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Annals of anthropology

How much people drink may matter less than how they drink it.

By Malcolm Gladwell

I n 1956, Dwight Heath, a graduate

student in anthropology at Yale
University, was preparing to do field
“If there was meat in town, they’d
throw out the hide in front, so you’d
know where it was, and you would
work for his dissertation. He was inter- bring banana leaves in your hand, so
ested in land reform and social change, it was your dish. There were adobe
and his first choice as a study site was houses with stucco and tile roofs, and
Tibet. But six months before he was to the town plaza, with three palm trees.
go there he got a letter from the Chi- You heard the rumble of oxcarts. The
nese government rejecting his request padres had a jeep. Some of the women
for a visa. “I had to find a place where would serve a big pot of rice and some
you can master the literature in four sauce. That was the restaurant. The
months, and that was accessible,” guy who did the coffee was German.
Heath says now. “It was a hustle.” Bo- The year we came to Bolivia, a total of
livia was the next best choice. He and eighty-five foreigners came into the
his wife, Anna Cooper Heath, flew to country. It wasn’t exactly a hot spot.”
Lima with their baby boy, and then In Montero, the Heaths engaged
waited for five hours while mechanics in old-fashioned ethnography—
put boosters on the plane’s engines. “vacuum­ing up everything,” Dwight
“These were planes that the U.S. had says, “learning everything.” They con-
dumped after World War II,” Heath vinced the Camba that they weren’t
recalls. “They weren’t supposed to go missionaries by openly smoking ciga-
above ten thousand feet. But La Paz, rettes. They took thousands of photo-
where we were headed, was at twelve graphs. They walked around the town
thousand feet.” As they flew into the and talked to whomever they could,
Andes, Cooper Heath says, they and then Dwight went home and spent
looked down and saw the remnants of the night typing up his notes. They
“all the planes where the boosters didn’t had a Coleman lantern, which became
work.” a prized social commodity. Heath
From La Paz, they travelled five taught some of the locals how to build
hundred miles into the interior of east- a split-rail fence. They sometimes
ern Bolivia, to a small frontier town shared a beer in the evenings with a
called Montero. It was the part of Bo- Bolivian Air Force officer who had
livia where the Amazon Basin meets been exiled to Montero from La Paz.
the Chaco—vast stretches of jungle “He kept on saying, ‘Watch me, I will
and lush prairie. The area was inhab- be somebody,’ ” Dwight says. (His
ited by the Camba, a mestizo people name was René Barrientos; eight years
descended from the indigenous Indian later he became the President of Bo-
populations and Spanish settlers. The livia, and the Heaths were invited to
Camba spoke a language that was a his inauguration.) After a year and a
mixture of the local Indian languages half, the Heaths packed up their pho-
and seventeenth-century Andalusian tographs and notes and returned to
Spanish. “It was an empty spot on the New Haven. There Dwight Heath sat
map,” Heath says. “There was a rail- down to write his dissertation—only to
road coming. There was a highway discover that he had nearly missed
coming. There was a national govern- what was perhaps the most fascinating
ment . . . coming.” fact about the community he had been
They lived in a tiny house just out- studying.
side of town. “There was no pavement, Today, the Heaths are in their late
no sidewalks,” Cooper Heath recalls. seventies. Dwight has neatly combed
70 THE NEW YORKER, FEBRUARY 15 & 22, 2010
gray hair and thick tortoiseshell glasses, cohol question struck him as particu- that some proportion of the popula-
a reserved New Englander through larly noteworthy. People drank every tion was genetically susceptible to the
and through. Anna is more outgoing. weekend in New Haven, too. His focus effects of drinking. Policymakers, mean-
They live not far from the Brown Uni- was on land reform. But who was he to while, have become increasingly in­
versity campus, in Providence, in a say no to the Quarterly Journal of Stud- terested in using economic and legal
house filled with hundreds of African ies on Alcohol ? So he sat down and tools to control alcohol-related behav-
statues and sculptures, with books and wrote up what he knew. Only after his ior: that’s why the drinking age has
papers piled high on tables, and they article, “Drinking Patterns of the Bo- been raised from eighteen to twenty-
sat, in facing armchairs, and told the livian Camba,” was published, in Sep- one, why drunk-driving laws have been
story of what happened half toughened, and why alcohol
a century ago, finishing each is taxed heavily. Today, our
other’s sentences. approach to the social bur-
“It was August or Sep- den of alcohol is best de-
tember of 1957,” Heath said. scribed as a mixture of all
“We had just gotten back. three: we moralize, medical-
She’s tanned. I’m tanned. I ize, and legalize.
