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Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae

Volume II: Caesarea and the Middle Coast 1121–2160


Corpus Inscriptionum
Iudaeae/Palaestinae
A multi-lingual corpus of the inscriptions
from Alexander to Muhammad

edited by
Walter Ameling · Hannah M. Cotton · Werner Eck
Benjamin Isaac · Alla Kushnir-Stein
Haggai Misgav · Jonathan Price · Ada Yardeni

with the assistance of


Marfa Heimbach · Dirk Koßmann · Naomi Schneider

De Gruyter
Corpus Inscriptionum
Iudaeae/Palaestinae
Volume II: Caesarea
and the Middle Coast
1121–2160

edited by
Walter Ameling · Hannah M. Cotton · Werner Eck
Benjamin Isaac · Alla Kushnir-Stein
Haggai Misgav · Jonathan Price · Ada Yardeni

with contributions by
Robert Daniel · Avner Ecker · Michael Shenkar
Claudia Sode

with the assistance of


Marfa Heimbach · Dirk Koßmann · Naomi Schneider

De Gruyter
Printed with support of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft

ISBN 978-3-11-022217-3
e-ISBN 978-3-11-022218-0

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

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Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet
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Preface

In the Preface to the first volume of the CIIP (Volume I 1: Jerusalem, p. vi) the
major geographical divisions in ancient Judaea/Palaestina, according to which the
various volumes of the entire Corpus are to be arranged, were described. This sec-
ond volume includes the middle Mediterranean coastline of Israel north of Tel Aviv
and south of Haifa. Whereas the first volume is restricted to inscriptions from
Jerusalem and its periphery, the second volume covers several cities and other set-
tlements: Apollonia, Caesarea, Castra Samaritanorum, Dor, Mikhmoret and Syc-
amina. For the reader’s convenience these have been arranged in alphabetical or-
der. The inscriptions from minor locations, i. e. Binyamina, Crocodilopolis, Kefar
Shuni und Ramat Hanadiv, which are likely to have belonged to Caesarea’s admin-
istrative and juridical territory, follow those of the capital city in alphabetical order.
Within a single settlement the inscriptions were arranged in accordance with their
thematic content, as is common in the major corpora of inscriptions. This principle
was eminently suitable for Caesarea and its inscriptions, as the sub-divisions and
their headers make quite clear. The same principle guided us also in displaying the
inscriptions from Apollonia, Castra Samaritanorum, Dor and Sycamina, but the
meager number of inscriptions from each category in each of these locations did
not justify inserting headers to display the sub-divisions.
The 952 inscriptions from Caesarea are divided into groups by thematic con-
tent, as can be seen in the Table of Contents. However, the find-spot of the inscrip-
tions from Caesarea is used as a principle of sub-division inside a main category
whenever the context is significant for the interpretation of the single inscription,
i. e. for inscriptions found in the synagogue, in the presumed St. Paul’s Chapel, in
the Praetorium of the governor and in that of the financial procurator, which be-
came the seat of the governor in Late Antiquity, i. e. from the 4th century onwards,
and finally in the so-called bathhouse, the explanation of whose function in Late
Antiquity must await the Final Report of the excavations.
The volume contains nos. 1121-2160 of the CIIP, continuing the numbers of
vol. I. There are some gaps in the sequence of numbers because some items had to
be removed at the last minute.
Most of the editors who took part in editing the first volume continued their
work in this volume. Walter Ameling joined the editorial board in October 2009,
as editor of Greek inscriptions. A number of contributions were made by Robert
Daniel (Cologne: tabellae defixionum), Avner Ecker (Jerusalem: graffiti and dip-
inti on ceramics), Michael Shenkar (Jerusalem: a Persian inscription) and Claudia
Sode (Cologne: late antique-Byzantine seals).
As in the first volume we thank the many bodies and individuals who have
made the publication of this second volume possible. Above all we would like to
thank the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) which has continued its sup-
port of the CIIP as one of its long-term projects, and the President of the Hebrew
vi Preface

University for the Ring Fund which partly matched the DFG’s generous outlay:
their financial support has now kept us going for six years!
We would like to reiterate our special debt of gratitude to the Israel Antiqui-
ties Authority (IAA), without whose continuing and unwavering support, and the
deep commitment of its directors and employees, who have treated our project
as if it were their own mission, we would not have been able to bring this volume
to completion. And as before, we wish to single out Adi Ziv, Curator of the Hel-
lenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods in the National Treasures in the IAA depot
Beth Shemesh, Yael Barschak and Noga Ze’evi of the IAA Photographic Archives
und Alegre Savariego, Curator of the Rockefeller Collections and Mosaics. Special
thanks are due to Gideon Avni, Head of Excavations and Surveys, and to Leiticia
Barda for the maps of Caesarea and Vicinity and Central Caesarea.
Zeev Weiss, Chair of the Institute of Archaeology at the Hebrew University,
and Dafna Tsoren, Curator of the Institute’s Collections expressed in many ways,
once again, the deep commitment of the Institute to our project.
We wish to thank again the people in charge of collections in museums and
religious institutions for never stinting their generous help in putting all their in-
scriptions at our disposal for inspection and photography: Ofra Rimon, Director
and Curator, and Perry Leveneh Registrar, of the Hecht Museum in Haifa; Dudi
Mevorah, Curator of Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, in the Israel Mu-
seum in Jerusalem, and Rachel Caine, his assistant; Lili Tzohar, Director of the
Ralli Museum Caesarea, Carmela Arnon, Director of the Archaeological Museum
in Kibbutz Ein Dor, Dror Segal, Director and Curator of the Center of Nautical and
Regional Archaeology in Kibbutz Nahsholim, and Avshalom Zemmer, Curator,
Ran Hillel, Registrar and Oren Cohen Artifacts-Manager of the National Maritime
Museum in Haifa. Finally we wish to thank Michal Oren-Paskal and Gil Gam-
bash of the University of Haifa, the Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies
(R. I. M.S), for giving us access to the inscriptions found in the late Avner Raban’s
excavations in Caesarea.
We must single out Rina und Arnon Angert, Curators and most loyal care-tak-
ers of the Caesarea Antiquities Museum in Sdot Yam, where a substantial number
of the objects found so far in Caesarea is stored and guarded passionately by them.
Over the years they have given us free access to the inscriptions in their Museum,
and did all they could to facilitate the work of deciphering, checking and photo-
graphing them.
Special thanks must be extended to all those in Caesarea itself, from where
most of the texts in this volume originate, who enabled us to work on the site and
become intimate with the inscriptions in their immediate context not long after
their discovery. Our friendship and intensive cooperation with the archaeologists
on the spot goes back to the year 1996, when Werner Eck became acquainted with
the inscriptions from this country. Joseph (Sephi) Porath allowed us to study un-
published inscriptions from the governor’s palace and the two hippodromes, as
soon as they were found, discuss them in public – and publish all of them in this
Preface vii

volume. His extraordinary generosity was matched and implemented by his suc-
cessor, Peter Gendelman, who sent us the latest inscriptions at the very last stages
of preparing the manuscript for print.
Similarly, Joseph Patrich, gave us permission to publish all the texts from the
Praetorium of the procurator soon after their discovery, and has been forthcoming
and helpful ever since with answering our queries.
Our debt to Kenneth Holum und Clayton Lehmann, whose The Greek and
Latin Inscriptions of Caesarea Maritima published in 2000 laid the groundwork for
this volume of the CIIP, is enormous as is made clear in the countless, explicit and
implicit, references to the results of their edition in the present volume. In addition
they put at our disposal squeezes and photographs which they had prepared for
their own publication, thereby sparing us much time and effort.
Maria Pia Rossignani, Cattedratica at the Istituto di Archeologia dell’ Univer-
sità Cattolica del Sacro Cuore in Milan, and Furio Sacchi, Curator in the same
institute, put at our disposal digitalized photographs from the Italian excavations
in Caesarea in the 50s and 60s of the last century, for which we are all the more
grateful, since many of the inscriptions recorded in them could not be located and
seem not to exist anymore.
Cati und Lionel Holland welcomed us to their home in Hadera, and allowed
us to publish and include in this volume the inscriptions stored in “The Lionel
Holland-Collection”, as did their friend, Shai Hendler with the “Hendler Collec-
tion, Hadera”.
Ephraim Stern, Ilan Sharon and Barak Monnickendam-Givon of the Tel Dor Ex-
cavations project assisted us with the inscriptions from Dor and we are very grateful.
We would also like to thank Nili and Abraham Graicer for their unremitting
work in locating, documenting and photographing inscriptions for this volume as
well, and Frowald Hüttenmeister of Tübingen for allowing us to use in this volume
(and in future ones) photographs taken years ago when the objects were in a much
better condition and more accessible. Finally we thank Rinat Bahar who scanned and
prepared for these volume old and oversized negatives in the IAA, as well as pictures
and drawings from books and journals. Finally, we wish to thank Anna Iamin of the
combined Caesarea expeditions graphics archive for the plans of Herodian Caesarea
up to AD 70 and Roman and Byzantine Caesarea (4th-6th centuries).
Ra’anana Meridor and Lisa Ullmann, emeritae of the Department of Classics
at the Hebrew University, proofread in record time a large part of the manuscript,
thereby saving us from a host of errors: we are most grateful to both.

However, this volume could not have been published, let alone appear on time, were
it not for the utmost dedication, far beyond the call of duty, of some of our assistants
who have turned the Corpus into their own obsession. This goes above all for our
research assistants, Marfa Heimbach, Dirk Kossmann and Eva Käppel, the editorial
staff in Cologne, who for very many months put aside everything else, and prepared
and completed this volume as well as CIIP I 2, the second volume of Jerusalem.
viii Preface

Similarly our research assistants in Jerusalem Naomi Schneider and Avner


Ecker, helped the editors in every conceivable way with autopsies and information,
and kept in touch almost daily with dozens of institutions and individuals.
Finally we thank all the other assistants who contributed to this volume: Na-
dav Asraf, Simon Hilber, Benjamin Kantor, Ilia Rastrepin, Adam Vangoor and
Vladimir Zukerman in Jerusalem, and Christina Bußmann, Patrick Breternitz and
Dominik Licher in Cologne.

Cologne/Jerusalem May 2011


For all the editors: Werner Eck – Hannah M. Cotton.
Table of contents

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v
Authors’ Sigla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii
Diacritical syst em . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii
Key to translit eration of Hebrew and Aramaic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiv

I. Apollonia – Arsuf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Inscriptions nos. 1121-1127 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

II. Caesarea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Inscriptions nos. 1128-2107 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
A. Res sacrae nos. 1128-1194 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Pagan inscriptions nos. 1128-1138 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Synagogue inscriptions nos. 1139-1147 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Christian inscriptions nos. 1148-1194 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Ecclesiastical building inscriptions nos. 1150-1152 . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Presumed St. Paul’s chapel nos. 1153-1167 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
Other Christian inscriptions nos. 1168-1194 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
B. Imperial documents nos. 1195-1198 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
C. Emperors nos. 1199-1226 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria nos. 1227-1344 . . . . . . . . . . 159
Governors and senators nos. 1227-1265 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Praetorium of the governor nos. 1266-1276 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
Equestrian officials nos. 1277-1281 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
Praetorium of the procurator and
the late antique governor nos. 1282-1344 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
E. Bathhouse nos. 1345-1349 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
F. Military people nos. 1350-1357 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the
Colonia Caesariensis nos. 1358-1381 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
x Table of contents

H. Varia nos. 1382-1431 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341


I. Funerary inscriptions nos. 1432-1678 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383
K. Instrumentum domesticum nos. 1679-1801 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559
Defixiones nos. 1679-1680 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559
Amulets and rings nos. 1681-1724 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 568
Weights nos. 1725-1752 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 604
Lead seals nos. 1753-1783 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 636
Ostraca, dipinti and graffiti nos. 1784-1801 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 653
L. Fragments nos. 1802-2079 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 665
Latin nos. 1802-1851 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 665
Greek nos. 1852-2079 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 689
M. Vicinity of Caesarea nos. 2080-2107 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 799
Binyamina nos. 2080-2088 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 799
Crocodilopolis nos. 2089-2093 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 806
Hadera nos. 2094 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 810
Kefar Shuni nos. 2095-2100 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 810
Ramat Hanadiv nos. 2101-2107 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 816

III. Castra Samaritanorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 821


Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 821
Inscriptions nos. 2108-2114 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 823

IV. Dora/Dor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 831


Introduction: Dor and the boundary between Judaea and
Syria-Phoenice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 831
Inscriptions nos. 2115-2145 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 837

V. Mikhmoret introduction and inscription no. 2146 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 869

VI. Sycamina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 871


Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 871
Inscriptions nos. 2147-2160 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 873
Ind ex of personal names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 885
Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 919
Authors’ Sigla

AE Avner Ecker

AKS Alla Kushnir-Stein

AY Ada Yardeni

BI Benjamin Isaac

CS Claudia Sode

HM Haggai Misgav

HMC Hannah M. Cotton

JJP Jonathan J. Price

MH Marfa Heimbach

MSh Michael Shenkar

RD Robert Daniel

WA Walter Ameling

WE Werner Eck
Abbreviations

Standard abbreviations of journal titles in L’Année Philologique have been used


throughout. In addition, the following abbreviations have been used:

AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Re-


search
ACO E. Schwartz ed., Acta Conciliorum Oecumenico-
rum, 1914 ff.
ADAJ Annual of the Department of Antiquities in Jordan
AE L’Année épigraphique
Alt, GIPT A. Alt, Die griechischen Inschriften der Palästina
Tertia westlich der ‘Araba, 1921
Ameling, IJO II W. Ameling, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II.
Kleinasien, 2004
AMSL Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires
Ancient Churches Revealed Y. Tsafrir ed., Ancient Churches Revealed, 1993
AnIsl Annales Islamologiques
APhC Annales de philosophie chrétienne
Aqueducts D. Amit – J. Patrich – Y. Hirschfeld eds., The Aque-
ducts of Israel, 2002
Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations M. Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations in Greek Inscrip-
tions, 1940
Avigad, Beth She‘arim III N. Avigad, Beth She‘arim III. The Archaeological
Excavations during 1953-1958. The Catacombs 12-
23, 1971 (repr. 1976) (Hebr.)
Bagatti, Flagellazione B. Bagatti, Il Museo della Flagellazione in Gerusa-
lemme, 1939
Bagatti, Galilea B. Bagatti, Antichi villaggi cristiani di Galilea,
1971
Bagatti, Galilee B. Bagatti, Ancient Christian Villages of Galilee,
2001
Bagatti, Judaea B. Bagatti, Ancient Christian Villages of Judaea
and the Negev, 2002
Bagatti, Samaria B. Bagatti, Ancient Christian Villages of Samaria,
2002
BAIAS Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Soci-
ety
Baldi, Enchiridion D. Baldi, Enchiridion locorum sanctorum, 1955
(repr. 1982)
BAR Biblical Archaeological Review
Barrington Atlas R. Talbert ed., Barrington Atlas of the Greek and
Roman World, 2000
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re-
search
Abbreviations xiii

Bauer – Aland W. Bauer – K. Aland – B. Aland, Wörterbuch zum


Neuen Testament, 1988
BBSAJ Bulletin of the British School of Archaeology in Je-
rusalem
BE Bulletin épigraphique, in: Revue des études
grecques
Bechtel, Personennamen F. Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des
Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit, 1917
Belayche, Pagan Cults N. Belayche, Iudaea-Palaestina. The Pagan Cults in
Roman Palestine, 2001
Benoit – Boismard P. Benoit – M. Boismard, RB 58, 1951, 200-51
BIES Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society
BiKi Bibel und Kirche
Blass – Debrunner – Rehkopf F. Blass – A. Debrunner – F. Rehkopf, Grammatik
des neutestamentlichen Griechisch, 2001
Boffo, Iscrizioni L. Boffo, Iscrizioni Greche e Latine per lo Studio
della Bibbia, 1994
Bonner, Magical Amulets C. Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets, 1950
Bull et al., Excavations Reports R. Bull et al., in: W. Dever ed., Preliminary Excava-
tion Reports. Sardis, Paphos, Caesarea Maritima,
Shiqmim, Ain Ghazal, AASOR 51, 1994, 63-86
Burns – Eadie, Urban Centers Th. Burns – J. Eadie eds., Urban Centers and Rural
Contexts in Late Antiquity, 2001
Caesarea Papers 2 K. Holum – A. Raban – J. Patrich eds., Caesarea
Papers 2. Herod’s Temple, the Provincial Gover-
nor’s Praetorium and Granaries, the Later Harbor,
a Gold Coin Hoard, and Other Studies, 1999
CAHEP 2 J. Oleson – M. FitzGerald – A. Sherwood – S.
Sidebotham, The Harbours of Caesarea Maritima
2, 1994
CAHL G. Bottini – L. Di Segni – E. Alliata eds., Christian
Archaeology in the Holy Land, 1990
CCSL Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina
CIAP M. Sharon, Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum
Palaestinae, 1997 ff. (in progress)
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
CIH D. Chwolson, Corpus Inscriptionum Hebrai-
carum, 1882 (repr. 1974)
CIIP Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae
CIJ J.-B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, 2
vols., 1936/52 (vol. 1 repr. 1975)
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum
Clermont-Ganneau, 5me Rapport Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Mission en Palestine et en
Phénicie. 5me rapport, 1885
Clermont-Ganneau, ARP Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Research-
es in Palestine (1873-74), 2 vols., 1896/99
Clermont-Ganneau, EAO Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Études d’archéologie ori-
entale, 2 vols., 1895/97
xiv Abbreviations

Clermont-Ganneau, RAO Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d’archéologie ori-


entale, 8 vols., 1888/1924
CNI Christian News from Israel
Cotton – Eck, Governors H. Cotton – W. Eck, The Israel Academy of Scien-
ces and Humanities Proceedings 7,7, 2001, 215-40
CPJ V. Tcherikover – A. Fuks – M. Stern eds., Corpus
Papyrorum Judaicarum, 3 vols., 1957/64
CPR Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, 1895 ff.
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
DACL F. Cabrol – H. Leclercq eds., Dictionnaire
d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, 15 vols.,
1907/53
Devijver, PME H. Devijver, Prosopographia militiarum eques-
trium, 6 vols., 1976/2001
DGI L. Di Segni, Dated Greek Inscriptions from Pales-
tine from the Roman and Byzantine Periods, PhD
Diss., 1997 (unpublished)
Dinkler, Signum Crucis E. Dinkler, Signum Crucis, 1967
DJD II P. Benoit – J. Milik – R. de Vaux eds., Discoveries in
the Judaean Desert II. Les grottes de Murabba‘ât, 1961
DJD III M. Baillet – J. Milik – R. de Vaux eds., Discoveries
in the Judaean Desert III. Les “Petites Grottes” de
Qumrân, 1962
DJD XXVII A. Yardeni – H. Cotton eds., Discoveries in the Ju-
daean Desert XXVII. Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek
Documentary Texts from Ṇ ahal Ḥever and other
Sites, 1997
DO Seals J. Nesbitt – N. Oikonomides, Catalogue of the Byz-
antine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg
Museum of Art, 5 vols., 1991/2005
Donner – Röllig, KAI H. Donner – W. Röllig, Kanaanäische und ar-
amäische Inschriften, 2002
Dunand, Hauran M. Dunand, RB 41, 1932, 397-416 nos. 1-63; 561-
580 nos. 64-138; id., RB 42, 1933, 235-254 nos.
139-243; id. in: Mélanges syriens offerts à M. R.
Dussaud II, 1939, 559-76 nos. 244-310; id., Archiv
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Eck, Rom und Judaea W. Eck, Rom und Judaea, 2007
Eck, Statues W. Eck, in: Y. Eliav – E. Friedland – Sh. Herbert
eds., The Sculptural Environment of the Roman
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Abbreviations xv

EI Eretz Israel
Elgavish, Excavations J. Elgavish, The Excavations of Shikmona, 2 vols.,
1972/74 (vol. 2 Hebr.)
Eph’al – Naveh, Ostraca I. Eph’al – J. Naveh, Aramaic Ostraca of the Fourth
Century BC from Idumaea, 1996
ESI Excavations and Surveys in Israel
Evans C. Evans, Jesus and the Ossuaries, 2003
Feissel, Chroniques D. Feissel, Chroniques d’épigraphie byzantine
1987-2004, 2006
Felle, Biblia epigraphica A. Felle, Biblia epigraphica, 2006
Festschrift G. Stemberger M. Perani ed., “The Words of a Wise Man’s Mouth
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Finegan, Archaeology J. Finegan, The Archaeology of the New Testa-
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Garitte, Calendrier G. Garitte, Le Calendrier Palestino-Géorgien du
Sinaiticus 34 (Xe siècle), 1958
GCS Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller, 1891 ff.
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tima, 1966, 217-28
Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum R. Gersht ed., The Sdot-Yam Museum Book of the
Antiquities of Caesarea Maritima, 1999 (Hebr.)
Gignac F. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the
Roman and Byzantine Periods, 2 vols., 1976/81
Goodenough, Jewish Symbols E. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Ro-
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Gregg – Urman R. Gregg – D. Urman, Jews, Pagans, and Christians
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HA Hadashot Arkheologiyot
HA-ESI Hadashot Arkheologiyot-Excavations and Surveys
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Hachlili, Funerary Customs R. Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs. Practices
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Hagedorn, Wörterlisten D. Hagedorn, Wörterlisten, http://www.zaw.uni-
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xvi Abbreviations

Hatch – Redpath E. Hatch – H. Redpath, A Concordance to the


Septuagint and the other Greek Versions of the
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Hemer, Book of Acts C. Hemer, The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hel-
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Hezser, Jewish Literacy C. Hezser, Jewish Literacy in Roman Palestine,
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HL Das Heilige Land
Holland, Weights L. Holland, Weights and Weight-Like Objects from
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Humphrey, Near East J. Humphrey ed., The Roman and Byzantine Near
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IG Inscriptiones Graecae
IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie
IGR R. Cagnat, Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas
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IGUR L. Moretti, Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae, 4
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IK Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien,
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Ilan, Lexicon T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity,
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ILCV E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Vet-
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ILS H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 3 vols.,
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IMC R. Hestrin ed., Inscriptions Reveal. Israel Museum
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IMSA Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology
INJ Israel Numismatic Journal
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IOS Israel Oriental Studies
Isaac, Limits B. Isaac, The Limits of Empire, 1990
Isaac, Near East B. Isaac, The Near East under Roman Rule, 1998
ISAP Institute of Aramaic Papyri, Jerusalem
Jaroš, Inschriften K. Jaroš, Inschriften des Heiligen Landes aus vier
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Abbreviations xvii

Jerusalem Talmud The Academy of the Hebrew Language ed., Talmud


Yerushalmi, According to Ms. Or. 4720 (Scal. 3) of
the Leiden University Library, with Restorations
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Jewish Quarter Excavations H. Geva ed., Jewish Quarter Excavations in the Old
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JJPES Journal of the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society
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JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
Jones, LRE A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602,
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JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JTSA Journal of Theology for Southern Africa
Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, 1895 (repr. 1963)
JZ Jüdische Zeitschrift für Wissenschaft und Leben
Kasovsky, Mishna C. Kasovsky, Thesaurus Mishnae. Concordantia
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Kosovsky, Bab. B. Kosovsky, Thesaurus nominum quae in Talmude
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Kosovsky, Yer. M. Kosovsky, Concordance to the Talmud Yerush-
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Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina H. Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina in hellenistisch-
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Kushnir-Stein – Holland A. Kushnir-Stein – L. Holland, in: K. Holum –
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Lampe G. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, 1961
Laurent, Corpus V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de l’empire byz-
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Levine, Ancient Synagogue L. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue 1, 2000
Levine, Caesarea L. Levine, Caesarea under Roman Rule, 1975
LGPN P. Fraser – E. Matthews, A Lexicon of Greek Per-
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Lidzbarski, Ephemeris M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris für semitische Epigraphik,
3 vols., 1902/15
Lifshitz, Donateurs B. Lifshitz, Donateurs et fondateurs dans les syna-
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xviii Abbreviations

LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 8


vols., 1981/97
LSJ H. Liddell – R. Scott – H. Jones, A Greek-English
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LThK W. Kasper ed., Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche,
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Lüderitz – Reynolds G. Lüderitz – J. Reynolds, Corpus jüdischer Zeug-
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MAMA Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua
Margolin, Proceedings R. Margolin ed., Proceedings of the Twelfth World
Congress of Jewish Studies, Division B, 2000
Masada I Y. Yadin – J. Naveh – Y. Meshorer, Masada I. The
Aramaic and Hebrew Ostraca and Jar Inscriptions,
1989
Masada II H. Cotton – J. Geiger, Masada II. The Latin and
Greek Documents, 1989
Mazar, Beth She‘arim I B. Mazar, Beth She‘arim I. Report on the Excava-
tions during 1936-1940. Catacombs 1-4, 1973
Mazar, Excavations (Report) B. Mazar, The Excavations in the Old City of Jeru-
salem near the Temple Mount. Second Preliminary
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McLean I B. McLean, AncW 28, 1997, 184-216
McLean II B. McLean, AncW 30, 1999, 3-28
McLean, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy B. McLean, An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy
of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods from Alex-
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Meimaris, Chron. Systems Y. Meimaris, Chronological Systems in Roman-
Byzantine Palestine and Arabia, 1992
Meimaris, Sacred Names Y. Meimaris, Sacred Names, Saints, Martyrs and
Church Officials in the Greek Inscriptions and Pa-
pyri pertaining to the Christian Church of Pales-
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Meistermann, Guida B. Meistermann, Guida di Terra Santa, 1925
Merkelbach – Stauber, Steinepigramme R. Merkelbach – J. Stauber, Steinepigramme aus
dem griechischen Osten, 5 vols., 1998/2004
MGWJ Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft
des Judentums
Michel S. Michel, Die magischen Gemmen. Zu Bildern
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Antike und Neuzeit, 2004
Michel, Magische Gemmen S. Michel, Die magischen Gemmen im Britischen
Museum, 2 vols., 2001
Millard, Pergament und Papyrus A. Millard, Pergament und Papyrus, Tafeln und
Ton, 2000
Naveh, Stone and Mosaic J. Naveh, On Stone and Mosaic. The Aramaic and
Hebrew Inscriptions from Ancient Synagogues,
1978 (Hebr.)
NEA Near Eastern Archaeology
Abbreviations xix

NEAEHL E. Stern et al. eds., The New Encyclopedia of Ar-


chaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, 5 vols.,
1993/2008
Negev, Personal Names A. Negev, Personal Names in the Nabatean Realm,
1991
Noy, IJO I D. Noy et al., Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis I.
Eastern Europe, 2004
Noy – Bloedhorn, IJO III D. Noy – H. Bloedhorn, Inscriptiones Judaicae
Orientis III. Syria and Cyprus, 2004
Noy, JIWE D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe, 2
vols., 1993/95
ÖstMonOr Österreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient
OGIS W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Se-
lectae, 2 vols., 1903/05
Ovadiah, Corpus A. Ovadiah, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in
the Holy Land, 1970
Ovadiah, Corpus Suppl. A. Ovadiah – C. Gomez de Silva, Levant 13, 1981,
200-62; Levant 14, 1982, 122-70; Levant 16, 1984,
129-65
Ovadiah, MPI R. Ovadiah – A. Ovadiah, Mosaic Pavements in Is-
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PAES III A E. Littmann – D. Magie – D. Stuart, Publications
of the Princeton University Archaeological Expe-
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A, 1907/21
PAES III B W. Prentice, Publications of the Princeton Univer-
sity Archaeological Expeditions to Syria in 1904-
1905 and 1909. Division III B, 1922
Pape, WGE W. Pape – G. Benseler, Wörterbuch der griechi-
schen Eigennamen, 2 vols., 1911
Patrich, Final Report I J. Patrich ed., Archaeological Excavations at Cae-
sarea Maritima Areas CC, KK, and NN vol. I, 2008
PEF Annual Palestine Exploration Fund. Annual
Peleg, Archaeology Y. Peleg, Archaeology, Burial and Gender in Judaea
in the Early Roman Period, 2 vols., 2003 (Hebr.)
PEQ The Palestine Exploration Quarterly
Peterson E. Peterson, ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ, 1926
Pflaum, Carrières H.-G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes
équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain, 1960.
PG J. Migne ed., Patrologiae cursus completus. Series
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PGM K. Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 2nd revised
edition, including texts from the originally planned
third volume, by A. Henrichs, 2 vols., 1973/74.
PGot H. Frisk, Papyrus grecs de la Bibliothèque munici-
pale de Gothembourg, 1929
PHI The Packard Humanities Institute, Searchable
Greek Inscriptions, http://epigraphy.packhum.org/
inscriptions/ (viewed: 6 June 2011)
xx Abbreviations

PIR Prosopographia Imperii Romani


PL J. Migne ed., Patrologiae cursus completus. Series
Latina, 1844 ff.
PLRE A. Jones – J. Martindale – J. Morris, The Prosopo-
graphy of the Later Roman Empire, 3 vols., 1971/92
PMB Palestine Museum Bulletin
PmbZ R.-J. Lilie et al., Prosopographie der mittelbyzan-
tinischen Zeit, 1998 ff.
PO R. Graffin – F. Nau – F. Graffin, Patrologia Orien-
talis, 1903 ff.
Preisigke, NB F. Preisigke, Namenbuch enthaltend alle griechi-
schen, lateinischen, ägyptischen, hebräischen, ara-
bischen und sonstigen semitischen und nichtsemi-
tischen Menschennamen, 1922
QDAP The Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in
Palestine
Raban – Holum, Caesarea 1996 A. Raban – K. Holum eds., Caesarea Maritima. A
Retrospective after Two Millennia, 1996
RAC Th. Klauser et al. eds., Reallexikon für Antike und
Christentum, 1950 ff.
RADR S. Keay – D. Williams, Roman Amphorae. A Digi-
tal Resource, http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/ar-
chive/amphora_ahrb_2005 (viewed: 6 June 2011)
RB Revue Biblique
Rey-Coquais, Nécropole J.-P. Rey-Coquais, Inscriptions grecques et latines
découvertes dans les fouilles de Tyr (1963-1974) I.
Inscriptions de la nécropole, 1977
RICIS L. Bricault, Recueil des inscriptions concernant les
cultes isiaques, 3 vols., 2005
Ringel, Césarée J. Ringel, Césarée de Palestine. Études historiques
et archéologiques, 1975
Robert, Hellenica L. Robert, Hellenica. Recueil d’épigraphie, de
numismatique et d’antiquités grecques, 13 vols.,
1940/65
Robert, Op. Min. L. Robert, Opera Minora Selecta. Épigraphie et an-
tiquités grecques, 7 vols., 1969/90
Robinson, Pottery H. Robinson, Pottery of the Roman Period, 1959
Roth-Gerson, Greek Inscriptions L. Roth-Gerson, The Greek Inscriptions from the
Synagogues in Eretz-Israel, 1987 (Hebr.)
Roth-Gerson, Jews of Syria L. Roth-Gerson, The Jews of Syria in the Light of
the Greek Inscriptions, 2001 (Hebr.)
Roueché, Aphrodisias Ch. Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity, 1989
RPC A. Burnett – M. Amandry – P. Ripollès eds., Ro-
man Provincial Coinage, 1992 ff.
RS Revue semitique d’épigraphique et histoire ancienne
Safrai – Stern S. Safrai – M. Stern, The Jewish People in the first
Century, 2 vols., 1976
SB Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegyp-
ten, 1915 ff.
Abbreviations xxi

SBF Studii Biblici Franciscani Liber annuus


Scavi A. Frova ed., Scavi di Caesarea Maritima, 1966
Schalit, NW A. Schalit, Namenwörterbuch zu Flavius Josephus,
2002
Scholz, Reise J. Scholz, Reise in die Gegend zwischen Alexan-
drien und Parätonium, die libysche Wüste, Siwa,
Egypten, Palästina und Syrien, in den Jahren 1820
und 1821, 1822.
Schürer E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the
Age of Jesus Christ (175 BC – AD 135). A New Eng-
lish Version Revised and Edited by G. Vermes – F.
Millar – M. Black – M. Goodman, 3 vols., 1973/87
Schwabe, Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume M. Schwabe, in: S. Lieberman ed., Alexander Marx
Jubilee Volume, 1950, 436-41 (Hebr.)
Schwabe – Lifshitz, Beth She‘arim II M. Schwabe – B. Lifshitz, Beth She‘arim II. The
Greek Inscriptions, 1974
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
SIRIS L. Vidman, Sylloge inscriptionum religionis Isia-
cae et Sarapiacae, 1969
Sivan, Palestine H. Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity, 2008
Sophocles E. Sophocles, Greek Lexicon of the Roman and
Byzantine Periods (From B. C. 146 to A. D. 1100),
1887
SPAW Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften zu Berlin
Stark J. K. Stark, Personal Names in Palmyrene Inscrip-
tions, 1971
Stern, Dor E. Stern ed., Excavations at Dor. Final Report, 1995
Stone – Ervine – Stone, The Armenians M. Stone – R. Ervine – N. Stone eds., The Arme-
nians in Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 2002
Studies Tsafrir L. Di Segni – Y. Hirschfeld – J. Patrich – R. Talgam
eds., Man Near a Roman Arch. Studies presented
to Prof. Yoram Tsafrir, 2009
Suppl. Mag. R. Daniel – F. Maltomini, Supplementum Magi-
cum, 2 vols., 1990/92
Syria/BES Bulletin d’épigraphie sémitique, in: Syria
TAM Tituli Asiae Minoris
Taylor, Christians and Holy Places J. Taylor, Christians and the Holy Places, 1993
Thomasson, Laterculi praesidum 2nd. ed. B. Thomasson, Laterculi praesidum 2nd ed. Vol. I
ex parte retractatum, 2009
Thompson, Palaeography E. Thompson, An Introduction to Greek and Latin
Palaeography, 1912
TIR Y. Tsafrir - L. Di Segni - J. Green, Tabula Imperii
Romani. Iudaea-Palaestina, 1994
Tobler, Dritte Wanderung T. Tobler, Dritte Wanderung nach Palästina im
Jahre 1857, 1859
van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs P. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 1991
Vincent – Abel, Jérusalem nouvelle H. Vincent – F. Abel, Jérusalem II. Jérusalem nou-
velle, 4 vols., 1914/26
xxii Abbreviations

Waddington W. Waddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines de


la Syrie, 1870 (repr. 1968)
Weiss, Sepphoris Synagogue Z. Weiss, The Sepphoris Synagogue, 2005
Wuthnow, Semitische Menschennamen H. Wuthnow, Die semitischen Menschennamen in
griechischen Inschriften und Papyri des Vorderen
Orients, 1930
ZDPV MN Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des deutschen
Palästinavereins
Zgusta L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Personennamen, 1964
Diacritical system

The following diacritical system has been used, following the usual epigraphic con-
ventions:

() for the resolution of an abbreviation


[] for the restoration of missing letters
<> for the addition of an omission in the inscription
{} for superfluous letters which should be ignored
[[ ]] for text which was deliberately erased in antiquity
[..] for missing text in which the number of letters is fairly certain (number of
dots = number of missing letters)
[--] for missing text in which the number of letters is uncertain
ඎඏ correction of a letter by the editor
. A dot beneath a letter, e. g.: ṭ indicates that the reading is uncertain.
+ for an individual letter of which traces remain but which cannot be securely
identified
vacat indicates a gap deliberately left in the text
‫ݕ‬ sign for stigma as abbreviation mark
Key to transliteration of Hebrew and Aramaic

 ʀ Alef
 B Bet
 G Gimel
 D Dalet
! H He
# W Vav
$ Z Zayin
% Ḥ Het
& ॣ Tet
' Y Yod
() K Kaf
+ L Lamed
-/ M Mem
01 N Nun
2 S Samekh
3 ʁ Ayin
56 P Pe
78 Ṣ Tsadi
9 Q Qof
: R Resh
< Š Shin
< Ś Sin
= T Tav
I. Apollonia – Arsuf

Introduction

Apollonia-Arsuf is a coastal site on a calcareous sandstone (kurkar) ridge in the


north-west section of the modern town of Herzliya. It lies 17 km north of Jaffa and
34 km south of Caesarea. It has been explored and surveyed since the nineteenth
century and excavated extensively and systematically since 1977.1 It has a natural
anchorage but no built harbor that would have been good enough to serve as a
reliable port in the period covered by the present volume. This is clear from Jose-
phus’ statement that Herod built the harbor of Caesarea because ‘the entire coast
between Dora and Joppa … was without a harbor, so that ships sailing to Egypt
along the coast of Phoenicia had to ride at anchor in the open when threatened by
the south-west wind…’.2
The place was settled at the latest in Persian times. Because of its name schol-
ars have thought it might have been founded as city by a Seleucid king. However,
the area came under the control of the Seleucids only in a later period. Therefore
it is more likely that the name Apollonia is the Hellenized name of the god Reshef,
which resurfaced in the later name Arsuf.3
The literary record is very limited for the period relevant to the present volume.
Apollonia is first mentioned by Josephus in his Antiquities among the places held
by Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 BC).4 Next it is mentioned in the Bellum Iudai-
cum, as one of the settlements re-peopled by Gabinius, governor of Syria from 57-
55 BC.5 In the parallel passage in the Antiquities Apollonia is not mentioned.6 In
spite of statements in the modern literature to this effect, no text actually refers to
building activities by Gabinius, who re-founded and re-populated towns and larger
settlements, some of them having city-status, others not. Apollonia was assigned
to the province of Syria. Pliny mentions it as one of the settlements on the coast:

1 See selected bibliography.


2 Josephus, BJ 1,409: …μεταξὺ γὰρ Δώρων καὶ Ἰόππης, … πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν
παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν Φοινίκην ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν
ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὸ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν… The anchorage and the later built harbour have been
explored, see the publications by Galili and Grossman.
3 Schürer II 114 n. 152; A. H. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, 1971, 230;
S. Izre’el, Arsuf: The Semitic Name of Apollonia, in: I. Roll – O. Tal eds., Apollonia-
Arsuf 1, 1999, 63-73.
4 Josephus, Ant. 13,395-7.
5 Josephus, BJ 1,166: συνεπολίσθησαν γοῦν τούτου κελεύσαντος Σκυθόπολίς τε καὶ
Σαμάρεια καὶ Ἀνθηδὼν καὶ Ἀπολλωνία καὶ Ἰάμνεια καὶ Ῥάφεια Μάρισά τι καὶ Ἀδώρεος
καὶ Γάμαλα καὶ Ἄζωτος καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαί, τῶν οἰκητόρων ἀσμένως ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστην
συνθεόντων; Isaac, Limits 336-40.
6 Ant. 14,88 where the term καὶ ἀνεκτίσθησαν… is used.
2 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

‘Raphia, Gaza and inland Anthedon, … the free town Ascalon, Azotus, the two
towns named Iamnea … Joppe… Apollonia, and the Tower of Strato, otherwise
Caesarea.’7 The reference to Caesarea shows that the source takes into account at
least one Herodian foundation.8 In the second century Ptolemy mentions the same
settlements along the coast.9 On the Peutinger Table it is the only place mentioned
between Caesarea and Jaffa, 22 miles south of the former.10 This corresponds with
the actual distance and therefore confirms the identification of Apollonia with Tel
Arsuf.
Whether Apollonia belonged to Herod’s kingdom cannot be ascertained from
the literary sources. However, since AD 6 it was doubtlessly part of Syria and prob-
ably under the control of the prefect of Judaea. Later it was part of the province
Judaea. In Late Antiquity, when the city reached its greatest extension (then almost
certainly called Sozusa) it belonged to Palaestina Prima.11 It was conquered by the
Moslems at the same time as Caesarea. At what time it obtained the status of a city
is not clear; nothing in the inscriptions reflects city status or organisation. No coins
were minted by Apollonia, while other settlements with a city status normally pro-
duced at least some coins. However, in Late Antiquity Apollonia, now bearing the
name of Sozousa in some texts, seems to have had the status of a city, since a bishop
was residing there in the fifth and sixth centuries.12 It has been plausibly suggested
that Apollonia changed its name to Sozousa, since Apollonia of Cyrenaica was also
named Sozousa in the period and so was Apollonia in Thrace Sozopolis.13 The
alternative name of Apollonia would then derive from Apollo’s appellation Soter.14
The original name did not disappear. In the fifth century Martianus Capella lo-

7 Pliny, NH 5,68: Oppida Rhinocolura et intus Rhaphea, Gaza et intus Anthedon, … op-
pidum Ascalo liberum, Azotus, Iamneae duae, …Iope Phoenicum …Inde Apollonia,
Stratonis Turris, eadem Caesarea ab Herode rege condita…
8 Pliny the elder lived from 23/4-79 AD. His sources for Judaea seem mostly to reflect
Herodian arrangements, but they sometimes go back to an earlier period and some-
times he adapts them to the contemporary situation under Flavian rule, cf. M. Stern,
Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism I, 1974, 466 f.
9 Ptolemy, Geographia 5.15: Καισάρεια Στράτωνος … Ἀπολλωνία … ᾽Ιαμνιτῶν λιμήν…
Ἄζωτος … Ἀσκαλών… Ἀνθηδών … Γαζαίων λιμήν.
10 Tab. Peutingeriana 9C1: Apolloniade.
11 Cf. Jones, Cities (n. 3), 230, 280, 546; E. Honigmann, RE III A 1, 1927, 1257.
12 ACO, vol. 2.1, 80, 184, 193; vol. 2.3, 55, 183, 245, 255 for Baruchius, bishop of Sozusa in
AD 449; vol. 3, 80, 188 for Leontius, bishop in 518 and 536 AD; M. Le Quien, Oriens
Christianus, 1740, 594 f. For further references: Roll – Tal, Apollonia-Arsuf (n. 3) 9 f.
13 K. Stark, Gaza und die philistäische Küste, 1852, 452; Clermont-Ganneau, ARP II
337ff.; Stephanus Byzantius, p.  596 (ed. Meineke) mentions three places called So-
zousa, one of them in Phoenice. This might, but need not, suggest that he, at any rate,
regarded Apollonia near Ioppe (see n. 12 above) and Sozousa in Phoenice as two differ-
ent cities, for the information may derive from different sources in different periods.
14 Hierocles, Synecdemus 719,5 (ed. Parthey, p. 44); Georgius Cyprius 1006 (ed. Gelzer)
and cf. Schürer II 114f..
Introduction 3

cates Apollonia Palaestinae at 188 miles from Ostracine on the coast of Sinai.15 In
the sixth century Stephanus Byzantinus mentions twenty-five places named Apol-
lonia, one of them ‘near Ioppe’.16 The Anonymous Ravenna Cosmography of about
AD 700 mentions Apollonia twice.17
According to a Samaritan chronicle, a prosperous Samaritan community lived
in Arsuf.18 Archaeological evidence appears to support this statement.19
Extensive excavations have revealed finds from the Hellenistic, Roman and
Late Antique periods, notably a Roman peristyle villa 20 and a big Byzantine church
with a mosaic.21 But in proportion to the city’s expansion in Late Antiquity the
number of inscriptions, all of them in Greek, is still very small.22 The town saw
further expansion in the Early Islamic period when it was first enclosed by a wall.
Finally we may note that the excavations have uncovered some evidence of glass
production and of a small-scale purple dye industry in the Persian and Hellenistic
periods.23

Select Bibliography: E. Galili – U. Dahari – J. Sharvit, Underwater Survey and Rescue Excava-
tions along the Israeli Coast, IJNA 22, 1993, 61-77; E. Grossmann, Maritime Tel Michal and
Apollonia. Results of the Underwater Survey 1989-1996, 2001; I. Roll – E. Ayalon, Apollonia and
Southern Sharon. Model of a Coastal City and Its Hinterland, 1989 (Hebr.); I. Roll – O. Tal eds.,
Apollonia-Arsuf. Final Report of the Excavations I. The Persian and Hellenistic Periods, 1999;
iid. – M. Winter, The Encounter of Crusaders and Muslims in Palestine, 2007; iid., NEAEHL
1, 1993, 72-5; 5, 2008, 1568-71; I. Roll – O. Tal, A Villa of the Early Roman Period at Apollonia-

15 Martianus Capella, De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii 6.679: Apollonia Palaestinae


… per centum octoginta octo milia passuum procedens; supra Idumaeam et Samariam
Iudaea longe lateque funditur. It has also been suggested that Johannes Rufus, Life of
Peter the Iberian 120 (Raabe): ‘Aphthoria’ refers to Apollonia, cf. C. B. Horn – R. R.
Phenix Jr., John Rufus. The Lives of Peter the Iberian, Theodosius of Jerusalem, and
the Monk Romanus, 2008, 236 f. The place had ‘two monasteries of the orthodox, one
of men, the other of women.’ This identification was proposed by Clermont-Ganneau,
EAO I, 1-22 at 18 ff. It must be admitted that this is a speculation. It has been rejected
altogether by G. Schmitt, Siedlungen Palästinas in griechisch-römischer Zeit. Ostjor-
danland, Negeb und (in Auswahl) Westjordanland, 1995, 60.
16 Stephanus Byz. 106 (ed. Meineke): Ἀπολλωνία … ιγ᾽ κατὰ Ἰόπην.
17 Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia (ed. Schnetz), 90,17: Apolonia, the other towns
being Rinocoruron, Rafis, Gaza, Ascalona, Azotum, Laminam, Ioppe, … Cesarea Pal-
estine; 133,70: Appollonia.
18 Abulfathi, Annales Samaritani quos Arabice edidit cum prolegomenis E. Vilmar,
1865, 179 and see also pl. xxx, where it is related that Samaritan synagogues were de-
stroyed in Arsuf and other towns in the eighth century.
19 See O. Tal, SBF 59, 2009, 319-42.
20 I. Roll, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1569.
21 See below no. 1122.
22 See below nos. 1121-1127.
23 N. Karmon, Muricid Shells of the Persian and Hellenistic Periods, in: Roll – Tal, Apol-
lonia-Arsuf (n. 3), 269-80.
4 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

Arsuf, IEJ 58, 2008, 132-49; O. Tal, A Winepress at Apollonia-Arsuf. More Evidence on the
Samaritan Presence in Roman-Byzantine Southern Sharon, SBF 59, 2009, 319-42; id., IEJ 60,
2010, 107-14; Website: http://www.tau.ac.il/humanities/archaeology/projects/proj_apollonia.
html (viewed: 6 June 2011).
BI
Inscriptions 5

Inscriptions

1121. Statue of a bird with monogram, 5-6 c. AD

Mutilated statue of an eagle (Mendel, Dussaud; a sparrow-hawk according to Cler-


mont-Ganneau, certainly no Maltese falcon), made of blue-grey (green?) marble
with large crystals. Broken in at least three parts; head and body are joined, the
beak is missing. On the neck of the bird is a circular medallion, suspended by a
cord, with a monogram. Clermont-Ganneau sees some Egyptian influence and
cites representations of Horus as models for this statue. It must have been fastened
to a wall, since there is a hole for a fastening on the back of the bird’s head and two
holes on its body near the bottom; in one of them are traces of lead.
Meas.: h 64 cm; ൺ of the medallion 8.5 cm.
Findspot: “L’original était dans le Haram de Sidna "ly. L’autorité locale, mise en
éveil par l’intérêt que j’y avais attaché, l’a depuis fait saisir et transporter à Jerusa-
lem” (Clermont-Ganneau; Dussaud on the findspot: “dans le sanctuaire de ‘Ali ibn
‘Aleim à Arsouf”); Schick wrote on 13 June 1882 about work on the eastern wall
of the Haram in Jerusalem: “By this work last week (!) a curious stone figure was
found and brought into the … office room of the Pacha … It is of green marble,
newly broken in two pieces: the head is loose, but … it fitted exactly”. Even though
the inscription on the medallion is represented differently by Clermont-Ganneau
and Schick, it seems evident that they write about the same bird – which makes its
fate hard to trace: Schick’s letter is earlier than Clermont-Ganneau’s detailed re-
port, but perhaps Clermont-Ganneau forgot to mention that the bird was originally
found a few years before he reported it or his paper was published. That, at least,
seemed to be the opinion when the inscription was not included in CIIP I 2 (G.
Mendel – on whose authority? – believed the bird to have come from Arsuf [Apol-
lonia], too; perhaps it was registered as such in the museum’s inventory).
Pres. loc.: Archaeological Museum of Istanbul (“Le Louvre posséde un moulage de ce monu-
ment, rapporté d’Arsouf par M. Clermont-Ganneau”, Mendel 435).

App. crit.: `ÇÍÂÀ¸ÅŦË Clermont-Ganneau and others.

`ÇÍÂÀ¸ÅŦË

Iulianus.

Comm.: Dussaud and Dussaud - Macler believed


that the putative resolution of the monogram refers
to Julian the Apostate, and the bird is interpreted as
fig. 1121.1
a symbol of the emperor as Sun. This is not only im
6 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

probable, but there appears to be no evidence that


monograms like this one were current in the first
half of the 4 c. (and therefore Perez’ idea that this
statue is to be connected with Julian’s rebuild-
ing of the Jerusalem temple – in itself not with-
out problems and depending on Jerusalem as its
find-spot – has to be rejected). Another bearer of
the name is not improbable (PLRE II alone has 28
Iuliani). For a commentary on the theological in-
terests of a founder in a church, see SEG 26, 1628
(Apameia): ¸ıÂÇË … ĝ ÈÇÀÁÀÂŦÎÉÑÅ ÌľÅ ÓÅÑ¿¼Å
»ÇºÄŠÌÑÅ.

Bibl.: Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, AMSL 11, 1885, 240 no.


121A-B (ph.) (ed. pr.). – C. Schick, PEQ 14, 1882, 171; R.
Dussaud, RA 1903, 351; R. Dussaud - F. Macler, Missions
dans les régions désertiques de la Syrie moyenne, 1903,
478 n. 1; Dussaud, Louvre 77f. no. 99; G. Mendel, Musées fig. 1121.2
impériaux ottomans II, 1914, 434f. no. 657 (dr.); L. Vincent - F.-M. Abel, Emmaus, 1932, 176 fig.
81; R. Perez, in: J. Patrich ed., New Studies in the Archaeology of Jerusalem and its Region, 2007,
94ff. (dr.) (Hebr.); R. Perez, EI 28, 2007, 16*f.(e), 206ff.(h).

fig. 1121.3

Photo: Dussaud, Louvre 77 no. 99 (dr.); L. Vincent - F.-M. Abel, 1932, 176 fig. 81 (dr.); R. Perez,
in: New Studies 94 fig. 5.
WA

1122. Marinus builds a church, 5-6 c. AD

Mosaic, decorated with rhombs, round medallions, geometric patterns and birds.
The inscription is set in a tabula ansata, red-brown lines separating the rows of let-
ters, the tabula framed by two rows of tesserae. On the lower side of the tabula, a
running dog pattern. The inscription is to be read facing east. The letters are black
on a white ground, with some ochre cubes interspersed.
Meas.: length of inscription 2.5 m; letters 6.3-9.5 cm.
Findspot: Western portion of the nave in the Byzantine Church (Ovadiah, Corpus
155 no. 155).
Inscriptions 7

Pres. loc.: Rockefeller Museum, Jerusalem, IAA inv. no. 1963-2671/13-15.

fig. 1122

(cross) 
    [-ca. 8-9 letters-]‫  מ‬
    [-ca. 6 letters-]‫[  
מ‬..]‫מ‬
[...]‫ מ‬N 
I (cross)
App. crit.: Meimaris presents only l.2f. in a bungled version; the supplements are by Birnbaum
- Ovadiah, with the exception of l.2; l.1 [ÓÉÌÇ]‫מ‬Ë Birnbaum - Ovadiah; the lacuna is perhaps a bit
short for their printed supplement, if one goes by the letters in the other lines; but from N [ to
]‫ מ‬one needs at least four, possibly five syllables, which makes a lacuna of e. g. eight letters look
very short; l.2 Ò [ţÉ]‫מ‬ÑÅ Birnbaum - Ovadiah; Ò [¼ţ»]‫מ‬ÑÅ Merkelbach, which is considered too long
by Birnbaum - Ovadiah (Ò [¼ţÉ]‫מ‬ÑÅ P. Herrmann apud SEG 41, 1883 is not much shorter); l.3 the
tips of the mu and upsilon are still to be seen.

ÒĹÉÇÊţ¾Ë ̼š¿Ñ Á¸Ė Å [šÁ̸ÉÇË ÇčÁÇ]‫מ‬Ë ÒɼţÑÅ | Á¸ţ ļ ¸ÉėÅÇË ì̼ÍƼ ¿¼ġ [Å
ÁÂÍÌÇÄ]‫מ‬ŢÌÀÅ Ò [..]‫מ‬ÑÅ | [ÄÍÊ]‫מ‬ÌÀÁġÅ ÒÏÉŠ¸ÅÌÇÅ Ò¼Ė ÅŦÇÅ ÷ÅÀÇϼŧÑÅ

I am a church better than ambrosia and nectar; Marinus erected me too, (exalting,
or: singing praise of) God, who plans famous (things), (Marinus,) always guiding the
pure and mystic spirit.

Comm.: The date of the church, 5-6 c. AD, was determined by Birnbaum - Ovadiah
184 “on the basis of the archaeological data”. Another mosaic with inscription is
said to be in the vicinity, see HA 3, 11; Ovadiah, MPI.
The inscription is in hexameters, whose proficiency and classical style is espe-
cially commended by Ovadiah – who wonders at the use of this language and the
metaphor of ambrosia and nectar by a Christian in the relation to his church (it
seems not necessary to interpret [ÇčÁÇ]‫מ‬Ë as a designation of christianity as a whole
[the Church], as Ovadiah does).
l.1: ̼š¿Ñ, “come into being” (LSJ s.v.), a typical epic (and later poetic) word;
the same holds true for ÒɼţÑÅ. The ed. pr. states that Lampe does not know the
word ÅšÁ̸É, but Lampe - of course - has only words and meanings not in LSJ.
Ambrosia and nektar are frequently used as synonyms for eternal life (cf. SEG
45, 1722,4 [Amorion, epitaph of a Christian bishop]: ¼ĊÊŦÁ’ ÒŸÊÌŠÅÌÇË º¼ŧʼ̸À
ÒĹÉÇÊţ¸Ë; IK 23,1, 539, l.16 [Smyrna]), and God himself can be called ÒĹÉŦÊÀÇË,
8 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

Visio Dorothei 10ff.: [Á¸Ė Ċ»šÊ¿¸À] | ÒĹÉŦÊÀÇŠȸŊÌÀÁÌÇÅ ëÅĖ ļºŠÉ [ÇÀÊÀÅ ÓŸÁ̸]
| ¸ĤÌÇÎÍý. – ÇčÁÇË denotes a church in no. 2108 this vol. (Castra Samaritanorum);
EI 10, 1972, 243f.; Meimaris, Sacred Names 146 no. 753 (Chaspin, Golan); SEG 27,
1006 (al-Dayr, Arabia), etc. – and the identity is assumed in the psalm quotation ÌŊ
ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈɚȼÀ Öºţ¸Êĸ (this vol. no. 1348).
l.2: Marinus cannot be identified, but seems to be a rather big spender: Á¸ţ ļ
¸ÉėÅÇË ì̼ÍƼ hints at other foundations by Marinus which must belong to the
context of the church, who is also the subject of the two participles. The personal
name Marinos was quite popular in Israel and Phoenicia (Wuthnow, Semitische
Menschennamen 73f.; Ilan, Lexicon I; Rey-Coquais, Nécropole 146), because it
bears some resemblance to the Semitic root m-r. Caesarea and it’s surroundings, on
the other hand, show a strong background of Latin onomastics, which sufficiently
explains the use of the name (there is no reason to assume any Marinos to have had
Semitic origins). Merkelbach’s supplement was perhaps inspired by Merkelbach -
Stauber, Steinepigramme IV 346 no. 21/22/01, v. 15 (Gadara, the empress Eudokia
talking): ÒÂÂÛ ¿¼ġÅ ÁÂÍÌÇÄŢÌÀÅ Ò¼ţÊÇ [ĸÀ].

Bibl.: R. Birnbaum - A. Ovadiah, IEJ 40, 1990, 182ff. pl. 18 (ed. pr.). – Reshef, HA 3, 1962, 11;
HA 59/60, 1976, 63; Ovadiah, Corpus 155 no. 155; Meimaris, Sacred Names 29 no. 114, 86 no.
546; Ovadiah, MPI 11 no. 2; SEG 40, 1441; SEG 41, 1883; A. Ovadiah, SBF 41, 1991, 479f. fig. 5;
BE 1992, 648; A. Ovadiah, SBF 47, 1997, 444f. no. 2; A. Ovadiah, Gerión 16, 1998, 389ff. fig. 5;
Merkelbach - Stauber, Steinepigramme IV 318 no. 21/04/01 (ph.).
Photo: R. Birnbaum - A. Ovadiah, IEJ 40, 1990, pl. 18.
WA

1123. Funerary inscription of Babas, 4-6 c. AD

Rectangular block of limestone with inscription in tabula ansata on its upper side.
On its front is a slightly curved arch, very much like a door-lintel, above the arch
are small, wedge-formed holes with traces of red paint. Euting wonders whether
these traces were letters. Was the stone used twice?
Meas.: h 17, w 110 cm; letters 3.5 cm.
Findspot: Apollonia (Arsuf).
Pres. loc.: Collection of Baron Ustinov; now in Oslo?

    



 


      


App. crit.: l.1 ĝ omisit Klein; ¿¼ġË <ÊŦ½ÑÅ>
Germer-Durand 1893, comparing CIIP I 764; fig. 1123.1 (Euting)
l.2  Euting,  Germer-Durand 1892;  
 Germer-Durand 1892 (the
facs. of Euting suggests  
); 뺺ŦžŠ= 뺺ŦÅÀÅ = 뺺ŦÅÀÇÅ Schwabe, Lifshitz; l.2f.
Inscriptions 9

ÄžÀÇÅ Klein; l.3 NKA Euting, but his facsimile suggests  ;  ƍ Germer-Durand 1892
(with an upward stroke starting at the middle of the delta), who understands Å (¼) Á (ÉÇ) » (ŦÏÇÅ),
suggesting that the upward stroke was part of a chi; this was already opposed at BE 1893 p.
289, but accepted by Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 88 and LSJ Suppl. s.v.); Schwabe recognized
the dittography at the end of ÄÅ|¾ÄėÇÅÅ and Lifshitz supplied the copula;    
with a following ornament (a circle with two crossed lines in it) Euting, ¸ÉÁ¼ÂÂţÅß `ÇÍÊ (ÌţÅß)
Germer-Durand 1892, ¸ÉÁ¼ÂÂţÅß `ÇŧÊÌß Di Segni.

¼đË ¿¼ġË ĝ ½ľÅ. ¸¹ÜË ¸ÆţÄÇÍ,| 뺺ŦžŠÇÊÄÜ ëÈÇţ¾Ê¼Å Ìġ ÄÅ|¾ÄėÇÅ{Å} Á¸ଢĖଣ
¸ÉÁ¼ÂÂţÅß  

There is only one living God. Babas, (son of) Maximus, grandson of Kosmas, made
the monument (for himself) and Marcellina, …

Comm.: l.1: On ¼đË ¿¼ŦË at the be-


ginning of epitaphs see the many
examples from Zoora, collected
in, Inscriptions from Palaestina
Tertia I a, p. 27f., including – at
fig. 1123.2 (Germer-Durand)
least structurally similar – ex-
amples of ¼đË ¿¼ġË ĝ ¹Ç¾¿ľÅ. In the rest of Palaestina, this is much rarer. Euting,
Noeldeke and Clermont-Ganneau 1901 connect Babas with Aramaic names (cf.
Ilan I 80 s. v. Babi), whereas Germer-Durand seeks a Latin origin; it is, of course,
a typical “Lallname” which can be found in perfectly Greek contexts, too (Lifshitz
provides ample parallels and literature, and cf. this vol. no. 1125 for a name of the
same root); there is no reason to look for a man of Aramaean origins.
l.2: Germer-Durand’s reading  is not without difficulties; accepting
it, one has to conclude with J. and L. Robert (BE): “second nom plutôt que nom de
métier”; there is no problem with Euting’s reading. l.2f.: Klein understood ¼đË ¿¼ġË
… ¸ÉÁ¼ÂÂÀŸţÇÍ and “Babas … verfertigte das Denkmal des Nikas (?)”.
“La formule, dans son ensemble, n’a rien de commun avec les épitaphes chré-
tiennes que nous connaissons, et il est plus probable qu’il faut la classer parmi les
juives” (Germer-Durand 1892). This was evidently accepted by Juster (who cites the
editions by Euting and Germer-Durand as two different inscriptions) and Leclercq.
Saller and Hüttenmeister - Reeg even thought the stone to be the lintel of a syna-
gogue (Di Segni 102 is slightly sceptical). A quite similar text in Di Segni 111 no.
62. Jewish parallels have not been cited, Kosmas might be thought to be a Christian
name, and there is no reason to believe this to be a Jewish epitaph. The epitaph can
be dated to the 4-6 c. AD.

Bibl.: J. Euting, SPAW 35, 1885, 669ff. no. 80 (dr.) (ed. pr.). – Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, AMSL
11, 1885, 157; J. Germer-Durand, RB 1, 1892, 247f. no. 10 (dr.); id., RB 2, 1893, 203ff.; BE 1893,
p. 289; Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 4, 1901, 141; R. Savignac - F.-M. Abel, RB 14, 1905, 606;
BE 1907, p. 91; J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l’Empire Romaine, 1914, 196f.; Klein, JPCI no. 157; H.
10 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

Leclercq, DACL 6, 1924, 716ff. (dr.); Peterson 42; Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 88; M. Schwabe,
Tarbiz 15, 1944, 121 (Hebr.); Goodenough, Jewish Symbols I 225; S. Saller, SBF 4, 1953/54, 223
no. 10; B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 78, 1962, 86f.; BE 1964, 506; B. Lifshitz, Epigraphica 36, 1974, 84f.;
Hüttenmeister - Reeg, Synagogen 1, 519; L. Di Segni, SCI 13, 1994, 101f. nos. 21, 21a; SEG 44,
1350.
Photo: J. Euting, SPAW 35, 1885, pl. XI no. 80 (dr.); J. Germer-Durand, RB 1, 1892, 247 (dr.).
WA

1124. Epitaph of Zoila

Limestone slab, eight-line Greek inscription deeply incised in recessed field,


surface smoothed, with stylized pediment with acroteria, rosette inside tympa-
num; back unfinished. Guidelines
visible between lines of text; hedera
on either side of single word in last
line. Lines (indicating date) above
 in l.6 and above ª in l.7. Cur-
sive epsilon and w-shaped omega,
lunate sigma, alpha with straight
cross-bar.
Meas.: h 99, w 46, d 25.5 cm. In-
scribed area: h 52.5, w 31 cm; lines
average 28 cm, letters 3.5-6.5 cm.
Findspot: Apollonia or Dor.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no.
1949-1.

  
  
 


ΛΣΑ
  Ъ ª

App. crit.: Clermont-Ganneau’s text
shows minor discrepancies, the only
important one in l.6: .

Ñţ¸ ëÅ¿Š|»¼ Á¼ė̸À, | ëÌľÅ


ÌÉÀŠ|ÁÇÅ̸, Îţ|¸ŻÉÇË. (ìÌÇÍË) ºÂË’
ȼÂ|¸ţÇÍ Áő’. | ŠÉʼÀ! fig. 1124
Inscriptions 11

Zoila lies here, 30 years old, she loved (or: was loyal to) her husband. (year) 233, 26
Apellaius. Courage!

Comm.: Vincent reported that the stone was found in Apollonia, but it probably
came from Dor (see Clermont-Ganneau). Naturally, wherever it was found is not
necessarily the place where it was originally set up. Palaeography permits a wide
range of dates, from 2 c. to 5 c., cf. J. Kloppenburg Verbin, JJS 51, 2000, 271ff.;
DGI 894ff. It is a substantial monument, indicating that she, or her husband, were
persons of standing in their community. That Zoila’s husband’s name is not men-
tioned but that she is called Îţ¸ŻÉÇË indicates either her own personal impor-
tance, or that her husband erected the monument for her.
Zoila was a frequently used name in the Greek world, cf. the 30 examples in
LGPN, s.v. (and the over 800 instances of ÑţÂÇË); Schwabe - Lifshitz, Beth She‫ޏ‬arim
II no. 123.
The era used for the date is unclear. Vincent in ed. pr. considers the Seleucid
era – which is far-fetched – but seems to prefer a supposed “Gabinian era” dat-
ing from Aulus Gabinius’ reorganization of the Hasmonean kingdom in 57 BCE,
thus the year 233 = 176 CE. This dating has been followed by many authors, most
recently Roll - Tal, 23 n. 45 (and see O. Tal, http://www.tau.ac.il/humanities/ar-
chaeology/projects/proj_apollonia.html [viewed: 9 March 2011]). The problem is
that there is no strong evidence that such an era ever existed. One possiblity is
the Pompeian era attested on city-coins benefiting from Pompey’s eastern settle-
ment, ranging between 64 and 60 BCE, thus 233 = ca. 170 CE. See Meimaris,
Chron. Systems 74f., 117f.; regarding the present inscription, Meimaris mentions
both Pompeian and Gabinian eras without preference; Di Segni (DGI) assumes
that a Pompeian era is used. – The exhortation in the final line is apparently ad-
dressed to the deceased. – Frey included this text in CIJ, but there is no indisput-
able reason to identify it as Jewish.

Bibl.: Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 5, 1902, 285ff.; L. Vincent, RB 18, 1909, 445f. (edd. prr.). –
BE 1904, 261; 1910, 336; E. Baumann, ZDPV MN 16, 1910, 47; Klein, JPCI 52 no. 158, p. 105; CIJ
2, 891; IMC no. 264; Meimaris, Chron. Systems 118 no. 95; DGI 434f. no. 121. – Cf. I. Roll - O.
Tal, Apollonia-Arsuf. Final Report of the Excavations I, 1999
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
JJP

1125. A ring with Greek inscription

Ring made of bronze; a small disk carries the inscription.


Meas.: ൺ of the disc 1.1 cm.
Findspot: Found by Dr. Gerda Barag in the dunes of Apollonia.
12 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

Pres. loc.: “Tel Aviv in domo privata” (SEG), i. e. in the private collection of G. Barag; “now lost”
(Cotton - Geiger 53 n. 10).

 



Ĩºţ¸ | ¸¹Ç|ʸ

Health for Babosa.


fig. 1125

Comm.: l.1: SEG cites for the formula SEG 8, 273 (Gaza, Ĩºţ¸ ÄÇıÅÀÅ); 350 (“Ex
Palaestinae regione ignota”, Ĩºţ¸ ¸ÄÇÍšÂ); cf. e.g. IGLS 2, 304 (Zebed, “sur un lin-
teau”, inter alia ½ÇŢ, Ĩºţ¸; Christian parallels for the use of ÏŠÉÀË, ½ÑŢ, Ĩºţ¸ are sup-
plied); Perdrizet thought that all texts with these formula were from Syria, but see
the more general remark by Bonner, Magical Amulets 177: “Such words as Ĩºţ¼À¸,
½ÑŢ, ÌŧϾ, ÏŠÉÀË, ϸɊ, »ŧŸÄÀË, when inscribed on amulets, are naturally under-
stood as good wishes for the wearer”.
l.2f.: Lifshitz provides parallels for the name; Robert 368: “Le noms de la ra-
cine ¸¹-, bon exemple de ‘Lallnamen’ qui peuvent surgir en maint pays”, citing
inter alia Damascius, vita Isid. 76: Š¹À¸ »ò ÇĎ ŧÉÇÀ, Á¸Ė ÄŠÂÀÊ̸ ÇĎ ëÅ ¸ÄŠÊÁĿ,
ÌÛ Å¼ÇºÅÛ Á¸ÂÇıÊÀ ȸÀ»ţ¸, ô»¾ »ò Á¸Ė ÌÛ Ä¼ÀÉŠÁÀ¸ ÒÈġ ÌýË È¸ÉЏ ¸ĤÌÇėË ÅÇÄÀ½ÇĚžË
¸¹ţ¸Ë ¿¼Çı. A name of the same root is used in no. 1123.
Cotton - Geiger published a ring from Masada (SEG 45, 1957: uºţ¸ ABYOB),
which is supposed to come from the same workshop; cf. their opinion on p. 54: “It is
to be noted that, with one exception, the same letters appear on both inscriptions,
albeit not in the same order. It seems likely that the intention was to inscribe the
same name on both rings. The name on our [scil. the Masada-] ring, then, is more
likely to have been garbled by an illiterate engraver than to represent a deliberate
attempt to thwart the evil eye by confusing the letters”.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 78, 1962, 85ff. no. 8 pl. 12 B (ed. pr.). – BE 1964, 506; SEG 20, 466; H.
Cotton - J. Geiger, IEJ 45, 1995, 52ff. at 53 fig. 2. – Cf. P. Perdrizet, REG 27, 1914, 278; L. Robert,
Noms indigènes dans l’Asie-Mineure gréco-romaine, 1963.
Photo: B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 78, 1972, pl. 12 B.
WA

1126. A Samaritan Amulet

An octagonal bronze ring, two lines on each side.


Meas.: ൺ 2, w 4.5 cm; wt 2.04 gm. The face of each side: 9x45 mm; letters (average)
15 mm.
Inscriptions 13

Findspot: Surface find in Apollonia (Arsuf).


Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1965-1250.

(a) /+<
=<'
(b) #'/
39#
(c) /!+
#:
(d) !=+
!#'
(e) ):3#
#'+!
(f) +3! fig. 1126.1
%#!
(g) '&
+:
(h) %!'
':+

fig. 1126.2
Translit.: (a) šlm | yš‫ގ‬t
(b) ‫ގ‬myw | ‫ގ‬wq‫ޏ‬
(c) ‫ގ‬lhm | ‫ގ‬rw
(d) l‫ގ‬th | ywh
(e) w‫ޏ‬rk | hlyw
(f) h‫ޏ‬l | hwḥ
(g) ‫ގ‬ṭy | rgl
(h) yhḥ | lry

Comm.: So far seven sim-


ilar Samaritan rings are
known, some of which
were found in excava-
tions of Byzantine sites.
Usually the inscriptions
on rings are quotations
fig. 1126.3
from a narrow repertoire
of verses from the Torah, but this text has no obvious interpretation. Words or
letter combinations without apparent meaning, and nomina barbara, are com-
mon in Jewish amulets of the Byzantine period, and while there are no parallels
14 I. Apollonia – Arsuf

to such practices on Samaritan amulets, the practice probably best explains this
inscription. One ring that was found in Ein Ha’Shofet has an inscription with an
unidentified script which seems to be Samaritan script (Reich, 2002, 299 no. 13).
Reich considers the ring here an “ancient forgery,” meaning a ring manufactured
by an artist who did not know how to write magical formulas and made an object
that looks like an amulet. The date of this amulet is based on its cultural context:
Samaritan amulets are common in the Byzantine period, hence this one is to be
dated to the same era.

Bibl.: R. Reich, in: I. Roll - E. Ayalon ed., Apollonia and the Southern Sharon, 1989, 269ff. (Hebr.)
(ed. pr.). – J. Naveh, in: O. Rimon ed., Illness and Healing in Ancient Times, 1997, 18ff.; R. Reich,
in: E. Stern - H. Eshel eds., The Samaritans, 2002, 289-309 at 301f. (Hebr.).

Photo: IAA; Reich, 2002, 301 fig. 17.

HM

1127. An ostracon, 4-6 c. AD

Writing on both sides, incised after firing.


Meas.: h 3.6, w 4.4, d 1 cm; letters recto (exterior): 1.2 (M), 1.6 (P), rest 0.6-0.7 cm;
verso (interior): 1.4 (K), rest ca. 0.4 cm.

Findspot: Among the ruins of Apollonia, west of Kefar Shemaryahu.


Pres. loc.: Israel Museum, Jerusalem, inv. no. 2010.65.1644. Autopsy: 7 February 2011 (AE).

(a) ++I
+
(b)
+


App. crit.: (a) l.1f. | Schwabe,


| Ecker; Ecker’s reading works
only if we assume that the second letter
- which looks like a mirrored rho - was
meant to be a somewhat cursive alpha,
fig. 1127.1 (a)
and if we neglect the last vertical bar; the
upsilon is written above the omicron; (b) l.2f. | Schwabe, who read in
(b): Á (ÍÉţ¸) Á (¸ÂŢ). ĹÊ̼ ÇĤ »ÇÍ (¼ŧ¼ÀÅ) vel »ÇÍ (ÇıÊ¿¸À) vel »ÇÍ (ľÄ¸À). There seems to
be no parallel to KK = Á (ÍÉţ¸) Á (¸ÂŢ).  Ecker, but the letter looks a lot like the
first letter of (a) l.1; Ecker’s reading in l.3 is far from certain, but it is at least clear that
Schwabe’s billet doux disappears for good.
Inscriptions 15

Comm.: Schwabe dates the ostracon


according to “manufacture and baking
techniques” (p. IV); the writing seems
to concur with a date in Late Antiquity.
(a) if this is a name in the dative
(see app. crit.), then cf. Marusa from
Italy (ILCV 2829b, Tortona; IG 14, 2263,
Cosa), ¸ÉÇıË from Egypt, Asia Minor
(Korykos, Zgusta 298 § 873-14) and Syr-
ia (IGLS 1, 170). Most of these instances
are from late antiquity, too. fig. 1127.2 (b)
(b) The inscription is on the interior
of the shard, so it seems that it was incised only after the vessel was broken. It is
therefore quite improbable that it has any connection to the (former) content of the
vessel.

Bibl.: M. Schwabe, Tarbiz 24, 1955, iiif., 16ff. (ph.) (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – SEG 14, 846.
Photo: AE.
WA
Introduction 17

II. Caesarea

Introduction

Pyrgos Stratonos / Turris Stratonis

It is intended to provide in this introduction the information readers of this volume


need to know about the history of the city before looking at the inscriptions, rather
than provide a full survey of the excavations at the site. 
The predecessor of Caesarea-on-the-Sea, Straton’s Tower was presumably es-
tablished in the fourth century by one of the two Sidonian kings named Straton.
It first occurs on a papyrus of 259 BC as a stop in the journey through Palestine
of Zenon, an agent of the Ptolemaic dioiketes.1 It is next mentioned by Josephus
in connection with the Hasmonaean rulers Aristobulus I (104 BC) and Alexan-
der Jannaeus (103-76 BC).2 According to Josephus, Straton’s Tower and Dor were
held by a local ruler Zoilus at the beginning of the reign of Alexander Jannaeus.3
Zoilus was removed by Ptolemy Lathyrus who subsequently appears to have trans-
ferred Straton’s Tower to Alexander.4 Pompey detached it from the area ruled by
the Hasmonaeans.5 Augustus granted it to Herod.6 Straton’s Tower did not issue
coins. The exact location, the origin and meaning of the name and the date of its
establishment are still debated.7 The southern wall and tower recently excavated by
J. Porath, and these as well as the north wall and tower, have now been described as
the earliest construction carried out by Herod.8 Strabo, referring to Straton’s Tower
before its refoundation by Herod, notes that it had an anchorage.9 It is to be noted
that ‘tower’ (πύργος) as an element in a place name is highly unusual. Where the

1 P. Cairo Zenon, 59004 = CPJ 1 no. 2: ἐν Στράτων[ο]ς πυ(ργοῦ) ἀρ(τάβαι) 5.


2 Josephus, Ant. 13,312-313. At about the same time it is mentioned by the geographical
author Artemidorus, cited by Stephanus Byz. (ed. Meineke) s. v. Δῶρος.
3 Josephus, Ant. 13,324.
4 Josephus, Ant. 13,334-5.
5 Josephus, Ant. 14,76; BJ 1,156.
6 Josephus, Ant. 15,217; BJ 1,396.
7 R. L. Vann, Caesarea Papers. Straton’s Tower, Herod’s Harbour, and Roman and Byz-
antine Caesarea, 1992, Part 1; also: K. G. Holum – R. L. Hohlfelder – R. J. Bull – A.
Raban, King Herod’s Dream. Caesarea on the Sea, 1988, 25-54. The name may be de-
rived from that of a Sidonian king, Abdashtart, Straton in Greek, but it has also been
associated with that of a Ptolemaean general of the 3 c. BC. The earliest remains on
the site are the north wall and towers, uncovered by the Italian mission in 1963-64, but
their date remains disputed.
8 J. Porath, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1658.
9 Strabo 16,2,27: Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἄκην Στράτωνος πύργος πρόσορμον ἔχων.
18 II. Caesarea

term occurs, for instance in Strabo’s work, it invariably refers to an actual tower.10 It
is therefore at least possible that the original name only referred to a tower, erected
by someone called Strato on the site of an anchorage.11

Demetrias?

In this connection it is relevant to note A. Kushnir-Stein’s interesting study, sug-


gesting that an unidentified city in south Phoenicia, named Demetrias, which did
issue coinage, may in fact be identified with Strato’s Tower, the predecessor of Cae-
sarea.12 A lead weight of unknown provenance and several coins of Demetrias were
issued from 154/53 to ca. 40 BC. This seems to imply a fairly important settle-
ment and even a properly organized polis. If this is correct, as it seems to be, this
shows that Strato’s Tower was rather more important than one would assume from
Josephus. Following Nicolaus of Damascus, Josephus describes Strato’s Tower as
dilapidated when Herod re-founded and re-built it as Caesarea.13 This may easily
be understood as partisan historiography on the part of Josephus’ source, Nicolaus
of Damascus, friend and counsellor of Herod, because he would have wanted to
emphasize Herod’s achievement. So far there is little archaeological support for the
suggestion that there was a substantial town on the site before Herod’s building
project. The only structural evidence for earlier remains on the site so far appears
to be as follows:
– The foundations of Hellenistic dwellings uncovered by Avi-Yonah, and later
excavated by the joint expedition.14
– Several cist graves of the Hellenistic period uncovered under the Promontory
Palace in the sections excavated by the Israel Antiquities Authority and Penn-
sylvania University Team.15

10 E. g. Strabo 3,1,9; 3,55; 7,3,16; 17,1,6. There appear to be no instances in the work of
Pausanias or in the various periploi of the use of the word ‘tower’ in a place name.
11 Also dealing with the location, origin, name and date of establishment (including the
establishment of Caesarea as a Colony): R. R. Stieglitz, Stratonos Pyrgos – Migdal Śar
– Sebastos. History and Archaeology, in: Raban – Holum, Caesarea 1996, 593-608.
12 A. Kushnir-Stein, The Predecessor of Caesarea. On the Identification of Demetrias
in South Phoenicia, in: Humphrey, Near East 9-14. Two publications have expressed
doubts concerning the proposition: P. Lampinen, A Further Note on the Coins of De-
metrias which is on the Sea, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 358 f.; R. Stieglitz, Strato’s Tower
and Demetrias again. One Town or Two?, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 359 f. Subsequently it
was supported by O. Hoover, A Seleucid coinage of Demetrias by the Sea, INR 2, 2007,
77-87, pl. 14.
13 Josephus, BJ 1,408.
14 A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 282 f., bibliography on p. 286.
15 J. Porath, The Evolution of the Urban Plan of Caesarea’s Southwest Zone. New Evi-
dence from the Current Excavations, in: Raban – Holum, Caesarea 1996, 106 n. 3.
Introduction 19

– Wall fragment (excavated in 1990-1991, 1997-1998) embedded in the Herodian


fill in the Area of the Temple Platform.16

Josephus gives two reasons why it was important for Herod to build up Caesarea: Jeru-
salem was controlled by two strongholds: Herod’s palace on the west and the Antonia
fort on the Temple Mount. A third fortress ‘against the entire people’ was established
at Samaria-Sebaste, a crucial site ‘since it was only a day’s journey from Jerusalem and
would be equally useful in maintaining control in the city and in the country side.’ The
fourth major military site was Caesarea: ‘And he built a fortress for the entire nation in
the place formerly called Straton’s Tower but named by him Caesarea.’17 The first rea-
son, then, for Herod’s Caesarea project was military. The second is given by Josephus
as follows: ‘Now this city is located in Phoenicia, on the sea-route to Egypt, between
Joppa and Dora. These are small towns on the seashore and poor harbors because the
south-west wind beats on them and (always) dredges up sand from the sea upon the
shore, and thus does not permit a smooth landing; instead it is usually necessary for
merchants to ride unsteadily at anchor off shore’.18 This description was equally ap-
plicable in later periods, following the decline of the harbor of Caesarea and until the
construction of Haifa’s harbor in modern times. So, besides recognizing the fact that
the location was ‘very well suited to the site of a city,’19 in itself, Herod saw a need for a
proper harbor along this stretch of Mediterranean coast. The one he constructed was
‘larger than the Piraeus, including other deep roadsteads with its recesses.’20
As regards the name, Herod called the city Caesarea (Καισάρεια) to honor the
Emperor, while the harbor was named Sebastos / Augustus (Σεβαστὸς λιμήν).21
Subsequently the city came to be called ‘Caesarea near the August Port’ (Καισάρεια
ἡ πρὸς Σεβαστῷ λιμένι). Alternative forms are ‘Caesarea Stratonos’ (Καισάρεια
Στρατώνος).22 Later Caesarea of Palaestina became the usual form (Καισάρεια
Παλαιστίνης).23

16 K. G. Holum – E. G. Reinhardt – J. A. Stabler eds., Caesarea Reports and Studies, Exca-


vations 1995-2007 within the Old City and the Ancient Harbor, 2008, 17.
17 Josephus, Ant. 14,293-4: τῷ δὲ ἔθνει παντὶ φρούριον ἐνῳκοδόμησεν τὸ πάλαι μὲν
καλούμενον Στράτωνος πύργον, Καισάρειαν δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ προσαγορευθέν.
18 Josephus, Ant. 15,333-4: κεῖται μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ κατὰ τὸν εἰς Αἴγυπτον
παράπλουν Ἰόππης μεταξὺ καὶ Δώρων, πολισμάτια ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα
διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς, αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ πόντου θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾐόνα σύρουσαι
καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους
ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας. Similarly: Josephus, BJ 1,409-14.
19 Josephus, Ant. 15,331: χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον δέξασθαι πόλιν.
20 Josephus, Ant. 15,332: μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ, καταγωγὰς δ᾽ ἔνδον ἔχοντι καὶ
δευτέρους ὑφόρμους.
21 Josephus, Ant. 17.87; BJ 1,613 and coinage: L. Kadman, The Coins of Caesarea Mari-
tima, 1957, 29, 98-100.
22 E. g. Ptolemy, Geogr. 5,15,2 (M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism
II, 1980, 166, no. 337a); for this form, see Stern’s comments ad loc., p. 170.
23 Eusebius, Onomasticon 2,78 (ed. Klostermann); De mart. Pal. 1,2.
20 II. Caesarea

Herod’s building activities in the city are described by Josephus in some detail:24
he mentions the harbor with its breakwater and towers, one of them named after
Drusus Caesar,25 and a temple of Caesar, i. e. a temple of Rome and Augustus, ‘vis-
ible a great way off to those sailing into the harbor, which had a statue of Rome and
also one of Caesar,26 a theater, as well as a circus or amphitheater (adjacent to the
promontory palace) where ‘quinquennial games named after Caesar’ were held.27
The project took twelve years to complete. The buildings have been exposed over
decades of excavations.28 The town was built conforming to the usual grid plan.
Josephus does not mention the water supply of the city. There were two aqueducts
providing the city with water. One of those, the so-called ‘high-level aqueduct’ is a
double one, representing two stages. The later one is dated through a series of in-
scriptions attesting work by legionary units under Hadrian.29 It remains uncertain

24 Josephus, Ant. 15, 334-341; BJ 1,408-415.


25 See comments on inscription no. 1277 below.
26 Josephus, Ant. 15, 339: κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ᾽ οὗ νεὼς Καίσαρος ἄποπτος τοῖς
εἰσπλέουσιν ἄγαλμά τε τὸ μὲν Ῥώμης, τὸ δὲ Καίσαρος; BJ 1,414.
27 Josephus, Ant. 16,136-141.
28 For the theater: Scavi, and the earlier preliminary report: Missione archeologica italiana
a Caesarea, Caesarea Maritima (Israele). Rapporto preliminare della Ia campagna di
scavo della Missione archeologica italiana, 1959; also: A. Segal, SCI 8/9, 1985/88, 145-
65. For the temple platform: Holum et al., Caesarea Reports (n. 16), 17 ff; also: L. C.
Kahn, King Herod’s Temple of Rome and Augustus, in: ibid., 130-45. For the struc-
ture associated with the circus / amphitheater: J. Porath, Herod’s “amphitheatre” at
Caesarea. A multipurpose entertainment building, in: Humphrey, Near East 15-27;
J. Humphrey, ”Amphitheatrical” Hippostadia, ibid., 121-9; J. Porath, King Herod’s
Circus and Related Buildings. The Israel Antiquities Authority Excavation Project at
Caesarea 1992-1998. Final Reports Publications, Vol. I, Israel Antiquities Authority
(forthcoming); for the warehouses and granaries: J. Patrich, Warehouses and Grana-
ries in Caesarea Maritima, in: Raban – Holum, Caesarea 1996, 146-76. See also the ear-
lier publications: Caesarea Papers 2: Field reports 1A-B: Warehouse Quarter, Temple
Platform. The above publications refer to later periods, mainly Late Roman, Byzantine
and Medieval warehouses and granaries. There is no unequivocal archaeological evi-
dence for Herodian warehouses and granaries. Not even the foundations of the build-
ing dating from Herod’s time or shortly thereafter, uncovered below the walls of the
Byz. warehouse rooms 1-4 (Area LL): Holum, Caesarea Reports (n. 16). The suggestion
made by the excavators of area LL that ‘the early foundations and leveling fills might
indeed represent a large warehouse established in the Early Roman period when King
Herod first built Caesarea, as Raban suggested in: Holum, Caesarea Reports (n. 16),
151-4 is conjectural. For the harbor: J. P. Oleson et. al. eds, The Harbours of Caesarea
Maritima. Results of the Caesarea ancient Harbour excavation project, 1980-1985, 2
vols., 1989/94; Caesarea Papers 2 and Holum, Caesarea Reports (n. 16); M. Artzy – Z.
Gal – B. Goodman – A. Raban, The Harbour of Sebastos (Caesarea Maritima) in its
Roman Mediterranean Context, 2010.
29 Lehmann – Holum nos. 45-54 = below nos. 1200-1209.
Introduction 21

whether the earlier high-level aqueduct and the ‘low-level’ one were constructed in
the reign of Herod or at a later stage.30
After Herod’s death the city was assigned to Archelaus together with the rest
of Judaea.31 Following his deposition it came under the authority of the Roman
prefects, and next under that of Agrippa I, who minted coins there.32 After the
latter died in the city, 33 it reverted to the authority of the Roman representatives.
The presence of the prefects in Caesarea is attested in various sources.34 The
essential statement is Tacitus, Historiae 2,78,4: (Caesarea) Iudaeae caput est.35
The excavations on the site have uncovered the remains of what was, first, the
royal palace, next, the seat of the prefects and, thereafter, the residence of the
senatorial legates. In the Byzantine Period the site became the location of pri-
vate dwellings. 36 The complex includes a stately entrance, a large courtyard, the
palace proper, and several administrative offices and chambers. It was located
adjacent to the circus. It served in this function until the beginning of the fourth
century.
In addition the residence of the financial procurator of the Province of Judaea/
Palaestina has been uncovered, some 350 m north of the promontory palace in
what is called the area CC and the northern part of area NN, north of decumanus

30 For the aqueducts: L. I. Levine, Roman Caesarea. An Archaeological-Topographical


Study, 1975, 30-35; references in: NEAEHL 1, 280; 5, 1663 ff.
31 Josephus, Ant. 17.320; BJ 2,97; the other cities being Sebaste, Joppa and Jerusalem.
32 Y. Meshorer, Jewish Coins of the Second Temple Period, 1967, 78 ff. The city is de-
scribed as ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙΑ Η ΠΡΟΣ ΤΩ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩ ΛΙΜΗΝΙ.
33 Josephus, Ant. 19,343.
34 For instance Josephus, BJ 2,171-4; Ant. 18,57-59 (Pilate); for Pilate, see the famous in-
scription below, no. 1277, apparently commemorating the reconstruction of one of
the towers at the entrance to the harbor; Josephus, Ant. 20,116-7; BJ 2,229 (Cumanus
and advisors); Ant. 20,122; BJ 2,236-7 (Cumanus marches from Caesarea with the ala
of Sebastenians and four cohorts of infantry to suppress unrest); Acts 25 (Festus, the
procedure against Paul); BJ 2,282; 2,407 (Florus); 2,332 (Florus returns to Caesarea
with his troops).
35 R. Haensch, Capita Provinciarum. Statthaltersitze und Provinzialverwaltung in der
römischen Kaiserzeit, 1997, 227-37 and testimonia: 548-56.
36 The date of the construction of the residence, in the reign of Herod or afterwards,
is not quite clear. L. I. Levine – E. Netzer eds., Excavations at Caesarea Maritima.
1975, 1976, 1979. Final Report, 1986, 180 ff.; E. Netzer, The Promontory Palace, in:
Raban – Holum, Caesarea Maritima 1996, 193 ff.; Caesarea Papers 2, 1B; see also: B.
Burrell, Palace to Praetorium. The Romanization of Caesarea, ibid., 228 ff. See below,
nos. 1266-1271; NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1658 f. with a plan on p. 1658. The governor’s resi-
dence is mentioned by Josephus, BJ 2,171: τὴν οἰκίαν; Acts 23,25: Paul was kept ἐν τῷ
πραιτωρίῳ τοῦ Ἡρῴδου. Eusebius, HE 6,39,2-3 (ἡγεμονικὰ δικαστήρια). The termi-
nology in Acts seems to confirm the origin of the building as, first a Herodian palace
and, subsequently, a Praetorium, the governor’s residence in the city, for Herod, a cli-
ent king, had no praetorium but a palace.
22 II. Caesarea

S2, near the sea shore.37 In the Byzantine period this became the residence of the
governor of Palaestina I.38 The complex included a bath house, halls that prob-
ably represent a library or archive room and a main conference and judicial hall,
an east-west basilica-like structure and a central courtyard. To the Byzantine pe-
riod belongs a structure that has been called the ‘tax revenue office’, seven rooms
around a central hall, and a public latrine (in the south-east). The northern part of
the structure was partly damaged by the crusader moat. In one of the fifteen vaults
underneath the western and southern part of this complex a mithraeum of the 3 c.
AD has been uncovered.39
The city developed rapidly. By 67, according to Josephus, it was ‘one of the
largest cities of Judaea, with a population consisting chiefly of Greeks’ (i. e. Greek-
speaking non-Jews).40 There was a substantial Jewish minority in the 1 c. AD, deci-
mated in the civil struggles during the revolt of 66-70, but prosperous again in the
3 c., as noted below. We should note that this is clear from the literary sources, but
that it is not reflected by the epigraphic material.
The non-Jewish population of the city and its territory furnished a substantial
part of the troops in Judaea under Herod and perhaps under the prefects. These
were one ala of cavalry and five cohorts of infantry of ‘Caesareans and Sebastenes’.
They are mentioned first in connection with the upheaval following the death of
Herod in 4 BC, as being three thousand in number.41 The next occasion for their
appearance in Josephus’ work is the death of Agrippa I in AD 44 when the pop-
ulations of Caesarea and Sebaste, especially the numerous soldiers among them,
caused scandal by their exuberant and tasteless expressions of joy at the death of the
king whom they regarded as a pro-Jewish enemy. By way of punishment Claudius
initially decided to transfer the troops to Pontus, but he let himself be persuaded
to leave them in Judaea where they remained and continued to be a source of ten-

37 NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1676 ff., plan on p. 1677; for the nearby warehouse complex: 1678 ff.;
inscriptions nos. 1282-1344.
38 Malalas, Chron. 18,119 (ed. Thurn) reports that, in 556, the Samaritans killed the gov-
ernor ‘in the praetorium.’ This must refer to the Byzantine palace, not the promontory
palace. For the rebellion of that year, see below.
39 In the mithraeum a medallion and wall paintings were discovered that identify the
structure without doubt. See J. A. Blakely, Caesarea Maritima. The Pottery and Dating
of Vault I. Horreum, Mithraeum and Later Uses, 1987; R. J. Painter, The Origins and
Social Context of Mithraism at Caesarea Maritima, in: T. L. Donaldson ed., Religious
Rivalries and the Struggle for Success in Caesarea Maritima, 2000, 205-25.
40 Josephus, BJ 3,409-410: Καισάρειαν, μεγίστην τῆς τε Ἰουδαίας πόλιν καὶ τὸ πλέον ὑφ᾽
Ἑλλήνων οἰκουμένην.
41 Josephus, BJ 2,52: three thousand Sebastenians under Rufus, commander of the cav-
alry, and Gratus, commander of the infantry; BJ 2,58; 63; Ant. 17,266. For these troops,
see Schürer I, 363-5. For the army of Herod, see I. Shatzman, The armies of the Has-
monaeans and Herod. From Hellenistic to Roman Frameworks, 1991; for that of Herod
and Agrippa II, see also M. H. Gracey, in: D. Kennedy – P. Freeman eds, The Defence
of the Roman and Byzantine East, 1986, 311-23.
Introduction 23

sion, until Vespasian moved them elsewhere.42 Caesarea, being a major city and
seat of the governor had a military presence. The presence of soldiers, individu-
ally or in larger numbers, at least temporarily, is directly attested on several occa-
sions, first in Acts 10, 1, where it is stated (around AD 40): ‘In Caesarea there was a
man named Cornelius, centurion of what was known as the Italian Cohort…’. The
man is mentioned in Acts because he was said to be a sympathizer towards Judaism
(φοβούμενος τὸν θεόν) who converted to Christianity with his household. If true,
such an attitude seems not to have been typical of officers in these units. The second
occurrence refers to the time of Paul’s imprisonment, about 60, when there was said
to be an ‘Augustan cohort’ there.43 Josephus reports that Cumanus (procurator 48
– ca. 52) marched from Caesarea with troops consisting of an ala of Sebasteni and
four cohorts of infantry, to suppress unrest in the Galilee.44 Florus, in 66, returns
from Jerusalem to Caesarea with his troops, leaving one cohort in Jerusalem.45 For
the period after 70 the sort of evidence we have does not supply such information.
The social and ethnic mix in Caesarea apparently caused tension and occa-
sional open conflict from the beginning, but it came to a head in the reign of Nero,
towards the end of the term of office of Felix, the procurator. The issue was the re-
spective status of the Jewish and non-Jewish communities, both demanding prece-
dence.46 The Jews based their claim on the fact that the founder, Herod, was Jewish,
while ‘the Syrians’ or ‘Greeks’ – Josephus uses both terms without clear distinction
– argued that there were no Jews in Strato’s Tower before Herod refounded it. The
Jews were wealthier, but the Syrians were proud because ‘most of those in military
service there under the Romans came from Caesarea and Sebaste’. When the con-
flict turned violent the Jews were suppressed by the local garrison. A Jewish em-
bassy to Rome failed to improve matters, for Nero’s secretary, ab epistulis Graecis,
was bribed by the leaders of the Syrians in Caesarea which resulted in a decision in
favour of the Syrians. Consequently the Jews were deprived of their rights and the
Syrians were declared sole masters of the city in AD 61.

