibility for our home and children. I
hope he will support me so I can continue my education and not be a stumbling
block against my dream for higher education.” Another states, “I hope to God
to send me a man who encourages women’s education. I do not think I have a
hope which is more important than this one.”
With God’s Help 267
The third way is harnessing education for the good of her family and
community:
“I want to be a devoted wife. Therefore, I need to have education so that I can
be a devoted wife” and “My hopes are to continue my education, be an excel-
lent medical doctor, get married, be an exemplary wife and contribute to our
society.”
Acknowledgment
The authors wish to acknowledge the help of Sandra Zukerman in data
analysis and of Shirli Shoyer in the production of this manuscript.
Notes
1. All quotes of girls’ narratives were jointly translated and back-translated by both
authors. Mahajna is native speaker of Arabic and Seginer is responsible for the
English.
268 Seginer and Mahajna
References
Abu-Baker, K. (2003). “Career woman” or “working woman”? Change versus stability for
young Palestinian women in Israel. Journal of Israeli History, 21, (1–2), 85–109.
Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and gender in Islam: Historical roots of modern debate. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Atkinson, J. W. (1964). An introduction to motivation. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand.
Azaiza, F., Abu-Baker, K., Hertz-Lazarowitz, R., & Ghanem, A. (2009). Introduction.
In F. Azaiza, K. Abu-Baker, R. Hertz-Lazarowitz, & A. Ghanem (Eds.), Arab
women in Israel: Current status and future trends (pp. 5–16). Tel Aviv: Ramot.
(Hebrew)
Barber, B., Stolz, H., Olson, J. O., Collins, A., & Burchinal, M. (2005). Parental support,
psychological control, and behavioral control: Assessing relevance across time, cul-
ture, and method. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 70,
1–137. doi: 10.1111/j.1540–5834.2005.00365.x
Booth, M. (2002). Arab adolescents facing the future: Enduring ideals and pressures
to change. In B. B. Brown, R. W. Larson, & T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), The world’s
youth: Adolescence in eight regions of the globe (pp. 207–242). New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature
and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Douvan, E., & Adelson, J. (1966). The adolescent experience. New York: Wiley
Eccles, J. S., & Wigfield, A. (2002). Motivation, beliefs, and goals. Annual Review of
Psychology, 53, 109–132. doi: 10.1146/annurev.psych.53.100901.135153
Epstein, S. (1983). Scoring and interpretation of the mother-father-peer scale. Unpublished
manuscript, University of Massachusetts.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity, youth and crisis. New York: Norton.
Goodnow, J. J., & Collins, W. A. (1990). Development according to parents. Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Gregg, G. S. (2005). The Middle East: A cultural psychology. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Harter, S. (1999). The construction of the self. New York: Guilford.
Husman, J., & Lens, W. (1999). The role of the future in student motivation. Educational
Psychologist, 34, 113–125. doi: 10.1207/s15326985ep3402_4
Israel Central Statistical Bureau (2010). Israel Statistical Yearbook. Jerusalem: Central
Bureau of Statistics.
(2011). Women and men. Jerusalem: Central Bureau of Statistics. (Hebrew)
James, W. (1890/1950). The principles of psychology. New York: Dover Publications.
Joireman, J., Anderson, J., & Strathman, A. (2003). The aggression paradox:
Understanding links among aggression, sensation seeking, and the consideration
of future consequences. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 1287–1302.
doi: 10.1037/0022–3514.84.6.1287
Jones, A. (2007). The Qur’an translation into English. Cambridge: Gibbs Memorial
Trust.
Khattab, N. (2003). Segregation, ethnic labor market and the occupational expecta-
tions of Palestinian students in Israel. British journal of sociology, 54, 259–285. doi:
10.1080/0007131032000080230
With God’s Help 269
Seginer, R., & Mahajna, S. (2004). How the future orientation of traditional Israeli Palesti
nian girls link beliefs about women’s roles and academic achievement. Psychology
of Women Quarterly, 28, 122–135. doi: 10.1111/j.1471–6402.2004.00129.x
(2012). How future orientation links parenting and academic achievement: Gender
differences among Muslim adolescents. Manuscript submitted for publication.
Seginer, R., Shoyer, S., & Dekel, S. (2011). Future orientation in context: The case of
Jewish ultra-orthodox and secular girls. In preparation.
Seginer, R., Shoyer, S., Hossessi, R., & Tannous, H. (2007). Adolescent family and peer
relationships: Does culture matter? In R. W. Larson & L. A. Jensen (Series Eds.),
New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development (No. 116). B. B. Brown & N.
S. Mounts (Vol. Eds.), Linking parents and family to adolescent peer relations: Ethnic
and cultural considerations (pp. 83–99). San Francisco: Jossey Bass.
Seginer, R., & Vermulst, A. (2002). Family environment, educational aspirations, and
academic achievement in two cultural settings. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology,
33, 540–558. doi: 10.1177/00220022102238268
Seginer, R., Vermulst, A., & Shoyer, S. (2004). The indirect link between perceived parent-
ing and adolescent future orientation: A multiple-step analysis. International Journal
of Behavioral Development, 28, 365–378. doi: 10.1080/01650250444000081
Smooha, S. (2009). The 2008 Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2008. Haifa, Israel:
The Jewish-Arab Center, the University of Haifa (Hebrew).
Trommsdorff, G. (1983). Future orientation and socialization. International Journal of
Psychology, 18, 381–406. doi: 10.1080/00207598308247489
(1986). Future time orientation and its relevance for development as action. In R.
K. Silbereisen, K. Eyferth, & G. Rudinger (Eds.), Development as action in con-
text: Problem behavior and normal youth development (pp. 121–136). New York:
Springer-Verlag.
12 Religion’s Role in the Development of Girls’
Occupational Aspirations
Abstract
In this chapter we explore the influence of religion on female adolescents
through the use of both nationally representative, longitudinal survey data
and semi-structured, in-person interviews from the National Study of Youth
and Religion. Our results suggest that growing up in a religious family, espe-
cially those involved in religious institutions, may result in an increased
identification with femininity and a heightened emphasis on care, leading
to preference for more female-dominated jobs like teaching, nursing, and
other medical assistant type work. Adolescent girls (ages 16–21) express a
preference for these careers over business, science, or other male-dominated
(and more highly paid) professions while directly referring to a personal
desire for an altruistic, rewarding, and “family friendly” career track. These
gendered career aspirations sort girls into limited career tracks early in their
educational lives and often well before family formation processes begin,
likely contributing to continued gender inequality in educational and career
attainment. Although occupational aspirations are thought to be primarily
products of social class and ability, we argue that cultural forces such as reli-
gion provide a system of meaning and values that shape how girls imagine
their futures.
When adolescents imagine their future selves, they are setting goals that
will influence their current behavior (Oyserman & James, 2009). They are
defining the potential they see in themselves. Although adolescent career or
occupational aspirations are not perfectly correlated with eventual achieve-
ment, there is a sizeable association (Campbell, 1983; Eccles, Vida, & Barber,
2004; Schoon, 2001; Sewell, Haller, & Portes, 1969). Further, although the
gap is shrinking, girls tend to have less prestigious occupational aspirations
271
272 Pearce and Hardie
jobs held by mothers they know. Their personal value orientations may also
influence their occupational aspirations. Research shows that in general,
young women attach greater value to intrinsic, altruistic, and social rewards
from their work than young men and this shows in the types of jobs to
which they aspire (Marini, et al., 1996; Weisgram, Bigler, & Liben, 2010).
Prior studies have identified several correlates of the occupational aspi-
rations of adolescent girls. First, as adolescents age, they mature cognitively
and begin to more seriously consider their occupational goals (Nurmi, 1994).
Second, the family context greatly shapes the type of career to which a girl
aspires. Living with two parents increases the financial and emotional sup-
port available to girls as they develop their aspirations (Teachman & Paasch,
1998). However, the more siblings one has, the further the resources are
stretched, so it is likely that girls from larger families temper their aspirations.
Also, the more education one’s mother and/or father have attained, the more
prestigious is the occupation to which a girl aspires (Glick & White, 2003;
Hitlin, 2006; Shu & Marini, 2008). Family income signals resources, and is
likely to increase a girl’s confidence in being able to accomplish her goals
(Massey et al., 2008). Finally, aspirations are often shaped by one’s assessment
of their abilities and dedication. This is reflected through evidence that an
adolescent’s GPA is related to her aspirations (Davis & Pearce, 2007).
What is conspicuously missing from research on the development of girls’
occupational aspirations is the role of cultural institutions such as religion
that cultivate values that influence aspirations. Culture is an important con-
text in which the development of aspirations occurs (Seginer 2003), so studies
often evaluate whether there are racial/ethnic differences in prestige of occu-
pational aspirations after socioeconomic factors are controlled, but evidence
is weak for any such differences in the United States (Chang, et al., 2006;
Phinney, Baumann, & Blanton, 2001). Culture expressed through the tenets
of a religious congregation, however, may influence adolescents’ aspirations.
Seginer (2003) reports that Israeli Jewish (kibbutz and urban), Arab, and
Druze adolescents have unique future orientations, specifically, some think
more prospectively than others. To further explore the role of cultural factors
in shaping occupational aspirations in adolescence, we focus on religion and
the aspiration to a more female-dominated occupation among girls.
economic well-being as adults. However, far less attention has been paid to
religion’s role in the forming of occupational aspirations, a key mechanism
linking educational aspirations and attainment to eventual occupational
prestige and achievement. Therefore, as we theorize the possible influence
that religious affiliation, parent religiosity, and youth religiosity might have
on the careers to which an adolescent girl aspires, we draw on the literature
relating religion to educational and occupational outcomes.
Religious Affiliation
The religious tradition, group, or denomination with which an individual
affiliates is largely representative of the types of religious beliefs and ide-
ologies to which she is most exposed (Mishra, Chapter 18 in this volume).
When it comes to adolescents, they often carry the same religious affiliation
as their parents, but as they develop autonomy, they may switch or drop
religious affiliations altogether (Pearce & Denton, 2011). In recent research,
the religious groups that have been shown to be most different in terms of
educational and occupational aspirations and achievement are conserva-
tive Protestants, sometimes referred to as Evangelical or Fundamentalist1
Protestants. This is argued to be especially relevant for girls because con-
servative Protestant leaders, writings, and adherents are more likely to
idealize a breadwinner-housewife model of marriage such that men work
outside the home and women specialize in managing the home and caring
for children (Denton, 2004; Pearce & Thornton, 2007). It is not that educa-
tion and labor force participation are completely discouraged, but home-
and family-based labor is prioritized over breadwinning activities. Given
that less importance is placed on women’s occupational achievement, and
that gendered socialization is a powerful force among this group, it is likely
that conservative Protestant girls will be especially likely to aspire to more
female-dominated occupations.
Public Religiosity
Another dimension of religiosity is public practice or attending religious
services. Most religions promote family life (childbearing and child rear-
ing) and, to some degree, most religious institutions socialize adherents to
the notion that these are primarily women’s responsibilities (Edgell, 2006;
Seginer and Mahajna, Chapter 11 in this volume). Therefore, the time that
parents and children spend in religious institutions is likely to cultivate val-
ues that gender the worlds of family and work (Glass & Kanellakos, 2006).
Parents’ attendance will reinforce these values about the gendered nature
of work and family life that they will then demonstrate for their children.
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 275
Private Religiosity
Yet another dimension of religiosity is the private or personal dimension. It
may be the importance one places on religion, the time one spends praying
alone, the reading of sacred scripture, or other private practices. This is a
unique aspect of religiosity because it does not involve social interaction. It
represents the degree to which someone internalizes religiosity as part of
his or her identity. Again, because religions are often pro-family, especially
for women, the internalization and valuing of these messages reinforced by
one’s own personal reliance on religious faith could mean that when par-
ents find religion to be an important aspect of their identity, they are more
encouraging of their daughters choosing a more female-dominated career.
Girls themselves who find religion to be a very important part of their lives
might prioritize their future family plans over investments in education and
career achievement that are likely to lead to more prestigious occupations
more commonly held by men (Glass & Jacobs, 2005; Glass & Kanellakos,
2006).
00
0
0 0 0 0 0 00
Survey Findings
Table 12.1 displays results from an ordinary least squares regression anal-
ysis of how parent and youth religious characteristics shape subsequent
occupational aspirations through a set of attitudes and controlling for a set
of standard sociodemographic characteristics. We find that affiliation is
unrelated to occupational aspirations, except among Jewish respondents.
On average, Jewish girls aspire to occupations that are 11 percent lower on
the continuum of percent female than the average occupational aspiration
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 279
Coefficients T-ratios
Teen’s religious affiliatione
Evangelical Protestant 1.92 0.87
Mainline Protestant 4.82 1.77
African American Protestant –0.18 0.05
Jewish –11.30* 1.98
Mormon 5.35 1.02
Other religious affiliation –3.01 0.78
No religious affiliation 2.78 0.84
Parent religious service attendance 0.31 0.61
Parent importance of faith 2.33** 3.08
Teen religious service attendance 1.02* 2.07
Teen private religiosity –0.07 0.38
Agreement with: “A working mother can have a warm and –1.33* 1.67
loving relationship with children.”
Agreement with: “Better if a man earns money and woman 1.86** 2.73
takes care of home and family.”
Ideal age of marriage –0.51* 2.02
Number of children teen wishes to have 1.90** 2.90
Parent educationc
Some college 0.30 0.15
Received BA/BS –3.99 1.54
Graduate/professional schooling –1.96 0.67
Unknown –2.16 0.52
Family incomed
150% to 250% of poverty line –2.83 1.19
250% to 400% of poverty line –3.15 1.21
Over 400% of poverty line –4.00 1.31
Income missing –1.74 0.44
Grade point average –4.94*** 3.72
Constant 82.84*** 8.94
N 1039
adj. R2 0.078
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001; one-tailed tests
a
Reference category is “Age 13”
b
Reference category is “White”
c
Reference category is “High school graduate”
d
Reference category is “Less than 150% of poverty line”
e
Reference category is “Catholic”
280 Pearce and Hardie
of Catholic girls. In analyses not shown here, we ran models using other
religious groups as the reference group, and Jewish girls’ aspirations were
different than all other religious groups, but no other differences between
other religious groups were statistically significant. In a full regression
model including parent and child measures of religiosity, the daughter’s
public practice of religiosity is the more significant type of religiosity.
The more often a girl attends religious services herself, the more female-
dominated occupation she prefers. Of course, parent and child religious
importance and parent religious service attendance are correlated with the
daughter’s attendance level, so in a sense, the various dimensions of reli-
giosity are working through the daughter’s attendance. On average, a one
unit increase in religious service attendance is associated with a 1 percent
increase in the percent female for her occupational aspiration. Girls’ own
importance of faith does not seem related to the type of occupational aspi-
ration they hold, even when this is the only measure of religiosity in the
model (results not shown).
Our findings suggest that attitudes toward family life are mechanisms
through which religion influences girls’ occupational aspirations. Girls who
disagree that a working mother can establish a warm and loving relation-
ship with her children, agree that men should be responsible for breadwin-
ning and women should take care of the home, those who desire to marry
earlier, and those who desire more children have occupational aspirations
that are significantly more female-dominated than their counterparts. In
the progression of models not presented here, the addition of each addi-
tional attitude about family life shrinks the size of the coefficients for par-
ent importance of religiosity and youth religious service attendance. These
dimensions of religiosity still remain statistically significant, suggesting they
have their own independent relationship with occupational aspirations,
but part of those relationships are explained by more religious girls, with
more religious parents having ideas about women investing more heavily in
housework, childcare, childbearing, and marrying earlier.
To get an overall sense of how related religiosity is to girls’ occupational
aspirations, we prepared predicted probabilities for three different types of
youth and have displayed these in Figure 12.2. Girls with lower attendance
and importance of faith average occupational aspirations at about the level
of 58 percent female, which are jobs like being an editor, a bartender, or a
real estate broker. At the other end, girls with high religious involvement
and importance of faith average occupational aspirations that are about 72
percent female, like waitresses, insurance underwriters, and cardiovascular
technicians.
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 281
Interview Findings
Gender Identity
The most striking theme emerging from our interviews was the extent to
which girls expressed their career aspirations as an extension of how femi-
nine (or masculine) they viewed themselves or even how feminine (or not)
others viewed them. Mandy, a young girl who aspires to be a pilot and
police officer, demonstrates this theme well. Mandy, a 17-year-old living
in a working class neighborhood in the Midwest, was tall, thin, and blond,
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 283
wearing jeans, a white blouse, tennis shoes, and a turquoise necklace. She
wore little make-up and carried an army green canvas purse. At the time of
the 2005 NSYR survey, Mandy said she hoped to be a pilot when she was 35
years old, an occupation in which 95 percent of employees are male. Mandy
likely registered as an anomalous case because her mother finds religion to
be extremely important, Mandy attended religious services at least three
times a month, and Mandy reported the ideal age at marriage to be 20 years
old (all characteristics related to aspiring to more female-dominated jobs);
however, Mandy aspires to a very male-dominated occupation.
At the time of the interview, Mandy was still hoping to be a pilot at the
encouragement of her father who takes her to a small airport for free plane
rides and bought her private lessons for her last birthday. She also consid-
ered becoming a police officer at the encouragement of her grandfather,
or a realtor based on discussions with one of her parents’ friends. During
the pile sort activity, Mandy placed the “pilot” and “police officer” cards
in the “best suited for men” pile. The interviewer asked, “So, the two jobs
that you are most interested in ended up in the male pile. That’s interesting.
Have you thought about that before?” Mandy replied, “Yeah, how I like,
how everybody sees me as just one of the guys.” The interviewer follows up
on this theme later and Mandy says,
I would always, like girls would sit on the side and watch the guys play basket-
ball, but I’d be the one that would kind of like go and play, and I’d try to beat
‘em you know. And try to show them that I was just another one of the guys, or
maybe even better. And my boyfriend kind of finds that threatening because he
knows this summer I’m probably gonna, because I’m living in a new neighbor-
hood, and there’s like a park right down the street from me. So I told him I was
interested in trying to get to know people again. And he’s like, “So you’re gonna
try to get to know guys?” He’s always saying, “You’re always trying to be just
another one of the guys.” And, my friends are saying that too, because they’re
not like big into sports.
A few times in the interview, Mandy talks about relating better to her father
than her mother. Mandy’s father is not as religiously active as her mother
who insists Mandy attend church, and she reports sharing her father’s skep-
ticism of organized religion. When describing what jobs do not appeal to
her, Mandy clearly states multiple times that she does not like children as
a condition that ruled her out for typically female-dominated jobs such as
teaching. She also makes a point of saying it’s her boyfriend that remem-
bers the day they started dating, not her, that he’s “clingy” and he wants
to move in together soon and get married some day, but she would rather
have her independence. She says people tell her she gets along well with
284 Pearce and Hardie
her boyfriend because he is more feminine and she is more masculine. She
describes herself as a unique girl, because she likes to “push the limits” of
what a girl is expected to do.
Other girls who are anomalous cases described themselves as possess-
ing stereotypically female characteristics. Caitlin is endlessly teased for
being overweight, unattractive, and unable to read at grade level. She
lives in a small town and attends a small public high school where she
says all the female teachers grew up and were cheerleaders in that same
town. She feels that she has nothing in common with them and that they
are mean to her. Although her lower GPA and desire for seven children
predict that she would be more likely to aspire toward a female-dom-
inated occupation, Caitlin wants to do something in the field of agri-
culture, working with farmers, generally a more male-dominated field.
Although Caitlin does not directly discuss feeling like “one of the guys”
as Mandy does, a similar theme of not fitting the expectations of what a
girl in her community is like may contribute to her thinking about her
future, or her possible careers in terms of something that bends gender
norms as well.
Frome and colleagues (2006) find that girls who aspire to male-domi-
nated jobs often adjust their aspirations to more female-typical occupations
later in adolescence. This was particularly true of girls who placed less value
on physical science and expressed a desire for family friendly work, sug-
gesting that girls tend to align their aspirations with what society expects
of women. What some of our anomalous cases suggest is that girls who
already identify as different from the average girl, like Mandy and Caitlin,
may be more comfortable retaining aspirations for occupations not typi-
cally held by women.
Religion is a cultural force often implicated as a social institution that
reinforces patriarchal aspects of society, such as promoting ideas of men
being the heads of households, the breadwinner-housewife model of fam-
ily organization, and glorifying women’s femininity (Edgell, 2006; Glass
& Jacobs, 2005). Lower levels of religious exposure and participation as is
the case for Caitlin, and limited internalization as is the case for Mandy,
leave more opportunity for girls to imagine themselves working in jobs that
are not as female-dominated. Therefore, it may be that when parents value
religion and girls are religiously active, religion serves as a gender social-
izing force that leads to a preference for more female-dominated occupa-
tions. Religion may shape what a girl sees as possible for her, her “possible
careers.”
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 285
Promoting Altruism
We also interviewed girls our regression analysis predicted would aspire
to more male-dominated occupations given their GPA and family socio-
economic background. For example, Sara, Rachel, and PJ aspired to be a
dancer, a surgical nurse, and physical therapist, respectively. None of these
girls have particularly religious families, nor are they religiously active, yet
they all three share something in common with Anita and Bethany, two
girls with religiously active families who aspire to be an elementary school
teacher and a physical therapist, respectively. They all place high value on
helping and caring for others.
One of us arranged to meet Anita at a local bookstore in a western state,
and she arrived 10 minutes early. She came right over and, with a bright,
friendly smile, asked, “Are you [Interviewer’s name]?” The field notes about
the interview mention, “In all my interactions with Anita up until the inter-
view, and during the interview, she was very cheery and friendly, always
agreeable, cooperative, and extremely polite. She seemed a bit nervous
at first, but was quite willing to answer any question, expanded nicely on
her answers, and didn’t overtalk.” Going through the pile sort activities,
there was a great deal of overlap between the pile of jobs she could see
herself doing and jobs that she thought were best suited for women. Also,
she explained that occupations such as being an artist, a social worker, or
a physical therapist are good jobs for women, because women have more
compassion than men. In terms of her own aspirations, perfectly match-
ing what she had reported during the NSYR survey, Anita said, “I really,
really, really want to be a teacher. I love working with kids.” For her senior
year high school project, Anita designed a peer counseling program for her
school. She clearly values having compassion for others and providing assis-
tance and sees these as especially appropriate values and job characteristics
for women. Some of this may have come from her regular involvement in a
conservative Protestant church with her family where many of the women
are stay-at-home mothers or work as teachers or nurses.
Similar to Anita, Bethany immediately cited her love of helping people
in explaining why she had picked certain cards as jobs she would like to
have. “Well, with the exception of the lawyer, a lot of these jobs deal with
the medical profession. That’s something I really am interested in. Just help-
ing people.” Also similar to Anita, Bethany is heavily involved in a school
club that promotes breaking down cliques and peer pressure at school. It
involves a peer counseling component. Bethany lights up when she talks
about this club and “being the change” she wants to see at her school.
286 Pearce and Hardie
From these cases and others, we see that when girls embrace the stereo-
typically female characteristic of valuing altruism, this shows through in
how they evaluate a range of careers and pick one to aspire toward. To the
extent that religious institutions promote altruism, this is likely a mecha-
nism for how religion helps shape girls’ occupational aspirations.
Final Thoughts
This chapter provides evidence that girls who are not Jewish, and who are
religiously active themselves, aspire to more female-dominated occupa-
tions. This is after controlling for family socioeconomic differences and
girls’ scholastic performance. This influence of religion seems to oper-
ate through attitudes about women needing to prioritize family care and
child rearing over career pursuits that translate to desires for earlier mar-
riage and a larger family size. In addition, it is likely that non-Jewish reli-
gious involvement promotes identification with stereotypically female
characteristics and imagining a future involving what society defines as
more female-typical jobs. Religious institutions especially promote altru-
ism and service, which may make occupations involving care-work (e.g.,
teaching, nursing, or other medical careers) more desirable. Altogether,
these findings suggest that religion can play a key role in shaping the
“possible careers” girls imagine for themselves. Although rarely studied
before in relation to girls’ occupational aspirations, it appears that reli-
gion is an important cultural force contributing to the paths girls set out
for themselves.
Given findings from the qualitative data presented here on the essen-
tial role of gender identity, future work should draw on data that measures
aspects of gender identity more richly, especially variance across cultural
groups that might explain differences in the types of jobs toward which girls
aspire. This would allow for testing of the extent to which gender socializa-
tion is a key mechanism for the influence of religion on career aspirations.
