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A.J. Weberman

Copyright © 2016 by Yippie Museum Press. All rights

reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or
transmitted in any form or by any means without
written permission of the author.

ISBN 9781520153711


The Columbia Spectator: Homothug: The Secret Life
of Rudy Giuliani by A.J. Weberman: Weberman has
dedicated most of his life to studying and writing
about Bob Dylan, but apparently he’s branching out.
This book also has an awesome photo of Giuliani in
drag on the cover, by the way.

Michael Musto of the Village Voice calls Homothug

"shocking new book a rudy awakening for Giuliani
"some audacious new book called Homothug is
claiming...that Rudy was not only bi, but that his lover
was a defrocked Catholic cleric and child rapist!"

Table of Contents

POLITICIANS GONE WILD .......................................................... 2

THE SUPPORTING EVIDENCE .................................................. 15
FOR WHOM THE BELL TOLLNERS .......................................... 29
PLACA MURDERED RAYMOND TRYPUC ............................... 59
THE REGINA MONOLOGUES ................................................... 99
THE LATEGANO AFFAIR ........................................................ 111
OI VEY MY SON IS GAY ........................................................... 119
POLITICS MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS ........................ 135
THE FRUIT OF A POISONOUS TREE ..................................... 141
THE GAMBINO BAMBINO ....................................................... 169
STEVE THE BLONDE - BISEXUAL GANGSTER .................... 181
LAWRENCE V. RAY - PUMPED THEN DUMPED ................... 205
BERNARD KERIK - IN BED WITH THE MOB .......................... 265
THE PRICE IS RIGHT ............................................................... 329
PRESIDENTIAL POST MORTEM ............................................. 343

On February 12, 2009 I received this email:

Dear Mr. Weberman,

Thank you for your interest in BookSurge. While we appreciate your

business, we are connecting with you today as we will be unable to
continue the production of "Homothug” moving forward. This title
has been removed from an available status through BookSurge as
well as from your account. Please note that we are also refunding
you $199.00 that was paid for this submission.Thank you once again
for your interest in our company. We look forward to working with
you on other future projects. Sincerely,

Executive Customer Relations

Bracewell and Giuliani prepared a massive lawsuit against Amazon

but agreed not to file it as long as the book was removed from
Amazon and no longer printed.


Rudy proclaimed Hillary Clinton “too stupid” to be president because

she remained with then-President Bill Clinton despite his affair with
Monica Lewinsky, charged that President Barack Obama hates
America and argued that there were no Islamic terrorist attacks on

U.S. soil prior to Obama’s presidency – seemingly forgetting the 9/11
World Trade Center attack that catapulted him to “America’s mayor”
hero status. Rudy defended Trump’s statement that thousands of
Muslims cheered 911 when there were only a few hundred in Jersey
City cheering, rationalized Trump’s groping behavior when every
other Trump spokesperson was in hiding and kissed Trump’s ass
throughout his campaign. Now it’s Christmas time 2016 and Trump is
about to take power:

Rudolph, the Trump supporter

Had a very brown nose
And if you knew the truth about
You would even say he blows

All of the other cabinet members

Used to laugh and call him names
They never let poor Rudy
Play in any white house games.

Then one post election eve

Donald came to say:
"Rudolph with your stamina so low,
I’m afraid sissies have got to go.”

But all the tea party loved him

As they shouted out with glee,
Rudolph America's bi mayor
You’ll go down in history!

Rudy needed someone to blame for his being snubbed by Trump so

he blamed Homothug and may have tried to get it removed by
claiming I am not the true author.


Thank you for publishing with Amazon. Copyright is important to us –

we want to make sure that no author or other copyright holder has
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Weberman, Alan (AUTHOR) (ID:1351492)

Acceptable documentation includes:

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Thank you,

Amazon KDP founder and Washington Post owner Jeffrey P.

Bezos told Trump that his criticism of Bezos’s ownership of the
newspaper and the threats issued against Amazon are “not an
appropriate way for a presidential candidate to behave.” Trump
threatened to investigate Amazon under the anti-trust laws. When
Amazon first censored my book Rudy was a well respected politi-
cian, America’s Mayor, the man who cleaned up New York City. Now
Rudy is regarded as a slime ball so it is back in print.


Page Six has learned that Andrew Guiliani is en-

gaged to Lithuanian-born real estate insider Zivile
Rezgyte. The pair met at Yankee Stadium in 2014 on
the night of Derek Jeter’s last home game, and Giuli-
ani proposed last week during a trip to visit her family
in Lithuania.

“I called to ask her mother for her hand a few days

before we left [New York] for her hometown in Lithu-
ania,” Giuliani told us, adding that he got down on
one knee “on a boardwalk in the Baltic Sea in
Palanga. I proposed with her mom, sister, cousin and
two nephews present.” (Rezgyte’s father passed
away in 2004.)

The couple will be married by Rudy’s best friend, the

minister Alan Placa, in New York. “We are working on
the guest list right now, but considering Zivile’s suc-
cess, I’m sure there will be plenty of the biggest
names in real estate there,” Andrew said.


A CNN/Opinion Research Corporation survey released in late May

2011 revealed that of Republicans and independents who lean to the
right Rudy Giuliani would be their candidate. Of those polled, 16%
said they would vote for Giuliani if he was running, a percentage
point higher than those who said they'd support Mitt Romney.
Giuliani was in New Hampshire, testing the waters, when the poll
figures were released. Because of his sexual relations with a child
molesting priest named Alan Placa Rudy is unfit to hold the office of
President of the United States. He carries too much personal bagage
like marrying his cousin. He would raid every medical marijuana
dispensary in the United States. Roto-Rudy that’s the name and
away goes freedom down the drain.
Rudy’s campaign was a dismal flop. He finished third in Florida and
fouth in New Hampshire. He had $16.6 million on hand at the end of
September 2011, more than Mitt Romney ($9.5 million) or Senator
John McCain ($3.2 million) but mispent it. The failed campaign of
Rudolph W. Giuliani can claim one distinction: the worst bang for the
buck of any delegate winner in presidential politics history.
The former New York mayor, who dropped his Republican bid for the
presidency disclosed in a filing with the Federal Election Commission
that he raised $58.5 million and spent $48.8 million in 2007.

With his donors’ money, Giuliani captured a single national delegate,
in Nevada. At that rate, it would have taken close to $60 billion in
spending to capture the 1,191 delegates needed to win the
nomination. Rudy’s clothes had screwed him up again. He
campaigned in a suit and tie in the South and looked like a modern
day carpet bagger, when in reality he was a scum bagger.


Rudy appeared on 'Evening With Ivan Ivanovic,' a late night Serbian

talk show, in April 2012, during a visit to the European nation to
consult with Serbian politician Aleksandar Vucic, who at the time was
running for mayor of Belgrade. Vucic, now the prime minister of
Serbia, is a fascist who was aligned with autocrat and convicted war
criminal Slobodan Milošević. As minister of information in the late
1990s, Vucic instituted fines for journalists who criticized the gov-
ernment and banned some media.



President Bill Clinton engages in oral-anal sex with Monica Lewinsky

in the White House. Senator Larry Craig arrested for offering com-
plete strangers oral sex in an airport men’s room. New York State
Governor Elliot Spitzer has unprotected sex with high priced hookers
while Governor Jim McGreevey of New Jersey double-teams his
wife. Now it’s the Rudy Giuliani - Alan Placa affair. Extensive re-
search revealed Rudy is a bisexual and his butt buddy is the child
rapist and defrocked priest Alan J Placa, who appears next to Rudy
and his wife in the photo below taken in 2007. This explains why
Giuliani consistently refused to denounce Placa and why to this day
he is paying him hush money via a no-show job at Giuliani Partners.
It also explained why Giuliani supported gay rights to a greater
extent than any other Republican politician, even to the point of
agreeing to perform gay marriages: Giuliani is a covert part of the
gay community and thus, he personally related to the gays’ struggle
for equality. Too bad this Log Cabin Republican 1 mole couldn’t relate
to other just struggles, such as those of African-Americans and
medical marijuana patients.

Rudy sucked up to Senator John McCain, hoping for a posi-

tion in his Administration, had McCain been elected President. In
May 2008 Rudy raised $7M for McCain as Jewish oligarchs 2 anted

up at the Sheraton Hotel. A possible scenario had U.S. Attorney
General and Rudy crony Michael Mukasey remaining in place then
resigning and Rudy becoming the second gay Attorney General. –
USAG Janet Reno claimed she was “an awkward old maid with a
very great affection for men” yet her photograph is displayed at gay
media award ceremonies. Senator McCain would have done a great
disservice to the moral sensibilities of his constituency if he includes
Rudy in his Cabinet or in his Administration unless there is an
opening for a White House Men’s Room Attendant.

Giuliani also has ambitions of becoming the Governor of New

York State. Before the upstate conservative Republicans nominate
him, they should evaluate the evidence that leads this researcher to
believe Rudy was what we called in 1950’s Brooklynese, “a switch
hitter.” After that they should examine the life of Rudy’s paramour
Alan J. Placa, whose high school graduation photo appears below
and factor it into the equation.

First off, sexual aberration runs in the Giuliani family. It is no accident

that the word “degenerate” contains the word “gene.” Harold Giuliani,
Rudy’s biological father was bisexual and possibly a pedophile. He
was arrested for “loitering for immoral purposes,” meaning he was
caught with his pants down in a state park men’s room frequented by
young boys. Harold was on the down low. On the down low is slang
for being in heterosexual relationships, yet having sex with other

males unbeknownst to one's wife and family. Harold had a nervous
breakdown after his bi-sexuality was exposed and didn’t want to
show his face at work. Rudy’s maternal cousin Lewis D’Avanzo AKA
“Steve the Blonde” D’Avanzo was also bisexual. Research has
shown that male sexual orientation is substantially genetic. A two-
year study of the rates of homosexuality in identical and non-identical
twin brothers of gay men, as well as adoptive brothers of gay men
revealed 52% of the identical twin brothers were gay, as against 22%
of non-identical twins and 11% of the adoptive, genetically unrelated
brothers. 3

The first indication that this not yet fully understood genetic
trait that appeared on both sides of his family had been passed on to
Rudy surfaced when he was 13 years old. It was then that a lisping
Rudy and a closeted gay student named Alan J. Placa met at Bishop
Laughlin Catholic High School in Brooklyn. They became so close
that then, and throughout their entire lives, nothing could pry them

It was at Bishop Laughlin that Rudy & Alan along with anoth-
er student, aptly named Peter Powers started an “opera society” as a
means of discreetly making contact with other students who shared
similar sensibilities. In his autobiography, Leadership, Giuliani
admitted that he had no interest in girls until his senior year in high
school. He also wrote that during this period in his life he had to keep
his interest in effeminate subjects, such as opera and poetry, to
himself, otherwise his classmates might think that he was “a sissy.”
To overcompensate for the insecurity brought about by his sexuality
Rudy took boxing lessons. After high school commencement Rudy
and Alan both considered entering seminary school and becoming
priests. That way they could spend their lives together as closeted
homosexuals in socially acceptable circumstances. But Alan, Rudy
and Peter decided to remain united and they attended the same low-
rated Catholic school – Manhattan College.

The graduates Rudy and Peter attended New York University

law school while Alan attended seminary school and became a

Catholic priest. After passing the bar exam Rudy clerked for United
States District Judge Lloyd MacMahon, a very conservative fellow. At
this juncture in his life Giuliani needed a beard to make him appear
straight. Beard is gay slang for a woman married to or involved with
a gay or bisexual man who helps to conceal the true nature of his
sexuality. Giuliani entered into a non-traditional childless marriage
with Regina Peruggi, his second cousin, childhood friend and confi-
dant. Regina, who was also close to Alan Placa and Peter Powers,
had kept the dirty little secrets of their high school years. In the early
1960’s, Rudy was a liberal Democrat. His high school yearbook
described him as “telling everyone how wonderful JFK was.” Peruggi
was socially unconventional and would later shack up with a Black
nationalist. Judge MacMahon had no idea that this was a non-
traditional marriage and partially as a result of Rudy’s marital status
recommended him for a position with the Department of Justice.

As a Reagan Administration Associate Attorney General in

1982, Giuliani hired a bisexual assistant U.S. attorney for Miami who
had been fired by the Senate Intelligence Committee as a security
risk. That year Father Placa had Rudy’s marriage to Regina annulled
and Rudy began co-habiting with his soon to be second wife, Donna
Hanover, who had only an inkling of an idea that the relationship
between Placa and Rudy was sexual.

It was at this juncture that Giuliani went on the down low. In order to
hide his sexual relationship with Placa Rudy had Placa come to the
couple’s apartment at least once a week on the pretext of having a
discussion about theology and philosophy. Rudy and Alan would

retire to a private room where they would remain all night then Placa
would leave the next morning. By this time, Placa had become a
priest, had sexually attacked numerous young boys and was in the
process of importing unaccompanied boys from Vietnam to a facility
he established on Long Island so he could sodomize them. Subse-
quently, Placa enrolled in law school, passed the bar exam, and
became an attorney. In no time he was head of the Catholic
Church’s Intervention Team that would investigate complaints
against other child rapist 4 priests. This child-molesting mole saved
numerous other child molesters from prison, put many back in
contact with children and kept settlements with victims to a mere
pittance. Placa was intent on keeping as many child rapists “on the
street” as he could as he enjoyed seeing children raped, being a
child rapist himself! Placa also murdered Raymond Trypuc, a victim
of a priest-rapist who came to him for help with his addiction to
cocaine. Placa gave him a large amount of cash that Raymond used
to buy the cocaine he overdosed on. Placa also ran over an infant
while driving on Church property and refused to pay the court
ordered judgment. Alan J. Placa is la scum de la scum.
In 1993 Giuliani was elected Mayor of New York City. Peter
Powers became Giuliani’s Deputy Mayor. Gordon J. Campbell, an
openly gay man, was Power’s Chief of Staff. Placa became the
Administration’s semi-official priest. A new face appeared on the
scene, Sunny Mindel, who would serve throughout the Giuliani
Administration. Sunny was sympathetic to gays as her brother Lee
was a gay interior decorator. The opera club finally had a female
member and it was about to impose its agenda on New York City!
Giuliani appointed more openly gay people to key positions in his
Administration than any of his predecessors. His unprecedented
support of gay rights resulted in the most far-reaching domestic
partnership legislation in the United States. Giuliani supported the
passage of a statewide sexual orientation non-discrimination bill. 5 He
maintained $1.5 million in funding in the City’s budget for the LGBT 6
community center’s capital campaign while cutting back on welfare
payments to the poor.

Time and again Giuliani praised and hosted militant gay
groups at Gracie Mansion, the mayor’s official residence. His favorite
such organization was The Stonewall Veterans Brigade, despite the
fact they had physically attacked members of the New York City
Police Department (NYPD) with rocks and bottles. Giuliani also
allowed the Stonewall Veterans and other militant gays to march in
parade up 5th Avenue that a federal judge had held to be illegal. This
association with lawbreakers clashed with Giuliani’s image as New
York City’s law and order mayor, but Giuliani’s loyalty to the gay
community came first: Mayor Giuliani marched in every Gay Pride
Parade, once behind the banner of NAMBLA, 7 declared gay this and
gay that day, partially funded a gay Olympics, granted an interview to
a gay pornographic tabloid and moved in with a gay couple after he
dumped Donna Hanover. The Washington Post reported, “He made
no secret of having a small circle of gay friends.” 8 But the most telling
aspect of Giuliani’s behavior was his cross-dressing twice on televi-
sion and once at a private party. Giuliani’s cross-dressing played a
major role when he engaged in homosexual sex, as Rudy was most
likely “a bottom,” the passive partner in a gay relationship. In March
2008 Giuliani appeared on the television show Saturday Night Live
and stated, "My mistake was years ago when I hosted this show and
wore a dress. The Florida plan was solid, but the dress killed me."

Another law enforcement type - FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover

who also reportedly 9 liked to cross-dress remained faithful to one
homosexual lover – Assistant FBI Director Clyde Tolson. Inseparable
for 44 years, 1928-1972, the two top G-men vacationed together,
often dressed similarly and are buried alongside one another. Yet, as
is the case with Rudy and Alan, evidence of physical intimacy is
merely circumstantial, aside from the evidence provided by the wife
of Hoover's psychiatrist Marshall de G. Ruffin, who stated that
Hoover admitted his homosexuality to her husband during a confi-
dential session. I contacted Dr. Ruffin’s son who said: “I don't know
anything about cross-dressing Hoovers. My mother died in 2005 and
my father in 1984, so I cannot ask either.”

Before we begin the tedious task of examining the evidence 10
that my argument is predicated upon, let’s dispel the notion that
Giuliani’s pro-gay attitudes can be attributed to political expediency
when he ran for Mayor of New York City. Giuliani was not merely
going after the gay vote. Giuliani courted the LGBT community but
never really succeeded in weaning them away from the Democratic
Party. In 1993 in the West Village, an area with many gay people,
Giuliani received 15,754 votes as opposed to David Dinkins’
24,290. 11 In 1997, he won the white gay vote but gay people of color
voted against him overwhelmingly, losing him the gay and lesbian
vote overall. 12 True, he owed the LGBT Community voters and their
leaders a few political favors or patronage here and there, but the
degree that Giuliani took it was not commensurate with the election

Does the fact that Giuliani married three times; had at least
one mistress and two biological children exclude him from the LGBT-
KY 13 Community? It does not. Jim McGreevey, the former Gay
Governor of New Jersey, had two biological daughters from two
failed marriages. In McGreevey’s case neither of his wives knew he
was gay because McGreevey was on the down low.

McGreevey was the first Gay Governor of New Jersey; how-

ever, Giuliani does not bear the distinction of being the first Gay
Mayor of New York City. Greenwich Village bachelor Edward Koch
was gay. Ed secretly met with his lover while visiting Spain. 14 Bess
Meyerson, a former Miss America, served as Mayor Koch’s beard. 15
The terror of being outed as gay prevented Koch from lifting a finger
to fight AIDS. Koch’s sexuality affected the parameters of his feelings
for other human beings. Who knows how Rudy’s sexuality might
have manifested itself had he been elected president and given the
opportunity to implement his hidden agenda? The U.S. Treasury
might have issued a three-dollar bill.



Wayne Barret reported that the Giuliani family religious counselor,

Jack O’Leary stated, “Harold had long suffered from severe constipa-
tion. One afternoon, while strolling in [a Long Island State Park in
1961] he suddenly felt the need to go. When he found a public rest
room, he pulled his pants down and began doing deep knee bends
outside the stalls to expedite the process. A police officer happened
to walk in right then. Harold was arrested for ‘loitering’ and hauled
down to the local police station. The charges were eventually
dismissed…” Newsweek Magazine reported, “At a state park on
Long Island, a policeman walked into a men's bathroom to find
Harold Giuliani, with his pants down around his ankles, doing
deep knee bends. Harold was arrested for loitering. It was all an
embarrassing mix-up. He had been constipated and he was trying to
expedite a bowel movement. Harold also stopped showing up at his
job as a school custodian.” 16 The Washington Post reported that in
1961 Harold asked Jack O'Leary to Sunday afternoon dinner at the
Giuliani’s home on Long Island, “He said he had something he
needed to discuss. A puzzled O'Leary found Harold in the back yard,
stretched out on a chaise lounge beneath a blanket despite the heat,
his head on a pillow. His son was standing like a sentry next to his
prostrate father. O'Leary took a seat in a patio chair and listened as a
despondent Harold told a troubling story: He had been arrested
recently on suspicion of loitering in the restroom of a local public park
-- loitering for immoral purposes, O'Leary recalls Harold explain-
ing. [Rudy] solemnly listened to his father's anguish. ‘Rudy was very
calm -- no crying, no hysterics,’ O'Leary remembers. ‘I knew by the
way he was acting that he had already heard the full story from
Harold, and that he was there for him and his mother.’ …Giuliani
says he can't remember much about the episode O'Leary de-
scribes.” 17
Was he arrested for loitering or loitering for immoral purpos-
es? The Washington Post reported, “The police had dropped the
matter against Harold, never so much as filing a formal charge.” But
O’Leary told Wayne Barrett the case went to court. Were charges
filed then thrown out by a judge or were the charges never filed?
O’Leary was the source for both of these contradictory statements.
Why did O’Leary volunteer this information to Barrett in the first
place? Was he afraid Barrett might uncover it? Barrett did not obtain
an arrest record to verify this story as O’Leary never named the state
park. The FBI had no traces of Harold Giuliani so the arrest could not
be confirmed via Harold’s rap sheet. This wasn’t the first time Harold
solicited sex in a men’s room – it was the first time he got caught at
it. Harold was bisexual as was Rudy’s maternal cousin Steve “the
Blonde” D’Avanzo. Bisexuality was present in both sides of Rudy’s
family. We’ll deal with Steve in a later section of HOMOTHUG.

Harold was said to have had a nervous breakdown after his

bi-sexuality came to light. He had done great damage to his son.
Who wants a Men’s Room Pervert for a father figure? Yet O’Leary
reported that this didn’t seem to bother Rudy to the degree it should
have. There were no tears, no histrionics. Rudy seemed cool as a
cucumber. Rudy understood where his father was coming from.

As fate would have it, Giuliani’s supporters called David

Dinkins a “men’s room attendant.” Hey, better to be a men’s room
attendant then someone who hangs around men’s rooms offering to
perform oral sex on men most of whom just want to urinate. Or was
Harold waiting for a young boy to enter the men’s room since this
was a state park? Harold fit the profile of a homothug.


The most telling evidence that Giuliani is or was bisexual is

his lifelong association with the defrocked Monsignor, Alan Placa.
Placa was Giuliani's gay partner; his best friend in high school; the
best man at his first wedding; Placa annulled his first marriage; as
family priest buried his mother and officiated at the funeral of his
father; Placa baptized both of his children; Placa was the beneficiary
of his legal expertise; Placa said a prayer for him when he was
sworn in as Mayor; Placa was interviewed by the national media
regarding Giuliani numerous times; Placa is currently on Giuliani’s
payroll and traveled to the Vatican with him in January 2007.
Obama’s relation with Rev. Jeremiah Wright is greasy kid stuff
compared to Rudy’s relationship with Alan Placa.

As the result of a grand jury investigation, the whole world

knows Placa is a child molesting disgraced predatory priest forbid-
den to administer the holy sacraments. He would be locked up if not
for the Statute of Limitations of New York State. This antiquated law
states that to be a complainant in a child molestation case one must
have been under 18 years old when attacked and one must file
charges within 5 years. After one passes the age of twenty-three
anything that happened to you as a child can go unpunished. It took
Placa’s victims much longer than five years to come forward. That is
the only reason Placa is not registered as a sexual offender with his
photo and address on a New York State website. During his trip to
New York City Pope Benedict XVI has stated that he is going to alter
Canon Law’s 10-year statute of limitations on child rape. Will this law
be retroactive so that Placa is tried by the Church?

Even if you dismiss the theory that postulates that Giuliani

was having had a long term sexual relationship with Placa, his social
relationship alone with this slime ball should tell you something about
Giuliani’s character. Giuliani stated that the numerous allegations of
child rape made against Placa were all fabricated and that Placa is a
great human being who has done nothing but good in his life. Noth-
ing could be further from the truth.


Alan J. Placa, (Above Right) ( b. July 2, 1944) of Farming-

dale, Long Island was the son of Adolph J. Placa 18 (b. August 31,
1921 d. 1979), a New York City public school teacher and Rose
Placa (b. 1922 d. October 2003) a housewife. Alan and Rudy first
met at Bishop Loughlin Memorial Catholic High School in Brooklyn
and immediately became best friends soon after reaching puberty.
“I've known Rudy since he was 13. He's a hugger and a kisser. He
always has been,” said Placa. 19 In 2002, a Suffolk County Grand
Jury documented the fact Placa had been an active homosexual
predator in 1975. Placa now lives with another gay priest in Manhat-
tan. If Placa was gay in 1975 and gay in 2007, he was gay during his
high school years in the 1950s when he became Rudy’s closet
friend! Most gay people are born gay and will tell you that they knew
they were gay for as long as they can remember. Heterosexual
males don’t just wake up one morning and say to themselves, “I think
I will have a penis inserted in my anus today!” or “I wonder what
sperm tastes like?” What congenital interest caused Alan and Rudy
to become congenial with one another? Why would a heterosexual
Rudy hang tight with a homosexual Alan? Because in retrospect
Rudy was also gay!

If Rudy had been what passed for “normal” back then, then
he would not have associated with Placa. I was born in 1945 and
went to public high school in Brooklyn at the same time Rudy and
Alan went to Catholic School. I am familiar with the prevalent attitude
towards gays from 1957 to 1961 in Brooklyn. No one was openly gay
because “homos” got physically attacked - often by those unsure of
their own sexuality. If it was this way in public school imagine what it
was like in a more sexually repressive parochial school! If one was
labeled a fag in that environment you were certain to be the victim of
a hate crime. Narrow-minded Catholic school kids like Rudy respect-
ed the Church’s teachings and “bashed fags” - they didn’t buddy up
with them. Homosexuality was not only a religious and social offense
it was also sodomy - a criminal offense. Hatred for gays was institu-
tionalized in American society. As Mayor of New York City, Giuliani
supported legislation that made hate crimes against gays carry a
stiffer penalty than ordinary crimes. He was one of the first Republi-
cans in New York to publicly support a statewide and federal crimes
bill that included violence motivated by anti-gay hatred. 20 Giuliani
said: “I also again call upon the State legislature and Congress to
enact hate crimes legislation that recognizes the severity of hate
crimes and imposes the appropriate penalties.”

In an interview with the Advocate, a gay magazine that con-

tained photos of nude men displaying their penis’ in seductive
positions, ads for male prostitutes, and other such things that would
make most Republicans puke Giuliani stated, “To protect gay and
lesbian youngsters from violence and harassment in the schools is
something I would look at very closely, and if I determined it was
needed I would support it.” Giuliani was true to his word and estab-
lished and funded a Hate Crimes Task Force in 2000 so the City
could fully investigate and prosecute bias cases. The sweeping
initiative included the allocation of almost $4 million for the creation
of a Hate Crimes Task Force within the NYPD and an additional $1.2
million in funding for the City's District Attorneys to enhance prosecu-
tions of hate crime offenders. Giuliani told the Advocate that if either
of his children came to him as a young adult struggling with sexual
orientation, he would practice the tolerance he preaches, “I can’t

determine for my children how to be happy any more than my
parents could determine for me how to be happy. My father – who
was in many ways a very old-fashioned man but who would have fit
very well into the modern world – had a theory that your job as a
parent is to help your children figure how to be happy. The reason
parents – caring, thoughtful parents - might worry about their gay
and lesbian children is the negative reaction of society. That’s why I
hoped that Stonewall 25 and other events like it will help create an
atmosphere in which parents will not have to worry. But even in the
current climate of prejudice, the inner turmoil caused by not coming
to terms with who you are is so great that doing it is worth the
societal difficulties. I would tell my gay child to try to relax and be
who you are because you are going to be who you are for ever and
ever.” 21 When Giuliani said, “My father – who was in many ways a
very old-fashioned man but who would have fit very well into the
modern world” was he hinting that his father was gay? Note that
most conservatives believe that homosexuality is a lifestyle choice
and with the help of God you can change your sexual orientation.
Giuliani, on the other hand, believes it is innate and immutable. It
takes one to know one.


In the mid-1950’s no one except Giuliani’s closest confidants

knew that Placa and Rudy were an item. Although this liaison was
not apparent back then when most gay people were in the closet, in
retrospect, several things hinted at it - Rudy spoke with a lateral lisp
that produced a slushy “s” sound. A lisp is a source of distress for
adolescent boys and young men who may be told that they are gay
because they lisp. It has been suggested that gay men adopt specific
speech patterns in order to identify each other in diverse social
settings. Gay sounding speech is analogous to nonverbal cues of
homosexuality. It appears to emerge early in life. 22 Many gay Ameri-
cans have a slight lateral lisp 23 or have different speech patterns
than their heterosexual counterparts. Idaho Republican Jim McClure
said this about Senator Larry Craig, who pled guilty to soliciting sex
in an airport men’s room, "Larry's speech patterns are very precise.

They're not what you expect from a rancher from Midvale. His
speech patterns say, hey, here's a guy who's a little different. And he
is, he's a little different.”


Alan and Rudy grew up during the golden age of rock and roll
but instead of listening to songs like Elvis Presley’s Tutti Fruitti Oh
Rudy, Alan & Rudy listened to opera. In The Queen's Throat: Opera,
Homosexuality, and the Mystery of Desire self-proclaimed opera
queen Wayne Koestenbaum investigated the connection between
gay sexuality and the full-throated longing that emerges from the fat
lady’s mouth. 24 It was no accident that Rudy, Alan and Peter Powers
started an opera club or “Opera Society” at the all male Bishop
Laughlin High School. It was an early, cleverly disguised precursor to
a gay after school club.

During an interview with WABC-TV National News Giuliani

was asked why he formed an opera club and wasn’t this a bit unusu-
al for a boy growing up in Brooklyn? “You’re in high school. They’re
gonna think your nuts.” He responded, “In Brooklyn particularly. I
became an opera fan surreptitiously, I would not tell my friends after
all I was going to school in Brooklyn, tough kids, all that. I finally told
one of the Brothers, Brother Kevin [Jack O'Leary] about my interest
in opera and he liked opera and we listened to it together. He said
you got to get over the embarrassment of this so I started the opera
club I think we started with six members.” Rudy did tell his closest
friends Peter Powers and Alan Placa about his love for opera as they
helped found the Opera Club. But now it was Jack O'Leary’s idea to

start the club. Giuliani was distancing himself from it.There was no
mention of the opera club in the blurb under Placa’s picture in the
Bishop Laughlin yearbook. The same was true for Powers and
Giuliani. Placa was a member of the Legion of Mary. Apropos; as the
word “Mary” is slang for a gay male, as in “Get yourself together
Mary.” He was also in the Art Club and French Club. Rudy and Alan
studied poetry. Poetry was also considered to be effeminate and
sissyish. There are more homosexual poets than you can shake a
dick at! John Milton, Lord Byron, Walt Whitman, Hart Crane, W.H.
Auden and Allen Ginsberg are just a few. I believe that Rudy’s
favorite poem in high school was The Midnight Ride of Paul Revere
because it contained the line, “to every middle sex village and farm.”
Rudy called his interest in opera and poetry, “things I wouldn't talk to
my friends about because they would think that I was a sissy."


Threaten a man's masculinity, and he will assume more

macho attitudes. Masculine overcompensation is the idea that men
who are insecure about their masculinity will behave in an extremely
masculine way as compensation. 25 Rudy fit this profile: In order to
counter any effeminate image that was emerging in his formative
years, Giuliani took boxing lessons so that he would not fit the limp-
wristed sissy profile. If anyone ever insinuated Rudy, Peter and Alan
were “homos” he could defend his masculinity as well as that of the
nerdy weakling Alan Placa. The New York Times, using Giuliani as a
source, erroneously reported, “When he was two years old, his
father, Harold, the owner of a bar and grill in Brooklyn, started
teaching his only child to box.” 26 Rudy’s boxing lessons at age two is
a lie just as his father’s ownership of a Brooklyn bar and grill is.
Giuliani did not take boxing lessons until he attended high school
and his father never owned any type of commercial establishment in
his entire life. The only bar Harold owned was a tire iron he used to
beat people up.



Just before High School graduation Rudy wrote that he and

Alan Placa considered joining the priesthood. If you were gay and
were looking for a place to hide it then the priesthood was the place
for you. Had Rudy joined the priesthood he would have become the
“Father Riordan” in Placa’s life. Father Riordan is a homosexual
priest who has been shacking up with Placa for decades under the
blessings of the Catholic Church. They currently live together in a
Manhattan love nest. In his book Leadership Rudy had himself and
Placa joining different orders, “All through High School I would
discuss religion and notions of service…with my friend Alan Placa. At
the end of my time there I signed up to enter Montfort Fathers (in
Bay Shore, Long Island) a religious order devoted to serving the
poorest countries. Alan was going to join the Christian Brothers. But
my budding interest in the opposite sex was something that wouldn’t
be suppressed.”

The Montfort Fathers had no such application from Giuliani in

their possession. 27 His Bishop Laughlin yearbook stated that he
planned to study medicine in Manhattan. Note that most males’
interest in sex starts at puberty. But Rudy was in his senior year in
High School when he first became interested in it. Was this an

excuse for his homosexuality and early lack of physical contact with
women? Apparently his relatives were fooled and regarded him as a
late bloomer not a pansy.

This researcher visited Bishop Laughlin High School in order to

photograph the picture of Alan Placa in the high school yearbook of
1961. I was allowed to photograph Giuliani (shown here) and Peter
Powers, but when I tried to photograph Alan Placa’s photo, I was
told, “the Diocese ordered that no information on Placa be given out.”
I did get a look at it and Placa looked like a classic nerd, with two-
tone glasses, black on the top of the frames, transparent on the
bottom. In September 2007 I went to Alan and Rudy’s alma mater
Manhattan College and took a photograph of Rudy and Alan’s
photograph in the college yearbook. He was wearing the same
glasses. I finally obtained the high school yearbook photo from a
Bishop Laughlin graduate.


After their high school graduation the "Bobbsey Twins" Rudy

& Alan were still together. They, along with Peter Powers, attended
the all male Catholic Manhattan College at the same time and
pledged the same fraternity, Phi Rho Pi. Giuliani was a big man on
campus. He was head of the Inter-Fraternity Council, Sophomore
Class President and Sophomore Ball General Chairman. He was

also a columnist for The Quadrangle, the school newspaper. Placa
was the Assistant Feature Editor, Managing Editor and Editor and
Chief. Rudy was also the Editor and Chief of the K’ORAN, a member

of the National Student Association Education Committee, The

National Federation of Catholic College Students Publicity Director
and an alternate Delegate from Phi Rho Pi to the Inter-Fraternity
Council. Giuliani majored in government with a minor in philosophy.
However, he now claims, "I have very, very strong views on religion
that come about from having wanted to be a priest when I was
younger, having studied theology for four years in college." 28 There
appears to be a contradiction here. Giuliani attended New York
University Law School after he graduated in 1965. Placa received a
Bachelor of Arts degree in Classics from Manhattan College and
then went on to receive a Master of Divinity degree from the Im-
maculate Conception Seminary in Huntington, New York. 29 Placa
was ordained as a priest in the Roman Catholic Church on May 30,
1970 in Manhattan, at the Institute of Carmelite Studies, Fordham
University with a Ph.D. in Theology.


“We were like brothers separated at birth," Powers says of

Giuliani. Peter Powers attended Bishop Laughlin High School and
Manhattan College with Alan and Rudy. He also attended New York

University (class of 1968) law school with Rudy. Powers served in
the Giuliani Administration as First Deputy Mayor from 1993 to 1996.
Gordon J. Campbell , an openly gay man, 30 was Chief of Staff to
First Deputy Mayor Peter Powers beginning in 1994. Giuliani then
appointed Campbell Commissioner of the Department of Homeless
Services. 31

Powers served as Mayor Giuliani’s Campaign Manager dur-

ing his 1989 and 1993 mayoral campaigns. Prior to serving as First
Deputy Mayor, Powers was associated with the law firm of Gibney,
Anthony & Flaherty in New York City whose best-known client is
Barney the Purple Dinosaur. Powers is now married to Kathleen
Ingrassia Powers. Giuliani claims he first set up Powers for a blind
date with Kathleen and then Powers married her sometime later. Did
Rudy know that she was the kind of person who would be sympa-
thetic or easily fooled? The Powers have a daughter Heather
Ingrassia Powers 32 who married Scott Bonner McBride on December
31, 2000. Power’s daughter was an associate producer in Manhattan
for the Fox News Channel program Hannity & Colmes.

Coincidentally Peter Powers acted as the city's representative

in negotiating with Fox and Time Warner, wherein an agreement was
reached which required Time Warner to dedicate a different channel
at a lower setting on the cable box for the Fox News channel.
Powers was elected to the board of Fox Entertainment in February
2003, but no longer serves in that position. Alan Placa performed the

ceremony for Heather and Scott at St. Vincent Ferrer Church in
Manhattan. ''I would trust him to handle anything with judgment and
good taste and to always do the right thing,'' Powers said of Placa.
After he left pubic service, Powers became Chairman of High View
Capital Corporation, a hedge fund that invested in high-yield debt
and distressed companies. Now he is President and CEO of Powers
Global Strategy LLC, an international consulting firm based in New
York and Washington, DC. Powers used his connection to Giuliani to
attract clients such as the New York Jets, Waste Management and
Larry Silverstein’s World Trade Center Properties. Powers is also on
the board of directors of many prestigious organizations such as the
Central Park Conservancy and The Association for a Better New
York. He has become one of the powers that be. But the question
lingers, “Did Rudy and Powers re-establish the opera club in City
Hall? Did Peter Powers Pick a Peck of Placa’s Pecker?”


After his ordination in May 1970 Placa did a four-year stint as

a parish priest at St. Patrick's Church in Glen Cove, Suffolk County,
Long Island and was there from 1970 to 1974. Although no priest
was mentioned by name in the Suffolk County Grand Jury's one
hundred eighty-page report on pedophile priests, the report con-
tained a description of Priest F that matched Placa's career pattern
and the public allegations against him. Placa was forced to admit
that he was “Priest F.” 33 The Grand Jury Report stated, “Child sexual
abuse is an insidious crime that takes many forms. Some are more
overt than others. In Priest F’s [hereafter Placa's] case, his conduct
was, at first, so equivocal, his victims weren’t really sure it was
happening to them – that is, until it happened again and again and
again. In Placa’s first assignment, he appears to have made feeble
attempts at abusing a boy who was an alter server at St. Patrick's
Church in Glen Cove, Long Island. Once, when he was working at
the rectory on a slow evening, the boy was in the office watching TV,
Placa came in and asked if he could join him. Placa pulled up a chair
next to the boy and put his right hand on his thigh. Slowly his hand
began to creep up towards the boy’s genital area. Alarmed, the boy

covered his crotch. After Placa's efforts to push his arm away failed,
Placa gave up and left. The boy remembered that Placa was very
nervous. He never told anyone at the time because he didn’t think
anyone would believe him. The conduct repeated itself within a
week, only this time, the boy crossed his legs as soon as Placa
pulled up his chair. Even so, Placa tried to push his hand between
the boy’s legs. Throughout both encounters, Placa never said a
word. Even after this second incident, the boy never told anyone. He
was embarrassed and didn’t want any of his friends to think he was a
homosexual. This victim came forward decades later, only after
Placa denied sexually abusing anyone in a local newspaper story
about sexually abusive priests.” 34



In 1974, Placa was transferred to teach at St. Pius X Pre-

paratory Seminary in Uniondale Long Island, where he became a
member of the faculty and the Dean of Students until 1978. Although
the report is vague on the number of people Placa has been accused
of groping at St. Pius X Preparatory Seminary, Richard Tollner, a
1977 graduate who is now a mortgage broker living near Albany,
was definitely a victim of Placa’s abuse. The grand jury report stated:
“After his first assignment, Placa was transferred within the Diocese
to an assignment outside of parish ministry. It was, however, an
assignment that provided a large and continuous source of boys [a
reference to St. Pius X Preparatory Seminary in Uniondale, Long
Island]. Placa was cautious, but relentless in his pursuit of victims.
He fondled boys over their clothes, usually in his office. Always, a
poster, newspaper or a book hid his actions. Richard Tollner one of
the victims remembers the first incident of abuse taking place in
January 1975 when preparations were underway to attend a right-to-
life march on the anniversary of the Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade
decision. Classes were out and the students were making banners
with Priest Placa's help. It was a banner that was used as the foil on

this occasion. Placa talked continuously as he fondled his victims.
Everyone in the school knew to stay away from Placa.

The Grand Jury report stated, “Once, Placa approached one

of the boys behind the school stage. He grabbed his crotch. The boy
reacted violently, pushing Placa away and warning him never to
touch him again. At one point, two victims complained to the schools’
rector, the late Rev. Daniel Fagana, about Placa. The complaint
resulted from one boy’s suspicions, later confirmed to be correct, that
Placa was abusing another younger boy. The pair thought a com-
plaint by two of them would have to be believed. It wasn’t. The tragic
death of Richard Tollner’s father led, finally, to the end of Placa's
sexual abuse of him. At the funeral home, Placa approached Tollner,
moving close to him. As he moved his hand towards his genitals,
Tollner told Placa, ‘Don’t ever fucking touch me again or I’ll kill you!’
Another boy who saw the abusive conduct by Placa and heard the
response to it witnessed this event. After this, both boys were
determined to do something about the situation. One boy alerted his
parents, who later accompanied him to a meeting at the school. They
spoke with the rector and lay teacher Angelo Scordato. No action
was ever taken by them or anyone else against Placa. Richard
Tollner described the effect this had on his relationship with his
family: ‘I had a difficult time with this with my family. I grew up very
Irish Catholic, very, very conservative...It was a very conservative
environment, and the response I had gotten from my family, from my
parents specifically was, that’s impossible...Priests just don’t do
these things. You must be mistaken...and, of course, you didn’t
question it because it’s impossible.’ Ironically, Placa would later
become instrumental in the development of Diocesan policy in
response to allegations of sexual abuse of children by priests.”


Richard Tollner told Salon that Placa pulled out some post-
ers in the deserted administrative area as if to show him something,
and then began fondling him - all the while making conversation
about the posters. Richard Tollner said the incidents repeated every

month or so for the next year and a half. "It was always groping," he
said. "He'd draw his hand deliberately to the inside of my thigh, and
over my penis. It would go on for four or five minutes, sometimes as
long as ten.” Richard Tollner has told reporters, the grand jury and
diocesan officials that Placa repeatedly groped him. Richard Tollner
stated that he mentioned the incidents to a classmate, Kevin Wal-
dron. Waldron, a marketing and advertising executive in San Fran-
cisco, stated: “This isn’t a figment of his imagination twenty-five-
years later. He told me about it shortly after it happened. I am certain
of it.” When this researcher attempted to contact Waldron through
Tollner he was given numerous wrong numbers for him. I was finally
able to track him down but he would not return my calls. I got the
feeling from speaking with Kevin’s roommate that Kevin was gay.

He also complained to a math teacher, Angelo Scordato. I

reached Dr. Scordato in June 2007: “I don’t recall that at all. I know
that he said that to somebody on it. I said I didn’t recall that. I find it
unusual that I would not remember. I can’t verify it. That story
doesn’t, I don’t remember it at all on it and I am sure I would have.
You know I don’t think so because number one I always treated
those kids like they were my own. And anything like that I would
have been shocked. There is no way that would forget. I know I am
getting old that would have shocked me to my core.” 35 I suspect Dr.
Scordato never reported this complaint to his superiors because
molestation was par for the course. The Giuliani organization con-
tacted several former students who attended St. Pius X Preparatory
Seminary. They found at least one who was willing to vouch for
Placa, "There was absolutely not a hint of rumor of a speculation or a
whisper, in four years, or in decades after of any sexual
predatoriness on the part of Rev. Placa," according to Matthew
Hogan. 36 Giuliani financial supporter Sean Hannity said the same. 37

In a tape-recorded interview in 2007 Richard Tollner stated,

“In my environment when stuff happened they would just not say
anything about it. These people would joke about it, they would
ignore it and later on you kind of put two and two together. I mean
we had, let’s see, we had five priests in our school that had prob-

lems. And I feel horrible for saying that because the rest of the
priests in that school were admirable, admirable men. Men who thirty
years later I deeply respect for what they did, what they taught us.
They were what priests were supposed to be not guys like Placa and
his ilk. I gave up going into the priesthood because of Placa.” By
fearing for his job, not wanting to make waves and finally not report-
ing Tollner’s complaint Scordato was as guilty as Alan Placa. This
was why he contradicted Richard Tollner.

Richard Tollner told this researcher: “My involvement with

Placa started in 1975 when I went to Seminary School where Placa
showed up after being transferred from St. Patrick's Church. The first
time I met Placa I was left with the impression he had an oily per-
sonality. You don’t feel comfortable around the guy although he was
very eloquent; he is very intelligent he knows exactly what to say.
The guy is very wise, a very smart guy. It comes down to what he
wants to get away with being as smart as he is he is very good at
talking to people and explaining himself and getting his points
across. He was good at spinning also. When I had him as a teacher
in High School his personality seemed disconnected. Placa did not
display any personal emotions or opinions on any subject. The kids
used to make fun of him; imagine if you are facing someone you
would look them straight in the eye or in their general direction. Placa
would look above your head five feet and over five feet, figure that
angle out. If I am standing five feet in front of you and I am looking
five feet above your head. He never wanted to look you in the eye.
He would give a sermon in a room with two hundred people and
barely look anyone in the eye for more than twenty or thirty seconds.
He would be thinking about what to say and look to the sky. The kids
said, ‘Hey I am down here, hello!’ Then they would ask, ‘Why do you
do that?’ ‘Why? Because I am thinking.’ He wasn’t thinking he was
just processing. He was devoid of human emotion or was hiding it or
never had it in the first place.

“Then he molested me starting in January 1975. I was young

I didn’t know what was going on, I couldn’t figure out what to say or
do. I started to warn other classmates to stay away from this guy and

I finally threatened to kill him and the attacks stopped. There are a
number of other men who are ready to testify. I mean in Suffolk
County three guys testified, another classmate didn’t want to testify,
there was another classmate who told me what happened and didn’t
want to testify and the Catholic Church told me of yet a sixth guy and
this was in January 2007 that he told them that Placa molested him.
One of his victims told his parents that Placa had molested him and
the parents were deeply Catholic and they basically kicked the son
out of the family. There was a nun and a priest in the family. And
when it came out all these years later the parents said something
like, ‘Are you sure he did it?’ that was the depth of their understand-
ing. What the hell are these guys in the Church waiting for? Three
guys have already testified. A fourth guy has testified. This victim
(publicly this would be the fourth) who came forward in the last year
or so, with the statement, "Father Placa jumped me" when this baby
faced man who had already graduated from Pius X Prep was 19
years old when he was jumped. Additionally there are two more guys
that are known to discuss it but not testify to the Grand Jury or the
Catholic Church.”

A third former student, who asked that his name be withheld,

said he described to Suffolk prosecutors what he called the newspa-
per drill: “He always had a New York Times in his office. And he'd sit
down next to you on the couch in his office and open it wide and,
inevitably, his hand would brush your crotch. He did it over and over
again, I can't tell you how many times.” 38 That man said he felt so
violated that he wrote Placa an unsigned letter 20 years later,
blaming him for his loss of interest in pursuing the priesthood.

In 1990 Placa was a contributor to a collection of essays on

sexually predatory priests entitled Slayer of the Soul: Child Sexual
Abuse and the Catholic Church. His essay was entitled, “Legal
Aspects of the Sexual Abuse of Children.” In it Placa claimed that
any touching or “embracing” he did as a Priest was entirely innocent
and thanks to rampant paranoia this poor persecuted Christian
clergyman couldn’t carry out these acts of “love” anymore: “Twenty
years ago, when a young person shared the story of some personal

suffering with me, I reached out to embrace him, confident that the
embrace would be understood as an appropriate expression of
concern and support. Today, I am not sure who the last adult male
was who embraced that young person and I am not sure what that
person did. I cannot risk having my innocent acts misconstrued; I
cannot risk frightening or alienating a young person in need of help.
This seems to mean that we are walking a fine line between search-
ing for appropriate expressions of our spontaneous emotions, and
appearing to be cold and impersonal. But that is the challenge we
face today...”

In 1978, the year after the students said they made their ini-
tial complaint, Placa left St. Pius X Preparatory Seminary to attend
Hofstra University School of Law at the diocese's expense because
he said it needed an expert in social service law. Placa became an
expert all right, an expert on how to molest boys and not get busted.
He put his thoughts in writing in Slayer of the Soul. His essay can be
looked at as a virtual instruction book for predatory priests: “If a
report [of child molestation] were made against me, as a priest, for
example, employees of my state's Child Protection Service (CPS)
would present themselves at my rectory asking for a list of the
names and addresses of the parish's altar boys (or other children
with whom I might have had contact). Armed with that list, the CPS
investigators would visit each family indicated and ask to interview
the children to determine whether they had been molested by their
parish priest.” The key word here is “If.” Most parishioners preferred
to make their complaints to the Church rather than to the police or
the Child Protection Service. Placa, who received or was consulted
on over 300 complaints against perverted priests made sure the
police were never called in. He knew that child molesting was
institutionalized, that is incorporated into a structured and well-
established system, and if all the alter boys and others were inter-
viewed it would spell disaster. Placa continued, “Before we go
further in discussing the legal processes involved, please note
that this investigative process is, of itself, very damaging to the
person accused. Whether the accusation is true or false, once the
possibility of child abuse by a priest (or a teacher, or a physician, or

a scout leader) has been raised in people's minds, this concern will
spread like wildfire, making it impossible for the accused person to
continue to work effectively in that community.” Placa was far more
interested in protecting the rights of the abuser than the rights
of the victim. As far as Placa's statement that the "concern will
spread like wildfire" as a parent I say, better safe than sorry. Placa
continually warned that a mere accusation can cause lasting damage
to a priest: In another part of his essay in Slayer of Souls Placa
wrote, "The lurid headlines describing isolated incidents of a priest,
or religious brother, or Boy Scout leader molesting a young boy give
a dangerously inaccurate impression: they make it seem that 'the
problem is that trusted public figures are taking sexual ad-
vantage of boys.'"

That is exactly what was happening. Child molestation was

not an “isolated incident.” It had become institutionalized within the
Church with Placa’s help. Placa continued, “If the CPS investigation
determines that the report is unfounded, then most state statutory
schemes require that all records of the report and investigation
be expunged from the state's ‘central register’ of child abuse
reports and investigations. On the other hand, if the investigation
concludes that the report is ‘founded,’ CPS is required to turn the
matter over to the local prosecutor or district attorney. District attor-
neys are elected officials, and their function is to evaluate the quality
of evidence gathered and to exercise ‘prosecutorial discretion’ in
making a decision to prosecute or not to prosecute an accused
person.” First off note the use of schemes rather than laws. Placa
applauded the fact that records of an allegation against an abuser
were expunged if the charges were deemed unfounded. This would
preclude the authorities from re-investigating a pattern of "unfound-
ed" charges. He also hinted that the Church could use its influence to
convince district attorneys not to bring criminal charges against
priests and cause embarrassment to the Church because of prose-
cutorial discretion.

Placa continued, “If the district attorney decides that the

quality of the evidence is sufficient to bring the matter to trial, the

case enters into the criminal process. In such an event, the accused
person stands in danger of losing his or her liberty: child sexual
abuse is a felony, and acts of abuse can lead to lengthy imprison-
ment. In order to obtain a conviction, the prosecutor must prove that
the accused person is guilty ‘beyond a reasonable doubt.’ Achieving
this very high level of proof is always a difficult matter, and North
America's legal systems go to great lengths to protect the rights of
accused persons. In the area of accusations of child sexual abuse,
however, many of the traditional protections of the rights of the
accused have been modified or mitigated.” Again Placa expressed
more sympathy for the accused priest than the child who has
been sexually assaulted. He wished to amend the laws regard-
ing the sexual abuse of children in favor of the abuser.

Placa continued to expound, “...child abuse is an accusa-

tion that need not be corroborated in order to be brought to
trial. Ordinarily, courts will not allow the vast expenditures of public
money required to stage a trial simply to hear an accuser assert ‘He
did it,’ and an accused person respond ‘No, I didn't,’ without further
evidence or corroboration. In the case of child sexual abuse, howev-
er, it is felt that secrecy and lack of corroboration are part of the
nature of the crime, and it is deemed unfair to fail to prosecute for
lack of corroboration.” Placa desired a judicial system where
incontrovertible corroboration was necessary for conviction. In this
way, if he molested alter with no witnesses around, he would get
away with it.

Placa continued, “Another traditional defense against criminal

charges is an alibi, e.g., ‘I was elsewhere’ at the time the crime was
allegedly committed. This traditional defense is of only limited use to
defendants in child abuse cases. Many states have amended their
evidence codes; an alleged child-victim need not be able to re-
member the exact time and place of the acts since requiring
such precision of recollection is considered an unfair burden on
a child.” Placa griped about evidence codes and wanted to hold
children to the same judicial standards as adults. If a child was hazy

about the time and place that an assault took place, Placa would use
this to impeach his testimony.

Placa reasoned, “Neither does it [reason to believe an accu-

sation of sexual abuse] require that one undertake a complex
investigation to evaluate the quality of the evidence of abuse - that is
the job of the police and of the district attorney. Nor does it [reason to
believe an accusation of sexual abuse] mean that one has made
inquiries to determine whether there is any foundation at all to the
accusation - that is the job of the state's child-welfare agencies.
Reason to believe, then, means that it is not unreasonable to believe
that the child has been abused. That is a rather subjective standard,
and it does vary from person to person. A licensed child psycholo-
gist, for example, may have the skill and experience to delve
beyond a child's initial report to find that it is a mere fantasy
(and so, that professional will not have ‘reason to believe’ the child's
story). Another person with fewer skills in communicating with
children, on the other hand, may be unable to evaluate the child's
story, and may have ‘reason to believe’ the accusation immediately
upon hearing it.” Once again Placa wanted to tighten up the criteria
used in determining the validity of an accusation of child abuse in
favor of the abuser by replacing the “not unreasonable” with a
tougher “reasonable” criterion. Placa concluded from experience that
child psychologists (especially those recommended by the Catholic
Charities Agency) would not take children at their word, but would
often do all they could to show the complaint was the result of a
psychological disorder. This was why he wanted them called in if
worst came to worst.

Placa once said: “It is interesting and important to note that

members of the ‘clergy’ are not included in this particular list [of
people who can evaluate claims to child molestation] in New York's
statute. A proper understanding of relevant reporting laws requires
that you consult an attorney admitted to practice in your state or
province. Some states do include the clergy in these lists, and they
have a variety of definitions of ‘clergy.’ For example, are religious

sisters, religious brothers, permanent deacons, or other church
workers included in the definition?

“...The quality of these investigations [carried out by

lay people such as nurses] tends to be somewhat
spotty, at best. The persons conducting the investiga-
tions are not professional social workers, much less
are they police officers or persons trained to under-
stand and protect the rights of accused persons. In
one state, the manual used to train these investiga-
tors instructs them to ask questions such as, ‘Did he
touch you in a place where you would wear a bathing
suit?’ in order to learn whether or not an inappropriate
contact was made. The McMartin Pre-School case in
California has made us all aware of the extent to
which the very process of investigating charges of
child sexual abuse can taint the legal process. Over-
zealous investigators may suggest things to im-
aginative children (who are already distraught
because of the frightening nature of the investiga-
tor's questions) without intending to do so...”
Placa believed the clergy itself was best at determin-
ing the validity of sexual abuse allegations made
against it by parishioners. In essence, he wanted
child molesters to investigate other child molesters
and protested against the New York State statute that
excluded them from investigating each other. Placa
took a negative view toward dealing the secular au-
thorities and told Newsday, "Since we're not law en-
forcement, our responsibility is not to determine
whether or not what someone says happened." 39 Af-
ter he was fired from the diocese's three-person In-
tervention Team on sexual abuse he softened up a
bit and told The New York Times, “As attorneys, we
would not be obligated to report allegations, but as
priests we would.” 40

Placa wanted child molestation cases handled as an adminis-
trative, non-criminal disciplinary matter within the clergy requiring
what Placa termed a "pastoral response" which actually means
putting the complaint and the complainer out to pasture. If the
parents of the victim came to Placa first he would never report any
instances of abuse to Child Protective Services nor to the police as
Placa was a child molester himself and sympathized with other child

molesters. If Placa had any sympathy for the victims he wouldn’t

victimize them himself. Placa said that if one was to file sexual abuse
charges in New York State, one should hire an attorney, rather than
depending on the police or district attorney’s office. This is going to
cost money, so prepare your self for financial hardship. Placa stated
that people such as nurses were easily fooled by boys and girls
intent on framing innocent priests, or by children who have had ideas
planted in their heads through the power of suggestion. According to
Placa, these lay people were more interested in going after a mo-
lester than in protecting the rights of the accused. Placa states that a
social worker will do in a pinch, but the best authority to judge the
veracity of abuse charges is another priest. As usual Placa focused
on the rights of the accused, not the victim. In defense of his argu-

ments Placa cited the McMartin case. How many cases have there
been like McMartin were the charges were fabricated and how many
have there been where children were actually molested? The reason
you recognize the name “McMartin” is because it is an aberration.

Placa continued to reach new lows, “We must be prepared

with a truly pastoral response if and when an accusation is made
against one of our co-ministers (clergy, religious, or lay). Church
ministry is an honorable profession, and it has its own skills. We
should trust our ministerial skills and instincts in responding to
such allegations. For instance, if a parent came to the door of any
rectory, convent, or friary and reported that a child had been molest-
ed, I am sure I know what the response should be: our colleagues
would welcome the parent, express compassion, and offer help (for
instance, a referral would be made to a Catholic Charities agency
for psychological counseling of some sort for the child and for the
whole family). I am relatively certain that the priest, sister, or brother
who answered the door would not grill the parent, asking for proof of
the allegation. I hope and pray that I am right in assuming that the
person answering the door would not clam up and say it would be
improper to get involved. And yet, those are precisely the negative
and even adversarial postures that are often taken when such an
allegation is made against one of our own. Placa was a master at
taking "negative and even adversarial postures" when faced with a
sexual molestation complaint by a parishioner.

The Suffolk County Grand Jury reported: “The response of

priests in the Diocesan hierarchy to allegations of criminal sexual
abuse was not pastoral. In fact, although there was a written policy
that set a pastoral tone, it was a sham. The Diocese failed to follow
the policy from its inception even at its most rudimentary level.
Abusive priests were transferred from parish to parish and between
Dioceses. Abusive priests were protected under the guise of confi-
dentiality; their histories mired in secrecy. Professional treatment
recommendations were ignored and dangerous priests allowed to
minister to children. Diocesan policy was to expend as little financial
capital as possible to assist victims but to be well prepared for the

possibility of enormous financial and legal liability. Aggressive legal
strategies were employed to defeat and discourage lawsuits even
though Diocesan officials knew they were meritorious. Victims were
deceived; priests who were civil attorneys portrayed themselves as
interested in the concerns of victims and pretended to be acting for
their benefit while they acted only to protect the Diocese. These
officials boldly bragged about their success and arrogantly outlined in
writing mechanisms devised to shield them from discovery. These
themes framed a system that left thousands of children in the Dio-
cese exposed to predatory, serial, child molesters working as

This last paragraph referred directly to Alan Placa and held

him responsible for unspeakable evil. Due to the actions of Placa
and others like him mandatory reporting laws were enacted by many
state legislatures. These laws required that all professionals with
knowledge of sexual relations between an adult and a minor, includ-
ing the clergy, were to report such cases to the authorities, with the
exception of information given in the course of activities that have
sacramental significance, such as confessional. Suffolk County
District Attorney Thomas Spota said that the grand jury could have
indicted 23 priests for sexually abusing minors if the proper state
laws had been on the book: “We will not be satisfied,” he said, “until
we have reporting requirements directly to law enforcement.” New
York City passed a reporting law but at Giuliani’s insistence private
schools, such as those run by the Catholic Church, was exempted
from its provisions.

In 1978 Placa attended the Hofstra University School of Law.

In 1986 he became a Legal Consultant to the Rockville Center
Diocese. Placa was also the associate director of Catholic Charities
of Rockville Center Research & Development department from 1978
to 1986 where in 1979, “...Father Placa directed a refugee settlement
program...Father Placa is awaiting approval to open a center for
unaccompanied children from Indochina. The center, similar to
one on Staten Island, will hold fifty children.” 41 In Slayer of the Soul,
Placa questioned the motivation of priests who put themselves in a

similar situation: “Consider the church minister who is perceived as
‘king of the kids,’ who has no significant peer relationships, but
spends all of his time with youngsters, who takes kids on trips and
vacations, who invites kids into his private room in a residence.
Years ago, such a person might have been seen as a valuable
minister, a person selflessly dedicated to the young. Today,
those behavior patterns are profoundly imprudent and, quite simply,
unacceptable...his co-ministers and/or his superiors should challenge
anyone who lives this way.”

Aside from Rudy, Placa’s long-term sexual partner was Fa-

ther Brendan Riordan seen on the left. Church records indicate
Monsignor Brendan Riordan was at Saints Cyril & Methodius in Deer
Park where he was pastor from 1989 to 1998, with Placa in resi-
dence 1990 to 1998. Brendan Riordan was at St. Aloysius in Great
Neck from 1998 to 2007, with Placa also in residence. Placa and
Riordan collaborated on a book entitled, Desert Silence: A Way of
Prayer for an Unquiet Age, published by Living Flame Press. This
book revealed the fantasy life of the two gay priests and took them
back to a time when Coptic Christians made their way to the Sahara
to mediate and pray. It was filled with hair shirts, denial, and passag-
es like, “Do I manipulate others to my own advantage? [Placa
manipulated the genitals of his victims] Do I allow my least noble
parts [his penis] to rule my life and affect all of my decisions? Am I a
good person, and do I spend my life using and hurting others, and
wasting my own energies in pursuit of impermanent advantages? Am
I really loved and have I allowed myself to love deeply and unreserv-
edly, or have I held back parts of myself, [his private parts] imagining
that the best is yet to come?” After Placa was suspended from his
position on the Intervention Team at the Rockville Center diocese in
April 2002, he moved into Riordan's rectory at St. Aloysius Church in
Great Neck. 42 Richard Tollner, one of Placa’s victims, stated, “Placa
and Riordan were stationed at the same location five times in a row. I
have a classmate who will not testify in public to the fact that Placa
said in 1977 that he and Riordan were boyfriends. See back then it
wasn’t so obvious. People weren’t coming out back then, but Placa
had enough testicular fortitude to tell someone in 1977 that Riordan

is his boyfriend. And when myself, and some of my classmates, look
back on it you can a pattern emerging that was more than just a
close friendship.” 43


and Placa had longstanding ties not only to each other but also to
The House of Affirmation. The House of Affirmation was supposed to
be a treatment center for pedophile priests in the Worcester Massa-
chusetts diocese. Reverend Thomas A. Kane (seen on the right) co-
founded The House of Affirmation by utilizing a bogus PhD. He used
it to line his pockets and formulate a child sex ring by procuring boys
to perform perverted acts with priests during which children were
passed around from priest to priest. Brendan Riordan was one of
these perverts content with sloppy seconds. In 1986 Riordan was a
director at The House of Affirmation and was a friend of Reverend
Thomas Kane. The Suffolk County Supreme Court Special Grand
Jury noted that Placa, a civil lawyer and a priest, was “also counsel
to at least one clergy related treatment center, The House of Affirma-
tion in Massachusetts. This fact was not well known to other high-
ranking priests in the Diocese.” 44 Thomas Kane left The House of
Affirmation in 1986 amid allegations of financial improprieties brought
by eleven center managers and executives. Richard Tollner ex-
plained why it took so long to shut down The House of Affirmation,
“Look what happened in Wooster. The police chief and the attorneys
such as Placa and the priests were all in the same circle. The priest
would take it to the Police Chief, the Police Chief would talk him out
of it say there wasn’t enough information. It was a big circle in

Wooster. Man, the stuff that they did up there was brutal, brutal,
literally brutal.”

Kane accumulated ample real estate holdings before his departure.

In September 1987, Kane owned an inn in Islesboro, Maine (he sold
that for $650,000 before any money could be collected from a sexual
abuse settlement), a farm in Islesboro (he sold that to actress Kirstie
Alley), three condominiums in Boston in total worth more than
$200,000, two condos in Florida worth more than $120,000, a home
in Whitinsville worth $98,700 and at least several other properties in
Massachusetts and other states. Kane also had a major interest in
trusts that owned a condominium building at 398 Marlboro Street,
Boston, valued in 1987 at $720,000, and in properties on St. Ste-
phen Street and Symphony Road, Boston, then with a total value of
more than $700,000 and an interest in a pet store on Boston's
upscale Newbury Street. 45 In June 1988 Kane was named executive
director of the National Guild of Catholic Psychiatrists, following a
recommendation from Bishop Timothy J. Harrington, another House
of Affirmation Board member. In April 1993 Kane, who had become
the associate pastor of Sacred Heart Church in Gardner, Massachu-
setts - despite his track record - was placed on indefinite leave in the
wake of allegations that he sexually assaulted a 9-year-old boy. The
allegations were contained in a lawsuit filed in Suffolk Superior Court
in Boston on behalf of Mark D. Barry, 34, of Uxbridge, Massachu-
setts. The suit alleged that Kane assaulted Barry off and on for 11
years, beginning in 1968 when Barry was a nine-year-old member of
St. Mary's Catholic Church in Uxbridge. Barry was forced by Kane to
perform a number of sexual acts at St. Mary's Church and The
House of Affirmation in Whitinsville, Massachusetts. 46 This lawsuit
also named Brendan Riordan and three other priests. Mark D. Barry

settled his lawsuit with the Archdiocese. The Suffolk County grand
jury, which heard testimony from 97 witnesses, reported that Mon-
signor Placa strove to settle potentially multimillion-dollar sex-abuse
cases inside a range of $20,000 to $100,000. The sum in the Mark
Barry settlement agreement of $42,500 was in Placa's range, which
in truth should have been worth millions of dollars. The Barry settle-
ment agreement, obtained by the Worcester Telegram & Gazette,
absolved Rev. Robert Shauris, the Rev. Thomas Teczar, who was
the subject of other legal action involving sexual misconduct with a
minor, and Monsignor Brendan Riordan of the Diocese of Rockville
Centre, N.Y., from future liability. 47 The New York Times has quoted
Placa saying Barry lied under oath about alleged abuse by Brendan
Riordan: “This was a bad case, involving a bad man who was a liar
who lied under oath, I swear to you.'' 48 In March 2002 Jim Kane of
Derry, New Hampshire said the Rev. Robert A. Shauris sexually
molested him when he was a student at St. Bernard's Central
Catholic High School. 49 Richard Tollner stated, “Reardon is already
on the record legally for having settled child sex abuse charges with
his Bishops signatures. There are two bishops who signed legal
documents settling lawsuits where Reardon was named as a sexual
abuser. Yet Brendan Riordan is still a practicing endorsed Catholic

Brendan Riordan purchased a Florida condo from Kane in a

transaction recorded in 1992, about a year before Barry initiated his
suit and two years before Kane declared bankruptcy. According to a
real estate transaction dated May 18, 1992, Kane sold an Oakland
Park, Florida condo previously valued at $30,200 to Monsignor
Brendan Riordan, of Long Island, N.Y., for $18,000. A second entry
lists the sale date as 1988, but Brendan Riordan said the purchase
was five years earlier. "I don't have any paper records but it had to
be before 1983," Brendan Riordan said, insisting the sale had
nothing to do with Kane's bankruptcy. 50 The second name on the
transaction was Monsignor Alan J. Placa. Kane now runs an English
teachers school in Guadalajara, Mexico. Prosecutors were interested
in the timing of this real estate transaction. The Suffolk County DA's
office suspected that this was an attempt by Kane to conceal some

of the funds stolen from the till at The House of Affirmation. Riordan
also sold a Back Bay condo to longtime associate and roommate
Babak Bagheral 51 in January 1994, six months before filing bank-
ruptcy. 52 In a 1995 bankruptcy filing, Kane listed two condos in
Maine and one in Jamaica Plains, Massachusetts, totaling $167,000.

Richard Tollner revealed, “There is a 53-minute video from

The House of Affirmation; the news media has the video. It shows
Placa in a professional forum explaining what could happen to
priests who get caught. Then he turns it around and he says if you
get caught and they don’t have this type of proof or that kind of proof
they don’t have a case. Like an educational feature on how to handle
sexual abuse accusations and what to do about it in your diocese
and if you look at it backwards it is exactly what to do to not get
caught and exactly what to do if you get caught. For example he
discussed that if there is only one or two accusers it is not likely to go
to trial because it’s insufficient evidence and goes in the Church’s
favor. I was shown a copy of it by ABC News and someone I know in
the Voice of the Faithful 53 is getting me a copy. We see the exact
same body language that I was exposed to for three years. This is
many years later - the exact same body language! He is looking at a
camera and guess where he is looking? Up? He was not directly
identifying with the camera. There is another guy in the video,
Shawn, who I am told is an honest, ethical good guy and he is clean
and Shawn is looking at him and he never looks at him directly.”

Not only did Placa represent The House of Affirmation, but he

also represented St. Luke’s Institute in Silver Spring, Maryland.
Priests accused of sexual abuse were often sent there for evaluation.
The Rev. Stephen J. Rossetti, a psychologist who edited Slayer of
the Soul, ran St. Luke’s. Rossetti is a priest of the Diocese of Syra-
cuse, New York. He graduated from the Air Force Academy in 1973
and spent six years in the Air Force as an intelligence officer. After
ordination, he served in two parishes before becoming Director of
Education of The House of Affirmation. 54 Rossetti defended his close
friend Placa by saying that Placa was among the first priests to focus
on clerical sexual abuse, “Before everyone casts him in the role of

being a bad guy, Al is one of the pioneers who tried to help the
Church.” Fathers Stephen Rossetti and Canice Conners (also from
Syracuse) have long advocated the return of some child abusers to
the ministry. Both Conners and Rossetti are members of the bishop's
ad hoc committee on sexual abuse, so it would be up to them to
decide who returns to his flock. Rossetti has been cited by Maryland
authorities for never reporting a child sex offender cleric while head
of he St. Luke's institute when Maryland law required him to do so.
St. Luke's policy was to never notify police when its patients told
therapists about the abuse that occurred outside Maryland. The
institute's officials maintained that they were not legally required to
make such reports, and argued that doing so would violate doctor-
patient confidentiality. An assistant attorney general said the hospi-
tal's policy violated Maryland's reporting law but Rossetti received a
special dispensation from the Maryland attorney general's office that
allowed St. Luke’s to continue its policy of not reporting suspected
abuse to authorities if it occurred outside Maryland. Against the
majority of clinicians and scientists who work with sex offenders,
Conners and Rossetti have championed to bishops the idea that
most child priest sex offenders are not "real" pedophiles. When the
Vatican hosted a symposium on pedophilia it included Conners and
Rossetti. Both continued to urge the Vatican to drop zero-tolerance
for all acts of criminal child sexual abuse. 55

Canice Conners was the former head of the Conference of

Major Superiors of Men a group of leaders of the nation's Roman
Catholic religious orders such as the Benedictines and Jesuits that
opposed the Vatican’s ban on ordaining gay priests. In November
2007 the Jesuits agreed to pay $50 million to more than 100 Alaska
Natives who were victims of sexual abuse by Jesuit priests. The
sexual abuse accusations involved 13 or 14 clerics and spanned
nearly 30 years, from 1961 to 1987. When the Vatican issued an
instruction that read, “…while respecting all persons with homosexu-
al tendencies, the Church cannot admit to the seminary or to Holy
Orders those who are engaged in homosexual practices, present
deep-seated homosexual tendencies or support the so-called gay
culture” Conference members flew to the Vatican to lobby against

this instruction. The Conference also asserted their belief that they
can best serve society by retaining members of their orders who
sexually abuse minors. "We cannot turn out backs on our brothers"
who sexually abuse a young person, the Conference of Major
Superiors of Men declared in a document approved by a nearly
unanimous vote.

Why doesn’t this group take a hard line on homosexuality like

the rest of the Catholic Church does or at least pay lip service to this
tenant of Catholicism? Why shouldn’t the divine punishment “homos”
face in hell get off to an early start? After all the Bible says loud and
clear, “Thou shalt not lie with mankind, as with womankind: it is
abomination.” 56 An abomination is anything hateful, wicked, or
shamefully vile; an object or state that excites disgust and hatred; a
hateful or shameful vice. If God, who has a notoriously strong
stomach, is disgusted by homosexuality, why should it be tolerated?
There have never been charges of child abuse or failure to report a
crime lodged against Conners or Rossetti. But Rossetti must have
known what was going on at The House of Affirmation yet did
nothing about it and instead participated in it. Incredibly, the Confer-
ence of Major Superiors of Men serves as the Catholic Church’s gay
and pedophile lobby, fighting for the basic human right of a priest to
molest a child. Richard Tollner had this to say of Rossetti; “This guy
is pip. He has St. Luke’s down in Maryland which is a Church spon-
sored Oh My God in business for ten years pedophile priest recovery
center and this guy is also arrogant he has a number of ties to Placa.
Most hospitals have to go through state inspections - this guy
wouldn’t let the state inspect. He wouldn’t let all of his record keeping
be reported to the state. Finally one of the priests there committed
suicide. The state came in and said you really screwed up and we
are going to check and see what is going on here. They did investi-
gate and they found out the hospital was understaffed and improper-
ly set up for people who might harm themselves because that is how
the guy killed himself. They still won’t report to the state of Maryland.
Now if any other hospital did that on the number of surgical proce-
dures, the number of times they switched ambulances, the number
of times they shipped patients to another hospital and they didn’t

report, that they would be on the front page of the local newspaper
for being a horrible place but this place continues to stay under the
radar and this is the same guy who came to Placa’s defense on a
number of occasions saying what a wonderful priest he is using
Placa camouflage as proof that he is a professional person. When in
reality it is just camouflage.”


Not only did Placa “write the book” on child molestation from
the point of view of a molester but for more than a decade, Placa
was in charge of investigating sexual misconduct accusations
against diocese clergy. Placa headed the diocese's three-person
Intervention Team on sexual abuse. The Suffolk County Grand Jury
identified the role played by the diocese's Office of Legal Affairs,
usually identified as the "intervention team," formed of three people
assigned to handle allegations of sexual abuse. Two members of the
team were lawyers. Bishop William F. Murphy dismantled the team in
April 2002. The grand jury charged that while the team tried to
appear sympathetic to victims, its goal was actually protecting the
diocese through discouraging lawsuits, persuading victims to not go
public with accusations and assisting abusive priests in efforts to
remain in ministry. One of its members was Placa, the diocese's
chief engineer of its legal defense policy. He served the diocese by
collecting information that might challenge the credibility of an
alleged victim, should a lawsuit be brought. In most cases, Placa
was the first person from the diocese to contact alleged victims. Only
rarely did he identify himself as an attorney. The report quoted a
memo from Placa in which he asked a diocesan official to not identify
him to alleged victims as a lawyer: "In fact, in these cases, I am
functioning in an administrative capacity," he wrote. "My legal
training is very useful in helping to gather and analyze facts, and in
helping us to avoid some obvious pitfalls,


but we must avoid frightening people: I have had several people

refuse to see me without having an attorney of their own present,
because they are afraid that the church lawyer will somehow do
them harm." Placa, according to the report, "ignored, belittled and re-
victimized" victims: "In some cases, the grand jury finds that the
diocese procrastinated for the sole purpose of making sure that the
civil and criminal statutes of limitation were no longer applicable."
Placa "portrayed [himself] as interested in the concerns of victims
and pretended to be acting for their benefit while he only acted to
protect the diocese. Placa boldly bragged about his success and
victims were ignored, belittled and re-victimized.” 58 Placa responded,
“I have one set of critics saying I've been involved in a cover-up and
have not reported things, and that is absolutely untrue. On the other
side, I have priests criticizing me because I've been overly aggres-
sive... because I don't go to bat for the priest.”

Prior to the creation of the Intervention Team in the early

1980’s the Diocesan Director of Priest Personnel handled complaints
of sexual attacks by priests. His fellow priests elected the Director of
Priest Personnel for a specific term. The Director of Priest Personnel
was referred to among priests in the Diocese as the "priest to the

priests". As the diocese's vice chancellor, Placa assumed this role,
as he was the chief architect of its sexual abuse policy. Placa wrote
about the Church’s response to allegations of abuse; such writings
included a memorandum drafted in June 1993. This memo was sent
to high-ranking Diocesan officials, and the document was labeled
"Privileged and Confidential-Attorney Work Product." It outlined the
workings of the intervention team, and the importance of following
the procedures in handling allegations of sexual misconduct. That
document, unavailable from any other source, and no doubt claimed
to be privileged in any civil suit, directed the Diocese not to identify
Placa as an attorney, since several people had refused to speak to
Placa without their own counsel present. In 1994 another memoran-
dum marked "Confidential" included a list and synopsis of cases with
their current status. Of the cases involving allegations of misconduct
with children, not one of the priests had been removed from his
ministry. Of twenty priests still alive who were alleged to be child
molesters, only five had been sent for mental health treatment. Placa
authored another memo in 1995, as well as materials prepared for
the Canon Law Society of America, supporting materials for the
meetings of the Intervention Team and Pastoral Care Committee in

The Suffolk County Grand Jury reprinted this last Placa doc-
ument: “... more than anyone else (name omitted) has been respon-
sible for the successful working of my present assignment ... His
first concern was always the welfare of our priests and the
security of our diocese. Often under very difficult circumstances,
(name omitted) and I worked together with many priests in these
past four years...Thanks to your generosity I am able to give some of
my time to helping other bishops and religious congregations with
delicate legal problems involving the misconduct of priests. In the
past ten years, I have been involved in more than two hundred such
cases in various parts of the country. I keep a very careful watch
over developments in this area so that I can be useful to our own
diocese and to others who may need my help. The Diocese of
Rockville Centre is unique among American Dioceses and religious
congregations in my experience. We have suffered no major loss

or scandal due to allegations of sexual misconduct by religious
personnel. I am called on regularly to settle claims made against
dioceses and provinces and I settle multi-million dollar claims for
sums ranging from $20,000 to $100,000. (since I charge no fees and
the Church entities are spared negative publicity, they are more than
happy with these settlements.) Since I have been involved in this
work, the Diocese of Rockville Centre has paid out a total of $4,000
because of claims of sexual misconduct. In very large measure, this
is due to (name omitted) vigilance, swiftness to act and willingness to
involve me and (name omitted) in these cases. It is not melodramatic
to say that, in these difficult cases, hours often make a difference
and (name omitted) moves quickly to put our team to work.” 59

It was no accident that Placa turned off most victims’ families.

They accused him of covering up misdeeds and transferring pedo-
phile priests to other parishes after so-called “treatment.” Little did
they know that Placa was guilty of the very behavior that he was
supposed to investigate, behavior he considered par for the celibate
course. But as Dominican Sister Sally Butler pointed out “The
behavior which Otto Garcia and Al Placa dismiss as an “indiscretion”
is a grave, mortal sin.” 60 Suffolk DA Tom Spota said at a press
conference: "This is a person who was directly involved in the so-
called policy of the Church to protect children, when in fact he was
one of the abusers." In January 2008 members of SNAP, Survivors
Network of those Abused by Priests, showed up at Spota's
Hauppauge office to hand him a letter that urged the prosecutor to
blast Giuliani for his "repeatedly hurtful, insensitive and misleading
public comments and innuendos" about the Suffolk grand jury report.
This was another nail in Rudy’s coffin!

Having had Placa in place saved the Church a lot of money.

He knew how to guilt trip his flock, “Church entities are spared
negative publicity.” He also told parents that if they settled their child
would not have to testify in open court. In Slayer of the Soul Placa
admitted his concern was for, “...the interests of the Church; as a
lawyer I am not ashamed to admit that I have a concern for protect-
ing the assets of the Church, the assets with which the Church is

supposed to minister to the needs of so many. As a priest I am
painfully aware that the Church's interests go far beyond its material
interests. If one of us has misconducted himself in this way, I want to
see to it that the other 50,000 or so priests and religious men in the
U. S., for example, are not deprived, by scandal, of the opportunity to
continue the good and wholesome work they are doing.”

