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Abstract

"In Accordance with the Documents of Ancient Times":


The Origins, Development, and Significance of the Ancient Egyptian Sed Festival
(Jubilee Festival)
Marc Jeremy LeBlanc
2011

Volume 1

As the grandest of all royal festivals, the Sed Festival is one of the most

frequently depicted royal iconographic motifs in the decorative relief programs of

Egypt's numerous temples and royal precincts. Upon taking the throne, each Egyptian

ruler hoped to celebrate many Sed Festivals—both in life and in the perpetually renewed

state of existence the ruler hoped to achieve after his death. While previous studies have

mostly ignored early evidence for the festival prior to the political unification of the

Egyptian state at the end of the 4th millennium BCE, the present dissertation's analysis of

Predynastic and Protodynastic iconography suggests that Upper Egyptian rulers

celebrated a version of the Sed Festival as early as Naqada I. Furthermore, an in-depth

study of all available documentation for the celebration of the Sed Festival in the

Predynastic, Protodynastic and dynastic periods suggests that the cycle of rituals that

comprises the Sed Festival serves three main purposes throughout Egyptian history.

First, by means of ritual, the Egyptian ruler symbolically transforms into a creator deity

and attains the ability to effect his own rejuvenation and to continue to rule Egypt

effectively. Second, by symbolically demonstrating his control over cyclical phenomena

of the natural world, the Egyptian ruler establishes and maintains order in Egypt and in

the cosmos at large. Third, in order to suppress the potentially disruptive and destructive

inimical forces of chaos in the cosmos, the Egyptian ruler eliminates all possible threats

to himself and to the Egyptian state during the celebration of the Sed Festival.
"In Accordance with the Documents of Ancient Times":
The Origins, Development, and Significance of the Ancient Egyptian Sed Festival
(Jubilee Festival)

A Dissertation
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School
of
Yale University
in Candidacy for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

by
Marc Jeremy LeBlanc

Dissertation Director: Prof. John Coleman Darnell

May 2011

n
UMI Number: 3467510

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UMT
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UMI 3467510
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© 2011 by Marc Jeremy LeBlanc
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in
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements viii

List of Figures xi

Chapter 1: The Ancient Egyptian Sed Festival: An Introduction 1

1.0. Introduction 1
1.1. An Etymological Study of the Term Hb-Sd 5
1.1.0. Introduction 5
1.1.1. Hb-Sd: Festival of the Tail? 7
1.1.2. Hb-Sd: Festival of the Cloth? 14
1.1.3. Hb-Sd: Festival of the Canine God Sed? 27
1.1.4. Hb-Sd: 30-Year Festival? 28
1.2. Search for the Origins of the Sed Festival 34
1.3. A New Interpretive Model for the Sed Festival 41

Chapter 2: Major Sed Festival Relief Programs 44

2.0. Introduction 44
2.1. The Sed Festival Reliefs of Amenhotep III in the Tomb of Kheruef. 45
2.1.0. Introduction 45
2.1.1. Tomb of Kheruef: Reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's 1st Sed Festival 55
Scene 1: Enthronement of Amenhotep III and Hathor 56
Text 1: Celebration of Amenhotep Ill's First Sed Festival 67
Scene 2: Presentation of Gold to a Group of Royal Officials 75
Scene 3 Offering of Libations to the King 77
Scene 4: Performance of Hathoric Music & Dance Rituals 85
Scene 5: Procession of the Royal Couple from the Palace 108
Scene 6: Towing of the Solar Barque 112
Scene 7: Musical Performance of the Royal Daughters 122
2.1.2. Tomb of Kheruef: Reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's 3rd Sed Festival 137
Scene 1: Presentation of Gifts to the Enthroned Royal Couple 140
Scene 2: Presentation of Offerings to the Djed Pillar 156
Scene 2a: Preparation & Transport of Offerings 156
Scene 2b: Granting of Offerings by the King 167
Scene 3: The Raising of the Djed Pillar 174
Scene 4: Performance of Music & Dance Rituals 186
Scene 4a: Hymn of the Royal Daughters 186
Scene 4b: Additional Music & Dance Sequences 189
Scene 5: Driving of Cattle Around the Walls 196
Scene 6: Performance of Ritual Combat 209
2.2. Overview of Major Sed Festival Relief Programs 220
2.2.0. Introduction 220
2.2.1. Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser at Saqqara 221

IV
2.2.2. Valley Temple of the Bent Pyramid o f Snofru at Dahshur 231
2.2.3. Solar Temple of Niuserre at Abu Gurob 237
2.2.4. Temple of Soleb: Reliefs of Amenhotep III 241
2.2.5. Gempaaten Temple of Akhenaten at Karnak 249
2.2.6. Temple of Bubastis: Reliefs of Osorkon II 254

Chapter 3: Music and Dance: Hathoric Rituals of Renewal 263

3.0. Introduction 263


3.1. Hathoric Dances of Regeneration and Renewal ............265
3.1.0. Introduction 265
3.1.1. Dancing with Raised Arms: The Bird-Dance & the Hunt 266
3.1.1.1. Women of the Oasis & the Dance Troupe of the Acacia House...266
3.1.1.2. Dancing Women & the Ostrich-Dance 269
3.1.1.3. Dancing Women & the Scavenger Bird-Dance 284
3.1.2. Nocturnal Dances of the Longhaired W o m e n of the Cosmic Sky 286
3.1.3. Hathoric Dancing & the Myth of the Wandering Goddess 294
3.1.3.0. Introduction 294
3.1.3.1. Mntyw-Libyms & the Women o f the Libyan Desert 295
3.1.3.2. %w-Nubians & the Mace-Dance 296
3.1.3.3. Iwn.ty.w: The Prostrate Nomads 297
3.1.3.4. Bearded Puntites & Lion-Masked Bes Figures 298
3.2. Ritual Performances of the Royal Women 299
3.2.0. Introduction 299
3.2.1. Palanquin Procession of the Royal Women 300
3.2.1.0. Introduction 300
3.2.1.1. Palanquin Procession of the Queen 303
3.2.1.2. Palanquin Procession of Multiple Royal Women 307
3.2.2. Outside the Palanquin: Music Rites & t h e Hieros Gamos 314
3.2.3. The King's Mother as Neith 319

Chapter 4: The Ritual Run of the King {Konigslauf) 321

4.0. Introduction 321


4.1. The Konigslauf: Control over the Solar Cycle ...'. ............325
4.1.0. Introduction 325
4.1.1. The Boat Run V.".".'.'.'.".'.*.ZZ"ZI 326
4.1.2. The Ruderlauf. ZZZZZZZZVZZ7ZZZ77.Z7Z7Z.ZZ.Z329
4.2. The Konigslauf. Control over Migratory Birds & the /sTM.v-Region 335
4.2.0. Introduction 335
4.2.1. The Fowling Run & the Vogellauf. 336
4.2.2. The Vasenlauf8c the Doum-Nut Offering o f the Baboon 341
4.3. The Konigslauf Control over Fields & Landscape 347
4.3.0. Introduction 347
4.3.1. The Group Run 349
4.3.2. The Apislauf. ../..... "".'. ........ 353

v
4.3.3. Fixing the Wepwawet Standard in the Ground 358

4.3.4. Double-Enthronement as the Culmination of the Konigslauf. 365

Chapter 5: Hunting & Butchery Rituals 372

5.0. Introduction 372


5.1. Nilotic Hunting Rituals: The Hippopotamus Hunt 373
5.2. Desert Hunting Rituals 378
5.2.0. Introduction 378
5.2.1. The Master-of-Beasts & the Lion Hunt 378
5.2.2. Rows of Wild Animals & Royal Control over Cosmic Organization 388
5.2.3. The Wild Bull Hunt 393
5.2.4. The Hunting of Antelopes, Oryxes, Gazelles, & Ibexes 398
5.2.5. Royal Hunting Parks: The Ritual Landscape of the Desert Hunt 400
5.3. Butchery & the Ritual Slaughter of Sacrificial Animals 405
5.3.0. Introduction 405
5.3.1. Ritual Slaughter of Bulls 407
5.3.2. Ritual Slaughter of Antelopes, Oryxes, Gazelles, & Ibexes 412
5.3.3. Architectural Setting for the Ritual Slaughter of Animals 414
5.4. The Cattle Count & the Driving of Cattle 420
Chapter 6: Royal Military Victory Rituals 423

6.0. Introduction 423


6.1. Royal Military Victory Rituals in Early Egypt 433
6.1.0. Introduction 433
6.1.1. Royal Smiting Ritual 434
6.1.2. Display of Defeated Enemy Combatants at Nautical Processions 453
6.1.3. Inspection & Census of Defeated Enemy Combatants 462
6.1.4. Ritual Trampling of the Enemy 469
6.1.5. Razing of Enemy Fortifications 474
6.1.6. Ritual Stabbing of a Prisoner in the Chest with a Dagger 480
6.2. Ritual Destruction of Enemies: Shooting Arrows & Striking Balls 485
6.3. Ritual Combat: A Celebration of Royal Military Power 494