42 Josephus, Ant. 19,356-66. See also 20,122 for troops in action against Jews. For these
troops see also Shatzman (n. 41), 185-6; 193-4.
43 Acts 10,1: Ἀνήρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρείᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης
τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς. M. P. Speidel, The Roman Army in Judaea under the Pro-
curators. The Italian and the Augustan Cohort in the Acts of the Apostles, AncSoc
13/14, 1982/83, 233–40. Speidel suggests identifying the Italian cohort, mentioned in
Acts 10,1, with the II Italica c. R. mentioned on a gravestone from Carnuntum, CIL 3,
13483a (= ILS 9169). For the Augustan cohort (σπεῖρα Σεβαστή), mentioned in Acts
27,1, he refers to an inscription which shows that a unit of that name served in the army
of Agrippa II: Dunand, Hauran, no. 168; see also SEG 7, 1100; OGIS 412. Gracey (n. 41),
320, has reservations regarding the identification of the Augustan cohort in the Acts
with that of Agrippa II as proposed by Speidel.
44 Josephus, Ant. 20,122; BJ 2,236. The incident was to cost the procurator his job.
45 Josephus, BJ 2,332.
46 Josephus, Ant. 20,173-178; 182-5; BJ 2,266-270; 284-292.
24 II. Caesarea

In 66 AD the Syrian/Greek population of Caesarea attacked the Jews there ac-


cording to Josephus. This, he says, marked the beginning of the war. Florus, the
procurator, took bribes from the Jews without taking serious measures to calm the
situation47 which continued to deteriorate. The decisive event was the massacre of
the Jews in Caesarea, twenty-thousand in number, according to Josephus. Florus,
the procurator, was present in the city at the time, acting against the few remaining
Jews there.48 Caesarea and its non-Jewish citizens played a significant role through-
out the war of 66-70. In 67 Vespasian enlisted in his army 5 cohorts and one ala from
Caesarea that is three thousand men.49 The city provided the Roman army with win-
ter-quarters. In 67 ‘the inhabitants received the army and its general with blessings
and congratulations of every description motivated partly by goodwill towards the
Romans, but mainly by hatred of the vanquished.’50 In the summer and autumn of
67 Vespasian established two of his legions, the tenth and fifth, in Caesarea or in a
temporary base near the city, ‘finding the city suitable for the purpose; the fifteenth
legion he sent to Scythopolis, in order not to burden Caesarea with his whole army.’51
After the campaign in Gaulanitis, towards the end of 67, the tenth legion stayed at
Scythopolis, and the fifth and fifteenth were taken by Vespasian to Caesarea ‘to re-
cruit them after their incessant toil, and with the idea that the abundance of city life
would invigorate their bodies and impart fresh alacrity for coming struggles.’52 Ves-
pasian remained in Caesarea with his troops until the spring of 68.53
In July of 69 Vespasian was proclaimed emperor by his troops in Caesarea.54
After the fall of Jerusalem Caesarea served as Titus’ headquarters where he cel-
ebrated his own victory and Domitian’s birthday, having more than two thousand
five hundred Jewish captives killed in various contests.55
It was in connection with these events that the first Roman road – attested so
far in Judaea – was constructed in AD 69, from Caesarea to Scythopolis, linking
the two cities that served repeatedly as temporary bases for Vespasian’s army.56

47 Josephus, BJ 2,287-88.
48 Josephus, BJ 2,457; 7,362
49 Josephus, BJ 3,66.
50 Josephus, BJ 3,409-410.
51 Josephus, BJ 3,412-3.
52 Josephus, BJ 4,87-8, trans. Thackeray, Loeb.
53 Josephus, BJ 4,443.
54 Suetonius, Vesp. 6, however, asserts that Vespasian was proclaimed emperor first on
1 July, by Tiberius Julius Alexander and the army in Egypt and on 11 July by the army
in Judaea. Tacitus, Hist. 2,79 has the same date as Suetonius for Tiberius Iulius Alex-
ander’s and 3 July for Vespasian’s own troops. Josephus, BJ 4,601 ff. provides no exact
date, but gives priority to the army in Judaea. According to him Mucianus followed
while Alexander did so only after a personal appeal by Vespasian himself.
55 Josephus, BJ 7,20; 23; 37.
56 B. Isaac – I. Roll, A Milestone of AD 69 from Judaea, JRS 66, 1976, 9-14 = Isaac, Near
East, 36-45; for the road: B. Isaac – I. Roll, Roman Roads in Judaea I. The Scythopolis
– Legio Road, 1982.
Introduction 25

After the war Caesarea was refounded as a Colonia Civium Romanorum. The
date is not quite certain.57 Josephus does not mention the change.58 The Elder Pliny
refers to the event: ‘… the Tower of Strato otherwise Caesarea, founded by King
Herod, but now the colony called Prima Flavia, established by the Emperor Ves-
pasian; this is the frontier of Palestine, 189 miles from the confines of Arabia…’.59
The Digest adds information: ‘The Divine Vespasian made the Caesarienses coloni
without adding the ius italicum, but remitting the poll-tax; but the divine Titus
decided that the soil had been made immune also.’60 In other words, the colony
did not receive the full status of an Italian city, but it did obtain the same sig-
nificant material advantages. The title of the city appears on coins and inscriptions
as ‘Col(onia) Prima Fl(avia) Aug(usta) Caesariensis’ or ‘Caesarea’.61 In the reign of
Severus Alexander metropolis was added, a title that was once used for Jerusalem
as a matter of course.62
Caesarea received the name of ‘First Flavian Colony Augusta Caesarea’ because
it was the place where Vespasian was first proclaimed Emperor. That much is obvi-
ous. A more important question is still a matter of dispute. Traditionally, from the
times of the Roman republic, a Roman colony was a city where Roman citizens were
settled. These could be civilians or veterans. Colonies could be entirely new founda-
tions on sites where no earlier community existed at the time of colonization, or they
could be veteran-settlements planted in existing towns, the result being a commu-
nity consisting of new settlers and the original population. A third possibility is the

57 See the recent discussion by J. Patrich, The Date of the Establishment of Caesarea as a
Colony, in: J. Geiger – H. M. Cotton – G. D. Stiebel eds., Israel’s Land. Papers Presented
to Israel Shatzman on his Jubilee, 2009, 137-56 (Hebr.).
58 Josephus, BJ 7,217, records that Vespasian allotted landed property in Emmaus near
Jerusalem to some eight hundred veterans. He does not refer to any other settlement of
veterans in Judaea after the war.
59 Pliny, NH 5,68f.: Ostracine Arabia finitur, a Pelusio LXV p… Stratonis Turris, eadem
Caesarea ab Herode rege condita, nunc colonia Prima Flavia a Vesasiano Imperatore
deducta, finis Palaestines, CLXXXVIII p. a confinio Arabiae. Dein Phoenice; …
60 Digest 50,15,8,7: Divus Vespasianus Caesarienses colonos fecit non adiecto, ut et iuris
Italici essent, sed tributum his remisit capitis; sed divus Titus etiam solum immune fac-
tum interpretatus est. For the ius italicum see: A. N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citi-
zenship, 2nd ed. 1973, 316-22.
61 For the coins, see Kadman (n. 21). Inscriptions: below, no. 2095, the dedication of the
statue of M. Flavius Agrippa, pontifex and IIviral(is) by decree of the decurions of the
colony found in Maiumas (Shuni), situated in the territory of the colony, some 6 km
northeast of Caesarea, too. Note a papyrus of 22.1.150: PSI 9.1026 = CPL 117.
62 Kadman (n. 21), 24, 46f. Coins after Decius have: metropolis prov(inciae) S(yriae)
Pal(aestinae). Inscriptions with this title: below, nos. 1370 f.; for the sixth and seventh
centuries: P. Nessana 36; 37; 74. For Jerusalem as ‘metropolis’: Strabo 16,2,28 (759);
Philo, Leg. 305. Note also the titles acquired under Septimius Severus: Colonia Prima
Flavia Augusta F(elix) C(onstans?) Caesarensis preserved on the coinage, e. g. Kadman
(n.21), no.77.
26 II. Caesarea

grant of colonial status to a provincial city while no actual settlement of citizens or


veterans from elsewhere was imposed on the community. This was therefore purely a
matter of status without any change in the composition of the population of the city.
In the case of Caesarea both possibilities have been considered, but no agreement has
been reached.63 The difference is important. If the grant of colonial status was a for-
mality, then the only result of the war of 66-70 was the destruction of the Jewish pop-
ulation in the city and, for the remaining population, an improvement in the status
of the city. If veterans were settled there, this would have had a significant impact on
the social composition of the citizenry. All that can be said with any certainty at this
stage is that many of the regular Graeco-Roman deities were worshipped in the city.
Besides the Temple of Roma and Augustus and the Mithraeum already mentioned
there is evidence from inscriptions, the coinage and sculpture found in the city. Dei-
ties represented are Zeus, Jupiter Dolichenus, Jupiter Turmasgade, Poseidon, Apollo,
Ares, Artemis of Ephesus, Helios, Heracles, Nike, Asklepius, Dionysus, Demeter,
Kore, Aphrodite, Athene, Isis,64 Serapis, and the Tyche of Caesarea.65
In recent years it has become far more obvious than it was in the past that the
internal organization of the Colonia Caesariensis was similar to that of other Roman
colonies.66 The city was clearly divided into vici, a concept known from other colo-
nies. The council of decuriones is several times represented in inscriptions;67 duum-
viri, the highest magistrates are mentioned in many of them,68 and the quaestura is
attested as an office.69 Seviri Augustales are also identified.70 Where these officials
appear in inscriptions, the Latin language is used, as was usual in Roman colonies, a
practice also visible in most of the building inscriptions of the city.71 A Roman citizen

63 Werner Eck assumes veterans were indeed settled in Caesarea: W. Eck, The Presence,
Role and Significance of Latin in the Epigraphy and Culture of the Roman Near East,
in: From Hellenism to Islam, 13-42; B. Isaac, however, has argued that Caesarea was
a titular colony. No actual settlement of veterans took place according to this view: B.
Isaac, Latin in Cities of the Roman Near East, ibid., 43-72.
64 For the Isis cult, note in particular the papyrus containing an invocation of Isis of the
early 2 c. with a list of places where Isis was worshipped: P.Oxy 1380.94: ἐν Στρ[ατώ]νος
Πύργῳ Ἑλλάδα, ἀγαθήν. This emphasizes the Hellenistic character of the city at the
time.
65 R. Gersht, Representations of Deities and the Cults of Caesarea, in: Raban – Holum,
Caesarea 1996, 208-27. For the coinage, Kadman (n. 21), 53-62. See also: R. J. Painter,
Greco-Roman Religion in Caesarea Maritima, in: Donaldson (n. 39), 105-25.
66 W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 169-72; see below no. 1241.
67 See below inscriptions nos. 1228, 1234, 1278, 1279, 1358.
68 H. Cotton – W. Eck, A New Inscription from Caesarea Maritima and the Local Elite of
Caesarea Maritima, in: L. Rutgers ed., What Athens Has to Do with Jerusalem. Essays
on Classical, Jewish, and Early Christian Art and Archaeology in Honor of Gideon
Foerster, 2002, 375-91. Below inscriptions nos. 1228, 1269, 1358, 1359, 2095.
69 Below no. 1360.
70 Below no. 1363.
71 Below nos. 1365-1369.
Introduction 27

who honors a philosopher with a statue may use the Greek language because of his
profession, yet the description of his function, κουράτορ πλοίων, refers to the Roman-
Latin structure of the colony.72 Only in the course of the third century the use of Latin
seems to weaken73 and there is no Latin inscription that can be dated with full assur-
ance to the time after the early 4 c. AD, apart from an exceptional object, a ceremonial
bronze cup from the middle of the 4 c.74 Perhaps the inscription on this cup is in Latin,
because it was the language of the pagan tradition of the colony, at a time when Chris-
tianity was gradually and increasingly determining the culture of the city.
The city, of course, remained the capital of the Roman province of Judaea
and residence of the governor with his tribunal, as attested in various sources.75
When the governor became a senatorial legate with the title of legatus Augusti pro
praetore,76 a second senior offical was as usual added, namely the financial procu-
rator whose residence in Caesarea has already been mentioned. The excavations
of the governor’s palace have brought to light inscriptions that add much to our
understanding of the organization of such a residence.77 Thus one of the rooms
has been identified as sc(ola) (centurionum) which shows that the room functioned
both as an office and for social purposes.78 A mosaic in another room mentions
frumentarii,79 yet another the offici(um) custodiar(um), the office of the prison ad-
ministration.80 Also attested are the governor’s beneficiarii, legionaries attached
to his staff.81 Several inscribed bases attest the presence of imperial statues in the
praetorium.82 In the financial procurator’s palace, mentioned above, inscribed stat-
ue bases of holders of this office and of other imperial grandees have been found.83

72 Below no. 1266.


73 Seats of the eastern amphitheater reserved for decuriones are marked in Greek, below
nos. 1361-1362. These texts can hardly antedate the 3 c.
74 E. Will, Monuments et mémoires 65, 1983, 1 ff.; J. Patrich, in: J. Geiger – H. M. Cot-
ton – G. Stiebel eds. Israel’s Land. Papers Presented to Israel Shatzman on his Jubilee,
2009, 135 ff. (Hebr.); J. Patrich, Studies in the Archaeology and History of Caesarea
Maritima. Collected Essays chap. III (in print). See below no. 1138.
75 Josephus, BJ 7, 407: The legate Flavius Silva, returned to Caesarea after the subjection
of Masada. Eusebius, HE 6,39,2: in the reign of Decius, Alexander, bishop of Jerusa-
lem, appeared in Caesarea before the governor’s court; 7,12: in the reign of Valerian,
three Christians were condemned to death there; 7,15: another such case in the reign
of Gallienus.
76 E. g. ILS 1035; 1035a.
77 Cotton – Eck, Governors.
78 Below no. 1382.
79 Below no. 1383.
80 Below no. 1384.
81 Below no. 1375.
82 Below nos. 1376-1380.
83 W. Eck – H. Cotton, Inscriptions from the Financial Procurator’s Praetorium in Cae-
sarea, in: Studies Tsafrir, 98*-114*; see below nos. 1283 ff.
28 II. Caesarea

A letter of Apollonius of Tyana (1 c. AD?) to the councilors of Caesarea gives


an impression of the standing of the city. Even if it is not authentic, it still gives
someone else’s impression of a somewhat later date. According to the letter the
city of Caesarea was ‘…the greatest one in Palestine and the best of those there
in respect of size, laws, and customs, and its ancestors’ bravery in war and their
morals in peacetime … I must both admire and honor (your city) above all oth-
ers, and so also must every other sensible person. … I was delighted by your
Greek customs, which reveal your particular excellence by means of your public
letter …’ (Ap. Ty., ep. 11, ed. and transl. Jones).
Hadrian’s reign has left its mark on the city for two reasons. First, as already men-
tioned, the water supply was improved by the addition of a second channel to the
high-level aqueduct, constructed by legionary detachments, as attested by inscrip-
tions, already mentioned. These inscriptions are not dated and it is therefore not
quite clear when these activities took place. It may have coincided with Hadrian’s
visit and activities in 129/130 or the units may have been there not at the same time,
but in succession. Alternatively it may have been a project carried out during the
presence of numerous troops in the province suppressing the Second Revolt (132-
136). Second, a Hadrianeum was built in the city; the nature of the building is not
certain.84
Caesarea’s prosperity is noted also in later sources. The Expositio totius mundi
describes it as a ‘charming city with an abundance of everything and remarkable
for its plan. Its tetrapylon is well-known everywhere because it is a unique and an
unprecedented structure.’85 Like some other Palestinian cities it exported purple of
good quality.86 Ammianus lists Caesarea, together with Eleutheropolis, Neapolis,
Ascalon and Gaza as ‘one of the splendid cities of Palestine.’87

The Jewish presence

For the first century this community is attested in the work by Josephus, for the
later period it is attested in Talmudic material, inscriptions and the excavations of

84 Lehmann – Holum, no. 58 = below no. 1262.


85 Expositio totius mundi (ed. Rougé) 26: Iam etiam et Caesarea civitas est similiter deli-
ciosior et abundans omnibus et dispositione civitatis in multa eminens. Tetrapylon enim
eius nominatur ubique, quod unum et novum aliquod spectaculum.
86 Ibid. 31. Cf. 32: the city participated in circus games and was known for its panto-
mimes.
87 Ammianus 14,8,11: (Palaestina) …et civitates habens quasdam egregias, nullam nulli
cedentem, sed sibi vicissim velut ad perpendiculum aemulas: Caesaream, quam ad ho-
norem Octaviani principis exaedificavit Herodes, et Eleutheropolim et Neapolim, iti-
demque Ascalonem Gazam, aevo superiore extructas. Note also Clemens Romanus,
Recognitiones 1,12: Caesaream Stratonis, quae est Palaestinae urbs maxima, adpulsus
sum.
Introduction 29

a synagogue.88 There is little evidence concerning the second century and what
exists is not conclusive. Rabban Simeon b. Gamaliel II is recorded as having vis-
ited Caesarea towards the middle of the century, but one cannot say what was his
purpose in doing so – after all, the city was the provincial capital.89 Clearly sig-
nificant was the enactment taken by R. Judah ha-Nasi, to exempt Caesarea from
the observances obligatory only in the Land of Israel, such as the prohibition to
consume produce grown by Jews during the Sabbatical year.90 The purpose of this
enactment was to reinforce the Jewish presence in cities with a mixed population
and a non-Jewish majority. As regards Ascalon there is more information about the
procedure: first the city was purified from the pollution attached to foreign lands;
thereafter it was exempted from the observances obligatory in the Land of Israel.
This shows that the intention was not to exclude these cities from the territory of
the halakhic Land of Israel.91 The obvious explanation for such measures is that
they were meant to stimulate Jewish settlement in places where the first and second
centuries had seen a drastic decline.
Perhaps partly as a result of these measures the Jewish community in Caesarea
was a prosperous one in the 3 c. when it was also the center of a well-known group
called ‘the rabbis of Caesarea.’92 S. Lieberman even suggested that part of the Je-
rusalem Talmud was redacted in Caesarea.93 Particularly influential among those
was R. Abbahu (ca. 280-ca. 320), distinguished also for his wealth. The influence
and importance of this group is clear also from the fact that leading figures from
Tiberias were present in the city.94 The fact that Caesarea was a mixed city can be
seen from several of R. Abbahu’s decisions. He knew Greek very well and allowed
teaching the language to one’s daughter, for which he refers to R. Yoḥanan.95 We

88 For the synagogue, see Govaars – Spiro – White, The “Synagogue” Site; L. I. Levine in:
Raban – Holum, Caesarea 1996, 392-400; id., Ancient Synagogue, 68. For the Jewish
community in Caesarea from the 3 c. onward, see Levine, Caesarea, ch. 5; H. Bie-
tenhard, Caesarea, Origenes und die Juden, 1974; M. Murray, Jews and Judaism in
Caesarea Maritima, in: Donaldson (n. 39), 127-52. For the inscriptions, below nos.
1139-1145.
89 T.Sukka 2,2, ed. Lieberman, p. 260; TK 4,850; y.Sukka 2,5,53a; cf. Levine, Caesarea,
44f. and note 119.
90 y.Demai 2,22c, 121: ‘Rabbi (Judah ha-Nasi) exempted Beth Shean (from the Sabbatical
year and tithing obligations), Rabbi exempted Caesarea, Rabbi exempted Beth Guvrin,
Rabbi exempted Kefar Zemah…’ Cf. Levine, Caesarea, 67 f. For this topic in general: A.
Oppenheimer, Rabbi Judah ha-Nasi, 2007 (Hebr.), 69-83 (Engl. ed. forthcoming).
91 yShevi‘it 6,1,36c; tAhilot 8,18; see also, ibid 8,4.
92 In Talmudic literature these are cited as a group, ‘Rabbanan de Qisrin’, rather than
individually by name as usual. Cf. Levine, Caesarea, 95 ff.
93 S. Lieberman, The Talmud of Caesarea, Tarbiz 1, 1931, Supplement (Hebr.). See also:
id., Greek in Jewish Palestine, 1942 and id., Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, 1962.
94 Levine, Caesarea, 90 f.
95 yPeah 1,1,15:
30 II. Caesarea

may also note that R. Abbahu is reported to have had Goths for his personal body-
guards.96
This reinforces the impression of a lively Greek culture among Caesarean Jews
that we gain from the literary – but not from the epigraphic material.
We even get the impression that the Jews living in Caesarea at the time were
not all bilingual. There seem to have been quite a few who knew only Greek, for
there are reports that the “Kriat Shema” was said in Greek in spite of the rule that it
should be said only in Hebrew.97
Several Jews from Caesarea were buried in Beth Sheʁarim which may well be an
indication of wealth.98

Christians99

A few passages in Acts concerning Christians in Caesarea have been mentioned


above. Paul set sail for Tarsus from Caesarea.100 The city is mentioned also as the
home of Philip the evangelist, ‘one of the seven’.101 It is mentioned again as the loca-
tion of Paul’s imprisonment by Felix and Festus until he appealed to Caesar.102 As
in the case of the Jews and Samaritans, the evidence of the Christian community
in Caesarea is sparse for the second century and much better for the third. The
first known bishop of Caesarea is Theophilus, about AD 189.103 Together with Nar-
cissus, bishop of Jerusalem, he presided over the council at Caesarea in 195. The
two bishoprics are known for their long-lasting rivalry, since Jerusalem was the
mother church and Caesarea the provincial capital. There is a connection between
ecclesiastical and administrative status: Severus Alexander elevated the city to the
rank of metropolis and hence the bishop of Caesarea became later metropolitan of
Palestine, a title which remained in force until the council of Chalcedon (451) when
this rank was transferred to the bishop of Jerusalem.104

96 yBetzah 1,7,60c.
97 ySotah 7,1,21b.
98 For instance Schwabe – Lifshitz, Beth Sheʁarim II, no. 203, 190f.
99 G. Downey, Caesarea and the Christian Church, in: C. T. Fritsch – G. Downey eds.,
The Joint Expedition to Caesarea Maritima 1. Studies in the History of Caesarea
Maritima, 1975, 23-42. Levine, Caesarea, ch. 7, 113-34; R. S. Ascough, Christianity in
Caesarea Maritima, in: Donaldson (n. 39), 153-79.
100 Acts 9,30.
101 Acts 21,8. Jerome says that in his days the house of Philip in Caesarea was displayed
to visitors: Ep. 108,31: Caesaream … in qua Cornelii domum Christi uidit ecclesiam et
Philippi aediculas et cubiculum quattuor uirginum prophetarum.
102 Acts 23-26.
103 Eusebius, HE 5,22-3.
104 Z. Rubin, Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the Conflict between the Sees of Cae-
sarea and Jerusalem, Cathedra 2, 1982, 79-105; id., The See of Caesarea in Conflict
Introduction 31

During the period of official persecutions of Christianity, from the mid-third


century until the early fourth, Caesarea too saw its share of casualties.105
Two of the most prominent church fathers of their age provide information
about the Christian community in the 3 and 4 c., Origen (born around 185 in Al-
exandria), who lived there from about 230 until his death in 254 and maintained
one of the most influential schools of his time,106 and Eusebius (ca. 260-340), who
served for some twenty-five years, from 315 until ca. 340, as bishop in his native
Caesarea.107 Relevant is also the fact that Eusebius’ teacher Pamphilus founded a
large library of Christian works at Caesarea, enlarged afterwards by Eusebius and
others.108 There was a scriptorium too which Constantine, in a letter to Eusebius,
ordered to produce fifty bibles for distribution in Constantinople.109 When Euse-
bius was bishop of Caesarea he was involved in the conflict in the church concern-
ing Arianism.

Samaritans110

Sources of the 3 c. and afterward indicate that there was a considerable Samari-
tan community in Caesarea.111 They occupied positions of influence in the Ro-
man hierarchy. A Talmudic passage has been interpreted as indicating that many
members of the officium of the governor were Samaritans.112 Not much can be said
with certainty about the mutual relations of the Samaritans with the other groups
in the city. It is, however, clear that, by the third century, the Jews regarded them as
entirely non-Jewish.113

with Jerusalem from Nicaea (325) to Chalcedon (451), in: Raban – Holum, Caesarea
1996, 476-95.
105 Levine, Caesarea, 131-4; Ascough (n. 99), 174 ff.
106 N. R. M. de Lange, Origen and the Jews, 1976; P. Nautin, Origène. Sa vie et son œuvre,
1977; H. Crouzel, Origen, 1989. For the school: H. Lapin, Jewish and Christian Acad-
emies in Roman Palestine. Some Preliminary Observations, in: Raban – Holum,
Caesarea 1996, 496-512.
107 D. S. Wallace-Hadrill, Eusebius of Caesarea, 1960; T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eu-
sebius, 1981.
108 Eusebius, HE 6,32. Cf. A. Grafton - M. Williams, Christianity and the Transforma-
tion of the Book. Origen, Eusebius, and the Library of Caesarea, 2006.
109 Eusebius, VC 4,36. Cf. Barnes (n. 107), 124f.
110 For Samaritans in Caesarea, see Levine, Caesarea, ch. 6, 107-12; R. Pummer, Samari-
tanism in Caesarea Maritima, in: Donaldson (n. 39), 181-202.
111 S. Lieberman, Martyrs of Caesarea, AIPhO 7, 1939/44, 402, n. 41 cites yDemai 2,1,22c
which asserts that only together do the Jews and non-Jews of Caesarea outnumber
the Samaritans.
112 yAvoda Zara 1,2,39c, cf. Lieberman (n. 111), 405-9.
113 See Levine, Caesarea 109 ff.
32 II. Caesarea

In the 5 and 6 c. the Samaritans repeatedly rebelled against Byzantine rule. In


484, in the reign of Zeno, they attacked Neapolis and Caesarea where the church
of St. Procopius was set on fire and their leader Justa(sas?) was installed as king,
which suggests that there were messianic elements and motives at play.114 ‘He en-
tered Caesarea, presided over the chariot-races and killed many Christians.’115 Pro-
copius emphasizes the religious background to the conflict.116
In 529/30 another major Samaritan revolt broke out under a certain Julian, son
of Savarus, who was ‘crowned as king’.
In spite of an improvement in the status of the Samaritans in 551,117 there was
renewed violence in 556, when yet another revolt broke out in which the Jews of
Caesarea also participated. Stephanus, the governor, who attempted to assist the
Christians in the city, was killed ‘in the praetorium’, i. e. the governors palace
mentioned above. Justinian punished the rebels severely.118 Between 565 and 578
Christians complained about Samaritan aggression in churches at the foot of Mt.
Carmel.

Roads

The first Roman road constructed and organized in Judaea has been mentioned: it
linked Caesarea with Scythopolis by way of the (Hadrianic?) legionary base at Le-
gio – Caparcotna – Kefar ‘Otnay, and is dated by a milestone of AD 69. It continued
to Pella and Gerasa in Arabia.119 Other roads leading from and to Caesarea are not
easily datable. The Roman road-network west of the river Jordan had reached its
full development by AD 162.120 A number of roads are dated earlier by the presence

114 Malalas, Chron. 15,8-9 (ed. Thurn); Chronicon Paschale 603-604 (ed. Dindorf),
which derives from Malalas; Procopius, de aed. 5,7,5-9; Chronique de Michel le
Syrien, ed. and trans. J.-B. Chabot, 1899, 9,6 (Chabot, 2,1, 148). Cf. W. Ensslin, RE
14, 2395; J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans, 1907, 111 ff.; A. M. Rabello, Giustiniano,
Ebrei e Samaritani all luce delle fonti storico-letterarie, ecclesiastiche e giuridiche,
1987/88, vol. 1, 148 ff.; 375-79.
115 Malalas, Chron. 15,8-9 (ed. Thurn).
116 Procopius, de aed. 5,7,7-14.
117 Novella 129 and 144; cf. Rabello (n. 114), vol. 2, 806-9.
118 Malalas, Chron. 18,54 (ed. Thurn); other sources are derivative: Theophanes 6048;
cf. C. Mango – R. Scott, The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor, 1997, 337-8; Histo-
ria Miscella 16 (PL 95, 991); Michel le Syrien (n. 114), 2,262. Cf. Rabello (n. 114), vol.
1, 426-32.
119 Isaac – Roll, Roman Roads (n. 56).
120 B. Isaac, Milestones in Judaea. From Vespasian to Constantine, repr. in: Isaac, Near
East, 48-75; id., Infrastructure, in: C. Hezser ed., The Oxford Handbook of Jewish
Daily Life in Roman Palestine, 2010, 145-64.
Introduction 33

of Flavian and Hadrianic milestones.121 For the remainder it is therefore uncertain


when they were organized as Roman roads. A series of milestones has been found
along the coast-road from Caesarea to Ptolemais-Acco, but they do not indicate
when it was organized as a public Roman highway.122 Through Ptolemais it con-
nected Caesarea with Antioch, capital of the province of Syria.123 Other roads con-
necting Caesarea with cities of Judaea/Palaestina are not dated either. These are:
1. The coast-road to Jaffa via Apollonia.124
2. The Caesarea – Antipatris road which continued to Diospolis-Eleutheropolis,
with branches leading to the Hebron area and to Berosaba.125
3. Caesarea – Sebaste – Neapolis – Coreae126 and from there to Philadelphia on
the Via Nova Traiana.

Territory

Ancient cities had territories, by definition. The villages in those territories were
subject to the authority of the cities. The importance of this relationship has been
realized long ago and received even more attention in recent years.127 Various
publications have suggested ways of determining the extent of the city-territories
in Roman Judaea – Palaestina.128 These theories, advanced originally by M. Avi-
Yonah, have resulted in detailed maps, representing imaginary constructions that
were duly criticized already in the past.129 They were based on two hypotheses,

121 Flavian: the Caesarea-Scythopolis road, already mentioned. Two Flavian milestones
from Jerusalem are not associated with any specific road, see AE 1978, 825 = 1999,
1690; 2003, 1810. Hadrianic: Isaac, Milestones (n. 120) 49 f.
122 Lehmann – Holum, nos. 100-107.
123 The road from Antioch to Ptolemais was constructed in 56, cf. B. Isaac, The Founda-
tion of Aelia Capitolina, in: Isaac, Near East, 92 f.
124 A. Alt, Stationen der römischen Hauptstraße von Ägypten nach Syrien, ZDPV 70,
1954, 154-66; I. Roll, Roman Roads to Caesarea Maritima, in: Raban – Holum, Cae-
sarea 1996, 549-58.
125 S. Dar – Sh. Applebaum, The Roman Road from Antipatris to Caesarea, PEQ 105,
1973, 91-9.
126 Z. Ilan – E. Damati, Ancient Roads in the Samarian Desert, Museum Ha’aretz Year-
book 17/18, 1974/75, 43-52 (Hebr.).
127 For the region relevant to this volume, see now in C. Hezser, Handbook (n. 120), Part
III. City and Countryside, esp. J. K. Zangenberg – D. van de Zande, Urbanization,
165-88; A. E. Killebrew, Village and Countryside, 189-209.
128 M. Avi-Yonah, The Holy Land. From the Persian to the Arab Conquest (536 BC –640
AD). A Historical Geography, revised ed. 1977, 128 f. Recently the theory was restat-
ed and taken even further by R. Steven Notley – Z. Safrai, Eusebius, Onomasticon. A
Triglott Edition with Notes and Commentary, 2005.
129 Isaac, Near East, 62-5; id., Eusebius and the Geography of Roman Provinces, in: D.
Kennedy ed., The Roman Army in the East, 1996, 153-67 at 162-5.
34 II. Caesarea

both untenable: 1) The indications of distance on milestones reflect city territories,


for they reckon the distance from cities on the territory of which they actually
stood. In other words, a milestone on the road from X to Y, giving the distance to
city X as nine miles would prove that this point belonged to the territory of X. 2)
The indications of distance in Eusebius’s Onomasticon, perhaps based on road-
maps, reflect the territorial division of the province. That is to say: whenever a vil-
lage is described as located a certain distance from a town, it is regarded as certain
that the village was situated within the territory of that town. If we discard these
assumptions, as we must, we are left with very little explicit information. However,
generally speaking, we still have far more than is known about most provinces of
the Empire, for Eusebius, in his Onomasticon, after all, gives a good deal of explicit
information where he attributes specific villages and sites to the territories of cit-
ies in Palestine. He does so for some, but not all of the cities in the province.130 It
so happens that he does not refer to the territories of any of the cities on the coast:
there is no evidence regarding the territories of Ptolemais, Dor, Caesarea and Jaffa.
Where he mentions locations in the territories of Neapolis and Sebaste, this does
not help, even indirectly, in determining the extent of the territories of coastal cit-
ies. The conclusion is therefore that we can only say that Caesarea’s territory did
not extend far to the north, for Dor, a city with its own territory, was nearby, about
13 km to the North. After the presumed decline of Dor, Caesarea’s territory may
have extended to the provincial border, a little farther to the North. To the East
and North-East, the Carmel belonged to the province of Syria-Phoenice. In other
directions, the neighbouring cities with their territories will have been Sebaste,
Neapolis, Antipatris, perhaps Apollonia (see above) or Joppe, but there is nothing
useful one can say about the extent of their territories and the boundaries between
them. We may note, however, that some of the sites mentioned in this volume defi-
nitely belonged to the territory of Caesarea, notably Kefar Shuni, mentioned in nos.
2095-2100.

Select Bibliography: Y. D. Arnon, Caesarea Maritima, the late periods (700 – 1291 CE), 2008; H.
Bietenhard, Caesarea, Origenes und die Juden, 1974; Caesarea Maritima (Israele): rapporto pre-
liminare della Ia campagna di scavo della Missione archeologica italiana, 1959; Caesarea Papers
2; T. L. Donaldson ed., Religious Rivalries and the Struggle for Success in Caesarea Maritima,
2000; Eck, Rom und Judäa; C. T. Fritsch – G. Downey eds., The Joint Expedition to Caesarea Ma-
ritima 1. Studies in the History of Caesarea Maritima, 1975; R. Haensch, Capita Provinciarum.
Statthaltersitze und Provinzialverwaltung in der römischen Kaiserzeit, 1997, 227-37; A. Ham-
burger, Gems from Caesarea maritima, 1968; K. G. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream. Caesarea
on the Sea, 1988; K. G. Holum ed., Caesarea Reports and Studies. Excavations 1995-2007 within
the old city and the ancient harbour, 2008; L. Kadman, The Coins of Caesarea Maritima, 1957;
Lehmann - Holum; C. J. Lenzen, The Byzantine/Islamic Occupation at Caesarea Maritima as
Evidenced through the Pottery, Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms International 1984;
Levine, Caesarea; id., Roman Caesarea. An Archaeological-Topographical Study, 1975; id. – E.
Netzer, Excavations at Caesarea Maritima, 1975, 1976, 1979. Final Report, 1986; NEAEHL 1,

130 For a tentative explanation, Isaac (n. 121).


Introduction 35

1993, 270-91; 5, 2008, 1658-84; J. P. Oleson ed., The Harbours of Caesarea Maritima. Results
of the Caesarea ancient Harbour excavation project, 1980-1985, 2 vols., 1989/94; Patrich, Final
Report I; Raban - Houlm, Caesarea 1996; Ringel, Césarée; A. Rosenzweig, Jerusalem und Cae-
sarea. Ein historisches Essay mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Bedeutung Caesarea’s für Juden-
thum und Christenthum, 1890; Scavi; Y. Turnheim – A. Ovadiah, Art in the Public and Private
Spheres in Roman Caesarea Maritima. Temples, Architectural Decoration and Tesserae, 2002;
R. L. Vann, Caesarea papers. Straton’s Tower, Herod’s Harbour, and Roman and Byzantine Cae-
sarea, 1992; P. W. L. Walker, Holy City, Holy Places? Christian Attitudes to Jerusalem and the
Holy Land in the Fourth Century, 1990.

Select Articles: R. S. Ascough, Christianity in Caesarea Maritima, in: T. Donaldson ed., Reli-
gious Rivalries 2000, 153-79; Eck, Statues; id., The Presence, Role and Significance of Latin in
the Epigraphy and Culture of the Roman Near East, in: From Hellenism to Islam, 13-42; id.,
Zu alten und neuen Inschriften aus Caesarea Maritima. Vorarbeiten für den 2. Band des CIIP,
ZPE 174, 2010, 169-84; id., Ein Altar aus Caesarea Maritima und ein neues Dokument für den
nordsyrischen Gott Turmasgade, ZPE 174, 2010, 185-8; B. Isaac, Roman Colonies in Judaea.
The Foundation of Aelia Capitolina, Talanta 12/13, 1980/81, 31-53; repr. with a postscript in: id.,
Near East, 87-111; id., Latin in Cities of the Roman Near East, in: From Hellenism to Islam, 43-
72; A. Kushnir-Stein, The Predecessor of Caesarea. On the Identification of Demetrias in South
Phoenicia, in: Humphrey, Near East, 9-14; J. Patrich, The Date of the Establishment of Caesarea
as a Colony, in: J. Geiger – H. M. Cotton – G. D. Stiebel eds., Israel’s Land. Papers Presented to
Israel Shatzman on his Jubilee, 2009, 137-56 (Hebr.); Z. Rubin, Church of the Holy Sepulchre
and the Conflict between the Sees of Caesarea and Jerusalem, Cathedra 2, 1982, 79-105.
BI
A. Res sacrae 37

Inscriptions

A. Res sacrae – Pagan inscriptions

1128. A dedication to Asclepius

Lower section of a small column of white marble. In the center of the base’s bottom
is a square hole 2.2 cm on a side and 5 cm deep. The left front corner of the base is
broken off, and the break damaged the alpha. Square letters with serifs.
Meas.: h 30, ൺ 30 cm; base 14x14 cm; letters 2.1 cm.
Findspot: Area I/1, in front of the temple platform, found in 1990.
Pres. loc.: Center for Maritime Studies, Univ. Haifa, reg. no. 51/90.I1242.I01.



ÊÁ (¾ÈÀŊ?)

To Asclepius. (?)

Comm.: The interpretation is less than certain; the rigorous abbreviation raises
doubts, as does the lack of any other indication of reason, purpose, or donor.
Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 127 (ed. pr.).
WA

1129. Dedication of an altar to the god Turmasgade by a centurion of the legio


XII Fulminata

A broken altar of limestone. Above a massive base and below an elaborated molded
crown are niches on all sides, each distyle with a conch semivault. In the central
niche there is an eagle crowned by a Victory; the left one shows a Minerva, the
right a Tyche and the niche at the back, a Victory. The
inscription is written under the eagle in the central
niche and on the crown. Red color is preserved in the
letters. Cf. Lehmann - Holum, no. 119.
Meas.: h 145, w 85, d 85 cm; panel: h 10, w 30 cm; let-
ters 3-3.5 cm.

Findspot: In the dunes around Caesarea, found in


1946 or some years later.
Pres. loc.: Rockefeller Museum, Jerusalem, IAA inv. no. 1976-
984. Autopsy: January 1998; 3 October 2009.

on crown:
[--] ṢGADE fig. 1129.1
38 II. Caesarea

under the eagle:


IVLIVS·MAGNV
‫ ڐ‬LEG·XII·FVLM

App. crit.: [S] Gade Rahmani; [Turma] sgad (a) e Puech.

[I (ovi) O (ptimo) M (aximo) Turma] sgade | Iulius Magnu (s) | (centurio) leg (ionis)
XII Fulm (inatae)

For Iupiter the Best and Greatest Turmasgade, Iulius Magnus, centurion of the legio
XII Fulminata, (erected this altar).

fig. 1129.2 fig. 1129.3 (right side)

Comm.: This is not a funerary altar as was suggested by Rahmani, but a religious
dedication as is made clear by the combination of the name of the centurion Iulius
Magnus in the nominative with the name of the North-Syrian god Turmasgade.
This god is attested only in a few inscriptions: CIL 3, 8027 = ILS 4074 (Romula);
6, 30950a (Rome) = ILS 4073; 13, 3645 (Trier) and ZPE 174 (on a bronze tablet of
unknown origin). Why and when the centurion Iulius Magnus dedicated the altar
in Caesarea can only be guessed. The legion was stationed first in Syria, and after
A. Res sacrae 39

70 AD in Cappadocia, and was present


in Iudaea on two occasions: during the
first Jewish war and probably also dur-
ing the Bar Kokhba War (see Eck, ZPE
169). The suggestion that the centurion,
then stationed in Judaea, dedicated the
altar when promoted to the XII Ful-
minata in Cappadocia (see M.P. Speidel
in Lehmann - Holum), cannot be dis-
missed out of hand, but is not very likely
in view of the ill reputation this legion
earned in Judaea: Titus had it banned
from Syria to Cappadocia on disciplin-
ary grounds. It is more likely that the
centurion dedicated the altar during or
at the end of one of the legion’s military
engagements in Judaea.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, BIES 23, 1959, 53-67 (Hebr.)


(ed. pr.). – Id., Latomus 21, 1962, 149f. pl. IV fig. 1129.4 (left side)
fig. 1,2; AE 1963, 274; B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum
ed., Hommage à Marcel Renard 2, 1969, 468; id., ANRW II 8, 1977, 502; id., HA 61/62, 1977, 25
(Hebr.); L. Rahmani, RB 85, 1978, 268-75 pls. 17-20; id., RB 88, 1981, 240-4; E. Puech, RB 89,
1982, 210f.; AE 1984, 911; C. Lehmann, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 389; McLean II no.
65; Lehmann - Holum no. 119 pls. LXXXIIf. (phs.); J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers
92; O. Stoll, Zwischen Integration und Abgrenzung, 2001, 303, 455; Belayche, Pagan Cults 189f.;
Eck, Rom und Judaea 54; id., ZPE 169, 2009, 224ff.; id., ZPE 174, 2010, 185ff.
Photo: WA; Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXII no. 119a; WE.
WE

1130. A dedication to the goddess Kore on a marble foot, 2-4 c. AD

White marble sandalled right foot of a female figure; the first toe is broken. The
sandal’s laces are well preserved. There are four lines of text on the flat surface
created by the section of the calf above the ankle. An identically inscribed foot,
dedicated to Isis, was found in Jerusalem (see CIIP I 709).
Meas.: the foot: h 12, w 8, length 21.5 cm; letters 0.9-1.1 cm.
Findspot: Found together with four other feet in the fill of L1884 under the middle
room, L.1879 of shrine C.2000 in the Herodian Circus. A total of seven feet were
found at different locations (Gersht 310: “four came from the shrine itself, one from
the vicinity of the shrine and two others from the Byzantine bath complex”), but all
are supposed to have originated in the sacellum.
40 II. Caesarea

Pres. loc.: IAA, exc. reg. no. 6/94-86867. Autopsy: 7 January 1999 (WE).

++
[.]‫

מ‬
[.]‫ מ‬


++ | [Ì]‫מ‬ĉ ŦÉþ | []‫מ‬ŠÉ¹¸|ÉÇË

Barbarus (dedicated this foot) to … Kore.

Comm.: These feet seem to be placed there in a


kind of a favissa; but the archaeological evidence
does not allow us to determine to which period of
the shrine they belong; any date between the 2 and
4 c. is possible; for other feet see nos. 1131, 1132. fig. 1130.1
The shrine was obviously used to venerate more
than one god or goddess, and it
was therefore called syncretistic,
but see below. The other four feet
are “entwined with snakes”; their
shape and specific variety can be
associated either with Isis or with
Serapis. On divine feet in general
see Speyer, esp. 164: “Ebenso wie
die bekannten Darstellungen des
Serapisfusses, der meist mit einer
Sandale bekleidet und von einer fig. 1130.2
Büste des Gottes bekrönt ist, sind
andere Füsse phönizischer Gottheiten zu deuten, des Juppiter Heliopolitanus und des
¼İË ŠÉľÂÇË (3. Jhdt. n. C.). … Aus diesen als Weihegeschenken aufgestellten Göt-
terfüssen dürfen wir wohl zunächst soviel schliessen, dass die Verehrer der genannten
Gottheiten glaubten, die numinose Macht sei im Fuss gleichsam aufgespeichert.” The
right foot, stretched out, of the colossal statues of Serapis was the object of worship; here,
as with other divine feet, only the right foot is dedicated – thought to be the bearer of
special power. On Serapis-feet, the most commonly known species, see Dow - Upson; on
the feet of the Phoenician gods, see Galling, esp. 110ff. (also on Avi-Yonah, who published
a foot of Zeus Heliopolites dedicated by . `ÇÍÂ. ĤÌÍÏÜË, ÇÂ. ¸ÀʸɼŧË, AE 1952, 206;
SEG 14, 832. – Another example of such a sandalled foot from the Roman province of
Iudaea - Syria Palaestina was found in Jerusalem. It measures 18 cm in length and 13 in
height. It is thus almost as large as the foot published here (CIIP I 709 and Arnould 255f.).
l.1f.: if we follow the editors and print the definite article, it is difficult to see
how l.1 is to be filled. It is probably easier to think of an epitheton for the goddess.
A. Res sacrae 41

l.2: Kore or Persephone is attested in Caesarea only in this inscription. Gersht 311
believes that she is able to link the other feet found in the sanctuary to Isis and Sera-
pis, and that the dedication to Kore/Persephone proves that Demeter was worshipped
here, too. Since Demeter appears in the Caesarean coins with Dionysos and Tyche, she
concludes that Isis (on her cult in Hellenistic times, see P. Oxy. 11, 1380, 94f.), Serapis,
Kore, and the “Caesarean triad” Demeter, Dionysos, and Tyche were worshipped at
the same place (Turnheim - Ovadiah follow the thoughts of Gersht and go a bit fur-
ther: “The Greek dedicatory inscription to Kore and Demeter”; they then continue to
argue that Nemesis was worshipped at the shrine, too – and Patrich brings to mind
the fact that Kore was the patron goddess of Samaria, which was assimilated with Isis
[Flusser]). Since the city’s coins do not show Dionysos and Demeter, and certainly not
in any position of importance, since neither of them appears on the inscriptions, it is
perhaps better to follow the suggestion of Flusser and to look for the presence of Kore
among Egyptian gods. On amulets, Osiris is often flanked by Isis and Nephthys; when
“Osiris is replaced by Sarapis …, the attendant goddesses are Hellenized in dress and
attributes; the three might be taken to represent Hades with Demeter and Kore” (Bon-
ner, Magical Amulets 24; cf. on the identification, e.g., Merkelbach 38f.; 96). Perhaps,
then, the shrine was made for Serapis and his consorts, only.
l.3f.: This foot was dedicated by a man called Barbarus. The name is a Roman
cognomen, neither very rare nor very common, but is hitherto not attested in Pal-
estine. The Roman cognomen does not prove that the dedicant is a Roman citizen;
at the same time the use of Greek does not automatically make him a person of
peregrine or servile status. A Roman official coming from the Greek speaking East
could use his mother tongue in a private dedication to a God or to an emperor, as
does the procurator Antipater (no. 1289).
For more details see Cotton - Eck.

Bibl.: R. Gersht, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 310f. (ed. pr.). – D. Flusser, IEJ 25, 1975, 13ff.;
J. Porath, in: Humphrey, Near East 23; SEG 46, 1815; J. Porath, ESI 17, 1998, 41 fig. 3; Lehmann
- Holum p. 17; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 89; Y. Turnheim - A. Ovadiah, Art
in the Public and Private Spheres in Roman Caesarea Maritima, 2002, 28f.; H. Cotton - W. Eck,
in: J. Porath ed., Final Report (in print). – Cf. S. Dow - F. S. Upson, Hesperia 13, 1944, 58ff.; M.
Avi-Yonah, IEJ 2, 1952, 118ff.; K. Galling, in: Geschichte und Altes Testament (Festschrift für
A. Alt), 1953, 105ff.; W. Speyer, Frühes Christentum im antiken Strahlungsfeld I, 1989, 160ff.; R.
Merkelbach, Isis regina - Zeus Serapis, 1995; C. Arnould, Les arcs romaines de Jérusalem, 1997.

Photo: WE.

WE/WA

1131. Dedication on a marble foot, 2-4 c. AD

White marble right foot, found together with no. 1130, which it greatly resembles.
Unlike the latter, it bears no sign of sandal-straps. It is posed on a flat thin base,
42 II. Caesarea

which resembles the shape of the sandal in no. 1130. The second toe is broken. The
foot bears also an inscription on the flat surface created by the section of the calf
above the ankle, possibly four lines.
Meas.: Foot: h 11, w 9.2, length 20.5 cm; letters ca. 0.9 cm.
Findspot: See no. 1130.
Pres. loc.: IAA, exc. reg. no. 6/94-86867. Autopsy: 7 January 1999 (WE).

[.]++[.]
[--]‫מ‬
[.]‫[ מ‬.]‫
מ‬
[.]‫[ מ‬--]

[.]++[. |--]‫[|מ‬.]  [ĥ]‫מ‬º ¾ (?) |[.]‫[ מ‬..]

… Auge (?) … (dedicated this foot) to …

Comm.: No letters can be recognized in


l.1. Perhaps we should read a  in l.2, in
in l.3  [.]‫
מ‬and an O in the last line.
If it follows the model of no. 1130, then
the name of the deity occupied the first
and second lines, and the letters  [.]‫
מ‬
belong to the (male or female) dedicant. fig. 1131
But since the surface is badly worn, this
too must remain a conjecture. For the meaning of this type of dedication see no.
1130.

Bibl.: H. Cotton - W. Eck, in: J. Porath ed., Final Report (in print) (ed. pr.). – Mentioned by R.
Gersht, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 310; J. Porath, in: Humphrey, Near East 21.

Photo: J. Porath.

WE/WA

1132. Dedication of a marble foot, 2-3 c. AD

Votive foot, ending at the ankle and resting on a sandal. The toes are missing. The
foot is entwined with a snake. The inscription is on top of the “stump”; only few
letters are legible.
Meas.: h 12, w 12, d 6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: 8 April 2003 (WE).
A. Res sacrae 43

[.]++[..]
[--]‫[ מ‬--]
[--]‫מ‬+
[--]

fig. 1132.1 fig. 1132.2

Comm.: See no. 1130.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WA/WE

1133. A dedication to the god Megas Despotes, 3 c. AD (?)

Upper left part of a stele of white marble; beside the tympanon of the stele is an
acroterion in form of a palmette. A frieze below a pediment on the face of the stele
carries the first part of an inscription with interpunct.
Meas.: h 40, w 49, d 22 cm;
letters 5.5 cm.
Findspot: “Fra il teatro e la
fortezza” (Gerra) in 1962.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA
inv. no. 1963-895. Autopsy: 15
March 2010.

 · ·Ъ [--]


App. crit.:  [--] Gerra,
suppl. Lifshitz 1967.

¼ľÀ ¼ºŠÂÑÀ
¼Ê [ÈŦ̾À --]

To God Megas Despotes … fig. 1133


44 II. Caesarea

Comm.: It is difficult to decide whether Äšº¸Ë was part of the name or a title; cf.
e.g. Müller; Gerra notes that it could be a translation of the Aramaic rbҴ and cites as
examples IGLS 5, 2697; 2700; 2702: ¿¼Ŋ ļºŠÂĿ ¸½¸ÂľÅ. But a supplement on these
lines, requiring the designation of the group whose god is honored, seems unlikely in
Caesarea. To call a god »¼ÊÈŦÌ¾Ë is completely normal, e.g. Nock I 74f.; Robert, Op.
Min. V 252; ¿¼ÇĖ »¼ÊÈŦ̸À are a specifically Syrian phenomenon, Sourdel 54f. Leh-
mann - Holum 122 cite as a Syrian example for a god with this title the Zeus Aniketos
Helios. IDélos 2180f. connects a ¼ġË šº¸Ë with Zeus Kasios. In this light the pres-
ent inscription does not seem to hint “at a local syncretistic-monotheistic cult” (Di
Segni). Belayche speculates that Serapis hides behind this designation, but points out
rightly that the god honored will not have been anonymous to his devotee.
The letter forms indicate a rather late date, the content a date before – at least
– the middle of the 4 c.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 223 no. 9 fig. 275 (ed. pr.). – BE 1967, 645; B. Lifshitz, RB 74, 1967, 56 no. 1;
id., ANRW II 8, 1977, 503; L. Di Segni, SCI 13, 1994, 99; Lehmann - Holum no. 125; Belayche,
Pagan Cults 186. – Cf. B. Müller, šº¸Ë ¼ŦË, 1913; D. Sourdel, Les cultes du Hauran à l’époque
romaine, 1952; A. Nock, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, 1972.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXVI no. 125.
WA

1134. A dedication to Zeus Dolichenus, 1-3 c. AD

Worn block of kurkar; it was either part of an altar or was the altar itself. A hole is
cut into the bottom (18×9×4 cm). Letters are shallow but well cut; traces of red color
can be seen in the letters.
Meas.: h 23, w 29, d 22 cm;
letters 1.5-3 cm.

Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam
Museum. Autopsy: 10 March
2010.

 Ъ


 


 


App. crit.: l.1 ¼ĤÆ [Š]|ļÅÇË


Lifshitz 1966; l.4  [Àţ] Lifshitz
1966, À (ţ) Lehmann - Holum. fig. 1134
A. Res sacrae 45

ĤţÁÌÇÉ ¼ĤÆŠ|ļÅÇË ÒÅš|¿¾Á¼Å Áò óÉ|ºŠÊ¼ÌÇ ÌŊ Ė | ÇÂÀϾÅŊ

Victor, in fulfillment of a vow, dedicated, and built this, to Zeus Dolichenus.

Comm.: The cult of Jupiter Dolichenus was most popular during the high em-
pire, and the letter forms accord well with the 2 or 3 c. AD (the cult was mostly
abandoned after the fall of Doliche in 253/4). Since the Baal of Doliche is almost
always equated with Jupiter, this inscription does not point to a special, Caesar-
ean syncretism (pace Levine). There are only very few places in the east where a
dedication to Jupiter Dolichenus can be found (see the map in Hörig - Schwertheim
3: mostly Doliche, Gaziantep and the surroundings, several locations on the Eu-
phrates, where without doubt Roman soldiers venerated the god [Dura Europos!],
but in the south there are only the Biqa‫ ޏ‬Valley and Caesarea): the god was much
more popular in the west, and it is not by chance that this dedication – his first
appearance in Palestine – comes from the city of Caesarea and that the dedica-
tor has a Latin name. For the popularity of the god with the army, see Speidel; the
Mithraeum, found by the Joint Expedition to Caesarea Maritima (Bull; Holum et
al. 148ff.) is another case of a cult, whose devotees belonged mostly to the armed
forces (its location under the praetorium of the procurator proves the importance
of the cult for the Roman staff in Caesarea); l.2ff.: Lifshitz 1966 compares the Latin
formula fecit et dedicavit; this formula is otherwise not present among the inscrip-
tions for Iupiter Dolichenus collected by Hörig - Schwertheim, but cf. ibid. 383 no.
640 (Praetorium Latobicorum): de suo fecit sua [que pec. exornavit?].

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, RB 73, 1966, 255f. pl. 11a (ed. pr.). – BE 1967, 643; Levine, Caesarea 173 n. 38;
Ringel, Césarée 112; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 18f., 503; M. Hörig - E. Schwertheim, Corpus
Cultis Iovis Dolicheni, 1987, 33 no. 30; McLean I no. 5; C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in: Gersht,
Sdot-Yam Museum 52 fig. 4 (Hebr.); Lehmann - Holum no. 124; Belayche, Pagan Cults 189. - Cf.
R. Bull, in: J. Duchesne-Guillemin ed., Études mithriaques, 1978, 75ff.; M. Speidel, The Religion
of Jupiter Dolichenus in the Roman Army, 1978; K. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXV no. 124.
WA

1135. A dedication by an actor, 1-3 c. AD

Fragment of the lower part of a small column of white marble, broken top, bottom,
and back (Lifshitz and McLean take this to be a “fragment d’une statue”). Little
more than one half of the front remains, including the inscription of which only
the upper right corner is damaged. A wedge marks the abbreviation, and a dot
separates the last two words in l.1.
Meas.: h 13 (of the base 10) cm; ൺ of base 15, of the column 11 cm; inscribed area h
6, w 16 cm; letters l.1: 0.6-1.2 cm (some letters much larger).
46 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Ca. 1960 during the Italian excavations in the area of the theater.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 11 March 2010.

·   ·+[--]‫מ‬
 [--]‫מ‬
  [..]


 [..]‫
 מ‬
App. crit.: l.1 Gerra under-
stood a version of the Latin
name Cillius, corr. Lifshitz
1967; the letter before the
lacuna is most likely alpha,
lambda is perhaps possible,
but chi seems rather improb-
able;  []‫ מ‬Gerra; l.2
Gerra and Lifshitz took the
beginning of the line for a
version of the Latin name
Commodus; l.2f. [ĝ Ò]‫מ‬ÈŦ|ÂǺÇË
ÅÌÀÇÏš [ÑÅ] Lifshitz; Lifshitz
noted that this title was not
used in the Roman period, fig. 1135.1
and the Roberts (BE) restored
[ÈÉÑ]‫מ‬ÌÇ|ÂŦºÇË; Lehmann - Holum point out that the space might not be sufficient for these very
broad letters; [ÌÉÀ]‫מ‬ÌÇ|ÂŦºÇË is not attested but seems just possible; l.3 ÅÌÀÇÏš [ÑË] Gerra;
ÅÌÀÇÏš [ÑÅ] Lifshitz, corr. Robert; l.5   [ ]‫ =
 מ‬ìÅ [¿¸] ÒÅš¿¾ Gerra.

. ¸ÀÁţÂÂÀÇË A [--]‫מ‬
| ÁÑÄĿ»ġË [ÌÉÀ]‫מ‬ÌÇ|ÂŦºÇË
¬ÅÌÀÇϼ [İË] | ÌľÅ ÈÉġË
ŠÎžŠ| ¼ĤƊļŠ[ÇË]
ÒÅš¿¾ (Á¼Å)

Q. Caecilius …ous of
Antioch-by-Daphne, a
comic actor of the third
roles, dedicated this in
fulfillment of a vow.

Comm.: The god who was


to receive the dedication is
not named, but the place,
where the column was set
up, made this clear. The
letters point to a date in fig. 1135.2
A. Res sacrae 47

the high empire. – l.1: Ger-


ra’s ÂÂÇÍË seems not im-
possible (Wuthnow, Semiti-
sche Menschennamen 17f.
for some roughly similar
names); l.2f.: Robert (BE)
cites Teles, p. 3 (Hense) for
Ìġ ÈÉÑÌÇÂŦºÇÍ ÈÉŦÊÑÈÇÅ,
thus producing a literary
attestation for the termi-
nus technicus; cf. for the fig. 1135.3 (squeeze)
restored title ILS 5199:
tertiarum (partium). Our in-
scription is one of the few atte-
stations of actors and acting in
Caesarea – but, of course, such
proof is quite unnecessary in
view of the theater itself; l.3f.:
Caecilius was no citizen of Cae-
sarea and did not acquire its cit-
izenship; on the precision in the
designation of his origin, due to
the number of Antiochias, see fig. 1135.4
the large number of parallels in
Robert 1973, 444ff. Perhaps the vow of Caecilius had some connection with his
presence in Caesarea?

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 224 no. 11 figs. 277ff. (reading by Jacques Schwartz) (ed. pr.). – B. Lifshitz, RB
74, 1967, 57f. no. 3; BE 1967, 645; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 510; Lehmann - Holum no. 126.
- Cf. L. Robert, in: Études déliennes, 1973, 435ff.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXVII no. 126 (ph. and dr.).

WA

1136. A dedication by Myrismus the charioteer, 2-3 c. AD

Small slab of blue marble, roughly cut from a larger marble slab by hammering
rather than by sawing (despite the presence of lines marking where the slab should
have been sawed at the top and bottom) in preparation for the inscription. The in-
scription consists of two lines. A plant, perhaps a palm branch, was engraved in the
middle. The word in the first line is flanked by an ivy leaf on either side.
48 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 11.5, w 21, d 2 cm; letters l.1: 1.6–1.9 cm; l.2: 1.4-1.8 cm.
Findspot: In the foundation trench of well L.8624 (dated to the Late Roman period)
that penetrated through fill L.1884. Nearby a favissa containing four marble feet, of
which two were inscribed (see nos. 1130 and 1131), was found too.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, no. 6/94-86867. Autopsy: 6 January 1999; 13 March 2010.

 

 

ÍÉÀÊÄġË | ÷ÅţÇÏÇË

Myrismus (the) charioteer (dedi-


cated this).

fig. 1136

Comm.: Myrismos, the dedicator, is described as an ÷ÅţÇÏÇË, i.e. one who holds the
reins, i.e. a driver, a charioteer – a meaning attested already in the Iliad. In the sense
of “charioteer in circus chariot-races” the word is attested, for instance, in many
curse tablets from Carthage, in which chariots and their riders were consigned
to the gods of the Underworld. The archaeological context does not necessarily
disclose its original function, nor do the two words of the text. Yet it is very likely
that the circus was the tablet’s original context; the small slab was either placed in
the shrine under a votive gift, or (less likely), in the circus itself under a bust of the
charioteer. For more details see Cotton - Eck.

Bibl.: H. Cotton - W. Eck, in: J. Porath ed., Final Report (in print) (ed. pr.). – Mentioned by J.
Porath, HA 105, 1996, 39f. (Hebr.); id., ESI 17, 1998, 39f.

Photo: WE.

WE/HMC

1137. Fragment of a dedicatory inscription

Thick tablet of white marble; the left edge is broken away, the right edge seems to
be preserved. On the upper surface an incision.
Meas.: h 6.8, w 17.8, d 22 cm; letters ca. 2.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea (according to the notes on the baskets in Beth Shemesh).
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, no. 6/96, I+100107. Autopsy: 17 March 1999 (WE); 16 March 2010
(WE/WA).
A. Res sacrae 49

[--]+
·

App. crit.: The trace of the first
letter almost surely belongs to
an upsilon; eta and alpha are
divided by a point; eta and kappa
in ligature.

fig. 1137
[--]+ž ÒÅš¿¾Á¼

… made a dedication.

Comm.: The end of a name or [ºÍ]‫מ‬ÅŢ?

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WA.

WA

1138. Cup with inscriptions on holy games, 4 c. AD (?)

Bronze cup with inscriptions in Latin letters. Tyche is depicted in the usual way;
in front of her a burning altar; behind her left leg is a personification of the har-
bor of Caesarea. Tyche is accompanied by the inscription genio colonia (e). Above
her, on the rim of the cup, the Graeco-Latin inscription agones ieroi – at the side
of five heads of gods and goddesses, inter alia Athena and Helius, possibly also
Poseidon and Augustus. A figure sacrificing to Tyche and doing so capite velato is
necessarily the Roman governor who presided over the sacred games. Three other
scenes depict the mythical foundation of Straton’s Tower, as Caesarea was called
before the time of Herod: 1) to the right of Tyche is a temple of Apollo, the god
sitting in front of his temple. Will 1983, 11f. argues convincingly that this is the
temple at Daphne, and we are shown how a figure with a diadem, Straton, and one
Lysimachus receive an oracular response; 2) two ships arrive at a place, people are
descending from the first ship and are greeted by the genius loci; a large altar is at
the scene; 3) the last scene has Strato again, wearing a diadem again, shaking hands
with Asclepius; behind him is Hygieia. The names of some of the figures are writ-
ten above their heads.
Meas.: h 8.2 cm; inner h 7,5 cm; ൺ 20.2 cm; inner ൺ 17.5 cm; ൺ of the foot 9.3 cm.
Findspot: Unknown, not necessarily Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Museum of Louvre, Paris, inv. no. Br 4391.
50 II. Caesarea

(a) GE
NI
O
CO
LO
NI
A
(b) AGONESIEROI
(c) APOLLO
(d) STRATO
(e) LYSIMA
CHOS
(f) CTESIPON
(g) IAS fig. 1138.1 (a) part left of Tyche
(h) STRATON
(i) ASCLEPIOS
(j) YGIA

fig. 1138.2 (a) part right of Tyche fig. 1138.3 (c)

App. crit.: (a) l.5 the “l” of “colonia” looks like a lambda; (g) IAS or LAS.

(a) Ge|ni|o co|lo|ni|a (e)


(b) agones ieroi
(c) Apollo
(d) Strato
(e) Lysima|chos
A. Res sacrae 51

(f) Ctesipon
(g) IAS
(h) Straton
(i) Asclepios
(j) Ygia

fig. 1138.4 (d) and (e)

fig. 1138.5 (g)

fig. 1138.6 (h) and (i)

fig. 1138.7 (h), (i) and (j)


52 II. Caesarea

(a) To the Genius of the


Colony.
(b) Sacred Games.
(c) Apollo.
(d) Strato.
(e) Lysimachus.
(f) Ctesip (h) on.
(g) IAS/LAS.
(h) Straton.
fig. 1138.8
(i) Asclepius.
(j) Hygia.

Comm.: Bielefeld 423ff., esp.


434, compares this cup to
pieces from Kaiseraugst
and arrives at a date be-
tween 340 and 360, which
is perhaps a bit too confi-
dent (Will 1983, 2f.). Latin
letters are used for Greek fig. 1138.9
words [(a), (e), (f), (h)-(j)],
too.
On the Tyche of Cae-
sarea and her depictions,
see Gersht; Wenning; Holum
(also on the two surviv-
ing sculptural representa-
tions). At her foot is the
ʼ¹¸ÊÌġË ÂÀÄŢÅ; Tyche can
fig. 1138.10
be found on the coins of
the city from Nero on, and
the harbor proves that at
least this representation of
the City’s Tyche is not ear-
lier than Herod. With the
elevation of Caesarea to a
colony, Tyche became the
genius coloniae (cf. Rey-
Coquais 21f. no. 8: [Ď]‫¼מ‬ɼİË fig. 1138.11
ŧÏ¾Ë ŧÉÇÍ ÁÇ (ÑÅţ¸Ë)).
The honors for Tyche included games, which had acquired the rank of sacred
games. Patrich 2002, 339 n. 73 is surely right in that they are to be distinguished
from the Isactian games founded by Herod. Evidently, the Roman governor had his
A. Res sacrae 53

role to play, and perhaps we


know the date of the games,
too: Eus. MPal 11,30 attests
Dystros (March) 5th as
foundation date of the city
(of the colony, of Caesarea,
of Straton’s Tower?), hence
as the date for Tyche’s feast.
March 5th is the day of the fig. 1138.12
navigium Isidis, but can
this be used to prove an important cult of Isis in Caesarea? This depends to a
certain degree on the question, which city was founded on March 5th. The cup,
which connects a Straton with a diadem to the foundation of the city, speaks in
favor of Straton’s Tower being celebrated on March 5th – and of Straton being
one of the two Sidonian kings of this name. Asclepius, who plays an important
role in the foundation of the city, might be an interpretatio Graeca of the Sido-
nian Eshmun. If this is true, and if the date of March 5th goes back to the 4 c.
BC (or to even earlier times), a connection with the navigium Isidis becomes less
probable.
The scenes can be read in the order in which they are described above and
give a coherent narration of the city’s foundation. Another order and another
narrative are certainly possible, but much less probable. Apollo and the other
gods and (historical) persons belong to scenes from the foundation of the city,
indicating clearly that Straton’s Tower acquired a foundation myth in Hellenistic
times, so as to compete with other (hellenized) cities. The Sidonian king Stra-
ton changed into a Greek king (cf. Just. Nov. 103); such a story will have been
the product of the Hellenistic or early Imperial times. Herod, the “real” founder
of Caesarea has no place in the story – as he is forgotten in Just. Nov. 103: cum
utique sit antiqua et semper nobilis, secundum se quam Strato collocavit primus,
qui ex Hellade surgens factus est eius aedificator, et dum Vespasianus divae memo-
riae imperatorum probatissimus … ad Caesariensium eam vocabulam nominas-
set, cum prius Stratonis turris appellaretur. The cup reflects part of the official
memory, perpetuated, inter alia, by the games in honor of Tyche that were con-
nected with Straton’s name, not with Herod’s. Needless to say, the cup cannot
help reconstruct the early history of Straton’s Tower – and is therefore not even
mentioned by Cohen 2006.
The production of this piece attests that Latin was used in Caesarea (and its sur-
roundings) at least till the middle of the 4 c. AD. How Christian or pagan was the city
at this time? That the foundation of the city was remembered in this way, is no sign
of a strong pagan community (let alone élite) – a brief glance at Nonnus is enough
to show that interest in the classical past, especially interest in foundation legends,
was still strong in Christian times and surroundings (and remember that Caesarea
was called Caesarea Stratonos in 165 AD; Moretti no. 72). A bit more difficult is (b):
54 II. Caesarea

agones hieroi: such an event would have been impossible after 393, perhaps even ear-
lier – at least in the presence of a sacrificing official or governor. But the games at
Olympia continued into the 380s, and the stylistic date of the cup would fit with this.
Perhaps the cup was made in accord with an older iconographic model.
(g): the reading is insecure; Will 1983, 16: “Une des solutions plausibles est de
penser qu’il s’agit du nom de l’endroit, un récif peut-être de la côte, où se dresse
l’autel”; (i): no. 1128 is perhaps a dedication to Asclepius; (j): Hygieia is present on
the city’s coins, Kadman 58f.

Bibl.: E. Will, MMAI 65, 1983, 1ff. (ph.) (ed. pr.). – BSAF 1965, 80f.; D. Bielefeld, Gymnasium 79,
1972, 395ff. at 423ff.; R. Wenning, Boreas 9, 1986, 113ff.; E. Will, Syria 64, 1987, 245ff.; K. Holum
et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 10ff.; Lehmann - Holum p. 17f.; J. Patrich, SBF 52, 2002, 339
n. 73; id., Cathedra 107, 2003, 21 (dr.) (Hebr.); K. Holum, in: G. Brands - H.-G. Severin eds., Die
spätantike Stadt und ihre Christianisierung, 2003, 156f.; J. Patrich, in: J. Geiger - H. Cotton - G.
Stiebel eds., Israel’s Land, 2009, 135ff. (Hebr.); J. Patrich, Studies in the Archaeology and History
of Caesarea Maritima, chap. III (in print). – Cf. L. Moretti, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, 1953;
L. Kadman, The Coins of Caesarea Maritima, 1957; R. Gersht, PEQ 116, 1984, 110ff.; G. Cohen,
The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, 2006, 299ff.; J.-P. Rey-
Coquais, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Tyr, 2006.
Photo: Museum of Louvre, C. Chuzeville and Ch. Larrieu.
WA/WE

Synagogue inscriptions

1139.-1145. The synagogue at Caesarea

While the existence of synagogues in Caesarea Maritima is recorded in literary


sources from the first century through Late Antiquity – namely by Josephus, rab-
binic literature and the sixth-century chronicler John Malalas (see Avi-Yonah,
Levine, Levey, Murray, Ringel) – the only place in the ancient city where traces
of a synagogue may have been found is Avi-Yonah’s Area A = Joint Expedition to
Caesarea Maritima Field O, north of the Crusader fortress but within the Hero-
dian walls. This site has been haphazardly surveyed and excavated. The first sign
of a synagogue was the chance discovery there in the 1920s of a capital inscribed
with a menorah. Subsequently, J. Ory recorded three levels of mosaic pavements
in 1945/6, two with inscriptions. Avi-Yonah excavated the site in 1956 and 1962,
discovering a third inscribed pavement as well as the marble column with a dedi-
catory inscription by a certain Theodorus (no. 1143) and a hoard of 3700 coins,
almost all from the time of Constantius II, 337-361, which aided dating his Stratum
IV to the 4 c. In his preliminary reports Avi-Yonah identified five strata in what he
A. Res sacrae 55

identified unhesitatingly as a synagogue, including two distinct structures, from


the 4 and 5-6 c. CE. The results of these excavations were never systematically
published, and the site was neglected until 1982 and 1984, when Robert Bull et al.
cleared the site, made drawings of existing structures and inserted probes to test
stratigraphy. Since then, the site has fallen into neglect again, so that significant
parts of what was recorded in the 1980s can no longer be seen. Finally, since early
in the last decade, Govaars and her colleagues have tracked down and patiently
assembled and analyzed both the published information and the surviving unpub-
lished notes, photos and other documents from previous investigations – much of
this material having been presumed lost – and, together with data from surface
observations, have composed a relatively coherent, if tentative, picture of the site’s
stratigraphy and history. They have sorted out seven separate strata, of which IV,
V and VI – dated respectively to the late fourth, fifth and sixth centuries CE – had
mosaics containing all the surviving inscriptions: Stratum IV: no. 1139 plus other
uninscribed mosaic pavements. Stratum V: no. 1140 plus other uninscribed mosaic
pavements, an inscribed column (no. 1143) and a Doric capital with a menorah;
the inscribed column could, however, also belong to Strata IV or VI. Stratum VI:
nos. 1141 and 1142, and possibly the fragment of a chancel screen. Other capitals,
including no. 1144, are attributed to Stratum V or VI. We follow these attributions
and dating, despite the hesitation of the authors themselves. It is to be noted that,
despite the high probability that the inscriptions belonged to synagogue structures,
no such attribution is absolutely certain; the least doubt attends the existence of
a synagogue in Stratum V. The inscriptions from Area A/Field O are presented
in exemplary manner by L. White in: Govaars - Spiro - White, The “Synagogue”
Site, Chapter 7: Inscriptions, 155-76. All of the inscriptions found on the site are
in Greek. The only Semitic inscriptions ascribed to the synagogue are the list of
priestly courses (no. 1145) and the column inscribed “shalom” (no. 1146), both
found outside the site; the unpublished marble fragment with the word “shalom”
may also have come from a synagogue (no. 1147). The rabbinic sources speak of
more than one synagogue in Caesarea; these Hebrew texts could have come from
other synagogues of which no other trace remains.

1139. Donation of synagogue floor by Iulis, 4-5 c. CE

Polychrome mosaic pavement, five-line Greek inscription formed by black tesserae


on a plain white background, surrounded by an elaborate multi-band frame. Lower
right half of the inscription is missing. Square letters: lunate sigma; alpha with bro-
ken cross-bar; five-bar xi.
Meas.: Inscribed area: h 53, w 55 cm; letters 7-9 cm.

Findspot: Caesarea, Area A = Field O.


56 II. Caesarea

 
Ъ [.]
 [--]
[--]
Ъ [--]

`ÇıÂÀË
¼ĤÆŠÄ [¼]
ÅÇ [Ë ëÈÇ]
ţ [¾Ê¼ ÈŦ]
» [¸Ë --] fig. 1139

Iulis, having made a vow, had … feet (of the mosaic pavement) made.

Comm.: The mosaic with its inscription was exposed by the rain in 1933, and ex-
amined and recorded by J. Orly in the 1940s (IAA archives quoted by Lehmann -
Holum and by White); the first photographs show it already heavily damaged. The
pavement was removed at some point before a survey of the site in 1982 (see White
for reff.), and has been lost. Despite the loss of the right bottom half of the inscrip-
tion, the restoration is unproblematic and universally accepted. Schwabe, noting
the similarity of letters in the Apamaea synagogue (cf. Noy - Bloedhorn, IJO III
Syr53-Syr71 and Roth-Gerson, Jews of Syria 54-83 [Hebr.]), dated this inscription
to the 4 c., which is strengthened further by the archaeological context as figured
out by White (261 n. 6).
Iulis probably = Iulius; note ÍÂÂÀË in Rome, Noy, JIWE II 549 and Noy’s com-
ment ad loc. The donation formula ¼ĤƊļÅÇË ëÈÇţ¾Ê¼ is found in the synagogue
floor in Sepphoris, cf. L. Di Segni, in: Weiss, Sepphoris Synagogue 211f. nos. 4, 5, 6;
Apamaea (ibid.); and Hammath Tiberias (cf. Roth-Gerson, Greek Inscriptions 65;
Noy - Bloedhorn, IJO III ibid.), note the same formulae in non-Jewish inscriptions
in the area of Apamaea; and cf. at Caesarea this vol. nos. 1134 and 1135. The text
was meant to be read while facing west (White).

Bibl.: Schwabe, Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume 443-50 at 433f. pls. 1, 3 (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – E.
Sukenik, Bulletin of the Rabinowitz Fund 2, 1951, 29 pls. 13-14; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols
1, 263; HA 4, 1962, 5 (Hebr.); M. Weippert, ZDPV 80, 1964, 150-93; Lifshitz, Donateurs 51 no.
65; A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 273-85; Ringel, Césarée 117ff. at 118f. pl. 23 no. 1; Hüttenmeister
- Reeg, Synagogen 1, 82 no. 3; Ovadiah, MPI 46; Roth-Gerson, Greek Inscriptions 113f. no.
26 (Hebr); M. Avi-Yonah, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 278ff. (ph.); L. Levine, in: Raban - Holum, Cae-
sarea 1996, 392-400 at 392f. no. 5; McLean I no. 8; Lehmann - Holum no. 78; Levine, Ancient
Synagogue 204f.; R. Vann, JRA 13, 2000, 671-7; Evans 54f.; Govaars - Spiro - White, The “Syna-
gogue” Site 158f. no. 1. – On the site, see also M. Avi-Yonah, Bulletin of the Rabinowitz Fund 3,
1960, 44-8; I. Levey, in C. Fritsch ed., Studies in the History of Caesarea Maritima, 1975, 43-78;
Levine, Caesarea 61ff.; R. Bull et al. in: W. Rast ed., Preliminary Reports of ASOR Sponsored
Excavations 1982-89, 1991, 69-94; L. Levine, in: R. Vann ed., Caesarea Papers, 1992, 268-74; Bull
A. Res sacrae 57

et al., Excavations Reports 63-84; M. Murray, in: T. Donaldson ed., Religious Rivalries and the
Struggle for Success in Caesarea Maritima, 2000, 127-52.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LVII no. 78a.
JJP

1140. Donation of synagogue floor by Beryllus, 5-6 c. CE

Mosaic pavement with tabula ansata – red frame and letters in white background;
lower border lost – containing six-line Greek inscription, complete, with minor
damage in top line. Lunate sigma, alpha with extended leg and straight cross-bar,
mostly square letters (epsilon, omicron, theta, phi, etc.), w-shaped omega. The final
omega in l.6 has a slanted line on right bottom corner, like a leg. Avi-Yonah et al.
recorded a small upsilon at the end of l.1; we cannot see it, but it makes no differ-
ence to the interpretation of the word.
Meas.: Tabula ansata: h 58, w 143 cm; inscribed area: h 55, w 81 cm; letters 5-9.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, Area A = Field O.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7509. Autopsy: 14 December 2010.

fig. 1140


ЪЪЪ  Ъ
  

 




 
   
App. crit.: l.1   Avi-Yonah, Hüttenmeister - Reeg, Ovadiah, White.

¾ÉŧÂÂÇË ÒÉÏÀÊ (ÍÅŠºÑºÇË) | Á¸Ė ÎÉÇÅÌÀÊÌüË | Ĩ (À) ġË `ÇŧÌÇÍ ëÈÇţ|¾Ê¼ ÌüÅ


оÎÇ|¿¼Êţ¸Å ÌÇı ÌÉÀ|ÁÂţÅÇÍ ÌŊ Ċ»ţĿ
58 II. Caesarea

Beryllus the archisynagogos and phrontistes, son of Iu (s) tus, had the mosaic pave-
ment of the triclinium made at his own cost.

Comm.: This mosaic was discovered in Avi-Yonah’s 1956 excavations; it is now


restored and on display at the Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. White assigns it to Stra-
tum V = late fifth - early sixth century; the letter forms do not contradict that dat-
ing. Of the inscriptions from Area A = Field O, this one has the clearest indications
that the site, at least in this phase, was a Jewish synagogue. The title archisynagogos
was widely held by Jews in Palestine and the diaspora, and the more minor office
of phrontistes is also found in wide dispersion, but neither is exclusively Jewish.
The archisynagogos was, as the name implies, the nominal head of the commu-
nity. The office seems to have been merely honorary in some instances but to have
involved real administrative and political/social responsibility in others: unifor-
mity is not to be expected throughout the wide and varied Jewish world; see Rajak
- Noy; Levine, Ancient Synagogue 390-402. Beryllus’ appointment or election as
archisynagogos may reflect community recognition of his generous benefaction,
but since so little is known about the structure, size and functioning of the Jewish
community in Caesarea at the time, the extent of responsibility entailed in the of-
fice is obscure. His second position, phrontistes, certainly involved managing the
business of the community, as the Greek word implies (L. Robert translates it “cu-
rator” in Op. Min. V 179). The office is attested in Jewish inscriptions at Jaffa (CIJ
2, 918, 919) and Lod (probably Samaritan: SEG 20, 468), and at Rome (Noy, JIWE II
164, 540), Side (Ameling, IJO II 219, 220), Porto (Noy, JIWE I 17) and Aegina (Noy,
IJO I, Ach58-59); but like the archisynagogos it was not exclusively Jewish (see e.g.
IG 14, 715, 759). In the Jewish texts the phrontistes is often mentioned in combina-
tion with other public offices; see discussion by Panayotov in Noy, IJO I, pp. 207f.;
Levine, Ancient Synagogue 410. White (2009, 165f.), argues that it refers here to
Beryllus’ supervision of the specific project to which he donated the funds. Com-
pare the similar title ÈÉÇÅǾÌŢË at the Ḥamat Tiberias synagogue, Roth-Gerson,
Greek Inscriptions, no. 18.
The name Beryllus has not appeared so far in any other Jewish context, except
possibly in abbreviated form ¾É (ŧÂÂÇË) on an ostracon, Masada II no. 903 (other
restorations are possible); Wuthnow, Semitische Menschennamen 36, traces it to
the Semitic root brl. For the name in non-Jewish contexts see LGPN IIa, IIIa, IV, V,
s.v. (11 instances); Pape, WGE 209; Hagedorn, Wörterlisten 34.
`ÇıÌÇË is unparalleled, but in light of the irregularity in the formation, pronun-
ciation and spelling of names among Jews in the Roman period, it may be correct;
note the defective spelling of ĨŦË in the same line. `ÇıÌÇË closely resembles `ÇıÊÌÇË,
a Latin name popular among Jews of the period, see Ilan, Lexicon I 333; III 505-7.
Lifshitz suggested emending  to , making the name `Çŧ»¸ (Ë) = Yehudah/Judah.
The south-oriented floor with this dedication was very large: 11 × 2.6 m ac-
cording to Avi-Yonah, or greater than 17 × 6 m according to White’s new inter-
pretation (White 2009, 164). The triclinium was obviously built for big gatherings,
A. Res sacrae 59

especially, as the name suggests, communal meals, an activity attested for syna-
gogues in literary sources, see Levine, Ancient Synagogue 129ff., 295; White 1990
and id., 1998. A triclinium is specifically mentioned in the synagogue inscription at
Stobi (Noy, IJO I, Mac1), and the 1 c. Theodotos synagogue inscription from Jeru-
salem also mentions the construction of various rooms (»Ūĸ̸) for the use of the
community (CIIP I 9); the Ostia synagogue had kitchen facilities along with two
dining rooms (White 2009, 265 n. 68; Levine, Ancient Synagogue 255-8).
Not just his titles, but Beryllus’ substantial donation to the synagogue empha-
sized his standing and public responsibility in the community. A donor’s assertion
that he financed construction from his own resources is not unusual, but the Greek
formula is usually phrased ëÁ ÌľÅ Ċ»ţÑÅ, see White 2009, 167.

Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, Bulletin of the Rabinowitz Fund 3, 1960, 47f. no. C (ed. pr.). – Id., BIES
20, 1956, 194f. (Hebr.); RB 64, 1957, 242-61 at 245; B. Lifshitz, RB 67, 1960, 58-64 no. 3; BE
1961, 810; RB 68, 1961, 464-71; BE 1963, 283; RB 70, 1963, 583f.; SEG 20, 462; Lifshitz, Dona-
teurs 51f. no. 66; J. Finegan, Archaeology 78; Levine, Caesarea 43f. pl. 7 fig. 3; Ringel, Césarée
118f., 149-51; Hüttenmeister - Reeg, Synagogen 1, 82f. no. 4; H. Schanks, Judaism in Stone,
1979, 13 (ph.); G. Horsley, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, 1981, 217; Roth-
Gerson, Greek Inscriptions 115ff. no. 27 (Hebr.); Ovadiah, MPI 46; K. Holum et al., King
Herod`s Dream, 1988, 197; van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 94f.; L.White, Building
God’s House in the Roman World, 1990, 77f.; M. Avi-Yonah, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 278ff.; T. Rajak
- D. Noy, JRS 83, 1993, 75-93 at 91 no. 24; L. Levine, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 392-
400 at 392f. no. 1; McLean I no.13; L. White, in: I. Nielsen - H. Nielsen eds., Meals in Social
Context, 1998, 177-205; C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in: Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum 49-58 at 54
no. 6 (Hebr.); Levine, Ancient Synagogue, 204f.; Lehmann - Holum no. 79; R. Vann, JRA 13,
2000, 671-7; Hezser, Jewish Literacy 405; J. Geiger, Cathedra 99, 2001, 27-36 (Hebr.); J. Patrich,
in: Burns - Eadie, Urban centres 77-110; Sivan, Palestine 314; Govaars - Spiro - White, The
“Synagogue” Site 164-7 no. 4.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum pl. LVIII no. 79.


JJP

1141. An offering of the Jewish congregation, 6-7 c. CE

Marble plaque with large drilled hole in middle, top middle piece missing; pieces
rejoined after stone was broken. Five-line Greek inscription incised around hole, to
be read facing east. Line marking abbreviation above  in l.1; serifed line above
omicron in l.3 marks omicron-upsilon; a reported line above beta in l.1 cannot be
seen. Serifs on most letters; alpha with broken cross-bar and serif extension to base;
rho with tail; upsilon without stem; theta with extended cross-bar; round epsilon,
omicron; cursive mu and pi; lunate sigma.

Findspot: Caesarea, Area A = Field O.


Pres. loc.: IAA inv. no. 1935-446
60 II. Caesarea

ΣΒ [--] O
 
 


 

App. crit.: (ŧÉÀÇ) Ë ¹ (Ǿ¿) ŦË |


ÎÇÉŠ Schwabe.

(ŧÉÀÇ) Ë ¹ (Ǿ¿Ŧ)[Ë.
É]‫מ‬ÇÊ|ÎÇÉÛ | ÌÇı ¸|Çı
ëÈü |¸ÉÇÍ¿Ü
fig. 1141

May the Lord be our helper. An offering/donation of the congregation under Maruthas.

Comm.: This inscription was found embedded in the same floor as no. 1142. It
recorded the donation by the congregation of the object whose pedestal or base was
fitted in the drilled hole (Sukenik: candelabrum; it could also have been a basin or
column). From the photos, the letters do not seem to be very worn, thus it was not
trammeled much when in use, and apparently was covered with rubble and thus
protected afterwards. The letter-forms – esp. the alpha, kappa, and the “tail” on the
rho (found in other (non-Jewish) inscriptions) – enable a relatively late dating, 5-7
c., cf. DGI 896-900.
The opening abbreviated appeal (ŧÉÀÇ)Ë ¹(Ǿ¿Ŧ)Ë (adopting Lifshitz’s restora-
tion), widely used in Christian inscriptions of the period, has led some to doubt the
Jewishness of this text, compare the formulae in nos. 1172, 1180, 1179, 1174, 1152; but
there are sufficient Jewish near-parallels to set aside doubt: Á(ŧÉÀ)¼ ¹(Ç)Ţ¿(¼À) in the
Beth She’an synagogue mosaic and ¿(¼ġË) ¹(ÇŢ¿¼À) in Ashkelon (Roth-Gerson, Greek
Inscriptions, nos. 6 and 3); several variations in texts from Syria (Noy - Bloedhorn,
IJO III, Syr20, 27, 38, 41, 75), Sardis (Ameling, IJO II 137, 142) and Greece (Noy, IJO I,
Ach72), etc.; cf. G. Foerster, Cathedra 19, 1981, 12-40 (Hebr.). The association of this
stone with no. 1142 increases the likelihood that it was Jewish, but does not defini-
tively settle the matter (see comm. ad no. 1142). Whatever the case, the stonecutter
was influenced by his epigraphic environment. The iotacism in ëÈü is typical of the
period. Marouthas has no exact parallel in the Jewish onomasticon so far; the widely
cited [--]=#:/Ü mrwt[--] in two inscriptions from Na’aran is probably not a name but
an expression of respect such as “lord, master”, cf. Naveh, Stone and Mosaic, comm.
ad 65 and 66; yet the present personal name is based on the same root, mr; note
¸ÉÇıÌÇË, CPJ 430. The same name Marouthas is said to have been found on another
fragmentary inscription from Caesarea, but no further information is available: M.
Avi-Yonah – A. Negev, IEJ 13, 1963, 147 = Lehmann - Holum no. 81; its existence is
questioned by White, The “Synagogue” Site, 163. The office which Marouthas held,
A. Res sacrae 61

used to date the inscription, was probably archisynagogos, cf. no. 1140. Schwabe’s
theory that the name represents a garbled form of mrd “rebellion” has rightly been re-
jected. It is notable that Marouthas is mentioned for dating purposes, not as the main
donor, for the donation was collective and anonymous: anonymity is usually a char-
acteristic of Aramaic donation inscriptions (a notable exception is È(ÉÇÊ)Î(ÇÉÛ) ĻÅ
(ŧÉÀÇ)Ë ºÀÅŦÊÁÀ ÌÛ ĚÅŦĸ̸ in Beth She‫ގ‬an, Roth-Gerson, Greek Inscriptions, no. 9).

Bibl.: Schwabe, Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume 441-9 pl. 4 (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – E. Sukenik, Bul-
letin of the Rabinowitz Fund 2, 29f. pl. 15; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols 1, 263 fig. 996 no. 49;
B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 78, 1962, 81f. no. 4; M. Avi-Yonah - A. Negev, IEJ 13, 1963, 146ff.; BE 1964,
504; SEG 20, 464; Lifshitz, Donateurs 50f. no. 64; id., Epigraphica 36, 1974, 78-100 at 82ff. no. 2;
A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 279 (ph.); Hüttenmeister - Reeg, Synagogen 1, 81f. nos. 1-2; G. Foer-
ster, Cathedra 19, 1981, 12-40 (Hebr.); Roth- Gerson, Greek Inscriptions 111f. no. 25 (Hebr.); M.
Avi-Yonah, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 278ff.; L. Levine, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 392-400 at
392f. no. 2; McLean I no. 10; W. Horbury, PEQ 129, 1997, 133-7; G. Stemberger, in: A. Kofsky
- G. Strousma eds., Sharing the Sacred, 1998, 131-46 at 139; Levine, Ancient Synagogue 204f.;
Lehmann - Holum nos. 80-81; R. Vann, JRA 13, 2000, 671-7; Hezser, Jewish Literacy 402f., 408;
Govaars - Spiro - White, The “Synagogue” Site 161-4 no. 3.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LVIII no. 80.
JJP

1142. Dedication of synagogue floor, 6-7 c. CE

Mosaic pavement with remnants of Greek inscription in red tesserae on a white back-
ground. Today all that can be seen are the top portions of five letters at the end of l.1
and a few tesserae from a subsequent line; lunate sigma, alpha with inclined cross-
bar. According to J. Ory and ed. pr. by Schwabe, there could originally be seen a me-
dallion with three partial lines of text and the end of a fourth. Red, white, black and
yellow tesserae. Omicron-upsilon ligature; omicron inside pi signifying ÈŦ»¸Ë.
Meas.: Medallion: ൺ 122 cm
(White); letters 17-20 cm
(ed. pr.).
Pres. loc.: in situ.

[--]‫[  מ‬.]‫ מ‬


[--]‫  מ‬Ъ [--]‫מ‬
[--]‫[ מ‬--] 
[--]‫מ‬Ъ Ъ

[--] ¼Ď ĨÈÇļ [Å]‫מ‬ĠÅ̸ÀË |


[ÌġÅ ¿¼ġÅ Ò]‫מ‬ ŠÆÇÍÊÀÅ
[ĊÊÏŧ]‫מ‬Å | [--ÈÉÇÊ]‫מ‬ÎÇÉŠ [--]
ÈŦ (»¸Ë) | [--]‫ מ‬ fig. 1142.1
62 II. Caesarea

Those who await God will renew their strength … donation … feet …

Comm.: The mosaic is


still in situ, but the site so
poorly maintained that
almost the entire inscrip-
tion has disappeared since
it was first revealed in the
1930s. J. Ory cleaned and
recorded it in 1945 and
the next year consolidated
it with concrete. It is situ-
fig. 1142.2 (in year 2010)
ated 10 m east and ca. 1.5
m above no. 1139 (White). When last examined and recorded in the 1980s, the
existing pavement, which was only part of the original floor, measured 9.5x4.2 m.
The inscription no. 1141 was embedded in the same floor.
The diplomatic text and interpretation are Schwabe’s. He recognized in the
opening of this dedication an inspirational quotation of Is 40,31, Septuagint (ed.
Rahlfs): ÇĎ »ò ĨÈÇÄšÅÇÅÌ¼Ë ÌġÅ ¿¼ġÅ ÒŠÆÇÍÊÀÅ ĊÊÏŧÅ. The remainder of the inscrip-
tion then recorded the donor’s name, and the nature and amount of the donation.
The last two legible letters are mysterious, perhaps the end of a name -ÂÀ (ÇË) or
-ÂÀ (¸) (cf.  = ÇÈšÂÀÇË/¸ in CIIP I 583); it could also be a numeral, , 

or -, but ÈŦ (»¸Ë) appears in the line above; for other guesses, see White ad loc. The
inscription was read facing east (White). In Greek of the very late Roman period,
the interchanges ÇÀ→¼À and ¼→¸À are not unusual, and occur in mss. of the Septua-
gint, see detailed discussion with reff. in White 160. These orthographic features,
in addition to archaeological context, point towards a later date, perhaps the 7 c.

Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, QDAP 3, 1934, 51 no. 340 (Hebr.); Schwabe, Alexander Marx Jubilee Vol-
ume, 436ff. no. 2, pl. 2 (Hebr.) (edd. prr.). – SEG 8, 138; E. Sukenik, Bulletin of the Rabinowitz
Fund 2, 1951, 29; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols 1, 263, fig. 996 no. 49; Hüttenmeister - Reeg,
Synagogen 1, 84 no. 7; Z. Ilan, in: D. Urman - P. Flesher eds., Ancient Synagogues 1, 1995, 256-88
at 278; L. Levine, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 392-400 at 392f. no. 6; McLean I no. 9; id. II
no. 193; Lehmann - Holum no. 82; Govaars - Spiro - White, The “Synagogue” Site, 159ff. no. 2.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LIX no. 82b; A. and N. Graicer.
JJP

1143. Donation by Theodorus, inscribed on marble column, 5-6 c. CE

Upper section of gray marble column, dowel hole in upper surface. Five-line
Greek inscription incised on side of column, approximately midway between
top and broken bottom. Alpha with inclined cross-bar, cursive epsilon, lunate
A. Res sacrae 63

sigma, cursive w-shaped omega; middle leg of nu attached to middle of right leg;
omicron-upsilon ligature; letters have serifs. Omicron above initial pi-rho in l.1
indicating abbreviation.
Meas.: h 135, ൺ 40 at top, 45 cm at bottom; longest line 34 cm; letters 3-4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, Area A = Field O.
Pres. loc.: IAA inv. no. 1969-1024; last seen lying between the theater and the city wall.

fig. 1143.1

 
 
 



ÉÇ (ÊÎÇÉÛ) ¼Ñ»ļÉǼ | ÍĎÇı lÂįÄÈÇÍ | ĨÈòÉ ÊÑ̼Éţ¸Ë | ¸ÌÉļÅ¸Ë | ¿Íº¸ÌÉĠË

The offering of Theodorus son of Olympus, for the salvation of his daughter Ma-
trona.

Comm.: This inscribed column was discovered in Avi-Yonah’s excavations in Area


A (Field O) in 1956. Theodorus’ donation could have been the column, something
attached to the column, or some part of the room in which the column stood; it is to
be noted that the column, with its bottom broken off, is 1.35 m tall, and presumably
the donor wanted his inscription to be seen and read.
64 II. Caesarea

The inscription is complete. No words


are broken between lines – this consider-
ation may have prompted the abbreviation
for ÈÉÇÊÎÇÉŠ in l.1. The same abbreviation is
found on a marble plaque from the House of
Leontinus in Beth She‫ގ‬an, see Roth-Gerson,
Greek Inscriptions no. 8; and cf. this vol., nos.
1141, 1142.
White attributes the column to Stratum
V, 5-6 c. CE, and the letter forms fit with
this dating, as do Ç→Ñ and ¾→¼ in ¼Ñ»ŪÉǼ
and ÊÑ̼Éţ¸Ë. The peculiar second epsilon
in ¼Ñ»ŪÉǼ is well explained by White as
an erroneously carved sigma converted into
an epsilon when the engraver realized that
he needed a genitive. The name Theodorus
was favored by Jews throughout antiquity, see
Ilan, Lexicon I 286f. and III 299-304; a The-
odorus, spelled the same way, is in no. 1490.
Olympus is rare but not unattested in the Jew-
ish onomasticon; it is the name of a Jew from
Alexandria buried in Jaffa, Price, 224ff. no. 4;
and is found on Jewish inscriptions in Rome,
Noy, JIWE II 40, in Sardis and Cappadocia,
Ameling, IJO II 69, 252, and on the Black
Sea, Noy, IJO I, BS4. Matrona was a common
woman’s name of the time, see Ilan, Lexicon
III 599; Kasovsky, Mishna, s.v. fig. 1143.2

Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, Bulletin of the Rabinowitz Fund 3, 1960, 44-8 pl. 9 no. 4 (ed. pr.). – Id., BIES
20, 1956, 194f. (Hebr.); RB 64, 1957, 242-61, 244; RB 68, 1961, 464-71, 468; BE 1963, 283; Lifshitz,
Donateurs 52f. no. 67; Finegan, Archaeology 78; A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 273-85 at 278; Ringel,
Césarée 118f.; Hüttenmeister - Reeg, Synagogen 1, 83 no. 5; Roth-Gerson, Greek Inscriptions 118ff.
no. 28 (Hebr.); M. Avi-Yonah, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 278ff.; L. Levine, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea
1996, 392-400 at 392f. no. 3; McLean I no. 11; Levine, Ancient Synagogue 204f.; Lehmann - Holum
no. 83; R. Vann, JRA 13, 2000, 671-7; J. Moralee, For Salvation’s Sake, 2004, 179 no. 371; Govaars -
Spiro - White, The “Synagogue” Site 2009, 167-9 no. 5 – Cf. J. Price, SCI 22, 2003, 215-31.
Photo: IAA.
JJP
A. Res sacrae 65

1144. Corinthian capital with Greek monograms, 5-6 c. CE

White marble Corinthian capital with monograms on two faces.


Findspot: Caesarea, Area A (Field O).

(a) 
(b) OK

Comm.: This capital was one of


three found by Avi-Yonah in his ex-
cavations in 1956. The other two had
menorah reliefs. In the monogram
on the first side, ,  and  are clear,
the supposed  is represented by
a cross-bar above the alpha. There
may be an omicron on the upper
left corner of the pi, and a kappa in
the lower right corner of the mono- fig. 1144.1 (a)
gram. Avi-Yonah’s interpretation is:
  (). On the second side,
a prominent  is clearly seen. Less
clear are the supposed tiny omicron
on the upper left corner and the
small kappa extending off the right
leg of the nu. Others have claimed to
see a lunate sigma and iota in the de-
sign. Avi-Yonah read: ŦÅÊ (ÇÍÂÇË) or
ÇÅÊ (Ç͸ÉţÇÍ), but this seems fan-
ciful, given the prominence of the nu
and the minor position of the kappa;
equally fanciful then is the sugges-
tion that the two monograms repre-
sent a consul Patricius of the 5 c. CE fig. 1144.2 (b)
(Bagnall et al. 459-500).

Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, Bulletin of the Rabinowitz Fund 3, 1960, 46f., pl. 10 figs. 5-6 (ed. pr.). – BE
1963, 283; A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 273-85 at 278; Hüttenmeister - Reeg, Synagogen 1, 84f. no.
8; Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina 25; M. Avi-Yonah, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 279; Lehmann - Holum no.
84; Hezser, Jewish Literacy 405; Govaars - Spiro - White, The “Synagogue” Site 2009 169-71 no.
6. – Cf. R. S. Bagnall et al., Consuls of the Later Roman Empire, 1987.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXI no. 84a+b.

JJP
66 II. Caesarea

1145. List of the 24 priestly courses in Hebrew, 4-5 c. CE

Three gray marble fragments inscribed in formal Jewish script.


Meas.: (b) h 1.5, w 1.2 cm; (c) h 1.4, w 1.40; letters 2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, Areas D and F (b and c); surface find (a).
Pres. loc.: Ralli Museum, Caesarea, (b) and (c) IAA inv. no. 1966-1305; (a) is lost.

(a) [--]:Ü [--]


[--]3</%=Ü [--]
[--]:<3<<=:/Ü [--]
[--]3<=:/Ü [--]
(b) %'+/ [--]
=:8 –1 [--]
[--]!+)Ü [--]
[--]+Ü [--]
(c) [--]/Ü
[--]</Ü
[--]</Ü

(a) and (b)


[--!:<3 3] :Ü[=:/</]
[--!:<] 3 </% =Ü[:/</] fig. 1145.1 (b)
[--!] :<3 << =:/Ü[</]
%'+/Ü[/ :'$% !:<3] 3< =:/Ü[</]
=:81Ü[78'6! !:<3 !1#/< =:/</]
[:3] !+)Ü[!'%=6 !:<3 3<= =:/</]
['1#1] +Ü[/ +9$%' -':<3 =:/</]
(c) [-- =:/<] /
[-- =:/] </
[-- =:/] </

Translit.: (a) and (b) [mšmrt]௘‫ގ‬rb[‫ޏ ޏ‬śrh-- |


mšmr] t ḥmš ‫[ ޏ‬śrh-- |
mš] mrt šš ‫ޏ‬śr [h-- |
mš--] mrt šb‫ޏ [ ޏ‬śrh ḥzyr
m] mlyḥ | [mšmrt šmwnh
‫ޏ‬śrh hpyṣṣ]nṣrt | [mšmrt
tš‫ޏ ޏ‬śrh ptḥyh] ‫ގ‬klh [‫ޏ‬rb | fig. 1145.2 (c)
mšmrt ‫ޏ‬śrym yḥzq‫ގ‬l
m] gdl [ nwny‫]ގ‬
(c) m [šmrt--] | mš [mrt--] | mš [mrt--]
A. Res sacrae 67

(a) and (b): … The Fourteenth mishmeret (priestly course) … | The Fifteenth mish-
meret … | The Sixteenth mishmeret … | The Seventeenth mishmeret,
Ḥezir, Mamliaḥ, | The Eighteenth mishmeret, Haphiṣiṣ, Nazareth, | The
Nineteenth mishmeret, Petaḥiya Akhla, ҵArab, | The Twentieth mish-
meret, Yeḥezkel, Migdal Nunaiya …
(c) mishmeret … | mishmeret … | mishmeret …

fig. 1145.3
Comm.: These are three small pieces of a large inscription recording the 24 priestly
courses as mentioned in 1 Chron. 24,7-18. The plaque was most likely put up in a
synagogue; it could have been more than a meter high. Fragments (a) and (b) were
found by Avi-Yonah in his Areas D and F, but he reasonably attributed them to the
synagogue associated with Area A = Field O, on the basis of proximity and content.
Fragment (a), which clearly belongs to the same inscription, was a chance surface
find, circumstances unknown; a photograph and drawing were published (Avi-
Yonah), and the fragment has since been lost. Avi-Yonah notes that the upper lines
in (a) and (b) are slightly larger than the lower ones, indicating that the stonecutter
began to reduce the size of the lines as he reached the end of the stone.
68 II. Caesarea

Since the beginning, middle and end of different lines are preserved, and as-
suming that the lines all followed the same formulaic pattern, the entire inscription
can be restored with a reasonable degree of certainty, based on 1 Chron and piyu-
tim or liturgical poems of Late Antiquity mentioning the courses, especially those
of Elazar Kalir (cf. Avi-Yonah’s restoration in the ed. pr.). Each line records the
number of the mishmeret, or priestly course, the name of the family and the Galile-
an town in which the family lived at the time. Fragment (c) obviously preserves the
beginning of three lines, but which ones cannot be determined, Avi-Yonah neatly
lined them up with fragment (b). Fragments (a) and (b) are pieces of a continuous
sequence of lines, based on the recorded order of the priestly courses.
Similar plaques have been found elsewhere: Ashkelon, Kissufim (Naveh, Stone
and Mosaic 52, 56), possibly Nazareth (Eshel) and Reḥov (unpublished); the longest
such text known to date is from Yemen (Naveh 106).
The 24 priestly courses had rotating functions when the Temple stood, cf.
M.Taan. 4,2. After the destruction of the Temple and the relocation of the priestly
families to the Galilee, the inscribed lists of courses put up in synagogues had per-
haps only a nostalgic purpose, although Avi-Yonah, followed by Hachlili and oth-
ers, suggested they were used as a way of marking times of the year (cf. the use of
mishmarot in Qumran, as discussed by Talmon and Knohl, esp. 295).

Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, IEJ 12, 1962, 137ff.; HA 4, 1962, 6 (Hebr.) (edd. prr.). – S. Klein, Beiträge
zur Geographie und Geschichte Galilaeas, 1909, 102-8; S. Klein, Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte
und Geographie Galiläas, 1923, 47f., 62-8, 177-92; HA 6, 1963, 6 (Hebr.); M. Avi-Yonah - A.
Negev, IEJ 13, 1963, 146ff.; M. Avi-Yonah, in: E. Vardaman - J. Garrett eds., The Teacher’s Yoke,
1964, 42-50; id., EI 7, 1964, 24-8 (Hebr.); H. Bardtke, Bibel, Spaten und Geschichte, 1969, 298; E.
Fleischer, Sinai 64, 1969, 180-98 (Hebr.); IMC 100, 172; R. Degen, Tarbiz 42, 1973, 300-3 (Hebr.);
E. Urbach, Tarbiz 42, 1973, 304-27 (Hebr.); A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 273-85 at 278; J. Goldstein,
HThR 68, 1975, 53-8 at 57; Ringel, Césarée 118f.; S. Klein, Sefer Ha-Yishuv 1, 1977, 162-5; Naveh,
Stone and Mosaic 87f. no. 51 (Hebr.); T. Kahane, Tarbiz 48, 1979, 9-29 (Hebr.); H. William-
son, Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament, 1979, 251-68; Tarbiz 49, 1980, 430f.
(Hebr.); S. Miller, Studies in the History and Traditions of Sepphoris, 1984, 132; Tarbiz 55, 1985,
47-60 (Hebr.); G. Stemberger, Juden und Christen im Heiligen Land, 1987, 115; G. Kroll, Auf
den Spuren Jesu, 1988, 82f.; K. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 189 fig. 154 no. 148; R.
Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of Israel, 1988, 225ff., 296, 304 pls. 64,
67, 71, 73, 74; L. Levine, The Rabbinic Class of Roman Palestine, 1989; D. Trifon, Tarbiz 49, 1989,
77-93 (Hebr.); Z. Safrai, Chapters in the History of the Galilee, 1989, 271-4 (Hebr.); H. Eshel,
Tarbiz 61, 1991, 159ff.; A. Oppenheimer, Galilee in the Mishnaic Period, 1991, 53-7 (Hebr.); Z.
Safrai, Tarbiz 62, 1992, 287-92; M. Avi-Yonah, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 278ff.; S. Talmon - I. Knohl
in: D. Wright - D. Freedman - A. Hurvitz eds., Pomegranates and Golden Bells, 1995, 265-301;
S. Fine ed., Sacred Realm, 1996, 148f.; L. Levine, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 392-400 at
392f. no. 7; McLean I nos. 12A, 12B, 12C; Levine, Ancient Synagogue 491-500; R. Vann, JRA 13,
2000, 671-7 at 677; Hezser, Jewish Literacy 409f.; Evans 47f.; Sivan, Palestine 314; Govaars - Spiro
- White, The “Synagogue” Site 53ff., 174 no. 11.

Photo: IAA.

JJP
A. Res sacrae 69

1146. Marble column inscribed in Hebrew “shalom”

The word šlwm written in formal script on a marble column.


Findspot: Caesarea, on the coastal side of the Crusader city. 

-#+<

Translit.: šlwm

Peace.

Comm.: A column inscribed with the word


shalom was among several columns found
during excavations of a large Byzantine
building in a commercial district; appar-
ently the columns had fallen from an up-
per story. Levine 1986 wondered whether
the inscribed column might indicate the
presence of a synagogue on the site, but
it is more likely that the inscription was a fig. 1146
graffito, or the column was re-used; a syna-
gogue would surely have yielded other signs.

Bibl.: L. Levine - E. Netzer, Qadmoniot 11, 1978, 70-5 (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – HA 57/8, 1976, 21; ESI
1, 1982, 14f.; E. Netzer, in: L. Levine - E. Netzer eds., Excavations at Caesarea Maritima 1975,
1976, 1979. Final Report, 1986, 16-65 at 45f.; L. Levine - E. Netzer, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 280ff.;
McLean I no. 4.
Photo: E. Netzer, Excavations at Caesarea Maritima. Final Report, 1986, 45 fig. III.64.
JJP

1147. Marble fragment inscribed in Hebrew “shalom”, 3-6 c. CE (?)

Upper right corner of marble plaque, covered with reddish plaster, one Hebrew
word can be clearly seen, expertly incised in formal Jewish script.
Meas.: h 10.5, w 16.5, d 2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, north of the Cru-
sader city.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA
inv. no. 1998-7288. Autopsy: 14 December
2010.

[--]-#+<Ü
[--] fig. 1147.1
70 II. Caesarea

Translit.: šlwm [--|--]

Peace …

Comm.: This fragment, the top right


corner of an inscription, was found in
secondary use, cut to fit, in a structure
north of the Crusader city, thus in the
general area of the supposed synagogue, fig. 1147.2
see intro. to no. 1139. The word shalom”
seems to have been the beginning of the inscription, as in e.g. the expression šlwm ҵl
yśrҴl “Peace on Israel”, as in Naveh, Stone and Mosaic 50 and 111, cf. nos. 38, 68, 70, 75.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
JJP

Christian inscriptions

1148. Record of an offering (?)

White marble, broken on all sides. Part of a circle is preserved, the letters seem to
be inscribed in this circle.
Meas.: h 10.5, w 7.8, d 1.7 cm; letters 2.3-3.3 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--]‫מ‬
[--]

[ÈÉÇÊ]‫מ‬ÎÇÉŠ | [--]

… offering …

Comm.: For ÈÉÇÊÎÇÉŠ, see no. 1152.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA. fig. 1148

WA
A. Res sacrae 71

1149. Golgotha, 4-7 c. AD

White marble, some breakage on the upper and lower right side. The letters are
written in a rough cross; two crosses below the lower arms of the large cross. The
letters are mirrored.
Meas.: h 7.5, w 6.5, d 1.3 cm; letters 0.7-0.9 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea (according to the notes on the baskets in Beth Shemesh).
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, no. 6/93 + N.19138. Autopsy: 16 March 2010.



(cross)  (cross)

App. crit.: l.2 lambda and gamma are written


in ligature; theta does not seem to differ from
omikron; l.3 the letter looks rather like lambda,
no horizontal bar recognizable.

|Ǻǿ|¸

Calvary.

fig. 1149.1

fig. 1149.2 (mirrored)

Comm.: Although some of the letters are not completely recognizable, there can be
no doubt about the text; see no. 2117 for a similar design in a similar context (large
72 II. Caesarea

cross surrounded by smaller crosses). The letters were perhaps mirrored, because this
stone was used as a stamp of a kind (but there is no handle on its back); Hunt 135ff.
has some general remarks on the economic significance of relics in the holy land. –
Golgotha, as part of the Constantinian basilica, attracted a large number of pilgrims
and was lavishly adorned with precious stones, gold and silver; the best description
seems to come from the Breviarius de Hierosolyma, versions A and B (CSEL 175, p.
107ff.; roughly first half of the 6 c. AD). According to this text, the pure stone (genus
silicis) was still visible at the top (the pilgrim from Piacenza, c. 19, attests this, too) –
which might have interested pilgrims in the search for relics (that pilgrims went to all
lengths to get relics is famously illustrated by the Peregr. Aeth. 32,7 – a bite taken out
of the holy cross; a cubit of the cross stolen, Proc. Bell. 2,11,4; earth [not stone] taken
from the holy land, Aug. CD 22,8; ep. 52,2). Cf. in general Gibson - Taylor 60: “it
would be going too far to assume that we have here [scil. at the top of the modern rock
of Golgotha in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre] exactly the surface as it was in the
1st century. In the Greek Chapel of Longinus in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, a
portion of rock cut away, when the marble casing of 1810 was laid on top of the Rock
of Calvary, was shown to the public … and indicates that modifications were made
to the Rock until quite recently. Prior to this, bits of the Rock were broken off for a
variety of reasons: as pilgrim mementoes, and as holy relics to give extra sanctity to
churches throughout the Empire”. – The importance of this text and no. 2117 lies in
the fact that such relics were not only interesting for pilgrims from all over the world,
but also for pilgrims living in the Holy Land itself.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – Cf. E. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, 1984; S.
Gibson - J. Taylor, Beneath the Church of the Holy Sepulchre Jerusalem, 1994.
Photo: WA.
WA

Ecclesiastical building inscriptions

1150. A gift to the church

Tesselated pavement; border made from black and yellow tesserae; at the right side
a small ansa, at the left side something rather like an ear.
Meas.: h 66.5, w 104 cm; letters 14-15 cm.
Findspot: Northern, i. e. left aisle of the church that was built in the eastern part of
the (former) praetorium of the proconsul; to be read by a person entering from the
east, i. e. to be read against the direction of the church (measurements of the aisle:
length, at least 13, w 2.65 m).
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 4 October 2009.
A. Res sacrae 73

fig. 1150.1

 

 
 

ĨÈòÉ ÊÑ̾Éţ¸Ë | ¾Â¹ŠÅÇÍ Á¸Ė |


ÇÅţ¸Ë

For the salvation of Silvanus and


Nonia.

fig. 1150.2 (with no. 1151 below)

Comm.: Patrich calls attention to the fact that the mosaic bears no cross, and
that the apse is not deep enough for a synthronon, that there is no fundament for
a bema or an altar. “Thus it should not be excluded that this structure was actu-
ally a Samaritan synagogue, oriented eastward to Mt. Garizim”. Therefore Si-
van, Palestine 315 calls Silvanus and Nonna (sic) “perhaps an eminent Samaritan
couple”; ibid. 315f. on Samaritans in Caesarea and environs, quoting, inter alia,
the Samaritan ring inscriptions; see no. 1716. But even though the former prae-
torium did not continue to be the seat of the governor, it is difficult to see how
Samaritans could build a synagogue in this former public building – this would
require stronger evidence than a missing cross on a mosaic. For the time being,
one should regard this building as a church. – For the personal name Silvanus,
see Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, PEQ 34, 1902, 268f. no. 21 (Beersheba); Schwabe -
74 II. Caesarea

Lifshitz, Beth She‫ޏ‬arim II no. 211 (first, and only, instance for a Jew to bear this
name); SEG 37, 1513f. (Evron); SEG 46, 1925, 2; 1995, 8 (Surman); 2022 (Teqma);
Nonis in SEG 46, 1851 (Elusa).

Bibl.: J. Porath, ESI 17, 1998, 44; J. Patrich, SBF 50, 2000, 370; J. Porath, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1661
with fig.

Photo: WA; WE.

WA

1151. Fragment of a donation to the church

Tesselated pavement with an inscription; border made by black tesserae.


Meas.: h 25, w 32 cm (preserved; w up to 2.1 m is theoretically possible); letters 10-
13 cm.
Findspot: Northern, i.e. left aisle of the church that was built in the eastern part of
the (former) praetorium of the proconsul; a bit to the east of no. 1150.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 4 October 2009.

 [--]

ĨÈò [É ÊÑ̾Éĕ¸Ë --, ¼ĤÏýË etc.]

On behalf of …

Bibl.: Unpublished.
fig. 1151
Photo: WA.

WA
A. Res sacrae 75

1152. An anonymous offering for a church, 4-7 c. AD

Plaque of light gray marble with only minor breaks at edges. The face is smooth, the
sides and back roughly worked. A cross stands off-center above the text, another
below.
Meas.: h 30, w 23, d 4-6 cm; letters 3.1-4.4 cm.
Findspot: East of the hippodrome.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7887. Autopsy: 11 March 2010.

(cross)

  
  

(cross)

ÈÉÇÊÎÇÉÛ | ĻÅ ĝ ÁŧÉÀÇË | ºÀÅŪÊÁ¼À |


ÌÛ ĚÅŦĸ̸

An offering of those whose names the


Lord knows.

Comm.: The formula as such is


common, and refers to the “book of
life”, where everybody’s name can
be found by the lord, cf. Phil 4,3: ĻÅ
ÌÛ ĚÅŦĸ̸ ëÅ ¹À¹ÂţĿ ½ÑýË. Parallels
are cited by Lehmann - Holum 253 fig. 1152
n. 133 and SEG; Dagron - Feissel 116
note about 40 inscriptions of this type, and continue: “Les variantes sont multiples
… La fréquence de tel ou tel verbe varie selons les provinces: on compte en Pal-
estine 9 ºÀÅŪÊÁ¼À pour 1 ëÈţÊ̸̸À … et 1 Ç軸˔. Instances of this formula in the
patriarchates Antiocheia and Jerusalem have been collected by Haensch 293f. (ibid.
291 n. 9 earlier literature and references, also to the Latin and Armenian versions
of the formula).
The formula is not purely Christian, as SEG 37, 1532 (synagogue of Scythopo-
lis) proves: È (ÉÇÊ) Î (ÇÉÛ) ĻÅ Á (ŧÉÀÇ) Ë ºÀÅŦÊÁÀ ÌÛ ĚÅŦĸ̸; but in this case the crosses
are decisive (and, of course, most instances are Christian: the Roberts call it “la
formule chrétienne”). It seems that an offering announced in this way has to be an
offering to a church, a monastery vel sim., and it should be noted specifically that
the offering under discussion was made by more than one person. Since the in-
scription was found in the vicinity of the hippodrome, and since there was a church
76 II. Caesarea

at the south-eastern end of the hippodrome, W. Eck thinks it possible that the stone
came from this church.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, RB 68, 1961, 120f. no. 12 pl. 2 fig. a (ed. pr.). – BE 1962, 315; McLean I no. 16; W.
Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 544f.; Lehmann - Holum no. 134 pl. XCI; SEG 50, 1466. – Cf. G. Dagron - D.
Feissel, Inscriptions de Cilicie, 1987; R. Haensch, KJ 43, 2010, 289ff.

Photo: IAA.

WA

1153.-1167. Presumed St. Paul’s chapel and surroundings

In the 90s, the praetorium of the procurator and an adjoining warehouse-complex


were excavated in the areas KK, CC, NN (Patrich et. al. published the preliminary
findings; see the map on their p. 8 for the location of the sites). This area underwent
significant changes through the centuries, but only the buildings of the 5 and 6 c.
were fully excavated: this provides a rough date for most of the inscriptions from
this site (cf. Sivan, Palestine 313 for the lack of a date and for the context to the his-
tory of the harbour).
Area CC (plan in Patrich et al. 84) is dominated on the ground-level by four large
vaults to the north and a number of smaller vaults to the south; the two complexes
are separated by a partially vaulted alley. The vaults belonged originally to ware-
houses and were used as substructures for the praetorium of the procurator. The
vaults must have changed their functions several times, and they must have had
some kind of religious function in Late Antiquity as is shown by the wall-paintings
with Christ and the apostles and with haloed saints.
One of the smaller vaults, no. 9, facing the decumanus, contained on its western
wall the painting of Christ and the apostles (no. 1153); this vault and the adjoining
vault 10 were separated from the decumanus by a façade with two entrances – the
one to vault 9 originally 3.3 m wide, but later reduced to 1.9 m. At the right side of
the entrance was a bench. We know nothing about the function of vault 9; architec-
turally, it was simply a passage to vault 8.
The larger vaults were used as horrea, but at some time vault 1 was converted to a
Mithraeum, and vault 11 preserves on its south wall some plaster with three haloed
saints (no. 1165; cf. the photograph in Patrich et al. 92 fig. 26 for the location of the
plaster). On the north wall of the adjoining vault 12 were “the faint remains of a
figure holding a scepter, a spear, or a cross” (Patrich et al. 93).
Area KK lies south of CC, separated from CC by the decumanus (plan in Patrich
et al. 76), and comprises one insula. In the 5 and 6 c., the largest part of this insula
was taken up by six ware-houses: four court-yard horrea, one corridor horreum
and one horreum of composite-type. But the question is whether these buildings
A. Res sacrae 77

were still used as warehouses: in the antechamber of warehouse I (KK 17) were
“plastered stones with polychrome images of saint’s heads and crosses” (Patrich et
al. 75). In the very latest Byzantine phase a baking oven was installed in this build-
ing – which might be of importance, because the bread-stamp (no. 1163) was found
there (and the platter, no. 1164). “The S-wing was occupied by a vast E-W hall (5.6
× 32 m). Six pairs of pilasters projected from the N and S walls … The position of
the entrancens in the long N wall made the pilaster hall into a broad space rather
than an elongated hall and provided easier access to the dolia or other containers”
(Patrich et al. 77). In the debris of the hall (KK 22) a large number of plaster frag-
ments were found, inter alia the cruces gemmatae (nos. 1154, 1155, 1166, 1167) and
fragments of wall paintings (nos. 1156; 1157). Directly adjoining this area, but to a
large part belonging to building II, is area KK 23, where the only, still unpublished,
fragment of a marble inscription (building dedication?) was found.
Similar finds were made in the other ware-houses: fragments of wall paintings
were found in building III (KK 9, no. 1158 this vol.) and in the courtyard of build-
ing V (KK 25, no. 1159 this vol.), lastly at the NW edge of the complex (KK 39, no.
1160 this vol.). Some fragments are without precise location (nos. 1161; 1162).
The hitherto unanswered question in regard to these Christian wall-paintings with
inscriptions is, whether they belong to the ground floor where they were found.
There is not much evidence for one or more upper floors, but we should not exclude
their existence: even though we have no clear proofs of stairs, the strength of the
walls would have permitted an upper story – to which the debris with the Christian
symbols could have belonged. This is at least the theory of Patrich 2000 and of L.
Di Segni, ibid., who argued that a church (or chapel) had been in one of the upper
stories – Patrich 2000, 373f. fig. 2-5 gives his idea of the building. The Christian
flair of this location is reinforced by four St. Menas-flasks and one eulogia-flask of
St. Simeon the elder (Patrich 2000, 382).
Since the name of Paul was found on two inscriptions, one of them certainly con-
nected with a saint and a church, Patrich and Di Segni thought of “St. Paul’s cha-
pel” (on the churches and chapels in Caesarea, see Holum; Patrich 2001). But we
should not forget that at least the Christian wall-paintings from area CC did not
necessarily belong to an ecclesiastical building: it would therefore be premature to
postulate a Christian building mainly on the strength of the wall-paintings; some
of the finds (the flasks and the platter) can be explained any other way. There is a
still unpublished inscription from the area KK 23, which is said to record building
activity under the (metropolitan) bishop Elias (a bishop Elias is known in the first
half of the sixth century). If it could be ascertained that this inscription mentions
a bishop and was found in situ, it could provide an important argument in favor of
this place’s identification with a chapel or church.
Several funerary inscriptions were found in this complex, too (nos. 1451; 1464).
Patrich 2000 quotes some examples of intra-urban burials in the context of chapels
or churches in Palestine (referring to Goldfus), but none seems completely con-
vincing. Di Segni (p. 384) argues that the chapel in the second story of the building
78 II. Caesarea

was an unlikely place for burials (but Patrich 2008 speaks of a “crypt-like burial
chamber”). Even if there was a chapel, it is much more probable that the funerary
inscriptions were brought there for other, perhaps building purposes (as were some
sarcophagi in even later times; cf. Patrich 2000, 382).

fig. 1153 General plan of late antique structures in areas KK, CC, NN

1153. Wall Painting of Christ and Apostles with


Greek inscription, 6-mid 7 c. AD

Fresco of Christ and the twelve apostles, framed by a border in red; much of the
plaster (i.e. painting and inscription) is missing. The inscription in red letters, very
A. Res sacrae 79

faded, illegible in places, is beneath the frame. Only two portions of the inscription
survive, including the end. At the end of each part is a horizontal curved line. (a)
was inscribed in Christ’s halo.
Meas.: h 94, w 3.6 cm; frame 4.5 cm.
Findspot: Area CC, vault 9, in a small rectangular room (3x4 m); the fresco was first
found, but not studied in 1980. Cf. the introduction and Patrich et al. 90: “Later, the
painting was covered by a thin layer of whitewash, most of which subsequently fell
away. However, it is not likely that vault 9 served as a chapel or for religious pur-
poses. This vault was a passage leading to vault 8, and nothing in its architecture
suggested a place of cult.”
Pres. loc.: There is no report of moving the fresco; perhaps we have seen the very meagre re-
mains still in situ in October 2009 (see fig. 3).

fig. 1153.1 (b)

(a) XP
(b) [--]‫[  
מ‬..]‫[  מ‬--]++
App. crit.: (a) is only mentioned by Avner 119; (b) [--]‫ ¼מ‬ôÂÈÀʸŠë [ÈЏ Ì]‫¸מ‬ı̸ ÊŊ½ÇÅ. [--]‫מ‬ÇÅ̸
ÓÂǺ¸ Lehmann - Holum; the text here was read by Feissel (BE) after Avner’s pictures and
drawing; there is more than one meter between ÊŊ½ÇÅ and [Ê]‫מ‬ľÊÇÅ.

(a) É (ÀÊÌŦË)
(b) [--]‫ ¼מ‬ôÂÈÀÊŠÅ Ê [ÇÀ], ¸ĤÌÛ ÊŊ½ÇÅ. [-- Ê]‫מ‬ľÊÇÅ ÌÛ ÓÂǺ¸

(a) Christ.
(b) … they put their hope in you, save them … save the animals.

fig. 1153.2 (b) fig. 1153.3 (b; October 2009)


80 II. Caesarea

fig. 1153.4 (b)

Comm.: Avner 128 dates the painting to the latter part of the 6 or early 7 c. AD.
– (b) an invocation of the Lord, cf. Ps 21,5 (LXX): ëÈĖ ÊÇĖ ôÂÈÀʸŠÇĎ È¸ÌšÉ¼Ë
÷ÄľÅ, ôÂÈÀʸÅ, Á¸Ė ëÉÉŧÊÑ ¸ĤÌÇŧË; Asterius, hom. 13,14: ëÁ¼ėÅÇÀ ëÈĖ ÊÇĖ ôÂÈÀʸÅ
Á¸Ė ëÊŪ¿¾Ê¸Å· ÁÒºĽ ëÈĖ ÊÇĖ ôÂÈÀʸ, ÁŧÉÀ¼ ĝ ¿¼ŦË ÄÇÍ, ÊľÊŦŠļ. On ÓÂǺ¸ for ani-
mals, Feissel 284ff., who collects some Christian prayers on behalf of animals on
p. 286.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 113 pl. LXXVIIIf. (ed. pr.). – R. Bull, ESI 3, 1984, 15; T. Avner, in:
Caesarea Papers 2, 118ff. figs. 12-5 (dr.); SEG 49, 2057,2; BE 2002, 474. – Cf. D. Feissel, BCH
118, 1994, 277ff. – On the site, cf. K. Holum, in: R. Curtis ed., Studia Pompeiana et Classica in
Honor of Wilhelmina F. Jashemski 2, 1989, 92f., 99f. n. 30-2; H. Goldfus, Tombs and Burials in
Churches and Monasteries of Byzantine Palestine, 1997; J. Patrich et al., in: Caesarea Papers
2, 70ff.; L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 383ff.; J. Patrich, SBF 50, 2000, 363ff.; id., in: Burns - Eadie,
Urban Centers 77ff.; id., NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1673ff.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pls. LXXVIIIf. no. 113 a+b; WA; T. Avner, Caesarea Papers 2, 120 fig.
15 (dr.); J. Patrich et al., in: Caesarea Papers 2, 70 fig. 1 (plan).

WA

1154. Crux gemmata with inscription

Five fragments of a large crux gemmata with the nomina sacra above, the Alpha
and Omega below the arms of the cross; perhaps remains of an inscription below
the cross (see comment). The cross itself was in red, the gems in yellow and green.
Meas.: h ca. 100 cm; letters l.3: 7-8 cm.

Findspot: Area KK-22, locus 625; basket 0171; in the large hall of building I (cf. the
introduction).
Pres. loc.: Rockefeller Museum, Jerusalem, IAA inv. no. 2000-804.
A. Res sacrae 81

Σ Σ

[--]‫[ 
 מ‬--]
App. crit.: l.3 see comment.

` (¾ÊÇı) Ë  (ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë |   | [--]‫מ‬ÂÑÅ


Á¸ŧÏ¾Ä [¸ --]

Jesus Christ – Alpha (and) Omega –


boast/pride of the …

Comm.: Patrich 1996, 170: “in its do-


lia hall were found plaster blocks with
depictions of crosses of the crux gem-
mata-type (fig. 23, 24)”. Fig. 23 shows
the upper part of a crux, and below the
arms of the cross only a single alpha; fig. fig. 1154
24 is a graphic depiction of a complete
crux, which is perfectly identical with fig. 23 in its upper parts. Either the cruces
were completely similar, or fig. 23 fails to show the other fragment. L. Di Segni 386
speaks of “five fragments composing a large crux gemmata”, but she gives a differ-
ent find spot (KK 22, locus 625, basket 171). Her fig. 1 a), the upper part of the cross
with the nomina sacra, is identical with the upper fragment of Patrich 1996, 170 fig.
23, whereas her other fragments resemble the fragments photographed in Patrich
in general, but are not completely identical with them; but cf. Patrich 2000, 372: “At
least three such crosses can be restored”; the same notion in Di Segni 386.
l.2: cf. Apoc 1,8: <ºļ ¼ĊÄÀ Ìġ ÓÂθ Á¸Ė Ìġ ķ, Âñº¼À ÁįÉÀÇË ĝ ¿¼ĠË, ĝ ĶÅ Á¸Ė ĝ öÅ Á¸Ė ĝ
ëÉÏĠļÅÇË, ĝ ȸÅÌÇÁÉÚÌÑÉ; 21,6; 22,13 (on the contexts of Jesus being called the first
and the last cf. the commentaries, e. g. B. Witherington, Revelation, 2003, 77f.; G.
Kittel, Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament I, 1932, 1ff.).
l.3: Feissel (BE 1999) pointed to BE 1998, 53 (Medeia/Thrak., 6 c.): Ê̸ÍÉĽË
Ď¼ÉšÑÅ Á¸ŧÏÀĸ. Di Segni 388: “Though the ending in –ÂÇË is very common, the
context favors a term connected with holiness, like Óºº¼ÂÇË or ÒÈŦÊÌÇÂÇË”. She
cites among other parallels e. g. John Chrysostom’s sermo in venerabilem crucem,
PG 50, 819: Ê̸ÍÉġË ÒÈÇÊÌŦÂÑÅ Á¸ŧϾĸ … Ê̸ÍÉġË Ä¸ÉÌŧÉÑÅ Á¸ŧϾĸ; sermo in
venerandam crucem, PG 59, 675: Ìġ ÌľÅ ÒººšÂÑÅ ÓÉɾÌÇÅ ¿š¸Ä¸, Ìġ ÌľÅ ¹ÉÇÌľÅ
Á¸ŧϾĸ. Contrary to Di Segni, it appears not relevant that John Chrysostom, PG
51, 35 calls the cross Ìġ ¸ŧÂÇÍ Á¸ŧϾĸ (reference to Gal 6,14). - Cf. no. 1157 for
the possibility of another cross with a text beneath it.
Similar cruces gemmatae were found in a building completely covered by sand
in the area east of the Roman aqueduct (briefly referred to by Bagatti, Samaria 230).
The excavated part of the building had – in parts – the form of a cross and belonged
82 II. Caesarea

to a larger structure, perhaps a bath (Struffolino 302), of which at least a part “fu
… adoperato ad uso sacro, anche se non è dato riconoscere nell’ambiente a croce
una cappella … malgrado l’inserimento di un’absidiola nel braccio Sud”. The date
of this new use depends on the date of the cruces gemmatae, and the excavator opts
for the 6 c. AD. See Bagatti 299 for the findspot: “Nell’intradosso delle voltine Est
e Sud sono dipinte delle croci gemmate …”; a reconstruction of the cruces can be
found on pl. VIII, fig. 395f. The nomina sacra were placed above the arms of the
crosses, alpha and omega below the arms (fig. 395: [` (¾ÊÇı) Ë  (ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë]|  []; fig.
396: [` (¾ÊÇı)]‫מ‬Ë [ (ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë]|  []).

Bibl.: J. Patrich, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 170ff. figs. 23f. (ed. pr.). – Id., ESI 17, 1998, 54
with fig; SEG 48, 1881; BE 1999, 566; J. Patrich, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 78 fig. 9; L. Di Segni, SBF
50, 2000, 386ff. no. 1a-e fig. 1; Y. Israeli - D. Mevorah eds., Cradle of Christianity, 2000, 34 (ph.),
215; J. Patrich, SBF 50, 2000, 372; SEG 50, 1469; J. Patrich, Le Monde de la Bible 136, 2001, 57
with fig.; id., Welt und Umwelt der Bibel 6,3, 2001, 77 with fig.; BE 2002, 473; BE 2003, 588. – Cf.
G. Struffolino, in: Scavi 293ff.
Photo: Y. Israeli - D. Mevorah eds., Cradle of Christianity, 2000, 34.
WA

1155. Fragment of a crux gemmata with inscription

Fragment of plaster with a letter in red; above the letter an abbreviation mark.
Meas.: letter 9 cm.
Findspot: Area KK 22.

[--]‫מ‬

[` (¾ÊÇı) Ë  (ÉÀÊÌŦ)]‫מ‬Ë (?)

Jesus Christ. (?)

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 392f. no. 6 fig. 3,6 (ed. pr.). – Cf.
SEG 50, 1469.
fig. 1155
Photo: Di Segni 392 fig. 3,6.
WA

1156. Wall painting with a fragmentary inscription

Fragment of plaster; a “vacat” at the beginning, letters in red.


Meas.: letters ca. 7 cm.
A. Res sacrae 83

Findspot: Area KK 22, locus 625; basket 170; in the large hall of building I (cf. in-
troduction).

vacat  [--]

Ļ̼ [--]

so that …

Comm.: The beginning of the line, perhaps


part of a quotation. fig. 1156

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 392 no. 4 (ed. pr.). – SEG 50, 1471.
Photo: Di Segni 390 fig. 2,4 (dr.).
WA

1157. Wall painting with a fragmentary inscription

Fragment of plaster with part of an inscription.


Meas.: letters ca. 8 cm.
Findspot: Area KK 22, locus 625; basket 170; in the large hall of building I (cf. in-
troduction).

(cross)  Ъ [--]

ÓÅ¿ÉÑÈ [--]

Man/Men …

Comm.: Di Segni believes this to


fig. 1157
be the beginning of a sentence,
perhaps a scriptural (or other) allusion (since there is no article preserved, she
quotes Lk 10,30), but it is impossible to find a definite context for these letters. She
suggests furthermore that the text may have been painted below a crux gemmata,
cf. introduction; for the general idea of an inscription below a crux gemmata, cf. no.
1154. In the context of the cross, she quotes John Chrysostom, PG 50, 818f.: ëÁÂŢ¿¾
ÓÅ¿ÉÑÈÇË, ďŸ ʼ ¿¼ġÅ Á¸ÂšÊþ ÁÌÂ. (redemption of man through the cross).

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 391 no. 3 (ed. pr.). – SEG 50, 1470.
Photo: Di Segni 390 fig. 2,3 (dr.).
WA
84 II. Caesarea

1158. Fragment of a wall inscription

(a) Fragment of plaster, bearing two letters and part of cross; letters and cross in
red. (b) and (c) “Other fragments of plaster with undecipherable marks in red paint
were discovered nearby (7/95 KK 9 L. 045 B. 0074)” (Di Segni): Saints’ haloes with
crosses and some letters of the name.
Meas.: letters (a) ca. 10 cm; (b) and (c) ca. 4 cm.
Findspot: Area KK 9, loci 39 and 45; baskets 58 and 74; see introduction.

(a) [--]‫(
מ‬cross)
(b) (cross)
[--] (halo) 
(cross)
(c) (cross)
[--] (halo) 
 [--]

(a) [--]‫¾»מ‬

(b) [ ľ]‫מ‬ĸ [Ë](?)

(b) Thomas. (?) fig. 1158.1 (a)

fig. 1158.2 (b) fig. 1158.3 (c)

Comm.: (a) End of a name or phrase; (c) of the possible names, Philemon seems to
suit best (Clemens, Clementinus, Clematius, Elemon being some other examples);
a martyr Philemon from Egypt is said to have died in 305 (Baumeister) – but the
Pseudo-Clementines have Clement meet Peter in Caesarea.

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 395 no. 9 (ed. pr.). – Th. Baumeister, LThK VIII, 1999, 211 s.v.
Philemon; SEG 50, 1469-1473 preface.
Photo: Di Segni 394/396 fig. 5 (dr.).
WA
A. Res sacrae 85

1159. Fragment of a wall inscription

Fragment of red plaster, bearing a horned cross and faint traces of a single letter
above the right arm of the cross.
Meas.: h 4.6, w 4, d ca. 1 cm.
Findspot: Area KK 25, locus 86; basket 1; see introduction.

[--] (cross) [--]

App. crit.: [--] A [--] Di Segni.

Comm.: Di Segni speculates about some-


thing like [ÅÀÁ]‫מ‬ê and compares SEG 40, fig. 1159
1460; J. Clédat, ASAE 16, 1916, 20 fig. 11;
IGLS 5, 2116 (region of Emesa).

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 395f. no. 10 (ed. pr.). - Cf. SEG 50, 1469-1473 preface.
Photo: Di Segni 396 fig. 6 (dr.).
WA

1160. Several fragments of wall inscriptions

Five fragments of plaster; remains of decoration, remains of letters in red.


Meas.: (c) h 8, w 12 cm; (d) h 4, w 3.5 cm; (e) h 3, w 4 cm; letters (a) ca. 10 cm; (b) 8
cm; (c) 8 cm.
Findspot: Area KK 39, locus 46; basket 138; see
introduction.

(a) [--]‫  מ‬vacat


(b) “remains of decoration and a letter, or a
cross” (Di Segni).
(c) [--] KA [--] or [--] KX [--]
(d) or E fig. 1160.1 (a)
(e) 
App. crit.: (c) Di Segni thinks about something like [ÉÀÊÌġË ÅÀÁ]‫מ‬ê or (ŧÉÀÇË)  (ÉÀÊÌŦË).
86 II. Caesarea

fig. 1160.2 (c) fig. 1160.3 (d) fig. 1160.4 (e)

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 395f. no. 11 (ed. pr.). - Cf. SEG 50, 1469-1473 preface.
Photo: Di Segni 396 fig. 7 (dr.).
WA

1161. Fragment of a wall painting with inscription

Plaster, letters in red.


Meas.: letters 7-8 cm.
Findspot: Not precisely given, but presumably found with the other plaster fragments
in area KK; see introduction.

[--]‫ מ‬Ъ  Ъ Ъ Ъ Ъ Ъ Ъ  [--]

[--]‫   מ‬ÌŠ»¼ ĨÈ [--]


fig. 1161
Comm.: “I can make nothing of it”, Di Segni; perhaps part of an inscription be-
neath a crux gemmata, cf. no. 1154.

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 393 no. 7 (ed. pr.). – SEG 50, 1472.
Photo: Di Segni 392 fig. 3,7 (dr.).
WA

1162. Fragment of a wall painting with inscription

Plaster, two lines of letters in red. l.1 is encased in red; perhaps l.2 was encased
similarly.
Meas.: letters 5 cm.
Findspot: Not precisely given, but presumably found with the other plaster frag-
ments in area KK; see introduction.
A. Res sacrae 87

[--]‫ מ‬Ъ Ъ Ъ  Ъ Ъ  [--]


[--]‫[ מ‬.]‫[ מ‬--]
App. crit.: l.1 ÁÇÀÅ‹Ñ›Åţ¸ Di Segni,
but concedes that this goes not well
with ĝ ΚÉÑÅ; l.2 [Á]‫[ ¸מ‬Ì]‫¸מ‬Îŧ [ºÀÇÅ],
Ò [Å]‫¸מ‬ÎÍ [ºŢ], Ò [Å]‫¸מ‬Îŧ [¾ÊÀË] Di Segni
taking the psi as an upsilon.

[--]‫   מ‬ĝ ΚÉÑÅ [--]


[--]‫[ מ‬.]‫[ מ‬--]

… carrying … fig. 1162

Comm.: Di Segni asserts that this is no quotation from the Septuagint or the New
Testament; other literary contexts cannot be found, either.
Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 393ff. no. 8 (ed. pr.). – SEG 50, 1473.
Photo: Di Segni 393 fig. 4 (dr.).
WA

1163. Bread-stamp with inscription

Stamp made of well fired pink-reddish clay, broken; a part on the left side is miss-
ing. A pyramidal, knob-shaped handle was attached to the centre of the rear side.
The stamp is decorated with a cross with flaring arms under an arch; the arch is
resting on colonnettes; below the arch on the right side a cross in a circle (perhaps
there was a second cross on the left
side which is missing); decorated
with three concentric rings around
the arch; the middle ring bears the in-
scription. The decorations and letters
were incised before firing. A vertical
line marks the beginning of the text.
Meas.: ൺ 10.4 cm; th 1 cm; handle w
3.5 cm, th 3 cm; letters 0.5-0.7 cm.
Findspot: Area KK-17, locus 12; bas-
ket 0086; in the large hall of building
I; see introduction.
Pres. loc.: Israel Museum, Jerusalem, IAA
inv. no. 1999-4431.

  
 [--]‫ מ‬ fig. 1163
88 II. Caesarea

App. crit.: The word ¼ĤÂǺţ¸ starts almost exactly above the cross; di Segni read  after
(ÍÉţÇ) Í, but the picture shows ; since ¼ĤÂǺţ¸ ëÈţ ÁÌÂ. is the common formula in this
type of texts, one has to assume some kind of mistake on part of the writer (no phonological
justification for ëÎЏ = ëÅÎЏ can be found); the pi of ¸ŧÂÇ is not quite certain: it could be simply
an interpunct of the same kind as the one before ¼ĤÂǺţ¸.

¼ĤÂǺţ¸ (ÍÉţÇ) Í ëÅÎЏ ÷ÄÜ [Ë Á¸Ė ÌÇı ÖºţÇÍ ]‫¸מ‬ŧÂÇ (Í)

(May the) blessing of the Lord (be) upon us, and (the blessing) of St. Paul.

Comm.: On bread stamps in general, see Dölger 1ff.; Galavaris, passim, esp.
108ff. on eulogia-stamps. Galavaris asserts (p. 16) that no bread stamp is known
that can be securely dated before the 4 c. AD (starting from literary texts, Döl-
ger 29ff. argues for this or an even later date for the use of eucharistic stamps);
the custom continued at least until the 10 c. The formula ¼ĤÂǺţ¸ ÍÉţÇÍ ëÎЏ
÷ÄÜË (sometimes supplemented with an ÒÄŢÅ) indicates that the bread in ques-
tion was no eucharistic bread. ¼ĤÂǺţ¸-bread had different uses (Galavaris
128ff.), among them the distribution for the agape after the eucharist, alms-
giving. Contrary to the bread distributed during the eucharist, which had its
own stamps, an eulogia bread was distributed after the end of the mass. Some
monasteries and churches distributed bread of this kind to the poor or to ev-
erybody on specific feasts. The mention of a saint indicates that the bread was
either given on the saint’s day or by a church dedicated to him. The motif of
the cross under an arch is not singular; Galavaris 119 fig. 64 shows an example
from Athens (ca. 600 AD) and discusses many others: it signifies the triumph
of the cross. Small circles and other ornaments can be found, too. In our case,
the flaring arms of the cross point to a date later than the fourth or early fifth
century. – Di Segni 380 connects this stamp with a plate bearing the name of
Paul (no. 1164) and wonders whether both were “perhaps part of a set of ware
belonging to the chapel”. There are two martyrs by the name of Paul attested
in Caesarea (Eus. MPal 8,5ff.; 11,1ff.) – and there is the apostle Paul, who spent
some years in a jail in Caesarea.

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 397ff. (ed. pr.). – J. Patrich, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea
1996, 170ff. fig. 25; id., SBF 50, 2000, 370f. pl. 27,2; SEG 50, 1475; J. Patrich, Welt und Um-
welt der Bibel 6,3, 2001, 77 fig. 6; id., Qadmoniot 35, 2002, 77 (ph.) (Hebr.); J. Patrich - L. Di
Segni, IMSA 1, 2002, 33ff.; J. Patrich, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1679 with fig. – For bread stamps,
cf. F. Dölger, Antike und Christentum I, 1929; G. Galavaris, Bread and the Liturgy, 1970.
Photo: Courtesy of Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
WA
A. Res sacrae 89

1164. Fragment of a bowl or platter with graffito

Fragment of a bowl or platter; an inscription was incised around its outer base.
Meas.: letters 1 cm.
Findspot: In the debris of the second story which collapsed into the vault with-
in Caesarea’s area KK complex of warehouses (item number: 10/94 KK L. 000 B.
0096); see introduction.

[--]‫[  מ‬--]

[--] ¸ŧÂÇ [Í --]

… of Paulus …

Comm.: Di Segni 400: “Per-


haps part of a longer inscription
mentioning Saint Paul and pos-
sibly attesting that the platter fig. 1164
belonged to a church named af-
ter the saint.” Of course, it might be just the inscription of the owner – a perhaps
simpler and therefore preferable solution (and almost certain, if we could be com-
pletely sure that the inscription was incised after firing).

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 400 no. 13; J. Patrich, SBF 50, 2000, 370 (edd. prr.). – SEG 50,
1476; L. Di Segni, IMSA 1, 2002, 34; BE 2003, 588.
Photo: Di Segni, 2000, 399 fig. 9 (dr.).
WA/AE

1165. Three haloed saints with inscriptions, late 6-early 7 c. AD

A wall painting of three haloed saints in the guise of bishops; the panel is bordered
by a red frame; the three saints are designated by their names on each side of their
head; Avner compares the figures with pictures in the Rabbula gospel, dated to 586;
we can discern two phases of the inscription; in the first, the letters are painted in
red (a); when the red inscriptions were partly damaged, someone used green paint
to write – at least partly – over the earlier letters (b), so that the green and red letters
supplement each other sometimes.
Meas.: Panel: 0.97 × 2.8 m; frame: 4.5 cm; letters ca. 5 cm (taken from Avner’s photo).
Findspot: Area CC, vault 11, locus 123, south wall; see the introduction. On the
function of the room, see J. Patrich et al. 93: “Since this was an enclosed space, and
90 II. Caesarea

not just a passage like vault 9 (scil. the place of no. 1153), the painting may indicate
a religious or charitable function for vault 11.”
Pres. loc.: IAA inv. no. 2000-803.

fig. 1165.1

1 (a) A [--] (halo) 



1 (b) (cross)  [--] (cross)
2 (a) (cross) [--] (halo) 
2 (b)  [--]
3 (a) (cross) [--] (halo)  (cross)
3 (b)
 

fig. 1165.2

App. crit.: The text printed is Di Segni’s. – 1 (a)  [--] edd.; [--]‫
מ‬, i. e. [`ÑŠÅ]‫מ‬Å¾Ë Avner;
1 (b): “two large indecipherable green letters … may be I and  (or a sloppy kappa)” Avner;
2 (a) [--]‫ מ‬Avner, who suggests Zosimos, Anthimos, Gerasimos vel sim.; 2 (b)  [ÉŦ»ÉÇ]‫מ‬ÄÇË
Avner.
A. Res sacrae 91

1 (a)  [ÉŢ]‫מ‬Ì ¾Ë
1 (b)  [šÉ]‫מ‬º ¾Ë
2 (a) [ÉŦ]‫מ‬ÄÇË
2 (b)  [ÉŦ]‫מ‬ÄÇË
3 (a) [DÂţ]‫¸מ‬Ë
3 (b) DÂţ¸Ë{}

1 (a) Aretes; 1 (b) Serges; 2 (a)-2 (b) Promus; 3 (a)-(b) Elias.

Comm.: The stylistic evaluation of the painting points to the late 6-early 7 c. AD;
if this is correct, the green inscription has to belong to the 7 c.; Avner identified
the first saint as John the Baptist and thought that 2 (b) was referring to him. Ares,
Promos and Elias are Egyptians, deported and martyred in Ascalon on the 14
December 308 or 309 (Eus. MPal 10,1); the difficulty in this otherwise attractive
identification stems from the fact that one cannot read “Ares” in 1 (a), and that one
does not know why the name of this saint should have been changed (even though
Sergius was a saint venerated at many places in Palestine).

Bibl.: T. Avner, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 108ff. figs. 1-5 (ed. pr.). – SEG 49, 2057; J. Patrich, Qadmo-
niot 35, 2002, 75 (dr.); SEG 50, 1474 (on information by Di Segni, per litt.); O. Irshai, Cathedra
122, 2006, 66 with fig. (Hebr.); J. Patrich, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1678 with fig. – Cf. J. Patrich et al.,
in: Caesarea Papers 2, 71ff.
Photo: Avner, in: Caesarea Papers 2, figs. 1a and 5 (ph. and dr.).
WA

1166. Fragments of a crux gemmata with Greek inscription

Two fragments of plaster with letters traced in red paint; gems of the crux are still to
be seen and a part of its stem, too. Above the sigma are traces of an abbreviation mark.
Meas.: letters 9-11 cm.
Findspot: Area KK 22; in the large hall of building I (cf. introduction).

[--]‫מ‬
 [--]

[` (¾ÊÇı)]‫מ‬Ë
[ (ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë] |  []

Jesus Christ - Alpha fig. 1166


(and) Omega.
92 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 392 no. 5 fig. 3 a-b (ed. pr.). – SEG 50, 1469-1473 (preface).
Photo: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 392 fig. 3 a/b.
WA

1167. Fragments of a crux gemmata with Greek inscription

Two fragments of plaster, the first one showing at least a gem, the second one part
of the stem and of the left arm of the cross. Abbreviation marks above the letters
on the first fragment.
Meas.: letters 13 cm.
Findspot: KK 22, locus 625, basket 0170; in the large hall of building I (cf. the in-
troduction).

 [--]
 [--]

` (¾ÊÇı) Ë [ (ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë] | 
[]

Jesus Christ - Alpha (and)


Omega.

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50,


2000, 389ff. no. 2a-b fig. 2a-b
(ed. pr.). – Cf. SEG 50, 1469.
Photo: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, fig. 1167
2000, 390 fig. 2.
WA

Other Christian inscriptions

1168. A Christian orphanage, 5-mid 7 c. AD

The lower left corner of a marble plaque; Lehmann-Holum, following a suggestion


by L. Di Segni, believed that the lower right corner was intact, too, but it is hard to
believe that the writer left so much free space at the left edge only to crowd the let-
ters at the right margin of the stone.
Meas.: letters ca. 5 cm.
Pres. loc.: SBF Museum, Jerusalem.
A. Res sacrae 93

ỊOỊỊKỊ [--]

  [--]

 Ъ [..]
 
App. crit.: Germer-Durand
was only able to give ll.2 and 4
from his memory; the letters
recorded were read by Savig-
nac and Clermont-Ganneau
who proposed to read in l.2f.:
Ìĉ ÖºÀÑ [ÌŠÌþ ¼ÇÌŦÁĿ?]
| ôÌÇÀ ÌŊ ¼Ĥ [Á̾ÉţĿ resp.
¼Ĥ [¸¹¼ÊÌŠÌĿ ÇċÁĿ]. Leh-
mann - Holum, who believed
in very short lines, argued:
[--] Ìĉ ÖºÀÑ [ÌŠÌþ] | ôÌÇÀ ÌŊ
¼Ĥ¸º [¼ė] | ĚÉθŠ<o>‫מ‬ÌÉÇÎţĿ
(EYA is certain, gamma at
fig. 1168
least a possibility). This res-
toration leads to a text with two qualifying adjectives for an institution that normally carried
none.

IOIIKI [--] | Ìĉ ÖºÀÑ [ÌŠÌþ ëÁÁ¾Êţß --] | ôÌÇÀ ÌŊ ¼Ĥ¸º [¼ė --] | ĚÉθŠ<o>‫מ‬ÌÉÇÎţĿ

… to … the most holy, indeed to the pure … orphanage.

Comm.: l.2f.: ÖºÀŪ̸ÌÇË is commonly used of churches; l.3: ¼Ĥ¸ºŢË can be said of
buildings (Lampe s. v. 2 a), but is usually associated with churches. It is a bit un-
usual that this inscription is supposed to use two adjectives for an institution that
normally carries none.
The interesting fact is the existence of an ĚÉθÅÇÌÉÇμėÇÅ in Caesarea; the
word itself is to be found for the first time in CJ 1,2,17,2 and the first attestation
of ĚÉθÅÇÌÉŦÎÇË (on the concept, see Guilland) is a novel by the Emperor in 469.
Krause 33ff. notes that the first orphanage is attested in Constantinople under Con-
stantius II (CJ 1,3,34 [35]), and continues on p. 34: “Im 4. Jh. waren Waisenhäuser
allerdings noch nicht weit verbreitet … Die Belege für Waisenhäuser … häufen sich
erst seit der zweiten Hälfte des 5. Jh., und nur für den Osten des Reiches und hier
besonders Konstantinopel”. He emphasizes the importance of Christian ethics for
the development of the institution; see Constantelos 241ff. (mostly on orphanages
in Constantinople); “orphelins” vel sim. are not mentioned in the index of Patlag-
ean. The epitheta seem to show that the Caesarean orphanage was an institution
of the church. – On the organisation of an orphanage in Palestine, cf. SEG 20, 468
(Lydda): ÎÉÇÅÌÀÊÌÇı ĚÉÎ¸ÅľÅ. In the times of Justinian, the boundary between a
xenodocheion and an orphanage was not clearly fixed (A. Kazhdan, in: Oxford
Dictionary of Byzantium II, 1991, 1537, referring to Nov. 131,15).
94 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: J. Germer-Durand, RB 4, 1895, 76 (ed. pr.). – R. Savignac, RB 13, 1904, 83 no. 4 fig. 5;
Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 6, 1905, 209; ZDPV MN 11, 1905, 40; Bagatti, Flagellazione; K.
Mentzou-Meimaris, Byzantina 11, 1982, 287f. (Greek); M. Piccirillo, Studium Biblicum Francis-
canum. Jerusalem. Museum, 1983, 133f. (ph.); Lehmann - Holum no. 65 pl. LI. – Cf. R. Guilland,
REByz 23, 1965, 205ff.; E. Patlagean, Pauvreté économique et pauvreté sociale à Byzance, 1977;
D. Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social Welfare, 1991; J.-U. Krause, Witwen und
Waisen im römischen Reich IV, 1995.

Photo: A. and N. Graicer.

WA

1169. Fragment of a dedication (?)

Part of the bottom of a plaque of gray marble. The front is smoothed, the back and
surviving side are rough.
Meas.: h 22, w 22, d 3.8 cm; letters 4.5-6.6 cm.
Findspot: Area CV/11 within the late antique debris fallen into a vaulted passage
at its western entrance, just west of the wooden balcony (cf. Lehmann - Holum fig.
8); found in 1993.
Pres. loc.: Center for Maritime Studies, Univ. Haifa, reg. no. 42/93.CV11077.I01.

[--]++   [--]
[--]‫מ‬Ъ Ъ [--]
App. crit.: l.1 in front of the sigma traces of
one or two letters; [.]‫מ‬Ъ Ъ  Ъ [--] Lehmann
- Holum; l.2 the last letter is possibly a theta,
which makes other restorations less likely.

[--]++   [--|-- ¼ĤÌÍ]‫מ‬ÏľË ÒÅš [¿¾Á¼Å]

… with good fortune, he dedicated …


fig. 1169
Comm.: The letters are consistent with
a date in Late Antiquity, which is also suggested by the acclamation ¼ĤÌÍÏľË. We
would, perhaps, expect a different word-order as in, e. g. TAM V 2, 897 (Thyateira):
¼ĤÏüÅ [Ò]‫מ‬ÅЪš¿¾Á [¼ ¼Ĥ]‫מ‬Ì ÍÏľË. In general, Roueché 185: “the acclamatory term eutychos
is found preceding or following more formal texts, but it also comes to stand alone”.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 128 (ed. pr.). – Cf. Ch. Roueché, JRS 74, 1984, 181ff.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXVIII no. 128.

WA
A. Res sacrae 95

1170. Fragment of a chancel screen (?) with Greek letters

Fragment of an architectural member, perhaps the top of a chancel screen, of


coarse-grained gray marble. The back is rough, the front smooth. Both sides and
the bottom are broken off. The top part of the face carries an inscription in one
line; below it is a groove.
Meas.: h 6.9, w 8.7, d 4-4.2 cm; letters 2.6-2.9 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--]‫ מ‬O [--]

Comm.: Lehmann - Holum are not real-


ly sure whether this is a fragment from a
chancel screen, but the form of the stone
points in that direction.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 69 pl. LIII (ed.


pr.).
Photo: WA. fig. 1170

WA

1171. Fragment of a chancel screen (?) with Greek letters, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Left side of an architectural member of gray-white marble. The broken right end
is rough; the left side of the face has a slightly damaged recess, and the back has
several notches.
Meas.: h 8, w 17, d 7 cm; letters 2.9-4.4 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7863. Autopsy: 11 March 2010.

(cross)  (cross)

Comm.: The measurements are consistent


with a chancel screen, but there are other
possibilities, too. The meaning of the let-
ters remains unclear (Io = Iao, Peterson 252,
seems as excluded as the acclamation ċÑ).
fig. 1171
Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 71 (ed. pr.).
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LIII no. 71.
WA
96 II. Caesarea

1172. A Quotation of Dt 7,12f. (LXX), late 5 c. AD

Tesselated pavement with two large, inscribed medallions (cf. no. 1173 for the other
one); this medallion has a border made out of white vines on a black field. The
fruits above and below the inscription are said to be pomegranates.
Meas.: ൺ of the medallion 175, border 20 cm.
Findspot: See no. 1173.
Pres. loc.: See no. 1173 and fig. 1173.2.

(cross) ΣΟ ΣΕ

  
   
  
  

 
 (cross)

(ŧÉÀÇ)Ë ĝ (¼ġ)Ë ¼ĤÂÇ|ºŢʼÀ


ÌġÅ ÊėÌŦÅ | ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė ÌġÅ ÇčÅŦÅ
| ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė Ìġ ì¼ŦÅ | ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė
Ⱦ¿Í|żė. ÒÄŢÅ

The Lord the God will bless fig. 1172


thy corn, and thy wine,
and thine oil, and will multiply (it). Amen. (adapted from the King James Version).

Comm.: Ceramic evidence suggests a date in the late 5 c. As no. 1173, this quotation,
too, is quite apt for a villa – it blesses the mediterranean triad. The vines and the
pomegranates on the mosaic underscore the emphasis on fertility and plentifulness.
The quotation itself is a slightly shortened version of the Septuagint-text of Dt 7,12f.
Bibl.: A. Siegelmann, IEJ 24, 1974, 216ff. fig. 1 pl. 47A (ed. pr.). – M. Avi-Yonah, HA 47, 1973, 9 (Hebr.);
A. Siegelmann, Qadmoniot 8, 1975, 87ff. (Hebr.); Ringel, Césarée 138; Meimaris, Sacred Names 32 no.
145; Ovadiah, MPI 50 no. 67 fig. 3; McLean I no. 42; Lehmann - Holum no. 129 pl. LXXXVIII; Jaroš,
Inschriften 434ff. fig. 1; Bagatti, Samaria, 230; J. Porath, Cathedra 122, 2006, 117, 133, 136 (Hebr.).
Photo: F. Hüttenmeister.
WA

1173. Quotation of Ps 4,8 (LXX), late 5 c. AD

Tesselated pavement with two large, inscribed medallions; this medallion (cf. no.
1172 for the other one) has a border made à la guilloche with black, white, red, and
yellow tesserae. The leaf at the end of l.2 is green.
Meas.: ൺ of the medallion 175, border 20 cm.
Findspot: Together with no. 1172 in a room of a villa, ca. 1.2 km northeast of the
harbor (in 1974 it was the property of Messrs. Ginsburg and Zuckerman); it be-
A. Res sacrae 97

longed to a large room (the pavement measures 6.8x7.2 m) that was decorated with
this mosaic and with paintings on the walls. The inscription faces the entrance to
the room at the southern end of the western wall.
Pres. loc.: Lehmann - Holum assume that it might still be in situ.

(cross) A 
 
   




 (cross)
(cross)

ÒÈġ Á¸É|ÈÇı ÊţÌÇÍ | Á¸Ė


ÇċÅÇÍ Á¸Ė | ëšÇÍ ¸ĤÌľÅ |
ëȾ¿ŧÅ|̾ʸÅ
fig. 1173.1
From the fruit of their
grain and wine and oil they
were multiplied.

Comm.: Ceramic evidence


suggests a date in the late 5
c. As no. 1172, this verse is
apt for a villa, and the dec-
oration of the floor high-
lights the idea of a good
harvest. It is not necessary
to identify this building
with some kind of ecclesi-
astical structure.
The text is Ps 4,8
(LXX), where Rahlfs print-
ed Á¸ÀÉÇı and noted in
his apparatus: “Á¸ÀÉÇÍ
La† Á¸ÉÈÇÍ rel.” The mo-
saic supports the reliqui.
Cf. the similar wishes in
SEG 34, 944f.: É (ÀÊÌ) ò …
ÈÂÇţ¿ÍÅÇÅ Áò ÌİË Á¸ÉÈİË
ĊË ÌġÅ ÒÄȼÂϖÇŸŠ¸ŧÂÇÍ fig. 1173.2 (nos. 1172, 1173)
98 II. Caesarea

and ÈÂÇţ¿ÍÅÇÅ Áò ÌİË] Á¸ÉÈ [İË Áò … ÌýË ÏŦ]‫מ‬É¸Ë Áò ÒÄȼÂϖÇÅÇË ¸ŧÂÇÍ. Since Ori-
genes spent some time of his life in Caesarea, we should perhaps note that he quot-
ed this psalm sometimes, fragmenta in psalmos 8 (PG 12, 1168).

Bibl.: A. Siegelmann, IEJ 24, 1974, 216ff. fig. 1. pl. 47B. (ed. pr.). – M. Avi-Yonah, HA 47, 1973, 9
(Hebr.); A. Siegelmann, Qadmoniot 8, 1975, 87ff. (Hebr.); Ringel, Césarée 138; Ovadiah, MPI 50
no. 67 fig. 3; McLean I no. 43; Lehmann - Holum no. 130 pl. LXXXIX; Jaroš, Inschriften 434ff.
fig. 2; Bagatti, Samaria, 230; J. Porath, Cathedra 122, 2006, 117, 133, 136 (Hebr.).
Photo: F. Hüttenmeister.
WA

1174. Quotation from Ps 28,3 (LXX), 5-6 c. AD

Plaque of sandstone; the lower left and right corners are broken away (at the left, the
break goes through a bird). Two small holes of uncertain purpose were drilled on
either side of the text. The abbreviation of the nomen sacrum in l.1 is marked by a
cross above the letters; in l.4 a bar is used to mark the abbreviation. At each corner
is a bird, and between the birds at the bottom are two fish.
Meas.: h 26, w 42, d 3.5 cm; letters 2.3 cm.
Pres. loc.: National Maritime Museum, Haifa, inv. no. 2135.

(cross) 
Υ
 

 ΣΤ






ÎÑÅü (ÍÉţÇ) Í | ëÈĖ ÌľÅ |


Ĩ»ŠÌÑÅ,| ĝ ¿ (¼ġ) Ë ÌýË »Ŧ|ƾË
ë¹ÉŦÅ̾|ʼÅ

The voice of the LORD is fig. 1174


upon the waters: the God
of glory thundereth (King James Version).

Comm.: The date according to the letter-forms (Holum 1988). – The same text
can be found in Jerusalem, see CIIP I 789; Lifshitz understood the birds and the
fishes of the decoration as symbols of the soul, which might – at least, partly
– be true (the fish, of course, was the symbol of the Christian faith and of the
faithful themselves). Salvation of the soul and entrance into the community of
the faithful was reached through baptism, and Ps 28,3 (LXX) was often used
A. Res sacrae 99

in baptisteries (some examples collected by J. and L. Robert, BE 1953, 194 p.


175f.; 1954, 28; Feissel). Lifshitz therefore concluded that this stone came from
a baptistery, too.
The words ÎÑÅü ÍÉţÇÍ are also found standing alone, e.g., Kirk - Welles no.
28 (Nessana). For the first half of the verse see CIIP I 789.Bagatti 2001, 87: “Prof. G.
Sanders read a Greek inscription on a marble slab in the museum of Haifa, which
gives Psalm 28,3 with some abbreviations. This passage is usually quoted in baptis-
tries. The marble seems to have come from the above mentioned excavations” (i.e.
the excavations by Y. Elgavish at Shikmona); cf. already Bagatti 1971, 107, where a
publication by Sanders in SBF is announced. It seems almost certain that Bagatti
referred to the stone published by Lifshitz in 1962 which is said to come from Cae-
sarea. Neither Sanders nor anybody else has published “Bagatti’s stone” which like
this (Lifshitz’s) inscription carries the same text with some abbreviations, and is
stored in the Haifa Museum. Moreover, Elgavish’s excavations in Sycamina took
place in 1963/4.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 78, 1962, 82 no. 5 pl. 9 (ed. pr.). – BE 1964, 505; SEG 20, 465; Bagatti,
Galilea 107; Ringel, Césarée 136, pl. 17,2; L. Małunowicz, in: E. Livingstone ed., Studia Evan-
gelica 7, 1982, 334; Meimaris, Sacred Names 22 no. 56, 32 no. 144; K. Holum et al., King Herod’s
Dream, 1988, no. 145; McLean II no. 18; Lehmann - Holum no. 133 pl. XCI; Bagatti, Galilee, 87;
Bagatti, Samaria, 230. – Cf. D. Feissel, AN 47, 1976, 167ff.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WA

1175. A variation on Ps 137,7 (LXX), 4-mid 7 c. AD

Fragment of a building stone with the right side of an inscription painted in red on
plaster. Letters are cursive.
Findspot: The stone belonged to the collection of Baron von Ustinow, Jaffa, and
was reported to have come from Caesarea.

[--]‫  מ‬
[--]‫ 
 מ‬

[--]‫מ‬ÀË ÄÇÍ, ĞÌÀ ì|[ÊÑÊšÅ] ļ ÷ »¼Æţ¸ ÊÇÍ

… of mine, because your right hand preserved me.

Comm.: Ps 137,7 (LXX): ëÈЏ ĚɺüÅ ëÏ¿ÉľÅ ëƚ̼ÀÅ¸Ë Ï¼ėÉŠË ÄÇÍ, Á¸Ė ìÊÑʚŠļ ÷
»¼Æţ¸ ÊÇÍ. “Des citations de l’Écriture sainte étaient souvent inscrites sur les mai-
sons à l’époque byzantine”, Germer-Durand. On biblical quotations in general, see
100 II. Caesarea

Jalabert; in Palestine, see Bagatti. The beginning of l.1, [--]‫ מ‬, is not necessar-
ily a deviation from the Septuaginta-text: depending on the way the letters were
formed, the bar before sigma might have belonged to an alpha. – A. Ecker suggest-
ed an allusion to Ps 71,5 (LXX) and restored the beginning: [ÁŧÉÀÇË ÷ ëÂÈ]‫מ‬ţË ÄÇÍ,
which would translate into something like “you, the lord, are my hope, because
your right hand preserved me”. But Jalabert 1748 refers to the “citattions bibliques
… habituellement littérales” and knows only three conflations of two psalms into
a single text; since then, the statistics have not changed much, and there is no rea-
son to create another instance with the help of a supplement in a text nobody saw
since the ed. pr.

Bibl.: J. Germer-Durand, RB 3, 1894, 251 (ed. pr.). – L. Jalabert, DACL 3, 1914, 1731ff. at 1737 no.
111; B. Bagatti, SBF 3, 1952/53, 127 no. 27; Lehmann - Holum no. 142.

WA

1176. God help Bernice!, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Upper part of a plaque of gray marble. Both faces are smooth, bottom not pre-
served.
Meas.: h 8, w 15, d 3.1 cm; letters 3-4.4 cm.
Findspot: Outside the Herodean wall, east of the city.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7835. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.



[--]
App. crit.: l.1 ¹Ç [Ţ¿¼À] Lifshitz.

¼ŦË, ¹Ç (Ţ¿¼À) | ¼ÉÅţÁÀ | [--]

fig. 1176
God help Bernice …

Comm.: Invocations like this one are typical of Late Antiquity, as is the abbrevi-
ated ¹Ç (Ţ¿¼À). Lifshitz thought the inscription, and by inference, the god invoked,
Jewish; this was based on the idea that there was a Jewish cemetery east of the city,
but neither is the find-spot a sufficient indication for the provenance of a stone this
small, nor is there a Jewish cemetery. – On the spelling of the name, cf. SEG 30, 649
(Vergina, already Hellenistic); 40, 857: ¼ÉÅţÁ¾ ÓÑÉÇË (Rhegium); esp. SEG 54, 1665,
1 (Jatt): ŠÉ¸Ë ¼ÉÅţÁ¾Ë.
A. Res sacrae 101

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, RB 71, 1964, 386 no. 4 pl. 17,4 (ed. pr.). – Lehmann - Holum no. 136 pl. XCII.

Photo: WA.

WA

1177. May the One God help!

Very worn fragment of a column of gray, blue-banded marble, broken at both ends
and on the back. The column originally had a diameter of 42 cm. According to the
photography by Lehmann - Holum, the stone was damaged at it’s left edge after
the ed. pr.
Meas.: h 24, w 39, d 14 cm; letters 3.7-5.2 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (Lehmann - Holum).

  


 
App. crit.: l.2f. ¹Ç¾¿ľÅ | []‫¸מ‬ÉţÅĿ Lifshitz;
[ĝ] ¹Ç¾¿ľÅ Di Segni; on the basis of the
similarity of the readings and the dimen-
sions of the stone, Lehmann - Holum
identified Lifshitz’ inscription with this
text.

¼đË ¿¼ġË | ¹ÇŢ¿À ¸|ÉţÅĿ fig. 1177

May the One God help Marinus!

Comm.: l.1: acclamations to the one god are a common feature of imperial and late
antique epigraphy; Peterson is the classic study (cf. now Markschies and Belayche
147ff.), who thought of all of these inscriptions as Christian – if it was not especially
proved that they were not. Di Segni 94ff. argues the other way around: if there are
no Christian symbols, she believes such a text to be Jewish or, much more prob-
able, Samaritan, invoking the demographic diversity of Palestine; to her, gnostic
contexts are not Christian. Consequently, she says about this text: “There is no
indication of a Christian association. The fragment comes from a sacred build-
ing, possibly a synagogue – whether Jewish or Samaritan is impossible to say – or
perhaps even a pagan temple”. Things change if one looks only at those examples
in her very thorough collection that are proved by their text or some certain ar-
chitectural context (like a synagogue) to be Jewish, Samaritan or Christian: then,
Christian examples are much more numerous than the others; cf. already no. 1342.
– l.2: The name is not uncommon in Caesarea and indicates neither Jewish nor
102 II. Caesarea

Christian origins, cf. no. 1336. For a Jewish example in Caesarea, see no. 1525. The
fact that the inscription was found on a column could point to some kind of dona-
tion by Marinos.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 99 no. 3 (ed. pr.). – BE 1966, 476; L. Di Segni, SCI 13, 1994, 99 no.
12; Lehmann - Holum no. 138 pl. XCIII; Belayche, Pagan Cults 198. – Cf. Ch. Markschies, in:
M. Krebernik - J. van Oorschot eds., Polytheismus und Monotheismus in den Religionen des
Vorderen Orients, 2002, 209ff.; N. Belayche, in: S. Mitchell - P. van Nuffelen eds., One God,
2010, 141ff.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XCIII no. 138.
WA

1178. A martyr in prison? 4-7 c. AD

“Under the inviting open courtyard of the governor’s palace a vast system of water
cisterns housed the prison where the would-be martyrs were held. A Greek inscrip-
tion smeared in mud on the walls of the prison, ‘Oh Lord, Procopia calls upon you
to help her’, may constitute the sole testimony of an otherwise unknown martyr of
Caesarea” (Sivan).
App. crit.: The text given by Patrich differs from Sivan’s translation; but Patrich does not say
that he quotes the complete text.

ŧÉÀ¼, ¹ÇŢ¿À ÉÇÁÇÈţß

Lord, help Procopia!

Comm.: Because of the findspot, Patrich and Sivan believe that this is the outcry of
a martyr in prison. But this appears to be a rather common invocation of the lord,
of a type very often to be found in Late Antiquity, and there is no reason to create
an hitherto unknown martyr in Caesarea.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – J. Patrich, SBF 52, 2002, 332; Sivan, Palestine 306.
WA

1179. An invocation in a church, mid 6-early 7 c. AD

Tesselated pavement with the inscription in a medallion; abbreviations are indi-


cated with a bar.
Findspot: In a room in the “Upper Market” in Field B, south of the Byzantine espla-
nade. The room itself measures 4x3 m.
A. Res sacrae 103

(cross) Ε ΙΣ Χ



  
ЪЪ Ъ 

 Ε
(cross)

App. crit.: l.1 Σ Lehmann - Holum; l.2




 Haensch, but square letters
are used, so that a few missing tesserae are
all that is necessary to arrive at the presented
reading. l.4f.  | [.]‫מ‬Ъ [.]‫ 
מ‬Lehmann -
Holum; ÎÀÂÇ|ÁÌ (ţÊÌþ) Feissel (BE); it seems
that some sort of abbreviation mark can be
read; ÄŢÅ Feissel (BE), Haensch. fig. 1179

(ŧÉÀ) ¼ ` (¾ÊÇı) Ë  (ÉÀÊÌŦ) [Ë],| ¹ÇŢ¿¾ÊÇÅ | ÌŊ »À¸ÁŦÅĿ | ÉÍÊŊ ÌŊ ÎÀÂÇ|ÁÌ (ţÊÌþ).


ÄŢÅ, (ŧÉÀ) ¼

Lord Jesus Christ, help the deacon Chrysus, fond of building. Amen, Lord.

Comm.: The excavated structure, to which the pavement belongs, dates to 550-614.
A deacon as builder led Eck 549 to the idea that such an inscription did not belong
in a private house, but has to refer to a church or some kind of building owned by
the church. l.4f.: For ÎÀÂÇÁÌţÊÌ¾Ë see the examples collected by the Roberts in BE
1961, 835; Feissel, BE 1987, 466, commenting on Roueché, Aphrodisias 83 viii; in her
edition she cites some parallels, inter alia Reynolds (a bishop from the Cyrenaica);
Chéhab 127f. (a private individual). The word confirms that Chrysos, not the most
common name, had a hand in the erection, renovation, or decoration of this particu-
lar building.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 132 (ed. pr.). – W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 549; R. Haensch, SCI 21,
2002, 325; BE 2002, 470. – Cf. M. Chéhab, Mosaïques du Liban, 1957; J. Reynolds, JThS 11, 1965,
285 no. 1; Ch. Roueché, JRS 74, 1984, 195.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XC no. 132 (dr.).
WA

1180. An invocation to Christ

Fragment of a marble column. There is some sort of figure carved to the left, and a
cross above the first word.
Findspot: Clermont-Ganneau saw the fragment in a house in Jaffa and was uncer-
tain whether it came from Caesarea.
104 II. Caesarea

Ε ΙΥ ΧΕ ΒΕ


(ŧÉÀ) ¼ ` (¾ÊÇ) ı  (ÉÀÊÌ) š,


¹ (ÇŢ¿) ¼ (À) | ÌŊ »ŦÂĿ ÊÇÍ

Lord Jesus Christ, help


your servant.

Comm.: The nomina sa- fig. 1180


cra are all abbreviated,
which is typical for the later times of Late Antiquity, e.g. from the 5 c. onwards,
Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 25ff.; the formula itself can be found everywhere, cf.
Meimaris, Sacred Names 29 nos. 118-20; 33 no. 149; an identical text (bar the spell-
ing) from the Wadi Haggag in Meimaris 47 no. 254. – Meimaris 62: Lord, ŧÉÀÇË
is attributed to the Father and the Son; ibid. 41 no. 212f. for examples of (ŧÉÀ) ¼
` (¾ÊÇ) ı  (ÉÀÊÌ) š – abbreviated in the same way as here and dated to the 6-7 c.; an
earlier date is of course possible, see ibid. 42 no. 222; 225 a.

Bibl.: Clermont-Ganneau, ARP II 151 (ed. pr.). – Meimaris, Sacred Names 44 no. 234 (only l.1);
Lehmann - Holum no. 131 pl. LXXXIX.
Photo: Clermont-Ganneau, ARP II 151.
WA

1181. A Greek invocation, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Upper part of a plaque of gray mar-


ble, edge preserved only at the top.
Meas.: h 21, w 22, d 5 cm; letters 5.7-
6.5 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum,
IAA inv. no. 1998-7884. Autopsy: 11
March 2010.

[--]‫ מ‬+[--]
[--]‫מ‬Ъ  +[--]
App. crit.: l.1 after epsilon, traces of a
letter; l.2 Lifshitz read  at the begin-
ning, but does not seem impossible;
at least it seems certain that the marks
at the beginning of the line are let-
ters; at the end of the line, there is part fig. 1181
A. Res sacrae 105

of an omicron or sigma;    Lifshitz, Lehmann - Holum; ÊŊ½¼ ¼Ċ ¸ĊŪÅÀÇË Lifshitz;


   Eck.

[--] ÊŊ½¼ [--|--]‫  מ‬+[--]

… save …

Comm.: An appeal to save somebody is a frequent feature of Christian inscriptions


(Lehmann - Holum quote as Christian examples Welles 485 no. 331; IGLS 2, 678;
3, 785; 4, 1508; 5, 2047); Peterson 167 on the pagan origin and later Christian adap-
tion of this acclamation. No interpretation can be offered for l.2.
Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 105f. no. 24 pl. 7c (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 169; W. Eck, Topoi
10, 2000, 545; Lehmann - Holum no. 135; Belayche, Pagan Cults 186. – Cf. C. B. Welles, in: C.
Kraeling ed., Gerasa, 1938, 355ff.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XCI no. 135.
WA

1182. Invocation for the sake of orthodox Christians, later 6-early 7 c. AD

Tesselated pavement with the inscription in a medallion; leaves below the inscrip-
tion. The border of the medallion consists of five rows of tesserae (black, red, or-
ange, cream, black); it is set into a square frame; the border and the frame intersect
at the cardinal points.
Meas.: ൺ of the medallion 104 cm; letters 8.7-9.5 cm
Findspot: In the pavement of a room of uncertain size and function, just north of
the staircase leading to the temple platform (inner harbor, area of east quay: area I.1).
Pres. loc.: In situ?

[.]‫מ‬ЪЪ Ъ Ъ
  
 

 
App. crit.: l.2 ¼ĊË ¸ĊľÅ¸ Leh-
mann - Holum.

[ ]‫מ‬ŧÉÀ¼,| ¼ĊË ¸ĊľÅ¸Ë | ÌÇİË


ĚÉ¿Ñ»ŦÆÇÍË | ÊÌŢÉÀÆÇÅ

Lord, support the or-


thodox (Christians) in
eternity. fig. 1182

Comm.: The pavement is dated by ceramic evidence to the late 6-early 7 c. – There
are two ways to read this acclamation: a) [ ]‫מ‬ŧÉÀ¼, ¼ĊË ¸ĊľÅ¸Ë. ÌÇİË ĚÉ¿Ñ»ŦÆÇÍË ÊÌŢÉÀÆÇÅ;
106 II. Caesarea

b) [ ]‫מ‬ŧÉÀ¼, | ¼ĊË ¸ĊľÅ¸Ë ÌÇİË ĚÉ¿Ñ»ŦÆÇÍË ÊÌŢÉÀÆÇÅ; l.2: for the rather unusual plural, see
Peterson 169, who speculates whether this is “eine stärkere Orientalisierung der Ak-
klamation”; l.3: ĚÉ¿Ç»ŦÆÇÀ as opposed to heretics or schismatics. Patrich hears “an echo
of the Christological controversy of the sixth century” – and the acclamation for the
orthodox John Chrysostom strengthens this idea (ACO III p. 85, ll. 22; 24): `ÑŠÅÅÇÍ
ĚÉ¿Ç»ŦÆÇÍ, ĚÉ¿Ç»ŦÆÇÍ È¸ÌÉŦË; another acclamation in ACO I 1, 2 p. 18: ÌüÅ ĚÉ¿Ŧ»ÇÆÇÅ
ÎÍŠÌÌÑÅ ÈţÊÌÀÅ; II 1, 2 p. 110: ÌľÅ ĚÉ¿Ç»ŦÆÑÅ ÈÇÂÂÛ ÌÛ ì̾; p. 155: ¸ĩ̾ ÷ ÈţÊÌ¾Ë ÌľÅ
ĚÉ¿Ç»ŦÆÑÅ; III 72, 10: ÅţÁ¸ ÷ ÈţÊÌÀË ÌľÅ ĚÉ¿Ç»ŦÆÑÅ. Peterson 181: “In den Edessenischen
Akklamationen kamen Ausdrücke vor wie: ‘Der Orthodoxen Sieg wachse!’” (Cf. the
new translation from the Syriac in Wiemer 66: “Der Gottliebenden Sieg sei gewaltig!
… Der Orthodoxen Jahre zahlreich! … Zahlreich die Jahre der Orthodoxen!”; cf. p.
68 [similar acclamations for the orthodox, only a few days later]; 71: “Bestehen bleibe
der Palast der Orthodoxen!”). Roueché, Aphrodisias 100 connects the acclamation of
Anastasius (?) as “new Theodosius” with similar tendencies. The inscription under
discussion is to be compared with no. 1188, where the “peace of the Christians” hints
at similar problems. But one should perhaps not forget that Justinian and Theodora
were officially called “orthodox”, too – and that the concentration of parallels in and
around the council of Chalcedon has its foremost reason in the completeness of the
Chalcedonian acta. l.4: cf. Iren. haer. 3,11,8: ÊÌŢÉÀºÄ¸ ëÁÁ¾Êţ¸Ë.
Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 40 (ed. pr.). – A. Raban, Ariel 102/3, 1994, 110f. with fig.; A. Raban,
ESI 17, 1998, 63f. fig. 35; BE 1999, 567; SEG 50, 1466; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers
82; H. U. Wiemer, AKG 86, 2004, 27ff.; A. Raban, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1672.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXXIV no. 40.
WA

1183. May the One God help!

Fragment of a marble column, bro-


ken on all sides.
Meas.: h 10, w 11, preserved ൺ 6.5
cm; letters 2 cm.
Findspot: Vicinity of the theater
(Italian excavations).

[--]‫[   מ‬--]


App. crit.: RO [--] Gerra, ¹Ç [Ţ¿¼À] or
¹Ç [¾¿ľÅ] Lifshitz.

[¼]‫מ‬đË ¿¼ġË ¹Ç [Ţ¿¼À]

May the One God help … fig. 1183


A. Res sacrae 107

Comm.: See the comments on no. 1177; the lacuna may have included a personal
name. Horbury hints at a probable “donative context” for the inscription – which
would make a personal name absolutely necessary.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 223f. no. 10 fig. 276 (ed. pr.). – BE 1967, 645; B. Lifshitz, RB 74, 1967, 57 no. 2;
L. Di Segni, SCI 13, 1994, 99 no. 13; W. Horbury, PEQ 129, 1997, 136; McLean II no. 173; Leh-
mann - Holum no. 139 pl. XCIII.
Photo: Gerra 223 fig. 276.
WA

1184. God is one!, 3-7 c. AD

Lower section of a column, blue-banded gray marble. The inscription is just below
the break.
Meas.: h 124, ൺ 56 cm (at the base); letters 7-9 cm.
Findspot: Entry hall (Room IV) of the revenue
office, during Negev’s excavations in 1960/61.
Pres. loc.: According to Lehmann - Holum the stone
lies on the surface in the southeastern corner of Field
C, reg. no. C78.C22.AF1.

  

¼đË ¿¼ŦË

God is One!

Comm.: Cf. no. 1177. Di Segni believes the


script to be earlier than Late Antiquity, and ar-
gues that the column was in secondary use in
the revenue office. This is, of course, possible,
but much more probable is a date in the 4-7 c.
AD. A square script like this one is perfectly
normal in Late Antiquity, though perhaps not
in Caesarea (the inscription was certainly not
cut by a professional mason, and rectangular
letters are much easier to make than lunate
fig. 1184
ones).
108 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 256 no. 29 pl. 5,29 (ed. pr.). – L. Di Segni, SCI 13, 1994, 99 no. 14;
McLean II no. 171; Lehmann - Holum no. 140; Belayche, Pagan Cults 198.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XCIV no. 140a.
WA

1185. A mosaic with acclamation, 5-6 c. AD

Polychrome mosaic pavement, ornamented by fleurettes, surrounded by a band of


ivy leaves; in the medallion a cross with the nomina sacra (?) and a bird on each
side; below the cross the inscription, below the inscription two ornamental leaves;
letters in black, frame and decoration in different colors (black, blue, brown, red).
Meas.: ൺ 80, w of the border roughly 10 cm.
Findspot: Area KK, building VI, west side of cardo W 1; “the southernmost build-
ing (scil. VI) in this row had a stone-paved anteroom leading into a hall (6x6.25
m) in which two superimposed floors were exposed: the upper floor, paved with
crude white mosacis … while the lower (by ca. 0.2 m) floor was paved with colorful
mosaics” (Patrich 1998). The mosaic under discussion belonged to that lower floor.

[--]

[--]‫ מ‬
[--]‫מ‬Ъ 
[--]‫ מ‬
[--]‫מ‬
App. crit.: l.4 [̼Î]‫מ‬ŠÅĿ edd.,
but this could be any name,
and the drawing makes clear
that more than four letters are
needed to produce a symmet-
rical restoration (there was a
proconsul Stephan, killed by fig. 1185.1
the Samaritans in 555, PLRE
III B Stephanus 14 on John Malalas 18,119 p. 417 Thurn).

[` (¾ÊÇı) Ë  (ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë] |   | [¼ĤÌ]‫מ‬ÍÏľË | [--]‫מ‬ŠÅĿ ļÌÛ | [ÊÍĹţ]‫מ‬ÇÍ Áò Ìš|[ÁÅ]‫מ‬ÑÅ

Jesus Christ. Alpha and Omega. With good fortune to …anus with his wife and
children.

Comm.: C. Just. I 8 (427 AD) prohibited the placement of crosses or nomina sacra
on the floor – but even though the law was republished by Iustinian, it was not suc-
cessful enough to be used for dating purposes. – The fact that there is a later floor
A. Res sacrae 109

above our inscription seems to


point to a date before the 7 c. fig. 1185.2
As always, an acclamation is re-
corded, and this acclamation must have something to do with an activity, with
a donation, etc. connected with this building. Is it allowed to speculate about an
ecclesiastical use?

Bibl.: SEG 48, 1881,1 (ed. pr.). – J. Patrich, ESI 17, 1998, 51f.; id., in: Caesarea Papers 2, 80 fig. 11.
Photo: Patrich, ESI 17, 1998, 52 fig. 20 (ph. and dr.).
WA

1186. Sacra nomina christiana

Column of blue gray marble, found in the excavations of the bath-house. The in-
scription is roughly incised in the middle of the column. The letters or group of
letters are above and below the arms of a cross.
Findspot: Caesarea, excavations of J. Porath. Autopsy: September 1999 (WE).

Σ 


` (¾ÊÇı) Ë  (ÉÀÊÌŦË) |  

Jesus Christ, Alpha (and) Omega.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
fig. 1186
Photo: WE.
WA
110 II. Caesarea

1187. Christian abbreviations

Findspot: Found in May/June 1964 at a bathhouse outside the city wall to the north.



   [(ÉÀÊÌŦ) Ë?]

Alpha (and) Omega – Christ (?).

Bibl.: Unpublished. – HA 11, 1964, 20 (Hebr.).