Richard Tollner put it this way; “I am presuming that Placa

was an asset for the Church. He was lawyer, he had lots of research,
lots of contacts, lots of connections and he knew a lot about sexual
abuse and what these guys do and think because he is or was a
sexual abuser himself whether they knew it or not whether they
cared to know it or not they certainly got the right guy for the job
there. He obviously has their good will well outside of the Diocese of
Rockville Center where he was employed and handled other cases
trying to reduce the lawsuit amount, reduce the settlements, reduce
police intervention, and reduce the reporting of abuse to the Church.
I know there’s a statement he made that he’s been sent all around
the United States. I know the case in Massachusetts, I know the
case in Syracuse, New York, I know the case in New Orleans and in
all of these cases he did not properly identify himself and or his
motives. I know there are a dozen cases out on Long Island just
outside Rockville Center. The idea the Church wasn’t aware of his
status is absurd. I told ‘em I reported it three times back in 1977.
Someone else reported in 1977 twice and to my knowledge a third
person reported it in 1979 before he left town. Plus anyone else out
there that reported it who they haven’t told me about. The Church’s
response to some of this is ignorance on purpose. They
acknowledge you and they don’t call you back. You know he’s being
protected. Who paid for his law degree? Placa is one of the Church’s
best investments. He probably got a higher return than Church real

Placa addressed himself to the prospect of civil lawsuits: “In

spite of all these limitations, however, proof ‘beyond a reasonable
doubt’ is still a difficult standard, and many criminal prosecutions fall
short of the mark, ending in acquittal. It would be a mistake, howev-

er, to believe that an acquittal means the end of the ordeal for the
child who has been interrogated time and time again, for the child's
family, for the accused person, or for the community. Some may
wonder whether the bringing of two legal actions (one criminal and
one civil) constitutes double jeopardy and is thus forbidden by the U.
S. Constitution. It does not.” Placa dreaded civil lawsuits since the
standard of evidence was "a preponderance of evidence" rather than
"beyond reasonable doubt" and in a few cases there was no statute
of limitations or the statute of limitations could be waived. He be-
lieved that filing a civil suit after a criminal acquittal was double
jeopardy, however the courts did not see it that way. Placa believed
the legal system favored the accuser and continually covered up for
other predatory priests, helping them to escape justice.

An illustrative example involves a complaint of sexual abuse

by Nancy Kast, whose sons were molested by Father Alfred Soave
in 1986 at Saint Hugh of Lincoln, Huntington Station, Long Island. In
1982 Soave was appointed Confessor to the seminarians at Im-
maculate Conception Seminary on Long Island, Alan Placa’s alma
mater. 61 The complaint stated, “Father Allmen, who received the
complaint on the day of the molestation call then called Bishop John
McGann and met with him that same day. Father Allmen told the
Bishop McGann what happened to Eric Kast, a 9 year-old boy at the
hands of Monsignor Soave that morning…Bishop McGann respond-
ed that he knew that Soave had been ‘involved in behavior like that
when he was at St. Dominic’s in Oyster Bay from 1948 to 1969.’ Mrs.
Kast also spoke with Bishop McGann over the phone and met with
defendant Placa. Defendant Placa, who only disclosed to Mrs. Kast
that he was an attorney upon her direct questioning, subsequently
told defendant Soave against her wishes that she was the parent
who was involved and that her son Eric was ‘the child who broke the
camel's back.’ Subsequent thereto, after Mrs. Kast's threats to go
public, Soave was sent for treatment, and the real reason for his
leave of absence was not explained to the parish by Father Peter
Pflomm, who also knew of Soave’s proclivities. After a period of
therapy, it was recommended that he not be returned to ministry
where he would be in unsupervised contact with young people.” 62


What kind of behavior did Placa protect? A victim of Soave

and a member of Voice of the Faithful of Long Island pointed out that
Soave was a particularly repulsive degenerate: “…Soave went from
one boy to the next, asking each one how he was doing. As he
asked each boy, he would put his hand down the boy’s pants. You
see, he needed to be sure that everything really was OK with those
children. I want you to think about what those boys were experienc-
ing. Imagine yourself as the third boy in Soave’s sexual abuse
production line, watching as the first child suffers and hoping with
every cell of your body that Soave would stop before he got to you.
Think about what your eleven-year-old body would be feeling as
Soave moved to the second child and one step closer to you. What
would you be feeling if you were that third boy? You would want to
cry. But boys know they shouldn’t cry.

“If Soave had been arrested that day, as he should have

been, what would the crime lab have found on his hands? He had his
hand down his pants as he abused your children. And he never
washed his hands. With his filthy, dirty child molesting hands Soave
would have distributed Communion. He would have taken the body
of Christ and with his vile fingers placed it in the mouths of the
faithful. He would have placed the Holy Eucharist in the mouths of
children. He never washed his hands. I think that’s why we’re here
tonight. I think that’s why you have been coming here every month
for the past three years. Because he never washed his hands.
Because they never washed their hands. The bishops and priests
who protected and promoted Alfred Soave never washed their
hands. They absolved themselves. They forgave themselves. But
they never washed the filth of sex crimes against innocent children
off their hands.” 63

Kathy Lotten, whose son was abused as a teenager by a

priest in Kings Park in the late 1970’s, exposed another example of
Placa’s callousness: Lotten called the diocese in 1993 after learning
that the priest had been appointed pastor at another parish. She said
that Monsignor Placa was "kind of oily. He was very articulate and

used a lot of big words, which I felt was to intimidate me. One in
particular I remember was, if this priest is guilty he's guilty of
ephebophilia -- the abuse of an adolescent, not a child. He said, 'Are
you aware that the statute is way out,' or something along those
lines, and I can't sue."

As stated, Placa never revealed that he was basically an at-

torney for the child-molesting priest, rather than a priest who would
act in a prosecutorial fashion against the offender. Richard Tollner
commented, “He never identified himself and/or accurately identified
himself. Another victim said Placa came out to my house wearing a
polo shirt and this guy is willing to testify. ‘Why aren’t you wearing a
collar and stuff?’ ‘Oh people don’t need to know all my responsibili-
ties. I am just here to talk to you and everything like that.’ The guy
talked to Placa for an hour and a half - this was one of Michael
Hands victims - and Placa goes, ‘You have to consider forgiveness
as an option’ and he never knew that Placa was an attorney let alone
an attorney for the Diocese of Rockville Center. Never knew. Didn’t
known until years later. Down right hilarious! Go figure.” Placa told
The Catholic Reporter, “When confronted with such allegations, too
many churchmen try to imitate Perry Mason rather than Jesus Christ.
Preventing litigation should not be foremost in our minds.”

Robert Fulton, an ex-priest who worked with Placa as the di-

rector of the Rockville Center diocese's priest health services, told
The New York Times: "People didn't trust him; he's a snake. Placa
tried to handle this all to the law of Placa. Alan Placa was the point
person on sexual issues [for the diocese], and he handled these
cases as quietly as possible, to the detriment of the victim, to the
detriment of the priest, as well as to the detriment of the Church in
the long run. You can't possibly represent the interests of the priest,
the victim and the diocese at the same time, as he did." 64 Robert
Fulton is married to Maureen Canning Fulton, Clinical Director of The
Meadows Private Psychiatric Hospital Extended Care Program for
Sexual Recovery. Maureen is an expert on curing sexual addiction.

Snake is a good word for Placa, but psychopath is better. He
was able to play the Catholic Reporter like a violin: “Msgr. Alan J.
Placa, a lawyer and corporate secretary of Catholic Health Services
of Long Island for the Rockville Centre, N.Y., diocese, noted that the
nature of the crisis of sexual misconduct has changed radically over
the past five years. Placa has consulted on almost 300 sex abuse
cases across the nation. He urged those in charge of parishes,
schools and youth groups to know state laws on reporting sexual
abuse allegations; to understand the difference between the obliga-
tion of confidentiality and the seal of confession; to publicize the
Church’s policy on sexual abuse but not its procedures; to search out
other victims of abuse if they exist; and to utilize the healing arts that
are part of the priestly profession.” 65 Richard Tollner stated, “If they
ever looked at the cases Placa handled in the past they will open up
lawsuits galore under the RICO statutes where it proves that the
Church as a large-scale body used its influence, power and assets to
force people into certain decisions.”

On February 4, 1985 8-year-old Eric Herman was taking a

short cut through Church property that crossed a driveway. He
traversed a pathway that opened from a hedge into the path of the
Reverend Alan Placa’s car that was proceeding along the driveway.
The police reports concerning the accident indicated that Eric made
contact with the right rear quarter panel of the car. The infant was
taken to the Nassau County Medical Center where he was treated
and released for multiple contusions and ultimately came under the
care of the family orthopedist. The abrasions resolved and Eric's
primary complaint was his knee, which was diagnosed as having
suffered a synovitis and a partial tear of one of the ligaments. The
court papers read, “An action was started and the case placed upon
the calendar after conducting extensive discovery proceedings. After
preliminary proceedings were conducted, the case was assigned to
the Justice Yachnin and during the jury selection process, an offer of
$5,000.00 was extended which the Court indicated in view of the
information then available, would be an acceptable sum subject to
the preparation and completion of a formal set of compromise


On June 7, 1988, the closing papers including a general re-

lease were forwarded to Placa’s attorneys but no payment was
received. The failure of Placa to pay had been called to Eric Her-
man’s attorney’s attention on September 8, 1988, at which time a call
was made to Placa's attorneys and one of them indicated that he
would send duplicates of the papers to his principal for payment. As
of October 1988 no payment was received. Eric’s lawyer concluded,
“As of this date no payment has been received and the infant plaintiff
and his mother are understandably upset.” 66 This was the final
document in this case file.

From 1988 to 2002 Placa became Vice-Chancellor of Saints

Cyril & Methodius Roman Catholic Church and School in Deer Park,
New York, and was in residence there from 1991 to 1998. In 1991,
Pope John Paul II named him an Honorary Prelate.


In early 1991 or early 1992 Placa and Father Brendan Riordan were
both named monsignor. In 1993 a 28-year-old abuse victim came to
Placa for help. The accused priest was the late Father James J.
Bergin of St. Francis de Sales in Patchogue, Long Island, New York.
The victim was Raymond Trypuc (b. October 26, 1965. d. January
26, 1994) Ray’s father Raymond Trypuc Sr. was a telephone com-
pany lineman in the daytime and a counterman in a delicatessen at
night, where he finished at 11PM. Bergin wormed his way into his
son’s life in the hours when he was away. He took Raymond off on
ski trips. On the ski trips, the priest and Raymond were in one room,
where the priest raped him. Ray graduated from Patchogue High
School, and then enlisted in the Army. He had an honorable dis-
charge as an M.P. Officer. His addiction to cocaine came about at
the end of his Army service. He like many others happened to be
one of many who could not use it only on occasion. Despite his drug
problem he was a graduate of Suffolk County Police Academy and
worked as an officer for the Ocean Beach Police Department. This
author believes he became a cocaine addict to numb the pain of the
sexual abuse he endured as a child at the hands of Bergin.

Trypuc entered Hope House, a local drug rehab facility spon-

sored by the Catholic Church. Placa had priests on his staff go to
Hope House and remove Trypuc without Father Frank Pizzarelli, who
ran Hope House, knowing it. Trypuc was sent off to a rehabilitation
facility in Arizona. He was in two facilities and then payments from
the diocese ran out. He called Placa on Long Island. According to
Ray’s father, he never told Placa he had dropped out of the program.
Sometime after November 16, 1993, Raymond told Placa he wanted
to make a deal: For $25,000, he would absolve the Church of any
additional financial responsibility and agreed never to take his
complaint public with a lawsuit. Raymond Trypuc Sr. “Of course he
knew what he was doing when he gave him that twenty-five thou-
sand dollar in cash. He was out of therapy when he gave it to him.
Placa had to know he was out of therapy because Placa was paying
for it. I mean the man was giving him the money for therapy; he had
to know he was out of therapy. And that’s where my letter of con-
demnation came from the fact that after I got out to Arizona and
found out all the things that were going on and spoke to the therapist
out there I realized that it was just terrible what he did. Then he
never contacted me along the way even though I was involved all the
way in Ray’s life. I was kept out of that loop completely. It’s a shame
he is still a priest. I wrote a letter to the Bishop and Father Pizzarelli
and a few other peers after I got done investigating everything and
told them exactly what I thought of it.” 67

Placa said that Raymond made the deal only after being ad-
vised to do so by Trypuc's own therapist, “My recollection is that
before I signed off, I insisted that we talk to the therapist, and he said
it was in Trypuc's best interests. Trypuc had a profound need for
closure. We were encouraged to do that.” But officials at the centers
that treated Raymond said their files didn't reflect that and they doubt
it happened. Raymond received his money in Arizona at the end of
December. He used it to move into an apartment there. He had a
job. He also used the money to buy a truck and a motorcycle, clothes
and outfit his apartment. He died when he bought a hit of cocaine on
January 26, 1994. He died because the cocaine was what in those
days was called a hot dose. In other words pure and not diluted. It
caused his heart to beat so fast that he soon went into cardiac arrest.
Trypuc’s dead body was found in an apartment he had moved into

the week before. A medical examiner ruled the death was from
“cocaine toxicity.” According to his father, Raymond always had
employment and lived with his parents when he was clean. Accord-
ing to his dad he never lived as a crack head on the street. Nonethe-
less Placa believed he could not be trusted to live up to his end of
the bargain so Placa murdered Trypuc by giving him the money in
cash. A diabolical scheme! Father Frank Pizzarelli contradicted
Ray’s father, “He showed up in my teenage homeless shelter. I
never knew Raymond until I saw him. I don’t know if we could have
saved him. But the diocese committed the crime of giving him money
when he was alone and had nobody to counsel him. It was like giving
the poor guy a loaded gun to put in his mouth.” Raymond Trypuc Sr.
commented, “We tried several times [to go after Placa in court] we
thought wrongful death we thought this we thought that but they told
me that we wouldn’t get anyplace with it so we let it lie. We never
went after Placa because we were told there was no legal grounds to
do so.”

I discussed the fact that their nephew received the amount of

$25,000 from the Church with Raymond’s paternal aunt and uncle,
Barbara and James Trypuc. 68 James Trypuc commented: “That’s
nothing, all these settlements they are having today. I mean that was
nothing to give him. I have no idea [why Raymond was given the
money in cash]. His aunt Barbara Trypuc stated: “His father did not
want him to give the kid the money all at once but they did it anyhow
and bingo that was it. I know my brother-in-law really has it out for
Placa but I don’t know what he wants to do about it. I would never
vote for Rudy Giuliani for putting Placa in the Giuliani LLC office.”
Raymond Trypuc Sr. agreed, “Placa is Giuliani’s friend and I attack
that situation every chance I get because why the hell would anyone
want to vote for him for President? He’s not much better than Clin-
ton. I mean he has all his girlfriends in Gracie Mansion then he takes
a pedophile into his office and gives him a cave to hide in for a while.
Giuliani has a strange set of rules. Giuliani is a strange person too. I
mean he has done some good things but lots of bad people do good

Here is the report of the Suffolk County Grand Jury on the
Trypuc killing. The names of the principals involved have been
substituted for the pseudonyms used in the report: “Father James J.
Bergin became particularly ‘close like a brother’ to Raymond Trypuc
the father of one of his victims, Raymond Trypuc Jr. Father Bergin
was a frequent visitor in his home, and they shared a love for many
of the same activities, particularly skiing. One evening after Bergin
was no longer in the parish, a neighbor of Trypuc Sr. called with the
news that Bergin had attempted to fondle his son. Trypuc was
incredulous and told his neighbor he would find Bergin and have him
come over to discuss the matter that same night. While waiting for
Bergin to arrive, Trypuc's own son broke down, admitting that Bergin
had actually been sexually abusing him.

“His neighbor's problems forgotten, Trypuc learned that the

abuse of his son began when he was an altar boy at age eleven and
Bergin was a fairly new associate in their parish. The abuse lasted
for four years. While the family was waiting for Bergin to arrive, they
contemplated their options. They thought about calling the police and
the pastor but decided to wait until Bergin arrived and was confront-
ed. They weren't really sure what they were going to do. Bergin
arrived, repentant and crying. When asked how he could betray such
a trust, he had no answer.

“Ultimately, the family told Bergin they wouldn't have him ar-
rested if he went to the Diocese, admitted what he had done, and
refused any assignment where he would be involved with children.
That was all they wanted from him; the family decided they needed
all of their energy to help their son recover and move beyond what
had happened. Bergin thanked them and told them he was glad his
problems were out in the open and that, perhaps, some good would
come of it.

“At that time, although they were aware Bergin was treated,
they did not know where or for what duration. They focused on their
son and his problems. Unfortunately, there were many. After high
school, Raymond Trypuc Jr. a victim of Bergin's perversions entered

the Army. He was discharged a drug addict. Fearing the addiction
was related to their son's sexual abuse, the family reached out to
their pastor for help. They were offered nothing. After a succession
of drug treatment programs failed to help him, the now very troubled
young man ended up living on the streets. He ultimately met up with
a counselor from a local agency for troubled kids. A religious brother
in this agency was finally able to connect him with the Diocese of
Rockville Center for the help he so desperately needed.

“Alan Placa, a priest involved in the Diocesan team that dealt

with priests who had sexually abused children arranged for his all
expense paid treatment at an out of state facility. The young man's
father reached out to Placa to offer assistance and to assure the
Diocese his family was supportive. His calls were never returned.

“During treatment, father and son communicated regularly.

Things went well, at first. The father became concerned when his
son told him he had purchased a motorcycle and a truck. He asked
where the money was coming from and was told by his son that he
was, ‘talking to the Diocese.’ The father begged his son to allow the
Diocese to pay for his treatment and therapy, but not to take any
other money from them. As the father explained to the Grand Jury, "I
wanted him to get better, not rich."

“In January 1994, about three months after the beginning of

treatment, their son called with the happy news that he had moved
into an apartment of his own. The next day, the local police called to
inform them that their son was dead, the apparent victim of drug
induced heart failure. They brought their son's body back to Long
Island for burial. At his funeral, Placa, the Diocesan priest who had
arranged for their son's drug treatment eloquently spoke to them
about their loss.

“In February 1994 they made the sad trip to their son's
apartment to retrieve his personal belongings. As they looked
through his papers, they were astonished, angry and disbelieving.
Not only did they discover rent receipts from motels for months when

they believed their son was in residential treatment, they found both
letters and legal paperwork from the Diocese of Rockville Center. As
they would learn, the Diocese had, in full settlement of all legal
claims, paid their son $25,000 in cash, ‘for the provision of future
counseling services.’ 69 Not only had they not been consulted or
informed, the Diocese did not involve any of the treatment profes-
sionals working to help their son in this process. These receipts are
in evidence. 70 Legal paperwork, including an original letter, releases
and other settlement documents are in evidence. 71

“In 1995 Trypuc Sr. wrote a letter to Alan Placa, the priest
who had arranged for his son's treatment, paid him the $25,000 in
cash, and then attended his funeral. 72 In relevant part, the letter
reads as follows:

“Dear Reverend Placa, sufficient time has elapsed since the

death of my son Raymond Trypuc Jr. so that this letter cannot be
taken as being written out of grief. The following are my list of
conclusions which I will attempt to elaborate on individually:
1. Bergin was a pedophile.
2. The Church did allow Bergin to feel he could exercise his
perversion without punishment.
3. An open door policy on sexual abuse was not as well
known to Long Island clergy as believed.
4. Placa initially acted with compassion and a sincere effort to
5. The Church, in the end, acted to protect itself and became
the instrument of my son's death.

…Father Placa, I called Bergin back to my home late on a

Friday night and challenged him on these accusations of sexual
abuse, which at the time had been confirmed by my son Raymond.
He confessed his guilt to my wife and at this time he asked my son
for forgiveness and claimed to be relieved that his problem was now
out in the open, I demanded he report to the diocese these facts and
I would await a call from them to determine what further action I
would take. This also proved to be an error on my part, which will

never happen again when I deal with the Church as an institution. I
was contacted the following Monday by what was reported to be a
representative of the diocese, a Sister whose name I cannot recall. I
was told that you had spoke with the diocese and that he was going
into treatment. I was assured that he would be monitored and this
nun also gave the name of a psychiatrist to take my son to. I was of
the opinion that to bring this matter into the public arena would serve
no purpose and as long as Father Bergin was sanctioned I refrained
from further action.

“When we spoke on February 4, 1994 you told us that there

was no record on file against Bergin regarding sexual abuse. You
also told its that he was brought in to the diocese to answer charges
of alcohol abuse at around the time I was supposedly in contact with
this nun. You told us that Bergin admitted that he had acted impru-
dently with a teenage boy but that the matter was being handled.
These facts now being known constitute the basis for my first two
conclusions. Bergin had to feel he had gotten away with the sexual
abuse and because his supervisor, Alan Placa, did not pursue the
imprudent behavior he could return to his parish unaffected by these
events. I told you at that time that if I had felt my son's mental health
required taking on the Diocese of Rockville Center I would have
done so in a heartbeat. I have no reason to fabricate the truth so
when I tell you Bergin admitted his abuse on my son you can rest
assured he did so, I also hope that at this time, knowing now what
we do about this behavior affliction, no responsible person believes
Raymond was his only victim.

“I placed a call to your [Placa’s] office when my son told me

about you ... From September of 1993 to February of 1994 no one
made any attempt to reach me. When my son was undergoing other
treatment programs in the VA I had spoke several times with the
people in charge. In this case I think silence on your part can best be
seen as good for the diocese... You told us that Raymond began
seeking closure with the diocese in the middle of December. You told
us that you had spoken with his therapist and were told approximate-
ly how much it would cost for his treatment. In papers that I found in

his personal affects you entered into all agreement with my son on
December 27, 1993. Mr. (name omitted), whom I spoke to... would
like to know the name of the therapist you spoke to. I brought this to
the attention of all the people in (name omitted) and without excep-
tion we all agreed that no therapist could estimate how long it will
take to heal a patient. (Name omitted) will take action against the
therapist to whom you spoke.

“Rev. Placa, you are a learned man with a degree in law and
I really think you should have used better judgment in this aspect of
closure. You told us you were helping Raymond to get better. If any
one had contacted... they would have learned that Raymond was
asked to leave because he was not working the program. The
evidence is that from November 1993 until his death in January 1994
he was not in a program. You were dealing with a known substance
abuser not in a program. There is no doubt in my mind that he had
impaired reason during your talks and you should have known this. It
is my conclusion that you consummated an agreement with a
mentally deficient person in order to remove the diocese of Rockville
Center from harm. It also my conclusion that by agreeing to give
Raymond a settlement you became his last enabler. The money
you sent brought about his death.

“My wife and I have been trying to help Raymond since he

was fifteen years old. We have learned much in helping him. We
hope that you who read this letter would be better able to help other
victims you encounter. We love our Church but it will never be our
Church right or wrong. We hope it will be our Church seeking to help
and not looking to always protect itself. Respectfully yours, Raymond
Trypuc. There was no response whatsoever from the Diocese to this

Raymond Trypuc summed it up: “There is no question [that

Alan Placa is scum]. But nobody wants to do anything about him and
he still exists. I have been leaving things alone for a long time other
than the fact that I write to the Bishop and tell him that he is not
doing too much about the guy and I am still watching him. Placa had

no business running the program on both ends. Because was
actually representing the dioceses and then he said he was trying to
help the victims. You can’t do that even if you are a lawyer you can’t
represent both people. He gave him the money that he should have
never given him. There is no question that Alan Placa should be
dealt with but this is not going to happen by any legal means. As
long as the diocese of Rockville Center refuses to live up to it’s own
commitment to purge itself of offenders to sexual abuse, nothing can
be done. Placa’s duplicity cannot be challenged and ethics are
beyond contempt. He was the hit man for the dioceses. There’s a
definite part of history there that has to be told.” 73

Trypuc Jr. was telling the truth about Bergin. And thanks to
Placa the child molesting serial pervert Bergin had it made in the
shade. Bergin was a Diocesan high school teacher who also had a
summer parish assignment on Fire Island, where numerous gay
people vacation. It was there Bergin abused one of his high school
students. The student had accompanied Bergin and they stayed on
Fire Island for about a week, sleeping on a, "futon-like", couch
together. During the night Bergin would touch the boy and crawl on
top of him and masturbate. When the boy became upset, Bergin
consoled him, telling him nothing was wrong, "These are things
priests normally do." The poor kid believed him. The sexual contact
between the two lasted for about eighteen months, occurring a half a
dozen times. Once, at the apartment of his mother, Bergin tried to
perform oral sex on the boy. This effort was unsuccessful. Richard
Tollner recalled, “Placa had friends who had Fire Island real estate
and Placa took me out to this house once with Riordan and anony-
mous the other guy that testified. We went to David’s Park.”

Later, after Bergin's transfer to another parish, the boy ac-

companied him on a camping trip. Two brothers, approximately ten
and twelve, from Bergin's new parish, came along. Bergin slept in a
camper with the youngest boy. The two others slept outside. In the
early morning, the older boys went fishing. During that time, the
twelve-year-old said he felt sorry for his younger brother because

"Father Bergin will be playing with him." He confided in his new
friend that sometimes Bergin "played with him until he spit."

Placa also protected priests who molested girls. During

Placa's tenure as Vice-Chancellor of Saints Cyril & Methodius
Roman Catholic Church and School in Deer Park, New York five
women came forward and reported to him that Father John Mott had
sexually molested them as girls at St. Raphael's Parish School in
East Meadow where Mott served from 1956 to 1969. Mott was
named in a $23-million suit filed in August 1994, by Janet Ostrowski
of North Bellmore, Long Island. State Supreme Court Judge Robert
Doyle ruled in March 1995, that Ostrowski's case did not meet the
criteria for suspending the statute of limitations on civil sexual-abuse
cases. In March 1997 Judith Cajigas, 51, of Riverhead, Long Island.
and Patricia Hastings, 51, of Rhode Island filed a $60-million lawsuit
against Mott. Cajigas said the sexual abuse began when she was 11
or 12 and continued until she was 15. Mott was her religious counse-
lor. Following the death of Cajigas’s father, Mott promised to "take
care of” Cajigas and that "no one would hurt her" and that he would
not do anything to hurt her. Beginning in 1956 and continuing until
1960, Mott forcibly abused Cajigas sexually and emotionally. This is
her story: “As a child of ten or eleven I was drawn to the Church and
Father Mott's youth group for solace and a sense of community. I
was quite active, becoming a cheerleader for the Church's football
team at St. Raphael in East Meadow. Father Mott began molesting
me almost immediately.

“The incidents of abuse included being forced to masturbate

him in his car, when I was the last of a group of kids to be dropped
off at home. There were repeated attacks where he held me, against
my will and put his hands under my clothes and all over my body. He
would tell me that his semen was ‘Holy Water’ and that this was
‘Gods Will.’ I was terrified and tried to avoid the defendant. Many
times, he surprised me around the Church grounds, coming out of
nowhere, he would force me into places where others would not be
able to see what he was doing to me. I knew that there other girls
that he was doing this to, but I trusted him. In fact, I know of at least

one other girl that the Church has recently entered into an undis-
closed settlement with, that Mott had actual intercourse with on at
least one occasion.

“I fortunately did not remember the horrible sexual abuse I

suffered as a child at the hands of Mott until recently when Janet
Ostrowski first brought Mott's conduct into the open. Briefly, I suf-
fered as a young woman and continuing to the present periods of
intense depression, low self-esteem, substance abuse and difficul-
ties relating to men. I am beginning to understand that these behav-
iors were directly resulting from the sexual abuse I endured as a
child. I have gone through decades of self-hate, substance abuse
and attempted suicide.

“Let me make it clear that I not a rich women. I have had a

difficult life and am seeing a psychiatrist. Money has not been my
chief goal in pursuing my claims, though my counseling is expensive.
Until a year ago when I brought this matter public the Church had
been paying money to me for my medical bills as ‘hush money.’
When I brought this public I was advised that the money would stop
because there was no reason to pay the money if I could not be
silenced. It would be a total injustice for this suit to be thrown out. My
silence over the years was a direct result of the shame and guilt I
felt. I am now almost fifty years old and just beginning to understand
that what happened to me as a child was not my fault.” 74

Patricia Hastings said the abuse occurred from age 12 until

age 14 and that Mott fondled her and forced her to touch his genitals.
Lawyers Gary Viscio and Michael Resnikoff handled all three cases.
Newsday reported, "Placa, a vice chancellor with the diocese who
handles charges of sexual abuse against priests, said he had not yet
been served with the new lawsuit, which names St. Raphael's
Roman Catholic Church of East Meadow; and the Diocese of Rock-
ville Centre as well as Mott. Placa said Mott underwent psychiatric
evaluations after the first lawsuit was filed. ‘We've had Mott evaluat-
ed three separate times and have no reason to believe he poses a
threat to anyone.’" 75


In June 2002 attorney Gary Viscio filed a racketeering lawsuit

in State Supreme Court in Mineola against the Diocese of Rockville
Centre, the sixth largest in the United States, claiming that Placa
conspired with Judith Cajigas and Patricia Hastings to secretly settle
sexual abuse claims against the diocese, depriving the firm of
$100,000 in legal fees. The law firm claimed that the diocese
reached settlements of $150,000 each with them. Gary Viscio said
RICO was warranted because the Church engaged in a pattern of
concealing criminal conduct to protect the priests and the Church
and ‘maintained bank accounts for the purpose of quietly paying off

The diocese had agreed to pay the women $150,000 each, of

which $48,000 would be a lump sum payment and the remaining
amount would be an annuity. The court filing also says the women
agreed to release the diocese from any future liability and agreed to
a nondisclosure agreement. Viscio charged that Placa “took ad-
vantage of the clients” state of mind and willingness to resolve the
issue "in pushing a settlement. Placa told our clients don't come back
to us and assigned them an attorney." When Cajigas asked the
attorney recommended by Placa to help her get the money, she was
told that the attorney couldn't help her because of the attorney's
"close relationship with Placa." That attorney has not been identi-
fied. 76 Viscio said that the abuse at St. Raphael was institutionalized
and when one priest was transferred he would tell the incoming
priest which kids were susceptible to sexual assault. He alluded to
the existence of audiotapes implicating Placa in the cover up.

Thanks to Placa, who was also the Bishop’s Secretary for

Health Affairs, the abuse at St. Raphael's continued. In the late
1990s Matthew Maiello, rock music Mass director of St. Raphael’s,
repeatedly had sex with a boy and a girl beginning when they were
15. Maiello directed them to have sex with each other and group sex
with him, plying them with drugs and alcohol, according to a civil
lawsuit against the Roman Catholic Diocese of Rockville Center.
Maiello pleaded guilty in 2003 to rape and sodomy charges involving

four minors, including the two plaintiffs. He served two years in
prison and now lives in Connecticut. 77 Alan Placa should have been
called as a witness in this trial as he was in charge of investigating
complaints of abuse in the Diocese of Rockville Centre; however,
Attorney Mathew Dowd demurred. The jury awarded a total of
$11.45 million in damages to the plaintiff’s, one of the largest judg-
ments in a child sexual abuse suit against the Roman Catholic
Church. The Diocese said it would not appeal the ruling.

The Suffolk County Grand Jury heard testimony about Placa

from Father Michael Hands, once imprisoned for sodomizing 13-
year-old Adam Hughes. Hands, who claimed to have been abused
as a teenager by Father Charles Ribaudo, then pressured into
remaining silent about the attacks, had agreed to cooperate with
authorities in return for sentencing considerations. Suffolk County
District Attorney Thomas Spota, who made the report public, said
Hands' testimony was "absolutely material" to the grand jury pro-
ceedings. In his sworn statement Hands accused Placa of having
used Church insurance money to buy silence from boys who had
been molested by him. After Hands was arrested Placa rushed to
Hands' cell and put him in touch with a private attorney, who Hands
later came to believe had actually represented Placa in allegations
involving his own conduct [this was Michael D. Hess, a member of
the Giuliani Administration who would later join Giuliani LLC]. Hands
said he "learned" that Placa arranged "sealed settlements" that

"covered himself" at least twice. Hands recounted: "Normally, Placa
would go and speak personally to the family. I was told that, in my
case, because they learned about it after it had come to the attention
of the authorities that they couldn't keep it under wraps. Placa had
tried to contact the Hughes’s to try to make inroads with them, to see
on what level they could resolve things. During that first six months,
they had refused any contact with Alan Placa. I told the grand jury
about other priests that had been accused, and that Alan Placa had
covered things up enough and that the priest had been moved,
sometimes from state to state, to kind of lose the trail and ended up
somewhere in the Midwest, that I knew of these things. And in the
conversation--- that anything that was said to the district attorney
was not going to be fed to Newsday reporters.” 78

Michael Hands charged that Placa reached secret settle-

ments with victims that avoided any mention of sexual misconduct
and said instead that the issue involved a drunken driving claim
against Placa rather than child molestation. “[Placa] was the man
who had the authority on some level to take $50,000...that he could
get this from the diocese, from their insurance department, and use
that to pay off someone who had claimed that they were victimized
by him," said Hands. "The settlement itself would say that the issue
did not involve sexual misconduct. He very shrewdly covered that
up." Hands cooperated with corruption investigations against the
Diocese of Rockville Centre leadership in Suffolk and Nassau
counties but refused to speak with Village Voice journalist Wayne
Barrett or this researcher. The New York Daily News reported that
the Suffolk County grand jury was looking into Placa's involvement in
financial settlements with past abuse victims there. "Placa had a
great deal of influence in the terms involved." Nothing ever came of
this since Placa, an attorney, was adept at circumventing criminal
and civil laws and the influence of the Church combined with that of
Giuliani was overwhelming.

In 1995 Pat McDonough, the Director of Religious Education

at St. James parish in Setauket, Long Island met with Placa and told
him she believed Father Joe Mundy (seen on the right) was molest-

ing Bryan Perri and asked Placa what he was going to do about it.
Perri, a 14-year-old former altar boy told her during a religious retreat
that Rev. Joseph Mundy had confided in him how lonely he was, how
difficult celibacy was, and how the two of them needed each other.
Placa told her, "My job is to protect the Bishop." She asked, "Whose
job is it to protect the boy?" Placa looked away from her and lit a
cigarette. Placa then met with Bryan Perri and pressured him to keep
quiet, without even mentioning he knew Perri was being abused. The
molestation of Bryan Perri and others continued, including Clifton
Meek, who was molested by Mundy in 1995.

McDonough, who became a psychologist and a columnist for

the diocesan newspaper, the Long Island Catholic believed Perri was
about to kill himself because of the unrelenting attentions of Mundy
when she met with Placa to complain about this situation. A short
time after McDonough complained to Placa, Perri's mother went to
see Placa at Rev. Mundy's request since Mundy was a close family
friend. She was asked "to put in a good word" for the priest with
Placa, so that the Priest would not be disciplined. The boy never told
his mother that Mundy was coming on to him sexually and she had
no suspicion of that herself. Placa never told her of McDonough's
concern that the relationship was becoming sexual. It was during that
same visit, Perri said Alan Placa took him aside for a private chat
and subtly pressured him to back off of his account. Mundy's victim
stated, "Father Placa said to me that he knew kids didn't get much
sleep when they went on these retreats, and that was a problem
because sleep deprivation could play tricks on one's mind, isn't that
right? He never asked me about Mundy."

During the next three years, Perri said Mundy became in-
creasingly brazen. The priest took the teen to the back room of a gay
bar where he attempted to sodomize him, bought him pornography
and plied him with vodka as he begged for sexual favors. The
degeneracy took on blasphemous overtones when Perri brought a
younger friend with him to Mundy's parish in Wading River, New
York, and the friend told him afterward that Mundy had sodomized
him in the rectory while the older teen sang in church next door.

"Alan Placa had good reason to believe something was going on,
and he didn't ask me a thing," said Perri, "I think he wanted to make
sure I wasn't going to say or do anything."

Diocesan spokeswoman Joanne Novarro claimed that Mun-

dy's file contained no accusation of sexual abuse by McDonough or
anyone else: “There is a report about a complaint from Pat
McDonough about confusion of roles, imprudent behavior and
spending too much time with young people. McDonough was asked
straight out: 'Do you have any suspicion of sexual abuse?' And she
replied, 'Absolutely not.’” But McDonough stated, “No way could Alan
come away from our meeting saying that I was not making allega-
tions of sex abuse. I was very clear about that.” Asked whether
Mundy had received a psychiatric evaluation in keeping with dioce-
san policy, Novarro said one was suggested, but “Father Mundy
refused to go to St. Luke's,” a Church-run psychiatric center con-
nected to Placa in Maryland. She added, however, “He did agree to
go to a private counselor here on Long Island.” Mundy resigned from
the Wading River parish in 1999 and remains on an indefinite leave
of absence from the diocese. 79

In 2003 Placa and his clerical cohorts were sued for a crimi-
nal cover-up that began in 1997: “In furtherance of the policy outlined
above the Diocese, Bishop Murphy and his predecessor Bishops,
Msgr. Alan Placa, Msgr. John Alesandro and Msgr. Francis Caldwell
[director of priest personnel for the diocese], failed to act on obvious
warning signs of sexual abuse including but not limited to the follow-
ing instances: priests had children in their private rooms in the
rectory overnight, priests drank alcohol with underage children and
priests exposing children to pornography. That in or about 1997
plaintiff Matthew Mosher met with Defendant Placa and reported the
sexual abuse inflicted upon him by Defendant Father Angelo Ditta. At
no time did Defendant Placa disclose to plaintiff that he was not only
a member of the ‘Intervention Team,’ but also an attorney for the
Diocese. At no time did Defendant Placa or Diocese report said
crime of sexual abuse to the proper authorities. Defendant Father
Angelo Ditta continued to work as a priest for the Diocese until his

removal on or about March 2002. The Diocese, Bishops, Placa and
other unnamed defendants purposely engaged in conduct that
resulted in the prevention, hindrance and delay in the discovery of
criminal conduct by priests. These defendants conceived and agreed
to a plan using deception and intimidation to prevent victims from
seeking legal solutions to their problems. By reason of the egregious
and unconscionable conduct of Defendants as herein alleged, it is
inequitable to permit Defendants to interpose the affirmative defense
of the statute of limitations, as set forth in General Obligations Law
section 17-103 (4)(b).” 80

The judge disagreed: “The instant application arises out of

the alleged sexual abuse of the plaintiffs. The defendants now move
for summary judgment on the grounds that plaintiffs' causes of action
are barred by the Statute of Limitations. In opposition to the motion,
the plaintiffs maintain that there is outstanding discovery essential to
justify opposition to the motion. In addition, the plaintiffs maintain that
there may be legislation, which would toll the Statute of Limitations.
The Court of Appeals has held in Zumpano v Quinn, 2006, 81 that to
bar the assertion of Statute of Limitations it must be demonstrated
that the defendants' affirmative wrongdoing produced the delay in
instituting the lawsuit, that plaintiff refrained from filing a timely action
due to the fraud, misrepresentations or deception of the defendant.
In the instant matter, the plaintiffs have failed to demonstrate any
affirmative acts of fraud, misrepresentation or deception on behalf of
the defendants which bar the assertion of the affirmative defense of
Statute of Limitations. As such, the motion by defendants Placa,
Caldwell, Alesandro, Murphy and the Diocese, for summary judg-
ment on the grounds that the action is barred by Statute of Limita-
tions, is granted. The complaint is dismissed as to the moving
defendant.” 82


Rev. Brian McKeon’s abuse of one boy caused the youth to

take his own life: “One of our sons died suddenly in 1987 at age 15.
It was our son (name omitted) who had the unhealthy friendship with

Brian McKeon. In light of the situation with Brian McKeon and
because of (name omitted) untimely death we will never know for
sure if he was a victim of Brian McKeon’s pedophilia. This is a
question my husband and I will have to wrestle with for the rest of
our lives. Brian McKeon was a big part of (name omitted) life and
given Brian McKeon’s tendencies with the other young boys, it is
difficult for us to believe that (name omitted) escaped Brian
McKeon’s abuse. I do know that my other son was one of Brian
McKeon’s many victims. Unfortunately for him and the other young
boys the statute of limitations has expired and they have no legal
recourse under the current law. How sad for these young boys.” 83
Brian McKeon conducted funeral for the boy he drove to sui-
cide. He then went on to abuse the victim's brother. His family found
out about the second round of abuse in 2000 and went to Msgr. Alan
Placa: “A priest who was involved in, and had responsibility in the
Diocese for, cases of this type also joined this second meeting. This
priest was also an attorney, although this fact was not disclosed to
the victims or their family members. He identified himself as the
Bishop’s representative. Prior to the start of the meeting, this priest
told the nun that the meeting was a waste of time because the
statute of limitations had expired. Her response was heartfelt, she
said, “You bastard. These people are hurting. Why do you care
about the statute of limitations? That’s not why we are here.

“The meeting was very tense as McKeon’s history of sexually

abusing children was graphically discussed; unfortunately, the one
victim who was present decided not to share his story. This victim
later explained to the Grand Jury that he didn’t want to give the
Diocese any personal information because he didn’t trust them. The
families were disturbed to learn that there was no reference in
McKeon’s file to the earlier meeting about his drinking with their
children. They requested that a full investigation of all McKeon’s
activities with children in his prior assignments be conducted. The
families were told that the Diocese would not do this, that the victims
would have to come forward on their own, and that the Diocese
would do nothing if that did not happen. During a break in the meet-
ing, the parish Deacon approached Placa, to express his dismay at

the official position of the Diocese. He pointedly asked if McKeon
was going to be removed. The Deacon believed that there was
enough evidence to make an arrest of McKeon had the statute of
limitations not lapsed. He was told that at this point there were only,
‘allegations’, and no determination as to McKeon’s status would be
made on that basis. The Deacon was furious and told Placa that
McKeon must be removed.

“At the conclusion of the meeting none of the families were

aware what, if any, action would be taken against McKeon. They
learned the next day that he had, in fact, been removed as pastor
and sent for a psychiatric evaluation. Less than two weeks later,
McKeon was back at work. After learning this, the victim’s mother
who was acting as the spokesperson for the families, called Dioce-
san headquarters and was shocked to discover that no one there
even knew McKeon had returned. To the families this was appalling.
They questioned why McKeon had not been treated and why he was
being left unsupervised.

The Grand Jury also reviewed an undated Newsday article.

The article recounted an auto accident wherein the driver was
intoxicated and caused the death of a passenger, his sister. The
driver of the vehicle was the boy who had witnessed an act of sexual
abuse committed by McKeon, and whose brother was also a victim
of McKeon. The Newsday article was maintained in McKeon’s
personnel file and copies were distributed to other members of the
Diocesan team that handled allegations of priest sexual abuse, some
of whom were attorneys. The Grand Jury finds that a fair interpreta-
tion of the reason for the dissemination of this article was so that the
witnesses’ arrest for driving while intoxicated, the accident and
related death of his sister could be used against him should his
allegations of priest misconduct ever become public.”

After the meeting Placa tipped off McKeon and he went into
hiding. In 2001 the victims’ family saw McKeon marching in a parade
as a police chaplain. “They hid him. Then I'm with my wife and we
were watching the St. Patrick's Day Parade two years ago. We were

at 48th and Fifth on the east side of the street. We see the Nassau
County Police Emerald Society, Brian McKeon, chaplain. We couldn't
get through the barricades. We went down to Park Avenue and took
a cab to 68th. You could cross the street there. I waited and then
when McKeon came, I got in behind him and told him, 'Step out of
line.' I had to say it twice. Then we walked off the line and into the
park but there were so many cops there that I couldn't do anything. I
will someday. If you ever see him, tell him I'm looking for him.”
McKeon has been told to apply for laicization rather than the ex-
communication he deserved. 84

McKeon was one of the few instances where the Statute of

Limitations had not thwarted prosecution. Placa wrote: “If the alleged
victim is a minor, then the ‘clock’ of the statutes of limitations (crimi-
nal and civil) does not begin to ‘tick’ until the alleged victim has
reached legal majority (usually the eighteenth birthday). On the basis
of that one refinement of the definition of the statute of limitations,
then, it would seem that the state can bring a criminal action against
an alleged offender until the alleged victim has reached his or her
twenty-third birthday (i.e., five years after the achievement of legal

At one point in his criminal career Placa faced an increase in

complaints based on sexual assault that went down decades ago.
He became well versed in the case law surrounding the Statute of
Limitations and knew how to use it to the advantage of his fellow
perverts. “What we are dealing with today is cases of what might be
characterized as ‘immediate’ rather than immediate suffering: an
allegation of harm done decades ago involves suffering which has
been ‘processed’ by the passage of time. The complainant's experi-
ence of suffering has been affected by many factors extrinsic to the
actual, historical experience: other sufferings and disappointments in
life have intervened, other relationships have had impact, the com-
plainant's reading of press accounts and popularized reports of
quasi-psychological processes have played a role, and long-
smoldering resentments - some of them unrelated to whatever may
actually have happened so many years ago - work like a lens to

focus the complainant's anger and to alter the complainant's expec-
tations.” What Placa is saying is that over the course of time victims
will embellish their stories in order to take out their frustrations on
innocent priests. Placa knew every trick in the book to get perverts
off the hook. But when he addressed lay Catholics rather than his
fellow child molesters in the clergy Placa lied his ass off: “Several
state courts have allowed civil suits to be brought decades after the
alleged deeds occurred on the theory that the statute-of-limitations
clock should start when the potential plaintiff recognizes the harm
done. Clinicians have testified that child sexual abuse victims often
repress the events for years. There are very few current charges,
Placa said, but numerous cases that date back 30 or 40 years.
Sometimes the alleged priest offender has already died.”

As stated, the reason that Alan Placa is not an ex-convict,

convicted felon and a registered sex offender today is because the
statute of limitations has expired. As long as the young minds of his
victims were filled with shame and fear, Placa knew they would not
come forward until much later in life or not at all. If not for this out-
dated statute used as a loophole for child-rapist perverts in all
likelihood Placa would have been indicted and found guilty of crimi-
nal acts in violation of New York State Penal Law Article 130, Sex
Offenses, and other statutes designed to protect the health, safety
and welfare of children. These criminal acts include Rape, Sodomy,
Sexual Abuse, and Endangering the Welfare of a Child. After all, the
Grand Jury concluded, "priests working in the Diocese of Rockville
Centre committed criminal acts...”

The way I look at it - once a child molester always a child mo-

lester. Placa, being a child molester himself, of course saw things
differently. He believed in the reintegration of criminals who have
escaped punishment into the Catholic Church. Placa and other top
officials placed troubled priests back into jobs where they had
contact with children, sometimes against the advice of psychiatrists,
“The condition of a person who has misconducted himself sexual-
ly with youngsters will be described in one of three ways: fixated
pedophilia, regressed pedophilia, or ephebophilia (sexual

activity with adolescents). Religious superiors should look carefully
at the clinician's description or diagnosis, and at the clinician's
prognosis. The person diagnosed as a fixated pedophile should not,
in my opinion, be readmitted to active ministry. Our dealing with him
must be guided by fraternal charity, by the obligations imposed by
general and particular Church Law, and by the customs and usages
of religious congregations (where applicable). However, it would
seem to me that any attempt to reintegrate a diagnosed fixated
pedophile into ministry is reckless. Persons who have misconduct-
ed themselves sexually with young people, but who have not
been diagnosed as fixated pedophiles, may be reintegrated into
ministry after a term of residential care, provided that the clinician's
prognosis gives hope that the person will be able to function safely
again. Assuming such a positive prognosis, I suggest that a person
may be reintegrated into ministry if, and only if, certain conditions
are met. Today's Church leaders, like today's clinicians, are better
informed about the meaning of sexual misconduct, and they are
more aware of the need to understand the clinical picture before
deciding about ministry reintegration. For example, if, after residen-
tial therapy has been completed, a person is diagnosed as a fixated
pedophile, the bishop or major superior [head of an order] should
not attempt to reintegrate such a person into ministry. This diagnosis
indicates a serious mental illness, whereby a person has no sexual
interest at all other than the prepubescent children. For other
sexual offenders, however, the matter is not so simple. In the
first place, we are very much dependent on clinical judgments in our
attempt to make assignment decisions. What is to be done with the
man who, on one or two isolated occasions, has misconducted
himself sexually with young children, but who is not diagnosed as
a fixated pedophile? What is to be done with the man who has
misconducted himself sexually with young people, but is an
ephebophile rather than a pedophile? There should be no unsu-
pervised contact with youngsters in the particular age group for
a specified period of time. This principle implies several things.
First, it obviously means that a person cannot be assigned to an
activity, such as teaching or youth counseling, where it is the very
nature of the work to serve youngsters with a minimum of supervi-

sion. Second, it suggests that reassignment to a more generalized
ministry (such as parish work) will mean informing the immediate
superior (the pastor, for example) of the man's history. Also, the
superior should be made aware that this man is not to involve
himself in the sort of contact with young people that arises in the
course of ordinary ministry without the presence, help, and guid-
ance of another staff member. In fact, this principle goes beyond
contacts with youngsters in the work place: it means that there
should be no unsupervised contact with youngsters of the problemat-
ic age group, even in the individual's personal life.”

Placa repeatedly used the words “misconducted himself sex-

ually.” The dictionary definition of misconduct: Improper or unethical
behavior. Example: professional misconduct Synonyms: mischief,
wrongdoing, dereliction, impropriety, misdemeanor, transgression,
and offence. Placa regarded child molestation as a misdemeanor
rather than a felony. Placa split hairs when it came to child molesta-
tion. A child molester is a child molester and we can dispense with
the nomenclature. It first appeared as if "fixated pedophiles" were in
deep trouble, and were going to be kicked out of the Catholic
Church. But hold everything! There is hope for those “who have not
been diagnosed as fixated pedophiles.” Not been diagnosed by
psychologists and psychiatrists being paid by the Church. If the
clinician took the priest at his word that he had sexual interests other
than little boys and was not a so-called fixated sexual pedophile he
could come back with a diagnosis of regressed pedophilia, or
ephebophilia and be back in action in no time!

“What is to be done with the man who, on one or two isolated

occasions, has misconducted himself sexually with young children,
but who is not diagnosed as a fixated pedophile?” Placa suggested
keeping the priest away from youngsters rather than punishment. By
this logic every priest gets two “Get Out of Jail Free” cards that
allows him to molest twice and get away with it. Priestly perks.

Placa stated, “There should be no unsupervised contact with

youngsters in the particular age group for a specified period of time.”

What happens after that specified period of time ends? The abusive
priest who odds are is going to rape again, is back in action. Placa
suggested that an abusive priest could return to ministry after
extensive, effective treatment, but only under supervision. The catch
here is the priest would still be allowed "supervised" contact with
minors. Who would do the supervising? Another child-molesting
priest like himself do it? Taking all of this into account it becomes
clear why Placa told The New York Times that the "zero tolerance"
policy adopted by American bishops -- in which priests found guilty of
a single sexual offense are automatically removed from ministry --
was immoral and "un-Christian."

In my own experience, attempts to reintegrate people in-

to the ministry have been quite successful. I have never been
involved in attempting to reintegrate a clinically diagnosed fixated
pedophile into the ministry, however, similarly, I have never been
involved in attempting to reintegrate a person into ministry after that
person has been convicted of a criminal offense and has served time
in prison. Such a move would be inappropriate, at the very least, for
‘public-relations’ reasons, if not also for clinical, legal, and moral
reasons. With these provisos in mind, I report that my own experi-
ence (in many cases over the last six years) leads me to believe that
most people who have engaged in the sort of inappropriate behavior
we are describing here can successfully be reintegrated into
some useful and fulfilling Church ministry…”

Now “sexual misconduct” has been kicked down a notch to

“inappropriate behavior.” The misdemeanor is now a violation like a
littering or spitting on the sidewalk. “In my own experience, attempts
to reintegrate people into the ministry have been quite successful.”
Why take the chance? Once a child molester; always a child molest-
er. Even the Rev. Thomas Kane agreed with this adage and in a
follow-up letter to Cardinal Law, discussed the high recidivism rate of
priests treated for pedophilia. "In general practice, the clinical litera-
ture seems to support that there has been a great deal of recidivism
among treated pedophiles." Placa disagreed, “Several painful
attempts to dismiss priests from the clerical state, and several

procedures to dismiss professed members of religious congregations
are sad but eloquent testimony to this period of frightened overre-
action to an earlier time when Church leaders had unbounded
confidence in the power of their penal measures to change the
offender.” At one time the Church’s penal measures controlled a
predatory priest. Now the Church forced to resort to dismissal
because it has irrationally lost faith in its own ability to change the
offender since its penal measures are no longer having the desired
effect that they once did. This is wrong policy because, according to
Placa, predatory priests should not be fired, they should be rehabili-
tated. Placa was an advocate for the molester not for the victim. But
he made things seem much different when interviewed by the
Catholic Reporter, “While each diocese must set its own procedures
for such cases, Placa emphasized the need to analyze the complaint
and pursue a full investigation. He advised conducting the evalua-
tion in a non-Church setting. If the complaint involves a child, the
alleged perpetrator should be removed from his assignment at
once, he said. In counseling adults, the priest questioned whether a
consenting adult defense is permissible. That person is coming to
you, trusting in you, because you represent the Church, he said.
Many bishops and priests disagreed with Placa’s call for the
immediate removal of the accused from his assignment, argu-
ing for the presumption of innocence. But Placa was adamant.
‘We’ve got to weigh prudentially and pastorally the outcome of an
evaluation. Our policy is to promote the well-being of children in our
care and to promote Church teaching on morality and chastity.’”

Placa often introduced himself as representative of Bishop

John McGann. Robert Fulton went to Bishop McGann six or seven
times during the 1990s and expressed concern that priests with
sexual issues were not getting the treatment he thought they needed
and, in some cases, were returned to parish work inappropriately.
“There were a number of cases where I conferred with psychiatrists
and we recommended to the diocese that people not return to active
ministry, but those recommendations were ignored,” Fulton said.
One of those recommendations, he said, involved the Rev. Andrew
Millar, who was incarcerated after trying to molest a mentally handi-

capped boy in the men's room at Tobay Beach in Massapequa, Long
Island. Millar's problems with alcohol, anxiety and sex were flagged
in the mid-1990s, Fulton said. Nonetheless, he said, the priest did
not get intensive help until a former altar boy came forward in 1999
to accuse the priest of molesting him eight years earlier. The priest
was sent away for treatment then and, afterward, asked to retire.
Even after Millar's retirement, he continued to offer Mass at St. Peter
Paul in Manorville, Long Island, without anyone being told his history.
Placa was implicated in keeping Millar in circulation. Diocesan
spokeswoman Joanne Novarro said Placa called Fulton's assertions
“totally untrue,” and said reassignment of priests was never part of
his responsibility. In an earlier interview, Placa also said that no
priests who were returned to ministry ever abused again, and that
the bishop always made the final decision about a priest's assign-
ment. 85

Monsignor Placa finally got publicly exposed as a child rapist

after a molestation scandal erupted in the Catholic Archdiocese of
Boston in early 2002, and it blew back to Long Island. William F.
Murphy, the newly installed bishop of Rockville Center, had been
second in command in Boston from 1993 to 2001. He had helped
arrange early retirement for the serial abuser, Father John Geoghan.
After Geoghan was sentenced to prison for molestation in February
2002, the archdiocese revealed that it had settled 100 civil sexual
abuse lawsuits on Geoghan's behalf. To do penance for this massive
cover-up of criminal behavior the Church gave law enforcement the
names of 90 priests accused of abuse. This resulted in law enforce-
ment officials on Long Island issuing subpoenas for the records of
the Rockville Centre Diocese. In March 2002 Bishop Murphy turned
over internal files on accused priests to law enforcement in both
Nassau and Suffolk counties (the diocese covers both). Placa’s
name came up in these Church documents more often than anyone
else. As a result, after the Grand Jury heard the evidence and issued
its report, Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota stated that
Alan Placa was never indicted for his numerous sex crimes not
because of a lack of credible Grand Jury testimony, (three witnesses

testified against Placa) but because the Statute of Limitations had
expired. 86 A child rapist was set free on a technicality!

In April 2002, shortly before the Suffolk County Grand Jury's

impaneling, Placa stepped down as vice chancellor of the Rockville
Diocese and went on sabbatical. The diocese announced that he
would be demoted and assigned to a parish as a priest after the
sabbatical. 87 Bishop Murphy, head of the Rockville Center Diocese,
learned that a spokesman for the Nassau County District Attorney
Dennis Dillon confirmed that Richard Tollner had lodged a sexual
abuse complaint stemming from 1975 against Placa. Tollner ex-
plained, “Due to my circumstances I discussed things with a News-
day reporter, Carol Eisenberg. So she reported it to the Church. The
Church doesn’t call us. Doesn’t call me doesn’t call Newsday so she
calls up the Church and says, ‘Hey what are you going do about
this?’ They say, ‘Nothing, there is no police report filed.’ ‘Okay, then I
guess we will just go and do that.’ I go to file with the Nassau County
Police Department. I met with Detectives Lloyd Doppman and Mike
Falzarano. ‘Hi, you really want to do this?’ ‘Yeah.’ ‘You sure you
really want to do this?’ ‘Yeah.’ ‘You know the statute of limitations
has run out. We can’t do anything for you. So nothing is going to
happen. You can tell us the story if you want and consume up our
time we don’t mind we are here for you. There is not much we can
do. Can you wait a few minutes?’ ‘Yeah, okay.’ ‘Can you wait 15
minutes?’ ‘Yeah okay.’ ‘Hang on for a second we will be back. You
sure you want to do this?’ I saw Dennis Dillon this past weekend at a
Long Island Voice of the Faithful protest St. Agnes Cathedral and
someone walked over and talked to him and he just shook his head
left and right. Like yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. So I asked the guy how
had Dennis Dillion responded? He said Dillon told him ‘I am not sure
what to think.’ Nice come back, he is the District Attorney and people
are claiming sexual abuse and he doesn’t know what to think. You
investigate, you research, you figure it out, you don’t cover it up. He
didn’t give a hoot back then about us. These guys in Nassau County
literally did nothing; they never called Placa they never called the
guy. In Suffolk County it was different they did everything. They were
efficient they followed up they called witnesses. They verified state-

ments, they verified events and took it to the Grand Jury and the only
reason Placa is not in jail is the statute of limitations.”

Sex Crimes Unit Detective Lloyd Doppman played himself in

a movie entitled, Capturing The Friedmans. He takes a skeptical
view of complaints coming from children, "Children want to please
very often. They want to give you the answers that you want" how-
ever the complaint against Placa came from an adult. Doppman who
is fluent in several Asian languages had a background that consisted
mainly of communicating with Korean prostitutes. Richard Tollner
also learned Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota was
investigating three sex abuse claims against Placa. Soon the allega-
tions in these complaints were forwarded to Bishop William Murphy,
who took pre-emptive action against Placa from Dallas, Texas,
where Murphy was attending the U.S. Conference of Catholic
Bishops meeting. Richard Tollner stated, “Murphy suspends the guy
in June 2000. He never called me, he never wrote me, nothing. I
testified against Placa. I have given speeches on the matter. I am
giving a speech to the Long Island Voice of the Faithful and I will sit
down there and tell the whole story from start to finish again because
there are people out there who can’t believe this Bishop did not do
anything and is not doing anything. Murphy doesn’t give a damn
about any of this.” Placa immediately challenged his suspension and
was given a one-day reprieve to officiate at the funeral for Giuliani's

Richard Tollner continued, “In Church law Placa still has his
Holy Orders but he is suspended from administering the sacraments
except for when Giuliani’s mother died. Which I thought was, you
know. He is listed as a priest in residence at St. Aloysius as recently
as three weeks ago and they are not taking him off. It seems like he
is still a priest. That is the image but he is not allowed to administer
the sacraments. There are enough people on Long Island who would
tell me if he said a mass or something like that.” Joanne Novarro
confirmed this, "Alan Placa is still a priest, but he can no longer
celebrate Mass, administer sacraments or participate in any other
priestly duties." Bill Donohue, the ultra-conservative Catholic League

president said, "Giuliani’s confessor is his friend Alan Placa," noting
that Placa is as ineligible to hear a confession as Giuliani is to make
one. 88

Placa is still listed as "priest in residence" at St. Aloysius

Church, where Riordan serves as pastor, and officially lives at the
rectory there with Riordan, when they are not at the love nest they
jointly own in Manhattan. As of July 2007 Placa remains on “adminis-
trative leave,” at least according to Sean Dolan, a spokesman for the
diocese. However Richard Tollner reported that the investigation of
Placa has been completed, “But it gets a little bit better with the
Roman Catholic Church and the Roman Catholic Diocese investiga-
tion. Here is where the cover-up starts. So the Church gets so much
pressure from the press they get their new three person intervention
team to investigate. The team is composed of a psychologist, a
former police commissioner; I think the guy’s name is Don King and
a nun whose name escapes at this particular time. So Don King calls
me up and asks me pick on the victim dumb-assed questions, ‘So
did you enjoy what happened?’ ‘Did you have an erection?’ ‘Did you
decide you would like a gay lifestyle?’ ‘Did you appreciate what was
going on?’ I mean all this really stupid stuff and I am going like no,
no, no, no, I am not doing this crap over the phone. ‘Well then there
is really not much here for us.’ I told him to call me back with some
legitimate questions.

“When the guy calls me back he forgets my name. ‘Hey Bob,

its Don King’ ‘My name is not Bob, its Richard.’ ‘Okay whatever?
Listen Bob….’ ‘Richard Tollner. Do you know who you are calling?’
‘Yeah!’ The guy Alan Placa allegedly abused who filed a complaint.’
‘There is no Bob out there and no Bob has ever filed a complaint.’
And he goes ‘Okay Rich, no problem.’ I go ‘You’re sure you were a
cop?’ So then he says, ‘All right we will send someone up to see
you.’ I live in the Albany New York area. They send a former class-
mate of mine who became a priest who I think is a decent guy.
Father Robert Vatule. And Bob comes up to me and says, “Isn’t this
great they gave me a new car!’ ‘What?” ‘They gave me a new car.
Come on I will show you my car.’ I said, ‘Bob I don’t give a hoot what

you came up in lets get started.’ So I pull out a tape recorder and he
says ‘Oh no, no, no, you can’t tape-record this.’ I go ‘Bob there is
nothing in the law which says I can’t tape record a conversation after
informing you that I am doing it.’ He said, ‘True’ and then he says
‘Hold on I have to go to the store and buy a tape recorder too.’ I took
him down to the same store where I bought the tape recorder and he
bought one. So we get back to my office and here is where the fun
begins. This is almost hilarious. I knew they were going to do squat.
He pulled out a yellow pad and the handwriting on it was the finest
female script I have ever seen and it was definitely a list of questions
and the opening questions were something to the effect of ‘For
someone so damaged and confused how do you feel?’ They are
telling me I am damaged and confused. But here’s the kick. If I
answer the question and agree that I am damaged and confused and
if I say no I am not damaged or confused it lessens any lawsuits or
damages I could claim later on because I already said that I am not
damaged and confused. Either I agree with it and say I am confused
or I disagree and it lessens any settlement I could ask for. Half the
questions were just loaded like that. There was only like 25 ques-
tions. So when we are all done I go Bob you really haven’t asked any
important questions. Do you have any questions? ‘No I am not
allowed to ask you anything.’

“They finished this investigation in August of 2002. They nev-

er called me back [with the results]. I waited a month. I called and
asked, ‘Do you have any more questions?’ They don’t call back. I
called back next month. I didn’t hear anything. The Bishops office
has never called, written, faxed or emailed. I got one generic letter at
the beginning of the thing around Christmas time. It said, ‘The
Bishop in charge of Rockville Center is sorry that you reported that
you were molested.’

“I called Father Vatule. It’s funny he was classmate. So I refer

to him as ‘Father Bob.’ I asked him if it was okay to address him like
that and he said, ‘It’s okay we are friends.’ I asked him, ‘What
happened?’ ‘What do you mean what happened?’ Father Bob I never
heard back from you or anybody.’ ‘Okay well we’re all done.’ ‘What

happened?’ ‘I handed in my report.’ ‘What was in the report?’ ‘Can’t
tell you.’ ‘Why not?’ ‘I am not allowed to discuss this matter with
anyone.’ He was told that and ordered. ‘Okay so who got the report?’
‘Bishop Murphy.’ I wrote a letter to the Bishop, made phone calls,
nothing. Five years go by and a priest in Albany that I have been
talking to about this matter says ‘Oh yeah, yeah, we got the decision
on that its right here.’ So I bluffed and said ‘What did you think of it?’
And he said ‘I think it was dumb to have eight people on the commit-
tee.’ Eight people? I thought he was joking. I thought there were
eleven. And he gives me their names and I write them all down. And
I go, ‘So what was the final vote on that?’ ‘Three to believe you; three
to not believe you; and two abstentions.’ Here is the amazing part.
This committee that decided quote the fate of my accusations never
met me and only looked at Church sponsored questions. Never met
me, never heard what I had to say, never heard my side and only
looked at the 25 questions that Father Bob gave them. Which is a
convenient thing to have in these circumstances because now they
don’t have to think. The big game is that they will constantly claim
insufficient evidence.”

In September 2005 a protest was held at Sunday Masses at

St. Aloysius, by Voice of the Faithful of Long Island. The group
distributed leaflets calling attention to the Placa situation. At a Voice
of the Faithful of Long Island vigil at St. Aloysius in November 2005
where Placa is still in residence, Riordan told the protesters (very
loudly) that in 40 years of ministry, there wasn't one complaint
against Placa. Richard Tollner commented, “I talked with people at
the parish and they are like, ‘You are completely wrong, he is a very
good man, he would never do anything like that in a million years.’
And I’m like, ‘Hey three people testified to the fact that they got
molested and I know of three others. Six people are lying after thirty
years just for what? For the money? They are not asking for money,
they are not drug addicts, they are not alcoholics, and they are not
out for the limelight. I mean two of the guys won’t come out publicly.
They trust me to tell me their stories that have been verified and
backed up by the Suffolk County District Attorney. I mean their
statements were verified, the events that they testified about were

verified, there was documentation that the events occurred and there
were other witnesses who placed these people at the events where
Placa molested them. But some people say, ‘Oh no, no, Placa and
Father Riordan are such good men. Why do you throw mud at

When Voice of the Faithful members cited the Suffolk County

Grand Jury report, Riordan discounted it by saying it was a "political
document." Richard Tollner countered, “Yeah I mean after all I am
the kind of guy that would wait thirty years on a problem to make it
up. To consume my professional time to pursue not Giuliani but a
friend of his, not ask for money, loose time from work, have people
harass me. Yeah it’s all about political.” When questioned about
these charges Placa recalled Richard Tollner as "a troubled kid, very
emotional, who would fly off the handle easily." Placa was insinuating
Tollner was unstable. But Richard Tollner later life shows no signs of
instability; in fact exactly the opposite is true, “Look at my back-
ground I am clean as whistle. I have 30 years of non-profit corpora-
tion board of directorship, and I am only 48. I am library trustee, a
library treasurer, the former library board vice president, former
President of the Board on the Chamber of Commerce, ten years on a
Church Board, I am a financial advisor for two other non-for profits, I
am the president of a networking group, I am the president of anoth-
er chamber business group, I have my own stock related partner-
ship, I have my own LLC, I have been a bonded and insured banker
of different qualities over the last 15 years. I am married to the same
woman for 18 years. I have good credit, I have good health, I have
no skeletons in my closest, no arrests no warrants, no drugs, so
gimme a break.”

Richard Tollner is an American hero. It took guts to come

forward and expose Placa for what he is. But since Placa was not
proven guilty in a court of law the Church still regards him as inno-
cent. That is why no significant administrative action, such as laiciza-
tion (defrocking) was ever undertaken against him. But if he was not
found guilty shouldn’t he be allowed to administer the sacraments
once again? The Voice of the Faithful reported, “Some time ago, we

reported to the Diocese that Monsignor Placa had been observed on
several occasions performing public ministry in this Diocese at
various parishes. Mrs. Eileen Puglisi, the Director of Child and Youth
Protection, eventually told us that in unusual circumstances Bishop
Murphy gave occasional permission to Monsignor Placa to say
Mass.” 89 Why has Placa been placed in a state of suspended anima-
tion? To defrock Placa would hurt Giuliani, who despite his stance on
abortion still has widespread support among Catholics. To allow
Placa to return to his former status before Richard Tollner and others
exposed him would also draw unwanted attention to this child rapist.
Richard Tollner pointed out another reason for the Church’s inaction,
“The Church doesn’t want to bust Alan Placa because guess what?
That would give Alan Placa incentive to pull out some skeletons in
the closet to protect himself. ‘Hey, I was ordered to do this.’ So he
would bring down all of them down…They will say ‘Hey you were our
attorney of record you can’t void privilege.’” So Placa is lucky, he
remains in purgatory when he really belongs in hell. This is where
the court record ends. Placa stiffed the family of an infant he ran
over. What a lowlife!

By 1985 Rudy and Regina’s marriage had failed and Rudy

had married Donna Hanover. This was when Giuliani went on the
down low and had Placa come to the couple’s Upper East Side
apartment for sleepovers where the men would be alone together
after his heterosexual family fell asleep. On June 9, 1985 The New
York Times reported, “At least one night a week, Father Placa, a
former high school and college classmate, will stay over at Giuli-
ani's Upper East Side apartment, and the two often will talk poetry,
theology and politics deep into the night. Giuliani attended Catholic
schools and, for a while, considered entering the priesthood.”

Wayne Barrett reported that a similar situation took place in

Giuliani's youth, “With [Christian Brother] Jack O'Leary Rudy finally
had an opera listening partner. Many nights after dinner the two
would retire to the basement and listen to Rudy's records...It
was O'Leary who helped Rudy found his opera club and served as
its advisor. He also instilled in his emerging erudite pupil an appreci-

ation for Shakespeare and poetry...‘He was terrific’ Rudy said, ‘He
spent a lot of time with me developing interests that I wasn't comfort-
able about. Like reading and opera, things I wouldn't talk to my
friends about because they would think that I was a sissy.’”

Throughout the 1990s into 2001 things went along smoothly

for Placa until his aberrant behavior was brought to light in April
2002. Shoot, his best friend was Mayor of New York City. Placa
waited for the diocese to complete its inquiry. He said that he ex-
pected to be exonerated, which would allow him to return to ministry.
In 2002 Placa began “work” at Giuliani Partners LLC, the “crisis
management” company founded by the ex-Mayor that year, with
several major players in the former Giuliani Administration as its top
executives. Placa’s soul mate had created a three-day a week job for
him there. When first reached by a reporter at Giuliani Partners,
Placa claimed that he was only visiting - a falsehood quickly re-
versed by a firm spokeswoman, Sunny Mindel. Mindel said that
Monsignor Placa had no comment about the abuse claims. Mindel
also declined to specify what Placa does for the firm or how much he
is paid.

Sunny Mindel began her communications career as an adver-

tising copywriter after earning a B.S. degree from the University of
Pennsylvania. Her broadcast experience included reporting on City
Hall for WNYC Television and writing for the woman’s channel
Lifetime Cable Television. In 1996 Sunny Mindel joined the Admin-
istration as Press Secretary for the Department of Information
Technology and Telecommunications. She was Giuliani’s Campaign
Chief Spokesperson and Press Secretary for his 1997 reelection
campaign. She went on to become Deputy Director at the Mayor’s
Office of Emergency Management and in 1999 his Press Secretary.

Currently she is spokesperson for Giuliani Partners. Sunny is the
daughter of Dr. Leo E. Mindel, a deceased dentist and Edith Mindel.
Sunny had two sisters: Helaine Mindel-Menkin of Somerset, N.J.,
and Meg Mindel-Marchese and one brother, Lee Mindel a gay
interior decorator and architect. Sunny was single as of 1988 and
there is no indication that she was, or is married. I have no infor-
mation on her sexual orientation but there is no doubt that having a
brother who is gay made her sympathetic to Giuliani, Peter and Alan.

To handle Placa’s legal problems, Giuliani called upon Mi-

chael D. Hess, his ex-corporation council when he was mayor and
yet another longtime friend of both Giuliani and Placa. At the time
when he became Placa's lawyer, Hess was a senior managing
partner of Giuliani Partners. Michael Hess: "Alan is very upset. [The
allegations that he is a child molester are] totally unfounded, and he
denies it completely…This is truly outrageous. There is nothing to
substantiate anything this character Tollner has said! Like someone
you have not seen in 25 years making this wild allegation that you
did something sexual to them. And then trying to get your employer
to suspend you. It's tragic - with a guy who's been a real community
leader like Alan Placa. He's coming out of the woodwork now. He
never filed a complaint. He never wrote a letter. His parents never
filed a complaint. So [Placa] didn't do anything!” 90 It was not just
Richard Tollner who testified against Placa. There were others.

"I'm not even a human being," Placa said during an interview

at Giuliani Partners, "I'm a monster. And now, in fact, to be told that I
was not a protector, but a predator. That I was a predator because of
the preposterous allegations of abuse lodged against me personally,
and that I was the architect of a policy whose purpose was to deprive
people of their rights and to protect sexual ---- that's heartbreaking.''
As a result of the Statute of Limitations combined with Giuliani’s
influence nothing ever came of this investigation or any investigation
into Placa’s criminal behavior and nothing ever will. 91 When asked
about Placa's exposure as a sexual predator Giuliani stated, "If most
people did half the good that Alan's done, the world would be a
wonderful place. Over the years, people aware of our friendship have

stopped me on the street to tell me that Alan is the finest priest they
have ever known. He has helped thousands of people as a priest, as
a teacher and as a friend."

Giuliani spokesperson Sunny Mindel said that Giuliani "be-

lieves Alan has been unjustly accused." Giuliani knows first hand that
Placa is gay and capable of committing homosexual acts. Rudy
knew Placa was a homosexual since Bishop Laughlin, so he knows
witnesses like Richard Tollner are telling the truth. This is not a case
of misplaced faith. In January 2007 Rudy, Alan and Judy traveled to
Rome together. As of July 2007, he remains on Rudy’s payroll. "He
is currently employed here."

The Placa connection came up often during Rudy’s campaign

for the Republican presidential nomination. It kind of “stuck in his
craw” just as Placa’s penis once did. In October 2007 Giuliani told
the Associated Press that Placa was a longtime friend “in whom he
has a lot of confidence.” Later that month he told protestors in
Milwaukee, "The reality is Alan Placa has been a friend of mine for
30, 38 years, 39 years, I know him really well, he hasn’t been ac-
cused of anything, hasn’t been convicted of anything. We give some
of the worst people in our society presumption of innocence and
benefit of the doubt. And this is more than that. I mean I know the
man. I know who he is. So I support him. It doesn’t mean that I don’t
understand the tremendous grief that people have and anger that
people have. And the tremendous damage that’s done by sexual
abuse. I mean I investigated sexual abuse. I met somebody just a
while ago that was involved in a case that I investigated way back
when I was U.S. attorney that thanked me for the sensitivity with
which we handled the case because they believe it did a service in
helping their child be able to deal with it. I really treasured that. But at
the same time, you know, no matter what the allegations are, people
are given a certain degree of presumption of innocence and benefit
of the doubt and of course I’m going to give that to one of my closest
friends." 92

Then there is the blackmail angle. Golan Cipel, Jim
McGreevey’s sex partner, attempted to shake McGreevey down for
five million dollars in return for his not filing a sexual harassment
complaint against him. Giuliani’s gay former roommate Howard
Koeppel thought McGreevey should have stuck it out, ''I think he
over reacted, Clinton didn't resign because he was having an affair
outside his marriage. We are living in a different world than we were
25 years ago, and it wouldn't have affected McGreevey's chances of
being re-elected if the people thought he had been a good governor.
There are other public officials who are in his situation who aren't
being as honest.'' Is Giuliani one of them? Is Giuliani paying off Placa
on the installment plan with his salary at Giuliani Partners to keep his
mouth shut? What else can Giuliani do? Placa could destroy Giulia-
ni’s political career if Giuliani denounced him. In December 2007
Giuliani stepped down as head Giuliani Partners, after months of
refusing to disclose the firm's clients or the role he played. Giuliani
was replaced as chairman by Peter Powers.

Placa also acted in an "of counsel" capacity to the Diocese's

law firm, most recently known as Spellman Walsh Rice Schure &
Markus, LLP, and was listed as such on the firm's letterhead as of
May 2002.

In late 2005, Placa and his wife Brenda Riordan purchased a pent-
house (PH2S) apartment in the Regatta, a condominium building at
21 South End Avenue in the Battery Park district of Manhattan. This
photo shows Placa leaving the love nest. This is latest in a half-
dozen properties Riordan and Placa have owned in common at
various times since the late 1980s. According to documents filed with
the City of New York, Placa co-owns the 650-square-foot, $550,000
apartment with Riordan. They are cited as "joint tenants with right of
survivorship" in a condominium unit assignment agreement, signed
on December 5, 2005. 93 The New York Times summed it up, "Placa
was never prosecuted, and the complaints were not adjudicated
within the Church." 94 Forget child molestation. Placa should be tried
for the murder of Raymond Trypuc since there is no statute of
limitations on homicide.

In early December 2009 the Catholic Church issued this

press release, “The Most Reverend William Murphy, Bishop of the
Roman Catholic Diocese of Rockville Centre has been informed by
the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in Rome that it has
completed its final review of the status of Rev. Msgr. Alan J. Placa, a
Roman Catholic priest of the Diocese of Rockville Centre. The
Congregation has found him to be not guilty of the allegation of
sexual abuse of a minor which was made against him in June of
2002. When the allegation was made, the Diocese immediately
placed Msgr. Placa on administrative leave of absence. Over the
course of seven and a half years, this case has been subjected to
extraordinary scrutiny including all of the elements required by the
Essential Norms established by the U.S. Conference of Catholic
Bishops in Dallas in 2002. This decision confirms the same decision
which was determined in first instance by the Tribunal of the Diocese
of Albany. The Holy See’s definitive decision completes the canoni-
cal process for Msgr. Placa. This action by the Congregation for the
Doctrine of the Faith renders the decision final and definitive. As a
result of this decision, Msgr. Placa is no longer on administrative
leave and is now permitted to exercise priestly ministry freely in the
Roman Catholic Church. In accordance with the provisions of the
Catholic Church’s Code of Canon Law, we have been instructed by
the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith to restore Msgr. Placa

to ministry and to do what we can to restore his good name. “I thank
the Congregation of the Doctrine of the Faith as well as the Tribunal
of the Diocese of Albany for their work. We will abide by its decision
to return Msgr. Placa to ministry,” said Bishop Murphy. “We hope
that everyone in the diocese will recognize that Msgr. Placa is a
priest in good standing. It is my hope and prayer that this decision
will bring closure and healing. We also ask people of good will to join
us in praying for those who were, in fact, victims of sexual abuse.
Their suffering must never be forgotten.”

Bishop Murphy and Msgr. Placa have agreed that Msgr.

Placa will not be given a diocesan assignment. Msgr. Placa will
reside at St. Aloysius parish, Great Neck. Msgr. Placa’s status is that
of a retired priest in good standing.

Contact: Sean P. Dolan Diocese of Rockville Centre 516-678-

5800, ext. 625 Cell: 516-510-0473

Richard Tollner was not the only individual to make these ac-
cusations and it seems as if the Church only investigated his. If Alan
and Brenda are no longer living together on South End Avenue
perhaps I should place an ad on Craig’s list to help Brenda find a
new gay roommate?