Chapter 7: Nautical Processions 510

7.0. Introduction 510


7.1. The Boat as a Form of Royal Transport in Early Egypt 516
7.1.0. Introduction 516
7.1.1. The Egyptian Ruler as Seated Occupant of Ceremonial Barque 518
7.1.2. The Egyptian Ruler as Standing Occupant of Ceremonial Barque 531
7.1.3. Ritual Performance & the Barque of the Egyptian Ruler 536
7.2. Nautical Processions & Royal Hunting Rituals 537
7.3. Nautical Processions & Royal Military Victory Rituals 554
7.4. Ritual Navigation & Royal Control of Nautical Propulsion 566

vi
7.4.0. Introduction 566
7.4.1. Self-Propulsion of Ceremonial Barques 569
7.4.2. Towing of Ceremonial Barques 573
7.4.3. Rowing of Ceremonial Barques 584
7.4.4. Carrying of Portable Barques 600
7.5. Creation of Ritual Waterscape for the Royal Nautical Procession 602

Bibliography 615

Figures 737

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The original idea for this dissertation emerged from a series of conversations with

Prof. John Darnell about royal and religious symbolism in Predynastic Egyptian

iconography. Inspired by Prof. Darnell's deep knowledge of all periods of ancient

Egyptian history and his enthusiasm for thorny and controversial topics, I decided to

study the grandest of all Egyptian royal festivals—the Sed Festival—from its earliest

origins in Naqada I to its final representations in the Roman Period. Since the history of

the Sed Festival spans roughly four millennia, the resulting dissertation on the Sed

Festival proved to be a considerably larger undertaking than I had originally envisioned.

During the course of working on my dissertation, I have benefited greatly from the

advising and mentorship of Prof. John Darnell and Prof. Colleen Manassa. Their

commitment to the study of ancient Egypt and to the advancement of human knowledge

has been a constant source of inspiration for me. I humbly thank them both for their

insightful comments on my dissertation drafts and for their continued support of my

project.

During my time as a graduate student at Yale University, I have also learned a

great deal about the language and history of ancient Egypt from Prof. William Kelly

Simpson, Prof. Bentley Layton, Prof. Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert, Prof. Leo Depuydt,

and Dr. Stan Hendrickx. I offer my sincerest thanks to each of these distinguished

scholars. My colleague and good friend Dr. David Klotz has also been amazingly

supportive of me during my dissertation work; he has generously hosted me at his home

in Niantic, provided me with many useful bibliographic references, and helped me track

down quite a few hard-to-find articles and books. For their friendship and good cheer, I

viii
also thank my current and former colleagues in the Egyptology program at Yale,

including Lauren Lippiello, Alicia Cunningham-Bryant, Dr. Caitlin Barrett, Tasha

Dobbin, Marina Wilding Brown, Julia Hsieh, and Katie Cobb.

I would not be an Egyptologist today were it not for the encouragement of my

sister Lauren and my parents Z and Jay, who taught me from an early age to value

learning and education. I am forever indebted to my family for their unconditional love

and constant support. While I was studying for my comprehensive exams in New Haven

during the late summer of 2005, my parents lost their home and all of their worldly

possessions to the floodwaters that resulted from Hurricane Katrina's landfall in

Louisiana. My parents' resilience and consistently upbeat attitude—despite their

tremendous loss—has truly placed life in a new perspective for me.

Finally, I would be remiss if I did not mention some of my dear friends who have

celebrated with me during good times and commiserated with me during bad times over

the past nine years. I offer many heartfelt thanks to Fletcher Maumus (for nearly 20

years of close friendship); Stephen Crocker (for always treating me like a brother); Ben

Looker (for being a fantastic roommate for 6 years at 84 Howe Street); Julia Otis (for

being a truly wonderful person and for encouraging me to explore new places and

cultural experiences); Nicholas Jaster (for sharing his encyclopedic knowledge of music

and for introducing me to the culinary delights of Texas barbecue); Mike DiBenedetto

(for his fierce loyalty and his fun-loving approach to life); Aron Culotta (for his calm

demeanor and his willingness to travel long distances for the love of Rock 'n' Roll); Art

Boonparn (for his joie de vivre and his eternally youthful spirit); Christopher Kirsch (for

being the quintessential New Orleanian); Philip Trevvett (for his unique perspective on

ix
the world and his ability to find excitement in all things great and small); Amanda Izzo

(for graciously listening to my litany of concerns about the current state of the academy);

and Matt Hanson (for his generosity, warm spirit, and sharp wit).

x
LIST OF FIGURES

1. Wadi Hammamat, Double-Enthronement of Pepi 1 737

2. El-Lischt, Double-Enthronement of Amenemhat 1 737

3. Medamud, Double-Enthronement of Sesostris 1 738

4. Qurna, Double Enthronement of Amenhotep 1 738

5. Carnelian Plaque of Amenhotep III (MMA 26.7.1340) 739

6. Qurna, Double-Enthronement of Ramesses 1 739

7. Abydos, Double-Enthronement of Seti 1 739

8. Wadi Maghara, Southern Sinai, Smiting Ritual & Konigslauf of Pepi 1 740

9. Deir el-Bahari, Konigslauf of Montuhotep II 740

10. Karnak, Konigslauf of Amenhotep 1 740

11. Karnak, Konigslauf of Ramesses II 741

12. Deir el-Bahari, Vogellauf of Hatshepsut 741

13. Karnak, Vasenlauf of Amenhotep 1 742

14. Deir el-Bahari, Ruderlauf of Montuhotep II 742

15. Coptos, Ruderlauf of Sesostris I (UCL 14786) 742

16. Abydos, Inscribed Stone Vessel of Den, Sed Festival 743

17. Saqqara, Inscribed Stone Vessel of Adjib, Sed Festival 743

18. Abydos, Inscribed Stone Vessel of Semerkhet, Sed Festival 743

19. Saqqara, Inscribed Stone Vessels of Qa-a, Sed Festival 743

20. Abydos, Inscribed Stone Vessel of Qa-a, Sed Festival 744

21. Scorpion Macehead 744

22. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panels 13-14 744

xi
23. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival ofNiuserre, Hoeing the Ground 745

24. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival ofNiuserre, Driving Stakes 745

25. Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser, Subterranean Relief Panels 745

26. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panels 5-8 746

27. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival ofNiuserre, ^ora'gs/aw/'Sequence 746

28. Memphis, Palace of Apries, Gateway, Konigslauf Scenes 747

29. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panels 1-2 747

30. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Visit to "Hall of Eating" 748

31. Memphis, Palace of Apries, Gateway, Royal Visit to Sacred Shrines 748

32. Memphis, Palace of Apries, Gateway, Royal Visit to Sacred Grotto 749

33. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Presenting Offerings to Min 749

34. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Offering of Sb. tto Wadjet 750

35. Fragmentary Labels of Den, Hippo Hunt 750

36. Wooden Label of Den, Fowling Run 750

37. Seal Impression of Djer, Konigslauf. 751

38. Abydos, Label of Den, Konigslauf '& Wepwawet Standard 751

39. Narmer Palette 751

40. Abydos, Label of Den, Smiting Ritual 752

41. Wadi el-Humur, Southern Sinai, Smiting Ritual of Den, Examples 1-2 752

42. Wadi el-Humur, Southern Sinai, Smiting Ritual of Semerkhet 752

43. Gebelein, Early Dynastic Relief Fragment, Arrow-Shooting Ritual 752

44. Bull Palette 753

45. Ebony Label of Aha (University of Pennsylvania U.M. E9396) 753

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46. Hunters Palette, 754

47. C-Ware Bowl (MMA 12.185.15) 754

48. Abydos, Tomb U-239, C-Ware Vessel, Subjugation Scene 755

49. Abydos, Tomb U-415, C-Ware Vase #1 755

50. Two Dogs Palette (A.M. E.3924) 756

51. Bearers Macehead (UCL 14898A) 756

52. Gebelein Linen 757-759

53. Metropolitan Museum Knife Handle 759

54. Qustul Incense Burner 760

55. Archaic Horus Incense Burner 760

56. Wadi Gash, Site 18. M 137a, Predynastic Rock Inscription 761

57. Battlefield Palette 761

58. Gebel el-Arak Knife Handle 762

59. Royal Macehead 762

60. Narmer Macehead 762

61. Abydos, Ebony Label of Den, Sed Festival (British Museum 32.650) 763

62. Abydos, Labels of Den, Enthronement Beside Shrines & Grotto 763

63. Seal Impression of Djer, Upper & Lower Egyptian Enthronement Scenes 763

64. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panels 16-17 763

65. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Royal Enthronement, Examples 1-2 764

66. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Royal Enthronement, Example 3 764

67. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Royal Enthronement, Examples 4-5 764

68. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Double-Throne, Example 6 765

69. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Royal Enthronement, Example 1 765

xiii
70. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Royal Enthronement, Example 2 765

71. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Royal Enthronement, Example 3 765

72. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Royal Enthronement, Example 4 766

73. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Royal Enthronement, Examples 5-6 766

74. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Royal Enthronement, Example 7 766

75. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panel 3 767

76. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Visit to Shrine of the Ennead 767

77. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panel 4 768

78. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Foot-Washing Ritual, Example 1 768

79. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Foot-Washing Ritual, Example 2 768

80. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Robing Ritual, Section 1 769

81. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Robing Ritual, Section 2 769

82. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Palanquin Procession, Section 1 770

83. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Palanquin Procession, Section 2 770

84. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Palanquin Procession, Section 3 770

85. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Palanquin Procession, Section 4 771

86. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Palanquin Procession, Section 5 771

87. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Palanquin Procession 772

88. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Palanquin Procession 1 773

89. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Palanquin Procession 2 774

90. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Palanquin Procession 775


91. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Lion-Furniture Sequence 775

92. Limestone Sed Festival Statue of Khasekhemwy (A.M. 620.11) 776

xiv
93. Slate Sed Festival Statue ofKhasekhemwy (Cairo JdE 32161) 777

94. Sed Festival Statue of Unknown 1st Dynasty King (British Museum 37996) 778

95. Sed Festival Statue of Amenhotep III (Cairo JdE 33900 & 33901) 778

96. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Sesostris III, Royal Enthronement 779

97. Tomb of Surer, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Royal Enthronement #1 779

98. Pectoral from the Tomb of Tutankhamun 780

99. Karnak, Temple of Osiris Hki-D.t, Sed Festival of Osorkon III 780

100. "Feathered" Corselet from the Tomb of Tutankhamun 780

101. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Sed Festival Robe 781

102. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Sed Festival Robe 781

103. Luxor, Standing Statue of Amenhotep III 781

104. Abydos, Label of Semerkhet 782

105. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Hi.ty-r in Ceremonial Robe 782

106. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, 'Iry-Ntrm Ceremonial Robe 782

107. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Royal Official in Ceremonial Robe 782

108. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Jry-Ntr in Ceremonial Robe 783

109. Predynastic Palette Fragment, Palanquins (San Antonio 86.138.62) 783

110. Tomb of Hemaka, Label of Djer (Cairo JdE 70114) 783

111. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Women in Palanquins, Group 1 784

112. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Women in Palanquins, Group 2 784

113. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Women in Palanquins, Group 3 784

114. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Women in Palanquins, Group 4 785

115. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquins, Group 1 785

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116. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquins, Group 2 785

117. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquins, Group 3 786

118. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquin, Group 4 786

119. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquins, Group 5 786

120. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquins, Group 6 787

121. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Daughters in Palanquins, Group 7 787

122. Protodynastic Ivory Statue of Royal Woman (Louvre E. 11888) 787

123. Abydos, Protodynastic Faience Statue of Royal Woman 787

124. Protodynastic Ivory Statue of Royal Woman (A.M. E.326) 788

125. Protodynastic Ivory Statue of Royal Woman (Philadelphia U.M. E.4895) 788

126. Protodynastic Ivory Statue of Royal Woman (A.M. E.328) 788

127. Protodynastic Ivory Statue of Royal Woman (A.M. E.327) 788

128. Protodynastic Limestone Statue of Royal Woman (Lucerne, Kofler K.415) 789

129. Protodynastic Limestone Statue of Royal Woman (Cairo JdE 71586) 789

130. Abydos, Tomb U-182, Protodynastic Ivory Statue of Royal Woman 789

131. Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis, Painted Tableau 790-792

132. Reinscribed Predynastic Palette from Reign of Amenhotep III 793-794

133. Plan of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival Constructions at Malqata 795

134. Plan of the Birket Habu and its Environs 796

135. Plan of Thebes Depicting the Birket Habu & the Eastern Birket 796

136. PlanofAkhetaten 797

137. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Complete Tableau 798

138. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 1 799

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139. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Text 1 799

140. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Fish and Fowl Scene 800

141. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panel 20 801

142. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 2 801

143. Tomb of Khaemhat, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Enhronement #1 802

144. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 3 802

145. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Hathoric Rites 803

146. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Libation Bearers 803

147. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Hathoric Rites 804-805

148. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 4 805-807

149. Tomb of Tutankhamun, Performance of ./Vy«v-Gesture by Nut 807

150. 2nd Golden Shrine of Tutankhamun, Performance of yVyny-Gesture 808

151. 3 rd & 4th Hours of the Book of the Night, Longhaired Women 808

152. 6th & 7th Hours of the Book of the Night, Longhaired Women 809

153. Tomb of Hemaka, Seal Impression of Den, Konigslauf'& Apislauf. 809

154. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Lion-Masked Figure 809

155. Medamud, Sed Festival of Ptolemy II, Bearers of Crocodile Statues 810

156. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Priest of the Crocodile 810

157. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 5 811

158. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Royal Procession to the Palace 812

159. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 6 813

160. Karnak, Chateau de l'Or of Tuthmosis III, Nautical Procession 814

161. Tomb of Kheruef, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 7 814

xvii
162. Mortuary Temple of Amenhotep III, Royal Daughters at Sed Festival 815

163. Sed Festival Plaque of Amenhotep III (MMA 44.2.1) 815

164. Sed Festival Plaque of Amenhotep III (MMA 26.7.1340) 815

165. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Standing Royal Daughters 816

166. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Royal Daughters' Hymn 816-817

167. Medinet Habu, Eastern High Gate, Royal Daughters of Ramesses III 817

168. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Complete Tableau 818

169. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 1 819-820

170. Plaque Depicting Tiye as Sphinx (MMA 26.7.1342) 821

171. Tomb of Khaemhat, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Enthronement #2 821

172. Tomb of Surer, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Royal Enthronement #2 822

173. Tomb of Surer, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, JVtf^-Platform Scenes 823

174. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 2a 824

175. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Unloading of Boats 825-828

176. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Slaughter of Bulls 829

177. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Slaughter of Bulls 829-830

178. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Meat Offerings for the Ennead 830

179. Tomb of Dbh-n=i, Dance Troupe of the Acacia House 831

180. Tomb of Mrrw-kj-i, Dance Troupe of the Acacia House 831

181. Tomb of Pth-htp, Dance Troupe of the Acacia House 831

182. Tomb of K3r, Dance Troupe of the Acacia House 831

183. Tomb of Kheruef, 3rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 2b 832

184. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panel 1 832

xviii
185. Karnak, Talatat Block of Akhenaten, Inspection of Cattle & Oryx Stalls 833

186. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 3 833

187. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 4a 834

188. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 4b 834-835

189. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 5 835

190. Edfu, Ptolemy IV, Driving of the Calves Ritual 836

191. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Driving of Cattle 836

192. Libyan Palette 837

193. Tomb of Kheruef, 3 rd Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Scene 6 837

194. Elephantine, Archaic Baboon Figurine 838

195. Elephantine, Arhaic Figurine of Baboon Taking Doum Nut from Jar 838

196. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panel 9 838

197. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panels 10-12 839

198. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panels 15, 18 839

199. Dahshur, Sed Festival of Snofru, Panel 19 840

200. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Inspection of Construction Work 840

201. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Cattle-Count 840

202. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Opening Procession 841

203. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Min Sequence & Royal Procession 841

204. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Transfer of Bow & Arrow #1 841

205. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Transfer of Bow & Arrow #2 842

206. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Royal Offerings to Khnum 842

207. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Visit to Shrine of Horus 843

xix
208. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Group Run & Hymn 843

209. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Dancers of Punt 844

210. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Driving of Stakes 844

211. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Driving of Cattle 845

212. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Preparation of Offerings 846

213. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Presentation of Offerings to Aten 846

214. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Royal Banquet 846

215. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Departure from Palace 847

216. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Lion-Shaped Palanquins 847

217. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Lion-Furniture Sequence 847

218. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Scene of Homage to the King 848

219. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Group Run 848

220. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, King at Steps of Kiosk 849

221. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Stick Fighting & Boxing 849

222. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Royal Feet-Washing Ritual 849

223. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Granting of Years & Sed Festivals 850

224. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, &»Offering to Nekhbet 850

225. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, 1st Procession to Tntl^-Platform 851

226. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, 2nd Procession to Tntl.t-Platform 851

227. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, 3rd Procession to Tntl.t-Platform 851

228. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, King at Steps of Kiosk 852

229. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Anointing of Wepwawet Standard 852

230. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Censing of Pillars and Standards 853

xx
231. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, &.f-Offering & Purification Rite 854

232. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Procession of Barque of Amun-Re 854

233. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Music Rites & Ritual Prostration 854

234. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Northern Barque Procession 855

235. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Lower Egyptian Royal Procession 855

236. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Libyans Wearing Leather Straps 856