mean, really tanned, which In the nineteen-fifties,
you didn’t see a lot of in New however, the researchers at
Haven in those days.” the Yale Center of Alcohol
“I’m an architecture nut,” Studies found something
Anna said. “And I said I lacking in this emerging ap-
wanted to see the inside of proach, and the reason had
this building near the cam- to do with what they ob-
pus. It was always closed. served right in their own
But Dwight says, ‘You never town. New Haven was a
know,’ so he walked over city of immigrants—Jew-
and pulls on the door and it ish, Irish, and, most of all,
opens.” Anna looked over at Italian. Recent Italian im-
her husband. migrants made up about a
“So we go in,” Dwight third of the population, and
went on, “and there was a when­ever the Yale research-
couple of little white-haired ers went into the Italian
guys there. And they said, neighborhoods they found
‘You’re tanned. Where have an astonishing thirst for al-
you been?’ And I said Bo- cohol. The overwhelming
livia. And one of them said, majority of Italian-American
‘Well, can you tell me how men in New Haven drank. A
they drink?’ ” The building group led by the director of
was Yale’s Center of Alcohol Culture and customs help shape the way alcohol affects us. the Yale alcohol-treatment
Studies. One of the white- clinic, Giorgio Lolli, once
haired men was E. M. Jellinek, per- tember of 1958, and the queries and interviewed a sixty-one-year-old fa-
haps the world’s leading expert on reprint requests began flooding in from ther of four who consumed more than
alcoholism at the time; the other was around the world, did he realize what three thousand calories a day of food
Mark Keller, the editor of the well- he had found. “This is so often true in and beverages—of which a third was
regarded Quarterly Journal of Studies on anthropology,” Anna said. “It is not wine. “He usually has an 8-oz. glass
Alcohol. Keller stood up and grabbed anthropologists who recognize the of wine immediately following his
Heath by the lapels: “I don’t know any- value of what they’ve done. It’s every- breakfast every morning,” Lolli and his
one who has ever been to Bolivia. Tell one else. The anthropologist is just colleagues wrote. “He always takes
me about it!” He invited Heath to reporting.” wine with his noonday lunch—as
write up his alcohol-related observa- much as 24 oz.” But he didn’t display
tions for his journal.
After the Heaths went home that T he abuse of alcohol has, histori- the pathologies that typically ac­
cally, been thought of as a moral company that kind of alcohol con­
day, Anna said to Dwight, “Do you re- failing. Muslims and Mormons and sumption. The man was successfully
alize that every weekend we were in many kinds of fundamentalist Chris- employed, and had been drunk only
Bolivia we went out drinking?” The tians do not drink, because they con- twice in his life. He was, Lolli con-
code he used for alcohol in his note- sider alcohol an invitation to weakness cluded, “a healthy, happy individual

books was 30A, and when he went and sin. Around the middle of the last who has made a satisfactory adjust-
over his notes he found 30A references century, alcoholism began to be widely ment to life.”
everywhere. Still, nothing about the al- considered a disease: it was recognized By the late fifties, Lolli’s clinic had
THE NEW YORKER, FEBRUARY 15 & 22, 2010 71
admitted twelve hundred alcoholics. ter. It was their Coleman lantern. glass, and repeated the ritual with
Plenty of them were Irish. But just “Whatever the occasion, it didn’t mat- someone else in the circle. When peo-
forty were Italians (all of whom were ter,” Anna recalled. “As long as the party ple got too tired or too drunk, they
second- or third-generation immi- was at night, we were first on the list.” curled up on the ground and passed
grants). New Haven was a natural ex- The parties would have been more out, rejoining the party when they
periment. Here were two groups who aptly described as drinking parties. awoke. The Camba did not drink
practiced the same religion, who were The host would buy the first bottle and alone. They did not drink on work
subject to the same laws and con- issue the invitations. A dozen or so nights. And they drank only within the
straints, and who, it seemed reasonable people would show up on Saturday structure of this elaborate ritual.
