Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The study was conducted in two buffer zones User Committees (UC): the
Kalabanjar UC of Chitwan National Park (CNP) and Manohari UC of Parsa
Wildlife Reserve (PWR) of Nepal. The study combined qualitative and
quantitative strategies in data collection. Quantitative methods employed
include household survey with semi structured questionnaires. Qualitative data
were collected using mainly PRA tools such as observation, focus group
discussion, individual interviews, and policy documents. The study used multiple
units of analysis ranging from households survey and key informants interview,
policy and legislation of government, and UC’s policy and programs, and actors
perspectives on buffer inclusion/exclusion of the excluded groups in the buffer
zone management programs.
The study revealed that the poor, socially disadvantaged groups such as Bote
Majhi, Dalits, and women are affected negatively by the implementation of the
buffer zone management policy. Their access to livelihood assets and decision-
making opportunities are constrained by the policy practices. Agriculture
supported by a range of natural resources constitutes the key livelihood strategy
of people in the study areas. However, access to and control over resources
and opportunities varies between different social groups. Bote Majhi- an
iii
indigenous ethnic minority, economically poor, and women are more vulnerable
than rich, high-caste, and men. The implementation of protected area and buffer
zone policy has not helped improve the livelihoods of Bote majhi, the poor,
dalits, and other socially weaker groups. Several restrictions placed through
rule/regulations of the buffer zone in the functioning of the buffer zone
committees has limited the weaker groups to participate in the institutional
structure of BZ while increasing the influence and opportunities by the local
elites. Buffer zone management policies and legislation are not social just
sensitive and not aimed for meaningful participation of the powerless, despite it
is claimed as participatory in conservation discourse.
In some respects, Bote Majhis and Dalit are included in the buffer zone
programs. They are included in user group membership, attendance in meeting,
and saving credit activities. Nevertheless, they are not in the key positions in the
executive committee of the BZ related community organisations and do not
have influence in decision making. People with high social networks, economic
status and of high-caste dominate the committees and decision making. Bote
Majhi and Dalit own less private land and few livestock and are dependent on
traditional occupation (fishing, ferrying, metal work, firewood selling). They face
vulnerability and shock caused by natural disaster and wildlife. They are
excluded from gaining opportunities created through the buffer zone
management policy. To illustrate, they are not eligible for biogas, which are
subsidized by BZUC fund.
The BZ policy and policy operation guidelines lack social concepts such as
gender relations and social equity. The policy provides communities access to
park revenue for community development. There are no clear mechanisms that
the revenue can be use in equitable way. A lack of conceptual understanding on
participation and structural issues of exclusion is observed on the part of policy
implementer and community organisation of the BZ.
Since this study looked at policy impacts at the micro level BZ management, the
way institutional practices of the intervening agencies affect the policy and
policy outcomes need to explore further to understand exclusion/inclusion issue
within the participatory conservation programs. Dealing with the natural
resources is political process and context specific. Addressing exclusion in the
BZ requires understanding of the history of exclusion built-in Nepal at different
layers of organisation and institutions. For this to happen, appropriate
iv
capacity/knowledge and sensitivity on power relation issues at the intervening
level is equally important. Capacity, knowledge/perception, ideology, and value
system of intervening actors in shaping the BZ program and policies would also
affect inclusion outcomes at the grass root. Exploration of academic knowledge
about exclusion/inclusion in the community based approach to natural resource
management from actors' relationship and knowledge dynamics is the starting
point to go.
Key word: protected areas, buffer zone, policy, exclusion, livelihood, excluded
groups, Nepal
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The research team takes this opportunity to reveal our sincere appreciation to
all those mentioned here for their valuable contribution towards the completion
of this research.
This study received permission from the Department of National Parks and
Wildlife Conservation Nepal to conduct research in the buffer zones of Chitwan
National Park and Parsa Wild life Conservation. The study team is thankful to
Mr. Narayan Kumar Bajimaya and Mr. Surya Bahadur Pandey for providing
valuable information including necessary literature.
The research received great contributions from the men and women of both
Kalabanjar User Committee, Chitwan and Manohari User Committee,
Makawanpur, Nepal. Particularly, all key persons and others contacted during
the study period provided significant amount of their time, despite their busy
schedules. The research team expresses deep gratitude to all of them.
We are indebted to our local research assistants Nir Maya Mahato, Bishnu
Mahato, Maya Tamang and Pran Nath Dahal who assisted us during research
field work.
v
We wish to offer our sincere thanks to Professor Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka,
University of Bielefeld Germany, Dr Sri Krishna Shrestha, Public Policy Campus
Tribhuwan University, Nepal and Dr Bharat Kumar Pokharel, Nepal Swiss
Community Forestry Project, Nepal for their valuable advice, guidance, and
comments throughout the research program.
Our heartfelt thank goes to Dr. Rajendra Pradhan, Mr. Hari Sharma and Dr.
Sudhindra Sharma, Social Science Baha for their critical comments, meaningful
guidance, and teaching on the concept of social inclusion/exclusion. Their
critical guidance on research methodology and making research 'critical' rather
than 'prescribing a list of recommendation' always encouraged us to reflect our
work critically throughout the research period.
We are thankful to the members of our research cohort, SIRF/SNV for providing
us valuable knowledge and suggestion during several learning workshops. The
exchange of ideas with the members with different disciplines and experience
helped us look at social issues in the BZ areas in multi perspectives.
Our deepest senses of gratitude is due to Ms. Sita Rana, SIRF/SNV-Nepal for
her regular follow up and continue support releasing budget on time that helped
conduct field work as scheduled. We are grateful to Ms Sita Rana for making
research team understood about the administrative procedures of the research
and our accountability on it. Her ability to respond immediately upon a query is
highly appreciated.
The names presented do not complete the list of those who provided their
support throughout our study. I extend our deep appreciation to all others who
helped.
vi
ACRONYMS
BZ Buffer Zone
BZDC Buffer Zone Development Council (s)
BZMC Buffer Zone Management Committee (s)
BZCF Buffer Zone Community Forestry
CBNRM Community Based Natural Resource Management
CM Community Mobilizer
CNP Chitwan National Park
CFUG Community Forestry User Group
CFG Community Forestry Groups
DFID Department for International Development
DNPWC Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation
DFO District Forest Office/Officer
FUG Forest User Groups
GON Government of Nepal
vii
IDS Institute of Development Studies
IIED International Institute for Environment and Development
INGO International Non-Governmental Organization
IOF Institute of Forestry
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural
Resources (The World Conservation Union)
KMTNC King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation
MFSC Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation
NRM Natural Resource Management
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
PA Protected Area
PCP Participatory Conservation Program
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
PWR Parsa Wild life Reserve
SL Sustainable Livelihood
TU Tribhuvan University
UG User Group (s)
UC User Committee (s)
UNDP United Nation Development Program
WWF World Wildlife Fund
Table of Contents
SUMMARY ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
ACRONYMS vi
1. INTRODUCTION 1
1. 1 Background 1
1. 2. Problem Statement 3
1.3 The Scope of the Research 4
viii
1. 4. Research Goal and Objectives 5
1. 5. Key Hypothesis 5
2. THEORETICAL AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE STUDY6
2. 1. Theories of social exclusion 6
2. 2. Exclusion in the Nepalese context 8
2. 3. Exclusion in Community Based Natural Resource Management Groups 9
2. 4. Understanding exclusion/inclusion in the buffer zone management context 11
2.4.1. Theories of policy 11
2.4.2. Theories of Participation 12
2.4.3. Institutions 13
2.4.4. Access Theory 14
2. 5. Sustainable Livelihood as analytical framework for the study 14
3. METHODOLOGY OF THE RESEARCH 16
3.1. Research Sites and Rationale 16
3.2 Description of the Research Sites 16
3.2.1 Chitwan National Park (CNP) and Its Buffer Zone (BZ) 16
3.2.2 Parsa Wildlife Reserve (PWR) and Its Buffer Zone (BZ) 17
3.3 Study Unit 18
3.4 Method of Data Collection 19
3.4.1 Research strategies 19
3.4.2 Qualitative Methods 19
3.4.3 Quantitative Methods 21
3.4.4 Secondary Data Collection 23
3.5 Data Analysis 24
4. MAJOR FINDINGS 25
4.1 Livelihood Strategies, Priority of Different Social Groups, and Extent of their
Vulnerability and Shock 25
4.2 Buffer Zone Management Program Intervention with Focus on Livelihood Assets
Enhancement 28
4.2.1 Buffer Zone Management Program 28
4.2.2 Major Policy and Legislations 29
4.3 Access to Livelihood Assets by Different Social Groups 35
4.3.1 Access to Human Resources 35
4.3.2 Access to Physical Infrastructure 38
4.3.3 Access to Natural Capitals 40
4.3.4 Access to Financial Capital 42
4.3.5 Access to Social Capital 45
5. Conclusion 49
5.1 Summary of research findings 49
5.2 Policy implications 50
ix
5.3 Theoretical and methodological implications 52
REFERENCES 54
Annexes…………………………………………………………………………54
x
Annex I: Map of Research Sites
Annex II: Questionnaire for Household Survey
Annex III: Checklists for Focus Group Discussion and Group Interview
Annex IV: List of People Interviewed
Annex V: Some Photographs from the Fieldwork
1. INTRODUCTION
1. 1 Background
The concept of protected area emerged with the growing international concerns over
conservation of biological resources. IUCN has defined protected area as "an area of
land and/or sea specially dedicated to the protection and maintenance of biological
diversity, and of natural and associated cultural resources, and managed through
legal or other effective means" (IUCN 1994 (a) in Beltran and Philips, 2000:3). The
protected areas around the world are extremely diverse. Over 6800 protected areas
exist in the world (IUCN, 2004). The primary goal of protected areas is to conserve
biological diversity and provide ecosystem services (Scherl et al. 2004). This goal is
linked to the social, economic and cultural interests, values, rights and
responsibilities of living around protected areas. Various policies and legislations of
protected areas are formulated and implemented by different countries.