In addition, ethnographic studies of religious institutions and families or
girls’ involvement within them will better reveal the practices and messages
conveying aspects of gender identity that channel girls’ aspirations. This
type of work has great potential to contribute to the literature on adolescent
aspirations in general.
Girls’ occupational aspirations are parts of their “possible selves”
(Oyserman & James, 2009). They serve as guides for investment in edu-
cation and the development of plans for achieving their goals. Although
not everyone ends up achieving the specific goals set out in adolescence,
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 287
Notes
1. See Beyerlein (2004) for interesting findings regarding the differences in educational
outcomes for Evangelical and Fundamentalist Protestants.
2. We follow Steensland et al. (2000) in constructing these categories, which these
authors found useful in identifying distinct religious traditions and predicting reli-
gious, political, and social attitudes. We added the Mormon category, given the num-
ber of congregants reported in this study and the distinctiveness of their religious
traditions.
3. Given that we only had income given in $10,000 categories, we came as close to these
figures as possible. The exact groupings were as follows: 0 dollars to 155% of poverty
line, 155% to 258% of poverty line, 258% to 413% of poverty line, and over 413% of
poverty line.
4. Most occupations on the cards came from a list of the top 20 aspirations for NSYR
female respondents, but we also added cards with the specific aspirations of our eight
participants if they did not fall on the top 20 list.
References
Eccles, J. S., Vida, M. N., & Barber, B. (2004). The relation of early adolescents’ college
plans and both academic ability and task-value beliefs to subsequent college enroll-
ment. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 24(1), 63–77.
Edgell, P. (2006). Religion and family in a changing society. Princeton University Press
Series in Cultural Sociology.
Fan, P., & Marini, M. M. (2000). Influences on gender-role attitudes during the transi-
tion to adulthood. Social Science Research, 29(2), 258–283.
Frome, P. M., Alfeld, C. J., Eccles, J. S., & Barber, B. L. (2006). Why don’t they want a
male-dominated job? An investigation of young women who changed their occu-
pational aspirations. Educational Research and Evaluation: An International Journal
on Theory and Practice, 12(4), 359–372.
Glass, J., & Jacobs, J. (2005). Childhood religious conservatism and adult attainment
among black and white women. Social Forces, 83, 555–579.
Glass, J., & Kanellakos, L. (2006). Religious conservatism and women’s market behavior
following marriage and childbirth. Journal of Marriage and Family, 68, 611–629.
Glick, J. E., & White, M. J. (2003). Post-secondary school participation of immigrant and
native youth: The role of familial resources and educational expectations. Social
Science Research, 33, 272–299.
Glick, P. (1991). Trait-based and sex-based discrimination in occupational prestige,
occupational salary, and hiring. Sex Roles, 25(5/6), 351–378.
Hitlin, S. (2006). Parental influences on children’s values and aspirations: Bridging
two theories of social class and socialization. Sociological Perspectives, 49(1),
25–46.
Lips, H. M. (2004). The gender gap in possible selves: Divergence of academic self-views
among high school and university students. Sex Roles, 50(5–6), 357–371.
Mahaffy, K. A., & Ward, S. K. (2002). The gendering of adolescents’ childbearing and
educational plans: Reciprocal effects and the influence of social context. Sex Roles,
46(11/12), 403–417.
Marini, M. M., Fan, P., Finley, E., & Beutel, A. M. (1996). Gender and job values.
Sociology of Education, 69(1), 49–65.
Marini, M. M., & Greenberger, E. (1978). Sex differences in occupational aspirations
and expectations. Work and Occupations, 5(2), 147–178.
Massey, E. K., Gebhardt, W. A., & Garnefski, N. (2008). Adolescent goal content and
pursuit: A review of the literature from the past 16 years. Developmental Review,
28(4), 421–460.
Muller, C., & Ellison, C. G. (2001). Religious involvement, social capital, and adoles-
cents’ academic progress: Evidence from the national education longitudinal study
of 1988. Sociological Focus, 34(2), 155–183.
Murrell, A. J., Frieze, I. H., & Frost, J. L. (1991). Aspiring to careers in male-and female-
dominated professions: A study of black and white college women. Psychology of
Women Quarterly, 15(1), 103–126.
Nash, S. C. (1979). Sex role as a mediator of intellectual functioning. In M. A. Wittig &
A. C. Peterson (Eds.), Sex-related differences in cognitive functioning (pp. 263–302).
New York: Academic Press.
Nurmi, J. E. (1994). The development of future-orientation in a life-span context. In
Z. Zaleski (Ed.), Psychology of future orientation (pp. 20–616). Lublin, Poland:
Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego.
Religion and Girls’ Occupational Aspirations 289
Oyserman, D., & James, L. (2009). Possible selves: From content to process. In K.
Markman, W. M. P. Klein, & J. A. Suhr (Eds.), The handbook of imagination and
mental stimulation (pp. 373–394). New York: Psychology Press.
Pearce, L. D. (2002). Integrating survey and ethnographic methods for systematic
anomalous case analysis. Sociological Methodology, 32(1), 103–132.
Pearce, L. D., & Denton, M. L. (2011). A faith of their own: Stability and change in the
religiosity of American adolescents. New York: Oxford University Press.
Pearce, L. D., & Thornton, A. (2007). Religious identity and family ideologies in the
transition to adulthood. Journal of Marriage and Family, 69(5), 1227–1243.
Phinney, J. S., Baumann, K., & Blanton, S. (2001). Life goals and attributions for
expected outcomes among adolescents from five ethnic groups. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences, 23(4), 363–377.
Ridgeway, C. L. (2002). Gender, status and leadership. Journal of Social Issues, 57(4),
637–655.
Schoon, I. (2001). Teenage job aspirations and career attainment in adulthood: A 17-year
follow-up study of teenagers who aspired to become scientists, health professionals
and engineers. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 25, 124–132.
Seginer, R. (2003). Adolescent future orientation: An integrated cultural and ecologi-
cal perspective. Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, Unit 6. Retrieved from
http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/orpc/vol6/iss1/5
Sewell, W. H., Haller, A. O., & Portes, A. (1969). The educational and early occupational
attainment process. American Sociological Review, 34(1), 82–92.
Shu, X., & Marini, M. M. (1998). Gender-related change in occupational aspirations.
Sociology of Education, 71(1), 43–67.
Shu, X., & Marini, M. M. (2008). Coming of age in changing times: Occupational aspira-
tions of American youth in 1966–80. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility,
26(1), 29–55.
Smith, C., & Denton, M. L. (2005). Soul searching: The religious and spiritual lives of
American teenagers. New York: Oxford University Press.
Steensland, B., Park, J. Z., Regnerus, M., Robinson, L. D., Wilcox, W. B., & Woodberry,
R. D. (2000). The measure of American religion: Toward improving the state of the
art. Social Forces, 79(1), 291–318.
Teachman, J. D., & Paasch, K. (1998). The family and educational aspirations. Journal of
Marriage and Family, 60, 704–714.
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2006). Women in the labor force: A databook (Report
996). Washington, DC: Chao, Elaine L. Retrieved July 5, 2006 from http://www.bls.
gov/cps/wlf-databook-2006.pdf.
Weisgram, E. S., Bigler, R. S., & Liben, L. S. (2010). Gender, values, and occupational
interests among children, adolescents, and adults. Child Development, 81(3),
778–796.
Yoder, J. D. (1994). Looking beyond numbers: The effects of gender status, job pres-
tige and occupational gender-typing on tokenism processes. Social Psychology
Quarterly, 57(2), 150–159.
13 First Romantic Relationships of Adolescents
from Different Religious Groups in Israel
and Germany
Abstract
Based on an extensive literature review on the relationship between reli-
gious affiliation, religiosity and engagement in romantic relationships in
early adolescence, the chapter deals with first romantic relationships on
the basis of survey data of dyads of mothers and their children between
15–17 years of age from Germany and Israel, in which seven culturally dif-
ferent social groups are included, namely native Germans, German repatri-
ates, Turkish immigrants, and Russian Jewish immigrants in Germany, and
native Israelis, Russian Jewish immigrants and Israeli Arabs in Israel. Thus,
the sample comprises groups of three religions (Christians, Jews, Muslims)
and from four regions of origin (Germany, Russia, Turkey, Israel). After
an exploration on level differences between these groups with regard to
involvement of adolescents in romantic relationships, the subsequent analy-
sis investigates to which extent this involvement is structured by normative
beliefs and influenced by intergenerational transmission, the relationship
between mothers and adolescents, and experiences, preferences, and com-
petencies of the adolescents.
290
First Romantic Relationships 291
and of natives in Turkey show that parents in the migrant families are more
likely to perform an authoritarian-controlling parenting style than German
or native Turkish families (Nauck, 1989). Moreover, co-orientation and
similarities of perceptions and attitudes between generations are higher in
migrant families than in native families of the country of origin (Nauck,
1995; 1997). A study with a similar design, comparing the levels of reli-
giosity of adolescents from the society of origin Turkey, Turkish second
generation migrants and adolescents from the receiving society Belgium
revealed that Belgian adolescents showed lower and declining religiosity
with age, whereas Turkish and Turkish Belgian adolescents were more reli-
gious regardless of age, but religiosity was even more accentuated in Turkish
Belgian adolescents as compared with Turkish adolescents in Turkey
(Güngör, Bornstein & Phalet, in press). A complementary study on inter-
generational transmission of religious beliefs in Muslim migrant families
from Turkey and Morocco in Belgium shows that religious transmission is
generally effective for religious identification, beliefs, and practices in both
groups, but most effective in the Turkish Belgian groups and when indi-
vidual orientations toward heritage culture maintenance was high; host cul-
ture adoption played a minor role (Güngör, Fleischmann & Phalet, 2011).
The study thus confirms findings from Germany on high maintenance of
religious orientations in Muslim second generation immigrants (Diehl &
König, 2009).
Besides minority membership, the act of migration also has a situa-
tional component, as it results in losses in social capital and social integra-
tion (Myers, 1999), which may also influence both individual religiosity
and the opportunities to engage in romantic relationships. As migration
is generally considered to be a stressful event that activates specific coping
strategies (Berry, 1997; Nauck, 2008), this may also include religiosity as a
source of coping, which may be activated close to the migration event itself
but may lose its importance over time, the more the acculturation pro-
cess has progressed. Migration also shapes and limits the market of avail-
able partners for romantic relationships, which, in turn, may have effects
on religious orientations. Whereas at the beginning of a migration cycle
partners of the same origin (and the same religious affiliation) are scarce
and result in high rates of mixed religious partnerships and marriages and
hence a lowered religious commitment, opportunities for finding a part-
ner of the same religious affiliation increase in later stages of the migra-
tion cycle, which then makes religious commitment a salient signal on
the increasing intra-ethnic partnership market (Nauck, 2007a; Baykara-
Krumme & Fuß, 2009).
First Romantic Relationships 295
mechanisms behind these results are still unclear, i.e., whether this may
be attributed to different contents of the religious message or on different
levels of social control. They conclude “that the available evidence supports
that religiosity does delay sexual debut. These findings are more frequent
and consistent for White females and less so for White males. Relatively
few studies have examined this question with adequate samples of racial
and ethnic minorities. The few studies that have, however, have found con-
siderable consistency across female adolescents of differing racial or eth-
nic backgrounds” (Rostosky et al., 2004: 691). They also note as a major
deficiency of the current state of research that sexual activity is not con-
textualized in general strategies of partnership seeking and romantic rela-
tionships: “An examination of the influence of religiosity on the initiation,
maintenance, and quality of the romantic relationships of adolescents is yet
to be undertaken. Although most sexual decision making occurs within
the context of romantic relationships, none of the longitudinal data sets
included an assessment and analysis of these important relational variables.
Moreover, the studies reviewed continue the tradition of exclusively focus-
ing on sexual intercourse while neglecting a wide range of sexual behaviors
that adolescents may use … Future studies should address these gaps, given
the importance of these contexts and behavioral strategies to adolescent
sexual health and psychosocial development” (Rostosky et al., 2004: 692).
The following analysis has investigated the impact of social change on
the life course transition to first romantic relationships in case of three reli-
gious groups in two different social contexts with varying speed of expe-
rienced social change. The two contexts were Israel and Germany, the
three religious groups were Christians, Jews, and Muslims, and the varying
speed of social change was captured by migration: in Germany, besides the
group of native Germans, a group of German repatriates from Russia, a
group of work migrants from Turkey, and a group of Jewish migrants from
Russia were included; in Israel, besides the group of native Jewish Israelis,
a group of Jewish repatriates from Russia and a group of Israeli Arabs were
included.
The general research question was in which way the belonging to a spe-
cific religious group influenced the life course transition to a first romantic
relationship in early adolescence. The theoretical mechanisms, which may
explain this relationship, are rather unclear, however. Because the belonging
to a religious group is normally not a matter of choice and thus of selectivity
according to personal traits or individual preferences, two main arguments
remain. Either specific forms of spirituality, related to the respective reli-
gion, may covary with specific habits, frames, and especially scripts of life,
First Romantic Relationships 297
which, in turn, result in preferences for the individual choices for roman-
tic relationships; in this case, differences between outcomes for religious
groups would be first of all driven by individual religiosity. Or, different
forms of social control, related to the respective religion, may covary with
different outcomes in romantic relationships; in this case, individual religi-
osity would be of minor importance, but the differences would be mainly
explained by the social and institutional structure, in which the adolescent
is embedded.
It is also unclear which influence the status of belonging to a (migrant)
minority has on the development of spirituality on the one hand and the
development of romantic relationships on the other hand. Two counterbal-
ancing theoretical mechanisms are here in force. On the one hand, minority
membership increases efforts of structure maintenance, which may result in
increased symbolic adherence to cultural roots, within which membership
to a religious group is of strategic importance. On the other hand, migra-
tion implies increased exposure to social change, non-redundant informa-
tion and alternative options, as well as loose-knit social networks, which
may result in rapid behavioral changes within the life course and across
generations. Moreover, exposure to migration itself may be seen as a criti-
cal life event, which may accelerate sexual behavior (South, Haynie & Bose,
2005) and thus has a direct effect on early romantic relationships.
The analysis empirically explored how these theoretical mechanisms
are related to possible differences between the three religious groups with
regard to first romantic relationships. After the description of the design of
the study and the obtained data set, the first part of the empirical analysis
describes the level differences between the religious groups with regard to
the involvement in romantic relationships of male and female adolescents.
The second part of the analysis investigates the effects of religiosity and
social control on this involvement.
Data for the analysis was gathered in a research project on “Regulation of
Developmental Transitions in Second Generation Immigrants in Germany
and Israel.” Among the studied transitions, the involvement of adolescents
in first romantic relationships was seen as a significant non-normative
transition in the life course, and significant differences between the stud-
ied groups were expected. The data collection took place between fall 2007
and summer 2008 and comprised dyads of mothers and their children
between 15–17 years of age from Germany and Israel. Seven culturally dif-
ferent social groups were included, namely native Germans, German repa-
triates, Turkish immigrants, and Russian Jewish immigrants in Germany,
and native Israelis, Russian Jewish immigrants, and Israeli Arabs in Israel.
298 Nauck and Steinbach
4-item scale (α = .70) of Kerr and Stattin (2000). The adolescent’s religiosity
was measured with a single item (“How religious are you?”) ranging from
(1) “not religious at all” to (5) “very religious.” Whereas no significant dif-
ferences between the religious groups were observed for self-esteem and
self-disclosure, moderate differences existed for self-efficacy of the adoles-
cents, with the second generation of Russian Jewish immigrants to Israel
showing the highest and the Russian Jewish immigrants to Germany show-
ing the lowest. The perceived social control of the parents was lowest for the
native German adolescents and highest for the Israeli Arabs. The variability
of religiosity between the seven groups was almost as high for the adoles-
cents (Eta = .52) as for the mothers (Eta = .54), with the Turkish adolescents
having the highest level of religiosity, followed by the native Israelis and
the Israeli Arabs, and with the Jewish immigrants both to Germany and
Israel showing the lowest level. Thus, whereas the religiosity level of Israeli
Arab adolescents, the native German adolescents, and the Jewish immi-
grant adolescents in Germany was markedly decreased in comparison to
their mother, it was slightly increased for the native Israeli and the Turkish
migrant adolescents.
Romantic Relationships
Two main areas within the domain of romantic relationships of adoles-
cents were studied: Partner preferences and the involvement in romantic
relationships. Descriptive results showed the differences between male and
female adolescents of the religious groups within their respective social set-
ting and controlling for their age.
Partner preferences: A multidimensional set of 11 characteristics that a
potential partner to the adolescent should possess, was provided, to which
the respondents were supposed to evaluate the “importance” of these char-
acteristics. An oblique factor analysis revealed three factors, explaining 56
percent of the variance. These findings can easily be interpreted in terms of
utility expectations toward potential partners within the theory of social
production functions (Lindenberg, 1990; Ormel et al., 1999; Nauck, 2001b;
2007b); that is, the specifically expected gratifications from romantic rela-
tionships. Therefore, the first factor was labeled “status expectations,” the
second factor was labeled “expectations of social approval,” and the third
factor was labeled “stimulation expectations.” These three factors were used
as factor scores in subsequent analyses.
When looking at the gender differences alone, the empirical analysis
revealed expected results: female adolescents had a higher preference for
300 Nauck and Steinbach
Religion Partnership Holding Hands Kissing French Kissing Petting Intercourse Sexual Partnership
Experience (percent) (percent) (percent) (percent) (percent) Intensity Satisfaction
(percent) (mean) (mean)
Christian m 73.8 71.1 70.2 66.7 50.1 29.6 3,5 4,4
f 70.8 68.6 69.5 68.8 40.6 24.7 3,4 4,4
Muslim m 76.8 52.9 43.9 36.0 19.3 11.1 2,4 4,5
f 50.9 20.0 16.9 9.1 1.0 – 0,9 4,3
Jewish m 54.7 53.6 51.2 40.8 40.4 15.9 2,6 3,6
f 64.1 63.6 60.8 47.9 37.6 13.5 2,9 3,9
Beta1) .20*** .33*** .35*** .37*** .33*** .27*** .35*** .24***
Beta2) .06 .06 .04 .05 .09* .08 .07 .01
Beta3) .11*** .26*** .31*** .33*** .31*** .24*** .30*** .22***
1)
Results for religion and gender, controlled for age;
2)
Results for gender, controlled for age;
3)
Results for religion, controlled for age
301
302 Nauck and Steinbach
differ significantly with regard to parental control, with relatively low levels
among the Christians and the highest levels among the Muslims. On the
other hand, early involvement in romantic relationships is a cause or con-
sequence of the adolescent’s disclosure from his/her family and/or lacking
parental control. Higher resources of parents, as indicated by the educa-
tional level, and a strong religious climate of the parental home reduces or
delays the involvement of adolescents in romantic relationships.
Fifth, only minor differences exist between adolescents of different reli-
gious affiliation and levels of religiosity with regard to their satisfaction
with their current partnership situation. That is, the adolescents seem to
follow their distinct strategies of partnership selection based on different
utility expectations, with similar confidence and satisfaction. Accordingly,
when these related factors are controlled, most adolescents are satisfied
with their relationship situation when the involvement has become more
intense and is accompanied by high self-esteem and a sharing-feelings
relationship with their parents. The most dissatisfied adolescents with
their current partnership situation are the Jewish males and the Muslim
females.
Although the comparative design of the study was able to shed light on
some of the mechanisms, which may explain religious-based differences
in early involvement of adolescents in intimate relationships, it has several
limitations with regard to its conclusiveness. One very specific shortcoming
is that the information on the involvement in romantic relationships did
not include event-based data. As this involvement in adolescence is very
much age related, this shortcoming did not allow for the separation of the
level differences and the timing differences; an event history-based data set
would also have allowed for the inclusion of time dependent covariates,
such as time of migration, school and occupational career, or marriage. For
theoretical reasons, such a separation would have been very important, as
it would have helped to separate migration effects of adaptation from cul-
tural effects of conformity with religious-based habits, frames, and scripts.
Instead, the analysis tried to keep the age factor constant in even controlling
for age variations within the age bracket of the sample, thus making as sure
as possible that the empirical findings are not owing to possible age varia-
tions between the studied groups.
In a more general sense, the design of the study, comprising groups of
three religions (Christians, Jews, Muslims), from four regions (Germany,
Russia, Turkey, Israel) in two national contexts (Germany, Israel), is not
balanced and thus not able to strictly separate the effects of migration and
religious affiliation. Moreover, more direct indicators of social control are
308 Nauck and Steinbach
missing, which did not allow for a more satisfactory separation of factors
related to individual spirituality from those related to the control struc-
ture of the respective religious institutions. Finally, the religious affiliation
was inevitably confounded with the societal welfare situation, placing the
Muslim population in a distinctively disadvantaged position in comparison
to the two other religious groups. It may well be – and cannot be tested,
unless these two explanatory mechanisms can be empirically clearly sep-
arated – that the found differences among the Muslim groups are much
more related to efficient (and therefore, intergenerationally transmitted)
strategies of partner selection under conditions of very scarce resources
and thus may be found also among populations with a different religious
background, but similar living conditions.
Notes
1. This paper reports results from the project “Regulation of Developmental Transitions
in Second Generation Immigrants in Germany and Israel” (Principal Investigators:
Yoav Lavee, Bernhard Nauck, Avi Sagi-Schwartz, Rainer K. Silbereisen, Anja
Steinbach), funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research
(BMBF). We thank our collaborators from the Universities of Chemnitz, Jena, and
Haifa: Susanne Clauß, Falk Gruner, Mohini Lokhande, David Mehlhausen-Hassoen,
Andrea Michel, Katharina Stößel, and Peter Titzmann.
References
Pehr Granqvist
Abstract
In this attachment-theoretical chapter, I highlight relations between attach-
ment and religious development in adolescence, while taking cultural
implications into account. I argue that adolescence is a sensitive phase of
development related to both attachment and religiosity. This period is often
associated with transfer of attachment functions from parents to age-mates.
In the religious realm, this period may be linked to either increased religios-
ity (e.g., conversion) or to disengagement from religion. During adolescence,
an attachment-like relationship with God may also develop. Furthermore, on
the basis of empirical studies, I discuss the implications of individual differ-
ences in attachment security for religious development in adolescence. I dis-
tinguish between two notable developmental pathways: secure attachment to
religious caregivers as a basis for religious stability (“correspondence path-
way”) and insecure attachment to caregivers as a basis of distress regulation
through religion (“compensation pathway”). In the first case, believers are
more likely to experience well-being; in the latter case, religion may serve as
a protective factor in development. I also take into account possible negative
effects of religion on adjustment. Finally, I discuss the cultural generalizabil-
ity versus specificity of each of the central arguments in the chapter.
315
316 Granqvist
predicted increased religiousness over the 15-month time span studied, but
only when the participants had experienced the formation of a romantic
relationship between assessments (Granqvist & Hagekull, 2003).
Some of these results were conceptually replicated in the second study,
which was conducted in the United States on mid-adolescents who had
signed up for a Young Life evangelical summer camp. Secure attachment
with parents prospectively predicted a reaffirmation of the faith one had
been brought up with (i.e., a recommitment to God during the camp;
Schnitker, Porter, Emmons, & Barrett, 2012).
In addition, several studies that were not explicitly informed by attach-
ment theory have shown that parental religiousness is the best predictor
of offspring religiousness and that this extends to adolescence, especially
when the parent–adolescent relationship is marked by warmth and close-
ness (for a review, see Hood et al., 2009). Thus, there is substantial support
for the social aspect of the correspondence hypothesis.
In contrast, researchers have been less devoted to studying the content
aspects (as opposed to the presumed roots) of adolescent religiousness.
Therefore, at this point, no conclusion can be drawn with regard to the
IWM aspect of the correspondence hypothesis for adolescents. It is nota-
ble, however, that both child and adult studies have found, in line with
the idea of generalizing IWMs, that securely attached individuals tend
to view God as a reliable safe haven and secure base, as evident in loving
God imagery and implicit usage of God as a “functional” attachment fig-
ure (for a review, see Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2008). In principle, there
is no reason to assume that adolescent studies would yield a different
conclusion.