to suppose, should have the same as- night, and the party would proceed— “The alcohol they drank was awful,”
sortment within their community of often until everyone went back to work Anna recalled. “Literally, your eyes
those genetically predisposed to alco- on Monday morning. The composi- poured tears. The first time I had it, I
holism. Yet the heavy-drinking Ital- tion of the group was informal: some- thought, I wonder what will happen if I
ians had nothing like the problems times people passing by would be in- just vomit in the middle of the floor. Not
that afflicted their Irish counterparts. vited. But the structure of the party even the Camba said they liked it. They
“That drinking must precede alco- was heavily ritualized. The group say it tastes bad. It burns. The next day
holism is obvious,” Mark Keller once would sit in a circle. Someone might they are sweating this stuff. You can
wrote. “Equally obvious, but not al- play the drums or a guitar. A bottle of smell it.” But the Heaths gamely perse-
ways sufficiently considered, is the fact rum, from one of the sugar refineries in vered. “The anthropology graduate stu-
that drinking is not necessarily fol- the area, and a small drinking glass dent in the nineteen-fifties felt that he
lowed by alcoholism.” This was the were placed on a table. The host stood, had to adapt,” Dwight Heath said. “You
puzzle of New Haven, and why Keller filled the glass with rum, and then don’t want to offend anyone, you don’t
demanded of Dwight Heath, that day walked toward someone in the circle. want to decline anything. I gritted my
on the Yale campus, Tell me how the He stood before the “toastee,” nodded, teeth and accepted those drinks.”
Camba drink. The crucial ingredient, and raised the glass. The toastee smiled “We didn’t get drunk that much,”
in Keller’s eyes, had to be cultural. and nodded in return. The host then Anna went on, “because we didn’t get
The Heaths had been invited to a drank half the glass and handed it to toasted as much as the other folks
party soon after arriving in Montero, the toastee, who would finish it. The around. We were strangers. But one
and every weekend and holiday thereaf- toastee eventually stood, refilled the night there was this really big party—
sixty to eighty people. They’d drink.
Then pass out. Then wake up and
party for a while. And I found, in their
drinking patterns, that I could turn my
drink over to Dwight. The husband is
obliged to drink for his wife. And
Dwight is holding the Coleman lan-
tern with his arm wrapped around it,
and I said, ‘Dwight, you are burning
your arm.’ ” She mimed her husband
peeling his forearm off the hot surface
of the lantern. “And he said—very de-
liberately—‘So I am.’ ”
When the Heaths came back to
New Haven, they had a bottle of the
Camba’s rum analyzed and learned
that it was a hundred and eighty proof.
It was laboratory alcohol—the concen-
tration that scientists use to fix tissue.
No one had ever heard of anyone
drinking it. This was the first of the as-
tonishing findings of the Heaths’ re-
search—and, predictably, no one be-
lieved it at first.
“One of the world’s leading physi-
ologists of alcohol was at the Yale cen-
ter,” Heath recalled. “His name was
Leon Greenberg. He said to me, ‘Hey,
you spin a good yarn. But you couldn’t
“We could easily sell this place—it shows nicely.” really have drunk that stuff.’ And he
needled me just enough that he knew ing a tribe in central Kenya. One of the
he would get a response. So I said, tribesmen, he was told, was “very dan-
‘You want me to drink it? I have a bot- gerous” and “totally beyond control”
tle.’ So one Saturday I drank some after he had been drinking, and one day
under controlled conditions. He was Edgerton ran across the man:
taking blood samples every twenty
I heard a commotion, and saw people
minutes, and, sure enough, I did drink running past me. One young man stopped
it, the way I said I’d drunk it.” and urged me to flee because this dangerous
Greenberg had an ambulance ready drunk was coming down the path attacking
all whom he met. As I was about to take this
to take Heath home. But Heath de- advice and leave, the drunk burst wildly into
cided to walk. Anna was waiting up for the clearing where I was sitting. I stood up,
him in the third-floor walkup they ready to run, but much to my surprise, the
man calmed down, and as he walked slowly
rented, in an old fraternity house. “I past me, he greeted me in polite, even defer-
was hanging out the window waiting ential terms, before he turned and dashed
for him, and there’s the ambulance away. I later learned that in the course of his
“drunken rage” that day he had beaten two
driving along the street, very slowly, men, pushed down a small boy, and eviscer-
and next to it is Dwight. He waves, ated a goat with a large knife.