Returning to the Giuliani chronology, Rudy attended NYU

Law School, still a bachelor. In 1968 Giuliani graduated magna cum
laude and went on to clerk for United States District Judge Lloyd
MacMahon. Judge MacMahon had served as a chief assistant
United States attorney in Manhattan from 1953 to 1957. He began
his career by prosecuting communists in the armed services such as
William Perl who had lied under oath about his having attended
Communist Party meetings with Julius Rosenberg. 95 He indicted
Communist Party member Corliss Lamont, author and educator, with
the help of Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin. In 1955 he prosecuted
four Communist Party leaders. In 1955 he successfully prosecuted
the Mafia boss Frank Costello for income-tax evasion, having
carefully examined the tax returns of the jurors to make sure they
had not been bribed. After a whirlwind year prosecuting mobsters
and commies MacMahon went back to private practice and headed
the New Yorker’s for Eisenhower Committee. In 1959 Ike appointed
him to a federal judgeship. In 1961 Judge MacMahon presided over
the conviction of the Bonanno crime family boss Carmine Galante
and many other defendants in a drug-trafficking case. The trial was
marked by the defendants' outrageous behavior. They threw objects
and shouted obscenities, prompting Judge MacMahon to have them
handcuffed, shackled and gagged so that the trial could proceed.
Many judges still view his action as a precedent that has enabled
them to establish control in unruly courtrooms. Judge MacMahon,
who called his assistants and clerks “son,” became a surrogate
father for Giuliani and every son wants to please his father.
MacMahon, a family man with a traditional ultra-conservative Catho-
lic view of things wanted Republican family-type people working for
him. So at this juncture Giuliani needed to do two things – dump any
liberal views he had harbored and produce a family or at least a wife
(a "beard") to fit the profile of a heterosexual family man. Smart
career move: MacMahon would get him his first position with the
Department of Justice. But there was one hitch - the marriage had to
be to someone he could trust with his bisexuality. So he wisely chose
his second cousin Regina Suzan Peruggi (b. September 1946) who
had worked as a counselor in a private drug rehabilitation clinic while
Giuliani finished law school. She was family and could be trusted.
Regina Peruggi's father, Salvatore O. Peruggi 96 and Harold Giuliani
were first cousins: Harold Giuliani’s father Rodolfo (Rudolph)
Giuliani 97 and Salvatore O. Peruggi's mother, Cesarina Peruggi 98
(nee Cesarina Giuliani) were brother and sister. This made Regina &
Rudy second cousins. Regina & Rudy shared vacations as small
children at a summer home Rudy’s grandmother rented in Sound
Beach, Long Island. ''We knew each other forever,'' Peruggi says.
Rudy said he took Peruggi to his high school Junior Prom. He
claimed they were chaperoned by both their fathers, who jointly
drove them to the dance. Did Alan Placa take Rudy-in-full-drag to the
Senior Prom? Placa said that he and Giuliani would sometimes
double date, "After we'd drop off the girls, Rudy and I would spend
hours in the car or walking down the sidewalks, debating ideas:
religion, the problems of the world, what we wanted to be." 99 After
the bogus double date was over Rudy went out on a real date with
his true love, Alan J. Placa!

There was one slight problem with Rudy’s marriage plan -

according to the Catholic Church's 1917 Code of Canon Law (for the
Western/Latin Church) marrying a second cousin was forbidden

without the bishop's special permission (dispensation). Regina &
Rudy never applied for any such dispensation despite the fact that in
the eyes of the Church any sexual relations between them constitut-
ed incest. The Catechism of the Catholic Church states, “Incest
designates intimate relations between relatives or in-laws within a
degree that prohibits marriage between them. St. Paul stigmatizes
this especially grave offense: ‘It is actually reported that there is
immorality among you for a man is living with his father's wife. In the
name of the Lord Jesus you are to deliver this man to Satan for the
destruction of the flesh.’ Incest corrupts family relationships and
marks a regression toward animality.” 100

Helen Giuliani recalled that Placa told them that their con-
sanguinity wouldn't be a problem, but Placa said he never offered
such an assurance. Placa knew about the blood relationship be-
tween Giuliani and Peruggi: "She was always the little cousin. She
was only a few years younger than us but she was always the little
cousin. I dated her before Rudy." Seminary student Placa knew the
marriage was incest, yet did not inform Father James Moriarity, the
priest who performed the marriage, that the bride and groom were
second cousins. Placa said Father Moriarity never asked Rudy and
Peruggi about their blood relationship. Why should he? If any such
matter existed Placa, the best man and a seminary student, would
have informed him.

Regina & Rudy’s childless marriage was a career move and

marriage of convenience not dissimilar to the marriage of Senator
Larry Craig and his former staffer, Suzanne Thompson. The couple
had their first date on Valentine's Day 1980, when Craig was making
his first run for Congress. On June 30, 1982, congressional page
Leroy Williams alleged that he had sex with three House members
when he was 17. Reporters called Craig and told him that he was
one of the congressmen named by Williams. Larry categorically
denied knowing Williams and to save his career, proposed to Su-
zanne six months after the scandal broke, on December 28, 1982.
Suzanne was a particularly good beard because she came with three
children from a previous marriage that Craig adopted. Craig and his

wife had no biological children of their own despite decades of

On October 26, 1968 Rudy & Regina were married at St.

Philip Neri Roman Catholic Church in the Bronx, where the Peruggi’s
had moved to after selling their one-family house in Long Island City
in 1951. 101 Regina attended Roman Catholic Parochial Schools. Her
father was an RCA Victor record salesman, and her mother was a
dancer and a former Rockette. 102 Peruggi had commuted to the
College of New Rochelle, majoring in sociology while living at home.
She and Giuliani were married about a year after her college gradua-
tion. Peruggi entered the workforce as a drug abuse counselor at
Bedford Hills, a woman’s state jail, an occupation often favored by
radical feminists. After this Peruggi worked as a teacher at all levels
of education, then in 1974 joined the City University of New York -
York College For Adult Continuing Education. Peruggi subsequently
moved to Washington, D.C. with Giuliani where she worked at the
Psychiatric Institute of Washington, a private rehab and mental
hospital. In early 1974 they separated but were eventually reunited.
Pat Rufino, who had attended St. Philip Neri Catholic School with
Peruggi, told two reporters in separate interviews years later that
Giuliani dated other women during his marriage. Rufino claimed that
Peruggi had once discovered another woman's jewelry in their
bedroom. (Maybe it belonged to Rudy?) Peruggi was liberated
enough to tolerate Rudy’s sexual relations with Placa but when she
realized that Rudy was involved in other heterosexual relationships
she drew the line and returned to New York City in 1977 estranged
from Giuliani, the man whose secrets she kept. On August 12, 1982
Giuliani filed for legal separation. True to form Peruggi refused to
discuss the marriage: “Everybody has come after me for years on
that. It's not something I want to talk about. I just don't think it's
appropriate to talk about. We were both very young. It was a very
long time ago.”

In 1982 Giuliani obtained a civil divorce from Peruggi. Giuliani

told The New York Times that after his divorce he inquired about a
possible annulment to Alan Placa. According to Giuliani Placa said,

“You were related; you must have gotten a dispensation.” Giuliani
said: “Alan, I don't recall doing that. I don't recall realizing that I had
to get one.” Placa said, “Well, you know, the priest may have gone
ahead and done it anyway.” Not incest but a comedy of errors.
Before this interview with The New York Times Giuliani had refused
to discuss the matter.


Both men knew at the time of the marriage that in order to

make the Rudy & Regina marriage valid in the eyes of the Catholic
Church a papal dispensation had been required and that none was
ever issued. These dispensations were issued routinely but Rudy
and Alan did not want one to be issued in this case as this would
give Rudy a way to have the marriage annulled since the Catholic
Church did not recognize divorce. Giuliani stated, "This has been
painted as, well, something sneaky. But I was under the impression
that we were third cousins because I never calculated the lines of
consanguinity. I can't tell you what Gina thought. I don't think we ever
discussed it in any great detail." 103 So Placa, as previously planned,
got the marriage annulled by pointing out to the Bishop that Giuliani
never got the proper dispensation. As a result a Roman Catholic
Annulment was granted at the end of 1983. Pat Rufino called Giuli-
ani's contention that he miscalculated the lines of consanguinity
"baloney," saying they both knew exactly how close the ties were.
Rufino confirmed that Peruggi, who decided that a divorce was
necessary, had sent a letter of protest about the annulment to the
archdiocese. Richard Peruggi, Regina’s brother, said, “He knew he
was my second cousin." 104 It has been suggested in conservative
blogs that Giuliani divorced Peruggi over the telephone, while she
was undergoing cancer treatments 105 but I can find no independent
confirmation of this.

Peruggi’s lifelong friends, Rudy and Alan, had turned out to

be opportunists and betrayed her. Peruggi’s boss at York College
was James C. Hall Jr. a tall muscular Black Nationalist crackpot. In
1979 Hall was in the middle of his second divorce leaving his wife

and Staten Island home. Hall was the anti-Rudy and Giuliani must
have had a sissy fit when he heard that Regina was going out with
him. Then Peruggi moved in with him without benefit of civil or
religious marriage. The couple first lived at 75 Livingston Street in
Brooklyn, near the Board of Education in a co-op that Hall had
moved into in 1982. Records show in July 1985 they bought a house
together at 249 Lincoln Road in East Flatbush, Brooklyn. I grew up at
50 Lefferts Avenue, one block south of Lincoln Road. Caribbean and
Afro-American criminals had already chased the Jews and Irish out
of the hood. My mother left in 1970. By 1985 East Flatbush had been
destroyed by crack cocaine. I was not happy to see Flatbush Avenue
lined with abandoned buildings and empty stores. When Giuliani
discovered that they had moved a few blocks from the house where
he first grew up, now a crime ridden area, he must have felt as if they
moved there to disrespect him. Despite the fact that Jim was a Black
Nationalist, their home was repeatedly burglarized. Regina was lucky
she wasn’t raped. In 1987 Peruggi purchased apartment 5H at 372
Central Park West, a controversial urban redevelopment project that
threatened to tip Manhattan’s Upper West Side. Peruggi and James
sold the house on Lincoln Road to Dr. Mark Gventer in 1989.
Gventer pleaded guilty to Attempted Grand Larceny in 1991 for
Medicaid fraud. In 1993 the couple lived in a posh doorman building
at 50 Plaza Street off Grand Army Plaza in Park Slope, Brooklyn.
They were together for a total of 12 years yet never married and
produced no children. Hall’s close friend, Solomon Goodrich, the
executor of his will, said the main reason the two never married was
because Jim was scared of reprisals from Rudy. Goodrich character-
izes himself as a socialist. "I think capitalism does not work for the
poor," he said, "and society needs to be reorganized differently so
that the poor will have, if not equality, then equity." In 1993 Goodrich,
who had been divorced since 1970, lived in East Flatbush having
moved there to be close to his five grown children. Goodrich is a
longtime Garveyite. Marcus Garvey was a Jamaican-born Black
nationalist leader who’s Universal Negro Improvement Association
was the most prominent Black Power and Back To Africa organiza-
tion of the 1920s. Although he was a Roman Catholic, Garvey
encouraged his followers to imagine Jesus as Black and to organize

their own church. Hall came out of a Garveyite background. It was
unlikely that anyone in this homophobic milieu was gay. It was also
unlikely that a black separatist would marry a white woman. But I
suppose Hall realized Peruggi was a radical feminist committed to
improving the lives of people of color.

Hall was an ex-Marine with a big mustache who had also

served in the Peace Corps. Born in the Bronx in 1932, he attended
New York University where he received his Bachelor's and Masters
degree in Elementary Education. His Doctorate in School Administra-
tion was also earned at New York University. He studied manage-
ment at Harvard University. Jim Hall first came to public notice when
he was appointed principal of the Mamaroneck Avenue elementary
school on June 11, 1963. His race and age caused a minor uproar in
the Mamaroneck community. From 1972 to 1992 he served as Dean
of Adult and Continuing Education and Vice President for Special
Programs and External Affairs at York College of the City University
of New York. In 1974 Hall started a reading program to aid young
offenders, “These kids [most are male and Black] came to us several
ways including those whose parents had requested aid under the
PINS (Persons In Need of Supervision) program, those who had
been arrested and put on probation for creating trouble in school,
and others who had taken part in mugging and shoplifting. No one
convicted of more extreme crimes was included.” 106 He worked as
Team Evaluator to the Commission on Higher Education of the
Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools. His was ap-
pointed to the New York City Day Care Council, New York State
Department of Insurance Advisory Board and the Consumer Adviso-
ry Council of the New York City Department of Consumer Affairs.

In 1969, with the help of James M. Gibson, Hall wrote Damn

Reading! A Case Against Literacy. This was a self-published book in
which Hall claimed that reading should be replaced by non-verbal
communication such as mental telepathy. Hall and Gibson wrote, “In
order to begin to present A Case Against Reading let us examine
more closely the previously referred to pieces of garbage that we
have fished out of the mainstream of current thought regarding

literacy and its importance in our society. One aspect of the im-
portance of literacy is the relationship between reading success and
overall success in our society. A part of this concerns reading ability
and economic success. It is quite clear that in order to become an
economic success, one must have, generally speaking, a college
education. In order to succeed in college, in fact in order to be
admitted to college, one must of necessity be able to read, and read
rather well...youngsters who do not read, and those who cannot read
well are, in many cases, the ones who are directed (both from inner
feelings and from outward pressure) to remove themselves from the
academic main-stream and to focus on some sort of vocational
training or other kind of job when they leave school…It is amazing
that the greater the pressure on some youngsters to read, the more
likely it is that they will, as a sign of rebellion against some aspect of
the system, fail in the area of greatest importance to society, which
obviously is reading!” Illiterates should be admitted to college be-
cause the only reason they are illiterate is because it is part of their
rebellion against society?

“Another of the major things that disturbs us in relation to

reading is how, in a democratic system, a social and economic caste
system can be maintained when, indeed, lip service is given to the
fact that if everybody is equal under the law, then all have equal
opportunity. It occurs to us that our culture is displaying the most
insidious kinds of behavior that a society has ever displayed. Educa-
tors and many of our nation's leaders tell a group of people - and
unfortunately they usually represent a racial or ethnic minority as well
as social, economic and sociological minority - that it is right to want
to be successful in this society. Legislation is passed, and huge
financial grants are created in order to support these people, or to
support projects to help this segment of the society.

“One of the major focal points in these programs is reading

readiness. Educators are going to develop these people through
Head Start programs, or other kinds of programs, to the point where
they have enough experiences, vocabulary-wise, background-wise,
trip-wise, to learn to read. This indeed is the underlying motive, if not

the stated motive, of many of these projects. We then firmly establish
in the person's mind that reading is the key to success; once they
learn to read, then they'll be like everybody else. They will have
equal opportunity; they too will never have to feel inferior again; they
won't have to hang their heads in shame, or step to the back of the
labor line, or step to the back of the social success line.” Now
reading becomes a plot to hoodwink Blacks and other minorities. If
you stand this reasoning on its head then the way to have equal
opportunity and racial pride is to make sure all Blacks are illiterate.

“Central to our concerns and ideas regarding the future of

reading is the whole question of expanding means of communica-
tion. We have talked a great deal about the development of the
senses as we now know them - the senses of sight, hearing, touch,
listening, talking, and again, whatever sense or nonsense there is in
reading. Many of us (or we should say a few of us) in education have
noticed, without being able to support it scientifically, that there are
other means of communication among humans that are not often
noted…There have been several attempts focused upon working
with non-verbal communication in classrooms by teachers we know.
There have been some exciting successes, though not documented,
kinds of experience that are known to us. In one instance, groups of
children were allowed to transmit information by using what, for lack
of a better word, we will call telepathy…A few teachers that we
know have worked with youngsters in the area of what might be
called extrasensory, or extraordinary perception.

“One could spend countless hours trying to comprehend the

sensory perception developed by the blind, or other handicapped
people. We could go on and explore the many aspects of human
behavior that, unfortunately, are less known to the literate society
and, in many respects, more known to the illiterate society. Perhaps
the illiterate societies have been fortunate, in that they are not
preoccupied with a rather devious device for holding down the further
evolution of man, and they have continued to rely upon the senses,
perceptions, feelings, and other aspects of the human being that, in
a sense, literate people have lost or are not developing…And,

possibly, society has neglected, at the risk of hurting man perma-
nently, his further evolution, his development, his education in the
utilization of himself as a tool and a total being, intellectually, physi-
cally, spiritually, psychologically, sensually, or any other way includ-
ing the whole field of E.S.P.

“Another example of an area that has implications for educa-

tion resides in experiments that show, at least in animals, that the
ability to learn is dramatically increased by increasing the number of
negative ions in the atmosphere in which the animals live…Thus, it
might be possible to charge up the learner by having him immersed
in an atmosphere containing a high count of negative ions. We
definitely think that this is an important concept for future educational
environments and techniques for increasing learning readiness.”

Hall wanted to replace Operation Head Start with mental te-

lepathy sessions and a high count of negative ions. Regina went
from being married to Giuliani to this half-baked crackpot. This does
not bespeak well of Rudy and corroborates the notion that Regina’s
marriage to him was one of convenience. Other Hall works include A
Charge Against Separatism in the journal of the Adult Student
Personnel Association in 1974.

In the late 1970’s Hall and Solomon Goodrich held twelve

community organizations together which formed the Southern
Queens Park Association. Hall traveled extensively in Africa, India,
Europe and the Caribbean. He was an avid sailor, cook and cartoon-
ist. In 1992 he wrote Perspectives in Adult Literacy, Adult and
Continuing Education. Hall died of a heart attack while on a trip to
Maine with Peruggi on August 15, 1992. Despite his belief that
Blacks are better off illiterate Hall has an organization named after
him: The James C. Hall, Jr. Family Child Care Network at York
College. Numerous awards are given in his honor.

Peruggi, who was director of the City College of New York lit-
eracy project, had a different take on things, “We've found that

students feel really good about going to a college campus. Lots of
adults find it a dignifying experience to be going to a college even
though they are nonreaders or low-level readers. All they have to say
is 'I'm going to college,' not 'I'm learning how to read.''' Peruggi
became president of Marymount Manhattan College from 1990 to
2001 then became the Director of The Central Park Conservancy.
Peruggi was paid $290,000 for her work in the year ending June
2002. She is now President of Kingsborough Community College
and has formed a group to finance educational programs at Bedford
Hills prison for women. She also served on the Silver Shield Founda-
tion along with the top brass of the NYPD, to compensate the
widows of policemen killed in the line of duty. Dr. Peruggi lives in a
two-bedroom apartment on Sutton Place South. In May 1991 The
New York Times reported, “At the moment, she is not seeing any-
one.” In 2003 Peruggi attended a benefit for the New York City
Central Park Conservancy accompanied by Anna Quindlin, a col-
umnist who is a staunch advocate of the right of lesbian couples to
adopt children.

As a Reagan Administration associate attorney general in

1982, Giuliani hired Attorney Gregory Baldwin, a bisexual assistant
U.S. attorney for Miami who had been fired by the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee, whose chairman said he posed a security risk.
From 1980 to 1982 Baldwin was Assistant Counsel to the United
States Senate Permanent Sub-Committee on Investigations, where

he was responsible for preparing and conducting Congressional
investigations and hearings on a variety of subjects.

Coming out of the closet had lost Baldwin his job on the Sen-
ate Intelligence Committee. Its chairman and the CIA said he was a
security risk, under post-World War II policy, because he could be
blackmailed. A colleague helped him land a temporary job as an
assistant U.S. attorney in Miami, Baldwin said, but when the U.S.
attorney there learned about his sexual orientation, he moved
Baldwin from narcotics to money-laundering cases. Baldwin wanted
the job to be permanent and needed a security clearance. The FBI
vetted him. He flew to Washington for a grilling. "It finally dawned on
me, I was the first one," Baldwin said. "I wasn't trying to prove a
political point or further the cause. I was just looking for a job." A
1982 memo alerted associate attorney general Giuliani about the
wounded Vietnam War vet who had been awarded the Purple Heart.
It stated that Baldwin was a divorced father of two, top attorney and
"admitted homosexual." Giuliani asked Justice Department legal
counsel Theodore Olson for an opinion. Olson sent back a memo
citing 1960s lawsuits, a 1975 federal personnel code and a new
policy on security clearances. He said Baldwin could not be denied a
job, unless being gay affected his ability to do the job, and that
Baldwin likely could win a lawsuit if he were not hired. Olson gave
Giuliani an out: Hiring a practicing homosexual would indicate
disrespect for Florida's anti-sodomy law, putting the Justice Depart-
ment in an awkward spot. But Giuliani made sure Baldwin got the
job. 107 Between 1982 and 1986 Baldwin served as Assistant United
States Attorney in Miami, Florida, in both the civil forfeiture division
and in Operation Greenback, the first federal multi-agency anti-
money laundering task force in the United States. Baldwin was
responsible for the first criminal prosecution of a bank for violation of
the Bank Secrecy Act, as well as successful civil forfeitures totaling
over $15 million of narcotics-related cash and other assets. He
served as the Chief of Operation Greenback in 1985 and 1986.
Baldwin joined the law firm of Holland & Knight in 1986, and was
made a partner in 1989.


DONNA HANOVER: In 1983 Giuliani was appointed US At-

torney for the Southern District of New York. After co-habiting with
her for two years on April 15, 1984 Giuliani married Donna Ann
Kofnovec the oldest of four girls, born on February 13, 1950 in
Oakland, California, into a Roman Catholic family. Her parents are
Robert G. Kofnovec, a United States Navy officer who retired as a
Lieutenant Commander then became an engineer at Lockheed, and
Gwendolyn Dolores Kofnovec. The Giuliani’s had two children,
Andrew Giuliani (b. 1985) and Caroline Giuliani (b. 1989). Wayne
Barrett reported: "Placa...not only stewarded Rudy's annulment
through the proper channels; he also claims to have arranged an
annulment of Donna's previous marriage to Stanley Hanover. The
marriage tribunal was just a few doors down the hall from Placa's
office at the diocese of Rockville Center on Long Island."108 Kofnovec
and Hanover both were Catholic.
Pharmaceutical commercials on television flog Restless Leg
Syndrome medication. Rudy suffered from Restless Dick Syndrome.
In 1994 Cristyne Lategano became Rudy’s mistress. My guess is
that she gave him what feminist Donna Hanover would not – oral
sex. That of course is conjecture but it is a known fact that in 1994 at
age 53, Giuliani and his communications director, Cristyne
Lategano, 109 22 years his younger, began to date and engage in
adulterous sexual relations. Lategano had become Giuliani's com-
munications director with limited journalistic experience. After gradu-
ating from Rutgers University in 1987 she worked for a
congresswoman then for the Republican National Committee. In
1992 she worked for George Bush's New Jersey re-election cam-
paign before joining the Giuliani mayoral campaign in 1993. When
she first joined the Giuliani Administration NYPD spokesperson John
Miller and Lategano spent part of the summer together making love
in the Hamptons. In Manhattan she frequented a now-defunct bar
called Hogs and Heifers where the clientele was primarily college
students and bikers. It was known for its collection of bras from
women who took them off while dancing on the bar. Newsday's
Leonard Levitt reported, “Giuliani may be deep into defending the
police for buttoning up the nightspot Hogs and Heifers - known for
female celebrities dancing bra-less atop its bar - because it lacks a
cabaret license. He may not be aware that his communications
director, Cristyne Lategano, performed there. But it's not as bad as it
sounds. First, Lategano, wearing a button-down shirt, pulled her bra
off through her sleeve and, as a viewer told Newsday, ‘didn't show
anything.’ Second, the incident occurred in 1994, a year before her
basement office was connected to the mayor's by a hidden pas-

Levitt first outed Giuliani’s adultery. He reported three former

top police officials “recalled John Miller's appearing at City Hall in the
fall of 1994 and Lategano's running out of her office to embrace him
while Giuliani watched in stony silence. By the beginning of 1995,
however, Miller had cooled toward her. It was then, say Miller's
friends and police sources that she turned toward the mayor.” In
1995 in his column One Police Plaza Levitt reported: “Lategano is

also responsible for Giuliani's public scheduling and ‘more or less’
schedules herself to accompany the mayor to evening functions, she
said. Her promotion also merited a newly converted basement
office that is connected to the mayor's office through an inner
door. Three days before her promotion, an article in New York
Newsday reported the mayor shopping with Lategano for a dress on
a Sunday afternoon. In the past two months the mayor's wife, Donna
Hanover Giuliani, has begun appearing more often in public with the
mayor, though Lategano in an interview that it was ‘absolutely
ridiculous to make a correlation’ between Hanover's increased
appearances and the article.”

Leonard Levitt described this door as a “basement office

connected to the mayor's by a hidden passageway.” I asked Levitt
to elaborate on the hidden passageway: “A.J., I'll be damned but I
just don't remember. I think now it may have been an inner door
because Giuliani also had a basement office as well as his upstairs
one. But guys swore to me there was a staircase connecting it to his
one above. Unfortunately, it was only described to me. I never was
permitted to see it.”

Urban legend has it that Donna Hanover caught the two in

flagrante delicto on Giuliani’s desk. According to the blogs, “On
father's day, Donna Hanover was wondering where the father of her
children were? So she goes to City Hall, and lo and behold, finds him
dick deep in Lategano, banging her on the mayoral desk” or “But
then, for one Father's Day, Hanover, wondering where her husband
was, rolled down to City Hall, where she caught him dick deep in
Lategano, according to widely acknowledged rumors.” Giuliani was
an experienced old reprobate and there was no way he would give
her the opportunity to walk in on him. If any office hanky-panky went
down it would be in Lategano’s office. Wayne Barrett presented a
more credible scenario: “In June 1995 tension exploded when
Giuliani disappeared for most of Father’s Day. He did one press
event that morning and when reporters asked what else he had
planned for the day he said he was going back to the mansion to
play ball with Andrew. One reporter went back to City Hall, however,

and saw Rudy and Lategano arrive and head to the downstairs suite.
Three hours later they were still there. Bruce Teitelbaum, another
mayoral aide, was upstairs in an office and the reporter later asked if
he knew what Lategano and the mayor were doing. Teitelbaum put
his hand up as if to bar the question, smiled and said, ‘I don’t know.’
The reporter finally left. An enraged Donna drove there demanding to
see her husband. According to news accounts published two years
later Giuliani aides kept her in a side office. When he finally came
upstairs to leave the husband and wife who had so publicly an-
nounced their affection sixteen months earlier on the same City Hall
steps came apart as couple.”

Lategano’s income rose from a $77,000-a-year press secre-

tary to a $140,000-a-year communications director, a position that
Giuliani invented for her. What new position did she invent for Rudy?
But all good things must come to an end and Levitt reported, “No
more late-night dinners with a bottle of red wine at table 40 at Jim
McMullen's restaurant with communications director Cristyne... That
had been Mayor Rudolph Giuliani's style until news reports said he
was spending most waking hours with Lategano. Now, say sources
close to his security detail, after his official nightly functions end, the
mayor goes directly home for dinner at Gracie Mansion.”

A September 1997 Vanity Fair article, written by reporter

Jennet Conant, cited unnamed former aides to the mayor as corrob-
oration of the earlier reports. She wrote that aides overheard
"screaming fights" at Gracie Mansion when the mayor and Hanover
were there together. New York One Newsman Dominic Carter
confronted Giuliani about these rumors. He was told, "If you had any
decency you wouldn't ask that question. No I'm not [having an affair]
but it's really outrageous that you ask it." Giuliani was committing
adultery – a Cardinal sin: “Sins of natural sex (fornication and
adultery) and unnatural (sodomy and bestiality).” With Donna Hano-
ver looking like Donna Pushover, Lategano-dumping time had come,
and “better lategano than never.” Levitt reported, “When she left in
May 1999, the mayor placed her in her current $150,000 job with

NYC & Company, formerly the Convention and Visitors Bureau, a
quasi-city agency. She replaced former Liberal Party honcho Fran
Reiter, whose contract had been bought out for an undisclosed sum.”
Giuliani paid her well to keep her mouth shut about their sexual
relationship. 110 Despite her image in the press as a cuckolded wife,
Donna stuck it out with Rudy, perhaps for the sake of her children.
Donna referred to Lategano when she stated before cameras: "For
several years it was difficult to participate in Rudy's public life be-
cause of his relationship with one staff member. Beginning last May,
I made a major effort to bring us back together. Rudy and I re-
established some of our personal intimacy through the fall. At that
point he chose another path." Richard Tollner reported that Donna
believed that there was something strange about her husband’s
relationship with Placa, “The thing is only through the grapevine so it
is hearsay but one of his ex-girlfriends thinks that Placa had a lot of
control over him and she was surprised to find that much control.”

STICIA: In 1999 Judith Ann Stish (changed from Sticia) a

busty Italian-Polish pharmaceutical saleswoman who had converted
to Presbyterianism came into Rudy’s life. Her religion didn’t matter
since The New York Times reported Rudy did not regularly attend
church. 111 In October 2007 Giuliani stated, “I believe in God, I pray
and ask him for help. I pray like a lawyer. I try to make a deal: ‘Get
me out of this jam, and I’ll start going back to church.’” Stish attended
a two-year nursing school and lacked a college degree. She picked
up Giuliani in spring 1999 in a Manhattan cigar bar. At the time Stish
was living with Manos Zacharioudakis, a clinical psychologist at
Woodhull Hospital in Bedford-Stuyvesant, nine years her junior, who
she picked up while she was peddling anti-psychotic drugs. They
lived with her adopted daughter in a one-bedroom apartment at 136
East 55th Street in Manhattan. Stish had been married twice before,
to Jeffrey Scott Ross and to Bruce Nathan, who she called, “Jew
boy” when he couldn’t afford her maintenance fee. Reverting to
1950’s Brooklyn vernacular, “Stish was like the revolving door at
Macy’s – everyone had been in and out of her at least once.”
Zacharioudakis field was STDs and he was the author of a


paper entitled, “the issues that the psychotherapist is likely to have to

deal with in treating patients with genital herpes.” Good person to
have around for a promiscuous woman like Stish but Zacharioudakis
returned to Greece in 2004 with his girlfriend. Stish worked for U.S.
Surgical Supply, a company that tested surgical devices on baby
dogs, often called puppies. U.S. Surgical demonstrations on hun-
dreds of dogs each year through the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s were
done to boost sales, not for medical research or testing. The dogs
were either put to death following the sales demonstrations because
they couldn’t recover from them, or they die during them. Rudy’s
campaign staff could have put together a poster based on a variation
of the famous National Lampoon cover that had a photo of a revolver
pointed at a puppy’s head with the caption, “If you don’t buy this
magazine we’ll kill this dog.” Its caption could have read, “If you don’t
vote for Rudy, Judy will kill this dog.”

When she hooked Giuliani, the Mayor was in the tail end of
his liaison with Lategano, and was on the rebound. The New York
Post reported that Giuliani began to spend his weekends accompa-
nied by a detail of detectives in Southampton, where Judith owned a
condominium. 112 The taxpayers footed the bill for this. They also

frequented the Office of Emergency Management bunker at 7 World
Trade Center. 113 Since he had until then always accounted for his
weekends, says Wayne Barrett, "his press office started telling
reporters, 'He's teaching Andrew how to play golf.' Now, Andrew's
old enough to understand; he has to be aware that his father used
him as a beard!" This fits Giuliani’s modus operandi.

Stish was at Rudy’s side when Rudy was diagnosed with

prostate cancer in 2001. Alan Placa told The New York Times, ''All of
a sudden, those three things came crashing down at once. His
health fails, his family life is shaken, he has to make a decision as to
how he will relate to the body politic, to society. It's been a dramati-
cally challenging time.'' In April 2001 Giuliani’s friend and divorce
lawyer, Raoul Felder, acting on his instructions, announced that
Rudy’s radiation treatments for prostate cancer had for the past year
left him impotent, making adulterous sex with his companion, Judith
Nathan, impossible. Investigators at the M. D. Anderson Cancer
Center found that 85% of 1,236 patients treated for prostate cancer
reported having erectile dysfunction after their treatment ended. Only
13% of the men said they had firm and reliable erections spontane-
ously, and while many patients tried such erectile dysfunction
treatments as Viagra, penile injections, vacuum devices and penile
prostheses, only 8% regained near-normal erections with their
use. 114

In 2002 Rudy and Donna were history. Instead of informing

his wife that he was seeking a divorce, Donna learned about it on the
6 O’clock News. In May of 2003 Giuliani returned to Gracie Mansion,
the official residence of New York's mayor, for a lavish ceremony to
marry Her Majesty the Bimbo Stish. It is the general consensus of
the liberal press that Giuliani reached a new low with Stish. After the
Florida primary the University of Virginia Center for Politics blamed
Stish for Rudy’s loss. 115 Donna Hanover and her kids despised her.
To get even for her home wrecking Rudy’s daughter Caroline, 18,
endorsed Barak Obama. Andrew refused to help his father campaign
for the Republican presidential nomination just as Donna refused.
Neither was any of the three to be seen through out Rudy’s short-

lived presidential campaign. Andrew Giuliani, 21, told The New York
Times about the problem in pleasant terms. In reality he probably
wants to go after Judy with one of his golf clubs. But Giuliani’s other
wife, Howard Koeppel gave the Stish / Giuliani relationship his
blessing: ''Judy loves him very much and he loves her. I don't think
you could live with him for 10 minutes, but she really worships him.
He's not the easiest person in the world. That's just the way he is
and that's why we all love Rudy. He takes no prisoners. But he's
lovable.'' When asked about all of this discord Giuliani responded, "I
love my family very, very much and will do anything for them. There
are complexities in every family in America, the best thing I can say
is kind of, leave my family alone, just like I'll leave your family alone."
It came off as a threat. None-the-less Giuliani used his family or
what’s left of it – namely Stish - to reinforce his heterosexual image,
one that he himself is unsure of because of prior homosexual activi-
ty. Giuliani took a cell phone call from Stish during a speech he was
giving to the NRA: "Let's see now. This is my wife calling ... Hello
dear. I'm talking to the members of the NRA right now. Would you
like to say hello? I love you -- and I'll give you a call as soon as I'm
finished. OK? OK, have a safe trip. Bye, bye ... Talk to you later,
dear. I love you." In late August 2001 after a judge ruled that Giuliani
could not bring Stish to Gracie Mansion while his wife and children
were living there Giuliani and his bodyguard vacated the mayoral
mansion to become roommates with two homosexuals, Howard
Koeppel and Mark Hsiao.


Howard A. Koeppel was born on March 30, 1937, at Kings Highway

Hospital, Flatbush, in Brooklyn, New York. His mother died of cancer
when he was 9. He graduated from James J. Madison High School
in 1955 then attended United States Military Academy at West Point,
1956 to 1957. For some reason he did not last too long at this all-
male academy. 116 Koeppel took over an automobile dealership
business from his father, Nathan, who was once a leader of the
Kings Highway Democratic Club. Nat, who died in 1977, was one of
the first Jews greedy and slimy enough to sell German automobiles
after World War II. Howard Koeppel, himself a former Democrat, met
then-U.S. Attorney Giuliani in 1989. In 1989 Giuliani expressed his
support for a gay rights bill. Howie was so impressed with the man
that he switched parties and helped elect him New York mayor in
1993. Howard’s close relationship with Giuliani surfaced in the press
in September 1993 when Koeppel withdrew about $50,000 worth of
commercials for his Infiniti, Mitsubishi and Nissan auto dealerships in
Queens from cable TV station New York 1. Koeppel complained that
the channel's coverage was biased in favor of Mayor David N.
Dinkins. By 1996 Howard had already been made an honorary
Police Commissioner and an honorary Deputy Fire Commissioner.
During a funeral for a fallen firefighter that year the pushy Koeppel
made the mistake of trying to sit in the front pew, a spot reserved for
the mayor and real police brass. Department Chief Louis R. Anemo-
ne cursed him out. Koeppel must’ve felt he was the Mayor’s wife and
wanted to sit next to him and hold his hand.

By January 1999 Koeppel, who had become a top fund-raiser

for Mayor Giuliani -- as well as possibly the Mayor's paramour, held a
dinner for him on the St. Regis Roof. Koeppel told The New York
Times, ''I can't sell anything I don't believe in, be it cars or people in
public office.'' Howard’s guests paid $1,500 for the privilege of eating
with Giuliani. ''Why don't we smoke a cigar together later?'' Giuliani
said to Koeppel. In a post-dinner party, Giuliani and Koeppel sucked
on phallic cigars and drank cognac. By midnight, Giuliani, Koeppel
and his domestic life partner Mark Hsiao were the only ones left; the
Mayor's chauffeur drove them all home. Mark Hsiao had been the
64-year-old Jewish Queen ('s) car dealer’s 41-year-old partner for
the last 10 years. Koeppel and Hsiao are registered domestic
partners, but due to the age difference Hsiao is more like his hairless
houseboy. "Even though he's a devout Catholic, Rudy doesn't see us
as a gay Jew and a gay Chinese guy," Koeppel says. "He's never
said to me: 'Couldn't you find a nice Jewish man?' Something my
own relatives might have said."

Koeppel and the Gay Mafia got Hsiao some plum positions:
Hsiao was a deputy director of the New York City Department of
Transportation, managing construction and street-closing permit
operations. When Mayor Giuliani declared June 18, 2001 “Out In
Government Day” Judy Ramos of the Department of Transportation
accepted an award. 117 He was also an administrator for the Depart-
ment of Cultural Affairs and deputy director of the city's Art Commis-
sion. ''Mark's jobs had nothing to do with my fund-raising,'' Koeppel
said when asked if patronage played a role in Hsiao's hiring. ''Mark
got these positions on his own initiative and on his own merits, and
he works hard at what he does.''

Koeppel said he was drawn to Giuliani's anti-crime platform

because automobile break-ins and thefts by Blacks and other
minority groups were cutting into sales at his three car dealerships
on Northern Boulevard. A Blackman allegedly shot at Koeppel during

a robbery attempt. It was outside one of his dealerships in 1992 that
he opened the door of his Infiniti and was met by a man who had
leaped from a white Lexus. Brandishing a .45 automatic, the man
demanded his Rolex watch. Koeppel told the police that although he
handed over the watch and $40, the robber threatened to kill him,
then fired and missed. Koeppel, who had received a Police Depart-
ment gun permit in the early 1970s, said he fired his own .38 Smith &
Wesson at the mugger as he fled in the Lexus, which was driven by
another man. ''I was very lucky,'' Koeppel said, ''but I think I got him.''
The police later found the car, abandoned, with blood in the front
seat. Aside from the fact both men disliked African-Americans I
suspect that Koeppel was also drawn to Giuliani because sensed the
fact that Giuliani was bisexual.

Since 1989 Koeppel contributed at least $22,000 to Giuliani's

campaigns. Koeppel has also raised hundreds of thousands of
dollars from others. For the 1997 campaign he brought in $170,160
from individual donors, mostly his friends and business acquaintanc-
es, making him the Mayor's leading fund-raiser bundler. Koeppel
threw the weight of the Gay Mafia behind Giuliani. The take from the
event at the St. Regis, was over $400,000. The New York Times
reported that Howard was connected to a series of illegal campaign
contributions. 118 In 1997, the city's Campaign Finance Board ordered
the Giuliani campaign to return several thousand dollars that
Koeppel had raised. The New York Times reported that there were
times when Howard and Rudy danced together and had an intimate
moment without Rudy’s security detail, “Howard Koeppel has also
informally advised the Mayor on gay-rights issues, including the
domestic-partnership law signed last summer. How else to explain
the impulse that led Mr. Giuliani to give Mr. Koeppel a tango lesson
one day in Gracie Mansion? The moment is memorialized in a
picture on Mr. Koeppel's office wall. Or that night in September 1996
when the Mayor gleefully took Mr. Koeppel up on his suggestion that
Mr. Giuliani drive the 100 miles back to Gracie Mansion from a
Southampton fund-raiser in a 1935 red Ford street hot rod, valued at
$30,000. ‘It was a Jewish hot rod,’ Mr. Koeppel said, ‘with power
windows, air-conditioning and a CD player. It's not bad enough that

Rudy is blasting opera the whole way,’ he added, deadpan, ‘but he's
explaining all about opera the whole way.’''

A pattern is emerging. Remember the double dates with

Placa after which they would go for a drive together? Giuliani again
puts himself in a situation where he is alone with another gay man.
There is no denying that these men were tight. Just how tight re-
mains to be seen. Koeppel has been a fixture at Giuliani's tightly
restricted election-night gatherings, including the one in the 44th-
floor suite of the New York Hilton November 3, 1998. Koeppel and
Hsiao have attended the opera with the Mayor and Donna Hanover
on several New Year's Eves, and Koeppel has gone to baseball
games with Giuliani and his son, Andrew. ''Why would he take Mark
and me into his family, with his kids, if he had any prejudice?''
Koeppel asked. Koeppel occupied Giuliani’s seat as chairman of the
Mayor's Committee on City Marshals, represented the Mayor on
Carnegie Hall's board and was a member of the Taxi and Limousine
Commission's advisory board. All were unpaid posts. In May 2001
Howard Koeppel, Judith Nathan and several friends including Raoul
L. Felder, the mayor's divorce lawyer, would meet for dinner each
Sunday. In June 2001 Giuliani hosted a reception at Gracie mansion
in honor of New York City's lesbian and gay community and pro-
claimed June Lesbian and Gay Pride and History Month. "It would be
impossible to imagine modern New York without the enormous
contributions gays and lesbians have made to every aspect of life in
our City. New York would not be the Capital of the World -- the top
city for business, technology, academia, fashion, theater, the culinary
arts, the visual arts and a whole range of other human pursuits --
without the presence of our gay and lesbian community. The talent
and energy of this community will be an essential element of our
City's continued growth,” said Giuliani. 119 On August 14, 2001

Koeppel and Giuliani attended a concert in Central Park af-

terwards getting together at Koeppel’s home. After 9/11 this was the
residence Giuliani returned to. It was from this milieu that the deci-
sions regarding 9/11 were made: The two homosexual and one

bisexual roommate lived in a decadent three-bedroom, five-bath
apartment furnished with Chagall paintings and a life-size David
statue at 303 East 57th Street. Mark and Howie have left this apart-
ment and moved to 10 West Street in Battery Park in case there are
any cat burglars reading this who know a fence that can move some
Chagall originals. While he lived on East 57th Giuliani kissed both
new roommates on the cheek. "It's an Italian thing," explained
Koeppel. Hsiao hinted: "It's also a gay thing."

"I taught him a lot of expressionism, Koeppel told New York

Times reporter Frank Rich. “He didn't know what a Friend of Dorothy
was.” A friend of Dorothy was a covert way of saying someone was
gay. Frank Rich asked Koeppel: “Is it unexpected that Rudolph
Giuliani would be staying with an openly gay couple?” ''I don't know if
it's any more unusual than him wearing a dress. It is like The Odd
Couple, When Rudy leaves after breakfast, I ask, 'What time are you
coming home?' and he calls me Mother. Gay people are very clean,
but Rudy is very clean, too. He makes his own bed. We have a lot of
fun with it; I kid Rudy sometimes. I say, listen, if this thing doesn't
work out now with Judith -- whom we're very fond of -- don't you think
you've had enough? Why don't you come over to our side? And he
said, you guys have an idyllic life -- you're very happy. He said, 'I'll
have to think about it.' He doesn't have any problems with it -- his
only one is with Donna. He doesn't have any hang-ups socially. I
think the fact that we have such a good relationship makes him more
comfortable. About four weeks ago I started venting to Rudy about

Mark's fetish about pillows. I took him to our bed, which has about 20
pillows. He told me to calm down. He said, 'You can't get upset about
things like this. You have trouble with pillows -- just imagine what I'm
going through each day. You're so lucky to have someone like Mark.'
Rudy got me so chilled out. He did tell us that if they ever legalized
gay marriages, we would be the first one he would do. As far as I'm
concerned he could stay here forever, I could listen to him all day
and not be bored with him -- not that I agree with everything he says.
That's how much I enjoy having him around. Actually, I love him. It's
not sexual - it's just mental. I have my preferences, and I don't find
him attractive at all [It’s not that Rudy is not gay, its just that he
doesn’t turn me on. Look for a bulge in Koeppel’s pants the next time
he appears in public with Rudy – if there is a next time].

“I say, listen, if this thing doesn't work out now with Judith --
whom we're very fond of -- don't you think you've had enough? Why
don't you come over to our side?” Many a true word is said in jest.
“He did tell us that if they ever legalized gay marriages, we would be
the first one he would do.”

The New York media reported, Giuliani Would Marry Gay

Couple if Gay Marriages Were Legalized. Now Giuliani's campaign
website states, ‘Rudy Giuliani believes marriage is between a man
and a woman. He does not - and has never - supported gay mar-
riage.’ Giuliani made it clear he disagrees with Bush's proposal to
rewrite the Constitution to outlaw gays and lesbians from tying the
knot. “I don't think it's ripe for decision at this point,” he said on
NBC's Meet the Press “I certainly wouldn't support [a ban] at this
time.” Although Rudy may grudgingly say he doesn't support gay
marriage (and it would be political suicide for him to do otherwise), in
reality he is all for it. 120

Giuliani equivocated when he appeared on a later edition of

Meet The Press and was asked if he believed homosexuality was
sinful, “My, my, my, no, I don't believe it's sinful. My, my moral views
on this come from the, you know, from the Catholic Church, and I
believe that homosexuality, heterosexuality as a, as a way that

somebody leads their life is not, isn't sinful. It's the acts, it's the
various acts that people perform that are sinful, not the, not the
orientation that they have.” Homosexuality isn’t sinful but homosexu-
al acts are. But how can you be a homosexual without engaging in
homosexual acts?

“The Mayor is proud to be Howard’s friend,” said Cristyne F.

Lategano, “and values his friendship so much he likes to keep that
private.'' Howard Koeppel was credited with getting Giuliani to
address the 1996 fund-raising dinner of the Empire State Pride
Agenda, a bipartisan, 5,000-member group that supported David N.
Dinkins for mayor in 1993. ''Howard felt that the Mayor would be well
received at Empire State Pride Agenda, and indeed he was,'' the
Mayor’s Chief of Staff Randy Mastro said. ''Howard was very effec-
tive in going to the gay community to show them that Rudy was their
person as well [as Dinkins],'' said Peter Powers. Giuliani was heckled
during this speech when a man yelled out, “What about our school
children?” Giuliani repeated, “What about our school children?” and
the heckler responded, “Let’s teach them with the Rainbow Curricu-
lum.” The Rainbow Curriculum contained reading material such as
Heather Had Two Mommies as recommended reading for very
young minds. A gay man was telling Giuliani, who they believed was
a “breeder” as gays term heterosexuals, that he must indoctrinate
children the gay way and not in the way of the child’s parents. The
chicken hawks were coming home to roost. Giuliani was flustered,
“Now there are things we disagree about and it makes, actually,
actually, if you were to tell me what you disagreed with me about I
would not hiss you or boo you I would listen to you.” 121 Giuliani didn’t
ask him, “Do you have children in the public school system?” He was
willing to listen; he was conciliatory and refused to tell this man off.

Gay activist Jeff Soref stated, ''Rudy and Howard and Mark
go to baseball games together, they go to the opera, [Giuliani and
Hsiao are both ardent opera buffs and if Mark Hsiao had attended
Bishop Laughlin he no doubt would have joined the Opera Club with
Placa, Rudy and Powers] and Mark gets called to play piano for
dinners.'' So Rudy is tight with three conservative gays, Howard,

Mark and Alan. But just how tight? Up the kazoo tight? Mark and
Howie double-dated with the mayor and Donna Hanover on New
Year's Eve. Alan Placa and Rudy also double dated. Again a pattern
is emerging. Little birds of a feather like flock together.

In May 2009 Howard Koeppel and Mark A. Hsiao, who had

met in a gay bar, were married at the home of their friends Jeff Soref
and Paul Lombardi in Westport, Connecticut. Mary C. Pugh, a justice
of the peace in Norwalk, Connecticut, officiated. Mr. Soref, an expert
on Asian art, organized Lincoln Center’s first salute to Gay Pride
benefit as part of New York City’s celebration of Gay Pride Week and
he is a past Co-Chair of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force
and the Empire State Pride Agenda. From 1991-1994, he was also
President of the Board of Directors of the Gay Men's Health Crisis.
The couple invited Rudy, but the former Mayor did not attend the
ceremony. There was some speculation in the media that this was
because Rudy was planning to run for either Governor or Senator
from New York as a Republican opposed to gay marriage. In Octo-
ber 2009 an article appeared in the Villager quoting this author as
saying, “I have books left in case he decides to make a run. I’m
going to send them out to the whole Republican National Committee
so they will know who they are dealing with. In December 2009 it
was announced that Rudy had taken a job as a security consultant
for 2014 Rio Janeiro Olympic Games and was retiring from politics.
Not only did Rudy know how to give head, he knew how to quit when
he was ahead.

In April 1992 Giuliani and several New York City Republican
elected officials joined with the Tri-State Republican Log Cabin Club,
to call on the State Senate to immediately pass the Bias-Related
Crime Bill. In 1993 Giuliani marched in the Gay Pride Parade with
the Log Cabin Republicans and wrote this to the Senate Majority
Leader, “I am writing to convey my support for the current legislation
to prohibit discrimination against gays and lesbians, and to urge you
to allow the bill onto the floor of the Senate for prompt action.” In
September 1999 Giuliani gave the keynote address at the annual
leadership conference of the Log Cabin Republicans. The Village
Voice reported, "It was the most supportive gesture that any Repub-
lican politician has ever made toward gays and lesbians."


According to The New York Times, Giuliani attended every

gay pride parade in New York during his eight years as mayor. The
most notable was in 1992, during his first run for mayor, when he

took part in a pride parade that included a contingent of child molest-

ers marching behind a banner for NAMBLA. Giuliani marched just
behind the NAMBLA float. Ray Kerrison of the New York Post wrote
that his “unseemly hustle for the homosexual vote marks his collapse

as a credible public figure.” In June 1994 Giuliani delivered a formal
welcoming speech at the Gay Games. “This is exactly the kind of
event the Mayor of New York is always going to participate in,” said
Deputy Mayor Fran Reiter. Later in June 1994 an interview with
Giuliani was featured on the cover of The Advocate, a national gay
and lesbian news magazine. The interview was in reaction to a
statement made by the Reverend Ruben Diaz who stated that the
Gay Games and Stonewall commemoration would increase the
spread of AIDS. At first Giuliani said he disagreed with Diaz but
respected him because his ideas were “based on a moral theology
developed over thousands of years.” In the Advocate interview
Giuliani changed his tune, “What Reverend Diaz said was wrong,
incorrect and spreading rather than combating misperceptions about
gays and lesbians. I think that Gay Games and Stonewall will do
exactly the opposite of what Rev. Diaz is saying by reducing stereo-
types about gay people. That will make New York City a better

In late June 1994 gay men and lesbians marched to cele-

brate the anniversary of the Gay Pride Movement that began in 1969
at a sleazy Mafia-owned “private club” called The Stonewall Inn in
Greenwich Village. On the night of June 27, 1969 police raided the
Stonewall, armed with a search warrant to investigate the illegal sale
of alcohol to minors. The staff, as well as three drag queens and two
male-to-female transsexuals were detained. The gay, lesbian,
bisexual and transgender bar patrons began to throw bottles and
rocks at the police. A full-scale riot ensued. Several officers were
In 1994 there were two marches to commemorate the
Stonewall uprising. The authorized march passed the United Nations
while an unauthorized one moved up Fifth Avenue though a Federal
judge had upheld the city's refusal to grant permits for two parallel
marches. The police officers did not intervene and stop the illegal
march. The Mayor supported their not enforcing the law. He made
his remarks at a City Hall news conference as he stood with organiz-
ers and athletes from the Gay Games to thank them for how they

organized the weeklong Olympic-style event that featured 11,000
gay and lesbian athletes. Asked if the police response to the march
signaled two standards of justice, Giuliani said, "No, absolutely not."
Giuliani said he had left it up to the police to decide how to handle
the march, although he admitted, “If I hadn't agreed with the decision
being made, I would have reversed it” and he praised the depart-
ment's actions. He said the police response "will leave the impres-
sion" that the Police Department "exercises common sense in the
way in which they act and take into consideration what can be done,
how it can be done, how can you best get through a demonstration
with the least amount of damage of property…Let's say somewhere
between 6,000 and 10,000 people wanted to march up Fifth Avenue
illegally. You cannot arrest 6,000 people.

You can't do it. It's not conceivable that you can arrest 6,000
people without creating an enormous riot. So what you do is you
allow them to march, try to keep it to a minimum number possible."
The police did not have to arrest every marcher. Once mass arrests
began most marchers would have dispersed. Had it been leftist
marchers instead of gays Giuliani would have come down on them
like a ton of bricks. But because he was gay, Giuliani let them break
the law.
In June 1995 Giuliani invited 125 gay and lesbian New York-
ers for breakfast at Gracie Mansion. He told them he would join in
the Lesbian and Gay Pride March, after it passed St. Patrick’s
Cathedral. “You have a right to make your First Amendment expres-

sion,” he said. 122 Giuliani drew the line at the gay activist group ACT
UP’s planned disruption of services inside St. Pats and would join his
brothers and sisters after the deed had been done. In 2001 Giuliani
boycotted the Saint Patrick's Day Parade because homosexuals
were excluded from marching in it.

The 8th Annual Gay Pride Celebration was held at Gracie

Mansion in Manhattan, New York on June 21, 2001, and for the first
time, at the perennial urging of Stonewall Veteran Association it was
held not as an early morning breakfast but as an evening cocktail
party. In June 2002 Giuliani wrote this to the Stonewall Veteran
Association, “I wish to extend my warmest congratulations to you on
the occasion of the 33rd anniversary of the 1969 Stonewall Rebellion.
The Rebellion was a triumph at a time when the struggle for Gay,
Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Civil Rights was just beginning.”

Giuliani allowed the Stonewall gays to participate in an illegal

march then invited them to Gracie Mansion where he heaped praise
on them. These folks, no matter how just the reason, attacked the
NYPD! This kind of behavior was supposedly unacceptable to Rudy.

Giuliani must have had a special place in his heart for militant
homosexuals because he never gave other protestors that much
latitude; in 1998 Judge Leonard B. Sand of Federal District Court in
Manhattan ruled Giuliani’s denial of permits to the Yippies 123 Million
Marijuana March was unconstitutional. Judge Sand ruled that the city
law violated First Amendment guarantees of free speech because,
without safeguards like specific time limits for a response to applica-
tions, the law did not sufficiently restrict the risk of censorship by city
officials. The reason that he let things slide when it came to gays but
went the other route when it came to pot was because Giuliani’s lips
had never touched a marijuana cigarette; they had only touched
penises. When Hillary Clinton’s people played Billy Joel’s Captain
Jack by mistake at a Hillary event Giuliani opined, "Can you imagine,
if George Bush had held an event and right before the event a song
was played that said, Let's say yes to drugs, let's glorify drugs, let's
glorify pot?" He said there was a possibility the choice of songs had

been intentional and wasn't just the product of a snafu. "It means that
people of that ilk and that ideology are around you." Giuliani also
opposes medical marijuana. “Marijuana adds nothing to the array of
legal medications and prescription medications that are available.
We should keep it illegal, and I’ll keep it illegal.” In 1992, New York
City had 742 marijuana possession arrests; by 2000, after six years
of Giuliani, that number had risen a mind-boggling 7,000 percent, to
more than 52,000 according to FBI statistics. Money that could have
gone to increase police salaries went to police overtime due to the
time expended running someone through the system. For example in
1993 Giuliani spent $143 million in police overtime much of which
stemmed from his crackdown on pot. It is no wonder the NYPD
Policeman’s Benevolent Association has refused to endorse him for
president. In May 2000 Giuliani ordered New York City Police
Commissioner Howard Safir to conduct mass arrests at the 29th
annual Yippie Marijuana March. More than 300 people were taken
into police custody after lighting up for their cause. The police said
most of those arrested were charged with misdemeanor marijuana
possession, despite the fact that possession of less than 25 grams of
marijuana is a violation in New York State, similar to a traffic ticket.
This was because they were charged with public display of marijua-
na, rather than possession. 124 Giuliani also ordered Commissioner
Safir to administer summary punishment to the arrestees. Not only
were they put through the system, they were locked in police vans in
the 90-degree heat for 3 to 4 hours before being transported to
Central Booking at the Manhattan jail later renamed “The Bernard
Kerik Detention Center.” This author along with Yippie Museum
Board member Dana Beal were co-founders of the first Marijuana
Smoke In held in Tompkins Square Park in 1967. When Giuliani
announced his candidacy for United States President I began
extensive research into his background.


The first thing that comes to people’s minds when I suggest

Rudy is gay is his cross-dressing. Giuliani violated the biblical. She


I mean I really enjoy those Inner Circles. I made them fun,

and enjoyed them. And so you're going to get a couple of things
people can interpret different ways, I guess." 125 In November 1997
Giuliani hosted Saturday Night Live 126 where he appeared in one skit
as a bosomy, gray-haired Italian grandmother in lipstick and a
flowered housedress, with stockings pulled halfway up his calves.

Legend has it that in 2001 on the way to give the keynote ad-
dress at a fundraising dinner for The Empire State Pride Agenda,
Howard Koeppel double-dared Giuliani by saying that if the Empire
State Pride Agenda was able to raise $100,000 donation for the
homosexual victims of the September 11th attacks, Giuliani should
agree to appear on Showtime's controversial Queer as Folk televi-
sion program in drag. Koeppel knew Giuliani would jump at the
opportunity, since by this time he knew Giuliani was bi. Queer as
Folk was a show that employed soft-core gay pornography as one of
its biggest draws. It was inspired by the original series in Britain,
which featured a storyline in which a 29-year-old man has a sexual
relationship with a 15-year-old boy. 127 I wonder if Placa subscribed to

While I was baby-sitting one day one of my charges kicked

me in the testicles. I began to wonder who this kid’s parents were? I
discovered the child had two moms and one of them worked for

Giuliani. It seemed incongruous to me that someone as conservative
as Giuliani would hire such a butch-looking woman. But he did. You
can call me Joseph McCarthy Jr. – but I went on a witch hunt looking
for gays in the Giuliani Administration: Christopher R. Lynn, a lawyer
who worked in the Giuliani Administration as Commissioner of
Transportation and head of the Taxi and Limousine Commission was
gay. Responding to the public's surprise in regard to Rudy moving in
with his brunch buddies Howard and Mark, he had this to say: "This
is the mayor who introduced the law making domestic partnerships
legal in New York. His attitude toward gays is only unusual for
people who don't know Mayor Giuliani's record." passage, "A woman
must not wear men's clothing, and a man must not wear women's
clothing" 128 and in March 1997 Giuliani appeared in full drag at a
roast of the Inner Circle, a funding raising dinner and satirical show
involving present and former members of the City Hall press and city
officials. Giuliani played a transvestite nightclub singer in a parody of
Victor/Victoria the plot of which was: In 1930s Paris, Victoria Grant, a
struggling female singer, is unable to find workruns into Carroll
Toddat a Paris restaurant. Todd has a plan to help both her and
himself: Victoria will pretend to be Victor, a man pretending to be a
woman, and get a job as a female impersonator in a nightclub. In
order to enhance the ruse, Todd will pretend to be her gay lover.
Rudy Giuliani told Fox News that this showed voters another side of
him. "I think what they'll find out about me is I enjoy having fun.


The original Domestic Partnership Law started out as a heterosexual

thing. The revised law stated, “By the end of April 1998, there were
approximately 8,700 couples registered as domestic partners in New
York City. More than 55% of those registered domestic partners
were heterosexual couples, and less than 45% were same sex
couples. Almost forty percent of registered domestic partnerships
have accessed City health benefits available to partners of City
employees and retirees.” The 1998 law had some nifty provisions
regarding domestic partner swapping, “Neither of the persons is a
party to another domestic partnership, or has been a party to another
domestic partnership within the six months immediately prior to
registration.” You can switch wives every six months! Another
provision Giuliani signed into law was somewhat ironic; “The persons
are not related to each other by blood in a manner that would bar
their marriage in the state of New York.” What was the new legisla-
tion about? “Declaration of policy. It is hereby found that significant
changes in our society have resulted in the creation of diverse living
arrangements and the development of nontraditional family com-
positions or familial units. Brought about by economic and practi-
cal concerns as well as emotional, sentimental and other forces,
individuals who are committed members of a nontraditional family
duly deserve protection against discrimination. A procedure to
officially create and terminate a nontraditional family unit is hereby
established and it is declared the policy of the city of New York to
prohibit harmful discrimination by the City of New York against
nontraditional family units.” 129

Lynn was an Uncle Tom gay. He supported Rev. Ruben Diaz,

New York’s best-known homophobe, and he told the Advocate, “I
consider Ruben a friend. As a member of the Civilian Complaint
Review Board he has voted lock, stock and barrel with the gay
community. My position on this one is like that of the mayor – you
should punish people for their actions not their beliefs. Ruben’s
actions have been great.” When Lynn ran for a seat on the New York
City Council his campaign manager was arrested for possessing
cocaine, heroin, guns, and ammunition. In the 1980's, Federal
prosecutors characterized him as a house counsel to crack dealing
gang but a judge wouldn’t buy it and he continued to represent the
gang. Lynn had his bitchy moods – he suspended a taxi driver’s
license on the spot because the driver had an argument with Lynn’s
boyfriend. Lynn’s chauffer was arrested for impersonating a police
officer. He pleaded guilty to a lesser charge.

Lynn was the lawyer for the coalition of 50 political, religious, educa-
tional and other activist groups who filed a lawsuit in State Supreme
Court in Manhattan and sought a declaratory judgment overturning
the state rules that were sought to slow the spread of AIDS by
closing establishments that permit "high risk" sexual activity. The
suit, by the Coalition for Lesbian and Gay Rights, challenged the
constitutionality of rules that empowered local health officials to close
bathhouses, "glory hole" establishments, bars and other businesses
where high-risk sex - defined as oral or anal intercourse - took
place. 130 Lynn probably frequented these establishments.


Democrat Antonio Pagan was another gay political supporter

of Giuliani. In July 1998 Pagan introduced the aforementioned
domestic partnership city ordinance. The archdiocese denounced the
plan, calling it "contrary to moral natural law," but Pagan and the
mayor pushed it through the City Council. Giuliani rewarded Pagan
who also supported his re-election with a high-paying cabinet posi-
tion as Employment Commissioner. Pagan was another Uncle Tom
gay. He backed the reappointment of Ruben Diaz to the Civilian
Complaint Review Board, even after the minister made a series of
antigay remarks and Pagan opposed granting a permit for Wigstock,
the annual drag festival, in his district.

One of the sleaziest gays in the Giuliani Administration was

Russell Harding. Paying off patronage to Liberal Party leader and
close friend Ray Harding Giuliani appointed his son, 38-year-old
Russell Harding to the position of Housing Development Corporation
Commissioner. Despite his lack of experience, college degree and
expertise, Harding received a six-figure salary. In 2001 Harding was
charged with a six-count indictment. Included were financial crimes
and two child pornography violations. Fred Sawyers of Indianapolis
provided emails to investigators in which Harding wrote, “I some-
times wonder if you fully understand that I'm a pedophile who needs
young boys to be totally happy. I’d love to find a kid in high school
still though or younger...but it’s just too risky looking for that young
anymore." 131 According to Sawyers, Harding spoke of plans to re-
visit Thailand, where he had once taken a sex tour. In his last days
on the job, Harding booked a $10,000 trip to Southeast Asia, includ-
ing several stops in Thailand, and billed it to the housing corporation.
Ray Harding was married and had two daughters. He claimed his
family had no idea he was on the down low until the scandal broke.
Harding was locked up on their complaint when he threatened
suicide on the eve of his November 2003 trial. Harding pleaded guilty
to possession of child pornography and got a 63-month sentence
despite his having feigned mental illness. He is currently not listed as
a sex offender in New York State.

Martin Barreto, a former press aide to Giuliani was found na-
ked and strangled in a bed inside a cousin's million-dollar Greenwich
Village apartment. Barreto was an assistant press secretary for
Giuliani where he organized a coalition of prominent Hispanics to
support the Mayor's Hispanic initiatives in New York City. Barreto,
who lived a luxurious lifestyle with high-powered clients in New York
and Miami, was discovered lying near a condom wrapper and safe-
sex aids. Barreto's distraught relatives, who have ties to former
Nicaraguan President Violeta Chamorro, were stunned by his brutal
death, "His larynx was crushed like an eggshell," as the killer
wrapped his arm around Barreto's neck, killing him with a wrestling
hold. 132 Did a homophobic psychopath kill him or was he into “rough
trade” violent and often-brutal sex acts?

Richard Tollner added this to our knowledge of gay connec-

tions, “I am not saying anything negative because I wouldn’t want to
cast aspersions on somewhat of an acquaintance and classmate.
We had a classmate who ended up going into the field of law and by
all means a gay connection, gay example, gay co-incidence is this
guy ended up being gay and Placa got him a job in Giuliani’s office.
Terrance Galligan. Birds of a feather flock together. I don’t give a
crap if these guys are gay but if they got their jobs through discrimi-
nation, positive discrimination these are civil rights violations.”
Galligan is currently residing in San Francisco. Franc Martarella was
appointed Special Projects Supervisor at WNYC radio in Manhattan
and helped privatize this institution. Frank recently married Alan

When it became politically advantageous to do so Giuliani

would gay bait other gays; Giuliani gay-baited gay Mexican-
American Ramon Cortines who ironically enough had been selected
by Giuliani's supporters on the Board of Education to become
Chancellor of Schools. After Cortines had clashed with him, Giuliani
described him as “precious” and “the little victim [actually the little
faggot].” Republican Maryland Congressman Robert Bauman and
conservative fund-raiser Terry Dolan were also gay baiters. Bau-
man's political career ended in 1980, when he was charged with

soliciting a teenage boy for a paid sex act; Dolan died in 1986 of
AIDS complications. 133 That’s it for Giuliani’s sex life in more ways
than one. Let’s move on to an area first uncovered by Wayne Barrett
– the Giuliani family factor.


Exodus 34: “He will by no means leave the guilty unpunished,

visiting the iniquity of fathers on the children and on the grandchil-
dren to the third and fourth generations.’” Both sides of Rudy’s family
were associate members of organized crime families and that is why
in this section of HOMOTHUG we’re going to examine the Giuliani
family tree. The 1910 Manhattan voter registration files of East
Harlem reveal that Rudy’s paternal grandfather was an Italian born
tailor named Rudolfo Giuliani (b. 1899) and that he married
Evangelina Giuliani and had two children, Aroldo [Harold] and Mary.
The 1930 voter registration files indicate that was Rudolfo Juliano 134
had six children: Marie D. Juliano, Olga C. Juliano, (b. February 12,
1914 d. April 1978) Angelo R. Juliano, Rudolph Juliano Jr. and
Harold Angelo Juliano (b. March 25, 1908 d. April 1981 Oakland,

On his mother’s side of the family Rudy’s maternal grand-

mother, Adelina Stanchi, married Luigi D'Avanzo (d. June 16, 1925)
and gave birth to James D'Avanzo 135 (b. August 3, 1904); Fanny
D'Avanzo (b. November 15, 1905); William D'Avanzo (b. December
8, 1907 d. May 1980); Guglielmo D'Avanzo (b. December 15, 1908);
Helen C. D'Avanzo (b. September 26, 1909 died 2002); Tullio V.
D’Avanzo aka Leo D'Avanzo (January 19, 1913 or 1912 d. August
1977); Ernano D'Avanzo (Edward - b. January 3, 1915 d. December
16, 1988) and Roberto Nunzio D'Avanzo (b. March 25, 1917). Also
mentioned are Adelina D'Avanzo (b. May 31, 1888 d. November
1976) and Vincent D'Avanzo. The family lived at 181 Jackson Street
in Brooklyn. The 1930 Brooklyn voter registration files revealed
Vincent D’Avanzo had become head of household; Adelina was
listed as mother and Helen, Leo, Edward and Robert were listed as
children. In 1944 Edward D’Avanzo was arrested for burglary. 136


In 2000 Mayor Giuliani said, “I miss my father every day of

my life. And he’s a – very, very important reason why I am standing
here as Mayor of New York City.”

The New York Times reported, “Giuliani's friends say he idol-

ized his father, a man of strong opinions, rough language and a
curious mind. ‘A major theme with Rudy's father was his hate for
organized crime,’ says the Rev. Alan J. Placa, a Long Island priest
and a lawyer as well as a lifelong friend. ‘Harold Giuliani felt people
were prejudiced against him because he was Italian. But he didn't
get angriest at the prejudiced people - he hated Italians in organized
crime for giving all Italians a bad name.’ Father Placa remembers the
father and son looking over a list of Federal judges about 20 years
ago, and the father commenting on the scarcity of Italian names,
saying it was up to his son's generation to do better.” 137

The child molester was lying. Giuliani's father, Harold Angelo

Giuliani was a torpedo for Frank "The Prime Minister" Costello (b.
January 1891 entered the US in 1900) who for many years was the
defacto Mayor of New York City. Costello and Harold grew up on the
same lean streets of East Harlem, then known as Italian Harlem, a
run-down out of the way neighborhood filled with substandard
immigrant housing - an uptown Little Italy. 138 Harold lived at 313 East

123rd Street, now a city-owned housing project while Costello lived at
234 East 108th Street, which is still standing as you can see from the
photograph above. Costello had everyone and their grandmother on
the pad; he was "the brains" behind organized crime in the five
boroughs – a criminal genius who paid off police, judges, jurors,
district attorneys, correction officers, and politicians on all levels of
government. Costello enjoyed more political clout than any other
mobster in the US and was popular and well liked. Allegedly Costello
refused to deal dope; he believed that the Mafia did not need narcot-
ics to make money and the sentences meted out so for narcotics
violations were so long that mafia members would be forced to co-
operate. This aversion to selling drugs was not shared by his associ-
ate Vito Genovese, a known drug dealer throughout his criminal
career. Costello had a 34-year run without spending a day in prison.
Ironically it was Giuliani’s boss Judge Lloyd MacMahon who finally
put Costello away.

Harold Angelo Giuliani was a product of poverty and a culture

of violence that existed in Italian Harlem in the early 1900’s. The
headline from a New York Times dated November 17, 1907 headline
stated, “Trap For Black Hand Men / Three Italians Arrested After a
Chase on Street Cleaners Complaint.” The article concerned three
members of the Bronx “Italian Squad” who dressed as butchers and
met a street cleaner who complained he was being shaken down by
a member of the Black Hand. He was given marked money that he
was supposed to give to the Black Hand agent. Just as he was about
to do so two other Italian mobsters came out of the woodwork. One
of them lived at 318 East 108th Street an address that can later be
linked to Louis Carbonetti Sr. Harold’s best friend.

Harold dropped out of high school in 1923, when he was 15

and became a burglar. He was arrested and sentenced to a term of
probation in New York City Children's Court. While on probation he
became employed by Costello.


Harold’s connection to Frank Costello and the mobs corrupt
Tammany Hall politicians and fixers was through his best friend
Louis J. Carbonetti Sr. Wayne Barrett identified Carbonetti as a "cut
man" for the Italian boxer Victor Dellicurti (b.1918 d.1999). Victor and
Louis grew up together in East Harlem. In 1936 The New York Times
reported, “A gunman, deserted by his companion after robbing the
Fox Clothing Store at 2099 Second Avenue attempted to kidnap a
policeman who stood in his way, and failing in this, engaged in a gun
battle with three others who came on the scene. Although wounded
he escaped. More than a dozen shots were exchanged in the
encounter. One bullet struck Victor Dellicurti, 18 years old of 318
East 108th Street 139 who was standing near his home when the firing
began.” Louis J. Carbonetti Sr. lived in then owned a nearby property
at 325 East 108th Street. Dellicurti fought his first professional match
in 1937. Evidence suggests Carbonetti had a financial interest in

I spoke with Dellicurti’s son in November 2007. He said that

to his knowledge Louis Carbonetti was never a “cut man” for his dad
and that he wouldn’t know if he “owned a piece” of his father. “Louis
Carbonetti and my dad were friends I guess you would call them
friends. They grew up together on 108th Street in Harlem.” Dellicurti
told me that Whitey Bimstein was his father’s cut man and trainer.
Bimstein’s partner, Ray Arcel, took on Frankie Carbo “the underworld
commissioner of boxing” and received a concussion for his efforts. If
Louis Carbonetti owned a piece of Dellicurti he had to have known
John Paul “Frankie” Carbo, who fixed many of the boxing matches
Dellicurti fought in. Frank Carbo owned a piece of Jake “Raging Bull”
LaMotta. In June 1942 Jake LaMotta defeated Dellicurti. In Septem-
ber 1942 a rematch was scheduled but Dellicurti withdrew at the last
minute and was replaced by Sugar Ray Robinson. Dellicurti’s next
major fight was in November 1942 with undefeated Sugar Ray
Robinson. Dellicurti lost. The New York Times reported he was about
to be drafted, but by November 1943 he was fighting again and
would soon be defeated by LaMotta for a second time. In April 1945
LaMotta defeated Dellicurti for a third time. LaMotta testified before
the Kefauver Committee that was examining Organized Crime’s

control of Professional Boxing. He stated that he took at least one
“dive” at the behest of the mob. Dellicurti wasn’t called to testify but
being part of this milieu he had to have done the same. Dellicurti’s
son said he never heard of Frankie Carbo but “It’s possible my father
knew Carbo but I don’t know if he did.” Since Carbonetti was in the
fight game when Carbo was calling the shots, in all likelihood he
must have had dealings with Carbo.

In 1942 Frankie Carbo (left) and Benjamin “Bugsy” Siegel were put
on trial in Los Angeles for the murder of Harry Greenberg. Green-
berg had threatened to expose the workings of Brooklyn’s Murder
Incoporated, a highly organized underworld gang that operated in the
1930’s and allegedly came to an end in 1940 when District Attorney
William O’Dwyer successfully prosecuted some of its leaders.
Despite eyewitness testimony from bystanders and incriminating
testimony from co-conspirator Al Tannenbaum Carbo and Siegel
were not convicted. 140 An effort to retry Carbo failed when District
Attorney (soon to be Mafia Mayor) William O’Dwyer ruled that
Tannenbaum would not be permitted to travel to Los Angeles to
testify against Carbo. 141 The California Commission on Organized
Crime reported that Bugsy, who was shot to death in Beverly Hills on
June 20, 1947, was “a Costello associate at the time of his death, the

West Coast representative of The Combination and Murder Inc.” In
January 1953 Carbo was arrested for fixing boxing matches. Judge
Louis J. Capozzoli set bail at $5,000, which Frankie promptly sup-

Louis Carbonetti and Carbo were also associates of Jimmy

White, aka Samuel Crosner, who managed Dellicurti. Wayne Barrett
reported White had a record for murder, larceny and white slavery,
did a long stretch of prison time with two escapes to his credit.
Barrett believed this information was derived from the Kefauver
Hearings. In July 1958 The New York Times reported, “Jimmy White,
a matchmaker in professional boxing bouts, and reportedly a front
man for Frankie Carbo, known as the underworld’s commissioner of
boxing, was indicted here yesterday. He was accused of managing a
fight without a license and with conspiring with Herman “Hymie the
Mink” Wallman to fix the award of a fight last March.” White beat the
rap. The following is from Recommendation For Discharge in the
People of the State of New York v. Jimmy White: 142 “Evidence: On
March 21, 1958, a professional boxing match was fought between
Isaac Logart and Virgil Akins in the Madison Square Garden, New
York County. Edward Mafuz was the licensed manager of Isaac
Logart. Bernard Glickman was manager of Virgil Akins. The defend-
ant [Jimmy White] was not licensed as a manager. Court authorized
intercepted telephone conversations indicate that [Jimmy White]
negotiated with Dominick Mordini, alias Billie Brown, matchmaker of
the Madison Square Garden, to arrange this particular match. Billie
Brown states that he asked the defendant to use his influence on
Mafuz to arrange this bout.”

Bernard Glickman and Frankie Carbo managed Virgil Akins.

Edward Mafuz and Jimmy White managed Isaac Logart. 143 Frankie
Carbo and Jimmy White were tight. The fix was in. In 1958, after
Virgil Akins scored an upset victory that was popular with the smart
money, New York District Attorney Frank S. Hogan called Glickman
before a grand jury. In 1960 he appeared before Senator Estes
Kefauver's anti-trust and monopoly subcommittee where he was
asked about financial and personal relationships with Accardo,

Frankie Carbo and others. Bernard Glickman was a businessman
and fight manager whose close friendship with Chicago mob boss
Anthony “Big Tuna” Accardo and subsequent falling out with other
mobsters led to a federal investigation of the boxing industry in 1966.
Witnesses called in that investigation included Gus Zapas, who was
close to James Riddle Hoffa and Gus Alex, from the Al Capone days
who now reputedly controlled gambling in the Loop. 144 Another
witness was Harry L. Markson, the director of boxing at Madison
Square Garden. Markson said he did not know why the jury had
summoned him and that he knew nothing about Glickman’s affilia-

There were other boxing notables in on fixing this fight.

James Norris paid Frankie Carbo about fifteen thousand dollars and
the Virgil Akins / Isaac Logan welterweight companionship match
was scheduled. James Norris was the financier who controlled the
promotional organization known as the International Boxing Club
(IBC). Billie Brown was chief matchmaker for the IBC that had a
stranglehold on championship promotions. Norris associated with
gangsters. He was investigated by a Senate committee, and in 1959,
when the courts ordered his organization dissolved; the Garden took
control of boxing in its building and made Harry Markson the director.
Norris had made Harry Markson director of boxing in 1948. In 1949,
Markson became the general manager of boxing. The Recommen-
dation For Discharge in the People of the State of New York v.
Jimmy White states: “Harry Markson, general manager of boxing
promotion in the Madison Square Garden, states that [Jimmy White]
spoke to him, and suggested that if he wanted to keep the Logart-
Akins bout in New York City, he should contact Mafuz, the licensed
manager of Logart. Markson then telephoned Mafuz and after
negotiations, the match was held in Madison Square Garden.

“Prior Criminal Record: [Jimmy White] is 54 years of age and

was convicted on February 16, 1937, in the Bronx, New York, of
keeping a place for gambling, Section 973 of the Penal Law, and
was sentenced to 30 days in the Workhouse; sentence suspended.

“Recommendation: The evidence, which produced this in-
dictment, grew out of an intensive investigation into criminal activities
in the area of underworld control of professional boxing. The key to
this control was the discovery of who dictated the actual making of
boxing matches. As noted above, [Jimmy White], an unlicensed
manager of fighters is charged with having arranged the principal,
professional boxing match set forth in the indictment. Aside from the
wire-tapping evidence, whose introduction at the trial is precluded by
federal law making such introduction a federal crime, the People's
evidence to support this indictment consists essentially of the tainted
and weak testimony of Billie Brown, an accomplice of the defendant.
The evidence, therefore, on which the indictment is predicated and
without which a prima facie case cannot be made out, depends on
evidence obtained from court-ordered interception of telephone calls.
The People cannot convict the defendant herein without the introduc-
tion into evidence of these wiretapped conversations. This wire-
tapped evidence is needed legally to substantiate the testimony of
Billie Brown, a participant in this corrupt arrangement. The introduc-
tion of this evidence would, however, constitute the commission of a
federal crime. The testimony of Harry Markson, without the support
of the wiretapped conversations, could not conceivably make out a
prima facie case and consequently could not establish the guilt of the
defendant beyond a reasonable doubt. I, therefore, respectfully
recommend that the instant indictment be dismissed.”

There you have it – Harold Giuliani closet associate, Louis

Carbonetti connected to Jimmy White who is connected to Harry
Glickman who is connected to mob boss Anthony “Big Tuna”
Accardo who was connected to Al Capone, the world’s most infa-
mous Mafioso. Harold had to be a player. A thermostatic copy in the
Jimmy White case file revealed that D.A. Frank Hogan believed
White conspired with Carbo front man Herman “Hymie the Mink”
Wallman in a bribery scheme involving the Logan / Akins fight.