New Age spirituality on the other (Granqvist & Hagekull, 2001). As New
Age spirituality typically does not contain the postulate of a metaphysical
attachment-like figure, these findings were initially somewhat puzzling on
theoretical grounds. However, follow-up analyses on adults clarified that
a relation between disorganized attachment and New Age spirituality was
indirect, mediated by a general propensity to experience dissociative alter-
ations in consciousness (Granqvist, Fransson, & Hagekull, 2009).
those difficulties” (Hood et al., 2009, p. 447). However, research about the
long-term “effects” of such experiences has yielded mixed conclusions. Some
studies suggest that sudden converts, while initially experiencing dramatic
levels of decline in suffering and an increase in states of joy and bliss, may
eventually relapse into experiences of sin, guilt, and suffering (e.g., Kildahl,
1965; Spellman, Baskett, & Byrne, 1971). By comparison, the “therapeutic
effect” of gradual conversions seems more reliable (ibid.). In either case,
however, Hill (2002) notes how such spiritually transformative experiences
may create changes in meaning systems that yield a positive affective state
through a new (or renewed) sense of purpose, value, and self-worth.
Finally, attachment to God and other aspects of religion may also, in
some cases, ultimately promote some degree of “earned attachment security”
(Main et al., 2003) in the secular domain. This speculation has been spurred
by two sets of findings in the adult literature on attachment and religion.
First, self-reported insecure attachment history and romantic attachment
(in the latter case, particularly a negative self-model or a high degree of
attachment anxiety) have been linked to increasing religiousness and spiri-
tuality over time, and yet secure attachment has been linked to higher reli-
giousness and spirituality at a given point in time (see Kirkpatrick, 2005).
One interpretation of this pattern is that increasing religiousness some-
how helps the individual to gain attachment security. Second, independent
Adult Attachment Interview (AAI; Main et al. 2003) coders’ estimates of
parental insensitivity in study participants’ pasts have predicted a history
of using religion as compensation for inadequate attachments, but current
AAI-assessed insecurity (incoherent attachment discourse) has been unre-
lated to religion as compensation (Cassibba et al., 2008; Granqvist, Ivarsson,
Broberg, & Hagekull, 2007). Thus, similarly, religion as compensation may
lead to an increase in attachment security.
Hence, it is possible that a process of positive change in IWMs of rela-
tively insecure individuals might be initiated by experiencing God’s love
and forgiveness, which would be comparable to the idea of reparative
effects from other relationship experiences, such as with a good therapist or
a secure romantic partner (e.g., Bowlby, 1988; Main et al., 2003). Although
speculative at this point, this interpretation would make theoretical sense
if the individual’s perceived relationship with God actually functions as a
compensatory attachment relationship. It would also be theologically plau-
sible, given the portrayal of God as a sensitive secure base and haven of
safety that has been described in this chapter.
In particular, repair of a negative self-model might be one avenue through
which earned security via religion/spirituality plays itself out. After all, God
328 Granqvist
Cultural Considerations
In the previous review, I have almost exclusively focused on research per-
taining to attachment, adolescent development, religion, and values of the
contemporary Western world. Therefore, it is an open question whether the
conclusions drawn are generalizable to other parts of the world, let alone
earlier historical periods in the West. Some may be, whereas others may
not. In this section, I will discuss cross-cultural considerations pertaining
to the central proposals of this chapter.
2000). Rothbaum and colleagues (2000) argued, for example, that attach-
ment theory is culturally biased in emphasizing exploration and autonomy
as hallmarks of security, and that Western-based assessments of security
such as the strange situation (Ainsworth et al., 1978) give misleading
results when utilized in cultures with other values and practices surround-
ing relationships (i.e., customs of caregiving). In my view, critical cross-
cultural considerations are a most welcome contribution to the attachment
literature – issues pertaining to universality versus cultural embeddedness
are important for theoretical as well as practical reasons. For illustrational
purposes, Rothbaum and colleagues (2000) focused their critique exclu-
sively on differences between Japan and the United States. They reviewed
evidence showing that Japanese mothers value and foster more dependency
(or amae – but see Behrens, 2004, for an alternate, multifaceted view of this
construct) in their children, whereas U.S. mothers value and foster more
independence. The implication of this review is, in part, that what would be
regarded as signs of insecurity in the United States (dependency) is under-
stood very differently in Japan.
However, Rothbaum and colleagues’ (2000) conclusions are not without
problems. First, the values of attachment theory should not necessarily be
viewed as an expression of United States’ values, or values of the Western
world for that matter. For example, attachment is not about individualism
or independence, but about relatedness and willingness to allow oneself to
depend on others. Indeed, one of Bowlby’s (e.g., 1969–1980) major points
as far as values are concerned is that healthy development in all phases of
life is characterized by one’s willingness to develop close relationships with
others, and the ability to use them as safe havens and secure bases. To put
matters simply, and as noted previously in this chapter, attachment security
is characterized by a balance between attachment and exploration. Second,
and relatedly, although cultures may differ somewhat in their emphases on
attachment versus exploration, perhaps with the United States and Japan
as two good examples of differential emphases, Rothbaum and colleagues
(2000) most likely exaggerated the implications of such differences. In fact,
the hallmarks of security (i.e., a balance between the two) are positively
valued in both countries (e.g., Posada et al., 1995). Hence, just as the will-
ingness to use the caregiver as a safe haven in distress is a desideratum in
U.S. infants, the ability to use the caregiver as a secure base for exploration
is a desideratum in Japanese infants.
The only unequivocal universality assumption within attachment the-
ory of which I am aware is the proposal that mammalian offspring pos-
sess an attachment-behavioral system and develop selective attachments to
330 Granqvist
Religion as Attachment
Naturally, the cross-cultural variations in attachment, as previously
reviewed, does not provide a particularly solid basis for speculating about
their effects on religion. One reason for this is that the normativity assump-
tion has been supported across cultures. We are left with mostly minor and
occasionally inconsistent variations in proportions of A versus C attach-
ment across cultures. However, in principle, one might expect that cultures
with a large proportion of C attachment would foster clingy, all-consuming,
and strongly emotional forms of religiosity, where deities would be viewed
as inconsistently responsive. In contrast, cultures with a large proportion
of A attachment might foster authoritarian forms of religiosity, marked by
fundamentalism and hostility to members of out-groups, and where dei-
ties would be perceived as distant and inaccessible. Finally, cultures with a
large proportion of D attachment might foster religions, or perhaps expres-
sions of spirituality, that sanctify various dissociation-related altered states
of consciousness, such as trance, mystical experiences, and spirit possession
(cf. Granqvist, Hagekull, & Ivarsson, 2012). It is conceivable that the dei-
ties (or spirits) of such cultures would be viewed as punitive, aberrant, and
frightening. Whereas these speculations stray quite a bit from what is avail-
able in the empirical literature, extant cross-cultural research has shown, in
line with the idea of generalizing working models, that deities are construed
as more loving in cultures where parenting is warm and accepting and as
more distant in cultures marked by harsh, rejecting parenting (Lambert,
Triandis, & Wolf, 1959; Rohner, 1986).
334 Granqvist
2009). Future studies should address whether these findings replicate out-
side of the monotheistic faith traditions. Studies addressing the possible
transfer of attachment components from parents to multiple deities, such
as are available within Hinduism, would also make a welcome contribution
to the literature.
Conclusions
In this chapter, I have argued that attachment theory is a viable frame-
work for understanding religious development and values in adolescence.
Adolescence was portrayed as a key period of developmental transitions both
for attachment and religion. In their growing push for autonomy from par-
ents, adolescents with an insecure attachment history are especially likely to
develop a surrogate attachment to God, via religious conversion experiences
and the like, and typically during a period of emotional turmoil. Other inse-
cure adolescents actively distance themselves from the religion of their par-
ents or come to embrace the diverse tenets of New Age spirituality, or engage
in “sex, drugs and rock ’n’ roll” at levels that may pave the way for serious
adjustment problems. Most adolescents, however, and especially those with
a secure attachment history, go about their religious and spiritual business
without any notable fluctuations. They typically affirm the religious or non-
religious standards of their parents, while remaining emotionally close with
them. They may also experience gradual changes in religiousness, typically a
reaffirmation of the faith they grew up in, which tends to occur following the
formation of other important relationships in their lives, such as a romantic
relationship. Moreover, I noted that although there are notable exceptions,
religion in general, and religion as compensation in particular, may serve
as a protective factor on youth adjustment and values. Finally, although
cross-cultural considerations do not inevitably lead to marked changes in
the substantive conclusions of this chapter, they do suggest that some forms
of insecure attachment may be somewhat more common in some cultures
than in others, that cultures may differ somewhat in the timing of attach-
ment transfer from parents to peers, and that the religion as attachment idea
may be more applicable in some cultures than in others.
In closing, while many questions remain unanswered, especially con-
cerning cross-cultural generalizability of the connections proposed in this
chapter, I maintain that attachment theory offers a viable framework for
understanding the development of certain aspects of religion, adjustment,
and values among youth. I encourage other researchers to further explore
such links outside of the monotheistic faith traditions.
336 Granqvist
References
(2006). On the relation between secular and divine relationships: An emerging attach-
ment perspective and a critique of the depth approaches. The International Journal
for the Psychology of Religion, 16, 1–18.
Granqvist, P., Fransson, M., & Hagekull, B. (2009). Disorganized attachment, absorp-
tion, and New Age spirituality – A mediational model. Attachment and Human
Development, 11, 385–403.
Granqvist, P., & Hagekull, B. (1999). Religiousness and perceived childhood attachment:
Profiling socialized correspondence and emotional compensation. Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion, 38, 254–273.
(2001). Seeking security in the new age: On attachment and emotional compensation.
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 40, 529–547.
(2003). Longitudinal predictions of religious change in adolescence: Contributions
from the interaction of attachment and relationship status. Journal of Social and
Personal Relationships, 20, 793–817.
Granqvist, P., Hagekull, B., & Ivarsson, T. (2012). Disorganized attachment promotes
mystical experiences via a propensity for alterations in consciousness (Absorption).
The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 22, 180–197.
Granqvist, P., Ivarsson, T., Broberg, A. G., & Hagekull, B. (2007). Examining rela-
tions between attachment, religiosity, and New Age spirituality using the Adult
Attachment Interview. Developmental Psychology, 43, 590–601.
Granqvist, P., & Kirkpatrick, L. A. (2004). Religious conversion and perceived child-
hood attachment: A meta-analysis. The International Journal for the Psychology of
Religion, 14, 223–250.
(2008). Attachment and religious representations and behavior. In J. Cassidy & P. R.
Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical applications
(2nd Ed.) (pp. 906–933). New York: Guilford.
Granqvist, P., Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2010). Religion as attachment: Normative
processes and individual differences. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 14,
49–59.
Grossmann, K., Grossmann, K. E., Spangler, K. Suess, G., & Unzner, L. (1985). Maternal
sensitivity and newborns’ orientation responses as related to quality of attachment
in northern Germany. Monographs of the Society of Research in Child Development,
50 (1–2, Serial No. 209), 231–233.
Grossmann, K. E., & Grossmann, K. (1989). Preliminary observations on Japanese
infants’ behavior in Ainsworth’s Strange Situation. Annual Report of the Research
and Clinical Center for Child Development, no. 13, 1–12.
Hall, G. S. (1904). Adolescence: Its psychology and relations to physiology, anthropology,
sociology, sex, crime, religion and education (2 Vols.). New York: Appleton.
Hill, P. C. (2002). Spiritual transformation: Forming the habitual center of personal
energy. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 13, 87–108.
Hood, R. W., Jr., Hill, P. C., & Spilka, B. (2009). The psychology of religion: An empirical
approach (4th Ed.). New York: Guilford.
Houtman, D., & Aupers, S. (2007). The spiritual turn and the decline of tradition: The
spread of post-Christian spirituality in 14 western countries, 1981–2000. Journal
for the Scientific Study of Religion, 46, 305–320.
James, W. (1902). The varieties of religious experience. New York: Longmans, Green.
338 Granqvist
s ecure-base behavior and working models (pp. 27–48). Chicago: Chicago University
of Chicago Press.
Resnick, M. D., Bearman, P. S., Blum, R. W., Bauman, K. E., Harris, K. M., Jones, J.,
… Udry, J. R. (1997). Protecting adolescents from harm: Findings from the
national longitudinal study on adolescent health. Journal of the American Medical
Association, 278, 823–832.
Rice, K. G. (1990). Attachment and adolescence: A narrative and meta-analytic review.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 19, 511–538.
Richters, J. E., & Waters, E. (1991). Attachment and socialization: The positive side of
social influence. In M. Lewis & S. Feinman (Eds.), Social influences and socialization
in infancy (Genesis of Behavior Series, Vol. 6, pp. 185–213). New York: Plenum.
Rohner, R. P. (1986). The warmth dimension: Foundations of parental acceptance-rejec-
tion theory. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Roof, W. C., & McKinney, W. (1987). American mainline religion: Its changing shape and
future. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Rothbaum, F., Weisz, J., Pott, M., Miyake, K., & Morelli, G. (2000). Attachment and culture:
Security in the United States and Japan. American Psychologist, 55, 1093–1104.
Schlegel, A., & Barry, H., III. (1991). Adolescence: An anthropological inquiry. New York:
Free Press.
Schnitker, S. A., Porter, T. J., Emmons, R. A., & Barrett, J. L. (2012). Attachment predicts
adolescent conversions at Young Life religious summer camps. The International
Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 22, 198–215.
Smetana, J. G. (2002). Culture, autonomy, and personal jurisdiction in adolescent–par-
ent relationships. In R. V. Kail & H. W. Reese (Eds.), Advances in child development
and behavior (Vol. 29, pp. 51–87). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Smith, T. B., McCullough, M. E., & Poll, J. (2003). Religiousness and depression: Evidence
for a main-effect and the moderating influence of stressful life-events. Psychological
Bulletin, 129, 614–636.
Spellman, C. M., Baskett, G. D., & Byrne, D. (1971). Manifest anxiety as a contributing factor
in religious conversion. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 36, 245–247.
Sroufe, L. A., & Waters, E. (1977). Attachment as an organizational construct. Child
Development, 48, 1184–1199.
Starbuck, E. D. (1899). The psychology of religion. New York: Scribner.
Stayton, D., Hogan, R., & Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1971). Infant obedience and maternal behav-
ior: The origins of socialization reconsidered. Child Development, 42, 1057–1069.
Steinberg, L. (1990). Interdependency in the family: Autonomy, conflict, and har-
mony in the parent–adolescent relationship. In S. Feldman & G. Elliott (Eds.), At
the threshold: The developing adolescent (pp. 225–276). Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Steinberg, L. D., & Morris, A. S. (2001). Adolescent development. Annual Review of
Psychology, 52, 83–110.
Takahashi, K. (1986). Examining the strange-situation procedure with Japanese mothers
and 12-month-old infants. Developmental Psychology, 22, 265–270.
Tamminen, K. (1994). Religious experiences in childhood and adolescence: A viewpoint
of religious development between the ages of 7 and 20. The International Journal for
the Psychology of Religion, 4, 61–85.
340 Granqvist
Ullman, C. (1982). Change of mind, change of heart: Some cognitive and emotional
antecedents of religious conversion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
42, 183–192.
van IJzendoorn, M. H., & Sagi-Schwartz, A. (2008). Cross-cultural patterns of attach-
ment: Universal and contextual dimensions. In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.),
Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical applications (2nd Ed.) (pp.
880–905). New York: Guilford.
van IJzendoorn, M. H., Schuengel, C., & Bakermans-Kranenburg, M. J. (1999).
Disorganized attachment in early childhood: Meta-analysis of precursors, con-
comitants, and sequelae. Development and Psychopathology, 11, 225–250.
Weiss, R. S. (1982). Attachment in adult life. In C. M. Parkes & J. Stevenson-Hinde
(Eds.), The place of attachment in human behavior (pp. 171–184). New York: Basic
Books.
Youniss, J., McLelan, J. A., & Yates, M. (1999). Religion, community service, and identity
in American youth. Journal of Adolescence, 22, 243–253.
Zeifman, D., & Hazan, C. (2008). Pair bonds as attachments: Evaluating the evidence.
In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and
clinical applications (2nd Ed.) (pp. 906–933). New York: Guilford.
Zhang, H., Chan, D. K. S., & Teng, F. (2011). Transfer of attachment functions and
adjustment among young adults in China. The Journal of Social Psychology, 151,
257–273.
Zinnbauer, B. J., & Pargament, K. I. (1998). Spiritual conversion: A study of religious
change among college students. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 37,
161–180.
15 Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Adolescents’
Religiosity and Family Orientation
Abstract
This chapter explores cultural and individual religious roots of adolescents’
family orientation on the basis of multilevel analyses with data from 17 cul-
tural groups. Religion and the family are seen as intertwined social insti-
tutions. The family as a source of social support has been identified as an
important mediator of the effects of religiosity on adolescent developmental
outcomes. The results of the current study show that religiosity was related to
different aspects of adolescents’ family orientation (traditional family values,
value of children, and family future orientation), and that the culture-level
effects of religiosity on family orientation were stronger than the individual-
level effects. At the cultural level, socioeconomic development added to the
effect of religiosity, indicating that societal affluence combined with nonre-
ligious secular orientations is linked to a lower family orientation, especially
with regard to traditional family values. The authors suggest that individual
religiosity may be of special importance for adolescents’ family orientation in
contexts where religiosity has lost some significance but religious traditions
are still alive and can be (re-)connected to.
Religion and the family represent closely linked social institutions. Both
function through psychological processes that may vary during develop-
ment and across cultures. Religious socialization takes place in families,
and religions in turn can influence family life. The focus of the current
chapter is on the relation between adolescents’ religiosity and their family
orientation. Taking a cross-cultural and multilevel perspective, we will
both theoretically and empirically explore three major questions: How are
adolescents similar or different across cultures with respect to the impor-
tance of religious beliefs and family orientation? How are adolescents’
341
342 Mayer and Trommsdorff
influenced by their family’s religious beliefs (see also Regnerus, Smith, &
Smith, 2004; Trommsdorff, 2009a). Kelley and De Graaf (1997) analyzed
the transmission of religious beliefs by way of parental socialization in 15
nations in the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The focus
was on the moderating influence of the cultural religious environment on
how religious beliefs are transmitted across generations. The results showed
that after controlling for a nation’s level of economic development and for
exposure to Communism, “people living in religious nations will, in pro-
portion to the religiosity of their fellow-citizens, acquire more orthodox
beliefs than otherwise similar people living in secular nations” (p. 639).
Furthermore, in more secular nations, parents’ religiosity had a greater
impact on children’s religiosity, and the national religious context had a
smaller impact than in more religious nations. In turn, parents’ religiosity
was less related to child religiosity in cultures with a high normativity of
religion whereas the national context had a greater effect in these cultures.
Thus, the relative importance of vertical and horizontal/oblique transmis-
sion processes depends on the cultural context. In cultures where most
people are religious and where one specific religion prevails, the family is
only one among many socialization agents for religious beliefs. In these
societies, peers, schools, the media, and religious institutions contribute
to religious socialization and enculturation, building on the highly norma-
tive and shared collective notion of religious truth. As Baumeister (2002)
notes,
It is easier for an individual to maintain religious faith if he or she lives in a
community where everyone else holds that same faith [and] it is far more diffi-
cult to maintain one’s own faith while living amid people who do not share your
faith and who instead either subscribe to other, alternative religious beliefs or
reject religious belief altogether (p. 166).
Differential transmission processes depending on the nation-level reli-
gious context thus may reinforce a culture’s tendency to either change to
more secular values (as in the case of a plurality of religious beliefs and/or
an already lowered normativity of religion) or to keep religious values at a
constantly high level (as in the case of a high normativity and exclusivity of
one specific religion). Taken together, the above theorizing lets us expect
substantial cross-cultural differences in the religiosity of adolescents from
cultures that differ with regard to the normativity of religion, economic
development, and basic value orientations.
Because values regarding the family are deeply rooted in many religious
traditions, a parallel decline of family orientation can be expected for cul-
tures where religious beliefs are on the decline. Indeed, modernization
348 Mayer and Trommsdorff
theoretical approaches support this argument, but they are not uncon-
tended, as will be shown in the next section.
Boys Girls
4.5
3.5
2.5
1.5
1
)
y
a
)
SA
el
itz ly
nd
Es a
a
R an
lic
nd
er e
(S y
th
th
an
ric
di esi
si
ni
c
ke
Ita
ra
ub
la
an
hi
ch ap
la
or
ou
us
U
to
m
Af
Is
In Tur
n
C
er
Po
(N
ep
Fr
J
R
do
G
a
ut
In
Sw
di
So
In
ze
C
Figure 15.1. Cultural and gender differences in the importance of religious beliefs.
religion. Gender and its interaction with culture each explained ≤ 1 percent
of the overall variance and are not considered in detail here.
Overall, adolescents from more prosperous nations reported to be less
religious than adolescents from less well-off nations. However, the consid-
erable differences between Western European and U.S. adolescents indi-
cate that economic development cannot be equaled with religious decline.
German adolescents’ low level of religiosity was additionally influenced by
the sample composition: one third of the German sample came from East
Germany, where the exposure to Communistic ideology resulted in a very
low level of religious affiliation. This can also be observed in two Eastern
European nations – Estonia and the Czech Republic – where an extremely
low level of religiosity was reported. Despite a similar Communist expe-
rience in Poland and Russia, a high level of religiosity was reported there.
In Poland, Catholicism helped to preserve the Polish national identity
during the Communist era, and in Russia, a revival of traditional values
has been observed during the last two decades (Höllinger & Haller, 2009;
Mayer, Kuramschew, & Trommsdorff, 2009; Stetsenko, 2002). Communism
has also had a diminishing effect on Chinese adolescents’ religiosity, but
here additional factors come into play. Many Chinese (still, and despite
Communism) adhere strongly to Confucian philosophy but do not regard
themselves as religious. A similar phenomenon with respect to Shintoist
or Daoist beliefs may be responsible for the very low level of Japanese
Cross-Cultural Perspectives 353
•• Family Values are assessed using a 5-item scale that measures a tradi-
tional view on the family and family relationships based on Georgas’
(1991) scale. Sample items include: “We should honor and protect
our family’s reputation” and “Children should obey their parents.”
With the exception of South Africa (α = .45), the internal consisten-
cies (Cronbach’s alpha) were between .57 and .81 for the 17 cultures
in the study. The ANOVA showed that culture explained a substan-
tial amount of the variance of family values, F(16, 4695) = 84.53, p <
.001, η2 = .22. The highest importance of family values was reported
by South African adolescents; the lowest by Japanese adolescents (see
Figure 15.2).
•• Emotional Values of Children represent emotional reasons for hav-
ing children. Sample items include “Because it is a joy to have a small
baby” and “Because of the special feeling of love that develops between
a parent and a child.” The scale was developed for the Value of Children
Study (e.g., Arnold et al., 1975; Kagitcibasi, 1982; Schwarz, Chakkarath,
Trommsdorff, Schwenk, & Nauck, 2001). The cross-cultural construct
equivalence of the value of children dimensions has been demonstrated
(Mayer & Trommsdorff, 2010). Cronbach’s alphas of this 7-item scale
were between .72 and .89. The culture effect was relatively weak, F(16,
4692) = 23.44, p < .001, η2 = .07. The highest importance of emotional
values of children was reported by Southern Indian adolescents, and the
lowest by Israeli adolescents (see Figure 15.2).
•• Utilitarian–normative Values of Children combine economic–utilitarian
and social–normative reasons for having children (Kagitcibasi, 1982).
Example items include “To have one more person to help your family
economically” and “Because some of your older relatives feel that you
Family Values Emotional Value of Children
354
5 5
4.5 4.5
4 4
3.5 3.5
3 3
2.5 2.5
2 2
1.5 1.5
1 1
a h) ia h) ic d y a ia ly A el ia e y d n ) ) l
ric rt es ut bl an ke in ss Ita US sra ton anc an rlan apa th sia ey rth SA blic Italy nce and rica ssia and ina any nia pan rae
I r m J S ou one urk No
T (
U pu ra ol Af u erl Ch rm sto Ja Is
R
t
Af (No on So epu Pol Tur Ch Ru
Es F er itze ( e F P th itz e E
h a nd ( R
G w a Ind a R u G
u di I dia h
S di di ch Sw
So In In In So
In zec ze
C C
Figure 15.2. Cultural differences in family orientation: Family Values, Emotional VOC, Utilitarian-normative VOC, and
Family Future Orientation.