In Nepal, the concept of the protected area began in the 1970s. National Park and
Wild Life Conservation Act 1973 defines six categories of protected areas namely
National Park, Conservation Area, Wildlife Reserve, Hunting Reserve, Strict Nature
Reserve and Buffer Zone (MFSC 2002). Up until 2008, 16 protected areas with the
land coverage 26,695 sq. km (18% of the total land area of the country) have been
established throughout the country.
The protection of biodiversity resources came into direct conflict with the traditional
social relationships and the livelihood needs of local people who use these
resources for their survival (Bhudhathoki, 2001). This is mainly due to the exclusion
of local people from their traditional right to access to resource use because of the
delineation of protected area with strict rules and regulation. To balance between
long-term objective of Protected Area (PA) and immediate needs of communities
living in and around them, the Government of Nepal (GoN) introduced participatory
biodiversity conservation approach in the early 1990s, which is two decades later the
origin of the PA concept. Embedded within the philosophy of participatory approach,
the GON has adopted buffer zone management program to address conflict between
people and protected areas and to accommodate needs and practices of protected
area management (Budhathoki, 2004).
The GON has defined the term ‘buffer zone’ legally. It is defined as an area on the
periphery of protected areas to safeguard biological resources of the park through
partnership between community organizations and park authorities (Mfsc 1996). The
2
Implemented since 1996, the concept of buffer zone management in Nepal has been
gaining popularity due to its emphasis on people's participation in the management
of the natural resources in protected areas. The concept was widely accepted by
local people (Budhathoki 2003, MFSC 2002) and implementation has spread rapidly
(DNPWC, 2004). However, various scholars have pointed the shortcomings of the
buffer zone management in relation to social equity and inclusion (Sharma, 2004;
Budathoki, 2004; Shah, 2004; Mehta, 1996; Joshi, 2005). Socially and economically
weaker groups including women are not able to derive benefits from the buffer zone
management program. They do not have voice in planning development program
and institutions of local buffer zone management bodies. The representation of
3
women and other disadvantaged groups including the indigenous people in the
buffer zone management committee (BZMC) is very nominal. Their concerns and
interests are not considered by the BZMC. Their basic daily needs for forest products
such as fuel wood, fodder, leaf litter, bedding materials, and wood for making
agriculture weapons are still illegally supplied. A range of factors such as power
relationships between people, gender inequality, castes/ethnicity, institutions of the
organisations involved in the buffer zone management program, and policies are
linked to determine access to and control over resources by the disadvantaged
groups. Rural livelihoods in the Nepalese context are natural resource based.
Providing an access to and control over common property resources by people with
low influence and economic position require social perspectives in policy and policy
implementation processes. The relationships between policy and its implications on
the weaker have not yet analysed in the buffer zone discourse. Therefore, this study
attempts to explore the ways the poor people, ethnic groups, women and indigenous
people living around the buffer zone areas are able to expand and/or reduce their
livelihood opportunities as a result of the buffer zone policy discourse.
Alternatives resources such as energy saving stoves, bio-gas, and improved grasses
as envisioned by the buffer zone management program are found insufficient.
1. 2. Problem Statement
As discussed earlier, there is an important link between the livelihoods of rural
people, especially the forest dependent poor and natural resources. In Nepal, more
than 90% of the population derives their livelihood through the natural resources
such as forests, water, lands, and animals. The case is rather pronounced in the
buffer zone areas. However, the extent to which access to resource and decision
making by the poor and other social disadvantaged groups in managing natural
resources is dealt is a serious issue. Gender, caste/ethnicity and class relations,
social perception, and local institutions play a role in governing the functioning of
local resource management groups that in turn shape an access to and control over
resources and decision making by people with low influence and social status (see
Agarwal 2001,Rai Paudyal 2008). A policy intervention like Buffer zone management
should consider such social dynamics.
Some studies show that the implementation of the new conservation policy in Nepal
has rather marginalized poor people (Jana 2008,Sharma 2004). Socio-economically
weaker groups like Bote, Musahar, Majhi and landless have become more
vulnerable. The poor farmers, who can neither keep on their traditional farming
because of the conservation policies nor can invest in new technologies, are now in
4
a dilemma of sustaining their farming practices (Sharma 2004; Mehta, 1996). These
studies however narrowly focus on exclusion issues in the context of buffer zone
management. For example, they look at power relations between different social
groups, process of development planning in the BZMC or BZ committees. An
analysis of exclusion in terms of access to and control over by gender, class,
castes/ethnicity, and geography is missing in these studies. Moreover, the
implementation of buffer zone policy with social objective has to understand the way
communities and government actors 1 perceive participation, and their
strategies/programs in improving livelihoods of the excluded groups and ecosystem.
Having a good policy does not ensure the outcomes at the local level unless we
understand the processes of implementation of the policy (Pasteur 2001). Policy
researchers inform that the role of ideology and value behind the policy idea also
shape whether the implementation of certain policy help address people's issue
(Keeley and Scoones 2003). In the BZ policy context, analysis of the processes
which include the formulation of rules/regulation of BZMC, strategies and programs
of national parks on the promotion and use of community resources, is essential to
understand the extent to which excluded groups are affected. There is a paucity of
knowledge on why do excluded groups passively participate in the BZMC and how
do they cope with the rules/regulations, and which way the BZ policy supports the
excluded. This study attempts to analyse such dynamics.
Nepal embraces 59 ethnic groups (Nepal Gazette, 2058.10.25 BS). Many of them
such as Bote, Musahar, Darai, Kumal and Tharus, who live nearby forests, have
unique relationship with the local natural environment which can be observed from
1
The term 'actor' originally came from the term of ' stakeholder' which is
commonly used in rural development and natural resource management
(Khadka 2008). In actor-oriented research, the term actor refers to individuals
or social groups with the capacity for agency, for decision making and action
(Hindess 1988 in Mahanty 2000:1375)
5
their everyday interaction with the land, forest and water in their areas. The buffer
zone management policies and program thus should focus on addressing the
livelihood needs and access to resource rights of such ethnic groups. There is a lack
of information to the extent that the different social groups are being able to derive
benefits from the application of buffer zone management policy.
Second, this study produce an empirical knowledge on the way the indigenous
people, women, economically poor people, and other disadvantaged groups have
been gaining their livelihood within buffer zone areas and the way their livelihoods
are affected by the implementation of participatory biodiversity conservation policies,
though the aim of the policy approach is to support them.
Third, this study would contribute to debate within the political ecology field about the
issue of inclusion/exclusion. Mainstreamed literature on conservation by and large
focuses on state-community relationships. The issue of citizen rights within the
relationship is in low profile in the political ecology field. Participation of the natural
resource dependent poor and ethnic minority in the conservation program is to
ensure their social rights. The finding of this study will thus be useful to enhance the
capacity of a large number of stakeholders to make their program and practices
more just and equitable.
6
The main objective of this study is to explore the extent of exclusion due to
implementation of buffer zone management policy of Nepal. The specific objectives
are:
1. 5. Key Hypothesis
Buffer zone policies and programs have not sufficiently addressed the
livelihood needs of the excluded groups
To answer above questions, the following concepts and theories will guide this
study.
ghettoisation (De Haan 1998:11). The term social inclusion has recently become one
of the main concepts in development debate to understand the impact of
development intervention on different social groups (Ilo 1996,Wise 2001). It can be
used as the basis for understanding poverty from integrated and dynamic analytical
perspectives (Ilo 1996).
broaden the concepts to make them more useful for better understanding and
explaining of social exclusion and inclusion in Nepal (Pradhan 2006).