Dellicurti’s son claimed he never heard of Jimmy White even

though White is listed in numerous boxing websites as Dellicurti’s
manager. 145 After Dellicurti retired from boxing Carbonetti used his

influence with Tammany Hall to get Dellicurti a job with the city, “My
father worked for the City of New York after he retired from the ring.
He worked with the highways. Paving and asphalt and he was later a
mason with them. Most fighters in them days, people took care of
them, you know, I am only assuming that. My dad fought Sugar Ray
Robinson three times. He went thirty rounds with him. He didn’t play
ball with the mob so he never got a shot at the championship. He
was a great man, and a good fighter. Most people say if he had a
little more height - he was 5’8”, 5’9 - he could have been champ but
he was there in the era of the middleweights that was probably the
most popular division then. Fought a lot of champs…”

Thanks to Frank Costello and Tammany Hall Executive

Committee head Carmine DeSapio Louis J. Carbonetti became an
East Harlem district leader with a seat on the Tammany Executive
Committee. In 1951 a power struggle took place between acting
Mafia Mayor Vincent R. Impellitteri and Carmine DeSapio for leader-
ship of the Democratic Party in New York City. A split occurred after
DeSapio’s influence resulted in the nomination of Supreme Court
Justice Ferdinand Pecora for mayor on the Democratic line rather
than Impellitteri. Pecora was an unknown commodity who had a
sterling record that included a Congressional investigation of the
cause of the 1929 stock market implosion. There was no doubt that
he was corrupt, but to what degree remained a mystery. Costello
wanted to be sure that another New York City Mayor like Fiorello
LaGuardia would not be elected to office. LaGuardia had seized
Costello’s slot machines throughout the city and put them on a barge
then dumped them in the ocean.

According to Mafia canary Joe Valachi Impellitteri was the

candidate of Frank Costello and Thomas Luchese while Vito Geno-
vese supported Pecora. Costello and Genovese were rivals. In July
1951 Louis J. Carbonetti Sr. who supported the Genovese / DeSapio
/ Pecora faction, ran against Joseph Cioffi, who claimed to be an
independent but was a pawn of DeSapio. Carbonetti defeated Cioffi
in all nineteen-election districts of the Sixteenth Assembly District by
a 4 to 1 margin. Louis J. Carbonetti had succeeded General Ses-

sions Judge Francis X. Mancuso, a close associate of Frank Costello
who was ousted by DeSapio after he after he defected to the
Impellitteri camp. Mancuso told the Kefauver Committee that he had
known Frank Costello for thirty-five years and that he knew numer-
ous Organized Crime figures. 146 In February 1933 Mancuso attempt-
ed to wrest the Democratic leadership in the northern half of the 18th
Assembly District from H. Warren Hubbard. Frank Ricca, who later
represented Harold Giuliani, would try to do the same in 1939.

On June 20, 1951 The New York Times described Louis J.

Carbonetti Sr. as “an aide to Supreme Court Justice Thomas Au-
relio.” On August 23, 1943 the Democratic Party nominated Mafia
stooge Thomas Aurelio for Justice of the Supreme Court. At 8:35 the
following morning, Aurelio telephoned Frank Costello:

Aurelio: Good morning, Francesco. How are you, and thanks

for every thing.

Costello: Congratulations. It went over perfect. When I tell

you something’s in the bag, you can rest assured. Well, we will have
to get together, you, your Mrs. and myself, and have dinner some
night soon.

Aurelio: That would be fine, but right now I want to assure

you of my loyalty for all you have done. It’s undying. 147

By January 1953 the Costello/Luchese faction was deter-

mined to aid Mayor Impellitteri in his mayoralty bid. Louis Carbonetti
Sr. switched sides and told The New York Times, "We are in agree-
ment with Mayor Vincent R. Impellitteri that Carmine DeSapio has
lost the faith and confidence of the Democratic voters of our country."
On September 30, 1953 Tammany Hall dropped Carbonetti as an
East Harlem District Leader. In July 1953 Robert Wagner Sr. stated,
“The issues are clear, the lines are drawn and it is time to take off the
gloves. The Democratic Party is either the party of FDR, Al Smith,
Herbert Lehman, Averill Harriman and Robert F. Wagner Sr. or it is
the party of a collection of characters who today used Mayor Vincent

R. Impellitteri’s office in City Hall as a hideout. Let us look at the list.
Frank Sampson, whose name figured in the leading cases in the
office of the District Attorney. Sidney Moses and Sammy Kantor,
whose last starring roles were before the State Crime Commission.
Louis Carbonetti, whose election as a leader raised a stench from
Harlem to the Battery…The only one missing was Harry Brickman,
and the Mayor is already paying him out of city funds for services
rendered…I say to honest, decent Democrats of New York, to all of
the people of New York, ‘Rally to the polls on primary day!’ Save
your party and the city from the gunman and the gangster…’”

Carmine DeSapio supported Robert Wagner, “The lines are

now clearly drawn and pointedly proved. This is a campaign between
the decent liberal elements of the Democratic Party and the evil, anti-
New Deal forces that are trying to take over control of our party. Mr.
Impellitteri is welcome to his Sampsons, his Kantors 148 and his
Carbonettis. 149

Frank Costello testified before the Kefauver Committee that

he knew all four members of the steering committee of the New York
County Democratic Committee including, Carmine DeSapio, Sidney
Moses and Deputy City Treasurer Harry Brickman. Brickman, an
orthodox Sephardic Jew, was a close associate of Meyer Lansky.

Carbonetti Senior’s son - Louis J. Carbonetti Jr. (born June 1947)

established a printing company and eventually raised three sons. In

1976 Louis J. Carbonetti Jr. and his wife JoAnna Aniello moved from
East Harlem to a $421 4-bedroom duplex on Roosevelt Island.
Occupancy was limited to those with incomes ranging from $7,600 to
$23,000. After The New York Times ran an interview with JoAnna for
an article about life on Roosevelt Island one letter writer became
indignant about how little rent the Carbonetti’s were paying, “our
money is going for taxes to subsidize their housing.” In July 1978 the
Carbonetti’s filed for bankruptcy declaring $18,000 in liabilities and
$3,000 in assets. The Carbonetti’s divorced and their 13-year-old
Anthony V. Carbonetti chose to stay with his father. His two brothers,
Louis, now a printer in North Carolina, and Joseph, now the owner of
a pub called the Brass Monkey on West 12th Street in Greenwich
Village, went to live with their mother in Brooklyn. In 1993 Louis
Carbonetti Jr. described as, “a longtime family friend” of Giuliani was
the deputy campaign manager for Herman Badillo who was running
for comptroller. Badillo was aligned with Giuliani.

In 1994 Giuliani quietly named Louis J. Carbonetti Jr. as the

$90,000-a-year director of his community assistance unit. The New
York Times reported, “Carbonetti, the owner of a small store on
Roosevelt Island, said he had known the Mayor for years since their
fathers were best friends.” 150 That year the Giuliani Administration
created a centrally controlled appointments office for handling
resumes. The office was run by Louis’ son, Anthony V. Carbonetti,
who was a former campaign aide, and was overseen by Randy M.
Mastro, the Mayor's chief of staff. 151 In February 1994 the New York
Post revealed that Louis J. Carbonetti Jr. had failed to list $150,000
in debts from a failed photography business on his financial disclo-
sure forms. He also held two different drivers' licenses, one of them
suspended. In May 1994 the IRS filed a $4,000 lien against him. 152
Louis J. Carbonetti Jr. had to quit city government, but the mayor
found him an $80,000-a-year post running a Brooklyn development
organization. In March 1996 Giuliani cancelled two city contracts
after it came to light that the Hellenic American Neighborhood Action
Committee, which was to monitor single adults on public assistance,
had hired Louis Carbonetti Jr. Giuliani said he had asked the city's
Department of Investigation to look into the 43-million dollar con-

tracts that were awarded in August 1995. George Sarant, the Hel-
lenic American Neighborhood Action Committee official who had bid
for the contracts and was directing the program, was a political
supporter of Giuliani who had made significant contributions to his
campaign fund. Kathy Giuliani, who is married to a cousin of the
Mayor and who worked in the Mayor's Community Assistance Unit
was one of Sarant's political acquaintances. The Public Corruption
Unit of the FBI looked into the affair. Mastro and Anthony V.
Carbonetti were questioned. Nothing came of it since Giuliani had
once had strong ties to this unit and its counterparts in the Depart-
ment of Justice. Sarant was sentenced to 4 months in prison for
illegal contributions to the failed Congressional campaign of Kerry
Katsorhis. On January 30, 2004 Manhattan District Attorney Robert
M. Morgenthau announced that Louis Carbonetti Jr., the former
President of the Fulton Mall Improvement Association, had pleaded
guilty to perjury for lying to the New York City Department of Investi-
gation. As a result of his felony plea, Louis received a sentence of 5
years probation and was required to pay a total $17,500 in fines.
When asked about this scandal during a call in radio program
Giuliani responded, "Why don't you seek counseling somewhere
Bob? I think you could use some help. I can see the direction we're
going in - there are people so upset and so disturbed that they use
radios for these sick little attacks on people. I hope you take this in
the right spirit, Bob. You should go to a hospital. You should see a

Giuliani appointed JoAnna Aniello Carbonetti as deputy gen-

eral manager of the city housing authority, even though a division
under her authority came under scrutiny in the 1990's after a spate of
flash fires in the stairwells of public housing buildings. Giuliani then
appointed her to a lucrative city board position during his last two
weeks in office, a deal Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg unraveled after
his inauguration. Aniello is now a Deputy Director of HUD. Anthony
V. Carbonetti grew up on 116th Street and Second Avenue. He
attended La Salle Academy on Second Street in the East Village and
was a college dropout (his father went bankrupt and ran out of
tuition) and a former bartender. In 1992 Carbonetti contacted Peter

Powers to offer his services. A few weeks later Anthony V.
Carbonetti was made a deputy director of field operations. He later
became Mayor Giuliani’s chief of staff. When Giuliani left office
Anthony became a consultant at Giuliani and Associates despite the
fact he was found to have neglected to list $11,000 in defaulted
loans from his abbreviated student days on his financial disclosure
statement. Anthony V., an inveterate gambler, is married to Carol
Dorrian, youngest daughter of Jack Dorrian owner of Dorrian's Red
Hand Bar where in 1986 Robert Chambers met Jennifer Levin who
he murdered in Central Park. The Carbonetti’s live in a two million
dollar apartment on East 72nd Street and 5th Avenue in Manhattan. 153
Carol's brother Michael hired a bouncer at his Bowery bar that
murdered Imette St. Guillen, a student at the John Jay College of
Criminal Justice. Although the Giuliani Administration pushed for
strict gun control legislation Anthony V. was granted a concealed
weapons permit. Anthony V. Carbonetti is now Giuliani’s presidential
campaign manager. 154 This is the baggage that Giuliani comes with
– a family of sleaze - and there is no doubt Anthony V. Carbonetti
would have been given a prominent position in a Giuliani Administra-
tion such as Chief of Staff.

In the 1930’s Harold was part of the lower echelons of the mob which
consisted of $50 a week “punks” - the generic rank given to young
burglars - toughs, hoodlums, strong-arm men and killers apprentices.

On April 2, 1934 Harold was apprehended attempting to collect a
debt owed to the mob from a deadbeat milkman in the building
shown at the left. Harold Giuliani found out when milkman Harold
Hall collected money from his customers and along with an accom-
plice, waited outside the building for some time for Hall to arrive. It
was time for that punk Harold Hall to PAY UP!

On April 3, 1934 Harold Hall gave this Affidavit in the First Di-
vision, City Magistrates Court, 5th District. Joseph Starrett is an alias
used by Harold Giuliani: “Joseph Starrett (now here) while acting in
concert with another not yet arrested in that on said date about 12:05
p.m. while deponent was in the hallway on the ground floor of 130
East 96th Street, [Manhattan] where deponent had gone to make
some collections, this defendant and the unknown man did come
out of the rear of said hallway, the unknown man did put a gun
against deponent’s stomach and said, ‘OK you know what it
is’…and after forcing the deponent in back of the stairs the unknown
man did take, steal and carry away from the person of deponent the
aforementioned sum of money. That thereafter this defendant and
the unknown man did order deponent to take down his pants and
when deponent refused to do so the defendant did pull the depo-
nent’s pants down and did also tie up deponent with some cord and
while he was doing so Officer Schmitt, 23rd Pct. appeared and
apprehended this defendant who was still in the act of tying up the
deponent. Further the unknown man got away through the cellar
stairs taking with him the said sum of money. Wherefore deponent
asks that the defendant be dealt with according to law. Harold Hall.
Sworn to before me this 3rd day of April. Lindau, Magistrate.”

On that same day the D.A.’s office received a “Prisoner’s

Criminal Record” that indicated Joseph Starrett had no priors. On
April 5, 1934 Joseph Starret was arraigned on armed robbery and
assault charges in the Magistrate's Court for the City of New York
and ordered held on $5000 bail by Magistrate Alfred Lindau. Before
going before Magistrate Lindau, “Joseph Starret” signed a sworn
statement in which he lied about his age and address, claiming he

was a 24-year-old electrician who lived at 106 East 84th Street.
When asked to identify himself, he again lied and told the court that
his name was Joseph Starrett. Joseph Starrett pleaded not guilty.
That very same day Valentine Spielmann of 351 East 60th Street in
Manhattan put up the $5000 needed to spring Joseph Starrett by
offering his house and lot as collateral. Spielmann owned the proper-
ty free and clear, except for a $9,000 mortgage. 155 Bail was posted
before Louis B. Brodsky, one of the few judges with no mob connec-
tions, and Starrett was sprung. At this time F. J. Ricca of 161 East
121st Street represented Starrett. On May 14, 1939 The New York
Times reported, “Another Tammany leadership fight was assured
when Frank J. Ricca announced that he would oppose H. Warren
Hubbard for leader of the Eighteenth Assembly District, North. Mr.
Ricca, a lawyer, has opened headquarters at the Square Deal
Democratic Club, 170 East 116th Street.”

Who was Valentine Spielmann? Spielmann bailed Harold out

under his alias. He didn’t know whom he was springing and did not
care. Spielmann’s mysterious death and other evidence suggests he
was fronting for the mob. On December 31, 1960 The New York
Times reported, “Two Die In Eastside Blaze: A fire at 361 East 60th
Street killed a father and a son early this morning. The dead in the
East Side fire which swept the second floor of the five story building
were identified as Valentine Spielmann, 85 years old, and his son,
Valentine Jr, 41. They operated a tavern on the first floor of the
building, which is on the corner of First Avenue.” 156 Spielmann was a
wealthy man until the Depression. On September 11, 1924
Spielmann of 361 East 60th Street was one of the property owners
who pledged to contribute money for the construction of a First
Avenue Subway Line. Spielmann was willing to ante up $112,000.
On October 31, 1935 the Greenwich Savings Bank foreclosed on a
property owned by Spielmann at 232 East 95th Street. In 1945
Valentine Spielmann Inc purchased 1103 1st Avenue at the corner of
East 60th Street in Manhattan from Angeline Lupo. 157

The name Lupo can be linked to the mafia and to Italian Har-
lem, although there is no record of Angeline Lupo’s connection to it

nor can I find any traces on Angeline Lupo. Mafia legend Ignazio
Lupo arrived in New York in 1898 fleeing arrest for murder in Paler-
mo, Sicily. Lupo opened a store on East 72nd Street in Manhattan. In
1901 he opened a saloon at 8 Prince Street. In 1902 Lupo sold the
saloon to Giuseppe Romano, a barber from First Avenue who was
later arrested with Lupo in a counterfeiting scheme. Lupo ran “The
Murder Stables” at 335 East 108th Street in East Harlem from 1909 to
1915. It was there that he knocked off numerous rivals. Lupo died in
1947. 158 Lupo’s son, Rocco, was also involved in organized crime.

Spielmann’s mother was Elizabeth Susan and his sister was

Sophie T. Spielmann (b. April 1917). On May 22, 2007 it was report-
ed that a Federal Tax Lien was issued against Sophie Spielmann,
107 Mooney Street, Olyphant, Pennsylvania for $201,204.05. Sophie
had also lived in New York City, Clark’s Summit, Pennsylvania,
Beverly Hills, California and Vestal, New York. Her old phone num-
ber is listed under W. Spielmann, Lackawaxen or Masthope, Penn-
sylvania. Sophie Spielmann died on November 19, 2006. The
question, “Who was Valentine Spielmann?” still remains unsolved.
On April 12, 1934 in the case of People v Joseph Starrett Harold was
charged with four felonies, “The Grand Jury of the County of New
York, by this indictment, accuse the said Defendant, [Joseph Starret]
of the Crime of ROBBERY IN THE FIRST DEGREE, committed as
follows. The said Defendant in the County of New York aforesaid, on
April 2, in the year of our Lord 1934, in the day time of the said day,
with force and arms in and upon one Harold Hall, in the peace of the
said People then and there being, feloniously did make an assault
and the sum of $128.82 in money lawful money of the United States
of America and of the value of $128.82 of the goods, chattels and
personal property of a certain corporation called Borden’s Farm
Products Company Inc. from the person of the said Harold Hall, then
and there violently and feloniously did rob, steal, take and carry
away, the said defendant being then and there armed with a
dangerous weapon, to wit, with a certain pistol then and there
charged and loaded with gunpowder and one metal bullet, the
said defendant being then and there aided by an accomplice actually
present, to wit, by a certain person to the Grand Jury aforesaid

unknown against the form of the statute in such case made and
provided, and against the Peace of the People of the State of New
York and their dignity.

“And the Grand Jury aforesaid, by this indictment, further ac-

cuse the said Defendant of the Crime of Assault In The First Degree
committed as follows: The said Defendant in the County of New York
aforesaid, on the day and the year aforesaid, in an upon the said
Harold Hall of the said Harold Hall in the peace of the said People
then and there being feloniously did willfully and wrongfully make an
assault and to at and against the said Harold Hall a certain pistol
then and there loaded and charged with gunpowder and one
metal bullet which said pistol the said defendant in his right
hand then and there had and held, the same being a deadly and
dangerous weapon and an instrument and thing likely to produce
grievous bodily harm, feloniously did then and there willfully and
wrongfully point aim and present, with intent the same then and there
feloniously, willfully and wrongfully to shoot off and discharge with
intent, him, the said Harold Hall, thereby then and there feloniously
willfully and wrongfully to kill, and with the intent then and there to
commit a felony…William Copeland Dodge.”

Joseph Starrett was also charged with grand larceny in the

second degree, and criminally receiving stolen property. Why did the
indictment say that Joseph Starrett had the gun when Hall’s initial
report said that his accomplice brandished it? Hall must have testi-
fied before the Grand Jury whose minutes are kept secret. Was it
there that he told the truth rather than in his public statements? Or
did the Grand Jury indict another ham sandwich? Here is a transcript
of Harold Hall’s April 19, 1934 interrogation by Louis Capozzoli:
Q. On the 2nd day of April you were in the vicinity of 130 East
94 Street?
A. I was.
Q. That was about 5 minutes after 12:00 you went into the
hallway of the ground floor?
A. That is right.
Q. You were making collections?

A. I was making collections.
Q. From your customers.
A. Yes.
Q. What happened there?
A. Well as I started in there were these two fellows coming in,
at least there were two fellows in the hallway, and as I started up the
stairways I saw the gun stare me in the face.
Q. What kind of house is this?
A. Ten-family house.
Q. Is the hallway wide going in?
A. Yes, about four feet.
Q. How was it lighted at the time?
A. Poorly lighted, they got a big light in there.
Q. Where are the lights in the hallway? Was there any lights
on at the time?
A. On the first floor.
Q. One flight up?
A. Yes, there was no light on the main floor.
Q. And you were on your way up the stairs?
A. Going up the first floor, and as I went up the first floor a fel-
low came behind the stairs, leading to the stairs, and the gun staring
me from the banister. One was in there, or two were in there. I got
about three steps up the first flight, and a gun was pointed at me
from around the banister. With that, the fellow says, 'O.K. you know
what that is.’ He oozed his way on around and got in front of me, and
with that a woman came in and she went up to the first floor, and this
fellow started a conversation as each woman came in. When these
women came in -- I don't know what intentions they had of doing --
the man with the gun said to me, "Get behind the stairs!" This fellow
says to me -- the unknown man -- "Get behind the stairs!" so I went
down behind the stairs.
Q. This was the only man you had seen?
A. Yes one man so far. As soon as I ducked down the stairs I
noticed there was somebody behind me. When I got behind the
stairs this unknown fellow says "O.K. take his money!" see. While the
fellow Starret that hesitated that was arrested.
Q. Who was he?

A. Joseph Starrett. When he stepped in, [and] stepped in
front of me the unknown man said, "Take the money" and the other
fellow, the unknown man, put his hand in my pocket and took the
change and the bills. The unknown fellow said, "Pull down your
pants!" When I didn't pull them down both fellows pulled them down,
and Starret tied my hands and started to tie my feet when in broke
the officer. One fellow got away through the basement, the fellow
with the gun got away, and the officer grabbed Starret.
Q. He was still tying up you up, Starret.
A. Yes, he was still tying me up when the officer caught him.
Q. Where did you have this money?
A. In my pants pocket and my coat pocket.
Q. The overcoat?
A. No my work pants.
Q. You had change in the coat pocket?
A. Yes.
Q. And you had all told $128?
A. Yes.
Q. Was that Monday?
A. Yes.
Q. That is a big collection day?
A. Yes, sometimes it is Tuesday according to what route you
have. Sometimes I collect $160 sometimes $90.
Q. And you said here that the man was putting a gun against
your stomach?
A. Yes, that is when they came around the banister.
Q. Was there any conversation when the cop broke in and
grabbed him?
A. No. Starret I understood passed a remark---
Q. Not what you understand but right there and then was
anything said?
A. No.
Q. Just the cop grabbed him?
A. Yes.
Q. When was the next time you saw this defendant?
A. In the magistrate’s court.

Q. There were no questions there, were there? Nobody ques-
tioned this defendant?
A. I was down the grand jury.
Q. And you never saw this defendant after the arrest?
A. No.
Q. Only in Magistrates Court?
A. Yes.
Q. About that breaking in, what was your position when the
officer broke?
A. Sitting down.
Q. How was this Starret facing?
A. He was facing the street on a sidelike. I was sitting flat on
the floor, and he was down like this with his back towards the wall.
Q. What wall?
A. There is a wall.
Q. When he went in why he had his back towards the cop?
A. No, he was sort of sidewise.
Q. The unknown fellow saw the cop first?
A. I don’t know whether he saw him first.
Q. And he was crouched down, this Starrett; at the time the
cop came in and was still tying you.
A. Yes.
Q. And the cop grabbed him?
A. Yes.
Q. Was there any conversation?
A. No. The cop hollered, “throw them up” something like that.
I was too excited. As soon as the cop came in I hopped out and tried
to get the other fellow.
Q. How did he get out?
A. Through the front door and out through the front.
Q. You didn’t see him get away?
A. Yes. I saw him running down Third Avenue. People that
saw him said they saw him going out with his hand under the coat.

Again Hall stated that Starrett was not the man with the gun.
What was the remark that Hall understood was passed to the police
officer? Did the remark relate to organized crime? Was it a promise

that "the boys (the Mafia) would take care of the officer" if the po-
liceman let Harold go? Capozzoli didn’t seem as if he wanted to
bring organized crime into the picture.

Capozzoli was born in Cosenza, Italy, and was brought to the

United States at the age of 6. He grew up on the Lower East Side
and graduated from the Fordham University School of Law in 1922.
He practiced law until 1929. In 1930 Capozzoli joined the New York
District Attorneys Office. One of his notable cases involved the theft
of 38 cents: “Severe Sing-Sing sentences were imposed by Judge
Allen in General Sessions yesterday on three Negro hold-up men,
who threatened a Yorkville baker with pistols in the early morning of
last August 10, 1934 at Fifth Avenue and 135th Street when they
robbed him of 38 cents. Albert Jackson, 23 years old, was sentenced
to a thirty-year term as a second offender after the prosecutor, Louis
J. Capozzoli, had brought out [an] old penny that had been found in
Jackson's pocket…of such old coinage that it readily was identified
on the witness stand by the complainant…” 159 In 1939 Capozzoli was
elected to the State Assembly. In 1940 and 1942 he was elected to
the House of Representatives. During his disbarment hearing former
Magistrate Thomas A. Aurelio claimed he was disturbed over a
report that Municipal Court Justice Joseph Raimo might be nominat-
ed to the Supreme Court to make a place for Representative Louis J.
Capozzoli whose district might be eliminated in the coming Congres-
sional Reapportionment. Aurelio wanted Ramio’s Supreme Court
nomination. However Mayor LaGuardia testified that Aurelio wanted
him to appoint Capozzoli Magistrate to clear the way for his appoint-
ment to the Supreme Court, “I told him I wouldn’t do it. I told him that
if Capozzoli was a combination of John Marshall and Holmes and
Cardozo I wouldn’t appoint him after such a request,” said the
Mayor. 160

In private practice in 1946 Capozzoli represented Little Augie

Pisano, an organized crime figure. The New York Times reported, “In
Week-End Court his lawyer former Representative Louis J.
Capozzoli, told Magistrate Henri Schwob: ‘This defendant is no more
a person without visible means of support than I am, and I don't think

anybody would be immune from arrest if you hold this is a case.’ Mr.
Capozzoli earlier in the week was designated by Tammany for State
Senator from the Lower East Side district after the incumbent,
Senator Elmer F. Quinn, had been turned down for re-nomination.
Jimmy Kelly, nightclub owner in that section and whose real name is
John DiSalvio, is said to be an uncle of Augie Pisano.” 161 In 1946
Capozzoli was elected to the City Court bench but resigned in 1950
and was elected to the old Court of General Sessions. After the
Senate Crime Investigating Committee implied that Frank Costello
was a judge maker and that many New York City judges were
Costello Judges, The New York Times examined the backgrounds of
the Tammany judicial nominees. No link was found between Costello
and Capozzoli. 162 The high point of Capozzoli’s career was when he
arraigned George Metesky, the “Mad Bomber” of New York. In 1966
Governor Nelson Rockefeller appointed Capozzoli to the Appellate
Division of State Supreme Court.

When he handled Starrett’s case Capozzoli’s boss was Dis-

trict Attorney William Copeland Dodge, the Harlem policy mob's own
handpicked DA! 163 In the spring of 1935, District Attorney Dodge had
been so unwilling to look into the hugely lucrative uptown numbers
games that his grand jury had mutinied and demanded the appoint-
ment of a special prosecutor - Thomas E. Dewey. 164 Later Democrat-
ic Governor Herbert H. Lehman replaced Dodge with Dewey. Dewey
said that Tammany Hall Leader James J. Hines wanted Dodge DA
because Dodge was "stupid, respectable and my man." Hines was
indicted for his part in the Harlem policy racket. In his first trial,
before Judge Ferdinand Pecora, Dewey introduced evidence to
show that that the aforementioned quote belonged to the district
leader. Dewey named Dodge as having been “intimidated, influenced
or bribed” by Hines to further the interests of the Arthur (Dutch
Schultz) Flegenheimer policy racket. Pecora declared a mistrial after
Dewey had prejudiced the case of the defense by one line of ques-
tioning. 165 Hines was convicted at his second trial and sentenced to
two to four years in prison by Judge Pecora.

On May 9, 1934 before Judge Owen Bohan in the Court of
General Sessions, Giuliani switched his plea to guilty and copped to
one count of Robbery in the Third Degree. A pre-sentencing hearing
was held on May 23, 1934. This is the complete transcript:

Court of General Sessions

County of New York, Part I
Indictment No. 199,985
New York May 23, 1934.
The defendant is indicted for robbery in the first degree and
assault in the first degree. Indictment filed April 12, 1934.
Appearances: For the People: ASSISTANT DISTRICT
For Defendant: Robert J. Fitzsimmons, Esq.
The Defendant is duly arraigned for sentence before Hon.
Owen Bohan, Judge.
THE CLERK: Harold Giuliano indicted as Joseph Starrett,
what have you now to say why judgment should not be pronounced
against you according to law.
EDWARD SCHMITT, Shield N. 4190, an Officer of the 23rd
Precinct, takes the stand and states as follows.
Q. What are the facts in this case?
A. I was tipped off by a citizen that a couple of fellows were
hanging around 130 East 96th Street for about a half hour and he
finally saw them going into the hallway. After they went in a milkman
went in, and the citizen suspected there was something wrong and
he called me and told me about it. I went around to the hallway and
saw this defendant Joseph Starrett bending down over the milkman
who was tied up hands and feet. The other man who was with
Starrett got away by going through the cellar. The second man had a
gun. The defendant here did not have a gun.
(The complaining witness is called and does not respond)

Q. Did the complaining witness swear that this man had a
gun in Magistrates Court?
A. The defendant himself said the other man had the gun.
Q. What did the complainant say?
A. The complainant said the other man had the gun. This
milkman tried to change his statement, after he was visited at about
four o'clock that morning by several people who threatened him.
Then he said he thought this fellow [Giuliani] ought to get a break.
MR. FITZSIMMONS: I believe this is the case that warrants
extreme clemency, for the reason that the defendant confessed his
guilt. It is the first time he has been in any serious trouble. The other
man was the moving spirit. The defendant realizes his mistake. His
home life has been of the finest and he comes from a wonderful
THE COURT: I am a very sympathetic judge, but I have no
sympathy for robbers with guns.
MR. FITZSIMMONS: Of course he should get some punish-
ment to make him realize the seriousness of his act.
THE COURT (Addressing the defendant) Who was the other
man who was in this thing with you?
THE OFFICER: He gave a fictitious name and address. He
refused to give us the name and address of the other man.
MR. FITZSIMMONS: Joseph Podemo is the name of the man
he said.
THE COURT: I will commit this defendant. If he wants to help
himself, let him tell us the name of the man who had the gun. I will
adjourn this sentence to May 29th.

The boys must have visited Hall on the very night of Joseph
Starrett’s arrest because the next day he swore Starrett was not the
man with the gun. Wayne Barrett reported, “Hall's coerced reversal
may have been effective in reducing his assailant's prison time. He
was allowed, in light of Hall's altered statement, to plead to one count
of armed robbery in the third degree.” But Hall never altered his
statement unless he did so before the Grand Jury, which is unlikely.
Barrett also reported, “No one named Joseph Podemo was charged
in connection with this, or any other, crime between 1929 and 1935.”


On May 29, 1934 Harold was sentenced to two to five years

in State Prison. Before he went into “the joint” Harold was examined
by Dr. Benjamin Apfelberg a seasoned prison psychiatrist, “Psychiat-
ric examination discloses no psychotic symptoms at the present
time. He is mildly tense due to anxiety about his predicament but, as
a whole, this does not interfere with his co-operation, which is
satisfactory and usually frank. There are no abnormalities in his
emotional responses, no delusional trends, hallucinations or gross
memory disturbances. Psychological analysis indicates that he is not
mentally defective. His intellectual attainments are within the average
range as shown in his literacy, vocabulary, fund of general infor-
mation and nature of interests.” Harold was a product of East Har-
lem. Mental illness did not cause Harold to commit crime nor did
stupidity. It was growing up in the slums that did it.

Apfelberg: “Practical judgment however is at time inadequate

because of the personality factor and not on account of any intellec-
tual difficulties. A study of this individual's makeup reveals that he is
a personality deviate of the aggressive, egocentric type. This
aggessivity is pathological in nature and has shown itself time to time
even as far back as his childhood. He is egocentric to an extent
where he has failed to consider the feelings and rights of others.” Dr.
Apfelberg was saying was that Harold was a potentially violent
psychopath who lacked a conscious. He continued, “Since the age of
6 or 7 he has had considerable difficulty with his eyesight due to
nearsightedness. As a result of this physical handicap, especially
because of taunts in his boyhood years, he has developed a sense
of inferiority, which, in recent years, has become accentuated on
account of his prolonged idleness and dependence on his parents.
He has developed certain blinking and squinting habits on account of
his eye handicap.” Harold wore very thick glasses and other kids
must have made fun of him. He also had a nervous blink that was
either due to his eye handicap or due to a nervous disorder although
Apfelberg wrote, “Neurological examination is negative.” Harold was
a classic coke bottle bottom glasses wearing creep.

Dr. Benjamin Apfelberg stated, “His school life was marked
by retardation on account of the mischievous and unruly conduct.
Due to aggressive traits and due to his excessive idleness, he has
been attracted to haphazard associations that apparently were the
direct precipitating factors in bringing about the present offense.”
Harold was not dumb, just a hardcore belligerent anti-social thug with
a chip on his shoulder a mile wide. Basically a bum who was attract-
ed to associates he met in a reckless manner, not giving enough
thought to the consequences of hanging out with gangsters.

Dr. Benjamin Apfelberg: “He is not anxious about his predic-

ament on account of a feeling of guilt. He rationalizes the motives of
his offense in a self-pitying way in order to obtain sympathy. He
deviates from the average in the manner described but this in no way
impairs his legal responsibility. There are some neurotic manifesta-
tions at the present time. As a child he was subject to various
neurotic habits and difficulties. Physical examination shows no
evidence of any serious or acute organic disease. He has a visual
defect as described for which he wears glasses… To sum up, the
psychiatric and other examinations show the following: no psychosis
at the present time; average intelligence; personality deviate of the
aggressive egocentric type…From a purely and strictly psychiatric
standpoint without considering the social, environmental and
other factors in this case, the findings indicate that the social
rehabilitation possibilities are favorable for eventual readjustment but
are rather dubious as to the prognosis in regard to improvement in
personality.” 166

Without considering the fact that the Italian sub-culture he will

re-enter after he gets out of prison revolves around the Mafia,
without considering that he will go back to East Harlem, and without
considering other factors such as his affiliation with organized crime,
Harold can be rehabilitated. Apfelberg had plenty of experience in
evaluating psychopaths and reported that, "of 57,000 lawbreakers
examined over 25 years, a scant 5% had ordinary mental illnesses
rated as treatable. Most of the rest were, in some degree, what
psychiatrists call psychopaths or sociopaths individuals whose

consciences are either lacking or inert, and who choose to do what
they want when they want. These are notoriously the patients with
whom psychiatry has the least success. And in many courts, psy-
chopathy is excluded from the catalogue of mental illnesses that can
justify an insanity plea." 167

Harold did a 2-year "bid" in Sing-Sing and again never gave

anyone up to the police. Harold Giuliani’s early life bore an eerie
similarity to that of Mafia turncoat Sammy “The Bull” Gravano who
was asked about his teenage years:

A. I worked on and off, I hung out.

Q. Did you commit any crimes during this period?
A. Yes, armed robbery, burglary.
Q. Did you commit crimes with other people?
A. Yes.


After he was released from the joint, Harold, now passing

himself off as an amateur boxer, continued to work for the mob.
Giuliani told ABC-TV World News, “He was a very, very strong
person. He was a boxer in the early part of his life. [He taught me]
steadfastness, courage, the ability to handle different things and
remain calm when you are going through it…His job was to toughen
me up and not be afraid…A big part of his upbringing was you got to
always be honest.” There is no record of Harold fighting in any
amateur or professional bouts. How could there be? Harold was
practically blind without his glasses. Giuliani was then asked if his
combative personality came from his father? “Yeah, probably –
probably came from growing up in Brooklyn for the first seven years
of my life.”

In 2007 Giuliani said this about his father’s arrest and incar-
ceration to ABC News, 168 "I knew parts of it, but it was always a big
secret and very shadowy. I knew he had gotten into trouble as a
young man, but I never knew exactly what it was [until Barrett broke
the story in 2000]…He always told me he would tell me the details of
it and he never did. And every time I pressed him on it he would go
off and change the subject. I just always assumed it was just some
kind of teenage problem he had. [When my uncle Rudy told me] you
know the first thing that went through my head was that I felt sorry he
didn’t tell me. I would have told him whatever problems you had in
your life you obviously wanted to straighten them out through me. I
know the lessons he taught me, and the things he tried to do for me,
and I can see now what he was trying to accomplish. He was trying
in his own imperfect way to make up for what he had done wrong. As
I found out more about what his history was and what he had done
having been his son, the way he brought me up, I have this tremen-
dous respect for him.” What was the “perfect” way to make up for the
wrong Harold had had done in life? Harold Giuliani was a career
criminal, a Mafia associate and a man who helped corrupt profes-
sional sports figures, many of whom were idolized by American

While he was still working for Louie Carbonetti and Frankie

Costello in East Harlem Harold Giuliani began to court Helen
D’Avanzo. They met via Helen D’Avanzo’s brother William D'Avanzo
who had married Harold’s sister Olga Giuliani. Olga D'Avanzo gave
birth to Joan Ellen D'Avanzo who later in life became a heroin addict.
Olga overdosed on September 28, 1973. As fate would have it it was
that year that Giuliani was appointed Chief of the Narcotics Unit at
the United States Attorney's office. Giuliani went after some big time
heroin dealers but mostly focused on street dealers on the Lower
East Side of Manhattan – hitting these minor players with federal
charges that carried long sentences. If Joan Ellen had been dealing
to support her addiction her cousin Giuliani would have put her away
rather than sending her to a drug treatment program.

Helen and Harold were married in 1936 while Harold was on
parole for attempting to collect the milkman’s gambling debt. They
eventually moved to a small private two-story house at 419 Haw-
thorne Street in East Flatbush, Brooklyn, New York owned by
Helen’s sister Adelina D’Avanzo. Helen D'Avanzo was a loyal tough
Mafia wife. She wore combat boots. She rode shotgun for Good
Humor. There was no way she could have been unaware of the
criminal activities of her immediate family.

Four of her brothers joined the police force in the mid 1930’s.
Hey, not only was her husband mobbed up with Frank Costello,
Helen was connected to the mob through her brother, Leo D'Avanzo
and other relatives who were soldiers or capos with connections to
the Gambino organized crime family. In fact, in 2001 Leo's grandson,
Lewis’s son Lee D'Avanzo and Joseph Gambino 169 were arrested
with Gambino soldier Salvatore "Fat Sal" Mangiavillano in a Mafia
conspiracy case. It was in this Mafia milieu Helen gave birth to her
only son Rudolph William Louis Giuliani III 8 years after first con-
summating her marriage to Harold. Giuliani was born on May 28,
1944, after one “miscarriage.” The possibility exists that Helen had
an illegal abortion. It took 8 years for her to become pregnant. How
did she avoid it? The only acceptable birth control method for Catho-
lics at this time was the rhythm method, notoriously unreliable. Did
she want to postpone bringing life into the world until her family was
in the right financial condition? Was her miscarriage an illegal
abortion or self-induced abortion and did this help establish Giuliani’s
view on abortion? Somewhere along the line Giuliani concluded, “We
should allow the mother ultimately to make those kinds of decisions.”
Another possibility is that Giuliani viewed abortion as a way to
diminish the African-American underclass: “The simple fact is that
whether I am the Mayor or [Democrat David Dinkins] the Mayor, it’s
going to be the same for women who want an abortion. I’m going to
fund abortion, to make certain that poor women are not deprived of
an abortion, and I’m going to oppose making abortion illegal. That’s a
non-issue.” 170


In 1948 Rudy's Mafia uncle Leo D'Avanzo opened Vincent’s,

Leo’s East Flatbush cheap neighborhood bar on the corner of
Kingston and Rutland Road in Brooklyn - a front for a bookie joint.
Post-war East Flatbush was the sports and horse betting capitol of
New York State. There was also a great deal of “numbers” or “policy”
activity. Many New Yorkers ran up debts with their bookies then
turned to shylocks to borrow the money to pay the interest payments.
If the failed to make a payment they would run into Harold Giuliani –
who prospered by collecting these gambling debts and illegal usuri-
ous interest payments. Harold had experience in this area when he
worked for Frank Costello and was happy to help his brother-in-law

Vincent’s was named Vincent’s because brother Vincent D’Avanzo171

was the corrupt cop and Mafia mole within NYPD who fronted for
Leo in order to obtain a liquor license for the loan sharking and
gambling operation. Leo D'Avanzo did not want to get fingerprinted
by the State Liquor Authority even though he had no felony convic-
tions. On August 17, 1951, at age 38, Leo D'Avanzo was arraigned
in Brooklyn Criminal Court on felony "criminal receiving" charges, but
the case was dismissed. In December 1952 Leo was charged with
violating sections 370 and 371 of the General Business Law. 172
Seven years later, in April 1958, D'Avanzo appeared in Brooklyn
Gambler's Court, arraigned on bets and bookmaking charges; he put
up a $500 bond and was discharged by Judge Anthony Livoti.

In retrospect it is apparent that Judge Livoti like so many of
his contemporaries was on the pad and made decisions that favored
Organized Crime. For example after the top Commission Mafia
members (including Carlo Gambino, Santo Trafficante and Carlos
Marcello) held a meeting at La Stella restaurant in Queens in 1966
they were called before a Grand Jury (with the exception of Gambino
who had a heart ailment). After four of them refused to answer
questions despite having been given immunity from prosecution,
they were indicted for contempt. Justice Livoti dismissed the indict-
ments on the technical grounds that the defendants should have
been brought before a Supreme Court justice and directed by him to
answer questions. The Appellate Division reversed his ruling. On
April 10, 1959 The New York Times reported, “A charge against
Giovanni Scalisi, arrested last weekend for possession of a pistol
while en route from Mexico City to Rome, was dismissed yesterday,
in Ridgewood Felony Court, Queens. Judge Anthony Livoti ruled that
it had not been proven Mr. Scalisi had possession of the gun. Mr.
Scalisi claimed the weapon when it was found in the purse of Joanna
DeSantis Scalisi, his niece and traveling companion, in customs at
New York International Airport, Idlewild, Queens. Judge Livoti
reduced a similar charge against Miss Scalisi to a misdemeanor and
put it over for a later trial in Special Sessions Court. Mr. Scalisi's
brother Frank, reportedly a friend of Charles "Lucky" Luciano, was
murdered two years ago.” 173 You get the idea – Mafioso got walks.
Scalisi admitted that the gun was his yet the charges were dis-
missed. Could this have anything to do with the fact that he con-
trolled the Longshoremen's Union? Interestingly enough in the early
1960's, Judge Livoti would award Rudy a $100 Scholarship to

Vincent D'Avanzo’s brother Leo had taught him that old

Brooklyn adage, "It is better to take bets than to place them" and
Vincent also took bets on sports events, horse races etc. On October
15, 1954, Vincent D'Avanzo was arraigned in Gambler's Court on
minor charges related to the Alcohol Beverage Control Act, but was
discharged. Gambler’s Court was run by the mob. For example in
1949 not a single bookmaker was sent to jail from Gambler’s Court in

Brooklyn. One had been arrested fifty times in twelve years but never
spent a day in jail. It was not until 1960 that Gambler’s Court was
discontinued and all cases transferred to Magistrates Court. Finger-
printing became mandatory for persons arrested for policy or book-
making violations. On February 14, 1961, Vincent was arrested with
12 other defendants for a violation of the New York City administra-
tive code that appeared to be related to gambling; given a choice in
Magistrate’s Court between one day in jail and a $2 fine, Vincent
paid the fine.

Wayne Barrett discovered that Leo D'Avanzo's overboss at

Vincent's Bar and Grill was Jimmy Dano, "a made man." Dano
worked for the powerful numbers-racket operator and narcotics
distributor James "Jimmy the Clam" Eppolito. In 1958 “Jimmie
Eppolito” was held as a material witness in the death of John
Robilotto, a member of the Albert Anastasia family who was shot four
times at close range in the head in East Flatbush shortly after Albert
was whacked in his barber chair. Robilotto’s pockets had been
turned out, his wallet was gone and the labels had been cut from his
clothing. Frank Costello had John Robilotto hit. In 1946 Robilotto was
fined $100 for running a gambling house in Connecticut. He was
arrested twice by the FBI, questioned and released. On October 4,
1951 three killers working under John Robilotto killed William Moretti,
Frank Costello’s most trusted lieutenant. Moretti was the head of the
Mafia’s gambling operation in Bergen and Passaic Counties New
Jersey. In 1952 Robilotto had been indicted for the Moretti murder
but not convicted.

Leo D’Avanzo’s overboss was “Jimmy the Clam” who met a

violent gangland death. On October 3, 1979 The New York Times
reported that, “A Brooklyn man and his son, both said to be members
of the organized crime family of the late Carlo Gambino were shot to
death late Monday night in the front seat of a car…The dead men
were identified as James Eppolito, 64 years old, and James A.
Eppolito, 33.” After a shootout with a housing policeman near the
scene of the crime, police arrested a wounded Anthony Frank Gaggi.
In March 1984 Giuliani announced the indictment of Paul Castellano,

Anthony Frank Gaggi, Roy DeMeo for the murder of James Eppolito
Jr. and James "Jimmy the Clam" Eppolito. Gaggi had been acquitted
of murder in the Eppolito case in 1980, but the new indictment said
he had bribed a juror. Giuliani prosecuted the killer of his uncle Leo’s

But there is more. In November 1984 Detective Louis

Eppolito, who joined the NYPD in 1969, was charged with copying
the reports from the Police Intelligence Division in December 1968
and giving them to Rosario Gambino, who at that time was under
investigation for heroin trafficking. Gambino was a nephew of the late
Carlo Gambino. Detective Eppolito faced administrative charges of
improperly copying the records and divulging their contents
''wrongfully.'' No criminal charges were filed against him. 174 On
March 10, 2005 the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of
New York unsealed a racketeering conspiracy indictment charging
retired New York City Police detective Louis Eppolito with secretly
serving as a Mafia associate for years. According to the indictment,
in addition to routinely passing confidential law enforcement infor-
mation to the mob, Louis Eppolito directly participated in, or aided
and abetted, eight murders, two attempted murders, one murder
conspiracy, several instances of obstruction of justice, drug distribu-
tion and money laundering. According to the indictment and a
detention letter filed by the government, New York City Police
detective Louis Eppolito grew up in a family with strong ties to
organized crime. His father, Ralph "Fat the Gangster" Eppolito, was
a Gambino soldier, and his uncle, James "Jimmy the Clam" Eppolito,
was a Gambino captain. 175


Harold Giuliani moved up in the ranks and by the early 1950’s

was a Mafia associate who was not only expected to “do a num-
ber” 176 on someone – as the mob was involved in debt collection and
extortion – but he was expected to drop a hammer on someone from
time to time. Wayne Barrett reported that Harold Giuliani and his
brother-in-law Leo D’Avanzo were involved in a shoot out on the

streets of Brooklyn in the early 1960’s. Giuliani’s father Harold was
what Marlon Brando termed in On The Waterfront, “a meatball.” He
didn’t draw the line at breaking limbs (or one limb when the Mafia
was running a sale). But he always stayed under the radar. The
difference between Harold and other Mafioso was that Harold was
inconsequential enough not to have come to the attention of a police
force overwhelmed by Organized Crime.

The mob was getting more and more powerful in post-war

America and had infiltrated law enforcement and the judicial system.
In 1950 Estes Kefauver began his televised hearings into Organized
Crime and its effect on Interstate Commerce. As a result of the
headlines the Kefauver Committee generated, a so-called crusading
Brooklyn District Attorney arrested the mega-bookie Harry Gross of
East Flatbush who controlled Leo D’Avanzo’s territory when it came
to sports betting. Gross had his headquarters in East Flatbush, in the
Dugout Restaurant, near Prospect Park and Ebbitts Field. Vincent’s
was 12 blocks from Ebbitts Field. Gross, whose business was
reputed to have averaged $20,000,000 a year, said he had never
operated a horse room that handled less than $1,500 to $2,000 a
day in wagers. He said this sum was usually doubled on Saturdays,
after players had received their weekly paychecks. Among the
places he said served as his horse rooms were candy stores,
garages, lofts in factory buildings, restaurants, a laundry and a
barber shop. Gross said he had paid protection money for his
enterprises to major police units - "local division, Brooklyn East
Headquarters, super-borough, chief inspector's and police commis-
sioner's squads." The payments were $200 a month to each of the
five units for permission to operate each spot, he added. He listed
his additional expenses as graft paid to street patrolmen, precinct
captains, desk lieutenant; and station-house sergeants. 177

After Gross testified against over hundred policemen of vari-

ous rank, mayoral appointees, New York City Mafia Mayor William
O'Dywer had to resign. He would later call Gross’ testimony part of a
witch-hunt but his testimony resulted in the convictions of 22 police-
men and the dismissal or resignation of 240 others. O’Dywer was

quickly appointed Ambassador to Mexico. Before he left office in
1951 O'Dywer appointed Vincent R. Impellitteri as the acting Mafia
Mayor. Impellitteri was the candidate of Frank Costello and the
Luchese Crime Family. Both Mafia Mayors were puppets of Tamma-
ny Hall - New York City's Democratic Machine run by Carmine
DeSapio. DeSapio, who represented the District that included
Greenwich Village and Little Italy, was closely associated with Frank
Costello. Gross was sentencing to eight years in prison. In 1959 he
was sentenced to one to ten years for beating his wife’s 82 year-old
grandfather to death. In 1986 Gross was seized in a Los Angeles
hotel on charges of trying to sell heroin to an undercover Federal
agent. In March 1986 Gross committed suicide by slashing his wrists
at his home in Long Beach, California. He left a note saying he had
decided to kill himself rather than go back to prison.

In 1951, the same year Impellitteri took office, Harold Giuliani

moved to Garden City, Long Island. That would make Rudy about 7
years old when he left Brooklyn. Yet Rudy recounts, “His father,
Harold, a Yankees partisan from East Harlem, once dressed young
Rudy in Yankee pinstripes and sent him out to play in the Dodger-
mad streets of Brooklyn. Too young to have any say in the matter,
Rudy was set upon by the neighborhood toughs, Dodger fans all. A
gang of boys seized him, placed a noose around his neck, and
threatened to lynch him.” 178 Giuliani is inventing his past – Little Rudy
would have been between 5 and 7 when this allegedly happened.
Would Harold do this to a 5 year old or even a 7 year old? Was he
that demented? East Flatbush was a Jewish-Italian neighborhood.
Jews in Brooklyn didn’t relate to lynching and the Italians preferred
baseball bats when it came to dealing with those they mildly disliked.

There was no indication that Harold’s income improved yet

he was living the American dream. Wayne Barrett reported that
Rudy's Aunt Adelina D’Avanzo sold 419 Hawthorne Street and used
the money to purchase the two-bedroom house; however, the title
was in Helen Giuliani's name. The New York Times reported, “Mr.
Giuliani often harks back to his youth as he delivers his exhortations
toward self-reliance. He repeatedly uses his life as the son of a

middle-class tavern owner in the Long Island suburbs as a
model for the down and out of the inner city, with no sense of disso-
nance in the comparisons. ‘I've washed dishes in restaurants,’ Mr.
Giuliani explained in reference to his work in his father's taverns
as he said squeegee men should find restaurant jobs.”

Harold never owned a tavern either in the suburbs or in

Brooklyn (more or less taverns) nor did his son ever work in this non-
existent tavern as a dishwasher. Who did Harold have to beat up or
murder to get the dough to leave Brooklyn because one thing is for
certain; it did not come from his taverns. On April 19, 1951 in Brook-
lyn, N.Y., the body of Philip Mangano was found in a marsh near
Jamaica Bay. He had been shot three times in the head. Earlier his
brother Vincent Mangano disappeared. Authorities questioned Frank
Costello about the murder. Was there a connection between this
unsolved murder and Harold coming into money around this time? It
is possible but not likely with all the hit men floating around Brooklyn.
It may not have been this particular unsolved murder that paid for
Harold’s new home, but one not unlike it.

Wayne Barrett revealed that in the mid-1960's Leo D'Avanzo

and his wife Betty and their two daughters, Lee Ann and Helen,
moved to Binghamton, New York. Nicholas "Doc" Somma, who had
run a demolition business in Flatbush, followed Leo to Binghamton,
as did Elizabeth Mandelino, Leo's D'Avanzo's mistress for nearly 30
years. Elizabeth Mandelino was the daughter of the prior owner of
Vincent’s, Philomena Mandelino (the Mandelinos were related by
marriage to James "Jimmy the Clam" Eppolito). One big, happy
“family!” 179 D'Avanzo Contracting, a demolition company, was Leo's
principal business venture in Binghamton. Wayne Barrett reported
that a November 18, 1967, article in the Binghamton Press & Sun
Bulletin reported that D'Avanzo Contracting had asked the town of
Union for permission to use the DiAngelo gravel pit as a dumping
site for the debris of demolished homes. Leo D'Avanzo and a few
other men rolled several brand new Cadillacs into the pit. In Septem-
ber 1970, after he had founded his own contracting firm, Somma was
arrested on felony charges of criminal possession of twenty stolen

dump trucks and other construction equipment. D’Avanzo Contract-
ing had also used some of the stolen trucks.

Harold seemed to have an ongoing beef with milk companies

and on May 24, 1956 he filed a lawsuit against the Philadelphia Dairy
Products Company. 180 The case file was destroyed in a fire. In
January 1959 Harold got a $3,300 a year job as a ground keeper for
Lynbrook Public High School and in October 1959 Harold and his
family moved to a more expensive home at 2654 Pine Court in North
Bellmore, Long Island, despite his being unemployed. Rudy won a
scholarship to Bishop Loughlin but where did the money come from
to pay Rudy’s tuition at Manhattan College and New York University
if Harold was making $63 a week before taxes? Rudy told WABC-TV
National News, “I grew up in a family that was poor or a little bit
better than poor…” In October 1978, Harold and Helen sold their
split-level house in Bellmore for $52,000 and rented a three-bedroom
apartment in Bayside, Queens, for $600 per month. At 70 years old,
Harold was allegedly commuting by bus to a part-time custodial job
at the Gotham Building Maintenance Corporation on 28th Street in
Manhattan owned by the Angelucci family. 181


Leo D'Avanzo's son Lewis D’Avanzo was a fat bisexual mob-

ster. Lewis D'Avanzo was known as "Steve the Blond" and was listed
as armed and dangerous in FBI bulletins. In April 1959, when Rudy
was fifteen, his cousin Lewis aka “Louis” D’Avanzo was arrested for
burglary. On April 13, 1959 Magistrate Cullen discharged Lewis in
Adolescent Court. 182 In 1960 Lewis enlisted in the U.S. Army but was
rejected due to obesity. He stole his first car for the mob while he
was still attending Bishop Loughlin High School. A precocious hood,
Lewis also stole license-making equipment out of a Department of
Motor Vehicles warehouse in Suffolk County. Thanks to the interven-
tion of Rudy’s Bishop Loughlin High School guidance counselor
Christian Brother Jack O'Leary Lewis was given a suspended
sentence. O’Leary now resides in Pittsburg, California.

In January 1962 Lewis D'Avanzo was arrested in Suffolk

County and New York City for Grand Larceny, Petty Larceny with a
Handgun, Burglary in the Third Degree, Forgery and Criminally
Receiving Stolen Property and Attempted Burglary. In December
1962 he was charged with Grand Larceny, First Degree, 3 Counts,
Criminally Buying and Receiving Stolen Property as a Felony,
Criminally Concealing and Withholding Stolen Property and Wrong-
fully Acquired Property as a Felony, Forgery, Second Degree,
Offering a False or Forged Instrument to be Filed or Recorded in a
Public Office. ADA DiBlasi stated, “The Defendant is 21 years of age
and has no prior record. Gail Greenstein states that on September
29, 1961 the defendant did sell to her a 1960 Chevrolet sedan for
which she paid the defendant the sum of $1625 consisting of tellers’
checks and United States currency. The defendant represented the
car as being his property and produced registration in the name of
one Jack Marks whom he represented himself to be.

“Detective Michael DiGioia of the Auto Squad states that the

said automobile was stolen from one Douglas Rosen on June 19,
1961 and that said car had been reported stolen on that date.
Detective DiGioia states further that the defendant knew that the said
car was stolen at the time he represented himself to be Jack Marks
to the complainant, Gail Greenstein. Jack Marks states that the
defendant did represent himself to be the said Jack Marks to the
East New York Savings Bank and forged the name Jack Marks to a
check which the defendant had received in payment of the stolen
automobile from Gail Greenstein.

“The defendant admitted that he knew the car was stolen and
that he did represent himself to be said Jack Marks, the owner of
said car when he sold it to the complainant, Greenstein, and that he
did forge the name Jack Marks to the check received in payment for
the automobile. This defendant is currently under indictment in
Suffolk County for the sale of another automobile.”

On November 19, 1962 Lewis D’Avanzo plead guilty to Grand

Larceny 2 before Judge John E. Cone:

JESSE ZASLOV: If your Honor please, at this time the de-

fendant wishes to withdraw his plea of not guilty as heretofore
entered and pleads guilty under count six of the indictment to cover
the indictment; guilty to the charge of grand larceny 2 under count
number six of the indictment.
THE COURT: Is that satisfactory to the People?
MR. DIBLASI: Satisfactory to the People.
THE COURT: You are the defendant?
THE COURT: You heard what your attorney said; is that your
desire to plead guilty to the grand larceny in the second degree?
THE COURT: You know that you could stand trial if you saw
fit, have a jury pass upon your guilt or innocence as the case may
be; you understand that?
THE COURT: Nevertheless you desire to plead guilty?
THE COURT: Nobody is forcing you?

THE COURT: And you know that there are no promises be-
ing made; is that right?
TIM COURT: What did you do here?
THE DEFENDANT: I sold a car to a Gail Greenstein and the
car was stolen.
THE COURT: You knew the car was stolen?
THE DEFENDANT: Well, at that time I suspected it was.
THE COURT: Is that the District Attorney's position here?
Mr. DiBLASI: The car was stolen, yes he knew it was stolen.
THE COURT: Tell the truth; did you know whether it was sto-
len or not?
THE DEFENDANT: At that time I did suspect it was. When I
first acquired the car I thought it was a legitimate automobile. After a
while things started mounting up and I knew there was something
wrong with it.
THE COURT: What started mounting up?
THE DEFENDANT: I was supposed to go into the service
and my father was wondering why I wasn’t in yet and I was told not
to pay any insurance on the car; I was given all the papers and
everything else.
THE COURT: Who gave you the papers?
THE DEFENDANT: The party I bought it off through an ad in
the New York Mirror, and I asked these people if they could phone
the insurance in for me and they gave me the papers and the license
and I did suspect something was wrong and I decided to keep the
THE COURT: How long did you keep the car?
TIM DEFENDANT: About three months.
THE COURT: What kind of car was it?
THE DEFENDANT: 1960 Chevrolet.
THE COURT: What did you pay for it?
THE DEFENDANT: A thousand dollars out of my school bank
THE COURT: What was it selling for at that time?

THE DEFENDANT: It was selling for about $1390 so I was
getting a pretty good buy.
THE COURT: Is this the story, as you understand it?
MR. DIBLASI: The story that we have is that this 1960 Chev-
rolet-Impala was stolen from one Douglas Rosen and that this
defendant sold this car for $1625 to the complainant in this case.
THE COURT: Did you sell it for that price?
Mr. DiBLASI: And he sold it to her under a name other than
his own.
THE COURT: Did you do that?
THE COURT: That was the name…
THE DEFENDANT: That was the name I had all the papers
filled out to.
THE COURT: Why did you buy the car that way?
THE DEFENDANT: Well, I thought I was accomplishing
something by avoiding the insurance and other difficulties I would
have in registering the car and I was afraid my family would find out I
had the car.
THE COURT: Is there anything further there? Have you a
statement from him at the time?
Mr. DiBLASI: He denied at the time, he was arrested that he
knew it was stolen.
THE COURT: You are in some difficulty somewhere else
aren't you?
Mr. DiBLASI: Yes, sir.
THE COURT: Are you a college boy?
THE COURT: I understand, Mr. District Attorney, that in the
event that the defendant were to turn out to be a second felony
offender you would give him an opportunity to set this plea aside?
Mr. DiBLASI: Yes, sir. I would consent to it and I will put it on
the record right now.
THE COURT: However, the belief is that even though he has
this other matter out there, the fact that the crime happened about
the same time is that it would not be a second felony offender.

Mr. DIBLASI: That's, right. My understanding of the law is that
before a second felony there must have been a conviction and
sentence on the first felony before he commits the second felony.
THE COURT: That is my understanding.
Mr. Zaslaw: That is my belief sir too and that is the reason
that this defendant is taking this plea at this time.
THE COURT: Other than that there are no promises being
made to you; you understand that?
THE COURT: Take the plea.
THE CLERK: What is your name?
THE DEFENDANT: Lewis Vincent D'Avanzo.
CLERK: Before accepting this plea you are advised pursuant
to Section 335-B of the Code of Criminal Procedure that if you have
been previously convicted of a felony, that fact may be later estab-
lished are you may be subject to different or additional punishment.
After consultation with your attorney, Jesse Zaslav who stands
beside you, do you wish to withdraw your plea of not guilty to indict-
ment No. 922/62 and do you now wish to plead guilty to crime of
grand larceny 2nd degree to cover this indictment, the sixth count?
(Thereupon defendant sworn and pedigree taken.)
On March 12, 1963 in the Supreme Court of the State of New
York, County of Kings: Criminal Term Part 9 Lewis V. D’Avanzo was
sentenced by the Honorable John E. Cone. Jesse Zaslov was not
present, however, Henry Rothblatt was:
THE CLERK: What is your name?
THE DEFENDANT: Lewis D'Avanzo.
THE CLERK: Do you have any legal cause or other cause to
show why judgment should not be pronounced against you, if you
have speak up, the Court will hear you.
MR. ROTHBLATT: There is no legal cause. I think your Hon-
or has a full and comprehensive report in this case. I would really like
to call to your Honor’s attention that when this defendant was sen-
tenced in Suffolk County, where he is now serving a year in the
County Jail, the Judge in sentencing him took into consideration
these charges pending here in Brooklyn and I have the minutes from

that sentence which set that forth, and the Court specifically says the
Court is taking into consideration all of the facts and also the case
pending in Brooklyn in which you are involved, and proceeded to
sentence this defendant to a year in jail, and to a suspended sen-
tence in States Prison with probation to follow.

I think, your Honor, the background of this young man indi-

cates certainly that there is a lot of good in him. His fine academic
standing in high school, his reasonably good record in college, and I
think after he serves the sentence which he is now serving, he is
prepared to make his way in society, and I think make a good and
decent citizen of himself since he has a lot of good in him intellectu-
ally and otherwise.
THE COURT: After you left college, what kind of work were
you doing?
THE DEFENDANT: I was working in a Piels brewery.
THE COURT: For how long?
THE DEFENDANT: Approximately two months until I was laid
off for lack of work.
THE COURT: What did you do after that?
THE DEFENDANT: Well, after that I was going back and
forth to Court and my time was pretty much involved.
THE COURT: Why did you flunk out of college?
THE DEFENDANT: Sir, I didn't flunk out of college. I was re-
quested that I could see the Dean and have my grades reinstated,
but I had already boosted my draft to be called into the Army and I
was expecting that at any moment. So I didn't go to the Dean's
office. I didn’t discuss my grades. I just failed to renew my application
for admittance in my junior year.
THE COURT: Why did you suddenly become a criminal?
THE DEFENDANT: I don’t know, sir. It is something I got in-
volved in things.
THE COURT: A lot of these people that come in here are un-
fortunate victims of their surroundings. They are to be pitied in many
ways. But you had every reason to do otherwise.
THE DEFENDANT: Yes, sir; I know.

THE COURT: Your father runs some kind of a poolroom or
something of that sort?
THE COURT: He has a bar and grill?
THE DEFENDANT: No, my uncle owns a bar and grill, not my
THE COURT: Do you hang around there?
THE COURT: You used to?
THE COURT: Where was the poolroom that you frequented?
THE COURT: Didn't you frequent some poolroom?
THE COURT: Well, maybe I have you mixed up with some-
body else. What do you intend to do when you get out?
THE DEFENDANT: If possible, I would like to go back to col-
lege, sir. I don’t know if that is possible now.
THE COURT: It may be difficult.
THE DEFENDANT: I know, sir. I would like to try.
THE COURT: All right, you are sentenced to Sing Sing Prison
to a term of one and a half to three years, execution of that sentence
is suspended and you are placed on probation, which will take effect
on completion of the sentence you are currently serving in Suffolk
County, provided that you pay restitution to the complainant in the
sum of $1,625. Now, your father has volunteered to make that
restitution, I am told. Have you got that available now?
MR. ROTHBLATT: His father is in Court; he said he will have
it tomorrow your Honor. Your Honor is taking into consideration the
charges presently pending in the Criminal Court here in Brooklyn in
imposing this sentence?
THE COURT: What other cases are pending here?
MR. ROTHBLATT: There is a charge of 1897 of the Penal
Law. And, I believe, a charge of criminally receiving stolen property
as a misdemeanor. The warrants have been lodged against this
defendant, and I suggested to the clerk that the defendant be
brought to that court upon the termination of this sentence here so

that they can be disposed of, so that when he finishes his sentence
in Suffolk County, he is free to make a decent citizen of himself.
THE COURT: Those matters rose independently of this case
before me?
THE COURT: I don't see any reference to them here.
MR. ROTHBLATT: I can tell your Honor that the Judge in im-
posing sentence in Suffolk County was aware of them.
THE COURT: He was aware of them, but did he take any ac-
MR. ROTHBLATT: Yes. He said, "The Court is taking into
consideration all the facts of the cases pending in Kings County
which you are involved."
THE COURT: And these you say, one is for possession of a
THE COURT: What kind of a weapon?
MR. ROTHBLATT: I don't think there is any merit to the
charge at all. And also, Judge, may I say this, they were very anx-
ious to apprehend this defendant and take him into custody. And
they arrested him for whatever charge they could possibly predicate.
I know that these charges cannot stand as a matter of law.
THE COURT: What is the larceny?
MR. ROTHBLATT: It was criminally withholding stolen prop-
erty involving a fishing rod.
THE COURT: How many fishing rods?
THE COURT: What were they worth?
THE DEFENDANT: Approximately $15, $17.
THE COURT: What about the gun? Where did you get the
THE DEFENDANT: The gun wasn’t mine, sir. I know you are
not familiar with the case. The gun was found in the apartment of
another party who said that I gave it to him, and I was arrested on
that charge.
THE COURT: All right, I will take them into consideration.

MR. ROTHBLATT: Thank you, your Honor.
THE CLERK: Remanded.

As you have read in November 1962 Lewis pleaded guilty to

Grand Larceny and was sentenced to 1 1/2 to 3 years in prison. His
sentence was suspended and he was put on strict probation. He had
to pay $1,625 in restitution. 183 Leo listed his address as 1203
Nostrand Avenue, Brooklyn, New York. This author is aware that
Henry Rothblatt fixed a case for drug chemist John McClendon in
1966 just as Rothblatt fixed this case for the mob. Rothblatt began
his career defending Mafia gambling interests in the Bronx. 184

In 1953 Mafia Mayor Impellitteri swore in John E. Cone as an

Associate Justice of the Court of Special Sessions. Cone became a
crusader against juvenile crime and juvenile delinquents. He was
part of a group that attempted to curtail the proliferation of switch-
blade knives, zip guns and illegal weapons that were popular among
hoods at the time. He was still advocating this when he let Lewis off
with a slap on the wrist. District Attorney Rudolph F. DiBlasi, who
“recommended the acceptance of the plea,” became a State Assem-
blyman from Brooklyn who sponsored a bill to make sale of marijua-
na to minors punishable by a life term. 185 In November 1963 Lewis
D'Avanzo was arrested on a fugitive warrant and in 1966 he was
charged with Grand Larceny Auto. In 1969 United States District
Court Judge Joseph C. Zavatt examined this period in Lewis’s life:

The Court: I see a grand larceny in the first degree. I do not

know where it was. It says disposition GE. I do not know what that
Mr. LYNCH: That is a mark put in by the United States Attor-
The Court: Was he convicted?
Mr. LYNCH: No, sir.
The Court: He was arrested on a 1962 burglary third degree;
1962 forgery; 1962 gun charge, that seems to be the same date;
grand larceny of currency, 1962; criminally concealing stolen proper-

ty, an automobile, in 1962. That was quite a year, and another one in
1962, something about an attempted burglary in the third degree.
Mr. William Sonenshine [Defense Attorney]: I think most of
these were actually arising out of one transaction.
THE COURT: In Riverhead he got a year and a half to three
years, and what is the other one, where it does not give what the
offense he pleaded guilty to in November 1962, grand larceny in the
second degree; is that right? The charge is not given so you do not
know what the charge is if it is grand larceny.
Mr. LYNCH: He pleaded guilty to grand larceny.
THE COURT: You had better find out what it is.
Giuliani has stated, “Organized crime figures are illegitimate
people who would go on being illegitimate people if I got them off. I
would not want to spend a lot of time with them, shake hands with
them, have sidebar conferences with them and become involved with
people who are close to totally evil.” However Lewis D'Avanzo was a
guest at Giuliani's wedding in 1968, when he married Regina

On April 15, 1969 Lewis D'Avanzo was charged with Criminal

Possession of Stolen Property and Possession of Burglars Tools. On
October 2, 1969 he was charged with Interstate Theft. The next day
Possession of Mercury in excess of $100 was added to this charge -
he and his Mafia crew had participated in the armed hijacking of a
truck loaded with $240,000 worth of mercury and were attempting to
dispose of it when they got snared by an FBI investigation of Mafia
trucking companies. FBI Agent Daly: "We decided to make a survey
of all the warehouses and trucking companies in Staten Island, and
on June 5, 1969 a crew of fourteen Special Agents were sent to
Staten Island to assist in this survey. Our men were given certain
assignments to cover certain warehouses, certain trucking compa-
nies and that the investigation was conducted on the afternoon and
evening of June 5, 1969. Twenty one trucking companies were
visited." Agent Moresco was assigned to the Falcone Scrap Metal
Yard, since he had been investigating its nominal owner, Vincent
Falcone, since October 1968 and was assigned to develop any
information as to a load of missing mercury that had been hijacked

on June 3, 1969. He noticed a truck filled with mercury cylinders. The
United States Attorney outlined the grand jury's findings and the
investigation that followed, “The first count charges that the defend-
ants knowingly on or about June 5, 1969 had in their possession a
quantity of mercury. The second count charges that on or about June
5, 1969, the defendants transported a stolen motor vehicle. The third
count charges that the defendants on or about June 19, 1969
transported this stolen mercury. The fourth count charges that the
defendants on or about June 5, 1969 received and concealed this
stolen mercury. To support these charges, the government will call
first one Mr. Thomas Hawkins, a truck driver for the Mangum Kester
firm of Brooklyn, New York. He will testify that on June 3, 1969, while
he was so employed, he took an empty 1965 Mack tractor and
Freyhoff trailer to Pier 20, Staten Island New York, and that he
picked up 400 cylinders of mercury and that he presented certain
documents at this pier to obtain this property, and that he was to take
this property from Pier 20 in Staten Island and deliver it to a pier in
Brooklyn, New York. He will testify that approximately three blocks
from Pier 20 in Staten Island he was held up by three armed Union
men and that they took the truck containing the mercury from him
and that he was subsequently driven to an abandoned house in
Suffolk County, where he was left bound and gagged. That he
eventually freed himself with the help of some young children and
called the police. And on the next day, June 4, 1969, he saw the
tractor-trailer that had been taken from him now back at the place of
business at the Mangum Kester Transfer Corp.

“The Government will next call agents of the FBI who will tes-
tify they were assigned to this investigation. That they visited various
trucking companies and establishments in Staten Island attempting
to recover this mercury, and they observed this 1969 International
truck outside the place of employment of the defendant, D'Avanzo, at
the Caton Scrap Metal Company on Richmond Terrace in Staten
Island and the truck had printed on the cab the name, the same
name, as the defendant Falcone. The agents will testify that this
truck appeared to be low on the rear axle, heavily laden. The agents
will testify that they followed the truck from Staten Island…ultimately

into Connecticut on the Connecticut Turnpike. They will testify at
various points along the route the agents observed the operator of
the truck to be the defendant, Lewis D'Avanzo and the passenger in
the truck to be the defendant Falcone. They will testify that they
observed this truck with the defendants therein park at least three
occasions at various rest stops along the route, and they will de-
scribe where the defendant D'Avanzo made various telephone calls,
and that at a stop that the defendants made in the truck in Darien,
Connecticut, the defendants had a conversation with an unknown
person who also was present in the truck stop with his own truck.

“The agents will testify that they observed the

truck…proceeded along local routes and streets to a residential area
in the vicinity of Watertown, Connecticut, and that this area was
unfamiliar to the agents. They will testify that they observed the
defendants pull into a cul de sac...The agents will testify that they
saw this truck enter this cul de sac, go down and complete the half
turn. They will testify that they observed the truck stop and the lights
go out on the truck. They will testify that they then had a meeting
amongst one another, there were three government cars containing
FBI Agents and that they had certain conversations and that they
thereafter saw two men coming uphill in the cul de sac and as they
approached the agents and the agent’s cars, they observed these
two men suddenly run into the woods. This was about 2:30 to 3:00
AM in the morning.

“An agent will testify that he went down into the cul de sac,
the short street and observed the unoccupied truck parked therein,
the same truck he had followed from Staten Island. The agents will
further testify that the defendants were apprehended a mile away as
they emerged from the woods, that they were all wet and disheveled,
and were arrested by the Police Department of Watertown, Connect-
icut for disorderly conduct. The Government will call Patrolman
Thomas Kennedy of the Watertown, Connecticut Police Department
who will testify he observed defendant D'Avanzo approximately one
mile from where the truck had been left. He observed D'Avanzo
running down Main Street, and he stopped him, and D'Avanzo told

him he was lost and wanted to know where he could get a train or
bus out of town, and he also inquired about a telephone.

“Patrolman Kennedy will tell you he directed him to an empty

service station, and that shortly thereafter, he, with the assistance of
the FBI Agent arrested this defendant for disorderly conduct. Another
officer from the Watertown Police will testify that he arrested the
defendant, Vincent Falcone, at approximately 5 AM also wet and
disheveled, and charged him with disorderly conduct.”

Prior to hooking up with Lewis D'Avanzo, Falcone was ar-

rested for possession of stolen property, wire from Con Edison.
Judge Joseph C. Zavatt, a Jewish veteran of two World Wars knew
that Falcone was fronting for the mob and asked him, "Do you really
own the scrap yard?" Falcone replied, "Yes sir, I do." Falcone's
attorney interjected, "I think its called Falcone Salvage" and the
judge responded, "That wouldn't make any difference."

Judge Zavatt was unimpressed by a letter he received from

State Senator John Marchi on behalf of defendant Falcone. He said,
“I would like to have the probation report note the fact that Mr.
Falcone had never been in any conflict with the law before and that
this is his first offense. Well now that's being awfully cute. If he knew,
as he should, that he was convicted of another crime. Now, Mr.
Marchi shouldn't write that kind of letter because that implies that he
means that he had no other record and that this is his only offense.”

At D'Avanzo's sentencing hearing his connection to orga-

nized crime surfaced:

THE COURT: Yes, Mr. Sonenshine.

Mr. Sonenshine: With, respect to this defendant in particular,
as I indicated, your Honor has a probation report which your Honor
was kind enough to allow me to examine - Your Honor indicated that
he would give no weight or credence to statements in the report --
THE COURT: I never do.
Mr. Sonenshine: (Continuing)-- which might be

THE COURT: Well, No. I ---
Mr. Sonenshine: (Continuing) derogatory in nature.
THE COURT: Not derogatory in nature. No. I ---
Mr. Sonenshine: I say which are unsupported.
THE COURT: There is a criminal record.
Mr. Sonenshine: That of course, is supported.
THE COURT: In 1962 when this defendant was twenty years
of age, he was found guilty of attempted burglary and petit larceny in
the Suffolk County Court.
Mr. Sonenshine: That's correct.
THE COURT: And in that case he and an accomplice broke
into the Babylon branch of the Department of Motor Vehicles in
Babylon. And after they entered the building they broke open the
safe and they removed twenty-seven validating machines and $200
in United States currency. And he and several accomplices were
arrested after an investigation in 1962 and he was sentenced to one
year in the Suffolk County jail with a probation period to follow. Is that
Mr. Sonenshine: Yes. That part is correct. What I refer to as
unsupported derogatory -- this is supported.
THE COURT: I am going to come to it. At age 17, he was in
the Adolescence Court on a charge of burglary in Brooklyn. That was
dismissed. At age 20, a month before the petit larceny charge, he
was in the Criminal Court in Manhattan charged with Grand Larceny
of an automobile. He was acquitted. Then came this breaking into to
the Department of Motor Vehicles in Babylon and he got a year in
jail. Apparently on one count and on the second count, 1 1/2 to 3
years. The execution of sentence was suspended and he was placed
on probation. He must have gotten out of jail on the one-year sen-
tence in a short time. A few months.
The Defendant: Ten months.
THE COURT: He was in the Criminal Court in Brooklyn on a
charge of possession of a gun. And in March of 1963 he was acquit-
ted. He was in the Supreme Court, Kings County, on a charge of
Grand Larceny. And on March 12, 1963, he was sentenced to serve
a sentence of 1 1/2 to 3 years in Sing Sing. And again he got execu-
tion of sentence suspended.

Mr. Sonenshine: I think that's the same case to which your
Honor previously referred. That was connected with the Suffolk
County case.
THE COURT: I don't know if it was.
Mr. Sonenshine: In other words, there was not two 1-1/2 to 3
years. Your Honor is referring to that which is previous -
THE COURT: This is a different court. One is Suffolk county
Court and the other is the Supreme Court.
Sonenshine: I am aware of that. But what I am saying is that
the Supreme Court case really arose out of the Suffolk --
THE COURT: - That could be. But it must have been a sepa-
rate crime.
Mr. Sonenshine: Yes.
Mr. Sonenshine: Apparently what happened, this was all the
same event, really.
THE COURT: No, it isn't. I'll tell you -
Mr. Sonenshine: I think -
THE COURT: The Suffolk County case relates, Mr.
Sonenshine, to breaking into…
Mr. Sonenshine: I was in error.
THE COURT: You are in error. Now, in this later case where
he got another break, it says that in June of 1961 the apartment of
one Jake Marx was burglarized. And among the items stolen were
Mr. Marx's identification papers. Thereafter, a 1960 Chevy Impala
car -- and the car was registered by the defendant in the name of Mr.
Marx -- with an automobile ownership card reported stolen by a
Brooklyn used car dealer. The defendant then advertised the stolen
car for sale and sold it to a young woman for $1,625 during Novem-
ber of 1961. The defendant was arrested after an extensive investi-
gation. And in addition to completing the probation, his family made
restitution to the victimized woman who unknowingly purchased the
stolen car for $1,625. Is that you?
The Defendant: Is that me? Is what me? The case?
THE COURT: You were the defendant in case.
The Defendant: Yes I was.

THE COURT: That was in 1963. He was then twenty. At age
27 he's in the Criminal Court, Brooklyn on another charge, Grand
Larceny, automobile. Dismissed. At age 29 he's in the Criminal court,
Brooklyn, on a charge of criminally receiving stolen property, pos-
session of burglar's tools. And in August of 1969 that was dismissed.
Now, the report, as you know gives his family background, who his
parents were and so forth, his father and mother sisters and so forth.
It says that he allegedly earns his living as a self-employed contrac-
tor. Self-employed contractor who is involved in urban renewal
projects. Information obtained from court records and law-
enforcement authorities reflect the defendant's father had an
offense for stolen property as well; the father is not a defendant in
this case. Nothing to do with him. It is believed that he may in
some way be connected with organized criminal activities. I
don't consider that. Maybe he is. I don't know. There is nothing in
here to indicate what they are. Then it talks about his mother and
sisters and his marital status and his children, the home that he has
owned and purchased and his schooling. You've seen all of this. I.Q.
of 110. He's not a moron. It's hard to believe that this well-built young
man at one time weighed 300 lbs. and got a 1-Y classification
apparently in the draft because he was overweight. Now it talks
about his employment. And he claims that from 1967 up to the
present time he was an employee, a laborer, working for the Caton
Scrap Metal Company. Although the defendant was requested to
submit tax returns verifying his employment with the above-
mentioned firm, he failed to do so. It is interesting to note that one
Michael Biggs, who was sentenced by your Honor that's me -- on
June 23rd to a five-year term for possessing and dealing in counter-
feit notes why didn't he submit his tax returns?