Cross-Cultural Perspectives 355
should have more children.” With the exception of Southern Indian ado-
lescents (α = .55) Cronbach’s alphas for this 8-item scale were between
.68 and .86. There was a strong culture effect, F(16, 4692) = 180.88, p <
.001, η2 = .38. Southern Indian adolescents reported the highest impor-
tance of these values, and Swiss adolescents reported the lowest impor-
tance (see Figure 15.2).
•• Family Future Orientation indicates to what extent the statement “Family
will be the most important thing in my life; everything else will be less
important” corresponds with adolescents’ personal way of thinking on
a scale ranging from 1 (Not at all) to 5 (Quite a lot). Data from Italy was
not available for this variable. Cultural differences were substantial, F(15,
4306) = 27.73, p < .001, η2 = .15, with adolescents from Southern India
reporting the highest importance and adolescents from China reporting
the lowest importance of a future family.
Overall, the results indicate strong cultural differences for Family Values
and Utilitarian-normative Values of Children. As shown in Figure 15.2, these
differences are also substantially related to a culture’s level of religiosity and
economic prosperity, as cultures that were both highly religious and rela-
tively poor (Indonesia, South Africa, and the two Indian samples) reported
the highest family values and utilitarian–normative VOCs, whereas the
rather secular and wealthy Western European and East Asian cultures
(Japan) reported the lowest level of these values. Weaker differences were
found for Family Future Orientation and Emotional Values of Children. Here,
no relations with culture-level religiosity or economic prosperity are obvi-
ous from Figure 15.2. Thus, we may preliminarily conclude that a decreased
importance of the family as a consequence of modernization processes can
be observed with regard to the two more traditional and conservative–nor-
mative aspects of family orientation (family values and utilitarian–norma-
tive VOC), but not for the two aspects related to emotional closeness and
more personal issues (emotional VOC and family future orientation). In
the remainder of this chapter, we will examine and present concrete empiri-
cal evidence for this preliminary observation.
In the next section we turn to our main objective: analyzing the effect of
adolescents’ religiosity on their family orientation both within and across
cultures. Within cultures, we will explore how individual religiosity affects
the four aspects of family orientation (and how the religious context mod-
erates this influence); across cultures, we will analyze how the religious
context and other cultural characteristics are related to adolescents’ family
orientation at the cultural level.
356 Mayer and Trommsdorff
Table 15.3. Culture-Level Effects in Multilevel Analyses with HDI and Religiosity
Predicting Different Aspects of Adolescents’ Family Orientation
Coeff. SE T df
Family Values
HDI −1.18 .44 −2.71* 14
Religiosity 0.12 .05 3.09** 14
Emotional VOC
HDI −0.42 .38 −1.11 14
Religiosity 0.10 .04 2.40* 14
Utilitarian–normative VOC
HDI −3.77 .51 −7.36*** 14
Religiosity 0.16 .06 2.92* 14
Family Future Orientation
HDI −0.24 .56 −0.42 13
Religiosity 0.21 .06 3.53** 13
the future and the importance of emotional bonds parents have with their
children remain stable.
Conclusions
The family as a potential source of social and cultural capital, as a safe
haven, and as the central place to satisfy basic needs of human dependency
represents an important mediating link in the relation between religiosity
and well-being. The results presented here indicate that living in a religious
culture and personally being religious are both related to a higher family
orientation for adolescents. Religiosity may be especially beneficial for ado-
lescents’ family orientation in moderately religious cultures where a plural-
ity of worldviews exist, ranging from secular to very religious beliefs. In this
sense, individual religiosity may act as a buffer for a decreasing significance
of the family. However, the effects of individual religiosity on family ori-
entation were rather weak when compared to the culture-level effects of
religiosity. The results also showed that the presence of economic develop-
ment and secularization in a culture have to be considered independently
for predicting adolescents’ family orientation: Economic development is
clearly linked to processes that release or disconnect adolescents from tra-
ditional, hierarchical, and obedience-related views on the family, but it does
not contribute to a loss of significance of the family per se. When a high
level of societal affluence is combined with a low level of societal religiosity,
however, all aspects of adolescents’ family orientation seem to suffer.
Limitations in the present study include the sole reliance on adoles-
cents’ reported importance of religion, not distinguishing between reli-
gious denominations. Also, our results from cross-sectional studies cannot
indicate cultural change (Thornton, 2005). Further research has to look
deeper into the culture-specific aspects of religiosity and its role in ado-
lescent development (Belzen, 2010). Nevertheless, religions share features
of spirituality and normativity, rendering religiosity a unique aspect of the
adolescent experience across cultures. Although we emphasize the family-
consolidating effects of religion, this does not mean that religiosity (or spe-
cific kinds of religiosity) cannot also have negative impacts on adolescents’
family life, such as when adolescents convert to fundamentalist forms of
religiosity that are not in line with the religious beliefs emphasized in their
family of origin; nor do we contend that being nonreligious is necessarily
related to a low family orientation.
Providing adolescents with opportunities to (re-)discover religiosity for
their personal lives may be especially relevant in cultural contexts where
Cross-Cultural Perspectives 363
religion has lost some of its significance but individuals can relatively easily
reconnect to resources from religious traditions. In these cultures, religion
is only one of many possible life orientations, but it may be a powerful one
that can satisfy basic needs for relatedness and agency (Baumeister & Leary,
1995; Rothbaum & Trommsdorff, 2007) and fill a void of meaning. In this
sense, the cultural and religious context and the fit of developmental path-
ways within these contexts have to be taken into account in research and
interventions with regard to adolescent religiosity and family orientation.
Authors’ Note
Notes
1. Family Values (Coeff. = 0.10, SE = 0.01, p < .001; Var. Comp. χ2 = 53.69, p < .001);
Emotional VOC (Coeff. = 0.06, SE = 0.01, p < .001; Var. Comp. χ2 = 33.56, p < .001);
Utilitarian–normative VOC (Coeff. = 0.07, SE = 0.02, p < .001; Var. Comp. χ2 = 44.70,
p < .001); Family Future Orientation (Coeff. = 0.12, SE = 0.02, p < .001; Var. Comp. χ2 =
34.79, p < .01).
2. Culture-Level Religiosity and the HDI were substantially correlated (r = −.53) but are
far from representing collinear variables.
References
Agate, S. T., Zabriskie, R. B., & Eggett, D. L. (2007). Praying, playing and successful fam-
ilies: An examination of family religiosity, family leisure, and family functioning.
Marriage & Family Review, 42, 51–75.
Arnett, J. J. (2010). Emerging adulthood(s): The cultural psychology of a new life stage.
In L. A. Jensen (Ed.), Bridging cultural and developmental approaches to psychol-
ogy: New syntheses in theory, research, and policy (pp. 255–275). New York: Oxford
University Press.
Arnold, F., Bulatao, R. A., Buripakdi, C., Chung, B. J., Fawcett, J. T., Iritani, T., … Wu, T.
S. (1975). The value of children. A cross-national study (Vol. 1). Honolulu, HI: East-
West Population Institute.
Barber, J. S. (2000). Ideational influences on the entry into parenthood: Mothers’ prefer-
ences for family and nonfamily behaviors. Social Forces, 79, 319–348.
Baumeister, R. F. (2002). Religion and psychology: Introduction to the special issue.
Psychological Inquiry, 13, 165–167.
Baumeister, R. F., & Leary, M. R. (1995). The need to belong – desire for interpersonal attach-
ments as a fundamental human motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 117, 497–529.
Belzen, J. A. (2010). Psychology of religion: Perspectives from cultural psychology.
Mental Health, Religion & Culture, 13, 329–347.
Bengtson, V. L. (2001). Beyond the nuclear family: The increasing importance of multi-
generational bonds. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 63, 1–16.
Bengtson, V. L., Copen, C. E., Putney, N. M., & Silverstein, M. (2009). A longitudinal
study of the intergenerational transmission of religion. International Sociology, 24,
325–345.
Cross-Cultural Perspectives 365
Boyatzis, C. J., Dollahite, D. C., & Marks, L. D. (2006). The family as a context for reli-
gious and spiritual development in children and youth. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P.
E. King, L. Wagener, & P. L. Benson (Eds.), The handbook of spiritual development
in childhood and adolescence (pp. 297–309). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Brown, B. B., Larson, R. W., & Saraswathi, T. S. (Eds.). (2002). The world’s youth:
Adolescence in eight regions of the globe. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Chatters, L. M., & Taylor, R. J. (2005). Religion and families. In V. L. Bengtson, A. C.
Acock, K. R. Allen, P. Dilworth-Anderson, & D. M. Klein (Eds.), Sourcebook of
family theory & research (pp. 517–541). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Cohen, A. B. (2002). The importance of spirituality in well-being for Jews and Christians.
Journal of Happiness Studies, 3, 287–310.
Dasen, P. (2000). Rapid social change and the turmoil of adolescence: A cross-cultural
perspective. International Journal of Group Tensions, 29, 17–49.
Dollahite, D. C., Marks, L. D., & Goodman, M. (2004). Family and religious beliefs, prac-
tices, and communities: Linkages in a diverse and dynamic cultural context. In M.
J. Coleman & L. H. Ganong (Eds.), Handbook of contemporary families: Considering
the past, contemplating the future (pp. 411–431). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Eisenstadt, S. N. (Ed.). (1973). Post-traditional societies. New York: Norton.
Eisenstadt, S. N. (2006). The great revolutions and the civilizations of modernity. Leiden,
The Netherlands: Brill.
Elkind, D. (1964). Age-changes in the meaning of religious identity. Review of Religious
Research, 6, 36–40.
(1999). Religious development in adolescence. Journal of Adolescence, 22, 291–295.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity, youth, and crisis. New York: Norton.
Fontaine, J. R. J. (2008). Traditional and multilevel approaches in cross-cultural research:
An integration of methodological frameworks. In F. J. R. van de Vijver, D. A. van
Hemert, & Y. H. Poortinga (Eds.), Multilevel analysis of individuals and cultures
(pp. 65–92). New York: Erlbaum.
Fuligni, A. J., Tseng, V., & Lam, M. (1999). Attitudes toward family obligations among
American adolescents with Asian, Latin American, and European backgrounds.
Child Development, 70, 1030–1044.
Funder, D. C. (2002). Why study religion? Psychological Inquiry, 13, 213–214.
Gamoran, A. (1992). Religious participation and family values among American Jewish
youth. Contemporary Jewry, 13, 44–59.
Georgas, J. (1991). Intrafamily acculturation of values in Greece. Journal of Cross-
Cultural Psychology, 22, 445–457.
(2006). Families and family change. In J. Georgas, J. W. Berry, F. J. R. van de Vijver, C.
Kagitcibasi, & Y. H. Poortinga (Eds.), Families across cultures (pp. 3–50). Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Georgas, J., Berry, J. W., van de Vijver, F. J. R., Kagitcibasi, C., & Poortinga, Y. H. (Eds.).
(2006). Families across cultures. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Georgas, J., van de Vijver, F. J. R., & Berry, J. W. (2004). The eco-cultural framework,
ecosocial indicators and psychological variables in cross-cultural research. Journal
of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 35, 74–96.
George, L. K., Ellison, C. G., & Larson, D. B. (2002). Explaining the relationships between
religious involvement and health. Psychological Inquiry, 13, 190–200.
366 Mayer and Trommsdorff
Good, M., & Willoughby, T. (2008). Adolescence as a sensitive period for spiritual devel-
opment. Child Development Perspectives, 2, 32–37.
Goode, W. J. (1963). World revolution and family patterns. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Hackney, C., & Sanders, G. S. (2003). Religiosity and mental health: A meta analysis of
recent studies. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 42, 43–55.
Halman, L. C. J. M., & Pettersson, T. (2006). A decline of religious values? In P. Ester,
M. Braun, & P. Mohler (Eds.), Globalization, value change, and generations (pp.
31–59). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
Henrich, J., Heine, S. J., & Norenzayan, A. (2010). The weirdest people in the world?
Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 33, 61–135.
Höllinger, F., & Haller, M. (2009). Decline or persistence of religion? Trends in religi-
osity among Christian societies around the world. In M. Haller, R. Jowell, & T. W.
Smith (Eds.), The International Social Survey Programme 1984–2009: Charting the
globe (pp. 281–301). London: Routledge.
Inglehart, R., & Baker, W. E. (2000). Modernization, cultural change, and the persistence
of traditional values. American Sociological Review, 65, 19–51.
Inglehart, R., & Welzel, C. (2005). Modernization, cultural change, and democracy: The
human development sequence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Inkeles, A. (1998). One world emerging. Convergence and divergence in industrial socie-
ties. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Inkeles, A., & Smith, D. H. (1974). Becoming modern: Individual change in six developing
countries. London: Heinemann.
Jensen, L. A. (2003). Coming of age in a multicultural world: Globalization and adoles-
cent cultural identity formation. Applied Developmental Science, 7, 189–196.
Kagitcibasi, C. (1982). Old-age security value of children: Cross-national socioeconomic
evidence. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 13, 29–42.
(2007). Family, self, and human development across cultures: Theory and applications
(2nd ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Kelley, J., & De Graaf, N. D. (1997). National context, parental socialization, and reli-
gious belief: Results from 15 nations. American Sociological Review, 62, 639–659.
King, P. E., & Furrow, J. L. (2004). Religion as a resource for positive youth develop-
ment: Religion, social capital, and moral outcomes. Developmental Psychology, 40,
703–713.
Lavric, M., & Flere, S. (2008). The role of culture in the relationship between religiosity
and psychological well-being. Journal of Religion & Health, 47, 164–175.
Lopez, A. B., Huynh, V. W., & Fuligni, A. J. (2011). A longitudinal study of reli-
gious identity and participation during adolescence. Child Development, 82,
1297–1309.
Mahoney, A. (2005). Religion and conflict in marital and parent–child relationships.
Journal of Social Issues, 61, 689–706.
(2010). Religion in families, 1999–2009: A relational spirituality framework. Journal
of Marriage and the Family, 72, 805–827.
Mahoney, A., Pargament, K. I., Murray-Swank, A., & Murray-Swank, N. (2003). Religion
and the sanctification of family relationships. Review of Religious Research, 44,
220–236.
Markstrom, C. A. (1999). Religious involvement and adolescent psychosocial develop-
ment. Journal of Adolescence, 22, 205–221.
Cross-Cultural Perspectives 367
J. E. Grusec & P. Hastings (Eds.), The handbook of socialization (pp. 461–489). New
York: Guilford.
Sabatier, C., Mayer, B., Friedlmeier, M., Lubiewska, K., & Trommsdorff, G. (2011).
Religiosity, family orientation, and life satisfaction of adolescents in four countries.
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42, 1375–1393.
Sam, D. L., Peltzer, K., & Mayer, B. (2005). The changing values of children and prefer-
ences regarding family size in South Africa. Applied Psychology: An International
Review, 54, 355–377.
Saroglou, V., Delpierre, V., & Dernelle, R. (2004). Values and religiosity: A meta-analysis
of studies using Schwartz’s model. Personality and Individual Differences, 37,
721–734.
Schlegel, A. (2000). The global spread of adolescent culture. In L. Crockett & R. K.
Silbereisen (Eds.), Negotiating adolescence in times of social change (pp. 71–88).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Schwartz, S. H., & Huismans, S. (1995). Value priorities and religiosity in four Western
religions. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58, 88–107.
Schwarz, B., Chakkarath, P., Trommsdorff, G., Schwenk, O., & Nauck, B. (2001). Report
on selected instruments of the Value of Children main study. Unpublished manu-
script. University of Konstanz, Germany.
Seginer, R. (2009). Future orientation: Developmental and ecological perspectives. New
York: Springer.
Sinha, D. (1991). Rise in the population of the elderly, familial changes and their psycho-
social implications: The scenario of the developing countries. International Journal
of Psychology, 26, 633–647.
Steger, M. F., & Frazier, P. (2005). Meaning in life: One link in the chain from religious-
ness to well-being. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 574–582.
Stetsenko, A. (2002). Adolescents in Russia: Surviving the turmoil and creating a brighter
future. In B. B. Brown, D. B. Larson, & T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), The world’s youth:
Adolescence in eight regions of the globe (pp. 243–275). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Tarakeshwar, N., Stanton, J., & Pargament, K. I. (2003). Religion – An overlooked
dimension in cross-cultural psychology. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 34,
377–394.
Thornton, A. (2005). Reading history sideways. The fallacy and enduring impact of the
developmental paradigm on family life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Trommsdorff, G. (2009a). Intergenerational relations and cultural transmission. In
U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural transmission: Psychological, developmental, social,
and methodological aspects (pp. 126–160). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
(2009b). A social change and a human development perspective on the value of chil-
dren. In S. Bekman & A. Aksu-Koc (Eds.), Perspectives on human development,
family and culture (pp. 86–107). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
(2012). Development of “agentic” regulation in cultural context: The role of self and
world views. Child Development Perspectives, 6, 19–26.
Trommsdorff, G., & Nauck, B. (Eds.). (2005). The value of children in cross-cultural per-
spective: Case studies from eight societies. Lengerich: Pabst Science.
Cross-Cultural Perspectives 369
Abstract
Adolescence is an important period for the development of values and
identity. As relationships with parents are negotiated and convictions are
questioned, it is an especially intriguing time to study the interface of religion
with processes leading to the intergenerational continuity of values. Religion
can provide the content of values, as well as the context of intergenerational
value continuity, by developing appropriate establishments, and by enabling
(or not) disengagement from parental values. In addition, individuals’ religi-
osity is reflected in their values and in family processes of value negotiation,
influence, and modification.
Two Israeli case studies illustrate these processes. Study 1 studied 107 par-
ent–adolescent dyads from three religious minorities in Israel: Muslim Arabs,
Christian Arabs, and Jerusalem Armenian Christians. Muslims ascribed less
importance than Christians to hedonism and power, exemplifying the con-
tent process. Armenians, a very small and secluded minority, were the only
group in which adolescents ascribed lower importance for openness than
their parents, exemplifying the role of context with a cocooning process, in
which socialization shields children from competing messages (Goodnow,
1997).
Study 2 involved 36 non-religious Jewish youth whose parents were either
religious or not. The average value profile parent–child correlation was .50 in
non-religious families, much higher than in families who had been religious
but decided to become non-religious (.18), exemplifying the importance of
religion.
Future directions include the need for studying non-Western religions
and family processes in religious as compared to ethnic minorities.
370
Intergenerational Continuity of Values 371
For thousands of years, religion has provided the human species with a
sense of meaning. All major religions have a say about the way individu-
als and groups should behave, and sometimes even think and feel. In that
sense, religions are involved in prescribing the values of individuals and
groups (Fontaine, Duriez, Luyten, Corveleyn, & Hutsebaut, 2005; Pepper,
Uzzell, & Jackson, 2010, Roccas, 2005; Saroglou, Delpierre, & Dernelle,
2004). Values are abstract, transsituational goals serving as guides for
behavior and evaluation of other individuals and the self (Schwartz,
1992). Across many cultural and religious groups, 10 values are typically
found:
Benevolence: caring for others who are closely related to the self
Universalism: understanding, appreciation, and protection for all people
and of nature
Self-direction: independent thought and action
Stimulation: diversity, change, and excitement
Hedonism: pleasure and sensual satisfaction
Achievement: personal success through competence according to social
standards
Power: social status, control, and dominance
Security: safety, harmony, and stability of the social structure and of the
self
Conformity: limiting violation of social expectations and norms
Tradition: respect, commitment, and acceptance of the costumes and
ideas imposed by one’s culture or religion
Cultural level
H Religious
Religion
Contexts
E F
G
D L
Individual level
Parent’s Perceived
Child’s
values B parent C values
values
J K
A
Parent Child
religiosity religiosity
I
Content. First, religion can provide the content of values that are carried on
from one generation to the next, as indicated by value differences between
religions. These could reflect either the different teachings of the religions,
or the practices and traditions associated with each religion. Theorizing by
Weber, Huntington, and others (see Inglehart & Baker, 2000) suggests that
the religious tradition of a society has a long-term impact on the values of the
individuals within the society. A telling case concerns the differences across
European countries, which largely share a Christian heritage. Looking at the
value dimension of survival versus self-expression, predominantly Protestant
countries show high importance to self-expression, while Orthodox coun-
tries show higher importance to survival. Catholic (European and Latin
American) countries rank in the middle of the dimension (Inglehart & Baker,
2000). However, as Inglehart and Baker (2000) note, a society’s culture reflects
additional aspects of its historical and economic heritage. Going back to the
European example, the religious distinctions parallel a wide range of other
variables, such as economic development, the influence of different European
superpowers at different times, and perhaps even linguistic differences.
Another complication is that the same religion can have different mean-
ings in different cultural contexts (e.g. Catholicism in the Philippines and in
Italy). It would also be telling to compare different religious groups nested
within the same geographical and political context. Although we are not
aware of systematic evidence comparing different religions within the same
sociopolitical niche, there is some evidence that members of different reli-
gions differ in their values. For example, differences were found in the values
of individuals believing in two different religions (Buddhist and Christian)
within the same cultural environment (Saroglou & Dupuis, 2006). In con-
trast, Inglehart and Baker (2000) found that different religions within the
same country show smaller differences than those found in cross-national
comparisons.
As individual parents and children are typically nested within the same
cultural context, the religion they are affiliated with may exert influence
Intergenerational Continuity of Values 375
0.43 0.45
0.38
0.35 0.36
0.29
0.43
0.48 0.47
0.36
0.31
0.35
0.32
0.35
Figure 16.2. Mean level of adolescents’ accuracy of perception, acceptance, and con-
gruence with parents’ values by parent–adolescent similarity in subjective religiosity.
Note: Based on a study of Israeli Jewish families (described in detail by Knafo, 2003).
Parents and adolescents (57 percent female, mean age = 17.1) rated their subjective reli-
giosity on a 0–6 scale (“How religious, if at all, do you consider yourself to be?” 0= “not at
all religious,” 6=“very religious;” Schwartz & Huismans, 1995). Parent–adolescent dyads
were classified as showing high similarity in religiosity if the absolute difference in their
religiosity scores was 0 or 1 (64 percent), showing moderate similarity if it was 2 (20 per-
cent), and showing low similarity if the difference was 3 or higher (16 percent). Parent–
Child Value Congruence was assessed by computing a within-dyad Pearson correlation
between parents’ socialization value ratings and their own child’s value ratings across the
value system. Accuracy of perception was measured by correlating parents’ socialization
value ratings with their own child’s rating of the values he or she perceived them as want-
ing him/her to endorse. Acceptance was measured by correlating the child’s own values
with the values the child perceived his or her parents wanting for him or her.
378 Knafo, Daniel, Gabay, Zilber, and Shir
Context. The values and cultural practices of the social context in which
families operate affect the processes leading to value continuity across gen-
erations. In addition, technical factors such as the availability of religiously
oriented schooling in the neighborhood (or even the absence of compet-
ing agents of socialization in the religious area), as suggested by Glass and
Bengtson (1986) may contribute to parents’ ability to influence the values
and attitudes of their children. We refer to this set of factors as “contexts,”
which can have an impact on family value continuity (Path L in Figure 16.1),
possibly through accuracy of perception and acceptance (Paths F and G).
Families are nested in a multitude of contexts (e.g., neighborhood, ethnic
group, religious group, social class), and it would be impossible to review all
of these contextual influences here; instead, we will discuss some key issues
and provide some examples that will be detailed in Study 1. Particularly,
one should consider how such contexts can constrain the breadth of values
to which family members are exposed and can choose from, the degree to
which cultures allow for child influence, and the degree to which embed-
ding religion into the identity of group members affects family members’
values.
Cultures (Arnett, 1995) and individual parents (Padilla-Walker &
Thompson, 2005) differ in the importance they ascribe to continuity in
values across generations. Homogenous cultures tend to transmit specific
values according to their original narrow set of values and tend to empha-
size conformity and obedience (Arnett, 1995; Welch, 1984). One way this
is achieved is through providing family members with daily routines, reli-
gious ceremonies, and cultural practices. These habitual patterns facilitate
the acceptance of certain values by making associated behaviors appear
so “natural” they require no explanation or justification (Goodnow, 1997;
Grusec, et al., 2000).
Religious establishments, such as schools, churches, and charities, are
often built to promote the continuation of certain values across generations.
When choosing to send their children to a religious school, parents, in a
way, rely on these establishments to promote the values they believe in. In
contrast, sometimes parents choose environments for their children that are
inconsistent with their own values (Kuczynski, et al., 1997). For example,
Muslim immigrant parents inevitably expose their children to value sys-
tems different from their own by moving to a historically Christian country.