and he looks fine. Then he walks up
the three flights of stairs and says, The authors include a similar case
‘Ahh, I’m drunk,’ and falls flat on his from Ralph Beals’s work among the
face. He was out for three hours.” Mixe Indians of Oaxaca, Mexico:
The bigger surprise was what hap-
The Mixe indulge in frequent fist fights,
pened when the Camba drank. The especially while drunk. Although I probably
Camba had weekly benders with labo- saw several hundred, I saw no weapons used,
ratory-proof alcohol, and, Dwight although nearly all men carried machetes
and many carried rifles. Most fights start
Heath said, “There was no social pa- with a drunken quarrel. When the pitch of
thology—none. No arguments, no dis- voices reaches a certain point, everyone ex-
putes, no sexual aggression, no verbal pects a fight. The men hold out their weap-
ons to the onlookers, and then begin to fight
aggression. There was pleasant con­ with their fists, swinging wildly until one
versation or silence.” On the Brown falls down [at which point] the victor helps
University campus, a few blocks away, his opponent to his feet and usually they
embrace each other.
beer—which is to Camba rum approx-
imately what a peashooter is to a ba- The angry Kenyan tribesman was
zooka—was known to reduce the stu- disinhibited toward his own people but
dent population to a raging hormonal inhibited toward Edgerton. Alcohol
frenzy on Friday nights. “The drinking turned the Mixe into aggressive street
didn’t interfere with work,” Heath fighters, but they retained the presence
went on. “It didn’t bring in the police. of mind to “hold out their weapons to
And there was no alcoholism, either.” the onlookers.” Something that truly
disinhibits ought to be indiscriminate

W hat Heath found among the

Camba is hard to believe. We
regard alcohol’s behavioral effects as
in its effects. That’s not the picture of
alcohol that these anthropologists have
given us. (MacAndrew and Edgerton,
inevitable. Alcohol disinhibits, we as- in one of their book’s many wry asides,
sume, as reliably as caffeine enlivens. It point out that we are all acquainted
gradually unlocks the set of psycholog- with people who can hold their liquor.
ical constraints that keep our behavior “In the absence of anything observ-
in check, and makes us do things that ably untoward in such a one’s drunken
we would not ordinarily do. It’s a drug, comportment,” they ask, “are we seri-
after all. ously to presume that he is devoid of
But, after Heath’s work on the inhibitions?”)
Camba, anthropologists began to take Psychologists have encountered the
note of all the puzzling ways in which same kinds of perplexities when they
alcohol wasn’t reliable in its effects. have set out to investigate the effects of
In the classic 1969 work “Drunken drunkenness. One common belief is that
Comportment,” for example, the an- alcohol causes “self-inflation.” It makes
thropologists Craig MacAndrew and us see ourselves through rose-tinted
Robert B. Edgerton describe an en- glasses. Oddly, though, it doesn’t make
counter that Edgerton had while study- us view everything about ourselves
THE NEW YORKER, FEBRUARY 15 & 22, 2010 73
through rose-tinted glasses. When the he is in the grip of an autonomous and Edgerton conclude. “Since socie­
psychologists Claude Steele and Mahza- physiological process. Myopia theory, ties, like individuals, get the sorts of
rin Banaji gave a group of people a per- on the contrary, says that the drinker drunken comportment that they allow,
sonality questionnaire while they were is, in some respects, increasingly sensi- they deserve what they get.”
sober and then again when they were tive to his environment: he is at the
drunk, they found that the only person-
ality aspects that were inflated by drink-
ing were those where there was a gap be-
mercy of whatever is in front of him.
A group of Canadian psychologists
led by Tara MacDonald recently went
T his is what connects the examples
of Montero and New Haven. On
the face of it, the towns are at opposite
tween real and ideal states. If you are into a series of bars and made the pa- ends of the spectrum. The Camba got
good-looking and the world agrees that trons read a short vignette. They had to drunk every weekend on laboratory-
you are good-looking, drink- imagine that they had met grade alcohol. The Italians drank wine,
ing doesn’t make you think an attractive person at a bar, in civil amounts, every day. The Italian
you’re even better-looking. walked him or her home, and example is healthy and laudable. The
Drinking only makes you feel ended up in bed—only to Camba’s fiestas were excessive and
you’re better-looking if you discover that neither of them surely took a long-term physical toll.
think you’re good-looking had a condom. The subjects But both communities understood
and the world doesn’t agree. were then asked to respond the importance of rules and structure.