Mr. Sonenshine: I don't know, Judge. I don't think there was

any real --
THE COURT: No question about that.
Mr. Sonenshine: About his employment. It came out.
THE COURT; I think there might very well be.
Mr. Sonenshine: I don't know.
THE COURT: I seem to recall that when --

Mr. Sonenshine: We stipulated that he was employed.
THE COURT: Now just a moment. I recall that when Mongoro
was tried, a little Casper Milquetoast type of person, that this de-
fendant was in this courtroom every day during the trial wearing very
heavy smoked glasses. He doesn't have those on today. And now
that I hear that he's so-called employed, it seems strange that if the
boss had to be away from the plant because he is on trial that his
employee isn't working while the boss can't work and he's in court
every day in that case. And now when I read that he was asked for
his income tax returns with reference to his so-called employment
and he has not given them, one could suspect that he was no mere
laborer for Caton Scrap Company. He's also supposed to be a
laborer previous to that for Pappy Salvage Company. Attempts to
verify his employment were unsuccessful.
Mr. Sonenshine: I think the company was out of business ac-
cording to the report.
THE COURT: Yes, I know. And here's a laborer working for
Mongoro for $150 a week gross and he has a wife and two children
Mr. Sonenshine: I think the --
THE COURT: Two children by a prior marriage.
Mr. Sonenshine: That's correct.
THE COURT: And he has a child by this marriage who is 19
years old and a second one on the way. He's working as a laborer
for $150 a week gross, and he has a home that is worth approxi-
mately $45,000, which he purchased in May of 1969 for $38,000.
$12,000 down payment. Now, although the defendant's fingerprints
were later found on the stolen truck, he refuses to make any state-
ments. Well, as I recall, he didn't take the stand.
Mr. Sonenshine: That's correct.
THE COURT: Now the agents express the opinion that
the defendant may be involved in organized criminal activities.
And in view of his superior intelligence and more extensive record,
consider him to be more culpable than his co-defendant. Well, I may
consider him - I heard this case. I may consider that he is more
culpable than the co-defendant, but not on the basis of any opinion
that he may be involved in organized activities, but on the basis of
the evidence in the past. And I do not sentence a man upon and

take into consideration at all any suspicion that he may be
involved with organized crime. He may very well be. I don't
know. And he may not. But I don't take that into consideration in
imposing sentence. I want you to know that. 186

Lewis D’Avanzo was sentenced concurrently on these charg-

es to 10 years in prison. On January 3, 1972 Lewis self-surrendered
and began his ten year "bid" at Lewisburg Penitentiary. On May 11,
1972 Brooklyn District Attorney Eugene Gold indicted D’Avanzo for
being a member of a stolen car ring run by organized crime and
charged him with Possession of a Forged Instrument, Grand Lar-
ceny, Possession of Stolen Property, and Alternate VIN # Conspira-
cy. Lewis D'Avanzo was moved to a Federal Detention in Manhattan.
In 1972, “Gold linked Thomas Mule, Edward Morin and Mickey
Zagarino to organized crime but he would not elaborate. He charged
that Morin had taken over the auto document forging business from
Lewis D'Avanzo of 1235 Rockland Avenue, Egbertsville, Staten
Island. D'Avanzo is serving six years in a federal prison for hijack-
ing. He and five others were indicted last Wednesday on charges of
criminal possession of identification plates, forged instruments and
conspiracy... The others who were indicted are, Peter Arzoomanian,
an engraver. He is reputedly an associate of Carmine Trumanti,
formerly a captain in the Mafia family of the late Thomas Luchese.”187

After Frank Costello’s successor Thomas Luchese's natural

death, Carlo Gambino gave the nod to head the Luchese family to
capo Carmine Trumanti, whom he knew would be very appreciative
and thus cooperative. In January 1973 Lewis D'Avanzo was trans-
ferred to the Medical Center in Springfield, Missouri. It appears he
was pardoned on March 8, 1974 188 and it appears that sometime
between 1974 and 1976 Lewis D'Avanzo was released. Lewis
D'Avanzo became involved with John W. Quinn in the "use of
counterfeit New York State Department of Motor Vehicles Titles to
register stolen vehicles." John Quinn was a chop shop operator and
car thief who delivered the ring's Cadillacs and Lincolns to the
Gambino family's most experienced murderer, crew chief Roy
DeMeo. On August 30, 1977 Lewis's father, Leo D'Avanzo, sixty-five

years old, died of emphysema at Binghamton General Hospital. His
on-the-books estate, worth $202,403.56, was left to his wife Betty.

On October 31, 1977 FBI agents observed Lewis D'Avanzo

driving through Brooklyn along with Ralph and Joseph Esposito.
Lewis D'Avanzo and the Esposito brothers were wanted on warrants
accusing them of interstate transportation of 100 stolen late-model
luxury cars. Lewis D’Avanzo’s FBI "armed and dangerous" profile
had also been upgraded since the early 1970s. Agents watched the
car, driven by one of the Esposito brothers, slow to a stop. Lewis got
out and got into another car. One agent drove his car behind him,
blocking an escape. The other agents walked toward Lewis's car,
shouting that he was under arrest and ordering him to get out of the
car. Lewis mumbled, "Okay, okay," but remained in the car then
Lewis then attempted to run over FBI Agent Ritchie Mika and was
shot to death. The FBI reported, “A September 9, 1977 FBI report
described Quinn and D'Avanzo as ‘the principal operators of a
commercialized auto theft ring operating out of Brooklyn.’ On Octo-
ber 31, 1977 (deleted) telephonically contacted the New York Office
upon learning of the death of Lewis V. D'Avanzo. Source advised
that he was not surprised since he always considered D'Avanzo to
be a brutal individual who fancied guns and (deleted). Source
advised that D'Avanzo (deleted) years ago in connection with (delet-
ed). D'Avanzo was reported to have been behind the murder of
his former associate, John Quinn, who was killed during the
summer of 1977. Quinn's girlfriend [Cheri Golden] was killed at
the same time. Source advised that at (deleted). In addition to
Quinn and Golden murders, stories have been in circulation for years
that D'Avanzo had knocked off a number of individuals he was
associated with. Source reiterated that because of the lengthy
sentence D'Avanzo would face, should he ever be arrested again, he
was certain knowing D'Avanzo that he would not come along peace-
fully; therefore he was not surprised to learn that D'Avanzo had been
killed that day. (deleted) this source stated (deleted). During Sep-
tember 1977 Special Agents of the United States Secret Service,
New York Division, became involved in an investigation dealing with
the counterfeiting of U.S. currency. The investigation led to (deleted)

and Lewis D'Avanzo as the source of the counterfeit $50 bills being
circulated in the New York and Florida areas. (deleted) On Novem-
ber 1, 1977 SA (deleted) filed a complaint before the US Magistrate,
EDNY, charging (deleted) with violation USC T 18 Section 371, 2312
and 2. [Conspiracy to Make False Statements and Defraud, Trans-
portation of Stolen Motor Vehicles and Aiding and Abetting a Crimi-
nal Act]”

Lewis D’Avanzo should have been charged with murder: The

New York Times reported, “Body In Car Identified As Brooklyn
Woman, 19: The body of a slain young woman found Sunday in an
abandoned Lincoln Continental in Brooklyn was identified yesterday
as that of Cheri Golden, who had been missing since last Wednes-
day evening, when her friend John W. Quinn, was also murdered.
Law enforcement officials said that Mr. Quinn, 35, who lived in
Farmingdale, Long Island, had been under investigation by the
Nassau County District Attorney's office for his alleged involvement
in a 2.5 million securities theft. He was married and had six children.
Mr. Quinn's body was found in a heavily wooded area of Staten
Island about two and a half hours after he had picked up Miss
Golden, who had been living with her parents in Brooklyn's Flatbush
section. Mr. Quinn was shot once with a handgun, the police said.
Miss Golden was shot three times in the head.” 189 Golden's half nude
body was found jammed underneath the dashboard of a stolen car
near Coney Island, in Brooklyn. Mob turncoat Dominick Montiglio
testified that he had heard that Gambino boss Paul Castellano (Carlo
Gambino’s brother-in-law), who put out the contract on Quinn, was
upset that that Cheri Golden was also killed. In 1985 Paul Castellano
was gunned down outside of Sparks Steak House in Manhattan
during his racketeering trial that had transpired as a result of an
indictment handed down by Rudy Giuliani.

Others have attributed this killing to Roy DeMeo although it

did not bear his signature meticulous dismemberment and disposal
of the body. Quinn, however, did deliver the ring's stolen cars to his
boss Roy DeMeo and Quinn was going to testify against him before
a Nassau County Grand Jury. FBI head William Webster wrote a

memorandum on the D'Avanzo crew: “Five ring members were
murdered gangland style. Informant information corroborated the
murders.” Webster also noted that the "sources" of many of the rings’
counterfeit registration titles "were various organized crime associ-
ates and a Capo in the Luchese La Cosa Nostra Family." The capo
was later identified as Anthony Tortorello who ran a heroin operation
in lower Manhattan. The ring was also involved with Colombo crime
family capo and FBI informant Greg Scarpa Sr, according to former
NYPD Detective Douglas LeVien.


In 1993 Judith Shemtov was shot to death in a botched home

invasion by a consortium of mob wannabes from the Bath Beach and
New Springville Boys gangs. Former South Beach club impresario
Chris Paciello pleaded guilty to driving the getaway car for the crew,
who raided the home after getting a tip that the stepfather of Judith
Shemtov's son, Adam Kidan, had $200,000 in cash stashed in a
safe. In August 2000 while Lee D'Avanzo was the head of the New
Springville Boys, he was indicted for conspiracy to distribute a load
of marijuana that he and his crew had hijacked from smugglers. He
was sentenced to 60 months imprisonment. In December 2001 Lee
D'Avanzo was indicted along with "Fat Joe" Joseph Gambino,
Salvatore "Fat Sal" Mangiavillano and several others for hijacking
truckloads of marijuana, and bank robberies in Brooklyn, Newark,
New Jersey and Washington State. Lee D'Avanzo was charged with
Racketeering Conspiracy, Money Laundering, Conspiracy to Defraud
the United States - Bank Burglary Conspiracy and Bank Burglary. 190
Salvatore "Fat Sal" Mangiavillano was a Gambino associate who
testified that in 1999 he learned that Sammy “The Bull” Gravano,
who was part of the Witness Protection Program, was living in the
Phoenix area, and went there on orders from Peter Gotti to whack
him. Mangiavillano was so adept at surveillance that he rigged a web
cam in the grill of a rented panel truck that he parked outside
Gravano’s Phoenix, Arizona pool construction company. Using a
laptop computer from a safe distance away, he monitored Gravano’s
comings and goings. But before they could carry out the plan,

Gravano was arrested in Arizona on drug charges. 191 The New York
Daily News reported that Lee D’Avanzo was romantically linked to
Karen Gravano, the daughter of Sammy "The Bull," who pleaded
guilty to her role in an Ecstasy operation. 192 Associates of convicted
Gambino Family Godfather John Gotti investigated reports that
Sammy "The Bull" Gravano was both gay and had also committed
more than the 19 murders he confessed to when he agreed to testify
against Gotti.

Lee D'Avanzo's wife wrote this letter to sentencing Judge

Korman: "I come from a very strict family that believes in marrying
within the same nationality and religion [Jewish]. I met Lee and
instantly fell in love. I was forbidden to marry him because of my
families' beliefs. I left my family to be with him...Lee was mentally
wounded from the death of his father and I believed he needed to
seek professional help as a child from that loss...Lee got arrested
when I was only three months pregnant." Lee's mother, Lois
D'Avanzo wrote, "Lee's dad died when he was a very young child of
eight. I never told my children how he died, just that he had an
accident...My problem actually started with my son when he was a
teenage boy. He came home and angrily asked me why I did not tell
the truth about his father's death apparently his friend's parents were
not very discreet." Lisa Richichi, D'Avanzo's sister also wrote a letter
in his behalf. Natale Richichi is a capo in the Gambino family of La
Cosa Nostra, who dealt directly with the bosses of the Gambino
family and had influence with other factions of La Cosa Nostra. He
was also and advisor to John Gotti. 193 The relationship between Lisa
and Natale remains unclear.

At this juncture it should be pointed out that of the most diffi-

cult part of this research is establishing if someone with the same
last name and is part of a particular crime family is related to some-
one with an identical last name in the same crime family. In his 1992
book, Mafia Cop, Louis Eppolito chronicled his extensive Mafia
connections, which he had failed to disclose on his NYPD employ-
ment application. NYPD could not find the familial connection despite
the same last name. Not every D’Avanzo is related to every other

D’Avanzo, but it is possible but not certain that one D’Avanzo in the
same Brooklyn crime family is related to another D’Avanzo in the
same Brooklyn crime family. For example, in November 1961 Jerry
D'Avanzo was arrested under a new anti-Mafia law forbidding the
interstate transportation of gambling devices. He listed his address
as 870 Metropolitan Avenue, Williamsburg, Brooklyn, New York. 194
He was an Organized Crime figure with the same last name from the
same locality however Wayne Barrett was unaware of any familial
relationship. Pasquale (Patsy) D'Avanzo, president of the Brooklyn
Trade Waste Removers Association, was another story. Wayne
Barrett recalled that he came across a Rudy-related D'Avanzo who
was involved in the private carting business but cannot recall his first
name. 195 In March 1950 Pasquale D’Avanzo was arrested for feloni-
ous assault when a police officer raided a policy joint he worked in.
As the police officer went behind the counter to retrieve the policy
slip “the defendant did take hold of the right side of the jacket worn
by the deponent, and raise a machete over his head shouting at the
deponent, “I don’t give a f**k if you are a cop. If you come behind the
counter, I’ll sink this into your head.” 196 A few years later commercial
trash collection was privatized. The Gambino Crime Family and other
Cosa Nostra private militias muscled out legitimate trash haulers and
were able to charge exorbitant rates for commercial trash collection.
The Gambino family controlled the Association of Trade Waste
Removers of Greater New York, in Manhattan, and the Queens
County Trade Association in Brooklyn. By 1974 Pasquale D'Avanzo
was under indictment for his role in the Brooklyn Trade Waste
Association. Around this time the city was considering taking over
commercial trash collection and The New York Times reported, "Mr.
Pasquale D'Avanzo denies that the city can do a better job or more
cheaply than his cartmen. 'They can't do it cheaper than us. For one
thing they have to have three men on a truck [due to union rules]
while we have two. What does a Tom, Dick or Harry on a grand jury
know about the business?"


By 1995 things had not changed and Gambino crime family

soldier Joseph Francolino controlled the Association of Trade Waste
Removers of Greater New York and Manhattan and the Queens
County Trade Waste Association in Brooklyn. Francolino was
indicted by the Manhattan District Attorney's Office for overseeing a
mob cartel in the carting business. He would later be convicted and
sentenced to serve time in state prison. Staten Island Stone, a
trucking firm that was owned by Joseph Francolino Jr. the son of
Joseph Francolino did business with Frank DiTommaso and his
brother Peter DiTommaso the CEOs of a Mafia construction compa-
ny known as Interstate Industrial Corporation. Frank and Peter
DiTommaso (photograph below) are part of a new breed of mob
guys. They are college graduates who have never been accused of

using substandard materials on a construction project. Both brothers

are pros at denouncing the mob. Frank stated, “My knowledge of
them [the Mafia] is, they're criminals. They're murderers, drug
dealers, what we see and read on TV. These people have woven
themselves into the fabric of our society, and they are the leeches
that prey on people, hardworking, good, honest people from what I --
I'm an Italian -- I'm an American. My grandparents are from Italy. My
grandparents, yes, they were immigrants. Hard-working guys. My
grandfather was a sanitation worker. His three siblings were civil
service; sanitation worker, fireman, police officer. And now, all of a
sudden, somehow I've gotten this link to organized crime or allegedly
being probed for organized crime. And I don't know how that hap-
pened. And did it happen because I bought a business that I thought
was a legal operating business? And people like the grandchildren of
Castellano were there and that created this whole aura that I'm
somehow doing business or being tied to organized crime? I don't
know how that happened.

“I don't speak Italian, yet I keep getting characterized and I've

gotten characterized as somehow being involved with the Mafia and
tied to the Mafia. And I'm very -- I'm stigmatized by it. I'm traumatized
by it, and I have a very distasteful feeling for all those people and the
things they've done to people of Italian heritage. The people of Italian
heritage have been completely smeared. The good, hard work of all
the people out there, by these awful people, really. And they should
all be in jail, and they should all be shipped out of our country. And I
just want you to know that. You asked me my opinion of the Italian --
of the organized crime. “All I know is I had to come home from an
engagement party and go down the basement where I put a big
screen down there -- TV. And my son is there, three of his buddies
from the neighborhood. I had to explain to my 14-year-old. And I just
came home from a beautiful engagement party. It's 10:00, and who's
on the 10:00 news? Me. Being linked in organized crime. How the
hell did that happen?”


It happened because Interstate bribed or attempted to bribe

city officials so that it could obtain a waste-hauling license and other
lucrative contracts. These included members of the Trade Waste
Board whose job it was to weed out the Mafia fronts. Interstate also
apparently bribed the head of the Atlantic City Casino Control
Commission, Michael Fedorko, into granting Interstate a non-gaming
casino license. Given the history of New Jersey this was no big deal.
But perhaps Interstate’s greatest accomplishment was having
Giuliani’s Police Commissioner and choice for Head of Department
of Homeland Security on its pad. This landed them a place in the
Mafia Hall of Fame. How did this come about? Ask Lawrence V. Ray
shown with Bernie Kerik below.

Born Lawrence V. Grecco, Ray spent his early childhood in

Brooklyn and moved to Watchung, New Jersey, after his mother
married Dr. Gordon T. Ray, a telecommunications executive and son
of John H. Ray a five-term Republican Conservative congressman
from Staten Island. John H. Ray was a Minnesota-born former Vice
President and general counsel of AT&T with a long history of distin-
guished public service. John H. Ray represented the Fifteenth
Congressional District that embraced all of Staten Island and a
carefully carved out segment of Bay Ridge in Brooklyn. This area
was known as a gerrymander because it was intended to corral a
majority of Republican voters. Although he represented a district with
many longshoremen, he concerned himself with issues that involved
the shipping and ship building industries. He voted to reform the
Longshoreman's Union and remained aloof from mob influence. He
had two sons, John H. Ray 3rd and Gordon T. Ray. Dr. Gordon T.
Ray married Nancy Clark in February 1948. They had one son Carl
John Ray. Nancy was graduated from Deerfield Academy in Massa-
chusetts and from the Katherine Gibbs School. Gordon T. Ray
divorced Nancy then married Mrs. Grecco. 197

Lawrence V. Ray never graduated from college, however he

used the Ray name to gain entrance to the organized crime, financial
and intelligence communities. He worked his way up on Wall Street

ostensibly in the mortgage-backed securities field. According to
Frank DiTommaso he first met with Lawrence Ray in the late 1980s
or early 1990’s at Ray's request. He said Ray was attempting to
obtain business for his company that was a provider of financial
services or insurance broker services. Frank contacted Larry Ray
about a financing problem he was having that he thought Ray could
“fix.” The Interstate companies were having difficulty obtaining
adequate bank credit due to a general tightening of credit for the
construction industry. Apparently Ray was able to obtain an exten-
sion of bank credit for Interstate by paying off a bank official. In
return, Ray was to become the insurance broker for the Interstate
companies. At about this same time frame, Willis Corroon, a large
insurance brokerage company bought out Ray's insurance company.
Ray then became affiliated with Willis Corroon. According to Frank
DiTommaso, the business relationship between the various Inter-
state companies and Willis Corroon was a financial disaster for
Interstate. The amount of money Interstate needed to pay for insur-
ance premiums increased substantially. DiTommaso said he then
terminated the business relationship and eventually obtained a new
insurance broker. As a result of this episode, Frank DiTommaso
indicated that his social relationship with Ray soured. After a period
of time, however, the relationship eventually resumed. Ray had
broken with Willis Corroon and had again gone into business for

Lawrence Ray had a different version of events: “I met him at

an industry outing that’s all. Like an insurance industry outing. We
just became friends. I became friends with him and 40 other people
around that time. That was it. We just rode motorcycles together. I
never offered to help him.” Frank DiTommaso was questioned under
oath about Ray’s ability to secure the financial services for Interstate:
Q. Now, let me try to characterize it without there being any
negative connotation, but it sounded like he was acting more like a
lobbyist or a fixer on your behalf with the bank as opposed to
coming up with any alternate plan of his own.
A. Basically, my understanding, I would look at it more along
the lines he was working with my staff to help present the facts of the

company and the situation we were in at that time to the bank in the
way, in a format that the bank would be more receptive to looking at
it, versus us -- we were very unsophisticated, and this was back ten
years ago, it was only myself and I never dealt with the restructuring
debt of a bank. We were at a line of credit, and we were at a situa-
tion where we couldn't pay it back at that time. What we could do
now about the bank putting us at performance, even though we were
paying our interest. So they were looking to get us out, and that was
a whole new ball game for me.
Q. He does actually work something out and you restructure
your debt, is that accurate?
A. Basically what he had done, he had, through his recom-
mendations and working with my staff, he did put a presentation
forward to the bank and they accepted it, in which time it worked out,
again, to both the bank's mutual satisfaction and mine.
Q. In return for that now, he has a chance to handle your in-
surance business?
A. That's correct.
Q. Did he get like any type of any payment for doing that, for
helping you restructure your debt?
A. No, sir. He basically acted -- we discussed that when you
were out.
Q. Go ahead.
A. He asked me about the fee so if I told him it was pro bono
with the understanding we would go forward.
Q. With the insurance?
A. Yes.

In 1993 Ray told his associates that he was traveling to Rus-

sia on a mission for the intelligence community. Ray told this re-
searcher about his first meeting with Bernard Kerik two years later,
“Bernard Kerik and I met in what seemed unintended in 1995 in a
luncheonette in New Jersey. It was not an accident on the part of
Kerik and others...I think it was staged meeting with Kerik. The
Bureau has told me that. They were trying to recruit me at the very
least was to do bogus deals. In other words he wanted to put me in
business. He wanted me to do the dairy contract for Rikers for all of

Corrections at first and then half the profit would go to him and
Giuliani. He wanted to fix it so I would get half. That was one of the
first big ones he tried to do. I never did any business with them. In
any event I didn’t even think about this till I got framed in 1999. What
it goes back to is Florida. What they really wanted me to do in the
beginning it was…the whole idea of his meeting me was the gaming
ships. It was the gaming ships. It was right around that time I met
Kerik and they wanted me to buy a ship set up a company and then
they would participate it in it. They are building an overseas criminal
enterprise. And none of you guys noticed for some reason. It amazes

Reporter John Solomon wrote that materials Ray provided to

law enforcement corroborated his claim that Kerik discussed a range
of private business proposals with him. Kerik sent and received
numerous faxes from his city office addressed to Ray about several
possible deals, including one in 1998 titled "Proposed Acquisition of
Sugar From Brazil for Russia." Another in 1997 from a major interna-
tional bank concerned possible real estate transactions in New York
and Russia. The investigative files gave no indication whether any of
the deals occurred. Ray also alleged that Kerik notified him when
Giuliani planned to appoint Kerik in 1997 to New York's gambling
regulatory commission. Ray had an application for a license to run a
riverboat, according to the documents he turned over to police.
"Kerik was real excited about that. He wanted me to purchase the
ship and do the retrofitting," Ray told The Washington Post. "It was
supposed to be offshore. He would get 50 percent. We would set up
a company to own the ship." That plan never materialized. 198

In 1996 Larry Ray claimed that he was tasked with a national

security assignment. After TWA Flight 800 crashed into the Atlantic
there were numerous reports that a ground to air missile had hit it: “I
had also been tasked after Flight 800 went down [July 1996] to
locate and retrieve any of the surplus Stinger Missiles we supplied
when we appropriately backed the Mujahedeen during the Afghan
Conflict. I was tasked originally by the FBI. I located and arranged to
take that load of stingers out of circulation. There were logistical

problems for the Bureau and time not being friendly I completed that
task with the CIA. I am told it was the largest load recovered at the
time, which concerned me since I was tasked due to an emergent
need, before that I had never paid attention to that recovery program
and I would have thought we as a Nation would have been more
successful in that regard...That’s just one of the things I was asked to
do. That was by the Bureau because I was also doing some work for
the counterterrorism side of the Bureau. I rounded them up over-
seas. I didn’t get any in the United States. We were getting them
over there, but they are easy to get here. I could have gotten a load
of them right through JFK.”

The New York Times reported that Felix H. Sater, one of the
principals of White Rock Partners, a pump and dump firm linked to
Larry Ray, “along the way became embroiled in a plan to buy antiair-
craft missiles on the black market for the CIA in either Russia or
Afghanistan…Gennady Klotsman [a White Rock Partner’s principal]
said that Sater did obtain information for the United States about
another set of black-market missiles, and that those efforts bought
Felix his freedom from prison…A federal complaint brought against
him in a 1998 money laundering and stock manipulation case was
filed in secret and remains under seal. A subsequent indictment in
March 2000 stemming from the same investigation described Sater
as an unindicted co-conspirator and a key figure in a $40 million
scheme involving 19 stockbrokers and organized crime figures from
four Mafia families… At the same time, Sater, Salvatore Lauria
[another White Rock Partner’s principal] and others sought protection
and help from members of the Mafia in resolving disputes with pump
and dump firms operated by other organized crime groups. In 1995,
for instance, a soldier in the Gambino crime family sought to extort
money from Sater. Sater, in turn, got Ernest Montevecchi, a soldier
in the Genovese crime family, to persuade Garafola to back off.” 199

Edward Garafola, who reigned in his soldier, was the Godfa-

ther of the New Jersey construction industry for more than two
decades. Garafola is married to the sister of Sammy “The Bull”
Gravano. In 2007 Garafola was sentenced to 30 years in prison for

the 1990 murder of his cousin Edward Garofalo, who was suspected
of cooperating with the FBI. Gennady Klotsman was indicted again in
November 2002 for making False Statements Or Entries. 200 His
sentence remains sealed although Senior Judge Leo Glasser
ordered that, “the minutes of the proceeding at which defendant was
sentenced are hereby unsealed and made available to Alexei
Schacht [Gennady Klotsman’s attorney] upon request and at the
defendant’s expense.”

According to The Scorpion and the Frog: High Times and

High Crimes a book co-written by Salvatore Lauria, Sater and
Klotsman cut a deal with the CIA to get off the hook: “Sater was in
Moscow where he had arranged the acquisition of [a classified
Russian] radar system, then he had been approached about a dozen
Stinger missiles…The United States had supplied the original Stinger
missiles to Afghanistan when its guerillas were fighting Russia…With
the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the war against
Afghanistan, at least twelve Stinger missiles were obtained by
Osama bin Laden...The CIA was desperate to retrieve the Afghan
War Stingers…It was known that bin-Laden fighters were primarily
poor people, and would always make a deal. Sater was careful about
documenting the Stingers. He could buy them directly from bin
Laden fighters in order to return them to the United States. Instead,
he used his contact with a KGB agent who claimed he had strong
ties with Ahmad Shah Massoud, leader the Northern Alliance. The
Alliance was the archenemies of the Taliban. They had old ties with
soldiers inside bin Laden's camp who would buy the missiles for

“Sater had a photograph of the Stinger missiles and he ob-

tained the serial numbers of three of them to verify their authenticity.
Our attorney supplied a copy of this to the CIA, and the agency was
fairly well satisfied that our contacts and we could deliver what
promised. The deal was a simple one. The CIA would pay Sater and
me $300,000 for each missile. The Russians would buy the missiles
under false pretenses, then immediately turn them over to us and,
through us, to the American government. There would be profit built

into the deal. This was not to be a scam. This as I said was to buy
our freedom from our Wall Street misdeeds. The Russians would go
to Afghanistan to handle this because that was where the missiles
were. They would do whatever was necessary to procure them
without tipping off bin Laden that the Stingers were going to the CIA.
[According to Lauria the deal fell through when one of the principals
asked for $3 million instead of $300,000 for each missile] Even the
CIA was backing off, though we had bought them the radar system
and we definitely wanted credit for that. We wanted it to be used at
the sentencing and hoped our lawyers would leverage it into an
acknowledgment that we did help the government acquire something

I attempted to obtain Sater’s 1998 case. 201 The docket sheet

stated that the case had been ordered from Lee’s Summit National
Archives Center on October 19, 2007 and received in Brooklyn on
October 23. It was sent back to the Archives on December 7. Ten
days later the Times piece was published. When I ordered it I was
told it was missing. The fact that Ray and Sater were connected to
the same firm and the same type of anti-aircraft missile indicated that
Ray was telling the truth about his post-9/11 trip to Kosovo.

In late 1997 Ray served as Mikhail Gorbachev bodyguard

when the former Soviet leader visited the United States. As a former
visiting dignitary Gorbachev was given no Secret Service detail.
Retired NYPD Detective James Wood who was indirectly employed
and co-opted by Interstate Industrial testified,

A. Ray said he was doing high-level work for the United

States Government and the FBI. He said he had – one of his busi-
ness partners was Mikhail Gorbachev in Russia.
Q. Did you have the opportunity to determine whether or not,
in fact, he had a relationship with Mikhail Gorbachev?
A. Yes I did.
Q. Can you tell me how that occurred?
A. Several months after meeting Larry, I think toward June or
July, he told me he was going to go with Mikhail Gorbachev to Los

Angeles. I had been working on a movie with Robert DeNiro about
Russian Organized Crime and I had to introduce him to organized
crime experts in the federal government, the DEA, the New York City
Police Department and I called up DeNiro and I asked him if he
would be interested in meeting Mikhail Gorbachev and Larry ar-
ranged a meeting. Robert DeNiro and his wife met in Los Angeles
with Mikhail Gorbachev. I do understand that they took pictures and
his assistant called and thanked me very much.
Q. Do you know of any other meetings that Larry told you he
arranged for Mikhail Gorbachev?
A. He told me he had arranged a meeting with Mayor Giu-
liani and indeed when I was in Kerik’s office there is a picture of
Mayor Giuliani alone and then Kerik, Larry Ray and Mikhail Gorba-

Q. Was there anything in any of the information he told you

about his background in security or police that proved to be untrue?
A. Just the fact that he probably wasn't the security expert
that he deemed himself to be. Other than that, I mean I don't know.
There was a time that I called Bernie and I said, "Bernie, he talks a
mile a minute. Is he okay? Are you sure he is okay"? Bernie said,
"Absolutely. I trust him one hundred percent."
Frank Tommaso also observed these photos:
A. Excuse me. I didn't complete my question as to pictures. A
dignitary, if you will, Mikhail Gorbachev, and I saw dozens of dozens
of pictures with he and Mr. Gorbachev, and his wife with Mr. Gorba-
Q. What was his relationship with Gorbachev?

A. I tried to understand it. He told me he provided all the se-
curity detail for Mr. Gorbachev when he traveled to the United
States. And in fact, he showed me pictures of Mr. Gorbachev in his
car in New York City. In Larry Ray's black Suburban, in his car.
Q. This is after Gorbachev was no longer the leader of the
Soviet Union?
A. Yes, that's correct. That's why he said he couldn't get, be-
cause he was not the leader no longer, he couldn't get a security
detail. He provided it for him and he had gotten tickets for him and
his wife and their wives to go to a Disney play, I forget which one,
maybe the Lion King or something like that, Disney show together.
So I thought that was quite unusual, seeing an ex-president of the
Soviet Union in the car.

Frank DiTommaso was questioned further about Ray’s asso-

ciation with Gorbachev,
Mr. Dion: When he told you that he had a lot of experience in
dealing with law enforcement, did he give you any specifics as to
what constituted that experience?
Mr. DiTommaso: He didn't get detailed with me, but he did tell
me he was doing work overseas for the government, which I knew
and was able to validate. He had a strong relationship with Mikhail
Gorbachev and his wife.
Mr. Dion: How did you validate that?
Mr. DiTommaso: He showed me photographs when he came
in the city. He was a very good friend of Commissioner Kerik. When I
was in the commissioner's office…
Mr. Dion: Did he describe for you what he did for Mikhail
Gorbachev? At that point I suspect he was out of the government?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, this was recent years. If I had to say it
was 1997. The pictures were dated or something.
Mr. Dion: What was his relationship?
Mr. DiTommaso: He told me he provided full security for Mi-
khail Gorbachev when he traveled to the United States and he was
in charge of security detail.
Mr. Dion: Were you able to validate that other than through
the photographs that he showed you?

Mr. DiTommaso: No, other than the photographs where I saw
Mikhail Gorbachev – in his car and his wife and pictures of his wife
and Larry's wife. It was a picture in Commissioner Kerik's office with
Mikhail Gorbachev and Larry Ray with the mayor.
Mr. Earl Tockman, Interstate’s attorney: Which mayor?
Mr. DiTommaso: Our mayor.
Mr. Tockman: I'm asking a serious question.
Mr. DiTommaso: Mayor Giuliani.
Ms. Lee: You saw pictures in Commissioner Kerik's office
with Mr. Ray and Mayor Giuliani?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Ruvoldt: And Mikhail Gorbachev?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: Did you do anything else to --
Mr. Ruvoldt: Did Larry Ray tell you that he had helped ar-
range for Gorbachev to meet Giuliani?
Mr. DiTommaso: I don't recall. [Daniel S. Connolly, Giuliani's
partner, said the former mayor "denies making any request of Bernie
Kerik or Larry Ray to arrange a meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev."]
Mr. Dion: Did he have any other kinds of experience in deal-
ing with law enforcement, any kind of checks?
Mr. DiTommaso: Not that I can recall getting specific. One
thing specifically that -- you know, there was a lot of innuendo a lot of
-- for example, one time we went to ride our motorcycles. Where
there was a big rally, motorcycle rally down in Florida. We went to
Florida. He parked his trailer and motorcycle in police headquarters
in Daytona Beach. Who parks his motorcycle in police headquarters?
Then I get invited to Commissioner Kerik's Christmas party Ray and
Kerik were hugging and kissing. He works with FBI. He was very
vague but he said he was working on something in Cuba with the
FBI. That was something that was going on during his employ-
ment. 202
Mr. DiTommaso: He introduced me to people at the Christ-
mas party. I don't recall anybody's name.
Mr. Dion: Whose party was it?
Mr. DiTommaso: It was a Christmas party. Commissioner
Kerik's. Had at least a dozen people. I went with Angelo Aponte as

well [Aponte was the former New York City Commissioner of Con-
sumer Affairs, New York State Housing Commissioner from 1990 to
1993 and served as Deputy Supervisor of Schools for the New York
City public school system. Aponte was then an employee of Inter-
state Industrial]. People in Jersey, you know, some politicians in New
Jersey. Bob Franks was one. Jim McGreevey and a guy named Less
Niack. There may even be somebody else that's not coming to me
right now.
Ms. Lee: What were the circumstances with the meeting of
Bob Franks?
Mr. DiTommaso: Just wanted to introduce me, and he was
having a meeting with Bob Franks.
Ms. Lee: And he brought you along?
Mr. DiTommaso: I don't know if it was at that meeting. He told
me he was having meeting with Bob Franks and he said, "I want to
introduce you." He brought me to just say hello, to introduce me.
Mr. Dion: Jim McGreevey?
Mr. DiTommaso: Same thing. He led to believe they were so-
liciting him to help with their overseas relationships and whatever he
was doing.
Mr. Ruvoldt: I don't know if the record is clear as to who these
three people are?
Ms. Lee: Do you know who Bob Frank is?
Mr. DiTommaso: He's running for senator in New Jersey.
Ms. Lee: Do you know who Jim McGreevey is?
Mr. DiTommaso: He ran for mayor against Governor Christy
a few years ago and maybe doing again.
Ms. Lee: Less Niack?
Mr. DiTommaso: Again, it was the same. It was a meeting,
and he wanted to introduce me to him. It was all great stuff within six
months of his indictment. I don't recall what the circumstances were.
Mr. Dion: This was while he was working for you?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: Did he explain to you why he was meeting with the-
se people in New Jersey? What was the purpose of his meeting with

Mr. DiTommaso: He would say, "Look, you have to meet Bob
Franks. He's a great guy. I want to introduce you to him." I go and
meet those guys. I know they're prominent politicians in New Jersey.
He eluded that he was trying to help some others in Russia. I don't
want to blurt out a name because I don't recall if it was one of them
or someone else. Again, here he is dealing with government officials.
Very credible and prominent politicians. He introduced me to Marine
generals and colonels. Told me he was on the phone in my car with
General Jones. 203 He's the active commander in the Marine Corp.
Probably be the next head of the joint chief of staff.
Mr. Ruvoldt: Did you ever go to Washington with him?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, that's where I met Marine Corps Gen-
eral Chuck Pitman, Colonel Quinlan, 204 and active Colonel
Brickhouse. 205 We were treated like royalty.
Mr. Dion: Again, this is while he was in your employ?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: What was the purpose of going down to D.C.?
Mr. DiTommaso: That particular meeting he told me to take a
look at the commandant's quarters in -- I don't know if it's in Virginia
or Washington.
Mr. Ruvoldt: You mean the Marine Corp. commandant?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, he spoke with General Goshen. He's
moving in there with his wife and the place needs to be upgraded
and could you -- it's a historical building the building and see if
there's any recommendations I would make.
Mr. Dion: He asked you to go down and basically do him a
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, exactly.
Ms. Lee: Did you get paid for that work?
Mr. DiTommaso: No.
Mr. Dion: Prior to and subsequent to the indictment of Mr.
Ray, did he ever state to you outright or imply that he was working
with the FBI in any capacity?
Mr. DiTommaso: That would come up. It would be frequent.
Mr. Dion: Did you get the sense that in the context of those
events that he was actually saying those things to you to invite
further questions, or was it kind of off-the-hand kind of comment?

Mr. DiTommaso: I don't know. It may have been both. Again,
I just didn't get - I didn't want to know. It's not my business. It was
something -- it was a building block that validated in my own mind
that he was nothing but, you know, a solid U.S. citizen doing work
with the government. Just one more of the building blocks. When he
mentioned that or introduced me to a government official or city
official or law enforcement guy.
Mr. Dion: Again, the fact that he was there to help you over-
see, for example, the security company, did you ask them before
bringing him on at the time that he was being brought on to do a
quick background on him to validate at least some of the stuff that
they had represented to you?
Mr. DiTommaso: No, because maybe it sounds -- he looked
at the file originally, the first security reports and all and told me that
we weren't that great and he wanted to bring in another company to
do a more thorough job. I don't know what I'm looking at, but it's a
report so I'm assuming -- he said it's different levels of investigation. I
never heard of different levels of investigation. I said okay. He said
there's this guy Jimmy Woods he's great. He had a lot of credibility.
He was involved with exposing bad cops in New York City. A New
York City Police lieutenant, very credible. I respected that. I had no
idea what he was saying. I said okay.
Mr. Dion: Did he explain how he knew Mr. Woods?
Mr. DiTommaso: No, it just sounded like he knew him well. It
turns out that he didn't.
Mr. Dion: Do you know if he had any relationship with him be-
fore or after?
Mr. DiTommaso: To my knowledge, he had no relationship
before that with him.
Mr. Dion: Did he tell you how he became aware of him?
Mr. DiTommaso: This I found out from Jimmy himself, that he
did not have a relationship.
Ms. Lee: The way that he represented it, you believed that he
had a prior relationship with Mr. Woods?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: Do you know how he became aware of Mr. Woods?

Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, he was referred to Bernie Kerik. I
guess it was Bernie Kerik's boss.
Ms. Lee: You learned that from?
Mr. DiTommaso: From Bernie.
Ms. Lee: You learned that from Bernie?
Mr. DiTommaso: It was either Bernie or from Jimmy Woods. I
don't remember which one told me first. It was validated later on.
Ms. Lee: You mention as a way of believing that Larry Ray
had credibility he was introducing you to city officials, he was intro-
ducing you to law enforcement officials?
Mr. DiTommaso: That's correct.
Ms. Lee: In addition to Bernie Kerik, were there any other city
officials that he introduced you to?
Mr. DiTommaso: I wouldn’t identify them as officials. He in-
troduced me to a guy he identified to me as a narcotics police officer
whom I had a conversation with and when I mentioned a guy who I
had gone to a friend of mine who I had gone to high school with, he
knew who he was.
Ms. Lee: Do you recall
Mr. Dion: In New York?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: Anyone other than Bernie Kerik and the narcotics
police officer who was a city employee or city official that he intro-
duced you to?
Mr. DiTommaso: Not in New York City. 206

The security company that Ray faulted was First Security.

Bratton was on the Board of Directors of this firm. On Ray’s recom-
mendation Interstate Industrial hired Copstat, a security firm run by
James Woods, a retired NYPD lieutenant, to oversee its security
concerns. Kerik’s federal indictment revealed: “In or about late 1998
through early 1999, Bernard B. Kerik, at a meeting in his New York
Department of Corrections office, introduced Lawrence Ray to
James Woods a private security consultant, as someone who
Interstate Industrial should hire to provide security and other ser-
vices.” Copstat Security, an affiliate firm of Kerik, Bellistri & Associ-
ates was founded in 1985 by former private investigator Ronald

Bellistri. Bellistri had been assigned to both the NYPD's Organized
Crime Division and the Narcotics Division during his tenure with the
New York City Police Department. John Picciano, Kerik's Chief of
Staff, who for a time was under investigation for having beaten up his
girlfriend and for having pointed his gun at her, was a co-founder of
Copstat and a member of Giuliani Partner's affiliates formally called
Giuliani-Kerik, now renamed Giuliani Security & Safety to avoid the
Kerik Mafia taint. Copstat had interlocking directorates with Giuliani
and Partners LLC and was a security firm that sometimes catered to
the needs of the mob. What qualified Larry Ray to make this decision
for Interstate Industrial?

In 1998, Ray lived in a $1 million custom home in Warren,

New Jersey, with his wife and two daughters. He held interest in
several small construction companies and owned a nightclub in
Scotch Plains, New Jersey. 207 Ray told this researcher, “I invested in
one Construction Company and that was in 1999.” Ray stated, “By
1998 Kerik asked me to be his best man. It was an important step in
their plan in 1998, which has now failed. Their advance planning
techniques are effective to most. ‘Plausible deniability’ was the single
most frequent trait in a simple pattern. A common calling card when
any bright prosecutor is an active criminal disguised as a prosecu-
tor...The FBI is the best investigative law enforcement agency in the
entire world in my opinion. I have worked with the FBI on and off for
twelve years and have experience with different agencies in various
parts of the world for twenty-six years. The men and women I have
worked with at the FBI are honorable, bright, dedicated and well
trained. They were told to stand down regarding Giuliani/Kerik. Not
what these professional men and women wanted to do. Instead an
agency in New York City [the Department of Investigation] did the

“I knew DiTommaso. We were riding motorcycles a whole

bunch one day in the fall of 1998 I didn’t even know about his
problem with regulators. Had not an inkling of an idea about it. He
was real upset after a phone call with his lawyer when we took a
break from riding a beautiful day in September and then he asked

me and started to explain to me and I says, ‘I don’t know how to help
you.’ ‘Well you know a lot of people could you help me you are
always a smart guy.’ I said ‘Frankie I don’t how to help you I already
did this did that.’ And I told him, he just wanted me to help him. He
said I’ll pay you I will hire you. I said ‘Frankie don’t hire me just
because the others investigators don’t think. Just because they didn’t
find it don’t think I won’t and if I do you have nothing to say what
happens with the information. So you really don’t want me doing it?’
Then what happened was Kerik was the one that really pushed the

The New Jersey Casino Control Commission questioned

Frank DiTommaso,
Q. Now, sometime in the 1998 time frame there comes a
point where you actually decide to, once again, engage Mr. Ray in a
business relationship, is that accurate?
A. Yes.
Q. And can you explain how that came about.
A. Yes, sir. It happened very accidentally…I guess it was
sometime around the fall of 1998. I had been in Mr. Ray's company, I
don't recall the nature of what was going on, but I had received a
phone call and had been with one of my attorneys, we were talking
about the situation that was going on between the investigations, the
active investigations in Atlantic City by Division of Gaming Enforce-
ment, (the Division) as well as the Trade Waste investigation in New
York City. And it was getting kind cumbersome for me to run my
business and I was dealing with issues with attorneys on both sides
of the river and trying to coordinate this effort myself and it was a
frustrating situation. Trying to coordinate what was going on in both
states, and it was very frustrating for me…And I guess when I hung
up the phone I was frustrated and just talking to Larry, you know,
what's the matter, and I explained to him, you know, I was going
through licensing issues in both states and it's a pain, that kind of
deal with the attorneys and coordinating the whole thing and dealing
with the regulated industry. I had no experience in working the
regulated industry and I don't really understand it that well. And I just
started venting and he said, “Listen, I know a lot about that maybe I

can help you out with that?” And I was like, would you really. It was a
breath of fresh air. He said to me -- all this law enforcement and
regulatory -- he said, “See me about it. I know a lot about this stuff.”
He said, "Look, I have a lot of experience with law enforcement I
have a lot of dealing overseas, and I know a lot of people in the
business. This is one of the things I have a lot of experience in. I
think I can probably help you." From that it developed into obviously
we talked about the situation in much more detail, as far as what was
going on and which ultimately led to me asking him if he would
consider coming on board full time so we can get through these
Q. What year is that?
A. 1998.
Q. Can you fix a more specific time?
A. I would say fall of 1998.
Q. Did you decide to have, as a result of him saying that he
might be able to do something; did you decide to have a formal
A. Well, -- no, we didn't have a formal meeting. You know, he
and I were sitting in a car and we were talking -- or sitting in a
restaurant having a cup of coffee, I don't remember, riding the
cycles, I don't remember the exact situation of where we were at the
time when we had this conversation. So I began debriefing him in
more detail as to what was going on and so on. And at that point in
time, that's when the relationship started to develop, as if you want to
call it, quote, a business relationship.
Q. Now, from your initial venting about what you were going
through until the point where he actually was engaged by your
company, he didn't ever formally come forward and say this is what I
can do, he didn't formally come in and present himself to anybody in
your company, this was sort of all on an informal basis, is that
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Now, how did that come about that you actually decided
you were going to hire him as a consultant?
A. Well, we had several discussions and he said, let me see
if I can figure out why things are taking so long, why the investiga-

tions are so obtrusive to your company and detailed and, okay, look,
if you can find out what's going on, I appreciate it. So he basically
said -- he came back and said I have a very serious perception issue
with my firm, that we bought a company that was previously run by
bad guys and that it is a perception issue that is very difficult to deal
with. To me, I never heard of a perception issue.
Q. In 1998, in the fall, prior to this conversation with Mr. Ray,
had he talked about his experience interacting with government with
you, had you had conversations about his familiarity with government
and abilities to get things done, of that nature? It just didn't come out
of the blue, or did it? You tell me.
A. Well, I'm sure you've heard some previous testimony as to
my relationship with him, where he’s a very unusual type of an
individual. And when I was in his presence the many times that went
riding and stuff together, he would continually get phone calls from
people that he would call colonel, general and yes, sir and no, and I'll
be in Washington tomorrow and I'm going to Virginia, and I'll be on a
flight to Asia the next day, So it was more of a --
Q. Perception?
A. Perception of innuendo as to he was working for the gov-
ernment and government people.
Q. Were you under the impression that he was with the gov-
ernment in some capacity?
A. Absolutely.
Q. Did he say he was with the government to you in so many
A. Yeah.
Q. Did you know which government we're talking about, was
it the New York City government, the federal government, was it
both, all government?
A. He had mentioned to me he was working as an employee
for the CIA.
Q. For the CIA. How about the government of the City of New
A. No, sir. That's who he told me he worked for, but he inter-
acted with federal agencies and law enforcement.
Q. And he had a lot of high companies?

A. He had a lot of relationships, and I know the regulatory
Q. Did you ask him specifically -- did you ask him what about
the regulatory businesses do you know?
A. The CIA's, you know, CIA's job is kind of like spies and
things. That's my understanding.
Q. And you also know that that has very little or nothing to do
day to day with our regulatory agencies in New Jersey, I can't speak
about New York, but I can speak for New Jersey. You would know
that, I assume?
A. I have a different understanding now then I did four years
ago about regulatory agencies and who dealt and how things were
Q. So at that point in fall of 1998, you decide to actually en-
gage him as a consultant, is that accurate?
A. Yes. We -- well, leading up to that he brought me and in-
troduced me to, as he quoted, his best personal friend, who was then
the acting New York City Corrections Commissioner, who's now the
acting New York City Police Commissioner, Bernard Kerik. And I
went to meet Mr. Kerik up in his office in New York with Mr. Ray.
Q. And Mr. Ray introduced you at that time?
A. Yes.
Q. What was your observation of the nature of their relation-
A. Well, when Mr. Ray walked into the office, unannounced,
just walked right in, Mr. Kerik got up and came around the desk and
give him a big hug and a kiss and they exchanged pleasantries, an
he introduced me and Mr. Kerik said, “Frank, I want to tell you” -- he
put his arm around Mr. Ray “I trust this guy more than my own
brother.” We looked at each other with some real blank looks on our
face and subsequent to this whole thing it's been difficult.
[The New Jersey Division of Gaming Enforcement contacted
Kerik’s office to corroborate the testimony of DiTommaso. The
Division was informed that while Kerik could not recall his exact
words, Kerik could substantiate that he did vouch for Ray to

Q. Besides introducing you to Mr. Kerik, did he introduce you
to anybody else to make you feel comfortable with the fact that he
had knowledge of law enforcement?
A. Yes, sir. He had introduced me to some various Marine
Corps, Colonel Quinlan, and General Pittman.
Mr. Schwefel: He introduced you to generals?
A. Yes, sir. I was actually in my car speaking to the active
commandant in the Marine Corps, General Jim Jones, on several
Q. Did he ever tell you or suggest to you that had any con-
tacts within New Jersey State government?
A. No, sir.
Q. Never?
A. No, sir…Again, his experience is what he really outlined,
that he just dealt with these agencies and dealt with the government
agencies. He also introduced me to Colonel Quinlan, a three tour of
Vietnam veteran, one of the last Marines who supervised the evacu-
ation. He introduced me to General Pittman another retired Marine
General. All quality people within our society…He did, in fact, intro-
duce me to Colonel Quinlan who was a retired Marine Colonel, that
Colonel Quinlan and I were going to look to develop a portfolio for
contracts with defense or Department of Defense. Environmental
cleanup Projects.
Q. Okay. Did he ever suggest to you, besides Mr. Kerik, that
he had any contact or any relationship with anybody at the New York
Trade Waste Commission or with the New York Department of
A. No, sir.
Q. I'm going to ask you very bluntly, did he represent to you
at any time they could take care of these problems, that he could get
them resolved?
A. He represented to me with no uncertainty that he under-
stood the regulatory industry, and that he could help me work my
way through the perception issue. But it's a difficult issue to work
Q. My question, did he represent to you at any time that he
could take care of these guys or I can fix -- fix -- let me withdraw that

word – but I can resolve this problem for you with the New York City
people, I know people, I can get this taken care of, did he say that to
A. I understand. He did not.
Q. He simply said, I understand the system and I'll be able to
work within the system?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. He didn't say that I could use my influence to get some-
body to change their mind or see things, you know, on a more
reasonable way or whatever else?
A. No. He just, again, I stress that he emphasized his
knowledge of the industry and that he could help me work my way
through the perception issue.
Q. Before you actually hired him, did you discuss the decision
to hire him with anybody else in your company, either your brother or
anybody who was doing any kind of security check for you at that
time, or were you comfortable with the extent of your relationship to
that point?
A. I pretty much was taking a lead with respect to the investi-
gatory situation with the company. I mentioned to my brother that I
was going to bring him on and my brother just pretty much goes
along with whatever I would recommend when it came to lawyers
and who was going to be hired and so on. He's the only one I believe
I conferred with.
Q. You didn't confer with any of your existing attorneys at that
time as to whether Mr. Ray should be retained?
A. No, sir…I don't recall prior to his engagement or at he time
that I discussed it with anybody else other than my brother.
Q. Just a quick question; did he have pictures of himself with
a lot of dignitaries?
A. Yes, sir, there was -- well, dignitaries, I was in Bernie's of-
fice and a picture of Bernie, Mayor Giuliani and Larry on the wall
Q. Did he ever represent to you, for instance, that he knew
mayor Giuliani?
A. I'm trying to understand what he had said to me, and I
want to take it in the present context, knowing somebody and then

having intimate relationship or a relationship with somebody is
Q. Well, you knew he had a very close relationship with Mr.
Kerik, right?
A. That's correct.
Q. And did he suggest to you that he had other close rela-
tionships with other members of government in New York City, for
instance, and for instance, Mayor Giuliani? I'm not suggesting that
he had one, by the way. I'm just asking.
A. No, not that I recall.
Q. All right.
The New York City Department of Investigation asked Frank
Ms. Lee: This Christmas party that you went to at Commis-
sioner Kerik's, was that before or after you hired Larry Ray?
Mr. DiTommaso: Before.
Mr. DiTommaso: December. It was right at that same time,
maybe that following week or two weeks later.
Ms. Lee: You think the Christmas party happened and then
you hired him?
Mr. DiTommaso: It was right around that time. That just vali-
dated whatever he was doing with his law enforcement involvement.
Mr. Dion: Did he introduce you to those people?
Mr. DiTommaso: Commissioner Kerik.
Mr. Dion: By the way, how did you know they were police?
Mr. DiTommaso: I didn't other than him telling me. Everybody
was dressed in suits.
Mr. Dion: Did he introduce you to someone -- this is Mr. Ray -
- from in the
FBI where -- the person had the ability and knowledge of the
fact that they were indeed a member of that organization?
Mr. DiTommaso: I don't recall him specifically saying that to
"This is Harold, and that's Earle. Nice to meet you." Later on,
those two guys work with the Bureau in this situation or whatever.
The party was full of law enforcement people.
Mr. Dion: This was a party where?

Mr. DiTommaso: It was in Manhattan somewhere. It was at a
government building. I don't recall.
Ms. Lee: How was it that you went to this party? Larry Ray
invited you?
Mr. DiTommaso: No, Commissioner Kerik invited me.
Ms. Lee: You had already established a relationship with
Commissioner Kerik?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: When did you establish that relationship with Com-
missioner Kerik?
Mr. DiTommaso: November or so.
Ms. Lee: How did your relationship with Commissioner Kerik
get established?
Mr. DiTommaso: I was introduced by Larry.
Mr. Dion: In what circumstances?
Mr. DiTommaso: It was just a cordial -- "I have to run to New
York to visit a friend of mine. I'll introduce you.” He introduced me.
Mr. Dion: Do you remember where that happened?
Mr. DiTommaso: In Bernie’s office.
Ms. Lee: You drove from?
Mr. DiTommaso: Clifton.
Ms. Lee: That point you were in Clifton? You came from Clif-
ton to Kerik's office for the purpose of meeting Kerik?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: During the workday?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: Did you have reason to believe or suspect that you
might get business from Kerik?
Mr. DiTommaso: Absolutely not.
Ms. Lee: It was curiosity to meet the Commissioner of Cor-
Mr. DiTommaso: Larry was talking about maybe he can help
us, and it was just more like we were spending more time together
talking about the issues with my lawyers and so on for him to say,
"Why don't we take a ride? I have to go meet a friend of mine. I'll
introduce you." I asked “Who?” He didn't tell me who his friend was.

Mr. Dion: Earlier you were talking about -- correct me if I'm
wrong in how I summarize it -- that you had outlined in your repre-
sentation in dealing with regulatory agencies and he offered to help
you and you availed yourself of his advice.
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: How did you go from that to actually hiring him?
Mr. DiTommaso: The investigation, it was in full swing at that
point in time.
Mr. Dion: Which?
Mr. DiTommaso: Both investigations from New Jersey Gam-
ing Enforcement to the New York City Trade Waste Commission. It
was -- there were document exchanging being done between both
agencies. There were meetings taking place and interviews with both
agencies. We were involved at that point in time at the transfer
station still investigating our vendors that were doing business at the
transfer station. We were looking -- setting up security cameras at
that point in time. Mr. Ray wanted to review the security checks that
were being done. He wanted to upgrade the quality of the work that
was being done. So he was looking at all that kind of stuff. That's
really what his involvement was. I asked him -- I said, "Can you
come on full time to deal with this? It's really an intense effort." He
said, "I can't come on full time, but I promise I can work on it”…I
expected him to work as a liaison between all the attorneys and all
the agencies. We had document requests from both agencies. We
had interviews that needed to be kept.
Mr. Dion: As a result of specific recommendations that he
made, did you, for example, terminate your relationships with com-
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: Do you recall which ones you terminated as a result
of your discussions with Mr. Ray?
Mr. DiTommaso: As far as the companies who are doing
business with Interstate, no, I don't recall. I believe most of that was
done with Angelo Aponte and myself. However, we did switch
security companies as a result of a recommendation from Mr. Ray.
We were using a company called First Security. The gentleman's
name was Anthony Salano who was the accountant. Police Com-

missioner Bratton was on the board of that firm. We subsequently
moved our security work to a company called Copstat. I believe you
met the principal of it, James Woods, at one of the interviews we had
where Copstat then took over the security from the transfer station
from the guard standpoint, the supervision of the security cameras at
the facility and facility as well as doing background investiga-
tions…Ray basically asked me who my lawyers were and made a
recommendation; I believe he met, when -- the Damon Firm. He said
maybe you should look at attorneys that have done Division of
Gaming Enforcement work and he recommended them. So I met
with their firm. They began representing us at that point in time. So
Mr. Ray took a very proactive approach in meeting with the attor-
neys, especially, it was my understanding they had an intimate
relationship with him in working with them in the past and taking
almost a lead role in coordinating between the two attorneys -- the
different teams of attorneys between New York and New Jersey as
to how to handle the issues going forward to try to remove me from
the day to day grunt of doing it so I can focus more on my business
issues. So that was one of the focuses. From there it developed into
the facility that I own in New York that I thought that was my neme-
sis, to make sure that that facility was now being in compliance and
he was there to work under Angelo Aponte, who we had hired to be
the manager of the facility and run the facility and I was to work with
Angelo and if the company we were using at the firm, which was
First Security Services to put in, install security cameras and make
sure the subcontractors were being investigated and no people of
any bad background doing business at the facility. 208
Q. So it's fair to say you didn't anticipate him displacing Mr.
Aponte, you anticipated Mr. Ray would work with Mr. Aponte?
A. Absolutely, with him and under his direction, yes.
Q. Did he know Mr. Aponte?
A. No, he did not…It was very informal as far as I was not
getting memos and I didn't set him up with an office or phone or car
or secretary or anything. He was basically going and meeting with
the attorneys and having discussions with them and then he would
go in between whatever else he was doing, I didn't keep tabs on him,
to go to the transfer station and meet with Mr. Aponte. At point in

time, I believe we had commissioner Kerik's brother [Don Kerik]
working and he was running the yard, and Mr. Aponte was running
the overall business operation.
Q. Commissioner Kerik's brother came to you after you de-
veloped a relationship, you met Commissioner Kerik, I assumed?
A. That's correct. And his brother had been working for, I
guess, a recycling business similar to the one in Staten Island. And
Mr. Ray talked very highly of the young man.
Q. How was he introduced to you, through Ray or Mr. Kerik?
A. I believe Mr. Ray, initially -- it was both, actually, both to-
gether. So I'm sorry, I lost track…It was my understanding that he
would give full concentration to the matter, but I didn't limit him to
doing the other business and I assumed he would continue doing the
other business.
Mr. Schwefel: CIA or whatever else?
A. Exactly.
Q. How did you decide on, ultimately decide a salary, he did
collect a salary from you?
A. I just made him an offer. I said, look, to me it was more of
a short term, almost like an independent contractor type of a situa-
tion, but it wasn't like he was going to be on payroll for ten years or
indefinitely, it was a matter of we have to go to a Department of
Gambling Enforcement hearing, we have to go to hearings in New
York City and we have to get through them successfully. In that time
he was going to work for us, I anticipated it would be sometime less
than a year at this point from time, and I just offered him a $100,000
Q. No health benefits or anything like that?
A. No, sir.
Q. No pension?
A. No. No contract.
Q. When you say no contract, in other words you signed no
formal arrangement with him at that time?
A. That's correct.
Q. So there's no writing, there should be no writings.
Mr. Schwefel: I think you've indicated that you've seen no
writings in your -- I'm pointing to my colleague, Mr. Lemanowicz. And

actually, this is a little unusual. But, Ron, you've reviewed a lot of
records, you haven't seen any records.
Mr. LEMANOWICZ: They're requested, I didn't see any.
Mr. Schwefel: You were told there were none?
Q. So you signed, going back to Mr. DiTommaso, you signed
no contract, no formal writing with him at any time?
A. That's correct.
Q. Let me ask you this; I know he made representations to
you, and I know you also had met Mr. Kerik, but did it ever occur to
you that you might need to, you know, check his background out as
well, he wasn't, as I understand, he's not an attorney, is he?
A. Not to my knowledge, no.
Q. And was he a licensed insurance broker at some point in
time to your knowledge?
A. I never checked that out.
Q. So it did not occur to you then to actually do any back-
ground before you actually brought him into your company directly?
A. Maybe it sounds foreign to you, being involved in law en-
forcement, but being a contractor my whole life and not dealing in
regulated industries, doing background investigations was frankly
nonexistent. It's not the case today, but that's the way it was back
Q. There was, at some point in time, Mr. Ray obtained a -- let
me backup a second. Let me ask specifically, I understand from
reading prior testimony, that Mr. Ray was paid that $100,000, part of
it was coming from Interstate Industrial and other part of Interstate,
Drywall, is that accurate?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Was it split 60/40, is that your recollection?
A. I don't recall.
Q. Was he being paid actually with payroll checks from them
or was he -- do you know, if you now?
A. I don't know.
Q. Let me move on to a different issue. There was a point of
time where Mr. Ray obtained a $350,000 loan, okay. First of all, was

that from the company or you personally, who was the lender of
A. As best I can recall, it was done through me personally.
Q. That's your person -
A. That's my best recollection, yes.
Q. How did this subject get broached? People don't normally
come up and ask for a $350,000 loan. How did this come about?
A. It was probably in late 1999; Larry had fully entrenched
himself and endeared himself with the firm with respect to handling
these matters in New York and New Jersey. And he had come to me
with an urgent request that he was involved with attempting to make
an acquisition of buying out his business partner in a nightclub
restaurant that he had owned in New Jersey jointly with someone
else. And that that individual's father was a lien holder of some sort,
became terminally ill, and he needed a bridge loan so that he could
buy out the partner's father before he died and the whole business
would have been encumbered in a state dispute. So it was a very
unusual and excessive request. But as I said he stated his position
and what he was doing was so personal to my heart with respect to
getting this thing done, at this point in time it took on more than a
business issue with me with respect to being licensed in Atlantic City.
It was a personal issue with my family, and my family name. And
what I perceived to be a great effort on his part in helping us resolve
that, I spoke with my general counsel to look at what the collateral to
be and if it was sufficient, then give him the loan.
Q. Your understanding right from the beginning in his repre-
sentation to you was you would indeed hold a mortgage on the
business that was being bought out?
A. Yes.
Q. And your understanding was that you would be in the posi-
tion of the first mortgage holder?
A. Well, I had instructed my attorney just to make sure we
were fully protected legally from, to be able to recoup our loan, which
I assume he had done. And to my knowledge, he had an MAI
appraisal done on it independently and I believe it was approximately
three times the value of the loan as well as gave us first position on
the land.

Q. Did you ever do any, either personally or hire somebody,
to do anymore investigation on the building, check out whether the
nightclub was operating, ask for accounts of the nightclub to decide
or whether or not it was a viable concern, did you do any kind of
background information like that?
A. It was my understanding at the point in time the nightclub
had been closed so it was basically real estate. Again, due diligence
was to be done by my general counsel.
Q. So it was just the appraisal, if you will?
A. Basically. I had assumed that would be the lowest factor to
go by and the most conservative approach on the value of the
Q. Now, my understanding of the repayment terms of this
loan, since it was a bridge loan, he was only going to be making
interest payments to you?
A. That's correct.
Q. He was going to make interest payments to you starting,
as I understand it, in January of 2000. Now, were those payments
ultimately made, and what's the status of the loan at this point?
A. He fell, immediately fell delinquent in January and then I
believe again in February, at which time I had conversations with my
council to discuss with Mr. Ray garnishing his salary to cover the
delinquent notes. And he was in the process of having those conver-
sations with Mr. Ray when Mr. Ray became indicted.
Q. Is it an accurate characterization to say that you were dis-
tancing yourself from Mr. Ray at this point because you're starting to
deal with him through attorneys, was the relationship changing as a
result of this loan?
Mr. Smith: Just so we're clear, which time?
Mr. Kimmel: This is late 1999, early 2000 when the loan has
been made and the first payment is missed.
A. There was no intentional distancing between us at this
point in time. I still had full confidence in his abilities at this point in
time. He was working with the attorneys, obviously, and he was
working under the direction of Mr. Aponte over at the transfer station
and working with Mr. Don Kerik at the transfer station. But he would
verbally communicate to me and I would call him regularly to make

sure, to see, just to prod it along, how we doing, what's new, what's
going on.
Q. Did you get any feedback from all these other individuals; I
say other, Mr. Aponte, Mr. Earle Tockman, Mr. Allen Schwartz,
[Interstate’s accountant] and anyone else with regards to whatever it
is that Mr. Ray actually did? Did anybody say to you, for instance,
he's doing a fine job, Frank, this is wonderful, wonderful deal that you
made or did anybody say conversely, I haven't seen this guy in a
year or three months or a month, did you get anything like that?
A. Well, it was kind of like, if you take -- we'll go back to the
early part of my deposition and the answer I had given you with
respect to being confrontational or criticizing, I think everybody
similarly had the same approach.
Q. So your whole crew was basically all non-confrontational
A. Diplomatic maybe more of an --
Q. Is it your understanding that Mr. Ray was talking to your
attorneys on a regular basis?
A. Absolutely, no. As far as what he was doing at the transfer
station, he was more working independently with Mr. Aponte and not
really, wasn't taking, you know, really taking that much of an interest.
I just assumed he was being diligent.
Q. How do you know he spoke to your attorneys? Did you
know that from the bills you got, or did you assume that or did he tell
you he was doing that?
A. It was a combination of things. I was present at some of
the meetings. Some of the meetings the attorneys would tell me,
they're talking with Larry and this and that. Some of the meetings
Larry would tell me he was talking with the attorneys about this and
that. So it was a combination.
Q. Did Mr. Ray ever tell you that he was meeting with the rep-
resentatives of the Division of Gaming Enforcement or representa-
tives of New York City government, did he indicate that he was being
proactive, not with your attorneys, but with the actual regulatory
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And who did he say he met with?

A. He had told me he had met with the investigators from the
Trade Waste Commission on several occasions.
Mr. Schwefel: How about with New Jersey, if you know?
A. I don't recall him ever telling me he met with anybody from
New Jersey.
Q. What did he tell you he was attempting to accomplish by
meeting with the Trade Waste people?
A. It was part of the compliance policy in, at the transfer sta-
tion to make sure that it was being run up to their standards and to
discuss, you know, what type of camera systems an surveillance
systems would be in place, it was my understanding those kinds of
Q. You testified earlier that Mr. Ray said a big part of your
problem was a perception problem. Did he discuss specifically with
regards to the transfer station that Mr. Garafola was a particular
concern to the regulatory agencies and that part of the perception
problem was the fact that Mr. Garafola had some past involvement in
the transfer station?
A. Yes, sir. Exactly…I'll use his words that I am a front for
Eddie Garafola. He told me that he's a real guy and that law en-
forcement is trying to nail him for years.
Q. Did he ever indicate to you whether he personally had any
type of relationship with Mr. Garafola?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did he deny that or it never came up?
A. Never came up.
Q. So you never asked him point blank? Did you do any
business with Garafola?
A. No.
Q. Well, did you ever see them together on any occasion?
A. No, sir.
Q. With anyone of the Garafola family then?
A. No, sir.
Q. Any of his sons or anybody else, you just never saw them
A. No, sir.

Q. So were you ever together at any time with Garafola and
Mr. Ray where they were both present in a room together?
A. No, sir.
Q. On no occasion?
A. Never.
Q. In addition to the $350,000 loan, I have information or I
have reason to believe that Mr. Ray was also accumulating addition-
al accounts receivable for materials and such things. Are you familiar
with that?
A. I am now, yes, sir.
Q. And you are familiar with that now. You weren't familiar
with it as it was happening?
A. That's correct.
Q. When did you become aware of this?
A. Subsequent to his indictment. 209

What actually transpired was that in late 1998 Frank

DiTommaso approached Ray regarding the difficulty that the various
Interstate companies were having in obtaining licensure in New York
City. Interstate was also having problems caused by the Division of
Gaming Enforcement putting pressure on the Casino Control Com-
mission to deny Interstate Drywall a non-gaming casino license. Ray
indicated that he might be able to assist Interstate by bribing key
officials. Frank DiTommaso decided to hire Ray as the man to deal
with security and licensure issues. DiTommaso was convinced that
Ray could bribe regulators with ease due to his relationship with
Bernard Kerik and with high level military and intelligence personnel.

According to Frank DiTommaso, (photograph below) Kerik labeled
Ray as a "top shelf guy" and vouched for his good character.
DiTommaso knew from his previous dealings in the early 1990’s with
Ray that Ray was connected. This was why in late 1998 Frank
DiTommaso hired Ray at a salary of $100,000, and subsequently
hired Bernard Kerik's brother, Don Kerik, in some other bogus
capacity. It also hired several Mafia-watchdogs from the Giuliani
Administration. Frank gave Larry Ray $350,000 to make a payoff in
the form of a bridge loan. 210 The story was that the money was to be
used to buy out Ray’s partner. The New York City Department of
Investigations asked for the name of the partner Ray was buying out,

Mr. DiTommaso: First name was Frank, and I don't know his
last name.
Ms. Lee: Do you know the name of the partner's father?
Mr. DiTommaso: No.
Mr. Tockman: Didn't we provide you –
Mr. Ruvoldt: We provided all the loan documents. All the loan
documents for the whole deal which have all the names of the
partners and who owned it.
Ms. Lee: I would still like Mr. DiTommaso's recollection.
Mr. Tockman: I apologize. I didn't mean to interject inappro-
Ms. Lee: When was this loan?
Mr. Ruvoldt: If you know.
Mr. DiTommaso: I don't know the exact date.
Ms. Lee: Did he ask you for the money, or did he ask Mr.
Mr. DiTommaso: He asked me.
Ms. Lee: And you agreed to it?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: Did you direct someone else in the company to exe-
cute the loan and make the necessary agreements?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: Who was that?
Mr. DiTommaso: Mr. Tockman.
Ms. Lee: You are now proceeding against him for the money?

Mr. DiTommaso: That's correct.
Mr. Ruvoldt: Foreclosure.
Ms. Lee: Against the nightclub?
Mr. Ruvoldt: Against the property.
Ms. Lee: Against the nightclub's property.
Mr. Ruvoldt: I don't know if I sent you a copy of that com-
plaint. If not, I'll send you a copy. 211


Evidence suggested that the recipient of the $350,000 was not Ray’s
partner despite the paperwork but was really Commissioner Michael
Arthur Fedorko (photo on the left), the head of the Casino Control

Commission. This was why he granted the DiTommasos the non-

gaming casino license despite overwhelming evidence presented by
the Division of Gaming Enforcement that they were mobbed-up and
despite an on-going FBI investigation of the DiTommasos. Larry Ray
got the no-show job worth 100K plus at least $60,000 worth of
building supplies out of the deal. The Casino Control Commission
asked DiTommaso about the 60K:

Q. Let me go back to an issue I touched on briefly, the re-

ceivables that had been amassed that you found out about subse-
quent to the indictment. Could you explain what your understanding
of that situation is at this point in time?
A. I guess he had amassed them by calling Don Kerik and
requesting material being sent from the transfer station over. The
way I'm understanding is, Don just assumed it was okay with me
because we all had such a close relationship at this point in time. But
I had not known he had amassed that kind of debt, which is presently
being pursued by my attorneys.
Q. Do you know how much it is?
A. To my understanding, it's about approximately $60,000.
Q. That is in addition to the $350,000 loan?
A. That's correct.
Q. Now, that $350,000 loan is currently in foreclosure, is that
A. I guess. Mr. Smith is handling that.
Q. What actually did he do with regards to the $60,000?
A. He was doing work at his home and I guess he needed -- I
can't imagine. I haven't looked at the bills yet. To have $60,000 worth
of material shipped to his house, I really don't know. I haven't looked
at that yet. 212

Fedorko issued a report that convinced the other members of

the Casino Control Commission to grant the license. The Commis-
sion was comprised of labor leaders, educators and two law en-
forcement officials. Michael Arthur Fedorko ignored evidence not
only from the Division but also from organized crime figures in the
Federal Witness Protection Program. There can only be two answers
for this - Fedorko received a $350,000 bribe or he feels that the
Mafia will always be present in Atlantic City and better the
DiTommaso’s than other Organized Crime members as they are
more intelligent and less violent and have been allowed to work on
projects for the U.S. Government. DiTommaso testified, “I was
looking at the Foley Square Project which is the federal office
downtown on Broadway; and I don't recall who did the steel there, if I
did it myself or if we used another subcontractor or if Marine or a
Buddy Leahy company, in fact, did it.”

In return for 350K Fedorko concocted a fairy tale about Larry

Ray and the DiTommasos that ignored the facts. The entire report is
at . Unlike Fedorko, the Division
of Gaming Enforcement had no problem concluding that Ray was a
fixer: “Ray did not have a title or written job description. He would not
receive any other benefits such as a pension or medical insurance.
He did not have an office at any Interstate facility. Ray could engage
in other business, but was expected by Frank DiTommaso to devote
the type of time to Interstate, which a full time employee would
devote…No background check was conducted on Ray prior to his
hiring. Frank DiTommaso testified that he relied on his personal
knowledge of Ray's character as well as the testimonials of

Kerik…As explained by Frank DiTommaso, various Interstate
companies faced licensure investigations or inquiries from the New
York City Trade Waste Commission ("TWC"), the New York City
Department of Investigations (Department of Investigation), the New
York City Department of Sanitation, and the New York City Depart-
ment of Transportation, as well as from the Division…During the
course of his employment with Interstate, which would last approxi-
mately one and a half years, Ray did not produce any written reports
for Frank DiTommaso. Rather, according to Frank, Ray would
update him periodically on the progress being made on the various
licensure investigations. Ray frequently contacted Frank DiTommaso
via cell phone, as Ray did not have an office at Interstate. It should
be noted that while Ray was purportedly coordinating the efforts of
Interstate to respond to the Division, among other agencies, the
Division did not have any contact with Ray. It is our further under-
standing that other regulatory agencies such as the TWC and
Department of Investigation had minimal substantive contact with
Ray. This apparent lack of effort by Ray to be in contact with the very
agencies whose multiple inquiries led to his hiring, coupled with his
lack of any formal presentations to DiTommaso, raise issues as to
the process used by Interstate to hire and retain Ray. In view of the
fact that Ray, had, according to the indictment, maintained an
ongoing relationship with Edward Garafola while employed by
Interstate, Ray's employment needs to be further explored at the
hearing regarding Interstate's licensure.” 213

The Division of Gaming Enforcement filled Fedorko in on in-

vestigations of Interstate Industrial that Frank DiTommaso failed to
mention in his testimony such as those being conducted by the New
York City Department of Sanitation and the New York City Depart-
ment of Transportation. It’s investigators pointed out that Ray was
not really working for Interstate in a traditional fashion, where he had
an office, wrote reports, contact regulators. It implied that Ray was a
connection between Garafola and Interstate and that Ray was not in
contact with the agencies he was supposed to be lobbying, but
instead had some others means of influence. Frank DiTommaso’s
stated, “It's my understanding that Ray had direct meetings with the

New York City Trade Waste investigators. He met with the Trade
Waste guys, so you can probably ask him how he did it. I was not at
any of the meetings, so I don't know what he said.”

Bernard Kerik and Frank DiTommaso forged their own rela-

tionship or had known each other in the past. Emails Lawrence Ray
said he received from Bernard Kerik in the spring of 1999 suggested
that Bernard Kerik was willing to pass along to Frank DiTommaso
inside information on the Trade Waste Commission's investigation of
Interstate Industrial, along with details of upcoming city contracts.

The Department of Investigation asked DiTommaso about

this relationship:
Ms. Lee: Were there occasions where you would have met
Commissioner Kerik without Larry Ray?
Mr. DiTommaso: When I would be in the city I would call him,
see if he was in, stop by, I liked Bernie. I thought he was a pretty
interesting guy. Still do.
Ms. Lee: Do you still have contact with Commissioner Kerik?
Mr. DiTommaso: Very infrequently as a result of all this.
Ms. Lee: Meaning you stopped contacting him or he asked
Mr. DiTommaso: It was pretty much mutual. We decided, let's
get by all the issues and then we'll resume our relationship after we
get things straightened out.
Ms. Lee: Was that in the form of a conversation with each
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: When did that conversation occur?
Mr. DiTommaso: After Larry Ray became indicted.
Ms. Lee: Did you call him or he called you?
Mr. DiTommaso: I'm not sure.

Ray told this researcher and others that he played a key role
in resolving the crisis in Kosovo in 1999, while Interstate Industrial
ostensibly employed him. Lawrence Ray, “Look at what I did in
NATO. All that was going down in Yugoslavia. I gave a few people a

copy of an official letter. It’s been declassified a long time ago. I am
going to post an official letter from NATO thanking me for my work,
which led to the cessation of the bombings of the Kosovo Crisis. I
had been brought in to the Kosovo Crisis in an effort to avoid the
senseless casualties to come in a ground offensive. I feel the Penta-
gon very accurately estimated anticipated casualties if a ground
assault commenced. After talks broke down between the two summit
meetings and Madeleine Albright we were sending troops there and
because of the terrain the Pentagon said we are going to lose tens of
thousands of people at the last minute and it was kind of shock to me
because I was working on something that was very hush-hush but
anyway then I got sent from Eastern Europe told to come right back
here and I was told to stop at Belgium NATO headquarters. After I
listened to the intelligence briefing the first night I was in Belgium at
NATO Headquarters, based on my analysis I presented a recom-
mendation, which I believed to be the only available option. All in the
room with the exception of Colonel Sponbeck [Colonel Leif
Sponbeck, Special Military Assistant to the US Ambassador to
NATO] agreed with me and asked how do we implement it? I de-
signed and submitted my tactical plan as I saw it. The necessary
steps were completed over the next two days and I was then author-
ized. My first stop in the operation was Moscow.”