WA

1188. The peace of the Christians

Tesselated pavement with a medallion, the border of which consists of black tes-
serae; the letters are made of blue-gray tesserae. Ornamental ivy leaves are above
the first and below the last line. The reader faces to the north.
Meas.: h 136, w 131 cm; letters 14-17 cm.
Findspot: East of the decumanus, vis-à-vis of the latrine of the late antique gov-
ernor’s palace (cardo W 1/decumanus S 2); the pavement belongs to the last phase
(IV B).
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

 I

 


  

»À¸Ä¼ţÅþ | ÷ ¼ĊÉûž
ÌľÅ | ÉÀÊÌÀ¸ÅľÅ

May the peace


of the Christians
endure!

fig. 1188

Comm.: For »À¸ÄšÅ¼ÀÅ in acclamations, see Peterson 174f.; Flemming 15f. Peter-
son argues convincingly that »À¸ÄšÅ¼ÀÅ is another case of a profane acclamation
A. Res sacrae 111

turned to ecclesiastical use. Patrich 2001 suggests that “its author was a non-
Christian, perhaps a Samaritan, or a nominal Christian. In this case the inscrip-
tion may be conceived as a declaration of loyalty related perhaps to one of the
Samaritan revolts of the sixth century.” Be that as it may, the author of the in-
scription believes that the peace of the Christians is in some kind of danger –
perhaps more in danger from Christian heretics than from Samaritans; this is
suggested, too, by a comparison with no. 1182, where God’s help for orthodox
Christians is requested.

Bibl.: J. Patrich, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 96 fig. 31f. (ed. pr.). – SEG 49, 2053; J. Patrich, in: Burns -
Eadie, Urban Centers 81. – Cf. J. Flemming, Akten der ephesischen Synode vom Jahre 449, 1917.

Photo: WE.

WA

1189. A Greek benediction?

Fragment.
Meas.: w 39 cm.

Findspot: Caesarea, (“estampage d’une fragment qui m’a été envoyé en 1894, par M.
J. Kemeid, de Caiffa”, Clermont-Ganneau).

[--]‫[  
 
מ‬--]

App. crit.: ëÈĖ ÌÇ [ėË] Clermont-Ganneau.

[--]‫מ‬ÌÑÅ óÉţž ëÈĖ ÌÇ [--]

fig. 1189
… peace for …

Comm.: Single-line inscriptions with religious content often belong to chancel-


screens, but the facsimile seems to rule this out.

Bibl.: Clermont-Ganneau, EAO II 141 with fig. (ed. pr.). – Lehmann - Holum no. 141 pl. XCV.

Photo: Clermont-Ganneau 141 (dr.).

WA
112 II. Caesarea

1190. Fragment of a chancel screen with inscription, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Fragment of an architectural member, probably a chancel screen, broken left, right,


and bottom. The inscribed face is flat, with a cavetto below, and the top is rounded.
Meas.: h 17, w 11 cm; letters 5.2 cm.
Findspot: South of the Crusader city, Field K, Area 3 (C79.K3.I4), within a context
of Late Antique destruction.

[--]‫[  מ‬--]

[-- ¼Ċ]‫מ‬Ë ¼ţÉ [ŢžŠ--]

Translit.: It is possible that the break at the


right side goes through a part of
the vertical bar of eta.

… in peace …

fig. 1190

Comm.: The restoration is purely for form’s sake, recalling e.g. Mk 5,34; Lk 8,48;
but many other restorations are possible, also in connection with ¼ĊÉŢž, e.g. [ëÈĖ
ºý]‫מ‬Ë ¼ĊÉ [Ţž ÒÅ¿ÉŪÈÇÀË]. A mention of Osiris seems excluded by the form of the
monument.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 67 pl. LII (ed. pr.).


Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LII no. 67.
WA

1191. Fragment of a chancel screen with inscription, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Fragment of a chancel screen of white marble. The front is polished, the back and
edges are smooth. The fragment is curved and has on its back a cross (3.1 by 1.7
cm) and two letters.
Meas.: h 8, w 14, d 4 cm; letters 1.6-2.1 cm.
Findspot: Probably from the Byzantine esplanade.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1993-1680. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.
A. Res sacrae 113

(cross)


(¼Ç) ı

Of God.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum


no. 70 pl. LIII (ed. pr.).
Photo: IAA. fig. 1191.1 fig. 1191.2

WA

1192. Fragment of a chancel screen with inscription, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Fragment of a chancel screen of white marble, broken at the top, left, and bottom.
The text appears below a dentilated frieze and a cyma with running loops; below is
the upper right corner of a panel articulated by a double groove.
Meas.: h 22, w 19, d 4 cm; letters 3.5 cm.
Findspot: On the surface in the crusad-
er city.

[--]‫   מ‬vacat
App. crit.: [Á]‫מ‬ŧÉÀ¼, [¹ÇŢ¿¼À ÌŊ »¼ėÅÀ] McLean,
but the position of the text indicates that it
terminated with the invocation of the lord.

[--Á]‫מ‬ŧÉÀ¼

… o Lord.
Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 256 no. 26 pl.
5,26 (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 177; Lehmann fig. 1192
- Holum no. 68 pl. LIII.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LIII no. 68.
WA
114 II. Caesarea

1193. Fragment of a chancel screen with Greek letters, 4-mid 7 c. AD

Fragment of a chancel screen of grayish white marble.


Meas.: h 10, w 15, d 3 cm; letters 3.5 cm.
Findspot: In the crusader cathedral.

[--] Ị Ъ [--]


App. crit.: [¿¼]‫מ‬Ŋ Ň ÅÀÁľ [Å] Negev; [-- ëÅ
ÌÇŧ]‫מ‬ÌĿ ÅÀÁľ [--] Lehmann - Holum; the
first letter is not a secure tau, the last let-
ter possibly an omicron; a personal name
like Ionikos is not excluded.

Comm.: McLean’s date of 1-2 c. AD fig. 1193


is certainly impossible; Lehmann -
Holum are more cautious and assign the text to Late Antiquity in general. The
usual formula would be a cross with ÌÇıÌÇ ÅţÁ¸, but cf. on the first person singular
PAES III B 1, 892: [ë]‫מ‬Å ÌÇŧÌĿ ÅÀ [Á]‫מ‬ľ ÌÇİË ëÏ [¿]‫מ‬ÉÇŧË ÄÇÍ – but the reading here is not
sufficiently certain for something like this.
Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 256 no. 28 pl. 5 fig. 28 (ed. pr.). – McLean I no. 17; Lehmann -
Holum no. 66 pl. LII.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LII no. 66.
WA

1194. Fragment from a church (?), 4-mid 7 c. AD

Fragment of a gray marble architectural fragment, broken on all sides. One side is
molded, the other worked smooth.
Meas.: h 10, w 10, d 2.7-3.5 cm; letters 8.2 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7811. Autopsy: 12 March 2010.

(cross) A [--]

Comm.: Lehmann - Holum believe that the molded


side was used as part of an epitaph; the inscribed
side is not molded, and the height of the alpha ar-
gues against this letter as a part of an epitaph. The
cross, on the other hand, supports the idea.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 243 (ed. pr.).


Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. CXXIX no. 243. fig. 1194
WA
B. Imperial documents 115

B. Imperial documents

1195. A verdict, 2-3 c. AD

Plaque of gray marble; the back is smooth. Part of the upper margin is preserved;
l.1 is clearly a heading, and if the restoration is correct, l.1 was centered. The letters
grow progressively smaller; perhaps l.2-5 are the prescript, and the sentence itself
starts with l.6. Interpuncts are sometimes used.
Meas.: h 11, w 10, d 1.8-2 cm; letters l.1: 0.9-1.1 cm; l.2-5: 0.4-0.9 cm; l.6-7: 0.3-0.6 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7834. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

[--]‫[  מ‬--]


[--]‫[    מ‬--]
[--]‫[· ·
 מ‬--]
[--]·   [--]
[--]+·   [--]
[--]‫ מ‬Ъ [--]
[--]‫[  מ‬--]
App. crit.: l.1 Haensch; l.4 the name
restored by Eck.

[ÒÅÌţºÉ¸ÎÇÅ] ÒÈÇΊÊ[¼ÑË |--


Ç]‫מ‬ÈÂţÇÍ ÍĎŦË, [--|--] Á¸ÊÊÀÁýË
[--|--] ÇŧÁÀÇË ¼ţÇ[ÍÀÇË --|--],
ÇţÅÌ[ÇË --|--]‫[ מ‬--|--]‫[מ‬--]

Transcript of a sentence: N.N.,


son of Publius, C…, (officer of the
cohors II) Classica, Quintus (?) …,
Lucius Livius …, Quintus … fig. 1195

Comm.: The nature of the document was recognized by Haensch and Eck; an
ÒÈŦθÊÀË is “the final verdict … with which Roman magistrates concluded judicial
hearings, normally after consulting their advisory committee” (Haensch 326). A
cohors II Classica is attested in Syria, ILS 2683; CIL IX 4855 a; XVI 35, 106; AE
2006, 1850, 1838, 1839. “Möglicherweise war in dem Text ein Angehöriger dieser
Einheit, z. B. ein ìȸÉÏÇË oder ein îÁ¸ÌŦÅ̸ÉÏÇË, angeführt” (Eck 543). The list of
names, introducing the document, may represent the members of the consilium.
Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 111 pl. LXXVII (ed. pr.). – AE 2000, 1520; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000,
543; R. Haensch, SCI 21, 2002, 326.
Photo: WE.
WA
116 II. Caesarea

1196. Accounts from the hippodrome, 6 c. AD (?)

Stele of gray marble, broken into 17 fragments; probably found in secondary use in
a pavement. Some other parts of the stele were missing when it was discovered, and
some fragments have gone missing since then. A small part of the left margin and
the lower part are missing. Two clamp-holes at the top indicate that the stone was
once fastened to a wall; the contents show that there must have been at least one slab
to the left and one to the right (col. 0; col. III). The inscription is to be read from the
left to the right, i. e. I 1; II 1; I 2, II 2 etc. There are numerous abbreviation marks
(description to be found in Lehmann - Holum 112).
Meas.: h 88, w 106 (if the clamp-holes were put in the slab symmetrically, the stone was
originally about 130 cm wide), d 5 cm; letters 4.5-6 cm, l.1 a bit larger than the rest.
Findspot: About 150 m northeast of the northern end of the hippodrome. Hum-
phrey thought that the stables were at the northern end of the hippodrome and that
the inscription was displayed at one of the factions’ houses.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-758; Lehmann - Holum were not able
to locate all the fragments seen by Lifshitz, and we have seen none at all.

fig. 1196
B. Imperial documents 117

col. I: col. II:


   
 
    
[.]‫
 מ‬ª 

  
[.]‫
 מ‬ 
5 [.]‫
 מ‬ª  
[.]‫מ‬Ō 
    
[.]‫

 מ‬  
[.]‫

 מ‬  
[.]‫

 מ‬   
10 [.]‫ 
 מ‬   Ъ Ъ
[.]‫

מ‬  Ъ
[.]‫
 מ‬ 
[--] 
[--]+
 
App. crit.: col. II 3 the enigmatic abbreviation at the beginning of the line is thought to repre-
sent (ĝÄÇı) by Lifshitz, who understands: Äý (żË) À¹’ ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸ̸) ÏÀ¸º À¹’ ÏÉ (ÍÊÜ), “611⅓ sous
d’or pour 12 mois”; col. I 11 (ÒÈġ) ½Íº (ľÅ) (Á¸Ė) ÅÇÄÀÊÄ [ŠÌ (ÑÅ)] Lifshitz, followed by the editors
of SEG, interpreting the second gamma as a mistake for Á (¸ţ); otherwise it would read (ÒÈġ)
½Íº (ÇÊÌŠÌÑÅ) (Á¸Ė) ÅÇÄÀÊÄ (¸ÌÇÈŪÂÑÅ); col. II 12 ¹ÇÍ (¼ÍÌľÅ) edd., ¹ÇÍ (¼ÍÌÀÁľÅ) Laniado 97;
col. II 14 omitted by Lehmann - Holum’s text; the vestiges of the first letters could belong to a
sigma: [¼Ċ]‫מ‬Ë?

col. I: col. II:


ĎÈÈÇÌÉŦÎÇÀË ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) ‚¼ÏÁ¿»’ ÏÉ(ÍÊÜ)
»’ Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸÌÇË) Ìġ º’ Á¸¿’ ïÁ¸ÊÌÇÅ ëÅÀ¸ÍÌ(ŦÅ)
[º]‫מ‬º’ Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸÌÇË) Ìġ »Âő’ (?) Äý(żË) À¹’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) ÏÀ¸ºÀ¹’ ÏÉ(ÍÊÜ)
[ő’] Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸÌÇË) Ìġ ¹’ (ÒÈġ) ÌÇı ÊÌŦÂÇÍ
5 [À]‫ ’»מ‬Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅŦ(ÄÀÊĸ) <Ìġ> ¸ő’ (ÒÈġ) ÌÇı ļÊţÌÇÍ
[É]‫מ‬ŌЏ Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> À¼‹º’ (ÒÈġ) ÌÇı »ÀÁ¼É¸ÌţÇ(Í)
[É’] Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> ¾º’ (ÒÈġ) ÌÇı ̼ÌɸÁ¼É(¸ÌţÇÍ)
[É’] Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> ¾º’ (ÒÈġ) ÌľÅ ÊÍŸÉÏÀľ(Å)
[É]‫מ‬¹Ë’ Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> ¾‹Ç¹’ (ÒÈġ) ëÈÀÁ¼Î(¸Â¸ţÇÍ) Á(¸Ė) ĨÈÇÈÍÉ(ºţÇÍ)
10 [É]‫מ‬Å’ Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> À¹’ (ÒÈġ) ĚÁ̸¹¸É(ţÑÅ) Á(¸Ė) ÄÍɼÐ(ľÅ)
[À]‫ ’¾מ‬Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> ¸‹’ (ÒÈġ) ½Íºº(ľÅ) ÅÇÄÀÊÄ[ŠÌ(ÑÅ)]
[Á]‫ ’»מ‬Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) <Ìġ> ¹’ (ÒÈġ) ÏÉÍÊÇ(̼¼ţ¸Ë) ¹ÇͼÍ(ÌÀÁľÅ)
[-- Á(¸ÌÛ) Äý(Ÿ) ¸’ ÅÇ(ÄţÊĸ̸) Ìġ --] (ÒÈġ) ĚÊÈɼÇÈÑÂ(ľÅ)
[--]+ ÌÛ Ä¾ÅÀš¸
118 II. Caesarea

col. I: col. II:


For the horse-keepers. 5.629¼ gold coins
4: ⅓ of a coin per month; each year.
3⅓: 5⁄18 of a coin per month; (?) 12 months: 611 14⁄15 gold coins
6: ½ of a coin per month; from the stolos
5 14: one and 1⁄6 coins per month; from the mesites
190: 155⁄6 coins per month; from the dikeration
100: 8⅓ coins per month; from the tetrakeration
100: 8⅓ coins per month; from the synarchiai
1021⁄6: 8 and 37⁄82 coins per month; from the poll-tax and hypopyrgion
10 150: 12 ½ coins per month; from the octavarii and perfumers
18: one and ½ coins per month; from the tax on weights and measures
24: 2 coins per month … from the tax relating to the council
from the pulse-dealers
… the monthly (total?)

Comm.: The abbreviation marks and certain other features, e. g. the use of
ÅÇÄţÊĸ̸, indicate a date in Late Antiquity; for the abbreviation mark “‹” see Avi-
Yonah, Abbreviations 118. The s-shaped abbreviation is said to be most common
in the sixth century (Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 37). Humphrey believed that the
stables and the club-house of the ĎÈÈÇÌÉŦÎÇÀ were in the vicinity of the findspot.
t is perhaps not quite right to conclude with Ringel, Césarée 151: “les champs de
Césarée offraient une bonne pâture aux chevaux de course” (cf. Lifshitz 1957, 122:
“cette région est complètement dénuée de pâturages”).
The columns do not relate to each other; the amounts do not fit, and we must
assume that the yearly sum of money from the ÊÌŦÂÇË, for instance, stood in a
column III 4, whereas the reason for the numbers in column I must have been
engraved in a column 0 (this fact was misunderstood by Laniado 96f., who wanted
to deduce from I 12 in combination with II 12 a much reduced participation of the
curiales in the financing of games.
On imperial money (or the lack of it) spent for the upkeep of the races and the
maintenance of the stables in some cities, see Cameron 9f., 219 and Delmaire 583;
this inscription proves direct subsidies to the stables by allocating part of the taxes
to the horse-keepers. Lifshitz 1957, 123 remarked on the large total allocated to the
circus – in view of the prices of horses in Egypt.
I 1: the larger letters indicate that this is to be understood as headline; “ceux
qui entretiennent des chevaux pour les écuries impériales et l’hippodrome” (J. and
L. Robert). At least in Oxyrhynchos the ĎÈÈÇÌÉÇÎţ¸ was a municipal liturgy for
several persons, P.Oxy 17, 2120: ÄŠÂÀÊ̸ ÅıÅ ĎÈÈÇÌ [É]‫מ‬ŦÎÇÍ ÌͺϊÅÇÅÌŦË ÄÇÍ; if
the institution worked in the same way in Caesarea, the sums allocated here sup-
plemented the sums spent by the liturgists. – The taxes in question are municipal
taxes; traditionally, a fraction of these taxes went to the sacrae largitiones, and a
part of this is obviously designed to support the stables; on the individual taxes,
B. Imperial documents 119

see Lifshitz 1957 and Delmaire: II 4: ÒÈġ ÌÇı ÊÌŦÂÇÍ: tax on ship-transports, cf. CJ
11, 29, 1: ex titulo navium; II 5: ÒÈġ ÌÇı ļÊţÌÇÍ: ‘taxe de courtage’ (Delmaire 281:
“le mot signifie ‘arbitre, intermédiaire”); II 6f.: »ÀÁ¼ÉŠÌÀÇÅ, ̼ÌɸÁ¼ÉŠÌÀÇÅ: ‘taxe
de 2 ou 4 carats sur les bateaux mouillant au port’ (Delmaire); anchorage fees; the
amount of the tax will have been two resp. four siliquae per solidus; II 8: ÒÈġ ÌľÅ
ÊÍŸÉÏÀľÅ: were there ÊŧŸÉÏÇÀ as municipal liturgists who contributed to the
games? Then the ÊÍŸÉÏţ¸À can have been their payments; II 9: ÒÈġ ëÈÀÁ¼Î¸Â¸ţÇÍ,
from the usual poll-tax; ÒÈġ ĨÈÇÈÍɺţÇÍ: something to do with the ground-floors
of buildings (ÈŧɺÇË as “Wirtschaftsgebäude”); II 10: ÒÈġ ĚÁ̸¹¸ţÑÅ, vectigal oc-
tavarii, an import- and export-tax of 12,5%; ÒÈġ ÄÍÉ¼ÐľÅ: why the perfumers
contribute to the games is not quite clear, or rather: what kind of tax the per-
fumers payed that could be diverted to the horses, is not clear (Lifshitz 1957, 127
quotes Plin. n. h. 12,111 on the commerce of perfume in Palestine and its eco-
nomic import); II 11: ÒÈġ ½ÍºľÅ ÅÇÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ, “un supplément d’impôt au compte
de la différence entre des ½ÍºŠ divers” (Lifshitz 1957, 128; but he does not exclude
a tax like the zygostasia, either); II 12: on the ÏÉÍÊÇ̚¼À¸, see Laniado 42ff., who
concludes 44: “Il s’ensuit que la chrysotéleia ne désigne pas un impôt en soi, mais
plutôt le fait de lever un impôt en or”; 97: “Le terme chrysotélie semble désigner
le mode de paiement (ÌšÂÇË en or) plutôt que l’impôt lui même”. But what kind of
tax was collected? This is indicated only by the abbreviation ¹ÇÍÂ.: Lifshitz and
the Roberts thought of the aurum coronarium (cf. Klauser), which is no longer
attested at this time; Delmaire thought of the lucrativa descriptio, levied on the
succession of councillors (Laniado 76ff. includes this document in his collection
of attestations of curiae after the reign of Anastasius); but if Laniado is right, and
ÏÉÍÊÇ̚¼À¸ is not a tax per se, then ¹ÇÍ (¼ÍÌľÅ) must be wrong; part of a tax
called ÌÛ ¹ÇͼÍÌÀÁŠ is given to the exigencies of the circus (no tax like this is
known, as far as I can tell, but the budget of the ¹ÇÍÂŢ was called ÌÛ ¹ÇͼÍÌÀÁŠ,
e.g. P.Oxy 44, 3175, 2 with introd., and a municipal tax for the establishment of
this budget might be a ÏÉÍÊÇ̚¼À¸); 13: a tax levelled against merchants in
dry vegetables; II 14: “s’agirait-il ici du bilan mensuel de tous les revenus destinés
à l’hippodrome?” (Lifshitz 1957, 130), but it is not clear, if or how the term ÌÛ
ľÅÀ¸ė¸ relates to column II.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, REG 70, 1957, 118ff. pl. 1 (ed. pr.). – BE 1958, 514; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977,
510ff.; J. Humphrey, Roman Circuses, 1986, 483f., 490f.; R. Delmaire, Largesses sacrées et res
privata, 1989, 280f.; SEG 39, 1620; McLean I no. 52; Lehmann - Holum no. 109 pl. LXXVI. – Cf.
Th. Klauser, Gesammelte Arbeiten zur Liturgiegeschichte, Kirchengeschichte und christlichen
Archäologie, 1974, 292ff.; A. Cameron, Circus Factions, 1976; A. Laniado, Recherches sur les
notables municipaux dans l’empire protobyzantin, 2002.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXVI no. 109.

WA
120 II. Caesarea

1197. Sportulae, 465-7 AD

Nine fragments of gray, striated marble.


Meas.: frg.1: h 23, w 25, d 5.5 cm; frg.2: h 27, w 22.5, d 3.7-4.2 cm; frg.3: h 17, w 20,
d 5-5.2 cm; frg.4: h 27.5, w 17.5, d 5 cm; frg.5: h 29, w 59, d 2.9-5.5 cm; frg.6: h 20,
w 21, d 4.2-4.5 cm; frg.7: h 13, w 17.5, d 4.1 cm; frg.8: h 13, w 20, d 4-4.4 cm; frg.9 is
published after a drawing, without any indication of scale.
letters l.1f. (title): 2-4.3 cm; l.3ff.: 1-2.2 cm.
Di Segni - Patrich - Holum reconstructed an original inscription of roughly h 47,
w 155, d 3-5.5 cm.

Findspot: The fragments were found in Areas CC, CV, KK. Originally, the stone
must have been fixed to a wall of or at least near the praetorium (perhaps in the vi-
cinity of the scrinium chartulariorum or in the audience hall, see Patrich 2000). If
the suggested date is correct, the text belongs to the third phase of the praetorium,
whereas the fragments were found in Stratum III contexts, belonging to the period
after the Arab conquest. frg.1, 2: CV 10, locus 054 and 053; frg.3: KK 14; frg.4: CC
8, locus 004; frg.5: CC 10, locus 100; frg.6-8: KK 16, locus 250.

fig. 1197.1 (frg. 1-8)

fig. 1197.2
B. Imperial documents 121

Title:
[--]‫מ‬Ъ  [-ca. 42 letters-]‫ݕݕݕݕݕ  מ‬
‫ݕ  ݕ‬
vacat   [.]‫מ‬Ъ  [--]

fig. 1197.3 (frg. 1-3)

col. I:
[--]‫[   

מ‬--]
[.]‫    מ‬Ν

Μ
  ‫[ 

 ݕ‬--]
  

 Β
5 vacat
  Ъ [--]
vacat N
 
  [--]
vacat Ъ Ъ [--]
122 II. Caesarea

10    
 [-- vacat ||--]‫[ מ‬--]
  
 [--]||   [--]
   [.]|| [--]
vacat 
  vacat || [--]
  vacat
15  |̣ | vacat  
  ̣
  Ε̣
  ΝΕ

fig. 1197.4 (frg. 5)

fig. 1197.5 (frg. 4-8)


B. Imperial documents 123

col. II:
[--]
[--] vacat   [--]
[-ca. 26 letters-]‫   מ‬
[-ca. 26 letters-]‫מ‬Ъ


5 [-ca. 29 letters-]‫     מ‬
[--] vacat
[-ca. 31 letters-]‫מ‬Ъ  
[-ca. 33 letters-]‫מ‬
[-ca. 35 letters-]‫מ‬
10 [-ca. 36 letters-]‫מ‬Γ
[-ca. 40 letters-]‫מ‬ fig. 1197.6 (frg. 9)

col. III:
[--]
   ª
    
  
     
TE   
5 vacat  vacat  
   O   ª
   vacat 

   
  
 [--]


 

  Ъ [--]
10   vacat   vacat [--]
 
   [--]
 

  [--]
vacat     
 Ъ
[--] vacat  [--]
15 [--] vacat  
[-max. 22 letters-]‫[ מ‬--] vacat  
[-max. 15 letters-]‫מ‬Ъ   [--]‫
מ‬H  ª
[-max. 15 letters-] vacat 
[-max. 12 letters-]‫מ‬Ъ  [.]‫  מ‬
App. crit.: Title, l.1 [… Á¸ÌÛ ÌľÅ ¿¼ţÑÅ »À¸Ì¸ºÄŠÌÑÅ ed. pr., corr. Follet (AE); [… ļº¸ÂÇէ
ÎÍ¼Ê (ÌŠÌÑÅ)] Á¸Ė ëÆÇÏ (ÑÌŠÌÑÅ)] ed. pr., [… ĨȼɸÄÈÉľÅ] Á¸Ė Feissel (BE), comparing the
examples he collected in Tyche 9, 1994, 24f.; the ed. pr. believe that the name of the two other
Praefecti Praetorio Orientis followed, but Feissel thought the space insufficient.
col. I 5 read ȼɸÀÌšÉÑ; ȸɚÊϼʿ¸À ed. pr., corr. A. Martin apud SEG; I 8   =
ÏŪÉß Á (ò) ÌŠÆÀ ed. pr., Á¸ÌÛ] ÏŪɸŠ̊ÆÀ Zuckerman apud Feissel (BE); I 11-16 frg. 9 is allocated
to the right part of these lines by Feissel (BE); 17 “the stone shows a straight vertical line
resembling a iota: however, it might be part of any other straight-backed letter (, ,
, , ,
, )” ed. pr.
col. II 8   lapis; II 10 “before the first preserved letter: it must be ,  or ” ed. pr.
col. 2 read ëÆÁšÈÌÇÉÊÀÅ; III 9ff. line-break established by Feissel (BE); III 14 phi with a bar
above and a second line below the letter.
124 II. Caesarea

Title
[ÌŧÈÇÀ] »Ç¿šÅ̼ [Ë Á¸ÌÛ ÌÛ ¿¼ė¸ »À¸ÌŠºÄ¸Ì¸ ȸÉÛ ÌľÅ ĨȼɸÄÈÉľÅ] Á¸Ė
ëÆÇÏ (ÑÌŠÌÑÅ) ëÈŠÉÏ (ÑÅ),  (¸ÇÍţÇÍ) ÇÍÊšÇÍ ÌÇı ļº¸ÂÇÈÉ (¼È¼ÊÌŠÌÇÍ) Á¸Ė
ëÅ»ÇÆ (ÇÌŠÌÇÍ) ëÈŠÉÏÇÍ | vacat ÌľÅ Ď¼É [ľ]‫מ‬Å ÈɸÀÌ [ÑÉţÑÅ --]

col. I:
[ëÅ Ì]‫מ‬ĉ ÒŸÌÇÂÀÁĉ (»ÀÇÀÁŢʼÀ) ÌġÅ ëȸÉÏÀÁġÅ ÌġŠļ¿Ç» [¼ŧÇÅ̸
Á]‫מ‬ÇÄţ½¼Ê¿¸À ÂŦºĿ ÊÈÇÉÌÇÍÂľÅ Á¸ÌÛ ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸ̸) É’ ÅŦ (ÄÀÊĸ) ¸’ଃ
ȼɼ̚ÉÑ »ò ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) ¾’ Äü ȸɚϼʿ¸À Á’ ÔÅ ĨȼÉŦºÁ‹Ç›Ë ¼ċ¾ ÷ ÈÇÊŦÌ [¾Ë.]
ÌŊ ȸɸÊÌŠÊÀÄÇÅ ìÏÇÅÌÀ ÒÈġ ÌýË ÒŸÌÇÂýË ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸ̸) À¹’
5 vacat
ºÅľÊÀË ÌľÅ ÌÍÈÇ¿šÅÌÑÅ ÒŸÂÑÄŠÌÑÅ ÈŠ [Êþ Á¸ÌÛ]
vacat ÏŪɸŠ̊ÆÀଃ
ĨÈòÉ Á¾ÌÀÁÇı ÄÇÅÇÄ¼É [ÇıË]
vacat ÈÉŠº [ĸÌÇË Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --],
10 ¼ĊË ìÁ»ÇÊÀÅ ÌÇı ĨÈÇÄÅŢĸ [ÌÇË--] vacat ëÅ Ï¸É [Ì.. Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --]
ĨÈòÉ »ò Á¸¿¸ÉÇı ĨÈÇÄÅŢÄ [¸ÌÇË] ÌÇėË ¸ĤÌÇėË [Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --],
ĨÈòÉ ÒŸºÅÑÊţÄÇÍ ¼ĊË Ì [ġ] ¸ĤÌġ ÄÇÅÇļÉòË  [--]
vacat Á¾ÌÀÁŦÅ vacat [Á¼É (¸Ìţ¸) --],
ĨÈòÉ ÁÇÄȼÍÌÉľÅ vacat
15 ȸÉÛ ÌÇı ȸɸ¹¸ÂÂÇÄšÅÇÍ ÓÏÉÀ vacat ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) Å’ [Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --]ଃ
ÒÈġ ÅÇÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ Å’ [ïÑË ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) É’ଃ Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --],
ÒÈġ »ò ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) É’ ïÑË ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) [ÉÅ’ଃ Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --],
ÒÈġ »ò ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) ÉÅ’ ïÑ [Ë ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) Ê’ଃ ÅŦ (ÄÀÊĸ) ¸’?]

col. II:
[--]
? ÇĤ»òÅ ÈšÇÅ ÒȸÀ̼ţÊ¿Ñ ?] vacat ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸÌÇË) ¸’.
[-ca. 26 letters-]‫מ‬ţÇÀË Ì¼ÌŧÈÑ̸À
[-ca. 26 letters-]‫
מ‬ÇĤ»òÅ úÌÌÇÅ
5 [-ca. 29 letters-] Á¸Ė ëÈĖ ÌÇėË ÊÀźÇÍ
[¸ÉţÇÀË --] vacat
[-- ? Á¸Ì¸¹Š]‫מ‬ ¼̸À ÌŊ
[-- ? ÷ ÈÇÊŦ̾]‫מ‬Ë Ĩȼɹଢ¸ţଣÅ
[¼À? --]‫מ‬
10 [-- ȸÉñÏ]‫¼מ‬ÌÑ ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸ̸) ¸º’
[-ca. 40 letters-]‫מ‬Ë ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸ̸) ¸’

col. III:
[--]
ëÆšÈÌÇÉÊÀÅ ĤÈñÉ Ï¸ÉÌľÅଃ Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) ő’,
ëÁ»ÇÊţÄÇÍ »À¸ºÅŪʼÑË È¼É¼Ñ¿ţʾËଃ ÅŦ (ÄÀÊĸ) ¸’,
¼Ċ »ò ëÁ¸¹ėÅ ¹ÇŧÂÇÀÌŦ ÌÀË ÌüÅ ĨȼÉ̼¿ţʸŠ»ÀŠºÅÑÊÀÅ,
B. Imperial documents 125

5 vacat ϸÉÌľÅ ÄòÅ vacat Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) »’,


ëÁ»ÇÊţÄÇÍ »ò ȸɒ îÁ¸ÌšÉÇÍ ÄšÉÇÍË ëÁ¸ĹŠÅÇÅÌÇË Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) ő’,
ÁÇÄȼÍଢÊଣţÄÇÍ »À¸ºÅŪʼÑË vacat Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) ¾’,
Á¸Ė ëÈĖ ÌľÅ ëÅÁ¾ĸÌÀÁľÅ »ò ĨÈÇ¿šÊ¼ÑÅ ÌÛ ¸ĤÌÛ ÏÉü ȸɚ [ϼÀÅ.]
ĨÈòÉ »¾ÁɾÌÇı ÁÇÍÉŠÌÇÉÇË ÈÉǹÇÂýË õ ëÈÀÌÉŦÈÇÍ º¼ÅÀÁÇ [ı õ]
10 Ċ»ÀÁÇıଃ vacat Ň »À¸ÎšÉÀ vacat Á [¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) --].
ëÁÈÇÀŢʼÑË ïżÁ¼Å ¹ÇͼÍÌÀÁÇı ÈÉŠºÄ¸ÌÇ [Ë Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸)--],
ëÈÀÌÉŦÈÇÍ »ò õ ÁÇÍÉŠÌÇÉÇË ÈÉġË ÌüÅ ÒÆţ¸Å ÌÇ [ı ÈÉŠºÄ¸ÌÇË ?]
vacat ÓÏÉÀ ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) Î’ ÌÀÄŢĸÌÇË ĝÄÇ (ı)ଃ
[ÒÈġ »ò ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) Î’ ïÑË ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) Ð’ ?] Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) [--],
15 [ÒÈġ »ò ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) Ð’ ïÑË ÅÇ (ÄÀÊÄŠÌÑÅ) -- ?] Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) À¹’,
[? ÒÈġ -- ÁÔÅ ¼ċ¾ ļė½ÇÅ (Ìġ Ìţľĸ) ÇĤ»òŠȼ]‫מ‬É¼ÌšÉ [Ñ] vacat ÅÇ (ÄţÊĸÌÇË) ¸’.
[-max. 15 letters-]‫ מ‬ଢëଣÁ»ÇÊţÄÇ [Í ÌľÅ] »¾ÁÉ¾ÌľÅ Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) ő’,
[? ĨÈòÉ Ï¸ÉÌľÅ ?] vacat Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) »’,
[-- ÌÇ]‫מ‬ı ÈɸÌÌÇÄšÅÇÍ Ň »À¸ [Î]‫מ‬šÉÀ Á¼É (ŠÌÀ¸) º’.

Title:
Edicts issued according to the divine orders by the most splendid and most eminent
prefects; Flavius Pusaeus, the most magnificient and glorious prefect of the sacred
praetoria

col. I:
In (the dioecesis) Oriens, the praefectianus sent to collect taxes shall receive on
account of sportulae one solidus on each hundred; but beyond eight solidi nothing
shall be exacted, even if the (whole) amount is in excess. To (the praefectianus) who
made appear (in the court) someone from the Oriens (the maximum permitted is)
12 solidi.
Schedule for the legal costs fixed by law for each office of the province:
- for a writ of summons ex parte …
10 - for delivery of a memorandum … for papyr… siliquae
- for a clean copy of the memorandum to the same: … siliquae
- for the reading of the same (writ of) summons ex parte …
- for the writing out (of a memorandum) …
15 - from the party that is sued: up to 50 solidi: … siliquae
- from 50 solidi to 100 solidi … siliquae
- … and from 100 solidi to 150 solidi … siliquae
- … and from 150 solidi to 200 solidi: 1 solidus (?)

col. II:
… nothing must be required beyond 1 solidus
… it is ordered … nothing less (5) … and for the singulares … is paid to the … ex-
ceeds (10) … should pay 1⅓ solidus … 1½ solidus …
126 II. Caesarea

col. III:
To the exceptores
5 - for papyri: 6 siliquae
- for issue of a definita causa: 1 solidus
And if one wants to receive (the record of) a deferred trial:
- for papyri: 4 siliquae
- and for the issue from each party who receives (the record): 6 siliquae
- for writing out the record of a trial: 8 siliquae
And in criminal trials the same amounts are to be paid.
For a decree of appointment of a general or a special curator (or guardian)
10 - (cost) to the interested party: …
- … in a matter of sale of property belonging to a decurion …
- … and for a (special) guardian or curator according to the value of the transaction
- up to 500 (solidi) in value, the same
- and from 500 to 700 solidi (??): …
15 - and from 700 to … solidi (??): 12 siliquae …
… nothing beyond 1 solidus
… of the issues of the decrees: 6 siliquae
- for papyri (?): 4 siliquae
- of the transacted (business) to the interested party: 3 siliquae

(The translation of the text is taken with minor changes from Di Segni - Patrich -
Holum)

Comm.: The inscription is divided into two sections, giving information relating to
sportulae, i.e. fees due to members of the staff of the Praefectus Praetorio Orientis
and judicial fees; these sections were perhaps taken from several edicts of Pretorian
Prefects and combined in this text; but it cannot be completely excluded that they
belong to just one edict.
Title: The Praefectus Praetorio Orientis could not legislate, but he could inter-
pret laws and issue edicts; therefore the ¿¼ė¸ »À¸ÌŠºÄ¸Ì¸ are cited as the source of
the prefect’s edicts; cf. SEG 35, 1523 (Seleukeia P.): ÌŧÈÇÍË ëÅ»ÇÆÇÌŠÌÑÅ ëÈŠÉÏÑÅ.
The title of the prefects as a collegium is a relic from earlier times; the title of each
prefect, in this case of Fl. Pusaeus, represents his current rank. On Pusaeus, see
PLRE II Pusaeus, where the evidence for his tenure can be found (465-7 and per-
haps again in 473).
col. I 1: ļ¿Ç»¼ŧÑ, to collect a tax; Di Segni et al. 281 virtually exclude the pos-
sibility that judicial fees can be meant. Fiscal fees are usually calculated on a pro-
portional basis and some of these fees are collected by the agents of the Praefectus
Praetorio Orientis.
I 4: fiscal fees were higher in the west (e.g. Jones, LRE 468, 591), but – as Feis-
sel (BE) pointed out – this edict concerns the differences between the dioceses
belonging to the oriental prefecture. Since the total of taxes in a province must
B. Imperial documents 127

have been much higher than 800 solidi, “it was probably not the portion of the
general fiscal fee that pertained to the prefectorial canonicarii, but the fee paid
to the compulsores who came to collect arrears, and which was paid out of the
governor’s office”. ȸɸÊÌŠÊÀÄÇË = committed to trial, Lampe s.v. I 6: the second
part starts, concerning legal costs in suits, both civil and criminal (col. III 10).
Those fees pertain normally to three categories (CJ 19,12,1; 12,25,4,2; 29,3,1f.): to
the executores, pro ingressu, pro editione gestorum. col. I starts with the sportulae
payable to the executores for the motions preliminary to a trial. col. III includes
the fees payable to the exceptores, who took down the proceedings and issued the
records. There are no fees recorded pro ingressu; they must have belonged to the
missing part of the inscription (most of col. II) – and perhaps frg. 9 belonged to
this sort of sportulae. I 7: ÏŪɸ = ëȸÉÏţ¸, province; ÌŠÆÀË = officium; I 8: Á¾ÌÀÁġÅ
ÈÉܺĸ, summons, ÄÇÅÇļÉŢË, ex parte, sent by the court or the plaintiff to the
defendant; the fee is for its production, and perhaps the plaintiff has to pay for it; I
9: Á¼ÉŠÌÀÇÅ, siliquae, the twenty-fourth part of a solidus; I 10: ìÁ»ÇÊÀË: perhaps the
official delivery of the ĨÈŦÄžĸ; ĨÈŦÄžĸ: here, the summoning of a defendant
with the help of a libellus or inscriptio; such a document contained the details of
the suit or the indictment, therefore producing more information than the simple
Á¾ÌÀÁġÅ ÈÉܺĸ; since the defendant needed this information, it is he who had
to pay for it; I 11: a copy of the document; I 12: ÒŸºÅŪÊÀÄÇË is new; it means the
clerk, ÒŸºÅŪÊ̾Ë, or a fee for reading; Di Segni et al. 283f. opt for the latter pos-
sibility, but this is linguistically difficult, as Feissel (BE) observed, see on I 14;
I 14: ĨÈòÉ ÁÇÄȼÍÌÉľÅ is understood by Di Segni et al. as the name of a clerk,
deriving from ÁÇÄȼÍÌŢÉ (from the Latin compleo, P.Giss.Univ. 32, 2; cf. Joh.
Lyd. 3,11,8: ÁÇÄȾÌţÑÅ), but again Feissel (BE) objects on linguistic grounds: “il
s’agit probablement de nouveaux noms de sportules attachées respectivement à
la lecture des actes (Ìġ ÒŸºÅŪÊÀÄÇÅ) et à leur completio (ÌÛ ÁŦÄȼÍÌɸ?)”; I 15:
ȸɸ¹ŠÂÂÑ, to sue, SB I 5357; I 16ff.: The fees are restored in proportion to the
highest fee of one solidus, i.e. 24 siliquae.
col. II 3f. “may contain some ruling about the security pledge” (Di Segni et al.
287); the first editors propose hesitantly something like [뺺Í]‫מ‬Š½þ; II 5f. must have
contained the fee pro ingressu. The content of the following lines of col. II can only
be guessed at; CJ 12, 29, 3, 2 may have spoken about a fee for reading a document in
court – this could be a solution, if frg. 9 belongs at the end of col. II.
col. III: fees payable to the exceptores (on them, Jones, LRE 587); III 3:
ëÁ»ŦÊÀÄÇË »À¸ºÅŪʼÑË È¼É¸ÀÑ¿¼ţÊ¾Ë = issue of the definita causa, the sentence,
in writing; III 4: ĨȼÉ̼¿¼ėʸ »ÀŠºÅÑÊÀË = a deferred causa for which one of the
parties wished to have the proceedings; III 7: ÁÇÄȼŧÊÀÄÇË; the sportulae here
cover the writing of the document; III 9: after it is said that the same sportulae
are to be paid in criminal suits (8), a new schedule begins. It concerns legal
expenses in connection with the appointment of guardians and curators. An
ëÈţÌÉÇÈÇË is appointed for a guardian of an orphan before puberty. A curator
is usually given to persons after their puberty and before their 25th year. III 9:
128 II. Caesarea

º¼ÅÀÁŦË, a curator generalis, appointed by decree of the governor at a fixed fee;


III 10: Ċ»ÀÁŦË, a curator specialis, for whom the minor applied himself in case
of a special need; III 11: ëÁÈÇţ¾ÊÀË ÈɸºÄŠÌÑÅ = alienatio rerum, in this case
of some member of the curial class; III 17-19: some additional fees relating to
the appointments.
It is worthwhile to cite the first editors on some of the implications of these spor-
tulae (Di Segni et al. 293): “It appears … that a privileged person paid 2 solidi for a
complaint or a defense in a provincial court. If this is so, the ordinary provincial in a
lawsuit at Caesarea paid about 5 solidi in court costs altogether. … Not many people
could have afforded it; those who were less well off - probably the vast majority - re-
sorted to other means … such as arbritation and the episcopalis audientia.”

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 110 pl. LXXVII (frg. 9, i.e. the right part of I.11-16); L. Di Segni - J.
Patrich - K. Holum, ZPE 145, 2003, 273ff. (edd. prr.). – J. Patrich, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 93f.
fig. 28; id., in: Margolin, Proceedings 40*ff.; id., Welt und Umwelt der Bibel 6,3, 2001, 76 fig.
2; id., Qadmoniot 35, 2002, 72 (ph.); AE 2003, 1808a-e; SEG 53, 1841; BE 2004, 394; J. Patrich,
NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1677 with fig.
Photo: Di Segni - Patrich - Holum, 296ff. figs. 1-3.2 (ph. and dr.); Patrich, 1999, fig. 28; Lehmann
- Holum, pl. LXXCVII no. 110 (dr.).
WA

1198. Fragment of a decision, 4-7 c. AD

Part of a plaque of limestone with preserved bottom; four lines can be made out.
On its back are vestiges of plaster.
Meas.: h 13, w 11, d 2.5 cm; letters 1.3-1.7 cm.
Findspot: Room V of the Revenue-
Office, in the rubble of a stone
bench.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no.
1972-223. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

[--]++[--]
[--] I Ъ [--]
[--]‫[  מ‬--]
[--]‫מ‬Ъ  [--]
App. crit.: l.1 a trace of letter, followed
by either O or ; l.2 the letter after
the delta may have been an epsilon; l.3
[--]‫מ‬Ñ ÂŧÇÍÊÀÅ Lehmann - Holum, cor-
rected Feissel (BE); l.4 the first letter
may have been an O. fig. 1198
B. Imperial documents 129

[--]++[--|--]‫מ‬ÀÌÑÅ »ò [--|-- Á]‫מ‬ÑÂŧÇÍÊÀÅ [--|-- Ì]‫מ‬ľÅ ÅŦÄÑÅ [--]

… they hinder … of the laws …

Comm.: “The building was in use from the fourth to the early seventh centuries”
(Lehmann - Holum). On ÁŪÂÍÊÀË, ÁÑÂŧÑ in legal Greek, see Avotins 135.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 112 pl. LXXVIII (ed. pr.). – BE 2002, 469. – Cf. I. Avotins, On the
Greek of the Novels of Justinian, 1992.
Photo: WA.
WA
C. Emperors 131

C. Emperors

1199. Fragment of a slab, perhaps with the titulature of an emperor

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides except for the top. Large let-
ters, very carefully carved. The letters RI are followed by a hedera. The small sign
before the R on the upper edge of the line does not belong to a letter, as the space
between R and I proves.
Meas.: h 21, w 49, d 4.5 cm; letters 16.5 cm for the upper half.

Findspot: “Ritrovato nel terreno di riempimento dell’iposcenio” (Gerra).

[--] RI · [--]
[--]?

[?Imp (eratori)
Caesa] ri [--|?--]

For Imperator
Caesar… (?)

fig. 1199

Comm.: The fragment was found in the theater. The letters are extraordinarily and
strikingly large, originally around 30 cm, since their upper half alone is 16.5 cm
high. The furrow (sulcus) is 3.2 cm deep. Letters of this size are unknown in Cae-
sarea, or anywhere else in the province of Judaea for that matter, with the excep-
tion of the arch raised in honor of Hadrian near Tel Shalem after the suppression
of the Bar Kokhba revolt. All this, taken together, clearly associates this inscription
with a large building, where the commensurate monumentality of the letters was
meant to impress the viewer. Since the fragment was found among the debris of
the façade of the scaena, it may well have been part of the building inscription, or
more specifically, part of a dedication to an emperor on the architrave of the façade.
Whether it contained more than one line cannot be decided. The letters point to
the early empire; but whether they are Herodian or later must be left open.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 221 (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 201. – For the monumentality of the letters, cf.
W. Eck - G. Foerster, JRA 12, 1999, 304f.

Photo: Gerra, Scavi 221 fig. 3.

WE
132 II. Caesarea

1200.-1209. Roman aqueduct under Hadrian for Caesarea

Under Hadrian a new aqueduct was built for Caesarea. Its exact date cannot be
determined in the absence of dating elements in the building inscriptions attest-
ing it. Several legions, or rather vexillations recruited from these legions, took
part in carrying out the task: the legio X Fretensis, stationed in the province
since 70; the legio II Traiana, attested here in the early years of Hadrian, but
perhaps already stationed here under Trajan, the legio VI Ferrata, which became
part of the local garrison of Judaea at the latest from the end of the Bar Kokhba
revolt; and the legio XXII Deiotariana (the latter disappears from our records af-
ter Hadrian). It is not clear whether or not these units were employed here at the
same time. The surviving inscriptions show that the main workload fell on the
first local garrison, the legio X Fretensis. The different units documented their
presence in individual inscriptions. Most of the stones are covered with thin red
plaster.

fig. 1200
C. Emperors 133

1200. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Limestone block with a framed tabula ansata.


Meas.: h 43, w 83 cm; tabula ansata: h 30, w 49 cm; letters 6-3.5 cm.
Findspot: Built into the aqueduct “between the thirty-seventh and thirty-eighth
arch from the surviving end” of channel B of the aqueduct (Lehmann - Holum),
looking to the west.
Pres. loc.: See findspot. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

IMP TRAIANO
HADRIANO AVG
VEXILLATIO
LEG X FRET
App. crit.: Imp (eratori) all
eds. before Eck.

Imp (eratore) Traiano |


Hadriano Aug (usto) |
vexillatio | leg (ionis) X fig. 1200.1
Fret (ensis).

Under the emperor Traia-


nus Hadrianus Augustus
a detachment of the Tenth
Legion Fretensis (built this
part of the aqueduct).

fig. 1200.2

Comm.: A detachment from the Tenth Legion, whose headquarters were in Jerusa-
lem, participated in the building of the aqueduct.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, Latomus 22, 1963, 783f. no. 3 pl. 64 (ed. pr.). – HA 7, 1963, 1 (Hebr.); AE 1964,
189; A. Negev, IEJ 14, 1964, 244 pl. 54A; id., BIES 30, 1966, 137 (Hebr.); B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum
ed., Hommage à Marcel Renard 2, 1969, 459f.; Levine, Caesarea pl. 6 fig. 2; A. Negev, EAEHL
1, 1975, 283; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975, 150; Ringel, Césarée 68; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8,
1977, 497; P. Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 1981, 129; Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina 42;
134 II. Caesarea

J. Peleg, in: Frontinus-Gesellschaft e.V. ed., Die Wasserversorgung antiker Städte, 1987, 176f.
fig. 3; K. Holum - R. Hohlfelder - R. Bull - A. Raban, King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 129 fig. 85; A.
Negev, NEAEHL 1, 1993, 274 (ph.); W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 140f.; McLean II nos. 59f.; Lehmann
- Holum no. 45 pl. XXXVIII (ph.); L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 49 no. 4 (ph.).

Photo: A. and N. Graicer; J. Porath, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1664 (map).

WE

1201. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of yellow limestone, built into the western façade of Channel B. The text, no
longer readable, was set in a tabula ansata.
Meas.: h 47, w 96 cm; tabula ansata: h 25, w 38 cm.
Findspot: In the wall between the sixty-sixth and the sixty-seventh arch of Channel
B on the western façade (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: See findspot. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

[[--]]
[[LE [--] I]]
[[D [--] T [--] A]]
App. crit.: Diplomatic text,
Isaac - Roll. [[[Vexillatio] |
le [gionis XXI] I | D [eio] t [ari-
an] a]] Lehmann - Holum.

[[[Vexil (latio)] | fig. 1201


le [g (ionis) XXI] I |
D [eio] t [ari] a (nae)]]

A detachment of the legio XXII Deiotariana (built this part of the aqueduct).

Comm.: The text of the inscription was not damaged by natural forces, like rain
and wind, but deliberately erased. This is the reason why we can restore here, with
Isaac and Roll (1979), the name of the legio XXII Deiotariana, the single legion
which disappeared from our records during Hadrian’s reign; it is attested for the
last time in 119 in Egypt. It is likely that the legion was destroyed in the Bar Kokhba
War (cf. Fronto, de bello Parthico 2 [van den Hout p. 221], who refers to the heavy
losses of the Roman army), and conceivably its name was removed from the list
of legions. But the reconstruction must remain a hypothesis. For the erasure of a
legion’s name, see ILS III p. 450.
C. Emperors 135

Bibl.: A. Negev, HA 7, 1963, 1f. (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – Id., IEJ 14, 1964, 244f. no. 2 pl. 53A; J. Olami - J.
Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975, 150; B. Isaac - I. Roll, Latomus 38, 1979, 60 n. 38 fig. 1 (= iid., in: Isaac, Near
East 189f.); Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina 42; L. Keppie, Cathedra 50, 1988, 52-5 (ph.) (Hebr.);
McLean II no. 62; Lehmann - Holum no. 46 pl. XXXVIII (ph.); L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 50
no. 6. – For the possible destruction of the legion in the Bar Kokhba Revolt, cf. Eck, Rom her-
ausfordern 27f.

Photo: WE.

WE

1202. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of limestone; the inscription is written inside a tabula ansata with a high
frame. Several letters in ligature.
Meas.: h 40, w 87 cm; tabula ansata: h 29, w 49 cm; letters 6.8-5.6 cm.
Findspot: Built into the western wall of Channel B above the seventy-ninth arch
(Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: See findspot.

IMP (hedera)
CAES Ṭ Ṛ A HAD
ẠṾ G VEX LEG II
TRA FOR

Imp (eratore) | Caes (are)


Tra (iano) Had (riano) |
Aug (usto) vex (illatio)
leg (ionis) II | Tra (ianae)
For (tis). fig. 1202

Under the Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus a detachment of the


legio II Traiana, named the brave, (built this part of the aqueduct).

Comm.: This is the only inscription attesting the legio II Traiana as taking part
in the building of the aqueduct. The unit was in Iudaea for a short time under
Hadrian, but may have been posted here already under Trajan. If so, it became the
province’s second legion, once Iudaea received a governor with a consular rank. For
a milestone with the legion’s name from the year 120 see Isaac, Near East. For the
building of the aqueduct in general see introduction. For Iudaea’s consular rank see
Cotton - Eck, Governors.
136 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: HA 7, 1963, 2f. (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – A. Negev, IEJ 14, 1964, 245-9 no. 3 pl. 54 fig. b (ph.); id.,
BIES 30, 1966, 137 fig. 2 (ph.) (Hebr.); B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum ed., Hommage à Marcel Renard
2, 1969, 468f. fig. 4; H. Petor, AW 3, 1970, 52f.; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975, 150; Ringel,
Césarée 68; P. Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 1981, 129; Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina 42;
McLean II no. 53; Lehmann - Holum no. 47 pl. XXXIX (ph.); J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban
Centers 92; L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 49f. no. 5. – For the legio II Traiana, cf. B. Isaac - I. Roll,
ZPE 33, 1979, 149ff.; iid., ZPE 47, 1982, 131f. (= iid. in: Isaac, Near East 198ff., 208ff.); Cotton -
Eck, Governors 219ff.

Photo: A. and N. Graicer.

WE

1203. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Limestone block; the inscription is inside a framed tabula ansata. T and I in liga-
ture in l.1.
Meas.: h 41, w 82 cm; letters 7-10 cm.
Findspot: Located north of no. 1202 on channel B on the western façade of the
aqueduct; exposed to sight by heavy rains in the winter 1967/8, but covered again
by sand since (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: See findspot; but not visible.

VEXILLATIO
LEG X FRET

Vexillatio | leg (ionis) X


Fret (ensis)

A detachment of the legio


X Fretensis (built this part
of the aqueduct).

Comm.: For the building


of the aqueduct in general
see introduction. fig. 1203

Bibl.: A. Negev, IEJ 22, 1972, 52f. pl. 8 fig. D (ed. pr.). – AE 1972, 670; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ
25, 1975, 150; Ringel, Césarée 69; P. Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 1981, 129; Kuhnen,
Nordwest-Palästina 42; McLean II no. 61; Lehmann - Holum no. 48 pl. XXXIX (ph.); L. Di
Segni, in: Aqueducts 50 no. 7.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXXIX no. 48.

WE
C. Emperors 137

1204. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of limestone with a tabula ansata; the inscription encircled by a wreath (now
damaged) is set inside the tabula ansata. To the left and right of the tabula a winged
Victoria is standing on a globe set on a base. Dolphins below the wreath as symbol
of the legion (the dolphin to the right is almost destroyed). TR in ligature.
Meas.: h 76, w 178, d 32 cm; tabula ansata: h 76, w 115 cm; wreath: ൺ 46 cm; letters
6.8-5.6 cm.
Findspot: On the aqueduct near Beth Ḥanania, found in 1928 (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: Rockefeller Museum, Jerusalem, IAA inv. no. 1936-1629. Autopsy: 3 October 2009;
14 March 2010.

IMP CAES
TR HAD AVG
VEXIL LEG
VI FERR
App. crit.: l.2 [A] ug
Lehmann - Holum.

Imp (eratore) Caes (are)


| Tr (aiano) Had (riano)
Aug (usto) | vexil (latio)
leg (ionis) | VI Ferr (atae)

Under the Imperator Cae-


sar Traianus Hadrianus fig. 1204.1
Augustus a detachment of
the legio VI Ferrata (built this part of the aqueduct).

Comm.: The entire plaque


is a remarkably elaborate
presentation of the le-
gion’s work on the aque-
duct. For the building of
the aqueduct in general
see introduction. fig. 1204.2

Bibl.: Z. Vilnay, PEQ 60, 1928, 108f. pl. VI (ph.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1928, 137; A. Reifenberg, IEJ 1,
1950/51, 26; B. Lifshitz, BIES 23, 1959, 58 (Hebr.); id., Latomus 19, 1960, 109ff.; BE 1961, 815; Fin-
egan, Archaeology 77; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975, 150; Ringel, Césarée 67; M. Gracey, The
Roman Army in Syria, Judaea and Arabia, 1981, 199f.; P. Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand,
138 II. Caesarea

1981, 129; Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina 42; McLean II no. 55; Lehmann - Holum no. 49 pl. XL
(ph.); L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 48f. no. 2.

Photo: WE.

WE

1205. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Fragment of a block of limestone; only the right end is preserved. Remains of a


tabula ansata. The partially preserved field for the inscription is high enough for
four lines. E and T in ligature.
Findspot: Last seen by Lehmann - Holum in 1982 fallen down or broken away from
the northern façade of the aqueduct, about 100 m west of the diversion.

[--]
[--] ET

[-- | vex (illatio) leg (ionis) X Fr] et (ensis)

… a detachment of the legio X Fretensis


(built this part of the aqueduct).

Comm.: No doubt Hadrian was mentioned


at the beginning. For the building of the
aqueduct in general see introduction.

Bibl.: J. Ringel, RB 71, 1974, 600 n. 13 (ed. pr.). –


J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975, 150; Kuhnen,
Nordwest-Palästina 42; Lehmann - Holum no. 50
pl. XL.
fig. 1205
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XL no. 50.

WE

1206. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of limestone, the upper left corner of which is lost. The back is roughly
worked. The inscription is inside a tabula ansata; inside the ansae: a relief of a dol-
C. Emperors 139

phin in the left, and a galley in the right. Traces of guidelines are visible. The stone
is covered with thin red plaster.
Meas.: h 61.5, w 102, d 39 cm (maximum); field for the inscription: h 33, w 48 cm;
letters 5-4 cm.
Findspot: About 4 km north of Caesarea, about half a km east of Highway 2, “im-
mediately east of the point where the diversion rejoins the aqueduct” (Lehmann
- Holum).
Pres. loc.: Israel Museum, Jerusalem, inv. no. 96.71/12. Autopsy: 3 November 2005.

IMP CAESAR
TRAIANVS
HADRIANVS
AVG FECIT
PER VEXILLATIONE
LEG ·X·F R T E
App. crit.: Frete (nsis)
with ET in ligature Leh-
mann - Holum.

fig. 1206

Imp (erator) Caesar | Traianus | Hadrianus | Aug (ustus) fecit | per vexillatione (m)
| leg (ionis) X Fr <e> te (nsis)

Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus had (this part of the aqueduct)
built by a detachment of the legio X Fretensis.

Comm.: See introduction.

Bibl.: Z. Vilnay, PEQ 60, 1928, 45ff. pl. VIII (ed. pr.). – AE 1928, 136; A. Reifenberg, IEJ 1,
1950/51, 26; B. Lifshitz, BIES 23, 1959, 62 (Hebr.); id., Latomus 19, 1960, 109ff.; BE 1961, 815; D.
Barag, IEJ 14, 1964, 250ff. fig. 1 pl. 55; A. Negev, IEJ 14, 1964, 244; D. Barag, BIES 30, 1966, 142ff.
fig.1 (Hebr.); B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum ed., Hommage à Marcel Renard 2, 1969, 459; Finegan,
Archaeology, 77; IMC no. 217 (ph.) (Hebr.); HA 48/49, 1974, 47 (Hebr.); L. Levine, Roman Cae-
sarea, 1975, 31f.; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975, 150; Ringel, Césarée 67; Kuhnen, Nordwest-
Palästina 42; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 140f. no. 7; McLean II no. 56; Lehmann - Holum no. 51 pl.
XLI (ph.); J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 92; L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 48 no. 1;
Eck, Rom und Judaea 110ff.

Photo: WE.

WE
140 II. Caesarea

1207. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of limestone, framed by a shallow tabula ansata.


Meas.: h 64, w 102 cm; tabula ansata: h 48, w 46 cm; letters 7.5-4.2 cm.
Findspot: Found at Beth Ḥanania, about 50 m east of the beginning of the diversion,
on the northern façade of channel B of the high-level aqueduct (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: See findspot.

fig. 1207
IMP CAES
TRAIANVS
HADRIANVS
AVG FECIT
PER VEXILLATION
LEG X FRETE
App. crit.: l.5 vexillatio [nem] all ed.

Imp (erator) Caes (ar) | Traianus | Hadrianus | Aug (ustus) fecit | per vexilla-
tion (em) | leg (ionis) X Frete (nsis)

Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus had (this part of the aqueduct)
built by a detachment of the legio X Fretensis.

Comm.: See introduction.

Bibl.: J. Ringel, RB 81, 1974, 598 pl. XXIV (ph.) (ed. pr.). – J. Olami - J. Ringel, Qadmoniot 7, 1974,
44ff. (ph.) (Hebr.); AE 1974, 656; J. Ringel, RB 81, 1974, 598; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ 25, 1975,
148ff. fig. 1A pl. 13; Ringel, Césarée 69 pl. 5 fig. 4; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 517 pl. 4 fig. 7; J.
C. Emperors 141

Olami - J. Ringel, in: E. Stern ed., Excavations at Tel Mevorakh (1973-1976) 1, 1978, 11ff. fig. IV
B (dr.) pl. B; Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina 42; McLean II no. 57; Lehmann - Holum no. 52 pl. XLI
(ph.); Jaroš, Inschriften 408f. no. 267; L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 50f. no. 8.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WE

1208. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of limestone; height greater than width; the inscription is set inside a
wreathed convex medallion; above the wreath an eagle in an aedicula; the Victoria
below the wreath is partly destroyed.
Meas.: h 91, w 59 cm; convex medallion: ൺ 37 cm; letters 5.5-3.2 cm.
Findspot: Found in Beth Ḥanania south of Tel Mevorakh on the northern façade of
channel B, adjacent to no. 1207 (Lehmann - Holum) and see fig. there.
Pres. loc.: See findspot.

IMP TRA
HADR ẠṾ G̣
VEX LEG
X̣ [.] RET
App. crit.: l.1 TRN Olami - Ringel, followed
by Lehmann - Holum; l.4 ET in ligature Leh-
mann - Holum.

Imp (eratore) Tra (iano) | Hadr (iano)


Aug (usto) | vex (illatio) leg (ionis) | X
[F] ret (ensis)

Under Imperator Traianus Hadrianus


Augustus a detachment of the legio X
Fretensis (built this part of the aqueduct).

Comm.: See introduction.

Bibl.: J. Ringel, RB 81, 1974, 598f. pl. 24 (ed. pr.).


– AE 1974, 657; J. Olami - J. Ringel, Qadmo-
niot 7, 1974, 44f. (ph.) (Hebr.); iid., IEJ 25, 1975,
148ff. fig. 1A (dr.) pl. 13; Ringel, Césarée 69 pl. 5
fig. 3; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 517 pl. 4 fig.
7; J. Olami - J. Ringel, in: E. Stern ed., Excava-
tions at Tel Mevorakh (1973-1976) 1, 1978, 11ff.
fig. IV B (dr.); P. Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Auf-
stand, 1981, 129; Kuhnen, Nordwest-Palästina fig. 1208
142 II. Caesarea

42; Z. Safrai, The Economy of Roman Palestine, 1994, 347f. fig. 72; McLean II no. 58; Lehmann
- Holum no. 53 pl. XLII; L. Di Segni, in: Aqueducts 51 no. 9; Eck, Rom und Judaea 54.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WE

1209. Building inscription of the Roman aqueduct under Hadrian

Block of limestone, the right side is broken off. The inscription is written inside a
tabula ansata. Some of the guidelines are visible. In l.2 R written inside D.
Meas.: h 45, w 56, d 14 cm; letters 5.7-5.2 cm.
Findspot: East of Beth Ḥanania on the high-level aqueduct, found in 1931.
Pres. loc.: Once in the Hebr. Univ. Inst. Arch., now in the Ralli Museum, Caesarea, IAA inv. no.
2005-772. Autopsy: 27 March 2008 (A. and N. Graicer).

IMP (hedera) CAES


TRA (hedera) HADR AVG̣
PER (hedera) VEXIL
LEG (hedera) VI FEṚ

Imp (erator) Caes (ar) |


Tra (ianus) Hadr (ianus)
Aug (ustus) | per vex-
il (lationem) | leg (ionis) VI
Fer (ratae)

Imperator Caesar Traia-


nus Hadrianus Augus-
tus had (this part of the
aqueduct built) by a
detachment of the legio VI fig. 1209
Ferrata.

Comm.: See introduction.

Bibl.: M. Broshi, Davar, suppl. 1, 1931, 4 (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – B. Lifshitz, BIES 23, 1959, 67 pl. 9
fig. 3 (Hebr.); id., Latomus 19, 1960, 109ff. no. 5 pl. 4 fig.1; BE 1961, 815; J. Olami - J. Ringel, IEJ
25, 1975, 150; Ringel, Césarée 67; P. Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 1981, 129; Kuhnen,
Nordwest-Palästina 42; McLean II no. 54; Lehmann - Holum no. 54 pl. XLII; L. Di Segni, in:
Aqueducts 49 no. 3.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WE
C. Emperors 143

1210. Fragment with a Latin inscription for an emperor (?)

Fragment of white marble with blue inclusions, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 13, w 15, d 1.8-2.2cm; letters 4.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavations in 1995, inv. no. 6/95 + N/82743.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 24 June 1998; 16 March 2010.

[--] M/APC/O [--]


[--]+ANI·F [--]

[--] M/APC/O [--|--] ani·f (ilius/o) [--]

… son of …anus …

Comm.: The remains of letters in l.1


could be read as [I] MP C [AES], in which
case we would have an inscription men-
tioning an emperor; the careful execu-
tion of the letters speaks in favor of such
fig. 1210
an interpretation. In l.2 before the ANI
there are remains of an unidentified letter; a vertical hasta cannot be ruled out, in
which case a name like [Tra] iani, or better [Hadr] iani f., could be restored, and the
emperor identified, tentatively, as Antoninus Pius.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1211. Statue (?) of the emperor Septimius Severus (193-211)


or Helvius Pertinax (193)

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides except at the top, the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 11, w 17, d 2.6 cm; letters 6 cm.
The distance between the first line and
the upper margin is 4.8 cm.

Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation.


Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, no. 6/95-88982. Au-
topsy: 16 June 1998; 15 March 2010.

[--] Ṛ TINAC̣ [--]


[--] fig. 1211
144 II. Caesarea

[Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) L (ucio) Septimio Severo Pio Pe] rtinac [i Aug (usto) --|--]
or:
[Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) P (ublio) Helvio Pe] rtinac [i Aug (usto) --|--]

For Imperator Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Augustus …


someone (erected a statue).
or:
For Imperator Caesar Publius Helvius Pertinax Augustus … someone
(erected a statue).

Comm.: The inscription mentions either the emperor Pertinax (193 AD) or Sep-
timius Severus (193-211 AD), who adopted the name of his predecessor directly
after the acclamation in April 193. Pertinax’ full name was: Imp. Caes. P. Helvius
Pertinax Aug., and Septimius Severus’: Imp. Caes. L. Septimius Severus Pertinax
Aug. or Pius Pertinax Aug. The name of either one of the two emperors appeared
here either in the dative or in the genitive case. Restoring Pertinax’s name would
require 16 letters on the left-hand side and 4 on the right; his full name would
have taken ca. 80 cm in length. In Septimius Severus’ case 24-27 letters would be
missing on the left-hand side and 4 on the right, and his full name have taken ca.
1.1-1.2 m in length. Thus there is enough space for either name to appear on the
first line of a statue-base. However, the name of the emperor could have been pre-
ceded by a formula like: Pro salute Imp (eratoris) Caes (aris) (ILS 410) or Victoriae
Imp (eratoris) Caes (aris) (ILS 436); in either case the text would have belonged to
a different type of monument: an altar or an entrance to a sanctuary. The statisti-
cal distribution of the inscriptions for Pertinax and Septimius Severus makes it
much more likely that the text refers to Severus and not to Pertinax whose reign
was very short.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WE.

WE

1212. Fragment with the name [Phil] ippus (?)

Fragment of white marble; perhaps an upper right-hand corner. Free space of 5 cm


above the letters. The back is smooth.
Meas.: h 13.5, w 10.5, d 2.3 cm; letters 5.5 cm.
Findspot: J. Porath’s excavation in Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7785. Autopsy: 7 January 1999; 13
March 2010.
C. Emperors 145

[--] IPPO (hedera)


[--]

[Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) M (arco) Iulio


Phil] ippo | [p (io) f (elici) Aug (usto) --] (?)

For Imperator Caesar M. Iulius Philippus


Augustus … someone (erected a statue). (?)

Comm.: The fragment is part of a text un-


der an honorary statue. The letters IPPO
belong in most Latin inscriptions outside fig. 1212
Rome to the name Philippus, and mostly
refer to the emperor Philippus or his homonymous son. Therefore, one can with
reasonable certainty restore the name of the emperor whose name would occupy
ca. 60-70 cm (less likely is the name of his son, which would occupy ca. 40 cm).

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WE.

WE

1213. Statue of the emperor Maximianus, erected by the


governor Arbaeus Africanus (between 288 and 293)

Column of purple and yellow limestone. Two inscriptions are written on the col-
umn. Most of the first text (no. 1234) was erased when the column was reused for
the statue of the emperor Maximianus. The three holes (2.0x2.5x2.0 cm) on the top
of the column and directly under the upper edge were cut when the column was
reused in order to attach Maximianus’ statue to the column with cramp-irons. l.1:
EN in ligature; l.3: TR in ligature; l.4: AV in ligature.
Meas.: h 118, ൺ 40 cm; inscribed area: h 58, w 59 cm; letters 8.1-5.1 cm.
Findspot: Found July 1982 in the fields between the Byzantine Esplanade and the
hippodrome.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, Courtyard; IAA inv. no. 1983-618. Autopsy: 19 June 1998
and later.
146 II. Caesarea

FELICISSIMO AC PROVINDENTISS
VICTORIOSISSIMOQVE PRINCIP
DOMINO NOSTRO M AVR VAL
MAXIMIANO PIO FEL INVICTO AVG
ARBAEVS AFRICANVS V P
PRAES PROV PAL TRANQVIL
LITATI EIVS DICATISS
App. crit.: l.3 Val (eriano) ed. pr., corr. Eck, ZPE
155, 255.

fig. 1213.2 (squeeze) fig. 1213.1

Felicissimo ac provindentiss (imo) | victoriosissimoque princip (i) | domino


nostro M (arco) Aur (elio) Val (erio) | Maximiano Pio Fel (ici) Invicto Aug (usto)
| Arbaeus Africanus v (ir) p (erfectissimus) | praes (es) prov (inciae) Pal (aestinae)
tranquil|litati eius dicatiss (imus)

For the most fortunate, provident and victorious princeps, our Lord Marcus
Aurelius Valerius Maximianus, pious, fortunate, undefeated Augustus, Arbaeus
Africanus, with the rank vir perfectissimus, governor of the province Palaestina,
most devoted to his serenity, (erected a statue).

Comm.: Maximianus, the colleague of the emperor Diocletian from 285 to 305,
exercised his power in the West and never visted the East. Nevertheless as a mem-
ber of the imperial college he was virtually present in the East, and accordingly
C. Emperors 147

honored by officials and private persons. Normally, however, an official like the
governor Arbaeus Africanus would have honored not just one, but all the members
of the imperial college; we may safely assume, therefore, that another inscription,
attached to a statue of Diocletian, has been lost. Arbaeus Africanus is known also
from a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, dated to 13 September 288 AD (P. Oxy. 58 =
Wilcken, Chrestomathie 378), as a high official in Egypt. This latter post must have
preceded his promotion to the governorship of Palestine, as the province is called
here – for the first time in an epigraphic document. He is also the first known
equestrian governor of Palestine. A more precise dating of his governorship is not
possible, but it is highly probable that he served in the province before Constantius
Chlorus and Galerius entered the imperial college as Caesars. All this allows us to
put Arbaeus’ term of office in Palestine between 288 and 293 AD.

Bibl.: C. Lehmann, ZPE 51, 1983, 193ff. pl. 13 figs. 1, 2, 4; ZPE 54, 1984, 270 (ed. pr.). – AE
1987, 960b; McLean I no. 44; C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in: Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum 50f. no. 2
(Hebr); Lehmann - Holum no. 9 pl. XII (ph.); W. Eck, ZPE 155, 2006, 254f.; id., Rom und Judaea
93; id., ZPE 174, 2010, 173ff.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XII no. 9 a+b.
WE

1214. Fragment of Latin inscription perhaps mentioning an emperor

Fragment of gray marble, broken on all sides;


the back is smooth. Remains of red color in the
letters.
Meas.: h 19, w 12, d 2.5-3.2 cm; letters l.2 at
least 10 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, excavation of J. Porath
1994, inv. no. 6/94 I+69875.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 8 March 1999; 16
March 2010.

[--]+ +[--]
[--] IMỊẠ [--]

[--]+ +[--|-- Max]imia[nus/o? Aug(ustus/o) --|--]

For … Maximianus Augustus (?) …

Comm.: The large letters in l.2 make it likely


that they contain the name of an emperor. fig. 1214
148 II. Caesarea

IMIA can be restored as Maximianus, referring to Maximianus, the colleague of


Diocletian (285-305), or to Galerius Maximianus (293-311).

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1215. Fragment of Latin inscription mentioning an emperor

Two fragments of a plaque of white-gray marble with dark blue vertical veins. The left
margin of fragment (a) and the upper margin of fragment (b) are preserved; the first
line of fragment (b) begins 7.8 cm below the the top-margin; both plaques are broken
on all other sides. The back is roughly worked. Red color in some of the letters.
Meas.: (a): h 11.5, w 8, d 3 cm; the letter I 5.5 cm; (b): h 16.5, w 16, d 3 cm; letters 4.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Fragment (b) in J. Porath’s excavation in 1993, no. 6/93 - basket
30000-13.
Pres. loc.: (a) Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 March 2010; (b) Beth Shemesh. Autopsy:
16 June 1998; 16 March 2010.

IMP CAESARI [--]


AVG ++[--]

Imp (eratori)
Caesari [--] |
Aug (usto)++ [--]

For Imperator
Caesar … Augustus
… (someone erected
a statue?).

Comm.: Since only


the most common
titles of the em-
fig. 1215
peror honored here
(probably by a statue) survived, his identity remains unclear. A date before the end
of the 2 c. AD is very unlikely on palaeographical grounds.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE/WA.
WE
C. Emperors 149

1216. Fragment of a Latin inscription, perhaps with a name of an emperor

Fragment of a plaque of white marble, broken on all sides except for the top. The
back is smooth.
Meas.: h 17.5, w 16.5, d 3.4-3.6 cm; letters 8.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation. Autopsy: 16 June 1998.

[--] RI · [--]
[--] Ṇ ỊNO [--]

[Imp (eratori) Caesa] ri [--|-- Anto] nino (?)


[Aug (usto) --|--]

For Imperator Caesar … Antoninus(?) Augustus …

Comm.: In l.2 the second letter, of which only the


top is visible, could be an I longa; it is followed by
an N, followed by O/C/Q/G. The very carefully
fig. 1216
carved letters and their height (those in l.1 reach
almost 9 cm) make it probable that one should read here the name of an emperor
– something like [Imp (eratori) Caesa] ri [--|-- Anto] nino [Aug (usto)]. Several em-
perors had this name, but the shape of the letters cannot be dated later than the 2
c., and belong more likely to its first half. Hence one may think of Antoninus Pius
(138-161 AD) as the honorand: [Imp. Caesa] ri [T (ito) Aelio | Hadriano Anto] nino
[Pio Aug (usto)]. Since the letters in l.2 are obviously written with less space between
each other than those in l.1, there seems to be enough space for [Hadriano Anto]
before NINO. If the text can be reconstructed in this form, the inscription would
have been ca. 1.30 m wide, and would have belonged to a large monument.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1217. Fragment with the erased name of an emperor

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; the legio VI Ferrata is men-
tioned on its back (no. 1244). An erasure in l.2.
Meas.: h 19, w 10, d 2 cm; letters 6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1968-642. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.
150 II. Caesarea

[--] ARI [--]


[[[--]++[--]]]
[--]

[Imp (eratori) Caes] ari [--] | [[[--]++[--]]] | [--]

For Imperator Caesar …

Comm.: The name of the emperor was erased,


as the two “letters” in l.2 show. The letter-form
suggests that this text is later than the one on no.
1244. It may have belonged to an honorary statue.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA. fig. 1217

WE

1218. Fragment of Latin inscription mentioning an emperor

Upper left corner of a slab of white marble; the back is smooth; the upper margin
on the back is shallower than the rest.
Meas.: h 14.7, w 17.8, d 2.8 (upper edge), 3.8 cm (bottom); letters: I longa 9.5, M 7.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation in 1997, no. 16/97-I + 10119.
Pres. loc.: Seen in Caesarea 24 June 1998.

IM [--]
[--]

Im [p (erator/i) Caes (ar/i) -- | --]

Imperator Caesar … did something or: For Imperator Caesar …

Comm.: The inscription, without doubt, began with the name of an emperor, either
as an agent (i.e. did or caused/ordered something to be done), or as the subject of a
dedication by an unknown person. The first letter of the abbreviation IMP is quite
often bigger than the other ones.
Bibl.: Unpublished.
WE
C. Emperors 151

1219. Fragment of a Latin inscription mentioning an emperor

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides.


Meas.: h 10, w 8.5, d 2.6 cm; letters 5.7 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: March 1999.

[--]
[--] ẠVG·[--]

[--] Aug (usti/o) [--]

For or Under … Augustus …

Comm.: AVG is probably to be understood as


Augustus, and most likely in the genitive (Au-
gusti) or dative (Augusto).

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE. fig. 1219

WE

1220. Fragment of a Latin inscription with the name of an emperor (?)

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides except the upper margin; the back is
rough, on the margin the stone is beveled. Red color in the letters preserved.
Meas.: h 12.7, w 15, d 3.5 cm; letters 8.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation in 1994, no. 6/94 + 87074.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 16 June 1998; 16 March 2010.

[--] E·CAẸṢ [--]


[--]

[--] e·Caes [ar--|--]

…e Caesar…

Comm.: The few letters, relatively large,


fig. 1220
standing in the first line, refer most likely
152 II. Caesarea

to an emperor, and several resolutions are possible. This string of letters is very
common in inscriptions mentioning Getae Caesaris; but one would have expect-
ed his name to have been erased. Another option would be Pro salute Caesaris,
as in a dedication from Rome (AE 1980, 53; cf. CIL 3, 136 = 12092 = IGLS 6,
2976), or a reference to Nerva: Imp (eratori) Nervae Caes (ari) Aug (usto) (CIL 6,
951 = AE 1992, 77; cf. CIL 8, 10016). Sometimes Imperatore was fully written:
Imperatore Caesare … T (ito) Aelio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio (CIL 8, 17858
from Thamugadi). But a woman’s name in the dative [--a] e Caes [i--] cannot be
excluded.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1221. Fragment of a Latin inscription mentioning an emperor (?)

Fragment of white-blue marble, on the right hand the original margin is preserved.
The margin on the back is smooth and the inner part roughly chiseled.
Meas.: h 16, w 14.5, d 4 cm; letters 5.9 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation, no. 16/97-101350.
Pres. loc.: Seen in Caesarea on 24 June 1998.

[--]
[--] CTORI
[--] V
[--]

[--|-- ?Vi] ctori | [semper ?Aug (usto)


--] V | [--]

For … the always victorious Augustus


(?)…

Comm.: The letters CTORI lend them-


selves to different restorations. Howev-
er, in Caesarea, where texts in Latin are
quite often associated with the emper-
ors and their administration, the im- fig. 1221
perial title Victori can be restored with
great plausibilty. The letter forms point to a date not before the 3 c. AD. If indeed
associated with an emperor, the text cannot be dated before Constantine, since he
C. Emperors 153

replaced the epithet invictus with victor (cf. no. 1225). At the same time, the cogno-
men Victor or a profession like doctor, protector, instructor must be considered as
possible restorations, and a dedication to Herculi Victori is not excluded.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1222. Fragment of an inscription for an emperor

Fragment of gray marble, broken on all sides as well as at the back; therefore prob-
ably part of a base.
Meas.: h 40, w 44, d 18 cm; letters l.2: 9.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, during the excavations in 1988 in area J3.

[--]
INVIC [--]
ET [--]

[--] | invic [to Augusto --] | et [--]

… the invincible Augustus … and …

Comm.: For invictus in the imperial titulature see no. 1225; the fragment can be
dated to the period between the Severi and Constantine.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 354 (ed. pr.). – A. Raban, IEJ 40, 1990, 251.
WE

1223. Base for a statue of an emperor, perhaps of


the emperor Julian, 361-363 AD

Statue base (not an altar) of white marble with blue veins. “The upper corners and
the lower rear corner broken away” (Lehmann - Holum). The upper profile is pre-
served. Part of the inscription was deliberately erased.
Meas.: h 176, w 59, d 49 cm; letters 6-5.4 cm.
Findspot: Seen by Lehmann and Holum “in a field ca. 100 m southeast of the Byz-
antine Esplanade in 1982.”
154 II. Caesarea

[[--]]
[--] FATORI
[[--]]
[--] I [.] E [.]
[--] M [--]

[[--]] | [-- trium] fatori | [[semper Aug (usto)


--]] | [--] I [.] E [. | d (evotus) n (umini)]
m (aiestati)[q (ue) e (ius)?]

For the emperor … the always triumphant


Augustus … someone devoted to his might
and majesty (?) (erected the statue).

Comm.: The stone, interpreted by the first


editors as an altar, should rather be regard-
ed as a base for the statue of an emperor
with the honorary title triumfator. The only
possible expansion of the string of letters in fig. 1223
l.2: [--] fatori is triumfatori; no other expan-
sion can be found in the entire epigraphic corpus of the Roman world. This word is
used only from the reign of Constantine onwards. The deliberate erasure of the em-
peror’s name suggests that the base could have been used for a statue of the emperor
Julian, who received many inscriptions in Latin, even in the East, for example in a
text from Ma‫ޏ‬ayan Barukh (Eck 2000). The M in the last line could be the remains
of the common formula [d (evotus) n (umini)] m (aiestati)[q (ue) e (ius)].

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 121 pl. LXXXIV (ph.) (ed. pr.). – Eck, Statues 289 – Cf. W. Eck,
Chiron 30, 2000, 857ff.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXIV no. 121b.

WE

1224. Inscription of an emperor with the name M. A [urelius --]

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides. However, contrary to what the exca-
vator believed, the preserved letters are part of the first line of the inscription; a free
space of more than 5 cm at the top, above the letters, is very common.
C. Emperors 155

Meas.: h 11, w 17 cm; letters 6 cm.


Findspot: Found during the Italian excavations in Caesarea.

D N M Ạ [--]
[--]
App. crit.: [--] | d (evotus) n (umini)
m (aiestatique) e (ius) all eds.

D (omino) n (ostro) M (arco) A [urelio


--|-- Aug (usto) --|--]

For our Lord Marcus Aurelius … fig. 1224


Augustus … someone (erected the
statue).

Comm.: Gerra and Lehmann - Holum took the preserved letters to represent a very
common formula which is used at the end of a dedication to an emperor: d (evotus)
n (umini) m (aiestatique) e (ius). However, the preserved letters do not belong to the
end but rather to the beginning of a dedication to an emperor. The broken letter
following the M cannot be read as an E, which calls for a vertical hasta, whereas the
one preserved here is even more oblique than the hasta of the preceding M; it must
be read as an A. Quite a few emperors of the late 3 c. AD bore the name M (arcus)
Aurelius: Probus, Carus, Maximianus, but we cannot choose between them, and
the identity of the emperor must be left open.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 222 (ph.) (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 206; Lehmann - Holum no. 29 pl. XXVIII;
AE 2000, 1513;; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 539.

Photo: Università Cattolica, Istituto di Archeologia, Milan.


WE

1225. Fragment of a Latin inscription for an emperor

Fragment of white-gray marble, broken on all sides; although the original margin
may have been preserved at the top. Erasure at the top of the plaque. The back is
rough.
Meas.: h 20, w 24, d 2.4-4 cm; letters 4.7 cm.

Findspot: Caesarea, excavation of J. Porath; no. 6/94, I + 87204.


Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 9 March 1999; 16 March 2010.
156 II. Caesarea

[[--]]
[--] NVICT·[--]
[--]++[--]
App. crit.: l.3 A or M.

[[--]] | [--i] nvict (o)·[Aug (usto) --|--]++[--]

For [[--]] the invincible Augustus … (some-


one erected a statue).

Comm.: The epithet invictus is common in


the titulature of emperors from the end of
the 2 c. AD to Constantine, who replaced it
fig. 1225
with victor. Too many emperors in the 3 c.
suffered damnatio memoriae for us to be able to identify the emperor whose name
was erased here.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1226. A governor honors an unknown emperor, end of 3-beginning of 4 c. AD

See no. 1231.


Meas.: For the column see no. 1231; the inscribed area: h 38, w 13 cm; letters 6.5-4
cm.
Findspot: See no. 1231.
Pres. loc.: Till the beginning of the 1980s in the Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, but not there any
more.

[--]+++
[--] TO
[--]
[--] RAES
[--]
[--] Q E
App. crit.: For the reconstruction of the text see Eck, ZPE 174.

[--]+++ | [-- invic] to | [Augusto or semper Augusto |-- p] raes (es) | [prov (inciae)
Syr (iae)? Palaest (inae) | devot (us) num (ini) mai (estati)] q (ue) e (ius)
C. Emperors 157

For the emperor … the invincible Augustus (or


always invincible Augustus) … the governor of
the province Syria (?) Palaestina, devoted to his
might and majesty (erected this statue).

Comm.: The unknown governor, who could


be either of senatorial or of equestrian status
(see e.g. nos. 1272, 1267, 1268) honored an un-
known emperor; the title praeses for the gover-
nor points to a date either in the late 3 or at the
beginning of the 4 c. AD. If one reads semper
Augusto in the emperor’s title, the inscription
cannot be dated before Constantine. Praeses
was preceded either by the designation of sena-
torial rank: v (ir) c (larissimus), or of equestrian
rank: v (ir) p (erfectissimus). If the inscription
belongs to the beginning of the 4 c. the name
of the province was Palaestinae without Syriae.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 19 pl. XXII (ed. pr.). – AE


2000, 1508b; W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 172ff.
fig. 1226
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXII no. 19.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 159

D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria

Governors and senators

1227. Cursus honorum of Cossonius Gallus, consular governor ca. 120 AD

Gray-white marble fragment, sawn away from a column. The upper margin is pre-
served.
Meas.: h 40, w 23, d 8.5 cm; letters 5.6-4 cm.
Findspot: On the beach of Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler collection, Hadera. Autopsy: March 1999.

[--] ONIO L·F·S [--]


[--] IO·CRIS [.] INO·MA [--]
[--] ELLINO NVMI [--]
[--] I VIR EPVL· [--]
[--] R PR [.] ROV IV [--]
[--] ATIAE PRO [--]
[--] EṬ LEG I [--]

[L (ucio) Coss] onio L (ucii) f (ilio) S [tel (la-


tina) Gallo | Vecil] io Cris [p] ino Ma [nsua-
nio | Marc] ellino Numi [sio Sabino |
co (n) s (uli), VI] I vir (o) epul (onum),
[leg (ato) Imp (eratoris) Hadri|ani Aug (usti)
p] r (o) pr (aetore) [p] rov (inciae) Iu [daeae,
leg (ato) pr (o) | pr (aetore) prov (inciae)
Gal] atiae, pro [co (n) s (uli) prov (inciae)
Sard (iniae), | leg (ato) leg (ionis) I Itali (cae)]
et leg (ionis) I [I Traian (ae) fort (is) --]

For Lucius Cossonius Gallus Vecilius Cris-


pinus Mansuanius Marcellinus Numisius
Sabinus, son of Lucius, member of the tribe fig. 1227
Stellatina, consul, VIIvir epulonum, legate
of Imperator Hadrianus Augustus with praetorian rank in the province Iudaea,
legate with praetorian rank in the province Galatia, proconsul in the province Sar-
dinia, commander of the legio I Italica and of the legio II Traiana fortis … (someone
erected this honorary statue).

Comm.: The inscription on the column was part of an honorary monument with
a statue of the senator Cossonius Gallus on top. His whole cursus is known from
160 II. Caesarea

an inscription from Pisidian Antioch from the time of Trajan (CIL 3, 6813 = ILS
1038). He had not served in Judaea prior to his consulship in 116 AD (RMD IV
229), nor did he hail from this province. Therefore, the occasion for honoring
him with a statue in Caesarea could only be his governorship of the province,
which must be dated shortly after his consulship, probably around 120 AD. Per-
haps he was the successor of Lusius Quietus, governor in 117, who was executed
shortly after Hadrian came to power. Cossonius is the first consular governor of
Judaea to be safely, securely and directly attested as such; the second legion must
have been sent to Judaea (shortly) before his arrival. Probably his entire cursus
honorum was displayed on the column; the fragment preserves the later part
of his career, arranged in a descending order, down to his command over two
legions.

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 219ff. (ed. pr.). – AE 2003, 1801. – For the second legion in Judaea,
cf. B. Isaac - I. Roll, in: Isaac, Near East 198ff.

Photo: WE.

WE

1228. The equestrian Valerius Martialis honors the governor


Iulius Commodus Orfitianus with a statue, ca. 165 AD

The inscription is written inside a tabula ansata carved into a yellowish limestone
console with one line added by the same hand under the tabula ansata. The surface
was finished with a claw chisel. The console was part of a more complex structure,
and served as a base for a statue, by being sunk 40 cm deep into a wall (up to the
first cavetto on its bottom). Red color is preserved in the letters. The angle at which
the console was inserted forced the reader to look up to the inscription and to the
statue.
Meas.: Console: h 59, w 64, d (top) 99, (bottom) 38 cm; field for the inscription: h
(curved) 52, w 61 cm; tabula ansata: h 40, w 60 cm; surface for the statue: w 64, d
ca. 60 cm (visible on the side, because the color there is somewhat different); letters
l.1-6: 6.6-5.6 cm; l.6: OB 7, M 8 cm. In l.5 the O of COL and the A of CAES is much
smaller and inscribed inside the C.

Findspot: The console was found in secondary use some 170 meters north of the
governor’s praetorium on the eastern side of the street and beyond the bath-house,
built into a wall adjacent to Cardo W 1 (3 c. AD, after the time of Severus Alexan-
der). The stone is undamaged and must have been moved carefully from its origi-
nal place, for no apparent reason.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (Courtyard), IAA inv. no. 1998-2068. Autopsy: 19 June
1998; 10 March 2010.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 161

fig. 1228.1

C · IVLIO · COMMODO
ORFITIANO · LEG · AVGG · PR·
PR · PROVINC · SYR · PAL (hedera)
L · VAL · VALERI · MARTIALIS · P P · FIL (hedera)
MARTIALIS · II ·VIR · COL · I · FL · AVG · CAES·
OB · EX SECVNDA · MIL · M·

G (aio) Iulio Commodo | Orfitiano


leg (ato) Augg (ustorum) pr (o) | pr (ae-
tore) provinc (iae) Syr (iae) Pal (aestinae)
| L (ucius) Val (erius) Valeri Martialis
p (rimi) p (ilaris) fil (ius) | Martialis
IIvir col (oniae) I (= primae) Fl (aviae)
Aug (ustae) Caes (ariensis) | ob ex se-
cunda mil (itia) m (erita)

For Gaius Iulius Commodus Orfitia-


nus, governor of praetorian rank of
two Augusti of the province of Syria
Palaestina, Lucius Valerius Martialis,
son of Valerius Martialis, a former pri-
muspilus, (himself) duovir of Colonia
Prima Flavia Augusta Caesariensis, in
acknowledgement of benefactions (re-
ceived) in the second stage of his eques-
fig. 1228.2
trian military service, now concluded
(erected a statue).
162 II. Caesarea

Comm.: Commodus Orfitianus was governor of Thracia in 155/156 AD, consul


suffectus in 157 (RMD IV 275), and after serving as curator operum publicorum in
Rome, he became governor in Syria Palaestina, under two Augusti, as attested here:
these were Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, that is between ca. 162 and 165/6,
when Lucius Verus was waging war against the Parthians. Commodus Orfitianus
as the governor of a province relatively close to the front must have been involved
in the planning of the logistics and the provisions of the troops participating in the
war. We cannot know, though, whether he was chosen to govern the province of
Syria Palaestina precisely because of his competence in this sphere. In Syria Palaes-
tina he is attested also in an inscription from Jericho (W. Eck - H. Cotton, ZPE 127,
1999, 211ff.). For a discussion of the series of known governors of Syria Palaestina
between 156 and 166 see W. Eck - A. Pangerl, ZPE 157, 2006, 185ff.; iid., ZPE 159,
2007, 283ff. After his time in Syria Palaestina, Commodus Orfitianus served as
governor of Pannonia superior.
Orfitianus was honored in Caesarea by a Lucius Valerius Martialis, a duovir
in the colony, and therefore also a member of the city council. His second militia,
as a tribune in a legion, is likely to have been spent in the army of Syria Palaes-
tina – after which he erected this statue. He connects his former rank as tribune
in a legion with the ob m (erita) by embedding the ex secunda militia between
these two words (see last line of the inscription): in other words, the benefactions
(merita) of the governor were the direct cause for his getting the rank, i.e. Com-
modus Orfitianus had used his prerogative to bestow on him the tribunate in a
legion in his province.
Valerius Martialis was son of a homonymous father, who also served in the
army, retired after reaching the highest rank probably in one of the legions in Syria
Palaestina, that of a primuspilus. The substantial amount of money the primipila-
ris received at his retirement allowed him to become a financially strong member
of the elite in the colony of Caesarea, where he had chosen to settle down. The son,
‘inheriting’ the social position of his father, became a member of the city council
and could enter the equestrian militiae. The careers of both father and son demon-
strate social mobility in the Roman empire and the process of the integration of the
local elites into the imperial elite. Perhaps other Valerii in Caesarea were connected
with the family of these Valerii Martiales, cf. Cotton - Eck 2002 and nos. 1284 and
1278. Where and in what context the console with the statue once stood, is not yet
clear.