Since the mid-1990s, social exclusion has become an agenda of development due to
increasing insurgency (Gurung 2006). Critics had written about the 'crisis in Nepal'
as a result of the growing inequality in 1980 (Blaikie et al. 1980). But, the crisis that
Nepal is facing today informs persistent inequality between gender, class, and
ethnicity/caste. The exclusion of ethnic minority, women, and economically poor
people in political, economic, social, and development process is common. There
are many indigenous ethnic ("Janajaties") and caste ("Dalits") groups who have been
historically disadvantaged in socio-political and economic spheres (NPC, 2003).
Dalit women and girls in Nepal are the most vulnerable groups who face the double
burden of caste and gender discrimination in all aspects (Goyal et al. 2005).
The work of DFID and the World Bank (2006) has traced the gender, castes and
ethnic exclusion in Nepal. The study shows the state's discriminatory institutions
which reinforce unequal relationships and access to resource and opportunities
between men and women, the high and low castes, and ethnic groups. The study
points out that women, dalits and ethnic group as 'excluded groups' who are
discriminated in several dimensions of development and macro and micro
institutions. The study argues ‘exclusion’ as cause of poverty (economic, human
development, and local power relation) among women, dalit and ethnic groups.
However, it does not touch upon the ways natural resource dependent people are
excluded from access to opportunities and benefits from participatory mode of
intervention within protected areas.
State ideology also results in exclusion. The political ideology of Nepal as a Hindu
state has contributed to social exclusion (Gurung, 2006). Gurung notes the three
dimensions of marginalization in Nepal because of the state's domination of Hindu
ideology. These are castes, religion and culture. The high caste hegemony in the
state structure has resulted in the active exclusion of low castes in access to
occupations other than artisans. The Muluki Ain (1854) formulated on the basis of
Hindu orthodoxy was accepted by State polity actors who were mostly High castes
(Gurung 2006:12). The Muluki Ain categoried Nepali people into castes and ethnic
groups where some people are considered as high castes (pure such as Brahmin
and Chhetri), and others are low castes (impure such as dalits ).
Gurung (2006) sheds light on the castes/ethnicity and spatial disparity in political,
educational and economic spheres. The high castes dominate the state, as they
represent 91.2 percent senior positions in politics and bureaucracy. Brahmin, Chhetri
and Newar are the rulers of the country, since they are in decision making position of
10
the government administration and parliament (Bista 1991,Blaikie et al. 2001). The
Dalit who constitute 12.8 percent of the total population have no representation in the
higher position of power (Gurung 2006: 15). Since 1958, only fourteen Dalits have
become members of parliament (upper house), all of them men (Goyal, Dhawan et
al. 2005:14). There is also gender inequality in the political sphere. Even after the
last election, women's only representation in the upper and lower house of
parliament is 15% and 6% respectively (NPC, 2003).
According to Nepal Living Standard Survey (2004), per capita income (Rs. 24399) of
the high caste exceeds the national average (Rs.20689). The ethnic groups,
excluding Newar, rank the second with a per capita income of Rs. 15,630. The terai
middle caste and the Dalit rank third and fourth in average per capita income. The
Muslims are ranked the last, worse off than the Dalit (cited in Gurung 2006:21).
There exists difference in educational attainment between social groups. Newar has
higher educational attainment leading with 64.7 percent out of its population aged six
years and above. The high castes come next with 60.4 percent. The dalits rank the
lowest.
Scholars have defined the attributes that are central to successful natural resource
management such as local ownership and institutions (Gibson and Becket 2000,
Gibson et al 2000); the recognition of indigenous rights to forest resources
11
In the Nepalese protected areas, the issue of exclusion has been discussed in terms
of power relations and resource opportunities. Sharma (2004) found the exclusion of
Bote Majhi, Mushar and landless in benefits sharing of buffer zone management
program due to their weak social relations. Buffer zone management program as
external intervention has strengthened the interaction among social actors. It has
changed the pattern and environment of interaction between and within local people
in which the landless and traditional people are dominated by the local elites in
establishing and maintaining relations with park authorities and service providers
(Sharma 2004). A recent work on people’s campaigns in conservation issues shows
12
that active participation of women in campaign process (Jana 2008). In the Nepalese
conservation context, the analysis of participation needs to look at from institutional
perspective in the sense that access to decision making by the forest dependent and
other disadvantaged groups in policy planning and implementation must be focused
at different layers of conservation organisations such as government/state, non-state
actors, and community groups. This can not be achieved unless actors at different
levels understand ‘exclusion’ or ‘inclusion’, and participatory approach from power
relations point of view.
Above discussion shows that policy has a role to results in outcomes that are
beneficial to some groups while affecting other. Policy theory in this research is
operationalized to understand the way social aspects are interpreted in national
policies and program, and community plans and programs at the local level buffer
zone management organisation. Inclusion of the excluded groups requires equitable
provisions in the institutions of UGs, BZMC and BZ committees and
policies/legislation. To understand inclusive policies, the concept of participation
should be understood.
Critics comment on the misuse of participation in the sense that the emphasis on
participation goes on instrumental form and power has been reproduced at local
level (Kothari 2001, Cleaver 2001). Participation as a transformation is important
dimension in Nepali BZ management to empower the voiceless people, given the
embedded unequal power relations and inequality in the state, community, and
household levels. Researches have shown the institutional factors such as the lack
of collective perspective on participation and development in conservation program,
actors' heterogeneity (discipline, experience, and roles) and power relationship
between actors at the intervening agencies as problems to benefit the poorest and
marginalised even if the agencies have focused on participation (Mahanty 2000, Tu
2004). Thus, there is an interconnection between actors and outcomes in the
14
2.4.3. Institutions
Institutions are the 'rules of the game' (North 1990). Institutions allocate resources,
memberships and access to resources. The principle of membership and the form of
access to resource and benefits determine the social exclusion or inclusion of
specific social groups. Different rules for becoming a member in any resource
management groups affect the inclusion/exclusion of different social groups.
In broader terms, institutions are humanly devised constraints that shape human
interaction in social, political, and economic exchanges (North 1990). Institutions in
this regard include constitution, code of conducts (formal and informal), and norms of
behavior, information networks and social networks. In the context of buffer zone
management, institutions can be more specifically defined as a set of accepted
social norms and rules for making decision about resource generation and use both
by central government and local buffer zone management council and user groups.
Understanding of institutions on resource distribution within a community is essential
to explain why and how certain social group benefit and while other group loose.
National policies or institutions favor some groups to benefit while others to lose their
livelihood in terms of access to certain natural resources. A centralised forestry policy
of Senegal has excluded local villagers from gaining benefit from charcoal
enterprises. Policies provided urban based entrepreneurs an access to production
and marketing of charcoal from local forests reducing availability of firewood for local
people (Ribot 1995). This information shows that exclusion in conservation context is
linked to policy and institutional arrangement created through a policy. Gibbs defines
institutional arrangement between actors as ' the rule, norm and conventions which
establish relationship between people over resources, translating interests to claim
property rights' (in Berkes 1989:22 in Tu 2004:10). The relationship affect the
resource use patterns of the actors. Conservation resources are important to people,
15
especially the poorest and other forest dependent groups. However, their access to
resources and opportunity is shaped by institutional arrangement that people choose
to adopt about resource utilization (Tu 2004).
The concept of institutions in this study is used to analyse the rules and regulation of
buffer-zone management. It includes both government rules/regulation and the BZ
groups with respect to membership, distribution of income and forest resources, and
other community benefits derive from the national park's income investment within
the selected communities.
Since this study focuses on the impact of the buffer zone management policy on the
excluded groups, the study employs sustainable livelihood as analytical framework.
approach to development and poverty reduction tries to take all these concerns into
account (Ashley and Hussein, 2000).
“A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims and access) and
activities required for a means of living; a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with and
recover from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and
provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes
net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short and long-term
(Chambers and Conway, 1992)”.
As Nepal’s buffer zone management program is a community based integrated
conservation and development program (Budhathoki, 2003, Mehta, 1989, Shah,
2002, Sharma and Shaw, 1996), it requires a more holistic approach to be able to
understand not only economic changes but also changes in the environment, people,
and their organizations (Gottret and White, 2001). This study employs the concept of
sustainable livelihood approach to analyse the extent of livelihood opportunities and
issues of the excluded groups in buffer zone management programs.
The sustainable livelihood framework derived by DFID is considered as basic tool for
the analysis of livelihood impact in this study. The framework provides five
components (context, assets, policy process, strategy and outcomes) in a wider
spectrum. However, depending upon the objectives, this study employs the
framework in a specific manner relating with buffer zone management policy,
program and its impacts on livelihood in Nepal. The vulnerability context will be
analyzed utilizing only one sub component - ‘shock’ in relation to establishment of
the protected area. Similarly while analyzing the ‘transforming structure and
processes’ the buffer zone management policy processes and its structures will be
considered. But the five livelihood capitals and livelihood outcomes will be analyzed
in a wider context.