Welcomed by a cheering mob of Serb residents, an armored

column of Russian troops rolled into Kosovo's provincial capital,
Pristina, on June 11, 1999 despite Moscow's promises that it would
not send its forces into Kosovo before NATO did. However, Russian
Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov stated that the surprise entry of Russian
troops was an "unfortunate" mistake and that they had been ordered
to leave Kosovo immediately. Ivanov said the reason why the
Russians moved into the province was being clarified. Was Ray’s
visit to Moscow connected to the withdrawal of the troops? On June
12, 1999 the withdrawal of Serbian and Yugoslav forces from Koso-
vo and the cessation of the NATO bombing campaign ended the
state of armed conflict in Kosovo. Ray continued, “I accomplished
both objectives, the cessation of the bombing campaign and I
mitigated the need for a ground offensive, thus avoiding the sense-

less loss of ground troops...Then think about in that emergency
situation what kind of person they would ask to go there. You would
have to be able to do something at the very least. They would have
to be real comfortable and familiar with that. You’d have to have a
pretty damn good history. That’s a big item. It’s not like they had first
second and third choice and said no.” Ray's court files include a
letter from NATO thanking him for his "efforts to ensure good com-
munication and understanding between the Russian leadership and
ourselves" in reaching a deal to end bombing during the Kosovo
crisis in the late 1990s.

Although FBI files reflect his help with organized-crime cases

in June 1999 prosecutors told Ray that he had held back information
in an investigation of a massive mob-run stock swindle. Kerik’s
indictment revealed, “In or about August or September 1999, Ber-
nard B. Kerik facilitated a meeting between Lawrence Ray and NYC
Trade Waste Commission Investigators in his NYC Department Of
Corrections office to discuss the investigation of Interstate industrial.”

On March 2, 2000, Lawrence Ray, along with eighteen other

individuals, was charged in a federal indictment in connection with a
stock fraud scheme involving organized crime members. The indict-
ment alleged a "pump and dump" racketeering conspiracy to inflate
the price of certain securities. Ray was also the victim in another kind
of “pump and dump.” The FBI pumped him for info then dumped him.
Ray, “And what happened was when I was told in 1999 that I was
subject to investigation I went down to the Pentagon six o’clock the
next morning to brief the commandant of the Marine Corps and other
people. We had a meeting with the CIA later on that morning. I was
told I was the subject of investigation the day before. The only
reason I got probation was because the CIA and the Pentagon got
involved. Most people know that in the investigative journalism area
they knew that for a couple of years already.”

Lawrence Ray was charged with having paid a $100,000

bribe to an official at a brokerage firm to secure bonding for a con-
struction subcontractor called U.S. Bridge of New York. Lawrence

Ray, who had cooperated with investigators for three years, was
charged with conspiring to obtain this bond for a Gambino front
company. The indictment read, “In or about and between June 1995
and July 1995 the defendants Lombardo, Polito, and Lawrence V.
Ray and others caused an employee of the bond brokerage compa-
ny to send a letter dated July 11, 1995 to United States Bridge in
Queens, New York. It was further part of the conspiracy that prior to
United States Bridge New York (USBNY) Initial Public Offering (IPO),
the defendants Polito and Lombardo, and others, took steps to make
it appear as if USBNY would use the IPO proceeds to obtain bonding
that would enable US Bridge to act as general contractor on large
scale construction projects. The (?) parties agreed with Polito,
Lombardo and others that Ray would secretly pay one hundred
thousand dollars to an executive of a bond brokerage firm to facilitate
the issuance of bonding after the IPO.” 214 After Ray and 18 others
were indicted DiTommaso and Bernard Kerik dropped him. In a
November 2001 e-mail exchange, Ray reached out to Kerik for help,
"I am sorry I have to burden you with any of this at all. But I need you
and my family needs you. I have done my best to keep you out of it
all along…As a friend I was mindful of the sensitivity of your posi-
tion…Now I need you as a friend to do nothing more than be willing
to state the truth as to the things that you do know." Kerik replied, "In
the event that I am called to testify, I must tell you that my recollec-
tion of the events is not consistent with what you remember. And this
would have a severely negative impact on your credibility." 215

Ray claimed this was all part of a frame up: “I made the case
to begin with for them in 1996. I am talking about their allegation of
what I was in involved. Anyway Gary Uher fixed all that up. Uher was
Kerik’s assistant not only at the Department of Corrections Passaic,
but way back in the Passaic days [Kerik was warden of the Passaic
County jail from January 1986 to July 1986]. And Kerik got him the
job at the Bureau when they left there. Plus Kerik’s brother Don had
told me that Kerik and Gary were beating up the prisoners. They had
like business going on at the Passaic County jail and things were like
getting hot. Don left before (unintell). Don was seeing through the
perspective there like crazy. When they could not buy me, or my

services, they decided to ruin my credibility, starting by framing me in
a Federal indictment in March 2000, based on a report by Bernard
Kerik's best friend Special Agent Gary Uher who I briefed on their
criminal activity in 1998.”

Ray told The Washington Post that he had told the FBI and
U.S. attorney's office as early as 1999, as he tried to stave off
indictment, that he had incriminating information about Bernard
Kerik. Was it Ray’s snitching on Kerik that caused his indictment in
the first place? After his guilty plea in 2001 and his sentence of
probation, Ray kept snitching out Kerik and he told the FBI that Kerik
had agreed to help Interstate Industrial try to win city business
despite their alleged ties with organized crime. "They knew 100
percent of it. There was no way they didn't. I was driving the ball on

Ray: “Polito was part of a company [U.S. Bridge] that was

part of the pump and dump. The charge was that I had knowledge
that they were going to do a pump and dump and I tried to get them
an insurance and bond program. That’s how weak it was.” Business
Week Magazine reported that according to a informant who said he
traveled to Europe to set up the accounts there, this scheme started
in 1995 as an attempt to enrich a mob front company called White
Rock Partners who were the principals in the initial public offering of
an obscure Corona Queens (N.Y.) construction company called U.S.
Bridge of N.Y. Inc. The informant told the FBI that the principals of
White Rock "paid stockbrokers to aggressively promote U.S. Bridge
stock." The White Rock principals cashed in their stock at inflated
prices. U.S. Bridge's president, Joseph Polito Sr., vigorously denied
knowledge of the wrongdoing alleged in the FBI affidavit. Polito who
was the de facto president and director of U.S. Bridge of N.Y. Inc.
since its inception in 1990 and prior to April 1994 was the sole
shareholder of the Corporation. 216 Polito was the Chairman of the
Steel Institute of New York, Co-Chairman of the International Union
of Structural Ironworkers, Locals 40, 361 and 417 Union Fund and a
current director and past president of Allied Metal Building, an
industry organization authorized to negotiate with the structural Iron

Worker Local 40 and 361, Operating Engineers Local 14 and Local
15a and 15d, Cement Masons Local 780 as well as chairman of the
negotiating committee solely for the structural engineers. Polito was
a member of the safety committee for the City of New York, Building
Trade Employers Association. 217 The firm subsequently changed its
name to USA Bridge Construction of New York. Its stock, which
traded at $11 in late 1996, has fallen below $1. 218

Co-conspirators in the pump and dump included Bonanno

Family member Eugene Lombardo, Daniel Persico the nephew of
Colombo Family Godfather Carmine "The Snake" Persico," and
Frank Coppa Sr. a Capo in the Bonanno Organized Crime Family.
Frank Coppa, Sr. had an arrest record in New York State ranging
from 1962 to 2000. 219 Other co-conspirators included, Ernest
Montevecchi an associate of the aforementioned Felix Henry Sater.
A National Association of Security Dealers complaint charged White
Rock Partners former Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, John
Doukas, also named in the indictment, with several violations com-
mitted while at White Rock Partners. Specifically, Doukas was
alleged to have put in place or enforced a "policy" that prevented
some customers from selling specific securities from their accounts.
The alleged violative conduct occurred principally in three securities
that the firm had underwritten and included U.S. Bridge of N.Y., Inc.

Alfred Palagonia, also named in the indictment, was the

highest-earning salesman among the D.H. Blair registered repre-
sentatives, personally generating as much as $13 million in gross
commissions in one year. Palagonia was not licensed to act as a
supervisor, but in fact he supervised members of the D.H. Blair sales
force and directed their illegal activities. More than 50,000 customers
invested with D.H. Blair & Co., Inc. during the period of the existence
of the D.H. Blair Criminal Enterprise. Many suffered severe economic
losses as a result of the criminal conduct of the enterprise. For
example, a 56 year-old disabled man from Colorado lost approxi-
mately $150,000 from a disability settlement upon which he relied to
pay for medicine and other living expenses; he was given false price

predictions and so-called "inside" information which did not pan
out. 220

Edward Garafola was also named in the indictment and was

accused of attempting to extort the money necessary for the
$100,000 payment for the bond from another party. As a result Frank
had to dump Larry Ray because Larry was a link between him and
Garafola. Frank DiTommaso was asked,
Q. At the time of his indictment, you terminated your business
relationship with Mr. Ray, is that the same day or the next day?
A. It was immediately subsequent, yes.
Q. And was that your decision or was that on somebody
else’s advice?
A. It was my decision. Obviously, I knew it was not a good
thing, and it was my decision. I discussed it with my attorneys,
everybody concurred that we needed to terminate our relationship
Q. I assume, since the initial engagement of him was infor-
mal, there was no sort of severance payment or anything else to Mr.
A. That's correct.
Q. You just told him and followed it with a letter that the rela-
tionship was over?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Is there any social relationship at this point in time?
A. No. I have not spoken to Mr. Ray since then.
Q. Did he ever explain to you what actually his position was
on the charges, did you speak to him after the indictment?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. One occasion or more than one occasion?
A. Several times I think immediately following it.
Q. And since those conversations, it's your position, it's your
testimony, that you haven't spoken to him?
A. That's absolutely correct, with the exception of one phone
call which I made inadvertently to him, maybe it was a month after, a
few weeks after. I was dialing in Nick DiTulli, they have a very similar
phone number, and I just dialed Larry's instead of Nick's. So he

picked up the phone. When I realized it, I hung up and then he had
my number on the caller ID, called me back. And I just said, you
know, how you doing, sorry I called you, I meant to call Nick. That
was it. It was a brief, maybe 30 second at the most conversation.
The hearings revealed a Garafola, Ray, DiTommaso connec-
Q. So you did speak to him subsequent to his indictment?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And did you talk about the indictment with him or did he
tell you anything at that time?
A. Briefly, yes. I mean -- yes. It was kind of like, what the
heck happened, you know, and he said that, well, he was working
with the law enforcement people, I don't recall who he said he had
been working with and talking with, and they were so adamant that
Garafola was involved with me in some way and that he was so
adamant in refuting those allegations that they thought he was
involved with my firm, that he was being in some way uncooperative,
not telling the entire truth, being fully truthful with them and that was
the reason that they implicated him in the matter.
Q. Did they discuss the substance of what the matter was?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ask him?
A. No.
Q. But you knew it did involve Mr. Garafola in some capacity?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. This indictment was the first you knew that Mr. Ray had
any kind of relationship with Mr. Garafola?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you ask about the nature of his relationship with
Garafola at that point in time after you learned of it?
A. He had briefly, in this same context, told me at some point
many years earlier that Garafola had wanted to get some kind of
bonding from his company and he had put the paperwork there.
And it was denied by home office and they never did any business.
That was it.
Q. Did you ever have any further discussions as to the nature
of his relationship with Garafola?

A. Not with -- no, I have no more conversations with Mr. Ray
about that.
Frank DiTommaso was questioned by the New York City De-
partment of Investigations:
Ms. Lee: Did Ray state to you that he knew the name Eddie
Mr. DiTommaso: He -- it seemed like he did know the name.
He said he's a bad guy.
Ms. Lee: Did he say whether or not he had any dealings with
Eddie Garafola?
Mr. DiTommaso: No, he never mentioned that he had deal-
ings with Garafola. That's why when the indictment came down it
was a blow.
Mr. Dion: You don't know that before the indictment came
down that he had any kind of relationship with him?
Mr. DiTommaso: No
Mr. Dion: How did you become aware of the indictment?
Mr. DiTommaso: Larry called me.
Mr. Dion: He called himself?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: Was this at home or at work that he called you?
Mr. DiTommaso: Probably -- I don't know. He calls me on my
cell phone.
Ms. Lee: Was he already indicted at the time that he called
Mr. DiTommaso: I believe he was either on his way there or
on his way out. I don't remember.
Ms. Lee: What do you mean "on his way there"?
Mr. DiTommaso: To surrender, to be arrested or on his way
out after being arrested.
Mr. Dion: What did he tell you about the indictment?
Mr. DiTommaso: At that time?
Mr. Dion: Yes.
Mr. DiTommaso: He didn't get into specifics. Said that -- he
obviously denied any involvement with it. I guess it must have been
after the indictment because he told me that all the people he was

arrested with, he knew two of the people. One being Eddie Garafola.
He said that. He told me that.
Mr. Dion: Did that come as a surprise to you that he said
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: What did you say to him?
Mr. DiTommaso: Well, he was doing most of the talking; and
he was saying that -- you know, he said because he thinks because
he was trying to help me with the fact that my perception issue, that
I'm involved with Eddie Garafola and that a company – he had a
company that years ago he had been involved with was involved with
Garafola or tried to get insurance from him years ago that was
involved with Eddie Garafola, that they thought he was hiding
something from the law enforcement guys. That was his explanation
to me. I said, "Larry, how could they correlate anything with my
buying my transfer station, you trying to help me?"
Mr. Dion: He was telling you the reason he was indicted was
because of assistance that he was trying to provide to you?
Mr. DiTommaso: Indirectly, yes. I mean indirectly, yes. It's bi-
zarre. This is what I was trying to pick out on the phone; but he was
saying that, I guess, when he was in the insurance company busi-
ness a company had solicited him to provide insurance and bonds
and he designed a company that Eddie Garafola was involved with.
Because of that and then he's trying to help with my perception
issue, that I was -- is that I was involved with Eddie Garafola and that
he knew more than he led law enforcement to believe and subse-
quently he was indicted.
Mr. Dion: Did you have any subsequent conversation with
Mr. DiTommaso: I would say the first couple of days after he
was arrested. We had some conversations and immediately consult-
ed with my attorneys, and they recommended that we cease all
contact with Mr. Ray.
Mr. Dion: At that point at which you were advised to cease
contact, how many conversations approximately did you have with
Mr. Ray?
Mr. Ruvoldt: Post-indictment?

Mr. Dion: Post-indictment.
Mr. DiTommaso: It could have been a half dozen. He was
crying on the phone.
Mr. Dion: He called you?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Mr. Dion: Did you ever call him, or was he the one who was
initiating the contact at all times?
Mr. DiTommaso: I'm pretty sure he called me. At this point in
time, if you can understand, there was a short period of time that we
started spending a lot of time with the attorneys and talking about the
firm and the company. There was a lot of time spent. I have the bills
to prove it from the attorneys for bills for meetings. Then this came
out of the blue and he called me up crying, literally crying. He kind of
alluded to the fact that it was because he was helping me. He was
Mr. Dion: Did he elaborate on that at all? Did he elaborate ei-
ther on the facts of the indictment or why he thought he was being
Mr. DiTommaso: No, other than what he talked about, what I
just explained to you. That's the entire explanation that he gave to
Mr. Dion: Did he say that he didn't know that Eddie Garafola
was connected to the company that he was providing --
Mr. DiTommaso: He didn't say did or didn't.
Ms. Lee: He did apologize to you for not telling you about his
involvement with Eddie Garafola before he came on board with your
Mr. DiTommaso: No, he did not.
Ms. Lee: Did you say to him, "Larry how could you do this to
me? How come you didn't tell me that you knew Eddie Garafola?"
Mr. DiTommaso: It was a very strange period. You know,
you're only talking a few days kind of thing. Immediately after that, I
mean the next day, that morning I get a call from the Gaming Com-
mission wanting to interview me. I had -- to – terminate my relation-
ship with him. I terminated his employment. I was like -- I was getting
barraged with all this stuff. Trade Waste. He was everything was
starting to happen. Larry was involved with dealing with the attor-

neys. I'm running my business. The next thing you know, I have a
confidant of the company, a guy that we pulled out to the law en-
forcement guys, here's a guy that's one of you. He'll do whatever you
tell him to do. Now he gets indicted. You have no idea.
Ms. Lee: That's why I'm asking: Did you say, "Larry, how
could you do this to me?"
Mr. DiTommaso: I would have if I was able to have a conver-
sation with him now or weeks or a month after this happened. The
initial conversation, the man was crying to me on the phone about
his innocence and "I could go to jail and my wife is having a baby"
and his mother-in-law was dying.
Ms. Lee: You were more sympathetic than angry with him?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes. Well, I was both. I was holding my own
anger back to you know, I can't imagine what it would be like to go
through something like that. It doesn't sound like it's something
anybody wants to go through. 221

After his indictment, Ray’s family disintegrated. His daughter

allegedly had this to say: “My father spend six months in federal
prison for failing to respond to a court order mandating the transfer
custody of my sister and me to DYFS (New Jersey Department of
Youth and Family Services) a court order neither he nor his lawyer
was ever served; I was forced to spend ten months isolated in a
homeless shelter, and my sister was placed in the custody of our
mother who sexually abused us both.” 222 Ray explained, “I am the
one who exposed Giuliani and Kerik in November 2004 to the N.Y.
Daily News reporter Russ Buettner. No one else did. What happened
afterward is interesting because my life started to go to pieces. They
subsequently attacked my two minor daughters, Talia and Ava in a
gruesome manner. They got my ex-wife to go along because she
coincidently had her own tragic secret to hide so it served her
purpose. My two little girls and I have paid an unimaginable price
and still are. Hurting my children is more painful than every other
tactic they used to discourage and / or stop me in their effort to make
sure I did not expose what I know... What it was a total frame-up.
Kerik aligned himself with my wife in 2004 and Giuliani and his whole
camp and he used the family court against me. It’s a malicious

coincidence that my wife had sexually abused my children; I didn’t
find that out till August 1, 2005. I was arrested starting in March 2005
over 20 times by Somerset County New Jersey. They did something
totally illegal. On November 11, 2005 in Somerset County the family
court judge trumped up that there was another Temporary Restrain-
ing Order to protect my daughters – two children - from my ex-wife
and her family but the judge ignored it, which she didn’t have the
power to do. She then ordered visitation on November 16 for my little
daughter. The pick up and drop off point was the police station in the
town of Warren. On November 15 my little daughter Ava, who was in
Kindergarten, got upset and scared of going with her mother. I had
custody of two kids; my wife has been an absolute abuser. And when
we got married she told me her father abused her right before the
wedding. You learn things in families; there’s no doubt she’s an
abuser. Ava goes in and tells the teacher and tells the principal. I
recorded the principal on November 15, 2005 telling me and we went
to court trying to stop visitation the next day again. And the judge
says, ‘I don’t care she gets visitation!’ When on November 16, 2005
when she got picked up by her mother and her mothers’ two sisters
and they brought her back and dropped her off at the police station
at 7:40 PM at the police station Ava had been beat. Her face was
swollen and red on one side. And the police did another investigation
issued another TRO. This whole thing is so easy to dig through.
Somebody has just got to start digging it. That’s gonna back you
right up and will go to Giuliani and beyond. Everyone felt safe in New
Jersey because they couldn’t get anyone to do anything. The US
Attorney’s office, Christie’s office, because it comes down from
[United States Attorney General] Alberto Gonzales to screw
me…The President of New Jersey Senate Donald DeFrancesco
stole my liquor license. I owned a liquor license since 1985 and when
I went to renew it he stole it. He basically gave it to a guy named
Dominic Caruso. The Warren Township police broke into my home
with no search warrant. In preliminary discovery we got the dispatch
report and it says right there, ‘no search warrant.’ I caught them
breaking in and going through my whole house with my wife right
there. We took the evidence went to the FBI the FBI loved it ran with
case and a bunch of other stuff, I recorded the township prosecutor

in Warren telling me it is the Republican Party line to destroy Larry
Ray. She was told that in 2004. Before I even knew her. It is just
common sense. They want to keep me quiet and they don’t want me
to say certain things. They wanted to make sure they can even get
rid of me destroy my credibility.”

Ray filed a civil suit against those responsible for the search,
“On June 17, 2005 the Defendants claim that Teresa Ray called the
Warren Police Department purportedly regarding the enforcement of
a civil visitation order. Upon entering the property, the offic-
ers…entered Plaintiff’s premises and looked for a way into the
Plaintiff's home. After approximately four minutes of looking for a way
in, the Defendants broke into Plaintiff’s home through the back door
by sliding an object under the door thereby removing a piece of wood
that was in place as a lock on the door. Although Defendant officers
later claimed they entered though an unlocked door, said claim was
an intentional misstatement of the actual event. The Defendants did
not have a search warrant to enter Plaintiffs home. There were no
exigent circumstances that would otherwise have justified the
unlawful search. Defendant police officers allegedly contacted
Defendant Judge Richard Sasso, and obtained an ‘oral search
warrant’ purportedly permitting the search of the resi-
dence…Defendant police officers spent approximately ten to twenty
minutes in the home, searching through the entire home, including
rifling through the personal drawers in Plaintiff’s bedroom.” 223

The prosecutor in this case, Michele D’Onofrio, concluded

that the police search of Ray's home was illegal and recently was
interviewed by the FBI about the search. D’Onofrio was a partner at
former New Jersey Governor Donald DiFrancesco’s firm for six
years, who said DiFrancesco sexually harassed her, and then fired
her when she filed an ethics complaint against Warren Township
Municipal Court Judge Richard Sasso, a friend of the ex-Governor,
for drinking on the job. Ray also claimed that Sasso was instrumental
in altering the police reports about the search the next day. Ray

“When I went into high gear this year on it in the summer of
2006 because they won’t leave me alone. I needed to neutralize
them because they are the ones getting in the way of my getting any
kinds of protection of my civil rights in New Jersey. The divorce was
just used as a weapon. My wife has ended up having an affair with
my ex-brother and they gave my ex-brother business. People are not
looking in the right place the first one to look into Somerset is going
to not only follow it up to Giuliani but right through. A few months ago
Giuliani tried to make a deal with me. Basically I get my kids back
and I don’t kill him in the press. He did it through Ninfa Segarra. She
used to be the First deputy mayor. Very close to Rudy… The thread
of conspiracy runs from President Bush, V.P. Cheney, Antonio
Gonzales, Mike Chertoff, Rudy Giuliani, Frank and Peter
DiTommaso, Bernard Kerik all the way down thru Judge Thomas
Dilts, Judge Julie Marino, Judge Anne Bartlett, the DYFS office in
Somerset County Court, Union County Prosecutors Office, Living-
ston two and others in New Jersey who continue to harm my two
children in the effort to harm me so I will not or can not expose the
truth and/or testify. I will not rest until all responsible are exposed
and charged for their crimes.”

In the spring of 2007 Ray's lawyer, Sidney Baumgarten, told

Ninfa Segarra that Ray was embroiled in a bitter divorce and custody
dispute over his two daughters. Baumgarten said he told Segarra
that Ray possessed "damaging" information about Giuliani but that
he would not go public with his allegations if he could receive help
with the mounting legal troubles. "That was the implied quid pro
quo," Baumgarten told The Washington Post. The following day,
Baumgarten received e-mail from Segarra advising Ray to call an
acquaintance of hers, a "political heavyweight" lawyer who could
assist Ray in the custody dispute in New Jersey. "For now I would
ask not to identify me as the referral," Segarra wrote in the March 5,
2007 e-mail. Ray never acted on the referral. Instead, he reported it
to the FBI, wearing a wire to record his friend recounting the refer-
ral. 224

Brigadier General Sidney Baumgarten is former Chief of Staff
of the Army Division, New York Guard, and currently serves as an
advisor to the Adjutant General of NY State. He has served continu-
ously in the US Army, Army Reserves, Army National Guard and NY
Guard since graduation from Brown University. Baumgarten served
as Deputy Mayor of New York City during the Abe Beame Admin-
istration. Giuliani appointed Baumgarten Chief of Staff during the
World Trade Center emergency. Baumgarten is an expert in terror-
ism and counterterrorism as well as biological warfare. In civilian life,
Baumgarten is CEO of a biotech company. 225 On the negative side
Baumgarten was disbarred because the amount in his escrow
account fell below what he should have been holding; at times the
escrow account had a negative balance; he had used escrow funds
to pay his own expenses; and the commingling was done in an effort
to avoid liens by the Internal Revenue Service. 226 His license to
practice law was recently restored.

Ray was convinced that many divergent people were part of

a conspiracy against him. There might be some truth in what he is
saying, however, there were other reasons for his downfall. Ray
claims DiFrancesco stole his liquor license before he was convicted
of a felony but even Ray’s publicist wants to steer clear of this
allegation. He lost his property because either the DiTommaso’s
foreclosed so that the cover story that the pay-off money was really a
loan would hold water or the federal government seized it. As for the
twenty arrests while on federal probation or out on bail – if this was
the case he would have been remanded much sooner than he was.
His martial problems stemmed mainly from a messy divorce that
included charges of child abuse, “Then Union County prosecutor,
child abuse prosecutor who interviewed my daughter after she
comes out with the news about the sexual abuse, which is such a
tragedy because here some kid comes out with it and then the other
child. That is a bold step. Union County, we went to see them
because we lived there till my daughter was eight years old.
Esmerada, a child abuse prosecutor and his specialized team
interviewed my daughter for over four hours that night in August. The
next morning they started four criminal investigations. And you

wouldn’t think they got it wrong. They are one of the most experi-
enced groups in the State. And within four weeks he was in a panic
because Ed Ramanko, through his boss the Country Prosecutor was
pressuring him. He told him to drop the investigations. That was like
the third week in September. Two weeks later he accepts polygraph
results. First of all if you did that in a civil case you would be sued for
malpractice never mind criminal investigation. He sent poly results
from Tony Pope out of Newark who was then my wife’s lawyer and
Bonanno’s lawyer who is a known mob attorney real good friends
with Joseph Tacopina - Kerik’s lawyer. How did my wife get to Tony
Pope? They are about to get beat - well basically the Bureau is on
my side. There’s a fight going on now between them and the US
Attorney’s Office. Cause the US Attorney office when the Bureau ran
in with the evidence of a bunch of crimes that were committed
against me.”

Ray, who could have ended up a national security advisor to

Director of Homeland Security Bernard Kerik, had this to say about
9/11: “It became clear to me that there existed a very dedicated effort
to execute a large-scale terrorist attack on the United States. None
of us knew at the time in 1994 the attack would come to be known as
9/11. My effort since to expose the truth has been unnaturally
difficult, unnaturally long and unnaturally costly. The American
terrorists; the very corrupt Bush/Cheney White House, and many
corrupt politicians and officials such as Gonzales, Chertoff, Giulia-
ni/Kerik, and Wolfowitz to only name a few...” Ray seems to be
implying that 9/11 was a result of malfeasance. He said this in regard
to Dick Cheney, “We had been working in the Eastern European
Region and in 1994...I discovered in my work in Eastern Europe
during the Bush Sr. Presidency regarding activities of Dick Cheney
and the whole criminal enterprise. Their dirty business in the Middle
East: opium. Not just Afghanistan part of that went through Burma
part of that went though Pakistan in the late 80’s early 90’s.” Was
this money used to subsidize the Taliban? Was Larry Ray a conspir-
acy buff? If so how does one explain his social connection with all
the military brass? How did he manage to con these men who have
access to security checks? Why was the FBI using him to spy on the

mob? It was Ray who began providing New York authorities with
evidence of Bernard Kerik's wrongdoing in December 2004 when he
was nominated for the post of Homeland Security Secretary. Ray
turned over voice recordings, e-mails, photographs, city documents
and other items outlined in a 33-page roster of evidence obtained by
The Washington Post.

In July 2007 a warrant was issued for Ray based on a com-

plaint of a second probation violation: “The Probation Department
has alleged that the defendant violated the terms of his supervised
release by: (1) stealing a car; (2) assaulting his girlfriend; (3) refusing
to provide a DNA sample; (4) failing to report to his Probation Officer;
(5) failing to work; and (6) resisting arrest: “At a status conference on
July 11, 2007, the defendant indicated that he was in contact with
unspecified FBI agents. As the Court directed, counsel to the de-
fendant has identified FBI Special Agent Brian Ginter as an agent
with whom the defendant had contact, and the government has
ensured that Special Agent Ginter will be present at the violation
hearing. However, while the government does not dispute that the
defendant has spoken to the FBI, it is not apparent that Special
Agent Ginter possesses any information relevant to this violation
proceeding. Thus, the government objects to the calling of Special
Agent Ginter, or any other federal agent, unless the defendant can
provide an offer of proof explaining how his contact with FBI agents
is relevant to the allegations set forth in the Violation of Probation

“Should the defendant plan to pursue a defense of public authority,

he would have to demonstrate that Special Agent Ginter possessed
actual authority to allow the defendant to commit the above-
referenced crimes and to alter the conditions of his supervised
release...Because the conditions of the defendant's supervised
release require any cooperation with the government to be author-
ized by Your Honor, Special Agent Ginter lacked actual authority to
authorize the actions taken by the defendant. In any event, the
defendant has not even suggested, to date, that Special Agent
Ginter authorized any, let alone all, of the violations in question.

Thus, the public authority defense is inapplicable and the defendant's
request to call Special Agent Ginter should be denied absent some
further showing.” 227 Ray was declared a fugitive, even as Ray
continued talking to and e-mailing the FBI. U.S. marshals spent
weeks tracking Ray's cellphone traffic across New York, with agents
working 24-hour shifts until they caught his signal in July in an
apartment on the city's Upper East Side. 228 Five marshals burst in,
pinned him to the floor and handcuffed him, breaking his arm. Inside,
they found two computers, six cell phones and photographs of Kerik.
Ray told Senior Judge Leo Glasser, “Your Honor, when I was
arrested Wednesday, they broke my arm, my ulna is broken in half, I
am waiting surgery on -- now it's scheduled for Monday.

I would also just ask -- don't want -- I mean I can't even move my
arm. If I move it an inch, the bone starts rubbing together. It hurts. So
I would just ask that nobody do anything to interfere with my medical
treatment. I want to just remain in the hospital until I get my surgery.”
As they hauled Ray away to Metropolitan Detention Center in
Brooklyn, one marshal recalled hearing his 18-year-old daughter
scream, "Police corruption! This is because of Mayor Rudy Giuliani
and Bernard Kerik!" 229 In January 2008 Judge Glasser released Ray,
having sentenced him to time served. Thinking he was out of jail, I
called Ray’s cell phone number. His daughter Talia told me that
when her dad was arrested he was not resisting. Police had beaten
up Ray on another occasion when Ray believed the police were
manhandling his daughter Ava. She also said that her father was
now incarcerated in Riker’s Island since a prosecutor from Somerset
County appeared at his hearing and told Judge Glasser that there

were outstanding warrants on Ray. He was sent to Riker’s pending
extradition to New Jersey. Talia referred me to former New Jersey
State Senator Alene Ammond. Ammond had prepared an 8-page
letter to the New Jersey Attorney General that asked that they
appoint a Special Prosecutor to take over all of the cases against
Ray in Somerset County, New Jersey. Ammond wanted the Attorney
General to look into the warrantless search of Ray’s home approved
by “an inebriated judge.” Ray filed a federal lawsuit in December
2007 alleging the older daughter had been the victim of sexual
abuse. That suit was dismissed in March 2009. Ray was indicted in
January 2009 on charges of interfering with a child custody order in
November and December 2005 by a Somerset County grand jury.
The charges related to an incident while Ray and his wife were going
through divorce proceedings. Ray he pleaded guilty to charges of
interfering with a child custody order in November and December
2005 and jumping bail. A plea deal was arranged wherein he would
serve three years in State prison. Ray said he was trying to protect
his children from sexual abuse by their mother.


Born in Paterson, N.J., in 1956, Kerik's mother died when he

was a toddler - bludgeoned to death by her pimp in a whorehouse.
Raised by his machinist father, Bernard dropped out of high school
and became a martial arts black belt. He would later get a GED, but
first he entered the Army, where he worked as a Military Policeman
in Korea in the mid-1970s. In 1976 he accepted a demotion in Korea
from corporal to private first class rather than face a court-martial for
breaking a soldier’s middle finger. There he fathered a daughter with
a South Korean woman. The baby, named Lisa, was born in 1975
and was abandoned by her father when Bernard Kerik left the
country in February 1976. Lisa immigrated to Canada and became
an educator. Bernard Kerik got a security assignment in Saudi
Arabia but was expelled from the Kingdom in 1984 after a power
struggle with the head of a hospital complex where he helped
command the security staff. Kerik used surveillance and other
techniques to investigate employees' private lives, which he said was
necessary because of Saudi laws prohibiting drinking and mingling of
the sexes in public.

Returning to the US, Kerik became an undercover narcotics

cop who lived in Greenwich Village, sported a ponytail and arrested
numerous hippies for selling marijuana. Then he became Giuliani's
bodyguard and driver. Soon he was in charge of security for Giulia-
ni’s re-election campaign. Kerik worked under Correction Commis-
sioner Anthony J. Schembri who insisted that the Giuliani
Administration's plan to cut the number of correction officers by 900
would not risk the safety of officers or inmates. Schembri, who was
under investigation following allegations that he did personal busi-
ness on city time resigned, and Kerik became Corrections Commis-
sioner. When Giuliani appointed him to his position Kerik followed
him downstairs to a dimly lighted room. There waited Peter J.
Powers. They pulled Mr. Kerik close and kissed his cheek. “I wonder
if he noticed how much becoming part of his team resembled becom-
ing part of a mafia family,” Kerik wrote. “I was being made.” On
September 5, 2000 Giuliani appointed a bigamist as his Police
Commissioner. Kerik testified that from August 10, 1978 to 1981 he
was married to Linda Hales. Actually he divorced her on June 6,
1983. In his book Kerik says he from the winter of 1983 to 1992 he
was married to Jacqueline Llevena.

In the early 1990s Kerik co-habited with attorney Linda

George in a townhouse he owned in Rutherford, New Jersey. In April
1995 Linda George and her estranged husband, Marcelo Ferreira,
were indicted by a Passaic County grand jury in a multimillion-dollar,
mob-run gambling and extortion ring. Kerik split shortly before the
indictment was handed down. 230 It was alleged that Marcelo and
Linda owned a Paterson cafe known as “The Spot” that was used
from 1988 until 1993 as a video gaming den. Linda was charged with
two counts of criminal conspiracy and two counts of conspiracy to
promote gambling. In July 1997 the indictment was dismissed with
prejudice. In June 2003 Arthur Margeotes, Passaic County’s former
chief assistant prosecutor in charge of insurance fraud filed a lawsuit
based on a series of alleged improprieties and political alliances he
says he witnessed in the Passaic County Prosecutor’s Office,
starting with the early 1990s investigation of the aforementioned
illegal Paterson gambling ring. He said Jack Arseneault represented
Linda George, a Hackensack lawyer charged in the case. Before his
client was indicted by a grand jury in spring 1995, Margeotes said,
Arseneault approached him and said if he didn’t back off, the case
would get “ugly” and “dirty” and would jeopardize his boss Ronald
Fava’s pending reappointment by the State Senate. Margeotes said
Arseneault told him that his client John Lynch, then an influential
member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, “was aware of the Linda
George criminal matter and was uncertain as to whether to reappoint
Ronald Fava.” After Margeotes complained, the FBI and the state
launched a joint investigation of Arsenault’s conduct, the lawsuit
contended. Arsenault was never charged. 231

Indicted with Linda George in the case were several promi-

nent reputed organized-crime figures, including Fortunato "Frank"
Inzone, a felon who served time in federal prison for conspiring to

import heroin in the New York City Pizza Connection case. 232 Inzone
received 18 months probation in the gambling case. Rocco Petrozza,
a crew leader in the Genovese family was also indicted and was
sentenced to a year in state prison in 1997 for maintaining a gam-
bling resort at his Paterson business, the Cougar Cafe. 233 Other co-
defendants such as Anthony Blaze Manzi and Austin Castiglione, did
time in federal prison. Several Paterson police officers and Detective
Raymond Kordja a former Passaic County Prosecutor's Office
investigator also were indicted. 234 This was a hardcore Organized
Crime operation and Linda George was part of the crew. In 1998
Bernard Kerik married his dental hygienist Hala Matli.

Kerik was a busy beaver or at least he kept a lot of beavers busy. He

had a ten year affair with city Correction Officer Jeanette Pinero
(photo on the left); when Captain Eric Derivan wrote Jeanette Pinero
up for certain infractions when both were working at the Bronx House
of Detention Jeanette Pinero filed a sexual harassment complaint
against him: On May 8, 1996 Captain Eric Derivan was interviewed
in the Office of Equal Employment Opportunity. The interviewer
reported: "I asked Captain Derivan, did he write charges against
Officer Jeanette Pinero, he stated ‘Yes.’ I also asked whether or not
he preferred charges against Officer Pinero, because she turned
down his advances for a relationship. He replied by stating that she
never turned him down. He also stated that they had a conversation
and based on certain things that came to light, he decided not to
have any further involvement with her.”

Captain Derivan also stated that in 1994, he charged her with
poor performance of duties. Because of this Derivan was convinced
that Kerik refused to promote him in order to punish him on behalf of
Pinero. Derivan discussed this with Peter Meringolo, head of the
Correction Captains Association:

Meringolo: Look who is this Kerik?

Deravin: Well, it doesn't come from Kerik direct.
Meringolo: It doesn't come from Kerik direct, but which one of
his pansies?

Deravin: It comes from the pansies surrounding him.

But it's coming from Kerik that they are going to disal-
low my report because of something. I mean how,
how stupid is this, man? How stupid is this man?
Meringolo: How stupid is this man?

Deravin: How stupid is this man that he was going to fucking

actually pass you over for Pinero? Well, why? Because why he
doesn't look, look for arguments sake, he's tasting my cock, he's
tasting Norman Seabrook's cock and who else before he got to her
and he is going to sit up there and dick me down. 235

Bernard Kerik also had a sexual relationship with his publish-

er, Judith Regan until she found out about his relationship with
Jeanne Pinero and learned Hala was pregnant. Kerik, who previous-
ly had relationships with a string of bimbos, could not handle Re-
gan’s rejection. “He's maniacal, insane” said Regan. Kerik called her
night and day. During one such call he said he was following her son
as he drove back to college in Massachusetts. He said, “I'm following
Patrick. I'm at this exit at the turnpike. I want you to know this is
where he is." When Regan ate in a restaurant with another man,
Kerik called her cellphone, or had the management page her. Once
he got her on the phone he would describe the man she was having
dinner with. He was watching her through the window. He kept a key
to her apartment and showed up unexpectedly. On a business trip to
Los Angeles he had her followed. Regan has also stated that she

was the victim of a hit and run traffic accident in London, which she
considered suspicious since she was aware that another of Kerik's
ex-mistresses was also the victim of a similar traffic "accident."
Lawrence Ray believed Kerik had a used surveillance techniques on
Jeanette Pinero: "I learned from 1995-2000 Bernard Kerik would go
up on peoples phones whenever he felt he needed to. I knew he
would do it in December 2004, and Pinero’s phone and my phone
would be no exception."

The Kerik federal indictment charged, “In or about 1999, Ber-

nard B. Kerik telephoned the Assistant Commissioner for the NYC
Department Of Investigation who was working in conjunction with the
NYC Trade Waste Commission on the Interstate Industrial Investiga-
tion, and attempted to vouch for Frank DiTommaso and Interstate
Industrial.” On April 29, 1999, Kerik sent Ray an e-mail titled "Im-
portant!!!" that said that the mayor had appointed Raymond Casey,
one of his relatives, to a top job at the city's Trade Waste Commis-
sion, which Interstate was trying to influence. The e-mail was turned
over to authorities: "Rudy's nephew in the Trade Waste has been
appointed from Inspector General to Deputy Commissioner of
Investigations," Kerik wrote. "That's how he's aware of everything
going on. He's overseeing all of the investigations. That could be bad
for me at the moment but I think overall good for us." In the same e-
mail, Kerik lamented his problems paying for his new apartment. He
also mentioned that his brother Donald was looking for a new job.
Within months, Interstate started renovations at Kerik's apartment.

Bernie received a good old-fashioned bribe and Frankie boy

paid for the renovation of Bernie’s Bronx condominium. The man
listed as the contractor on the building permit, Edward Sisca of
Englewood, N.J., had been indicted in a massive bid-rigging scandal.
He pleaded guilty in March 2000 and was sentenced to 4-1/2 years
in prison. Edward Sisca is the son of Gambino capo Alphonse
"Funzi" Sisca. United States District Court Judge Jack Weinstein had
to say to Sisca about passing down criminality from father to son,
"You're not the only one whose son is also involved in criminal
activity. More than one of you inherited criminal activity from a father.

So you are going on to second and third generations of crime, it's got
to stop. My hope in all of these sentences, what I do in all these
sentences, is to impress upon each defendant that it's got to stop for
his life and it's got to stop for the lives all around you."

Sisca was partners with his neighbor Arnold "Zeke" Squitieri.

Squitieri (photo below) and Sisca were high-ranking long term
Mafioso. Squitieri pleaded guilty in March 1974 to manslaughter in
the death of Desiderio Caban and received eight years in prison. As
a result two police officers were accused of letting Arnold Squitieri
flee from the scene of a murder because he uttered these words:
"Don't worry about it. He's only shot in the arm. Let me go. The boys
will take care of you." Both officers omitted any reference to Squitieri
in their reports and instead inserted a phony license plate number
rather than Squitieri's. The second pair of officers who came on the
scene also agreed to split part of the bribe however they also later
agreed to testify against the first two cops. The D.A. revealed that
one-week after the murder one of the policemen met with Squitieri's
partner Alphonse Sisca and Sisca gave him $2000 of a potential
$5000 bribe. The bribery charges were eventually dismissed for lack
of corroborating evidence, as everyone involved was a co-


Judge Jack Weinstein reviewed Sisca’s criminal history: “So

when Mr. Sisca (photo below) was 29 years old [1965], he was
sentenced to 15 years imprisonment and five years special parole for
the crime of possession with the intent to distribute a controlled
substance by this Court, and according to the Presentence Report,
he was one of 18 defendants, and among those who he worked for
was Arnold Squitieri. He served until 1981, eight years, when he was
released. In 1984 he was remanded because of the violation of
parole because he again associated with people who -- with whom
he should not have been associating. So he served another year in

“In 1984, when he was 41 years old, he was again found

guilty of conspiracy to distribute, or he pleaded guilty, I don't know
which -- doesn't matter -- conspiracy to distribute and possess with
intent to distribute heroin and the distribution of heroin by the United
States District Court for the District of New Jersey. He was given 17
years imprisonment with a special parole term of six years and a fine
of $100,000, the great bulk of which he has still not paid. He was
released after 11 more years in jail.”

In June 1984 a Federal jury in Camden, N.J., convicted Ar-

nold Squitieri and Alphonse Sisca of conspiring with members of the
Gambino crime family to distribute and sell heroin. They were found
guilty of conspiring with Angelo Ruggiero, Gene Gotti, and John
Carneglia. Squitieri was listed in a New Jersey law enforcement

report as the Garden State's top Gambino Crime Family member,
who had been a Soldier, Underboss, and Acting Boss of the Gam-
bino Organized Crime Family. Squitieri and Sisca served 11 years in
federal prison. Judge Weinstein continued, “So, so far we have 20
years in jail, for the bulk of Mr. Sisca's adult life. And then there were
violations of parole and so on that, the sum total of which is that,
either because Mr. Sisca was unable to tell right from wrong or he
didn't care, he continued to commit crimes.”

In March 2005 Arnold Squitieri and Alphonse Sisca were in-

dicted along with Robert Vaccaro, Gregory DePalma and Robert
Persico and charged along with 28 other defendants, most of whom
are members or associates of the Gambino Organized Crime Family
with wide-ranging racketeering crimes and other offenses spanning
more than a decade, including violent assault, extortion of various
individuals and businesses, loan sharking, union embezzlement,
illegal gambling, trafficking in stolen property and counterfeit goods,
and mail fraud. The Indictment alleged that the Gambino Family, at
times working in tandem with other LCN Families, infiltrated, con-
trolled, extorted, and defrauded businesses and labor organizations
operating in various industries in the New York City area, and
surrounding suburbs, including construction companies, a New York
City radio station, trucking companies, and restaurant and club
owners. The Indictment also charged that the Gambino Family
operated a lucrative illegal gambling operation throughout the 1990s
to the present that netted LCN approximately $20 million in illegal
proceeds. Despite his mob ties, Robert Persico received a 5-month
sentence. Judge Alvin K. Hellerstein gave Sisca a 75-month sen-
tence. Squitieri got 92 months. 236

The engineer on Kerik's building permit was Charles Marino.

Three months after the permit was filed, Marino was indicted for filing
false documents with the city Department of Environmental Protec-
tion. Marino pleaded guilty in February 2001 and was sentenced to
five years probation. State education officials suspended his engi-
neering license for three years, with the last two stayed, and he was
fined $10,000. 237 The New York Times credited Woods Restoration

as the subcontractor that supervised and performed some of the
work. Woods Restoration's website states, "Construction Manage-
ment: To control costs, get large-scale projects up and running
quickly and to limit business interruption, Woods Restoration offers a
construction management option. Woods will retain responsibility for
overall quality monitoring as well as the coordination of project
planning and construction." Tim Woods was personally acquainted
with both Peter and Frank DiTommaso, and had at one time been
employed by Interstate. Kyle B. Watters, a lawyer for Timothy
Woods, said that Woods had received a federal subpoena seeking
records and testimony relating to his work on the home. 238

Another favor that Interstate did for Kerik was hiring his
brother, Donald Kerik. Frank DiTommaso wrote to the trade waste
agency to announce his new employee. "The day to day operations
of Interstate Materials Corp. have been taken over by Mr. Don Kerik.
Don is a fine individual and will continue to provide your agency with
full cooperation." As Kerik pressed Interstate's case, he asked Ray
for money. "I've got to take care of those things we talked about a
few weeks ago. If possible, I need about 2 to 2,5 to take care of it,"
Kerik wrote in e-mail in May 1999. A few weeks later, Kerik sought
more. "If possible I don't want to spend any of the down payment for
the apartment and I've got a few things that I've got to pay off. Can
we spare 2500 to get me by until something else comes up?” In July
1999 Bernard Kerik had a meeting at Walker's Restaurant in Manhat-
tan with Giuliani’s cousin Ray Casey who at the time was in charge
of enforcement for the city Trade Waste Commission now known as
the Business Integrity Commission. During this meeting Kerik
vouched for the integrity of Lawrence Ray despite the fact Ray was
working for Interstate Industrial. At this meeting Kerik "questioned"
city officials' concerns about the company having alleged mob ties. "I
put my reputation and integrity on the line" for Interstate, he wrote in
e-mail to the company's owners after that meeting. Kerik arranged a
subsequent meeting between city officials and an Interstate repre-
sentative later that summer in his Department of Corrections office.
Giuliani could have learned from Ray Casey about this meeting.
Bells should have started ringing when Giuliani heard the words

Interstate Industrial since the city had dealings with the DiTommaso
Brothers in the past.

By September 2000 Interstate's connection to the mob was

public knowledge and was making news in The New York Times.
The September 4, 2000 Edition's Metropolitan Desk ran a story
entitled Mob's Shadow Still Falls Across Building Projects, “Several
months ago, the city suspended more than $80 million in contracts
with a construction company that has a key role in closing the Fresh
Kills landfill so that officials could investigate allegations that the
company had ties to organized crime. The city's action against the
company, Interstate Industrial Corporation, which has also done
work on the city's new $71 million stadium complex on Staten Island,
attracted little attention. Interstate Industrial's problems began in
October 1996, when the company bought a transfer station for dirt
and construction debris, Metropolitan Stone Corporation, which
government documents say was owned by one reputed member of
the Gambino crime family and controlled by another, Edward
The Giuliani Administration’s Department of Investigation was
aware that Kerik arranged a meeting between Frank DiTommaso
and Ray Casey. The Department of Investigation had looked into
Kerik's relationship with Interstate Industrial in June 2000 as part of a
probe sparked by Interstate Industrial's bid for a city waste-hauling
license. Giuliani was briefed on this meeting by the Department of
Investigation and was aware that Interstate was connected. While
declining to discuss what her predecessor Ed Kuriansky told her
about his conversations with Giuliani regarding Kerik and Interstate,
City Investigation Commissioner Rose Gill Hearn said, "Department
of Investigation did have some conversations with City Hall, because
as you know [Kuriansky] did attend the morning meetings Giuliani
held with his agency heads.” Giuliani has denied knowing what
Department of Investigation learned about Kerik's dealings with
DiTommaso, telling The New York Times in December 2004 that he
would not have been informed unless there was something improper
about Kerik's behavior. There was nothing improper about a police

commissioner hanging out with Mafioso. It happened frequently in
post-war New York City.

During his Grand Jury testimony in the Kerik bribery case

Giuliani said that he did not recall any of the briefings remembered
by Kuriansky wherein Kuriansky warned him that his police commis-
sioner was being compromised. He suggested that perhaps he had
forgotten them because Kuriansky had cleared Kerik to be elevated
to the post of Police Commissioner. This explained why Kuriansky
didn’t want to discuss the case. Giuliani said appointment calendars
kept by Kuriansky did not show that he was briefed on Interstate
Industrial. But partially redacted copies of the calendars, which were
provided to The New York Times by New York City, listed one
meeting of a kind that Giuliani typically attended at which Lawrence
Ray was listed as a topic for discussion. Giuliani also told the Bronx
grand jury looking into the Kerik payoff that Kuriansky remembered
having briefed him on some aspects of Kerik’s relationship with
Interstate Industrial. Giuliani said he had no memory of the briefing,
but he did not dispute that it had taken place. But a review of
Kuriansky’s diaries, and investigators’ notes from a 2004 interview
with him, indicated that such a session took place. “Meet with RG
[Rudy Giuliani] & DY [Dennison Young], discuss BK [Bernard Kerik]
background review, Ray issue.” Kuriansky recalled briefing one of
Giuliani’s closest aides, Dennison Young Jr., about Kerik and Inter-
state Industrial. Kuriansky’s diaries reveal he conducted a similar
briefing for Young on August 14, 2000, five days before Kerik’s
appointment. Later, in his conversation with city investigators,
Kuriansky summed up what he had related to Young: “Ray connec-
tion to BK, Ray was best man, brother worked at IS [Interstate] - all
reported to DY.” 239

Let’s make believe news of the DiTommaso’s initial meetings

with Police Commissioner Kerik didn’t reach Giuliani. But what about
after Kerik’s best man Larry Ray was indicted in a Mafia pump and
dump? Someone had to have brought it to Giuliani’s attention. A
senior Bronx prosecutor, Stephen R. Bookin, asked Mr. Giuliani, “As
you sit here today, your testimony is, and correct me if I am wrong,

that you don’t recall ever being told that a close friend of your correc-
tion commissioner had been indicted in a federal case?” Giuliani
responded: “I don’t recall that until 2004. I can’t tell you that it wasn’t,
but I don’t - I don’t - I don’t remember.” “Do you know of any reason
why Mr. Kuriansky, who met with you every day that you were in
town, part of your core group as you put it, would not have briefed
you on these facts?” Giuliani answered this by saying that not
enough emphasis was placed on the fact that his police commis-
sioner was mobbed up. 240

Giuliani knew of the relationship between Bernard Kerik and

the mobbed up owners of Interstate Industrial Corporation prior to his
appointing him Police Commissioner on August 29, 2000 but ignored
it. He knew about it since 1998 when Interstate first faxed a copy of
its application for a non-gaming casino license to Kerik and to the
Giuliani Administration in November 1998. The Washington Post
reported that an affidavit Ray filed with the New Jersey Attorney
General’s Gaming Enforcement Division stated that Kerik arranged
for meetings between Interstate representatives and gambling
authorities. According to Ray Kerik told Ray repeatedly that Giuliani
was aware of Interstate's desire to secure city contracts. Ray told
The Washington Post that he once sat in Kerik's office as Kerik
discussed the matter in a phone call with Giuliani. After hanging up,
Ray said, Kerik went over to City Hall to meet with Giuliani. Giuliani
spokesperson Daniel S. Connolly said that Giuliani never had a
conversation with Kerik regarding Interstate at the time. "The only
conversation he recalls ever having with Bernie regarding Interstate
occurred in December 2004 when the press was reporting that
relationship in connection with events at the time. There were never
any one-on-one meetings with Larry Ray and Rudy Giuliani ever."

Giuliani stated, "Bernard Kerik has acknowledged his viola-

tions, but this should be evaluated in light of his service to the United
States of America and the City of New York." Giuliani told reporters
in late 2004 that he might have appointed Kerik as Police Commis-
sioner even if he had known of his social relationship with Frank
DiTommaso. Why should the DiTommaso’s be different than others

of their ilk? Was Lawrence Ray telling the truth about Giuliani getting
a cut from Ray and Kerik’s illegal profits? Lawrence Ray believed the
Department of Investigations was covering up for Giuliani: “I agreed
to work with the New York City Department of Investigation on the
Kerik/Giuliani investigation December 20, 2004. Walter Arsenault
had contacted me after I put out the news in November and Decem-
ber 2004. It seems the Department of Investigation was actually a
"Trojan Horse" intending to do damage control, find out what evi-
dence I had, secure it, bury the investigation, bury me and I can
prove exactly that. Where were they before I gave it to the New York
Daily News? These criminals fleeced New York on the watch of the
First Deputy Commissioner of New York City's Department of
Investigation Walter Arsenault [the former chief of the Manhattan
District Attorney's Homicide Division]. During the two-year investiga-
tion Walter Arsenault was in regular communication with the Bush
White House. I have recordings of my conversations with Walter
Arsenault...Had the Department of Investigation done their job in the
nineties, Giuliani and Kerik would have never been through the gates
at the White House, they would have been behind the gates of a
prison. If others and I were aware, so was Walter Arsenault. Frank
then wanted to meet Kerik. I introduced him to Kerik. But then I found
out about behind the scenes things with Guy Molinari because Guy
Molinari is very close to Rudy and because Guy Molinari is Frank
DiTommaso’s godfather. Not only that but Rudy lied all about the
DiTommasos - he knew about DiTommasos in 1996 not because
they met him because what happened was in 1996 the FBI was
telling me and Gary Uher that they didn’t want me to go to Florida on
a bike trip - there was a whole bunch who used to go it was no big
deal - because they thought the DiTommasos set me up to be
killed by Garafola. And I have the documents for that also because
the FBI paid for an alternate room for me in 1996 down in Daytona,
Florida. So the fax went from Kerik’s office to me about where we
paid for the hotel and everything. And when I came back Kerik was
talking several times to Rudy. I was in the office with him when he
was talking to Rudy about it over the phone. So Rudy knew all about
the DiTommasos. In 1998 and 1999 I know Kerik talked to Rudy
because I was there also. He lied in his grand jury testimony. When I

came out in 2004 everybody says, “Oh my god s**t” because they
were covering it up all this time the people from Department of
Investigation they were doing a cover-up all this time. They were
doing a cover-up Department of Investigation. Everyone was in-
volved in this. They destroyed my life, destroyed my kids. If I had it to
do all over again I would still do it. The truth is the truth. I stood on
truth my whole life you got to handle the truth properly but the truth is
the truth.”

The federal Kerik indictment stated, “Kerik attempted to

cause and caused witnesses to make false statements to the NYC
Department of Investigation and other local law enforcement officials
investigating his receipt of corrupt payments…” This is a reference to
Kerik’s attorneys, Joseph Tacopina and Kenneth Breen. The Bronx
County District Attorney obtained a wiretap on Kerik from July 2005
through September 9, 2005. Conversations between Kerik and
Joseph Tacopina were determined to fall under the fraudu-
lent/criminal exemption to the right of Attorney-Client privilege.
Tacopina, who was Kerik’s business partner and personal friend, will
be called as a witness against Kerik. As a result of this and his co-
counsel Kenneth Breen’s involvement in promulgating false state-
ments, the US Attorney’s office asked that Breen be barred from
defending Kerik as a conflict of interest had arisen. “It is the Gov-
ernment's current intention to call Mr. Tacopina as a trial witness to
testify both as to the false exculpatory account of the renovations to
the Riverdale Apartment that were initially conveyed to him by the
defendant and that he in turn conveyed to the Bronx County District
Attorney’s Office (namely, that the defendant alone paid for the
renovations to the Riverdale Apartment and that they cost approxi-
mately $50,000) and the admission the defendant made concerning
the Realtor's loan (namely, that he took a loan from the Realtor to
make the down payment on the Riverdale Apartment). In order to
develop further and corroborate this testimony, we will naturally
inquire about the defendant's subsequent repetition of these state-
ments to Messrs. Breen and Tacopina.” Tacopina successfully
represented numerous crooked and renegade police officers now he
is going to testify against one. Judge Robinson granted the Govern-

ment’s motion disqualifying Breen – Tacopina had already withdrawn
from the case. “Here the Government alleges that the Defendant
obstructed the state investigation through his lawyers' unwittingly-
made obstructive statements. The direct evidence of those charges
is the attorney's statements to investigators. The fact that Mr. Breen
allegedly participated in some of the meetings and allegedly did not
stop the statements from being made, contradict or correct them is
both relevant and probative… Where attorney-client communications
are disclosed for reasons other than obtaining legal advice to a third
party at the direction of the client there is no expectation of privacy or
confidentiality, and thus, the client cannot assert the privilege. The
Defendant's statements to his attorneys during the course of the
Bronx County District Attorney’s Office / New York Department of
Investigation investigation are not privileged because (1) they were
intended to be communicated and were communicated to the Bronx
County District Attorney’s Office / New York Department of Investiga-
tion, and (2) because, to the extent they related to the apartment
renovations, they were allegedly part of an ongoing obstruction of the
Bronx County District Attorney’s Office's investigation. According to
the Government, Mr. Tacopina stated that he was authorized by the
Defendant to make the statements to the investigating authorities,
and the Defendant has not disputed that fact. Moreover, the circum-
stances in which the statements were made are highly suggestive of
the fact that the Defendant authorized his counsel to make these
statements on his behalf. Finally, as the Government apparently
plans to show at trial, the Defendant allegedly made almost identical
statements to White House officials vetting him for the Secretary of
Homeland Security… If this Court were to adopt the Defendant's
interpretation of Rule 410, a defendant through his lawyer could lie
and mislead a government investigator or prosecutorial office with
impunity as long as the meeting where the statements were made
could be styled as a plea discussion. This Court rejects that proposi-
tion. The statements at issue here have little to do with the ultimate
disposition in the state proceedings. They were made denying the
Defendant's guilt, and therefore cannot be said to fall under the
protections of Rule 410.” Judge Robinson is going to hand Bernie!

The Federal indictment of Kerik stated, “…and otherwise at-
tempted to obstruct a state grand jury investigation into his receipt of
said payments.” The obstruction of a state grand jury investigation
refers to Michael Caruso who was an assistant commissioner at the
city's Department of Investigation. He was that agency's inspector
general overseeing the Department of Correction since 1990.
Caruso, whose annual salary was $133,000, was responsible for
corruption investigations at the Correction Department. Kerik was
correction commissioner from December 1997 to August 2000.
During that time Caruso developed a social relationship with Kerik.
Caruso attended Mr. Kerik's wedding reception in 1998. In a lawsuit
against the New York City Department of Investigation Caruso
stated, “A Grand Jury in Bronx County investigated possible viola-
tions by Kerik of the criminal laws of the State of New York in 2006.
On March 16, 2006, Department of Investigation First Deputy Com-
missioner Walter Arsenault informed Plaintiff [Michael Caruso] he
was to testify the following week before the Grand Jury in Bronx
County investigating Kerik. On March 20, 2006, Walter Arsenault
discussed with Plaintiff his testimony before the Grand Jury. On
March 21, 2006 prior to Plaintiff appearing as a witness before the
Grand Jury, Walter Arsenault stated to Plaintiff, ‘Remember Kerik
vouched for Larry Ray at the Walkers' meeting [with Ray Casey] and
everything will be O.K.’ Plaintiff had informed Walter Arsenault on
March 20, 2006 that he could not truthfully testify that Kerik vouched
for Larry Ray at the Walkers' meeting. On March 21, 2006, Plaintiff
appeared before a Grand Jury in Bronx County and provided truthful
testimony. Upon information and belief, on or about March 21, 2006
following Plaintiffs Grand Jury appearance, Walter Arsenault in-
formed Department of Investigation Commissioner Rose Gill Hearn
of Plaintiff's Grand Jury testimony. On March 24, 2006, Plaintiff was
called to a meeting at Department of Investigation offices with
Arsenault, Daniel D. Brownell, Marjorie Landa and Assistant Com-
missioner Robert Roach. Defendants Arsenault, Daniel D. Brownell,
Marjorie Landa and Robert Roach informed plaintiff that his employ-
ment was to be terminated unless he resigned. Plaintiff was told at
the meeting that the four individuals in the room had made the
decision to terminate his employment if he did not resign. At the

March 24, 2006 meeting, Assistant Commissioner Robert Roach
informed Plaintiff that he was to be terminated because of the
relationship between Plaintiff and Kerik and because of the existence
of certain telephone calls in December 2004 between Kerik and
Plaintiff, and between Jeannie Pinero and Plaintiff. Said reasons
provided Plaintiff for termination were false and in retaliation for
Plaintiff providing truthful grand jury testimony. Walter Arsenault,
Daniel D. Brownell, Marjorie Landa and Robert Roach met with
Plaintiff on March 24, 2006 with the authorization of Rose Gill Hearn
and at her direction. Following the March 24, 2006 meeting Plaintiff
refused to resign his employment. On March 31, 2006, Commission-
er Rose Gill Hearn terminated Plaintiff’s over 27 years of employ-
ment with the City of New York.”

Kerik’s federal indictment contained a reference to the Walker

meeting: “In or about mid to late July 1999, Bernard Kerik attended a
prearranged meeting at [Walker’s restaurant] between [Ray Casey]
an official of the NYC Trade Waste Commission, a New York City
agency charged with investigating Interstate Industrial, and [Michael
Caruso] an official of the NYC Department Of Investigation, to
discuss the Interstate Industrial investigation.” During the meeting,
Kerik questioned Ray Casey's concern that Interstate Industrial had
mob ties, vouched for Lawrence Ray and James Woods, and offered
to provide Lawrence Ray’s assistance in the NYC Trade Waste
Commission's investigation. Shortly after attending this meeting,
Bernard Kerik sent Lawrence Ray an email explaining "I put my
reputation and integrity on the line defending whatever [Lawrence
Ray] asked without question" (Emphasis in original). Later, in that
same email, Bernard Kerik complained that he felt like he was on
"welfare" as compared to the life-style Lawrence Ray lived. He
explained that: "I'm walking on eggshells until this apartment is done.
A bulls**t $170,000 (sic) I had to beg, borrow and [expletive] for the
down payment and I'm still [expletive] over the $5,000. (sic) I need
for closing if it happens. Then the renovations."

Bernie’s financial status improved immensely after the joined

Giuliani Partners, Taser International and Georal International. Kerik

and his deputy John Picciano authorized the purchase of 19 security
doors at $50,000 apiece from the Georal Corporation that proved too
heavy for One Police Plaza. The CEO of Georal International was
arrested on charges that he colluded on bids to buy the doors back
at a city auction and had submitted false and inflated invoices for
servicing other city doors.” 241 Kerik’s connection to Taser Interna-
tional enabled him to buy a $1.2 million home in New Jersey.

Bernie, however is going to loose it all. Not only are the Feds
after him they are after Kenneth Breen, Joe Tacopina, Michael
Caruso and Lawrence V. Ray. They should add Giuliani to this list:
When Giuliani nominated Bernard Kerik for the position of Director of
Homeland Security he was aware of Kerik’s Linda George, Lawrence
Ray and Frank Tommaso connections yet recommended him
anyway. Kerik slipped though White House vetting procedures. This
embarrassed the Bush Administration. It could have been avoided
since Bush had Julie Myers, who arrived in the White House person-
nel office in November 2004 and had worked in the same U.S.
attorney's office in Brooklyn that prosecuted Ray, to question Kerik
about his relationship with Ray. She exposed the relationship and
other concerns about Kerik for her White House colleagues, accord-
ing to The Washington Post. 242 She aggressively questioned Kerik
about Ray and other affiliations but her concerns were initially
ignored. Kerik’s indictment stated, “From between late 2002 through
late 2004, defendant Bernard B. Kerik sought several positions with
the Federal Government, including (1) a position on the Academy &
Policy Research Senior Advisory Committee to the President's
Homeland Security Advisory Council, (2) Senior Policy Advisor to the
Interior Minister of the Coalition Provisional Authority, and (3) the
Secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. These
positions involved vital national security interests and Kerik was
required to answer written and oral questions about his background,
including questions about his financial dealings, during his vetting for
the aforementioned positions…In a December 5, 2004 email to the
White House Kerik made various false and misleading statements to
Official B about his relationship with Frank DiTommaso and Peter
DiTommaso and Interstate Industrial. On December 3, 2004 in

response to White House questions of November 17, 2004 from
Official C [Julie Myers] that called for such information, Kerik failed to
disclose his relationship with Frank DiTommaso and Peter
DiTommaso and Lawrence Ray and the benefits he received from
Frank DiTommaso and Peter DiTommaso, and Interstate Industri-
al.” 243

Kerik did get past the security check at the Academy & Policy
Research Senior Advisory Committee to the President's Homeland
Security Advisory. His biography there read, “Mr. Bernard Kerik, of
New York, is the Chief Executive Officer of Giuliani – Kerik LLC. He
most recently served as the Interim Minister of Interior and Senior
Policy Advisor for the U.S. led Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq.
His 28-year career in law enforcement includes four years in various
security positions in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and as the First
Deputy and Commissioner of the New York City Correction Depart-
ment. He retired after serving as the 40th Police Commissioner of
the NYPD.”

The President didn’t listen to Julie Myers, and took Giuliani’s

word that Kerik was clean: “Good morning. I'm proud to announce
my nomination of Commissioner Bernard Kerik as the Secretary of
Homeland Security. Bernie Kerik is one of the most accomplished
and effective leaders of law enforcement in America. In his career,
he has served as an enlisted military police officer in Korea, a jail
warden in New Jersey, a beat cop in Manhattan, New York City
Corrections Commissioner, and as New York's 40th Police Commis-
sioner -- an office once held by Teddy Roosevelt. In every position,
he has demonstrated a deep commitment to justice, a heart for the
innocent, and a record of great success.” Kerik responded: “I would
like to thank and recognize those whose love, support and sacrifice
have brought me to this day -- most particularly my wife, Hala; my
children, Celine, Angelina, Joseph and Lisa; and my friend and
mentor Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani.” Kerik withdrew a few days later
citing a nanny problem.

In the summer of 2006 in State Supreme Court in the Bronx,
Kerik pleaded guilty to two crimes charged in a unclassified misde-
meanor complaint: A violation of the New York City Charter, which
involves accepting a valuable gift from a person or firm intending to
do business with the City of New York and failure to disclose a loan
in the Annual Disclosure Report, filed with the New York City Con-
flicts of Interest Board. Kerik failed to list these loans after leaving
City service. This was a slap on the wrist and he was not charged
under State Penal Law. Kerik stated, “I admit that I took a gift from
Interstate Companies or a subsidiary, and thinking that they were
clean, I spoke to City officials about Interstate on two occasions and
on another occasion permitted my office to be used for a meeting
between Trade Waste authorities and Interstate officials…I did not
report a loan from Mr. Nathan Berman in 2001.” In moving papers
generated by his federal indictment Kerik, “notes that he has no
intention of attempting to repudiate his guilty plea, but simply re-
serves the right to challenge the Government's interpretation of his
allocution, its relevance to the charges and the weight it should be

When first questioned by a New Jersey Division of Gaming

Enforcement investigator, citing ongoing investigations by New York
authorities involving similar matters, and on the advice of counsel,
Kerik had invoked the Fifth Amendment in response to Division
requests for documents and testimony concerning the following:
(1) Whether Frank DiTommaso ever directly or indirectly gave
Bernard Kerik any money or other thing of value on behalf of Inter-
(2) Whether Frank DiTommaso ever asked Kerik to take any
action on behalf of Interstate?
(3) Whether Frank DiTommaso or Interstate paid Woods
Restoration for any part of the cost or value of the renovation work
on Bernard Kerik’s Bronx apartment;
(4) Whether, if any such payment was made, it was done
pursuant to any understanding that Bernard Kerik would take any
action that would benefit Frank DiTommaso or Interstate?

(5) Whether Lawrence Ray ever directly or indirectly gave
Bernard Kerik any money or other thing of value on behalf of Inter-
state or Frank DiTommaso;
(6) Whether Lawrence Ray ever asked Kerik to take any ac-
tion on behalf of Interstate;
(7) The authenticity and contents of the e-mails from Bernard
Kerik to Lawrence Ray referred to in Paragraph 50 of this Complaint
[Ray supplied these emails to the Division];
(8) Whether in approximately July 1999, Bernard Kerik had a
meeting with [Rudy Giuliani's cousin] Ray Casey of the Trade Waste
Commission during which Kerik vouched for the integrity of Law-
rence Ray;
(9) Whether Ray, Frank DiTommaso or any other individual
acting on behalf of Interstate requested that Bernard Kerik meet with
Ray Casey or otherwise take any action in connection with Inter-
state’s investigation by the Trade Waste Commission.

The investigators concluded, "By directly and indirectly con-

ferring money or other things of value on Kerik during a period in
which Kerik was a high-ranking public official of New York City and
was in a position to - and did - provide assistance to Interstate, the
DiTommasos and Interstate attempted to influence Kerik in the
performance or violation of his official duties." Bronx Assistant DA
Stephen Bookin, however, minimized the charges, “Although some
may draw inference from these facts, there is no direct evidence of
an agreement between Mr. Kerik and the owners of the Interstate
Companies, Frank and Peter DiTommaso, that the renovations to
Mr. Kerik's apartment were given in return for Mr. Kerik's assistance
with the New York City regulators.” 244 Under terms of the plea
agreement Justice John Collins, Administrative Judge, Bronx Su-
preme Court Criminal Division sentenced Bernard Kerik to pay
$206,000 in fines and $15,000 in civil penalties to the Conflicts of
Interest Board. Kerik waived his right to appeal the two convic-
tions. 245 New York investigators told The Washington Post that Ray
provided evidence to them before Kerik pleaded guilty in June 2006.

In the winder of 2006 the Department of Justice announced
that in exchange for his guilty plea and 18 months of prison time, it
was willing to end the federal criminal probe into Kerik's wrongdoing,
which includes mortgage fraud, tax fraud, and making false state-
ments on his application to become U.S. Homeland Security Secre-
tary and conspiracy to eavesdrop on behalf of former Westchester
District Attorney Jeanne Pirro. But Kerik turned down the deal and by
June 2007 Kerik was in Jordan coordinating a security project for
King Abdullah II - a high-security crisis management headquarters –
an underground, seismic-shock-proof, oxygen stowing compound
that could allegedly withstand a nuclear attack. The bunker would be
linked to sensitive installations in each of the kingdom’s provinces,
enabling centralized command and control even if chaos reigned
above. Inside its secure walls, the leaders of Jordan could draw up
contingency plans to manage mega terrorism, civil war, and other
disasters that could befall a modern monarchy. It is a massive
project, the first of its kind in the Arab world. Kerik also designed a
super-max facility to incarcerate hard-core Al-Qaeda detainees. King
Abdullah had nothing but praise for Kerik: “We’re struggling to make
our prisons tighter and more effectively guarded, while also improv-
ing on our past record in terms of compliance with minimal human-
rights standards. When we win credit from international monitors for
having achieved these goals, it’s going to be a tribute to Bernie
Kerik.” This will be the CIA’s new local Al-Qaeda ghost prison. 246
Kerik was also in bed with the Saudis. Judith Regan reported that
she accompanied Kerik on a yacht owned by the Saudis and wit-
nessed Kerik receive a suitcase full of cash. 247 In a lawsuit filed in
Manhattan State Supreme Court Regan alleged that she was the
victim of a vast conspiracy, set in motion by two unnamed Fox News
Corp executives, who were worried that she would expose secrets
about her now-indicted former lover Bernard Kerik that would imperil
his former boss Rudy Giuliani's failed presidential bid. Giuliani also
worked for the Saudis. 248 In March 2007, Rudy’s firm filed papers in
a Texas court case on behalf of Saudi Arabia's oil ministry and also
worked for Qatar whose emir and interior minister had shielded the
mastermind of 9/11, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed. 249

Kerik was indicted on November 11, 2007. Ray provided evi-
dence to the FBI before the indictment according to interviews with
law enforcement officials and e-mails between Ray and the FBI
obtained by The Washington Post. U.S. District Judge Stephen C.
Robinson held a preliminary conference on the case immediately
after the arraignment. An assistant United States Attorney, Perry A.
Carbone, stated that there was a 2005 wiretap on Kerik's cellphone
that intercepted some 2,500 calls. The DiTommaso’s and Larry Ray
were unindicted co-conspirators: “(a) John Doe #1 [Frank
DiTommaso] and John Doe #2, [Peter DiTommaso] unindicted
coconspirators, were the principals of a number of related companies
engaged in the construction and waste management industries ["xyz"
or Interstate Industrial]. XYZ, a New Jersey based company, did
private, municipal and state work in both New York and New Jersey
and sought to do additional public sector projects. (b) John Doe #3
[Lawrence Ray] was an employee of XYZ.” Why were these men
named as unindicted co-conspirators when part of the indictment
reads, “Kerik, Frank DiTommaso and Peter DiTommaso made false
statements about, and otherwise failed to disclose, the corrupt
payments to federal, state and local government agencies and
officials, a state grand jury, the media and the public.”

Remember the Bronx D.A.’s office charged that Kerik failed to

report a loan from real estate developer Nathan Berman? Kerik met
Berman and Berman's father-in-law, Eduard Nakhamkin, in the late
1990s, when Berman was shifting careers from running Nakhamkin's
Russian art galleries to developing real estate. Nakhamkin, whose
galleries bear his name, was an émigré who moved to the United
States in 1975 from Riga, Latvia, where he had been a mathematics
professor at the Polytechnical Institute there. Nakhamkin had a very
good rapport with the Soviets - for a Latvian exile. Yevgeny Kutovoi,
the Charge D’Affairs of the Soviet Embassy in Washington designat-
ed Nakhamkin, whose exhibitions did not gain wide attention, as
being granted a monopoly on displaying Russian art. This sort of
privilege was generally given to those with KGB connections. In
retrospect Nakhamkin was probably a double agent working for the
CIA. Nathan Berman introduced Kerik to Shimon Cohen.


The Federal Grand Jury further charged: “On or about June

13, 2003, Shimon Cohen 250 a Brooklyn stone and marble dealer,
made a personal loan of $250,000 to Bernard B. Kerik ("the Cohen
loan"). As Kerik well knew, Shimon Cohen obtained the funds with
which to make the loan to Kerik by in turn taking a loan from Eitan
Wertheimer a wealthy Israeli industrialist whose companies did
business with the federal government. The Cohen loan was repaid
on June 10, 2005.”

The $250,000 loan was provided in a personal check written

by Cohen to Hala Kerik and was only repaid after NYC Department
of Investigation investigators uncovered it. It was no loan – either
Wertheimer wanted Kerik to throw some business his way or Kerik
was on the pad of Israeli intelligence. Kerik knew where the money
was coming from - Shimon Cohen had introduced Kerik to
Wertheimer and the Kerik and Wertheimer spent time together in
Israel in August 2001. 251 The Wertheimers are an important Israeli
family and it is unlikely that they would engage in commercial corrup-
tion. Steff Wertheimer, the father of Eitan Wertheimer, is the billion-
aire founder of Israeli high tech industry. He was born in Germany
and arrived in Israel in 1936 at age 10. He dropped out of the Tel-
Aviv public school system at 14. In 1943 he joined the Royal Air
Force and in 1945 became a member of the Palmach, one of the
elite units of the Hagana, where he fought in the German Unit that
targeted Nazi troops. In 1948 he served as a demolition officer in
Yiftach Brigade of the Palmach where he planted mines during the
Israeli war of national liberation. In 1952 Wertheimer finished his
army career. He served four years as a member of the Knesset.
Wertheimer is one of the founders of the State of Israel and if Israeli
intelligence didn’t recruit him at one time or another they were not
doing their job. 252

Bernie didn’t even have the decency to cop a plea and save
his friend Giuliani a lot of embarrassment especially if Giuliani is
called as a witness in his upcoming trial. 253 Giuliani’s former law
partner and close friend, Judge Michael Mukasey, former U.S.

Attorney General has recused himself from cases where he has a
conflict of interest. Marc Mukasey, Michael’s son and Giuliani's law
partner was told to monitor the criminal probe of Kerik, which threat-
ened Giuliani’s presidential bid. As part of his assignment, Marc
Mukasey has allegedly thwarted Kerik's lawyer from interviewing
witnesses who might help his defense. 254 In October 2009 Judge
Stephen Robinson locked up Bernie for attempting to taint the jury
pool with newspaper articles that claimed his indictment was a way
to sabotage Rudy’s political ambitions. Because of his law enforce-
ment background Bernie was placed in Solitary Confinement and
was locked down 23-hours a day. He cracked like an egg when he
realized this was what he had to look forward to for at least the next
ten years and threatened to take his own life. He was placed on
suicide watch then transferred to a psychiatric facility. His trial has
been delayed.

Giuliani still has mixed feelings about Bernie, "Without com-

menting on that case, I've already said I should have checked his
background more carefully. I didn't. I've learned a lesson from it. I'm
going to check more carefully in the future…the reality is, if we take a
look at Bernard Kerik's service as police commissioner, he was an
excellent police commissioner. Crime went down unexpectedly
under Bernard Kerik. Then on the other side of it, there were these
problems. I take the responsibility. We should have known about
them. We should have dealt with them. We didn't. It was my mistake.
I made it. I am sorry for it. I've learned from it. But in the balance of
things, you take a look at the success that I had, it must be that I am
generally picking the right people. Because I am sure not doing this
by myself." 255

According to Giuliani Kerik did more good than bad. Actually

crime went down in New York City not because of Kerik but because
of Police Commissioner Bratton and his Deputy Jack Maple (who
invented Compstat). Giuliani fired Bratton because he regarded him
as a potential political rival after Bratton’s picture appeared on the
cover of Time Magazine. He assigned Lategano the task of castrat-
ing him. Giuliani and his hatchet woman claimed Bratton had been

“spending time at Elaine’s” – an Upper East Side restaurant - where
a lot of media people and authors hang out. Bratton was getting too
much ink. Jack Maple quit after Bratton was fired. Howard Safir
became police commissioner, then Bernie Kerik. Kerik himself was a
one-man crime wave, so how could he have reduced crime? Giuliani
made a corrupt, evil man his police commissioner then nominated
him for the head of the Department of Homeland Security.

Giuliani became fixated on the word “stat” and would later

propose a number of other stats including Terrorstat: “first preventers
can be assisted by the widespread implementation of a Terrorstat
program, an idea proposed by former NYPD police commissioner
William Bratton and criminologist George Kelling. Terrorstat would
build on the proven principles of Compstat, the computerized crime
mapping system developed by the New York Police Department in
the 1990s and now used by police departments nationwide. By
bringing all crime and arrest data together by category and by
neighborhood, Compstat revolutionized policing, enabling officers
to focus their efforts in problem areas, armed with up-to-the-minute,
accurate intelligence, rapid deployment of resources, individual
accountability, and relentless follow-up. Terrorstat would do the
same for counterterrorism. Terrorstat would not only capture infor-
mation about terrorism-related arrests and distribute it to law en-
forcement officials; it would also fuse that information with data on
arrests for crimes that on the surface seem unrelated to terrorism but
may prove to be precursors to an attack. The investigation of the
ordinary can help prevent the extraordinary.” 256 Compstat accumu-
lated arrest statistics on street crime, quality of life crimes that went
down in the ghetto. Terrorists are not about to blow up targets in their
own neighborhoods nor are their arrests likely to occur there. This is
merely a rationalization for targeting Muslim neighborhoods. How will
Terrorstat determine which crimes might be related to terrorism? The
only basis would be ethnicity or religion.