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 226-30 no. 3 (ed. pr.). – H. Cotton - W. Eck, in: L. Rutgers ed.,
What Athens Has to Do with Jerusalem, 2002, 387f.; AE 2003, 1803; Eck, Statues 291f.
Photo: WE.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 163

1229. Dedication (?) of an official of Flavius Boethus, ca. 165 AD

Fragment of a marble plaque; the left margin is preserved. Only the uppermost
part of some letters in a second line, which appeared after a careful cleaning of the
stone, is preserved. The letters cannot be identified. The back is smooth. Probably
cut for reuse at the synagogue.
Meas.: h 9, w 29, d ca. 2,2 cm; letters 4.6 cm.
Findspot: “During the excavation of the synagogue” (ed. pr.), obviously in second-
ary use.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1966-101. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

[--]
FL BOETHI COS [--]
+Ṿ Ạ++++[--]

App. crit.: For Lehmann - Holum the


text ended with l.2.
fig. 1229

[--] | Fl (avi) Boethi co (n) s (ularis) [-- ] | +VA++++[--]

… (official) of Flavius Boethus, consular governor (of Syria Palaestina), …

Comm.: Flavius Boethus, native of Ptolemais in Syria Phoenice, not far from the
northern border of Syria Palaestina, was governor of this province ca. 165. He is
probably mentioned in the text as the superior of a beneficiarius, or another of-
ficial. The fragment could be part of a dedication by the latter. (Lehmann - Holum
understood the text differently and expected a formula like mandatu or iussu Fl.
Boethi).

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 30 pl. XXIX (ed. pr.). – AE 2000, 1514.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WE

1230. Latin inscription under an honorary statue or bust of Petronius


Novatus, governor or procurator of Syria Palaestina

Fragment of blue-gray marble slab, broken on all sides, but the first line of the in-
scription is probably preserved. The back is smooth. The words are separated by
dots. There are guidelines for the text.
Meas.: h 11, w 10, d 2.3 cm; letters 3.5, Y in l.2: 4.9 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7780. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 19 March 2010.
164 II. Caesarea

[--] ETRONIO·NO [--]


[--] OVINC·SYR·P [--]
[--]
App. crit.: [--] tronio Lehmann - Holum.

[- P] etronio No [vato leg (ato) Aug (usti)


pr (o) pr (aetore) or proc (uratori)
Aug (usti) | pr] ovinc (iae) Syr (iae)
P [al (aestinae) --|--]

For … Petronius Novatus, imperial


governor with propraetorian rank (or fig. 1230
imperial procurator) of the province
Syria Palaestina … (someone erected the statue/bust).

Comm.: Petronius Novatus was an imperial official of Syria Palaestina after 136,
the end of the Bar Kokhba War. It is not clear if he was a propraetorian governor
or a financial procurator. We know a homonymous equestrian official, honored as
patron in Tubusuctu in Mauretania Caesariensis, where he probably was hailing
from. The latter’s last known office after an equestrian career beginning with a
praefectura over the cohors V Gallorum was the procuratorship of the 5% inheri-
tance tax in Asia, Phrygia, Lycia and Galatia (AE 1967, 644). According to Devijver
he was serving as praefectus cohortis V Gallorum in Dacia after 160 AD. If identi-
cal with the official of this inscription, he could not have been in Syria Palaestina
before the last two decades of the 2 c. AD. However, a homonymous son of the
procurator from Mauretania Caesariensis could have entered the Roman senate,
and later become governor of Syria Palaestina; in this case the governorship cannot
be dated before the beginning of the 3 c. AD. It is unknown where in Caesarea he
was honored.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 33 pl. XXX (ed. pr.). – AE 2000, 1516; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 540.
– Cf. Devijver, PME P 26; PIR 2nd. ed. P 295.
Photo: WE.
WE

1231. A staff member honors the governor Iulius Titianus


with a statue, between 211 and 222 AD

Fragment of a column of white-blue marble, badly damaged on top and at the bot-
tom. It was reused as a base for the statue of an emperor, no. 1226.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 165

Meas.: h 93, w 42, d 18 cm; inscribed area: h 38, w 13 cm; letters 7-9.9 cm.
Findspot: In the vicinity of Caesarea (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: Until the beginning of the 1980s in the Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, but not there
anymore.

C IVLI [--]
TITI [--]
LEG·AV [--]
SYR·PA [--]
M·FL·QVIR·S [--]
[--] LEG·X [--]
ANTONIN [--]
[--]+ OP̣ ·ET·MER [--]
App. crit.: l.3 legato Lehmann - Holum; l.6 |
leg (ionis) X [Fretensis] Lehmann - Holum; l.7 ac-
cording to ed. pr. Antonin [ianae] was erased, but
it does not look like that on the photo.

G (aio) Iuli [o --] | Titi [ano] | leg (ato)


Au [g (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore)] | Syr (iae)
Pa [laest (inae)] | M (arcus) Fl (avius)
Quir (ina) S [--|--] leg (ionis) X [Fret (ensis)] |
Antonin [ianae |--]+ op (timo) et mer [--]

For Gaius Iulius Titianus, imperial gover-


nor with praetorian rank of the province
of Syria Palaestina Marcus Flavius S…,
member of the tribe Quirina, tribune/
centurion (?) of the legio X Fretensis with
the honorary title Antoniniana (erected fig. 1231
an honorary statue), for his best and well
deserving (friend/patron?).

Comm.: M. Flavius S [--], who honored the propraetorian governor Gaius Iulius Ti-
tianus with a statue, was perhaps a member of the governor’s entourage. His rank,
lost at the beginning of l.6, cannot be restored; he may have been a centurion or a
strator or tribune in one of the legions in the province. Iulius Titianus is attested
as governor in Syria Palaestina only in this inscription. We know a Latin rhetor,
Iulius Titianus, who taught Maximinus, the son of the emperor Maximinus Thrax
(235-38; PIR² J 605). We know nothing about the rhetor’s social rank. The Anto-
niniana in the legion’s name implies that Titianus was governor of Syria Palaestina
before 222, when Elagabalus was murdered. Thus he would have been over 60 at the
166 II. Caesarea

beginning of Maximinus reign, which makes the identity doubtful, but not impos-
sible. Nothing else is known of the honorand.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 18 pl. XXII (ed. pr.). – W. Eck, RE Suppl. 15, 124f., s. v. Iulius 513a;
McLean I no. 34; AE 2000, 1508a; Eck, Language of Power 133f.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXII no. 18.

WE

1232. Inscription with the name of the senatorial governor Gaius Aurelius [--]

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides, except the left. The left-hand side is
much thicker. The back is smooth.
Meas.: h 24.5, w 13.4, d 3.2-4.8 cm; letters ca. 7 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation; no. 6/95; locus 9248; basket 92146.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 16 March 2010.

[--]
+F/PжOG/C [--]
CжAVRẸ [--]
LEGжAVG̣ [--]
[--]

[--] | +F/P OG/C [--] | G (aius)жAure [lius --]


| leg (atus) Aug (usti) [pr (o) pr (aetore) --|--]

… Gaius Aurelius … governor with praeto-


rian rank… (did something).

Comm.: Since the name of the governor


does not stand in l.1, he himself is not the
honorand, but rather the dedicator – per-
haps of a statue of an emperor. Gaius Au-
relius is so far unattested as governor of the
province Syria Palaestina. The letter forms
suggest a date not earlier than the second
fig. 1232
half of the 2 c. AD.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WA.

WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 167

1233. Honorary statue for Ti. Claudius G [--], commander of a legion

Fragment of the upper part of a column of gray marble with a necking ring. Two
square dowel holes at the top.
Meas.: h 41, ൺ ca. 53 cm; letters 7.6-8 cm.
Findspot: At the seashore where the Late Antique wall reaches the sea, found in 1971.
Pres. loc.: In 1980 in a garden south of Sdot Yam (Lehmann - Holum).

TI·CL·G [--]
LEG·LE [--]
ỊTEṂḶ [--]
App. crit.: l.3 TE…[--] Lehmann - Holum.

Ti (berio) Cl (audio) G [--] | leg (ato)


le [g (ionis) --] | item l [eg (ionis) --]

For Tiberius Claudius G…, legate of the


legion …, also of the legion … (someone
erected the statue).

Comm.: The Ti. Claudius G [--] is likely


to have been legate of one of the legions
fig. 1233
stationed in the province, the legio X
Fretensis or the legio VI Ferrata, and honored with a statue in Caesarea. The title
and function of a legionary legate existed in Iudaea/Syria Palestina only after the
transfer of a second legion to the province, i.e. not before Trajan or Hadrian (see
no. 1227). If the reading item l [eg.--] is correct, then he is likely to have commanded
another legion in another province before.
Only one other senatorial legatus legionis called Tiberius Claudius, whose cog-
nomen begins with the letter G, is known so far; however, Ti. Claudius Gordianus
commanded not two legions, but only the legio XI Claudia (AE 1954, 138), and
therefore cannot be identified with our man.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 21 pl. XXIV (ed. pr.). – AE 2000, 1509; AE 2003, 1799.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXIV no. 21.
WE

1234. Statue for a senatorial governor of Syria Palaestina

See no. 1213. Most of the text of this inscription was erased when the column was
reused for a statue of the emperor Maximianus, see no. 1213. But some letters can
be identified in the erased part.
168 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 118, ൺ 40 cm; inscribed area: h 50 w, 67 cm; letters 6.5-5 cm.


Findspot: In the fields between the Byzantine Esplanade and the Herodian hip-
podrome, found in July 1982.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (Courtyard), IAA inv. no. 1983-618. Autopsy: 19 June
1998 and later.

Ṃ F̣ Ḷ[[--]] V
LEG AṾ [[--]]
PALẠ [[[--] ACER [--]]] ẠLI
PATṚ [[--]] VB
DVOV [[[--] E [--] IS [--] RI [--]]]
+[[[--] OPO [--] I [--]]]
App. crit.: l.1 A all eds.; l.2 A [[ug]] all eds.; l.3 PAL
[[--] ACER [--]] II all eds.; l.4 pat [[r (ono)]] all eds.

M (arco)? Fl [[avio -- c (larissimo)]] v (iro) |


leg (ato) Au [[g (usti) pro praet (ore) provinc (iae)
Syr (iae)]] | Pala [[[est (inae) -- s] acer [doti Fla-
vi/feti]]]ali | patr[[ono -- ex dec(reto) dec(urio-
num) pec (unia) p]] ub (lica) | duo-
v[[[ir--]E[--]IS[--]RI[--]]] | +[[[--]OPO[--]I[--]]]

For Marcus (?) Flavius (?) …, entitled vir claris- fig. 1234.1
simus, propraetorian governor of the province
Syria Palaestina, sacerdos fetialis (or Flavialis), patron (of the colony, a statue was
erected) by a decree of the municipal councillors at public expense in the duovi-
rate (?) of …

Comm.: In l.1 stood the


name of the governor, per-
haps a M (arcus) Fl [avius].
Although there are several
senators whose name be-
gins with M. Flavius, none
of them has so far been at-
tested as imperial legate
in Syria Palaestina. The
honorand was obviously
fig. 1234.2 (squeeze)
honored by the colony of
Caesarea with a statue. The reason for mentioning the Roman priesthood of sacer-
dos fetialis or Flavialis (Titialis) together with the governorship is not clear; such a
combination is attested in other dedications of senators, too.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 169

Bibl.: C. Lehmann, ZPE 51, 1983, 191f. pl. XIII figs. 1-3 (ed. pr.). – AE 1987, 960a; McLean I no. 45;
AE 2000, 1506; Lehmann - Holum no. 8 pl. XI; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 533; id., ZPE 174, 2010, 173ff.
Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XI no. 8.
WE

1235. Dedication of a statue of a governor

Fragment of a slab of gray marble, the top and the left-hand side are missing.
Meas.: h 24, w 20, d 3-4 cm; letters 3-2.1 cm.
Findspot: Near the theater, found in 1947.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7181. Autopsy: September 1999; 13
March 2010.

[--]
[--] RO/CO
[--] PRO PR·
[--]+·C/G· vacat
[--] IVS·FLAVIAN
[--] Ḷ /C̣ /G̣ ·LEG·X·FRT·
[--] O·SING·EIVS
[--] ITIS·H·C
App. crit.: l.4 [provin] c (iae)
Lifshitz, Speidel; HC Leh-
mann - Holum; l.5 [Syr (iae)
Pal (aestinae) -] ius Speidel; l.7
[patrono su] o Lifshitz; [prae-
sidi (?) p] ro Speidel; l.8 [erga
se mer] itis Speidel.

[--|--] ro/co | [leg (ato)


Aug (usti)] pro pr (aetore) |
[--] hc | [--] ius Flavian (us)
| [si] g (nifer) leg (ionis)
X Fr (e) t (ensis) | [pr] o
sing (ularibus) eius | fig. 1235
[mer] itis h (onoris) c (ausa)

For …rus/cus, imperial governor with propraetorian rank, …us Flavianus, stan-
dard-bearer (?) of the legio X Fretenis (put up a statue) in his honor, in recognition of
his extraordinary benefactions.

Comm.: [--] us Flavianus, a member of the legio X Fretensis, perhaps a signifer


(which is the most likely of all abbreviated military ranks of a legion ending
170 II. Caesarea

with a C or G ), honored the governor of the province, who was also the supreme
commander of the provincial army; the “extraordinary benefactions” are not
specified; perhaps he promoted Flavianus. For h (onoris) c (ausa) cf. for example
no. 1302.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, BIES 23, 1959, 62f. fig.1 (ph.) (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1962, 275; B. Lifshitz, Lato-
mus 21, 1962, 149f. no. 2 pl. 5 fig. 3; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 136f. no. 3; AE 1996, 1556; McLean
II no. 66; Lehmann - Holum no. 31 pl. XXIX; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 92.
Photo: IAA.
WE

1236. Fragment of a senatorial cursus honorum in Latin

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides. The back is rough. The
guide-lines are lightly scratched; words are separated by small hederae.
Meas.: h 7.5, w 9.8, d ca. 3.8 cm; letters 2.5-(at least) 2.7 cm.
Findspot: In the fill of a pit belonging to stratum 10 in the arena of Herod’s circus,
found in 1994.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, no. 6/94 I 26940. Autopsy: 16 June 1998; 23 March 1999; 17 March
2010.

[--] ẠMILIA+[--]
[--] OVINCIẠ [--]
[--]+ỊS·PR·C̣ [--]

[-- M] amilian [o |-- quaest (ori) pr] ovin-


cia [e |--, trib (uno) or aed (ili) pleb] is,
pr (aetori) c [and (idato) --] or pr (aetori),
c [ur (atori) --|--]

For … Mamilianus, … quaestor of the


province …, tribune of the plebs or aedile fig. 1236
of the plebs, praetor as a candidate of the
emperor or praetor, curator of …

Comm.: The fragment is probably part of the cursus honorum of a senator, hon-
ored with a statue and therefore likely to have been either the governor of Syria
Palaestina or, less likely, as legionary legate in the province. Only his cognomen
Mamilianus has been preserved. He cannot be identified with any known sena-
tor; an identification with the three known Mamiliani is probably impossible (see
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 171

http://www.bbaw.de/cgi-bin/pir/pir-suche: s.v. Mamilianus). The fragment reveals


that he was quaestor in a province whose name is lost; thereafter he was either
tribune of the plebs or plebeian aedile. As praetor he may have been a candidate of
the Emperor, but the c [--] can also be restored as c [urator…] of an Italian road or as
curator rei publicae. It cannot be dated earlier than the second half of the 2 c. AD.
For more details see Eck.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1237. Fragment of column, mentioning a senatorial magistrate

The fragment is known only by a report of J. Ory, inspector of Antiquities, who saw
it in 1924 in Caesarea, where it was still in 1946. Fragment of blue marble. “Ory de-
scribed an inscription in four letters on the ‘side of the column’, (a), and transcribes
another text, (b). The C of text (b) has a flourish that covers the other letters. It is
not clear that they were on the same column” (Lehmann - Holum 55). All informa-
tion for this entry depends on Lehmann - Holum no. 22.
Meas.: h 49, ൺ 45 cm.
Findspot: Near no. 1241.

(a) SEX [--]


[--] LE [--]
PRAE [--]
AR [--]
(b) [--] CHER [--]

(a) Sex (to) [--|--] le [g (ato) Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore) Syr (iae) Pal (aestinae)?] |
prae [f (ecto) --] | ar [ --]
(b) [--] CHER [--]

(a) For Sextus … governor with praetorian rank of the province Syria Palaes-
tina (?)…, prefect of …

Comm.: The fragment does not allow a precise reconstruction. The text begins with
the praenomen Sextus. We know two senatorial governors of the province with this
praenomen: Sex. Lucilius Bassus, 71-73 in Judaea (see CIIP I 712 ) – if he was men-
tioned, the name of the province would be Iudaeae – and Sex. Erucius Clarus, gover-
nor shortly after 170 AD. In the case of Lucilius Bassus prae- in l.3 could refer to his
command of the fleet in Ravenna and Misenum: praefectus classis (PIR² L 379), in
172 II. Caesarea

the case of Erucius Clarus an urban prefecture like praefectus aerarii Saturni (prae-
torian) or in Italy as praefectus alimentorum could be mentioned. But it is not sure
that [--] LE [--] in l.2 has to be the title legatus, it could also be part of a cognomen of
the official; than prae- in l.3 could also be integrated as prae [ses] and the text would
be much later. Columns as basis for honorary statues are known in Caesarea at least
since the time of Hadrian (see no. 1227), they could be possible much earlier (cf. no.
1302). But the poor tradition of the fragment does not allow more precision.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 22 (ed. pr.). – AE 2000, 1510a-b. – For Erucius Clarus, cf. W. Eck,
in: P. Scherrer - H. Taeuber - H. Thür eds., Steine und Wege, 1999, 299ff.

WE

1238. Fragment of a Latin senatorial cursus honorum under an honorary statue

Two joining fragments of a white mar-


ble plaque shot with blue veins. On
the left-hand side and at the bottom
the original margin is preserved.
Meas.: h 44.5, w 25 (originally 55-
65), d (at the top) 4.5, (at the bottom)
2.5-3 cm; letters 3.2-4.7 cm.
Findspot: Ca. 40-50 m north of the
governor’s praetorium on the beach
to the west of the Herodian hippo-
drome of Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, no. 6/94–I +
67047 or 4000–30. Autopsy: 16 June 1998;
13 March 1999.

[--]
IVRID PER Ṿ [--]
AVG·PR PR·P̣ Ṛ[--]
AEDIVM·SAC̣ Ṛ[--]
PROVINC·SYṚ [--]
C·CLODIVS·ROM [--]
O EX·EQ·Ọ/C̣ [--]

App. crit.: l.6 Rom [ulus] AE; l.7 ex eq (ues-


tribus) [militiis] AE.

[--] | iurid (ico) per U [mbriam --, fig. 1238


leg (ato)] | Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore)
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 173

pr [ov (inciae) --, curat (ori)] | aedium sacr [ar (um), leg (ato) Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (ae-
tore)] | provinc (iae) Syr [iae Palaest (inae)] | G (aius) Clodius Rom [anus?] | o (b) ex
eq (uite) o [rdinatus (centurio) or: c [ent (urio) ordinatus m (erita)]

For … iuridicus in the region of Umbria …, imperial governor with praetorian rank
of the province of …, responsible for the temples (in Rome), imperial governor with
praetorian rank of the province Syria Palaestina, Gaius Clodius Rom…, who was
made a centurio (?) directly from the status of an eques (Romanus), for his merits.

Comm.: This fragmentary inscription was originally put under an honorary statue
of a governor of the province of Syria Palaestina. Although his name is lost at the
beginning, what remains of his career seems entirely regular: it began with two
praetorian posts: he was iuridicus in the regio Umbria (and another region whose
name is lost) in Italy and subsequently governor in an imperial praetorian province
(e.g. Lugdunensis, Lycia-Pamphylia, Galatia ). The consulship (mentioned as cos.,
directly after his name at the lost part at the beginning), received at the age of 40 at
the latest, was followed by the supervision over religious (and public) buildings in
the city of Rome (cura aedium sacrarum et operum locorumque publicorum), and
not long afterwards he became governor of Syria Palaestina.
No known senator or governor of Syria Palaestina can be identified with the
Ignotus since no distinctive post, apart from the administration of justice in Italy
and the cura in the city of Rome, has been preserved. The Italian judicature dates
the cursus, at the earliest, to the time of the emperor Marcus Aurelius (161-180),
who created the Italian post.
The dedicator, C. Clodius Rom [anus?], is otherwise unknown; nor are the
nomen gentilicium and cognomen so far attested in inscriptions from Caesarea.
Nonetheless, he may well have belonged to one of the leading families of the colony.
The formula o (b) … [m (erita)] frames on both sides (as in no. 1228) the reason for
honoring the governor, expressed in EX EQ O/C: Clodius was probably promoted
from the rank of an equestrian (eques Romanus) to a post in the army. Examples
for the formula used here can be found in CIL 3, 750: p (rimus) p (ilus) leg (ionis) I
Ital (icae) ex eq (uite) Romano, or CIL 5, 7866: (centurio) leg (ionis) III Italicae ordina-
tus ex eq (uite) Rom (ano). However, the letter following eq (uite) cannot be an R, but
an O or C, and therefore, it is impossible to read here ex eq (uite) R [om (ano)], as in
the examples just cited. Thus one can restore o (b) ex eq (uite) c [ent (urio) ordinatus
m (erita)] – or just o [rdinatus ‫ =( ڐ‬centurio)] – and alternatively: [centurio] | o (b) ex
eq (uite) o [rdinatus m (erita)].

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 223ff. (ed. pr.). – AE 2003, 1802. – For ex equite Romano, cf. B.
Dobson, in: C. Nicolet ed., Recherches sur les structures sociales dans l’Antiquité classique,
1970, 104; id., Die Primipilares, 1978, 193-6.
Photo: WE.
WE
174 II. Caesarea

1239. Fragment of a senatorial cursus honorum

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides. The back is smooth. Re-
mains of red color in the letters.
Meas.: h 13, w 18, d 1.8-2.0 cm; letters l.1: 3.5, l.2: 3.8-4.3 cm.
Findspot: North of the city.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7180. Autopsy: 1996; April 1998; 10
March 2010.

[--]
[--] RAC·LEG·AVG·P̣ /Ḷ [--]
[--] EG·III·CYR C [--]
[--]++[--]
App. crit.: l.1 [praefectus alae (nume-
rus) Th] rac (um) Lifshitz; l.2 [leg (atus)
l] eg (ionis) III Cyr (enaicae) c [omes]
Lifshitz. For other variations see Eck,
ZPE 113, 132ff.

[-- leg (ato) Aug (usti) pro fig. 1239


pr (aetore) prov (inciae) Syr (iae)
Pal (aestinae), -?-, | co (n) s (uli), leg (ato) Aug (usti) pro pr (aetore) prov (inciae)
Th] rac (iae), leg (ato) Aug (usti) l [eg (ionis) …, | item/et l] eg (ionis) III Cyr (enaicae),
c [urat (ori) viae … |--]++[--]
or
[leg (ato) Aug (usti) leg (ionis) --, leg (ato) Aug (usti) pro pr (aetore) prov (inciae)
Th] rac (iae), leg (ato) Aug (usti) p [ro pr (aetore) prov (inciae) Arab (iae)? | et l] eg (io-
nis) III Cyr (enaicae), c [o (n) s (uli), -?-, leg (ato) Aug (usti) pro pr (aetore) prov (in-
ciae) Syr (iae) Pal (aestinae) --|--]

For … who was governor of Syria Palaestina with praetorian rank, …, consul, governor
of the province of Thracia with praetorian rank, imperial legate of the legio …, and/also
of the legio III Cyrenaica, curator of the via … (in Italy), … (someone erected a statue).
or
For … who was imperial legate of the legio …, governor of the province of Thracia
with praetorian rank, governor of the province of Arabia with praetorian rank and
(at the same time) commander of the legio III Cyrenaica, consul, …, governor of
Syria Palaestina with praetorian rank … (someone erected a statue).

Comm.: The key to understanding the fragmentary senatorial cursus honorum is


the mention of the legio III Cyrenaica, crucial for both reconstructions of the hon-
orand’s career given above. The legion left Egypt permanently for Arabia (where it
had been temporarily stationed at the time of annexation, from AD 106 onwards)
under Hadrian, and was stationed in Bostra. From then on it was under the com-
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 175

mand of a senator, who, since it was the only legion in Arabia, doubled up as com-
mander of the legion and governor of the province, as in the second reconstruction.
Normally the command of the legion was subsumed under the title legatus Augusti
pro praetore provinciae Arabiae, but in exceptional cases the legion was mentioned
as well – here perhaps in the form: legatus Augusti pro praetore provinciae Arabiae
et legionis III Cyrenaicae –, as attested for the governor of Judaea when he was also
commander of the one legion stationed there: leg (ato) Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore)
provinc (iae) [Iudaeae e] t leg (ionis) X Fret (ensis) (ILS 1035).
The alternative is that the legio III Cyrenaica was stationed for some time out-
side the province and put under the command of a special legionary legate, who
commanded another legion successively or at the same time, as in the first recon-
struction: leg (ato Aug (usti) l [eg (ionis) ---, item/et l] eg (ionis) III Cyr (enaicae), which
seems more likely than the combination of the governorship of Arabia with the
command of the legion.
As the honorand of an inscription in Caesarea which displays his entire cursus
honorum, the senator must have become governor of Syria Palaestina. Only one
governor of Syria Palaestina is attested also as former governor of Thracia: C. Iulius
Commodus Orfitianus (see no. 1228), but the identification must be left open.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, Latomus 21, 1962, 149f. no. 3 pl. 5 fig. 4 (ed. pr.). – AE 1962, 276; M. Gracey,
The Roman Army in Syria, Judaea and Arabia, 1981, 202; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 132ff. no. 2; AE
1996, 1555; McLean II no. 189; Lehmann - Holum no. 35 pl. XXXI; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie,
Urban Centers 92.
Photo: IAA.
WE

1240. Fragment with a senatorial cursus honorum

Fragment of gray marble, water-worn; the


right side is preserved.
Meas.: h 9.7, w 9, d 2.7 cm; letters 2.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv.
no. 1998-7778. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--]
[--] EG
[--] RO PR
[--]
[--]

[--|-- l] eg (ato/ionis) | [-- leg (ato) Aug (usti)


p] ro pr (aetore) | [prov (inciae) --|--] fig. 1240
176 II. Caesarea

For … who was legate of the legion or: who was legate …, governor with praetorian
rank of the province … someone (erected a statue/bust).

Comm.: The tiny remains of the inscription attest a partial cursus honorum of a
senator who must have served as governor in Iudaea/Syria Palaestina, to explain his
being honored in Caesarea with a statue (or bust). Whether a legion or a legatus was
mentioned in the first line ([-l] eg) must be left open; in l.2 there is a reference to a
governorship in an imperial province.
Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 34 pl. XXX (ed. pr.).
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXX no. 34.
WE

1241. The vicus Victorinus of the colony of Caesarea honors an unknown


governor, 2 c.?

Section of a gray marble pier with a half-column. The inscription is incised on the
right hand side of the pier. Very small hederae
in l.2.
Meas.: h 176, w ca. 74 (the half-column includ-
ed), d 46.5 cm; inscribed area: h 43, w 40 cm;
letters 6-5 cm.

Findspot: The “monument was discovered


about 300 m SSE of the SE corner of the ‘vil-
lage’ – presumably the Old City and Bosnian
village (IAA Archives, 16 and 20 July 1922). It
had been built into a wall, from which it was
removed in 1924 (ibid., 23 September 1924),
but was left… near the house of the Greek Or-
thodox priest of Caesarea until 1946 or later.”
(Lehmann - Holum). Cf. no. 1262.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no.
1998-7526. Autopsy: September 1997; 8 March 2010.

[--]
LEG AVG PR PṚ
P̣ ṚỌVINC SYṚ
PALA [.] ST
VICVṢ
VICTORINVṢ
App. crit.: ll.3-5 Sy [riae re] st [it] ui cu [ravit] Abel; l.5
VICV [--] A [--] Lehmann - Holum. fig. 1241.1
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 177

[--] | leg (ato) Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore) | provinc (iae) Syr (iae) | Pala [e] st (inae) |
vicus | Victorinus

For … governor of Syria Palaestina with praetorian rank, the borough Victorinus
(erected this honorary monument).

Comm.: Abel took it to be a


building inscription; Lehmann
and Holum understood it as an
honorary inscription: a Victori-
nus honored a governor. How-
ever, the vacat before and after
the VICVS, which is centered,
indicates that this is to be under-
stood as the Latin word vicus, i.e.
an urban quarter, named Victo-
rinus – and the first attestation
for the colony’s inner subdivison
into vici. These vici are found
erecting statues or other honor-
ary monuments in other coloni-
fig. 1241.2 (squeeze)
ae, e.g. in Antiochia Pisidiae. The
inscription probably belongs to the 2 c. AD, at any rate after the renaming of the
province as a consequence of the Bar Kokhba revolt, as Syria Palaestina.
Where did the dedicated statue of the nameless governor stand? Possibly there
once was an architectural element above the pier, similar to no. 1255 (cf. the photo
in Eck 2010, 171 fig. 3), namely the upper section of a pier with a bracket on the right
side, on which a statue stood. The bracket shows some dowel holes for fixing a statue.
The first line of the inscription of the vicus did not stand on the pier, since the space
above LEG AVG PR PR is not high enough for an additional line with the name of
the honorand; it must have stood above, on the curved part of the bracket (see Eck).

Bibl.: F.-M. Abel, RB 11, 1914, 110f. (ed. pr.). – Lehmann - Holum no. 20; W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010,
169ff.
Photo: WE; Lehmann-Holum, pl. XXIII no. 20b.
WE

1242. Text under an honorary statue (or bust) of a senatorial governor

Slab of gray marble, broken on all sides. The back has a roughly chiseled surface
with remains of cement. Remains of red color in the letters.
178 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 19, w 13.8, d 3.9 cm; letters 4.6-5 cm.


Findspot: Found by children in Caesarea. The exact provenance is unknown.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7803. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 19 March
2010.

[--]
[--] G̣ ·PR [--]
[--] NC·SYR [--]
[--] GIM [--]
App. crit.: l.2 [le] g (ato) ed.pr.; l.4 N or M ed.
pr.

[--| leg (ato) Au] g (usti) pr [o pr (aetore)


| provi] nc (iae) Syr (iae) [Pal (aestinae)
|--] GIM [--]

For …, imperial governor with praetori-


an rank of the province Syria Palaestina
…gim… (erected the statue).

fig. 1242

Comm.: Someone of whose name only three letters have been preserved erected a
statue (or a bust) to an unknown senatorial governor. The last letter in the last line
is an M. It cannot be read as an N, attractive though a restoration of Longinus or
Reginus would be, since the N in l.3 looks very different. Unfortunately GIM yields
only very odd names.

Bibl.: A. Angert - R. Last, ZPE 114, 1996, 288 (ed. pr.). – AE 1996, 1561.
Photo: WE.
WE

1243. Fragment of a plaque of gray marble with remains of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a plaque of gray marble, with the original right edge preserved; the
bottom does not seem to be original; the empty space after the last visible line
makes it likely that the following line was centered. The surface was worked with a
claw chisel. l.2: RI in ligature.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 179

Meas.: h 20, w 16, d 5 cm; letters ca. 5 cm.


Findspot: On the surface, inside the old city of Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 17 March 2010.

[--] G̣ ẠṬ Ị (hedera)


[--] AVGVRIS
[--] vacat
[--]
App. crit.: l.2 augur (e) s Lehmann - Holum.

[--] gati | [--] auguris | [--|--]

… of the …, who was … legate …, …


augur …

Comm.: The only clue to the meaning


of the fragment is the word auguris,
the genitive case of augur, a priestly
officer in Rome, in Italian towns and
in Roman colonies in the provinces; in
inscriptions the word is always men-
tioned together with the name of an fig. 1243
individual, e.g. the name of a woman,
wife of someone who was augur (cf. CIL 6, 31726 = ILS 924; 11, 412); or pro salute
of…, who was augur (CIL 3, 1938 = 8565 = ILS 3710), or Dis manibus of…, who was
augur (CIL 6, 1343 = ILS 1127). The social status of the anonymous depends on
the interpretation of the letters in l.1. They can be read either as IATI, GATI, less
likely as IRTI, IRIT, GRIT. Only GATI, i.e. [le] gati would make sense together with
auguris: [le] gati | [--] auguris would mean that the inscription mentioned a senator.

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 260 no. 36 pl. VIII (ph.) (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 200; Lehmann -
Holum no. 123 pl. LXXXV.

Photo: WE.

WE

1244. Fragment with a Latin inscription mentioning


a legate of the legio VI Ferrata

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; on the other side is an in-
scription with the erased name of an emperor (no. 1217).
180 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 10, w 19, d 2 cm; letters 5.8 cm.


Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavations, no. 4105, 68-642.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1968-642. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

[--]
[--] G·LEG·VI·F̣ [--]
[--]

[--|-- le] g (ato) leg (ionis) VI F [err (atae) --|--]

For someone, … legate of the legio VI Ferrata fig. 1244


…, someone (?) (erected a statue).

Comm.: The inscription was probably fixed under the statue (or bust) of a senator,
who was legate of the legio VI Ferrata. Theoretically the legate could have been
the dedicator, perhaps of a statue to an emperor, but this he was more likely to do
in the camp of his legion. Alternatively the dedicator could have been under the
command of a legate of the legio VI Ferrata, whom he mentioned as his superior,
in which case one should restore [le] g (ati) rather than [le] g (ato). The letter forms
imply an earlier date than that of the inscription on the other side (no. 1217).

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: IAA.

WE

1245. Fragments of a Latin inscription with the cursus


honorum of a senator, under Hadrian?

Nine fragments of an originally big slab of white-blue marble, but only three of
them joining; the back is very roughly worked out with a round chisel.
Meas.: (a): h 24, w ca. 31, d 5.5-6.2 cm; letters 5.4 cm.
(b): h 13.5, w 17, d ca. 6 cm; letters 4.9-5.2 cm.
(c): h 19.5, w 10, d ca. 5.4 cm, letters 4.9 cm.
(d): h ca. 12, w 9, d ca. 6.4 cm; letters 5.5 cm.
(e): h 11.5, w 8.5, d ca. 5.5 cm; letters 5.6 cm.
(f): h 18, w 14.5, d ca. 7 cm; letters ca. 7 cm.
(g): h 14, w 16, d ca. 6.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath excavation in 1995, no. 6/95-IV-400358 and 6/95-
401208.
Pres. loc.: Seen in Caesarea on 7 January 1999.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 181

(a) three joining fragments:


[--] RN++A [--]
[--]+CI LEG XX VALE [--]
[--] Ạ́ DIVTRICIS [--]

fig. 1245.1 (a)

(b) [--] Ḍ ATO TRỊ [--]


[--] M++[--]

fig. 1245.2 (b)

(c) [--] ṂIO [--]


[--]+R+[--]

fig. 1245.3 (c)


182 II. Caesarea

(d) [--] NAG [--]

fig. 1245.4 (d)

(e) [--] ḤEṂ [--]

fig. 1245.5 (e)

(f) [--]+++E
[--] RIS (hedera)

fig. 1245.6 (f)


D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 183

(g) L+++[--]
COP/B [--]

A partial reconstruction of only two fragments is


possible:
(a): [--] RN++A [-- legato divi Traiani | Parth] ici
leg (ionis) XX Vale [riae Victricis | et leg (ionis) I]
Adiutricis [--] fig. 1245.7 (g)
For Fragment (b):
[-- praetori candi] dato, tri [buno plebis …] or: [-- quaestori candi] dato, tri [buno
plebis …] or: [-- quaestori candi] dato, tri [buno militum …]

(a) … legate of the deified Traianus Parthicus (?) of the legio XX Valeria Victrix and
of the legio I (?) Adiutrix…
(b) … candidate of the emperor as praetor, tribune of the plebs or: … candidate of
the emperor as quaestor, tribune of the plebs or: … candidate of the emperor as
quaestor, military tribune…

Comm.: The fragments contain a senatorial cursus honorum, as the [--] dato
tri [--] in fragment (b) proves, since the latter must refer to a candidate of the em-
peror in elections to a senatorial magistracy, either for the praetorship or for the
quaestorship. There are three different possibilities to reconstruct this fragment:
1) a descending order of a senatorial cursus, from the praetorschip to tribune of
the plebs; 2) an ascending order of a cursus, from the quaestorship to tribune of
the plebs; 3) again a descending order of a cursus, from quaestorship to military
tribune.
Fragment (a) attests that the senator served twice as legatus legionis: of the legio
XX Valeria Victrix, and perhaps of the legio I Adiutrix. The letters ICI before leg.
XX Vale [riae Victricis] suggest a reference to the the victory title, Parthicus, borne
by the emperor Trajan: [divi Traiani | Parth] ici.
The other fragments do not contain so much as a hint allowing reconstruction.
The text probably once stood under an honorary statue of the senator. So far we
do not know of any senator hailing from Caesarea; hence it seems probable that
the honorand was here on duty as an official, and very likely as the governor. He
could not have been one of the two legionary legates, since he had already been the
commander of two other legions outside Iudaea/Syria Palaestina. If restoring [divi
Traiani | Parth] ici is correct, he should have been governor under Hadrian.

Bibl.: W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 179ff. (phs.) (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WE
184 II. Caesarea

1246. Latin inscription mentioning the consulate and a priesthood of a senator

Two joining fragments of white marble, broken on all sides; on the back is no. 1802.
The text on the back is later.
Meas.: h 20, w 15, d 2.9 cm; letters ca. 5.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, in the excavation of J. Porath; frg. 1: no. 38-92; II s, B.31466,
frg. 2: no. 6/95+100048.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 17 March 1999; 15 March 2010.

[--]+ COS·SOD [--]


[--] Ṿ ·P·POTVỊ [--]
[--] RARV [--]

[--]+, co (n) s (ul-), sod [al- --|--] V·P


potui [--|-- sac] raru [m --]

fig. 1246

Comm.: The co (n) s (ul) and the priestly office of sod [alis] imply a senatorial cursus
honorum. But what follows in l.2 does not fit any known type of an inscription
with a cursus honorum. The office of a [curat (or-) | aedium sac] raru [m et oper (um)
publicorum --] could be restored in l.3, but there is no plausible connection between
the 3 lines.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA/WE.
WE

1247. Fragment of a Latin inscription, perhaps with a senatorial cursus honorum

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 14, w 12.5, d 1.5 cm; letters 6-6.5 cm.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 185

Findspot: In the main channel of the orchestra of the theater, found 1962.

[--] Ṭ ·LE [--]


[--] IVD [--]
[--] ṢE+[--]
App. crit.: l.2 Iud [aea] ed. pr.

[-- tribun (o) mili] t (um) le [g (ionis) --, |


Xvir (o) stlitibus] iud [icandis, --|--] SE+[--]

For … who was … military tribune of the


legio …, member in the college of ten men
for judicial decisions, …SE… (erected this
honorary statue). fig. 1247

Comm.: The ed. pr. took the IVD in l.2 as Iud [aea]. This is unlikely. The sequence
IVD in Latin inscriptions belongs to words like iudex, iudicium and iudicandis;
the latter is part of the senatorial magistrature of Xvir stlitibus iudicandis. Together
with what can be read as le [g (ionis)] in the first line, the inscription may have con-
tained a senatorial cursus honorum in a descending order, of which only the earli-
est two posts have been preserved: the military tribunate in a legion and the office
as Xvir stlitibus iudicandis. In l.3, the dedicator of the monument (probably an hon-
orary statue), was likely to be mentioned. The reconstruction, if accepted, makes it
probably a dedication honoring a senatorial governor of the province, since almost
all inscriptions in Caesarea with a senatorial cursus honorum are referring to such
officials.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 217ff. at 221 no. 4 (ph.) (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 202.
Photo: Gerra, Scavi 221 fig. 270.
WE

1248. Console for the statue of a governor or procurator


honored by the daughter of a primus pilus

Two joining fragments of a console of gray marble; the top and the bottom were re-
cut for reuse. On the upper surface a hole for a dowel with lead inside is preserved.
The inscription is carved on the curved surface of the console (as in no. 1228).
Meas.: h 26, w 48, d 37 cm; letters 5.5-7.5 cm.
Findspot: South of the old city in area K in 1979.
186 II. Caesarea

Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (Garden), IAA inv. no. 1998-7469. Autopsy: April 1998;
13 March 2010.

[--]
PRO [.] INC SYR
PAL (hedera) IVLIA
IVLI AGRIPPAE
[.] P FIL PROCVLA
App. crit.: l.2 pr [ovi] nc (iae)
S (y) riae Lehmann - Holum.

[--] | pro [v] inc (iae)


Syr (iae) | Pal (aestinae)
Iulia | Iuli Agrippae |
[p (rimi)] p (ili) fil (ia)
fig. 1248.1
Procula

For … (governor or procurator) of the province Syria Palaestina, Iulia Agrippina,


daughter of the primus pilus Iulius Agrippa (put up the statue).

Comm.: The console was inserted into


a wall and was looking down from the fig. 1248.2
curved surface to the reader, and there-
fore easy to read. It is not clear whether the honorand was a governor or a procura-
tor. Iulia Agrippina was named after her father, Iulius Agrippa, who – after retire-
ment from the army as primipilaris – settled in Caesarea (cf. Valerius Martialis in
no. 1228). People like Iulius Agrippa contributed to the Roman-Latin character of
Caesarea.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 32 pl. XXX (ph.) (ed. pr.). – W. Eck, Acta Classica 42, 1999, 74; AE
2000, 1515; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 539f.; id., Statues 292. – For the Roman-Latin character of
Caesarea, cf. W. Eck, in: From Hellenism to Islam 15ff.; B. Isaac, ibid. 41ff.
Photo: WE.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 187

1249. Fragment mentioning a Roman official

Fragment of gray marble, broken on all sides; there is an empty space under the
second line: the text may have ended after [S] yr. Pal.; but if it continued in the
next line, it must have been centered, thereby leaving empty space on both sides.
Whether or not the text in l.1 ended with SAR is not clear, since the stone is dam-
aged after the R.
Meas.: h 18, w 14, d 3.5 cm; letters 4.5 cm.
Findspot: In the Italian excavation.

[--]
[--] ẸSAR
[--] YR PAL
[--]

[--|-- Ca] esar (is) | [-- Aug (usti) -- S] yr (iae)


Pal (aestinae) | [--]

… legate or procurator of Imperator Caesar …


Augustus of Syria Palaestina …

Comm.: The fragment belongs to an inscrip-


tion which mentioned an imperial official, of
either senatorial or equestrian rank. In such
a context the letters SAR can only refer to an fig. 1249
emperor, and at the same time to a specific one:
[leg (ato) Imp (eratoris) Cae] sar (is) [-- Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore) prov (inciae) S] yr (iae)
Pal (aestinae) as for example AE 1925, 126: leg (ato) Imp (eratoris) Caes (aris) [[Domi-
tiani]] Aug (usti); cf. CIL 6, 41113; AE 2002: 1658; or [proc (uratori) Imp (eratoris)
Cae] sar (is) [-- Aug (usti) prov (inciae) S] yr (iae) Pal (aestinae) as in IGLS 6, 2796 =
ILS 9200.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 221f. no. 5 fig. 271 (ph) (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 205; Lehmann - Holum no.
36 pl. XXXI (ph.); W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 541ff.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXXI no. 36.
WE

1250. Fragment with the name of the province Syria Palaestina

Fragment of white-blue marble, broken on all sides. The back is rough. A dot is
separating the two words.
188 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 10, w 12, d 3.5 cm; letters 4.8 cm.


Findspot: Caesarea?
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 12 March 2010.

[--]
[--] SYR PA [--]

[--|--] Syr (iae) Pa [l (aestinae) [--]

… of Syria Palaestina …

fig. 1250

Comm.: The mention of the province Syria Palaestina implies that the fragment
belonged to an inscription mentioning either a senatorial governor or an eques-
trian procurator, and that it is to be dated after 136 AD, when the name of the
province was changed from Iudaea to Syria Palaestina.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 351 (ed. pr.).


Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. CLV no. 351.
WE

1251. Inscription honoring a governor (or a procurator)


of Syria Palaestina with a statue

Fragment of a marble slab, which was cut for reuse, as demonstrated by the broken
letters on the left and upper edges. The upper edge is beveled at an angle of 45°,
which indicates that the fragment was originally reused as a border, or was at least
designed for such a use. The back is very well smoothed.
Meas.: h 28.5, w 23.4, d 2.9 cm; letters l.1: probably at least 8, l.2: 7.3, l.3: around
7–7.5 cm.
Findspot: Naḥal Ḥagit, is located between Dor and Gaba; the area probably be-
longed to the territory of Dor. The inscription was found in 1993 in room L821
in area B of the farmstead; it had been used as part of the paving. The inscription
faced downward. The traces of mortar on the inscription’s surface apparently date
from this period.
Pres. loc.: IAA.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 189

[--] PALAEST [--]


[--] S LIB·ALVMNV [.]
[--]+IORV [.]

[name leg (ato) Aug (usti) pro praet (ore) or


procuratori Augusti Syriae] Palaest [in (ae)
|--] s lib (ertus) alumnu [s |--] b/rioru [s/m]

For … governor with praetorian rank or


imperial procurator of Syria Palaestina …
his freedman (and) nursling … (erected a
statue).

Comm.: The place where the statue to fig. 1251


which the inscription belonged was erected
is not likely to be the farmstead at Naḥal Ḥagit, where the piece was found. An
urban context, such as Caesarea or, less likely, Dor, to whose territory Naḥal Ḥagit
once belonged, are far more likely. The distance from Caesarea certainly allows for
a marble piece to be brought from there to Naḥal Ḥagit in the late 3 or the begin-
ning of the 4 c. AD.
The precise status of the libertus, who honored a Roman official of Syria Pa-
laestina (either an imperial legate or the financial procurator), is not clear: were he
an imperial freedman, the honorand would surely be the procurator of the prov-
ince Syria Palaestina. In this case one could safely restore [TABVLA] RIORV [M]
in the last line. However, it is not very likely that the status indication Aug (usti)
lib (ertus) would have been left out, and therefore, the dedicator is probably a pri-
vate freedman of the honorand. Alumnus implies that the freedman grew up in his
patron’s household as a foster child.

Bibl.: W. Eck, in: J. Seligman ed., Nahal Haggit, 2010, 211ff. (ed. pr.). – J. Seligman, ESI 16,
1993, 63.
Photo: WE.
WE

1252. Dedication for a Roman official by a centurion

Probably left lower corner of a slab of white marble, broken on the top and right.
Meas.: h 16, w 10, d 2.2 cm; letters 5.1-7.2 cm.
Findspot: In the fields around Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Private collection in Sdot Yam (Lehmann - Holum).
190 II. Caesarea

[--] OM [--]
‫· ڐ‬LE [--]
vacat

[--] OM [--] | (centurio) le [g (ionis) --]

For …, someone …OM…, centurion of the


legio …, (erected a statue).

Comm.: If, as it seems, the last line of the


inscription is preserved, a centurion of a
legion stationed in the province honored,
probably, his superior, either a senatorial
governor or a procurator; cf. for example
nos. 1284 and 1287.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 350 pl. CLV (ed. pr.).


Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. CLV no. 350. fig. 1252

WE

1253. Fragment with Latin inscription

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; but perhaps the lower margin is
original. The back is smooth.
Meas.: h 5, w 13.5, d 2 cm; letters 3.5 cm.
Findspot: J. Porath’s excavation in Caesarea, 38/92, B.6902. Autopsy: 16 June 1998;
17 March 1999.

[--]
[--] ṢYRIAẸ [--].

[--|--] Syriae [Palaestinae --]

… of Syria Palaestina… fig. 1253

Comm.: Syriae [Palaestinae], if accepted, must be part of the title of a Roman of-
ficial, either a governor or a procurator. If this was the last line of the inscription,
then this official must have been the dedicator of a statue (of an emperor) or (since
the letters are relatively small) an object to a God. The letter form dates it to no later
than the 2 c. AD.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 191

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WE.

WE

1254. Fragment with the name of Palaestina

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth. Red color in
some of the letters.
Meas.: h 5.5, w 7.5, d 2.8 cm; letters at least 4.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 19 March 2010.

[--]+[--]
[--] PALAẸ [--]

[--]+[--|-- Syriae?] Palae [stinae --]

… of Syria (?) Palaestina …

Comm.: The letter-form suggests a date in


the 3 c. Therefore one could restore [Syri-
ae?] Palae [stinae], and not only Palae [sti-
fig. 1254
nae]. It was only from the end of the 3 c.
onwards that Palaestina alone was used as the province’s name for identifying the
officials in charge of the provincial administration, governors and procurators or
their personnel. The precise context of the fragment is unknown.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WA.

WE

1255. Architectural fragment of a pier with an inscription in Latin

Section of a large white marble pier with a half-column and a bracket on the right
hand side. The inscription is written on a fascia at the end of the bracket. On the
surface of the bracket there are two dowel holes, in which lead has been preserved.
Meas.: Section of the pier: h 40, w 41, d 38 cm (60 with the half column); fascia: h
12 cm; letters l.2: 6.5 cm.
192 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Not far from the place where no. 1241 was found.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (Garden), IAA inv. no. 1998-7533. Autopsy: 13 March
2010.

[--] LQ
[--] STIO (hedera)

[--] L Q | [--] stio | [--]

fig. 1255.1

Comm.: The architectural fragment


was once inserted into a building. On
the bracket stood a statue, to which the
inscription on the fascia belonged. The
inscription could not be seen from be-
low, but only from above, since the fas-
cia faces up. [--] stio should be the end
of a Roman nomen gentile, ending with
-ius, e.g.: Antistius, Sallustius, Sestius. fig. 1255.2
For a comparable monument see no.
1241. The type of monument makes it very likely that the honorand was a high Ro-
man official, perhaps a governor or, less likely, a procurator.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 23 pl. XXV (ed. pr.). – Cf. W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 171.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXV no. 23; WE.
WE

1256. Inscription under the statue of a Roman citizen, perhaps an official

Quadratic capital of local yellow limestone with plain acroteria; the lower surface
is flat; therefore the shaft was a separate part, now lost. Simple moldings below the
acroteria. The left acroterion, now 8 cm wide, is damaged; the right acroterion is 14
cm wide. The back is without moldings, which means that the basis was not visible
from the back, but leaning on a wall. On the upper surface two slots for the feet of
the statue. The surface of the whole capital was finished with a claw chisel.
Meas.: Quadratic capital: h 44, w 43, d 62 cm; letters at least 8.3 cm.
Findspot: Near the praetorium of the governor, during J. Porath’s excavations; no.
6/95-I+77931.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 193

Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 23 March 1999.

[--´-] C̣ ·F·FAB·
[--]
App. crit.: Before F a small part of an upper
curve is visible, the rest of a C; before the C
there is an apex, which can only belong to a
now lost I.

[--ío] G (ai) f (ilio) Fab (ia) | [--]


fig. 1256.1
For someone …ius, son of Gaius, mem-
ber of the tribus Fabia … someone (erected the statue).

Comm.: A Roman citizen, who be-


longed to the tribus Fabia, was honored
with a statue. Since he is a member of
the tribus Fabia he is probably not a citi-
zen of Caesarea; perhaps he was an of-
ficial of the provincial administration,
either of senatorial or equestrian rank.
Since the basis was found not far from
the praetorium he could have been a
senatorial governor.
fig. 1256.2
The rest of the basis is until now the
only secure Caesarean example of a rectangular statue-basis so common elsewhere
in Roman cities. The use of limestone for the basis is remarkable, since normally
columns or slabs under statues of emperors, governors and procurators in Caesarea
were made of marble or granite – with the exception of the console for Commodus
Orfitianus, which is also made of limestone (no. 1228). The whole workmanship
and the letter form are very similar to the inscription of Orfitianus. Therefore one
can date this inscription, too, to the second half of the 2 c. AD.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – Mentioned by Eck, Statues 289.


Photo: WE.
WE

1257. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides except for the left; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 19.5, w 11.5, d 2.3 cm; letters l.2: 3.5; l.3: more than 6 cm.
194 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7925. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--]
vacat LE [--]
O· vacat +[--]
VAẸ/Ṇ [--]

[--] | vacat le [g (ionis) --] | o (b)· vacat [--


m (erita)] | VAE/N [--]

Comm.: The layout of the inscription sug-


gests something similar to nos. 1228 and
1238: the honoring of a superior by embed-
ding the favor he bestowed on the dedica-
tor between the o (b) and the [m (erita)]. If
this is true, LE in l.2 could be understood
as le [g (ionis)], one of the legions stationed
in the province, and to which the dedicator
may have belonged.

Bibl.: Unpublished. fig. 1257

Photo: WA.
WE

1258. Ring with inscription

Ring, made of bronze; it looks like the letters were cast.


Meas.: ൺ ca. 1.2 cm; letters 0.3 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum.

   

À¹¼ÉţÇÍ ÌÉÀ¹ (ÇŧÅÇÍ)


fig. 1258.1
Of Tiberius, the tribunus.

fig. 1258.2
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 195

fig. 1258.3

Comm.: The abbreviation mark after TRIB points to a date in Late Antiquity. It is
not possible to form an idea about the tribunate of Tiberius (cf. only Jones, LRE, s.
v. tribunus).

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: AE.
WA

1259. Restoration of the aqueduct by the proconsul Fl. Florentius, ca. 385 AD

Block of limestone. The front is worn but was smooth, the right side is well finished
with a drove ca. 4.5 cm wide, the other sides are rough, and the back is very rough.
The back has a channel ca. 4 cm deep and ca. 3 cm wide along its entire length ca. 8
cm from the top. On top are pieces of mortar. At the end of l.5 is an ivy leaf.
Meas.: h 41, w 67, d 22 cm; letters 4.1-5.3 cm; panel of the inscription: h 31, w 55 cm;
border 4-5 cm.
Findspot: Found in 1958 during drainage operations in the low lying land between
Tel Mevorakh and the coastal sandstone ridge. It appeared in a heap of stones im-
mediately east of the point where the drainage ditch cuts through the original line
of the aqueduct inside the western end of the diversion. It was perhaps originally
built into Channel A of the original aqueduct.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv.
no. 1958-823. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

  

 
   


ëÈĖ  (¸ÇÍţÇÍ) ÂÑɼÅÌţÇÍ | ÌÇı


ļº¸ÂÇÈɼȼÊÌŠÌÇÍ | ÒÅ¿ÍÈŠÌÇÍ
ÌÛ »ŧÇ | Ĩ»É¸ºŪºÀ¸ ëÁ ¿¼Ä¼ÂţÑÅ |
ÒżżŪ¿¾ fig. 1259
196 II. Caesarea

Under Flavius Florentius, most magnificient proconsul, the two aqueducts were
rebuilt from their foundations.

Comm.: Fl. Florentius, PLRE I Florentius 11, was proconsul in 385 (CTh 10,16,4). A
proconsul at the end of the 4 c. had usually the rank of ȼÉţ¹Â¼ÈÌÇË (spectabilis); it is
not clear, why Fl. Florentius was called magnificentissimus – a title usually used to-
gether with that of illustris. l.3f.: There was the high-level aqueduct and his diversion;
the diversion was made necessary by the marshy ground around the findspot of this
inscription; it circumvented the marsh in the south (on the aqueduct see Olami - Peleg;
Porath). ÌÛ »ŧÇ Ĩ»É¸ºŪºÀ¸ of the inscription could mean a) the original aqueduct and
its diversion; b) the two channels carried by the high-water aqueduct (A and B), which
later, after channel B was abandoned, even received a third channel (C). Solution a)
does more justice to the phrase ëÁ ¿¼Ä¼ÂţÑÅ ÒżżŪ¿¾, but there are known cases of a
rather loose appliance of these words; solution b) accords better with the findspot of
the inscription. Adopting solution a) (with Lehmann - Holum) would mean that both
the diversion and channel C were built only after the proconsulate of Florentius.

Bibl.: A. Hamburger, IEJ 9, 1959, 188ff. pl. 17C (ed. pr.). – BE 1960, 414; AE 1961, 270; SEG 18,
626; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 506f. pl. 3 fig. 4; Y. Olami - Y. Peleg, IEJ 27, 1977, 126ff.; J. Po-
rath, Atiqot 10, 1990, 106ff. (Hebr.); Lehmann - Holum no. 55 pl. XLIII. – P. Baumann, Spätan-
tike Stifter im Heiligen Land, 1999, 279.
Photo: IAA.
WA

1260. The city honors Nomus with a golden statue, 443-446 AD

Column of gray granite with a double necking ring; broken at the bottom. On the
top are eight holes with a diameter of 2.5-5 cm and a depth of 1.8-2.8 cm; they
helped to secure the statue of Nomus on top of the column. On opposite sides 20
cm below the top are holes of 3.5
and 5 cm in diameter, 2.8 and 3.2
cm deep. Decorative marks at the
beginning of ll.1-3 and at the end
of ll.2f.
Meas.: h 189; ൺ 63-69 cm; letters
7.5-8 cm.

Findspot: Presumably to have


been found near its present loca-
tion, since there are some other
columns of the same type in the
vicinity. fig. 1260.1
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 197

Pres. loc.: Located by Lehmann - Holum in the crusader city, at the western side of the inner
harbor, IAA inv. no. 1992-5261.



 

 

 


  

 

App. crit.: l.1 »¾ÄÇÌšÉþ Lehmann - Holum, Merkelbach (in the sense of publice), corr. Feissel.

¾ÄÇ̚ɾ Ìţľʼ ŦÄÇÅ ÏÉÍÊšþ ëÅĖ ÄÇÉÎĉ | ÷ ÈÌŦÂÀË ¼ĤÅÇÄţþ ļļÂŢļÅÇÅ ěÉϸÄÇÅ
ÒÅ»ÉľÅ | ÇĎ »ÉŦÄĿ ëƸÅŧÇÍÊÀÅ ëξÄÇÊŧžŠ¹¸ÊÀÂŢÑÅ

The democratic city (i.e. the city and its people) honored with a golden statue No-
mus, who is mindful of good order and a leader of men who hasten to accomplish
the command of emperors.

Comm.: Dactylic hexam-


eters; the division of the
lines corresponds to the
division of the verses. l.1:
»¾ÄŦ̼ÉÇË can be used for
fig. 1260.2 (squeeze)
a government by the peo-
ple and for the people; ÄÇÉÎŢ is not the usual expression for a statue, and a golden
statue is still more unusual, since every statue of precious metal (even bronze) had
to be approved by the emperor (CJ 1,23,1); on golden statues see Cameron 214ff.,
who notes that they became very rare in the East; he can cite only one example of
a golden statue, Anth. Pl. 73, for the holder of the three prefectures and a consulate
(PLRE Aurelianus 3), but cf. e.g. the statue for Flavius Ulpius Erythrius from the
Thebais (PLRE I Erythrius, Bernand 489ff. no. 123): ĝ ÁÂÍÌġË ĝ ÏÉŧʼÀÇË <Éŧ¿É[ÀÇË]
ĝ ÈÉŦÄÇË ÇīÌÇË ëÅ ÏÉÍÊšþ ÊÌ[ŢÂþ] ÈÇÍÂŧ ÌÀ ȸÄθÅŦÑÅ. ÌÇı[ÌÇ] ºÛÉ ëÁ ¹¸ÊÀÂýÇË ìϼÀ
ºšÉ¸Ë ÓÆÀÇ[Å] ìɺÑÅ; for the expression cf. Roueché, Aphrodisias 73ff. no. 41: ÏÉÍÊţ¾Å
… ÄÇÉÎüÅ ÊýË ÒɼÌýË; it is clear that Nomus was very important. Merkelbach 298
identified him with Flavius Nomus, PLRE II Nomus 1, consul 445, magister officio-
rum 443-446 (this has to be the date of the statue, then, see on l.3); on Nomus’ high
rank, see Clauss 115; l.2: ěÉϸÄÇË ÒÅ»ÉľÅ, Ilias 2,837 etc.; Bernand 75 no. 10 for a Ptol-
emaic officer ěÉϸÄÇË ÒÅ»ÉľÅ; e.g., for a governor of Palaestina Merkelbach - Stauber
IV 166f. no. 18/18/01 (Kolybrassos): ÒŠ ļ ÈÉľÌÇŠ컼ÁÌÇ »ÀÁ¸ÊÈÇÂţþÊÀ ÄšÂÇÅ̸
ÓÊÌÍ ¸Â¸ÀÊÌţÅ¾Ë ěÉϸÄÇË ÒÄÎÀšÈÑÅ; for the governor cf. Robert, Hellenica IV 44,
whose main task is the administration of justice (Robert 86, 97f. on ¼ĤÅÇÄţ¾; 107f. on
the justice of the governor in late epigrams); of course, the word ¼ĤÅÇÄţ¸ is used to
remind the reader of the honorand’s name, too; l.3: »ÉŦÄÇË = cursus (publicus); the
cursus publicus belonged to the duties of the magister officiorum (Clauss 45f.), and
Nomus seems to have been a very competent manager of the cursus – and this must
have resulted in some advantage to Caesarea, which – as seat of the governor – must
have harbored a station of the cursus. ¹¸ÊÀ¼ŧË is the emperor; the use of the plural is
198 II. Caesarea

not necessarily an indication of a joint reign in the East. – The emperors wrote in the
year 444 to Nomus about the expenses of honorary statues (CJ 1,24,4): nequaquam
ex discriptione sumptus colligi patimur, sed eius, cuius ad honorem petitur, expen-
sis propriis statuam collocari praecipimus. Merkelbach - Stauber 317 comment: “Der
Hergang war also dieser: Die Stadt Caesarea (und vermutlich viele andere) hat auf
eigene Kosten die Statue des Nomus aufgestellt. Seine Gegner am Hof haben Anzeige
erstattet, dass Nomus sich kaiserliche Ehren anmasste. Der Kaiser versuchte, beide
Teile zufriedenzustellen, und hat die Ehrenstatue des Nomus hingenommen, aber
verlangt, dass er die Kosten erstatte an diejenigen, die sie aufgebracht hatten.”

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 25 pl. XXVI (ed. pr.). – R. Merkelbach, ZPE 136, 2001, 298; BE
2002, 472; AE 2000, 1511; Merkelbach - Stauber, Steinepigramme IV 316f. no. 21/03/02; Feissel,
Chroniques 224 no. 717. – Cf. E. Bernand, Inscriptions métriques de l’Égypte gréco-romaine,
1969; A. Cameron, Porphyrius the Charioteer, 1973; M. Clauss, Der magister officiorum in der
Spätantike, 1980; C. Lehmann, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 386.

Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXVI no. 25.

WA

1261. Construction of a tower under the proconsul Alexander, ca. 500 AD

Worn block of kurkar with the edges slightly damaged and the sides beveled in-
ward; cf. findspot. Stigma as abbreviation mark in l.3.
Meas.: h 38, w 78, d 14-16 cm; letters 4.8-7 cm.
Findspot: Found northeast of the hippodrome, near a conjectured eastern gate in
the Late Antique city wall (cf. Humphrey). Lifshitz 1961, 124 (cf. id., 1977, 513)
remarks: “Il ne faut cependant pas supposer que l’inscription a été trouvée loin de
l’emplacement dans lequel l’édifice était situé, la pierre étant identique aux pierres
de l’enceinte que l’on peut voir à Césarée.”
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7401. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

(cross)     



 
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(cross)

App. crit.: l.4 뺚żÌÇ Schwabe, Lifshitz; l.2


ÑÅÊ̸ (ÅÌţÅÇÍ) Schwabe, corr. Lifshitz.
fig. 1261

ëÈĖ  (¸ÇÍţÇÍ) ÉÇÁÇÈţÇÍ ÑÅÊ̸ (ÅÌţÇÍ) | ¼ÍŢÉÇÍ ¼ƊŻÉÇÍ ÌÇı ȼÉÀ¹Â (šÈÌÇÍ)
| ÁŦÄ (¾ÌÇË) ÒÈġ ÷º¼ÄŦÅ (ÑÅ) Á¸Ė ĨȸÌÀÁÇı | ĝ ¹ÇıɺÇË ëÁ ¿¼Ä¼ÂţÑÅ ëºšÅ¼Ì (Ç)
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 199

Under Flavius Procopius Constantius Severus Alexander, count with the rank of
spectabilis, former praesidial governor and consular, the tower was constructed
from its foundations.

Comm.: l.1ff.: The governor, PLRE 2, Alexander 24, is known also from an inscrip-
tion from Beth She‫ގ‬an, dated to 499/500 (Mazor; Di Segni) – vindicating Martindale’s
suggestion that he must have served before 536. His former governorships (ex prae-
sidibus, ÒÈġ ÷º¼ÄŦÅÑÅ) are not known; at the time of the inscription, he is described
as ȼÉţ¹Â¼ÈÌÇË ÁŦÄ¾Ë Á¸Ė ĨȸÌÀÁŦË (this is a clear instance of a provincial governor
holding the title È. by virtue of another office, cf. Martindale); at this time, the gov-
ernor of Palaestina Prima was a consularis, hence a clarissimus (cf. Holum 1986). To
avoid the problem of a consularis spectabilis, Schwabe understood comes spectabilis,
deriving this title from an earlier, more important office. As this is quite unlikely,
Alexander must have gotten his title by a special grant of the emperor, a codicil (it is
not likely that he simply usurped the title). Sometimes a dating with ëÈţ is taken as
proof of the governor’s implication in the construction in question. The two stigmas
represent a very early instance of this particular abbreviation mark, which is found
more often in the later part of the 6 c. (Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 37); otherwise, three
different marks are used. l.4: ÈŧɺÇË > ¹ÇıɺÇË, watchtower (this is the only instance
of the word cited by LSJ Suppl. s. v.); it is a kind of Latinism, since burgi, fortifications
on the limites of the empire, are mentioned quite often in Latin texts, the earliest
instance being AE 1927, 49 from 154/5: (Antoninus Pius) … burgos et praesidia ob
tutelam provin(ciae) Thraciae fecit curante … leg(ato) Aug(usti); cf. ILS 305: bu[rgis] a
solo extructis; 773: fabricatus est burgus ex fundamento; 775: hunc burgum, cui nomen
commercium, qua causa et factus est, a fundamentis et construxit. Is this Latinism still
typical for Caesarea? For the building from its foundations, cf. e.g. Welles 467ff. no.
274 (AD 441/2): ĝ ÈŧɺÇË ÒżżŪ¿¾ ëÁ ¿¼Ä¼ÂţÑÅ; PAES III A 1610 (vicinity of Apameia,
AD 526): ëÁÌŢÊ¿¾ ĝ ÈŧɺÇË ÇīÌÇË. Lehmann 1995, 124f. and Holum 1988, 179 believe
this ¹ÇıɺÇË to have been part of the eastern gate tower of the city wall, and Lehmann
uses the date furnished by the inscription to date the wall itself. None of the parallels
for the use of ÈŧɺÇË or ¹ÇıɺÇË supports this: it is always a free-standing construc-
tion (cf. Isaac, Limits 181).

Bibl.: M. Schwabe, Tarbiz 20, 1950, 273-83 (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – J. Applebaum, BIES 18, 1954, 202-8
(Hebr.); B. Lifshitz, RB 68, 1961, 123-6 no. 16 pl. 1d; BE 1962, 315; A. Festugière, RB 70, 1963, 89;
B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 512ff. pl. 3 fig. 5; J. Martindale, GRBS 20, 1979, 175 n. 7; K. Holum,
ZPE 63, 1986, 232f. n. 11; K. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 179; M. Lehmann, in: W.
Dever et al. eds., The Combined Caesarea Expeditions and Tell Dothan, 1995, 124f.; Lehmann
- Holum no. 57 pl. XLIII; BE 2002, 469. – Cf. C. Welles, in: C. Kraeling ed., Gerasa, 1938, 355ff.;
J. Humphrey, BASOR 213, 1974, 4 fig. 1; G. Mazor, ESI 6, 1988, 16; L. Di Segni, in: XI Congresso
Internazionale di Epigrafia Greca e Latina, 1999, 634f.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XLIII no. 57.

WA
200 II. Caesarea

1262. A renovation under the governor Flavius Euelpidius, mid 5-early 6 c. AD

Large pier of gray marble with an engaged half-column. A Corinthian capital was
found with the pier; it fits the column perfectly, as can be seen in the museum,
where it rests again on the top of the column. The inscription is on the side to the
right of the half-column. The pier is slightly damaged around the necking and on
the lower rear corner of the side opposite the inscription. On the same side a hole
has been drilled into the stone.
Meas.: h 230 cm; width of the column: 53x54 cm at the top, 60x63 cm at the bottom;
radius of the half-column: 26 cm at the top, 30 cm at the bottom; inscribed area: h 125, w
58 cm; letters l.1: 6.5-7.5 cm (phi 9 cm); l.2: 6.5-8 cm (phi 10 cm); l.3: 5.5-7.5 cm; l.4: 5.5-7
cm; l.5: 6-7.6 cm; l.6: 5.9-7.2 cm; l.7: 5.5-6.5 cm; l.8: 6-7.2 cm; l.9: 6-6.7 cm; l.10: 5.2-6.4 cm;
l.11: 4.5-6.5 (phi 8.5 cm); l.12: 5-7.5 cm; l.13: 5.5-7.8 cm; l.14: 5.5-7.5 cm; l.15: 5.5-7.9 cm.
Findspot: The stone was first seen by Germer-Durand; he and following visitors of
the site saw it in a hole 1.5 m deep, 70 m east of the eastern gate of the crusader city,
north of the road, therefore also several meters north of the Byzantine Esplanade.
Thiersch evidently saw the same inscription in 1914, but in a very different location:
it was said that it had been found and reburied during constructions at the Greek Or-
thodox Monastery, which was about 800 m east of the Byzantine Esplanade. The his-
tory of the stone between 1895 and 1914 serves as a warning against the assumption
that it belonged originally to a place near the esplanade, i.e. that the Hadrianeum was
in the vicinity of the eastern gate of the old city (no. 1241 was found ca. 300 m SSE of
the SE corner of the old city; although this text is much older, the monument is quite
similar; both columns might have been re-used as spolia in the same building, but
even in this case no. 1241 cannot be used to confirm that the original building was
somewhere in the vicinity of the findspot of the column under discussion).
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1937-279/1. Autopsy: 10 March 2010.

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D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 201

App. crit.: Germer-Durand


and other early editors did
not report l.1, which gave rise
to the idea that it is a modern
addition; as Lehmann - Holum
put it: “The letters in l.1 are
irregular and poorly cut with
a point; this line seems to have
been added between 1896 and
1913.” But the editors probably
omitted the line, because the
mason’s fault was evident (Eck
suggests that the upper line
might have been filled with
gypsum so that it was invisible
in antiquity); l.5 DÂţÇÍ edd.,
HÂţÇÍ Haensch.

{ëÈĖ  (¸ÇÍţÇÍ)} | ëÈĖ


 (¸ÇÍţÇÍ) | Ĥ¼ÂÈÀ»ţÇÍ ÌÇı
| ļº¸ÂÇÈÉ (¼È¼ÊÌŠÌÇÍ) |
ÁŦÄ (¾ÌÇË) Á¸Ė HÂţÇÍ,|
¸ÄÈÉÇ (ÌŠÌÇÍ) ȸÌÉġË | ÌýË
ÈŦ¼ÑË | Á¸Ė ÷ ¹¸ÊÀÂÀÁü |
ļÌÛ Á¸Ė ÌýË | ȸÁŪʼÑË |
Á¸Ė ÌýË Ð¾ÎŪʼÑË | Á¸Ė ÌľÅ
¹¸¿ÄľÅ | ÌÇı "»ÉÀ¸ÅţÇÍ |
ºšºÇŸŠëÅ ĊÅ» (ÀÁÌÀľÅÀ) ¸Џ.|
¼ĤÌÍÏľË

Under Flavius Euelpidius,


the most magnificent count,
and Helius, the most re-
splendent father of the city,
the basilica along with the
marble revetment and the
mosaic pavement and the
steps of the Hadrianeum
fig. 1262
were constructed in the first
indiction, with good fortune.

Comm.: Lehmann - Holum thought that this column was used as a structural sup-
port for the basilica of l.8; Helios’ function as ȸÌûÉ puts the inscription later than
the middle of the 5 c.
l.1f.: see app. crit.; l.2f.: PLRE 2 Euelpidius; he is otherwise unknown; since Euel-
pidius is not clearly designated as governor of the province, Martindale (PLRE) sug-
202 II. Caesarea

gested that he “seems to have had the rank of comes but to have held no actual office;
he was presumably a rich local citizen.” But the facts that he is a Flavius, that he
precedes the ȸÌüÉ ÌýË ÈŦ¼ÑË in the dating, that he seems to be authorizing the
expenditure (Di Segni 317ff.), that he is a comes magnificentissimus all point to the
conclusion that Euelpidius was the governor; on the title see Koch 45ff., 53; Feissel,
in: Dagron - Feissel 165: “Le titre de ļº¸ÂÇÈɼȚÊ̸ÌÇË ÁŦÄ¾Ë est associé, dès la fin
du Ve s. et surtout au VIe s., à toutes sortes de fonctions civiles ou militaires (praeses,
duc, père de ville …)”; on comites in general, Jones, LRE 104ff.; since Euelpidius is not
termed proconsul, the inscription is likely to date before 536; l.5: Helios was used in
pagan times as a personal name, too, and the nearness to the personal name Elias
might have helped; ¸ÄÈÉŦ̸ÌÇË, clarissimus, designates the third class of officials
(ëÅ»ÇÆŦ̸ÌÇÀ, ȼÉţ¹Â¼ÈÌÇÀ, ¸ÄÈÉŦ̸ÌÇÀ) and usually implies the holding of an office,
but there are cases of honorary titles given by codicil – and during the 6 and 7 c., the
title applied even to lower and municipal magistracies (cf. Koch 19ff.; Laniado 2002,
69f.); under Iustinian, at least, these offices and the title did not confer immunitas.
The ȸÌüÉ ÌýË ÈŦ¼ÑË (pater civitatis) had to look after the finances of the city and
that entailed looking after buildings, old and new. What Helios did here in his official
function is therefore part of his responsibilities, and one may presume that part of
the expenditure was borne by ÌÛ ÈÇÂÀÌÀÁŠ (cf. no. 1263 l.4). On the title, see Robert,
Hellenica IV 130ff., Roueché, and on his responsibilities Feissel, in: Dagron - Feissel
215ff. A glimpse of his duties can be grasped in the funeral oration edited by Sid-
eras 27ff. (Choirikios of Gaza?), of which Feissel 262 cites p. 27, 10ff. (the City talks
about the pater): ÌţË ÄÇÀ ÂÇÍÌÉÛ ÁÇÊÄŢʼÀ; ÌţË »ò ÊÌÇÛË ëº¼É¼ė Á¸Ė ¿š¸Ìɸ; ÌţŸ ÈÉÇʼţÈÑ
ȸ̚ɸ ÌÇėË ìɺÇÀË ÌüÅ ÈÉÇʾºÇÉţ¸Å ÎÍŠÌÌÇÅ̸; (see Laniado 2005, 231ff. in general
on this passage); Choirikios concentrates on the role of the pater in building, his pow-
ers as ÒÊÌÍÅŦÄÇË are often overlooked, but there are literary instances for this: Feissel
218; Laniado 2005, 232 (Scholia Demosthenica II 353 § 223; 224 Dilts; Fögen 164 §
93). The title is first attested in 450, CPR XXIII 32, 192ff. On building by the ȸÌûÉ in
Palestine, see no. 1263; SEG 26, 1667 (Sepphoris).
l.10: ÈŠÁÑÊÀË: no. 1373, l.3f., l.11: ÐŢÎÑÊÀË, see Robert, Op. Min. V 48f. with n.
9: “On semble admettre que ÐŢÎÑÊÀË s’applique à un pavement de mosaique plus ou
moins grossier. Le mot n’exclut pas, d’après certains exemples, les mosaiques figurées.
Il semble toujours s’appliquer à des pavements, et non à des revêtements muraux”; and
more generally 188f. with the following closing remark: “On voit combien ce mot est
habituel, dans les pays de Syrie et de Palestine, qui nous livrent tant de mosaiques.
Son usage semble s’étaler et se restreindre du IVe au VIe siècle.” l.12f.: ÌÛ ¹Š¿Ä¸ ÌÇı
"»ÉÀ¸ÅţÇÍ: ¹Š¿Ä¸ is a not unusual architectural term, Robert, Op. Min. II 910 with
n. 1; l.13: BE 1939, 475; Chabot and Leclercq thought the Hadrianeum to be a shrine
for St. Hadrian, one of Caesarea’s martyrs (Eus. MP 11, 29), but without any definite
proof and without analogies for this kind of word applied to Christian saints (is there
an Eusebeion or Pamphileion or Johanneion vel sim.?), it is far more secure to be-
lieve that Hadrianeion refers to a former temple or precinct dedicated to the emperor
Hadrian, which retained its name in Christian times. – Some scholars have identified
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 203

the porphyry-statue of an emperor that can still be seen in the immediate vicinity of
no. 1263 as a statue of Hadrian, perhaps even the former cult-statue (Avi-Yonah).

Bibl.: J. Germer-Durand, RB 4, 1895, 75f. (ed. pr.). – E. Le Blant, CRAI 1895, 12f.; RB 4, 1895, 240f.;
J.-B. Chabot, BZ 5, 1896, 160ff.; F. Ellis - A. Murray, PEQ 28, 1896, 87f.; J. Thiersch, ZDPV 37, 1914,
62; W. Moulton, AASOR 1919/20, 86-90 pl. 1; O. Knight, PEQ 52, 1920, 79ff.; H. Leclercq, DACL
6, 1925, 1962f.; Z. Vilnay, PEQ 60, 1928, 46; Ringel, Césarée 44f.; Levine, Caesarea 21f.; K. Holum
et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 179 fig. 131; L. Di Segni, in: Humphrey, Near East 312ff.; Leh-
mann - Holum no. 58, pls. XLIVf.; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 542; R. Haensch, SCI 21, 2002, 325; Y.
Turnheim - A. Ovadiah, Art in the Public and Private Spheres in Roman Caesarea, 2002, 17; Sivan,
Palestine 309f. – Cf. P. Koch, Die byzantinischen Beamtentitel, 1903; M. Avi-Yonah, IEJ 20, 1970,
207f.; Ch. Roueché, GRBS 20, 1979, 173ff.; G. Dagron - D. Feissel, Inscriptions de Cilicie, 1987;
M. Fögen, in: L. Burgmann ed., Lexica iuridica byzantina, 1990; A. Sideras, 25 unedierte byz-
antinische Grabreden, 1990; A. Laniado, Recherches sur les notables municipaux dans l’empire
protobyzantin, 2002; id., in: C. Saliou ed., Gaza dans l’antiquité tardive, 2005, 221ff.
Photo: WE.
WA

1263. Flavius Strategius builds for the city, 6 or 7 c. AD

Tesselated pavement across the whole width of the Byzantine Esplanade; in the
pavement is a tabula ansata with inscription. All abbreviations are marked, and the
last line is centred with an ornament filling the indentation at the left and at the
right side.
Meas.: h 1.24-1.30 (from east to west), w 4.35 m (without ansae); eastern ansa: h 66,
w 35 cm; western ansa: h 64, w 45 cm; letters 12-20 cm.
Findspot: Byzantine Esplanade.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

fig. 1263

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204 II. Caesarea

ëÈĖ  (¸ÇÍţÇÍ) <ÅÌÇÂţÇÍ ÌÇı ëÅ»ÇÆÑÌ (ŠÌÇÍ) | ÊÌɸ̾ (ŠÌÇÍ) Á¸Ė ÒÅ¿ÍÈŠÌÇÍ |
 (ŠÇÍÀÇË) ÌɸÌŢºÀÇË, ȼÉţ¹Â (¼ÈÌÇË), ȸÌüÉ | Á¸Ė ÈÉÑ̼ (ŧÑÅ) ÌüÅ ÖÐė»¸ ÊİÅ
ÌŊ ÌÇţÏĿ | Á¸Ė Ìĉ ÒŸ¹Š¿Éß ÒÈġ ÈÇÂÀÌÀÁľÅ, | ĊÅ» (ÀÁÌÀľÅÇË) »¼ÁŠÌ¾Ë. ¼ĤÌÍÏľË

Under Flavius Entolius, the most glorious general and governor, Flavius Strate-
gius, the most admired, father and first man (of the city, built) the arch together
with the wall and the staircase from public funds, in the tenth indiction. With
good fortune.

Comm.: l.1: PLRE III A, Flavius Entolius, is otherwise unknown. The title
ëÅ»ÇÆŦ̸ÌÇË (gloriosissimus) designates the governor of the province in the rank
of proconsul; the governor of Palestine received this rank in 536 (Just. Nov. 103;
cf. in general Koch 72f.); l.2: ÊÌɸ̾Š̾Ë, dux, is interpreted by PLRE III as
magister utriusque militiae, but is taken as an honorary title, since a united mili-
tary and civil command would have been exceptional. Lehmann 386f. accepts
the argument of Di Segni 312ff. that Fl. Entolius must have authorized the ex-
penditure for this construction; l.3: Flavius Strategius, PLRE III B Strategius
4, is otherwise unknown; he is evidently a member of the city’s elite, and his
splendid title ȼÉţ¹Â¼ÈÌÇË (Latin spectabilis) was formerly the title of the gover-
nor of Palestine (cf. Koch 22ff. on ȼÉţ¹Â¼ÈÌÇË). On ȸÌüÉ ÌýË ÈŦ¼ÑË and his
building activities, see no. 1262; on building by a ÈÉľÌÇË, SEG 56, 1921 (Gerasa):
[»ÀÛ ÊÈÇÍ»]‫מ‬ýË ÁÍÂţÅÇÍ Â¸ÄÈÉÇÌŠÌÇÍ ÈÉŪ [ÌÇÍ ÌýË ÈŦ¼ÑË] (ÈÉÑ [̼ŧÌÇÅÌÇË] or
an abbreviated form?); Meimaris, Chron. Systems 85 no. 19 (Scythopolis), but
Laniado 2002, 212 assumes that Strategius’ building derives from his role as
ȸÌûÉ, not as ÈÉÑ̼ŧÑÅ. l.4: on ÈÉÑ̼ŧÇÅÌ¼Ë see Laniado 2002, 206ff.; 207f. on
their – sometimes high – titles; the institution became at some time collegial (cf.
Konst. Porphyr., De administrando imperio 42,44: ÈÉÑ̼ŧÇÍÊÀ ̼ Á¸Ė ÓÉÏÇÍÊÀ;
Laniado 2002, 209 n. 84), but it looks as if this text thinks of the ÈÉÑ̼ŧÑÅ as
a single office, equivalent to the single office of the ȸÌûÉ, hence perhaps as
primus principalis, president of the curia. l.5: ÌÛ ÈÇÂÀÌÀÁŠ are evidently the city
funds; cf. for the contrary concept Meimaris, Sacred Names 86 no. 18 (Scy tho-
polis, 534/5 A.D.): ÈÇÂÀÌÀÁ [ľÅ] ÏɾĊÌÑÅ Äü ȸɸЊļÅÇË. If one accepts 536 as
terminus post quem, the tenth indiction points to either 546, or 561, 576, 591,
606 – political circumstances making 621 and 636 less likely (Meimaris, Chron.
Systems 393f.). As Sivan points out, this is the latest recorded building enterprise
in Caesarea. – Lehmann - Holum 84 try tentatively to identify the buildings
named in the inscription: “The eastern limiting wall of the forecourt appears to
have predated the phase of the inscription … The western limiting wall is there-
fore a good candidate for the ÌÇėÏÇË of the inscription. We have no doubt that the
ÒŸ¹Š¿É¸ is the staircase before which the inscription was set. … we note that in
the sixth century the word (ÖÐėË) regularly meant ‘arch’. We therefore propose
that the antae and two columns through which one passed to enter the propy-
laea carried an arcuated lintel” (for the last hypothesis they refer to Procop. aed.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 205

5,6,24 on the Nea in Jerusalem: ÈÉÇÈŧ¸À¸ Ìġ ëÅ¿šÅ»¼ ¿¸ÍÄŠÊÀ¸, Çđ¸, Á¸ţ ÌÀË ëÈĖ
ÁÀŦÅÑÅ »ÍÇėÅ ëȸÀÉÇĚž ÖÐĖË ëË Ìġ ÓθÌÇÅ ĩÐÇË).

Bibl.: S. Yeivin, Archaeology 8, 1955, 126f. fig. 12 (ed. pr.). – IEJ 2, 1952, 143; M. Schwabe - M.
Avi-Yonah, Actes du deuxième congrès international d’épigraphie grecque et latine, 1953, 178;
B. Lifshitz, RB 68, 1961, 121f. no. 15; BE 1962, 315; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 507f.; Ovadiah,
MPI 47f. no. 60; L. Di Segni, in: Humphrey, Near East 313ff.; C. Lehmann, in: Raban - Holum,
Caesarea 1996, 386f.; Lehmann - Holum no. 59 pl. XLVI; Feissel, Chroniques 261f. no. 831; Siv-
an, Palestine 310. – Cf. P. Koch, Die byzantinischen Beamtentitel, 1903; A. Laniado, Recherches
sur les notables municipaux dans l’empire protobyzantin, 2002.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XLVI no. 59.
WA

1264. Honorary poem for Eusebius by Alypius, 4-7 c. AD

Part of a column of gray granite, broken at the bottom and a large part of one side
broken off; at the top a necking molding. On the top toward the inscribed side are
five holes; two with a diameter of 5-6 cm, 3.5-4.5 cm deep; two further holes 2.4x4
cm, 1.7-2.5 cm deep; the fifth hole is almost completely broken away; the holes were
needed to secure a statue of Eusebius on the column. The surface is very worn and
today the inscription is almost illegible.
Meas.: h 238, ൺ 67-75 (top) cm; inscribed area 75x80 cm; letters 4.5-6 cm.
Findspot: In 1974 it was in field B south of the Byzantine Esplanade.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 10 March 2010.

[--]‫[מ‬--]
[--]+
 [--]‫[ מ‬--]
 
[--]‫[  מ‬--]
  [--]‫[   מ‬--]
[--]‫[ מ‬--]‫[    מ‬--]
[.]‫[מ‬--]‫ מ‬
[..]‫[ מ‬..]‫[
מ‬..]
   

[.]
 [--]‫[ מ‬--]

 
[.]

App. crit.: The stone has deteriorated considerably


between Germer-Durand and Lehmann - Holum, and
even in the few years since Lehmann - Holum’s inspec- fig. 1264.1
tion, its legibility was reduced again. The diplomatic
transcript and text follow mainly Lehmann - Holum’s. Germer-Durand read and wrote: ¼ĥ»¼ [À
ĩ]‫מ‬È ÅÇÅ [--]‫¾מ‬Ë ÌŧÈÇË ì [Å¿¸.] | ÓÉЏ ëȸţÅ [¼]‫מ‬ʸ Ď¼ÉġÅ [ÈŠÅÌ]‫מ‬ÀÄÇÅ Ĥʼ¹ţ [ÇÅ.] | Á¼ţŸŠÒÈŦ [Å]‫מ‬ÇË [ÌЏ]
¼ĊÁŦÅЏ ìϼÀ ºšÉ¸Ë ëÁ ºÉ [--]. | ÌÇıÌÇ Á¸ÌЏ ëÂÈÇÄšÅÑÅ ¼čϼŠĚμÀÂŦÄ [¼ÅÇÅ.] | ìɺÑÅ »Џ ÓÅ [¿Џ] ĝÊţÑÅ
206 II. Caesarea

Á¸Ė »¸ÐÇÄšÅÇÀÊÀÅ [--]| ÇĤ ÁÉÀÌġÅ ĞÊ [Ê]‫מ‬ÇË ì¾Å Çĥ»¼ ÈÉÇÌÀÄŦ̼ÉÇÅ. | ÇĩÌÑ ¼ĊË ¿¼ġÅ ìÊϼŠĞÂÇÅ ÅŦÇÅ,
¼Ĥʼ¹¼ [ţß Ì¼] | ÄÜÂÂÇÅ ĊÊÇθŚ¼ÀÅ ô¿¼Â¼Å õ »ÍŊļ [À.] | ÂÀÊÊÇÄšÅĿ »Џ ëȚżÍʼŠÂÍÈţĿ ìÅ¿ [¸
̸ÎýŸÀ] | ÒÅÌЏ ¼Ĥ¼Éº¼Êţ¾Ë ÈÇŠÁÀË úË ìÌ [Íϼ]. Some remarks from Lehmann - Holum p. 58
may be quoted: “The third letter in l.1 is alpha, delta, or lambda, the fourth epsilon or sigma.
Numerous subsequent traces are inconsistent with Germer-Durand’s readings. … In l.3 the
first word is clearly based on the poetic root ÁÇÀɸÅ-” etc. (ÁÇÀɸÅţ¾Ë? Merkelbach - Stauber); l.5
Germer-Durand’s “reading ĝÊţÑÅ is consistent with the traces, but one cannot be confident that
it is correct, for ĝÊţÇÀË is also consistent with the traces and may work better with the gram-
mar”; l.6 “Germer-Durand’s ĞÊ [Ê]‫מ‬ÇË is consistent with the traces”; l.9: Lehmann - Holum think
about something along the lines of ëÅ¿ [šÊ¿¸À ÌÀÄýË], even though this particular supplement is
impossible.

 [--]‫מ‬Ë ÌŧÈÇË [--|--]+¾Ê¸ Ď¼ÉÇ [--]‫מ‬ÄÇÅ ĤÊš¹À [ÇÅ], | ÁÇÀɸÅţ¾ [--] ìϼÀ ºšÉ¸Ë ëÁ
ÌľÅ [--] | ÌÇıÌÇ Á¸Ė ë¹ [--]‫מ‬Å ¼čϼŠĚμÀÂŦÄ [¼ÅÇÅ]. | ìɺÑÅ »Џ ÒÅ [--] ĝÊÀ [--] Á¸Ė
»¸ÐÇÄšÅÇÀÊÀÅ [--] | ÇĤ ÏÉÍÊġÅ  [.]‫[ מ‬--] ÈÉÇÌÀÄŦ̼ÉÇÅ. | ÇĩÌÑ [ëË] ¿¼ġÅ ìÊϼÅ
[ĞÂ]‫מ‬ÇÅ ÅŦÇÅ, ¼Ĥʼ¹ţþ [̼] | ÄÜÂÂÇÅ ÁÇÀɸŚ¼ÀÅ ô¿¼Â¼Å õ »ÍÅŠÄ [À]. | ÂÀÊÊÇÄšÅĿ »Џ
ëȚż [Íʼ]‫מ‬Å ÂÍÈţĿ ëÅ [--] | ÒÅÌЏ ¼Ĥ¼Éº¼Êţ¾Ë ÈÇŠÁÀË úË ìÌÍÏ [¼]

… statue … sacred … Eusebius, rule … he had a statue because of the … This also
… he had as his due. And of the works … and to those that will consume … not gold
… more honored. Thus he kept his whole mind on God, and he wished to rule more
by piety than by force. And he permitted Alypius, at the latter’s request, (to honor
him) in return for the kindness that he frequently obtained.

Comm.: Epigram in elegi-


ac distychs (each verse has
its own line) for a Roman
official or governor of the
type studied by Robert;
the dedicator here is a
private person, not some-
body acting on behalf of
the city, although he uses fig. 1264.2 (squeeze)
the well-known topoi of
official texts. Eusebius and Alypius are not known from other sources. Alypius,
the dedicant, is a private citizen; but although the city is officially not involved,
the idea of ìɺ¸ and of a golden statue seem to show that Eusebius’ merits did not
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 207

affect Alypius alone. – l.1: Ĥ [ʼ¹ţÇÍ] would fit the meter and would correspond
with the name at the end of the distych; ÌŧÈÇË = statue; l.2: [--]‫מ‬ÄÇÅ, the end of a
laudatory epithet; l.3: cf. the famous ¼đË ÁÇţɸÅÇË ìÊÌÑ – and not only an emperor,
but also a governor could be a ÁÇţɸÅÇË – as is shown by l.8, where the verb is used
and cannot refer to anybody but Eusebius. There are two ways to understand ºšÉ¸Ë
since the sense of “privilege” is excluded here: the honorific statue (cf. Cameron
92; Feissel 1984 for this sense of ºšÉ¸Ë, and the famous example Bernand 489ff.
no. 123: ÌÇı [ÌÇ] ºÛÉ ëÁ ¹¸ÊÀÂýÇË ìϼÀ ºšÉ¸Ë ÓÆÀÇ [Å] ìɺÑÅ [on the golden statue of
Erythrius]); another interpretation would take ºšÉ¸Ë as the office of Eusebius that
he got from somebody else (ëÁ ÌľÅ [--]; cf. e.g. IG 12, 6, 584, 8ff. [Samos]: ŠÏÇÅ
ºšÉ¸Ë ëÁ ¹¸ÊÀÂýÇË ÅŢÊÑÅ … ÷ºėÊ¿¸À); l.5: ìɺ¸ most likely designates some kind of
building or renovation (but ìɺ¸ »ÀÁ¸ÀÇÊŧÅ¾Ë and similar expressions exist, too;
here: ĝÊţ [ÑÅ??]) – at least, here is one of the reasons to honor Eusebius; l.6: it was a
common topos of these epigrams that only a golden statue would be an adequate
honor, and an “apology for base metals” is a standard motif (Cameron 222); cf.
no. 1260; l.7: a play with the name Eusebius. That Eusebius prefers piety to force
is no sign of his having been a bishop, but is meant as a compliment, cf. Robert,
Hellenica IV 137: “Il y aurait à faire l’histoire de l’emploi, spécialement aux rudes
temps du Bas-Empire, des termes ôÈÀÇË, øļÉÇË, etc.”; l.9: Alypius’ name is derived
from a signum, as was so often the case in Late Antiquity; l.10: on the – not very
clear – expression cf. among similar epigrams Sardis VII,1, no. 83: ļºŠÂÑÅ Òº¸¿ľÅ
ÏŠÉÀÅ; Gortyn (Robert 91): ÒÅ¿Џ Òº¸¿ľÅ ĻÅ ÈŦɼŠÒÉÏÇÄšÅÇÀË; Roueché, Aphrodisias
46f. no. 24: ÈÇÂÂľÅ ÒÅÌЏ Òº¸¿ľÅ ÊÌýʼŠÒÄÇÀ¹ŦļÅÇË; 61 no. 36: ÒÅÌЏ ¼Ĥ¼Éº¼ÊÀľÅ ..
»ţ»ÇÍʸ ºšÉ¸. But perhaps the beginning of the epigram had made the merits of
Eusebius clear (cf. on l.5).

Bibl.: J. Germer-Durand, EO 7, 1904, 260f. (ed. pr.). – Lehmann - Holum no. 26 pls. XXVIf.;
Merkelbach - Stauber, Steinepigramme IV 317 no. 21/03/03; BE 2002, 469. - Cf. E. Bernand, In-
scriptions métriques de l’Égypte gréco-romaine, 1969; A. Cameron, Porphyrius the Charioteer,
1973; D. Feissel, BCH 108, 1984, 547f.

Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXVI no. 26.

WA

1265. An acclamation for a comes as builder in the theater

Mosaic with border in black tesserae; the ornamental leaves above the inscription
are done in blue and white tesserae.
Meas.: ൺ 133 cm; letters 14 cm.
Findspot: In the northernmost access way to the theater, on the level of the first
maenianum.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 4 October 2009.
208 II. Caesarea

fig. 1265

   


 

ÀÂÇÁÌţÊ̸ | ÁŦÄ¾Ë | ` .