Intergenerational Continuity of Values 379
In such cases, parents may find themselves in a need to protect the values
in the face of conflicting value messages. A study of Jewish families in Israel
looked at another source of conflicting messages. Knafo (2003) focused on
a small proportion of parents who sent their children to schools that had a
different religious ideology than that prevalent in the family (e.g., non-reli-
gious parents and a religious school). In such low-fit families, adolescents’
accurate perception, acceptance of parental values, and congruence with
parents’ values, tended to be lower than in high-fit families. The relation-
ship with the father was warmer and closer in high-fit contexts, and per-
ceived value conflicts with both parents were less frequent (Knafo, 2003).
Some cultures may prevent children from exposure to competing value
messages, a strategy called cocooning (Goodnow, 1997). Such processes may
enhance the continuity of values in the family as parents and children are
exposed to similar value messages. Thus, a limited set of options may reduce
the need to accurately perceive parents’ values and enhance acceptance
of the perceived values by virtue of having a lower number of conflicting
messages. In one study, parents who preferred cocooning over pre-arming
(anticipatory preparation of adolescents with counter-arguments and other
ways of dealing with conflicting values in their encounters with the broader
world; Goodnow, 1997), tended to be more religious than other parents
(see Padilla-Walker & Thompson, 2005). Applied to the group level, some
secluded religious contexts such as the Amish communities may perpet-
uate selected values from one generation to the next through cocooning.
For example, television, most newspapers, and most of the Internet web-
sites are banned by ultra-Orthodox Jews. In Study 1, we examine the pos-
sibility of cocooning in a highly secluded ethnic group, namely Jerusalem
Armenians.
minority group, forming 20.2 percent of the Israeli population, lives mostly
in homogenous Arab villages or in their own neighborhoods in mixed cit-
ies, such as Jerusalem (Rabinowitz, 2001).
The Armenian community includes 2,000 members living in the Old
City of Jerusalem. The Armenian heritage emphasizes the devotion to the
family (Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000). This and their historical back-
ground (moving to a predominantly Arab part of the world from Armenia)
might underlie their specific identity, which is based on nation, church, and
family (O’Grady, 1981). Although this community maintains relationships
with the larger ethnic communities of Jews and Arabs in Israel, it lives in
a segregated society (e.g., the Armenian Quarter within the Old City walls
is surrounded by a second wall.) Importantly, the size and seclusion of this
cultural group are reflected in the fact that parents typically send their chil-
dren to a single school, limited only to children of this group and run by
church personnel.
We conducted a two-way ANOVA (two generations x three religious
groups) for each of the 10 values, measured with the Portrait Values
Questionnaire (PVQ; Schwartz & Rubel, 2005), and computed as residual
scores controlling for adolescent age and the gender of the parent and the
adolescent.1
Generation effects are not central to this investigation, but worth men-
tioning nevertheless. Parents gave higher importance to the conservation
values of security and tradition, and lower importance to stimulation, as
would be expected from past research (e.g., Knafo & Schwartz, 2001). In
addition, they showed higher importance to universalism values than ado-
lescents did.
Religious group differences were also found, as Muslims were lower than
Christians in hedonism, power, and security, and gave higher importance
to self-direction values in comparison to their Christian counterparts.
Taken together, the religious differences provide support for the content
process, in which different religions provide group members with different
values.
Muslim Arab
4.6
4.4
Self-direction
4.2
4
3.8
3.6
3.4
Adolescent Parent
(a)
Muslim Arab
4.2
4
Stimulation
3.8
3.6
3.4
3.2
3
Adolescent Parent
(b)
Muslim Arab
4.6
4.4
4.2
Hedonism
4
3.8
3.6
3.4
Adolescent Parent
(c)
Figure 16.3. Interactions between generation and religious group in the importance of
openness to change values (Study 1) (a) self-direction; (b) stimulation; (c) Hedonism.
sensual desires. The first process will entail mainly a rejection of conformity
values (and possibly a strong belief in self-direction) because these values
prescribe preservation of the status quo, acceptance of a higher authority
over one’s life, and subjection to social norms. The second process would
mean an especially high preference for hedonism (possibly also stimula-
tion) values.
Participants were 36 non-religious Jewish Israeli university students
(39 percent male, Mean age=26.06, SD=2.06) and one of their parents.
Seventeen dyads included a religious parent and a non-religious child,
while the other group consisted of 19 dyads of predominantly non-religious
youth and their parents. We compared the parent–child correlation value
profile across the 10 Schwartz values (Rohan & Zanna, 1996) in the two
groups. Whereas the average correlation was .50 in non-religious families
(SD=.31), in families of religion leavers it was .18 (SD=.30), t(df=34) = 3.19,
p <.01. Thus, religion leaving involves a large (D=1.09) difference in parent–
child value congruence, exemplifying the importance of religion in family
value continuity, and the religiosity process (Figure 16.1).
3.6
3.4
3.2
3
Youth Parent
(a)
3.8
3.6
3.4
3.2
3
Youth Parent
(b)
Figure 16.4. Interactions between generation and religiosity group in the importance of
conformity and hedonism values (Study 2) (a) Conformity; (b) Hedonism.
Conclusions
In a meta-analysis, every single one of Schwartz’s (1992) 10 values was asso-
ciated to some extent with within-culture religiosity differences (Saroglou
et al., 2004). In our Study 1, six of these values varied significantly across
religious groups. Thus, religion is not only relevant to how people behave,
but also to their values across many cultures. Religiosity relates to individ-
uals’ identity (Paryente & Orr, 2010) and to how individuals socialize their
children (Padilla-Walker & Thompson, 2005). Even in contexts in which
the political system was opposed to religion, religiosity (or the lack thereof)
played a role in individuals’ values (Roccas & Schwartz, 1997), and as our
Study 2 shows, religion is relevant even to the lives of people who decide
to leave it, as apparent from value differences between non-religious youth
and religion leavers.
Our analysis points to the importance of religion and religiosity to pro-
cesses of value influences in the family. The role of culture as the context
in which these influences take place has also been exemplified. The posi-
tion of cultures on the cultural dimensions of power-distance or hierarchy
(Hofstede, 1980; Schwartz, 1999) may affect, for instance, tolerance and
legitimacy for child influence. Similarly, accuracy of perception of the par-
ent’s value may be less relevant to the development of values in narrow-
socialization cultures (Arnett, 1995) in which the range of values is limited,
possibly enabling children to infer parents’ values from many sources other
than their own parents. The potential for competing value messages in a
culture is also important (Goodnow, 1997). For example, Cavalli-Sforza
(1993) described one African context with no schools and only few age
peers, where parental influence was the major cultural process. The cultural
context can operate through the societal establishments it uses for moni-
toring the values of future generations. We briefly mentioned two exam-
ples (religious and non-religious Jewish Israeli schools, and the secluded
386 Knafo, Daniel, Gabay, Zilber, and Shir
Jerusalem Armenian school), but our findings call for the investigation of
additional contextual factors.
As we noted in the introduction to this chapter, one of the complications
in the study of religion is its overlap with other factors, in both the cultural
level and the individual level (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Saroglou & Dupuis,
2006). This was the case in the current investigation, too. For example, the
two Arab groups differ not only in their religion, but also in their socioeco-
nomic background, as the Arab Christians tend to be more affluent than
the Muslims, and have substantially lower birth rates. We thus cannot fully
disentangle the effect of religion from that of other variables. Similarly, it is
difficult to generalize from the differences between Muslims and Christians
in this sociopolitical context to other contexts. Muslim-Christian differ-
ences are likely to depend on whether they are both ethnic political minor-
ities (the Israeli case), whether one religious group is dominant and affluent
and the other is an immigrant minority (the Dutch case), or whether they
are two historically neighboring groups competing for dominance within
the same political entity (the Lebanese case, Shiite and Sunni distinctions
notwithstanding).
The samples we reached were quite small, which is another limitation.
Larger samples with longitudinal designs will provide more power for
addressing complex patterns of influence and more validity to causal claims.
Nevertheless, the unique findings, especially with regard to the Armenian
families, show a promising direction for future research on the role of reli-
gion and ethnicity in family value continuity.
We view the set of findings merely as appetizers for future research.
Despite its complexity, Figure 16.1 only presents a simplified sche-
matic depiction of processes that are each complicated by the content of
values at hand and by the cultural, religious, and perhaps also political
context. For example, we focused our review of values on major world
religions such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. The role of religion
in non-Western religions should be addressed. Are some religions more
tolerant of change and deviation from tradition, for example? Are there
religions whose teachings are less lined up with the conservation side of
the openness–conservation dimension? In Study 2 we showed the rich-
ness of family processes involving values and religion while focusing on
a single ethnic-religious group. A follow-up, hopefully using a longitu-
dinal design, of religion leavers in a multitude of comparable religions
and social contexts may not only teach us about religion leavers, but also
about religious experience itself.
Intergenerational Continuity of Values 387
Notes
1. The means, standard deviations, and the results of the ANOVAs are available from the
authors.
References
Acock, A. C., & Bengtson, V. L. (1978). On the relative importance of mothers and
fathers: A covariance analysis of political and religious socialization. Journal of
Marriage and the Family, 40, 519–530.
Arnett, J. J. (1995). Broad and narrow socialization: The family in the context of a cul-
tural theory. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, 615–628.
Barni, D., Ranieri, S., Scabini, E., & Rosnati, R. (2011). Value transmission in the family:
Do adolescents accept the values their parents want to transmit? Journal of Moral
Education, 40, 105–121. doi: 10.1080/03057240.2011.553797
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1986). Ecology of the family as a context for human devel-
opment: Research perspectives. Developmental Psychology, 22, 723–742. doi:
10.1037/0012–1649.22.6.723
Cavalli-Sforza, L. L. (1993). How are values transmitted? In M. Hechter, L. Nadel, & R. E.
Michod (Eds.), The origin of values (pp. 305–317). New York: Aldine de Gruyter.
Cavalli-Sforza, L. L., Feldman, M.W., Chen, K. H., & Dornbusch, S. M. (1982). Theory
and observation cultural transmission. Science, 218(4567), 19–27. doi: 10.1126/
science.7123211.
Desmond, S. A., Morgan, K. H., & Kikuchi, G. (2010). Religious development: How (and
why) does religiosity change from adolescence to young adulthood? Sociological
Perspectives, 53, 247–270. doi: 10.1525/sop.2010.53.2.247
Dillon, M., Wink, P., & Fay, K. (2003). Is spirituality detrimental to generativity? Journal
for the Scientific Study of Religion, 42, 427–442. doi: 10.1111/1468–5906.00192
Duriez, B., Soenens, B., Neyrinck, B., & Vansteenkiste, M. (2009) Is religios-
ity related to better parenting?. Journal of Family Issues, 30, 1287–1307. doi:
10.1177/0192513X09334168
Ellison, C. G., & Sherkat, D. E. (1993). Obedience and autonomy: Religion and parental
values reconsidered. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 32, 313–329.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton.
Flor, D. L., & Knapp, N. F. (2001). Transmission and transaction: Predicting adoles-
cents’ internalization of parental religious values. Journal of Family Psychology, 15,
627–645. doi: 10.1037/0893–3200.15.4.627
Fontaine, J. R. J., Duriez, B., Luyten, P., Corveleyn, J., & Hutsebaut, D. (2005). Research:
“Consequences of a multidimensional approach to religion for the relationship
between religiosity and value priorities.” International Journal for the Psychology of
Religion, 15, 123–143. Doi: 10.1207/s15327582ijpr1502_2
Glass, J., Bengtson, V. L., & Dunham, C.C. (1986). Attitude similarity in three-genera-
tion families: Socialization, status inheritance, or reciprocal influence? American
Sociological Review, 51, 685–698.
Goodnow, J. J. (1997). Parenting and the “transmission” and “internalization” of val-
ues: From social-cultural perspectives to within-family analyses. In J. E. Grusec
388 Knafo, Daniel, Gabay, Zilber, and Shir
& L. Kuczynski (Eds.), Handbook of parenting and the transmission of values (pp.
333–361). New York: Wiley.
Grusec, J. E., & Goodnow, J. J. (1994). Impact of parental discipline methods on the
child’s internalization of values: A reconceptualization of current points of view.
Developmental Psychology, 30, 4–19. doi: 10.1037/0012–1649.30.1.4 .
Grusec, J. E., Goodnow, J. J., & Kuczynski, L. (2000). New directions in analyses of par-
enting contributions to children’s acquisition of values. Child Development, 71,
205–211. doi: 10.1111/1467–8624.00135.
Hinde, R. (1989). Reconciling the family systems approach and the relationships
approach to child development. In K. Kreppner & R. Lerner (eds.), Family systems
and life-span development (pp. 149–163). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related
values. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Inglehart, R., & Baker, W. E. (2000). Modernization, cultural change, and the persistence
of traditional values. American Sociological Review, 65, 19–51.
Knafo, A. (2003). Contexts, relationship quality, and family value socialization: The case
of parent-school ideological fit in Israel. Personal Relationships, 10, 373–390. doi:
10.1111/1475–6811.00055.
Knafo, A., Daniel, E., & Khoury-Kassabri, M. (2008).Values as protective factors against
violent behavior in Jewish and Arab high schools in Israel. Child Development, 79,
652–667. doi: 10.1111/j.1467–8624.2008.01149.x
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2001). Value socialization in families of Israeli-born and
Soviet-born adolescents in Israel. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32, 213–
228. doi: 10.1177/0022022101032002008
(2003). Parenting and adolescents’ accuracy in perceiving parental values. Child
Development, 74, 595–611. doi: 10.1111/1467–8624.7402018
(2004). Value transmission in the family: Effects of family background and implica-
tions for educational achievement. Jerusalem, IL: NCJW Research Institute for
Innovation in Education (Hebrew).
(2008). Accounting for parent–child value congruence: Theoretical considerations and
empirical evidence. In U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural transmission: Developmental,
psychological, social, and methodological perspectives (pp. 240–268). Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Knafo, A., & Spinath, F. M. (2011). Genetic and environmental influences on girls’ and
boys’ gender-typed and gender-neutral values. Developmental Psychology, 47, 726–
731. doi: 10.1037/a0021910
Koenig, L. B., McGue, M., Krueger, R. F., & Bouchard, T. J. (2005). Genetic
and environmental influences on religiousness: Findings for retrospective
and current religiousness ratings. Journal of Personality, 73, 471–488. doi:
10.1111/j.1467–6494.2005.00316.x
Kuczynski, L., Marshall, S., & Schell, K. (1997). Value socialization in a bidirectional
context. In J. E. Grusec & L. Kuczynski (Eds.), Parenting and the internalization of
values: A handbook of contemporary theory (pp. 23–50). New York: Wiley.
Kusdil, M. E., & Kagitcibasi, C. (2000). Tuerk oegretmenlerin deger yoenelimleri ve
Schwartz deger kurami [Value orientations of Turkish teachers and Schwartz’s the-
ory of values]. In V. Saroglou and P. Galand (Eds.), Identities, values, and religion:
Intergenerational Continuity of Values 389
A study among Muslim, other immigrant, and native Belgian young adults after the
9/11 attacks. Identity, 4, 97–132. doi: 10.1207/s1532706xid0402_1
Mahoney, A., Pargament, K. I., Tarakeshwar, N., & Swank, A. B. (2001). Religion in the
home in the 1980s and 1990s: A meta-analytic review and conceptual analysis of
links between religion, marriage, and parenting. Journal of Family Psychology, 15,
559–596. doi: 10.1037/1941–1022.S.1.63
Maio, G. R., & Olson, J. M. (1998). Values as truisms: Evidence and impli-
cations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 294–311. doi:
10.1037/0022–3514.74.2.294
O’Connor, T. G., Hetherington, E. M., & Clingempeel, W. G. (1997). Systems and bidi-
rectional influences in families. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 14,
491–504. doi: 10.1177/0265407597144005
O’Grady, I. P. (1981). Shared meaning and choice as components of Armenian immi-
grant adaptation. Anthropological Quarterly, 54, 76–81.
Okagaki, L., & Bevis, C. (1999). Transmission of religious values: Relations between
parents’ and daughters’ beliefs. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 160, 303–318. doi:
10.1080/00221329909595401
Padilla-Walker, L. M., & Thompson, R. A. (2005). Combating conflicting messages of
values: A closer look at parental strategies. Social Development, 14, 305–323. doi:
10.1111/j.1467–9507.2005.00303.x
Paryente, B., & Orr, E. (2010). Identity representations and intergenerational trans-
mission of values: The case of a religious minority in Israel. Papers on Social
Representations, 19, 1–36.
Pepper, M., Uzzell, D., Jackson, T. (2010). A study of multidimensional religion con-
structs and value in the United Kingdom. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion,
49, 127–146. doi: 10.1111/j.1468–5906.2009.01496.x
Peterson, B. E. (2006). Generativity and successful parenting: An analysis of young adult out-
comes. Journal of Personality, 74, 847–869. doi: 10.1111/j.1467–6494.2006.00394.x.
Phinney, J. S., Ong, A., & Madden, T. (2000). Cultural values and intergenerational value
discrepancies in immigrant and non-immigrant families. Child Development, 71,
528–539. doi: 10.1111/1467–8624.00162.
Rabinowitz, D. (2001). The Palestinian citizens of Israel, the concept of trapped minority
and the discourse of transnationalism in anthropology. Ethnic and Racial Studies,
24, 64–85. doi: 10.1080/014198701750052505
Roccas, S. (2005) Religion and value systems. Journal of Social Issues, 61, 747–759. doi:
10.1111/j.1540–4560.2005.00430.x.
Roccas, S., & Schwartz, S. H. (1997). Church-state relations and the association of religi-
osity with values: A study of Catholics in six countries. Cross-Cultural Research, 31,
356–375. doi: 10.1177/106939719703100404
Roest, A. M. C., Dubas, J. S., Gerris, J. R. M., & Engels, C. M. E. (2009). Value similari-
ties among fathers, mothers and adolescents and the role of a cultural stereotype:
Different measurement strategies reconsidered. Journal of Research on Adolescence,
19, 812–833. doi: 10.1111/j.1532–7795.2009.00621.x
Rohan, M. J., & Zanna, M. P. (1996). Value transmission in families. In C. Seligman, J. M.
Olson, & M. P. Zanna (Eds.), The psychology of values: The Ontario Symposium, Vol.
8 (pp. 253–276). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
390 Knafo, Daniel, Gabay, Zilber, and Shir
Saroglou, V., Delpierre, V., & Dernelle, R. (2004). Value and religiosity: A meta-analysis
of studies using Schwartz’s model. Personality and Individual Differences, 37,
721–734.
Saroglou, V., & Dupuis, J. (2006). Being Buddhist in Western Europe: Cognitive needs,
prosocial character, and values. The International Journal for the Psychology of
Religion, 16, 163–179. doi: 10.1207/s15327582ijpr1603_2
Schwartz, S. H. (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical
advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. Advances in Experimental Social
Psychology, 25, 1–65.
(1999). A theory of cultural values and some implications for work. Applied Psychology:
An International Review, 48, 23–47. doi: 10.1111/j.1464–0597.1999.tb00047.x
Schwartz, S. H., & Huismans, S. (1995). Value priorities and religiosity in four western
religions. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58, 88–107.
Schwartz, S. H., & Rubel, T. (2005). Sex differences in value priorities: Cross-cultural
and multi-method studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89, 1010–
1028. doi:10.1037/0022–3514.89.6.1010
Troll, L., & Bengtson, V. (1979). Generations and the family. In W. R. Burr, R. Hill,
F. I. Nye, & I. L. Reiss (Eds.), Contemporary theories about the family, Vol. 1 (pp.
127–161). New York: The Free Press.
Waller, N. G., Kojetin, B. A., Bouchard, T. J., Lykken, D. T., & Tellegen, A. (1990). Genetic
and environmental influences on religious interests, attitudes, and values: A study
of twins reared apart and together. Psychological Science, 1, 138–142.
Welch, M. R. (1984). Social structural expansion, economic diversification, and concen-
tration of emphases in childhood socialization. Ethos, 12, 363–382. doi: 10.1525/
eth.1984.12.4.02a00040
Whitchurch, G. G., & Constantine, L. I. (1993). System theory. In P. Boss (Ed.),
Sourcebook of family theory and methods (pp. 325–353). New York: Plenum Press.
17 Adolescents’ Social Development
and the Role of Religion
Coherence at the Detriment of Openness
Vassilis Saroglou
Abstract
Previous reviews of research conclude that, overall, adolescents’ religiosity
is linked with many positive individual and social outcomes. Only negative
forms of religion would imply negative outcomes. In the present chapter,
such a conclusion is importantly nuanced. I systematically review here pre-
vious studies and present new data on the relation between religiosity (major
forms of it) and key aspects of adolescents’ social development: personality,
values, identity status, and collective (ethnic and immigrants’ new) identi-
ties. Attention is paid to provide cross-cultural information, when available.
In addition, I present a new study integrating the cognitive, emotional, per-
sonality, and moral factors involved with religious doubting in adolescence.
Consistently across studies and domains of social development, the find-
ings are in favor of the “coherence at the detriment of openness” hypoth-
esis. Adolescent religion seems to reflect stability, conservation, engagement,
and cohesion, but potentially somehow at the detriment of plasticity, open-
ness, exploration, and autonomy – all important for optimal development.
Complementing others’ argument that adolescence is a “sensitive” period for
spiritual development, I argue that adolescence is also a “sensitive” period for
religious doubting and agnosticism.
What role does religion play in adolescents’ social development? More spe-
cifically, how does individual religiousness relate to or influence adolescents’
personality, values, personal and collective identities, and social relation-
ships? In recent years, several overviews of studies on the role of religion
and spirituality on child, adolescent, and youth development in general have
been published (for major overviews, see Lerner, Roeser, & Phelps, 2008;
Oser, Scarlett, & Bucher, 2006; Roehlkepartain, King, Wagener, & Benson,
391
392 Saroglou
2006; see also Boyatzis, 2009; Holden & Vittrup, 2010; King & Roeser, 2009;
Scarlett & Alberts, 2010; Warren, Lerner, & Phelps, 2011). The major con-
clusion consistently observed from these reviews is that, overall, religion/
spirituality has a positive impact on many aspects of adolescent and youth
development including meaning, identity, values, prosocial attitudes and
behavior, social responsibility, life goals, adjustment, coping with adversity,
emotion- and self-regulation, and healthy behaviors (low risk-taking and
impulsivity-related behaviors). A very recent meta-analysis of 40 studies
confirmed that the religious involvement of adolescents is positively associ-
ated with various constructive behaviors and negatively associated with var-
ious destructive behaviors (respective average effect sizes, Zs = .20 and -.17;
Cheung & Yeung, 2011). Although most of these reviews are, by the nature
of the existing literature, heavily based on cross-sectional and correlational
studies, when longitudinal studies are available, they tend to confirm the
trends in the findings (see, for instance, French, Eisenberg, Purwomo, &
Sallquist, Chapter 6 in this volume).
In the present chapter, the conclusion regarding the positive role of reli-
gion/spirituality in the life of adolescents will be nuanced and, in a way,
challenged. The argument that will be developed is that the positive out-
comes or correlates of religiousness in adolescents’ social development
are limited. They point to a sense of coherence and stability, but constitute
only part of the picture. In fact, adolescents’ religiousness does not seem to
reflect or contribute to the major trends of optimal development such as
openness, autonomy, critical thinking, flexibility, and pluralism.
To support this argument, I will review the empirical research on the role
religion plays with regard to four specific domains, each important for ado-
lescent social development: (1) personality (integrative framework of the
Five-Factor Model), (2) values (Schwartz’s 1992 circumplex model of val-
ues), (3) personal identity (Marcia’s 1980 model of identity statuses), and (4)
collective identities (ethnic and transnational identities, and, for immigrant
adolescents, origin and new identities). This review will be importantly, but
not exclusively, based on studies (primary studies and meta-analyses) car-
ried out in recent years in our laboratory. The review of domains (1) and (2)
will be partly based on existing meta-analyses (Saroglou, 2010; Saroglou,
Delpierre, & Dermelle, 2004), but new data will also be presented (e.g., from
the European Social Survey and a study on children’s values and religion).