Alcohol is also commonly on a scale of one (very un- Camba society, Dwight Heath says,
believed to reduce anxiety. likely) to nine (very likely) to was marked by a singular lack of “com-
That’s what a disinhibiting the proposition: “If I were in munal expression.” They were itiner-
agent should do: relax us and this situation, I would have ant farmworkers. Kinship ties were
make the world go away. sex.” You’d think that the weak. Their daily labor tended to be
Yet this effect also turns out to be se- subjects who had been drinking heavily solitary and the hours long. There were
lective. Put a stressed-out drinker in would be more likely to say that they few neighborhood or civic groups.
front of an exciting football game and would have sex—and that’s exactly what Those weekly drinking parties were
he’ll forget his troubles. But put him in happened. The drunk people came in at not chaotic revels; they were the heart
a quiet bar somewhere, all by himself, 5.36, on average, on the nine-point scale. of Camba community life. They had a
and he’ll grow more anxious. The sober people came in at 3.91. The function, and the elaborate rituals—
Steele and his colleague Robert Jo- drinkers couldn’t sort through the long- one bottle at a time, the toasting, the
sephs’s explanation is that we’ve mis- term consequences of unprotected sex. sitting in a circle—served to give the
read the effects of alcohol on the brain. But then MacDonald went back to the Camba’s drinking a clear structure.
Its principal effect is to narrow our bars and stamped the hands of some of In the late nineteen-forties, Phyllis
emotional and mental field of vision. It the patrons with the phrase “AIDS kills.” Williams and Robert Straus, two soci-
causes, they write, “a state of short- Drinkers with the hand stamp were ologists at Yale, selected ten first- and
sightedness in which superficially un- slightly less likely than the sober people second-generation Italian-Americans
derstood, immediate aspects of experi- to want to have sex in that situation: from New Haven to keep diaries de-
ence have a disproportionate influence they couldn’t sort through the kinds of tailing their drinking behavior, and
on behavior and emotion.” rationalizations necessary to set aside their entries show how well that com-
Alcohol makes the thing in the fore- the risk of AIDS. Where norms and munity understood this lesson as well.
ground even more salient and the thing standards are clear and consistent, the Here is one of their subjects, Philo­
in the background disappear. That’s why drinker can become more rule-bound mena Sappio, a forty-year-old hair-
drinking makes you think you are attrac- than his sober counterpart. dresser from an island in the Bay of
tive when the world thinks otherwise: In other words, the frat boys drink- Naples, describing what she drank one
the alcohol removes the little constrain- ing in a bar on a Friday night don’t have week in October of 1948:
ing voice from the outside world that to be loud and rowdy. They are re-
Fri.—Today for dinner 4 oz. of wine
normally keeps our self-assessments in sponding to the signals sent by their [noon]. In the evening, I had fish with 8 oz. of
check. Drinking relaxes the man watch- immediate environment—by the puls- wine [6 P.M.].
ing football because the game is front ing music, by the crush of people, by the Sat.—Today I did not feel like drinking at
all. Neither beer nor any other alcohol. I
and center, and alcohol makes every dimmed light, by the countless movies drank coffee and water.
secondary consideration fade away. But and television shows and general cul- Sun.—For dinner I made lasagna at noon,
in a quiet bar his problems are front and tural expectations that say that young and had 8 oz. of wine. In the evening, I had
company and took one glass of liqueur [1 oz.
center—and every potentially comforting men in a bar with pulsing music on a strega] with my company. For supper—I did
or mitigating thought recedes. Drunk- Friday night have permission to be loud not have supper because I wasn’t hungry.
enness is not disinhibition. Drunken-­ and rowdy. “Persons learn about drunk- Mon.—At dinner I drank coffee, at sup-
per 6 oz. of wine [5 P.M.].
ness is myopia. enness what their societies import to Tues.—At dinner, 4 oz. wine [noon]. One
Myopia theory changes how we un- them, and comporting themselves in of my friends and her husband took me and
derstand drunkenness. Disinhibition consonance with these understandings, my daughter out this evening in a restaurant
for supper. We had a splendid supper. I drank
suggests that the drinker is increasingly they become living confirmations of 1 oz. of vermouth [5:30 P.M.] and 12 oz. of
insensitive to his environment—that their society’s teachings,” MacAndrew wine [6 P.M.].

74 THE NEW YORKER, FEBRUARY 15 & 22, 2010

creasingly, drinking like everyone else.
There is something about the cultural
dimension of social problems that eludes
us. When confronted with the rowdy
youth in the bar, we are happy to raise his
drinking age, to tax his beer, to punish
him if he drives under the influence, and
to push him into treatment if his habit
becomes an addiction. But we are reluc-
tant to provide him with a positive and
constructive example of how to drink.