Lover of building! Comes Iulittus!

Comm.: The text does not say, if this comes belongs to the first, second or third comi-
tiva, or how his title was acquired – via codicil or by holding one of the higher offices.
The rank could be given to decurions and had lost much of his importance by the late
4 c.; cf. Jones, LRE II 526, 528; Laniado 69, citing – inter alia – SEG 8, 21 a (Tyros);
IGLS 13,1, 9123 (Bostra); but a comes provinciae, for instance, cannot be excluded.
This comes was a man of substance, as the acclamation proves; on ÎÀÂÇÁÌţÊ̾Ë
see no. 1331; for a similar exclamation in the vocative, cf. Roueché, Aphrodisias no.
83 viii.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 209

The name remains a problem, but is at least, appropriately, in the vocative (for
the female name, cf. e.g. AnIsl 7, 1967, 180 no. 98 [Tell Aqibrin]).
Bibl.: Unpublished. – Cf. A. Laniado, Recherches sur les notables municipaux dans l’empire
protobyzantin, 2002.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WA

1266.-1276. Praetorium of the governor

Herod’s palace in Caesarea, built on the promontory in the south, was taken over
and enlarged by the Roman representatives. St. Paul is said to have been put in
prison there (ëÅ ÈɸÀÌÑÉĕĿ ÌÇı HÉļ»ÇÍ, Acts 23,35). The equestrian prefects, from
AD 6, followed by the senatorial governors after AD 70, used the large complex as
their official residence for more than three hundred years. Sometime, at the begin-
ning of the 4 c. AD, the governor transferred his official residence to the north, to
the former praetorium of the procurator (see introduction to nos. 1282-1343: The
Praetorium of the Procurators and the late antique governors).

fig. 1266
The detailed clarification of the function of different rooms in the praetorium must
await the final report of recent excavations, but it is clear that some rooms were used
by different groups of the governor’s personnel: the officium custodiae (no. 1273),
the frumentarii (no. 1274), the centuriones (no. 1275) and probably the beneficiarii
(no. 1276). But we are in the dark as to the function and purpose of most of the other
rooms, except that they must have been used by the governor and his assistants to
carry out the duties of government. No doubt the governor had his tribunal there
(when not doing his judicial rounds outside Caesarea), since he acted as the highest
judicial functionary in the province. We can be sure that everywhere in the praeto-
rium numerous statues of emperors and governors were on display, but only two col-
umn-bases for such statues have been preserved (see the following nos. 1266-1271).
210 II. Caesarea

Select bibliography: B. Burrell, Palace to Praetorium. The Romanization of Caesarea, in: Raban
- Holum, Caesarea 1996, 228ff.; B. Burrell - K. Gleason - E. Netzer, Uncovering Herod’s Seaside
Palace, BAR 19/3, 1993, 50ff.; Cotton - Eck, Governors; Eck, Rom und Judaea 79ff.; K. Gleason
et al., The promontory palace at Caesarea Maritima: preliminary evidence for Herod’s Praeto-
rium, JRA 11, 1998, 23ff.; K. Gleason, Ruler and Spectacle: The Promontory Palace, ibid. 208ff.;
Lehmann - Holum 12. 15f.; Levine, Caesarea 12ff.; L. Levine - E. Netzer, Excavations at Caesarea
Maritima: 1975. 1976. 1979. Final Report, 1986, 180ff.; E. Netzer, The Promontory Palace, in:
Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 193ff.; J. Patrich, The Praetoria at Caesarea Maritima, in: R.
Aßkamp - T. Esch eds., Imperium - Varus und seine Zeit, 2010, 13ff.
Photo: Courtesy of J. Porath (plan).
WE

1266.-1271. Column-bases with five inscriptions each, two erased

Two column-bases which bear altogether six inscriptions (nos. 1266-1268 and nos.
1269-1271) were found together in 1990, east of the higher part of the promontory
palace in the “destruction debris on a hypocaust floor” (Lehmann - Holum ad no.
12). Each column was used five times but some of the inscriptions were completely
erased (see W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 175ff.). Although the two columns were not
found in situ, but “deposited” in a fill between the lower and upper part of the prae-
torium of the governor (Burrell - Gleason - Netzer), it is very likely that they stood
originally in the praetorium to support statues of governors or emperors.

1266. Varius Seleucus honors the philosopher Flavius


Maximus with a statue, 2 c. AD (?)

Column of gray-blue marble with a double necking ring. Five inscriptions were
written on this column, some of them when the column was standing up, some
when the column was standing upside down. Two of the inscriptions were com-
pletely erased, three have been preserved (nos. 1266-1268). There are three holes
in the pillar, ca. 13-24 cm above the bottom (made when the column was standing
upside down) belong to one of the inscriptions written on the bottom side of the
column, either to no. 1267 or the inscription preceding it, but now lost.
It is not true that the text of this inscription was lightly “chiseled over”, when
nos. 1267 or 1268 were cut (so Lehmann - Holum no. 12); otherwise one would see
at least some traces of the chiseling in the letters, which are intact. If there was an
erasure, it had taken place before this inscription was inscribed, when the basis was
standing with its top down.
Meas.: h 152, ൺ (at the top) 52, (below the necking) 43, (at bottom) 48 cm; letters
5.6-6.7; for a full description see Lehmann - Holum no. 12.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1995-2333. Autopsy: 19 March 1998 and later.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 211

 (hedera)  (hedera)  


  (hedera)
  
 
 (hedera)   



fig. 1266.1 (squeeze)

fig. 1266.3 (nos. 1266 and 1268) fig. 1266.2


212 II. Caesarea

 (ţÌÇÅ)  (ŠÇÍÀÇÅ) ŠÆÀÄÇÅ | ÎÀÂŦÊÇÎÇÅ | ĤŠÉÀÇË šÂ¼ÍÁÇË | ÁÇÍÉŠÌÇÉ ÈÂÇţଢÑଣÅ |


ÁÇ (ÑÅţ¸Ë) ¸Àʸɼţ¸Ë | ÌġÅ ÈÉÇÊ̊̾Å

Varius Seleucus, responsible for the ships of the Colonia Caesarea, (honors) the
philosopher Titus Flavius Maximus, the patron, (with a statue).

Comm.: Both persons mentioned in the text are otherwise unknown. Flavius Max-
imus is called philosopher; but it is not very likely that he is identical with the
homonymous philosopher from Gortyn in Crete who died in Carthage (referred
to in ILS 7783). One of the ancestors of Titus Flavius Maximus may have belonged
to the Graeco-Syrian elite of the Herodian city, and received Roman citizenship
from one of the Flavian emperors when the colony was founded. He may well be a
citizen of Caesarea who was teaching in the city. He was honored with a statue by
Varius Seleucus, a citizen of Caesarea, who was curator of the ships, whatever this
may mean. It can hardly be the equivalent of a modern harbormaster (Burrell 292),
since his office was restricted to the colony’s ships, whereas a harbourmaster would
be responsible for all the ships calling at Caesarea. More likely he was responsible
for the upkeep and maintenance of the colony’s ships. The use of the Latin word
curator could imply an official appointment by the colony, perhaps a civil duty, a
munus; but he could also be connected to a collegium, in charge of the ships (such
a function is attested in Ostia: CIL 14, 363f. 409. 4142 = ILS 6140. 4626). The use of
Greek for honoring a philosopher is hardly surprising, even in a Roman colony like
Caesarea, and by one of its citizens. However, Seleucus’ official language was Latin:
ÁÇÍÉŠÌÇÉ ÈÂÇţÑÅ = curator navium. The reason for reusing a column, used before
for the statue of another person, remains unclear.

Bibl.: B. Burrell - K. Gleason - E. Netzer, BAR 19,3, 1993, 50-7 (phs., drs.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1993,
1622; B. Burrell, ZPE 99, 1993, 291f. pl. 9; SEG 43, 1048; BE 1994, 562, 642; R. Milman Baron,
SCI 13, 1994, 148f. no. 14; McLean I no. 39; K. Gleason, JRA 11, 1998, 48; Lehmann - Holum
no. 12 pl. XV (ph.); W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 536f.; J. Geiger, Cathedra 99, 2001, 35 (ph.); W. Eck,
ZDPV 117, 2001, 55ff.; id., in: Festschrift G. Stemberger 155. – For philosophers or sophists in
imperial times, cf. G. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire, 1969, 34f.; J. Hahn, Der
Philosoph und die Gesellschaft, 1989.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XV no. 12a+b; WA.
WE

1267. The governor Passenianus honors the emperor


Probus (276-282 AD) with a statue

See no. 1266. This inscription was inscribed when the column was standing upside
down, with no. 1266 on the opposite side. Another inscription had to be erased
to make room for it. The holes are connected with one or the other of these two
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 213

inscriptions (see introduction); their function was to attach a statue of one of the
people honored on the column. l.6: YR in ligature.
Meas.: h 152, ൺ (at the top) 52, (below the necking ring) 43, (at the bottom) 48 cm;
inscribed area: h 77, w 55 cm; letters 7.1-9.7 cm.
Pres. loc.: See no. 1266.

[.] ṂP̣ Ṃ [--] ỊỌ


PROBO AṾ G̣ [--]
SVPER OMNES RETRO
PRINC FORTISS
C̣ ḶỌḌ PASSENIANVS
V C PRAES PROV SYR
PAL D N M Q E
App. crit.: l.1 Vict [orioso M. Aur.]
Burrell; l.2 Aug (usto) .. [[--]] Lehmann
- Holum; l.4 fortiss (imo) [imp (era-
tori)] Burrell; fortiss [imo] Lehmann
- Holum; l.5 CDSASSenianus Burrell;
Clod (ius) Chausson.

[I] mp (eratori) M (arco) [Aurel] io


| Probo Aug (usto) [invicto? ac] |
super omnes retro | princ (ipes)
fortiss (imo) | Clod (ius)? Pas-
senianus | v (ir) c (larissimus) fig. 1267
praes (es) prov (inciae) Syr (iae) |
Pal (aestinae) d (evotus) n (umini) m (aiestati) q (ue) e (ius)

For Imperator Marcus Aurelius Probus, invincible and braver than all emperors
who came before him, Clodius Passenianus, with the rank of vir clarissimus, gover-
nor of the province Syria Palaestina, devoted to his might and majesty (erected this
statue).

Comm.: The emperor Probus was honored by two governors in Caesarea, by Clodi-
us Passenianus and by Acilius Cleobulus (no. 1270). The first lines are badly dam-
aged and consequently the reading is not absolutely certain. The phrase ac super
omnes retro principes requires another epithet to go before it; Vict [orioso] in the
reconstruction of Burrell is structuraly adequate, but cannot be read there, at least
not the C; the elative victoriosissimo or just invicto could be suggested.
Clodius (?), the governor’s nomen gentile was read by F. Chausson, but can be
read only with great uncertainty on the column and on the squeeze. No senator
with this name is otherwise known. The senatorial status of this and the other
governor honoring Probus (no. 1270), is remarkable since Gallienus replaced in
214 II. Caesarea

260/261 all senatorial governors by equestrians. Possibly, in order to get the much
needed support of the senate, Probus nominated once again governors of senatorial
rank.

Bibl.: B. Burrell - K. Gleason - E. Netzer, BAR 19, 1993, 50-7 (ph.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1993, 1623; B.
Burrell, ZPE 99, 1993, 292f. pls. Xf.; R. Milman Baron, SCI 13, 1994, 148f. no. 14; McLean I no.
14; AE 1998, 1440; F. Chausson, CCG 9, 1998, 193-6 figs. 2-4; K. Gleason, JRA 11, 1998, 48; Leh-
mann - Holum no. 13 pl. XVI (ph.); AE 2000, 1507; W. Eck, ZDPV 117, 2001, 55ff.; id., Language
of Power 133f.; id., in: Festschrift G. Stemberger 155; id., Rom und Judaea 89-93; id., ZPE 174,
2010, 175ff. – For Probus, cf. G. Kreucher, Der Kaiser Marcus Aurelius Probus und seine Zeit,
2003.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XVI no. 13.
WE

1268. The governor Aufidius Priscus honors Galerius


Caesar (293-305 AD) with a statue

See no. 1266. This inscription was written, when the column was standing up, be-
low the molded top. Another inscription had to be erased to make room for it (Eck,
ZPE 174, 175ff.). l.1: ET in ligature.
Meas.: h 152, ൺ (at the top) 52, (below the necking) 43, (at bottom) 48 cm; inscribed
area: h 60, w 50; letters 5.1-8.7 cm.
Pres. loc.: See no. 1266.

FORTISSIMO ET CONSVLT
IVVENTVTIS PRINCIPI
GALER VAL MAXIMIANO
P F INVICT NOBIL CAES
AVFID PRISCVS V P PR
PROV PAL D N M Q E [--]
App. crit.: l.6 e (ius) Lehmann -
Holum.

Fortissimo et consult (issimo)


| iuventutis principi | Galer (io)
Val (erio) Maximiano | p (io)
f (elici) invict (o) nobil (issimo)
Caes (ari) | Aufid (ius) Priscus
v (ir) p (erfectissimus) pr (aeses) |
prov (inciae) Pal (aestinae) d (evo-
tus) n (umini) m (aiestati) q (ue) fig. 1268.1 (squeeze)
e [or (um)]
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 215

For the strongest and most prudent leader of the young generation, Galerius Vale-
rius Maximianus, the faithful, happy, invincible and most noble Caesar, Aufidius
Priscus, with the rank of vir perfectissimus, governor of the province Palaestina,
devoted to their might and majesty, (erected this monument).

Comm.: The governor Aufidius Priscus set


up a statue for Galerius Caesar, but also for
his Co-Caesar Constantius (see no. 1271), and
most likely also for the two Augusti Diocletian
and Maximianus (see no. 1272), as implied by
the pronomen “their” eor (um), in the inscrip-
tion for Constantius (no. 1271), as well as here;
for we should understand the E at the end of
l.6 in this inscription to stand for e [or (um)].
Although the two columns were not found in
situ, but “deposited” in a fill between the lower
and upper part of the governor’s praetorium, it
is very likely that the colums stood originally
in the praetorium itself. The group of four stat-
ues for all four members of the tetrarchy served
to promote the new form of government (see in
more detail no. 1272.
Of the epiteths used for Galerius fortissi-
mus is very common, but consultissimus oc-
curs only here and in the inscription of Aufid- fig. 1268.2
ius Priscus for the other Caesar, Constantius
(no. 1271). It is worth noting that Aufidius Priscus’ province belonged to the part of
the empire ruled by Galerius, and yet the governor extended the epithet, which he
may have known to be true for Galerius, to both Caesars.
The statue should be dated between 293 and 305, when Galerius was Caesar.
However, Aufidius Priscus is mentioned in an inscription from Iotvata (AE 2002,
1563), where all four member of the first tetrarchy are mentioned as well. On the
ansae of this inscription the words mult (is) XX, mult (is) XXXX are incised, sug-
gesting that the text was written on the occasion of the vicennalia of Diocletian,
i.e. in 304/305. That would narrow down Aufidius Priscus’s governorship to these
years. However, the short texts in the ansae could be later additions. Thus, Au-
fidius’s term of office in Palaestina is to be dated after 293 and before 303, when a
Flavianus and after him Urbanus were governors of Palaestina (PLRE I p. 1108).

Bibl.: B. Burrell, ZPE 99, 1993, 293f. (ph.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1993, 1624; R. Milman Baron, SCI 13,
1994, 148f. no. 14; McLean I no. 41; K. Gleason, JRA 11, 1998, 48; Lehmann - Holum no. 14 pl.
XVII (ph.); W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 541; id., ZDPV 117, 2001, 55ff.; id., in: H. von Hesberg - W.
216 II. Caesarea

Thiel eds., Medien in der Antike, 2003, 55ff.; id., Language of Power 123-44; id., in: Festschrift
G. Stemberger 155; id., ZPE 174, 2010, 175ff. – See also no. 1272.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XVII no. 14a; WE.
WE

1269.-1271. A column-base with five inscriptions, two erased

For introduction, see above: 1266.-1271. Column-bases with five inscriptions each,
two erased.

1269. Two members of a decurional family honor the


governor Seius Seneca with a statue

Column of gray-blue marble; the top has a double necking ring. Altogether five
inscriptions were written on the column, two have been totally erased, and only
three preserved (nos. 1269-1271). This inscription was inscribed when the column
was standing with its top down; therefore it could not have been the first one to be
inscribed on the column (Eck, ZPE 174, 175ff.). Red color is preserved in the letters.
The right side of the last two lines was erased when the surface for no. 1271 was
prepared.
Meas.: h 145, ൺ at the top 52, 49 cm at the bottom; inscribed area: h 71, w 62 cm;
letters 6.6-8.4 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1995-2332. Autopsy: 19 June 1998 and later.

D · SEIO · D · FIL · QVIR · SENECAE


LEG · AVG · PRO · PR · PROVINC ·
SYRIAE · PALAEST ·
MANDATV ·
SEX · CORNELI · QVIRINA
TAVRINI IIVIRAL ·
CORNEL [[IVS QVINTIANVS]]
FILIV [[S [--]]]

D (ecimo) Seio D (ecimi) fil (io)


Quir (ina) Senecae | leg (ato) Aug (usti)
pro pr (aetore) provinc (iae) | Syriae Pa-
laest (inae) | mandatu | Sex (ti) Corneli
Quirina | Taurini (duum) viral (is) |
Cornel [[ius Quintianus]] | filiu [[s [--]]] fig. 1269.1 (squeeze)
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 217

For Decimus Seius Seneca, son of Decimus, member of the tribe Quirina, legate of the
emperor with praetorian rank, by order of Sextus Cornelius Taurinus, member of the
tribe Quirina, former duumvir, his son Cornelius Quintianus … (erected a statue).

fig. 1269.2 fig. 1269.3 (nos. 1269 and 1271)

Comm.: D. Seius Seneca is attested as consular governor of Syria Palaestina in 157,


but his governorship began probably around 155/6. His successor was a C. Iulius
Severus. Seneca was consul suffectus around 151/2 (Eck - Pangerl, ZPE 159). He
is honored here by Sex. Cornelius Taurinus, a member of the local elite, a former
duumvir in Caesarea. It is not clear why Taurinus did not carry out the erection
and dedication himself, but only commanded (mandatu) it; however, it could have
been a testamentary mandatum. In any case, the son fulfilled his father’s wish. In
the erasure after the son’s name, something was said about his social status; there is
room for at least 10 letters: decurio or IIvir q (uin) q (uennalis) or something similar
could fit in. The tribe Quirina is abbreviated in the name of the governor, but fully
written in the name of Cornelius Taurinus; Caesarea was inscribed in this tribe.
Bibl.: B. Burrell - K. Gleason - E. Netzer, BAR 19,3, 1993, 56f. (phs., drs.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1993,
1619; B. Burrell, ZPE 99, 1993, 288 pl. VI; R. Six, BAR 19,2, 1993, 11f.; R. Milman Baron, SCI 13,
1994, 148f. no. 14; McLean I no. 36; K. Gleason, JRA 11, 1998, 48; Lehmann - Holum no. 15 pl.
218 II. Caesarea

XIX (ph.); Belayche, Pagan Cults 196f.; Eck, Language of Power 133f.; id., ZDPV 117, 2001, 55ff.;
id., Rom und Judaea 89ff. fig. 8; id., ZPE 174, 2010, 175ff. – For Domitius Seneca, cf. P. Weiß, ZPE
117, 1997, 256ff.; RMD V 421; W. Eck - A. Pangerl, ZPE 157, 2006, 188f.; iid., ZPE 159, 2007, 286.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XIX no. 15a+b; WA.
WE

1270. The governor Acilius Cleobulus honors the emperor


Probus (276-282 AD) with a statue

See no. 1269. The inscription was inscribed when the column was standing up,
with no. 1269 on the opposite side. It begins ca. 20 cm below the moulded end. An-
other inscription had to be erased to make room for it (Eck 2010, 178f.). Thus only
the left part of the inscription was written on a smooth surface without erasure.
Furthermore, the right side of the text was erased to make room for the inscription
for Constantius (no. 1271). The middle part of the text, although not deliberately
erased (hence the omission here of [[--]] used by Lehmann - Holum in their edi-
tion), is nevertheless very hard to read.
Meas.: h 145, ൺ at the top 52, 49 cm at the bottom; inscribed area: h 75, w 45 cm;
letters 6-9.7 cm.
Pres. loc.: See no. 1269.

OMNI [[--]]
VERE Ṿ ỊC̣ ṬỌṚ ỊỌ [[--]]
AC FELICISS [I] NDV [[--]]
CAES N M AVR PR [[--]]
INVICT ẠṾ G IMP [[--]]
ACILIVS CLEOBV [[--]]
PRAES PROV SYR P [[--]]
D N M [[--]]
App. crit.: l.1 Omni [[um gentium]]
Lehmann - Holum; l.5 imp (eratori)
[numeral?] Burrell; imp (eratori) [--]
Lehmann - Holum.

Omni [[um principum]] |


vere victorio [[siss (imo)]] | ac
feliciss (imo) [i] ndu [[lgent (is-
simo) q (ue)]] | Caes (ari) n (ostro)
M (arco) Aur (elio) Pr [[obo p (io)
f (elici)]] | invict (o) Aug (usto), fig. 1270.1 (Squeeze)
imp (eratori) [[--]] | Acilius
Cleobu [[lus v (ir) c (larissimus)]] | praes (es) prov (inciae) Syr (iae) P [[al (aestinae)]] |
d (evotus) n (umini) m (aiestati)[[q (ue) e (ius)]]
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 219

For our truly most victorious of all principes and most fortunate and most indul-
gent, our Caesar Marcus Aurelius Probus, faithful, happy (and) invincible Augus-
tus, acclaimed as victorious in battle for the … time, Acilius Cleobulus with the
rank of vir clarissimus, governor of the province Syria Palaestina, devoted to his
might and majesty (erected this statue).

Comm.: This is a second statue erected for the


emperor Probus by a governor in Caesarea (for
the other statue see no. 1267). The epithets are
not attested elsewhere, but it seems possible to
restore in l.1-2: Omni [[um principum]] vere vic-
torio [sissimo]], but not: Omni [[um gentium]]
vere victorio [sissimo]] as was suggested. The
governor, unknown before, is connected with
a senatorial family from Ephesus (Eck 1996).
The rank of v (ir) c (larissimus) can be restored
with confidence, since an equestrian bearing
this name is most unlikely. For the senatorial
rank of the governor in Syria Palaestina under
Probus see no. 1267.

Bibl.: B. Burrell - K. Gleason - E. Netzer, BAR 19,3,


1993, 57 (phs., drs.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1993, 1620; B. Burrell,
ZPE 99, 1993, 288 pl. VI; R. Six, BAR 19,2, 1993, 11f.;
R. Milman Baron, SCI 13, 1994, 148f. no. 14; W. Eck,
ZPE 113, 1996, 141ff. no. 8; McLean I no. 37; K. Gleason,
JRA 11, 1998, 48; Lehmann - Holum no. 16 pl. XX (ph.);
Belayche, Pagan Cults 196f.; W. Eck, ZDPV 117, 2001, fig. 1270.2
55ff.; id., Language of Power 133f.; id., Rom und Judaea
89ff. fig. 8; id., ZPE 174, 2010, 175ff.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XX no. 16; WE.


WE

1271. The governor Aufidius Priscus honors Constantius


Caesar (293-305 AD) with a statue

See no. 1269. The inscription was inscribed when the column was standing up. In
l.3 part of the red color is preserved. Another inscription had to be erased to make
room for it (Eck 2010, 175ff.).
Meas.: h 145, ൺ at the top 52, 49 cm at the bottom; inscribed area: h 60, w 60 cm;
letters l.1: 4.6-8.5 cm.
220 II. Caesarea

Pres. loc.: See no. 1269.

[--] CONSVLTISSIMO
IVVENTVTIS PRINCIPI
FL VALERIO CONSTANTIO
P F INVIC NOBILIS CAES
AVFID PRISCVS V P PRAES PROV
PAL D N M Q EOR

[Fortissimo et] consultissimo |


iuventutis principi | Fl (avio)
Valerio Constantio | p (io) f (elici)
invic(to) nobilis(simo) Caes(ari) |
Aufid (ius) Priscus v (ir) p (erfec-
tissimus) praes (es) prov (inciae) |
Pal (aestinae) d (evotus) n (umini)
m (aiestati) q (ue) eor (um).

For the strongest and most pru- fig. 1271


dent leader of the young genera-
tion, Flavius Valerius Constantius, the faithful, happy, invincible and most noble
Caesar, Aufidius Priscus, with the rank of vir perfectissimus, governor of the prov-
ince of Palaestina, devoted to their migth and majesty, (erected this monument).

Comm.: Constantius Chlorus, made Caesar in 293, was responsible for the north-
western provinces of the empire. For more details of the presentation of Constan-
tius, the tetrarchy and of the governor Aufidius Priscus see no. 1268, and for the
plural, “their – eor (um) – might and majesty”, see nos. 1268 and 1272.
Bibl.: B. Burrell - K. Gleason - E. Netzer, BAR 19,3, 1993, 57 (phs., drs.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1993, 1621; B.
Burrell, ZPE 99, 1993, 290 pl. VIIIa-bbb; R. Milman Baron, SCI 13, 1994, 148f. no. 14; McLean I no.
38; K. Gleason, JRA 11, 1998, 48; Lehmann - Holum no. 17 pl. XXI (ph.); Belayche, Pagan Cults 196f.;
W. Eck, ZDPV 117, 2001, 55ff.; id., in: H. von Hesberg - W. Thiel eds., Medien in der Antike, 2003,
55ff.; id., Language of Power 133f.; AE 2004, 1590; W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 175ff. – See also no. 1272.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XXI no. 17.
WE

1272. Column with a dedication to the Caesar Galerius


(293-305 AD) by the governor Aufidius Priscus

Column of gray granite, broken at the bottom. At the top a necking ring. On the
surface at the top there are four holes ൺ 4-5 cm, ca. 3 cm deep, three on the side
opposite to the inscription, one directly above the inscription; in all holes the lead
is preserved.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 221

Meas.: h 273 (originally higher), ൺ at the top 63.5, at the bottom 58 cm; letters l.1:
9; l.2: 8.2-10; l.3: 6.5-7.8; l.4: 6.3 cm. The inscription begins 39 cm below the top.
Findspot: Not far from the east entrance of the governor’s praetorium.
Pres. loc.: In the area between the theater and the seashore. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 8 November
1999; 4 April 2000.

D N FLẠṾ IO VALERIO
MAXIMIANO NOBILIS ET
FORTIS CAES
AVFID PRISCVS V P PRAES
PROV PAL
[--] EOR

D (omino) n (ostro) Flavio Vale-


rio | Maximiano nobilis (simo)
et fortis (simo) Caes (ari) |
Aufid (ius) Priscus v (ir) p (erfec-
tissimus) praes (es) prov (inciae)
Pal (aestinae) | [d (evotus) n (umi-
ni) m (aiestati) q (ue)] eor (um)

For our Lord Flavius Valerius


Maximianus, the most noble and
strongest Caesar, Aufidius Pris-
cus, with the rank of vir perfectis-
simus, governor of the province
Palaestina, devoted to their
might and majesty, (has erected
this monument). fig. 1272.1

Comm.: The column with a


statue of the Caesar Galerius was
erected by the governor Aufid-
ius Priscus. The same governor
erected statues for Caesar Con-
stantius Clorus (no. 1271) and for
Galerius Caesar (no. 1268 ), and
very likely also for the two Au-
gusti, Diocletian and Maximi-
anus. Here, as well as in nos. 1271
and 1268, Aufidius Priscus uses
the formula d (evotus) n (umini) fig. 1272.2
222 II. Caesarea

m (aiestati) q (ue) with the pronoun eorum (“their”) rather than eius (“his”); the lat-
ter would refer to the honorand alone, whose statue stood on the column, whereas
eor (um) must imply that statues of all four members of the tetrarchy were set up at
the same place. The quadrifold group of statues was an integral part of the ideology
of the tetrarchy, and as such part of its public presentation (293-305 AD). The same
is implied by the use of both Flavius and Valerius for Galerius in the present dedi-
cation, which combines the names of Constantius Chlorus and Galerius; normally
only Constantius has the nomen Flavius, whereas Galerius has Aurelius Valerius.
But there are some other examples of this form of the name: CIL 3, 502; 8, 10413 =
22520, 22412. For Aufidius Priscus see no. 1268.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 537; id., in: H. von Hesberg - W. Thiel eds., Medien
in der Antike, 2003, 51ff.; id., Language of Power 123ff.; id., in: D. Boschung - W. Eck eds., Die
Tetrarchie, 2006, 323ff.; id., Rom und Judaea 93f.
Photo: WE.
WE

1273. Mosaic inscription in a room of the officium custodiarum

A mosaic inscription set in a tabula ansata, the lines of the tabula are in red tesserae.
Findspot: In a room at the south-east corner of the praetorium complex not far
from the eastern entrance to the praetorium (Locus 20255). Since one has to face
westwards in order to read it, the entrance to the room must have stood in the east.
Pres. loc.: In situ, but once more covered with earth. Autopsy: June 1998.

SPES BONA
ADIVIORIB
OFFICI
CVSTODIAR

Spes bona | adiuଢtଣorib (us)


| offici (i) | custodiar (um)

Good hope to the as-


sistants of the office in
charge of prisoners (or the
prison). fig. 1273

Comm.: Officium custodiarum in the inscription can only mean the “office dealing
with the prison” or “with prisoners”. Cf. for this interpretation AE 1973, 556 = IGLS
13, 9088 (Bostra, 238-244 AD). Civilians (perhaps also soldiers) were detained here
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 223

for different purposes, especially for interrogation, like St. Paul’s, although the mo-
saic postdates his imprisonment in Herod’s praetorium in Caesarea (Acts 23,35)
by at least one century. The officium in charge of the custodiae is thus a depart-
ment of the governor’s officium, directly associated with the provincial governor’s
criminal jurisdiction. The welcome or good wish is directed to the adiutores of the
officium. Spes can be interpreted as the chance to be promoted, since the adiutores
were soldiers taken from one of the legions in the province (cf. AE 1934, 279 from
Dura Europus).

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 230ff. (ed. pr.). – K. Gleason, JRA 11, 1998, 29; B. Rochman, BAR
24,1, 1998, 18; W. Eck, ZDPV 117, 2001, 47-63; J. Patrich, SBF 52, 2002, 321-46; Eck, Language of
Power 134f.; AE 2003, 1804; J. Patrich, Cathedra 107, 2003, 13f. (Hebr.); Eck, Rom und Judaea 88.
Photo: J. Porath.
WE/HMC

1274. Mosaic with a dedication to the genius frumentariorum

The inscription is written inside a braided garland. The room was entered from the
south since in order to read the inscription one had to face north.
Meas.: h ca. 184, w ca. 184 cm; crown: ൺ ca. 135 cm; letters 8-10 cm.
Findspot: In a room in the eastern part of the praetorium of the governor in Cae-
sarea Maritima, some 15 m east of the schola centurionum (see no. 1275).
Pres. loc.: In situ, but once more covered with earth. Autopsy: June 1999.

SAṆ CT [.]
GENIO FṚ Ṿ[.]
ENTARIORV [.]
OMNIA
FELICIA

Sanct [o] | Genio


fru [m]|entarioru [m] |
omnia | felicia

To the sacred Genius of


the frumentarii good luck
fig. 1274
in all things.

Comm.: Welcome or good wishes formulae are found with many variations on mo-
saic floors, especially those laid down in an entrance to a building or a room. The
more common formula feliciter is attested in the procurator’s praetorium north of
224 II. Caesarea

the circus (no. 1303), where later on in what is designated by Kenneth Holum an
‘imperial revenue office’ we find the equivalent Greek welcome fomulae. The room
where the mosaic was found served for social gatherings of the frumentarii within
the praetorium complex. A statue of the patron god (genius) of the frumentarii
must have stood here. This means that frumentarii – in the plural, not one or two,
but probably more – were permanently stationed at the provincial headquarters
in Caesarea at the beck and call of the governor, taking messages to and from the
inside and outside the province. At least on the face of it their relationship to the
provincial governor would not seem to be different from that of the centuriones
(see no. 1275), beneficiarii (no. 1276) and the adiutores officii custodiarum (no.
1273) whose social and official residence was nearby in the same complex.
The most striking thing about the inscription is the use of the plural frumen-
tarii. Our information about the number of frumentarii per legion is very scanty
and hotly disputed: from 2 or 3 per legion to as many as 10. Unlike other officiales,
the frumentarii had a centre in Rome, in the Castra Peregrina, where frumentarii
from each legion were sent to be trained and then presumably sent back to their
respective provinces (as well as assigned to provinces without legions). It is prob-
ably wrong to assume that those frumentarii assigned to a governor – if indeed
they were assigned – by the center and belonging to one of the legions stationed in
his province were not part of his officium. However, their function as empire-wide
couriers and messengers combined with some evidence pointing to their relative
independence of the provincial governor has led to suggest that their ties with the
officium were looser than those of the other officiales. The ‘schola’ of the frumen-
tarii in the governor’s praetorium in Caesarea seems to speak against this opinion.
– For genio sancto in a scola decurionum cf. CIL 3, 7626 = ILS 2545, for genio sancto
scolae b (ene) f (iciariorum) CIL 8, 10717 = 17628 = ILS 2400; a scola principalium in
AE 1996, 1358 = 1999, 1349.

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 232ff. (ed. pr.). – AE 2003, 1805. – For the frumentarii, cf. M.
Clauss, Untersuchungen zu den principales des römischen Heeres von Augustus bis Diokletian,
1973; J. Mann, ZPE 74, 1988, 149f.; N. Rankov, ZPE 80, 1990, 165ff.; W. Eck, Die Verwaltung des
römischen Reiches in der Kaiserzeit, 1995, 69f.; A. Kolb, Transport und Nachrichtentransfer im
römischen Reich, 2000, 290ff.; P. Faure, MEFRA 115, 2003, 377ff.

Photo: J. Porath.

WE/HMC

1275. Statue base, erected by a custos scholae centurionum

Cylindrical stand of blue-gray marble, with a loose rectangular foot. Remains of


three iron clasps in holes for fixing a statue are preserved on the top, distant from
the margin ca. 3.5 cm and with ൺ 3.5 cm.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 225

Meas.: h 85, ൺ at the top 49.5, at the basis 57.5 cm; letters l.1: 9.7, l.2: 9, l.3: 9.5 cm.
Findspot: Found lying in front of a mensa in a room attached to the outer circular
southern wall of the stadium, east of the south gate to the circus.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1994-393. Autopsy: 19 June 1998 and later.

CL · SEVERVS ·
CVST · SC · ‫ڐڐ‬
S·P·F

Cl (audius) Severus | cust (os) sc (olae)


(centurionum) | s (ua) p (ecunia) f (ecit).

Claudius Severus, warden of the centuri-


ons’ club-room, paid (for it) with his own
money.

Comm.: This is the first and only attesta-


tion of scola or schola, the technical term for
the club-room of an association of soldiers
or professionals in Caesarea, although the
same term could have been used for those
buildings occupied by the adiutores offici
custodiarum and the frumentarii (nos. 1273
and 1274). The word is seldom abbreviated
in Latin inscriptions. The scola had a dou- fig. 1275.1
ble purpose: official and social. The patron
god of the collegium, their ge-
nius, may have been worshipped
here as in the neighboring schola
of the frumentarii. A representa-
tion of the genius in the shape of
a statue may well have stood on
the cylindrical stand which car-
ries the inscription of Claudius
Severus (cf. the dedication to the
Genius scolae b (ene) f (iciariorum)
in CIL 8, 10717 = ILS 2400). Im-
perial busts probably stood on fig. 1275.2
the mensa found in the room.
As custos sholae Claudius Severus was responsible for the safety of the club-
house and its contents; perhaps also for the smooth running of the social ac-
tivities taking place in it, as well as for whatever form of religious worship was
226 II. Caesarea

conducted there. But he is not to be confused with other custodes (or as they are
often called, aeditui) attested in inscriptions – often in connection with temples
and shrines – who are generally of an inferior social status and perform servile
tasks. Although he does not explicitly say so, his act of euergetism clearly im-
plies that he, too, was a member of the schola, i.e. a centurion: pecunia sua fecit
“he paid for the dedication out of his own pocket”. For a comparable décor of a
schola see CIL 8, 2554 = 18048 = ILS 2445 (Lambaesis): Pro salute Augg (ustorum)
optiones scholam suam cum statuis et imaginibus domus [di] vinae item diis Con-
servatorib (us)…
The members of the centurions’ club must have been centurions of the legio
VI Ferrata and the legio X Fretensis, temporarily assigned to the praetorium to
fulfill administrative jobs for the governor. But first and foremost the club-house
members must have included the princeps praetorii (the chief of staff), the centurio
strator (the commander of the stratores, the grooms, whose job it was to look after
the horses of the governor and his staff), and the centurio in charge of the prison,
the custodiae.

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 234f. (ed. pr.). – AE 2003, 1806; Eck, Rom und Judaea 85f.; id.,
Statues 284ff.

Photo: IAA; WE.

WE/HMC

1276. Latin dedication to Hadrian by the beneficiarii


of the governor Tineius Rufus

Fragment of white marble, the original margin is preserved on the left side. The
back is smooth. An overbar above the B = b (eneficiarii).
Meas.: h 19, w 32.5 (originally ca. 100), d 4 cm; letters l.1: 7.2 cm, l.2: at least 7 cm.
Findspot: In a Byzantine fill ca. 15 metres north of the southern entrance to the
circus in Caesarea, locus 8633.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv.
no. 2008-1460. Autopsy: 16 June 1998;
15 March 2010.

[--]
AVG PONT MẠ [--]
B TINEI RVFI [--]
[--]

[Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) divi


Traiani Parth (ici) f (ilio) divi fig. 1276
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 227

Nervae nep (oti) Traiano Hadriano] | Aug (usto) pont (ifici) ma [x (imo) tr (ibuni-
cia) pot (estate) XIV (?) co (n) s (uli) III p (atri) p (atriae)] | b (eneficiarii) Tinei Rufi
[leg (ati) Aug (usti) pr (o) praet (ore) --|--]

To Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus, son of the divine Traianus


Parthicus, grandson of the divine Nerva, pontifex maximus, with tribunician
power for the fourteenth (?) time, consul for the third time, father of his country, the
beneficiarii of Tineius Rufus, imperial legate with praetorian rank, (have erected a
statue?).

Comm.: The clue to this fragment is the name of Tineius Rufus, known as the
governor of Judaea when the Bar Kokhba revolt broke out, which identifies the
emperor of the preceding line as Hadrian. Since Tineius Rufus’ name is in the
genitive, one can take the letter B, recognizable as an abbreviation by the hori-
zontal line above it, to stand for beneficiarius or beneficiarii. The singular is ex-
cluded for two reasons: 1) a single beneficiarius cannot remain anonymous, the
name should have preceded the abbreviation B in the preceding line after the
emperor’s titulature. But this would have spoiled the ordinatio of an otherwise
carefully executed text; 2) the size of the statue which stood above the inscrip-
tion or the aedicula to which the statue belonged, as implied by the format of
the inscription, points to more than a single dedicator. Therefore the group of
beneficiarii dedicated the monument, to which the inscription belonged. Tineius
Rufus’ name was probably followed by his title, and a fourth line gave the reason
for erecting the statue. A dedication to an emperor could be made at any time,
nevertheless in the present case it seems very plausible that it was the visit, or
the adventus of the emperor, as it was hailed on contemporary coins, to Judaea
in the spring or summer of the year 130 which created a fitting occasion for the
beneficiarii to raise such a statue of Hadrian, probably on that spot in the prae-
torium which served as their official and social centre, perhaps their social club,
their scola. The place where the inscription was found is not far from where the
frumentarii and the centuriones had their official and social residence inside the
praetorium (see nos. 1273, 1274). Tineius Rufus is attested as consular governor
in 132 AD; if the interpretation of this fragment is right, he would have begun
his governership at least in 130, if not before. For more detailed comments see
Cotton - Eck.

Bibl.: Cotton - Eck, Governors 235ff. no. 7 (ed. pr.). – AE 2003, 1807; Eck, Rom und Judaea 89.
– For the beneficiarii, cf. R. Haensch, KJ 31, 1998, 46ff.; B. Rankov, in: A. Goldsworthy ed., The
Roman Army as a Community, 1999, 20; J. Nelis-Clément, Les beneficiarii, 2000, 211ff. – For
Tineius Rufus, cf. PIR 2nd ed. T 227.

Photo: IAA.

WE
228 II. Caesarea

Equestrian officials

1277. Inscription attesting the restoration of a lighthouse, called


Tiberieum, by the praefectus Iudaeae Pontius Pilatus

Slab of limestone, twice reused, once “perhaps as part of a well-head… and for a
second time in the 4 c. as a step in the remodeled theater”. For that second use, the
left-hand part of the stone was chiseled away in a diagonal line thereby destroying
the left half of the inscription.
Meas.: h 82, w 66, d 21 cm; letters 6.1-4 cm.
Findspot: Found in 1961 reused in the theater.
Pres. loc.: Israel Museum, Jerusalem, IAA inv. no. 1961-529. Autopsy: January 1999 and later.

[--]S TIBERIÉVM
[--]NTIVS PILATVS
[PRAEF]ECTVS IVDAE[A]E
REF]Ẹ́C̣Ị[T]
App. crit.: l.1 [Cae-
sarien] s (ibus) Frova, Gerra;
[Dis Augusti] s Degrassi, Frova
(1970); [Tib. Caesare Aug.
V co] s. Lifshitz (1963); [Kal.
Iulii] s Weber; [Nemu] s Burr;
[Iudaei] s Gatti; [Clupei] s
Prandi; [Q (uod) b (onum)
f (austum) f (elixque)] s (it)
Betz; [munu] s Labbé; [Nauti] s
Alföldy; l.2 [M (arcus) Po] ntius
Weber. l.3 [proc (urator)
Aug (usti) praef] ectus Lifshitz.
l.4 [fecit, d] é [dicavit] Degrassi;
[ded (it) ded (icavit)] Lifshitz;
[ded (icavit)] Weber; [fécit]
Lémonon, Labbe; [ornávit]
Prandi; [ref] é [cit] Alföldy.

[Nauti] s Tiberiéum |
fig. 1277
[-- Po] ntius Pilatus |
[praef] ectus Iudae [a] e | [ref] eci [t]

For the sailors … Pontius Pilatus, prefect of Judaea, had the Tiberieum restored.

Comm.: This inscription was discussed by many scholars, who proposed many dif-
ferent restorations for the gap at the beginning of l.1, but almost none of them took
into account how many letters can be restored on the left hand side, which is easy to
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 229

calculate, since the text was symmetrically written on the stone; not more than four
or five letters are missing. Consequently, most of the proposed restorations, assuming
far too much space on the left, are unsound and unacceptable, and consequently there
is no reason going into them here in order to refute them. The reconstruction adopted
here is that of G. Alföldy, who took into account all the factors enumerated above.
Pontius Pilatus, whose praenomen was mentioned in the text, but is lost, restored
a building, called Tiberieum; of the word refecit the É and the upper part of the C are
clearly visible; one can even see very small remains of the following I at the top of the
line, which would not be identified as such, if one does not know it in advance.
Alföldy compared the name Tiberieum with the Druseion, mentioned by Ios.
bell. 1,412, ant. 15,336; this was a lighthouse at the entrance to the harbor founded
by Herod. Alföldy therefore restored at the beginning of l.1: [nauti] s = for the sailors,
a remark several times attested in building inscriptions for a lighthouse, a pharos; cf.
Strabo 17,1,6 (C 791); Lucian, Quomodo historia scribenda sit 62; İşkan-Işik - Eck -
Engelmann, 2008. An echo of this formula can be found in Ios. bell. 1,414.
Pontius Pilatus restored this lighthouse: refécit, as the space in the last line,
taken together with the few remains of letters and the apex, make obligatory; fecit
would not keep the symmetrical arrangement of the lines and ornavit is to be re-
jected for lacking an E and not requiring an apex above the letter A.
This Tiberieum has nothing to do with the emperor cult in Judaea. Further-
more, no Roman governor or sub-governor, at least in the 1 c. AD, ever erected a
building for the cultic veneration of an emperor.
Pontius Pilate is called praefectus Iudaeae, which proves that he was not a gov-
ernor in charge of an independent province Iudaea, but subordinate to the legate of
Syria (see Eck 2008).
Bibl.: A. Frova, RIL 95, 1961, 419; id., CNI 12,2, 1961, 11; HA 1, 1961, 11f. (Hebr.); PEQ 93, 1961, 87
(edd. prr.). – S. Bartina, Cultura Biblica 19, 1962, 170-5 no. 4; RB 69, 1962, 82f., 417; J. Vardaman,
JBL 81, 1962, 70f.; AE 1963, 104; J. Gauze, Ecclesia 174, 1963, 137; B. Lifshitz, Latomus 22, 1963, 783f.;
R. Semkowski, Ecclesia 168, 1963, 87f. no. 104; M. Weippert, ZDPV 79, 1963, 172; AE 1964, 39; A.
Degrassi, RAL 19, 1964, 59-65; L. Yelnitsky, VDI 93, 1965, 142ff. (Russian); Gerra, Scavi 217ff. no.1;
E. Stauffer, Erlanger Universitätsreden 12, 1966, 4-16; H. Volkmann, Gymnasium 75, 1968, 126ff.;
Finegan, Archaeology 80; P. Maier, HThR 62, 1969, 110; H. Petor, AW 3, 1970, 50f.; AE 1971, 477; M.
Stern, EI 10, 1971, 274-82 (Hebr.); E. Weber, BJ 171, 1971, 194ff.; IMC no. 260 (Hebr.); M. Avi-Yonah,
in: Safrai - Stern I 46ff.; S. Safrai, ibid., 184ff.; A. Negev, EAEHL 1, 1975, 277; Ringel, Césarée 91f.,
97ff.; J. Reynolds, JRS 66, 1976, 180; B. Lifshitz, in: ANRW II 8, 1977, 490ff.; AE 1981, 850; L. Prandi,
CCC 2, 1981, 25ff.; D. Flusser, Die letzten Tage Jesu in Jerusalem, 1982, 109f.; G. Horsley, New Docu-
ments Illustrating Early Christianity 3, 1983, 122f.; L. Feldman, Josephus and Modern Scholarship
(1937-1980), 1984, 317ff. no. 15.10; J. McDonald, Biblical Archeologist 49, 1986, 162; G. Kroll, Auf
den Spuren Jesu, 1988, 148; Y. Shahar, Cathedra 51, 1989, 8 (Hebr.); AE 1991, 1578; L. Keppie, Un-
derstanding Roman Inscriptions, 1991, 76f.; G. Labbé, REA 93, 1991, 277ff., 290ff.; Boffo, Iscrizioni,
217ff. no. 25; McLean I no. 51; G. Horsley, Biblica 79, 1998, 262 no. 25; AE 1999, 1681; G. Alföldy, SCI
18, 1999, 85ff.; K. Jaroš, Jesus von Nazareth, 2000, 11 pls. 2a, 8; Lehmann - Holum no. 43 pl. XXXVI
(ph.); AE 2000, 1518; Belayche, Pagan Cults 179ff.; T. Grüll, ActaAntHung. 41, 2001, 267f. no. 1;
Jaroš, Inschriften no. 264; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 88f.; M. Quesnel - J. Briend,
Le Monde de la Bible 136, 2001, 65; AE 2002, 1556; G. Alföldy, SCI 21, 2002, 133ff.; K. Jaroš, In Sa-
230 II. Caesarea

chen Pontius Pilatus, 2002, 39f.; Y. Turnheim - A. Ovadiah, Art in the Public and Private Spheres
in Roman Caesarea Maritima, 2002, 15f., 35-50; J. Geiger, Cathedra 111, 2004, 9 (Hebr.); AE 2005,
1583; G. Alföldy, in: E. Dal Covolo - R. Fusco eds., Il contributo delle scienze storiche allo studio del
Nuovo Testamento, 2005, 226ff.; D. Flusser, Jesus, 2006, 90, 131; M. Bernett, Der Kaiserkult in Judäa
unter den Herodiern und Römern, 2007, 205-8, 311f.; Eck, Rom und Judaea 16f., 24ff., 35; Küchler,
Jerusalem 1073; Sivan, Palestine 309f. – C.f. H. İşkan-Işik - W. Eck - H. Engelmann, ZPE 164, 2008,
91ff. For the position of Pontius Pilatus and the status of Judaea under the Julio-Claudian dynasty,
cf. H. Cotton, in: A. Oppenheimer ed., Jüdische Geschichte in hellenistisch-römischer Zeit, 1999,
221ff.; W. Eck, ZPE 166, 2008, 218ff.
Photo: IAA.
WE

1278. The metropolis Caesarea honors the Roman offical


Valerius Calpurnianus with a statue

“Column of purplish/pale yellow limestone with a necking ring at the top; seven
holes are cut in a circle on the top; inside the circle is another, larger hole (3x4x3
cm)” (Lehmannn - Holum). In some of the holes part of the lead used to attach the
statue or some type of a capital on which it stood, is still to be seen. Two inscrip-
tions were cut on the column at different times (see no. 1279).
Meas.: h 150, ൺ 53.5 cm; inscribed area: h 46.5, w 52 cm; letters 10-4.5 cm.
Findspot: “Southeast of the Roman theater of Caesarea Maritima during its recon-
struction about 1968-1970” (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (courtyard), IAA inv. no. 1983-618. Autopsy: 19 June 1998
and later.

Ṿ ẠḶ CALPVRNIANO Ṿ [.]


PRAEF MESOP ET OSR PATR METR
EX D D P P
AVREL THEOPHILO EQ R ET
DEC METR
App. crit.: l.4 Aur (elio) Fl (avio) Theophilo eq (uiti)
R (omano) et dec (urioni) Lehmann - Holum, AE 1985,
830a; eq (uite) R (omano) et dec (urione) Eck 1996.

Val(erio) Calpurniano v(iro) [p(erfectissimo)] |


praef (ecto) Mesop (otamiae) et Osr (hoe-
nae), patr (ono) metr (opolis) | ex d (ecreto)
d (ecurionum) p (ecunia) p (ublica) | Aurel (io)
Theophilo eq (uite) R (omano) et | dec (urione)
metr (opolis) fig. 1278.1
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 231

For Valerius Calpurnianus, with the rank of vir perfectissimus, prefect of Mesopo-
tamia and Osrhoena, patron of the metropolis, (an honorary statue was erected) by
decree of the city councillors with municipal money; Aurelius Theophilus, Roman
knight and councillor of the metropolis (was responsible).

Comm.: The metropolis of


Caesarea honored by de-
cree of the city council and
with public money the Ro-
man official Valerius Cal-
purnianus, designated as
prefect here, i.e. governor,
of Mesopotamia and Os-
rhoena. Why was Calpur-
nianus honored in Cae-
sarea? In the ed. pr. and in
AE 1985, 830 it was sug-
gested that he was hon-
ored qua being the former fig. 1278.2 (squeeze)
equestrian financial pro-
curator of Syria Palaestina, i.e. before being appointed governor of Mesopotamia
and Osrhoena. In this case, however, his procuratorship would not have been left
unmentioned in an inscription published in his honor in Caesarea, and therefore
he did not hold this office. It is much more likely that Valerius Calpurnianus hailed
from Caesarea (Eck); an equestrian family with the nomen gentile Valerius is at-
tested in Caesarea at the time of Marcus Aurelius (see no. 1228). This is explanation
enough for his being addressed as patron of the city.
Neither the date of the creation of the province of Mesopotamia et Osrhoena
(see Speidel), nor the date of Calpurnianus’ governorship there can be known with
certainty. However, a province with this name existed only between the reign of
Caracalla und ca. 260, and the title of metropolis was conferred on Caesarea by
Severus Alexander in 231/2. Therefore the time span between ca. 231 and ca. 260 is
very likely. The person responsible for the erection of the statue was a councillor of
the city and himself also of equestrian rank.

Bibl.: C. Lehmann, CPh 79, 1984, 45-52 (ed. pr.). – AE 1985, 830a; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 129ff.;
AE 1996, 1554; Lehmann - Holum no. 10; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 536; AE 2001, 1968; Eck,
Statues 287. – Cf. M. Speidel, Chiron 37, 2007, 405ff. (= id., Heer und Herrschaft im Römischen
Reich der Hohen Kaiserzeit, 2009, 181ff. at 201ff.)

Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XIII no. 10b.

WE
232 II. Caesarea

1279. The metropolis Caesarea honors the financial


procurator Aelius Iulianus with a statue

The inscription is cut opposite to no. 1278, it begins 17 cm below the top.
Meas.: Inscribed area: h 36, w 45 cm; letters 8-9.5 cm.
Findspot: See no. 1278.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum (courtyard), IAA inv. no. 1983-618. Autopsy: 19 June 1998
and later.

AELIO IVLIAN [.]


V E PROC AVG N
PATR METR EX D D

Aelio Iulian [o] |


v (iro) e (gregio)
proc (uratori)
Aug (usti) n (ostri) |
patr (ono) metr (opo-
lis) ex d (ecreto)
d (ecurionum)

For Aelius Iulianus,


with the rank of vir
egregius, procurator
of our emperor, pa-
tron of the metropo-
lis, (a statue was fig. 1279 (squeeze) see also fig. 1278.1
erected) by decree of
the city councillors.

Comm.: Aelius Iulianus was in all likelihood financial procurator of Syria Palaes-
tina. He is otherwise unknown. Since the title metropolis was conferred on Cae-
sarea by Severus Alexander in 231/2, the procuratorship of Iulianus is to be dated
no earlier than his reign. The two “inscriptions on this column … seem … to date
no more than a generation apart” (Lehmann – Holum 46)

Bibl.: C. Lehmann, CPh 79, 1984, 45-52 (ed. pr.). – AE 1985, 830b; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 129ff.;
Lehmann - Holum no. 11; W. Eck, Topoi 2000, 536; AE 2001, 1968.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. XIV no. 11.

WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 233

1280. Fragment with an equestrian cursus honorum

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 11, w 9.5, d 2 cm; letters 2.3-2.5 cm.
Findspot: On the sea-shore of Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Siebenberg House Museum, Jerusalem. Autopsy: 10 June 2007; 17 November 2009 (A.
and N. Graicer).

[--]
[--] MA+[--]
[--] RAEF·ALA [--]
[--] P̣ R AEF·CLASṢ [--]
[--] ROC·AVG·P [--]
[--]

[--|--] MA [-- trib (uno


mil (itum) leg (ionis) |--
p] raef (ecto) ala [e --, |--,]
praef (ecto) clas [sis --|--,
p] roc (uratori) Aug (usti)
p [rovi (nciae) --|--]

For someone …, who was …


military tribune of the legio …,
prefect of the ala …, prefect of
the fleet …, imperial procura-
tor of the province … someone fig. 1280
(erected a statue).

Comm.: The unknown honorand of the inscription seems to have fulfilled the nor-
mal three militiae of an equestrian officer: prefect of a cohort (probably mentioned
in l.2: MA), tribune of a legion and finally prefect of an ala. We cannot tell if he held
another post before becoming commander of a fleet. The fleet is probably a pro-
vincial one like the classis Alexandrina or Syriaca, and not one of the Italian fleets.
These military posts were followed by the financial procuratorship of an impe-
rial province, likely to have been that of Syria Palaestina, since he was honored with
a statue in Caesarea, with his full career displayed to the public. The letter-form
points to a time later than the middle of the 2 c. AD.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WE
234 II. Caesarea

1281. Fragment with a Latin inscription mentioning


a procurator Syriae Palestinae

Fragment of a blue-white marble tablet, broken on all sides except for the right,
where probably the original edge is preserved; the back is smooth. Remains of mor-
tar on the right edge indicate that the slab was probably attached to a base made of
bricks.
Meas.: h 15.5, w 11, d 2.1 cm; letters 2-5 cm.
Findspot: 1993 found in the fill of stratum 8 above stratum 9 in the bath-house; no.
6/93 I·W/5467.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 8 March 1999; 17 March 2010.

[--]
[--] P̣ ROC·
[--] V·SYR
[--]

[-- | --]proc(uratori) | [Aug(usti) --


pro]v(inciae) Syr(iae) | [Palaest(inae) --| --]

… someone, imperial procurator of the


province Syria Palaestina …

Comm.: The partly preserved letter in


front of SYR looks at first sight like a G.
One is tempted to restore in the second
line: [Au] g (usti) Syr (iae), were it not for fig. 1281
the resulting abnormally short line, and
the omission of the otherwise always present word provinciae before the Syr [iae
Palaestinae] in a reference to a legate or a procurator of the province. Therefore the
partially preserved letter is not a G, but the remains of a V of [pro] v. with a follow-
ing interpunct.
The unknown procurator of the province Syria Palaestina could be either the
agent or the honorand of the present inscription: If the first, his name would take
the nominative, as its dedicator, and if the latter his name would be in the dative (or
perhaps in the accusative, cf. no. 1293). The inscription was originally at least 40
cm wide, even if only [Aug (usti) pro] v (inciae) Syr (iae)] should be restored in l.2; but
there may well have been more there, e.g. [Aug (usti) nostri], or even the name of the
reigning emperor, as in no. 1285. We do not know where in Caesarea Maritima the
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 235

statue to which the inscription belonged was raised. It probably should not be dated
before the second half of the 2 c. AD. For more details see Eck.

Bibl.: Unpublished. - Cf. W. Eck, in: J. Porath ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final report (in preparation).

Photo: WE.

WE

1282.-1344. Praetorium of the procurator and the late antique governor

Following the suppression of the Great Revolt in 70 AD Iudaea was detached from
Syria (unless this had happened already under Claudius) and made into a separate
province. Vespasian installed there, in addition to a senatorial legate as governor,
also a financial procurator of equestrian rank. A new praetorium was built for the
latter directly to the north of the stadium, by the seashore. A fragmentary inscrip-
tion is probably to be identified as its building inscription (no. 1282). In the fourth
century the governor of Palaestina, who had become responsible for the provincial
finances as well, moved from the praetorium in the south to the former praetorium
of the procurator. At that time, at the latest (but probably earlier), the complex was
enlarged so that it included also the area to the east of the cardo – which is the rea-
son to include here the mosaics found to the east of the cardo. The development of
the compound cannot be described here in detail. However, it is clear that at first
it orientated toward the sea shore, but later toward the east and the north-south
cardo.
It is not always easy to distinguish the functions of the different rooms inside the
complex. Nevertheless, the two main functions of the praetorium are architectur-
ally and plastically represented here: the judicial one in the great hall in the middle
of the complex and the financial one in the late antique revenue office. In addition,
the late antique governor’s residence and its bath are also attested (Patrich, A Gov-
ernment Compound). For the different phases of the building see the articles of K.
G. Holum and J. Patrich.
The inscriptions which either belong to the whole complex or were found there are
divided into two groups: first the inscriptions from the time of the procurators,
mostly in Latin, and secondly the inscriptions of the late antique period. The first
group is arranged as follows: first, texts connected to the procurators and their
praetorium; these are followed by inscriptions connected to the emperors; and it
ends with all fragments of indefinite nature, provided they are written in Latin and
found inside the procurator’s compound. It is very likely that they once belonged
in one way or the other to the procurator’s praetorium. In Late Antiquity all the in-
scriptions were written in Greek. Many of them are found on mosaic floors inside
the complex. These texts are included here in so far as they have already been pub-
236 II. Caesarea

lished. The unpublished Greek inscriptions will appear in the final archaeological
report. For the so-called St. Paul’s chapel see nos. 1153-1164.

fig. 1282.A Plan of the praetorium, late 1-early 2 c.


D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 237

fig. 1282.B Plan of the praetorium of the late antique governors

Select bibliography: K. Holum, Andreas philokristes: A Proconsul of Byzantine


Palestine, IEJ 36, 1986, 61ff.; id., Caesarea Palaestinae: Inscriptions from the Impe-
rial Revenue Office, in: Humphrey, Near East 333ff.; Lehmann - Holum p. 15; J.
Patrich, The warehouse complex and governor’s palace (areas KK, CC, and NN,
May 1993 - December 1995), in: Caesarea Papers 2, 70ff.; id., ‘A Government Com-
238 II. Caesarea

pound in Roman-Byzantine Caesarea’, in: Margolin, Proceedings 35*ff.; id., The


Palace of the Roman Procurator and the Byzantine Governor, Warehouses Com-
plex and the Starting Gates of the Herodian Stadium, Qadmoniot 35, 2002, 66ff.
(Hebr.); id., NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1673ff.

1282. Building inscription of Vespasian and Titus for


the praetorium of the procurator

Fragment of a slab of limestone, at the top of which the original frame is preserved.
The absence of text at the bottom does not imply that nothing stood there original-
ly, but that the text, tapering off gradually from top to bottom, stood in the middle,
and is at this point too short to be seen on what is left of the fragment.
Meas.: h 45, w (at top) 17, (at bottom) 33, d 26-28 cm; letters 8-5 cm.

Findspot: At the edge of the sea near the west side of the praetorium of the procura-
tor, found in 1960 or 1961.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1969-1002. Autopsy: 2003 and 10 March
2010.

[--] VG·POṆ [--]


[--] S·VIII·CEN [--]
[--] II·TRIB·POT·V [--]
[--] vacat

App. crit.: ll.1-3 [Imp (eratori)


Caes (ari) Vesp (asiano) A] ug (usto)
pon [t (ifici) max (imo) | -- p (atri)
p (atriae) co (n)] s (uli) VIII cen [sori
|-- imp (eratori) XVII] I or XVIII] I
trib (unicia) pot (estate) V [III]
or V [IIII] Lehmann - Holum; l.2
[imperatori XVIII, p (atri) p (atriae)
co (n)] s (uli) Negev; l.3 [design (ato)
VIII] I trib (unicia) pot (estate) V [III]
Negev.

[Imp (erator) Caesar Vespasia-


nus A] ug (ustus) pon [tif (ex) fig. 1282.1
max (imus) | imp (erator) XIX
trib (unicia) potest (ate) VIII co (n)] s (ul) VIII cen [sor p (ater) p (atriae) et | T (itus)
Caesar Aug (usti) f (ilius) Vespasianus pont (ifex) imp (erator) XI] II trib (unicia)
pot (estate) V [I (?) co (n) s (ul) VI | censor |-- fecerunt]
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 239

Imperator Caesar Vespasianus Augustus, pontifex maximus, hailed as imperator


for the nineteenth time, with tribunician power for the eighth(?) time, consul for the
eighth time, censor, father of his country, and Titus Caesar, son of Augustus, Vespa-
sianus, pontifex, hailed as imperator for the thirteenth time, with tribunician power
for the sixth (?) time, consul for the sixth time, censor, built …

fig. 1282.2 (reconstruction)

Comm.: The Fragment was found on the seashore, not far from the western front of
the praetorium of the procurator, which originally was orientated toward the sea.
The archaeological remains make it clear that the praetorium was built under Ves-
pasian, and therefore this fragment is likely to have been part of the original build-
ing inscription of the praetorium (see Patrich). The emperors are mentioned in the
inscription in the nominative, not in the dative as in all former editions. Probably
several lines of the text are missing in the lower, lost part of the slab; the procurator
in charge of the building should have been mentioned there.

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 260f. no. 37 pl. 8 (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 190; Lehmann - Holum
no. 27 pl. XXVIII (ph.); AE 2000, 1512; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 538f.; J. Patrich, in: Burns -
Eadie, Urban Centers 92; W. Eck, in: M. Labahn - J. Zangenberg eds., Zwischen den Reichen,
2002, 41f.; H. Cotton - W. Eck, Electrum 7, 2003, 30-5; AE 2003, 1798; T. Grüll, IEJ 56, 2006,
183ff. fig. 4; Eck, Rom und Judaea 94ff.
Photo: WE; A. Faßbender (dr.); J. Patrich (maps).
WE

1283. Dedication of a statue/bust of the procurator


Calpurnius Quintianus, ca. 152 AD

A slab of white marble, composed of five well-fitting fragments. The right edge of
the stone is preserved. Guidelines made before inserting the text. The original red
color is still preserved in all the letters.
Meas.: h 21.5, w 35.1, d 1.5-1.9 cm; letters 5.1-5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in F.278 (CC12; B.0203) in the praetorium
of the procurator; locus 236 located above this floor is dated to the 3-4 c. The frag-
ments were reused there.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.
240 II. Caesarea

[--] VRNIO QVIN


[--] Ọ PROC·AVG·
[--] ỊNC·S [.] R·PAL·
[--]

[.. Calp] urnio Quin|[tian] o


proc (uratori) Aug (usti) |
[prov] inc (iae) S [y] r (iae) Pal (aes-
tinae) | [--|--]

For … Calpurnius Quintianus, fig. 1283


imperial procurator of the prov-
ince of Syria Palaestina, (someone erected a statue/bust).

Comm.: The honorand, the imperial procurator of the province Syria Palaestina,
has been identified with the Quintianus mentioned in P. Berol. 21652 in 152 AD as
the superior of the imperial freedman Aelius Amphigethes. The dedicator’s name
is lost, but we can be sure that the inscription belonged to a statue or a bust which
stood inside the praetorium.
Bibl.: W. Eck, ZPE 123, 1998, 249-55 (ed. pr.). – AE 1999, 1682; W. Eck, SCI 19, 2000, 139ff.; id.,
Rom und Judaea 101f.; W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 100*ff. - Cf. H. Maehler, in: E.
Kiessling - H.-A. Rupprecht eds., Akten des XIII. internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, 1974,
241ff. (= P. Berol. 21652); J. Rea, ZPE 26, 1977, 217ff.
Photo: WE.
WE

1284. Statue for the procurator Valerius Valerianus, between 212 and 217 AD

Column of gray-bluish marble. The bottom is broken off. At the top a necking
ring. The column bears today three inscriptions, nos. 1284, 1286 and 1288. But the
column was used altogether five times; two inscriptions were erased for nos. 1286
and 1288; two hederae which belonged to one of the erased inscriptions had been
left and were overwritten by the rho of l.1 of no. 1288 (see Eck, Topoi 534; id., ZPE
174, 179). The first inscription on the column was no. 1284; then followed the text
which was erased for no. 1288; the third was the text erased for no. 1286. Then fol-
lowed no. 1288 and the last was no. 1286. Only the inscription of Val. Valerianus
was written on a smooth surface.
Meas.: h 135, ൺ (at the bottom) 43-46 (below the necking), (with ring) 48 cm; in-
scribed area: h 92, w 40 cm; letters 5-3.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1961, west of the praetorium of the procurator, north
of vault 1 near a limestone kiln. The column was obviously carried off a short dis-
tance from the praetorium to the lime kiln.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 241

Pres. loc.: Israel Museum, Jerusalem, IAA inv. no. 1975-74. Autopsy: April 1999.

L VALERIO VALERIANO P [--]


SYR PALAEST PROVINC [--]
PRAEPOSITO SVMME [--]
MESOPOTAMENAE ADV [--]
PRAEPOS VEXIL FELICISS [--]
VRBIC ITEMQ ASIANAE [--]
HOSTES PVBLICOS PR [--]
PEREGRINARVM ADVER [--]
PROC CYPRI PRAEF A [--]
CAMPAGONVM IN DAC [--]
MILIARIAE HEMESE [--]
PANNONIA PRAEF CHO [--]
PANNONIA
MEVIVS ROMANVS ‫[ ڐ‬--]
F C ANTONINIANAE [--]
EIVS VIRO I [--]
BILI

App. crit.: l.1 p [[roc (uratori)]] Speidel; ll.1-2 L (ucio)


Valerio Valeriano / <v (iro) e (gregio) proc (uratori)
Aug (usti) n (ostri) et a (genti) v (ice) p (raesidis) > (?)
Syr (iae) Palaest (inae) provin (ciae) Balla; l.3 [[ratio-
nis or ration (is) priv (atae)]] Fitz; l.4 suppl. Speidel,
Lehmann - Holum; ad (iutori) Avi-Yonah; ad [HS C
(?)] Balla; adv (ocato) Lifshitz 1969; ad [centena or HS
C mil (ia) num (mum) Fitz; ad [HS CC AE 1971; l.5
feliciss [[imae Speidel; l.6 urbic (a) itemq (ue) Asiana
Balla; Asianae [[adversus]] Speidel; l.7 p (opuli) fig. 1284.1
R (omani) [[et cohortium]] Fitz; l.8 ad u [rbem de-
fend (endam)?] Fitz; adv [[ersus Parthos]] AE 1971, Reynolds; adver [[sus--]] Speidel; adver [[sus
Dacos]] Devijver; ll.12-13 [[V Gallaecor (um) / Lucen (sium) in]] Fitz; l.14 [[M (arcus)]] Fitz; l.15
[[strator]] Speidel; ll.15-16 [[ex corni/cula] r (io) Fitz; l.16 [strato] r Avi-Yonah, Schreiber, Balla,
Lifshitz 1969; ll.16-17 [[egregio pat/rono incompara]] bili Fitz; eius viro i [ncompara] bili Leh-
mann - Holum; l.17 [ama] bili Schreiber.

L(ucio) Valerio Valeriano p[roc(uratori) prov(inciae)] | Syr(iae) Palaest(inae), (item)


provinc(iae) [--,] | praeposito summ(a)e [feliciss(imae) exped(itionis)] | Mesopota-
menae adv[ersus Arabes?] | praepos(ito) vexil(lationis) feliciss(imae) [expedit(ionis)]
| urbic(ae) itemq(ue) Asianae [adversus] | hostes publicos, pr[aep(osito) eq(uitum)
gentium] | peregrinarum adver[sus --,] | proc(uratori) Cypri, praef(ecto) a[lae I
Hispan(orum)] | Campagonum in Dac[ia, trib(uno) coh(ortis) I] | mil(l)iariae
Hemese[norum c(ivium) R(omanorum) in] | Pannonia, praef(ecto) c(o)ho[rtis -- in]
| Pannonia, | Mevius Romanus (centurio) [leg(ionis) VI Ferr(atae)] | f(idelis) c(on-
stantis) Antoninianae [strator(?)] | eius, viro i[ncompara]|bili
242 II. Caesarea

For Lucius Valerius Valerianus, who was (financial) procurator of the province Syr-
ia Palaestina (and) of the province …, in charge with financing the most fortunate
expedition in Mesopotamia against the Arabs/Parthians, commander of a detach-
ment for the most fortunate Asian expedition against the public enemies, likewise
for the urban (= Rome) expedition, commander of peregrine mounted troops
against …, procurator of Cyprus, prefect of the ala I named Hispani Campagones in
Dacia, tribune of the milliary cohort I named Hemeseni with the title cives Romani
in Pannonia, prefect of the cohort … in Pannonia; for him, an incomparable man,
(has) Mevius Romanus, centurion of the sixth legion Ferrata with the honorary
titles pious, loyal, constant Antoniniana, commander of his equerries, (erected a
statue).

Comm.: The procurator


Valerius Valerianus, attest-
ed in another text from
Caesarea, found also in
the praetorium of the
procurator, was financial
procurator of Syria Pa-
laestina, between 212 and
217, under Antoninus, i.e.
Caracalla, as we learn
from no. 1285. The in-
scription records his ca-
reer up to and including
his procuratorship.
He began his military
career with two com-
mands in Pannonia: first
as prefect of a cohors,
then as tribune of the first
milliary cohors Hemese-
norum; thereafter he be-
came prefect of a mount-
ed unit, the ala I Hispa-
norum Campagonum in
the province of Dacia. He
had done these three mi-
litiae under Commodus,
by whom he was later fig. 1284.2 (squeeze)
promoted to a procuratorship of the imperial patrimonium in the proconsular
province of Cyprus. It is almost certain that he became pr [[aepositus equitum]]
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 243

peregrinorum adv [[ersus --]] also under Commodus, perhaps in one of the Danu-
bian provinces. Be this as it may, he had joined the party of Septimius Severus in
spring 193, as is revealed by his participation as a praepositus of a military con-
tingent in the march against Rome (expeditio urbica), and immediately after that
he marched against Pescennius Niger in the east (expeditio Asiana), where he was
commander during a decisive attack in the battle at Issus in 194 (Cassius Dio
75,7). Later on, he took over a new task in another war in the east, in Mesopota-
mia; whether this task was purely military or connected with the finances must
remain unclear. Some scholars identify this expedition with the one attested
there in 194/5. This would open up much too large a gap between this task and
his position in Syria Palaestina with only a procuratorship in an unknown prov-
ince to bridge it. Therefore it is possible that the reference is to an expedition of
Septimius Severus to the east from 197 onwards. It is not clear for how long he
served in the two procuratorships, first in the unknown province and then in
Syria Palaestina, but in any case at least till 212, since he is attested in no. 1285 as
proc (urator) d (omini) Antonini Aug (usti).
His home-town is unknown; J. Fitz assumed that he was a native of Pan-
nonia, because he began his military career in this province, which is in fact
contradicted by the evidence: most equestrian commanders did not begin their
career in their home province. His service in Pannonia gives us no clue as to the
origin of the procurator, who may have been a native of Caesarea (Eck, Rom und
Judaea).
A homonymous procurator who was a praefectus Mesopotamiae et Hosroe-
nae, attested in an inscription on a sarcophagus in Puteoli (AE 1969/70, 109; cf.
Strocka), cannot be identified with our man for many reasons, not least for stylistic
criteria which date the sarcophagus from Puteoli much too late in the third century
to allow such an identification (cf. Speidel 2007).

Bibl.: A. Negev, IEJ 11, 1961, 83ff. (ed. pr.). – M. Avi-Yonah, IEJ 16, 1966, 135ff. (ph.); AE 1966,
495; L. Balla, ACD 3, 1967, 85ff.; id., Epigraphische Studien 5, 1968, 145ff.; AE 1969/70, 612;
J. Fitz, Latomus 28, 1969, 126ff.; B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum ed., Hommages à Marcel Renard 2,
1969, 463ff.; R. Duncan-Jones, CPh 65, 1970, 107ff.; V. Strocka, AA 1, 1971, 62ff.; AE 1971, 476;
M. Christol, ZPE 22, 1976, 169f.; Devijver, PME V 43; AE 1978, 823; M. Speidel, ZPE 43, 1981,
363f.; A. Magioncalda, SDHI 48, 1982, 194ff.; AE 1982, 902; Pflaum, Carrières 75f. no. 297A;
AE 1985, 829; M. Speidel, CPh 80, 1985, 321ff.; J. Fitz, Alba Regia 24, 1990, 161f.; AE 1991, 1579;
M. Speidel, Roman Army Studies 2, 1992, 218ff.; C. Petolescu, Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae.
Inscriptiones extra fines Daciae repertae, 1996, 415; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 131f.; Lehmann -
Holum no. 4; AE 2000, 1233; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 354; B. Lörincz, Die römischen Hilfstrup-
pen in Pannonien während der Prinzipatszeit I, 2001, 285; AE 2001, 1968; Eck, Rom und Judaea
244f.; M. Speidel, Chiron 37, 2007, 405ff. (= id., Heer und Herrschaft im Römischen Reich der
Hohen Kaiserzeit, 2009, 181ff. at 201ff.); U. Hartmann, in: E. Dąbrowa ed., Orbis Parthicus,
2009, 250 n. 6; W. Eck., ZPE 174, 2010, 179.
Photo: Israel Museum, Jerusalem; Lehmann - Holum, pl. V no. 4b.
WE
244 II. Caesarea

1285. Dedication in Latin to a god or to Caracalla by


the procurator Valerius Valerianus

Slab of white marble with light blue veins, the top and left edge of the stone are
preserved; the right and bottom edge are broken.
Meas.: h 14.8, w 25.5, d 2.8-3.0 cm; letters 3.2-2.6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in a garden-soil layer (6-7 c. fill), (KK 24;
L.035; B.0137) of the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA inv. no. 1995-1944. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

L·VAL·VALERIANV [.]
PROC·D·ANTONINỊ
AVG·DEVOTO N [--]
[--]

L. Val (erius) Valerianu [s] |


proc (urator) d (omini) Anto-
nini | Aug (usti) devotଢuଣ<s>
n [um (ini)? |--]

Lucius Valerius Valerianus fig. 1285


procurator of (our) Lord Antoni-
nus Augustus devoted to his might (?) (erected/dedicated) …

Comm.: Valerius Valerianus is named proc (urator) d (omini) Antonini Aug (usti).
This is in any case how one should understand the letter D after PROC. It is strik-
ing, though, that the otherwise usual D N = d (omini) n (ostri) is here reduced to
d (omini). The only other theoretically possible resolution of the abbreviation D,
namely d (ucenarius), i.e. proc. d (ucenarius), is ruled out: the epigraphic abbrevia-
tion for ducenarius, if it is not fully written, is invariably CC, not D. Although the
precise function of the inscription escapes us, it is nevertheless clear that it was
a dedication, either to the emperor Caracalla or to a god. Valerianus could have
chosen a variety of places in Caesarea to set up his dedication. However, he is most
likely to have placed it in the official residence of the financial procurator, which no
doubt contained a sanctuary. Considering the tiny dimensions of the slab, whose
width amounts now to 25.2 cm, but cannot have exceeded 30 cm originally, it must
have been associated with a bust of the emperor or a relatively small gift to a deity.
For Valerius Valerianus see no. 1284.
Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 102*ff. (ed. pr.). – W. Eck, Der Neue Pauly 12,1,
2002, 1114; M. Speidel, Chiron 37, 2007, 405ff. (= id., Heer und Herrschaft im Römischen Reich
der Hohen Kaiserzeit, 2009, 181ff. at 201 n. 112).
Photo: IAA.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 245

1286. The procurator Clemens dedicates a statue of Diocletian

See no. 1284. The inscription is written on a column, partially erasing no. 1284.
However, some letters of another erased inscription are visible on the right, in l.1:
SS; l.5: L? – l.3 of this inscription: AV in ligature.
Meas.: Inscribed area: h 42, w 42 cm; letters 9.5-5.2 cm.

IMP [--] S C VALER


[--] Ḍ [. .] CLETIANO
[--] INVIC AVG
[--] Ḷ CLEMES VP
P̣ ROC D N M Q E
App. crit.: ll.1-2 Valerio | D [io] cletiano all
eds.; l.4 [Val (erius)] Cleme (n) s Speidel; l.5
proc (urator) D (omi) n (um) nos (trum) Avi-
Yonah; [p] roc (urator) D (omini) N (ostri)
Moe (siae) Lifshitz.

Imp(eratori) [Cae]s(ari) G(aio) Valer|io


D[io]cletiano | [p(io) f(elici)] invic(to)
Aug(usto) | [?Aure]l(ius) Cleme(n)s v(ir)
p(erfectissimus) | proc(urator) d(evotus)
n(umini) m(aiestati)q(ue) e(ius)

For Imperator Caesar Gaius Valerius


Diocletianus pious, fortunate, invin-
cible Augustus, Aurelius (?) Cleme (n) s,
procurator with the rank of vir perfectis-
simus, devoted to his might and majesty fig. 1286.1
(erected the statue).
Comm.: The statue of the emperor Dio-
cletian (284-305 AD), which once stood
on this column, was erected by a procu-
rator, whose name was perhaps [Au-
re]l(ius) Cleme(n)s. Clemes is a vulgar
form of Clemens, see e.g. Inscriptiones
Latinae in Jugoslavia repertae II 838.
The column was found near the prae-
torium of the financial procurator. Clem-
ens, as his title proves, was one of the last
financial procurators (precise chronology
is not yet possible) of the province. Eventu-
ally, his function merged with that of the fig. 1286.2 (squeeze)
governor to be taken over by an equestrian
246 II. Caesarea

praeses, like Arbaeus Africanus (no. 1213). That the emperor Maximianus is not men-
tioned cannot be used as an argument for dating the inscription before Maximianus’
elevation to emperor (as argued in Lehmann - Holum). A column could bear only one
statue. See, though, no. 1268 on the formula: d(evotus) n(umini) m(aiestati)q(ue) e[or(um).
Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, IEJ 16, 1966, 135-41 at 141 pl. 16 (ph) (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – AE 1966, 494; AE 1969/70,
612; B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum ed., Hommage à Marcel Renard 2, 1969, 462ff. pl. XXVI fig. 2 (ph.); H.
Petor, AW 3, 1970, 51; AE 1971, 476; Ringel, Césarée 108f.; AE, 1976, 689; HA 59/60, 1976, 22f. (Hebr.);
M. Christol, ZPE 22, 1976, 169f.; BE 1977, 539; AE 1978, 823; M. Speidel, ZPE 43, 1981, 363f.; AE 1982,
902; McLean I no. 31; Lehmann - Holum no. 6 pls. VII, IX (phs.); Eck, Rom und Judaea 97.
Photo: Israel Museum, Jerusalem; Lehmann - Holum, pl. IX no. 6.
WE

1287. A dedication in Latin of an honorary


statue for the procurator Gaius
Furius Timesitheus, ca. 232 AD

High column of gray marble. The letters are


deeply cut; some have apices: above O in ll.1
and 2, above G in l.3. l.2: HE in ligature. Noth-
ing at the top of the column gives a clue as to
how the statue was fixed there.
Meas.: h 142, ൺ (at the top) 37, (at the bottom)
43 cm; letters 4.5-8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found 1974 inside the prae-
torium of the procurator, just above vault 1.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, Courtyard.
Autopsy: April 1997; 19 June 1998; 4 October 2009.

C FVRIO
TIMESITHEO
PROC AVG
AVR IVSTINVS ‫ڐ‬
STRAT EIVS

G (aio) Furio | Timesitheo | proc (uratori)


Aug (usti) | Aur (elius) Iustinus | (centurio) |
strat (or) eius

For Gaius Furius Timesitheus, imperial procu-


rator, Aurelius Iustinus, his commander of the
equerries with the rank of a centurion (erected
a statue). fig. 1287.1
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 247

Comm.: The career of Gaius Iulius


Timesitheus (his full name is C. Iu-
lius Sabinius Aquila Timesitheus) is
known from an inscription at Lug-
dunum (CIL 13, 1807 = ILS 1300).
There he is mentioned as proc (ura-
tor) prov (inciae) Syriae Palaestinae
ibi exactori reliquor (um) annon (ae)
sacrae expeditionis, which provides
us with a date for his procurator-
ship in Syria Palaestina: the expe-
ditio mentioned there is likely to be
identified with Severus Alexander’s
Persian war in 232.
Timesitheus probably hailed from
the province of Arabia, and was one
of the equestrians in the company of
the Syrian empresses. In Syria Palaes-
tina he was not only in charge of the
province’s finance, but also of the col-
lection of arrears in payments and fig. 1287.2 (squeeze)
goods in kind in other provinces for
Severus Alexander’s expedition. He was honored in Caesarea with a statue by one of
his officials, the centurio strator, the commander of the procurator’s equerries. The
statue stood once inside the procuratorial praetorium. Later he became praefectus
praetorio under Gordian III (238-244 AD) and father-in-law of the young emperor.
Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 7 pl. X (ph.) (ed. pr.). – M. Speidel, ANRW II 8, 1977, 696 n. 29; C.
Lehmann, in: Raban - Holum, Caesarea 1996, 388; McLean I no. 35; C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in:
Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum 50 (Hebr.); AE 2000, 1505; W. Eck, ZDPV 117, 2001, 57f.; AE 2003,
1799; W. Eck, Language of Power 137f.; id., Rom und Judaea 97 fig. 10; id., Statues 289. – For
Furius Timesitheus cf. PIR 2nd ed. F 581; Pflaum, Carrières II 811ff.
Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. X no. 7b.
WE

1288. Honorary statue for the imperial procurator and


acting governor Aurelius Maron, after 260?

See no. 1284. A previous text was erased for writing this inscription, but the erased
surface was not smoothed down; the last letters on the right side are written on the
original smooth surface. In the first line, a rho crosses a hedera distinguens of the
previous text. In ligature: l.1: ; l.2: , , l.3: ON
248 II. Caesarea

Meas.: See no. 1284.


Pres. loc.: See no. 1284.

 [--]‫  מ‬


Ъ  
 [--]‫


מ‬
Ъ [-]‫ מ‬Ъ 
[--]‫  מ‬
App. crit.: l.3 ÷º¼ÄÇÅĕ¸Ë Lehmann - Holum; l.4
+[-]‫מ‬Ë Lehmann - Holum; l.5 [îÁ¸ÌŦÅÌ]‫¸מ‬ÉÏÇË
Lehmann - Holum.

Ĥ [É (ûÂÀÇÅ) ]‫מ‬ÚÉÑŸ | ëÈĕÌÉ (ÇÈÇÅ)


Ì [Ç]‫מ‬ı ¼¹ (¸ÊÌÇı) »ÀñÈÇÅ̸ | ÌÛ
[Äñ]‫מ‬ɾ ÌýË ÷º¼ÄÇÅ (ĕ¸Ë) | Ŧ [ÇÍÀÇ/ÅÀÇ]‫מ‬Ë
ÂñƸŻÉÇË | [?ÏÀÂţ]‫¸מ‬ÉÏÇË ÌġÅ ÎĕÂÇÅ

Novius/Nonius Alexander, tribune (or:


centurion), honors Aurelius Maron,
procurator of the emperor and acting
governor, his friend (with a statue).

Comm.: Of the nomen gentilicium of the fig. 1288.1


dedicator only an N is preserved, fol-
lowed by what can be a lu-
nar  or an O (a  is im-
possible), but Neratius, the
only option with E follow-
ing the N, is too long for
the gap (and Nevios, sug-
gested by Lehmann -
Holum, was spelled Nae-
vius, which would have
been rendered as either
¸ĕÇÍÀÇË or ŢÇÍÀÇË). No[--],
however, gives us Novius
and Nonius (cf. SEG 26,
1674) – both fitting the gap
(Eck 2000, 535). The dedi-
cator was either a centuri-
on (îÁ¸ÌŦÅ̸ÉÏÇË) or more
likely a military tribune fig. 1288.2 (squeeze)
(ÏÀÂţ¸ÉÏÇË), since he addresses the imperial procurator as a friend, which implies a
social equal of the procurator, which a tribune rather than a centurion would be.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 249

Aurelius Maron is otherwise unknown. Acting governors are known especially


from 260 AD onwards, when Gallienus substituted senatorial with equestrian gov-
ernors. In Syria Palaestina senatorial governors are once more attested under the
emperor Probus (276-282), see nos. 1267 and 1270. Aurelius Maron could there-
fore belong to the time before Probus, who evidently revoked Gallienus’ reforms
in some cases.

Bibl.: M. Avi-Yonah, IEJ 16, 1966, 135 (ph.) (ed. pr.). – B. Lifshitz, in: J. Bibaum ed., Hommages
à Marcel Renard 2, 1969, 467f.; id., ANRW II 8, 1977, 501f.; M. Christol, ZPE 22, 1976, 169f.; AE
1976, 689; SEG 26, 1674; BE 1977, 539; AE 1978, 824; M. Speidel, ZPE 43, 1981, 363f.; Lehmann -
Holum no. 5; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 534f.; SEG 50, 1466; W. Eck, ZPE 174, 2010, 179.
Photo: Israel Museum, Jerusalem; Lehmann - Holum, pl. VII no. 5 b.
WE

1289. Greek dedication of the procurator Antipater

A slab of white marble with blue veins. Remains of an iron clasp in the middle of
the lower edge; the slab was presumably fixed to a ‘monument’. The original left
and bottom edges are preserved; the right edge is partly broken off and the top is
lost. The original red color is partially preserved in the letters. On the back there
are some ornamental decorations not entirely finished; they belong to an earlier
use of the slab. Presumably the stone broke at the stonemason’s workshop before
the original plan was completed, and a smaller slab was cut from it for the present
inscription.
Meas.: h 27.8 (on the left-hand side), w 38, d 2.2 (left)–1.6 cm (right); letters
3-3.9 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in vault 19 in the fill-in of the 4 c. AD (CC
19; L.002; B.0021) of the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--]++[---]
 ЪЪ[.]
 
 

[--]++[--] | ÅÌţȸÌÉÇ [Ë] | ëÈţÌÉÇÈÇË


| ÌÇı ¼¹¸ÊÌÇı

… Antipater, imperial procurator


(erected a bust, or: dedicated some-
fig. 1289
thing).
250 II. Caesarea

Comm.: The purpose of this fragmentary inscription is not apparent, but can be sur-
mised. The procurator is mentioned in the nominative case and therefore must be the
agent. Since the marble slab is not very big, the text can hardly belong to a statue of nor-
mal size. It was located either under a dedication to a deity, e.g. a gift, or under the bust
of a person who was honored by the procurator. The procurator, of whose name only
the cognomen has been preserved, was active under one Augustus if ÌÇı ¼¹¸ÊÌÇı is to
be taken literally, as it probably should be. This excludes all years in which there were
two Augusti, that is the early and last years of Marcus Aurelius’ reign, as well as most
of the reign of Septimius Severus. The letter forms suggest that the text should not be
dated later than the beginning of the third century. An identification with T. Aelius
Antipater, proc. Augg., known from an inscription from Sentinum in Umbria (CIL 9,
5738 = ILS 4397) should not be pressed since neither can be dated precisely.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 98*ff. (ed. pr.). – Cf. Eck, language of Power 134f.
Photo: WE.
WE

1290. Latin inscription under a statue of a Lollianus

Fragment of a slab of white marble. The top and the right margin are preserved; the
back is roughly chiseled.
Meas.: h 13, w 13.5, d 2.7– 3.0 cm; letters 2.4-1.4 cm; space between ll.1-2: 1.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, found in July 1995 in KK 12 (B.0145; L.072) near the praeto-
rium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 4 April 2000.

[--] Ṃ·F·QVIR·
[--] Ọ·LOLLIANO·
[--]+ṂỊO/ẠḶ O

[--] M (arci) f (ilio) Quir (ina) |[--] o Lol-


liano | [--] mio/alo | [--]

For … Lollianus, son of a Marcus,


member of the tribe Quirina … someone
(erected a statue).
fig. 1290

Comm.: The fragment contains the beginning of an inscription mentioning the


name of a Roman citizen (in the dative case), as evinced by the filiation: M (arci)
f (ilio), the name of the tribe, Quirina, as well as the cognomen Lolliano. The latter
was preceded by a second cognomen, or, less likely, by a second nomen gentile. l.3
with MIO or ALO, may still contain a name or something associated with the offi-
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 251

cial status of Lollianus. This last supposition rests on the presence of a full nomen-
clature (filiation as well as tribus) and on the fact that in addition to the usual three
names, this person has either a second cognomen or a second nomen gentile – all
this suggests a member of the upper classes. Quirina was the tribe of the Colonia
Caesarea, since its founder, Vespasian, belonged to this tribe. It is displayed in the
nomenclature of the mid-second century local magistrate, Sex. Cornelius Taurinus
(no. 1269). However, in the present case, it cannot be determined whether Lollianus
was a member of the local elite or a representative of the imperial power in Cae-
sarea, since many members of the imperial elite, i.e. the senatorial and equestrian
order, belonged to this tribe, see for example the governor Seius Seneca in no. 1269.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 111* (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WE

1291. Latin inscription with an equestrian cursus honorum

A fragment of a bluish marble slab with veins. It was re-cut for a secondary use,
preserving only the right-hand edge.
Meas.: h 39, w 16, d 1.6 (top)–2.2 cm (bottom); letters ca. 9.2 to at least 4.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in the fill in a deserted Byzantine
building (KK 17; L.098; B.0217) near the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] NINO
[--] ẸX · V
[--]+IC · PRAEF
[--]+BIS·
[--]+RIAE·
[--]

[--] nino | [eq (uo) publ (ico), iud (ici) selecto ] ex V |


[dec (uriis), ?trib (uno) mil (itum) leg (ionis) --] ic (ae),
praef (ecto) | [alae?.., proc (uratori) -- u] rbis | [--,
proc (uratori) --] uriae/yriae/briae | [proc(uratori)
prov(inciae) Syr(iae) Palaest(inae)? [--]

For …ninus, who was … honored with a public horse,


member of the five judicial panels, military tribune of the
legion …(?), prefect of the ala …(?), …, procurator … in
Rome, …, procurator of …uria/yria/bria, … procurator
of Syria Palaestina (?)… (someone erected a statue). fig. 1291
252 II. Caesarea

Comm.: The fragment contains the remains of an equestrian cursus honorum. It be-
longed to a man whose cognomen ended in -ninus. The number of cognomina ending
in -ninus is by no means great, and not all of them are likely to belong to a member of
the senatorial or equestrian orders. Aeserninus, Antoninus, Caesoninus, Saloninus
and Saturninus are possible, but no one bearing such a cognomen is known among
the procurators so far attested in Judaea/Syria Palaestina. What is left of l.2 attests
our man’s membership in the five decuriae of jurors in the city of Rome (of which
one of the variations would be e.g. iudex inter selectos ex V dec.). Two posts are named
in l.3; the second one was that of a prefect, in all likelihood in an auxiliary unit, and
the first one, to which the IC belonged, could refer to an equestrian post as well, that
of a military tribune in one of the legions whose names can be restored from the IC:
[Ital]ic(ae), [Cyrena]ic(ae) or even [Victr]ic(is). The equestrian started, therefore, as a
tribunus militum of a legion, and subsequently became a prefect of a cavalry troop,
an ala. In l.4 [u]rbis can be restored with several possibilities, none of them more than
a conjecture: procurator operum publicorum et fiscalium urbis sacrae, subpraefectus
annonae urbis, procurator regionum urbis, or procurator viarum urbis. In l.5 before
RIAE stood a letter which could be a V, a Y, or, less likely, a B of which the upper curve
is partly preserved; thus either [--]VRIAE, restored as Etruriae, Asturiae or Liguriae,
or [--]YRIAE restored as Syriae or as [--]BRIAE with the Italian region of Umbria.
More detailed arguments for understanding the fragment in Eck - Cotton 104*ff.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 104*ff. (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WE

1292. Latin inscription with an equestrian cursus honorum

A white marble slab consisting of seven well-fitting fragments, broken on all sides.
Meas.: h ca. 30.5, w ca. 34.5, d 2.5 cm; letters l.1: more than 9.7 cm; if the interpunct
was located a bit above the middle of the l.1, as it is in l.2, then the letters must have
been ca. 14 cm high; l.2: ca. 6; l.3: more than 4.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in March 1996 in a
Roman fill under the Byzantine mosaic floor in
the middle of the “Western Stoa” (CC 23; L. 011;
B. 012) of the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] Ṭ I·F·+[--]
[--]+ANO·EQ·PV [--]
[--] ṂIL·LEG·V [--]
[--]
fig. 1292
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 253

[--] Ti(beri) f(ilio) [--|--]+ano eq (uo) pu [b (lico), praef (ecto) | coh (ortis) --?,
trib (uno)] mil (itum) leg (ionis) V [Mac (edonicae)? | -- | --, proc (uratori) prov (in-
ciae) Syr (iae) Palest (inae)? |--]

For …anus, son of Tiberius, who was … honored with a public horse, prefect of a
cohors …, military tribune of the legio V Macedonica (?), …, procurator of Syria
Palaestina (?) …

Comm.: The inscription belongs to a Roman eques, as is revealed by eq (uo)


pu [b (lico)]. The military tribunate with a legio V follows in the next line. The legio
V is in all likelihood the legio V Macedonica, which was stationed in the second
century (but probably also in the third century) in Moesia Inferior or in Dacia. It
is safe to assume that not merely one single military function was attested in the
inscription, but a full cursus honorum was exhibited here in public. This is implied
by the fact that the equus publicus is mentioned in addition to the military tribu-
nate, functions which are hardly ever mentioned together in other contexts. Thus
it could be either a titulus under an honorary statue, or a titulus funebris, but it
would be difficult to account for the latter found in the procuratorial praetorium.
The text must have been considerably longer, at least double the size it is now; in
l.2 in the left margin at least four, but probably more, letters are necessary to re-
construct the cognomen; and as many are missing also in the right margin. A slab
which was at least 60 cm wide – with a letter-height of no less than 13-14 cm in the
first line – must have been considerably higher than 60 cm; consequently, enough
room existed for the display of a full cursus. Hence the equestrian was not honored
on account of serving as a prefect of one of the auxiliary units in the province, but
because of his procuratorial position. Thus, unless he hailed from the province or
or perhaps even from Caesarea itself, the existence of the inscription suggests that
he held the post of provincial procurator in the province. The text was fixed to the
base of a statue of the honorand. More detailed arguments for understanding the
fragment in Eck - Cotton 106*ff.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 106*ff. (ed. pr.).