237. Causeway of Sahure's Mortuary Temple, Dancing Women 856

238. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Dancing Women 856

239. Tomb of Hnmw-nfr, Dancing Women 857

240. Tomb of'Nn-hfty-k3=i, Dancing Women 857

241. Tomb of Inty, Dancing Women 857

242. Tomb of Nfr-ir.t-n=f, Dancing Women 858

243. Tomb of Shm-B=l, Dancing Women 858

244. Gerzeh Palette 858

245. Abydos, Tomb U-210, Seal Impression (Abydos K 2160a) 859

246. Hierakonpolis, Early Dynastic Stone Vessel, Bovine Celestial Goddess 859

247. Manchester Palette (Manchester Museum 5476) 859

248. Wadi Gash, Site 18. M 154a, Predynastic Rock Inscription 860

249. Gebelein, Predynastic Golden Knife Handle 860

250. Predynastic Bird-Shaped Vessel 860

251. D-Ware Vessel (A.M. 1895.345) 861

252. Naqada, D-Ware Vessel (A.M. 1895.584) 861

253. Abydos, D-Ware Vessel 861

xxi
254. El-Adaima, D-Ware Vessel (Brooklyn 09.889.400) 861

255. El-Amrah, D-Ware Vessel (British Museum 35502) 862

256. D-Ware Vessel (MMA 20.2.10) 862

257. D-Ware Vessel in Munich 862

258. D-Ware Vessel in the Berlin Museum 863

259. D-Ware Vessel (Stockholm MM10310) 863

260. D-Ware Vessel (MMA 12.182.41) 863

261. Men with Raised Arms & Solar Boats in Predynastic Rock Inscriptions 864

262. Wadi Gash, Site 18. M 141a, Predynastic Rock Inscription 864

263. Wadi Abu Subeira, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Falcon Standard & Boat 865

264. Khor Takar, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Boat & Row of Ostriches 865

265. Abydos, Tomb U-503, Fragmentary Knife Handle (Abydos K 3325) 865

266. C-Ware Bowl in Moscow Museum 866

267. Dominion Behind Thebes, Predynastic Rock Inscription (WHW 353) 866

268. Wadi Mineh, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Ostrich Hunt 866

269. Wadi Abu Markab el-Nes, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Ostrich Hunt 867

270. "Gazelle-Goose" Palette (British Museum 32074) 867

271. Four Dogs Palette (Louvre E.l 1052) 867

272. Predynastic Beak-Nosed Female Figurine with Raised Arms 868

273. Predynastic Tattooed Female Figurine with Raised Arms (A.M. 1895.127) 868

274. Predynastic Female Figurine with "Arm Stumps" 869

275. Predynastic Beak-Nosed Male Figurine with (Brooklyn Museum 35.1269) 869

276. Predynastic Tattooed Female Figurine (British Museum 50.680) 869

277. Predynastic Tattooed Female Figurine (British Museum 58.064) 870

xxii
278. Dominion Behind Thebes, Predynastic Rock Inscriptions (WHW 90 & 84) 870

279. Mahasna, C-Ware Bowl (A.M. E2785) 871

280. Wadi Gash, Site 18. M 147a, Predynastic Rock Inscription 871

281. C-Ware Vessel in Petrie Museum (UCL 15339) 871

282. C-Ware Vessel in the Royal Museum (Brussels E.3002) 872

283. Gebelein, Early Dynastic Relief Fragment, Foundation Ritual 872

284. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Prostrate Men 872

285. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Prostrate Men 873

286. Gebel Uweinat, Sed Festival Relief of Montuhotep II, Prostrate Man 873

287. Gebel Tjauti Inscription #1: The Scorpion Tableau 873

288. Early Dynastic Votive Offering (Lucerne, Kofler-Truniger K9643R) 874

289. Heliopolis, Sed Festival Relief of Djoser 874

290. Ebony Label of Djer (Berlin Museum 18026) 874

291. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Women in Palanquins 875

292. Mortuary Temple of Teti, Women in Palanquins 875

293. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Incense Offering for Min 875

294. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Divine Mother #1 876

295. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Divine Mother #2 876

296. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Divine Mother #3 877

297. Soleb, 1st Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Divine Mother #4 877

298. Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser, Boundary Markers in Southern Court 878

299. Plan of Djoser's Step Pyramid Complex at Saqqara 878

300. Wadi of the Horus Qa-a, Predynastic Royal Tableau 879-881

xxiii
301. Abydos, 1st Dynasty Royal Boat Burials 881

302. Deir el-Bahari, Ruderlauf of Hatshepsut 882

303. Bubastis, Reception of Oar by Pepi 1 882

304. Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Reception of Oar by Tuthmosis III 883

305. Saqqara, 1st Dynasty Limestone Relief. 883

306. Ostraca Depicting a Baboon Retrieving a Doum-Nut from a Sack 884

307. Tomb of Iry-nfr (TT 290), Man Kneeling Beside Doum-Palm & Lake 884

308. Reconstruction of the Naqade-Tdfelchen of Aha 885

309. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Group Run #1 885

310. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Group Run #2 885

311. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Group Run #2 886

312. Record of Apislauf of Aha on a Diorite Bowl 886

313. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival of Niuserre, Apis Shrine 886

314. Chapelle Rouge, Hatshepsut Performing Apislauf, White Crown 886

315. Chapelle Rouge, Hatshepsut Performing Apislauf, Red Crown 887

316. Deir el-Bahari, 19th Dynasty Sarcophagus, Sed Festival Rites 887

317. Plan of Moat Around Djoser's Step Pyramid Complex 888

318. Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser, Tntl.t-PMform 888

319. Kom as-Samak, M.f-Platform of Amenhotep III 888

320. Enthronement Scene of Khaskhemwy 889

321. C-Ware Bowl (Cairo CG 2076) 889

322. Abydos, Tomb U-415, C-Ware Vase #2 890

323. Seal Impressions of Den Depicting Hippo Hunt & Decapitated Enemies 890

xxiv
324. Seal Impression of Den Depicting Two Hippo Hunt Scenes 891

325. Mortuary Temple of Userkaf, Hippo Hunt 891

326. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Hippo Hunt 891

327. Mortuary Temple of Pepi II, Hippo Hunt 892

328. Stockholm Palette 892

329. Main Deposit at Hierakonpolis, Ivory Handle Depicting Master of Beasts 892

330. Medinet Habu, Lion Hunt of Ramesses III 893

331. Early Dynastic Lion Statues 893

332. Soleb, Lion Statue of Amenhotep III 893

333. Wadi Umm Salam, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Row of Ibexes & Dog 894

334. Eastern Desert, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Rows of Ibexes & Dogs 894

335. GebelTarif Knife Handle 895

336. Carnarvon Knife Handle 895

337. Abu Zeidan Knife Handle 896

338. Pitt-Rivers Knife Handle 896

339. Petrie Museum Knife Handle 897

340. Berlin Museum Knife Handle 897

341. Ashmolean Museum Knife Handle (A.M. E.4975) 897

342. Tomb U-127, Abydos, Knife Handle Fragments (Abydos Kl 103cl-4) 898

343. Cemetery U, Abydos, Knife Handle Fragment (Abydos K 1262b) 898

344. Davis Comb 898

345. Sayala Mace Handle 899

346. Ivory Spoon from Tarkhan 899

xxv
347. Protodynastic Decorated Calcite Vase (Munich 7162) 900

348. Tomb U-134, Abydos, Seal Impression (Abydos K 2087a) 900

349. Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser, Stone Panels Depicting Snakes 900

350. BenBubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkonll, Schlangensteine 901

351. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Incense Offering & Pillars 901

352. Dominion Behind Thebes, Predynastic Rock Inscription (WHW 334) 902

353. Wadi Abu Markab el-Nes, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Bull Lassoing #1 902

354. Wadi el-Barramiya, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Bull Lassoing 902

355. Wadi el-Atwani, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Bull Lassoing 903

356. Wadi Abu Markab el-Nes, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Bull Lassoing #2 903

357. Fragmentary Label of Den, Bull Hunt 903

358. Abydos, Temple of Seti I, Corridor of the Bull, Bull Lassoing 904

359. Medinet Habu, Bull Hunt of Ramesses III 904

360. Wadi el-Barramiya, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Desert Hunting 905

361. Incised Black-Topped Vessel (Brussels E.2631) 905

362. D-Ware Vessel from Abydos (A.M. E.2832) 905

363. Plan of Ritual Structure at Locality HK29a in Hierakonpolis 906

364. Mortuary Temple of Userkaf, Desert Hunt 906

365. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Desert Hunt 907

366. Mortuary Temple of Unis, Desert Hunt 908

367. Mortuary Temple of Unknown King of Late Old Kingdom, Desert Hunt 908

368. Bow Case of Tutankhamun, Desert Hunting Scene 909

369. Chest of Tutankhamun, Desert Hunt 909

xxvi
370. Chest of Tutankhamun, Lion Hunt 910

371. Ostrich Feather Fan of Tutankhamun, Ostrich Hunt 910

372. Stela of Seti I from Giza, Desert Hunt 911

373. Medinet Habu, Desert Hunt of Ramesses III 911

374. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Desert Animals, Example 1 912

375. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, Desert Animals, Example 2 912

376. Karnak, Talatat Block on Akhenaten, Desert Hunt 913

377. Mortuary Temple of Pepi II, Sacrifice of Oryx 913

378. Luxor Temple, Amenhotep III Slaughtering Antelope 913

379. Tomb 3504, Saqqara, Burcrania 914

380. Wadi Nag el-Birka, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Pr-wr Shrine 914

381. Abu Gurob, Solar Temple of Niuserre, Large Stone Offering Table 914

382. Abu Gurob, Solar Temple of Niuserre, Butchery Facilities 915

383. Gebel Sheikh Suleiman, Major Tableau 916

384. Gebel Sheikh Suleiman, Minor Tableau 916

385. Hierakonpolis, Mace Handle of Narmer, Royal Smiting Ritual 917

386. Dominion Behind Thebes, Predynastic Rock Inscription (WHW 86) 917

387. Label of Narmer from Abydos, Royal Smiting Ritual 918

388. Label of Aha from Abydos, Royal Smiting Ritual 918

389. Label of Djet from Abydos, Royal Smiting Ritual & Ritual Combat 918

390. Wadi el-Humur, Southern Sinai, Smiting Ritual of Den, Example 3 919

391. Ceremonial Palette, Smiting Scene, Unknown 1st Dynasty King 919

392. Hierakonpolis, Proto-/Early Dynastic Mace Handle, Smiting Ritual 919

xxvii
393. Hierakonpolis, Protodynastic Mace Handle, Animals & Large Maces 920

394. Wadi Magar, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Crocodiles & Large Maces 920

395. Kom el-Qal'a, Smiting Ritual & Enthronement of Merenptah 921

396. Nag el-Hamdulab, Protodynastic Rock Inscription, Royal Tableau 921

397. Karnak, Relief of Tutankhamun, Display of Enemy on Royal Barque 922

398. Hermopolis, Talatat of Akhenaten, Royal Barque (MMA 1985.328.15) 922

399. Medinet Habu, Ramesses Ill's Victory over Sea Peoples 923

400. Medinet Habu, Ramesses Ill's Victory over Libyans 923

401. Hierakonpolis, Protodynastic Ivory Object, Decapitated Enemies 924

402. Tomb U-127, Abydos, Knife Handle Fragments (Abydos K1103M-2) 924

403. Main Deposit at Hierakonpolis, Protodynastic Ivory Plaque 924

404. Hierakonpolis, Protodynastic Ivory Macehead 924

405. Abydos, Early Dynastic Plaques Depicting Bound Prisoners 925

406. Coptos, Protodynastic Statue of Min, Side Panel (Cairo JdE 30770) 925

407. Gebel Tjauti Inscription #2: Elephant on Mountains 926

408. Cemetery U, Abydos, Labels Depicting Elephants on Mountains 926

409. Hierakonpolis, Protodynastic Ivory Object, Elephants on Mountains 927

410. Wadi Magar, Protodynastic Rock Inscription, Elephant Standard on Boat 927

411. Reconstructed Label of Aha, Ssp Smcw mhw Ritual 927

412. Stone Vessel of Adjib, Unification of the Two Lands 928

413. Stone Vessels of Khasekhemwy, Unification of the Two Lands 928

414. Dendera Chapel of Montuhotep II, Unification of the Two Lands 928

415. 18th Dynasty Reliefs, Prisoners Bound to Sml-Sign 929

xxviii
416. El-Lischt, Base of Statue of Sesostris I, Unification of the Two Lands 929

417. Karnak, Akhmenu, Military Instruction Scenes of Tuthmosis III 929

418. Karnak, Edifice of Taharqa, Ball-Throwing and Arrow-Shooting 930

419. Karnak, Sed Festival Relief of God's Wife Shepenwepet II 930

420. Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Ball-Striking Ritual of Tuthmosis III 931

421. Gempaaten, Sed Festival of Akhenaten, rnh-Sign Carrying Large Bow 931

422. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, ZW-Pillars Carrying Large Bows 932

423. Bubastis, SedFesival of Osorkon II, Carrying of Large Bow 932

424. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Transfer of Bow to Hry-P 932

425. New Year's Flask from Late Period, Stick-Fighters (Brooklyn 16.144) 932

426. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Causeway, Wrestling 933

427. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Causeway, Stick Fighting 933


428. Mortuary Temple of Sahure, Causeway, Archery 933

429. Beni Hasan, Tomb of Amenemhat, Ritual Combat Scenes 934

430. Beni Hasan, Tomb of Khety, Ritual Combat Scene 935

431. Beni Hasan, Tomb of Baqti III, Ritual Combat Scenes 936

432. Tomb of Khonsu (TT 31), Stick-Fighting on Ceremonial Barques 937

433. Amarna, Tomb of Meryre II, Ritual Combat at Durbar of Akhenaten 938

434. Medinet Habu, Window-of-Appearance of Ramesses III 939-940

435. Tomb of Amenmese (TT 19), Ritual Combat Scenes 941

436. Cemetery U, Abydos, Labels Depicting Dueling Wrestlers 941

437. Cemetery B, Abydos, Label Depicting Dueling Wrestlers 941

438. Tomb of Tjanuni (TT74), Crew of Marines & Military Standard 942

439. Semna, Reliefs of Tuthmosis III, Portable Barque Procession 943-944

xxix
440. Chapelle Rouge, Boat Procession of Opet Festival 944

441. Chapelle Rouge, Boat Procession of Valley Festival 945

442. Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Boat Procession of Valley Festival 946

443. Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Boat Procession of Opet Festival 947-949

444. Wadi Abbad, Predynastic & 18th Dynasty Rock Inscriptions 950

445. Tomb U-127, Abydos, Seal Impression (Abydos K830c-d) 951

446. Beda, Predynastic Ceramic Vessel, Incised Potmark 951

447. Wadi Magar, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Nautical Procession 951

448. Wadi Abbad, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Ruler on Barque 952

449. Khor Abu Subeira, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Nautical Procession 952

450. Wadi el-Faras, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Nautical Procession 953

451. C-Ware Bowl (MMA 35.10) 953

452. C-Ware Bowl (Cairo CG 2071 =JdE 31069) 953

453. C-Ware Bowl (Berlin Museum 23222) 954

454. Tomb 1805, Mostagedda, C-Ware Bowl (Cairo JdE 52 835) 954

455. Wadi Gash, Site 18. M 140, Predynastic Rock Inscription 954

456. Tomb B5, Abydos, C-Ware Bowl (A.M. 1909.1026) 954

457. Wadi Mineh, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Abbreviated Hippo Hunt 955

458. Wadi Mineh, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Bull Tethered to Boat 955

459. Wadi el-Barramiya, Predynastic Rock Inscription 955-957

460. Wadi Umm Salam Predynastic Rock Inscription, Giraffe & Boat #1 957

461. Wadi Umm Salam Predynastic Rock Inscription, Giraffe & Boat #2 958

462. Naga Abidis, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Giraffe & Boat 958

xxx
463. Dominion Behind Thebes, Predynastic Rock Inscription (WHW 19) 958

464. Predynastic Rock Inscription, Giraffe & Boat 959

465. Bubastis, Sed Festival of Osorkon II, Unmanned Barques 959

466. Dominion Behind Thebes, Predynastic Rock Inscription (WHW 55) 960

467. Abu Gurob, Solar Temple ofNiuserre, Brick Boat 961

468. Abu Gurob, Sed Festival ofNiuserre, Towing of Barque(s) 961

469. Elkab, Tomb of Setau, Sed Festival of Ramesses III, Barque of Nekhbet 961

470. Khor Abu Subeira, Unpublished Predynastic Rock Inscription 962

471. Wadi Abu Markab el-Nes, Predynastic Rock Inscription, Boat with Pilot 962

472. Wadi of the Horus Qa-a, 1st Dynasty Inscription, M^r.ry-Barques 963

473. Mortuary Temple of Montuhotep II, King Piloting Ceremonial Barque 963

474. Karnak, Grand Chateau d'Amon, Sesostris I Piloting Ceremonial Barque 964

475. Mounds on Periphery of Birket Habu 964

xxxi
CHAPTER 1: THE ANCIENT EGYPTIAN S E P FESTIVAL: AN INTRODUCTION

1.0. INTRODUCTION

As the grandest of all royal festivals in ancient Egypt, the Sed Festival is one of

the most frequently depicted royal iconographic motifs in the decorative relief programs

of Egypt's numerous temples and royal precincts. Each Egyptian ruler, upon taking the

throne, hoped to celebrate not one, but many Sed Festivals—both in life and in the

perpetually renewed state of existence the ruler would later achieve upon his death.1