Michael Arthur Fedorko joined the New Jersey State Police

as a member of the 77th State Police class on February 7, 1969.
Later Fedorko was in charge of the racial profiling of hippies and
Blacks by the New Jersey State Troopers making the New Jersey
Turnpike synonymous with searches and arrests. In May 1997, he
was assigned to the position of executive officer and was subse-
quently promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. His climb through the ranks
led to his appointment to the position of deputy superintendent.
Governor Christine Todd Whitman appointed him to the position of
Acting Superintendent on February 28, 1999 and nominated him to
the Casino Control Commission upon his retirement from the New
Jersey State Police on November 1, 1999. He was approved by the
New Jersey Senate and sworn in on November 17, 1999. In May
2004, Commissioner Fedorko was re-nominated for another five-year
term with the Casino Control Commission by Governor James E.
McGreevey. The New Jersey Senate confirmed him in June 2004.

How could someone who was once this high up in the Jersey
State Troopers be corrupt? Easy enough if the state is New Jersey
where the Trooper brass has a history of corruption. In 1963,
Dominick Capello was confirmed as Superintendent of the New
Jersey State Police. Gambino associate Ray DeCarlo wanted
Capello to keep his troopers from harassing numbers operations in
the Jersey shore area. Among the speakers are Ray DeCarlo, Lucky
(probably Louis Percello) and others:

Ray DeCarlo: Do you know what this Cappy Capello wants?

Lucky: No. How much?
Ray DeCarlo: He wants $1,000 for Long Branch and $1,000
for Asbury.
Si: For each town?
Ray DeCarlo: Yeah. Each town. And for the whole county he
wants to make a different price.

According to The Record of Hackensack, in 2002 a mob in-
formant, working with police, told investigators, “New Jersey State
Police Superintendent Joseph Santiago associated with known
members of organized crime in the Newark/Essex County ar-
ea...Director Santiago owed large sums of money to those individu-
als.” A State Police background investigation revealed that in Newark
Santiago had consorted with an associate of the Genovese crime
family, protected illegal gambling operations, was involved in a “no-
show security scheme” and used police officers to build his house.
The mobster Santiago was friendly with was Peter "The Crumb"
Caprio. The aging mobster and confessed killer made news when he
testified against mob boss Joseph "Skinny Joey" Merlino, as well as
other key members of the Philadelphia Family. Santiago resigned on
October 18, 2002, after only seven months on the job.

If the price was right Fedorko was willing to take on the Office
of the New Jersey Attorney General’s Gaming Enforcement Division
that stated that there were "...numerous associations between and
among Interstate and the DiTommasos and individuals and busi-
nesses affiliated with the Gambino and DeCavalcante Families of La
Cosa Nostra (LCN) including: Marine Contracting; 257 Flagship
Construction; Francis "Buddy" Leahy (Gambino associate); Mickey
Cahill (Gambino associate); William Murtha (Gambino associate);
Metropolitan Stone Corporation; Michael "Mikey Scars" DiLeonardo
(Gambino capo); Edward Garafola (Gambino soldier); Gerard "Jerry"
Garafola (Gambino associate); American Ready Mix; Phillip
Castellano (Gambino associate); Michael Carbone (Gambino asso-
ciate); Carl Lizza (Gambino associate); Dan-Ro Trucking; Frank
Fappiano (Gambino solider); Joseph Watts (Gambino associate and
principal in Marine); and Anthony Capo (DeCavalcante soldier).” 258


There was overwhelming evidence that the DiTommaso’s

were fronting for the mob. The most obvious was the Edward
Garafola (photo below) – Larry Ray connection yet Fedorko basically
repeated DiTommaso’s cover story in his final report, “Frank
DiTommaso testified credibly that he had no idea that there was any
connection between Larry Ray and Edward Garafola until the indict-
ment was announced. In 1998, when Applicants were involved in
trying to obtain regulatory approvals in New York and New Jersey,
Larry Ray advised Frank DiTommaso that he had a background in
law enforcement and could assist in Applicants' efforts. Frank
DiTommaso decided to hire Larry Ray for this purpose. Ray's role
would be to coordinate Interstate's efforts to comply with requests
from the lawyers and regulators. As he put it, Larry Ray seemed to
know and work with a number of law enforcement people. Signifi-
cantly, Larry Ray was recommended by Bernard Kerik, then the New
York City Commissioner of Corrections, and later, the New York City
Police Commissioner. Larry Ray was paid an annual salary of
$100,000. There was no background check conducted on Ray prior
to his hiring. Frank DiTommaso relied on his personal knowledge of
Ray as well as the commendation from Mr. Kerik.”

Fedorko claimed that he didn't believe the Garafola-Ray-

DiTommaso connection was significant since Ray's connection to
Bernard Kerik proved that he had good bone fides when the
DiTommaso's hired him and that they hired him in good faith. But
Bernard Kerik proved to be corrupt and Fedorko proved to be wrong.
Fedorko’s report had the ring of a ghost written biography, “The
DiTommaso brothers were raised in Staten Island, New York. They

are part of a close knit, loving and devoted family. Their father
Anthony was a New York City police officer from 1955 until 1964 and
their uncle Fred was a member of the New York City Fire Depart-
ment from 1957 until 1964." Fedorko's Fairy Tale continued: “[Inter-
state Industrial] was created with a modest capital base of $8,000
consisting of Frank's and Peter's college graduation money and life
savings...The Division insinuated that Applicants' early success may
have been aided by corrupt sources, but I do not find that to be
true...Their rapid ascension in the highly competitive construction
industry is a testament to their estimable talents... Although there
may have been business encounters with [organized crime] figures
during these formative years, there is no credible evidence of any
improper conduct by Applicants or their principals. In this regard, I
find that Qualifiers were unaware of any taint attaching to the people
and entities with whom they did business. They did not operate as
fronts for organized crime and they did not benefit from any nefarious
scheme to steer contracts their way. Rather, they obtained their
various jobs and awarded contracts to subcontractors and suppliers
based on a competitive bidding process. Industrial's business was
initially operated from the basement of the DiTommaso family home.
Soon, they obtained their first job, for site work on a new office
building on Eisenhower Parkway in Roseland, New Jersey. They
learned of the prospective job through a construction publication
magazine. The developer was Cali Associates. The DiTommasos
had previously bid unsuccessfully on other Cali projects, but this time
they were awarded the job.”

In 1993 an indictment charged the Luchese members and

associates with racketeering in connection with contracts to provide
maintenance, window cleaning and security services starting in 1983
in buildings owned or operated by Cali Associates, a real-estate
company. 259 Fedorko had access to law enforcement information
and could have discovered this mob connection and much more but
he choose not to. Fedorko continued: “In 1985, the company moved
out of the family home, and a year later it moved to an office building
in Secaucus, New Jersey. In 1988, Applicants relocated to their
current address in Clifton, New Jersey. Sal Fischera and Sal

Giardina, who were related to the Fischera and Giardina families
who had lived in the DiTommasos’ neighborhood in Staten Island
while the brothers were growing up, owned the Secaucus building.
Sal Giardina's father, also named Sal, but more commonly known as
Teddy Giardina, was identified as a soldier in the Gambino crime
family...In 1986, Salvatore Giardina told Frank that his uncle was in
some trouble and they were raising money for his defense fund.
Giardina asked him for $500, which Frank paid by check. As a long-
time friend of Salvatore Giardina, Frank did not ask what kind of
trouble his uncle was in. At the time of the request, Frank had never
met the uncle, Louis Giardina, nor had he heard anything about him.
On May 18, 1987, Louis Giardina was convicted of racketeering.
Approximately one year later, he was arrested for making illegal
payments to union officials. He was convicted and sentenced to five
years in prison.”

This is what the Mafia is all about: People growing up togeth-

er and establishing loyalty to one another. It was no coincidence that
the mob owned the DiTommaso’s building and was their landlord. It
was also no coincidence that Salvatore Giardina also worked at
Hartz Mountain Industries, the same company where the
DiTommasos were once employed. Fedorko continued: “[Bucking-
ham Towers] was Qualifiers' first really large job, a 30 story building
in Fort Lee, New Jersey... The company needed a rebar [reinforcing
bar for concrete] subcontractor and was contacted by a man named
Jack Hegarty who sought the bid for his company, Marine Contract-
ing (Marine). Marine was the lowest bidder and received the subcon-
tract. Industrial paid Marine $315,000 over a three-month period. The
Gambino crime family controlled Marine. Francis "Buddy" Leahy and
Mickey Cahill, two Gambino crime family members, are associated
with Marine and Flagship. Qualifiers were unaware of their organized
crime affiliations...”

Of course “the Qualifiers” had no idea of the organized crime

connections of the people they were dealing with - their self-serving
statements proved this as far as Commissioner Fedorko was con-


Fedorko: “A third individual who was associated with Marine

and Flagship is William Murtha, a former Gambino associate who
testified on behalf of the Division. Murtha was a career criminal
having participated in numerous racketeering activities and a gang-
land murder in 1965. He entered the government's Witness Protec-
tion Program in 1992 following a plea of guilty to a charge of federal
tax evasion. Murtha made some serious allegations against the
DiTommasos. One was of particular concern. He testified that in the
early 1980s John DiGilio, a gangster of some renown, had asked him
as a favor to help out Interstate Industrial which was experiencing
operational problems. The obvious implication was that the
DiTommasos had some ties to DiGilio.”

Fedorko had to include Murtha’s testimony to the Division in

order to refute it: “Murtha told the Division that he was involved in
two construction companies, Marine Contracting and Flagship
Construction. The Gambino Family controlled Marine Contracting.
Murtha's contact at the Gambino Family was Alphonse Mosca.
Mosca directed Murtha to meet with the late John DiGilio, then a
capo in the Genovese Organized Crime Family. According to Murtha,
DiGilio stated that he (DiGilio) ‘owned’ Interstate Industrial Corpora-
tion. Murtha understood that statement to mean that DiGilio had an
undocumented interest in and influence over Interstate Industrial.
DiGilio told Murtha that Interstate Industrial was having operational
difficulties and requested that, as a favor to DiGilio, Murtha help out
Interstate Industrial. Murtha stated that he decided that he would
comply with DiGilio's request by having Marine Contracting affiliate
itself with projects undertaken by Interstate Industrial.

“Interstate Industrial's records show that Marine Contracting

was paid $315,000 by Interstate Industrial over a three-month period
in 1986 for subcontracting work. For the three-year period between
1986 and 1989, Murtha's other company, Flagship Construction, was
paid $2.5 million by Interstate Industrial as a subcontractor.

“Murtha stated that having not received any negative feed-
back regarding his assistance to Interstate Industrial, he assumed
that DiGilio was satisfied. Murtha further stated that he occasionally
met with Funzi Mosca, his Gambino Family contact, or with
Carmine DellaCava, his contact with the Genovese Family, in an
office Interstate also used.
“If found credible by the Commission, Murtha's testimony
would establish that the applicants were directly involved with
elements of organized crime in the conduct of their business opera-
tions. The applicants would therefore be disqualified from licen-
sure.” 260
During a deposition before the NYC Department of Investiga-
tion Frank DiTommaso denied knowing Murtha:
Mr. Ruvoldt: Frank, did any office which was an Interstate of-
fice of yours, to your knowledge, was it ever used for meetings by
Jim Murtha?
Mr. DiTommaso: Billy Murtha. The answer is no. I never met
him. No one in my company ever met him.
Mr. Ruvoldt: He never used your offices?
Mr. DiTommaso: My offices were never used by them, that's
Ms. Lee: Did you ever allow your offices to be used by Leahy
and/or Cahill?
Mr. DiTommaso: No. As far as my speculation with this John
DiGilio thing, my, understanding is that he was under intense crimi-
nal investigations for organized crime activity in New Jersey from the
early 1980’s, was indicted in the mid 1980s and was killed sometime
in the late 1980s. If that's accurate, that was the way it was explained
to me. It's also my understanding that there was some kind of
business relationship or dispute or some type of an argument
between him and another Interstate company. There was a shooting
or something also involved.
Ms. Lee: You mean DiGilio and another company named In-
terstate but not your company?
Mr. DiTommaso: That is correct. My speculation is -- and ob-
viously we're going to have to prove this -- is that he was referring to
this other Interstate company. One of my other attorneys was

involved in a matter that was involved with the other Interstate that
was involved with John DiGilio.
Ms. Lee: Do you know what Interstate company that was?
Mr. Ruvoldt: Interstate Steel. I think its Interstate Steel
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, either it's --
Ms. Lee: Is that your understanding?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes, right. I hate to speculate if it' s not that
company, to bring any false light upon that company; but my under-
standing is Interstate Steel or Interstate Iron.
Ms. Lee: You don't have anything to do with Interstate Steel
or Interstate Iron?
Mr. DiTommaso: Absolutely. I don't know who they were.
Mr. Dion: Are they in construction?
Mr. DiTommaso: Yes.
Ms. Lee: You think DiGilio had a beef or some problem with
Interstate Steel or Iron?
Mr. DiTommaso: Or had a relationship with Interstate Steel or
Iron if Murtha was a steel guy. I believe he was involved in the
ironworker's union. That would kind of make sense. I use rebar as a
small part of my business as a sub. One who was in the business of
doing steel work and erecting steel or buildings would be more of a
front for a guy like Murtha.
Ms. Lee: You think that Murtha made a mistake, that he was
identifying you and
he meant another --
Mr. DiTommaso: I hate to speculate. I think that Department
of Gaming Enforcement made a mistake.
Ms. Lee: Anything is possible. It just seems odd to me that
someone in the witness protection program would pick you or your
Mr. DiTommaso: He said Interstate.
Ms. Lee: You're thinking that there's another Interstate com-
pany that has the same name and --
Mr. DiTommaso: Similar name.
Ms. Lee: -- that those allegations relate to another company
and not to you?

Mr. DiTommaso: That's my theory. That's what I believe. I
don't know John DiGilio. How could I say that lie has an interest in
my company when I don't know the guy, never heard of - him, never
did a job. I guess it was in the waterfront in Bayonne. Never did work
in that area. Not a name that was familiar or ever brought to my
There was only one Interstate that Murtha was referring to
and John DiGilio who was killed in 1988 had a beef with it, not with
Interstate Steel. The DiTommaso’s probably had him knocked off.
The Division’s notes on Murtha made it crystal clear what Interstate
Murtha was talking about:
-identified from picture; could not recognize Peter;
-Murtha initially met and talked with Frank; subsequently met
and talked with him in Flagship's office and Interstate's office (Edge-
water, NJ) may have met with Frank at Gateway Diner (in Ft. Lee or
Englewood Cliffs), "Billy? Eats" - a bar/restaurant whose owner was
head of the Laborers union in NJ (place was opened for his mistress)
or at a bar/restaurant the Greeks owned on River Road;
-Interstate had an office next to Murtha's company as the
owner of the building was an old time Gambino "skipper" (capo)
named "Tony", who was "put on the shelf” (retired); the arrangement
was a favor to Paul Castellano; NYSOCTF (New York State Task
Force on Organized Crime) would know "Tony's" name; Tony owned
a lot of real estate (buildings). The rent "liaison" was Tony's girlfriend,
described by Murtha as a former prostitute with red hair.
-Murtha' s company(s) did many jobs with Interstate; did all
rebar for Interstate; bills were submitted to Interstate; '
-worked on Hartz Mountain projects together;
-worked on New York University project together
-Rodney Ferrari was a good "bull-sh**ter", who dealt with
Frank the most, Murtha ran the jobs.
-Murtha was ordered to work with Interstate by Alphonse
"Funzi" Mosca (Gambino LCN) and Carmine DellaCava (Genovese
LCN); both Mosca and DellaCava told Murtha "these (DiTommaso's)
are our friends", meaning they are with them, had to work with them,
had to help them out 261

When questioned about Interstate employee Richard
Forcino’s involvement with gangsters Mickey Cahill and Francis
“Buddy” Leahy, Frank DiTommaso said, “They are Irish. I think you
have to be Italian to be in the Mafia.” Interstate Superstructures did
750K worth of rebar business with Cahill and Leahy. Fedorko report-
ed: “In 1986, Interstate Industrial worked on a project in New York
City for New York University Hospital. Frank DiTommaso received a
telephone call from the owner of SJF Contracting, Robert Mannino.
Buddy Leahy had referred Mannino to him. Mannino had a business
proposition that he thought would be mutually beneficial. SJF Con-
tracting was experiencing significant administrative problems in its
office, which Interstate Industrial might be able to assist with, while
SJF Contracting was producing business which might interest
Interstate Industrial. The idea eventually led to the formation in 1992
of a joint venture, Interstate Superstructures, but it was not profitable
and was soon disbanded in 1993.” Interstate was in partnership with
two high echelon mobsters.

“The joint venture's dissolution led to Interstate Industrial's

hiring of Ronald Forcino. Ronald Forcino was an employee and a
part owner in the early 1980s, along with his cousin Richard Forcino
and a third person named Stanley Sternchos, of Technical Concrete,
which had ties to organized crime, through the activities of
Sternchos...Sternchos testified in federal court that he made payoffs
on behalf of Technical Concrete to a Ralph Scopo, the head of the
local concrete and cement workers union, to ensure labor peace.
Scopo was a soldier in the Colombo Crime family. In 1987 he was
convicted of racketeering in the so-called ‘Commission Trial’ for his
role with the ‘Concrete Club’ and received a 100-year prison sen-
tence. At this trial, several bosses and acting bosses of the five crime
families in New York were also convicted of racketeering. Sternchos
testified at trial that both Forcinos were present when these payoffs
[to Scopo] were made.”

In the "Commission Trial," transcripts from listening devices

placed in the home of Gambino crime family Boss Paul "Big Paul"
Castellano revealed the existence of the "Concrete Club" in which a

"Commission" of New York's five families controlled the companies
and bidding for all construction contracts involving the use of ce-
ment/concrete worth $2,000,000 and over.

When a company was labeled mob-owned Interstate would

come to its rescue: In 1994 the Trade Waste Commission cancelled
the license of the mob owned Metropolitan Stone that allowed it to
run a waste transfer station in Staten Island because the “owners of
the facility [Edward Garafola and Michael Di Leonardo] were not held
to be of the highest integrity.” Interstate came to rescue and bought
them out. It was not an uncommon practice for legitimate waste
haulers to buy out the assets of mob-owned outfits at the time but
the way Interstate did it smacked of money laundering. The majority
of the money paid to Metropolitan Stone was for a covenant not to
compete with Interstate. 625K was paid to Michael DiLeonardo,
Mario Garafola and Frances Garafola for their word. Interstate also
purchased the property Carl Lizza owned adjacent to the Transfer
Station. In 1984 Lizza was the subject of a bid rigging case involving
United States Government contracts. Interstate continued to use
mob owned trucking companies, such as those owned by Jerry
Garafola at the site until December 1996 when the Trade Waste
Commission complained. Fedorko was forced to report: “In late
1994, Interstate Industrial Materials Corporation, an entity formed
and owned by Qualifiers, began an ongoing business relationship
with Metropolitan Stone Corporation, and eventually acquired that
company's assets in November 1996. Metropolitan operated a dirt
transfer station in Staten Island...The record owners of Metropolitan
Stone Corporation were Vincent Simineri, President, and Michael
DiLeonardo, Vice President. However, the company was actually
controlled and operated by Edward Garafola and DiLeonardo, both
of whom have been identified as members of the Gambino organized
crime family. Garafola is the brother-in-law of former Gambino family
under boss Salvatore "Sammy the Bull" Gravano. Prior to the Metro-
politan acquisition, the DiTommasos were unaware of these purport-
ed links to organized crime.”

I would have gone one step further - prior to the Metropolitan
Stone Corporation acquisition the DiTommasos were unaware that
there was even such a thing as organized crime. These brothers
were extraordinarily unaware judging from the use of the word
unaware in the commissioner's report, "In this regard, I find that
Qualifiers were unaware of any taint attaching to the people and
entities with whom they did business... The DiTommasos were
unaware of Marine's affiliation with the Gambino crime family...
Qualifiers were unaware of their organized crime affiliations...
Moreover, I am satisfied that Frank DiTommaso was unaware of any
allegations concerning Technical Concrete when he hired Forcino...
Qualifiers were unaware of Sisto's organized crime connections...
Prior to the Metropolitan Stone Corporation acquisition, the
DiTommasos were unaware of these purported links to organized
crime... Frank DiTommaso testified that he was unaware of the
reclassification." Fedorko took them at their word, “In this case,
Qualifiers consistently and vigorously defended against the accusa-
tions, and credibly denied any involvement in organized crime
activity. These denials are significant in assessing the reliability of
the hearsay evidence, because the absence of a denial itself may
provide important indicia of reliability."

When Frank DiTommaso was asked about Edward Garafola

he claimed that he eventually realized that he was involved with
LCN, “Well you hear on the street who is the bad guy and who is not,
and there was also a movie I watched on TV, Sammy the Bull, where
it mentioned his brother-in-law Ed, so I didn’t know if that means he
is an Organized Crime guy or implicates him but I interpreted it that
way.” Peter DiTommaso had this to say, “I read just that he’s a bad
guy. I don’t know what the definition of it is. He’s a bad guy I guess in
criminal activity.” Another example of Frank DiTommaso discovering
someone was mobbed up from the media involved A.J. Ross and
Thomas Patriso, “Several years after our business relationship
ended, I read in the papers that he was arrested for being involved
with an organized crime family.”

Fedorko continued: “On March 1, 1995, Metropolitan Stone
Corporation applied to the Department of Sanitation for a permit to
operate a fill material solid waste transfer station. In accordance with
Local Law 42, the Department Of Sanitation requested that the
Trade Waste Commission investigate the background of Metropoli-
tan Stone Corporation and issued the company a temporary operat-
ing permit pending the completion of that investigation. As a result,
an investigation of Metropolitan Stone Corporation ensued...In the
summer of 1996, Edward Garafola contacted Frank DiTommaso
about a possible sale of Metropolitan Stone Corporation to Interstate
Industrial. Frank DiTommaso was not really interested at that time
because he had never operated a transfer station. He was content
with his construction business. However, he kept his options open
and instructed his Chief Financial Officer, Allan B. Schwartz, to
conduct a due diligence examination of Metropolitan Stone Corpora-
tion to determine the efficacy of purchasing the company. Frank
DiTommaso realized that he needed a continuous supply of dirt.
Some of Interstate Industrial's managers urged Frank DiTommaso to
give the purchase serious consideration...Frank DiTommaso
changed his mind and Interstate Industrial entered into negotiations
to purchase Metropolitan Stone Corporation and its transfer station.

“The promissory note for the balance due of $1,250,000 pay-

able over a term of five years, issued by Materials [Interstate Indus-
trial subsidiary] to Metropolitan Stone Corporation for the purchase
was subsequently assigned in February 1998 to Toni Marie
DiLeonardo (wife of Michael DiLeonardo), Frances Garafola (wife of
Edward Garafola) and Mario Garafola (son of Edward and Frances
Garafola). Applicants had no role in the assignment, which was not
uncommon. The promissory note was paid in full in early 2000,
ending any connection to the Garafola and DiLeonardo families."

That ended it. The money laundering was completed and the
connection to the mob was severed. Not quite. “On April 7, 1999,
Supervising Agent Ronald Lemanowicz and Agent Robert Graham
proceeded to Jersey City, New Jersey and conducted an interview
with Emilio Alvarez, Jr. Alvarez said that he obtained the delivery

contract for Metropolitan Stone. When the company began operation
Ed Garafola, his wife and Jerry Garafola were running the company.
Later, Mario (Buddy) Garafola showed up. Jerry Garafola, he de-
scribed, was mostly in the office, Buddy ran the recycling machine. A
fat guy in a sweat suit named Jimmy Black, who Alvarez thought
may had been a partner of the Garafolas, was in the yard. Alvarez
said that Metropolitan Stone was later sold to Interstate. Alvarez also
provided trucking services to Interstate Materials Corporation.
Initially, he was very concerned because of the money that was still
owed to his company. When Alvarez talked with Buddy Garafola, he
told Alvarez not to worry because Interstate had deep pockets, and
as part of the purchase of Metropolitan, Interstate had taken over the
account payable debt. Alvarez said that he received all the back pay
that he was owed. Later, it came to be that Interstate was a tough
pay and he always had to call or come to the office and inquiry about
his money. Alvarez said on each Thursday, Allan Schwartz from
Interstate would be in the office to handle the truckers' checks. He
would go in and ask Schwartz about his back money. Jerry Garafola,
who was always in the office, told Schwartz to give Emil his money.

“Alvarez said that sometime during the summer of 1997, after

he had watched a lot of dump trucks hauling dirt for Interstate he was
approached by Mario Garafola, Garafola asked him and Eddie
Migoya to form a partnership to start their own trucking company.
They agreed and each one put in money for the start up funds.
Alvarez said he was the front man and signed for the purchase of
four dump trucks. The new company was named Staten Island Stone
Corporation, and used the address of 2900 New York Avenue,
Union, New Jersey. Alvarez said that it was Eddie Migoya's recom-
mendation that use this address. He added that Mario Garafola ran
the company and set up and maintained all the business activities
with Interstate. Garafola was the contact person that Interstate would
call when they needed trucks. Garafola disbursed the pay and
expense checks, although Alvarez said that he and Migoya also had
the authority to sign checks. This business arrangement continued
until sometime in February of 1998, when Alvarez said that he read a
newspaper article, which outlined the Garafola’s association with

organized crime. Alvarez contended that he was upset by this
information and terminated the business relationship without receiv-
ing any of the final payment from Garafola. Staten Island Stone
trucks he said were sold back to the truck dealership.

“Alvarez was asked to describe the Garafola’s relationship

with Interstate, and he stated that Buddy and Jerry Garafola were
always at Interstate. Buddy would often call him from there and Jerry
was always in the office. Alvarez said that Garafola told him that
they were told by Interstate people to not come around when the
inspectors from Trade Waste or New Jersey would be there.
Alvarez was asked if he had any contact with Frank or Peter
DiTommaso, he stated that he saw them on occasion at Johnson
Street, but he did not discuss any business with them. He went on to
say to that as far as money matters were concerned, he mainly
spoke with Allan Schwartz or Bob Sisto, but Sisto would always tell
him to talk to Schwartz.

“Alvarez was asked to describe the Garafola’s relationship

with Interstate and its employees; he said often he would see Jerry
and Schwartz together when checks were being disbursed to the
trucking operators. He also said that on several occasions he had
observed Sisto, argue with Jerry. He said they did not get along,
although the two of them were always at the facility together.” 262

Allan Schwartz worked at the accounting firm of Borek

Stockel where he had handled the Interstate Industrial account since
1984. In August 1994 one of the partners of this firm was indicted for
income tax fraud. The indictment accused Thomas Borek, 44, the
managing partner and founder of Borek, Stockel & Marden, and Paul
Staffaroni, 39, a partner in the firm's tax department, with carrying
out a scheme to evade millions in taxes due from the companies.
According to Manhattan DA Robert Morgenthau the charges against
Borek and Stafforini mark the first time that an accounting firm has
been accused under provisions of the state's Organized Crime
Control Act. 263 After this, Interstate Industrial hired Schwartz as its
CFO. Schwartz testified that Interstate-linked Joseph Francolino Jr.

told him that his father was locked up for an organized crime matter.
According to Schwartz Frank DiTommaso said nothing about this.
Interstate Industrial was "connected" to the same crew that once
controlled the private garbage carting industry.

Alvarez told the Division that Metropolitan Stone and Inter-

state were one in the same but again “the Qualifiers” denied any
knowledge of their associates’ underworld status and were taken at
their word by the commissioner. Fedorko had to do some fancy
talking to refute the evidence presented by the Division of Gaming
Enforcement of the New Jersey Attorney General's office when it
came to DiLeonardo and Garafola: “The Division challenged Frank
DiTommaso’s credibility, claiming that, despite his protestations to
the contrary, Frank DiTommaso had knowledge of the organized
crime connections of Edward Garafola and Michael “Mikey Scars”
DiLeonardo at the time of the Metropolitan Stone Corporation asset
purchase. The Division further maintained that Frank DiTommaso
told Allan B. Schwartz about these connections at the time of the
purchase, relying upon the testimony Allan B. Schwartz gave at his
sworn interview prior to the hearing. In his sworn interview with the
Division, Frank DiTommaso said that he was shown the document
and it indicated that Garafola and DiLeonardo were of bad character.
At the hearing, he testified that he was uncertain of whether he had
actually read the document. He did not know the precise reasons for
Metropolitan's predicament. However, he readily understood from
Garafola's agitated state of mind that Metropolitan Stone Corporation
was in trouble and that Garafola urgently wanted to sell the transfer
station because Metropolitan Stone Corporation's license likely
would not be renewed. Frank DiTommaso denied that any such
conversation occurred with Schwartz.”

After his arrest Michael "Mikey Scars" DiLeonardo cooperat-

ed with the Justice Department and was asked:
Q. Did there come a time after you were running this con-
struction panel for to Gambino family, that you opened your own
A. Yes.

Q. What was the name of that company?
A. Metropolitan Stone.
Q. And what kind of stone was that?
A. It was an aggregate business; stone. Road stone, con-
crete stone, it was stones
Q. Was it a legitimate or illegitimate company?
A. Illegitimate.
Q. Why illegitimate?
A. Anything I touch is illegitimate.
Q. Why?
A. Because I am in the mob. And anything I do facilitates my
-- I'm there to make money for me, and the family, and, everything
we do is illegitimate...
Q. The DiTommasos, who were they?
A. They were a big outfit. They were doing a landfill job in
Staten Island, covering the garbage.
Q. You said there came a time that Joe Watts brought you a
proposition involving Interstate and DiTommasos. What was that?
A. Yes. When they started this job in Staten Island landfill, it
was a massive job, and the need for teamster foremen to be put on
that job. And he came to me and said that DiTommasos wanted to
know if they could keep the teamster foreman off the job for the
length of the job, and they were willing to pay hundred thousand
dollars towards that...
Q. So to keep the Teamster foreman off the job, they were
willing to pay $100,000 to whom?
A. To [Deleted], essentially us, the Gambino family.


There it was in black and white (see photos above for picture
of DiLeonardi and another with John Gotti Jr.) yet Fedorko continued
his charade: “The Division argued that the circumstances of the
Metropolitan Stone acquisition and its aftermath support a finding of
disqualification. I disagree. On the contrary, the record discloses that
there was no inimical association with the principals of Metropolitan.
There is nothing in the purchase price or contract of sale that sup-
ports the notion that Qualifiers bought this business to assist or
benefit organized crime. There is also no evidence of any continuing
involvement of Garafola or DiLeonardo in the operation of the
transfer station. The purchase transaction was entirely legitimate,
motivated by Frank DiTommaso's concern over having a sufficient
supply of available dirt. The fact that Garafola and DiLeonardo were
connected to organized crime does not, by itself, elevate this matter
to an inimical association.” Fedorko was an expert on dirt, as he was
himself a dirt bag. Fedorko reported: “During its fact-finding inquiry
into the Metropolitan Stone purchase, Industrial discovered that the
property on which Metropolitan Stone Corporation operated was not
owned by them but was leased from a company called 11 Johnson
Street Realty Corporation, which was owned by Carl Lizza. Lizza
also was the owner of Mt. Hope Rock Products, Inc., (Hope Rock), a
large company in Northern New Jersey. At the time of the purchase,
Frank DiTommaso had not met Carl Lizza, who was identified by
Division expert Kenneth McCabe as an associate of organized
crime.” Again Interstate's rental property is mob-owned. Why didn't it
cross Commissioner Fedorko's mind that the mob owned Interstate?

Another mob connection to Interstate was through American

Ready Mix: “When Materials [Interstate Industrial] purchased Metro-
politan Stone it inherited a tenant on the transfer station premises, a
concrete company called American Ready Mix. From the outset,
Materials was reluctant to provide a lease to American Ready Mix,
preferring to maintain flexibility. For his part, Vincent Ranelli [head of
Ready Mix] repeatedly inquired about obtaining a written lease.
Meanwhile, American Ready Mix became delinquent in its rental
payments. There was a combination of factors in 1997 that contrib-

uted to American Ready Mix's delinquency including its status as a
start-up company experiencing serious cash flow problems, the fact
that Vincent Ranelli became sick, was hospitalized and later died,
and finally, that American Ready Mix was insisting upon a written
lease that Materials would not provide. Sometime during the first few
months of 1997, Frank DiTommaso began making phone calls to
Vincent Ranelli in an effort to collect the rent. Vincent Ranelli was in
the hospital, and Frank spoke instead to Dick Clark, American Ready
Mix's Chief Financial Officer. Clark assured Frank DiTommaso that
American Ready Mix would pay its rent but it wanted a formal lease.
Despite these representations, no rental payments were made.

“In April 1997, a few months after the acquisition, Frank

DiTommaso learned that Vincent Ranelli was not the sole owner of
American Ready Mix. The news was disturbing. Vincent Ranelli had
asked Frank DiTommaso to take a tour of American Ready Mix's
new office building. During this visit, Vincent Ranelli introduced Frank
DiTommaso to Nina Castellano and casually referred to her as his
partner. Frank DiTommaso told Vincent Ranelli that he was unaware
that Vincent Ranelli had any partners. Vincent Ranelli then explained
that Paul Castellano and Nina Castellano, grandchildren of the
notorious Paul Castellano, the former Gambino crime family
boss who was murdered in an infamous mob hit, were his
partners. Vincent Ranelli insisted, however, that he was running the
operation. Phillip Castellano, father of Nina and Paul, and the
son of Paul Castellano Senior, is also reputed to be an orga-
nized crime member...[A] lease proposal was presented to Ameri-
can Ready Mix at a meeting on March 9, 1998, held at the offices of
Scara-Mix Concrete Company in Staten Island. Phillip Castellano
owned Scara-Mix. Frank DiTommaso and Earl R. Tockman attended
the meeting for Materials and for American Ready Mix, Dick Clark,
Phillip Castellano, Paul Castellano, Jr. and Michael Carbone, whose
role was not identified. Carbone has a lengthy criminal record
involving interstate transportation of stolen securities and firearms
violations. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss and, if possi-
ble, resolve various outstanding issues pertaining to American
Ready Mix's tenancy including the rental payments and lease status.

On March 23, 1999, there was a second meeting between repre-
sentatives of American Ready Mix and Materials, at the law offices of
George T. Imperial. Frank DiTommaso, Angelo Aponte, Earl R.
Tockman, George Imperial, Chief Financial Officer Allan B. Schwartz
and James Woods from Copstat Security all attended on behalf of
Materials. For American Ready Mix, there was Phillip Castellano,
Dick Clark and Edward Garafola, whose presence was not explained
by Castellano. The meeting was extremely hostile...As Angelo
Aponte so aptly noted, the clearly adversarial nature of the 1999
meeting attended by Castellano and Garafola underscores the lack
of any association between Qualifiers and Castellano or Garafola.”

What was Angelo Aponte, who New Yorkers had put their
faith in, doing at this meeting? What was he doing working for the
mob? Aponte testified that after his meeting with numerous Orga-
nized Crime figures, Castellano vacated the transfer station and “the
day or night after the last piece of valuable equipment was removed
from American Redi-Mix by American Redi-Mix the building burned
down.” Aponte said the insurance investigators and fire Marshall’s
were called in “and the rest is history.” He pointed out that he was
hired in 1998 after the acquisition of Metropolitan Stone in the fall of
1996 but this made him even more sleazy for taking a job with

George Imperial knew the DiTommaso’s since they were

teenagers. Imperial’s uncle, Joseph Lordi, was the first Chairman of
the Atlantic City Casino Control Commission. When Lordi was Essex
County prosecutor he indicted Newark's police director, Dominick
Spina, for failure to enforce the gambling laws, but Spina won a
directed verdict of acquittal. Imperial had been offered a job on the
Casino Control Commission but declined. According to Newsday
former Senator Harrison Williams proposed a $100 million loan to
finance the proposed Ritz-Carlton Hotel casino in Atlantic City --
owned in large part by a firm that employed William's wife as an
$18,000-a- year consultant. It was at this meeting that Williams
reportedly boasted of an earlier talk with Atlantic City Casino Control
Commission chairman Joseph Lordi that "saved them [the Ritz-

Carlton] $3 million." A former Republican assemblyman and director
of gaming enforcement, Frank Catania is on the Interstate Industrial
payroll. 264 Frank DiTommaso was questioned about the Castellano

A. One day I was down in the transfer station and I ran into
Mr. Ranelli who was completing a construction of his concrete plant
and he invited me to come and look at his offices, he was all proud of
his new building, so while he was giving me the tour, he introduced
me to a young woman as his partner, Nina and that was the first time
I was made aware that he had any partner.
Q. Do you recall the approximate date on that?
A. It was early on, right after I bought the business and there
was a note to the file that I sent to the New York City Trade Waste
Commission amending my application, notifying them of the subten-
ant and who the subtenant was.
Q. You don't look particularly happy about the identification of
Miss Castellano as a subtenant?
A. I wasn't particularly happy to hear about that.
Q. Why?
A. Because her grandfather was Paul Castellano and is a
known organized crime figure.
Q. You're in a bind at this point, aren't you?
A. To my knowledge Miss Castellano and her brother, whom
I have never met in my life, were not known as organized crime
people but having their name as a subtenant was not positive to my
Q. Downright dangerous?
A. I thought it could have been an issue with them issuing me
a license for my transfer station.
Q. Mr. Ranelli is the one who tells you about his partner Nina
A. Right.
Q. Did he volunteer any other information at that point?
A. Absolutely.
Q. What did you ask?

A. I said Ben, I thought you were the only partner in this busi-
ness and you told me you had no involvement. And he said, no, no,
Nina and Paul are my partners. I said you know this could be a
problem for my license, I am down here trying to get a license and
here you have the Castellanos as subtenant and that could be a
Q. How do you make the connection to Paul Castellano?
A. Two reasons. Paul Castellano's sons own one of the larg-
est Redimix companies on Staten Island, so it would be very unusual
if there was another Castellano opening a concrete company. And I
heard he had a granddaughter named Nina, we just hadn't met but I
heard the name, and that's also an uncommon name.
Q. Did you have any problems collecting the rent with Ameri-
can Redimix?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. That rent problem finally resolved?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How was that resolved?
A. I had to have a meeting with Nina's father, Phil Castellano,
and they were using excuses of not having a lease, that they weren't
paying because they didn't have a lease and I wasn't giving them the
full three acres of property that was promised that they could operate
Q. Was Phil also a principal of American Redimix?
A. Not to my knowledge.
Q. So why did you contact him with regard to your situation?
A. Well, because I had a fight with the CFO, Dick Clark, who
was the CFO for American and we had basically a screaming match
and I wanted to get my money, and so Vincent Ranelli became
permanently ill and we couldn't get a response from anyone over
there as to where our rent money was and after I had an argument
with Mr. Clark, he recommended that I talk to Castellano. 265

Fedorko had more charges to refute: “Robert Sisto was hired

by Industrial in October 1990 as its Chief Estimator. When the
license applications were filed, he was an operations supervisor for
Interstate Industrial... Robert Sisto has been implicated in making

improper payments to Ralph Scopo, the corrupt union official linked
to the ‘Concrete Club.’ Robert Sisto was recorded on FBI tapes
discussing such payoffs to Ralph Scopo. At one point Robert Sisto
was overheard by the FBI complaining to Ralph Scopo about a
contract which went to another construction company rather than
Sisto's company, Alicer Construction. Scopo responded by telling
Sisto that it did not matter which company was awarded the contract
because ‘it's still us, it stays in the family.’”

Fedorko had to deal with allegations from mobsters in the

Witness Protection Program who had a high degree of credibility:
“The Division introduced into the record certain statements made by
Dominic Borghese, a career criminal and a made member of the
Gambino crime family until 1995 when he became a cooperating
witness for the federal government as part of a plea bargain. Bor-
ghese's criminal record is quite extensive, including murder, extor-
tion, assault, conspiracy, loan sharking and burying the bodies of
murder victims...Consequently, the Division presented the testimony
of Special Agent Paul Tambrino of the FBI who is the FBI ‘handler’
for Borghese. Agent Tambrino has no first-hand knowledge of the
reliability of any of the information provided by Borghese. He merely
related the statements offered by Dominic Borghese, as documented
in FBI reports. Agent Tambrino testified concerning a telephonic
interview conducted on February 2, 2000. Present for the interview
were Borghese, Agent Tambrino, Assistant United States Attorney
Patricia Notopolus, Detective George Wren of the New Jersey State
Police [Intelligence Division], and attorneys and investigators for the

Fedorko omitted the fact that Assistant Attorney General

Mitch Schwefel and Deputy Attorney General Chuck Kimmel also
took part in the conference call. The only investigators from the
Division who took part in this call were Agent Ron Lemanowic and
Agent Nancy Smith. There was no indication that an attorney for the
Division was present to counsel the agents. Fedorko had no first
hand knowledge that the statements of Frank DiTommaso were
reliable, he didn’t send any agents out to do field work and find out

yet he took them as the gospel truth and in fact parroted them in his
report. Fedorko would have a problem with this testimony: “The
purpose of the interview was to obtain information that Borghese
purportedly possessed regarding the DiTommaso brothers. A report
of the interview, prepared on February 7, 2000 by Agent Tambrino,
was admitted in evidence. Dominic ‘Fat Dom’ Borghese provided the
following information. Anthony and Fred DiTommaso (father and
uncle, respectively, of Qualifiers) were brothers who owned the
Country Club Diner in Staten Island. Joseph Watts, who is a high-
ranking associate of the Gambino crime family, told Dominic Borghe-
se that Anthony and Fred DiTommaso paid Watts approximately
$10,000 per year in protection money for the diner to avoid any
problems with customers or vandalism. Borghese said that this
protection money had been paid since the early 1980s. Borghese
had made this same general statement to the FBI in December
1995. Borghese advised that the two sons of Anthony DiTommaso
operated a construction firm called Interstate Industrial. He alleged
that, sometime during the period after Sammy "the bull" Gravano
began cooperating with the government and prior to Dominic Bor-
ghese's arrest, which would place the event in 1992, Borghese and
Watts went to the Country Club Diner to visit Qualifiers. Watts told
him that they paid Joseph Watts approximately $60,000 per year, in
two installments, approximately $30,000 in the summer and another
$30,000 around Christmas. These payments were ostensibly for
"protection" which included handling any union problems that arose
for Interstate Industrial. According to Dominic Borghese, Joseph
Watts wanted him to meet the DiTommaso brothers because he
feared he might be arrested soon, based on Gravano's then recent
cooperation with the government. If Joseph Watts was arrested,
Borghese would assume responsibility for collecting the payments.
At the meeting at the diner, Borghese said he observed one of the
brothers, who he did not further identify or describe, hand an enve-
lope to Joseph Watts. When Joseph Watts and Borghese returned to
their car, Watts showed him that there was cash in the envelope and
told him there was $30,000 in the envelope. Sometime after the
meeting, Borghese heard that the DiTommasos provided "no show"
jobs for some Gambino associates. One of the people purportedly

involved was John Cannistraci. Dominic Borghese said he had heard
that Cannistraci's entire paycheck from the ‘no-show’ job went to
Watts, toward payment of a debt owed by Cannistraci to Watts.”

What Fedorko omitted was the passage in the FBI document

that stated “Source heard that that Vincent Billella was responsible
for collecting Cannistraci’s paycheck and delivering the money to
Watts.” In November 1999 it became apparent that these men were
in the same Mafia crew when Watts pleaded guilty to lesser charges
after having been accused of running loan shark operation from his
federal prison cell in West Virginia, where he was serving time for
disposing of a body for John Gotti. His codefendants, Vincent Billella
and John Cannistraci pleaded guilty to felony loan sharking charges
that called for up to 21 months. This further substantiated Borghese’s

The FBI document also stated that, “the DiTommaso’s also

provided no show jobs for “some Gambino associates including
Charlie Edichico’s (phonetic) son, Joe Maschietto (the son of Dennis
Maschietto)… Source also heard at another later time that the
DiTommaso’s brothers’ company, Interstate, got a substantial landfill
job.” 266 Fedorko deemed Borghese unreliable implying he knew
better than the feds. Next came evidence from Anthony Capo: “The
Division also submitted evidence obtained from another career
offender, Anthony Capo. Anthony Capo was a DeCavalcante crime
family member from at least 1987 until he became a cooperating
witness with the federal government in July 2000. He too was
unavailable as a witness. Anthony Capo has a substantial criminal
record for violent conduct, including murder, conspiracy to commit
murder, armed robbery, extortion and labor racketeering.”

Fedorko believed that Capo’s criminal history made his cast

doubt on the veracity of his testimony. This researcher regards it as
his pedigree. In Capo’s plea agreement with the Justice Department
Capo admitted involvement in 13 gangland murders, a fraudulent
stock scheme, loan sharking, armed robbery, home invasion, illegal
gambling, extortion of a pet shop, labor union related extortion,

assaults committed from January 1980 to December 1999 to main-
tain and increase Capo’s position in the DeCavalcante Family, credit
card fraud, bank fraud, participation in conspiracies to distribute
narcotics and possession of personal use quantities of cocaine and
other illegal drugs. He was unavailable as a witness because he was
in the Witness Protection Program.

Capo had other bona fides, “In the late 1970's, Capo attend-
ed New Dorp High School in Staten Island. Capo played Junior
Varsity (J.V.) football for New Dorp and became aware of the
DiTommaso’s (Frank DiTommaso and Peter DiTommaso) because
they attended Monsignor Farrell High School in Staten Island. Capo
noted that New Dorp and Monsignor Farrell were big rivals and that
the DiTommaso's were regarded as good football players. At the
time the Capo played J.V. football, Peter DiTommaso played Varsity.
Capo frequented the Country Club Diner owned by the DiTommaso
family, “Shortly before the Capo's arrest in 1999, Capo and Victor
Dichiara had a dispute with Albert Crisci at the Country Club Diner in
Staten Island. The dispute spilled outside to the parking lot. Upon
Capo’s return to the diner, the waiter threatened to call the cops to
report the incident. Capo paid the waiter two hundred dollars
($200.00) not to call the cops. The waiter took the money and did not
call the cops. The following day, Capo returned to the Country Club
Diner and spoke to the owner, DiTommaso's father. Capo explained
that the waiter tried to extort him and that he wanted his money back.
DiTommaso's father apologized and paid Capo back his money.
DiTommaso's father made it a point to tell the Capo that the
DiTommaso's were with Watts.”

Victor DiChiara had a decade’s experience on Wall Street.

He qualified as a broker in the early 1990s and has held two licenses
with the National Association of Securities Dealers. He has worked
for several Wall Street firms and was instrumental in launching initial
public offerings. He was also a murderer, linked to five deaths, and a
former associate of the DeCavalcante crime family. The DiTommaso
family owned a mob hangout but Fedorko continued, “The Division
has never spoken to Capo, even by telephone. Nevertheless, the

Division offered the following information as related by Agent Sea-
mus McElearney, the FBI handler for Anthony Capo. Anthony Capo
claimed that, to satisfy probation requirements, he was employed by
the DiTommasos after his release from prison in 1987, as a favor to
Vincent Rotundo, a DeCavalcante capo. Rotundo was murdered in
January 1988. According to Anthony Capo, Anthony Rotundo, a
soldier in the DeCavalcante family, and the son of Vincent Rotundo,
informed him that he would get Anthony Capo a job. Anthony Capo
claimed that Anthony Rotundo advised him that the DiTommasos
‘were with’ the DeCavalcante family and John Riggi, the official boss
of the family. Capo explained that to be ‘with someone’ meant that
the family took care of any union problems and provided personal
protection for the DiTommasos. Anthony Rotundo advised Anthony
Capo that he called Frank DiTommaso, who told him that he would
give Anthony Capo a job. Anthony Capo said that he worked for
DiTommaso's concrete company for a couple of months and re-
ceived a paycheck from the company. I note that there is some
evidence of employment, albeit for a minimal period. There is an
undated W-2 Wage and Tax Statement indicating that Capo received
wages in the amount of $80.00 from Industrial. This document does
not, however, confirm that Frank DiTommaso was instrumental in
hiring Capo or even was aware of the employment or who Capo was.
It also does not confirm Capo's contention that the job was given as
a favor to a member of organized crime. There is no evidence in the
record verifying any of Capo's claims in this regard. Moreover, there
is nothing in the record that even remotely substantiates his asser-
tion that the DiTommasos were connected to the DeCavalcante
family and John Riggi. On the contrary, there is evidence that Riggi
operated a company with a similar name, Interstate Truck and
Equipment Corporation, which has no relationship to the

In November 2004 Anthony Rotondo testified in the trial of

Gambino made man Peter Gotti. Following the defections of acting
boss Vincent Palermo and soldier Anthony Capo, Anthony Rotundo
had become a cooperating witness in December 2001. Anthony
Rotundo was born into the mob. His father, Vincent Rotundo, was a

DeCavalcante capo régime operating in Brooklyn. In 1988 Vincent
Rotundo was gunned down in front of his home. It was payback for
an insult against Luchese underboss Anthony Casso. Then Gambino
boss John Gotti intervened at Rotundo's wake, informing
DeCavalcante boss John Riggi that there would be no war and that
the Jersey crime family would answer to the Gambino crime family.

Fedorko did not deal with a lot of the juicier parts of this doc-
ument, “Years later, Capo and Anthony Rotondo, who was now a
Captain in the DeCavalcante LCN Family, visited Interstate's office in
New Jersey in an attempt to get work. At the time Capo, who was
now a Soldier in the DeCavalcante LCN Family, had a construction
company with Eddie Pitre called Pitre Construction. Frank
DiTommaso and Peter DiTommaso were present at the office. Frank
DiTommaso advised Anthony Rotondo and Capo that both compa-
nies performed drywall work and the DiTommaso’s did not have any
work for the Capo or Anthony Rotondo. Anthony Rotondo appeared
shocked that the DiTommaso did not provide work for them.

“Subsequently, Capo met Watts by Isaac Dioro's jeweler

store located near Hylan Boulevard in Staten Island. Watts asked
Capo why he went to Interstate for work. Watts informed Capo that
the DiTommaso's "'were with him." Capo elaborated that this was a
reference that the DiTommaso's were under the protection of the
Gambino LCN Family. Then Capo proceeded to inform Anthony
Rotondo what Watts had claimed.

“Shortly after, Anthony Rotondo and Capo visited Jake Amari

and Steve Vitabile in New Jersey. At the time, Amari was the Acting
Under Boss and Vitabile the Consigliore of the DeCavalcante LCN
Family. Anthony Rotondo explained to Amari and Vitabile that the
DiTommaso’s were with his father, Vincent Rotondo. Amari and
Vitabile advised Rotondo and Capo that they would look into it. Capo
was unaware if there was a "sitdown" or meeting between the
Gambino and DeCavalcante LCN Family regarding the
DiTommaso’s. However, during this time period, Capo noted that

Vitabile and Watts worked together on the Caldors construction
project on Staten Island. 267

How could Fedorko not see the importance of Interstate to

the mob when they were considering having a meeting between two
families about them? Fedorko continued, “As the hearing pro-
gressed, it became readily apparent that one fundamental issue to
be determined was the credibility of the DiTommaso brothers and the
weight, if any, to be accorded potentially incriminating evidence
provided by William Murtha, Dominic Borghese and Anthony Capo,
whose unsavory reputations were well documented in the record. In
this regard, I reiterate that the absence of any independent corrobo-
ration of the alleged derogatory information provided by these former
organized crime figures was a significant factor in my determinations.
I reach the ineluctable conclusion that the unsubstantiated claims
made by these three organized crime figures are not the "sort of
evidence upon which responsible persons are accustomed to rely in
the conduct of serious affairs." N.J.S.A. 5:12-107a (6). Conversely, I
found the testimony of the DiTommasos to be credible, plausible and
consistent with the evidence adduced.”

The FBI reported, “Capo noted that the DiTommaso's father

owned the Country Club Diner in Staten Island, New York. In addi-
tion, Capo noted that the DiTommaso's father, who Capo believed
was possibly named Frank, was very close with Joe Watts and
Tommy Bilotti. Capo noted that Watts is an Associate of the Gam-
bino LCN Family and that Watts was partners with John Gotti.”
Anthony Capo's testimony corroborated that of Borghese's in regard
to the Watts connection. Fedorko weaseled his way out of this by
calling both men career offenders. Who did Fedorko expect to be
testifying? Choirboys? Fedorko pointed to the rubber-stamp compli-
ance committee the DiTommaso's had created to give it the Good
Housekeeping Seal of Approval: “Applicants' efforts in this area over
the past several years, starting with the hiring of Earl Tockman as
General Counsel, followed in short order by the hiring of First Securi-
ty and the retention of Angelo Aponte, and culminating in the for-
mation of a Compliance Committee entrusted with considerable

authority and responsibility, clearly demonstrate their resolve to rid
the company of any potentially questionable business relationships.
Aponte testified that the elimination of some problematic vendors
had detrimental financial impact, but was carried out regardless of
any financial ramifications.”

Earl Tockman was an attorney who did legal work on behalf

of the Communist Workers Party. When CWP members were
gunned down in Greensboro, North Carolina he headed the Greens-
boro Civil Rights Fund.

In September 1998 Frank DiTommaso hired Angelo Aponte

to head Interstate Industrial Materials' business operations. Aponte
worked on a contingency basis and would get paid when he obtained
the permit for the transfer station. The DiTommaso’s got to Aponte
through Dennis Barrett, the DiTommaso’s football coach who knew
Aponte for at least 30 years. Barrett’s daughter dated Anthony
DiTommaso. Barrett was on the Interstate payroll. Aponte testified
that he believed there was nothing untoward about purchasing a
business from Organized Crime, because when he worked for U.S.
Waste he was part of a buyout of a private trash collection business
owned by Vigliotti & Sons an Organized Crime front who Randy
Mastro’s Waste Trade Commission blacklisted in August 1996.

Aponte claimed he was threatened by Organized Crime fig-

ure Dennis Mashetto or Marchietto (phonetic) who worked for Frank
Fappiano, who later became a Mafia turncoat. Instead of going to his
local precinct on Staten Island, he made a complaint to the Borough
Commander. The implication here was that his local precinct had
been infiltrated by Organized Crime. Aponte is now employed MDM
International. In January 1998 the DiTommaso brothers were the
majority shareholders in MDM but they claim they have given up
their interest in the firm. Fedorko pointed out that, “One of the agents
who prepared the FBI report in 1995 relating the information given by
Borghese about the elder DiTommasos and the supposed Interstate-
Watts connection was Matthew Tricorico. He advised Aponte that

there was no reason for him to not accept employment with the

Matthew Tricorico knew Aponte for 30 years. Another apolo-

gist for Interstate who was on the Interstate payroll was Sal
Delrosario, a former New York City Police Department Intelligence
Division Detective who was Aponte’s brothers’ partner for 15 years.
Hiring Aponte was a smart move but the Division saw through it:
“The Division is mindful that the DiTommasos have, in the hiring of
Angelo Aponte, who has an excellent reputation, taken steps to
distance themselves from business dealings with persons associated
with Organized Crime. Nonetheless, as noted earlier, the Commis-
sion must carefully examine the motivation for this step, given the
DiTommasos' pattern of dealing with persons tied to Organized
Crime. The Commission must be satisfied that the DiTommasos are
making a sincere effort to purge Organized Crime from their busi-
ness dealings and not merely making cosmetic changes under the
twin pressures of the Division's investigation and any continuing
scrutiny from the Trade Waste Commission.”

Fedorko rebutted the Division’s contentions: “The Division

suggested that Applicants' compliance efforts have been cosmetic
attempts to placate concerned regulatory officials. It questioned the
authenticity of Applicants' commitment. However, the record clearly
refutes any argument that Qualifiers are not committed to regulatory
compliance. They voluntarily hired a security firm to identify ques-
tionable associates, then set out in a determined and unyielding
manner to sever such relationships, even at great personal risk in
some instances.”

Interstate Industrial also hired Attorney Randy Mastro, who

had been in charge of determining which private carting companies
were mobbed up when Mastro worked for the Business Integrity
Commission of the Giuliani Administration. The mob hiring a former
gangbuster is not unprecedented. In the 1960's mob-linked Resorts
International established the International Intelligence Corporation
(INTERTEL) security firm in Washington. INTERTEL hired former

Justice Department officials William Hundley and Robert Peloquin,
who had prosecuted Organized Crime in the Criminal Division.
INTERTEL was supposed to determine which corporations were
mobbed up for clients such as Howard Hughes who extensive
holdings in Las Vegas casinos. When asked why Lawrence Ray's
presence at Interstate Industrial didn't trigger alarm bells Mastro said,
"Lawrence Ray predated my time. That had already occurred; he
was gone...There was no retrospective review." 268 Gibson, Dunn &
Crutcher partner Randy Mastro is a member of Giuliani’s legal
advisory board. 269

Due to the fact that Fedorko was corrupt like so many other
governmental figures in New Jersey Interstate Drywall, a front for the
Gambino's and DeCavalcante’s, was granted a non-gaming casino
license by the New Jersey State Gaming Board. Fedorko concluded,
“It would be grossly unfair and shortsighted to deny licenses based
upon unsubstantiated allegations of organized crime connections,
particularly where the accusers did not testify. Throughout our
regulatory history, we have scrupulously ferreted out the dishonora-
ble and unsavory, thereby ensuring and promoting continued public
confidence and trust in the casino industry and regulatory process.
Our resolve in this regard remains steadfast and unwavering. But it is
equally imperative that we remain ever vigilant in assuring that
baseless accusations of scandalous activity will not sway our judg-
ments…The undisputed record demonstrates quality family upbring-
ing, loyal and devoted family and friends, a history of steady
employment, an absence of any criminal record, a dedication to hard
work, and a commitment to community and charitable endeavors. It
is an exemplary record of personal and professional accomplish-
ment, good conduct and citizenship. Qualifiers have earned the
esteem, respect and admiration of their community. They have
earned their success legitimately. The legion of character letters,
buttressed by the plaudits offered by their character witnesses,
clearly demonstrates Qualifiers' reputation for good character,
honesty and integrity. I am especially impressed by the quality and
quantity of the character letters. In considering the "whole man,"
such evidence is highly probative…The Division contended that

certain business associations and relationships with unsuitable
people reflect negatively on Qualifiers' character. I disagree. In my
judgment, such business associations and encounters do not reflect
negatively upon Qualifiers. As discussed, Qualifiers did not knowing-
ly engage in business transactions with organized crime figures…
The record is devoid of any evidence that Applicants’ business
relationships with any of the individuals referenced by the Division as
members or associates of organized crime are objectionable. No
impropriety was demonstrated. There is no evidence that organized
crime has ever had any interest, direct or indirect, in any of Qualifi-
ers’ business operations. There also is no evidence that organized
crime ever exercised or attempted to exercise any influence or
control over any of Qualifiers’ business operations. In addition, there
is no evidence of any nexus between any of Applicants’ allegedly
improper associations and the casino gaming industry. Thus, based
upon my review of the entire record, I conclude that Applicants and
Qualifiers have demonstrated their good character, honesty and
integrity by clear and convincing evidence. - July 21, 2004.”

Fedorko held up his end of the deal, despite Larry Ray’s in-

A sealed document given to me by mistake revealed that the

FBI was investigating Interstate, “I am aware that in approximately
1996 the Eastern District agreed to allow the Richmond District
Attorney to utilize cooperating witness Dominic Borghese during the
trial of People v. Joseph Watts [John Gotti's pal Watts fired five shots
into William Ciccone’s head after torturing him in the basement of a
New Dorp, Staten Island, New York sweet shop]. In order to protect
on-going federal investigations of which Interstate Industrial
Corporation was one, it was understood between the parties that
the Richmond District Attorney would not debrief Dominic Borghese
in detail about matters unrelated to the case.

“Richmond County District Attorney James Drury also stated

that he was approached about the potential preparation of an affida-
vit on behalf of the DiTommasos by an acquaintance who had been

an athletic coach to Peter and Frank DiTommaso and was currently
working for Interstate. After Drury indicated that he would consider
submitting an affidavit Robert Carrol and Paul Smith, whom he
believed were from Interstate Legal Department, contacted him.
Carrol and Smith assured him that Interstate had no Organized
Crime connection and that Ken McCabe and Angelo Aponte had or
would testify.

“Drury went on to say that Carrol and Smith did not give him
any evidence and the DiTommaso’s attorney, Thomas Durkin gave
him his first job as an attorney. He also said he made his affidavit
ambiguous like Swiss cheese to that any prosecutor could attack it.
The defendant’s tactic of misrepresenting testimony of McCabe in an
attempt to influence other potential witnesses was similarly employed
by Thomas Vinton, a former FBI Special Agent [Bureau of Narcotics]
employed by defendants. Prior to FBI Special Agent Tambrino’s
testimony regarding Borghese’s knowledge of Interstate, Vinton
approached SA Tambrino and stated in substance that he should be
careful because of McCabe’s testimony that Interstate was not
involved in Organized Crime [the document went on to say Tambrino
was undeterred]. Following Agent Tambrino’s testimony Vinton
called Supervisory Special Agent Philip Scala, Special Agent
Tambrino’s supervisor and relayed to him same misrepresentation of
McCabe’s testimony.”

Vinton was the author of Sanctioned Treachery, Portrait of a Drug
Informant. Why didn’t Fedorko wait for the outcome of the above-
mentioned investigation before issuing the license? Was he smarter
than the Feds?

The DiTommaso's (Peter is seen above) are currently facing

perjury charges because of their involvement with Kerik. The
DiTommaso brothers’ non-gaming casino license has been revoked.
It is alleged that they falsely denied that Interstate paid for the
majority of the Kerik apartment renovation. The additional perjury
count against Peter DiTommaso charges that he testified falsely
before the Grand Jury that Woods Restoration Services - the general
contractor for the renovations on Kerik's apartment - worked for
Interstate Industrial on a project at the St. Vincent's Nursing Home in
New Jersey. To the contrary, evidence developed during the investi-
gation showed that Woods Restoration did no work at the St. Vin-
cent's Nursing Home. The investigation showed that Interstate
Industrial instead disguised some of its payments to Woods Restora-
tion for the Kerik apartment renovations by having Woods give
Interstate Industrial fraudulent and inflated invoices for other work,
such as that at the St. Vincent's Nursing Home, that Woods had not
in fact performed. 270

Kerik’s connection to sleazy characters and companies does

not end here. There is more. When Westchester district attorney
Jeanine Pirro thought husband Albert was cheating on her she went
to Kerik for help. By that time Kerik had formed his own security firm.
She asked Kerik to bug Albert’s yacht. Just like Kerik Jeanine was a
source of information for the mob - at an October 22, 2004 meeting
Gregory DePalma, a capo in the Gambino crime family, conferred
with his mob associate, Robert Vaccaro and said that Robert Persico
of Scarsdale (the same Robert Persico indicted along with Arnold
Squitieri and Alphonse Sisca) told him that Albert Pirro had passed
along information about an investigation by his wife into Frank
Dellacamera, a Mamaroneck police officer in the Mafia’s employ.
The men discussed Dellacamera who'd been arrested by the

Westchester district attorney's office three days earlier on drug and
stolen-goods charges. The charges against Dellacamera were not
related to organized crime; despite the fact the FBI recorded numer-
ous meetings between Gregory DePalma and Frank Dellacamera.
FBI documents accused Frank Dellacamera of having helped the
mob in auto insurance scams and of having paid tribute to the
Gambino family. On an FBI tape, Gregory DePalma said, "The DA's
husband told Bobby Persico that [Westchester district attorney's
office investigators] have been following [Dellacamera] for one year."
The fact that Jeanine Pirro's office had been following Dellacamera
for a year had not been publicly revealed. On tape, DePalma sounds
furious that Albert Pirro hadn't told his gangster pals about the probe
of Frank Dellacamera sooner, stating, "He tells you now. He could
have..." Robert Vaccaro interrupted, warning, "Watch the pinch,"
using gangster slang for an arrest. "During this part of the conversa-
tion, Robert Vaccaro seemed to be warning Gregory DePalma about
talking too much about the connection between Robert Persico and
the district attorney's husband," the FBI documents said. Robert
Persico was a major Westchester contractor whom Pirro represented
as a lobbyist in 2002. Pirro claimed that Robert Persico had hired
him to "resolve a payment dispute" Persico had with the state
Thruway Authority over a contract. Albert Pirro has said that he knew
nothing of Robert Persico's reputed mob ties. In 1998, years before
Albert Pirro lobbied the state for Robert Persico, prosecutors labeled
Persico "an associate of the Gambino crime family." On the Gregory
DePalma tapes, Robert Persico is recorded trafficking in stolen
watches and discussing extortion in the construction industry,
according to FBI documents. Greg DePalma was also secretly
recorded saying he discussed how to disable a cell phone bug with
Craig Caine, an inspector in the U.S. Marshals' Long Island office.
Caine's mother is DePalma's sister. Caine's name surfaced during a
two-year probe of the Gambino crime family. On January 18, 2004
Caine called DePalma on a cell phone bugged by the FBI. The two
discussed fraudulent means to obtain titles for a Cadillac and a BMW
DePalma was getting. On February 25, 2004, DePalma was meeting
with his mob associates at a nursing home where his son is hospital-
ized. The FBI had bugged the room, hallway, courtyard and

DePalma's cell phone. DePalma said Caine had warned him to
disable his cell phone to avoid detection, "Listen to me. When you
are having a meeting, don't just shut your phone off. Take the battery
out of the phone. Take it out. My nephew told me. He told me. He's
No. 2 in command. He's a marshal, No. 2 in the Eastern District." 271

Albert Pirro filed a bogus lawsuit against Persico, which he

never intended to pursue: “Frank Dellacamera was arrested in
Westchester County, New York on or about October 24, 2004. Upon
information and belief, on or about October 25, 2004, in Westchester
County, New York, defendant Robert Persico spoke, in form and
substance and published the following false and defamatory words
about plaintiff to Gregory DePalma and, perhaps, others: ‘Al Pirro,
told me that the Westchester County District Attorney's Office was
investigating one Frank Dellacamera.’ The false and defamatory
assertion charged, and was understood by Persico's listeners and
Gregory DePalma, that plaintiff had committed the crime of obstruc-
tion of justice. As a result of the foregoing false and defamatory
statement, plaintiff has been damaged in reputation and good name,
has suffered mental pain and anguish, has had consulting contract(s)
suspended and is being impeded in his ability to obtain new consult-
ing contracts, all to his damage in an amount to be determined at
trial.” A few days later, without any fanfare or media coverage, the
lawsuit was settled, since Albert had no intention of pursuing it in the
first place, “Whereas, Defendant, having reviewed the Plaintiffs
Verified Complaint, affirmatively represents that he did not make nor
publish the statement as contained in Paragraph 4 of the Plaintiffs
Verified Complaint to Gregory DePalma or any other person or
entity. Whereas, Plaintiff having accepted Defendant’s representa-
tion, now withdraws his claims against Defendant.”

During a federal extortion trial a confessed extortionist named

Maurizio "Mo" Sanginiti, told the FBI that he had paid $5,000 to
Republican Party chairman Zehy Jereis in Yonkers, to "get infor-
mation from a politically connected person about criminal investiga-
tions by his wife." That politically connected figure, according to FBI
documents, was Albert Pirro. Sanginiti said he met with Jereis at a

Dunkin' Donuts in Yonkers, where the GOP boss told him that if he
ever got into any trouble with the Westchester D.A., Albert Pirro
could make the problem "go away."

In 1983 Albert Pirro had two extramarital affairs, one with a

woman working at his law firm and another with a woman who in
1995, claimed he had fathered her child. That allegation led to years
of litigation in which Albert Pirro denied paternity but was proven the
father when an Indiana court eventually ordered DNA testing in
1998. The mother was a convicted embezzler. In 1986 Albert Pirro
spent two months in Fair Oaks psychiatric hospital in Summit, New
Jersey. He was depressed, couldn’t sleep. He cried spontaneously
and contemplated suicide, according to the hospital report. 272 In
November 2007 the couple separated.


Another factor that contributed to Giuliani’s downfall in the

presidential primaries was his willingness to take on unsavory clients
- if the price was right. Giuliani stepped down from active involve-
ment in Giuliani Partners as sort of a pre-emptive strike so that he
would not have to release his client lists. Prior to 9/11 Rudy was
most famous for fighting Organized Crime. He knew its inner work-
ings since he grew up in that milieu. He sent members of the Mafia’s
high Commission to federal prison using the then newly passed
RICO Act. He put a big dent in its operations in places like the Fulton
Fish Market. He wanted to consolidate the various agencies that
regulate crime in the food, transportation, and shipping industries
into a single Organized Crime Control Commission.

Rudy even went to Washington Heights in upper Manhattan to

demonstrate how easy it was to buy heroin. The photo on the left is
Rudy’s attempt to look like a biker junkie. "Heroin and related kinds
of drugs are the biggest single problem," Giuliani declared at a news
conference in May 1981.But in 2002 Giuliani negated all of that when
he got his OxyContin-pickin’ hands on some drug money after he
hooked up with Purdue Pharma, a lab that produced the most widely
used opiate derivative in America, OxyContin. After OxyContin is
turned into powered form there is little difference between it and
heroin or morphine. Purdue Pharma is a wholly owned subsidiary of
Purdue Frederick Pharmaceuticals, a privately owned corporation
controlled by the Sackler family.

In 1949 Mortimer D. Sackler, Raymond R. Sackler and their

brother Arthur M. Sackler were three psychiatrists who experimented
on what The New York Times termed “mental cases” at Creedmoor
State Hospital. The Sackler Brothers claimed that injections of
histamine along with electro-convulsive shock treatment could
mitigate mental illness. 273 By 1950 they were giving mentally ill
people, depending on their sex, massive doses of testosterone or
estradiol, male and female sex hormones. 274 In 1951 the Brothers
developed a sonic blood test that they claimed could distinguish the
sane from the insane. 275 Other scientists later discredited all this
research however it was one of the first attempts to combat and
identify mental illness via chemotherapy and biochemistry respec-
tively. In 1952 the brothers bought a small New York Drug Company
called Purdue Frederick, which had been founded as early as 1892
by Dr. John Purdue Gray and George Frederick Bingham.

In May 1953 Raymond and Mortimer Sackler were dropped

from the staff of Creedmoor State Hospital for refusal to sign an
Army loyalty oath. The doctors were inducted into the service as
privates. Arthur Sackler was a consultant at Creedmoor but not a
member of the regular staff and was not involved in the loyalty oath
issue. According to The New York Times, “The three brothers have
been working at the mental hospitals Institute of Psychobiologic
Studies on a research project for the Atomic Energy Commission on
skin reaction to burns.” 276 These nice Jewish boys were keeping a
puritan traditional going – burning crazy people - although not
necessarily at the stake. In 1954 Arthur Sackler became president of
Douglas McAdams Inc an agency specializing in medical and
pharmaceutical advertising. 277 The Sackler family also owned the

Medical Tribune Group, a collection of medical publications. In
January 1962 Senator Estes Kefauver questioned Arthur Sackler
about the drug MER-29. The producer of the drug had admitted that
it caused serious side effects such as liver disorders, cataracts, loss
of hair etc. in 3,000 of the 300,000 patients who had taken it. Senator
Kefauver asked Sackler why his agency had placed an ad in a
medical journal that said, “We know that after use in 300,000 pa-
tients few toxic or serious side effects have been established.” 278 In
the 1960’s and 1970’s Purdue Frederick and its subsidiaries helped
create the marketing buzz for Librium and Valium that became the
most widespread legal high pharmaceutical successes. By the
1970s, Valium was the most highly prescribed pharmaceutical in the
world. In 1987 alone, more than 2.8 billion Valium tablets were
made. The Rolling Stones wrote a song about it - Mother’s Little
Helper. Arthur Sackler made a fortune in medical advertising, and in
doing so introduced America to his version of the drug culture. With
the money he made pushing prescription highs he endowed numer-
ous institutes for advanced scientific research in Israel as well as the
Smithsonian and the Metropolitan Museum of Art in Manhattan.
Sackler was a major financial supporter of the State of Israel and
arranged for an Israeli school to receive money from New York State
as part of a student exchange program. Arthur died in 1987 leaving
behind a fortune in Oriental art. 279 His brothers took over the family
business. In 1991 the Sackler family created Purdue Pharma as an
associated company. In December 1995 Purdue Pharma began
manufacturing and distributing OxyContin a morphine-like opium-
derived time-release painkiller. The warning label on OxyContin now
reads, “OxyContin is an opioid agonist and a Schedule II controlled
substance with an abuse liability similar to morphine. Oxycodone can
be abused in a manner similar to other opioid agonists, legal or illicit.
This should be considered when prescribing or dispensing
OxyContin in situations where the physician or pharmacist is con-
cerned about an increased risk of misuse, abuse, or diversion.
OxyContin 80 mg and 160 mg Tablets are for use in opioid-tolerant
patients only. These tablet strengths may cause fatal respiratory
depression when administered to patients not previously exposed to
opioids. OxyContin tablets are to be swallowed whole and are not to

be broken, chewed, or crushed. Taken broken, chewed, or crushed
OxyContin tablets leads to rapid release and absorption of a poten-
tially fatal dose of Oxycodone.”

In 2002 almost 6-million Americans used OxyContin, making

it the most frequently prescribed narcotic in the country, according to
the DEA. Additionally OxyContin was being sold illicitly throughout
the United States. The heat was on the Sackler family, who had lied
about the dangers of OxyContin just as their brother Arthur Sackler
had lied about the risks of MER-29. The Sacklers hired Rudy and
Bernie on a consultant basis to make it seem as if Purdue was
serious about combating the smuggling and abuse of the OxyContin.
Kerik was dispatched with other former police aides to evaluate
security practices at Purdue's OxyContin manufacturing plant. About
ten months after Giuliani's firm began its work for Purdue Pharma it
also won a $1.1 million contract from the Department of Justice to
look for ways to improve the effectiveness of the Organized Crime
Drug Enforcement Task Force. In 2002 Asa Hutchinson, who was
the director of the Drug Enforcement Administration, met with
Giuliani at a time when Purdue was under intense scrutiny by the
DEA. By then Giuliani was already helping to raise money for a DEA
(Drug Enforcement Administration) museum. Several top DEA
staffers were recommending that the agency impose severe sanc-
tions against the drug maker, including possible restrictions on how
much OxyContin it could make. But Giuliani dissuaded Hutchinson,
who instead focused DEA attention on Edward A. Rosenthal, a
Yippie who was growing marijuana for medical purposes as an
employee of Oakland, California. Federal agents arrested Rosenthal
the same day that Hutchinson gave a speech in nearby San Francis-
co. Marijuana enforcement won out over a morphine-like toxic drug
and in September 2003 Purdue won its bid to hold off restrictions on
the sale of OxyContin. In 2004, it paid a $2 million fine to settle the
DEA record-keeping charges without admitting any wrongdoing.

In 2006 John L. Brownlee a federal prosecutor from the

Western District of Virginia charged that Purdue had, “…promoted
OxyContin as less addictive, less subject to abuse and diversion,

and less likely to cause tolerance and withdrawal than other pain
medications, as follows:

a. Trained Purdue sales representatives and told some health

care providers that it was more difficult to extract the oxycodone from
an OxyContin tablet for the purpose of intravenous abuse, although
Purdue's own study showed that a drug abuser could extract approx-
imately 68% of the oxycodone from a single 10 mg OxyContin tablet
by crushing the tablet, stirring it in water, and drawing the solution
through cotton into a syringe;
b. Told Purdue sales representatives they could tell health
care providers that OxyContin potentially creates less chance for
addiction than immediate-release opioids;
c. Sponsored training that taught Purdue sales supervisors
that OxyContin had fewer "peak and trough" blood level effects than
immediate release opioids resulting in less euphoria and less poten-
tial for abuse than short-acting opioids;
d. Told certain health care providers that patients could stop
therapy abruptly without experiencing withdrawal symptoms and that
patients who took OxyContin would not develop tolerance to the
drug; and
e. Told certain health care providers that OxyContin did not
cause a "buzz" or euphoria, caused less euphoria, had less addiction
potential, had less abuse potential, was less likely to be diverted than
immediate-release opioids, and could be used to "weed out" addicts
and drug seekers. 280

In the plea agreement Purdue admitted, “Some employees

violated our company's written policy requiring that all communica-
tions to healthcare professionals about OxyContin adhere strictly to
the FDA-approved prescribing information for this medicine and its
express warnings about risks. We accept responsibility for those past
misstatements and regret that they were made.”

Brownlee informed Purdue that he was prepared to indict it

and three top executives. Giuliani’s firm was assigned the task of
damage control. In October 2006 Brownlee told Giuliani and Purdue

that he expected to ask for a grand jury indictment by the end of the
month. Plea discussions ensued and Brownlee ultimately agreed that
the three executives would not have to do jail time. The plea agree-
ments resulted in the following: “Purdue's three top executives will be
convicted criminals and subject to court supervision; The Purdue
Frederick Company, Inc., will stand convicted of a felony; Purdue
Pharma L.P. will be subject to an extensive corporate integrity
agreement to ensure compliance with all federal laws; Purdue will be
required to set aside $130 million to settle private civil law suits
concerning OxyContin; and the defendants will pay a total of over
$634,000,000 which represents approximately 90% of the profits for
sales of OxyContin during the time period of the offense.” 281

When Judge Jones handed out the sentences recommended

by the Justice Department, Michael Friedman, Howard Udell and
Paul Goldenheim each pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor count of
misbranding the drug. The indictment read, “Defendant Michael
Friedman joined Purdue in 1985 as Vice President and Assistant to
the President and Chairman. He was appointed Group Vice Presi-
dent in 1988, Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer
in 1999, and President and Chief Executive Officer in 2003. Defend-
ant Howard R. Udell joined Purdue in 1977 as General Counsel. He
was appointed Group Vice President and General Counsel in 1989,
Executive Vice President and General Counsel in 1999, and Execu-
tive Vice President and Chief Legal Officer in 2003. Defendant Paul
D. Goldenheim joined Purdue in 1985 as Medical Director. He was
appointed Vice President and Medical Director in 1986, Vice Presi-
dent of Scientific and Medical Affairs and Executive Director of
Purdue Frederick Research Center in 1988, Group Vice President of
Scientific and Medical Affairs in 1989, Executive Vice President of
Medical and Scientific Affairs in 1999, Executive Vice President of
Worldwide Research & Development in 2000, and Executive Vice
President of Worldwide Research & Development and Chief Scien-
tific Officer in 2003. He left Purdue in 2004.” The Sackler family fully
privately owns Purdue Pharma. Friedman was high up in the corpo-
rate hierarchy but the persons who hold the three most important
positions in the company are: Dr. Mortimer D. Sackler is the Chair-

man and 1st Co-CEO, Dr. Raymond R. Sackler, his brother, is the
2nd Co-CEO, Dr. Richard S. Sackler, Raymond’s son, is the Presi-
dent. What about the Sacklers? Raymond Sackler is a member of
the Republican Jewish Coalition. On October 16, 2007 Giuliani
addressed and praised this conservative Zionist group that opposes
affirmative action. Did Giuliani get them immunity from prosecution?
How much money did he get in return? Did he use this money to
conduct his campaign?