Photo: WE.

WE

1293. Dedication of a statue for a procurator by an ex corniculario

Column split in half and reused as a paving stone in one of the late antique floors of
vault 2 of the praetorium. The inscription is set in a roughly incised frame. The col-
umn was used for yet another inscription on the other side, almost totally erased;
but it is certain that another procurator was honored there (no. 1295).
254 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 144, ൺ 44 cm; panel for inscription: h 77 cm, but only 33 are inscribed;
letters 3.7-4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Vault 2 of the praetorium of the procurator on 4 July 1995.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, no. CV/3074.103. Autopsy: 8 May 1997; 20 May 1998; 23
March 1999; 10 March 2010.

[--] IANVM V E
[--] NOSTRI
[--] EX CORNICVL (hedera)
[--] Ṣ
[--] Ṃ INCOMPARABILEM
App. crit.: l.1 v (iro) e (gregio) Lehmann; l.2
proc (uratori) Augusti Lehmann; l.3 corniculo
Lehmann.

[--] ianum v (irum) e (gregium) | [procu-


rat (orem) Aug (usti)] nostri | [name (cen-
turio)] ex cornicul (ario) | [eiu] s |[praeposi-
tum et patronu] m incomparabilem

Someone …, his former cornicularius, …


(honors) …ianus, his excellency, procurator
of our emperor, his incomparable superior
and patron (with a statue).

fig. 1293

Comm.: The honorand was a procurator, of whose name only part of the cogno-
men: -ianus is legible. He has the honorary title vir egregius, usual for a financial
procurator from the end of the 2 c. AD onwards. The use of the accusative shows
the influence of Greek inscriptions. The dedicator of the statue was his former
head of staff, an ex corniculario, called cornicularius after the corniculum, a small
horn attached to the helmet as a decoration and official sign of rank. In l.4, which
ends with an S and was evidently much shorter than all the others and centered,
an [eiu] s should be restored (suggestion of M. Clauss). Whether or not this cor-
nicularius was promoted to the centurionate must be left open. In l.5, the longest
in the whole text, two words must be restored to fill the space. The inscription
cannot be earlier than the beginning of the 3 c. AD. There are several procurators
whose cognomen ends with -ianus: Aelius Iulianus (no. 1279), Valerius Valeria-
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 255

nus (no. 1284) or Calpurnius Quintianus (no. 1283). However, cognomina end-
ing with -ianus are too common to make an identification with any one of them
more than a guess.

Bibl.: The text was first published 1995 by C. Lehmann on the Internet http://people.usd.
edu/~clehmann/cmvpcol.html (viewed: 5 July 2011) (ed. pr.). – For the cornicularii, cf. M.
Clauss, Untersuchungen zu den principales des römischen Heeres von Augustus bis Diokletian,
1973; for ex, cf. D. Breeze, BJ 174, 1974, 245ff. at 270ff; M. Speidel, ZPE 95, 1993, 190ff.

Photo: WE.

WE

1294. Inscription under the statue of a governor of two emperors

Two fragments of a white-yellow marble slab, broken on all sides, the back is
smooth. Apex above O in OVINCIAE, also above GG.
Meas.: (a): h 14.5, w 11, d 3 cm; letters 3.4 cm; (b): h 16, w 12.3, d 3 cm; letters
3.4-3.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995; (a) in area CC 19, B.0015/ L.002 in a fill in
vault 19 of the praetorium; (b) in area CC 19, B.0019/ L.000 on the surface out of
context.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]
[--] Ṛ [--] VGG·[--]
[--] Ọ́ VINC·SYR·PALAẸ [--]
[--] ỊVS·A/M [--] Ṭ +[--]

[--| procu] r (atori)


[Au] ugg (ustorum)
[nn (ostrorum) |
pr] ovinc (iae) Syr (iae)
Palae [st (inae) |--] ius or tus
A/M [--] T+[--]

For …, procurator of our fig. 1294


(two) emperors of the
province Syria Palaestina …ius A/M…T… (erected a statue) or: …tus A/M…T…
(erected a statue).
256 II. Caesarea

Comm.: The fragments were found in the area of the praetorium of the procu-
rator; therefore it is very probable that a procurator of Syria Palaestina was
mentioned; the fragments belong to an inscription under the statue of the
procurator, who served under two emperors and hence not earlier than the
reign of Marcus Aurelius and Verus (AD 160-169), but more likely under the
Severi (198-211), or even later. In l.2 an apex is preserved above the lost O of
provinciae. In l.4 the remains of the name of the dedicator are preserved. If an
I stood before the VS (but the reading is not certain, it could also be T/F), then
we have here a nomen gentilicium followed by a cognomen beginning with an
M or an A.

Bibl.: W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1295. Dedication of a statue for a procurator

Column split in half and reused as a paving stone. The inscription was erased when
another text was written on the opposite side of the column, also for a procurator
(no. 1293).
Meas.: h 143, ൺ 44 cm; letters ca. 5-8 cm.
Findspot: Vault 2 of the praetorium of the procurator on 4 July 1995.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 8 May 1997; 20 May 1998; 23 March 1999; 10
March 2010.

[[A++[--]]]
[[PROC++[--]]]
[[ỊAGỌ+[--]]]
[[ỊEG++[--]]]
[[IM++[--]]]
[[IỊ+Ṛ +[--]]]
[[OḶ ++[--]]]
[[OB++[--]]

[[A ++[--] | proc (uratori) [Aug (usti)--] |


ỊAGỌ+[--] | ỊEG++[--] | IM++[--] |
IỊ+Ṛ +[--] | OḶ ++[--] | ob ++[m (erita]]]

For A…, imperial procurator … someone


(erected a statue) in acknowledgement of
favors. fig. 1295.1
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 257

Comm.: Only few words of the erased inscrip-


tion can be read. The honorand was a financial
procurator, who was honored by someone who
had received favors from him. In ll.3-6 perhaps
part of the cursus honorum of the honorand
was mentioned; in l.4 perhaps leg (ionis)? This
procurator served earlier than the [--] ianus
whose inscription is written on the opposite
side of the column.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – Mentioned by C. Lehmann,


http://people.usd.edu/~clehmann/cmvpcol.html
(viewed: 5 July 2011).
Photo: WE. fig. 1295.2

WE

1296. Fragment of a Latin inscription with the name of a legion

A fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides.


Meas.: h 13.5, w 14, d 1.5 cm; letters l.1: at least 4.6 cm, l.2: 5.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in a 7-8
c. robbers’ trench on the cardo (CC 30; L.011;
B.0024) inside the procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997; 28
June 2001.

[--] I·LEG·VI+[--]
[--] · CC·L· [--]
[--]++T [--]

[--]I leg(onis) VI+[--|--] CC L [--|--]++T [--]

Comm.: In l.1 after the VI the remains of an


hasta are still visible, but the letter to which fig. 1296
258 II. Caesarea

it belonged cannot be identified. A person who belonged to a legio VI, VII or VIII
was mentioned here. However, the legio VI Ferrata, stationed near Caparcotna in the
north of the province, is the one most likely to be attested in Caesarea. The vertical
hasta before leg. probably belonged to an I, and less likely to a T. However, the normal
epigraphic abbreviations for the military ranks associated with the legions, such as
miles, centurio, signifer, frumentarius, tribunus militum, do not end with an I or a T.
Thus only legat. is likely to have occurred here. But this, too, is not free of difficulties,
since the letters CC · L preserved in the following line can hardly be part of a senato-
rial cursus honorum of a legatus legionis VI Ferratae or legionis VII or VIII. Nor can
the symbols in l. 2 be accounted for. Since CC and L are separated by an interpunct,
we can hardly interpret them as numbers. An expansion to G(aiorum) l(ibertus) is
not very likely, for it would still leave the blank space before CC and after the L unac-
counted for. However, the mention of the legio VI Ferrata (or legio VII or VIII) per-
mits us to assign this fragment too to the official-administrative context in evidence
in the other inscriptions found in the procuratorial praetorium.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1297. Latin inscription under the statue of a procurator

Fragment of a marble slab broken on all sides. On the left-hand side the original
margin may be preserved to some extent, but at least not much has been lost.
Meas.: h 24.4, w 24, d 5.2-5.4 cm; letters 6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in vault 4 in a late Byzantine fill (CC 4;
L.009; B.0077) of the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--]
PRO [--]
PROVI [--]
+++[--]

[--] | pro [curat (ori) Aug (usti)] | provi [nc (iae)


Syr (iae) Pal (aestinae)] | Ti (berius) or Fl (avius)
P/R [--]

For … imperial procurator of the province


Syria Palaestina Tiberius or Flavius … (erected
a statue). fig. 1297.1
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 259

Comm.: The remains of both words make it


clear that the person mentioned in the inscrip-
tion was connected to the Roman provincial
administration. The letters on the fragment
are symmetrically arranged with the first line
indented on both sides and shorter than the
one following it, thereby making the pair into a
single unit of content, conveying a special mes-
sage, which was probably intimately connected
with the place of dedication. PRO is therefore
to be expanded as pro [c.] or as pro [curat.], i.e.
the financial procurator who was active in fig. 1297.2
Syria Palaestina. Provi [nc (iae)] in the second
line therefore goes together with that official designation. At least one more line
followed provi [nc. Syr. Pal.] or [Syr. Palaest.] since traces of two letters have been
preserved there (see dr.). The layout of the inscription makes it clear that no letters
are lost in the left margin; thus the last line must have started with the letters whose
traces are still visible. Of the first letter only an upper vertical hasta can be seen,
which must have belonged to an E, an F, or a T. The next letter is an I or an L. The
following remains probably belong to a P or R (cf. the letters in l.1 and 2). These
letters probably refer to the name of the person or the collective body who honored
the financial procurator. Above all, the letters suggest a person’s name, either the
praenomen Ti (berius) or the nomen gentile Fl (avius), but neither one is certain.
This reading makes it plausible that the inscription was part of a monument set up
to honor a financial procurator of the province. The proposed position of the text
in l.3 requires the original slab to have been at least 60 cm wide; this suggests in
turn that the inscription was fixed to a base above which stood a statue. It is plau-
sible that this fragment constitutes the end of the inscription, and was preceded by
the whole cursus honorum of the procurator.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 107*f. (ed. pr.).


Photo: J. Patrich (ph. and dr.).
WE

1298. Fragment of a Latin inscription for a Roman official

A fragment of a slab of white marble broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 6, w 9, d 3.5 cm; letters at least 4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1993 in field KK 19. 10/10, B.0110, L.923 I.001 inside
the procuratorial praetorium.
260 II. Caesarea

Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 3 April 2000; 28 July 2001.

[--]
[--] R PRO [--]
[--]

[--|-- procu] r (ator--) pro [vinc (iae) | Syr (iae)


Palaest (inae) --] or: [--| leg (at--) pr (o) p] r (ae-
tore) pro [vinc (iae) | Syr (iae) Palaest (inae) --]
fig. 1298
… procurator of the province Syria Palaestina
… or: … governor with praetorian rank of the province of Syria Palaestina …

Comm.: Since the fragment was found inside the procuratorial praetorium, it is
more likely that it refers to a procurator of the province than to the latter’s senato-
rial governor.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1299. Latin inscription under the statue of a procurator?

Fragment of a white marble slab, broken on all sides.


Meas.: h 13, w 18, d 1.8 cm; letters l.2: 4.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1994 inside the praetorium of the procurator, at the
same place as no. 1289, together with fragments of amphoras of the 3 and 4 c. AD
(7/95; CC 19.024; L.002).
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: September 1999.

[--] ẠRIOR·[--]
[--] VIRO [--]
[--] ẠRISSIṂ [--]

[-- name | ? procur (atori) prov (inciae)


Syriae Palaest (inae) | name of the dedi-
cator |--] arior (um) [--| ?] viro [--|-- ac
r] arissim [o --]

For … procurator of Syria Palaestina fig. 1299


someone …, a … and exceptional man.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 261

Comm.: The original structure of the inscription is recognizable. Both viro and
the following superlative point to a person who was honored in the part of the text
now lost. This was followed by the name of the person or the collective body who
set up the inscription together with the statue of the honorand. The sequence in
l.1 ARIOR is likely to belong to a word ending in the plural of the genitive case. In
the present context one may think of terms such as tabulariorum, tabellariorum,
or something similar. Thus either a collegium of tabellari or tabularii could be
restored here, or one of the officiales of such a collegium, e.g. adiutor tabulariorum
or optio tabellariorum. Subaltern officials with such titles are attested elsewhere as
serving under a financial procurator. In the present inscription one can see a finan-
cial procurator honored by such a body or by its officials as their superior with the
epithet [r] arissim [o]. Surely between the word viro in l.2 and the rarissimo another
such appellation stood. Perhaps l.2 was indented and nothing stood before viro.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 111*f. (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WE

1300. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 9.5, w 8, d 2.9 cm; letters at least 5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in field CC 52. 081, L.054 inside the
procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]
[--] V·D [--]
[--] ỊB·M [--]
[--]

[--|--] V D [--|-- tr] ib (unus/o) m [ilit (um)


leg (ionis) --]

… military tribune of the legio …

Comm.: If indeed a military tribunate was


mentioned in l.3, then the [--]V D[--] in the
line before could be the remains of the name
of a cohors at the head of which the person
honored here stood as praefectus cohortis; fig. 1300
262 II. Caesarea

this could be one of the two homonymous cohortes V Delmatarum. Since the frag-
ment was found inside the praetorium of the procurator, this may well be remains of
the cursus honorum, given in ascending order, of a procurator of the province.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1301. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a white marble slab; the right lower corner is preserved; the back is
smooth.
Meas.: h 16.5, w 10, d 1.9 cm; letters 3.9.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in field CC 19.019, L.002 inside the procu-
ratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]
[--] ẠRIO
[--] C̣

[--] | [ex--] ario | [h (onoris)] c (ausa)

To honor someone…, someone, former


…arius (erected a statue/bust).

Comm.: This is the end of an inscription


with what is probably a C in the last line,
which may point to the formula: h (onoris)
c (ausa), especially since this line is indent-
ed and symmetrical. In that case, in the
penultimate lines, the name of the dedi-
cator, in the nominative, and his position
or function are to be expected. The -ario
would refer to the latter, depending on an
ex as in no. 1293: ex cornicul (ario), or as in fig. 1301
AE 1917/18, 74 and 75: ex corniculario; or ex
tabulario as in CIL 3, 348 = ILS 1477: M (arco) Aur (elio) Aug (usti) liber (to) Marioni
proximo rationum, proc (uratori) marmorum, proc (uratori) prov (inciae) Britanniae,
proc (uratori) summi ch [o] rag (i), proc (uratori) prov (inciae) Fryg (iae) Senecianus col-
lib (ertus) ex tabular (io) h (onoris) c (ausa).
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 263

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1302. Honorary statue for the imperial freedman T. Flavius


Callistus, last decades of the 1 c. AD

Meas.: h 62, ൺ 77 cm; inscribed area: h 24, w 68 cm; letters 5.7-6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1978 between the apsidal room and structure 2 in the
praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, courtyard, IAA inv. no. 1998-7433. Autopsy: 8 May 1997;
19 June 1998; 4 October 2009.

T FLAVIO AVG LIBER


H CALLISTÓ C
C AVRVNCVLEIVS AMÍCO SVÓ

T (ito) Flavio Aug (usti) liber (to)


| h (onoris) Callisto c (ausa) |
G (aius) Aurunculeius amico suo

To honor Titus Flavius Cal-


listus, freedman of the emperor,
Gaius Aurunculeius (erected this
statue), to his friend.

Comm.: T. Flavius Callistus was


a freedman of one of the Flavian
emperors: Vespasian, Titus or fig. 1302.1
Domitian (69-96 AD). The
statue base was found in-
side the praetorium of the
financial procurator, and
must have been set up in
a courtyard or a porticus
of this building complex,
and therefore he must
fig. 1302.2 (squeeze)
have been on the staff of
the financial procurator of the province of Judaea, in a senior position – perhaps
second in command to the equestrian procurator. The dedicator, Gaius Auruncu-
leius, is unknown but must have been freeborn, since he does not have a cognomen.
This too is surprising, because after the first half of the 1 c. AD almost every Roman
264 II. Caesarea

citizen had a cognomen. He could have been a veteran settled in the new colony soon
after its foundation, i.e. a citizen of the colony. Be this as it may, it is very likely that
the inscription should not be dated any later than the last decades of the 1 c. AD.
The erection of a statue in honor of this imperial freedman inside the procura-
torial praetorium shows the influence exercised by people like him at the time, for
someone like Aurunculeius would not honor a freedman without a good reason;
the close ties to the emperor all but eclipsed Callistus’ servile origins.
Bibl.: C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in: Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum 49f. (Hebr.) (ed. pr.). – Lehmann
- Holum no. 2 pl. II (ph.); AE 2000, 1504; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 553; id., ZDPV 117, 2001, 57f.;
id., in: M. Labahn - J. Zangenberg eds., Zwischen den Reichen, 2002, 38f.; id., Language of Power
137f.; id., in: Festschrift G. Stemberger, 155; id., Statues 274f.
Photo: WA; Lehmann - Holum, pl. II no. 2.
WE

1303. Mosaic with the word “feliciter” at an entrance to the praetorium

Floor mosaic (F 039 in NN 18), framed as a tabula ansata. The primary color of the
mosaic was white; the tabula ansata is red; the letters are in black.
Meas.: Tabula ansata, originally: h ca. 43, w ca. 125 cm; letters ca. 12 cm.
Findspot: Found in 1995 on the western edge of street level II. The inscription was
set in the entrance to a staircase leading from the street level to the eastern court-
yard of the audience hall of the procuratorial praetorium in Caesarea. The fill un-
derneath (L.043, B.0117) yielded a few 1-2 c. AD sherds. Floor 039 should be dated
to the 2 c. AD at the latest.
Pres. loc.: See findspot, not visible. Autopsy: September 1996.

FELIC [.] TER

Felic [i] ter

Good luck.

Comm.: Welcome – or good wish-


fig. 1303.1
es – formulae are found in many
mosaic floors, especially in those placed at the
entrance to a building. Precisely here, in the
so-called archive building, which was part of
the whole building complex, similar formulae
dating to Late Antiquity were found as well
(see nos. 1333, 1338). Such formulae, like feli-
fig. 1303.2
citer, were intended to greet those who worked
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 265

or resided in a place, or the visitors. Here, but also elsewhere, the feliciter stands
alone. However, more often the feliciter is accompanied by a verb, e.g.: intra fel (ici-
ter) (CIL 3, 120); or with the dative case of the person so greeted, as in a dipinto
from Pompeii: principi coloniae feliciter (CIL 4, 1177), or an exclamation from
Egypt: omnibus commilitonibus feliciter coh (ortis) scut (ariorum) c (ivium) R (oma-
norum), feliciter coh (ortis) III Itur (aeorum) (CIL 3, 12069).
The archaeological context suggests a date in the second century at the latest.
It belongs, therefore, to the early phase of the building. One doubts whether those
visiting the building, above all the tax-payers – if such people were admitted at all
– would have felt reassured by the greeting.
Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: IAA; J. Patrich (dr.).
WE

1304. Mosaic in a porticus opposite the praetorium of the procurator

The right part of a floor mosaic (F.039 in NN.15). The primary color of the mosaic
is white, the inlaid letters are red.
Meas.: The dimensions of the preserved part of the original tabula ansata are: h ca.
19.5, w ca. 22 cm; letters ca. 6 cm.
Findspot: Found in 1994 at 6.50 m above sea level in the southern part of the East
Porticus beyond the cardo. Probably part of the same floor as NN.16 F.039, located
further to the N, at 6.55 m above sea level. It belongs to the pre-Late-Antique phase,
i.e. before the 4 c. of the East Porticus (NN.15; F.039) of the procuratorial praeto-
rium in Caesarea (see further Final Report).
Pres. loc.: See findspot, but covered; only a drawing was seen.

[--] OPT
[--] VO FEC

[--] opt (io)? | [-- impendio s] uo fec (it)

… optio … made it at his own expense.

Comm.: The last three letters of l.2 should be


understood as fec (it), which associates the in-
scription with a construction. The letters OPT
at the end of l.1 can be understood as opt (io). In
addition to imperial slaves and freedmen, sol- fig. 1304
diers, too, served on the staff of the provincial
procurator; amongst the latter were the optiones, as we find for example in SEG 13,
266 II. Caesarea

625 = JRS 46, 1956, 46 ff. or CIL 12, 1749 and in Inschriften von Ephesus III 680.
These testimonies allow us to suggest with great plausibility that an optio, serving
on the staff of the financial procurator of Judaea/Syria Palaestina, had a mosaic
floor laid down inside the building complex of the procurator, for which he paid
with his own money. The use of Latin makes it likely that the mosaic was laid down
in the late third century at the latest. If so, this would prove that the procurator’s
praetorium had extended already in the 3 c. to the east of the cardo, as seems to
have been the case in the 4 c.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepara-
tion). – For optiones in the staff of a procurator, cf. D. Breeze, BJ 174, 1974, 254ff. (= D. Breeze
- B. Dobson, Roman Officers and Frontiers, 1993, 11ff.); id., Britannia 7, 1976, 127ff. (= Breeze
- Dobson, 71ff.); R. Haensch, Capita provinciarum, 1997, 713ff.
Photo: J. Patrich (dr.).
WE

1305. Fragment of a Latin inscription with large letters

Fragment of a gray marble slab; the top edge and part of the first line is still pre-
served.
Meas.: h 19.4, w 15.4, d 2.8 cm; letters at least 16 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1993 in the debris of the Byzantine structure (the
‘Dolia Hall’) of warehouse no. 11 (KK.19; L.923; B.093) near the procuratorial prae-
torium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--] B/RV [--]


[--]

Comm.: The ca. 12 cm high space between the


upper edge and the letters makes it the first
line of an inscription. The letters in this frag-
ment must have been at least 16 cm high, hence
truly monumental. Such letters are normally
associated with the name of an emperor or a
high Roman official, probably in the context of
a building inscription.
Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Cae-
sarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
fig. 1305
Photo: WE.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 267

1306. Latin inscription under a statue of an emperor, late 3 c. AD

Fragment of a marble slab; the right and the bottom edges are preserved.
Meas.: h 27.2, w 17, d 2.2 cm; letters 6-4.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in L.243, in a fill inside the Roman
hypocaust (KK 20; L.243; B.0150) of the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA; original not seen, only a photo and a drawing.

[--]
[--] NVM·
[--] TISS·

[--] num (ini) | [mai-


est (ati) q (ue) eius
dica] tiss (imus)

For the emperor… someone,


most devoted to his might
and majesty, (erected a
statue).

fig. 1306.1 fig. 1306.2

Comm.: The fragment is what remains of a dedication to an emperor made in the


late 3 c. The formula with dicatissimus is attested in Caesarea (see no. 1213). A
provincial official, that is a senatorial or an equestrian governor, or, in view of the
findspot, a financial procurator, set up a statue of the emperor with this inscrip-
tion. The slab, if the suggested reconstruction of the text in l.3 is accepted, was
originally ca. 50 cm wide.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 108*f. (ed. pr.).


Photo: J. Patrich (ph. and dr.).
WE

1307. Latin inscription under a statue of an emperor or an empress, late 3 c. AD

Two fragments of white marble of the same thickness and color, found on the same
spot, and likely to belong to the same inscription. Both fragments are broken on
all sides.
Meas.: (a) h 13, w 18, d 2 cm; letters l.2: at least 4.0 cm; (b) h 7, w 10.5, d 2 cm; letters
4.4 cm.
268 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Caesarea. Both fragments were found in July 1995 in CC 52 (L.149;


B.0264) in a layer of the 3 or 4 c. above the stairs of vault 54 of the praetorium of
the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997; April 2000.

(a) [--]+N+[--]
[--]+CTISS [--]
(b) [--]
[--] Ṛ OCV [--]
[--]

[--] AN+[--|-- sa] nctiss [imo/ae or


inv] ictiss [imo --|--, -- ?p] rocu [r (ator)
prov (inciae) | Syr (iae) Pal (aestinae) --]

For the emperor/empress … the most fig. 1307.1 (a)


holy … (someone erected a statue).

Comm.: Fragment (a): CTISS is certain. Hence


a word in the superlative stood here. Before the
C a vertical hasta can be identified which must
belong to an I or an N. Hence one can restore
either [inv] ictiss [imus] or [sa] nctiss [imus/a].
Both words refer very often, especially in the 3
c., as suggested also by the script, to the rulers,
or – in the form sanctissima – to their wives. fig. 1307.2 (b)
This is surely the context here.
Fragment (b): Of the first letter only a small part of a curve is preserved, which
could belong to an R or a B, but R is more likely in the present context. The letter
sequence ROCV can hardly be made to fit into an emperor’s name or title, with the
clear implication that the text in frg. (b) did not follow directly the text in frg. (a).
Probably one can restore here the title [p] rocu [r (ator)], (or restore the cognomen
Proculus? and identify him as the dedicator of the inscription). This accords well
with the fact that almost all dedications to emperors in Latin found in Caesarea so
far were made by high-ranking Roman officials, and, if found in the procurato-
rial praetorium, are likely to have been dedicated by a procurator. These consider-
ations, combined with the similarities of the script, the thickness and color of the
two fragments, allow one to assign both fragments to the same inscription.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 109*f. (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 269

1308. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 26, w 15, d 3 cm; letters l.2: 8.6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1994 in field CC 30.024; L.01-001 inside the
procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--] ḄỌ [--]
[--] NTO [--]
[--] ẠT [--]

Comm.: The carefully carved large letters suggest an in-


scription honoring an emperor ([A] nto [ninus/o?]).

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excava-


tions. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE. fig. 1308

WE

1309. Latin inscription under a statue of governor

A slab of white marble with blue veins. The fragment is broken on all sides; but not
much is missing on the right margin.
Meas.: h 15.4, w 15.2, d 2.2–2.4 cm; letters l.1: at least 6.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in L 236, in the Byzantine fill in a room
of building I (KK 20; L.236; B.0129) near the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] N/VO·LEG [--]


[--] INAE [--]

[--] no/uo/vo leg (ato) [Aug (usti) pr (o) pr (aetore) |


prov (inciae) Syriae Palaest] inae [--|--]

For …nus/uus/vus, imperial legate with praetorian


rank of the province Syria Palaestina … someone
(erected a statue). fig. 1309
270 II. Caesarea

Comm.: The remains of the two words in l.1 are separated by a hedera. Part of the
title leg. Aug (usti) pr. pr., although restored here in l.1, could have stood at the be-
ginning of l.2. The use of the dative in the cognomen of the senatorial governor of
Syria Palaestina implies an inscription on a statue-base, set up in his honor. Among
the known legates of the province after 135/6, when the name of the province was
changed to Syria Palaestina, there is no one whose cognomen ends in –uus/vus.
The ending -nus would fit Maximus Lucilianus, governor in 160, but the script,
which points to a date in the late 2 or early 3 c., does not favor the identification.
Under Commodus between 188 and 192 a Cornelius Repentinus is known by an
unpublished inscription from Hamat Gader. He could be identical with this gover-
nor. But cognomina ending with –nus are not seldom.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 110*f. (ed. pr.).

Photo: WE.

WE

1310. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a white marble slab whose slightly raised left edge and top edge are still
preserved. Red color can still be seen in the letters.
Meas.: h 17, w 12.5, d 1.7-2.5 cm; letters l.1: 5.7 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in a 4 c. fill in vault 19 (CC 19, L.002;
B.0024) of the procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

L·A+[--]
R [--]
[--]

L (ucius/o) An [tonius/o?--] | R [--|--]

Lucius Antonius (?) …

Comm.: The second letter in l.1 is an A; the


following trace could be that of an L or an
N; a nomen gentilicium in the nominative
(or the dative) case like Antonius, Antis-
tius, or Allius is possible. In that case the
L stands for a praenomen: L (ucius/o). In l.2 fig. 1310
an R is likely, but D, B or P are also possible.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 271

The letter-form allows this carefully executed text to be dated to the early third
century.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1311. Latin inscription with the name of a Iulius Severus

A fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides.


Meas.: h 6, w 8, d 1.4 cm; letters 2.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 on the surface (KK 11; L.000; B.0141)
near the praetorium of the procurator.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--]++O+[--]
[--] Ṿ LIO·SEVER [--]
[--]+[--]

[--]++O+[--|-- ?I] ulio Sever [o --|--]+[--]

… (?) Iulius Severus …

Comm.: Since the name [I]ulius Severus


appears in the dative or the ablative case, fig. 1311
there are two alternatives: either [?I]ulio
Severo is the person whose name came at the end of the text in the ablative, prob-
ably with an additional curante, showing that he was responsible for setting up the
inscription and probably also a statue; or [?I]ulio Severo in the dative is part of a name
already begun in l.1, which would make him the honorand of the present dedication.
In view of the place of discovery it is likely that either reading has to do with a high
official. The meagre remains render these suggestions about the purpose of the in-
scription no more than conjectures. Two governors of Judaea or Syria Palaestina with
the name Iulius Severus are known: Sex. Iulius Severus, the commander of the army
during the Bar Kokhba War, and C. Iulius Severus, the governor of Syria Palaestina
in 158. There is no reason to connect either one of the two with the Iulius Severus of
this inscription.

Bibl.: W. Eck - H. Cotton, in: Studies Tsafrir 110*f. (ed. pr.). – For Sex. Iulius Severus, cf. PIR
2nd. ed. J 576. For C. Iulius Severus, cf. W. Eck - A. Pangerl, ZPE 159, 2007, 283ff.
Photo: WE.
WE
272 II. Caesarea

1312. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of slab broken on all sides, the back is smooth. Guidelines carefully
scratched in advance. Red color in the letter.
Meas.: h 9.5, w 8, d 1.5 cm; letters at least 7.5-8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in CC.19.024; L.002 in the procuratorial
praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--] Ḷ I·[--]

Comm.: An L must have come before the I as indi-


cated by a curve to the right at the bottom which has
left the space above it empty. [--] li·[--] could be the
genitive of a cognomen ending in -lus.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Exca-


vations. Final Report (in preparation).
fig. 1312
Photo: WE.
WE

1313. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 12.5, w 12, d 3.2 cm; letters at least 8.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1994 in a field in CC, B.0042, L.63 inside the procu-
ratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]
[--] RÓCV [--]
[--]

[--|-- P] rocu [lus/o --|--]

… Proculus … or: For … Proculus …


fig. 1313

Comm.: If the sign over the O is to be identified as an apex, the letters belong to
the name Proculus. The letters’ height and the findspot suggest that Proculus was
a Roman official connected to the financial administration of the province. No
Proculus is so far attested as procurator of the province.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 273

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepa-
ration).

Photo: WE.

WE

1314. Fragment of a Latin inscription of a high Roman official

A fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides.


Meas.: h 16.2, w 19, d 2.7-3.0 cm; letters at least 8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994, in a 6-7 c. AD fill in building II (KK
23; L.023; B.0089) of the procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] S·DẸ [--]


[--]

Comm.: An open space of more than 7 cm


above the letters strengthens the impression
that the letters belong to the first line of an
inscription; they are probably part of a name
of a high Roman official, as their size, over 8
cm, suggests. The script, dated to the second
century, rules out reading here an emperor’s fig. 1314
name: no name of a second century emperor
contained an element beginning with DE. However, the findspot, the praetorium
of the procurator, favors reading here a procurator’s name. The S in front of DE
makes it very likely that the name stood in the nominative case, and as such implies
that its bearer played the part of the agent.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepa-
ration).

Photo: WE.

WE

1315. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a slab of white marble with blue veins, broken on all sides; the back
is rough.
Meas.: h 5.5, w 7, d 2.8 cm; letters at least 7 cm.
274 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1995 in field CC.54, B.005, L.001 inside the procura-
torial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 3 April 2000.

[--]
[--] OVI [--]
[--]

[--|-- pr] ov [inc (iae)? | Syr (iae) Palaest (inae) --]

… of the province Syria Palaestina (?) …

Comm.: The findspot of the fragment, inside


the procuratorial praetorium, makes it likely
fig. 1315
that the letters are part of the word provincia,
although a name like Ovinius and so forth cannot be excluded.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1316. Fragment of a Latin opisthograph

A fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides with letters also on the back;
the original right edge of side (a) is preserved.
Meas.: h 22.4, w 17.6, d 3.3 cm; letters side (a): 11.6, side (b): ca. 7.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea excavations, in a fill on the cardo, above street II (CC 30; L.005;
B.0013) in front of the procuratorial praetorium in July 1995.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: September 1996.

(a) [--] SSÓ·


[--]

(b) ++[--]
FID [--]
AG or V [--]

(a) [--] sso | [--]


(b) [--] | Fid [--] | AG/V [--|--]

(a) For …ssus… fig. 1316.1 (a)


D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 275

Comm.: (a) The letters belong to a cogno-


men in the dative (in theory also an ablative
is possible), e.g. Bassus, Crassus, Conces-
sus, Fessus. The findspot makes it probable
that it belonged to an inscription under
an honorary statue; a funerary inscription
there would be far less likely.
(b) The script shows signs of careless
execution; it must belong to the secondary
use of the stone. The meaning is not clear.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed.,


Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepara-
fig. 1316.2 (b)
tion).

Photo: J. Patrich.

WE

1317. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 6.2, w 9.2, d 2 cm; letters at least 4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, found in 1993 (42/93) inside the procuratorial praetorium,
42/93 KK 19.089 L.930.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 April 2001.

[--]
[--] OPTIM [--]
[--]

… the best/Optimus …

Comm.: Optimus can stand either for the


cognomen Optimus, or for the adjective, fig. 1317
found in different contexts.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).

Photo: WE.

WE
276 II. Caesarea

1318. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides. Description on the basis of a
photo (C 93/ 101).
Meas.: h 13.8, w 13.8; letters 6.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found probably inside the procuratorial praetorium.

[--]
[--] RPETVO O/C/Q [--]
[--]+TIO·P·+[--]

[--|-- P/p] erpetuo O/C/Q [--|--] ntio


P (ubli) f (ilio)? [--]

Comm.: Perpetuo in l.2 can be a cogno-


men or the adjective perpetuus; it is fol-
lowed by the letter O, C or Q. Together
with the cognomen Perpetuo, one could
think of a senatorial governor with the
title consularis; alternatively, together
with the adjective perpetuo, it could fit fig. 1318
into something like: [flamini p] erpetuo
c [ol (oniae I Flaviae Caesariensis], but the latter is not very likely. The person whose
name is preserved in the last line, [--] ntius P (ubli) f (ilius), if it is in the ablative case,
may have been responsible for the act connected with the inscription, probably the
erection of a statue. However, it is possible to take the name in l.3 together with the
[p] erpetuo in l.2 as being in the dative case, and representing the name of the hon-
orand. As for the name in l.3: the Roman onomasticon knows far too many names
ending in -ntius to allow a guess.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: J. Patrich.
WE

1319. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a white marble slab. It is impossible to distinguish between top and


bottom.
Meas.: h 11.5, w 5.6, d 1.3–1.5 cm; letters l.1: ca. 4.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995, reused in the white plaster floor in vault 8
(CC.8; L.030; B.0161) of the procuratorial praetorium together with no. 1324.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 277

Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] OI [--]
[--] O+[--]
or
[--]+O [--]
[--] IO [--]

Comm.: Since the fragment was found in secondary use in the


plaster floor built before the end of the 3 c., the inscription must
fig. 1319
be earlier, perhaps from the 1 (or 2) c., as is confirmed by the
shape of the letters.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepa-
ration).

Photo: WE.

WE

1320. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a white marble slab, recut on all sides for a secondary use.
Meas.: h 5.6, w 25.2, d 2.4 cm; letters more than 6 cm.
Findspot: Inside the procuratorial praetorium in Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] IVS·+[--]
[--]

Comm.: The interpunct makes it clear


that we have one line of text, although fig. 1320
all the letters are damaged. The remains
of letters before the interpunct can be read as [--] ius, i.e. the end of a nomen gentile.
The filiation or the cognomen began with a C, G, O or Q. The letters must have
been over 10 cm high, since what has been preserved of them is 5.6 cm high – hence
a fairly monumental inscription connected to a person of higher standing.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepa-
ration).

Photo: WE.

WE
278 II. Caesarea

1321. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides.


Meas.: h ca. 9, w ca. 10 cm; letters 5.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in a fill on the cardo, above street II (7/95,
CC.30; L.005; B.0016) near the procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--]
[--] VETEṚ [--]
[--]

Comm.: It is uncertain whether or not the last let-


ter is an R, and it is equally impossible to decide
whether the letters belong to the Latin word vetus
(= ‘old’) or to the cognomen Vetus.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea fig. 1321


Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: J. Patrich.
WE

1322. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides, thus the preserved line of
text could have come either at the top or at the bottom of the inscription.
Meas.: h 8.8, w ca. 7.5, d 3.1 cm; letters at least 6.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in the area of the procuratorial prae-
torium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]·ṢỊẠ [--] or [--] Ṿ ỊṢ·[--]

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excava-


tions. Final Report (in preparation).
fig. 1322
Photo: WE.
WE
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 279

1323. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides, the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 12.5, w 12.5, d 4-5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1994 in CC.024, L.002 in the procuratorial
praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--] Ṛ ỊẠ [--]
[--] Ṛ ỊỊ [--]

Comm.: The reading is very uncertain.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea


Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE. fig. 1323

WE

1324. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a white marble slab; the original edge is preserved on the top.
Meas.: h 20, w 8.3, d 1.7–2.1 cm: letters 6.3-5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995, reused in the white plaster floor in vault 8
(CC.8; L.030; B.0161) of the procuratorial praetorium together with no. 1319.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--] EP [--]
[--] OV [--]

Comm.: The letters in l.1 are likely to belong to a name. Since


the fragment was found in secondary use in the plaster floor
built before the end of the 3 c., the inscription should belong to
the 2 c., as is confirmed by the letter forms.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Fi-


nal Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE. fig. 1324

WE
280 II. Caesarea

1325. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of gray-blue marble, broken on all sides, except for some re-
mains on the left edge; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 10.5, w ca.9.5, d 2.4 (at the top), 1.9 (at the bottom) cm; letters at least 5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in CC 19.027, L.002 in the procuratorial
praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 3 April 2000; 28 July 2001.

[--]
L·Ạ [--]
P/D [--]

[--] |L (ucius/o) A [--] | P [--]

Comm.: In l.2 perhaps a Roman name with prae-


nomen and the beginning of a nomen gentilicium.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea


Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
fig. 1325
Photo: WE.
WE

1326. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a blue-white marble slab with blue veins, broken on all sides; only on the
right side a part of the original edge is preserved; the back is not completely smooth.
Meas.: h 16.5, w 26, d 1.9 cm; letters 13.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found inside the procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]
[--] APO
[--]

Comm.: Allthough the letters could be read


as Greek, a Latin inscription is more likely,
since Greek inscriptions with such large
letters are very rare in Caesarea. Restoring
fig. 1326
here the Latin name [P] apo is possible, but
by no means certain.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 281

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE.
WE

1327. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of yellow-brownish marble, broken on all sides, the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 8, w 10.5, d 2, 2 cm; letters 3.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in CC 19.019, L.02 in the procuratorial
praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: 28 July 2001.

[--]++[--]
[--] ṂA [--]

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea


Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).
Photo: WE. fig. 1327

WE

1328. Fragment of a Latin inscription

A fragment of a grey marble slab, broken on all sides; the surface is extremely faded.
The slab was reused, as is shown by a hedera preserved on its back, belonging to an
earlier text.
Meas.: h 8.5, w 8.5, d 2 cm; letters 4.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in October 1995 in
a Byzantine fill under the floor of a room in
building I (KK.20; L.238; B.0140) of the procu-
ratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: May 1996 and 1997.

[--]
[--]+EMO [--]
[--]

Comm.: -emo could be the end of a Greek


name like Philemo, Artemo; alternatively the
letters may have been part of the Latin word
memoria. fig. 1328
282 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Caesarea Excavations. Final Report (in prepa-
ration).

Photo: WE.

WE

1329. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a white marble slab broken on all sides, the back is smooth. Guidelines
were marked in advance.
Meas.: h 8.4, w 9.4, d 1.4-1.8 cm; letters 4.8-5.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in July 1995 in a 2-3 c. fill in vault 8 (CC.8; L.029; B.152)
in the procuratorial praetorium.
Pres. loc.: IAA. Autopsy: April 2000.

[--] IR·[--]
[--]+[--]

Comm.: IR could be restored as [v] ir. The re-


mains in l.2 belong perhaps to the letter Y or
to an apex over a long vowel. The letter forms
cannot be later than the beginning of the 2 c.
AD. The letters are very similar to those in no.
1292.
fig. 1329
Bibl.: Unpublished. – W. Eck, in: J. Patrich ed., Cae-
sarea Excavations. Final Report (in preparation).

Photo: WE.

WE

1330. Fragment of a mosaic inscription

Fragment of a medallion, border made from differently colored tesserae (black,


red, yellow, blue); rests of an ornament can be seen above the text.
Meas.: ൺ (of the complete medallion) ca. 165, border 16 cm; letters 17 cm.
Findspot: Area CC, stratum VI. Arcaded stoa at the point, where the south end of
the cardo meets the decumanus. “The floor was a geometric mosaic, disturbed in
the final occupation period by several repairs” (Patrich).
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 283

fig. 1330

Ъ  ‫ݕ‬
[--]

ëÈĖ  (¸ÇÍţÇÍ) | [--]

Under Fl (avius) …

Comm.: It seems that the text records the erection of some part of the building;
the name of the governor is likely to belong to the 4 or 5 c., because the nomen Fla-
vianum is less often attested in later times. The abbreviation mark is not specific
enough to support a precise date (Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 37 knows examples of
this type from 211 on – although his great majority belongs to the 6 c. AD).

Bibl.: J. Patrich et al., in: Caesarea Papers 2, 86f. (ed. pr.). – AE 1999, 1684; SEG 49, 2052.

Photo: WA.

WA

1331. An acclamation for the proconsul Andreas

Tesselated pavement with a medallion, containing an inscription. Border and let-


ters are made by a single row of black tesserae.
Meas.: medallion: h 111, w 103 cm; letters 10-17 cm.
Findspot: Found in Area CC; it belongs to an oval room south of the crusader forti-
fications, west of the Revenue Office, that was still part of the governor’s palace; the
inscription faces one of the entrances to the room. The room seems to have been an
284 II. Caesarea

antechamber, designed to lead to other, now lost parts of the building, especially to
a staircase and an upper level; see Patrich 2000 for a general description.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 3 October 2009.

 [.]‫מ‬

   
 


App. crit.: As a result of the


restoration, the last line
presents today a somewhat
different reading.

 [Å]‫»מ‬ÉšÇÍ | ëÅ»ÇÆÑ (ÌŠÌÇÍ)


| ÎÀÂÇÁÌţÊÌÇÍ | ÒÅ¿ÍÈŠÌÇÍ
| ÈÇÂÂÛ ÌÛ ì̾

Of Andreas, the most


glorious proconsul, fond of fig. 1331.1
building, let many be the
years.

Comm.: This is an acclamation, prob-


ably recalling the inauguration of the
building. ll.1f.: Andreas is otherwise
unknown. Justinian elevated Palaes-
tina Prima to proconsular status in 536
(Iust. Nov. 103); the title ëÅ»ÇÆŦ̸ÌÇË
for a proconsul is probably later; at this
time, proconsuls were usually specta-
biles – but Feissel cites Sartre 108f. for
a dux Arabiae, whose post required
the title spectabilis, but who was called
ëÅ»ÇÆŦ̸ÌÇË in the year 533. Holum
1986, 63 cites archaeological reasons
for a date between 560 and 614 (Persian fig. 1331.2
conquest); cf. Patrich 2000. He suggest-
ed, too, that this part of the complex was built by Andreas, who – in his function
as proconsul – enlarged the praetorium. l.3: For ÎÀÂÇÁÌţÊÌ¾Ë see no. 1179; the title
refers to his commitment to the buildings of the city – but it does not necessarily
mean that Andreas himself funded the complex, where the inscription was found,
but it implies that he had been material in bringing it about. l.5: “one of the most
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 285

ancient and widespread acclamatory formulae”, Roueché 194, who quotes Peterson
150, 167f.

Bibl.: K. Holum, IEJ 36, 1986, 61ff. fig. 1 pls. 12f. (ed. pr.). – SEG 36, 1341; Ovadiah, MPI 50 no.
66; K. Holum, in: Humphrey, Near East 335; SEG 45, 1936; C. Lehmann, in: Raban - Holum,
Caesarea 1996, 385f.; Lehmann - Holum no. 39 pls. XXXIIf.; J. Patrich, in: Margolin, Proceed-
ings 37f.*; Feissel, Chroniques 219 no. 705; J. Patrich, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1678. – Cf. M. Sartre,
Trois études sur l’Arabie romaine et byzantine, 1982; Ch. Roueché, JRS 74, 1984, 181ff.
Photo: WE; Holum, IEJ 36, 1986, 62 fig. 1 (dr.).
WA

1332. A seasons’ mosaic, after 450 AD

Along the walls of the room, the mosaic formed an oblique grid; in the center of the
room, there were three panels decorated with figures and ornaments. The larger
part of the mosaic was destroyed by the later construction of a drain and the found-
ing of a wall on the western side of the room. Since the entrance to the room was
in the west, a person entering saw the female busts, representing the seasons, in the
corners of the northern and southern panel. The middle panel is almost completely
destroyed, but the inscriptions show that Pegasus was in its middle, together with a
representation of Fruit (s) as children of the Earth.
Meas.: The panels are each ca. 3.1 m long and of differing width (central panel:
1.4 m).
Findspot: Field C, areas 22 and 25; the tesselated room is located at the field’s high-
est point, ca. 30 m sw of the Revenue Office; it was part of the praetorium com-
plex. The border along the walls, formed by the tesselated, oblique grid, could have
served as a place for benches vel sim. Lehmann - Holum call it a “reception or
dining room”.
Pres. loc.: The figures of Winter and Spring were removed and are on temporary display in Cae-
sarea (Lehmann - Holum); the other parts of the floor are destroyed.

(a)
Ъ Ъ 
[..]

(b) [.]‫
 מ‬
(e) 
Ъ Ъ Ъ 
(f) 
 [.]
App. crit.: (f) ¸ÉÈŦ [Ë] is not impos-
sible, but the Fruits as sons of Ge are fig. 1332.1 (a)
usually represented as more than one
figure.
286 II. Caesarea

(a) D¸ÉÀ|[ÅŢ]
(b) [ ]‫¼מ‬ÉÀÅŢ
(c) [¼ÌÑÈÇÉÀÅŢ]
(d) [¼ÀļÉÀÅŢ]
(e) Ţº¸ÊÇË
(f) ¸É|ÈÇ [ţ]

(a) Spring, (b) Summer, (c) Au-


tumn, (d) Winter, (e) Pegasus,
(f) Fruit (s).

fig. 1332.2 (b)

fig. 1332.3 (e)

fig. 1332.4 (f)


D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 287

Comm.: Ceramic evidence provides a


terminus post quem of 450 AD. for the
mosaic, even though its style is thought
to be more consonant with the 4 c. Mo-
saics of this general type are not rare: the
seasons in the four corners of a panel, a
central panel with a mythological scene;
Casal 532f. collected other examples of
busts with wings; he mentions this mo-
saic on p. 533 no. 225. Spiro 257 stresses
the notion of “bounty and fertility”,
brought about by the government of the
province or the empire – and brings to
mind the fact that the usually known
legend of Pegasus does not really fit this fig. 1332.5
context (on images of Pegasus, cf. Lochin; on the problem of a Christian inter-
pretation of the myth of Bellerophon, Mittag 103f.). On the symbolic meaning of
the seasons in general, see Hanfmann; Casal 510ff.; on the Karpoi and their rep-
resentation, Balty 969ff. (citing a mosaic from Mérida, 2 c. AD, for the Karpoi in
the context of a season’s mosaic). For this mosaic in its context, Spiro concludes:
“The message … is the bounty and fertility of nature, and thereby the happiness
and prosperity brought by good government; Pegasus with his outstretched wings
symbolized the sun and the renewal of life, and the whole was a Tabula mundi of
the kind long since dear to the hearts of Roman officials.”

Bibl.: K. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 170f. figs. 122, 124 (ed. pr.). – R. Bull et al., in:
W. Rast, Preliminary Reports of ASOR Sponsored Excavations 1982-89, 1991, 72, 92 fig. 23; M.
Spiro, in: R. Vann ed., Caesarea Papers, 1992, 250ff.; Lehmann - Holum nos. 93-96 pls. LXVIIIf.
(93 = b; 94 = f; 95 = e; 96 = a). – Cf. G. Hanfmann, The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks,
1951; J. Balty, LIMC V 1, 1990, 969ff.; L. Casal, ibid. 510ff.; C. Lochin, LIMC VII 1, 1994, 214ff.;
P.-F. Mittag, Alte Köpfe in neuen Händen, 1999.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pls. LXVIII-LXXI nos. 93a-96 (ph. and dr.).
WA

1333. A welcome at the entrance

Tesselated pavement with a medallion made of black tesserae in a white field. Three
rows of black alternating with three rows of white tesserae form the border; below
the medallion a knot of Heracles.
Meas.: ൺ 78 (without the knot of Heracles: 72 cm); letters l.1: 6 cm, l.2f.: 8 cm.
Findspot: Negev found the pavement in his excavations south of the crusader city.
It was located in front of the door leading to the principal room of one of the build-
288 II. Caesarea

ings near the Revenue Office. The mosaic was found in the lowest of three strata in
this room. As the structure cannot be identified, it is quite possible that it did not
belong to the Revenue Office.
Pres. loc.: Caesarea, behind the theater. Autopsy: 4 and 10 October 2009.

[..]‫ מ‬
  
 
App. crit.: l.3 the nu has vanished
since Negev saw the mosaic.

[¼Ĥ]‫מ‬Ì ÍÏľË. | ¼ċʼ¿¼ | ϸţÉÑÅ

With good fortune, enter rejoicing.

Comm.: ĤÌÍÏľË is one of the


most common acclamations, fig. 1333
used here to strengthen the joy
of the entering person. This type of inscription belongs to Late Antiquity (but cf.
for an earlier example Waddington 2398 and the Latin equivalent feliciter in no.
1303); if this mosaic is roughly contemporary with the inscriptions of the Rev-
enue Office, it belongs to the 5 or 6 c. AD – but the text may not have belonged to
the Revenue Office. Compare SEG 56, 1893 (Eleutheropolis): ¼ċÊÀ¿À ϸţÉÑÅ; IGLS 2,
443: ¼ċʼ¿¼ ϸţÉÑÅ; Rey-Coquais 69 no. 84: ¼ċʼɿ¼ ÏšÉÑÅ; no. 85: [¼ċʼÂ]‫ ¼¿מ‬ÏšÉÑÅ;
no. 86: ¼ċʼ [¿¼] etc. (the three last inscriptions on mosaics); Stager (Askalon, on
a mosaic): ¼ċʼ¿¼ ÒÈŦ¸ÍÊÇÅ Á¸Ė [--]; IKourion 201: ¼ċʸ [º¼] ëÈЏ Òº¸¿ [Ŋ], ¼ĤÌÍÏľË
ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ.

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 257 no. 31 pl. VI 31 (ed. pr.). – Ovadiah, MPI 50 no. 65; K. Holum,
in: Humphrey, Near East 333; SEG 45, 1934; Lehmann - Holum no. 85. – Cf. L. Stager, BAR 17,
1991, 28; J.-P. Rey-Coquais, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Tyr, 2006.
Photo: WA.
WA

1334. Quoting St. Paul in the Revenue Office (Rom 13,3), 6-early 7 c. AD

Tesselated pavement; the inscription is in a medallion, bordered by rows of gray


tesserae. Still in the medallion, but above the inscription, is a small white cross in a
circle of black tesserae; below the last line of the inscription, but still in the medal-
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 289

lion, is a flower with two large leaves. Hederae mark the beginning and the end of
the first and the last line.
Meas.: h 150, w 146 cm (medallion); letters 10-14 cm.
Findspot: At the center of Room V of the Revenue Office, facing the two doors into
the room; cf. the plan in Bull et al. 82. The mosaic belongs to the uppermost layer of
the floor. This part was later overlaid with sandstone-blocks, and Holum 1992, 79
believes that these and other biblical quotations offended Persian fire-worshippers,
thus finding a historical context for the overlaying (always assuming that Persian
fire-worshippers could read the text and recognize its provenance – otherwise they
might have liked the thought).
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

(cross)
(hedera)   (hedera)

  

Y 
  
   
(hedera) 
 (hedera)

šÂ¼ÀË | Äü Îǹ¼ėÊ¿¸À | ÌüÅ


ëÆÇÍÊţ¸Å; Ìġ | Òº¸¿ġÅ ÈÇţ¼À,| Á¸Ė
ïƼÀË ìȸÀÅÇÅ | ëÆ ¸ĤÌýË

Would you have no fear of him


who is in authority? Then do fig. 1334.1
what is good, and you will receive
his approval. (transl. according to the Revised Standard Version).

Comm.: The uppermost floor was laid


in the 6 or early 7 c., Holum 1992, 79. A
slightly shorter version of Rom 13,3 can
be found in Room I, see the following
no. 1335. Holum 1995, 340 stresses that
this inscription renders the critical text
of Romans almost perfectly (with the
exception of an omitted »š at the begin-
ning): there are not even phonological
or linguistic changes, which suggests a
knowledge of a carefully written book
with this text. fig. 1334.2
290 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: K. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream, 1988, 170f. fig. 123 (ed. pr.). – Ovadiah, MPI 47 no.
58, 50 no. 65; K. Holum, BASOR 286, 1992, 79 fig. 4; Bull et al., Excavations Reports 82 with fig.;
AE 1995, 1587; K. Holum, in: Humphrey, Near East 339f. no. 3 fig. 3; SEG 45, 1937; Lehmann -
Holum no. 89.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXIV no. 89; Holum, in: Humphrey, Near East 339 fig. 3 (dr.).

WA

1335. Quoting St. Paul in the Revenue Office (Rom 13,3), 6-early 7 c. AD

Tesselated pavement; the inscription is set with black letters in a white medallion.
Meas.: ൺ 109-113 cm; letters 12-17 cm.
Findspot: At the center of Room I, Revenue Office; oriented with the bottom to the
east, facing the door. The room opens only to the street and has no direct connec-
tion to the other rooms of the building. The mosaic belongs to the uppermost layer
of the floor.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

 

  

 
 
 

šÂ¼ÀË | Äü ÎǹėÊ¿¸À | ÌüÅ


ëÆÇÍÊţ¸Å;| Ìġ Òº¸¿ġÅ | ÈÇţ¼À

Would you have no fear


of him who is in author-
ity? Then do what is good
(transl. according to the
Revised Standard Ver-
fig. 1335
sion).

Comm.: The uppermost floor was laid in the 6 or early 7 c. (Ovadiah puts the text
in the 3 c., which is impossible – also regarding the quotation). The text is a quote
from Rom 13,3 – which can be found, too, albeit fuller, in no. 1334; if we are to be-
lieve Małunowicz, these are the only epigraphic attestations of Rom 13. Holum 340
quotes patristic texts showing that the fathers understood ëÆÇÍÊţ¸ in this passage
mostly as the ëÆÇÍÊţ¸ of the state and its officials (Holum 340 with n. 21 refers to
Choricius of Gaza, or. 7,8, where ëÆÇÍÊţ¸ is used as a synonym for the governor of
Palestine). – Why Bagatti thinks that this text “refers us to a Christian environment
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 291

of Gentile origin”, remains unclear; it is most fitting – as was said often enough –
for any government building in a Christian state.

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 256f. no. 30 pl. 6,30 (ed. pr.). – Id., CNI 11,4, 1960, 22 fig. 2; B.
Lifshitz, ZPE 7, 1971, 163 no. 22 pl. 8f; BE 1971, 694; Ringel, Césarée 135; L. Małunowicz, in: E.
Livingstone ed., Studia Evangelica 7, 1982, 336; Ovadiah, MPI 47 no. 58; Bull et al., Excavations
Reports 82; K. Holum, in: Humphrey, Near East 335 no. 2; SEG 45, 1935; Lehmann - Holum no.
88; J. Patrich, in: Margolin, Proceedings 37*-44*; Bagatti, Samaria 229; Feissel, Chroniques 220
no. 706; O. Irshai, Cathedra 122, 2006, 64 with fig.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXIV no. 88.
WA

1336. Christ, help three officers of the Revenue Office, 6-early 7 c. AD

Tesselated pavement; inscription in a medallion; from l.3 on, abbreviation marks are
used. Holum supposes that the pavement was done by the same mosaicist as no. 1339.
Meas.: ൺ (of the medallion) 70 cm; letters 10 cm.
Findspot: Room IV of the Revenue Office, in the uppermost layer of the floor, in
front and to the left of the entrance to Room II. See, e.g., R. Bull et al. for a plan of
the building where the mosaics are indicated.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1995-467.

ΕΒ

 
‫ݕ ݕ‬
  ‫ݕ‬
 

App. crit.: l.3 the abbre-


viation can be resolved into
ĸº (ţÊ̼ÉÀ) or ĸº (ţÊÌÉĿ).

 (ÉÀÊÌ) ò ¹ÇŢ|¿À ¸ÉţÅĿ


| ĸº (ÀÊÌÉÀ¸ÅŊ)
Á (¸Ė) Äȼ|ÂţĿ Á (¸Ė)
ÇÍ|ÊÑÅţĿ

Christ, help Marinus, the


master (?), and Ampelius
fig. 1336.1
and Musonius.
292 II. Caesarea

Comm.: The uppermost floor was laid


in the 6 or early 7 c., and the type of
abbreviation mark seems to concur,
Avi-Yonah, Abbreviations 37. – l.2: on
the personal name Marinus, see no.
1122; ll.2f.: magistri (scrinii) or, rather,
magistriani depended on the magister
officiorum. They were concerned with
the agentes in rebus or were themselves
senior agentes in rebus, who served as fig. 1336.2
chiefs of staff (principes) of different
administrators (Jones, LRE 578ff.; Demandt 234, cf., too, Sinnigen and especially
Giardina; other ĸºÀÊÌÉÀ¸ÅÇţ in Gadara, SEG 47, 2008; 2013; see, too, this vol. no.
1754: seal of Leon, magister or chartularius); in this case, the latter is more prob-
able: Marinus will have been the chief of the provincial officium. – Ampelius and
Musonius can be found at roughly the same time (and in the same building!) in no.
1339; Marinus is not necessarily the superior of the two others: the hierarchy was
not respected in no. 1339, either.

Bibl.: K. Holum, in: Humphrey, Near East 341f. no. 2 fig. 6 (ed. pr.). – T. Newman, Biblical Ar-
chaeologist 34, 1971, 91 fig. 7; AE 1995, 1589; SEG 45, 1939; Lehmann - Holum no. 91; J. Patrich,
in: Margolin, Proceedings 37f.*; Feissel, Chroniques 220 no. 706. – Cf. W. Sinnigen ByzZ 57,
1964, 78ff.; A. Demandt, Die Spätantike, 2007; Bull et al., Excavations Reports 82; A. Giardina,
in: J.-M. Carrié - R. Lizzi Testa eds., Humana sapit, 2002, 395ff.
Photo: IAA; Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXVII no. 91b (dr.).
WA

1337. Acclamation for a founder, 450-500 AD

Part of a damaged tesselate pavement with the central part of an inscribed panel;
the border-line of the panel is made of red tesserae; the tesserae of the inscription
measure roughly 1x1 cm.
Meas.: letters 8-9 cm; h of both lines together 20 cm.
Findspot: Revenue Office, room VI; according to the excavators, the mosaic be-
longed to the bottom level of the room. The inscription is oriented with the bottom
to the east, facing a side-entrance to the room.
Pres. loc.: To the west of no. 1334. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 293

[--]‫מ‬Ъ  [--]


[--]‫מ‬Ъ  [--]
App. crit.: l.2 ĝ ÁÌ [ţÊ̾Ë] Lehmann -
Holum.

[-- ¼ĤÌÍÏ]‫מ‬ľË Ĥº [--| ÎÀÂ]‫מ‬ÇÁÌ [ţÊÌ--]

With good fortune, Eug… devoted to


building …

Comm.: If the observation of the ex-


cavators is correct, the mosaic was
made between 450 and 500. – The
name was either in the vocative (cf.
no. 1343) or in the dative (cf. no.
1346). The unknown Eug [--] may fig. 1337.1
well have been a governor, since the
acclamation makes the best sense, if part of the
Revenue Office was built by him; cf. no. 1331. Most
probably, his name was Eugenius; for the restora-
tions of a bath at Jerusalem by ÁÍÉ. ÁÇÄ. ĤºšÅÀ¼,
see vol. I 796. For ¼ĤÌÍÏľË ÌŊ ÁÌţÊÌþ cf. no. 2148
(Sycamina; further examples of this acclamation
in a building context are collected by Di Segni 237
n. 1, 2). fig. 1337.2

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 86 (ed. pr.). – Cf. L. Di Segni, in: F. Manns - E. Alliata eds., Early
Christianity in Context, 1993, 231ff.
Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXII no. 86b (dr.).
WA

1338. A benediction for people entering or exiting the


Revenue Office, later 5-early 6 c. AD

Tesselated pavement with the inscription in a tabula ansata; the border and the
letters are formed each by a single row of black tesserae; at some places single dots
divide the words. Whoever enters the room, has to walk over the text.
Meas.: h 40, w (with ansae) 137, (without ansae) 115 cm; letters 10-12 cm.
Findspot: Just inside the threshold of room VII of the Revenue Office; it belongs to
the second layer of mosaics. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.
294 II. Caesarea

Pres. loc.: In situ.

 

·
 ·

·
App. crit.: l.1 ¼ĊÉŢÅþ (= ëÅ
¼ĊÉŢÅþ) Lehmann - Holum; l.2
the mosaicist wanted to form
the letter xi in  as a
circle with a horizontal bar
above and below the circle;
either he forgot his intention
and formed the usual omicron
and upsilon in ligature, or – less
likely – some of the tesserae fig. 1338.1
were lost and replaced by white
ones.

¼ĊÉŢž ÷ ¼ċÊÇ»ŦË ÊÇÍ | Á¸Ė ÷ ìଢÆଣÇ»ŦË ÊÇÍ

May your entrance and departure be in


fig. 1338.2
peace.

Comm.: The second layer of the floor with its mosaics belongs to the later 5 or
early 6 c. – The benediction is typical for entrances to houses, churches etc. – and,
evidently, also usable in a revenue office. The same text appears in other inscrip-
tions from Caesarea (nos. 1344, 1345). The wording is reminiscent of the Septua-
gint, 1 Sam 16,4: ¼ĊÉŢž ÷ ¼ċÊÇ»ŦË ÊÇÍ, ĝ ¹ÂšÈÑÅ. Á¸Ė ¼čȼÅ, ¼ĊÉŢž; 1 Kgs 2,13: ÷ »ò
¼čȼÅ, ¼ĊÉŢž ÷ ¼ċÊÇ»ŦË ÊÇÍ. Á¸Ė ¼čȼÅ, ¼ĊÉŢž; Ps 121,8: ŧÉÀÇË ÎÍŠƼÀ ÌüÅ ¼ċÊÇ»ŦÅ
ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė ÌüÅ ìÆÇ»ŦÅ ÊÇÍ ÒÈġ Ìġ ÅıÅ Á¸Ė ïÑË ÌÇı ¸ĊľÅÇË: Lehmann - Holum 252 n. 105
cite many examples for the use of this quotation in inscriptions from Syria, and
one more from Scythopolis, SEG 37, 1533: (ŧÉÀÇ) Ë Î [ÍŠƼÀ] ÌüÅ ċÊ [Ç»ŦÅ ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė]
ÌüÅ ìÆÇ [»ŦÅ ÊÇÍ] ÒÈġ ÌÇı ÅıÅ (Á¸Ė) ïÑË ÌÇı ¸ĊľÅÇË; cf. ibid. Ovadiah, MPI 32 no. 28:
¼ĊÉŢž ÷ ¼ċÊÇ»ŦË ÊÇÍ Á (¸Ė) ÷ ìÆÇ»ÇË. It was used at least twice in Jerusalem, CIIP I
810, 814. Parts of the quotation have been used elsewhere, too (IGLS 3, 770: ĊÉŢž ÷
ċÊÑ»ŦË ÊÇÍ, ĝ ¹ÂšÈÑÅ; SEG 37, 1365 [on a chancel; Cilicia]; 38, 1164 [Stratonikeia];
P. Donceel-Voûte, Les pavements des églises byzantines de Syrie et du Liban, 1988,
414 [Qabr Hiram]). Very near to these ideas is SEG 37, 1499 A (Kh. Samra): ÷ ċÊÇ»ÇË
ĨÄľÅ ëÅ ĊÉŢÅþ; C: ÎÍŠÆþ ÌüÅ ċÊÇ»Ġ [Å] ÊÇÍ Áò ÌüÅ ìÆÇ»ĠÅ ÊÇÍ; for examples farther
east see IK 65, 37f. (Tella/Constantina). Private Christian use is frequently attested,
for Syria, cf. Prentice.
Lehmann - Holum p. 252 n. 106 quote Levine 272, who cites b.Sanh. 14a;
b.Ketub. 17 a, where Rabbi Abbahu is greeted by the women of Caesar’s house:
“Leader of his people, spokesman of his nation, a glowing lamp, blessed be your
coming in peace”; Lehmann - Holum explain the lack of rabbinic parallels with the
origin of this acclamation in court ceremonial.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 295

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 87 (ed. pr.). – R. Bull - L. Toombs, IEJ 22, 1972, 179 pl. 40 a; Ringel,
Césarée 135; Bagatti, Samaria 229. – Cf. W. Prentice, TAPhA 33, 1902, 94; id., AJA 10, 1906, 145,
149; L. Levine, in: R. Vann ed., Caesarea Papers, 1992, 268ff.
Photo: WA; Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXIII no. 87b (dr.).
WA

1339. Christ, help the chartularii!

Tesselated pavement with a panel, formed by a row of black tesserae. The makers of
the mosaic did not quite succeed in producing a quadrangle. Holum supposes that
the pavement was done by the same mosaicist as no. 1336.
Meas.: h 69, w 161 cm; letters 10-13 cm.
Findspot: Room VIII of the Revenue Office, in the uppermost layer of the floor. It
was meant to be read by someone entering the room from the west; see Patrich 37f.
for a general description, Holum fig. 2 for a plan of the building.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1995-1631. Autopsy: 11 March 2010.

(cross) ΕΒ
 ‫ݕ‬
  ‫ݕ‬
   ‫ݕ‬
   

 (ÉÀÊÌ) š, ¹ÇŢ¿À ÄȼÂţĿ


ϸÉÌ (Ç͸ÉţĿ) | Á¸Ė
ÇÍÊÑÅţĿ ÅÇÍÄ¼É (¸ÉţĿ) | Á¸Ė
ÂÇÀÈÇėË Ï¸ÉÌÇÍÂ¸É (ţÇÀË) | ÌÇı
¸ĤÌÇı ÊÁÉÀÅţÇÍ
fig. 1339.1

Christ, help the accountant (chartularius) Ampelius and the financial secretary
(numerarius) Musonius and (the) other accountants of the same scrinium.

Comm.: The uppermost floor was


laid in the 6 or early 7 c.; the ab-
breviation mark points roughly to
the same time (Avi-Yonah, Abbre-
viations 37).
Scrinia, chartularii and numer-
fig. 1339.2
arii can be found at most levels of
the later Roman administration; Jones, LRE I 450 comments on these terms in
elucidating the scrinium, i. e. the bureau, of the praefectus praetorio rientis:
296 II. Caesarea

“each scrinium was headed by two numerarii, each of whom had an assistant
(adiutor) and an accountant (chartularius)”, thus summarising his own work in
Studies 166f. The numerarius of the consularis Palaestinae is mentioned in ND
43,10. Cf., too, Kelly 89f.; Palme 110f., who emphasizes the fact that adiutores and
chartularii were normally appointed for a year only. In Caesarea, the scrinium
was concerned with the (fiscal) income of the province. Ampelius and Musonius
are both mentioned in no. 1336, too. l.1: the invocation of Christ is a common
feature, Peterson 2ff.; Klauser 228. l.1f.: already PLRE I supplies many instances
of both names, and at least Ampelius can be paralleled from Schwabe - Lifshitz,
Beth She‫ޏ‬arim II 107. It is unclear, why the chartularius is named in front of the
higher-ranking numerarius. Cf., too, this vol. no. 1754: seal of Leon, magister or
chartularius; l.4: scrinium is a bureau in the officium (ÌŠÆÀË) of the provincial
governor or a dux. The dux Palaestinae had a scrinium with numerarii and their
adiutores (ND 24,51), and the consularis Palaestinae had at least one numerarius
(ND 43,10); the scrinium under discussion had at least three numerarii. Ìġ Á¸ÌÛ
¸Â¸ÀÊÌţžŠÊÁÉţÅÀÇÅ is mentioned in V. Sab. 54 (ed. Festugière).
Bibl.: R. Wiemken - K. Holum, BASOR 244, 1981, 27, 50 n. 5 (ed. pr.). – SEG 32, 1498; Ovadiah,
MPI 50 no. 65; Bull et al., Excavations Reports 82; AE 1995, 1588; K. Holum, in: Humphrey,
Near East 340f. no. 6 fig. 5; SEG 45, 1938; BE 1996, 485; C. Lehmann - K. Holum in: Gersht, Sdot-
Yam Museum 53 fig. 5 (Hebr.); Lehmann - Holum no. 90; J. Patrich, in: Margolin, Proceedings
37f.*; J. Murphy-O’Connor, The Holy Land, 2008, 245. – Cf. Th. Klauser, RAC I, 1950, 228; A.
H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law, 1960; B. Palme, AntTard 7, 1999, 85ff.; C.
Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire, 2004.
Photo: WA; Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXV no. 90b (dr.).
WA

1340. The grateful sub-assistants

Tesselated floor with the inscription in a tabula ansata; the tabula is made out of
two rows of red tesserae; letters in black. The reader of the text faces west.
Meas.: h 40, w 161 cm (without ansae: 112 cm); letters 10.5-13 cm.
Findspot: Portico in front of the Revenue Office, east of no. 1334. The mosaic was
in situ in the lowest level (IV b) of the pavement.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 9 October 2009.

  



 


ĤϸÉÀÊÌÇıÅÌ¼Ë ÇĎ ĨÈÇ|¹Ç¾¿ÇĖ
ëÈÇţ¾Ê¸Å

The sub-assistants being fig. 1340


thankful made (this).
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 297

Comm.: l.1: The verb ¼ĤϸÉÀÊ̼ėÅ as used to describe “de relations entre person-
nages ou entre services administratifs ou politiques” is studied – with the usual
wealth of examples – by Robert, Hellenica X 58ff.; XI/XII 27f. He calls the expres-
sion “relativement tardive” (59; for the absolute use of ¼ĤϸÉÀÊÌÇıÅÌ¼Ë cf. SEG
35, 1538 [Eleutheropolis], where it is used of people dedicating a church, thus
indicating the object of their thanks). Contrary to the others, this inscription
does not tell us who receives the thanks of the sub-assistants, but it is an easy as-
sumption that the ancient reader knew just by looking at the person in the room
(who will have been the superior of the sub-assistants). As usual, the inscription
is the record of an acclamation. – l.1f.: ĨÈǹǾ¿ŦË = subadiuva, LSJ and Sopho-
cles s.v., quoting Joh. Lyd. 2,16. Synesios, ep. 145 Garzya: "ÉÈÇÁɸÌţÑÅ ÌţË ëÊÌÀ
ÌľÅ HɸÁ¼À¸ÅÇı »ÇÉÍÎŦÉÑÅ, ÌŠÆÀÅ ìÏÑÅ ‘ÌŊ ¹Ç¾¿Ŋ ¹Ç¾¿¼ėÅ’ (÷ ºÛÉ ‘ÊÇ͹¸»ţÇ͹¸’
šÆÀË ÌÇıÌÇ îÉľżŧ¼ÀÅ ÈÀÊ̼ŧ¼Ì¸À); Garzya quotes P. Oxy. 1042 (6 c.); Grosse 131.
Generally, the term is not used as precisely, as one would wish, because Joh. Lyd.
1,46 does not differentiate between an adiutor and a ĨÈǹǾ¿ŦË. adiutores are at-
tested as subordinates of the numerarius in general (on the numerarius see no.
1339), and in particular for the governors of Palestine (ND 43,9f.). The ND does
not mention any subadiuva or ĨÈǹǾ¿ŦË in Palestine, and one has to assume
some kind of re-organisation (the inscription is probably later than the ND). And
if one does not want to believe in a loose use of the word (as in Joh. Lyd.), one
has to assume that more than one subadiuva had been added to the office of the
numerarius, since the location of the inscription makes it virtually certain that
the ĨÈǹǾ¿Çţ were attached to his office, and one does not need to look for any
other officium or scrinium. Cf. on subadiuvae and subadiutores in general: Jones,
LRE 369, 579.

Bibl.: J. Patrich et al., in: Caesarea Papers 2, 101 fig. 38 (ed. pr.). – SEG 49, 2056; J. Patrich, in:
Margolin, Proceedings 41f.*; BE 2002, 473; J. Patrich, Qadmoniot 35, 2002, 69 (dr.). – Cf. R.
Grosse, Klio 15, 1918, 122ff.

Photo: J. Patrich, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 101 fig. 38 (dr.).

WA

1341. Fragment of a mosaic inscription from the vicinity of the Revenue Office

Four fragments of a tesselated pavement, including the right side of a medallion


with inscription; the border of the medallion is made of brown, red and white tes-
serae; the medallion seems to be included in a larger, squarish design. Letters in
red.
Meas.: ൺ of the medallion (restored) more than 3 m (Negev); border 22 cm; letters
17-20 cm; size of the tesserae up to 2x3 cm.
298 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Negev excavated some buildings south of the crusader city; it is unknown
to which building the mosaic belonged – and the buildings seem to be covered by
the modern road. But at least the medallion belonged to the “salle d’entrée”; “après
la conquête de Césarée par les Arabes en 640 … on installa un four à chaux; le mé-
daillon a servi de tracé pour bâtir la paroi du four, de sorte que seules les extrémités
des lignes ont été épargnées”.
Pres. loc.: The mosaic was lifted and consolidated in concrete; today it is again broken, has lost
some letters and lies at the back of the theater. Autopsy: 4 October 2009.

[--]‫מ‬
[--]‫מ‬
[--]‫מ‬
[--]‫מ‬
[--]‫ מ‬
[--]‫  מ‬
[--]‫מ‬
[--]‫ מ‬
App. crit.: l.1 [ëÈĖ ¸ÇÍţ]‫מ‬ÇÍ?; l.4 […
ëÅ»]‫מ‬ÇÆ (ÇÌŠÌÇÍ) Lehmann - Holum; l.5:
[ÌüÅ ÐŢÎÑÊ]‫מ‬ÀÅ Negev, according to Leh-
mann - Holum (?); no other vowel than iota
seems possible; there are, of course, other
possibilities, e.g. [оÎ]‫מ‬ţÅ; l.7 [ëÐŢÎÑ]‫מ‬ʼÅ,
[ëÈÂŢÉÑ]‫מ‬ʼÅ, [ë̚¼]‫מ‬ʼÅ, [ëÁŦÊľ]‫מ‬ʼÅ,
[ÒżŚÑ]‫מ‬ʼÅ, [ìÁÌÀ]‫מ‬ʼÅ?

fig. 1341
[ëÈĖ --]‫מ‬ÇÍ | [--]‫מ‬ÌÇÍ | [--]‫מ‬ÇË |
[-- ëÅ»]‫מ‬ÇÆ (Ç̸Ì..) | [--]‫מ‬ÀÅ | [--]‫ ¸מ‬Á¸Ė | [-- ëÈÇţ¾]‫מ‬ʼÅ.| [-- ¼ĤÌ]‫מ‬ÍÏľË

Under the … most glorious … and had it made. With good fortune.

Comm.: According to Negev, the inscription was found in a building that was in
continuous use during Late Antiquity. Di Segni 317ff. suggests that a dating like
this implies the authorization of funds or some other activity on behalf of the gov-
ernor. l.4: On the title see no. 1263. – It is usually assumed that the text starts with
a date, occupying the first four lines. This is not impossible and makes a certain
sense in view of the parallels (cf. the long dating formula in no. 1263) – but this
would exclude any subject; therefore it seems better to confine the date to ll.1f., and
to take l.3, [--]‫מ‬ÇË, as the subject, with the title in l.4 still belonging to the subject.
The Á¸ĕ in l.6 makes a second verb necessary, ending in -¸, which seems impossible.
A construction with verb + object + verb (ëÁŦÊľʼŠÌüÅ ÌŠ¹Â¸ Á¸Ė ëÐŢÎÑʼÅ)
seems impossible, too, since the iota in l.5 is quite certain. The object follows in l.5
– and perhaps Negev’s restoration is right (McLean makes no attempt at a restora-
tion). On ÐûÎÑÊÀË cf. no. 1262, l.12.
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 299

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1972, 257f. no. 32 pl. 9,32 (ed. pr.). – L. Di Segni, in: Humphrey, Near East
312ff.; McLean I no. 27; Lehmann - Holum no. 92 pl. LXVIII.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXVIII no. 92.
WA

1342. Invocation for a numerarius, 4-5 c. AD

Tesselated pavement with a large medallion, surrounded by a border, made of two


bands of tesserae, the inner one on the right side blue, the outer one brown; both
bands are separated by a row of white tesserae; the outer resp. inner band is in both
cases darker; the colors change (presumably) at the bottom of the medallion. Above
the first line there are three ornamental ivy leaves in red; below the last line, part
of an ornament.
Meas.: ൺ roughly 120, border 10 cm; letters more than 10 cm.
Findspot: Area NN 18, on the eastern side of the cardo, where an opening led from
the northern portico into a broad room; probably part of the government com-
pound.
Pres. loc.: See findspot. Autopsy: 1999 (WE).

  


Ъ Ъ  
[--]‫  מ‬

¼đË ¿¼ġË ÄŦ|ÅÇË ¹ÇŢ¿¼À |


Ĥʼ¹ţĿ ÌŊ | [ÅÇÍ]‫מ‬ļɸÉţĿ

May the one and only God fig. 1342


help Eusebius, the numer-
arius.

Comm.: Dated to the 4 c. by Patrich 1999, 97; 2000, 42. – The formula ¼đË ¿¼ġË
ÄŦÅÇË in itself is no indication of pagan, Jewish, Christian or Samaritan adher-
ence (Peterson 256 on this intensification of the formula with pagan examples; in
pagan examples, ÄŦÅÇË is not an indication of monotheism, but of the god’s unique
qualities). Patrich 2001, 81 misses a cross and therefore believes it possible that this
inscription is Samaritan: he believes the opening formula to be common among
Samaritans. Actually, there are three instances of ¼đË ¿¼ġË ÄŦÅÇË in Samaria, one
of them certainly Christian (Di Segni 100 no. 16); one of the other two, SEG 40,
1503, was found in the context of a church – which leaves only one: Di Segni 101
no. 20 – not enough to indicate this formula as Samaritan. Cf. no. 1177. For what
300 II. Caesarea

it’s worth, non-orthodox appointments were made illegal by Theodosius II, Nov. 3
(and cannot have been very common before that [perhaps this is one of the reasons,
Patrich dated the mosaic to the 4 c.]). The lack of a cross seems to be no argument
for any religious adherence of Eusebius or the donor of the mosaic. – On numerarii,
see no. 1339. Feissel (BE) calls Eusebius “chef du service financier”. Since status-
designations are usually not to be found in private houses, the assumption seems
safe that the room where it was found belonged to the government complex.

Bibl.: J. Patrich et al., in: Caesarea Papers 2, 97 fig. 32 (ed. pr.). –  1999, 1685; SEG 49, 2054; J.
Patrich, in: Margolin, Proceedings 37*-44*; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 81; BE
2002, 473; J. Patrich, NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1678. – Cf. L. Di Segni, SCI 13, 1994, 94ff.
Photo: WE.
WA

1343. Acclamation for Dionysis

Tesselated pavement with a medallion set in a square; ornaments in the corners of


the square; the border of the medallion is made of a “Flechtband”; on both sides of
the last letters are ornamental leaves, a christogram at the bottom of the text.
Findspot: Area NN 18, on the eastern side of the cardo, near the junction with the
decumanus, where an opening led from the northern portico into a broad room
(see no. 1342); in one of the inner rooms. Stratum IV B.
Pres. loc.: Still in situ?



 

(chrismon)

App. crit.: ¼ÀÇÅŧʼÀ <¼> SEG.

¼Ĥ|ÌŧÏÀ,| ¼ÀÇÅŧ|ʼÀ. | É (ÀÊÌŦË)

Have good luck, Dionysis. Christ.

Comm.: l.1f.: ¼ĤÌŧϼÀ in building


inscriptions “is used absolutely,
as an equivalent of … ¼ĤÌÍÏľË”,
Di Segni 231; on acclamations fig. 1343
of this type see Wilhelm 276ff.,
starting from an example with an analogous vocative, ¼ĤÌŧÏÀ, HÄšÉÀ (Tarsos); ex-
D. Imperial officials and the two praetoria 301

amples from Palestine are collected by Di Segni 237 n. 1. The acclamation on the
floor serves as record of the act, the actual acclamation of Dionysis – in some con-
nection with the building in which the mosaic was placed – and in some connec-
tion with an act of Dionysis in regard to this building. l.3f.: The name is put in the
vocative; no alteration is necessary, if one believes it to have been ÀÇÅŧÊÀË. – The
inscription is roughly contemporary with no. 1342, and if that inscription indicates
that its location belonged to the government complex, this room is part of the gov-
ernment complex, too.

Bibl.: J. Patrich et al., in: Caesarea Papers 2, 97f. fig. 34 (ed. pr.). – SEG 49, 2055. – Cf. L. Di Segni,
in: F. Manns - E. Alliata eds., Early Christianity in Context, 1993, 231ff.; A. Wilhelm, Kleine
Schriften V, 2003.
Photo: J. Patrich, Caesarea Papers 2, 98 fig. 34 (J. Gottlieb).
WA

1344. A benediction for people entering or exiting

White tesselated pavement, the inscription inside a medallion; the medallion is


formed by two rows of tesserae, the outer one black, the inner one red. Letters in
black on white ground.
Findspot: Said to be from the ex-
cavations in Caesarea; since the
two other inscriptions with this
text come from the praetorium
of the procurator resp. its vicini-
ty (nos. 1338, 1345), it is assumed
that this text belongs to the same
complex.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no.
2001-1056.

 


 
 



¼ĊÉŢž ÷ | ¼ċÊÇ»ŦË | ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė ÷


ìÆ|Ç»ŦË ÊÇÍ

‘Peace (be) your entrance and


your exit.’ fig. 1344
302 II. Caesarea

Comm.: See no. 1338.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: IAA.
WA
E. Bathhouse 303

E. Bathhouse

1345. A benediction for people entering or exiting the bathhouse

Tesselated pavement with an inscription in a tabula ansata; tesserae are black, but
the border is in red and so is the inner leaf of the ornament at the end of the l.3. A
cross marks the beginning of the first line.
Meas.: h 53.5, w 151 cm (without ansae 117 cm); letters 10-11 cm.
Findspot: Bathhouse, square R 16-17, locus 4024.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 4 October 2009.

(cross)  


 
 

 (leaf)

¼ĊÉŢž ÷ ¼ċÊÇ|»ĠË ÊÇÍ Á¸Ė ÷ |


ìÆÇ»ĠË ÊÇÍ

‘Peace (be) your entrance fig. 1345


and your exit.’

Comm.: An identical text was found at an entrance to the Revenue Office, no. 1338;
cf. there for comments. – Such a benediction might have been appropriate for a
bathhouse, since baths were often thought to be haunted places – and therefore
used for magic (communication from R. Daniel, who refers to Suppl. Mag. I no. 43;
Dunbabin 33ff.).

Bibl.: Unpublished. – Cf. K. Dunbabin, PBSR 57, 1989, 7ff.; Suppl. Mag. I.
Photo: WE.
WA

1346. An acclamation for builders

Tesselated floor; at the entrance to the room a tabula ansata made out of red tes-
serae, two lines of black letters, divided by a red line.
Meas.: h 31.5, w 120 cm (without ansae 94 cm); letters 6.5-12 cm.
Findspot: Bathhouse, area I W, square N 16, locus 390, level 6.93; whoever enters
looks to the east.
Pres. loc.: In situ. Autopsy: 4 October 2009.
304 II. Caesarea

fig. 1346
  Ъ  
  [.]‫     מ‬

¼ĤÌÍÏľË ĤÌÇÁţĿ Á¸Ė Ĥ|ÎÀÄ [ţ]‫מ‬ß ÌÇėË ÎÀÂÇÁÌţÊ̸ÀË

With good fortune for Eutocius and Euphimia, who love to build.

Comm.: l.1: on ¼ĤÌÍÏľË see, e.g. no. 1169; both names are not in Ilan, Lexicon I; for
Eutocius: SEG 33, 1305 (Gerasa); SEG 31, 1494: ÅÀÁê ÷ ÌŧϾ ĤÌÇÁţÇÍ Áò ¼ÅšÌÑÅଃ Á¸ÁÛ
ÌÛ ì̾ ÌÇı ¸Ï¸ÅÜ; cf. SEG 36, 1526: ÀÁê ÷ ÌŧϾ ĤÌÇÁţÇÍ on a lamp from Egypt or
the East; Eutocia: SEG 47, 2034; l.1f.: for Euphemia, see SEG 47, 2020 (Gadara); an Eu-
phemia from Byzantium in Jerusalem, CIIP I 986; at least in Byzantium and Bithynia
(IK 27, 120, 126), the Christian martyr from Chalcedon will have been one of the
reasons for the interest in this name; l.2: ÎÀÂÇÁÌţÊ̾Ë: see no. 1331. It is very likely
that Eutocius and Euphimia made a donation for the construction of this building.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WA

1347. A personification of summer, 6 c. AD

Large mosaic floor, with a woman holding a fruit basket in its centre (a). The border
is decorated with geometric patterns, animals, trees, buildings and a riding figure.
Four short inscriptions, more or less complete, on the border, characterising the
E. Bathhouse 305

figures. It is a safe assumption that the figures on the other borders had inscrip-
tions to characterise them, too.
Findspot: Bathhouse, area I W, square G 17, locus 87.
Pres. loc.: Tel Aviv – Ben Gurion Airport. Autopsy at several times; ph. taken on 21 March 2010.

fig. 1347
(a)   
(b) 
   [...]|+  [....]| 

(a) ¸ÂÇÁ¼Éţ¸
(b) <ÈţÁ¾ÉÇË, ĤÌŧÏÀË, [...]|+ÀË, [....]| 

(a) The Lady of the Good Season.


(b) Epicerus, Eutychis, …is, …

Comm.: The mosaic is dated to the 6 c. – (a) The name derives from Á¸ÂÇÁ¸ţÉÀÇÅ, i.e.
good season, summer (Robert, Hellenica IX 54); cf. IK 58, 13 (Byzantion), a dedi-
cation to a variety of gods: º¸¿ľÀ ¸ţÄÇÅÀ, º¸¿ýÀ ŧϾÀ, ¸ÂľÀ ¸ÀÉľÀ, mĹÉÇÀË,
ÅšÄÇÀË, =¸ÉÀ, šÉ¼À, ¼ÌÇÈŪÉĿ, ¼ÀÄľÅÀ. The same god is venerated in Kaisareia/
306 II. Caesarea

Arka (Libanon), BE 1963, 278. A. Łajtar, IK 58, 43 adds: “ist nicht mit ¸ÂÇĖ ¸ÀÉÇţ …
Jahreszeiten zu verwechseln”, but the combination above and the use of Á¸ÂÇÁ¸ţÉÀÇÅ
and Á¸ÂġË Á¸ÀÉŦË as “summer” indicates a close connection to the seasons in general,
as can be seen in a mosaic “aevo byzantino” from Tegea (IG V 2, 179): preserved are
the months from January to May, and May has added the words ¸ÂÇĖ ¸ÀÉÇţ. Cf., too,
Robert, Hellenica IX 58 on CIL 8, 8511: “A Sitif, on a retrouvé trois bases de statues, qui
portent respectivement les inscriptions suivantes: Hiems, Aestas et Ver, Tempora feli-
cia; c’est l’équivalent de ¸ÂÇĖ ¸ÀÉÇţ.” - Personifications like this one are not rare, cf.
the Seasons-Mosaic, no. 1332. On images of the Á¸ÂÇĖ Á¸ÀÉÇţ as representations of the
seasons, see Casal 913f. There are, of course, personal names derived from “summer”,
but this cannot be intended here (for a random example of these names see Robert,
Hellenica IX 64ff.; Feissel 115ff. Nr.119; it is well known in Egypt, too). A wall-painting
from Sidon has the figure of ¸ÂŦÁ¼ÉÇË as the personification of the right time to
catch birds, SEG 49, 1967. – (b) The word <ÈţÁ¾ÉÇË seems to relate to the vignette
of the place (city?), and it seems that there are some traces of letters identifying the
vignette in the other corner, too. Perhaps unsurprisingly, neither a toponym nor a
personal name <ÈţÁ¾ÉÇË could be found. – Eutychis, on the other hand, is not only a
common name, but also a pseudonym attested for charioteers, Drexel 200.

Bibl.: Unpublished. – J. Porath, ESI 17, 1998, 43 (= HA 105, 40 [Hebr.]). – Cf. F. Drexel, in: L. Fried-
länder, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms IV, 10th ed., 1921, 197ff.; D. Feissel, Recueil des
inscriptions chrétiennes de Macedoine du IIIe au VIe siècle, 1983; L. Casal, LIMC V 1, 1990, 891ff.
Photo: WA.
WA

1348. A quotation of Ps 92,5 (LXX)

Gray marble tablet composed of 12 fragments with traces of rust on it.


Meas.: h 28, w 73.5, d 1.2-1.4 cm; letters 2-4.5 cm.
Findspot: Bathhouse, K/119, locus 226, level 5.08-4.68. At this place in the bath-
house, stairs go from the ground level to the arena. The stone is broken in many
fragments, which may indicate it fell from an upper level.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, no. 50102. Autopsy: 10 March 2010.

(cross)    


 ΕΕ  
     

  


    (cross)
ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈɚȼÀ Öºţ¸Ê|ĸ, fig. 1348
Á (ŧÉÀ) ¼, 뿼ļÂţÑÊ¸Ë ºÛÉ ¸ĤÌġ|Å ëÈĖ
ÈšÌɸŠÈţÊ̼ÑË Á¸Ė ÂÀÄ|ŢÅ ëÊÌÀÅ ÌľÅ ëÂÈÀ½ŪÅÌ|ÑÅ ëÈţ ʼ, ÁŧÉÀ¼
E. Bathhouse 307

Holiness becometh thine house, o Lord; you laid its foundation on the rock of faith,
and it is haven for those, who trust in you, o Lord.