Thus, formulaic hieroglyphic texts accompanying ritual scenes from the celebration of

the Sed Festival often describe the Egyptian ruler's desire to celebrate "millions of Sed

Festivals." For example, in a relief describing "the first occasion of the Sed Festival"

(sp-tpy hb-sd) of Pepi II, the lion goddess Menit grants "the celebration of a million Sed

Festivals" (ir.t hh m hb.w-sd) to the king. Perhaps as an expression of this desire to

celebrate numerous Sed Festivals, ancient Egyptian rulers often commissioned the

production of reliefs depicting scenes of ritual performance from the celebration of the

Sed Festival; the two most frequently depicted motifs among these reliefs are the

enthronement of the Egyptian ruler in a double-kiosk (the "double-enthronement" scene)

1
For discussion of the connection between the celebration of the Sed Festival and the continued existence
of the deceased Egyptian ruler, see primarily Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 41-46,
with references. Hornung and Staehelin, op. cit, p. 41, encapsulate this Egyptian concept regarding the
celebration of the Sed Festival in the afterlife quite well: "Da sich die Erneuerung des Konigs iiber seinen
Tod hinaus fortsetzen und standig wiederholen soil, ist das Sedfest nicht an seine irdische Regierung und
Existenz gebunden."
2
For discussion of Egyptian texts that describe the Egyptian ruler's desire to celebrate great numbers of
Sed Festivals, see primarily Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 10-12, with references.
3
For the text that desribes the granting of a "million Sed Festivals" to Pepi II during the celebration of his
first Sed Festival, see Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs, Vol. 1, pp. 114-115.

1
and the performance of a ceremonial run by the ruler (the Konigslauf). Prior to the

development of monumental stone architecture in the Old Kingdom, similar depictions of

scenes of ritual performance from the celebration of the Sed Festival were a common

iconographic motif on 1st Dynasty ivory and wooden labels known as "year labels."5 In

these scenes depicting the performance of rituals at the celebration of the Sed Festival,

the Egyptian ruler typically wears elaborate costumes and carries ritual implements that

are unique to the Sed Festival.

For example, during the performance of the "double-enthronement" ritual (Figs.

1-7), the Egyptian ruler almost always wears one of two enveloping ceremonial robes—

either the long Sed Festival robe, which ends just above the feet, or the short Sed Festival

robe, which ends just above the knees.6 The ceremonial robe that the Egyptian ruler

wears in the double-enthronement scene is a key feature for identifying this and other

scenes as Sed Festival rites; the name of the Sed Festival itself, hb-sd, may be

etymologically linked to the name of the cloth (sd) from which the ruler's robe was

4
For discussion of the earliest depictions of the Sed Festival kiosk and double-kiosk, see primarily
Kuhlmann, Der Thron im alten Agypten, pp. 75-80; Kuraszkiewicz, GM172 (1999): 63-71; Krol, GM184
(2001): 27-36. For detailed discussion of the "double-enthronement" ritual and its connection to the
Konigslauf'at the celebration of the Sed Festival, see primarily Section 4.3.4. For discussion of the
Konigslauf'in general, see Chapter 4.
5
The images on these labels refer to a particular year of a ruler's reign by depicting the most important
ritual performance(s) of that year. For discussion of the inscribing of ritual scenes on 1st Dynasty labels as
a de facto system of designating specific regnal years, see primarily Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals
and Day-Books, pp. 67, 86-88; Millet, JARCE 27 (1990): 53-59; Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, pp. 218-
223; Wilkinson, Royal Annals ofAncient Egypt, pp. 63-64; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late
Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 20-22; Baines, in Engel, etal., eds., Zeichen aus dem Sand,
pp. 20,23.
6
For detailed discussion of two-dimensional representations of the Sed Festival robe, see references
collected in Section 1.1.2, footnote 55. For detailed discussion of three-dimensional representations of the
Sed Festival robe, see references collected in Section 1.1.2, footnote 64.

2
made.7 Additionally, the double-enthronement of the Egyptian ruler at the Sed Festival

expresses an important aspect of ancient Egyptian kingship—namely, the division of the

ruler's authority over the two constituent parts of the country, i.e., Upper and Lower

Egypt. On one side of the double-enthronement scene, the enthroned Egyptian ruler

wears the white crown of Upper Egypt; on the other side of the scene, the ruler wears the

red crown of Lower Egypt.8 Thus, as a result of the ritual enthronement of the ruler at the

Sed Festival, the Egyptian ruler symbolically unifies Egypt and demonstrates his

authority to rule the country.9

For the performance of the Konigslauf (Figs. 8-11), the ruler typically removes

the Sed Fesetival robe and wears a less restrictive costume that includes a kilt with a

bull's tail attached to the back of the waist; the name of the Sed Festival, hb-sd, may also

be etymologically linked to the ancient word designating the bull's tail (sd) as a

component of ritual costume for the Sed Festival.10 The Konigslaufhas several important

variants, each of which expresses the ruler's mastery over a different aspect of the

cosmos and the various natural cycles thereof—for example, the Vogellauf (Fig. 12),11

7
For detailed discussion of the symbolic significance of the Sed Festival robe and the Egyptian word sd,
"cloth," see Section 1.1.2.
8
For discussion of the white crown and red crown as elements of Egyptian regalia with specific geographic
symbolism, see, e.g., Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, pp. 192-196. Kuraszkiewicz, GM172 (1999): 64,
sensibly concludes that the double-enthronement scene depicts "the Appearance of the King of Upper
Egypt and the Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt" at the celebration of the Sed Festival. For
discussion of the ritual performance of the "Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt" (if.t nsw.t), the
"Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt" (if.t bl.ty), and the "Appearance of the King of Upper and
Lower Egypt" in the Palermo Stone and other sources for the Early Dynastic Period, see primarily Millet,
JARCE21 (1990): 53-59; Wilkinson, op. cit, pp. 210-212.
9
For further elaboration of this theory regarding the symbolic significance of the double-enthronement
ritual at the Sed Festival, see Section 4.3.4.
10
For discussion of the ceremonial bull's tail as an element of royal costume at the Sed Festival, see
primarily Section 1.1.1.
11
For discussion of the symbolic significance of the Vogellauf, see Section 4.2.1.

3
the Vasenlauf (Fig. 13), and the Ruderlauf (Figs. 14-15). As a result of his vigorous

effort during the performance of the Konigslaufmd its ritual variants, the Egyptian ruler

assures the proper functioning of all elements and cycles of the cosmos.

Despite the ubiquity of these scenes of ritual performance at the celebration of the

Sed Festival, detailed representations of the entire progression of rituals comprising the

Sed Festival are relatively rare in the archaeological record of Egypt.14 From the Old

Kingdom onwards, elaborate reliefs depicting a progression of several different rituals at

the celebration of the Sed Festival appear most often on the walls of temples, royal

mortuary temples, and in the tombs of royal officials who participated in the ceremony.

Notable examples of detailed Sed Festival relief programs from the Old Kingdom appear

in the Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser at Saqqara (Section 2.2.1), in the valley temple

of Snofru's Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Section 2.2.2), and in the solar temple of Niuserre

at Abu Gurob (Section 2.2.3). Examples from the New Kingdom include the Sed

Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef, a high-ranking royal official, at

Thebes (Section 2.1); the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the Temple of Soleb

(Section 2.2.4); and the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten in the Gempaaten at Karnak

(Section 2.2.5). Finally, from the 3 rd Intermediate Period, a detailed set of reliefs in the

Temple of Bubastis depicts the celebration of the Sed Festival by Osorkon II (Section

2.2.6). The Sed Festival reliefs of Djoser, Snofru, Niuserre, Amenhotep III, Akhenaten,

and Osorkon II certainly were not the only detailed sets of reliefs commissioned to depict

12
For discussion of the symbolic significance of the Vasenlauf, see Section 4.2.2.
13
For discussion of the symbolic significance of the Ruderlauf, see Section 4.1.2; Section 7.4.3.
14
For discussion of the relative paucity of detailed representations of the entire progression of rituals
comprising the Sed Festival, see, e.g., Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 97-106; Martin, in LA, Vol. 5, cols.
785-787; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 1.

4
the progression of rituals at the celebration of the Sed Festival; however, the reliefs from

these kings' reigns represent the most complete representations of the Sed Festival that

have survived to the present day.