Rudy’s next claim to fame came prosecuting white-collar

crime. But after he the left government Giuliani was willing to work
for white-collar criminals. You can take Giuliani out of East Flatbush,
but you can’t take the East Flatbush out of Giuliani. There is no
denying, however, that Giuliani was not as unprincipled as the rest of
the members of the D’Avanzo and Giuliani families. Unlike many of
them Rudy was more interested in being a maid man instead of a
made man.

Applied DNA Sciences hired Giuliani’s consulting firm. Rich-

ard Langley Jr., a serial securities scammer who cooperated with the
Justice Department, controlled Applied DNA Sciences. Giuliani had
the resources at his disposal to determine who controlled this
company. He could have run the name through vetting databases or
at least googled his name. Had he done the latter he would have
discovered that in June 1997 the FBI busted 120 people, including
Langley, in the biggest pump-and-dump security fraud case in history
and that many of Langley’s codefendants had ties to Organized
Crime. They included Andrew Scudiero, who became a broker in
1985 and was soon arrested in a drug sting at his brokerage firm. He
pleaded guilty to drug trafficking and served 11 months in prison.
After his release Scudiero hooked up with Frank Mancini, an associ-
ate of the Gambino crime family. Mancini’s family lives in a house in
Queens owned by the brother of Nicholas Corozzo, the acting
Gambino boss, according to the FBI. 282 Another co-defendant, Alfred
P. Avasso, was a convicted arsonist. 283 When co-defendant Cary
Cimino appeared in court to seek bail, prosecutors played a tape of
Cimino complaining about another defendant’s cooperation: “Have

Jimmy take care of him. I don't care how it's done...Go down there
and put the gun in his mouth. Put the gun in his hand, put it in his
mouth, pull the trigger. Make it look like suicide.” 284

Allen Z. Wolfson, who was imprisoned in connection with an-

other stock fraud case, was another of Langley’s co-defendants.
Bells should have started ringing at the Giuliani lobbying firm.
Wolfson had previous convictions for bank fraud, illegal campaign
contributions and securities fraud; he spent time in prison in the
1980s and 1990s. Wolfson was the subject of a New Yorker maga-
zine article and enjoys an international reputation as a swindler. 285 A
U.S. Attorney reported, “In order to protect himself from dealing
directly with the corrupt stock brokers, Wolfson paid a middleman,
Michael Grecco, an associate of the Colombo organized crime family
of La Cosa Nostra, to handle payments on Wolfson’s behalf to the
brokers. The proof at trial showed that Wolfson paid Grecco as much
as 65% of the purchase price of the stock sold by Grecco’s brokers;
Grecco, in turn, passed on a portion of those bribes to the brokers –
often as much as 40% or more of the purchase price of the
stocks.” 286

Detective Stephen Gardell had used his position as a veteran

detective to persuade authorities to drop state assault charges
against Michael Grecco. In 1984 Gardell used his position to get
Detective Louis Eppolito off the hook for copying Organized Crime
files for the Gambinos. In 1982, Gardell was a hero cop, the guy who
helped bust a mentally unstable Brooklyn man who mailed a deadly
booby-trapped book to his own mother. Giuliani’s researchers could
have uncovered these connections in a heartbeat: But Giuliani didn’t
drop Langley until an article about him appeared in USA Today.
Langley did one month in prison, was fined about $4,000 and put on
probation that was terminated in October 2007. 287

When Giuliani was an international crime consultant, he used

former cocaine smuggler Henry Edward Asher’s 288 databases in the
hunt for terrorists. As a lobbyist Giuliani agreed to represent Seisint -
a data-mining firm run by Asher - despite Asher’s past criminality

being public knowledge. "I have a great admiration for what he's
doing," said Rudy. The contract Asher created in December 2002
called for Seisint to employ Giuliani Partners for two years at a fee of
$2 million a year. Giuliani Partners also received 800,000 warrants
with an exercise price of $10. By hyping Asher without acknowledg-
ing the $4 million he was being paid to do so Giuliani helped per-
suade Reed Elsevier to buy Seisint in July 2004 for a reported $775
million. 289 Giuliani ultimately made $25 million from this deal by
working on a commission basis – a violation of federal contracting
rules. 290

The St. Petersburg Times reported that in 1987 Asher was

granted immunity from prosecution after he was named an unindict-
ed conspirator in a drug smuggling case involving the importation of
cocaine valued at more than $150-million. While Asher never was
charged, he was an informant for the DEA and served as a witness
in several drug cases after he was implicated in the Cistern Cay
Crew Bahaman drug smuggling ring in the mid-1980s. Documents
filed by prosecutors in Chicago said Asher was a pilot and smuggler
who lived on Great Harbor, adjacent to Cistern Cay, a small island
airport owned by Watergate figure Robert Vesco (d. November 23,
2007) and used for smuggling. To work off this beef with the DEA
Asher ratted out his associates in drug trials from Gainesville to
Chicago. Often F. Lee Bailey, who also lived near Cistern Cay,
represented him. When rival smugglers burned down Bailey’s house,
Bailey and Asher retaliated by giving information about them to the

Florida Department of Law Enforcement files say informants

identified Asher one of the men who provided police protection for
smuggling operations in the Bahamas by working with Bahaman
strongman Lynden Pindling. Vesco, a fugitive, also bribed Lynden
Pindling and laundered money for Carlos Lehder-Rivas, the co-
founder of the Medellin Cartel, through Bahamian banks. 291 It is
highly likely Vesco and Asher worked together. The FBI and the U.S.
Drug Enforcement Administration canceled contracts in 1999 with
DBT Online Inc., a company Asher founded because of his coke-

smuggling past. 292 George Soros was a backer of DBT when Asher
was CEO. 293

The Florida Department of Law Enforcement report also re-

vealed Asher's involvement in a plot to assassinate Nicaraguan
president Daniel Ortega. Asher had smuggled cocaine to the United
States for the benefit of the contras and was familiar with the clan-
destine airstrips in Nicaragua. Asher was asked to infiltrate a CIA-
sponsored assassination squad into Nicaragua. An informant said
Asher recruited him "to assassinate then-Nicaraguan President
Daniel Ortega" 294 in a CIA sponsored plot. The source claimed Asher
offered him $1 million to help kill Ortega. Asher told investigators he
was approached by a former business associate (now dead) and
asked to help free "contract" government employees (CIA contract
agents such as for Air America pilot Eugene Hasenfus) imprisoned in
Nicaragua. Asher claimed he withdrew after he was told they are
going to have to kill some people. 295

The media revealed that there was a lot of money behind

Jewliani that was bundled by vulture capitalists many of who were
rightwing Jews with strong ties to Israel. Manhattan Institute Trustee
Paul E. Singer, a vulture capitalist, was chairman of Giuliani's
Northeast fundraising operation. Singer and people who worked for
Singer-related entities donated at least $182,000 to Giuliani in the
first six months of 2006. In 2007 Singer and workers at his compa-
nies donated $200,000 to the campaign. Singer oversees Elliott
Associates; an offshore fund that buys the debt of countries that
have defaulted for pennies then sues to win repayment of the full
value of the initial debt. Singer collects by chasing down assets all
over the world. Bank accounts are frozen, court judgments obtained,
and oil shipments seized.


In 1996, Singer (photo on the left) paid $11.4 million for $20
million worth of discounted, government-backed Peruvian bank debt.
Then, rather than joining with 180 other Peruvian creditors who
agreed to a plan using bonds to forgive some of the impoverished
country’s debt, Singer held out for bigger payments. He battled in the
courts. At one point he hired an Albany lobbying firm and got New
York State to change an obscure law to strengthen his position.
Singer ended up getting $58 million for his Peruvian investment.

Giuliani claimed that if elected President he would fight AIDS

in Africa, but would tailor policy toward Africa to emphasize trade
over aid. 296 In other words the anti-viral medications would still be
sent to Africa however foreign aid, such as food shipments, would be
curtailed. Giuliani does not like Africans, nor does Singer. Elliott-
controlled Kensington International pursued $100 million of Congo's
sovereign debt that they had purchased for a fraction of the price.
Kensington battled Congo President Denis Sassou-Nguesso in
federal court in the U.S., demanding payment of the debt in full and
going after the assets of companies that did business with the Congo
such as the French bank BNP-Paribas. This bank answered Ken-
sington’s complaint thusly, “This action is brought by a so-called
vulture fund that specializes in buying distressed debt at enormous
discounts from face value and recovering huge windfall profits
though the use of aggressive litigation tactics, a modus operandi that

has precipitated a flurry of criticism from responsible commentators
concerned with the disruption the antics of Kensington International
Limited and related entities have caused in the debt markets. Ken-
sington's core approach is on full display in this case. Not content to
seek recovery from the issuer of the defaulted debt that it purchased
with full knowledge of the borrower's history of nonpayment, Ken-
sington now seeks to foist the obligation to repay that debt onto a
third-party financial institution. And it has sought to coerce that
defendant BNP-Paribas S.A. into fueling Kensington's profit goals
through the draconian device of a claim under the widely misused
Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization ("RICO") Act.
Kensington's effort to transform a series of collateralized lending
transactions of a type routinely used in the oil into a criminal conspir-
acy is as abusive as it is misconceived.” Kensington had won four
civil judgments in England in the same case, totaling almost $100
million." 297

When Paul Singer collects his debt the squeeze is put on

those whom can least afford it, in this case Black Africans, many who
live marginal existences in a land decimated by warring militias.
Many Congolese will die because of Singer’s greed. Singer and
Kensington saw things differently. They claimed the action was
brought “under the civil RICO statute alleging a conspiracy to misap-
propriate the resources, including oil, of the Republic of Congo for
the private use of allegedly corrupt public officials and to facilitate
and conceal that misappropriation, all at the expense of the Congo-
lese people and of legitimate creditors like Kensington. Following its
investigation, Plaintiff alleges that it discovered a money laundering
scheme by Defendants to keep funds earned from oil revenues from
creditors through the management of SNPC [the Congolese national
oil firm] and through complex, convoluted and unconventionally
structured Prepayment Agreements. Plaintiff alleges that it has been
unable to collect on its rights as a creditor because Defendants have
transported stolen oil in foreign commerce and sold those goods in
the United States in violation of 18 U.S.C. 5§ 2314, 2315. Plaintiff
alleges that Defendants worked through the SNPC and Prepayment
Enterprises, to create a system of Prepayment, Agreements using

straw men, or sham intermediaries, to misappropriate Congo's oil
revenues. According to the Complaint, BNP-Paribas loaned Congo
about $650 million, and SNPC pledged about $1.4 billion in oil sales
in an excessive over collateralization [that] served to shield a sub-
stantial portion of Congo's oil revenues from both oversight and
attachment by creditors. Plaintiff alleges that Defendants sold at
least eleven shipments of stolen oil totaling 9,210,221 barrels to
United States purchasers.” 298 Robert A. Cohen, who is representing
Elliott Associates, has benefited from death in the past when he
represented the Philip Morris Tobacco Company in the defense of
several purported class actions brought against it and other cigarette
manufacturers in New York. 299

Singer was the single biggest donor to a stalled initiative pro-

posal to help the GOP win a portion of California's 55 electoral votes
by dividing the electoral votes in accordance with the popular vote
rather than the current winner-take-all system. A group of Democrats
filed a complaint with the Federal Election Commission charging that
Singer had been acting on behalf of Giuliani in his efforts to change
the California law - which Singer and the campaign of course denied.

Giuliani bundler Wilbur Ross is a New York investment bank-

er and is known a heartless latter-day nineteenth-century coal baron,
a bottom feeder and a vulture. Wilbur grew up in New Jersey and
attended Catholic school. His father was a captain of the ocean liner
The President Wilson. While a bankruptcy specialist at Rothschild
Inc. he represented the shareholders of the Seabrook Nuclear Power
Plant. Wilbur’s company, International Coal Group, purchased the
bankrupt West Virginia Sago Mine in November 2005. In January
2006 an explosion killed 12 miners there. Wilbur, who is a patron of
the arts and leading member of New York’s high society, refused to
visit the scene of the mine disaster. A safety review of the Sago
Mine, ending December 22, 2005 revealed 46 violations of federal
health and safety rules. These included failures to safeguard against
roof falls and to control methane. Fines were set at $250 per viola-
tion. At that price, fines were cheaper than compliance and for Wilbur
money is the bottom line. Ross finds bankrupt industries where

workers’ benefits like health coverage and pensions can be shed via
bankruptcy courts. Ross made millions off the hardship of steel
workers. His International Steel Group bought Bethlehem and LTV
Steel and was able to lower wage scales and dump health and
pension costs by using the bankruptcy laws. He made deals with the
steel workers’ union to stay open, or reopen mills, based on this
cheaper labor. Ross was Rudy’s consultant on privatization

Casino gambling kingpin Sheldon Adelson, who’s Las Vegas

Sands Empire made him the third-richest American (he bilked the
goys), was also a big Giuliani funder. The two shared many ideologi-
cal views, most notably a vigorous commitment to maintaining the
security of Israel. 300 Unlike AIPAC and the neo-cons Adelson refuses
to go along with the Bush peace initiative in the Middle East. He
funds Benjamin Netanyahu who is to the right of most Israeli politi-
cians. He has established a think tank to convince Israel to take out
the Iranian WMD complex. 301 Had Rudy been successful in his bid
for the presidency, American foreign policy would have been formu-
lated in Jerusalem. The Wall Street Journal revealed Giuliani’s
previously undisclosed relationship with the Sage Capital. The major
shareholders behind the $2.5-billion Sage funds are the Israelis
Daniel, Beny and Raz Steinmetz, a father & sons team who made a
fortune in diamond trading and investing and have generated more
than $600,000 in speaking fees for Giuliani. Raz Steinmetz is the 30th
richest Israeli. The Steinmetz family owns the Steinmetz Diamond
Group that mined gems in the Democratic Republic of Congo. 302


In December 2007 the National Intelligence Estimate on the

threat posed by Iran was released to the public. It read, “We judge
with high confidence that in fall 2003, Tehran halted its nuclear
weapons program.” All of Rudy’s advisors wanted the United States
to bomb Iran in order to prevent it from developing nuclear weapons
rather than Israel doing it. Olin Foundation 303 grant recipient Norman
Podhoretz was named as a Giuliani foreign policy advisor. In an
article entitled, The Case for Bombing Iran Podhoretz wrote, “In
short, the plain and brutal truth is that if Iran is to be prevented from
developing a nuclear arsenal, there is no alternative to the actual use
of military force - any more than there was an alternative to force if
Hitler was to be stopped in 1938…Because such a campaign is
beyond the capabilities of Israel, and the will, let alone the courage,
of any of our other allies, it could be carried out only by the United
States.” Daniel Pipes, who advocates the collective punishment of
Palestinians such as razing entire villages, just as the Nazis carried
out collective punishment against the Jews, was also a Giuliani
advisor on Iran who believed America should bomb these weapons
manufacturing facilities. Stephen Rosen, a Harvard University Olin
Foundation-funded national security professor was another. Rosen’s
work focused on “understanding the way in which unfamiliar actors in
the international environment perceive their own strategic position,
the behavior of the United States, and then make decisions relevant
to the national security of the United States. The new actors include
actors within the Islamic world, and actors making decisions about
the acquisition and use of nuclear weapons.” 304 Martin Kramer an
Israeli-American Olin Institute expert on Shi`ism and a hardliner on
Iran was yet another. Kramer regards Muslims as universally inferior,
“Hundreds of millions of Muslims live alongside us and among us
inhabit another mental world” 305 Giuliani’s advisors read like a voter
registration list of the rightwing of the Israeli Likud party.

Had Giuliani been elected President his “human rights” expert

would have been Ruth Wedgwood. Ruth Glushien Wedgwood was
the daughter of Morris P. Glushien, who was general counsel for the
International Ladies Garment Workers Union for a quarter-century.
Morris had rachmunis – Yiddish for sympathy for others. Now his
daughter is aligned with numerous neo-con think tanks that oppose
the minimum wage. During World War II, Morris Glushien volun-
teered for the Army Air Corps, worked on cracking Japanese codes
and served in India with the Office of Strategic Services, the precur-
sor to the CIA. Now Helen Wedgwood is on the Orwellian CIA
Historical Review Committee, which determines which CIA docu-
ments to release that will paint the CIA in the most favorable light. In
1982 Ruth Glushien married into the Wedgwood China family
making her an honorary WASP. Ruth is a long time friend of Paul
Wolfowitz, the ringleader of the neo-cons. In November 2002 she
wrote, “We are now forced to admit that Saddam Hussein has
renewed his 20-year campaign to acquire weapons of mass destruc-
tion (WMD).” 306 Had Giuliani been elected president, he would have
been the first American president required to register under the
Foreign Agents Registration Act, because he would have been more
interested in furthering the interests of Israel than the United States.

This is partially a result of the fact that Giuliani believed Jews

were superior and Blacks were inferior. A disproportionate number of
his advisors were Jews and none were Black. More importantly none
of the other frontrunners in the Republican race had close connec-
tions to the Shockleyite Manhattan Institute for Policy Research as
Rudy did. William Casey started the Manhattan Institute in 1978.
Casey was a Wall Street investor who had served in the Office of
Strategic Services and who went on to run the CIA. 307 Casey was a
CIA asset and a faction of the CIA secretly funded the Manhattan
Institute. That’s how these rascals got their start. The Scaife Founda-
tion, the Olin Foundation and the Bradley Foundation also sponsored
it. What is a Shockleyite operation? William Shockley, the inventor of
the transistor, put forth the theory that it was the Blacks who were
genetically inferior, not the Jews or the Asians. The Manhattan
Institute types witnessed the total deterioration of parts of New York
City when the Blacks moved in. These reinforced their Shockleyite
beliefs that Blacks were genetically inferior and were the destroyers

of civilization. Charles Alan Murray an obscure, 39-year-old, out-of-
work Scotch-Irish political scientist put the Institute’s thoughts into
words. In the fall of 1982 Murray received a $30,000 grant from the
Manhattan Institute to write a book entitled Losing Ground, which
claimed America’s welfare policies were creating a permanent

When Giuliani became Mayor he immediately scaled back

the welfare rolls, as Murray suggested. Giuliani openly admitted that
he hoped this would drive the Blacks from New York City. The
Manhattan Institute opposed affirmative action, rent control, and
divestment of South African holdings and anything that might in
anyway benefit Blacks. By August 1984 Murray was a senior fellow
at the Institute. In the early 1990’s the Manhattan Institute targeted
New York City’s first Black Mayor, David Dinkins. Rudy had a similar
agenda. In September 1992 Giuliani spoke at a rally of racist NYPD
cops who carried signs that described Mayor Dinkins as a “men’s
room attendant” - another way of saying “nigger.” Giuliani broke the
law by using loud and obscene language in public that day when he
used the word “bulls**t” - “The mayor doesn’t know why the morale
of the New York City Police Department is so low. He blames it on
me, he blames it on you: BULLS**T!! The reason the morale of the
police department is so low is one reason and one reason alone,
David Dinkins!” By breaking the law Giuliani gave the nod to the
thousands of police officers who gathered to hear him that lawless-
ness on their part was in order. Police stormed their own barricades
and began an impromptu rowdy demonstration on the steps of City
Hall. Black police officers asked that a special prosecutor investigate
Giuliani for inciting a riot. After Giuliani became mayor, the police
came to believe that forming affinity groups to administer extra-legal
punishment would be tolerated during “Giuliani Time.”

It was in this racially charged atmosphere in 1994 that the

Olin Foundation, the Bradley Foundation and others paid Charles
Murray $500,000 to write a book “proving” African-Americans are
congenitally mentally inferior. The book was titled The Bell Curve
and its researchers had a $2 million budget. Close to half the foot-

notes that cited authors who supported The Bell Curve's chapter that
suggested Blacks are congenitally inferior referred to Pioneer Fund
recipients. Over a 10-year period the Pioneer Fund contributed $3.5
million to the Bell Curve researchers. 308

The Pioneer Fund supports research in eugenics – “cleaning

up” or “ethnic cleansing” of races it deems inferior. The problem here
is that it periodically changes its position on which race is inferior. In
1936, the year before the fund was set up, its two founders distribut-
ed one of Hitler's propaganda films entitled Hereditary Defective to
American high schools. This film portrayed Jews as congenitally
defective. After World War II the Pioneer Fund members became
Shockleyites and decided that Jews were actually superior in intelli-
gence to Whites and were ubermenchen. None-the-less no Jew has
ever served as a Board of Director of the Pioneer Fund, although at
least two Jews have received grants. If the Pioneer Fund members
really want to clean up the human race, they should sterilize them-

Charles Murray became an embarrassment to the Manhattan

Institute since he revealed the fact that it is a Shockleyite group and
he was moved over to the American Enterprise Institute. Then, in
1996 George Kelling, a former Transit Cop and Manhattan Institute
beneficiary authored Fixing Broken Windows. The thesis of this book
was that the police should stop writing Desk Appearance Tickets for
minor offenses and instead put everyone through the system.
Without approval from the State Legislature Violations were kicked
up a notch to Misdemeanors through administrative orders. This
resulted in the creation of a vast criminal database that would prove
useful later on since violators of quality of life laws are more likely to
become criminals later in life. According to Kelling the focus of law
enforcement should be in the ghetto where crimes like fare jumping,
pot smoking and public drinking were endemic. Again Giuliani saw
this as a way to indirectly attack Blacks and he adopted this method-
ology. As crime decreased Giuliani’s popularity with law-biding
Blacks increased. 309 As a national figure, Giuliani still has a close

connection to the Manhattan Institute and Walter Olson, a senior
fellow there signed on to head Giuliani’s Justice Advisory committee.

On another front Giuliani’s Deputy Mayor Peter Powers pre-

sided over meetings wherein the budgets of city agencies were cut
and the idea of privatizing the water system in New York City along
with the Health and Hospitals Administration was discussed. These
changes would have hurt Blacks. Giuliani refused to meet with Black
leaders at the beginning of his term in office to discuss the effects of
privatization on the underclass. Powers explained, “Mr. Giuliani was
intent on marginalizing these critics - even if he had to shun much of
the Black establishment. You are talking about some of the people
who had been around for a while. Maybe we thought someone else
deserved that role.” It was not up to Masa Powers to determine the
identity of Black leadership; it was up to the Blacks.

Giuliani also used the drug laws as a way of locking up

Blacks. When the United States Sentencing Commission, which
already had reduced the sentencing guidelines for crack offenses
effective November 1, 2007 held a public hearing to consider making
the change retroactive, Giuliani objected, "I would not want to let
people out of jail who are in there for crack cocaine. I would not think
we would want a major movement in letting crack cocaine dealers
out of jail. It doesn't sound like a good thing to do." U.S. District
Judge Reggie Walton noted that the commission made retroactive
changes in the guidelines for marijuana, LSD, and OxyContin, which
are used and dealt primarily by whites. Blacks, who account for the
vast majority of crack offenders, would notice if "this was done for
one segment of society but not for another." 310

Aside from being a racist Giuliani has certain authoritarian,

totalitarian tendencies that might have been perceived by Republican
voters. Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. If a WMD attack
occurred in the United States “President Giuliani” wouldn’t hesitate to
declare a state of national emergency, declare martial law, curtail
civil liberties, cancel elections and become America’s first out and
out dictator. His proclivity first surfaced after 9/11 when Giuliani

asked that elections be suspended and his term extended 90 days.
Another indication of this is that Giuliani’s Justice Advisory Commit-
tee was populated with anti-democratic lawyers who could argue that
Giuliani’s emergency actions were constitutional. Team leader Ted
Olson of Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, argued the case of Bush v. Palm
Beach County Canvassing Board and Bush v. Gore, stemming from
the theft of the 2000 presidential election. Douglas R. Cox, also of
Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, one of the team members, played a
principal role in the firm's successful representation of President
Bush before the Supreme Court of the United States in litigation
stemming from the disputed ballot count in Florida during the 2000
presidential election. Advisor Larry Thompson played a key role in
drafting the Patriot Act. Adam Goodman who helped Giuliani win re-
election as New York mayor in 1997 became a political advisor to
Katherine Harris when she ran for the U.S. Senate. Harris had
served simultaneously as Florida's top election official and co-
chairman of the Bush campaign in the state when she certified the
ballots in the 2000 presidential election, despite hanging chads and
other irregularities. Adam’s father, Robert Goodman produced
television ads for Carl R. Channell, who pleaded guilty to illegal use
of money he raised for the Nicaraguan rebels. He also received
indirect funding from the State Department to produce anti-
Sandinista propaganda. 311 The Goodman’s were the first to market
candidates, as an advertising agency would market any other
commodity, cheapening the democratic system.

Steven Calabresi, Co-Founder of the Federalist Society was

another Giuliani team member. The Federalist Society believes
America is a republic, not a democracy. This belief is based on the
Federalist Papers in which James Madison and others made it clear
that they did not want mob rule to prevail and in order to prevent this
there had to be some sort of body to identify and counter it. Madison
believed that a republic was better than a pure democracy because it
would temper democracy, “…refine and enlarge the public views, by
passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens,
whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country,
and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacri-

fice it to temporary or partial considerations.” The “medium of a
chosen body of citizens” was the Electoral College, which the
Madisonians hoped would be comprised of wise men, not wise guys.

In the 1990's three Federalist Society lawyers, Jerome M.

Marcus, Richard W. Porter and George T. Conway, played important
but covert roles in helping Paula Corbin Jones sue President Clinton
for sexual harassment. They also worked behind the scenes to
disclose Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky. This observer viewed
this scandal as an attempted bloodless coup. Kenneth Starr, former
White House Independent Counsel whose investigation led to
President Clinton’s impeachment, is a member of the Federalist

Evidence of Giuliani’s anti-Democratic tendencies also sur-

faced in his choice of foreign policy advisors: Martin Kramer is a self-
proclaimed “democratization skeptic,” who subscribes to a distinctly
different worldview than that of the neo-conservatives who promoted
democratic elections in Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian territories.
He believes in dictatorships in the Middle East, what he calls the
“consensual authoritarianism” of strong, stable central govern-
ments. 312 Michael Rubin was another Giuliani advisor with anti-
democratic tendencies who favors repealing the law against the
assassination of foreign leaders presumably by the CIA. Rubin has
stated, “If a single bullet or bomb could forestall a far bloodier
application of force, would it not be irresponsible to fail to consider
that option…?” 313

Giuliani expressed distrust in democracy in Foreign Affairs

Magazine, “Elections are necessary but not sufficient to establish
genuine democracy. Aspiring dictators sometimes win elections, and
elected leaders sometimes govern badly and threaten their neigh-
bors. History demonstrates that democracy usually follows good
governance, not the reverse.” 314

In the same article Giuliani praised the regime of Fulgencio

Batista, the dictator of pre-Castro Cuba: “Cuba has long stood out in

Latin America, first as one of the region's most successful econo-
mies, later as its only communist police state. The death of Fidel
Castro may begin a new chapter in Cuban history. But America
should take nothing for granted. It must stand ready to help the
Cuban people reclaim their liberty and resist any step that allows a
decrepit, corrupt regime from consolidating its power under Raul

Pre-Castro Cuba was run by decrepit Mafia Commission

members like Meyer Lansky, Santo Trafficante and others who used
corrupt Cuban politicians like Batista as their surrogates to steal the
nation’s wealth, smuggle heroin, run casinos, brothels and sex
shows. Castro curtailed all these activities just as Giuliani did to a
lesser extent in New York City. Giuliani doesn’t realize how much in
common he has with Fidel Castro or other dictators: Ed Koch likened
Giuliani to former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. According to
Koch, Giuliani "used the levers of power to punish any critic. He
doesn't have that right - that's why the First Amendment is so im-

Giuliani’s unseen running mate in his bid for the 2008 Repub-
lican presidential nomination was fear. It was in the ruins of Ground
Zero that Giuliani’s presidential ambitions became plausible. If
Giuliani ran for president in November 2001 voters would have been
so frightened they wouldn’t have cared if he skipped not just the
Iowa, Wyoming, Michigan, Nevada, South Carolina and Louisiana
primaries, but all of the Super Tuesday ones as well (Rudy had spent
$3 million and made 124 appearances in New Hampshire). But 9/11
had caused a change in priorities for the FBI. Drugs had been the
main concern of the pre-9/11 FBI. According to an external review of
the FBI in 2000 there were twice as many agents devoted to drug
enforcement matters as to counterterrorism. On September 11,
2001, only about 1,300 agents, or six percent of the FBI’s total
personnel, worked on counterterrorism. 315 According to a Congres-
sional Research Service report, “the events of September 11th made
clear the need to develop a definitive list of priorities. In June 2002,
the FBI’s director announced 10 priorities. The top 2 priorities were

to protect the United States from terrorist attack (counter-terrorism)
and to protect the United States against foreign intelligence opera-
tions and espionage (counter-intelligence). Drug crimes that were not
part of transnational or national criminal organizations were not
specifically among the FBI’s top 10 priorities.” 316 Rudy’s policies as
Mayor of New York City mirrored those of the pre-9/11 FBI and while
he was busy claiming pot was a “gateway drug” that led to heroin
addiction he only mentioned terrorism once prior to 9/11, when he
made a reference to the first jihadi attack against the World Trade
Center in 1993. It was this mentality that was shared by Giuliani, the
Justice Department, the FBI and Contract With America politicians
like Newt Gingrich that allowed al-Qaeda operatives to train for their
suicide mission within the borders of the United States undetected.

9/11 caused the FBI to revert back to its original mission and
instead of drug dealers it focused on terrorists. As a result there have
been no major terrorist attacks within the United States since Sep-
tember 11th and by 2008 America had fallen back into its usual state
of over complacency. The myriad references Rudy made to 9/11 no
longer resounded with the electorate. Alas, poor Rudy was unable to
pander to voter’s fears and he became a relic and a throwback to
times past.

Additionally the question remains, “Was Rudy a hero of 9/11

or did his actions lead to additional deaths?” Senator McCain should
remember the families of firefighters killed during 9/11 that stalked
Rudy in Florida. They believed that Giuliani’s policy of fiscal austerity
resulted in their husbands and fathers not getting the communication
equipment they needed to survive 9/11. After 9/11 Giuliani never
meaningfully enforced federal requirements that those at the site
wear respirators. At the same time, the Giuliani Administration
warned companies working on the rubble that they would face
penalties or be fired if work slowed. More than 2,000 New York City
firefighters have been treated for serious respiratory problems. While
numerous officials wanted to locate the Mayor’s Emergency Com-
mand Center in Brooklyn, Rudy insisted on being closer to City Hall,
despite its proximity to a previous terrorist target. In 1999 Rudy used

the Command Center to have sex with Judith Nathan. Was this why
he wanted it close by? Fire Department officials questioned the
storage of large amounts of fuel well above the ground level of 7
World Trade Center, saying that one large tank for the mayor's
emergency command center, if ever compromised, might fuel a fire
that would threaten the building. And that was exactly what hap-
pened when debris fell from the World Trade Center Twin Towers.

Due to his military record Senator McCain enjoys the reputa-

tion of being courageous. He should take note of the fact that anoth-
er reason Giuliani’s presidential bid imploded was because
Americans sensed that Giuliani talked the talk but in reality was a
coward. Rudy lost his status as front-runner in mid-December 2007.
A week later while he was in Missouri he turned around his cam-
paign plane after experiencing “the worst headache of [his] life.” He
checked into the highly rated Barnes-Jewish Hospital in St. Louis,
but the doctors found that there was nothing wrong with him. He was
released the next day. All he had was a bad headache and he threw
a sissy fit! Senator McCain, who was once a prisoner of war in North
Vietnam, should realize that the real Giuliani is a simpering wimp
who weaseled out of fighting in Vietnam. Rudy received one student
deferment while at Manhattan College, a second deferment while at
NYU Law School, and a third, special request deferment from his
employer, Federal Judge Lloyd MacMahon. By that time the univer-
sal draft had ended and Rudy, like so many others, got the right
number in the draft lottery. When Giuliani was Mayor of New York
City he was associated with Lawrence V. Ray, who dirtied up high-
ranking American military officers in order to convince the mob that
he was a high level fixer.

When Rudy hit the campaign trail he appeared to be a wa-

tered-down version of Rudy. His buddies at the Manhattan Institute
detected this and pointed to his “sometimes baffling passivity as a
candidate.” What happened to his fire? Evidence suggested that a
major factor in Rudy’s aggressive, combative personality had been
his libido. Although his current wife calls him “my testosterone
husband” it is more likely that Rudy suffers from erectile dysfunction

due to his bout with prostate cancer. This has affected his personali-

Senator McCain should come to understand that Rudy his not

as smart as he is cracked up to be. He ran the worst campaign in
American history. Rudy’s strategy, formulated by cronies such as
bartender Anthony V. Carbonetti, was to diss the voters of five states
by ignoring their caucuses and primaries. As a result he received 4%
of the vote in Iowa, Michigan 3%, South Carolina 2% and Nevada
2%. This marginalized Rudy. He ended up with 3% of the total vote.
Congressman Ron Paul was next to last with 10% of the vote while
Fred Thompson had 13%. As we all know the Giuliani election
strategy was to concentrate on the winner-take-all state of delegate
rich Florida. The more he campaigned there the fewer the voters
liked him and the less he seemed to like the voters. His Secret
Service detail treated a group of his supporters as security risks
telling them to remain seated so Rudy could leave the venue, his
handshake was devoid of feeling and he still wore his dark power
suits on the campaign trail. 317 He picked up a few votes from trans-
planted Jews who remembered how he changed New York City but
despite his selling himself as the candidate most likely to unseat
Fidel, the Cuban community went for McCain. He ended up with 15%
of the vote. It was not Giuliani’s past that turned off Florida’s Repub-
licans around, as they were aware of his defects as a social con-
servative when, in November 2007, he was ranked #1 in Florida and
#1 in the national polls. It was his supercilious, condescending
personality that turned off the electorate. He sent out bad vibes with
the same intensity Radio Moscow sent out radio waves during the
Cold War. Rudy spent 52.5 million dollars for one delegate. He ran
the least efficient primary campaign in American history.

When it comes to gays Giuliani differs radically from the Re-

publican Presidential nominee Senator John McCain. McCain
supported a narrowly defeated initiative that would have changed
Arizona's Constitution to ban gay marriages and deny government
benefits to unmarried couples. 318 “I believe that the institution of
marriage should be reserved for the union of one man and one

woman,” said Senator McCain. “I wholeheartedly support the Protect
Marriage Arizona Amendment and I hope that the voters in Arizona
choose to support it as well."

Giuliani was smart enough to withdraw and endorse, there-

fore not splitting moderates and independents. He campaigned for
McCain in the tri-state area. McCain’s biggest win was New Jersey,
and his wins in New York, New Jersey and Connecticut were larger
than his margin in Arizona. Giuliani’s votes in California and Illinois
also helped McCain. As a result McCain owes Giuliani. If elected
President McCain might try to resuscitate his fallen comrade. The
two men share certain similarities. McCain was allegedly involved in
an adulterous sexual affair or thinking about getting involved in one.
The New York Times reported that the potential femme fatal was
lobbyist Vicki Iseman and linked his relationship to favors he did for
companies that she represented. The Times overlooked the fact that
Iseman is linked to a rightwing Likud group that attempted to free
Israeli MIAs held by Islamists. The now-defunct organization was
known as The International Coalition for Missing Israeli Soldiers. The
ICMIS website stated, "ICMIS is based in Jerusalem, and is funded
exclusively by donations from concerned individuals who wish to
support this humanitarian cause." None-the-less the intelligence
community often sponsors seemingly independent organizations as
a means of making negotiations with the enemy more palatable.
Alyza Lewin was Vicki's close associate at ICMIS. Alyza Lewin is a
partner in the father and daughter law firm of Lewin and Lewin.
There is no doubt that her father, Nathan Lewin, is the house attor-
ney for the Israeli espionage network operating in the United States.
His Department of Justice bona fides make him a valuable asset. A
June 1985 article by Max Holland in The Nation alleged for the past
seven years, “Stephen Bryen has had the threat of prosecution
hanging over him. He is alleged to have leaked government docu-
ments to the Israelis, and whenever the issue seems to have gone
away, like herpes it breaks out Bryen obtains a lawyer, Nathan
Lewin, and the case heads for the grand jury, but is mysteriously
dropped. Bryen later goes to work for Richard Perle.” Lewin later
became AIPAC's lawyer and according to Eli Lake in the New York

Sun, “Heard the highly classified case against [two AIPAC employ-
ees] and advised the organization to sever its relationship with the
two. The charges against Rosen and Weissman, which have yet to
be made publicly, were so secret that Mr. Lewin needed security
clearance just to hear them." 319 Nathan Lewin wrote: ‘Studies of
Palestinian suicide bombers and of those who, knowing their death
was imminent, carried out the September 11th horror indicate that
most were closely knit to their families - to parents, brothers, and
sisters. Indeed, these family members routinely give press briefings
extolling the suicide killers, and they are the recipients of financial
bounties from supportive Muslim charities and governmental organi-
zations. What if Israel and the United States announced that hence-
forth the perpetrators of all suicide attacks would be treated as if they
had brought their parents and brothers and sisters with them to the
site of the explosion? Suicide killers should know that they will take
the lives of not only themselves and the many people they don’t
know (but nonetheless hate) in the crowd that surrounds them when
they squeeze the button that detonates their bomb, but also the lives
of their parents, brothers, and sisters.” 320

Other members of ICMIS with intelligence community con-

nections included the administrative director of the coalition Brigitte
Silverberg who worked with Yona Baumel. Brigitte stated, "Yona
Baumel may look like a congenial granddad, but this man has
connections to former KGB intelligence agents and all kinds of shady
and shadowy sources in the Arab world.” 321 Iseman also worked with
Daniel Grisaru whose bio stated, "Grisaru has significant experience
in media, communications, public relations, non-profits and govern-
ment. Most recently, he served as the International Coalition for
Missing Israeli soldiers Chief Communications Officer where he
established himself as a key player in building the right connections
with the leading military and governmental personalities, foreign
governments, Embassies in Israel, Jewish and Christian non profit
organizations. [He was a] professional public affairs analyst, strate-
gist and lobbyist for more than 12 years. Communications advisor for
Likud Knesset candidates & candidates for positions in the Municipal
governments, Jewish Agency, & the Jewish National Fund, Spokes-

person for the Israeli Bio Tech industry…in Israeli Home Land
Security and Military national corporations and international corpora-
tions." 322 There is definitely something suspicious about someone
from this milieu being involved in a sex scandal with a United States
Senator. The only other alternative is that Vicki mistook McCain's
dick for a mezuzah and tried to kiss it.

Currently McCain must choose between two camps of foreign

policy advisors – pragmatists like Colin Powell and Brent Scowcroft
and neo-cons such as Robert Kagin and Randy Sheunemann, who
helped create the propaganda that convinced America to go to war in
Iraq. Sheunemann represents the interests of the armament indus-
tries while Kagin, a member of the American-Jewish aristocracy
voices the desires of those Jews unhappy with Israel’s lack of
retaliation against Iraq for terrorizing the Israeli population with
SCUD missile attacks. All of Israel was huddled behind plastic
sheeting; terrified that Saddam might have armed the missiles with
chemical or biological or radiological warheads. Kagan and other
neo-cons, some of whom held key positions at the Pentagon, were
able to obtain a great deal of power within the Bush Administration,
enough to have America do Israel’s retaliation for it in spades. With
the Vickie Iseman types around McCain, you can bet that he will go
with the neo-cons, rather than the pragmatists, despite the fact that
the neo-cons have paved the way for Israel’s destruction by making
it impossible for the United States to destroy Iran’s atomic weapons
production facilities, thanks to the failure of the Iraqi occupation.


Accardo, Anthony 149, 151 Bin Laden, Usama 221

Adelson, Sheldon 363 Bishop Laughlin High School,
Advocate, The 13, 129, 138 3, 15, 16, 18, 19, 93, 128
Akins, Virgil 148, 149, 151 Black Hand, 145
Alesandro, Msgr. John 71, 73 Bohan, Judge Owen 167, 168
Alex, 149 Bonanno, Joe 97, 262, 274
Alley, Gus 39 Bookin, Stephen R. 290, 301
Alvarez, Emilio 321, 322, 323 Borek, Stockel & Marden 323
American Ready Mix, 309, Borghese, Dominick 331, 332,
326, 327, 328 334, 338, 339, 340, 343,
Aniello, Joan 154, 156 344
Apfelberg, Benjamin 170, 171, Bradley Foundation 367, 368
172 Bratton, William 230, 242, 306
Aponte, Angelo 226, 242, 243, Breen, Kenneth 293, 297
248, 249, 328, 339, 340, Brickhouse, Kevin 227
343 Brickman, Harold 153, 154
Arseneault, Walter 280 Brown, Billie 148, 149, 150,
Arzoomanian, Peter 206 273
Asher, Hank 357, 358 Brownell, Daniel D. 296
Aurelio, Thomas 152, 153, Brownlee, John 353, 354
166 Bryen, Stephen 378
Avasso, Alfred 356 Buettner, Russ 269
Badillo, Herman 154 Cahill, Mickey 308, 312, 314,
Bailey, F. Lee 358 316
Baldwin, Gregory 108 Caine, Craig 346
Barreto, Martin 140 Cajigas, Judith 65, 66, 67
Barrett, Wayne 10, 69, 91, Calabresi, Steven 371
111, 113, 117, 141, 146, Caldwell, Msgr. Francis 71, 73
148, 169, 173, 178, 180, Cali Associates, 310, 311
182, 210, 339 Campbell, Gordon 5, 19
Barry, Mark D. 39, 40 Capello, Dominick 307, 308
Bauman, Cong. Robert 141 Capo, Anthony 207, 262, 309,
Baumel, Yona 379 334, 335, 336, 337, 338
Baumgarten, Sidney 272, 273 Capone, Alphonse 149, 151
Bell Curve, 368 Capozzoli, Frankie 148, 161,
Bellistri, Ronald 230 165, 166, 167
Bergin, Rev. James J 55, 58, Caprio, 308
59, 60, 61, 63, 64 Carbo, Frankie 146, 150, 152
Berman, Nathan 300, 303 Carbone, Frankie 303, 309,
Billella, Vincent, 334 327
Bimstein, Whitey 146
Carbonetti, Louis, Vincent Cox, Douglas R. 370
145, 146, 148, 151, 152, Craig, Senator Larry 1, 15, 99,
153, 154, 155, 156, 174, 346
376 Cyril & Methodius Roman
Carneglia, John 286 Catholic Church and
Carter, Dominic 114 School, 54, 64
Caruso, Michael 270, 295, D.H. Blair & Co, 262
296, 297 D’Onofrio, Michele 271
Casey,Raymond 283, 288, D'Avanzo, Leo 92, 143, 175,
289, 295, 296, 301 176, 177, 178, 180, 182,
Casso, Anthony 337 185, 194, 205, 220, 276
Castellano, Paul 178, 207, D'Avanzo, Lewis, 2, 175, 185,
214, 309, 316, 318, 327, 186, 190, 194, 195, 197,
328, 329, 330, 331 199, 204, 205, 206, 391
Castiglione, Austin 281 D'Avanzo, Pasquale, 210
Cheney, Richard 272, 275 Dano, James 178
Cimino, Gary 356 DeCarlo, Ray 307, 308
Cioffi, Joseph 152 DeCavalcante, Crime Family
Cipel, Golan 94 308, 334, 335, 337, 338,
Clinton, William 1, 57, 94, 132, 341
372 Dellacamera, Frank 345, 347
Cohen, Shimon 304, 361 DellaCava, Carmine 313, 316
Communist Party, 97 Dellicurti, Victor 146, 148, 151
Communist Workers Party Delrosario, Salvadore 340
343 DeMeo, Roy 179, 205, 207
Concrete Club, 317, 318, 331 DeNiro, Robert 222
Conference of Major DePalma, Gregory 286, 345,
Superiors of Men, 43, 44 347
Cone, Judge John E. 190, 194 Derivan, Eric 281, 282
Conners, Canice 42, 43, 44 DeSapio, Carmine 151, 152,
Connolly, Daniel 225, 291 153, 154, 181
Conway, George 372 Dewey, Thomas E. 167
Coppa, Frank 262 Diaz, Rev. Rubin 129, 138,
Copstat, 230, 242, 328 139
Corozzo, Nicholas 356 DiBlasi, Rudolph F. 185, 194
Corroon, Willis 216 DiChiara, Victor 335
Cortines, Ramon 141 DiFrancesco, Donald 272, 273
Costello, Frank 97, 144, 145, DiGilio, John 312, 313, 314,
146, 148, 151, 152, 153, 315, 316
154, 166, 174, 175, 176, DiGioia, Detective Michael
178, 181, 182, 205 186
Country Club Diner, 332, 335,
DiLeonardo, Michael "Mikey Eppolito, Lewis, "Jimmy the
Scars" 309, 318, 321, 323, Clam" 178, 179, 183, 209,
324, 326 357
Dillon, Dennis 83 Esposito, Ralph, Joseph 205
Dinkins, NYC Mayor David 7, Fagana, Rev. Daniel 24
10, 121, 127, 175, 367 Fappiano, Frank 309, 340
Dion, Norman 224, 225, 226, Fava, Ronald 280
227, 228, 229, 230, 239, Fedorko, Michael 214, 253,
240, 241, 242, 265, 266, 254, 255, 307, 308, 309,
267, 268, 315 310, 311, 312, 317, 318,
DiTommaso, 213, 216, 224, 319, 320, 323, 325, 331,
225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 332, 333, 334, 335, 337,
230, 231, 232, 236, 239, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343,
240, 241, 242, 245, 251, 344
252, 253, 254, 255, 256, Felder, Raoul L. 117, 124
257, 260, 263, 264, 265, First Security, 230, 242, 339
266, 267, 268, 269, 272, Fitzsimmons, Robert J, 169
273, 283, 287, 289, 290, Flegenheimer, "Dutch Schultz"
291, 298, 300, 301, 303, 167
309, 310, 311, 313, 314, Forcino, Ronald 316, 317, 319
315, 316, 317, 319, 320, Francolino, Joseph 213, 323
322, 323, 326, 327, 328, Franks, Robert 226, 227
332, 334, 335, 337, 338, Friedman, Michael 354
339, 340, 343, 344 Fulton, Robert 52, 82, 156,
Ditta, Father Angelo 72 349
Division of Gaming Galante, Carmine 101
Enforcement, 232, 236, Galligan, Terrance 141
242, 249, 251, 253, 254, Gambino Crime Family 175,
255, 300, 323 176, 178, 179, 205, 207,
Dodge, William 161, 167 208, 209, 210, 213, 220,
Dolan, Sean 86, 259, 284, 285, 286, 288,
Dolan, Terry 141 307, 308, 311, 312, 313,
Domestic Partnership Law, 316, 317, 319, 324, 325,
137 327, 331, 332, 334, 337,
Donohue, Bill 85 338, 341, 345, 356
Doppman, Lloyd 84 Garafola, Edward 220, 249,
Dorrian, Jack 156 250, 255, 256, 263, 264,
Doukas, John 262 265, 266, 267, 268, 288,
Dowd, Mathew 72 292, 309, 310, 318, 319,
Drury, James 347 320, 321, 322, 323, 326,
Durkin, Thomas 347 328
Eisenberg, Carol 83 Gardell, Stephen 357
Garvey, Marcus 103
Genovese, Vito 145, 152, 220, Hall, James C. 124, 130, 133,
281, 308, 313, 316 146, 151, 153,
Geoghan, Father John 83 Hands, Rev. Michael 52, 68,
George, Linda 280, 281, 297 69
Georal, Inc 297 Hannity, Sean 20, 26
Giardina, Sal 311 Hanover, Donna 4, 6, 90, 111,
Gibson, James M. 104, 341, 113, 114, 118, 124, 128
370 Harding, Raymond 139
Ginter, FBI SA Brian 276 Harrington, Bishop Timothy 39
Giuliani, Harold, 2, 9, 10, 17, Hartz Mountain Industries,
98, 143, 144, 145, 146, 151, 311
152, 157, 159, 160, 161, Hastings, Patricia 65, 66
165, 168, 170, 171, 172, Hate Crimes Task Force 14
173, 174, 175, 176, 179, Hearn, Rose Gil 289, 296
181, 182, 183, 240 Hellerstein, USD Judge Alvin
Giuliani, Helen, 99, 143, 174, K. 286
175, 182, 183, 366 Herman, Eric 53, 54
Giuliani Partners, 1, 91, 92, Hess, Michael 68, 92
93, 95, 297, 349, 357 Hoffa, James Riddle 149
Glasser, USD Judge Ira 220, Hogan, NYC DA Frank 153
276 Hoover, J. Edgar 391
Glickman, Bernard 148, 151 House of Affirmation, 38, 39,
Gold, Eugene 204 41, 42, 44
Golden, Sherry 206, 207 Hsiao, Mark 118, 122, 124,
Goldenheim, Paul 354 128
Goodman, Adam, Robert 371 Hubbard, H. Warren 156, 163
Goodrich, Solomon 103, 107 Hundley, William 345
Gorbachev, Mikhail 222, 223, Impellitteri, Vincent 151, 152,
224, 225 153, 154, 181, 194
Gotti, John 208, 209, 286, Imperial, George 328
325, 334, 337, 339, 343 Interstate Industrial 216, 222,
Graham, FBI SA Robert 321 225, 226, 230, 242, 245,
Gravano, Sammy "The Bull" 248, 251, 254, 255, 256,
172, 208, 220, 319, 333 257, 258, 261, 283, 287,
Grecco, Lawrence 215, 356, 288, 289, 290, 296, 298,
357 299, 300, 301, 303, 308,
Greenstein, Gail 189, 190, 309, 310, 312, 313, 314,
191 315, 316, 317, 318, 320,
Grisaru, Daniel 379 321, 322, 323, 325, 326,
Gross, Harry 179 328, 329, 331, 333,
Gventer, Mark 102 334,336, 337, 338, 339,
Hagana, 304 340, 341, 343, 344
Intertel, 341
Intervention Team, 4, 33, 37, Kuriansky, Edward 289, 290
45, 46, 72 Kutovoi, Yeugeny 308
Iseman, Vickie 377, 379, 380 LaGuardia, Fiorello 152, 166
Jereis, Zehy 347 LaMotta, Jake 146
Kagin, Robert 380 Landa, Marjorie 296
Kane, Rev. Michael 38, 39, Langley, Richard 356, 357
40, 81 Lansky, Meyer 154, 373
Kantor, Sammy 153 Lauria, Salvador 222, 223
Kast, Nancy Eric 50 Lategano, Cristyne 111, 112,
Kefauver, Sen. Estes 147, 113, 114, 116, 127, 306
148, 149, 152, 154, 180, Leahy, Francis "Buddy" 254,
350 308, 312, 314, 317
Kerik, Bernard 133, 215, 218, Lehman, Herbert 153, 167
223, 224, 225, 226, 229, Lemanowicz, Ronald 244, 321
230, 231, 232, 236, 237, Levitt, Leonard 112, 113, 114,
239, 240, 243, 245, 248, 115
251, 253, 255, 256, 258, Lewin, Nathan 378
260, 269, 272, 274, 276, Lewinsky, Monica 1, 372
279, 280, 281, 282, 283, Livoti, Anthony 176
287, 288, 289, 290, 291, Lizza, Carl 309, 318, 326
293, 295, 296, 297, 298, Llevena, Jaqueline 282
299, 300, 301, 302, 303, Log Cabin Republican, 1
304, 305, 306, 309, 310, Logart, Isaac 150, 151, 152
344, 345, 352 Lombardo, Eugene 259, 262
Kerik, Donald, 270, 272, 284, Lordi, Joseph 328
287 Lotten, Cathy 52
Kerik, Hala, 281, 282, 299, Luchese, Thomas 152, 153,
304 181, 205, 207, 311, 337
Kidan, Adam 208 Luciano, Lucky 179
King Abdullah II, 302 Lupo, Angeline 159
Kimmel, Chuck 252, 336 Lynn, Christopher 137, 138,
Klotsman, Gennday 219, 220 139
Koch, Mayor Edward 7, 373 MacMahon, 3, 97, 145, 375
Koeppel, Howard 94, 118, Mafuz, Edward 150, 152
121, 122, 123, 124, 125, Maiello, Mathew 67
127, 134 Mangano, Philip, Vincent 182
Kofnovec, Donna 111 Mancini, Nicholas, Frank 358
Koestenbaum, Wayne 15 Mangiavillano, Salvadore "Fat
Kordja, Raymond 281 Sal" 175, 208
Korman, USD Judge Edward Manhattan College, 3, 18, 19,
209 108, 183, 375
Kosovo, 222, 257, 258
Kramer, Martin 365, 372
Manhattan Institute for Policy Morgenthau, 156, 323
Research, 359, 366, 367, Moretti, William 176
369, 376 Moriarity, 99
Mannino, Robert 317 Morin, Edward 204
Manzi, Anthony 281 Mosca, Alphonse 313, 316
Maple, Jack 308 Moses, Sidney 153, 154
Marcus, Jerome M. 103, 372 Mosher, Matthew 72
Margeotes, Arthur 280 Mott, Father John 64, 65, 66
Marijuana, 132, 353 Mukasey, USAG Michael 1,
Marine Contracting 310, 305
314, 315 Mule, Thomas 204
Marino, Charles 272, 287 Mundy, Rev. Joseph 69, 70,
Markson, Harry 149, 150 71
Martarella, Franc 141 Murphy, Bishop William F. 45,
Maschietto, Joe, Dennis 336 71, 73, 83, 85, 88, 90
Mastro, Randy 127, 155, 340, Murray, Charles 367, 368, 369
341 Murtha, William 309, 312, 313,
McCain, Senator John 1, 374, 314, 315, 316, 338
375, 376, 377, 379 Myers, Julie 298, 299
McCabe, Kenneth 328, 344, Nakhamkin, Eduard 303
346 NAMBLA, 6, 129
McDonough, Patricia 69, 70, Nathan, Bruce 116
71 Nathan, Judith 115, 116, 117,
McElearney, Seamus 338 122, 124, 373
McGann, Bishop John 50, 82 Netanyahu, Benjamin 363
McGreevey, Gov. James 1, 7, New Springville Boys, 208
94, 226, 227, 307 Nguesso, Denis Sassou 360
McKeon, Rev. Brian 73, 74, Niack, Les 224, 225
75 Norris, James 149
Meringolo, Peter 282 Notopolus, Patrica 334
Metropolitan Stone, 288, 309, Novarro, Joanne 71, 82, 85
318, 319, 320, 321, 323, O'Dywer, NYC Mayor William
324, 325, 326, 328 181
Metropolitan Stone O'Leary, Jack 9, 10, 16, 91,
Corporation, 288, 309, 318, 185
319, 320, 324, 326 Olin Foundation 365, 367, 368
Mika, FBI SA Richard 206 Olson, Theodore 109, 369,
Millar, Rev. Andrew 82 370
Miller, John 112 Opera Club 5, 15, 16, 21, 91,
Mindel, Sunny 5, 91, 92, 93 126
Montevecchi, Ernest 220, 262 Ortega, Daniel 358
Montfort Fathers, 17, 18 Ostrowski, Janet 64, 65
Mordini, 148
OxyContin, 349, 351, 352, Pope, Tony 272
353, 354, 370 Porter, Richard 372,
Paciello, Chris 208 Powell, Colin 379
Pagan, Antonio 139 Powers, Peter 3, 4, 5, 15, 16,
Palagonia, Alfred 262 18, 19, 20, 95, 127, 128,
Patriso, Thomas 320 156, 280, 369
Pecora, Judge Ferdinand 152, Purdue Pharma, 349, 351,
167 352, 354, 355
Peloquin, Robert Quindlin, Anna 108
Perri, Bryan 69, 70 Quinlan, Colonel 227, 236,
Persico, Robert 262, 286, 237
345, 347 Quinn, David Anthony 72,
Peruggi, Regina 4, 98, 99, 166, 205, 206, 207
100, 101, 102, 107, 195 Ramanko, Edward 274
Petrozza, Rocco 281 Ranelli, Vincent 326, 327,
Picciano, John 230, 297 329, 330, 331
Pindling, Lynden 358 Ray, 55, 56, 57, 129, 139,
Pinero, Jeanette 281, 282, 146, 151, 215, 216, 218,
296 219, 222, 223, 224, 225,
Pinochet, Augustin 373 228, 230, 231, 232, 234,
Pioneer Fund, 368 236, 238, 239, 240, 241,
Pirro, Albert 302, 345, 347, 242, 243, 244, 245, 247,
348 248, 249, 250, 251, 253,
Pisano, Augie 166 254, 255, 256, 257, 258,
Pittman, Charles 227, 236, 259, 260, 261, 263, 264,
237 265, 267, 269, 271, 272,
Placa, Alan J. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11, 273, 274, 275, 276, 283,
12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 287, 289, 290, 291, 295,
20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 296, 297, 300, 301, 303,
28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 307, 308, 309, 310, 341,
37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 46, 343, 375
47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, Regan, Judith 282, 302
54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, Regatta Co-op 95
62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, Reiter, Fran115, 129
70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, Reno, Janet 1
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, Resnikoff, Michael 66
86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, Ricca, Frank 152, 159
94, 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, Rich, Frank 125
111, 115, 117, 124, 128, Richichi, Natale, Lisa, 207
135, 141, 144 Riggi, John 336, 337
Podemo, Joesph 167, 168 Riordan, Father Brendan 17,
Podhoretz, Norman 365 37, 38, 40, 55, 64, 85, 88,
Polito, Joseph 259, 261 89, 95
Roach, Robert 296 Scudiero, Andrew 356
Robilotto, John 178 Seabrook, Norman 280
Robinson, Sugar Ray 146, Segarra, Ninfa 272
151, 293, 303 Seisint, 357
Rockville Center Diocese, 36, Shauris, Robert 40
83 Shemtov, Judith 208
Rosen, Stephen 186, 188, Sheunemann, Randy 380
365, 378 Silverberg, Brigitte 379
Rosenthal, Edward 352, 391 Simineri, Vincent 318
Ross, Wilber 116, 320, 362 Singer, Paul E. 359, 360, 361,
Rossetti, Stephen 42, 44 362
Rothblatt, Henry 190, 194 Sisca, Alphonse, Edward 284,
Rotundo, Anthony, Vincent 285, 286, 345
336, 337 Sisto, John 319, 323, 331
Ruffin, Marshall 6 Slayer of the Soul, 28, 36, 42,
Rufino, Pat 100, 101 48
Ruggiero, Angelo 286 Soave, Alfred 50, 51
Ruvoldt, Henry 225, 226, 227, Solomon, John 103, 107, 218
228, 252, 267, 313, 314 Somma, Nicholas 183
Sackler, Arthur, Raymond, Sonenshine, William 195, 199,
Mortimer 349, 350, 352, 355 200, 201, 203, 204
Saints Cyril & Methodius, 37, Soref, Jeff 128
54, 64 Soros, George 358
Safir, Howard 131, 304 Spielmann, Valentine 158,
Sand, USD Judge Leonard 159, 160
132 Spina, Dominick 328
Sanginiti, Maurizio 347 Spitzer, Elliot 1
Santiago, Joseph 308 Spota, Thomas 36, 48, 68, 83,
Sarant, George 153 85
Sasso, 271, 272 Squitieri, Arnold 284, 285,
Sater, Felix, Henry 219, 220, 286, 345
221, 222, 262 Staffaroni, Paul 321
Saturday Night Live, 6, 134 St. Aloysius, 37, 85, 88
Sawyers, Fred 140 St. Guillen, 157
Scalisi, Giovanni 177 St. Luke’s Institute, 42
Schembri, Anthony 276 St. Patrick's Church, 21, 26
Schwartz, 248, 320, 321, 323, St. Pius X Preparatory
324, 328 Seminary, 23, 25, 28
Schwefel, Mitchell 236, 244, Starret, Joseph 158, 160, 163,
249, 332 164
Scopo, Ralph 317, 331 Staten Island Stone, 213, 322
Scordato, Anthony 24, 25, 26 Steinmetz, Ben, Raz, 363
Scowcroft, Brendt 379 Stinger Missiles, 220, 221
Stish, Judith 115, 117 Vesco, Robert 358
Stonewall, 5, 14, 129, 130, Vincent’s, 175, 176, 180, 183
131, 132 Vinton, FBI SA Thomas 344
Suffolk County Grand Jury, Viscio, Gary 66, 67
12, 21, 35, 45, 47, 58, 68, Vitabile, Steven 335, 336
83, 89 Voice of the Faithful, 41, 51,
Tacopina, Joseph 274, 293, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90
297 Wagner, Mayor Robert F. 153
Tambrino, FBI SA Paul 332, Wallman, Herman 148, 151
344 Watts, Joseph 309, 325, 332,
Tannenbaum, Al 147 333, 335, 337, 338, 340,
Teczar, Thomas 40 343
Terrorstat, 306 Wedgwood, Ruth 366
Thompson, Suzanne Weinstein, USD Judge Jack
99, 284, 285, 286
Thompson, Fred 371, 376 Wertheimer, Eitan 304
Tockman, Earle 225, 248, White, Jimmy 148, 149, 150,
252, 327, 339 151, 219, 261, 262, 275,
Tollner, Richard 23, 24, 26, 292, 294, 297, 372
38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 49, 52, White Rock, 219, 261, 262
53, 64, 83, 85, 86, 88, 89, Whitman, Christie Todd 16,
90, 92, 93, 115, 141 307
Trade Waste, 210, 213, 214, Williams, Harrison 99, 329
232, 237, 241, 249, 255, Wolfson, Allen 356
256, 258, 268, 283, 288, Woods, Timothy 229, 230,
296, 300, 301, 318, 320, 242, 287, 297, 300, 328,
322, 329, 341 344
Trafficante, Santo 176, 373 Woods Restoration, 287, 345
Trumanti, Carmine 205 Wren, Det. George 330
Trypuc, Raymond 5, 55, 56, Yippies, 132
57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 95 Young, Dennison
Udell, Howard 354 Zacharioudakis, Manos 115
Uher, Gary 260, 292 Zagarino, Mickey 204
USA Bridge, 261 Zapas, Gus 149
Vaccaro, Robert 286, 345 Zaslov, FNU 186
Valachi, Joe 152 Zavatt, USD Judge Joseph
Valium, 351 194, 199
Vatule, Father Robert 86, 87
1. The Log Cabin Republicans are a national gay and lesbian conservative
2. Bundlers included Carl Icahn, Donald Trump, insurance titan Hank
Greenberg, Yankee President Randy Levine and Bill and David Koch.
4. Since there is no consent in child molestation it should be classified as
rape and the penalties of child molestation and rape should be the same.
6. Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgendered
7. North-American-Man-Boy-Love-Association. A pro-pedophilia group
9. Anthony Summers The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover 1993. Summers
quoted Susan Rosenstiel, fourth wife of Lewis Rosenstiel, chairman of
Schenley Industries, a liquor distiller with mob connections, as saying she
witnessed Hoover cross-dress. Although Susan’s story was embellished,
her husband was close to mob lawyer Roy M. Cohn a closeted homosexual
who died of AIDS. Cohn would have been in a position to know Hoover’s
secrets. NYPD detective Matty Rosenthal told this author that he had
interviewed underage Puerto Rican boys who claimed Cohn molested them.
Despite the fact they could describe the interior of Cohn’s home down to the
minutest detail charges could not be brought against Cohn due to his
political connections.
10. HOMOTHUG is based upon information found on the Internet, in tape-
recorded interviews, newspaper articles, and court documents obtained
from state, federal courts and from documents acquired from the Atlantic
City Casino Control Commission. Only one confidential source is cited. With
this sole exception the information contained herein is universally verifiable.
Note: If Internet footnotes no longer exist go to Internet Archives. If you are
not sure of the validity of a passage try copying it then pasting it into Google
with quotations marks as a lot of my sources are taken from the Internet
13. Sexual lubricant used to facilitate anal sex
14. Conversation with journalist Doug Ireland circa 1986
15. Meyerson’s boyfriend was Carl Capasso, a sewer contractor an associ-
ate of Mafia boss Matthew (Matty the Horse) Ianniello. AUSA Giuliani
prosecuted Bess Meyerson charging, among other things, that Meyerson
had hired a judge’s daughter to bribe her mother and get her to expedite
Capasso’s divorce. The jury acquitted all concerned.
18. On April 25, 1979 Adolph was in a Times Square Automotive Parts
Store making a purchase when he slipped on a puddle of motor oil left by a
careless employee. As a result he fractured several spinal vertebrae. This
caused severe aggravation of pre-existing lung and kidney conditions and
led directly to his death within two months of this accident. Rose Placa v
Times Square Stores Supreme Court State of NY Nassau County
19. Time Magazine Person of the Year December 31, 2001
21. The Advocate June 28, 1994
26. New York Times June 9, 1985 High Profile Prosecutor
27. Author’s conversation with Montfort Brothers
29. William Downey, 57-year-old retired Manhasset businessmen, said he
was expelled from the master's in theology program for lay men and women
at the Seminary of the Immaculate Conception in Huntington after threaten-
ing to publicize his complaints that professors distributed what he described
as "lewd and pro-homosexual materials,” including a pamphlet advertising
books that affirmed gay and lesbian Christians. (Newsday January 21,
32. Powers has another daughter named Krista Ingrassia Powers.
33. http://www.bishop-
35. Recorded tel/con w/Scordato
36. E-mail to
38. Carol Eisenberg Newsday June 3, 2002
39. http://www.bishop-
41. New York Times September 30, 1979 Long Island Weekly Page L16
43. Interview with Richard Tollner October 10, 2007
44. Grand Jury Ex. 181
50. http://www.bishop-
51. Kane had placed Babak on the payroll of The House of Affirmation as a
shadow employee.
53. A group formed in response to the scandals. Bishop William Murphy
banned the organization from holding a Mass on diocese grounds. The
group got permission to hold the Mass from the Montfort missionaries, a
Catholic religious order that does not fall directly under diocese control.
56. It should be noted that eating shrimp or lobster is also an abomination.
57. Gay culture term used to denote older males who prefer young boys for
partners, who may less often be called "chickens.”
59. Suffolk County Grand Jury Exhibit 154F
62. Supreme Court County of Nassau Index 005784/2003
66. Nassau County Supreme Court Mineola 021421/86 Eric Herman, an
infant, by his mother and natural guardian, Harriet Herman v. Placa.
67. Conversation with Raymond Trypuc Sr. October 16, 2007
69. Suffolk County Grand Jury Exhibit 77
70. Suffolk County Grand Jury Exhibits 74, 75, 76
71. Suffolk County Grand Jury Exhibit 77
72. Suffolk County Jury Exhibit 78
Letter from Raymond Trypuc Sr. to author October 24, 2007
74. Supreme Court of the State of New York County of Nassau 018234 /
75. http://www.bishop-
76. http://www.bishop-
79. http://www.bishop-
80. http://www.bishop-
April 14, 2003 Supreme Court of the State of New York County of Nassau
Plaintiffs Brian Compasso, Wayne Compasso, Joseph Russo, Louis
Martino, Matthew Mosher, and Daniel Hunter, Verified Complaint Against
Reverend Eugene Vollmer, Reverend Angelo Ditta, Estate of Reverend
William Michael Burke, Brother Howard Murphy, Monsignor Alan Placa,
Monsignor Francis J. Caldwell, Monsignor John Alesandro, Bishop William
Francis Murphy, Roman Catholic Diocese of Rockville Centre.
81. Slip Op 1245, 2006 NY Lexis 196
82. Compasso v Vollmer 2 Index #5784/2003 Dated: APR 28 2006
83. Suffolk County Grand Jury Exhibit 43
84. http://www.bishop-
85. http://www.bishop-
88. When Pope Benedict visited New York City Rudy was given communion
along with 3,000 others. Cardinal Edward Egan revealed that Rudy had
agreed not to receive communion due to his views on abortion and had
violated his pledge.
91. New York Daily News January 4, 2003, New Long Island Priest Shocker
Convicted Rev. Says Monsignor Paid To Hush Up Abuse
94. New York Times September 2005 http://www.bishop-
96. b. June 28, 1920 d. December 22, 1998 married to Anna Marie Peruggi
b. November 26, 1920 d. May 14, 2003
97. Rodolfo Giuliani, b. Italy, son of Angelo and Maria Serrini, m. Angelina
Giuliani, b. Italy, daughter of Domenico and Maria Baldecchi, April 18 1907
in Manhattan
98. b. 1888 d. 1980 married to Salvatore Peruggi Sr. b. 1882 both arrived in
the US on June 13, 1914
101. New York Times January 19, 1951
104. New York Post May 2, 1989
106. New York Times November 24, 1974
107. Newsday August 7, 2007. Tom Brune.
109. (b. 1965 Giuliani's press secretary 1993 to 1999)
110. In July 1994 it was disclosed that Howard’s cousin, William Koeppel
had provided choice apartments during the campaign and the early months
of the administration to 15 Giuliani aides under leases that allowed some of
tenants to put off paying rent for one to three months. Lategano was one of
the recipients of Koeppel’s largesse. The leases raised questions about
whether the apartments amounted to an illegal campaign contribution.
William Koeppel was indicted in 1995 on charges that he illegally demanded
contributions for the Giuliani campaign from tenants seeking rent-stabilized
apartments. After pleading guilty, William Koeppel paid fines and did
community service. Howard Koeppel was not implicated in either case.
Rudy appointed William to an unpaid position on the board of the Off-Track
Betting Corporation.
112. These trips were billed to the Loft Board, the Office for People with
Disabilities and the Procurement Policy Board, as well as $400,000 to the
Assigned Counsel Administrative Office for “security purposes.” Rudy
claimed he did this to expedite the payments.
122. New York Times, June 22, 1995
123. The Youth International Party: A loosely knit amalgam of social
activists who favor the legalization of marijuana and the utilization of
Ibogaine as a way to interrupt heroin addiction. Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin,
Paul Krassner and Dana Beal founded the Yippies in 1968.
124 .
125. Sara Kugler, AP
128. Deuteronomy 22:5
129. Int. 163; Int 303A 0454-
1998.htm?CFID=815868&CFTOKEN=93188390 0163-
132. New York Daily News August 24, 2006
134. Many Giuliani’s changed their names to Juliano or Giuliano when they
came to the United States.
135. His name is crossed out of a document found in Kings County Surro-
gate Court.
136. Brooklyn Criminal Court Case 1507/1944 2/262-B
137. New York Times June 9, 1985
138. In the 1950’s East Harlem became Spanish Harlem after Puerto
Ricans displaced most of the Italians who had moved to better housing in
Brooklyn or Long Island.
139. 318 East 108th Street was the address where the Black Hand thug
140. New York Times January 30, 1942
141. New York Times March 25, 1942
142. Court of General Session County of New York Ind. No. 2445-1958
144. New York Times March 31, 1966
146. New York Times November 14, 1952
148. Sammy Kantor was a witness in the trial of Louis “Lepke” Buchalter,
and had been convicted of election fraud, however, the conviction was
reversed on appeal.
149. New York Times July 31, 1953
150. New York Times February 20, 1994
151. New York Times August 8, 1994
152. Office of the City Registrar Doc ID FT_1090004274709
153. http://a836-
155. City Magistrates Court of the City of New York Form of Consolidated
Bail Bond. April 5, 1934
156. New York Times December 31, 1960
157. Spielmann was listed as executor of the Jacob Klett estate.
159. New York Times November 6, 1964
160. New York Times October 28, 1943
161. New York Times June 2, 1946
162. New York Times March 29, 1951
165. New York Times January 24, 1939, August 3, 1938
166. 100 Center Street Psychiatric Clinic document uncovered by Wayne
Barrett dated May 18, 1934 signed by Benjamin Apfelberg, MD.
168. This story aired shortly after I obtained the documents on Harold’s
arrest from Lenora Gidlund at the Municipal Archives. After I returned the
documents Ms. Gidlund told me repeatedly that she had retained them and
they were “on her desk” rather than having returned them to the storage
facility from whence they came. Could Giuliani’s campaign staff realized
that I was about to bring them back to life and launched a pre-emptive strike
to neutralize any damage they might have done with the ABC interview? I
like to think so. After this the IRS began sending me dozens of letters
regarding taxes that it knew I had already paid.
169. Joseph Gambino was the son of Maria and Dennis Gambino and the
brother of Dennis Jr. and Bobby Gambino. His connection to the Gambino
Crime family is unclear.
170. New York Times, September 20, 1989
171. His name did not surface in a search of Brooklyn Surrogate Court
172. Brooklyn Criminal Court 2035-52
173. New York Times January 2, 1969; New York Times April 10, 1959
176. Slang: to send someone to the hospital for a number of days.
Logic dictates that if young Rudy were a Yankee’s fan his favorite player
must have been switch hitter Mickey Mantle, since Rudy himself was a
switch hitter.
179. A Michael Mandelino of Brooklyn, New York, whose relationship to the
Mandelinos in question has yet to be established, was found shot to death
in the trunk of a car in Brooklyn on March 31, 1978. Mandelino had a record
of arrests for robbery, burglary and drug charges. The police found his
decomposed body wrapped in a plastic bag with his hands and feet tied.
180. Nassau County Clerk’s Office Mineola Index 4056/56
181. A Fred Angelucci was involved with OC in Philadelphia.
182. Brooklyn Criminal Court Case 242/59 Prisoner’s Criminal Record FBI
55203E DCI 73679X B433657
183. Brooklyn Criminal Court Case 992/1962
186. USDC EDNY 69-CR-370 Sentencing December 4, 1970 Honorable
Joseph C. Zavatt
187. New York Times March 22, 1972.
188. Lewis D'Avanzo’s Rap sheet obtained by Wayne Barrett under FOIA
New York 26-445292.
189. New York Times July 26, 1977
190. USDC EDNY 1:CR-00903-RR-2; USDC EDNY 1:01-CR-01336-ERK-5
191. New York Times December 23, 2004
194. New York Times November 29, 1961 US Seizes Six Here In Gambling
195. New York Times October 17, 1956 New York Times July 22, 1974
196. Magistrates Court City of New York No. E 665/1950
197. New York Times May 23, 1975; February 29, 1948; October 24, 1958
200. 1:02-cr-01313-ILG-1 USDC EDNY
201. 1:98-cr-01069-ILG-1
202. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-8A New Jersey Casino Control
203. Jim Jones, former Marine Corps Commandant and former Supreme
Allied Commander in Europe
204. David Anthony Quinlan, 65, a retired Marine Corps Colonel who
became a businessman specializing in Russian high-tech companies, died
November 7, 2003, at a hotel in Moscow after an apparent stroke.
205. Col. G. Kevin Brickhouse the commanding officer at the historic Marine
Corps Barracks was removed in July 2000 as a result of an investigation
into allegations that Marines in Washington, D.C., have been distributing
and using the drug ecstasy.
206. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-8A New Jersey Casino Control
207. Ray owned La Fontana Restaurant in New Brunswick and JJ Rockers
in Scotch Plains.
208. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-8A New Jersey Casino Control
209. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-7B New Jersey Casino Control
210. The docket sheet for his case read, “CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE:
Amended Consent Order of Forfeiture was executed on December 14,
2002. The sum of $350,000 was transferred to asset forfeiture fund.”
211. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-8A New Jersey Casino Control
212. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-7B New Jersey Casino Control
213. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-12B New Jersey Casino Control
214. USDC EDNY 00-CR-196 I was unable to locate the USA v Ray file,
USDC EDNY 00-CR-613-ILG. After I tried every possible avenue Supervi-
sor Mark V. Brown told me that it had been checked out by someone who
did not sign their name and it might have to be reconstructed using defense
and prosecution files. This file consisted of several large boxes.
216. Prior to the April 1994, U.S. Bridge of N.Y. Inc. was a shell company
with no operations named Cofis International Corp., which was formed in
September 1988 as Colonial Capital Corp.
217. Other Polito creations: One Carnegie Court Associates, Inc; Waldorf
Steel Fabricators, Inc. Atlas Gem Erectors Company, Inc.; Gem Steel
Erectors, Inc; R.S.J.J. Realty Corp., leased Bridge space for 20K a month;
Atlas Gem Leasing, Inc., Crown Crane, Ltd
221. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-8A New Jersey Casino Control
226. Matter of Baumgarten, 197 AD2d 309, 613 NYS2d 361 (1994)
227. Criminal Docket No. 00-196 (ILG) ltr to Judge Glasser dated July 18,
2007: Roslynn R. Mauskopf United States Attorney By: /s/ Jonathan E.
Green Assistant U.S. Attorney
228. It was around this time that several US Marshall’s searched the
apartment I live in on the Upper East Side of Manhattan looking for an
alleged gunman. Talia Ray told me that this happened to a number of
230. Superior Court of New Jersey Law Division Passaic County Indictment
No. 95 02 0284 1
234. Superior Court Passaic Criminal Division Indictment 95-02-0259I
235. USDC/SDNY 1:00-CV-07487-KNW-KNF
236. USA v Arnold Squitieri USDC/SDNY 05 CR 228
238. New Kerik Puzzler Broke, but He Bought Two Apts. By Russ Buettner
New York Daily News December 15, 2004
243. USDC SDNY (White Plains) 07 CR 1027
244. Supreme Court State of New York County of the Bronx Indictment No.
247. Conversation with an anonymous source
248. Supreme Court of the State of New York 07-603758
250. In the 1970’s a “Shimon Cohen” was a business associate of Arial
251. New York Times November 24, 2007
252. Israeli spy Ben-Ami Kadish also grew up in British Mandate Palestine
and was also a member of the Haganah.
254. NY Post Giuliani's Bernard Kerik Shield By Larry Celona and Dan
Mangan October 22, 2007
257. SDNY 88CR919 Salvatore Gravano testified: “Marine is owned by the
Westies which is that Irish mob that was attached to our family.
259. New York Times January 7, 1993 Indictments Cite Corruption In
Private Sanitation Service
260. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-12-A New Jersey Casino Control
261. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-23 New Jersey Casino Control
262. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-24 New Jersey Casino Control
265. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-7A New Jersey Casino Control
266. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-3A New Jersey Casino Control
267. Interstate Drywall Hearing Exhibit D-30(g) and D-30(c) New Jersey
Casino Control Commission
Bronx DA Website
New York Daily News April 25, 2005
273. New York Times May 12, 1949
274. New York Times May 13, 1950
275. New York Times November 4, 1951
276. New York Times May 8, 1953
277. New York Times April 18, 1957
278. New York Times January 31, 1962
279. New York Times May 27, 1987
278. Attachment F to Plea Agreement United States v. The Purdue Freder-
ick Co., Inc. Case 1:07-cr-00029-jpj Document 5 Filed 05/10/2007
281. IN THE USDC For The Western District Of Virginia Abington Division
Case No. 1:07CR00029
284. Daily
News September 2000
287. USDC/SDNY 97CR527-DAB
288. Born May 9, 1951
297. Fortune International, Fortune Asia, 6/26/2006; Banking Wire
298. USDC-SDNY 05 Civ 5101 (LAP)
303. John M. Olin, President of a large munitions manufacturing business,
founded the John M. Olin Foundation in 1953. It has provided funding for
the Manhattan Institute, the Federalist Society, the American Enterprise
Institute and numerous other rightwing think tanks.
304. Also named as advisors Peter Berkowitz, a neo-con law philosopher
aligned with the Israeli right-wing party Likud, S. Enders Wimbush another
hard-liner on Iran.
309. Giuliani addressed the Institute on September 5, 2001, as did Kerik on
February 21, 2001. On October 15, 2003 Kerik gave a talk entitled, My Time
in Iraq”
313. National Review August 28, 2006
318. McCain opposed a constitutional amendment banning gay marriage on
the grounds, “It usurps from the states a fundamental authority they have
always possessed and imposes a federal remedy for a problem that most
states do not believe confronts them.”

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