18
3.2.1 Chitwan National Park (CNP) and Its Buffer Zone (BZ)
Established in 1973, Chitwan National Park is the first national park in Nepal. It is
designated as a World Heritage Site in 1984. The park covers an area of 932 sq km.
It is situated in the subtropical inner Terai lowlands of South-Central Nepal at an
elevation range of 142 m to 815 m above sea level. The park is bordered to the east
by Parsa Wildlife Reserve and to the southwest by international boundary with India.
Valmiki Tiger Sanctuary and Udaipur Sanctuary lie across the Indian boarder in
Bihar, India. The Rapti river, lies within the Chitwan district and forms the natural
boundary in the north, while the Narayani river, with the parts of Nawalparasi district
forms the western boundary for the park (see annex 1: Map of CNP and its BZ).
The park has unique characteristics. It has diverse landscapes and river systems. It
also illustrates an outstanding biological richness in faunal diversity. It inhabits more
than 45 species of amphibians, reptiles over 450 species of birds, and more than 43
species of mammals including one-horned Rhinoceros, Royal Bengal Tiger, Wild
elephant, Pangolin, Four-horned antelope, and striped hyena.
Various studies show that CNP is a major tourist destination in Nepal. An average of
NRs 40 million of the revenue is generated by the park every year and among which
19
90% shared by tourism alone (Gurung, 2004). The number of tourists who visited the
park was 836 in 1974/75, 96,062 in 1996/96 and 46,705 in 2003 (CNP official
record).
The BZ area of the CNP was declared in 1996, which includes parts of 35 Village
Development Committee (VDC) and 1 municipalities from Chitwan, Nawalparasi,
Parsa and Makawanpur districts, covering 74 676.2 ha.(DNPWC/PPP/UNDP 2002).
The total number of settlements in the BZ are 510 comprising 36,193 households
and the total population is estimated as 223,260 (111,143 male and 112,117 female).
The BZ area is divided into 21 unit committees for its administration management.
The Kalabanjar UC covers parts of Dibyanagar and Gunjanagar VDC and lies in the
central part of the buffer zone of CNP. The UC extends to the bank of Narayani River
in the northwest, which forms the national park’s natural boundary. The total
households of Kalabanjar UC are 969 with an estimated population 3706 (3678 male
and 3628) (UC record 2006). The dominant inhabitant of the area is the Janajati,
which includes Gurung, Magar, Tamang, Newar and Kumal and comprises a total of
403 households. Tharu is the major indigenous ethnic groups of the UC, which
covers 287 households in the UC. Other major ethnic groups such as Bramin
Chhettri; Bote Majhi and Dalit (Kami Damai and Sarki) include 229, 68 and 231
households respectively.
3.2.2 Parsa Wildlife Reserve (PWR) and Its Buffer Zone (BZ)
Established in 1984, the Parsa Wildlife Reserve has an area of 499 sq. km. It is
located in the central region of Nepal occupying some part of Chitwan, Makwanpur,
Parsa and Bara Districts. The dominant landscape of the reserve is the Churia hills
ranging from 750 m. to 950 m. and runs east to west (see annex 1: Map of PWR and
its BZ).
The vegetation in the reserve consists of tropical and subtropical forest types with
dominant species- sal (Shorea robusta). Sal constitutes about 90% of the vegetation.
In the Churia hills, chir pine (Pinus roxburghii) dominates. Khair (Acacia catechu),
sissoo (Dalbergia sissoo) and silk cotton tree (Bombax ceiba) are found along the
20
streams and river. Sabai grass (Enlaliopsis binata), a commercially important grass
species, grows well on the southern face of the Churia hills. The reserve supports a
good population of resident wild elephant (Elephas maximus), tiger (Panthera tigris),
leopard (Panthera pardus), sloth bear (Melursus ursinnus) gour (Bos gaurus), blue
bull (Boselaphus tragocamelus), and wild dog (Cuon alpinus) and many other
common animals. Nearly 300 species of birds, many kinds of snake and python are
found in the reserve.
The reserve is accessible by public bus, about 8 hours drive from Kathmandu. It is
also accessible by air service easily with 15 minutes flight from Kathmandu to
Simara airport, which is 7 km away from the reserve headquarters. About 69,147
populations and 11,284 household from 11 VDC have been inhabited in its buffer
zone of the PWR, which covers parts of three districts: Bara, Parsa, and
Makawanpur.
This research was conducted in Manohari UC, which lies in the northwest part of the
PWR BZ. The UC covers four wards (ward numbers 5, 6 7 and 8) of Manohari VDC
of Makawanpur district and includes over 1000 households comprising more than
7000 population. Brahmin, Chhettri, Janajati (Tamang, Newar, Magar, Darai, Kumal),
Bote Majhi, Tharu and Dalit (Damai Kami and Sarki) are the major caste/ethnic
groups in the UC.
Two settlements namely Ramauli and Pratapur are located in between Reserve’s
forest and Rapti River, northern boarder of Parsa Wildlife Reserve. Almost all
household of the Bote Majhi groups reside in Ramauli and Pratapur and depend
mainly on the reserve’s forest for their livelihoods. The collection of firewood and
vegetables from forests, fishing and selling to local market-Manohari constitutes the
main source of income of people in the settlements. Farming on others’ land (share
cropping system) provides their subsistence living.
Researchers have described three ways of combining the best of qualitative and
quantitative approaches: integrating methodologies for better measurement;
sequencing information for better analysis; and merging finding for better action
(Carvalho and White 1997). This research employed combination of both
approaches in all three levels. A due consideration was given in the field to collect
data and gather information’s using both qualitative and quantitative methods.
Direct Observation
During field work, the research members extensively kept their eyes on
understanding physical resources and people’s interactions. They attended several
community meetings to understand the decision making processes. They took part in
social and cultural activities and functions to learn about people’s socio-cultural
system in the study areas. The key issues observed during field work include: human
settlements in the buffer zone, the type of respondent’s home, agriculture fields,
forests and grassland, infrastructure (schools, roads, and health centre, roads,
telephone), BZ user committee and user group meetings and community training. It
helped researchers to understand a wide range of livelihood activities that people
practice, availability of natural resources and physical infrastructures, and social
relations. Informal interviews and focus group discussions were supported by
observation in many cases and were useful in verification of the information.
Focus Group Discussion
Focus group meetings were found to be very helpful to understand the views of the
different categories of respondents. Altogether 8 focus group discussions were held
in the study areas. Using checklists, the researchers held discussion with a group of
men, women and Bote Majhi separately. The meeting provided equal opportunities
for spontaneous discussion among the respondents having similar social
background on the issues researchers were trying to explore.
Group Interview
Group interviews were conducted with school teachers, BZ leaders and BZ user
committee members separately to understand views about the BZ and social issues
of the BZ policy and programs on the part of community representatives (see annex
IV lists of people interviewed). In-depth interviews were conducted with local political
leaders, BZ Management Committee (BZMC) chairs, and conservation authorities at
different levels including retired conservationists who played a crucial role in bringing
BZ policy and implementation of the program.
Life History Collection
23
Three women and one man from Kalabanjar UC and two men and one woman from
Manohari UC were interviewed. Researchers were successful to build rapport with
respondents who explained their life stories. A trustworthy environment was provided
to each individual to encourage spontaneous flow of the story. The stories helped to
understand in-depth information on how livelihood of most excluded groups is
affected by the policy and their coping strategies capturing the relation between the
individual and the institutions exist in the buffer zone.
Policy Document Analysis
Policy documents in relation to Buffer Zone Management Policy and Programs were
analysed mainly in following three levels: I) Strategic level policy documents such as
National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act 1973 and the Master Plan for Forestry
Sector II) Program level policy documents such as BZ Management Regulation and
Guidelines; and III) Operational level policy documents such as UC/UG constitutions
and park management plans.
Other available documents which were related to buffer zone management programs
and procedures were also analysed. The contents of policy documents were
analyzed in regard to see the perspectives of government in terms of social
inclusion/exclusion and participation approach and its relationship to the livelihoods
of excluded groups.
researcher asks the questions orally and then records respondent’s answers
(Babbie, 1995). The key tools used for quantitative data collection included:
Household Survey
Personal interviews were conducted through household survey using both close and
open-ended questionnaires (see annex 2: Questionnaire for Household Survey). The
questionnaire underwent extensive changes after a pre-test at Kalabanjar user
committee households in Chitwan. The average time taken to complete the survey in
a household was 1 hour to 1.30 hour. A total of 206 and 153 households were
surveyed respectively from Chitwan and Parsa (Table 1). The research team
committed to a minimum sampling intensity of 15% of households from every
category of social groups.