The review of domains (3) and (4) is totally new. Moreover, a new study
will be presented that explores an additional domain, that is (5) religious
doubt and the way it can be understood with respect to optimal adolescent
Adolescents’ Social Development 393
development. Finally, in the conclusion, the major findings and the global
argument from this review chapter will allow us to revisit the issue of pos-
itive versus negative effects of religion in adolescent social development.
Suggestions for directions of future research will also be made.
Several dozen studies have investigated how religiousness, and its different
forms, is associated with broad personality traits. Using the framework of
the Five-Factor Model, a recent meta-analysis of studies with 71 samples
from 19 countries (total N = 21,715) showed that religiousness (but also
fundamentalism and spirituality) is common among people who tend to be
high in the dimensions of agreeableness and conscientiousness (Saroglou,
2010). These findings are consistent with those of dozens of other studies
using Eysenck’s model of personality, where religiousness has typically been
found to relate to low psychoticism (Francis, 2009; Lodi-Smith & Roberts,
2007). The studies included in the recent meta-analysis come mostly from
Western samples of Christian background, but a few existing studies in
other religious and cultural contexts suggest the generalizability of the
findings, at least among the three monotheistic religions and Buddhism.
Closed-minded (e.g., fundamentalism) versus open-minded (e.g., spiritu-
ality) orientations are characterized by, respectively, low and high openness
to experience. The other two personality dimensions, that is, extraversion
and neuroticism, are either unrelated to religiousness in general or related
to it only in very specific contexts (Saroglou, 2010).
Only three studies in that meta-analysis provided data on adolescents.
These studies were carried out in Australia (Heaven & Ciarrocchi, 2007),
Belgium (Duriez & Soenens, 2006), and Poland (Kosek, 1999). Interestingly,
the mean effect sizes of the religiosity–personality associations in these three
studies with adolescents parallel those found with young adults and adults
(see Table 17.1). In other words, adolescents who are religious tend to be
agreeable and conscientious, but not necessarily high or low on extraver-
sion or neuroticism. Moreover, they tend to be slightly low in openness to
experience. Several studies on adolescents, using the Eysenck’s model, sug-
gest similar personality tendencies toward prosociality, order, and respon-
sibility (i.e., low psychoticism) (Francis, 2009).
Moreover, three longitudinal studies provided information on the causal
direction suggesting that child and adolescent personality influences later
attitudes toward religion. Religiousness in late adolescence, adulthood, and
late adulthood was predicted by conscientiousness or low psychoticism,
measured when the participants were children or adolescents (Heaven &
Ciarrocchi, 2007; McCullough, Enders, Brion, & Jain, 2005; McCullough,
Tsang, & Brion, 2003; Wink, Ciciolla, Dillon, & Tracy, 2007). In addition,
adolescents who were open to experience tended to invest more in spirituality
396 Saroglou
Table 17.1. Mean Effect Sizes (r) of the Personality Correlates of Religiousness
in late adulthood (Wink et al., 2007). Of course, the other causal direction,
that is, influences of religiousness on adolescents’ personality, cannot be
excluded. However, the existing evidence is in favor of the idea that ado-
lescents who are agreeable and conscientious tend to embrace – look for or
maintain, depending on family’s religious socialization – ideologies, prac-
tices, and groups (religion) that correspond to these personality tendencies
by proclaiming and enforcing social harmony, quality in interpersonal rela-
tions, investment in life goals, personal order, and moral self-transcendence
in general (Saroglou, 2010).
Agreeableness and conscientiousness are often considered to be the
two “moral character” personality traits, since they imply social and per-
sonal responsibility (Cawley, Martin, & Johnson, 2000). These two broad
personality traits are often found to point to a higher order personality
dimension denoting stability and regulation. In contrast, openness to expe-
rience and extraversion – being more heavily “temperamental” factors – are
often found to constitute a higher order dimension denoting plasticity and
growth (Digman, 1997; Markon, Krueger, & Watson, 2005; but see Ashton,
Lee, Goldberg, & de Vries, 2009). Thus, adolescent religiousness does not
seem to necessarily reflect, or result from, personality dispositions for curi-
osity; experiential openness; alternative ways of thinking, feeling, and act-
ing (openness to experience); or gregariousness, playfulness, and energy
(extraversion).
There are a variety of possible trajectories in religiousness during ado-
lescence and early adulthood. However, some decrease in religious practice,
identification, and beliefs is a common trend in adolescent development
and emerging adulthood (Dillon, 2007; Hood, Hill, & Spilka, 2009).
Interestingly, this decrease seems to parallel, or better follow, the devel-
opmental changes of personality. Series of studies on the developmental
changes of personality attest that, during adolescence, the mean level of
Adolescents’ Social Development 397
TR CO SE PO AC ST HE SD UN BE
Saroglou et al.
(2004)
(k = 21, N = .45 .23 .07 –.09 –.11 –.26 –.30 –.24 –.09 .14
8,551)
ESS 2 (25
countries)
Adults .34 .16 .13 –.03 –.06 –.20 –.23 –.17 .03 .05
(41,318)
Adolescents .32 .15 .07 –.07 –.01 –.14 –.24 –.13 .04 –.04
(2,323)
ESS 3 (23
countries)
Adults .32 .16 .14 –.04 –.10 –.18 –.23 –.13 .03 .04
(38,042)
Adolescents .29 .14 .09 –.09 –.03 –.11 –.23 –.13 .03 –.03
(2,055)
Boseret (2009)
(N = 200 .28 .08 .03 –.03 –.08 .00 –.15 –.19 –.03 .02
children)
Note: For Saroglou et al. (2004), the reported results are weighted mean effect sizes of the meta-anal-
ysis (young adults and adults). For ESS2, ESS3, and Boseret (2009), simple coefficient correlations are
reported. Adults = ≥ 19 yrs old; adolescents = 13–18 years old; children = 9–12 years old. Correlations
are bold when ≥ .10. TR = Tradition; CO = Conformity; SE = Security; PO = Power; AC = Achievement;
ST = Stimulation; HE = Hedonism; SD = Self-direction; UN = Universalism; BE = Benevolence.
own beliefs), and spirituality may still be concerned with valuing tradition
and demonstrating low consideration for hedonism. However, these forms
put the emphasis on the axis of self-transcendence (valuing both univer-
salism and benevolence) versus self-enhancement (not valuing power and
achievement) (Fontaine, Duriez, Luyten, Corveleyn, & Hutsebaut, 2005;
Saroglou, 2008, for review). Nevertheless, it remains unclear whether these
results are because of the specific religious forms under study or totally
attributable to deeper social cognitive structures denoting flexibility, which
in turn are translated, in the religious domain, into symbolic and relativistic
religious thinking.
In order to examine whether adolescents’ religiosity implies value hier-
archies that may or may not be similar to those held by young adults or
adults, I carried out, for the purposes of the present chapter, correlational
analyses on the data of the European Social Survey (ESS), Waves 2 and 3
(http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org). This data (as in 2008) comes from,
respectively, 25 and 23 countries (if combined, this makes 28 countries) and
includes a total of, respectively, 45,175 and 40,757 participants.1 Among
these participants, there are 2,323 adolescents (13 to 18-year-olds) in ESS2
and 2,055 adolescents (14 to 18-year-olds) in ESS 3. Values in the ESS are
measured through Schwartz’s (2003) 21-item Portrait Value Questionnaire
(also called Human Values Scale). I computed a global score of religious-
ness (Cronbach’s alphas were .81 in both waves) by averaging the scores
participants gave on three items measuring (1) personal religiousness
(“Regardless of whether you belong to a particular religion, how religious
would you say you are?”), (2) religious public practice (“Apart from special
occasions such as weddings and funerals, about how often do you attend
religious services?”), and (3) religious private practice (“Apart from when
you are at religious services, how often, if at all, do you pray?”).
The results from the correlational analyses are presented separately for
adolescents and adults (all the non-adolescent participants) in Table 17.2
(second and third blocks). They replicate the results of the 2004 meta-
analysis.2 Moreover, religious adolescents hold value hierarchies that are
similar to religious adults’ ones, and the similarity in many cases is also
reflected in the size of the effects. The only notable difference in effect size
seems to be the fact that the modest association between religiousness and
security among adults is even weaker in adolescents. Similarly, the negative
association between religiousness and stimulation also seems to be attenu-
ated when one shifts from adults to adolescents. These two differences may
be because of age and/or cohort. Religiosity of contemporary adolescents,
compared to older adults, expresses, to a lesser degree, strong conservatism
400 Saroglou
402
Study Sample (N) Country Rel. Dimensions Major Findings
Duriez, Smits, and Goossens (2008) Flemish (Catholic) adol. (724; Belgium R. Transcendence +Normative ident.
longitudinal) Symbolic R. style +Informational, -Diffuse/avoidant
Duriez and Soennes (2006) 1. Flemish late adol. (332) Belgium R. Transcendence +Normative (1)
2. Flemish middle adol. (323) Symbolic R. style +Infor., -Diff. (1, 2)
Duriez, Soenens, and Beyers (2004) Flemish (Catholic) l. adol. Belgium R. Transcendence +Normative ident.
(335) Symbolic R. style +Inform., -Diff.
Fulton (1997) White students in Christian United States Intrinsic R. +ACH, -DIFF
college (176) Extrinsic R. +MOR, DIFF, FOR
Quest R. +MOR
Hardy, Pratt, Pancer, Olsen, and Late adol. (418; longitudinal) Canada Religious change -DIFF, -MOR, +FOR (changes)
Lawford (2011)
Hunsberger, Pratt, and Pancer University (132) and high Canada R. commitment +FOR
(2001) school (937) students R. doubt +MOR, +DIFF
Managing doubt +ACH
Hutsebaut (1997) Students (539) Belgium Orthodoxy +FOR
Against religion +DIFF
Klaassen and McDonald (2002) Students in Christian Canada Quest R. +MOR, -DIFF
university(160)
Leak (2009) Students (228) United States R. commitment +ACH
Faith develop. +MOR
R. fundamental. -MOR
Lee, Miller, and Chang (2006) Christian Korean-American United States Intrinsic R. +ACH, +FOR., -MOR., -DIFF.
adol. (49)
Markstrom (1999) Afrian- (62) and European- United States R. practice No findings
(63) American adol.
Markstrom-Adams and Smith 1. Mormon & non-M. adol. United States Extrinsic R. +DIFF (1, 2)
(1996) (85) 2. Jewish adol. (102) Canada Indiscriminate R. +FOR (1), ACH (2)
Markstrom-Adams, Hofstra, and 1. Mormon adol. (36) United States Church attend. +FOR, -DIFF (1,2); +ACH(1),
Dougher (1994) 2. Christian adol. (47) -ACH(2)
McKinney and McKinney (1999) Students, mostly Christian (77) United States R. practice and -MOR, -DIFF
commitment
Padilla-Walker, McNamara Barry, Students (491), mostly United States Religiosity +FOR
Carroll, Madsen, and Nelson Christian and European-
(2008) American
Puffer, Pence, Graverson, Wolfe, Religious adol. (600) United States Religious doubt +MOR, +DIFF
Pate, & Clegg (2008) Quest R +ACH, +MOR
Intrinsic R. -MOR, -DIFF
Saroglou and Galand (2004) 1. Native late adol. (81) Belgium Religiosity (R) +ACH, +FOR (1,2,3), +MOR (1);
2. Muslim immigrant late adol. Spirituality (S) -DIFF (1,3)
(72)
3. Other immigrant l. adol.
(86)
Tzuriel (1984) Israeli students (1129) Israel Religiousness + Commitment and Purposefulness
Verhoeven and Hutsebaut (1995) Students (1,438) Belgium R. practice +FOR
Personal religion +ACH
403
Irreligion +DIFF
Note: R. = religious; ACH = achievement; DIFF = diffusion; FOR = foreclosure; MOR = moratorium.
404 Saroglou
rituals, and ideas, the human search for unity, continuity, and even whole-
ness (Saroglou, 2006). Sociological work has even established a typology of
the relations between ethnicity and religion (see Kivisto, 2007). In few cases,
the two may be independent (e.g., American Indians, Romania). However,
in most cases, either (1) ethnicity reinforces religion (e.g., Serbian or Greek
Orthodox, Church of England), or (2) religion is a major foundation of eth-
nicity (e.g., Amish, Jews), or shapes, colors ethnicity (e.g., Irish, Italian, or
Polish Catholics).
Several studies suggest that adolescents’ and young adults’ religios-
ity positively relates to ethnic identity and pride, but not broader identi-
ties. As multi-country data from the European Values Study shows, young
Europeans (18–29 years old) who identify strongly with their religion
(Catholics and Protestants) exhibit a stronger national pride (Campiche,
1997), stronger feelings of belonging to their region and country, and
weaker feelings of belonging to Europe and the world, compared to their
nonreligious peers (Belot, 2005; Bréchon, 2003).
Other recent studies confirm the positive association between religios-
ity and ethnic (origin) identity among adolescents and young adults who
live in Western countries and belong to ethno-religious minorities and/or
are born of immigrants. However, these studies also show that religiosity
within these ethnic minorities is either unrelated or negatively related to
identification with the new, adoptive country and culture. This was found
to be the case in European countries (Belgium and/or the Netherlands) for
Jews (Saroglou & Hanique, 2006), Muslims of North African and Turkish
descent (Friedman & Saroglou, 2010; Güngör, Fleischmann, & Phalet, 2011;
Saroglou & Galand, 2004; Saroglou & Mathijsen, 2007; Verkuyten & Yildiz,
2007), and other (Christian) adolescents born of immigrants from differ-
ent countries (Friedman & Saroglou, 2010; Saroglou & Galand, 2004). The
same was the case in the United States with Asian-Americans and African
Americans (but not Latinos; Ghorpade, Lackritz, & Singh, 2006), and
Muslims from various countries (Sirin et al., 2008).
The relation of immigrants’ religiosity with only strong ethnic/origin
identity and, possibly, even weak identity with the new/adoptive culture
seems to be rather consistent across studies. Note, however, that most
often these studies include samples from ex-immigrant populations of low
or medium socioeconomic status. An exploratory study on adult expatri-
ates in Brussels, originating from other Western countries and working in
European institutions or having good jobs in companies, suggested that the
picture may be more complex, depending on the specific religious denom-
ination. Indeed, among Protestants from North European countries and
Adolescents’ Social Development 407
Christians from the United States, religiosity was related to high identifi-
cation with the host country, that is, Belgium, whereas the opposite was
the case with Orthodox Christians coming from the Balkan countries;
Catholics from other European countries were in the between (Rangel &
Saroglou, 2010).
Is such a pattern of results positive or negative for adolescent and youth
development? Some scholars have argued that religion’s role in the devel-
opment of a strong ethnic identity is part of positive youth development
since it allows for integration into a community, a sense of belonging, pride
that contributes to positive mental health, and the development of a sense
of responsibility, especially for ethnic minorities and immigrants (e.g.,
Juang & Syed, 2008; King & Roeser, 2009). This may be true, especially as
far as the mental health of immigrant and minority groups is concerned.
Religious institutions, beliefs, and practices, as well as individual religi-
osity of the members of these groups are reasonably considered, both in
sociological and psychological research, to positively contribute to several
aspects of mental health, integration to a community, and social support
(Cadge & Ecklund, 2007; Viladrich & Abraído-Lanza, 2009). Studies on
African Americans confirm this idea (e.g., Bierman, 2006; Ellison, Musick,
& Henderson, 2008).
Nevertheless, this is just part of a bigger picture. As the above men-
tioned studies in ethno-religious minorities suggest, strong identification
with the culture of origin among religious adolescents and young adults
born of immigrants does not seem to be paralleled by strong identifica-
tion with, and acculturation into, the new, adoptive country; the two may
even be in conflict. Thus, religiosity may contribute to adolescent immi-
grants’ integration into their ethno-religious community (which in turn is
beneficial when facing mental health risks and when needing a minimal
insertion into a local community), but not to the broader multiethnic and
multireligious national community (which supposedly contributes to opti-
mal well-being and full and deep acculturation). Given the importance of
developing a double positive identification with respect to both original
and adoptive cultures (i.e., the optimal acculturation strategy of “integra-
tion”), doubts may occur as to how helpful religion may be for immigrants’
full acculturation. This is what initial evidence suggests: religiosity pre-
dicts not only low identification with the adoptive country, but also low
acculturation attitudes and practices (Ghorpade et al., 2006; Saroglou &
Mathijsen, 2007). Moreover, there is some evidence that, under specific
contextual influences (e.g., perceived discrimination, large cultural dis-
tance), religiosity of early adolescents from an ethno-religious minority
408 Saroglou
The argument that will be presented here is that, beyond its disadvantages
in terms of emotional instability and relational insecurity, religious doubt
may be a sign of, or contributor to, positive social development of adoles-
cents in many other respects. Integrating fragmented evidence from previ-
ous research and theory, Scardigno and Saroglou (2009b) hypothesized that
adolescent religious doubt points to many positive aspects of social devel-
opment: personality (in particular, openness to experience), self- and rela-
tional development (individuation-autonomy with respect to parents and
openness to peer influences), increased interest in sexuality (resulting in
some disinhibition), moral development (in particular, high sensitivity to
moral hypocrisy), and cognitive development (decreased magical thinking
and increased rational thinking).
Scardigno and Saroglou (2009b) integrated each of these factors into
the same study as correlates and predictors of adolescents’ religious
doubts. They administered questionnaires to 307 Belgian adolescents (12
to 20 years old; mean age = 15.37, SD = 1.75; boys = 44%) that measured
attachment to parents (Hazan & Shaver, 1987), individuation with respect
to parents (12 items from the Emotional Autonomy Scale; Schmitz &
Baer, 2001), peer influence (ad hoc measure of seven items), disinhibition
(i.e., the seeking of intense experiences in parties, social drinking, and
sex – a subscale of the Sensation Seeking Scale; Zuckerman, 1971), sen-
sitivity to moral hypocrisy (ad hoc measure of 11 items), magical think-
ing (subscale of the Disgust scale; Olatunji et al., 2007), abstract/rational
thinking (20 items from the R80 and R85 intelligence tests that focus on
logical results in resolving various kinds of problems), and openness to
experience (from the Big Five Inventory; John, Donahue, & Kentle, 1991).
In addition, they investigated the intensity of religious doubt through a
measure of 11 items that, after an exploratory factor analysis, was found
to tap three interrelated but distinct types of doubt. These were (1) cog-
nitive doubts (religious beliefs do not seem to be true and logical), (2)
social doubts (religion seems to be outdated with respect to the needs
and challenges of contemporary society), and (3) moral doubts (human
suffering and injustice raise doubt in religion) (Scardigno & Saroglou,
2009a).
The results on the associations between religious doubts and the hypoth-
esized correlates are detailed in Table 17.4 (partial correlations control-
ling for gender and age did not change the results). With the exception of
peer influences, all other hypothesized factors turned out to be significant.
Religious doubts, most clearly the cognitive and social doubts, but occa-
sionally also the moral doubts, were more present among adolescents with
Adolescents’ Social Development 411
Table 17.4. Types of Religious Doubt and Correlations with Aspects of Social
Development
insecure attachment (to both father and mother), high openness to experi-
ence, need for individuation, sensitivity to moral hypocrisy, rational think-
ing, and, finally, low magical thinking. Distinct correlations by age group
(three age groups were created) suggest that factors related to cognitive
development (abstract thinking, low magical thinking), sexual develop-
ment (disinhibition), and self-development (individuation) play a role in
religious doubt from early adolescence (12–14 years old). From the age of
15–16 years, moral and personality factors (sensitivity to moral hypocrisy,
openness to experience) also start to play a role in religious doubt.
Given some possible overlap between these various constructs asso-
ciated with high religious doubt, a multiple regression analysis was also
conducted. As shown in Table 17.5, it turned out that many dimensions
involved in adolescent development uniquely and additively predict high
religious doubt. This was the case with moral (sensitivity to hypocrisy),
cognitive (low magical thinking), social-relational (individuation and inse-
cure attachment), and sexuality-based (disinhibition) factors.
It seems reasonable to conclude from the results of that study that typi-
cal processes inherent to adolescent social development are responsible for
412 Saroglou
b t-test
Insecure attachment (parents) .10 1.66†
Individuation .12 1.97*
Disinhibition .16 2.74**
Sensitivity to hypocrisy .17 3.10**
Magical thinking –.16 –2.86**
R2 = .15
Note: N = 307. Results are taken from Scardigno and Saroglou (2009b). Copyright © 2009 by Rosa
Scardigno and Vassilis Saroglou.
* p < .05. ** p < .01. † p < .10.
that explain both the positivity and its limitations. As the research reviewed
in this chapter shows, adolescents’ religion overall reflects, results from, or
influences:
(1) stability in personality (in relation with the self and the others) but not
necessarily growth and plasticity;
(2) in-group social responsibility and conservation of social order instead
of individualism–hedonism in values but not necessarily universalistic
concerns and autonomy, thus openness to change;
(3) coherence, meaning, and goals that allow for a sense of engagement in
personal identity, but not necessarily exploration of the alternatives and
re-elaboration of this identity;
(4) attachment to the ethnic identity – and thus the origin identity for
adolescents born of immigration – but not necessarily attachment and
acculturation to the new/adoptive culture, and endorsement of trans-
national, frontier-breaking identities; and
(5) relational security in attachment but low need for individuation and dis-
inhibition as well as a tendency for magical thinking and low abstract,
rational thinking.
In sum, adolescent religion seems to lead to or consolidate social stability
and personal coherence at the cognitive, moral, emotional, and social lev-
els, but somehow at the detriment of openness, autonomy, flexibility, crit-
ical thinking, and pluralism, all important for optimal development. This
concerns domains of major importance for adolescent social development
such as personality, values, personal and collective identities, attachment to
parents, individuation, sexuality, and cognition.
In a way, this double-sided role of religion in adolescence parallels what
research has shown regarding religion’s role in mental health and optimal
well-being in general. On the basis of studies among members of new reli-
gious movements, Buxant and Saroglou (2008) concluded that belonging to
these groups helps members feel good, since it provides structure and per-
sonal strength, especially in the context of previous vulnerability. However,
this is at the detriment of optimal development and well-being, which
include autonomy, flexibility, and critical thinking. Similarly, Gartner,
Larson, and Allen (1991), reviewing research on religion and mental health
in general, concluded that religion may be an efficient means to maintain
or restore control in situations implying under-control, but nevertheless
includes potential risks for over-control. Adolescent religiosity seems to
function in a similar way: it fosters coherence, but one may need to look to
other resources to enhance openness.
416 Saroglou
At least two issues seem to be key for future research. As mentioned ear-
lier, an emerging part of Westerners, certainly adults but also adolescents,
define themselves as no longer religious, but spiritual. The contrast between
religion and spirituality seems stronger among adolescents than adults
(Saroglou, 2003). To the extent that there is some shift from traditional reli-
gion to more autonomous and reflective forms of spirituality, it may be that
some of the conclusions of the present review need to be re-examined. For
instance, modern spirituality and symbolic forms of faith seem to be less
characterized by discomfort with novelty and concerns for conservation of
social order, family, and national security and instead reflects, more clearly
than religiosity, ethical concerns of interpersonal care and self-transcen-
dence (Fontaine et al., 2005; Saroglou & Muñoz-García, 2008).
Another important issue is how culture influences the religion’s role with
regard to adolescent social development (see, for instance, Bond, Lun, and
Li, Chapter 5 in this volume; and Trommsdorff, Chapter 1 in this volume).
Throughout different sections of the present chapter, the emphasis was
in showing how the major lines of existing research seem to apply across
various religious and cultural contexts. However, there is a tremendous
need for more nuanced approaches that allow for detecting cultural specif-
ics. Emerging research in psychology of religion and culture (Saroglou &
Cohen, in press, for review) as well as in psychology of human develop-
ment and culture (Bornstein, 2010, for review) confirms the importance
of a culturally sensitive perspective on our psychological understanding of
how religion works in people’s, including adolescents’, lives.
Notes
1. These countries are: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany,
Hungary, Ireland, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden,
Switzerland, the Netherlands, United Kingdom, Ukraine (both waves), Czech
Republic, Greece, Iceland, Luxembourg, Turkey (2nd wave), Bulgaria, Cyprus, and
Russia (3rd wave).
2. When computing the average of the distinct-by-country correlations, the associations
of religiousness with benevolence and universalism (positive) as well as power and
achievement (negative) become slightly stronger (e.g., for ESS3, respectively, .09, .07,
-.08, and -.13). Note also that Schwartz (Chapter 4 in this volume) presents results
distinct by religious group.
