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beyond praise-and taken to Salerno on the coast. (His legate Sangro had ordered
its archbishop burned at the stake three years before, but was now loaded with
chains as one of the six new cardinal-traitors.) In September he arrived at Genoa by
sea, with his cardinal prisoners. Soon afterward he released the English Cardinal
Easton on the plea of his faithful supporter Richard II of England. By the end of the
year the other five cardinal prisoners had disappeared. It was generally believed
the Pope had ordered them thrown into the sea. 89
It is not surprising, though hardly commendable, that at this point two of his
other cardinals changed hats and joined Antipope Robert.9°
For the next three years Pope Urban VI remained relatively quiescent. But he
was still obsessed by the kingdom of Naples and all that had happened there. In
August 1388 he gathered an army to lead in a new invasion of that kingdom, now
ruled by Charles' young son Ladislas after his father was murdered in Hungary.
Pope Urban VI now lacked the physical health as well as the prudent judgment to
lead an army; he fell from his horse and his army broke up. He went back to Rome,
which he had avoided ever since his return from the disastrous campaign of 1385,
and died there a year later, in October 1389. The fourteen cardinals who had stood
by him despite everything were resolved above all to heal the breach with Naples.
They elected its Cardinal Pietro Tomacelli-young, strong, kindly, popular, prudent, and
of irreproachable morals-Pope Boniface IX. He promptly attained full reconciliation
with Ladislas of Naples, showing how easily it could have been done earlier, and
confirmed a large number of ecclesiastical appointments proposed for Lithuania
and Poland by Jagiello and Jadwiga 91
Antipope Robert was as militant as ever, and the son and namesake of Duke
Louis of Anjou was now old enough to take the Italian warpath. In 1390 he sailed
for Naples. Though some cities supported him, he could not obtain control without
the support of a new expedition overland from France. It never materialized, in
substantial part because the French could not induce the ambitious yet cautious
Duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan to support them. Personally, the Duke of
Milan told them, he accepted the legitimacy of Antipope Robert; but most Italians,
including most of his Milanese, did not, and he could not afford to go so much
against them. 92
The soul of St. Catherine of Siena had left the Earth ten years before, but
the leashed lightning of her soft quick words still flashed across the heavens; her
people yet kept faith in the true Pope.
There was increasing talk of a council to settle the schism; but in March 1391
Pope Boniface IX reminded the ecclesiastical speculators that no ecumenical
council could be held unless called by the Pope and would have no authority which
he did not give it; and he said he had no plans to call a council. Perhaps his
judgment in refusing a council was poor; but only he had the authority to make
that judgment.

With the "way of a council" for ending the schism thus foreclosed, just three
ways of ending it remained without one side admitting its error: military action,
binding arbitration, or mutual resignation of both claimaints.
Military action still had its advocates, most of whom now embraced the new
concept of a "kingdom of Adria" ruled by Duke Louis of Anjou which would
incorporate the Adriatic coast of Italy north of the kingdom of Naples, including
most of the papal state, and would adhere to Antipope Robert.9, But Italy had too
many states already; adding one more, even if it could be done, was not likely in
actuality to give anyone preponderance.
The "way of cession"-resignation-was endorsed in strong terms by Jean Gerson,
Chancellor of the University of Paris, in December 1392 '95 but could never prevail
unless both Pope and Antipope could be persuaded to resign, which neither
showed the slightest inclination to do. If mutual resignation and binding arbitration
were rejected, the moral imperative for the serious Catholic became to decide, for
himself and for his country insofar as he was able, who was in truth the rightful
Pope, and adhere to him. The evidence proving that Urban VI had been the rightful
Pope and Boniface IX consequently his rightful successor was not easy for
everyone to obtain, but not really difficult for those in authority. The documents of
the cardinals of 1378 avowing full adherence to the Pope days and weeks after the
alleged duress ended, and the arguments of St. Catherine of Siena, were available
and irrefutable.96 But few now thought the schism could be resolved that way. Both
sides-especially France-had invested too much in their previous commitment to one
or the other papal contender. The supporters of the Antipope gave no sign of
possessing the moral courage to admit that they had simply been wrong.
Christendom was in a trap.
Antipope Robert was more a military man than a churchman, and he
efele-Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, VI-2, 1111-1112; Valois, France et le grand schisme, II,
"I-Iefele-Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, VI-2, 1112.
lbid., VI-2, 1113, 1121-1122; Von Pastor, History of the Popes, I, 137, 164;Valois, France
et le grand schisme, II, 145; Halecki, Jadwiga, p. 184.
Palmer, England, France, and Christendom, p. 193; E. R. Chamberlin, The Count of Yutue;
Giangaleauo V'csconti, Duke of Milan (New York, 1965), p. 151; HefeleLeclercq, Histoire des Conciles,
mith, Great Schism, p. 161; Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, VI-2,1123.

Chamberlin, Count of V'utue, pp. 152-154.
"Howard Kaminsky, Simon de Cramaud and the Great Schism (New Brunswick NJ, 1983), p. 55.
In May 1379 Holy Roman Emperor Wenceslas had written to Richard II of
England declaring that he was keeping in his archives "for eternal memory" the
letters of the cardinals written after the election of Pope Urban VI expressing
satisfaction with his election and fealty to him (Ullman, Origins of the Great Schism, p. 94).