The consequences of that failure are con-
siderable, because, in the end, culture is a
more powerful tool in dealing with drink-
ing than medicine, economics, or the law.
For all we know, Philomena Sappio could
have had within her genome a grave sus-
ceptibility to alcohol. Because she lived in
the protective world of New Haven’s im-
“I don’t know anything about forest fires. I ate a ranger.” migrant Italian community, however, it
would never have become a problem.
Today, she would be at the mercy of her
• • own inherent weaknesses. Nowhere in
the multitude of messages and signals
Wed.—For dinner, 4 oz. of wine [noon] hol has no larger social or emotional re- sent by popular culture and social institu-
and for supper 6 oz. of wine [6 P.M.]. ward. It’s food, consumed according to tions about drinking is there any consen-
Thurs.—At noon, coffee and at supper, 6
oz. of wine [6 P.M.]. the same quotidian rhythms as pasta or sus about what drinking is supposed to
Fri.—Today at noon I drank orange juice; cheese. But the content of the rules mean.
at supper in the evening [6 P.M.] 8 oz. of wine. matters less than the fact of the rule, the “Mind if I vent for a while?” a woman
existence of a drinking regimen that asks her husband, in one popular—and
Sappio drinks almost every day, un- both encourages and constrains alco- depressingly typical—beer ad. He is sit-
less she isn’t feeling well. She almost hol’s use. “I went to visit one of my ting on the couch. She has just come
always drinks wine. She drinks only at friends this evening,” Sappio writes. home from work. He replies, “Mind? I’d
mealtimes. She rarely has more than a “We saw television and she offered me prefer it!” And he jumps up, goes to the
glass—except on a special occasion, as 6 oz. of wine to drink, and it was good refrigerator, and retrieves two cans of
when she and her daughter are out [9 P.M.].” She did not say that her friend Coors Light—a brand that comes with
with friends at a restaurant. put the bottle on the table or offered her a special vent intended to make pour-
Here is another of Williams and a second glass. Evidently, she brought ing the beer easier. “Let’s vent!” he cries
Straus’s subjects—Carmine Trotta, out one glass of wine for each of them, out. She looks at him oddly: “What are
aged sixty, born in a village outside Sal- and they drank together, because one you talking about?” “I’m talking about
erno, married to a girl from his village, glass is what you had, in the Italian venting!” he replies, as she turns away in
father of three, proprietor of a small neighborhoods of New Haven, at 9 disgust. “What are you talking about?”
grocery store, resident of an exclusively P.M. while watching television. The voice-over intones, “The vented
Italian neighborhood: wide-mouthed can from Coors Light. It
Fri.—I do not generally eat anything for
breakfast if I have a heavy supper the night
before. I leave out eggnog and only take cof-
W hy can’t we all drink like the Ital-
ians of New Haven? The flood of
immigrants who came to the United
lets in air for a smooth, refreshing pour.”
Even the Camba, for all their excesses,
would never have been so foolish as to
fee with whisky because I like to have a little States in the nineteenth century brought pretend that you could have a conversa-
in the morning with coffee or with eggnog or
a few crackers. with them a wealth of cultural models, tion about drinking and talk only about
Mon.—When I drink whisky before going some of which were clearly superior to the can. 
to bed I always put it in a glass of water. . . . the patterns of their new host—and, in
Wed.—Today is my day off from busi-
block that metaphor!
ness, so I [drank] some beer because it was a perfect world, the rest of us would have
very hot. I never drink beer when I am work- adopted the best ways of the newcom- From the Sarasota (Fla.) Herald-Tribune.
ing because I don’t like the smell of beer on ers. It hasn’t worked out that way,
my breath for my customers. “He had his back against the wall and
Thurs.—Every time that I buy a bottle of though. Americans did not learn to SunTrust was playing hardball,” said John
whisky I always divide same. One half at drink like Italians. On the contrary, Patterson, Canino’s longtime Sarasota law-
home and one half in my shop. yer. “When someone really gets their back
when researchers followed up on Italian- against the wall and a white knight appears,
Sappio and Trotta do not drink for Americans, they found that by the third the tendency is not to kick the tires as much
the same purpose as the Camba: alco- and fourth generations they were, in- as you should.”

76 THE NEW YORKER, FEBRUARY 15 & 22, 2010