References
Ashton, M. C., Lee, K., Goldberg, L. R., & de Vries, R. E. (2009). Higher order factors of
personality: Do they exist? Personality and Social Psychology Review, 13, 79–91.
Bardi, A., & Goodwin, R. (2011). The dual route to value change: Individual processes
and cultural moderators. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42, 271–287.
Batson, C. D., Schoenrade, P., & Ventis, W. L. (1993). Religion and the individual: A
social-psychological perspective. New York: Oxford University Press.
Belot, C. (2005). Du local au mondial: Les espaces d’appartenance des jeunes Européens
[From the local to the world: Belonging spaces among young Europeans]. In O.
Galand & B. Roudet (Eds.), Les jeunes Européens et leurs valeurs [Young Europeans
and their values] (pp. 177–203). Paris: La Découverte.
Berzonsky, M. D. (1990). Self-construction over the life-span: A process perspective on
identity formation. Advances in Personal Construct Psychology, 1, 155–186.
Bierman, A. (2006). Does religion buffer the effects of discrimination on mental
health? Differing effects by race. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 45,
551–566.
Bornstein, M. H. (Ed.). (2010). Handbook of cultural developmental science. New York:
Psychology Press.
Boseret, L. (2009). Développement philosophique, spirituel et religieux: Impact du système
éducatif [Philosophical, spiritual and religious development: Impact of the edu-
cational system]. Unpublished Master’s thesis, Université catholique de Louvain,
Louvain-la-Neuve.
Boyatzis, C. J. (2009). Examining religious and spiritual development during childhood
and adolescence. In M. de Souza, L. J. Francis, J. O’Higgins-Norman, & D. G. Scott
(Eds.), International handbook of education for spirituality, care and wellbeing (pp.
51–68). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer.
Boyer, P. (2001). Religion explained. New York: Basic Books.
Bréchon, P. (2003). Integration into Catholicism and Protestantism in Europe: The
impact on moral and political values. In L. Halman & O. Riis (Eds.), Religion and
secularizing society: The Europeans’religion at the end of the 20th century (pp. 114–
161). Leiden, Netherlands: Brill.
Buxant, C., & Saroglou, V. (2008). Feeling good, but lacking autonomy: Closed-
mindedness on social and moral issues in new religious movements. Journal of
Religion and Health, 47, 17–31.
Cadge, W., & Ecklund, E. H. (2007). Immigration and religion. Annual Review of
Sociology, 33, 359–379.
Campiche, R. J. (Ed.). (1997). Cultures jeunes et religions en Europe [Youth cultures and
religions in Europe]. Paris: Cerf.
Cawley, M. J., III, Martin, J. E., & Johnson, J. A. (2000). A virtue approach to personality.
Personality and Individual Differences, 28, 997–1013.
Cheung, C. K., & Yeung, J. W. K. (2011). Meta-analysis of relationships between religi-
osity and constructive and destructive behaviors among adolescents. Children and
Youth Services Review, 33, 376–385.
Digman, J. M. (1997). Higher-order factors of the Big Five. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 73, 1246–1256.
Dillon, M. (2007). Age, generation, and cohort in American religion and spirituality. In
J. A. Beckford & N. J. Demerath, III (Eds.), The Sage handbook of the sociology of
religion (pp. 526–546). London: Sage.
418 Saroglou
Duriez, B., Smits, I., & Goossens, L. (2008). The relation between identity styles and reli-
giosity in adolescence: Evidence from a longitudinal perspective. Personality and
Individual Differences, 44, 1022–1031.
Duriez, B., & Soenens, B. (2006). Personality, identity styles, and religiosity: An inte-
grative study among late and middle adolescents. Journal of Adolescence, 29,
119–135.
Duriez, B., Soenens, B., & Beyers, W. (2004). Personality, identity styles, and religios-
ity: An integrative study among late adolescents in Flanders (Belgium). Journal of
Personality, 72, 877–908.
Ellison, C. G., Finch, B. K., Ryan, D. N., & Salinas, J. J. (2009). Religious involvement
and depressive symptoms among Mexican-origin adults in California. Journal of
Community Psychology, 37, 171–193.
Ellison, C. G., Musick, M. A., & Henderson, A. K. (2008). Balm in Gilead: Racism, reli-
gious involvement, and psychological distress among African American adults.
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 47, 291–309.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. Oxford: Norton.
Flanagan, K., & Jupp, P. C. (Eds.). (2007). A sociology of spirituality. Burlington, VT:
Ashgate.
Fontaine, J. R. J., Duriez, B., Luyten, P., Corveleyn, J., & Hutsebaut, D. (2005).
Consequences of a multi-dimensional approach to religion for the relationship
between religiosity and value priorities. International Journal for the Psychology of
Religion, 15, 123–143.
Francis, L. J. (2009). Comparative empirical research in religion: Conceptual and operational
challenges within empirical theology. In L. J. Francis, M. Robbins, & J. Astley (Eds.),
Empirical theology in texts and tables (pp. 127–152). Leiden, Netherlands: Brill.
Friedman, M., & Saroglou, V. (2010). Religiosity, psychological acculturation to the host
culture, self-esteem and depressive symptoms among stigmatized and nonstig-
matized religious immigrant groups in Western Europe. Basic and Applied Social
Psychology, 32, 185–195.
Fulton, A. S. (1997). Identity status, religious orientation, and prejudice. Journal of Youth
and Adolescence, 26, 1–11.
Gartner, J., Larson, D. B., & Allen, G. D. (1991). Religious commitment and mental
health: A review of the empirical literature. Journal of Psychology and Theology,
19, 6–25.
Ghorpade, J., Lackritz, J. R., & Singh, G. (2006). Intrinsic religious orientation among
minorities in the United States: A research note. International Journal for the
Psychology of Religion, 16, 51–62.
Good, M., & Willoughby, T. (2008). Adolescence as a sensitive period for spiritual devel-
opment. Child Development Perspectives, 2, 32–37.
Güngör, D., Fleischmann, F., & Phalet, K. (2011). Religious identification, beliefs, and
practices among Turkish Belgian and Moroccan Belgian Muslims: Intergenerational
continuity and acculturative change. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42,
1356–1374.
Hardy, S. A., Pratt, M. W., Pancer, S. M., Olsen, J. A., & Lawford, H. L. (2011). Community
and religious involvement as contexts of identity change across late adolescence
and emerging adulthood. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 35,
125–135.
Adolescents’ Social Development 419
Hazan, C., & Shaver, P. R. (1987). Romantic love conceptualized as an attachment pro-
cess. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 511–524.
Heaven, P. C. L., & Ciarrocchi, J. (2007). Personality and religious values among ado-
lescents: A three-wave longitudinal analysis. British Journal of Psychology, 98,
681–694.
Holden, G. W., & Vittrup, B. (2010). Religion. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of
cultural developmental science (pp. 279–295). New York: Psychology Press.
Hood, R. W., Jr., Hill, P. C., & Spilka, B. (2009). The psychology of religion: An empirical
approach (4th ed.). New York: Guilford.
Hunsberger, B., Pratt, M., & Pancer, S. M. (2001). Adolescent identity formation:
Religious exploration and commitment. Identity: An International Journal of Theory
and Research, 1, 365–386.
(2002). A longitudinal study of religious doubts in high school and beyond:
Relationships, stability, and searching for answers. Journal for the Scientific Study
of Religion, 41, 255–266.
Hutsebaut, D. (1997). Identity statuses, ego-integration, God representation and reli-
gious cognitive styles. Journal of Empirical Theology, 10, 39–54.
John, O. P., Donahue, E. M., & Kentle, R. L. (1991). The Big Five Inventory: Versions 4a
and 54. Berkeley, CA: University of California, Berkeley, Institute of Personality
and Social Research.
Juang, L., & Syed, L. M. (2008). Ethnic identity and spirituality. In R. M. Lerner, R. W.
Roeser, & E. Phelps (Eds.), Positive youth development and spirituality: From the-
ory to research (pp. 262–284). West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton Foundation
Press.
Kelemen, D. (2004). Are children ‘intuitive theists’? Psychological Science, 15, 295–301.
Kézdy, A., Martos, T., Boland, V., & Horváth-Szabó, K. (2011). Religious doubts and
mental health in adolescence and young adulthood: The association with religious
attitudes. Journal of Adolescence, 34, 39–47.
King, P. E., & Roeser, R. W. (2009). Religion and spirituality in adolescent development.
In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (3rd ed.,
pp. 435–478). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Kivisto, P. (2007). Rethinking the relationship between ethnicity and religion. In J. A.
Beckford & N. J. Demerath, III (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of the sociology of reli-
gion (pp. 490–510). London: Sage.
Klaassen, D. W., & McDonald, M. J. (2002). Quest and identity development:
Re-examining pathways for existential search. International Journal for the
Psychology of Religion, 12, 189–200.
Kosek, R. B. (1999). Adaptation of the Big Five as a hermeneutic instrument for religious
constructs. Personality and Individual Differences, 27, 229–237.
Leak, G. K. (2009). An assessment of the relationship between identity development,
faith development, and religious commitment. Identity: An International Journal of
Theory and Research, 9, 201–218.
Lee, J., Miller, L., & Chang, E. S. (2006). Religious identity among Christian Korean-
American adolescents. Psychological Reports, 98, 43–56.
Lerner, R. M., Roeser, R. W., & Phelps, E. (Eds.). (2008). Positive youth development
and spirituality: From theory to research. West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton
Foundation Press.
420 Saroglou
Lodi-Smith, J., & Roberts, B. W. (2007). Social investment and personality: A meta-anal-
ysis of the relationships of personality traits to investment in work, family, religion,
and volunteerism. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 11, 68–86.
Marcia, J. E. (1980). Identity in adolescence. In J. Andelson (Ed.), Handbook of adoles-
cent psychology (pp. 159–187). New York: Wiley.
Markon, K. E., Krueger, R. F., & Watson, D. (2005). Delineating the structure of nor-
mal and abnormal personality: An integrative hierarchical approach. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 139–157.
Markstrom-Adams, C., Hofstra, G., & Dougher, K. (1994). The ego-virtue of fidelity:
A case for the study of religion and identity formation in adolescence. Journal of
Youth and Adolescence, 23, 453–469.
Markstrom-Adams, C., & Smith, M. (1996). Identity formation and religious orienta-
tion among high school students from the United States and Canada. Journal of
Adolescence, 19, 247–261.
Markstrom, C. A. (1999). Religious involvement and adolescent psychosocial develop-
ment. Journal of Adolescence, 22, 205–221.
McCullough, M. E., Enders, C. K., Brion, S. L., & Jain, A. R. (2005). The varieties of
religious development in adulthood: A longitudinal investigation of religion and
rational choice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89, 78–89.
McCullough, M. E., Tsang, J. A., & Brion, S. (2003). Personality traits in adolescence
as predictors of religiousness in early adulthood: Findings from the Terman
Longitudinal Study. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 980–991.
McKinney, J. P., & McKinney, K. G. (1999). Prayer in the lives of late adolescents. Journal
of Adolescence, 22, 279–290.
Meeus, W., Iedema, J., Helsen, M., & Vollebergh, W. (1999). Patterns of adolescent iden-
tity development: Review of literature and longitudinal analysis. Developmental
Review, 19, 419–461.
Nyborg, H. (2009). The intelligence-religiosity nexus: A representative study of white
adolescent Americans. Intelligence, 37, 81–93.
Olatunji, B. O., Williams, N. L., Tolin, D. F., Sawchuck, C. N., Abramowitz, J. S., Lohr, J.
M., & Elwood, L. S. (2007). The disgust scale: Item analysis, factor structure, and
suggestions for refinement. Psychological Assessment, 19, 281–317.
Oser, F. K., Scarlett, W. G., & Bucher, A. (2006). Religious and spiritual development
throughout the lifespan. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child
psychology: Vol. 1. Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., pp. 942–998).
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Padilla-Walker, L. M., McNamara Barry, C., Carroll, J. S., Madsen, S., & Nelson, L. J.
(2008). Looking on the bright side: The role of identity status and gender on posi-
tive orientations during emerging adulthood. Journal of Adolescence, 31, 451–467.
Puffer, K. A., Pence, K. G., Graverson, T. M., Wolfe, M., Pate, E., & Clegg, S. (2008).
Religious doubt and identity formation: Salient predictors of adolescent religious
doubt. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 36, 270–284.
Quintana, S. M., & McKown, C. (Eds.). (2008). Handbook of race, racism, and the devel-
oping child. New York: Wiley.
Rangel, U., & Saroglou, V. (2010). Religiosity and acculturation among expatriates of
high socio-economic status: An exploratory study. Unpublished raw data.
Adolescents’ Social Development 421
Roberts, B. W., Wood, D., & Caspi, A. (2008). The development of personality traits in
adulthood. In O. P. John, R. W. Robins, & L. A. Pervin (Eds.), Handbook of person-
ality: Theory and research (3rd ed., pp. 375–398). New York: Guilford.
Roccas, S., Sagiv, L., Schwartz, S. H., & Knafo, A. (2002). The Big Five personality factors
and personal values. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 789–801.
Roccas, S., & Schwartz, S. H. (1997). Church-state relations and the association of reli-
giosity with values: A study of Catholics in six countries. Cross-Cultural Research,
31, 356–375.
Roehlkepartain, E. C., King, P. E., Wagener, L., & Benson, P. L. (Eds.). (2006). The hand-
book of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Sabatier, C., Mayer, B., Friedlmeier, M., Lubiewska, K., & Trommsdorff, G. (2011).
Religiosity, family orientation, and life satisfaction of adolescents in four countries.
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42, 1375–1393.
Saroglou, V. (2002). Religion and sense of humor: An a priori incompatibility? Theoretical
considerations from a psychological perspective. Humor: International Journal of
Humor Research, 15, 191–214.
(2003). Spiritualité moderne: Un regard de psychologie de la religion [Modern spir-
ituality: A psychology of religion perspective]. Revue Théologique de Louvain, 34,
473–504.
(2006). Quête d’unité: Spécificité religieuse d’une fonction non nécessairement
religieuse [Quest for unity: Religious specifics of a non-necessarily religious func-
tion]. Archives de Psychologie, 72, 161–181. English version retrieved from http://
www.uclouvain.be/cps/ucl/doc/psyreli/documents/QuestForUnity.pdf
(2008). Religion and psychology of values: “Universals” and changes. In E. Agazzi & F.
Minazzi (Eds.), Science and ethics: The axiological contexts of science (pp. 247–272).
Brussels: Peter Lang.
(2010). Religiousness as a cultural adaptation of basic traits: A Five Factor Model per-
spective. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 14, 108–125.
(2011). Believing, bonding, behaving, and belonging: The big four religious dimen-
sions and cultural variation. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42, 1320–1340.
Saroglou, V., & Cohen, A. B. (in press). Cultural and cross-cultural psychology of reli-
gion. In R. F. Paloutzian & C. L. Park (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of religion
and spirituality (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford.
Saroglou, V., Delpierre, V., & Dernelle, R. (2004). Values and religiosity: A meta-anal-
ysis of studies using Schwartz’s model. Personality and Individual Differences, 37,
721–734.
Saroglou, V., & Galand, P. (2004). Identities, values, and religion: A study among Muslim,
other immigrant, and native Belgian young adults after the 9/11 attacks. Identity:
An International Journal of Theory and Research, 4, 97–132.
Saroglou, V., & Hanique, B. (2006). Jewish identity, values, and religion in a globalized
world: A study of late adolescents. Identity: An International Journal of Theory and
Research, 6, 231–249.
Saroglou, V., & Mathijsen, F. (2007). Religion, multiple identities, and acculturation: A
study of Muslim immigrants in Belgium. Archive for the Psychology of Religion, 29,
177–198.
422 Saroglou
Saroglou, V., & Muñoz-García, A. (2008). Individual differences in religion and spiritu-
ality: An issue of personality traits and/or values. Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion, 47, 83–101.
Saucier, G., & Skrzypińska, K. (2006). Spiritual but not religious? Evidence for two inde-
pendent dispositions. Journal of Personality, 74, 1257–1292.
Scardigno, R., & Saroglou, V. (2009a, April). Religious doubt in adolescence: Types of
doubts and the role of sensitivity to moral hypocrisy. Paper presented at the 7th
Annual Mid-Year Conference on Religion and Spirituality, Columbia, Maryland,
USA.
(2009b, August). Religious doubts in adolescence: Integrating the many dimensions
of adolescents’ development. Paper presented at the International Association for
Psychology of Religion Conference, Vienna, Austria.
Scarlett, W. G., & Alberts, A. (2010). Religious and spiritual development across the
lifespan. In R. M. Lerner (Series Ed.), M. Lamb, & A. Freund (Vol. Eds.), The hand-
book of lifespan development: Vol. 2. Social and emotional development (pp. 631–
682). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Schmitz, M. F., & Baer, J. C. (2001). The vicissitudes of measurement: A confirma-
tory factor analysis of the Emotional Autonomy Scale. Child Development, 72,
207–219.
Schwartz, S. H. (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical
advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. In M. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in exper-
imental social psychology (Vol. 25, pp.1–65). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
(2003). A proposal for measuring value orientations across nations. In European
Social Study Questionnaire development report (Chapter 7). Retrieved from http://
www.europeansocialsurvey.org/
(2007). Value orientations: Measurement, antecedents and consequences across
nations. In R. Jowell, C. Roberts, R. Fitzgerald, & G. Eva (Eds.), Measuring attitudes
cross-nationally: Lessons from the European Social Survey (pp. 169–204). London:
Sage.
Schwartz, S. H., & Huismans, S. (1995). Value priorities and religiosity in four western
religions. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58, 88–107.
Sirin, S. R., Bikmen, N., Mir, M., Fine, M., Zaal, M., & Katsiaficas, D. (2008). Exploring
dual identification among Muslim-American emerging adults: A mixed methods
study. Journal of Adolescence, 31, 259–279.
Tzuriel, D. (1984). Sex role typing and ego identity in Israeli, Oriental, and Western
adolescents. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 46, 440–457.
Verhoeven, D., & Hutsebaut, D. (1995). Identity status and religiosity. Journal of
Empirical Theology, 8, 46–64.
Verkuyten, M., & Thijs, J. (2010). Religious group relations among Christian, Muslim and
nonreligious early adolescents in the Netherlands. The Journal of Early Adolescence,
30, 27–49.
Verkuyten, M., & Yildiz, A. A. (2007). National (dis)identification, and ethnic and reli-
gious identity: A study among Turkish-Dutch Muslims. Personality and Social
Psychology Bulletin, 33, 1448–1462.
Viladrich, A., & Abraído-Lanza, A. F. (2009). Religion and mental health among minor-
ities and immigrants in the U.S. In S. Loue & M. Sajatovic (Eds.), Determinants of
minority mental health and wellness (pp. 149–174). New York: Springer.
Adolescents’ Social Development 423
Wagener, L. M., & Malony, H. N. (2006). Spiritual and religious pathology in childhood
and adolescence. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. E. King, L. Wagener, & P. L. Benson
(Eds.), The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp.
137–139). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Warren, A. E. A., Lerner, R. M., & Phelps, E. (Eds.). (2011). Thriving and spirituality
among youth: Research perspectives and future possibilities. New York: Wiley.
Wink, P., Ciciolla, L., Dillon, M., & Tracy, A. (2007). Religiousness, spiritual seeking,
and personality: Findings from a longitudinal study. Journal of Personality, 75,
1051–1070.
Woolley, J. D., & Phelps, K. E. (2001). The development of children’s beliefs about prayer.
Journal of Cognition and Culture, 1, 139–166.
Zinnbauer, B. J., & Pargament, K. I. (2005). Religiousness and spirituality. In R. F.
Paloutzian & C. L. Park (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of religion and spiritual-
ity (pp. 21–42). New York: Guilford.
Zuckerman, M. (1971). Dimensions of sensation seeking. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology, 36, 45–52.
18 Hindu Religious Values and Their
Influence on Youths in India
Abstract
This chapter explores Hindu religious values and their influence on adoles-
cent development in India. The position adopted in the chapter is that peo-
ples’ values and beliefs are influenced by the respective religious features of
the groups embedded in the wider cultural context. Guided by this assump-
tion, the chapter describes the contextual features of youth development in
India, the values exemplified in traditional Hindu religious texts, and the
process of transmission of those values among adolescents. As an illustration
of the socialization process, empirical studies on children and adolescents
from traditional and modern schools are described. Some details of adoles-
cents’ daily activities are presented and their effects on the development of
adolescents’ values are analyzed. The evidence suggests that among Indian
youths, traditional collectivistic values coexist with modern individualis-
tic values, which are considered necessary for societal development in the
present-day world. It is argued that traditional Hindu values can be seen as
universally human values, and they can be meaningfully used for promoting
positive and healthy youth development in the Indian context. The chapter
contributes to the existing knowledge about youth development by its focus
on different types of schools that provide very different kind of socialization
experiences.
This chapter presents a brief account of Hindu religious values and their
influence on youths in India. The chapter is organized in three sections.
The first section describes the contextual features of youth development
in India, the traditional Hindu religious values, and the processes of their
transmission among youths using the Indian theoretical perspectives. The
next section presents some research studies carried out with children and
424
Hindu Religious Values and their Influence 425
members, respect for and obedience to elders, care of the young, and sup-
port to the weak stand as cardinal values; they are considered as dharma
(sacred duties) of adolescents in the majority of Indian families.
Whereas people do have faith in one religion or another, there are varia-
tions within every religious tradition. It is also evident that people’s values
and beliefs do not simply depend on the religious group they belong to;
the wider cultural context in which individuals negotiate their daily lives
and their experiences in other cultural contexts play important roles in the
organization of beliefs and values, including the understanding of their
meaning in a given culture. Hence, the understanding of religious values
and their influence on youths require analyses not only in the context of
traditional religion, but also in the context of the long history of people’s
contact with the members of other religious groups. For example, in India,
this could be the contact with Muslims or Christians who came from out-
side and ruled the country for centuries.
The effect of religion today is not confined to people’s attitudes, beliefs,
values, and practices; it is a critical factor governing political activities at the
global level. History tells us that during the last 2,000 years, the world has
witnessed almost 14,000 wars. Why should there be so many wars if people
were truly religious in the strict sense of the term? Intergroup conflicts and
episodes of violence currently evident in different parts of the world suggest
that religion is not simply a matter of individuals’ faith, and its practice is
also not restricted to the attainment of peace, happiness, positive states of
mind and other healthy conditions of human existence. Although religion
cannot be isolated from the overall sociocultural context, many believe that
religion provides people with an ideal kind of social frame to assess the
conditions of their lives relative to those of others (Nsamenang, 2002). R.C.
Tripathi (1988) has argued that religious values, if properly aligned with
individual and social development, can help people pursue their aspirations
and live a life filled with dignity and hope.
Hindu religion (also called Hinduism) refers to the faith systems of a group
of people who live mainly in India (about 900 million), but also now in many
other countries. Sanskrit or Hindi language has no word that can convey the
exact meaning of the word “religion” the way it is interpreted today. Its literal
translation is “dharma,” which broadly connotes a sense of “duty” (Prabhupad,
2006). This could be toward oneself, the family, the community, the nation, and
all of humanity. Thus, Hinduism is regarded as “a way of life,” not a compart-
mentalized belief system or religion like Christianity or Islam (Radhakrishnan
& Moore, 1957). In the long history of its evolution, Hinduism has developed
through several stages and taken several forms (Reat, 1990), which also pres-
ents great difficulty in accepting it as one particular religion.
The difficulty is further complicated by the coexistence of polytheistic
(faith in many gods and goddesses), monotheistic, and atheistic elements
in Hindu religion. However, the dominant Hindu belief system is that there
is just one God, the Supreme Being. Several gods and goddesses mentioned
in Hindu religious scriptures are only the diverse expressions of a single
Almighty God. The presence of many gods essentially provides people with
several ways to fulfill their psychological needs. The scholars of religious
studies find this idea a bit difficult to digest; for them Hindu religion is
extremely complex and not easily reconcilable, since one can make any-
thing out of this faith system.