In order to collect survey data four enumerators, two from each site were employed.
A day-long training was provided to all four enumerators, followed by a day long
interview practice. To maintain the quality of the data the enumerators were closely
supervised by principle researchers. Regular follow up meetings were organized
among all enumerators and principle researchers and necessary coaching were
provided.
Sample Procedure and Sampling Frame
The inhabitants of the buffer zone area of CNP and PWR were the target population
for this research. The study followed the stratified random sampling method. In the
first step all the target population was categorized into five groups on the basis of
social classes, which included: I) Brahmin/Chhetri, which include Bramin and chhetri;
II) Janajati, which include Gurung, Magar, Tamang, Rai, Limbu, Newar, Kumal, Derai,
and Chepang; III) Dalit, which include Kami, Damai Sarki, Musahar, Dom and
Halkhor; IV) Tharu; and V) Bote/Majhi, which include resources dependent groups
like Bote and Majhi.
To select the household for survey all the households of each social category were
sequentially numbered. Then the first household was picked randomly from the list
and then the second household was selected in 15th interval from the sequence.
25
Likewise the third and rest of the households were selected in every 15th interval
from the list. To incorporate gender disaggregate data male and female adult
members were requested in for the interview in every alternate households.
Figure 1 below shows the composition of the respondents on the basis of five major
social groups: Dalit, Janajati, Tharu, Bote Majhi and Bramin/Chhetri which
represented 14, 39, 15, 7, and 25 percent respectively.
Figure 1
Respondents by major social groups
The other demographic characteristics such as age and sex, education, and
profession were also equally considered important to explore status of social
exclusion in the study area. The percentage of respondents by sex and age group is
presented in table 2 below. The dominant age bracket for both study sites was 26-45
years, which accounted for 56.3% of the respondents. The least number of
respondents were from the age group of 66 and older (7.2%). In regards to the sex
26
of the respondents, this study was not able to achieve the balance despite of a
careful and conscious planning of the survey. Males constituted a higher percentage
of respondents (53.5%) than females (46.5%).
Table 1
Respondents by sex and age group
interpreted them on the basis of concepts and how the concepts were
interconnected with the findings.
The conclusions are drawn comparing the results came from both qualitative and
quantitative approaches.
28
4. MAJOR FINDINGS
The use of natural resources is not limited to agriculture and the full-time cultivation
of land. Natural resources are collected, utilized and even marketed by many
families, either as a predominant activity or as part of a diversified portfolio of
livelihood strategies. These include resources such as fish, wild fruit and vegetables,
medicine, honey, building materials, thatching grass, firewood and charcoal for
blacksmiths. Forests, in particular, provide a range of resources central to people’s
livelihoods.
The reliance on the direct use of natural resource is high in the sense that more than
75 percent of the population in the research areas draws their livelihood strategy
from agriculture in which forests play a central role. Figure 2 below shows the
percentage of different social groups and their main occupation. Out of which Tharu,
Dalit, Brahmin/Chhetri and Janajati depend on agriculture by about 83%, 75%, 75 %
and 74 % respectively. In case of Bote Majhis only about 54% depend on farming.
More than 23% Bote Majhis and about 4% Dalits are in the traditional occupation
which includes fishing, charcoal burning and blacksmithing. More than 14% of
Brahmin Chhetri depends on business. The rest of the population engage in off farm
occupations such as services in-country and out-country, wage labour, teaching,
tourist guide, potter, factory workers, tea-shop, grocery stores, poultry farming,
carpentry and masonry work.
29
Figure 2
Main occupation of respondents
The findings from focus group discussions revealed that the nature of the use of the
natural resources as people’s livelihood strategy varies between social classes. The
Bote Majhis, for example, live along the bank of Narayani River in Chitwan and close
to the forest in Manohari and depend mainly on the fishing. Majority of the Bote Majhi
family draw major part of their livelihood needs from fishing and collecting vegetables
which they either use as food or barter for grain or sell in the local market. Like wise,
Tharus, though they depend mainly on farming, occasionally go fishing and collect
wild fruits, vegetables and medicinal herbs from the forest. Dalit groups, use wood
for charcoal and firewood for cooking and fodder for animal.
People also depend on the forest for their cooking and heating in their houses. Table
2 below shows the sources of energy for cooking in the BZ households. Dalit,
Janajati, Tharu and Bramin/Chhetri household depend on fuel wood by 92.2%,
95.6%, 96.2% and 92.3% respectively. Access to alternative energy by Bote Majhi is
absent in29292929 study areas. While some households from Dalits, Janajati, Tharu
and Brahmin/Chhetri also using other sources for example bio-gas, natural gases
30
and electricity etc, 100% households of Bote Majhi ethnic group are using only fuel
wood for cooking (Table 2).
Table 2
Main sources of energy for cooking by different social groups
The group which rely heavily on agriculture and livestock, and traditional occupation
such as fishing, blacksmithing and ferrying are seriously affected by the resources
use restriction laid down by the Park. Since they depend on the single source of
occupation i.e. farming, once their crop is raided by rhino, they lose all the season’s
crop. Dalit and Bote Majhi are even more affected as they own limited or no land and
live mostly at the Park’s boarder, experience most of the wildlife damage to crops,
livestock and human beings.
The diverse livelihood strategies of the people living in the buffer zone are shaped by
several factors. Government policy, natural hazards, wildlife damages including
political unrest are the main forces causing placing people in vulnerable situation
resulting in shock. The availability and access to natural resources to the local
communities was reduced drastically after inflow of hill migrants in the Chitwan
Valley and the establishment of the then Royal Chitwan National Park (RCNP)
(Paudel, 2005). The forest resources inside the park were restricted by the park
rules. Reserves were closed down. The park/reserve authority regulated fishing and
ferrying posts with specified ferry posts and fishing season.
31
A large numbers of the respondents (274) reported that they have faced different
circumstances that situate them in vulnerability. The examples are the loss of wildlife
and crops, illness and death of family members and flood. It has been found that
there are numbers of reasons behind making people shock and then vulnerable. A
significant percentage of respondent said that their shock was directly related to
Wildlife Reserve and National Park. About 39 households (24%) out of total 274
households reported that they have evidence of wildlife attack on their livestock and
crops. Twenty one percent of the total households reported that natural calamities
which include flood in Rapti and Narayani River and brush off of farm land and
houses caused them ‘shock’ (Figure 3).
Figure 3
Shock creating events in the BZ
The research findings show that the access to the natural resources was rather
narrowed down when the BZ policy was in place as various institutions and their
policies have been emerged along with BZ management regulation and guidelines.
The new institutional paradigm of BZ program seems to be more pronounced to
make people vulnerable by implementing several levels of rules, regulations and
local regimes. The provision of Buffer Zone Community Forests User Group
(BZFUG), Buffer Zone User Committee (BZUC), User Group (UG) and several
Functional Groups (FO) have created several terms and conditions for the use of
resources by people. The new institutional structures supported to create boundaries
between people and increase the gap between different social classes and wealth
32
classes. The policies are concerned of conservation issue than tackling social issues
(more in section 4.2)
NPWC Act respects the welfare of the general populations. As stated in its preamble,
the purpose of NPWC Act is to create national parks, to conserve wildlife and their
habitat, to control hunting, and protection, development, management and utilization
of sites that have special significance due to their natural beauty (NPWC Act 2029).
The NPWC Act conferred on the Government of Nepal (GON) to declare and
manage national parks and other protected areas with following provisions: can
declare any area as a national park, reserve, conservation area or buffer zone by
publishing a notification in the Nepal Gazette specifying the boundaries; can
abandon, transfer ownership of, or alter the boundaries of, any area that had been a
national park, reserve, conservation area or buffer zone.
The declarations of buffer zones around national parks and reserves were
authorised by fourth amendment. The section 25 ka of NPWC Act authorised GON to
share 30 to 50% funds for local community development which come from
percentage of income that would earned by the national parks, reserves, or
conservation areas. It thus involved the local people in the resources management
within the protected areas with the following provisions:
Park wardens would be responsible for the protection and management for
buffer zone
Above information clearly reveals that the BZ policy by and large focuses on ecology
and conservation through people. The concept of participation as process of people’s
empowerment in managing local natural resources within the buffer zone area is not
applicable in the BZ policy context.
34
BZMR defines the “Buffer Zone” area as the zone that was impacted by the national
parks and reserves; location of village and settlement inside the national parks and
reserves which is simple and manageable areas- from the management view point.
Within the BZ area, the warden would be responsible for the protection of wildlife,
natural environment and natural resources, biodiversity, forests and development
works involving local people in the forms of User Committees (UC) (the BZ
regulation 1996:3). None of these tasks include government's accountability towards
the poor and other disadvantaged groups.