1.1. AN ETYMOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE TERMHb-Sd

1.1.0. INTRODUCTION

The etymological derivation and proper translation of the ancient Egyptian term

hb-sd are unresolved issues that have been subject to considerable discussion and

controversy.15 The translation of hb, the first word in hb-sd, is unambiguous and

uncontroversial; hb is a common Egyptian word that refers to a "festival" or "ritual

celebration" in phrases such as hb-n-tp-rnp.t ("Festival of the Beginning of the Year")

and hb-n-wp.t-rnp.t ("New Year Festival").16 Controversy concerning the translation and
17

etymology of the term hb-sd hinges entirely upon the word sd. The term hb-sd is often

written ideographically with a hieroglyphic sign representing the royal /«/?.?-platform and

the double-kiosk in which the king is enthroned during the celebration of the Sed

Festival; however, when the two words in the term hb-sd are written out in full, the word

sd often has a narrow triangle-shaped determinative (with a rounded end) that closely
1o

resembles Gardiner Sign N20/N21 ("tongue of land"). This particular sign appears as a

15
For an overview of various interpretations of the etymology of the term hb-sd (Wb. 3, 59.1), see Martin,
in LA, Vol. 5, col. 782; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-FestivalatKarnak, pp. 2-3; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal
Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 42-43.
16
For the word hb, "das Fest," see Wb. 3, 57.5-23, 58.1-21.
17
For the word sd in the phrase hb-sd, see Wb. 4, 364.10.
18
Although the narrow triangle-shaped sign (with a rounded end) that determines for the word sd in certain
orthographic writings of hb-sd strongly resembles Gardiner Sign N20/N21 ("tongue of land"), the sign
most likely does not represent a piece of land. For a problematic interpretation of sd as a type of land
connected to the performance of the Konigslauf, see with caution Wainwright, The Sky-Religion in Egypt,
pp. 19-24.

5
determinative for the word sd in several of the earliest attestations of the term hb-sd, e.g.,

in an inscription of Den on a limestone bowl from Abydos (Fig. 16),19 in an inscription of

Adjib on a stone vessel from Saqqara (Fig. 17), in an inscription of Semerkhet on a

crystal bowl from Abydos (Fig. 18), and in several inscriptions of Qa-a on stone vessels

from Saqqara and Abydos (Figs. 19-20).

Despite considerable scholarly attention to the subject, the meaning of the word

sd has remained unresolved and unclear; however, the term hb-sd has typically been

understood in one of four ways. The two most convincing theories concerning the

etymology and origin of the word sd in the term hb-sd both provide plausible

interpretations of the narrow triangle-shaped determinative for the word sd. According to

one theory, the determinative for sd represents the end of a ceremonial animal's tail worn

by the Egyptian ruler during the performance of physically demanding rituals at the

19
For the writing of hb-sd in an inscription of Den on a limestone bowl from Abydos, see Dreyer, etal.,
MDAIK46 (1990): 80, fig. 9, pi. 26d.
20
For the writing of hb-sd in an inscription of Adjib on a stone vessel from Saqqara, see Lacau and Lauer,
Lapyramide a degres, Vol. 4, Fasc. 1, pi. III.7; Lacau and Lauer, op. cit, Vol. 4, Fasc. 2, pp. 19-20, no. 35;
Kuraszkiewicz, GM167 (1998): 73-75, doc. 2, fig. 1, with references; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in
the Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 71-72, fig. 39.
21
For the writing of hb-sd in an inscription of Semerkhet on a crystal bowl from Abydos, see Petrie, Royal
Tombs of the Is' Dynasty, Vol. 1, p. 20, pi. 7.6; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic
Period and the First Dynasty, p. 73, fig. 40.
22
For the writing of hb-sd in several inscriptions of Qa-a on stone vessels from Saqqara, see Lacau and
Lauer, Lapyramide a degres, Vol. 4, Fasc. 1, pi. IV.5; pi. 8, cat. no. 41; Lacau and Lauer, op. cit., Vol. 4,
Fasc. 2, pp. 24-25, cat. nos. 41, 43; Kaplony, Steingefdsse mit Inschriften der Friihzeit unddes Alten
Reichs, pp. 26-32, 34-38, cat. nos. 12, 16; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period
and the First Dynasty, p. 73, fig. 41. For the writing of hb-sd in an inscription of Qa-a on a stone vessel
from Abydos, see Petrie, Royal Tombs of the V Dynasty, Vol. 1, pp. 20-21, pi. 8.7; Jimenez-Serrano, op.
cit., p. 73.
23
Concerning three of the most widely supported theories regarding the meaning of the word sd in the term
hb-sd, Martin, in LA, Vol. 5, col. 782, has posed the following question: "1st sie auf den Canidengott Sed
zuruckzufiihren, auf den Tierschwanz sd, auf das Kleidungsstiick sd, oder sind alle drei aufgefuhten
Begriffe daran beteiligt?" Thus, Martin hints at the possibility that the word sd in the term hb-sd may have
originally referred to more than one ritual item or concept.

6
celebration of the Sed Festival (Section 1.1.1). According to another theory, the

determinative for sd represents a folded piece of cloth—/. e., the material from which the

Sed Festival robe of the Egyptian ruler was made (Section 1.1.2). Two additional widely

supported theories concerning the etymology and origin of the word sd in the term hb-sd

are ultimately unconvincing because they fail to provide a plausible interpretation of the

narrow triangle-shaped determinative for the word sd. According to one of these

theories, the word sd refers to the canine god Sed who is closely related to the god

Wepwawet (Section 1.1.3). According to another theory, the word sd refers to a 30-year

period of time—i.e., the hypothetical length of time that a king would typically rule

before celebrating the Sed Festival (Section 1.1.4).

1.1.1. Hb-Sd: FESTIVAL OF THE TAIL?

The word sd in the term hb-sd is very likely etymologically linked to an Egyptian

word meaning "tail"; the tail-shaped determinative (Gardiner Sign F33) that appears in

standard orthographic writings of sd, "tail," is very similar in shape to the narrow

triangle-shaped determinative for the word sd in the term hb-sd?4 If this etymological

interpretation of sd is correct, as seems likely, the word sd in the term hb-sd probably

refers to the ceremonial animal's tail that is attached to the back of the Egyptian ruler's

waist during the performance of several notable rituals at the celebration of the Sed

Festival.25 For example, in representations of the Sed Festival from the Protodynastic

Period onwards, the Egyptian ruler often wears a ceremonial tail while performing rituals

24
For the word sd, "der Schwanz," see Wb. 4, 363.4-14, 364.1-2.
5
For the interpretation of the word sd in the term hb-sd as an allusion to the ceremonial animal's tail worn
by the king at the Sed Festival, see, e.g., Spiegelberg, OLZ4 (1901): 9-10; Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p.
181; Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris, p. 156; Moret, Mysteres egyptiens, pp. 73-102; Adams, Eretz-Israel 21
(1990): 4; Kahl, Das Systen der dgyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0.-3. Dynastie, p. 501; Cialowicz,
Folia Orientalia 33 (1997): 39.

7
that require a heightened level of physical exertion, for example, during the temple

foundation rites (Figs. 21-24);26 the Konigslauf (Figs. 25-28);27 the king's visit to sacred

shrines (Figs. 25, 29-32);28 the Raising of the Djed Pillar (Fig. 186);29 and the king's

presentation of offerings to deities (Figs. 33-34,183).

First attested with certainty as a component or royal garb in the depiction of the

Sed Festival on the Scorpion Macehead (Fig. 21), the ceremonial tail that often hangs

from the back of the king's waist in important ritual scenes is most likely the tail of a

26
Depictions of the Egyptian ruler wearing a ceremonial tail while performing a foundation ritual appear,
e.g., on the Scorpion Macehead (Cialowicz, Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 8 (1997): 12, fig. 1); in
the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Fakhry, The
Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 97, fig. 91); and in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre
in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol.
2, nos. 1-4, 56). For detailed discussion of the foundation rituals that appear in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Scorpion, Snofru, and Niuserre, see Section 7.6.
27
Depictions of the Egyptian ruler wearing a ceremonial tail while performing the Konigslauf'appear, e.g.,
in the Sed Festival reliefs of Djoser in the Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara (Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995):
23, fig. 14); in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur
(Fakhry, The Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 66, 78, figs. 43, 58); in the Sed Festival
reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs
Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 33-34); and in the Sed Festival reliefs of Apries from the gateway of his palace at
Memphis (Kaiser, MDAIKA3 (1986): 150, fig. 7). For detailed discussion of the significance of the
ceremonial tail worn by the Egyptian ruler during the performance of the Konigslauf see Section 4.3.3.
28
Depictions of the Egyptian ruler wearing a ceremonial tail while visiting sacred shrines appear, e.g., in
the Sed Festival reliefs of Djoser in the Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara (Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995):
19, 38-39, figs. 12, 23-24); in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at
Dahshur (Fakhry, The Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 60, fig. 35); Osorkon II
(Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 4, nos. 2,4); and in the Sed Festival reliefs of Apries from the
gateway of his palace at Memphis (Kaiser, MDAIK43 (1986): 149, 151-152, figs. 6, 8-9).
29
A depiction of Amenhotep III wearing a ceremonial tail while performing the Raising of the Djed Pillar
appears in the reliefs of his third Sed Fesitval in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef
pi. 56). For detailed discussion of this representation of Amenhotep III performing the Raising of the Djed
Pillar, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 3.
30
Depictions of the Egyptian ruler wearing a ceremonial tail while making offerings to various deities
appear, e.g., in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 55, pi. 122); in the
Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 54);
and in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 16, nos.
8-10).