Comm.: The whole content of the inscription shows that it belonged to a church –
which could be designated as the house of the Lord (Öºţ¸Êĸ can sometimes mean
a church, but does not seem appropriate for a bathhouse). Whether the findspot
of the fragments has something to do with the location of this church depends on
further archaeological observations.
l.1: the entire verse reads: ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈɚȼÀ Öºţ¸Êĸ, ÁŧÉÀ¼, ¼ĊË Ä¸ÁÉŦ̸̾
÷Ä¼ÉľÅ; in this way it is quoted in Palestinian churches (SEG 32, 1519; 37, 1472c); a
bit different is AE 1993, 1630 (with corrections by R. Haensch): ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈɚȼÀ
Öºţ¸Êĸ Á¸Ė ÌÛ ÊÛ ëÁ ÌľÅ ÊľÅ ÈÉÇΚÉÑļÅ. The verse was used outside of Palestine,
too, as was to be expected: Donceel-Voûte 416 (Qabr Hiram): ÌŊ ÇċÁÇЗ ÊÇÍ ÈÉšÈÀ
Öºţ¸Ê [ĸ]; SEG 18, 768 (Cyrenaica, only ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈÉ.); 36, 1266 (Ereruk, Arme-
nia): ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈÉšÈÀ Öºţ¸Êĸ, Á (ŧÉÀ) ¼, ¼ĊË Ä¸ÁÉŦ̸̾ ÷Ä¼ÉľÅ); 37, 1365 (Cilicia;
together with ĊÉŢž ÷ ċÊÇ»ŦË ÊÇÍ [cf. no. 1338]); DOP 32, 1978, 316 (Selymbria); IK
10, 493 (Nikaia); TAM II 118, 2 (Sidyma); BE 1971, 427a (Medeia/Thrak.): ÌŊ ÇċÁĿ
Ê <Ç>‫מ‬Í ÈÉšÈÀ Öºţ¸Êĸ, ÁŧÉÀ <¼>, ĊË Ä¸ÁÉŦ̸̾ ÷Ä¼ÉľÅ; IGLS 2, 414 (Deir Sim’an): ÌŊ
ÇċÁĿ ÊÇÍ ÈÉšÈÀ [Ö]‫מ‬ºţ¸Êĸ, Á [ŧ]‫מ‬ÉÀ¼.  (ÉÀÊÌġ) Ë ÅÀ (Áê). – Even though ÈɚȼÀ belongs
to the quotation, we should remember that formulae like ÊÇĖ ÈɚȼÀ ¸čÅÇË etc. were
used as acclamations in the church, Peterson 175, 318.
l.2f.: as in other examples, the beginning has been enlarged with references to
other biblical texts, in this case compare Mt 7,24: ĞÊÌÀË ŀÁÇ»ŦľʼŠ¸ĤÌÇı ÌüÅ ÇĊÁţ¸Å
ëÈĖ ÌüÅ ÈšÌɸÅ; 16,18: ÁÒºĽ »š ÊÇÀ šºÑ, ĞÌÀ Êİ ¼č šÌÉÇË, Á¸Ė ëÈĖ ̸ŧÌþ Ìĉ ÈšÌÉß
ÇĊÁÇ»ÇÄŢÊÑ ÄÇÍ ÌüÅ ëÁÁ¾Êţ¸Å. Although no parallel was found for ÈšÌɸ ÈţÊ̼ÑË,
the word-play on the name of Peter is evident (but see Origines, Fragm. in psalmos
on Ps 39,3: ëÅ Ìĉ ÈšÌÉß ÌýË ¼ĊË ÉÀÊÌġÅ ÈţÊ̼ÑË; Eus., comm. in psalmos, 23,693: ÒÂÂ’
ÒŸ¸¹ĽÅ ¸ĤÌüÅ ĝ ÑÌüÉ Á¸Ì¾ÉÌţʸÌÇ ¸ĤÌŢÅ, î»ÉŠÊ¸Ë ëÈĖ ÌüÅ ÈšÌɸŠÌüÅ ÒÉɸºý
Á¸Ė ÓʼÀÊÌÇÅ ÌýË ¸ĤÌÇı ÈţÊ̼ÑË; Epiphanios, Panarion II 373: Á¸Ė ôÁÇÍʼŠĞÌÀ «ëÈĖ
Ìĉ ÈšÌÉß Ì¸ŧÌþ ÌýË ÒÊθÂÇıË ÈţÊ̼ÑË ÇĊÁÇ»ÇÄŢÊÑ ÄÇÍ ÌüÅ ëÁÁ¾Êţ¸Å» – where the
slight variation on Matthew points directly to the text of our inscription; Aste-
rius, Homil. 8,4: Ìĉ ĝÄÇţß »ò ÁÂŢʼÀ ĝ ÑÌüÉ ÷ÄľÅ Á¸Ė ÌġÅ ÈÉľÌÇÅ î¸ÍÌÇı ĸ¿¾ÌüÅ
Á¸Ì¼ÁŦÊľʼ ÈšÌɸŠĚÅÇÄŠÊ¸Ë ÌýË ÈţÊ̼ÑË; 8,13: ÈšÌɸ Á¸Â¼ė̸À ÌýË ÈţÊ̼ÑË Á¸Ė
¿¼ÄšÂÀÇË Á¸Ė ĨÈǹŠ¿É¸ ÌýË Á¸ÌÛ ÉÀÊÌġÅ ëÁÁ¾Êţ¸Ë; Joh. Chrys., PG 59,493: ÷
ÊÌ¼É¼Û ÌýË ÈţÊ̼ÑË ÈšÌɸ … ¸ţÉÇÀË, šÌɼ, ÌýË ÈţÊ̼ÑË ÷ ÈšÌɸ). l.3f.: authors of
the old church use the haven as a metaphor for the heaven, but also as a symbol for
the church (Rahner 548ff.); Christian hope is “die Erwartung des Künftigen, das
Vertrauen und die Geduld des Wartens” (Bultmann 527); the haven is therefore the
aim of Christian hopes; see Vita Nicolai Sionitae 29 (ed. Blum): Á¸Ė ëÈŠÁÇÍÊÇÅ ÷ÄľÅ
ÌľÅ ëÈĖ ÊÇĖ ëÂÈÀ½ŦÅÌÑÅ, Á¸Ė Äü Á¸Ì¸ÀÊÏŧÅþË ÷ÄÜË, ÒÂÂÛ ÈÇţ¾ÊÇÅ ì¼ÇË Á¸Ė ëÈÀÊÁÇÈüÅ
Á¸Ė ÂÀÄüÅ º¼ÅÇı ÷ÄľÅ ÌľÅ ÖĸÉÌÑÂľÅ, ĞÌÀ ëÈÌÑϼŧʸļŠÊÎŦ»É¸. The words in
our text therefore have a metaphysical meaning, but are not restricted to this: the
church, to which this tablet belonged, is meant, too.
308 II. Caesarea

Bibl.: Unpublished. – Cf. H. Bultmann, in: Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament II,
1935, 525ff.; H. Rahner, Symbole der Kirche, 1964; P. Donceel-Voûte, Les pavements des églises
byzantines de Syrie et du Liban, 1988.
Photo: WA.
WA/HMC

1349. Fragment of a mosaic with Greek inscription

A tabula ansata can be reconstructed, making an inscription of two lines very


probable.
Findspot: Insula W 283, sqare L 116.
Pres. loc.: Still in situ?

++[..]+[--]
 Ъ [--]
App. crit.: l.1 the letters according to the
indications on the drawing; perhaps, but
not necessarily, a letter is missing at the
beginning.

ÌŊ [..]‫[ מ‬--]|ÏĿ Áò  [--]


fig. 1349

…chus and Ph…

Comm.: The mosaic was certainly connected to the building; in l.1f. we recognize
rests of two names, perhaps a couple; no. 1346 seems the closest analogy.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: J. Porath (dr.).
WA
F. Military people 309

F. Military people

1350. Funerary monument

Block of white marble, not a statue base, but the lower part of a funerary monu-
ment, which once included also the bust of the deceased; both the bust and the in-
scription were carved out of the same stone (similar to the monument of Cl. Potens,
no. 1351). The inscription is written inside a rather shallow tabula ansata.
Meas.: h 28, w ca. 87.5, d. 23 cm; letters 8 cm.
Findspot: said to be from Caesarea (Clermont-Ganneau).
Pres. loc.: Museum of Antiquities (Jaffa Museum). Autopsy: 2006 (HMC/JJP).

TI CL ITALICO · P · P ·

Ti (berio) Cl (audio) Italico


p (rimo) p (ilo)

For Tiberius Claudius Italicus,


fig. 1350.1
primuspilus (the funerary monu-
ment was erected).

Comm.: The deceased was the


senior centurion, primuspilus, of
a legion, that is commander of
its first Centuria. Normally one
fig. 1350.2
filled this post for one year only,
after which, one would retire from the army altogether. This is likely to have been
the case of Claudius Italicus. He served in a legion stationed in the province, whose
name is not mentioned here for the simple reason that there must have been only
one stationed there at the time, i.e. prior to the arrival of a second legion in Iudaea.
This dates the inscription to the period between 70 AD and the end of the reign of
Trajan or the first years of Hadrian, when the legio X Fretensis was the only legion
stationed in the province. Italicus was therefore primus pilus in the legio X Freten-
sis (cf. Dobson 343).
The fact that the monument was found in Caesarea (as attested in the nine-
teenth century) and not near the camp of the legio X Fretensis in Jerusalem, makes
it very likely that he settled in Caesarea after retirement. A retired primuspilus
would have been most welcome in a colony like Caesarea, as strengthening its local
elite. Other primipili found in Caesarea are Valerius Martialis and Iulius Agrippa
(nos. 1228 and 1248). The bust with his portrait was erected after burial. No dedi-
cator is mentioned, which makes it likely that the bust stood in a mausoleum or in
310 II. Caesarea

a different kind of funerary monument, where other members of the family were
buried too.

Bibl.: Clermont-Ganneau, ARP II 151 (ed. pr.). – CIL 3, 14155,13; W. Eck, AClass 42, 1999, 74;
Lehmann - Holum no. 145 pl. XCVI (dr.). – For the primipili, cf. B. Dobson, Die primipilares, 1978.
Photo: P. Gendelman; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XCVI no. 145 (dr.).
WE

1351. Funerary monument of Claudius Potens with


Latin inscription, first half 3 c. AD

Bust of Claudius Potens, made of white marble; the head is lost. As a military man
Potens is wearing a woolen cloak (sagum). The inscription is on a panel below the
torso. The back is left rough.
Meas.: h 98, w 60, d 34 cm; inscription: h 45, w 54 cm; letters 3.8-5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, in 1958.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7436. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 10 March
2010.

DM
C̣ L POTENTIS PRAEF LEG VI FERR
F C CL PROTIANVS ‫ ڐ‬LEG X FRET
PROC EIVS ET HILARVS ET DAMAS
ET SYMPHORVS LIB ET SECVNDI HERED
PATRONO PIISSIMO FECERVNT
App. crit.: l.1 L (ucii) Potentis Lifshitz; Fl (avii)
Potentis Lehmann - Holum; Cl (audi) Potentis
Eck, Topoi 545.

D (is) M (anibus) | Cl (audi) Potentis


praef (ecti) leg (ionis) VI Ferr (atae) |
f (idelis) c (onstantis) Cl (audius) Protia-
nus (centurio) leg (ionis) X Fret (ensis) |
proc (urator) eius et Hilarus et Damas | et
Symphorus lib (erti) et secundi hered (es) |
patrono piissimo fecerunt

For the deified spirits of Claudius Potens,


prefect of the legio VI Ferrata (with the fig. 1351
honorary titles) loyal, constant, Claudius
Protianus, centurion of the legio X Fretensis, his legal representative, and Hilarus
F. Military people 311

and Damas and Symphorus his freedmen and heirs in default erected (this) monu-
ment to their most dutiful patron.

Comm.: The date of this monument cannot be earlier then the reign of Septimius
Severus, as attested by the honorary titles of the legio VI Ferrata, fidelis constans,
received by the legion after the defeat of Pescennius Niger, who rose against Septi-
mius Severus.
The title praefectus legionis borne by Potens could mean that he was the com-
mander of the legion; this would date the monument after 260 AD, when Gallienus
removed senators from legionary commands. However, very often the praefectus
castrorum of a legion was called for short praefectus legionis (cf. CIL 3, 3427 =
10380; 4393 = 11086; 5328; 5946; 12791 = 14224; CIL 8, 2624 = ILS 4323; RIB 326;
AE 1931, 12; 1942/43, 37, 38; 1965, 215), and this could be the case here. In the lat-
ter case the monument is to be dated to the time from Septimius Severus (193-211)
onwards. The legio VI Ferrata was stationed then (and later: for there is no proof
that the legion ever left the province Syria Palaestina) in Legio (Caparcotna) in the
Lower Galilee.
One of the dedicators, Claudius Protianus, a centurion of the legio X Fretensis
(stationed in Jerusalem), had been appointed by Potens as his procurator, i.e. legal
representative in his lifetime. Since they share a nomen gentilicium, it is possible
that they were relatives. Potens, as the findspot suggests, must have settled down
in Caesarea with his household, perhaps also with his procurator (and relative?) –
both of them retiring there as veterans. He mentioned three of his freedmen in his
last will as heirs by default (heredes secundi), that is in case the heredes primi did not
accept the terms of the will or were no longer alive. Protianus, if indeed a relative,
may have been among the heredes primi.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, BIES 23, 1959, 53ff. (Hebr.); id., Latomus 19, 1960, 111 pl. 5 (edd. prr.). – H.-
G. Pflaum, Latomus 20, 1961, 826; BE 1961, 815; AE 1962, 269; Ringel, Césarée 84f., 108f.; E.
Dąbrowa, Legio X Fretensis, 1993, 85 no. 10; McLean II no. 99; C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in:
Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum 55 no. 7 (Hebr.); Lehmann - Holum no. 146; W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000,
545; AE 2000, 1522.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum pl. XLVII no. 146.

WE

1352. Latin funerary inscription for Valentina on a sarcophagus

Fragment of an unfinished sarcophagus of Proconnesian marble, broken on all


sides. The inscription is written inside a tabula ansata; the top is missing. All lines
of the inscription are preserved, but the first is damaged. Ivy leaf at the end of the
last line.
312 II. Caesarea

Meas.: h 56, w 59, d 14 cm; tabula ansata: w 36 cm.


Findspot: Built into a garden wall west of the dining hall of Kibbutz Sdot Yam.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7439. Autopsy: January 1999; 10 March
2010.

[--] Ṿ AḶ Ẹ [.]


TINAE CONG [.]
IVL TIBERIA
NVS ‫ ڐ‬LEG X FR
MARIT ET IVL IVL
IANVS FIL (hedera)
App. crit.: l.2 con (iugi) o (ptimae)
Lifshitz, Lehmann - Holum.

[--] Vale [n]|tinae con (iu) g [i] |


Iul (ius) Tiberia|nus (centu- fig. 1352.1
rio) leg (ionis) X Fr (etensis) |
marit (us) et Iul (ius) Iul|ianus fil (ius)

To Iulia (?) Valentina, his wife. Iulius Tiberianus, centurion of the legio X Fretensis,
her husband, and Iulius Iulianus, her son (buried her).

Comm.: No more than 3 or 4


letters are missing at the begin-
ning of l.1; Valentina’s nomen
gentilicium must have been ab-
breviated, e.g. Iul (iae); she may
have been her husband’s freed-
woman. The former editions
read the letters at the end of l.2
as con (iugi) o (ptimae), but op-
tima is never abbreviated by the
letter O alone in Latin inscrip-
tions. CONG [I], as an abbrevia- fig. 1352.2
tion for con (iu) gi, is much more
likely, and attested serveral times in different regions of the empire; for example:
CIL 5, 2032; 6, 33129, 35310. 38639; 9, 3543; 14, 1518; AE 1902, 228; 1991, 375. The
centurion of the legio X Fretensis was probably a veteran who had settled with
his family in Caesarea. The sarcophagus, made of Proconnesian marble, while
attesting to the centurion’s substantial means, makes it all the more puzzling that
he had left it unfinished.
F. Military people 313

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, SCI 2, 1975, 108f. no. 7 (ed. pr.). – R. Gersht - Z. Pearl, in: R. Vann ed., Caesarea
Papers, 1992, 224 fig. 6; C. Lehmann - K. Holum, in: Gersht, Sdot-Yam Museum 49-58 at 56 no.
9 (Hebr.); Lehmann - Holum no. 148 pl. XCVIII.
Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XCVIII no. 148.
WE

1353. Gravestone of Allius Iustus, soldier of the legio X Fretensis

Block of kurkar, the surface is very worn and damaged on the left corner. The back
is only roughly polished.
Meas.: h 25, w 43, d 11-12 cm; letters 3-5 cm.
Findspot: Area of Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

DM
C ALLIVS IVSTVS
M [.] LES LEG X FRE
Ṿ [--] XXV

D (is) m (anibus) | G (aius)


Allius Iustus, | m [i] les
leg (ionis) X Fre (tensis) |
v [ix (it) an (nos)] XXV

For the spirits of the


fig. 1353
deceased. Gaius Allius
Iustus, soldier in the legio X Fretensis, he lived twenty-five years.

Comm.: The soldier, otherwise unknown, was serving in the legio X Fretensis, sta-
tioned in Jerusalem. His burial in Caesarea suggests that “he died on duty” per-
forming some function at the seat of the governor in Caesarea.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1354. Fragment of a plaque with the name of the legio X Fretensis

Part of a plaque of marble; it is not clear if the right edge is preserved.


Meas.: h 17, w 12, d 3 cm; letters 5-7 cm.
314 II. Caesarea

Findspot: Caesarea, during the Italian excavation.

[--]
[--] X FR [--]

[--|-- leg (ionis)] X Fr (etensis) [--]

… of the legio X Fretensis …

Comm.: The precise context for mentioning


the Tenth Legion is unknown, but probably it
was mentioned in connection with an officer
or a soldier of the unit.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 220 no. 2 fig. 268 (ed. pr.). – Leh-
mann - Holum no. 349 pl. CLIV.
Photo: Università Cattolica, Istituto di Archeologia, fig. 1354
Milan.
WE

1355. Small fragment with the name of the legio VI Ferrata

Small fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth. The letters
RR are inscribed between the horizontal hastae of the E.
Meas.: h 8.3, w 7.8, d 1.8 cm; letters 6.5 cm, the small “Rs” 1.6-1.9 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. J. Porath’s excavation, no. 6/95 IV 400127. Autopsy: 23 March
1999.

[--]
[--] I (hedera) FERR [--]
[?--]

[--| leg (io/nis) V] I Ferr [ata/e --| ?--]

… of the legio VI Ferrata … or … the legio VI


Ferrata …

Comm.: The fragment mentions the legio VI


Ferrata, but the context is unknown. A soldier
or officer of the unit could have been men-
tioned. fig. 1355
F. Military people 315

The shape of the letters in FERR is striking: the two R are much smaller and
written between the bars of the E, perhaps for an ornamental reason.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WE.
WE

1356. Fragment mentioning a legio?

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides, the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 7.5, w 5.5, d 2.2 cm; letters at least 3.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, during the excavation of J. Porath in 1993; inv. no. 6/93
I+65347-1.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 17 March 2010.

[--]
[--] GIO [--]

[--|-- le] gio [nis? --]


or
[--|-- le] gio (?) [--]

… of the legion …
or
… the legion … fig. 1356

Comm.: The context in which the legio was mentioned is not clear.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WA.
WE

1357. Dedication by a member of an ala Gallorum?

Right lower corner of a slab of white marble; the back is rough.


Meas.: h 11, w 14, d 3.3 cm; letters 4.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, excavation of J. Porath.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 8 March 1999; 16 March 2010.
316 II. Caesarea

[--]
[--] G̣ ALL (hedera)

[--|--] Gall (orum)

… of an ala Gallorum. (?)

Comm.: The word GALL at the end of


the inscription must refer to the dedi-
cator of the monument, but since it is fig. 1357
abbreviated, it cannot be his cognomen,
but a description of his position or affiliation. Therefore, the Gall is likely to be
understood as Gallorum (the only other possibility would be Gall (iae)). In Syria
Palaestina there were two alae with the ethnic name Gallorum: the ala Gallorum
et Thracum Constantium and the ala Antiana Gallorum et Thracum sagittariorum.
The prefect of one of these alae or another officer could have made a dedication to a
goddess or he could have honored someone with a statue. In either case, one would
have expected the unabbreviated name of the unit.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WE
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 317

G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis

1358. Monument in memory or according to the wishes of a


deceased member of the decurional class of Caesarea

Fragment of a base of gray-yellow marble which was later reused. The smooth back
could be the original one; alternatively, its smoothness could be due to its having
been sawn off an original base. It is broken on the top, the right-hand and the left-
hand sides; the bottom part is preserved, including a small part of a frame.
Meas.: h ca. 55, w (max) 58, d (max) 16 cm; letters 3.5-4.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Lionel Holland Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: September 1999 and later.

[--] A/S [--]


[--] Ṇ VS IIVI [--]
[--]+Ḍ ORVS DEC̣ [--]
[--] TRES ET HERẸ [--]
[--] M BASI [--]

There are two possible


reconstructions.
(a) [name of the deceased
in dative --|
--]A/S[--|--]nus IIvi[r
i(ure) d(icundo) | et
--]+dorus dec [urio |
[c (oloniae) I (primae)
Fl(aviae) Caes(ariensis)?
fra]tres et here[des |
statuam cu] m basi
[pos (uerunt)]
(b) [--|-- ex testamento? --
name of the deceased fig. 1358
in genitive |--] A/S [--
|--] nus IIvi [r i (ure) d (icundo) | et --]+dorus dec [urio | [c (oloniae) I (primae)
Fl (aviae) Caes (ariensis)? fra] tres et here [des | signum cu] m basi [pos (uerunt)]

(a) …nus duumvir and …dorus, decurion of the colonia I Flavia Caesariensis, his
brothers and heirs, put up a statue with the base for (name of the deceased).
(b) …nus duumvir and …dorus, decurion of the colonia I Flavia Caesariensis, his
brothers and heirs, put up a statue with the base to (name of a god) in accor-
dance with the testament of (name of the deceased).
318 II. Caesarea

Comm.: Two different scenarios are equally possible: two brothers, both members
of the ruling class of Caesarea, one a duumvir, the other a member of the city coun-
cil, put up a statue of their dead brother or, alternatively, erected a statue of a god
(signum) following the last wishes of the deceased. Be this as it may, the text dem-
onstrates the use of Latin by members of the decurional class in their private affairs,
and not only in the public sphere. The presence of the Greek cognomen in the name
of one brother (--dorus in l.3) is not at odds with the Latin character of the document.

Bibl.: H. Cotton - W. Eck, in: L. Rutgers ed., What Athens Has to Do with Jerusalem, 2002, 375ff.
(ph.) (ed. pr.). – AE 2003, 1800.
Photo: A. and N. Graicer.
WE

1359. Fragment of a marble tablet with Latin letters

Small fragment of a tablet of mottled red marble. The original edge on the right
hand side is preserved. The back is smooth like the front. Incised guidelines.
Meas.: h 6.4, w 4.2, d 1.2 cm; letters l.2: 3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--]
[--] ẠL
[--] NI
[--] Ị/Ṇ Ṛ /Ḍ
[--]
App. crit.: l.1 RL Lehmann - Holum.

[--|--] al | [--] NI | [--] I/NR/D | [--]

Comm.: In l.2 the editors read RL, which seems


almost impossible since there are only very few
words with the letters RL following each other;
nor does RL exist as an abbreviation. The let-
ters AL, on the other hand, occur frequently in
the abbreviation of the Roman tribes Gal (eria)
and Pal (atina). The conjecture that this line
contains the name of a tribe is made more se- fig. 1359
cure by the NI in l.3, which seems to be the end of a name in the genitive, and which
should be a cognomen. IR in l.4 could be [v] ir (i). Since the letters are very pre-
cisely cut, the fragment could have belonged to a text honoring someone, perhaps a
[IIv] ir, i.e. a duovir of the colony.
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 319

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 367 (ed. pr.).


Photo: WA.
WE

1360. Fragment of a dedication

Slab of gray, blue-veined marble, cut from a rectangular base and used as a simple
architectural piece on top of a column; the imprint of the column is visible. The
upper edge is perhaps preserved; all other sides are broken. Two fragmentary lines
of Greek letters.
Meas.: h 11, w 56, d 45 cm; letters 4.9-5.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7464. Autopsy: September 1999; 11
March 2010.

[--]
[--] Ṭ VS·QVAEST·SVA·D·S·D·D
App. crit.: [--] cus o (ptimo) v (iro)
ASI sua Lehmann - Holum.

fig. 1360.1
[--| func] tus quaest (ura) sua
d (e) s (uo) d (edit) d (edicavit) or d (ono) d (edit).

…, after having completed his quaestorship (or: during his quaestorship), gave and
dedicated (it) from his own property.

Comm.: The slab was cut from a rectangular


base, on which a statuary representation, dedi-
cated or given as a present, originally stood.
QVAEST SVA is to be understood as “his
quaestorship”, and the preceding [--] TVS to
be taken as the end of the participle [func] tus,
“having completed”, and the whole means: “X,
having completed his term as quaestor”, which
fig. 1360.2
is very often attested in texts of municipal
magistrates. However, the completed office almost invariably precedes the parti-
ciple functus or perfunctus. Alternatively, we may insert <in> before quaest (ura)
sua: it is only natural for a magistrate to have dedicated an object during his tenure.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 37 (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE. WE
320 II. Caesarea

1361. Fragment of a Greek inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble with gray veins; the upper edge could be pre-
served, all the other sides are broken. Two partial lines of Greek letters; round epsilon.
Meas.: h 26.5, w 24, d 5-7.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, found in 2011 by P. Gendelman in his excavations in the am-
phitheatre in the passage beneath the arena, locus 204 basket 2050.

[--]‫[  מ‬--]


[--]‫[  מ‬--]

[--] ÌÌÀ¸ÅÇ [ı |--]‫מ‬ĕÄÇÍ


»¼ [ÁÇÍÉĕÑÅÇË?]

(Seat?) of Attianus, … son (?) of …


imus, decurion (?).

Comm.: In l.1 Attianus is very


likely to have taken the genitive
case, although the nominative
is not entirely excluded. l.2 con-
tains a name in the genitive case,
fig. 1361
perhaps that of Attianus’ father.
There are far too many Greek and Latin names ending in –ÀÄÇË/imus to attempt a
restoration.
The piece of marble was found in the amphitheatre together with no. 1362,
where decurions might be mentioned as owners of the seats in the amphitheatre –
which makes it very tempting to restore here the »¼ [--] following the patronym (?)
[--]‫מ‬ĕÄÇÍ as »¼ [ÁÇÍÉĕÑÅÇË]. The amphitheater was not built before Hadrian’s time,
possibly later in the 2 c. AD. It is not yet clear if it was later modified. For another
seat from the amphitheater, see no. 1856.

Bibl.: Unpublished (all information by P. Gendelman).

Photo: P. Gendelman.

WE

1362. Fragment of a slab of white marble

Fragment of white marble with gray veins, inscribed on both sides, broken on the
left- and right-hand sides; the lower edge of side (a) is beveled. It may have served
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 321

as an amphitheater seat, and was inscribed twice at different times. Side (a) looks
earlier than (b), to judge by the letter-form.
Meas.: h 29.4, w 32, d 5-5.6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, found 2011 by P. Gendelman in his excavations in the amphi-
theatre in the passage beneath the arena, locus 204 basket 2023.

(a)  [--]
+[--]
(b) [--]‫[ מ‬--]

(a)  [--] | »¼ [ÁÇÍÉĕÑÅÇË?]


(b) [--]‫מ‬ÇÍ | »¼Á [ÇÍÉĕÑÅÇË?]

(a) (Seat?) of Ch…, decurion (?).


(b) (Seat?) of …us, decurion (?).

fig. 1362.1

Comm.: If the fragment is indeed


part of an amphitheater seat, one
should look for the names of the
owners in the genitive case. In frag-
ment (a) we read  [--], in fragment
(b) [--]‫[ מ‬--]. This could mean
that on both sides a name or a public
function beginning with K was
mentioned. Restoring »¼Á [ÇÍÉĕÑÅÇË],
i.e. seats reserved for decurions of
the colony, seems both plausible and
attractive. But other solutions are
not excluded. The amphitheater was
not built before Hadrian’s time, pos-
sibly later in the 2 c. AD. It is not yet
clear if it was later modified.

Bibl.: Unpublished (all information by fig. 1362.2


P. Gendelman).
Photo: P. Gendelman.
WE
322 II. Caesarea

1363. Latin dedication of a sevir Augustalis

Fragmentary slab of gray marble, later recut; on both sides and at the top parts are miss-
ing. The first preserved line and the last one are symmetrically indented on both sides.
Meas.: h 20, w 25, d 3 cm; letters 2-3 cm.
Findspot: Found on the surface of the old city during A. Negev’s excavations in
Caesarea (Lehmann - Holum).

[--]+ · DIM [--]


[--] AVGVSTALIS [--]
[--] COLON PRO [--]
[--] AVGVSTALI FEC [--]
vacat EX D D vacat

App. crit.: l.1 d (is) in (feris)


m (anibus) Negev; D (eo) i (nvicto)
M (ithrae) Lifshitz; l.4 [ludis]
Lehmann - Holum; [lu|dis] Eck;
fec (erunt) Lifshitz.

[-- ] DIM [--| VIvir] Augus-


talis [--|--] colon (iae) pro
[lu|dis] Augustali (bus) fec [it]
| ex d (ecreto) d (ecurionum) fig. 1363

… a member of the collegium of the six Augustales … of the colony erected (that)
instead of financing the ludi Augustales.

Comm.: The unknown member of the collegium of the Augustales used the money
normally paid for the Augustan games (ludi Augustales) in the colony for the erec-
tion of a statue of a god, an emperor or an ideal sculpture (for such a substitute see
e.g. AE 1933, 152 = 1991, 543). The Augustales, normally organised as a collegium
of six members, had been created by Augustus especially for wealthy freedmen,
who, officially excluded from the city council, were encouraged in this way to par-
ticipate in the life of the city. Like the decurions, upon entering office they paid a
certain amount of money, a summa honoraria, and in their case it was earmarked
for the ludi Augustales, in honor of the emperor; sometimes however, as we see
here, they were allowed to pay for something else.

Bibl.: A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 258f. no. 33 pl. V (ed. pr.). – B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 506; W.
Eck, ZPE 113, 1996, 139f. no. 6; AE 1996, 1599; McLean I no. 22; Lehmann - Holum no. 122 pl.
LXXXV (ph.); J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 92; Belayche, Pagan Cults 196f.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LXXXV no. 122.
WE
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 323

1364. Fragment mentioning an haruspex

Gray-blue marble fragment, ending at the bottom in an outward curve, whose mar-
gin is preserved, but partly cut off. The back is smooth.
Meas.: h 7.3, w 17.5, d 2.3-2.7 cm.
Findspot: J. Porath’s excavation in Caesarea in 1996, exc. no. 6/96-I + 78376.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 8 March 1999; 17 March 2010.

[--]
[--]+ HARVSPICI [--]
App. crit.: The letter before haruspici
cannot be identified.

[--|--]+ haruspici [/s --]


fig. 1364
… the haruspex …

Comm.: The Roman priests known as haruspices were indispensible for the public
sacrifices of the Roman state or a Roman city. The haruspex mentioned in the frag-
ment may have belonged to the governor’s personnel in Caesarea or to the colony
itself. On the other hand the cognomen Haruspex is very rare (cf. CIL 5, 6591). The
word here is either in the dative or in the genitive case. Standing in the very last line
of the inscription, however, it lacks context and remains obscure.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WE.

WE

1365. Name of Caesarea

According to Gorbach, the only one to mention this piece, it was found on a trun-
cated column (Lehmann - Holum).
Findspot: Caesarea.

FLAVIA AVGVSTA CAESAREA

Flavia Augusta Caesarea

… Flavia Augusta Caesarea …


324 II. Caesarea

Comm.: Gorbach mentions the inscription very briefly, without a precise descrip-
tion or text. At least the Augusta must have been abbreviated to AVG.

Bibl.: J. Gorbach, Das Heilige Land in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 4, 1949, 45ff. (ed. pr.). –
Ringel, Césarée 83; Lehmann - Holum no. 24.
WE

1366. Fragment of a marble slab, mentioning Caesarea

Lower left corner of white marble slab; the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 8.2, w 13, d 2.0 cm; letters 3.4 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7775. Autopsy: 12 March 2010.

[--]
CAESAṚ [--]

[--] | Caesar [--]

… of … Caesarea …

fig. 1366

Comm.: Since Caesar [--] is written in the last line of the inscription, it could not
have referred to an Emperor. Caesariensis, though, attached to colonia (colonia
Caesariensis) for Caesarea is possible, perhaps in the titulature of a city magistrate,
in the context of the dedication of a monument.

Bibl.: Lehmann-Holum no. 352 pl. CLV (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WE

1367. Fragment of a Latin inscription with reference to the colonia Caesariensis?

Fragment of a plaque of white marble, probably the lower left corner is preserved.
Another inscription on the back (no. 1810).
Meas.: h 11, b 13, d 3 cm; letters 3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 325

+[--]
COL +[--]
A/M/O [--]
App. crit.: l.2 after COL there are the remains
of a letter, probably I or F; l.3 A?

[--] | +[--] | col (oniae) I (= primae) or


F [lav (iae) Aug (ustae) Caes (ariensis)] |
o (b) [-- m (erita)?]

… of the colonia Prima Flavia Augusta fig. 1367


Caesariensis for his merits. (?)

Comm.: The letters COL near the end of a text in Caesarea can be safely inter-
preted as a reference to the colonia Caesariensis, as in no. 1228, where a L (ucius)
Valerius Martialis IIvir col (oniae) I (= primae) Fl (aviae Aug (ustae) Caes (arien-
sis) is mentioned. The broken letter in the last line could be an O, which would
suggest the formula ob m (erita), several times attested at the end of an inscrip-
tion in which a person is honored with a statue; see for example nos. 1228 and
1238.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WA.

WE

1368. Parts of an architrave for a porticus

Two disjointed parts of an ornamented architrave of white marble. There are two
letters on one fascia of one block and some letters on both fasciae of the other block;
for this reason alone the two blocks could not have been contiguous, even if one
takes into account that block (a) is broken on the right-hand side.
Meas.: (a) h 92, w 155, d 75cm; (b) h 92, w 220, d 75 cm. On the upper surface there
are several dowel holes; letters 14 cm.
Findspot: Found inside the old city in 1960/61, the one on the seashore, the other
inside the moat, “fallen from the position where it had been reused in the Muslim/
Crusader Wall” (Lehmann - Holum).
Pres. loc.: On the esplanade between the harbor and the temple platform. Autopsy: March 1998
and later.
326 II. Caesarea

(a) CO [--]

(b) [--] PRIMAE FL AVG [--]


[--] PATRA MATER EIVS HER [--]
App. crit.: Co [loniae?] Primae Fl (aviae) Aug (us-
tae) | [Caesareae ex testamento -- Cleo] patra (?)
mater eius HER [(es?) facere iussit?] Lehmann -
Holum.
fig. 1368.1 (a)
(a) Co [lonia--]
(b) [? ex testamento -- IIviral (is) (?) coloniae] Primae Fl (aviae) Aug (ustae) [Cae-
sareae/iensis --|-- ?Cleo] patra mater eius her (es) [faciendum curavit?]

(b) … ordered by the testament of …, who was former duumvir (?) of the Colonia
Prima Flavia Augusta Caesarea/Caesariensis … (?) Cleopatra, his mother (and)
heir had (the porticus?) built.

Comm.: The two blocks


belonged to the same build-
ing, as their dimensions
and the decoration they
bear show, but since they fig. 1368.2 (b)
were not connected, they
did not provide a continuous text, as previous reconstructions assumed. On the
left side of (b) in l.2 at least the beginning of the mother’s cognomen is missing:
Cleopatra (less likely Sopatra or Antipatra). However, the use of Latin suggests that
she is a Roman citizen, and therefore a nomen gentilicium must have been there
as well. But there is not enough space for both elements to have been written on
the lost right-hand side of block (a), and this once again proves that the two blocks
could not have been contiguous, but were separated by other blocks.
The form and probable length of the architrave makes it very likely that the
inscription stood once on the architrave of a porticus. The name of the person who
ordered its erection is now lost, but he must have held a high office in the colony.
This would account for the full display of the colony’s name and titles: they follow
closely upon the mention of the magistracy held by the deceased, whose mother, as
his heir, fulfilled his testamentary injunction (ex testamento) by bringing to com-
pletion the building of the porticus, probably started by him. Her dead son’s name
followed the ex testamento and preceded the mention of the magistracy.
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 327

For another porticus in Caesarea erected by a woman, Iunia Ba [--] a, see PSI IX
1026 = CIL 16, p. 146 no. 13 = S. Daris, Documenti per la storia dell’esercito romano
in Egitto, 1964, 194f. = CPL 117.

Bibl.: A. Negev, CNI 11,4, 1960, 20ff. (ed. pr.). – B. Lifshitz, Latomus 22, 1963, 783f. fig. 2; AE
1964,188; A. Negev, RB 78, 1971, 259 no. 34 pl. VII; Ringel, Césarée 84f.; W. Eck, ZPE 113, 1996,
138f. no. 5; AE 1996, 1558; M. Fischer - T. Grossmark, in: R. Katzoff ed., Classical Studies in
Honor of David Sohlberg, 1996, 251f.; McLean I no. 2; M. Fischer, Marble Studies, 1998, 92f. figs.
19a/b, 20a/b (phs); Lehmann - Holum no. 44 pl. XXXVII (ph.); W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 541f.; J.
Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 92; Y. Turnheim - A. Ovadiah, Art in the Public and
Private Spheres in Roman Caesarea Maritima, 2002, 48 pl. III 89f. (phs.).
Photo: WE.
WE

1369. Fragment with large letters in Latin, probably from a building

Fragment of a thick white-yellow limestone plaque; the lower margin is preserved.


The back shows ornaments, which implies that the inscription was later reused.
Meas.: h 17.2, w 27, d 5.4 cm; letters’ preserved height: 9.5 cm.
Findspot: A little to the north of the temple of Roma and Augustus; exc. no. 38/32-
IIN-35806.
Pres. loc.: Seen in Caesarea, 17 March 1999.

[--] SAE/L [--]

[--] sae/l [--]

fig. 1369

Comm.: The large letter, reaching a height of at least 20 cm when restored, must
have been connected with a large building, where it was located high enough to be
seen from a distance. This being the last line in an inscription, it may well be that
the person responsible for setting up the building is mentioned there. Only one
other inscription from Caesarea has larger letters: no. 1199.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE
328 II. Caesarea

1370. Blocks from a gate, 3-mid 7 c. AD

Three archivolt blocks of gray blue marble. All are pointed on the top, bottom, and
back, and more smoothly finished in front and on the ends. On block (a) there is a cross
roughly centered on the second of the three fascias and a delta (builder’s mark) on the
lower one; block (c) has an epsilon and a beta, obviously some kind of mason’s marks.
Lehmann - Holum could show by a study of the dowels and holes that the stones were
re-used and that the inscription (a-b) probably belongs to the second use of the stones.
The block of no. 1371 cannot have belonged originally to the same monument, but
in its re-use it will have been part of the same structure as these stones, perhaps as a
second arch, perhaps as the other side of a single arch. – The three blocks are today
connected by concrete, and block (c) is to the left of (a) – obviously wrong, since the
blocks to the left of (a) and to the right of (b) must have borne part of the inscription.
Meas.: (a) h 56, w 69, d 75 cm; letters 11 cm; (b) h 56, w 87, d 61 cm; letters 11 cm;
(c) h 55, w 85, d 61 cm.
Findspot: Seen in 1923 together with no. 1371 at the farm buildings of the Greek
Orthodox Community of the Holy Sepulchre, located to the south of the modern
road approaching Caesarea from the east and just to the northeast of the hippo-
drome. A local informant reported that they had been found earlier somewhere in
the vicinity and that there were more similar blocks in the ground. Abel - Barrois
saw four such blocks in 1930.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7541/1-3. Autopsy: 10 March 2010.

fig. 1370.1

(a-b) [--]ֆ
ֆ   ֆ[--]
(c) EB
App. crit.: ֆ indicate the division of the blocks; the beta on block (c) is written below the epsi-
lon. Something like [Ìü]ֆŠľÌÉŦÈֆÇÂÀÅ. - ëÁÌţÊֆ[¿¾--] is quite improbable.
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 329

(a-b) [-- Ìü]ֆŠľÌÉŦÈֆÇÂÀÅ ìÁÌÀÊֆ[¼Å --]


(c) EB

(a-b) … founded the metropolis …

Comm.: On metropoleis, see e. g.


Bowersock 371ff.; Ziegler 142ff.
Caesarea was raised to this rank
by Severus Alexander in 231/2
(BMC Palestine p. 27ff.; Kadman
24; 46f.; Levine 47); the find-spot
of the stones is consistent with
some kind of commemorative
arch outside the city walls, as (for
instance) in Gerasa. Abel - Bar-
rois, Lifshitz, Ringel, Levine and
others dated the inscription ac- fig. 1370.2
cordingly. Ringel 58 wanted to
connect such a commemorative monument with the monument mentioned in the
Expositio totius mundi 26: Iam etiam et Caesarea civitas est similiter delitiosior et
habundans omnibus, et dispositione civitatis in multa eminens. tetrapylon enim eius
nominatur ubique, quod unum est novum aliquid spectaculum (the same building
is mentioned in the Tosephta, Oholoth 18,13; cf. Kraus 745f.). But the expositio was
written in the middle of the 5 c. AD, and a connection between this tetrapylon and
Caesarea’s title as metropolis is very improbable.
On the other hand, as Humphrey pointed out, the letters seem to belong rather
to the 4 c. or even later times; if one opts for a fourth or fifth century date, the
blocks can have belonged to one of the city gates of the late antique wall. There is
evidence that Caesarea continued to use the title ľÌÉŦÈÇÂÀË through Late Anti-
quity: P.Ryl. 627f. (4 c.); SB 5941: ÒÈġ ÌýË ¸ÀʸɸţÑŠľÌÉÇÈŦ¼ÑË ëȸÉϼţ¸Ë (AD
509); P.Ness. 36f.; 74 (6-7 c. AD). – ÁÌţ½Ñ in the sense of “was the origin of the title
metropolis” is not the usual use of the verb and one would be very much at loss to
begin the inscription with the title of Severus Alexander (easier would be some-
thing on the lines of IK 61, 338 [Perge]: ¼ĤÌŧϾ, ÇÉžÂÀ¸Åš · lÂŧÄÈÀÇÅ ìɺÇÅ ÁÌţ½ÀË
Ìĉ ľÌÉoÈŦÂÀ · ÈÉÇÁŠ¿¾Ê¼). The letters of this inscription and of no. 1371 are very
similar, and acclamations are more often to be found in Late Antiquity than in the
third century. – On the acclamation of ÁÌţÊ̾Ë, which had lost something of its
earlier value, see e.g. Blume (commenting on P.Oxy. I 41).

Bibl.: F.-M. Abel - A. Barrois, RB 40, 1931, 294f. (ed. pr.). – SEG 8, 136a; J. Humphrey, BASOR
213, 1974, 9 figs. 5-9 (drs.); Levine, Caesarea, 38, 47; Ringel, Césarée 58; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8,
1977, 500f.; R. Gersht, in: ead. Sdot-Yam Museum 40 fig. 50; Lehmann - Holum no. 60 pl. XLVIf.
330 II. Caesarea

– Cf. S. Krauss, JQR 14, 1902, 745ff.; Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum, vol. 27:
Palestine, 1914; L. Kadman, The Coins of Caesarea Maritima, 1957; M. Blume, in: L. Criscuolo
- G. Geraci eds., Egitto e storia antica dall’ellenismo all’età araba, 1989, 278f.; G. Bowersock,
Studies on the Eastern Roman Empire, 1994; R. Ziegler, in: K. Fuhrmeister ed., Studien zum
antiken Kleinasien IV, 1999, 137ff.

Photo: WE; Lehmann - Holum, pl. XLVII no. 60 (dr.).

WA

1371. Block from a Gate, 3-mid 7 c. AD

Archivolt block of marble with the lower right corner broken off. The profile is
similar to blocks (a), (b), and (c) of no. 1370, except for a less cursive cyma, but this
block is shallower than those of no. 1370, and is cut to a different span. The inscrip-
tion is followed by an ornamental leaf. Since the blocks of no. 1370 were reused and
the inscription on them belongs to their later use, this block cannot have belonged
originally to the same monument, but in its reuse it will have been part of the same
structure as no. 1370, perhaps as a second arch, perhaps as the other side of a single
arch.
Meas.: h 61, w 169, d 33 cm; letters 10 cm (taken from Wanous’s drawing in Hum-
phrey).
Findspot: Seen in 1923 together with no. 1370.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7541/1. Autopsy: 10 March 2010.

[--]‫ 
מ‬
App. crit.: [¸ĥÆÇÀË, Ä]‫¾מ‬ÌÉŦÈÇÂÀ Αbel -
Barrois, Lehmann - Holum.

[-- Ä]‫¾מ‬ÌÉŦÈÇÂÀ

…, Metropolis!

fig. 1371.1

Comm.: The letters are very similar to


those of no. 1370; for the possible date in
the 4 or 5 c., see there. – The ornamental
leaf is proof that the inscription ended
with the invocation of the city, and the
vocative shows it to be an acclamation;
the supplement proposed is certainly fig. 1371.2
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 331

possible, but it is not the only possibility. For parallels from the region, see SEG 45,
1932 (Ascalon): ¸ĥÆÀ ÊÁŠÂ (ÑÅ), ¸ĥÆÀ ϊŪľ (already quoted by Peterson 319); SEG
47, 2012 (Hammath Gader): ¸ĤÆţÌÑ šÉº¾ ÷ ÈÉŪ̾ ÌýË ¸ÄÎÍÂţ¸Ë (and cf. IK 61,
331 II – the long list of acclamations for Perge). On this type of acclamation see
Peterson 181ff.; Robert, Hellenica XI-XII 23.
Lifshitz mentions another block with [Ä]‫¾מ‬ÌÉŦÈÇÂÀË, but since nobody else has
seen this block, it is most likely that he referred to our text (but McLean I no. 20d
accepts it as an inscription in its own right).

Bibl.: F.-M. Abel - A. Barrois, RB 40, 1931, 294f. (ed. pr.). – SEG 8, 136b; J. Humphrey, BASOR
213, 1974, 9 figs. 10; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II 8, 1977, 500f.; McLean I no. 20b; Lehmann - Holum
no. 61 pl. XLVIII; J. Patrich, in: Burns - Eadie, Urban Centers 85 fig. 10.

Photo: WA; Lehmann - Holum pl. XLVIII no. 61 (dr.).

WA

1372. Mason’s marks (?)

(a) Fragment of an architrave with three fasciae.


(b) Architrave frieze; “part of an arcuated structure, perhaps a Syrian pediment
decorating the scaenae frons” (Fischer).
Meas.: (b) h 90, lower length 50, upper length 70 cm (Fischer).
Findspot: (b) Theater.
Pres. loc.: (b) In the area of the pulpitum of the theater; IAA inv. no. 1992-6448 (b).

(a) and 
(b) and

Comm.: (a) “On fascia III the Greek let-


ters and  are engraved, one of the few
quarry or working marks recorded on fig. 1372 (a)
marble items of Palestine.” (Fischer).
(b) “Two Greek letters ( and
) (masons’ marks or inscription?) were carved
on the upper fascia of the architrave” (Fischer).
Stylistic considerations lead to a date in the high empire – for both architraves.

Bibl.: M. Fischer, Marble Studies, 1998, 55f. nos. 17, 21 (ed. pr.).

Photo: Fischer, 91 fig. 17.

WA
332 II. Caesarea

1373. Donation of a floor

Upper section of a column of gray marble with white bands. The first four lines
of an inscription and the end of a fifth survive at the bottom of the section. The
inscribed surface is badly worn; this part of the column seems to have been sub-
merged in water for a long time.
Meas.: h 2.55 m; ൺ 56 cm; letters 4.5-6 cm.
Findspot: Seen by Lehmann - Holum in 1982 near the Museum of Kibbutz Sdot Yam.


 
 
 
/ [..]‫[ מ‬.]‫מ‬
[--]‫ מ‬
App. crit.: l.4 Ð [¾ÎÇ]‫מ]¼[ ¿מ‬ÌÇıļ Lehmann - Holum, com-
menting: “We offer a restoration … that is problematic: the
verb of building does not normally appear in the present
tense, the traces after psi (possibly phi) look rather like an
omega, and there is room for up to four letters between
psi and theta. In addition, the squeeze … shows traces of
what appears to be a nu before the theta” (this adds up
to: / [..]‫[ מ‬.]‫ ;)מ‬furthermore, оÎÇ¿¼Ì¼ėÅ
and ÈŠÁÑÊÀË do not accord very well; something like
ÈÉÇÅǾʸĚÅÇÍ seems excluded; l.5 [ÐŢÎ]‫מ‬ÀÊĸ Lehmann -
Holum; [ÁÌ]‫מ‬ţÊĸ (?).

ļÌÛ ÌľÅ ÓÂÂÑÅ ÈÇÂÂľÅ | Á¸Ė ļºŠÂÑÅ ìɺÑÅ | Á¸Ė


Ìġ ìɺÇÅ ÌýË È¸ÁŪ|ʼÑË / [..]‫[ מ‬.]‫| מ‬
[--]‫מ‬ţÊĸ

Along with the other works, many and great, … also


… the pavement …

fig. 1373.1

fig. 1373.2
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 333

Comm.: l.1f.: SEG 26, 1629 (from a church in Apamea Syr.): ÈÇÂÂľÅ Ä¼ÌЏ ÓÂÂÑÅ
Á¸Ė ÌŦÈÇÅ ÌġÅ ëÅ¿Š»Џ ëÁŦÊľʼ ¸ıÂÇË (the parallels here speak against Bruneau
29f., who wanted to read: ÈŦÂÂÑŠļ̊ÂÂÑÅ); Roueché, Aphrodisias no. 22: ļÌÛ
ÌľÅ ÓÂÂÑÅ ìɺÑÅ; SEG 49, 2079 (Scythopolis): Á¸Ė ¸ĩ̾ ÷ ÁɾÈĖË Ä¼ÌÛ ÌľÅ ÓÂÂÑÅ
뺚żÌÇ. l.3f.: For Ìġ ìɺÇÅ ÌýË È¸ÁŪʼÑË see Bernand no. 131; SEG 31, 1446 (Soba-
ta): ÌĽ ìɺÇÅ ÌÇıÌÇ ÌÇėË È¸ÁŦʾË; 52, 1681 (Scythopolis); 53, 1845 (Horvat Hanot):
Ìġ ȼÉÀ¹Ŧ¾ÌÇÅ ìɺÇÅ ÌýË È¸ÁŪʼÑË. ÈŠÁÑÊÀË designates a pavement, revetment or
incrustation made of costly stones. l.4f.: see app. crit. The name of the donor is to
be expected at some place; ÁÌţÊĸ is too common to need parallels. On ÐŢÎÑÊÀË in
the sense of mosaic, see no. 1262, l.11, the donation of a mosaic.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 63 pl. L (ed. pr.). – Feissel, Chroniques 222 no. 713. – Cf. E. Bernand,
Recueil des inscriptions grecques du Fayoum II, 1981; Ph. Bruneau, JS 1988, 3ff.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum no. 63 pl. L; Lehmann - Holum pl. L no. 63.

WA

1374. Fragment of a building inscription

White marble, broken on all sides.


Meas.: h 42, w 39, d 5.5 cm; letters 8 cm (psi 14 cm).

[--]‫מ‬Ъ Ъ
Ъ [--]
[--]+Ъ  [--]
[--]‫[ 
מ‬--]
[--]‫[   מ‬--]
[--]‫[  מ‬--]
App. crit.: The width of the lacunae
cannot be determined; l.2 suppl.
Lifshitz; l.3: [ÌýË Ð¾ÎŪÊ]‫¼מ‬ÑË Lifshitz,
Lehmann - Holum; there are many
other possibilities, to start with the
most obvious: [ÌýË È¸ÁŪÊ]‫¼מ‬ÑË; l.4
[--]‫[  
מ‬--] Lehmann
- Holum; the last letter is more prob-
ably a lambda than an alpha.

[--]‫[
מ‬--|--]+ ÌľÅ ÒÐ [ţ»ÑÅ
--|--]‫¼מ‬ÑË ÈŠÊ¾Ë [--|--]‫ מ‬ÄšÅÌÇÀ
 [--|--] ȸÅÌ [--] fig. 1374

… of the arches … the complete … all …


334 II. Caesarea

Comm.: On ÐŢÎÑÊÀË cf. e.g. Hagel - Tomaschitz, Anemurion 28, Aphrodisias 7;


the donation of a mosaic is usually commemorated on the floor of the same mo-
saic; the fact that this inscription can be found on a column seems to exclude [ÌýË
оÎŪÊ]‫¼מ‬ÑË; and if Lifshitz’ restoration of l.2 is right, this is a further argument
against ÐŢÎÑÊÀË, because a mosaic and arches do not go well together; l.4: a lunate
sigma at the beginning; the letters   can be found (usually) only in personal
names (Lysimenes etc.), and ÄšÅÌÇÀ is exceedingly rare in inscriptions.

Bibl.: B. Lifshitz, RB 73, 1966, 257 no. 4 pl. 11d (ed. pr.). – BE 1967, 643; McLean II no. 191; Leh-
mann - Holum no. 64 pl. LI. – Cf. S. Hagel - K. Tomaschitz, Repertorium der westkilikischen
Inschriften, 1998.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LI no. 64.
WA

1375. Fragment of a building inscription

Light gray marble, broken on top and on the right. All sides are smoothed, front
and back, too; the sides are cut in a cyma.
Meas.: h 15, w 20, d 4.4 cm; letters 6.6-8 cm.
Findspot: In the vicinity of the theater during the excavations.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7858. Autopsy: 11 March 2010.

[--]+[--]
ЪЪ [--]
App. crit.: l.1 the traces of the letter suggest an omega.

[--]+[--]|Ìġ ìÉºÇ [Å --]

… the building …
fig. 1375
Comm.: The letters suggest a date in Late An-
tiquity (Lehmann - Holum: 2 or 3 c.). ìɺÇÅ is the usual term for “building”.

Bibl.: Gerra, Scavi 225f. no. 16 fig. 284 (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 208; Lehmann - Holum no. 73
pl. LIV.
Photo: IAA.
WA
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 335

1376. Inscription from the aqueduct, late 4-mid 7 c. AD

Block of stone.
Meas.: h 28, w 67, d 38 cm; letters 11 cm.
Findspot: Found together in 1945 with no. 1259; in 1947 J. Ory reported its loca-
tion at the western end of the diversion, at the “angle formed by the semicircular
aqueduct siding with the original aqueduct, at W end of siding, at point c 11 metres
from meeting point and c 4 m from original straight line of aqueduct” (quoted by
Lehmann - Holum).

 

Comm.: If Ory’s report of the location means that the block belonged to the diver-
sion of the aqueduct (see on no. 1259), and if this diversion was constructed only
after 385, this inscription is later than 385. Both questions, though, cannot be an-
swered at the moment.

Bibl.: A. Hamburger, IEJ 9, 1959, 189 (ed. pr.). – McLean II no. 63; Lehmann - Holum no. 56.
WA

1377. Fragment of an architectural member

Gray marble, broken at both ends. The stone is flat and smooth on the top and flat
and pointed at the bottom. Both sides are molded, the back in simple planes, fin-
ished with a point and, toward the bottom, smoothed; the front in a doubled cyma
finished with a claw chisel and, again toward the bottom, smoothed; the inscrip-
tion was put on the vertical curve of the cyma.
Meas.: h 26, w 48, d 6 cm; letters 7-8 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7534. Autopsy: January 1999 (WE).

[--]‫מ‬Ъ   [--]
App. crit.: The penultimate letter was
originally inscribed as an alpha, then
a tau was cut over it.

Comm.: Perhaps [--]‫¸מ‬ÉÑÀ with


iota adscriptum.
fig. 1377

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 75 pl. LV (ed. pr.).


Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LV no. 75.
WA
336 II. Caesarea

1378. Johannes donated a mosaic floor

Tesselated pavement, decorated with a round medallion; letters and medallion


with black tesserae, background white.
Findspot: Between the Byzantine palace and the Basilica. “South of Decumanus S 4
there were remains of a large hall (L 1101; c. 4.6x9.2 m), whose mosaic floor was deco-
rated. A rectangular room (L3899; c. 6 × 7 m) south of the mosaic floor decorated
with a round medallion bearing a seven-line Greek inscription” (Porath 2000, *38).



   

 [--]‫מ‬Ъ 


 [--]‫מ‬Ъ

  [--]+‫ݕ‬
+++++  


App. crit.: l.3 see comm. on the problems of
the restoration; l.4f. the restoration fills the
line perfectly, and there are sufficient parallels
for the confusion in the cases; the free space
seems not large enough for the perhaps prefer-
able [ĊÅ». …,], ľ(ÅġË) ¸ÉÌţÇÍ; l.6 see comm.
fig. 1378
`ÑŠÅžË, | ÍĎġË ÉÇÁÇÈţÇÍ | ÌÇı ÌýË
[Á¸Âý]‫מ‬Ë ÄÅŢ|ľË, ëÐ [ŢÎÇʼŠëÅ] ľ (ÅĖ) ¸|ÉÌţÇÍ ½Џ, [ĊÅ». … ¼Ĥ]‫מ‬Ì ÍÏ (ľË) | `ÑŠÅÅÇÍ
ÊİÅ ÌšÁÅÇÀË.| ÒÄŢÅ

Ioannes, son of the well-remembered Procopius, made this mosaic in the month of
March, on the 7th (day), in the … indiction. Well-being to Ioannes with (his) chil-
dren. Amen.

Comm.: l.1f.: John and Prokopios are frequent Christian names, and especially Pro-
kopios is typical for Caesarea. l.3: there seem to be parallels for this formula only
among Sicilian funerary inscriptions, which is rather disconcerting, but other adjec-
tives, which might be easier to explain, seem too long for the lacuna. Prokopios is,
according to this interpretation, dead, but is still remembered in a special manner; cf.
SEG 29, 1590 (Apamene): ĨÈòÉ ÄÅŢÄ¼Ë ÑÄÜ Á¸Ė ÊÑ̾Éţ¸Ë ÌľÅ ÌšÁÅÑÅ ¸ĤÌÇı ëÐÀÎŦ¿À.
l.4f.: there are numerous parallels for the construction with the name of the month
in the genitive; here only some examples from other mosaics: SEG 40, 1796: 늾(ÅĖ)
¸ÉÌţÇÍ; 42, 1421: ëоÎŦ¿¾ ÄÀÅĖ ¸ÉÌţÇÍ; and, as an example of another month, 37,
1514: ëÄ Ä¾ÅĖ À¹Â¸ÉţÇÍ. Characteristically, the Roman calendar is used. l.5: cf. Avi-
Yonah, Abbreviations 66 for several examples of ¼ĤÌÍÏ. and even ¼Ĥ(ÌÍ)Ï(ŢË). l.6: be-
fore upsilon, just a trace of a letter, but ruling out an epsilon (therefore not ¼ĤÏ. – oth-
erwise, ½Џ. [ĨÈòÉ] ¼ĤÏ(ýË) `ÑŠÅÅÇÍ might be attractive). [ĊÅ». … ¼Ĥ]‫מ‬ÌÍÏ(¼ÊÌŠÌþ) seems
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 337

a desperate solution (but cf. Feissel [BE] commenting on IK 34, 621 [Mylasa]: “mais
‚l’indiction très fortunée’ est une formule chronologique courante”, citing examples
from Milet and Sardeis; SEG 45, 1635, I 7 [Charakipolis/Lyd.]: ëÅ»¼ÁÌÀľÅÀ ¼ĤÌÍÏÀÊÌŠÌþ
ÌÉÀÊÁ¸À»¼ÁŠÌþ). Therefore, perhaps, an abbreviated acclamation, including the chil-
dren of the actual donator and remembering the act of donation.

Bibl.: J. Porath, HA-ESI 112, 2000, 38*(e), 42ff.(h); id., NEAEHL 5, 2008, 1661. – Cf. BE 1989, 920.
Photo: J. Porath (dr.).
WA

1379. Fragment of a basis for an honorary statue paid with public money

Fragment of a statue base, broken on all sides.


Part of the frame of the area prepared for the
inscription is visible at the bottom.
Meas.: h 57, w 21, d ca. 16 cm; letters at least 5.6-
7 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no.
1998-7806. Autopsy: 19 June 1998; 11 March 2010.

[--]
[--] CE [--]
[--] O AN [--]
[--] AGISTṚ [--]
[--] Ḷ ANNO [--]
[--] vacat PVB [--]
App. crit.: l.3 magiste [r] Lehmann - Holum; l.4 [--vixit]
anno [s--] Lehmann - Holum.

[--|--] CE [--|--] O AN [--|-- m] agistr [o? --|--] L


Anno [--|--] pub [lice?] or [pec (unia)] pub [l (ica)]

Comm.: The fragment seems to belong to a


base for an honorary statue, erected in accor-
dance with a ‘public’ decision, i.e. a decision of
the council of the colony or with public mon-
ey, as one must conclude from the letters PVB,
centered in the last line, following a vacat. The
ANNO in l.4 cannot be restored as anno [s],
because of the preceding L. If the reading
magistr [o] – not magiste [r] – is right, then the fig. 1379
338 II. Caesarea

honored person was acting as a magister. However, magistri are found in very dif-
ferent contexts, for example as teachers or in collegia. Furthermore, reading here
[m] agistr [atu/us/um] or the like is also possible. Whether An [--] in l.2 is part of the
same name as the Anno [--] in l.4 is possible but cannot be proved.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 120 pl. LXXXIV (ph.) (ed. pr.). – W. Eck, Topoi 10, 2000, 543f.
Photo: WE.
WE

1380. Fragment with Latin letters

Marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth, but some plaster adheres to it.
Meas.: h ca. 9.5, w 7, d 2.3 cm; letters ca. 5.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh, IAA inv. no. 1966-1457. Autopsy: 15 March 2010.

[--]+[--]
[--] ỊCA+[--]

Comm.: If the first letter can be read as I, then


the inscription would probably be phrased in
Latin: [--]+[--| publ] ica +[--]; the fragmentary
word could be publica or publicae since the let-
ter after A is perhaps an E. Related to the ad-
ministration of the colony?

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: IAA. fig. 1380

WE/WA

1381. Mention of an Akropolis and a basilica (?)

“One of the fragments perhaps refers to a ¹¸ÊÀÂÀÁŢ (civil basilica), another may
contain the word ÒÁÉŦÈÇÂÀË: if these readings are true, the stones must have reached
this spot from a place some distance from Area KK. The term acropolis can only
refer to the platform on which the Temple of Augustus had once stood, and the
octogonal church was later built” (Di Segni).
G. Decuriones and inscriptions of the Colonia Caesariensis 339

Findspot: Caesarea, area KK.

Comm.: One should be very reluctant to recognize the word ÒÁÉŦÈÇÂÀË in any Cae-
sarean inscription; the temple-platform is no really suitable candidate.

Bibl.: L. Di Segni, SBF 50, 2000, 385 n. 9.


WA
H. Varia 341

H. Varia

1382.-1385. Lead ingots from the time of the emperor Domitian

Six lead ingots, all found in 1993 in area K 8 in the ancient harbor of Caesarea; on
four of them the inscriptions are at least partly preserved. The ingots were all cast
in the same mold in a pyramidal form and with almost vertical sides. The name of
the emperor Domitian on top was created during the molding process; all the other
inscriptions were added later, embossed with molding tools, only on two ingots one
inscription was scratched with a sharp instrument. They are stored at present in
Haifa University’s Depot in Kibbutz Ramat David.

1382. Lead ingot, produced 84-96 AD

See introduction above. In the inscription on the top IT in Domit and AE in Cae-
saris are ligatured.
Meas.: h 10.3, w (on the base) 54.9, d (on the base) 14.6 cm; the actual weight of 60.8
kg is the exact equivalent of the 187 Roman pounds.

fig. 1382.1
on the top: (f) CAES XXCCVII
(a) IMP DOMIT CAESARIS AVG GER on the lower long side:
on the upper long side: (g) CLXXXVII
(b) MET DARD (h) NE+IA (retrograde)
(c) CLO on the two small sides:
(d) SVB C CAL (i) P̣ ·T·R
(e) S C CAL (k) P·T·R
App. crit.: (b) met (alli) Dard (anici) Hirt; (c) Clo (dianus) or Clo (nius) Dušanić; (d) sub c (ura)
Cal (linici?) Dušanić; (e) caes (ura) ed. pr.; Caes (area) XXCCCVII Dušanić, AE 2006, 1615; (i)
P (ublius?) T (arius?) R (ufus?) Dušanić.
342 II. Caesarea

(a) Imp (eratoris) Domit (iani) Caesaris Aug (usti) Ger (manici)
(b) Met (alla) Dard (anica)
(c) CLO
(d) sub G (aio) Cal (purnio?)
(e) s (ub) G (aio) Cal (purnio?)
(f) CAES XXCCVII (librae)
(g) CLXXXVII (librae)
(h) NE+IA
(i) and (k) P (ubli/o) T (--) R (--)

(a) (Property) of Imperator Domitianus Caesar Augustus Germanicus.


(b) Dardanian quarries.
(d) and (e) Under the supervision of Gaius Calpurnius. (?)
(f) The Casting (?) (yielded?) hundred eighty seven (Roman) pounds.
(g) Hundred eighty seven (Roman) pounds.

fig. 1382.2 (a)

fig. 1382.3 (b+c) fig. 1382.4 (d)

fig. 1382.5 (e) fig. 1382.6 (f)

fig. 1382.7 (g) fig. 1382.8 (h)


H. Varia 343

fig. 1382.9 (i) fig. 1382.10 (k)

Comm.: The ingots were produced in the reign of the emperor Domitian, whose
name and titles appear in the first line. The victory-title Germanicus implies a
date after 83 AD, since he received the title at the end of that year. They were
made in the imperial quarries of Metalla Dardanica (b), probably in the province
of Dalmatia. The name of the emperor in the genitive marks the ingots as impe-
rial property.
There is less certainty in the interpretation of the inscriptions on the other
sides. CLO (c) is expanded by Dušanić as Clo (nius) or Clo (dianus), but the wider
context is obscure. Inscriptions (d) and (e) read SVB C CA, which could be ex-
panded to sub G (aio) Cal (purnio?), i.e. ‘under the supervision of C. Calpurnius’
who could be either the imperial procurator in charge of the quarries, or a contrac-
tor (conductor) who farmed the quarries, like a Q. Calpurnius Phoebianus c (onduc-
tor) f (errariarum) N (oricarum) (CIL 3, 5036). The weight of the ingot, 187 pounds
(which equals 70.2 kg ), was mentioned twice and in two different ways: on one
side XXCCVII (f) was embossed, signifying 200-20+7=187 pounds; whereas on
the other side the same number of pounds was scratched with a sharp object in a
straightforward way: CLXXXVI (g). The inscriptions (i) and (k): P·T·R were em-
bossed on the smaller sides; the letters represent the abbreviation of a Roman name
with its three elements. However, they can neither be safely expanded nor can their
function here be explained; Dušanić explains the names as P (ubli) T (ari) R (ufi),
which must remain a guess. The meaning of the embossed letters in (h) NE+IA
remains a mystery.
Be this as it may, it is beyond doubt that the different marks belong to the
production of metal and its administration in the imperial mines. However, the
combination of CAES with a number to give the weight, as in inscription (f), is
without parallel. Until now caes (ura) is attested only in quarries to describe a part
of the quarry under the charge of one person, and consequently always with a name
in the genitive case. Perhaps caes (ura) is here a technical term for the casting of an
ingot and the specific weight produced from one mould. In the latter case these
marks could only have been embossed after the casting of the individual ingot. For
somewhat different explanations see Dušanić and Hirt. But CAES = Caes (area) is
excluded.

Bibl.: A. Raban, in: Caesarea Papers 2, 179ff. (ed. pr.). – AE 1999, 1683a-b; S. Dušanić, Starinar
56, 2006, 87ff. (Serbian; E.S.); AE 2006, 1612-1616; A. Raban, in: M. Artzy - B. Goodman - Z. Gal
344 II. Caesarea

eds., The Harbour of Sebastos (Caesarea Maritima) in its Roman Mediterranean Context, 2009;
M. Hirt, Imperial Mines and Quarries in the Roman World, 2010, 64f., 102.
Photo: Raban, 1999, fig. 4 (dr. by Z. Friedman); AE.
WE

1383. Lead ingot, produced 84-96 AD

See introduction.
Meas.: h 12.8, w (on the base) 54.2, d 15.8 cm; the actual weight of 70.2 kg is the
exact equivalent of the 215 Roman pounds.

on the top:
(a) IMP DOMIT CAESARIS AVG GER
on the upper long side:
(b) M DARD
on the lower long side:
(c) CLO
(d) SVB [--]
(e) S C C [--]
(f) CAES CCXV
(g) CCXV
(h) NE+[--](retrograde)
on the two small sides:
(i) P·T·R
(k) [.] T·R
fig. 1383.1
App. crit.: See no. 1382; (f)
Caes (area) CCXV Dušanić.

(a) Imp (eratoris) Domit (iani) Caesaris Aug (usti) Ger (manici)
(b) M (etalla) Dard (anica)
(c) CLO
(d) sub [G (aio) Cal (purnio)?]
(e) s (ub) G (aio) C [al (purnio)?]
(f) Caes (ura?) CCXV (librae)
(g) CCXV (librae)
(h) NE+[IA]
(i) P (ubli/o) T (--) R (--)
(k) [P (ubli/o)] T (--) R (--)

(a) (Property) of Imperator Domitianus Caesar Augustus Germanicus.


(b) Dardanian mines.
H. Varia 345

(c) and (d) under the supervision of Gaius Calpurnius.


(f) The Casting (?) (yielded) two hundred fifteen (Roman) pounds
(g) Two hundred fifteen (Roman) pounds.

fig. 1383.2 (a)

fig. 1383.3 (b) fig. 1383.4 (c-f)

Comm.: See no. 1382. As in no. 1382, the weight of


the ingot, 215 pounds, is given twice (f and g), once
embossed and once scratched with a sharp object, but
here, in contrast to no. 1382 with no variation. The
signs before XV represent CC.
fig. 1383.5 (i)
Bibl.: See bibl no. 1382. – AE 2006, 1616.
Photo: Raban, 1999, fig. 5 (dr. by Z. Friedman); AE.
WE

1384. Lead ingot, produced 84-96 AD

See introduction.
Meas.: h 12.9, w (on the base) 54.1, d 15.9 cm; weight: 71.1 kg.

(a) IMP [--] AR [--] ER


(b) C [--]

(a) Imp (eratoris)


[Domit (iani) fig. 1384
Caes] ar [is Aug (usti) G] er (manici)
346 II. Caesarea

(b) C [aes (ura) CCXV?]

(a) (Property) of Imperator Domitianus Caesar Augustus


(b) The Casting (?) (yielded) 215 (?) (Roman) pounds.

Comm.: See no. 1382. The ingot is eroded and covered with a thick layer of hard
calcite so that it is impossible to read much of the text. Only one stamped square is
visible. If the piece has not lost any part since antiquity, then the present weight of
70.1 kg, equalling 215 pounds, was expressed as: CCXV.

Bibl.: See bibl no. 1382.


Photo: A. Raban, Caesarea Papers 2, 180 fig.2 (Z. Friedman).
WE

1385. Lead ingot, produced 84-96 AD

See introduction.
Meas.: The piece is too twisted to be measured; weight: 54.7 kg = 167 librae.

[--] CC [--]

[Caes (ura) --] CC [--]

The Casting (yielded) 167 (?) (Roman)


pounds.
fig. 1385
Comm.: See no. 1382. The ingot is badly eroded and it is impossible to read the
text; only stamped squares are visible and in one of them the number CC was read.
If its present weight, 54.7 kg, which equals 167 Roman pounds, corresponds to the
original weight of the piece (and if the reading given here is correct) the weight
must have been inscribed in a roundabout way, as in no. 1382, where XXCCVII
signifies 200-20+7= 187 pounds. In this case the text must be restored as follows:
[XL] CC [VII], that is 200-40+7 = 167 pounds – which is impossible! The Romans
would never have expressed a number in this manner; no more than XX (20) can
stand before the number from which a sum has to be deducted. Therefore we must
assume that the ingot has lost a considerable part of its original weight, which
amounted to something between between [XX] CC [--] and CC [--] Roman pounds.

Bibl.: See no. 1382.


Photo: A. Raban, Caesarea Papers 2, 180 fig.2 (Z. Friedman).
WE
H. Varia 347

1386. Fragment with the name of a Roman citizen

Fragment of white marble. Upper margin preserved, probably also the margin on
the left side. The back is smooth, except for a protruding part at the upper margin,
perhaps the remains of a larger block. One can see the signs of the saw. The first line
begins 4 cm below the margin.
Meas.: h 13, w 9, d 3.5 (at the top), 1.8 cm (below); letters 4.3 cm.
Findspot: J. Porath’s excavations in Caesarea, inv. no. 6/95 + A 74647.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 16 June 1998; 16 March 2010.

T·A [--]
PO [--]
[--]

T (itus/o) A [--] |
Po [--|--]

Titus A… Po…
or: For Titus A…
Po…

fig. 1386.1 fig. 1386.2 (backside)

Comm.: The fragment mentions a Roman citizen; Po in l.2 could be the beginning
of his cognomen. The plaque either belonged to a funerary monument, or (which is
more likely) to a base under an honorary statue or bust.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1387. Fragment with the nomen gentile Aelius

Fragment of white-blue marble, perhaps broken from a column since a curved part
is visible. A fillet, still visible, at the left side framed the text.
Meas.: h 11, w 15, d 13 cm; letters 3.4-4.0 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Center for Maritime Studies, University of Haifa, CCE collection. Autopsy: 19 June
1998 in Caesarea.
348 II. Caesarea

[--]
AELIO [--]
[--]

[--] | Aelio [--|--]

For … Aelius … or Aelius took care of …

Comm.: The nomen gentile could be-


long to an honored person, in the da-
fig. 1387
tive, or to the person responsible for the
erection of a statue connected with the column, in which case it would have taken
the ablative.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 353 pl. CLV (ed. pr.).


Photo: WA.
WE

1388. Fragment of a metrical inscription

Fragment of white and blue banded marble, broken on all sides. The front is smooth,
the back roughly pointed, and where it has been preserved the bottom has grooves
cut into it. The grooves and the size indicate an architectural member. Since there
are at least 5 cm above l.1, this is the first (and only) line of the text.
Meas.: h 31, w 58, d 36 cm; letters 6-7 cm.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7550. Autopsy: 10 March 2010.

[--]‫ מ‬Ъ 


Ъ [--]
App. crit.: The first letter could have
been iota, tau, pi (most probably),
but mu is impossible; e.g. [ì]‫מ‬ÌɼʼÅ
(sometimes used without augment),
[ĨÈš]‫מ‬ÌɼʼŠ(fear of God?); [ì]‫מ‬ÈɼʼÅ
(cf. Hes. Theog. 856) seems much less
probable. lmost nothing survives of
the last letter.

[--]‫  מ‬ĹÉÇË ÒºŢÅÑÉ [--] fig. 1388

… manly Ambros …

Comm.: The letter forms are consistent with the high empire or, rather, Late An-
tiquity. The few words adapt themselves to a dactylic scan; the name is understood
H. Varia 349

as an abbreviation of Ambrosios (Ambrosis, e.g., is known); it is known from SB


20, 14443, 1 (Hermoupolis, 8 January 643): ĹÉÇË ÊŧĹ (ÇÍ)  (ÇË), and perhaps
from CPR 30, 16, l.10 (Arabic times): ÊÀºšÂÂÀ (Å) ĹÉÇÍ, where the editor takes it
as a form of the name "mr. (¿ÍÄġË) ÒºŢÅÑÉ is a typical Homeric verse-ending, but
Nonnos liked to use ÒºŢÅÑÉ with personal names at the end of a hexameter, Dion.
13,432: ţÌÉÇË ÒºŢÅÑÉ; 20,57: ¸ÂÂÛË ÒºŢÅÑÉ; 22,307; 23,52: `Å»ġË ÒºŢÅÑÉ; 25,339;
33,316; 48,887: ŠÁÏÇË ÒºŢÅÑÉ; 32,60: ÀŦÅÍÊÇË ÒºŢÅÑÉ; 44,304: ˆÌÇË ÒºŢÅÑÉ. Of
course, Agenor as a personal name cannot be excluded, even though it seems to be
quite rare in Late Antiquity.

Bibl.: Lehmann - Holum no. 38 pl. XXXII (ed. pr.).


Photo: WE.
WA

1389. Fragment of a limestone-block inscribed on both sides

Fragment of a block of yellow limestone, probably cut and reused later. The margin
is preserved on the left-hand side of the Latin inscription (a) as well as on the right-
hand side of the Greek inscription (b). Marker at the end of (b) 4.
Meas.: h 56, w 36, d ca. 35 cm; Latin letters 5.3, Greek letters 5.5 cm. The Latin text
begins ca. 7 cm below the upper margin.
Findspot: South of the theater to the
west of the Roman cemetery, found
in 2005.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum.
Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

(a) Latin inscription:


L ANTON [--]
EPAPHṚ Ọ [--]
MAIORI [--]
vacat L VAL [.] S [--]
++[--]
(b) Greek inscription:
[--]++
[--]‫ מ‬
[--]‫ 
מ‬
[--]‫מ‬/ 
[--] vacat
[--]++
[--] fig. 1389.1
350 II. Caesarea

(a) L(ucio) Anton[io --] | Epaphro[dito --] | Maiori [--] | L(ucius) Val[--]S[--] | ++[--]
(b) [ÇÍÁĕĿ ÅÌÑÅţĿ <ȸÎÉ]‫מ‬Ñ»¼ţÌĿ | [--]‫[ | 
מ‬--]‫מ‬/  | [--] vacat | [--]++ | [--]

(a) Latin version: For Lucius Antonius Epaphrodi-


tus … Lucius Val… (erected the statue).
(b) Greek version: For Lucius Antonius Epaphrodi-
tus … Lucius Val… (erected the statue).

Comm.: The fragment belongs to a base on which


a statue of Lucius Antonius Epaphroditus stood.
The dedicator’s name is difficult to read in both
versions; it could be a Lucius Valerius [--]. Valerii
are known as citizens of Caesarea. The social status
of both persons is unknown.

Bibl.: Unpublished. fig. 1389.2

Photo: WA.
WA/WE

1390. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides, the back is smooth. Red color is
partly preserved in the letters.
Meas.: h 10.5, w 12.3, d 1.9 cm; letters l.1: 4.2 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: March 1999.

[--]+ORA [--]
[--] APITO [--]

[--]+ora [--|-- C] apito [--]

Comm.: l.1: The remains of the letter be-


fore the ORA could belong to either an
S – e.g. Soranus – or to a G; in the lat-
ter case only a Greek name, like Athena-
goras or Hermagoras, is possible. In l.2:
Capito, Capitolinus, Capitonius are pos-
sible. The type of inscription is not clear. fig. 1390
Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE. WE
H. Varia 351

1391. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides, the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 19, w 11, d 4 cm; letters 6.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 17 March 2010.

?[--]
[--] O·CILỌ [--]
?[--]

[--|--] o Cilo [ni/e --|--]

For …us Cilo … or … under …us Cilo …

Comm.: The letters CILO can only be under-


stood as the Roman cognomen Cilo. The O
preceding Cilo implies a nomen gentilicium in
the dative or ablative case. The letters are rela-
tively large, suggesting an inscription under
the statue. A relatively large uninscribed space
follows these letters, suggesting that this is the
last line of the inscription; in this case the cog-
nomen Cilo would be in the ablative. We know fig. 1391
several senators with the cognomen Cilo, but
so far none bearing this name has been attested in the province. Perhaps a consular
date stood there with Cilo as one of the consuls.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1392. Fragment with the Roman name Domit [--]

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides, the margins are worn out, as if the
stone had been in water for a long time. The back is smooth.
Meas.: h 17.5, w 25, d 3.6 cm; letters 6 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation, no. 6/94 + 86520, locus 1756, basket
86520.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 16 June 1998; 16 March 2010.
352 II. Caesarea

[--] DOMIT [--]


[--] P/D/B/R [--]

[--] Domit [ius/o or: ianus/o --|--] P/D/B/R [--]

… Domitius … or: For … Domitius …


fig. 1392
Comm.: The fragmentary name can be understood as the nomen gentile Domitius
(or Domitio if it stood in the dative). A restoration of the emperor’s Domitian name
is not probable: he suffered damnatio memoriae, and his name was erased almost
everywhere.
Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WE

1393. Fragment with a Latin inscription

Fragment of a plaque. The left-hand side and the bottom are missing. The lines are
framed with deeply scratched lines; the letters too are deeply incised.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7161.

[--] EBVRI
[--] ALENTI
[vacat] NVS

[--] Eburi|[us V] alenti|nus

? Eburius Valentinus.

Comm.: The nomen gentile could be


Aeburius or Reburius; but Eburius is
much more often attested. Probably the
praenomen is missing. For Eburius see
e.g. CIL 3, 14358,17: Aulus Eburius Celer
or CIL 5, 6578 : … Eburius Verus; CIL
12, 4154 … T. Eburii Terentii …; NVS in fig. 1393
l.3 was centered.
Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: IAA.
WE
H. Varia 353

1394. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of gray-white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 9.2, w 6.0, d 2.4 cm; letters 2.2-2.0 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: March 1999.

[--] YCHV [--]


[--] AT P [--]
[--] PR A [--]

[--Eut] ychu [s --|--] AT P [--|--] PR A [--]

… Eutychus …

Comm.: If the first letter in l.1 is Y, then


the name Eutychus must be restored – al-
most the only word with this combination
of letters; and if so, the following letters,
fig. 1394
tempting though it is, cannot be restored as
[leg] at p [ro--], i.e. the governor of the province. The name Eutychus seems not pos-
sible in a senatorial family.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1395. Fragment of a marble tablet with Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white-yellow marble; the left margin is preserved, the back is
smooth.
Meas.: h 12.8, w 7.4, d 2.1 cm; letters 3.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7771. Autopsy: 8 March 1999; 19
March 2010.
354 II. Caesarea

[--]
V+[--]
FOṚ [--]
V·+[--]
Comm.: l.3: The letter R is likely to follow the FO. One
may suggest the cognomina Fortis, Fortuna, Fortunatus,
Fortunatianus, or the adjectives fortis, fortissimus. In l.4
the V and the following letter, which could be either a B,
E or P, are separated by an interpunct. A v (ir) e (gregius)
or v (ir) p (erfectissimus) are possible, but the letters seem
too small for an inscription mentioning a person of eques-
trian rank. Probably not before the 3 c. AD.
Bibl.: Unpublished. fig. 1395

Photo: WE.
WE

1396. An inscribed capital

Small pier with an engaged column and simple Corinthian capital. The top of the
capital and most of the column below the capital are broken away.
Meas.: h (of the capital) 13-14 cm.
Findspot: Said to have been found near
nos. 1370 and 1371.

[.]‫מ‬+




App. crit.:
ÑċÅÅ¾Ë ¹ľÌÉÍË
Abel - Barrois
(“pour ÇċžË
¹ŦÌÉÍË”), SEG;
the printed text
is Lehmann -
Holum’s; l.3 “In
the photograph
the second letter
of line 3 looks
like it could be
kappa” Leh-
mann - Holum. fig. 1396.1 (detail) fig. 1396.2
H. Varia 355

[`]‫מ‬ÑŠ|Åž|Ë ľ|ÌÉÍË

Ioannes Botrys (?).

Comm.: ľÌÉÍË could be an Arabic form of Peter, as I. Shahid told Lehmann -


Holum (cf. Preisigke, NB s.v.), but ŦÌÉÍË is a well-known personal name, too –
and not completely impossible in a city with vines (¹ŦÌÉÍË = “bunch of grapes”,
LSJ s. v.).

Bibl.: F.-M. Abel - A. Barrois, RB 40, 1930, 294f. (ed. pr.). – SEG 8, 136c; Lehmann - Holum no.
72 pl. LIV.

Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. LIV no. 72.

WA

1397. Fragment with the name Marci [--]

Fragment of a plaque of gray marble, broken on all sides except for the left-hand
side. Plaster from secondary use remains on the surface. The back is smooth.
Meas.: h 8.8, w 15, d .2 cm; letters 4.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 7 January 1999; 17 March 2010.

[--]
ID [--]
MARCI [--]
[--]

[--] | ID [--] | Marci [--|--]

Comm.: Marci could be the praenomen


Marcus in the genitive case, but since fig. 1397
praenomina are normally abbreviated
(and in this case to M), the nomen gentile Marcius, the cognomen Marcianus or
something similar, are more likely. For a name in the genitive in the middle of an
inscription cf. no. 1229.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WA.

WE
356 II. Caesarea

1398. Fragment of a Latin inscription with a libertus/a?

Fragment of a slab of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.
Meas.: h 11.7, w 12, d 1.8 (at the top), 2.3 cm (at the bottom); letters l.2: 4.2 cm.
Findspot: J. Porath’s excavations in Caesarea, no. 6/93-I + 11521.
Pres. loc.: Caesarea. Autopsy: 16 June 1998.

[--]+++[--]
[--] O · IVNỊ [--]
[--] ẠE · LIB [--]

[--]+++[--|--] o Iuni [--|--] ae


lib (ert--) [--]

… Iuni… freedman/woman …

Comm.: In l.2 we have a Ro-


man name, probably in the
dative; Iuni [--] is presumably
part of the cognomen, for ex-
ample Iunianus, Iunillus. The
type of inscription is not im-
mediately clear, but if one re-
stores in l.3 [--] ae lib (ertus/a), fig. 1398
a funerary text mentioning
a freedman or -woman is probable. Alternatively, the restoration of [vicesim] ae
lib [ertatis] or lib (ertatis)[--] there calls for the addition of a term like proc (urator),
tab (ularius), or a similar term, as well.

Bibl.: Unpublished.

Photo: WE.

WE

1399. Bust of Olympiodorus

Meas.: h 51, w 24, d 31 cm; height of head: 25 cm.


Findspot: “Said to have been dug up at Caesarea” (Hanauer); this has been vin-
dicated by similar finds there. Since the bust belonged to the collection of Baron
Ustinov, it went with the collection to Oslo.
Pres. loc.: National Gallery, Oslo, inv. no. NG.S.1292.
H. Varia 357

 

lÂÍÄÈÀŦ»ÑÉÇË

Olympiodorus.

Comm.: Lehmann - Holum believe that the


letters indicate a date of the bust in the early
principate; this precludes the identification
of the man with the neo-Platonic philoso-
pher of the 6 c. AD. Since the bust is cer-
tainly a Roman copy of a Greek work, the
identification of Olympiodorus depends on
the date one assigns to the original. Richter
declared without any doubt: “the style of
the head should be early in the third cen-
tury B.C., in the vicinity of that of Demos-
thenes.” Richter’s stylistic evaluation has fig. 1399
not been contended; on the contrary, Smith
and Zanker endorsed it; if the date is correct, the person represented must be the
Athenian archon Olympiodorus (Prosopographia Attica 11388; cf. Habicht 106f.):
Pausanias saw four statues of him at different places (1,25,2; 26,3). P. Arndt (at
Thiersch 63) thought about the Olympiodorus who had been executor of Theo-
phrastus’ will (but the identity of these two is often assumed). Nevertheless, Leh-
mann - Holum accept the suggestion of Gersht that the portrait under discussion
might show another Olympiodorus: Gersht 99ff. published a portrait of Carneades,
whose measures and general appearance resemble those of the other two portraits;
Philodemus, Index Academicorum XXIV 6 (Dorandi) enumerates among very
many students of Carneades ţÑÅ Á¸Ė lÂÍÄÈÀŦ»ÑÉÇË ¸½¸ėÇÀ (cf. Geiger). There are
some problems with this identification: a) Gersht does not argue against Richter’s
proposed date for the “Olympiodorus”- bust; b) the pupil of Carneades was no phi-
losopher in his own right – he is cited among a score of others as a proof for the
attractiveness of Carneades’ teaching – and therefore he was not a person whose
portrait would have adorned a gallery of intellectuals; c) the Olympiodorus was
found together with a bust of Sophocles (Richter I 127 no. 24), and this too seems to
confirm the Athenian origin of the bust under discussion: as Richter said, the an-
cient collector “may have acquired it in Athens”; the Carneades, as well, may have
been the product of a workshop in imperial Athens.

Bibl.: J. Hanauer PEQ 30, 1898, 159f. (ph.) (ed. pr.). – H. Thiersch, ZDPV 37, 1914, 62f. pl. 13,1f.; F.
Poulsen, La collection Ustinow, 1920, 21ff. figs. 23ff.; A. Hekler, Bildnisse berühmter Griechen, 1940,
33 figs. 28f. (= 3rd ed. 1962, 65 figs. 52f.); Katalog over skulptur og kunstindustri. Nasjonalgalleriet,
358 II. Caesarea

1952, no. 4; G. Richter, Portraits of the Greeks II, 1965, 162 figs. 894ff.; Ringel, Césarée 197 pl. 14 fig.
1; R. Smith, Hellenistic Sculpture, 1991, 37 fig. 41; R. von den Hoff, Philosophenportraits des Früh-
und Hochhellenismus, 1994, 43, 45, 55; P. Zanker, Die Maske des Sokrates, 1995, 90 fig. 50; R. Gersht,
Atiqot 28, 1996, 99ff.; J. Geiger, ZDPV 113, 1997, 70ff.; SEG 47, 1981; M. Fischer, Marble Studies, 1998,
147, 180; Lehmann - Holum no. 1 pl. I. – Cf. Ch. Habicht, Athènes hellénistique, 2nd ed. 2006.
Photo: Lehmann - Holum, pl. I no. 1.
WA

1400. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of a slab of white marble. The upper margin is preserved. No. 1848 is on
its other side.
Meas.: h 7.5, w 9, d 3.7 cm; letters 3.1 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea. Found in 1993 in the fill of stratum 10, above the arena in
Herod’s circus, no. 6/93 I + W/54 506.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 8 March 1999; 16 March 2010.

[--] OPTI [--]


[--]

[--] Opti [mus/o |--]

Comm.: In the epigraphic ‘thesaurus’


opti [mus] or opti [o] are the only words
which contain the letter-sequence OPTI.
Both words, however, are not very likely
to appear in the first line of an inscription.
The cognomen Optimus on the other hand
is very rare. No solution seems obvious.

Bibl.: Unpublished. fig. 1400

Photo: WA.
WE

1401. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of white-blue marble, broken on all sides except for the top; the upper
margin curves towards the back, which is otherwise rough. There is an empty
space of ca. 3 cm above the first line.
Meas.: h 6.5, w 7.8, d ca. 1.6 cm; letters more than 3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
H. Varia 359

Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--] P̣ OMPỌ [--]


[--]

[--] Pompo [nio/us? --|--]

For … Pomponius … someone erected … or:


… Pomponius … (did something).

Comm.: Pomponius can be either the dedica-


tor or the recipient of an inscribed honorary
fig. 1401
or funerary monument. Pomponianus or the
female names Pomponia/Pomponiana are possible, too.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WE

1402. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of gray-yellow marble, broken on all sides, except, perhaps, for the top.
Meas.: h 9, w 9.5, d 3.1 cm; letters 3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: March 1999.

[--] VFI·Ṭ Ị [--]


[--] Ẹ/F̣ Ṭ [--]

[--R] ufi Ti [--|--] E/F T [--]

… of … Rufus …

Comm.: The cognomen Rufus in the genitive


was probably mentioned together with that of
the name of another person which followed,
cf. no. 1276. fig. 1402

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE
360 II. Caesarea

1403. Fragment with a Latin inscription

Fragment of white marble, the frame is preserved on the left-hand side. The back
is broken.
Meas.: h 17, w 17, d 6.5 cm; letters 6-6.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 17 March 2010.

[--]
SEPTIṂ [--]
+[--]

[--] | Septim [ius/o --] | +[--]

… Septimius … or: For … Septimius …

Comm.: The nomen gentile Septimius is


probably mentioned, but cognomina as Sep-
timus or Septimianus are possible, too. The
sign in l.3 is odd and does not resemble any
known letter.
fig. 1403
Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WE

1404. Fragment with a Roman name [--i] us Syr [---]

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 11, w 16.5, d 3.8 cm; letters 6-7 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Kibbutz Sdot Yam Museum, IAA inv. no. 1998-7918. Autopsy: 19 March 2010.

[--]++[--]
[--] Ṿ S · SYṚ [--]

[--]++[--|--i] us Syr [iacus? --]

…ius Syriacus (?) … (did something).

Comm.: The two partly preserved words sepa-


fig. 1404
rated by an interpunct, [--] us Syr [--] are prob-
H. Varia 361

ably the end of a nomen gentile in the nominative and a cognomen beginning Syr-,
e.g. Syriacus, Syrio, Syriarches or something similar. Syriacus is a very common
cognomen. Reading instead: [legat] us Syr [riae Palaestinae], without the word pro-
vinciae before Syriae, is most unlikely.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WE

1405. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of gray-blue marble, broken on all sides. There are guidelines for the letters.
Meas.: h 6.5, w 7, d 1.7 cm; letters 2.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea.
Pres. loc.: Hendler Collection, Hadera. Autopsy: March 1999.

[--] Ṭ EIVS [--]


[--] ẸIVS [--]

[--] teius [--|--?t] eius [--]

…teius … and …(?) teius … are buried (?) …

Comm.: Latin nomina gentilicia like Ateius,


Insteius, Fonteius and similar names seem
possible. If the same nomen gentile was re-
peated here, it is likely to be a funerary text, fig. 1405
which mentioned several members of the same
family.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE.
WE

1406. Fragment with a Latin inscription

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 12, w 9, d 2 cm; letters 4.3 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation, no. 6/94, locus 6952, basket 86306.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 16 June 1998; 16 March 2010.
362 II. Caesarea

[--]
[--] ET·VA+[--]
[--] NTIS [--]
App. crit.: l.2 the letter after VA is slightly curved:
M? or L?

[--|--] et Va+[--|--] ntis [--]

Comm.: Several people were probably men-


tioned in this text: one whose name began
with Va [--] whereas the other’s ended with
the genitive case -ntis. Other reconstruc-
tions of -ntis like ornamentis, fundamentis
are less likely. This could be the remains of
a funerary inscription. fig. 1406

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WA.
WE

1407. Fragment with Latin letters

Fragment of crystalline marble, broken on all sides; the back is only roughly smoothed.
Meas.: h 8, w 8.5, d ca. 2.3 cm; letters 2.9 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation; no. 6/94-I-86572.
Pres. loc.: Seen in Caesarea on 17 March 1999.

[--]+[--]
[--] F · H [--]
[--]

[--]+[--|--] f (ilio/us) H [--|--]

Comm.: In l.2 probably the remains of


a filiation (“son of”) and the beginning
of a cognomen.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE. fig. 1407

WE
H. Varia 363

1408. Fragment with Latin letters

White marble slab, broken on all sides; the back is smooth.


Meas.: h 18, w 7.5, d 3.5 cm; letters l.2: 7.8 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, J. Porath’s excavation, found in 1996, no. 6/96 I +100657.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 13 March 2010.

[..]+·AṾ [--]
[--] FIL·V [--]
[--]

[..]+ Au/v [--|--] fil (io/us) V [--|--]

… son of …

Comm.: The inscription belonged either to an honor-


ary or a funerary monument; the height of the letters
favors the first alternative.

Bibl.: Unpublished.
Photo: WE. fig. 1408
WE

1409. Fragment of a Latin inscription

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; reused, with remains of mortar.
Meas.: h 6.5, w 11.5, d 2.5 cm; letters at least 7.5 cm.
Findspot: Caesarea, found in 1993 in J. Porath’s excavation, no. 6/93-I+66372.
Pres. loc.: Beth Shemesh. Autopsy: 23 March 1999; 16 March 2010.

[--] SER·+[--]

Comm.: The letters are relatively large,


which suggests that the person mentioned
here was probably of higher social status.
The SER could stand for the praenomen
Ser (vius) or for the tribus Ser (gia), which
was normally abbreviated as Serg (ia), but fig. 1409
364 II. Caesarea

Ser (gia), too, is possible (see for example CIL 3, 295 = 6829. 296 = 6835; AE 1977,
181; 1981, 233; 1984, 63).
Bibl.: Unpublishe