The user committees, in the respective areas within the BZ, are responsible for the
following:
the needs and interests of community people. Moreover, these responsibilities do not
conceptualise social aspect of conservation.
The BZMR empowers the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation
(DNPWC) to invest 30-50 percent of the royalty earned by the national parks,
conservation areas or protected areas for community development activities in and
around the protected areas (Kanel et al 1999). To allocate the funds for community
development, the BZMR has specified a provision of a committee (called Buffer Zone
Development Council), which consists of:
Chairperson of all the users committee- one of these people would be act
as head chairperson of the committee
Representative of all the concerned district development committee
Park warden – who would act as member cum secretary of the
committee
The regulation explains series of procedure to be followed by the user committee to
get the fund from the BZM council and park warden.
The Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation (MFSC) approved the Buffer Zone
Management Guidelines in August 1999 and has been implemented in all the
declared buffer zones. It provides a detailed guideline for the implementation of the
provisions for buffer zone authorized by NPWC Act and BZMR at the field level. It
also guides the work of user committees and the government staff in the buffer zone
programs. The guidelines includes following provisions:
Arrangements of user committees
User committees’ work plans
UC’s meetings and decision making systems
Arrangement of BZ unit divisions and user groups,
User group’s work plans
The BZ guideline explains five major areas and a fixed share of program budget to
be considered while preparing the work plans of the user groups. The program areas
include conservation program, community development program, income generating
and skill development program, conservation education program and administrative
expenses. The share of the budget would be 30, 30, 20, 10 and 10 percent
36
respectively. These provisions illustrate the tendency of the DNPWC to control the
idea and process of buffer zone management. Though these provisions have
allowed community an access to resources, it supports inequality and exclusion.
Because, the provisions lack specific attention to address the needs of the poor and
powerless while planning development programs, when people are unequal in terms
of power, economic status within the community. One would argue that these
provisions are very social sensitive, they are not sufficient to ensure the access to
opportunity and decision making by all citizens. Several researches in community
based natural resource exemplified that gender, class, and caste/ethnicity relations,
and local institutions affect access to resource by people (Agarwal 2001,Rai Paudyal
2008). In such circumstance, a lack of social concept in the planning and budgeting
community development programs further enhances exclusion.
The section 12 of the guideline explains that the warden could constitute user groups
with proportional representation of male and female convenient to the users residing
in the village, hamlet or settlements in the unit of the BZ. The members of the user
group should have an adult representative of each household from the village,
hamlet or settlement. This policy provision clearly shows the decision making power
of the park authority in choosing who to include or exclude in user groups that
deviates with the principle of participatory approach. Moreover, criteria for
representation such as member should be of ‘adult’ ignore the concept of social
justice in buffer zone program in the sense that people with disability are excluded
automatically from the membership. The chance of people, especially social and
physically weaker to experience political justice is absence in the perspective of the
BZ.
The buffer zone management plans are prepared for every five years period in each
protected area and their buffer zone. The plans comprise the programs and activities
in three main areas: park management, tourism management and buffer zone
management. The Chitwan National Park completed its first management plan and
has been preceded in its second phase of management plan 2006-2011. The Parsa
Wildlife Reserve on the other hand has been started in its first management plan
2006 – 2011.
37
The plans strengthen institutional capacity of the buffer zone development council
and Community Based Organizations (CBO’s) to handle the range of issues relating
to conservation and community development. The plans guide the BZ user groups
and park administrators to implement ranges of programs. Nevertheless, the
embedded values and interest behind them are governed by conservation ideology
than social. The programs intend to promote recreational use of wetlands and wise
use of their biotic resources, alternative energy to reduce the pressure on forest,
provide training and technical services to encourage cash crops which are
unpalatable to wildlife and birds, promote community forestry and private forests for
sustainable harvest of biomass as well as for enhancing nature tourism (wildlife
watching, bird watching etc.), and encourage women and special target groups for
their participation in User Groups (UGs) and UCs, and in the process of benefit
sharing from the buffer zone development programme.
Reading of the content of the BZ management plan reveals that the concept of
participation practiced by the DNPWC is highly instrumental rather than
transformation. Women are conceptualised as ‘user’ not from gender relations and
social equity point of view.
The following sections discuss actors' response on the policy and its relationship in
inclusion outcomes in the BZ management context.
Perspective on participation of the excluded groups differs between people within the
study areas. Those people holding the decision making positions in UC argue that
what they are doing is supportive to people's development. The elite members of the
UC highlighted the success of BZ programs mostly in instrumental term such as
people's contribution to reduce poaching, access of Bote Majhi to fishing, and
implementation of community development programs. Women and Bote Majhi on
the other hand point out institutional issue of the BZ council and UC that constraint
them to participate in the program. They mentioned the neglect of their voice during
BZ program planning process due to very negative social perception towards them.
They also reported that social elites do not consider them as capable actor in the UG
management. This shows that a gap in understanding of participation and
38
Community people identified the following areas that need to improve to ensure
inclusion of the excluded in gaining access to decision making and resources
Only 50 respondents out of 359 said that they were participated in above mentioned
training activities. As shown in figure 4, Janajati (i.e. 38%) and Brahmin/Chhetri (i.e.
34%) groups have higher opportunity of training than others. Only 6% of 50 trained
respondents are from Bote/Majhi followed by 8% Tharu and 14% from Dalit.
Figure 4
Percentage of trained people by different social groups
41
Education Level
Table 3 shows the education level of people in the study areas. The survey result
shows that the literacy status of the study site is 62.7 %, which is higher than the
national average of 53.74% (CBS, 2001). However, the percentage of people
receiving school leaving certificate (SLC) and higher education is very low and is
only 4.2% of the total respondents. The status of literacy varies across social groups.
Whilst the literacy of all other ethnic groups (Janajati, Tharu) and caste groups (dalit,
brahmin/chhetri) seems above 60%, the figure for Bote/Majhis constitutes only about
27%. The literacy percentage seems higher in Tharus than those with other groups,
which is 78%. However, none of the Bote Majhis and Dalits have the education level
“SLC and above”.
Table 3
Education level in different social groups
The focus group discussion in the Bote Majhi settlements reported that many of their
children could not continue school for several reasons. The key reasons explained
are their inability to afford the admission fee and taking care of siblings at home
while parents go for fishing.
Table 4
Knowledge on buffer zone management program and policy
Statement Response (%)
Agree Disagree Don’t know
BZ program is being implemented in this village
61.3 24.2 14.5
42
Figure 5 below shows the mean knowledge in different social groups. All four results
related to knowledge items have been summarised in this figure. The knowledge
scores are formed from the four statements as presented in table 4 above. A
knowledge score of 0.0 indicated that none of the questions obtained the correct
answers. A score of 4.0 indicates that all the questions were answered correctly.
High knowledge scores obtained, in this study, imply that residents are quite
knowledgeable about buffer zone management program and policy.
As figure 5 revealed that very few percentages of the respondents were not able to
answer correctly for all four questions. The percentage of the respondents to answer
entire answer correctly were 23%, 4%, 11%, 17% and 6% from Brahmin/Chhetri,
Bote Majhi, Tharu, Janajati and Dalit respectively. It shows that there is no significant
difference on the mean knowledge among the different social groups. The Brahmin/
Chhetri group shows highest mean of knowledge followed by Janajatis and Dalits.
Unlike the other groups, the mean knowledge on the Bote Majhis is lowest.
Figure 5:
Knowledge level by social group and education level
43
4.00
M e a n K n o w le d g e 3.00
2.00
1.00
0.00
Dalit Janjati Tharu B/Majhi B/Chhetri
House Owned
In this study, physical capitals considered were the type of house owned, varieties of
the household amenities owned, sources of energy and access to health, education,
and communication and transportation services.
Figure 6
Types of house owned by different social groups
Sources of Energy
The fuel wood is the main sources of cooking for more than 95% of the resident in
the study area followed by biogas which makes up about 3% and only about 1% of
the resident use natural gas (Figure 7). The higher dependency on the fuel wood
indicates the higher dependency on the forest resources.
Figure7
Sources of energy for cooking
45
Data shows that the availability of cooking energy varies between social groups. The
result shows that fuel wood is the only one source of cooking for Bote Majhi group,
where as more than 9% of Bramin and Chhetri, about 2% of Janajati, Tharu and Dalit
groups have access to biogas. Other in the table includes kerosene and cow dung
cakes. The buffer zone program have encouraged and subsidized to use biogas for
cooking and lightning.
Table 5
Access to education infrastructure
Land Holding
The land holding by social groups shows that about 14% of the total households are
landless in the study area. A total of 47.6% own less than 10 Kattha, 20.9 % own 10
to 20 Kattha of land and only 0.6 % of total households own more than 80 Kattha
land. The results show that a remarkable percentage (42.3%) of the Bote Majhis are
landless and are depend on the rented land and labour work for their living. Only 1.1
% household from Brahmin/Chhetri and 0.7 % from Janajati own more than 80
Kattha of land in the study area where as larger percentage (59.6%) of Dalit, 50% of
Bote Majhi and 51.6% of Brahmin/Chhetri own the land area less than 10 Kattha
(Table 6).