Traditional scriptures regard nonviolence (in thought, speech and action)
as the highest religion for mankind (ahimsa paramo dharmah). According to
Mahabharat (an old religious scripture of the Hindus), “prbhavarthaya bhu-
tanam dharmapravachanm kritam, yah syat prabhava sanyuktah sa dharma
iti nishchayah” (Shantiparva, Chapter 109, Verse 10); that is, “preventing
violence against organisms is the main purpose and the chief characteristic
of dharma.” This value (of nonviolence), which distinguishes human beings
from animals, is reflected in many different ways, called the indicators of
dharma. The 10 salient indicators include: endurance or fortitude, forgive-
ness, self-control, non-theft (i.e., respect for other’s possessions), internal
and external purity (not causing harm to anyone physically or mentally),
restraint of sensuous desires, wisdom, learning-based knowledge, truth-
fulness, and absence of anger or patience (dhritih kshama damosteyam
shauchmindriya nigrahah, dheeh vidya satyamakrodho dashakam dharma
lakshanam). As elements of samanya dharma (general duties), they make
one’s life virtuous. In extraordinary situations, one is recommended to pur-
sue vishisht dharma (specific duties).
On the practical side, all Hindu systems of thought agree that there are
four main values to be acquired and brought to perfection in the course
430 Mishra
of one’s life. Two of them are artha (wealth) and kama (sensuality). They
signify material prosperity, good health, and long life, which are desired
by most Indians. As worldly values, these are considered legitimate as long
as they are kept in their places, their limits are recognized, and they are
not suppressive of other values. The third value, called dharma, includes all
roles and obligations that characterize individual and social duties as well as
ethical responsibilities. The fourth value is moksha (release from the cycle
of birth and rebirth), which is a supreme spiritual ideal, but not achievable
without proper experience and resolution of the former three values.
According to Hindu religious tradition, soul is eternal, immutable, and
everlasting (Srimadbhavadgita, Section, 2, Verse, 24). What we do in this
life determines the form the soul will take in each new life. This is known
as the law of karma (action), which simply means “as you sow, so shall you
reap.” Performing one’s duties in righteous ways constitutes good karma
(called dharma), whereas violating one’s duties constitutes bad karma
(called adharma). Thus, the doctrine of karma permits freedom in the
sense that it is under our control, and not determined by cosmic or envi-
ronmental forces. Shweder (2008) illustrates how this principle is used in
the explanation of sufferings in India.
There is further division of karma according to an individual’s stages
of life, which is contained in the concept of ashram (stations of life). One’s
duties are set by the stage of life in which (s)he has arrived at a particular
point of time. Conduct according to the prescribed roles or duties for each
stage of life is called “ashram dharma,” which is very close to the notion of
“stage-specific developmental tasks.” The four stages are: (1) brahmacha-
rya – the period of childhood and youth in which relevant knowledge and
life skills need to be acquired, (2) grihastha – the long period of a household
characterized by the acceptance of personal, familial, and social responsibil-
ities, (3) vaanaprastha – the period of disengagement from worldly affairs
through the practice of meditation and reflection, and (4) sanyaas – the
period of complete renunciation of worldly things, self-control, and realiza-
tion of Brahman (the True Self). Successful passage through these stations
leads to fulfillment of life and attainment of liberation, the final destination
in the journey of human life. There is also a division of karma according
to time, place, and person. The same action (karma) cannot be desirable
all the time, at all places, and with all persons. Knowledge of these subtle
delicacies of karma can make all actions religious and life dedicated to the
pursuit of dharma.
Associated with the belief in “many lives” is the notion of sanchit karma
(accumulated deeds) from the previous lives. Just as some trees produce
Hindu Religious Values and their Influence 431
fruits after many years, so do many of our deeds. Some effects observed in
one’s present life might be the outcome of actions performed in the previ-
ous lives. Thus, the theory of karma largely serves as a guiding principle for
Hindus’ behavior.
This discussion indicates that Hinduism is neither a philosophical enter-
prise, nor a religion that provides individuals with opportunity for the out-
let of emotions, called the “religion instinct.” It is a meaningful science of
life and an art of practical living. It simply means the organization of life
according to certain principles that ensure well-being.
stressful for adolescents and parents (Verma & Saraswathi, 2002). Having
grown up in fairly stable and tightly knit social groups (D. Sinha, 1988),
many parents find difficulty in dealing with the pressures of social and cul-
tural change. The suspected utility of traditional values for success in the
present scenario often puts them in states of conflict. Parents feel helpless
in presenting adolescents with a “successful” role model. Saraswathi and
Pai (1997) indicate that even highly modern parents exhibit a tendency of
falling back on traditions when they find adolescents violating traditionally
established social norms with respect to marriage, career choice, or general
living. A “swing back reaction” (Mishra, Sinha, & Berry, 1996) in the course
of social and cultural change is not a new phenomenon.
Despite these changes witnessed in many Indian families, several tra-
ditional values are still observed; in crisis situations, they function as a guide.
Indian adolescents still have a family to return to; this serves as a “cushion”
against many adversities during adolescents’ transition to adulthood.
Empirical Studies
We now turn to examine the relationship between religion, schooling, and
development in India by citing some empirical studies. As indicated earlier,
cosmology and religion form an important component of a child’s over-
all cultural context. Silberman (2005, p. 645) shows that religion has the
“…function as a lens through which reality is perceived and interpreted.”
Emmons (2005) believes that religion provides meaning to an individual’s
life. However, because of its focus on the sacred, this meaning system is very
different from other meaning systems (Silberman, 2005).
Considering religion as an important factor in human behavior, many
studies in other parts of the world have examined the relationship of reli-
giousness with personality characteristics of individuals (Emmons &
Paloutzian, 2003; Heaven & Ciarrochi, 2007), but the focus is mainly on
adults. Given that adolescents face a variety of other challenges (Smetana,
Campione-Barr, & Metzger, 2006), especially in developing countries, the
role of religious values in their psychological functioning needs serious
research.
In comprehending adolescent development studies, researchers have
relied mainly on data obtained from adolescents who attend Western- or
modern-type schools. These schools lay emphasis on “progressive” or “sec-
ular” values. In culturally plural societies, pursuit of these values as “ideals”
is considered essential for individual and social development. The common
assumption is that “religious values” are inimical to healthy human and
Hindu Religious Values and their Influence 433
social development, although some empirical studies also suggest that they
can promote social and emotional well-being (see Heaven et al., 2010).
India provides an interesting site for studying adolescents in traditional
schools (often called “religious schools”). These schools have existed for
centuries; even today they exist in large numbers in many old cities (e.g.,
Varanasi) as an alternative to modern schools. Mishra and Vajpayee (2008)
present a detailed account of Sanskrit schooling in India and its effects on
cognitive and social development of children. How the routines of life and
values nurtured in these schools influence adolescents’ development are not
much known.
Some research related to intergroup relations (Berry & Kalin, 1995)
indicates that respect for and confidence in one’s own cultural identity and
values generates respect and tolerance for other groups. However, it greatly
depends on how one defines confidence. If it is taken in the sense of “secu-
rity,” then respect and tolerance for other groups are the likely outcomes. If
it is defined in terms of “own group glorification,” the likely outcomes are
intolerance and prejudiced behavior for other groups.
Bano and Mishra (2005) examined the perception and evaluation of
Hindu and Muslim children (aged 3–12 years) in India. Using a Model
Identification Task and a Projective Prejudice Task they found that, irre-
spective of age, both Hindu and Muslim children generally preferred their
own group members and expressed a slightly negative attitude toward
other group members. They also evaluated their own group’s performance
positively and attributed negative outcomes to the out-group. In another
study with Hindu and Muslim adolescent girls (aged 14–20 years), Bano
and Mishra (2009) reported almost similar results, that is, positive rating
of own group model, negative rating of other group model, positive evalu-
ation of own group’s performance, attribution of negative outcomes to the
out-group, and greater in-group bias on the part of Muslim as compared to
Hindu girls.
Using the same tasks, Bano and Mishra (2006) compared children (3–12
years of age) within traditional Sanskrit schools (called pathshala), tra-
ditional Muslim schools (called madarsa) and modern schools with respect
to the awareness of their ethnic identity (i.e., Hindu and Muslim) and prej-
udice against other group members. Findings revealed no significant differ-
ence between traditional and modern school children with respect to the
awareness of their own and the other group. With respect to preference for
own and the other group, significant differences were noted between the
school groups in terms of children’s overall liking of other group members
(modern>traditional) and choice of own group members for interpersonal
434 Mishra
run the risk of extinction in modern times, are still preserved in Sanskrit
schools at Varanasi. During the last decades, several Hindi- and English-
medium schools have also come up in the city. The math, ashram, and
Sanskrit schools organize education for Hindu children in traditional ways,
whereas other schools promise education in ways that can link children to
the upcoming market economy.
Concluding Comments
In spite of infinite variety and diversity present in people’s social and cul-
tural backgrounds in India, there is a common outlook based on human
values that constitutes the Indian psyche (Sinha, 1988). The relevance of
many traditional Hindu religious values in the present-day context is not
only questioned, but some of them are also viewed as obstacles to economic
development (Singh, 1975).
Before judging the utility of religious values, however, we need to know
more about the religious values that are strongly held by Indians today. We
also need to examine the extent to which they regulate people’s behavior
in diverse settings (e.g., personal life, family, workplace). Values inferred
on the basis of Hindu religious scriptures are not enough to appreciate
youth development in India. Although religious values do have potential to
shape the outlook of youths, paucity of empirical studies will not permit to
claim that the same has actually happened there. As D. Sinha (1988, p. 48)
points out, “There is always a gap between the expected or the ideal and the
actual. From the ancient texts and scriptures to contemporary attitudes and
behaviour of Indians is a big leap fraught with dangers of erroneous over-
generalizations.”
Some research (Mishra, 1994, D. Sinha & Tripathi, 1994) indicates
that among Indian youths, traditional collectivistic values may stay in a
438 Mishra
References
Anandalakshmi, S. (1994). The girl child and the family: An action research study. New
Delhi: Ministry of Human Resource Development.
Bano, S., & Mishra, R. C. (2005). Intergroup perception and evaluation among Hindu
and Muslim children. Psychological Studies, 50, 144–149.
(2006). Effect of schooling on the development of social identity and prejudice in Hindu
and Muslim children. Indian Journal of Community Psychology, 2, 168–182.
(2009). Social identity and inter-group perception of Hindu and Muslim adolescents.
Journal of Psychosocial Research, 4, 417–425.
(in press). Relational orientations of Muslim and Hindu adolescents in traditional
and modern schools. In P. Singh, P. Bain, L. Chan-Hoong, G. Misra, & Y. Ohtsubo
(Eds.), Identity, multiculturalism and changing societies: Psychological, group and
cultural processes. Australia: MacMillan.
Berry, J. W. (1983). Textured contexts: Systems and situations in cross-cultural psychol-
ogy. In S. H. Irvine & J. W. Berry (Eds.), Human assessment and cultural factors (pp.
117–126). New York: Plenum.
Hindu Religious Values and their Influence 439
Berry, J. W., & Kalin, R. (1995). Multicultural and ethnic attitudes in Canada: An overview
of the 1991 national survey. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 27, 301–320.
Brown, B. B., & Larson, R. W. (2002). The kaleidoscope of adolescence: Experience of
the world’s youth at the beginning of the 21st century. In B.B. Brown, R.W. Larson,
& T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), The world’s youth: Adolescence in eight regions of the globe
(pp. 1–20). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Brown, B. B., Larson, R. W., & Saraswathi, T. S. (2002). The world’s youth: Adolescence in
eight regions of the globe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Camilleri, C, & Malewska-Peyre, H. (1997). Socialization and identity strategies. In J. W.
Berry, P. R. Dasen, & T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology,
Vol. 2 (pp. 41–68). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Capra, F. (1982). The turning point. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Dasen, P. R. (2003). Theoretical frameworks in cross-cultural developmental psychol-
ogy: An attempt at integration. In T. S. Saraswathi (Ed.), Cross-cultural perspectives
in human development (pp. 128–165). New Delhi: Sage.
Dasen, P. R., & Mishra, R. C. (2010). Development of geocentric spatial language and cog-
nition: An eco-cultural perspective. Oxford: Cambridge University Press.
Emmons, R. A. (2005). Striving for the sacred: Personal goals, life meaning, and religion.
Journal of Social Issues, 61, 731–745.
Emmons, R. A., & Paloutzian, R. F. (2003). The psychology of religion. Annual Review
of Psychology, 54, 377–402.
Heaven, P. C. L., & Ciarrochi, J. (2007). Personality and religious values among ado-
lescents: A three-wave longitudinal analysis. British Journal of Psychology, 98,
681–694.
Heaven, P. C. L., Ciarrochi, J., & Leeson, P. (2010). Parental style and religious values
among teenagers: A 3-year prospective analysis. The Journal of Genetic Psychology,
171, 93–99.
Kagitcibasi, C. (1998). Family, self and human development across cultures: Theory and
applications. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Krishnamurti, J. (1998). Education and the significance of life. Varanasi: Krishnamurti
Foundation India.
(2001). The matter of culture. Chennai: Krishnamurti Foundation India.
Kumar, N. (2000). Lessons from schools: The history of education in Banaras. New Delhi:
Sage.
Mishra, R. C. (1988). Learning strategies among children in modern and traditional
schools. Indian Psychologist, 5, 21–26.
(1994). Individualist–collectivist orientations across generations. In U. Kim, H. C.
Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. Choi, & G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism:
Theory, method, and practice (pp. 225–238). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
(2008). Education of tribal children in India. In P. R. Dasen & A. Akkari (Eds.),
Educational theories and practices from the majority world (pp. 145–167). New
Delhi: Sage.
Mishra, R. C., Mayer, B., Trommsdorff, G., Albert, I., & Schwarz, B. (2005). The value of
children in urban and rural India: Cultural background and empirical findings (pp.
143–170). Berlin: Pabst.
Mishra, R. C., Sinha, D., & Berry, J. W. (1996). Ecology, acculturation and psychological
adaptation: A study of Adivasis in Bihar. New Delhi: Sage.
440 Mishra
Mishra, R. C., & Sinha, S. (2010). Intergenerational differences in values in rural and
urban settings of India. Asian Journal of Social Psychology (communicated).
Mishra, R. C., & Tiwari, B. B. (1980). Intergenerational attitudes: A psychological analy-
sis. Psychologia, 23, 160–166.
Mishra, R. C., & Vajpayee, A. (2008). Sanskrit schools in India. In P. R. Dasen & A.
Akkari (Eds.), Educational theories and practices from the majority world (pp. 245–
267). New Delhi: Sage.
Nsamenang, A. B. (2002). Adolescence in sub-Saharan Africa: An image constructed
from Africa’s triple inheritance. In B. B., Brown, R. W. Larson, & T. S. Saraswathi
(Eds.), The world’s youth: Adolescence in eight regions of the globe (pp. 61–104).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Osho (2005). Jeevan kya hai (What is life). Delhi: Hind Pocket Books.
(2006). Krishna: The man and his philosophy. Mumbai: Jaico Publishing House.
Prabhupad, A. C. B. S. (2006). Dharma: The way of transcendence. Mumbai: The
Bhaktivedant Book Trust.
Radhakrishnan, S., & Moore, C. A. (1957). A source book in Indian Philosophy. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press.
Reat, N. R. (1990). Origins of Indian psychology. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities
Press.
Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India (2001). Census of India 2001.
Provisional population totals. Paper 1 of 2001, Series 1. New Delhi: Government
of India.
Rakodi, C. (2010). Lived religion: Religious values and beliefs in developing countries and
their implications for development thinking, policy and practice. Proceedings of the
Development Studies Association Conference, 5th November, London.
Saraswathi, T. S., & Ganapathy, H. (2002). Indian parents’ ethnotheories as reflections
of Hindu scheme of child and human development. In H. Keller, Y. H. Poortinga,
& A. Scholmerich (Eds.) Between culture and biology: Perspectives on ontogenetic
development (pp. 80–88). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Saraswathi, T. S., & Pai, S. (1997). Socialisation in the Indian context. In D. Sinha & H. S.
R. Kao (Eds.), Asian perspectives in psychology (pp. 74–92). New Delhi: Sage.
Sharma, N. (1996). Identity of the adolescent girl. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing.
Shweder, R. A. (2008). The cultural psychology of suffering: The many meanings of
health in Orissa, India (and elsewhere). Ethos, 3, 60–77.
Silberman, I. (2005). Religion as a meaning system: Implications for the new millen-
nium. Journal of Social Issues, 61, 641–663.
Singh, A. K. (1975). Hindu culture and economic development in India. Indian Social
and Psychological Publication, 1, 89–108.
Singh, D. V., & Mishra, R. C. (1999). Parent–child interaction in rural and urban set-
tings. Social Science International, 15, 67–74.
Singh, S. (1997). Adolescent reproductive and sexual health needs in India. Paper pre-
sented at the Workshop on Youth Across Asia, Kathmandu, Nepal
Sinha, D. (1988). Basic Indian values and behavior dispositions in the context of national
development: An appraisal. In D. Sinha & H. S. R. Kao (Eds.), Social values and
development: Asian perspectives (pp. 31–55). New Delhi: Sage.
Sinha, D., & Tripathi, R. C. (1994). Individualism in a collectivist culture: A case of coex-
istence of opposites. In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. Choi, & G. Yoon
Hindu Religious Values and their Influence 441
(Eds.), Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and practice (pp. 123–136).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Sinha, J. B. P. (1968). The n-Ach and n-cooperation under limited/unlimited resource
condition. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 4, 233–246.
Sinha, S. (2009). Gender differences in intergenerational relationships in the context of
socialization. Unpublished doctoral thesis, Banaras Hindu University.
Sinha, S., & Mishra, R. C. (2009). Role of value of children, parenting style and attach-
ment pattern in intergenerational relationship. In A. K. Tiwari (Ed.), Psychological
perspectives on social issues and human development (pp. 167–178). New Delhi:
Concept.
Smetana, J. G., Campione-Barr, N., & Metzger, A. (2006). Adolescent development in
interpersonal and societal contexts. Annual Review of Psychology, 57, 255–284.
Tripathi, A. N. (2009). Human values. New Delhi: New Age International.
Tripathi, R. C. (1988). Aligning values to development in India. In D. Sinha & H. S. R.
Kao (Eds.), Social values and development: Asian perspectives (pp. 315–333). New
Delhi: Sage.
Verma, S., & Saraswathi, T. S. (2002). Adolescence in India: Street urchins or Silicon
Valley. In B. B. Brown, R. W. Larson, & T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), The world’s youth:
Adolescence in eight regions of the globe (pp. 105–140). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Index
443
444 Index
Biology 22 Differences
biological factors 22, 169, 412 age 399, 400, 411
evolution 21, 320 cross-cultural 97, 341, 349, 361
mammals 317, 329, 330 individual 83, 191, 322, 376
in attachment 318, 323, 427–428
Capacity building 437 regional 236–238
Change religious group 104, 105, 110, 380
economic reform 240 Distress regulation 316, 324, 326
environment 15, 54, 330
family 349, 360 Earthquake 228–230, See also Tsunami
historical 6, 16, 48, 213 East-Asians 69, 72–76, 85
self 66 Education 53, 240, 257, 258–259, 264–267,
social 6, 237, 238, 241, 297 431, 435, See also Future orientation
urbanization 165, 218, 236 academic achievement 146, 245–247, 262
China 235 higher 215, 225, 256–267
Coexistence 429, 431, 438 madarsa 433
Collectivism 12, 82 NEET (not in education, employment or
Competence, social 147, 152, 189, 196, 198, training) 212, 216, 220–224
247 pathshala 433
civic competence 188–192, 193–203 peace education programs 180
civic engagement 189–191, 196–202 system 262
Competition, attitudes towards 224–225 European Social Survey 10, 11, 101, 110, 392,
Connectedness, social 228, 242–249 399, 400
Conversion 320–327, 334–335, 413 European Values Study 10, 18, 406
Culture 5–8, 46, 48–50, 140–142, 217, 315 European-American 72–76, 343
cultural artifact 19 Exploration 194, 256, 317, 329, 401–405
cultural context 135–136, 191, 425–427
cultural differences 66–68, 74–76, 78, 211, Face 73–74, 78, 82, 85
328, 343, 351, 355, 361 Family 110–111, 265–267, 346–348
cultural dimensions 6, 360, 385 breadwinner-housewife model 274,
cultural fit 7, 61 284
cultural models 14, 260, 360 environment 153, 254, 259–260,
of agency 6, 8, 31 261–265
cultural norms 152, 332 ideologies 28, 344
cultural practices 189, 378, 426 orientation 341–345, 353–355, 356–362
cultural values 130, 191, 212, 235, 236, parent religiosity 153–154, 272, 382–383
242–248, 360–362 values 10, 353–356, 357, 359, 360–362
culture-sensitive approach 4, 14, 20 Fertility 278, 291
definition of 6 Filial piety 238
Freud, Sigmund 19
Development Future orientation 253, 254, 261–262, 271,
civic 188–190, 196–199 355, 361
developmental challenges 3, 166–167 career orientation 271
developmental outcomes 27–29, 341 domain specificity 262
developmental tasks 4, 24, 192, 290, 430 existential concerns 66
economic 352, 360, 426 future life domains 256
human 123, 133, 235, 239, 427–428 hopes and fears 256, 266
prosocial 168 marriage and family 256, 266
protective and risk factors in 328 three component model 255–256, 262–265
puberty 426, See also Adolescence 50, 54 behavioral component 256
sensitive period of 413 cognitive representation component 256
socioemotional 318 motivational component 255
Index 445
Germany 23, 57–60, 290–292, 293–294, 352 individual level orientation 357–360
Globalization 31, 164, 213 individualism 12, 415
Government Restriction Index 133 individualization thesis 10
Group orientation 242–249 individuation 298, 410, 412, 415
in-group glorification 433 Indonesia 49, 146, 148, 150–152, 351
Groups, religious 290, 380–382 Intelligence 410
Buddhism 78–79, 81–82, 220, 334, 350, 395 metacognitive skills 167, 174
Christianity 53, 78–79, 81–82, 217, 300, 322, Interdependence 14, 82, 211, 212, 220–223,
334, 375 248, 349
Christian societies 20, 346 Internal working models 192, 194, 317–318,
Protestantism 21, 81, 101, 104, 217, 274, 323, 324, 327
277, 295, 334, 345, 346, 350 Israel 60, 104, 253, 290, 331, 353, 370,
Roman Catholic 101, 104, 350 379–382
Confucianism 238–239, 248, 334, 350 Muslim women in Israel 253, 258–259
Eastern Orthodox 101, 104, 110 Muslims in Israel 253, 257
Hinduism 334, 350, 424, 432
ashram 430 Japan 211, 228–230, 329, 330
ahimsa 429 freeters 212, 214, 216, 224
kaumaarya 426 hikokomori 216, 221, 222
Islam 61, 101, 104, 110, 146, 150–152, 253,
256–259, 294, 300, 350, 375, 433 Life course transition 296–297
transition into adulthood 260 Life satisfaction 125, 131, 140, 292, 343, 357,
women in 258–259, 261 See also Well-being 22, 123
Judaism 101, 104, 110, 113, 260, 277, 278, religiosity and 128
298, 300, 302, 304, 334, 350, 375, 379, values and 129
382
Shintoism 218, 350 Macrolevel 5–6, 20
Taoism 240, 350 Majority world 437
Zen Buddhism 220 Marginalization 211, 220, 227
Methodologies
Human Development Index 20, 125, 132, cross-cultural comparison 292, 350,
133–140, 360–362 353
Human Development Report 133 cross-national study 126
cross-paradigm work 178
Identity 4, 405–409 culture-level generalizations 436
development 4, 342 culture-level relations 360–362
ethnic 405, 406, 407, 415 empirical estimation of the three
gender 282–284 component model 262–265
status 405 hierarchical linear modeling 134–136
Immigration 290, 294, 297–298, 407–408, 415 interaction effect 131, 136, 304–305, 360,
Independence 14, 106, 133, 211, 212, 222, 236, 383
242, 329 longitudinal 25, 149, 170, 189–190, 196, 272,
India 348, 353, 424, 434–435 295, 323, 345, 346, 356, 395, 404
dharma 427, 429–431 meta-analysis 325, 344, 392, 395, 397
indicators of 429 period effects 9
samanya 429 pile sort 282
vishisht 429 qualitative 170, 276, 286
Mahabharat 429 quantitative 276
Rigveda 47 self-reports 151, 243, 278
wisdom literature 429 social cognitive mapping 156
Individuality 236, 240, 242, 248–249 systematic anomalous case analysis 281
individual agency 5, 170 Microlevel 6
446 Index
~StormRG~