Table 6
Land holding by different social Groups (Kattha2)
households out of 359 reported that they have had access to irrigation facility for
their land. Majority of the households (54.2%) have irrigation facility for less than 10
kattha of land. The respondents from Tharu group have shown the higher
percentage of irrigation facility followed by Janajati. Only 4 households of Bote
Majhis reported the availability of irrigation facility in their land (Table 7).
Table 7
Availability of irrigation facility in different social groups
The majority of the respondents from all the social groups (more than 57%) reported
that their forest product needs have been fulfilled from Buffer Zone Community
Forest. A remarkable percentage of the BZ residents still depend on national park’s
forest, despite conservation law restricts access. Almost 30% households reported
that they do not have alternatives other than national park’s forest for some specific
48
purposes such as poles, thatch grass, herbal medicine, and fodder and grass during
dry season. The dependency on national park forest is highest in Bote Majhis which
is 42% followed by Brahmin/Chhetris (40%) and Tharus by 32% (Figure 8).
Figure 8
Sources of forest resources
Sources of Income
As shown in figure 9 below, the major sources of income for the Buffer Zone
residents are agricultural and livestock including some green enterprise activities
such as vegetable, mustard and lentil. A remarkable portion (> 30%) of Bote Majhi
and about 6% of Dalit still rely on traditional occupation, which include fishing,
ferrying, and artisan metal work, fuel wood collection, and selling. This finding
corroborates with other (Sharma 2004). The household income for more than 7% of
the Bramin/Chhetri group seems to be supported by business, which covers local
restaurants, grocery stores, and tea shops. The result shows that off-farm
employment that includes in-country and out-country services contributes to a
nominal percentage of income for all ethnic groups.
49
Figure 9
Sources of annual income by different social groups
Figure 10
Households involved in the regular saving program
50
As revealed in figure in 11, Tharus are active in the program followed by dalit,
Brahmin/Chhetri and Bote Majhi. While about 80% of total Tharu households are
involved in the program, Bote Majhi makes up it only about 53 percent. Within caste
group, more number of dalits households (70 %) takes part in the program than the
high caste families (58%).
Figure 11
Involvement of social groups in the regular saving program
As figure 12 indicates, the buffer zone inhabitants use different sources for credit
activities. A remarkable percentage of the households depend still on the informal
sources of loan such as villagers, money lenders and the BZ groups. A very few
portions of the households have reported that they got loan from financial sources
such as bank and cooperatives. It is interesting to note that Bote Majhi do not have
access to loan from financial institutions.
Figure 12
Sources of loan for social groups
51
The survey result shows that more than 20% households are not included in the
membership of the BZ user groups. It is interesting to note that a remarkable
percentage i.e. 26% from Braman/Chhetri and more than 27% from Janajati have not
been involved in the BZ user groups. The participation by Tharus have been highest
(86.8%) followed by Bote Majhis and Dalit, which comprise 80% and 77%
respectively (Figure 13).
52
Figure 13
Membership in the buffer zone user group
Data shows that Brahmin/Chhetri, Janajati and Tharu dominate the key positions,
such as, chair, vice chair, secretary and treasurer of the user groups, the UC and
BZDC. None of the Bote Majhis are included as a chair, vice-chair and treasurer.
Inclusion of disadvantaged groups in the key position is found only in the hamlet
level groups which have no decision making power in planning and implementation
of the BZ programs. Only one respondent from Bote Majhi out of 21 was found as a
chair of the user group in his settlement. Likewise, out of total 40 dalits who have
been involved in the user groups, only one has been working as chair, one as a vice
chair and two as a secretary in the settlement level user groups (Figure 14).
However, none of dalits and Bote Majhis is holding a key position i.e. as chair, vice-
chair and secretary in the UC and BZDC of both study sites.
53
Figure 14
Position in the BZ User Group by different social groups
Though there is provision of the regular meeting in the user groups, very little
percentage of the members reported their regularity in the meeting. More than 25%
Dalit, 5% Janajati, 4% Tharu and 4% Bramin/Chhetri said that they have never had
attended the meetings (Figure 15). There could be various institutional, economical
and social factors that affect their attendance which is beyond the scope of this study
and needs further investigation.
Figure 15
Attendance in the BZ user group meetings
54
The figure 16 shows the response of respondents about the role they played in the
user groups meeting. The majority of the respondents from the entire ethnic groups
answered that they did participate in the discussion. However, a remarkable
percentage from Bote Majhis and Dalits said that they only attend the meeting and
none of the respondent from Bote Majhis has a role in the decision making. Only one
respondent out of 35 in from Dalit answered as a decision maker or initiator during
the meetings (Figure 16).
Figure 16
Role in the decision making of the User Group meetings
The political justice of participation (Hickey and Bracking 2005:851) issue is clearly
observed in the BZ context. The socio-economically weaker groups are excluded in
the decision making position, even if their representation is outnumbered in the
55
membership within the BZ user groups. As said earlier, about 22 percent of the
Brahmin/chhetri are not included in the membership, but their hold in the key
positions and influence in decision making. Therefore, the current BZ policy practices
the politics of representation in which inclusion in membership is focused instead of
structure and position that impact on the livelihood of the powerless in the BZ
intervention. Focusing representation is not enough when the politics of justice issue
become low profile in participatory approach in natural resource management.
5. Conclusion
Although the buffer zone management policy was emerged with the objective of
helping local people especially the poor and natural resource dependent groups,
56
empirical evidence revealed that the policy has affected them negatively. Focused on
environmental concern, the policy has not sufficiently addressed the livelihood needs
of the excluded groups such as Bote Mahji. Instead, it has assisted to reinforce
unequal power relationship and opportunities at the community level. Local level
conservation organisations such as BZMC or UG are abided by rules/regulations and
operational procedures of government. They are made accountable to fulfil the
requirement of park authority than community members per se. Since the
requirements necessitate ability to communicate and report the BZ activities, the
chance of the powerless and illiterate to include in institutional structure of the BZ is
low.
This study illustrated that different social groups practice different livelihood
strategies in the study areas. While Tharu, Dalit, Janajati rely mostly on agriculture
activities for survival, Brahmin/Chhetri have more access to business and in-country
services along with agriculture. The minority group such as Bote Majhis engage in
traditional occupation and have no access to off-farm employment opportunity. A
remarkable percentage of the Bote Majhi is landless and depends on share cropping
and non-skilled work for their living.
Access to livelihood assets by different five social groups is the main element of this
research finding. The livelihood assets were measured in five categories: human,
physical, social, economic, and natural capitals. Bote majhi have less access to
these assets than other groups. Natural resources such as forests and fishing
constitute important sources of livelihood of people in the study areas. Nevertheless,
the degree of the use of the resources varies between social groups. Firewood is the
main source of energy for all social groups. However, the dependency on firewood
for cooking is high among Bote Majhi than others. The buffer zone program have
encouraged and subsidized to use biogas for cooking and lightning. Bote Majhis are
excluded from the opportunity. While high-caste, dalit and tharu have access to bio-
gas services, Majhis do not. Brahmin/Chhteri have relatively greater accessibility
than dalit.
57
The study revealed that the BZ management council (BZMC) and user committee
(UC), which are decisive bodies for managing local natural resources and incentives
under the BZ policy, are exclusive and operated mostly by elites from within the high-
caste groups, and male members with high social status and political position.
Likewise, BZ user group is the lowest management unit established at the settlement
level. Brahmin/Chhetri, Janajati and Tharu groups occupy the key positions such as
chair, vice chair, secretary, and treasurer, in the user group. None of the respondents
from the Bote Majhi groups and very few people from Dalit are in the key position.
Braman/Chhetri, Tharu and Janajati play decision making role in community
meeting. Participation of Bote Majhi and dalits in decision making process is far from
thought in the BZ programs, policy and actors involved in the implementation of the
policy.
The BZ policy is implemented through the forest sector which has expertise on
dealing with nature and ecosystem than people and actors with dominant
perspective on conservationist ideology (Jana 2008) along with exclusionary
thinking, beliefs, and knowledge system (Khadka 2008). The high-caste and
advantaged ethnic group and male foresters trained in Western knowledge system
dominate the sector’s policy making level (Khadka 2008). Jana (2008) also
demonstrates the domination of conservationist ideology in the protected areas
58
Dealing with social issues in the natural resource programs in the agrarian and
unequal Nepali context requires the conceptualisation and institutionalisation of
social agendas in government level. This is even important in the forest sector in
which political economy of aid and policy is dominant. This research has opened up
a policy debate on approaches to address exclusion outcomes of community based
natural resource management like the BZ. It raises a serious question whether
conservation intervention at the grass roots can help the poorest, when the existing
institutional culture and knowledge system of the Department of National Park and
Wild Life conservation is not supportive for dealing with social issues of
conservation. Given the historical existence of exclusion in state, society and
household levels, the BZ intervention has to consider addressing exclusion from
structure perspective. Inclusion in structure provides economic and political
opportunities to the disadvantaged groups. All actors, government, donors, and non-
state actors, need to rethink exclusion issue in the BZ programs from a wider
perspective of knowledge and power relationships between individuals within a
conservation organisation and its role in policy planning and implementation.
Second, dealing with social issues in the BZ programs needs understanding of social
concepts such as gender relations, power relations, participation, and
inclusion/exclusion. The existing capacity building program of the BZ largely focuses
on community development, awareness, and conservation. The programs are not
linked with power relations and transformative participation. The lack of perspective
about the importance link between BZ policy/programs and social outcomes among
community leader and government actors provide is an example of capacity gap that
has also supported for leading exclusion of the powerless in the BZ program. They
59
feel what they are doing is fine, even though they are aware of exclusion of Bote Maji
in decision making. This reveals that there is a gap in understanding real meaning of
participation and social change. This study identifies the need to include social
concepts in training and awareness programs and the use of actors who have good
bases of power relations and participation concept in the training programs.
Finally, policy matters for social outcomes. This research shows that the role of the
BZ policy to include people in conservation programs. It also shows the inclusion of
some groups while excluding other to take advantage of the BZ programs
implemented according to the policy. The main issues is that how to make the BZ
policy and programs social inclusive. Domination of technocratic ideology and single
science in policy sphere has a relation to make the BZ policy/program conservation
oriented. Therefore, the concept of inclusion/exclusion also need to link with
governance of government agencies, but not only at the grass roots.
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Kalabanjar
UC
67
Manohari
UC
1.2. Are any of your family members aged 5 to 20 years who were enrolled in Yes
school, currently not going to school without completing school level education? =1 If no, skip
No =2
1.3 What trainings and workshops have you and your family member undertaken so far?
Respondent’ S Train Who Code for training
s relationship ex ing organized the
training?
Non =1 Sewing/knitting = 5
Forest /wildlife management = 2 Exposure visit/tour =6
Health/agriculture/livestock = 3 Other …………. . = 7
Carpentry/ electrician/plumber =4 Others……….
1.4 How do you or your family members Skill improvement =1 Forest product available =5
benefited from the above training? Knowledge gained =2 Employment Generated =6
Family Health Improved =3 Other….. ………. =7
Cash Income =4 …………
1.5 What do you know about the buffer zone Strongly agree ------------------------- Strongly Don’t
management program? disagree know
3.12 Please specify the types and number of live stocks you have.
Live stock # live Reasons for decreasing or increasing the livestock
Cow/bull stock
Buffalo/he buffalo
Goat/sheep
Pig
Chicken/ducks/pigeon
Others
______________
3.14 What are your forest product needs for a Non =1 50 to 100 bhari
year? =4
Fuel wood Less than 25 bhari =2 More than 100 bhari
=5
Grass 25 to 50 bhari =3
Thatch grass/poles
Timber Non =1 25 to 50 cft
Less than 25 cft =2 =3
3.15 From which sources do you get your forest product? (Multiple answer possible )
Name of forest products Ans Code for sources
River bank =1
----------------------------------------------------------- Private forest =2
CF/BZCF =3
-----------------------------------------------------------
Government forest =4
---------------------------------------------------------- National park forest =5
Others --------------------- =6
------------------------------------------------------------------
72
If there is Community Forest (CF) or Buffer Zone Community Forest (BZCF) in your village, please give
following answer
3.16 Is your HH member of the CF/BZCF? Yes = 1 If not, why?
No = 2
3.17 How much forest product do you get from Enough =1 If not enough, why?
the CF/BZCF? Some =2
Non =3
3.18 Are you satisfied with the forest product Yes, I am = 1 If not, why?
distribution system followed by your FUG? No, I am not = 2
4.2 Does your HH take loan sometimes? Yes = 1 If yes, please provide the following information
No = 2
4.9 What are regular sources of your HH annual income? Please tick the appropriate
boxes.
Possible sources of HH income Answer Remarks
Agriculture based productions (cereal, cash crops, fruits,
vegetables)
Livestock raising (milk/meat)
Services within the country
Services foreign country
Business (Shop/hotel/restaurant/)
Daily wages
Farm based micro enterprises (poultry/ carpenter/
fishery/nurseries/apiculture)
Off farm micro enterprises (sewing/knitting)
Occupational activities
(fishing/shoe making/tailoring/iron work)
Non timber forest based enterprises
(selling herbs/roots/fruit/fuel wood)
Other ………………………
4.10 What are major areas of your household’s annual expenditure? Please tick the appropriate boxes.
Areas of expenditure Answ Remarks
er
Housing/Major HH assets (construction/repairs
purchasing)
Food purchasing
Agricultural equipments and livestock purchasing
Other __________________________
Question Answer
5.2 Are you or any member of your family a member in any Yes Don’t know =
user group or organization? =1 3
No
=2
5.5 Give your view on the following statements recalling Agree ----------------------------------- disagree Don’t
the time that you present in any assembly or meeting of the know
above groups or organizations
Your voice is heard 1 2 3 4 5 6
Your saying/ logic is incorporated in the decision 1 2 3 4 5 6
Your saying/logic is implemented in practice 1 2 3 4 5 6
Question Ans
wer
5.6 What is the main source of Friends/relatives/messenger =1 Radio/TV =5
information for your HH about Buffer Zone Training /meeting/workshops =2 Other -------------- = 6
Management Program Journal/newspapers =3 Other ------------- = 7
flyers/pestering =4
Activities that made shock within Possible causes of shocks Major coping strategies followed by your
last 10 years household
Death/loss of livestock
Damage/loss of crop
Death/injured HH member
Major illnesses in family
Loss of cash income
Arrest of HH member
Damage/destruction of House
Other---------------
Annex III: Checklists for Focus Group Discussion and Group Interview
Initiation
When was the BZMP formed?
Formation process
How was formation process?
Membership/representation
How many members?
Which caste/ethnic/age?
How many women in committee? Which position?
There are many caste/ethnicity in the community, but why not in the committee?
There are almost half women in the community, but why only few in the
committee?
What are their view towards inclusive participation?
Leadership
Leadership which caste/ethnicity/age and sex?
Is leadership changing? How many times? Why?
View towards leadership changes?
What legal instruments (documents) have been brought about to implement the
BZ policy? (Bylaws, guidelines, constitutions, …..)
What are major rules and regulations incorporated in the BZ legal documents?
What does it says about the representation of users in the decision making
positions and processes?
What does it says about equitable representation of male and female? What % of
female and male is entitled to be in the decision making position?
What provisions have been incorporated in the policy about equitable benefit
sharing?
Use of revenue from park
Use of forest products (fuel wood, fodder, grass, grazing)
Use of water/ river /streams
Use of other public properties in the buffer zone
Implementation of BZ policy
How do you like your present procedure of program planning, implementing and
How should it be in future?
Vulnerability
Are there any activities done by actors which drag people to the vulnerable or
shock situation?
What livelihood outcomes have been brought about from the implementation of
BZ program in this BZ?
Which class groups do you think should be more benefited from this program?
Why?
Name of District/ NP
Date of interview
Distance to district HQ (km)
Distance to NP HQ (km)
Character of focus group (age, sex, caste/ethnicity..)
Number of Participants in FGD
1. Major occupation
Present and past
If changing, why?
4. Knowledge on:
National Park (NP)
Buffer Zone (BZ) program
BZ institutional framework
Major policy (30-50% revenue ……….)
79
9. Community forest
Community Forest (CF) or Buffer Zone Community Forest (BZCF) in
the village,
When was the CF/BZCF handed over to FUG?
Does the FUG have a constitution?
Does the FUG have an operational Plan?
80
How the idea of BZM program came in (what problems were perceived
by the DNPWR, who were the key actor to initiate the idea, and what
are the belief of the DNPWR for development of BZ policy)?
What are the responses on participation of women, the poor and
indigenous people in BZMP?
How do the Government Office staff perceive the impact of BZMP and
issues and problems?
What are their responses on exclusion of powerless on access to
benefits and decision making of BZMP processes (how do they see the
problems)?
82
A Majhi Man and Ban Heralu Showing the Area for Forest Product and
Fishing, Kalabanjar UC, Chitwan BZ
88
Man and Woman Carrying Thatch Grass from NP Forest During Formal
Opening Kalabanjar UC, Chitwan BZ
91