8
wild bull.31 During the Protodynastic Period and Early Dynastic Period, the bull's tail

most often appears as a component of the Egyptian ruler's outfit during the performance

of vigorous ritual activities such as the ground-breaking ritual (Fig. 21);32 the

hippopotamus hunt (Fig. 35);33 the fowling run (Fig. 36);34 the Konigslauf (Figs. 37-

38);35 the royal smiting ritual (Figs. 39-42);36 the royal inspection of defeated enemy

combatants on the battlefield (Fig. 39);37 and the ritual shooting of arrows (Fig. 43).38 In

the context of these Protodynastic and Early Dynastic royal scenes, the ceremonial bull's

31
For discussion of the bull's tail as an element of royal garb, see primarily Jequier, BIFAO 15 (1918):
165-168; Staehelin, in LA, Vol. 4, col. 615; Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, pp. 190-191; Hendrickx, in
Hassan, ed., Droughts, Food and Culture, p. 298.
32
For detailed discussion of the royal ground-breaking ritual that appears on the Scorpion Macehead, see
Section 7.6.
33
Depictions of Den wearing a bull's tail while performing a ceremonial hippopotamus hunt appear on a
pair of labels; see Godron, Etudes sur I'Horus Den, pi. 10, no. 19; Dreyer, etal., MDAIK 54 (1998): pi. 12d.
For detailed discussion of these images of Den harpooning a hippopotamus, see Section 5.1.
34
For an image of Den wearing a bull's tail while performing the fowling run, see Dreyer, etal., MDAIK 54
(1998): pi. 12f. For detailed discussion of this image of Den performing the fowling run, see Section 4.2.1.
35
The earliest depiction of the Egyptian ruler wearing a bull's tail while performing the Konigslauf appears
on a seal impression of Djer (Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im alten Agypten, p. 31, cat. no. A2);
for detailed discussion of the image of Djer performing the Konigslauf on this seal impression, see Section
4.3.4. Another Early Dynastic depiction of the Egyptian ruler wearing the bull's tail while performing the
Konigslauf appears on a label of Den from Abydos (Dreyer, MDAIK 46 (1990): pi. 26c; Dreyer, etal.,
MDAIK 59 (2003): pi. 18g); for detailed discussion of the image of Den performing the Konigslauf on this
label, see Section 4.3.3.
36
Depictions of the Egyptian ruler wearing a bull's tail while performing the royal smiting ritual appear,
e.g., on the recto of the Narmer Palette (Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 42, fig.
12); a label of Den from Abydos (Kohler, in van den Brink and Levy, eds., Egypt and the Levant, p. 505,
fig. 31.8); a pair of rock inscriptions of Den from the Wadi el-Humur in Southern Sinai (Resk Ibrahim and
Tallet, RdE 59 (2008): 162, fig. 6); and a rock inscription of Semerkhet from the Wadi el-Humur in
Southern Sinai (Resk Ibrahim and Tallet, RdE 59 (2008): 170, fig. 12). For detailed discussion of these
royal smiting scenes, see Section 6.1.1.
37
A depiction of the Egyptian ruler wearing a bull's tail while inspecting defeated enemy combatants on
the battlefield appears on the verso of the Narmer Palette (Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization,
1st ed., p. 42, fig. 12); for detailed discussion of this depiction of the royal inspection of defeated enemy
combatats on the battlefield, see Section 6.1.3.
38
A depiction of an unknown 1st Dynasty Egyptian ruler wearing a bull's tail while performing an arrow-
shooting ritual appears in a fragmentary relief from Gebelein (Morenz, in Gundlach and Rochholz, eds.,
Agyptische Tempel: Struktur, Funktion und Programm, p. 236, fig. 1); for detailed discussion of this
depiction of the royal arrow-shooting ritual, see Section 6.2.

9
tail symbolically imbues the Egyptian ruler with the potency and strength of an

aggressive wild bull; in several Protodynastic and Early Dynastic royal scenes, the

Egyptian ruler completely transforms into a bull while performing physically strenuous

rituals such as the trampling of enemies (Figs. 39,44) and the Konigslauf (Fig. 45).39

In several passages from the Pyramid Texts, the word sd, "tail," is clearly

associated with a powerful and aggressive bull. In Pyramid Texts Spell 336, the solar

deity himself appears as a powerful bull ascending the sky; by grasping the "tail" (sd) of

this ascendant solar bull, the deceased Egyptian ruler is able to travel through the sky

with the solar deity and effect his own rejuvenation and rebirth.40 In Pyramid Texts Spell

538, Horus, Isis, and Atum are able to protect the deceased Egyptian ruler from an

inimical bull by grasping its "head" (tp), "tail" (sd), and "horns" (wp.t).41 Pyramid Texts

Spell 580 describes the ritual slaughter of a violent wild ox that is responsible for the

death of the deceased Egyptian ruler; in order to render this wild bull impotent, the god

Horus removes its "head" (tp), "tail" (sd), "arm" (<"), and "legs" (rd.wy).42 Thus, in these

The Egyptian ruler appears as a wild bull trampling defeated enemy combatants on the Bull Palette
(Davis, Masking the Blow, p. 144, fig. 37) and the Narmer Palette (Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a
Civilization, 1st ed., p. 42, fig. 12); for detailed discussion of the king's transformation into a wild bull on
the Bull Palette and the Narmer Palette, see Section 6.1.4. On an ebony label of Aha, the Egyptian ruler
appears as a bull during the performance of the Konigslauf(Petrie, Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty, Vol.
2, pi. 10.2); for detailed discussion of the Den's transformation into a wild bull on this label, see Section
4.3.2.
40
For Pyramid Texts Spell 336, see Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, pp. 279-280, § 547a-
548b. For a complete translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 336, see Allen, Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts,
p. 70, Spell T21. For discussion of this Pyramid Texts passage in connection with the etymology of the
word sd in the term hb-sd, see Spiegelberg, OLZ4 (1901): 9-10; von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu
den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, Vol. 1, pp. 96-97.
41
For Pyramid Texts Spell 538, see Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, pp. 226-227, §
1302a-c. For a complete translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 538, see Allen, Ancient Egyptian Pyramid
Texts, p. 169, Spell P485.
42
For Pyramid Texts Spell 580, see Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, pp. 329-331, §
1543a-1550b. For a complete translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 580, see Allen, Ancient Egyptian Pyramid
Texts, p. 185, Spell P522.

10
Pyramid Texts passages, the bull represents the vitality and power of the ascendant solar

deity with whom the deceased Egyptian ruler hopes to associate himself in the

netherworld; however, the bull also represents the aggressiveness and violence of the

deceased Egyptian ruler's enemies whom he hopes to overcome and conquer. By

removing the tail of the bull, the Egyptian ruler symbolically absorbs the strength of his

enemies and becomes rejuvenated and powerful like the rising morning sun.43

After its introduction in the Protodynastic Period, the bull's tail quickly became a

standard component of ceremonial royal garb and remained in continuous use throughout

all of ancient Egyptian history. As the previously discussed passages from the Pyramid

Texts suggest, the bull's tail functioned as a symbol of the potency and strength of large

wild fauna; when properly channeled through the person of the Egyptian ruler, this

zoomorphic power had the ability to impose order and suppress chaos in the cosmos. In

this regard, the use of the bull's tail as an element of royal costume very likely derives

from traditional Predynastic Egyptian hunting and military garb, which typically consists

of a feathered headdress (or cap), a belted penis sheath (or short kilt), and a wild hunting

dog's tail that is attached to the back of the waist.44

The tail of the wild hunting dog also has a special ritual function related to the

control of zoomorphic and anthropomorphic forces of chaos during the Predynastic and

Protodynastic periods. The outfits worn by the hunters who pursue lions and other desert
43
In the same way, the king absorbs the ritual power of gods by ingesting them in the Cannibal Hymn; see
Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, pp. 137-152, et passim.
44
For discussion of Predynastic hunting and military garb and its influence on ancient Egyptian royal
costume, see primarily Helck, Anthropos 49 (1954): 964-972; Altenmilller, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 233-235;
Staehelin, in LA, Vol. 4, col. 615, with references; Helck, in LA, Vol. 6, col. 591, with references; Helck,
Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, pp. 6-21; Kohler, in van den Brink and Levy, eds., Egypt and the Levant,
p. 508; Darnell, in Friedman, ed., Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert, pp. 145-146; Hendrickx, in
Kroeper, etal., eds., Archaeology of Early Northeastern Africa, pp. 740-742; Darnell, Archeo-Nil 19
(2009): 86, 88; Darnell, Theban Desert Road Survey, Vol. 3 (in preparation).

11
game animals in the ritualistic hunting scene on the Hunters Palette (Fig. 46), for

example, consist of a feathered headdress, a short kilt, and the tail of a wild hunting dog

(Lycaon pictus)?5 The animal's tail worn by the penis sheath-clad hunter who pursues a

group of hippopotami in the hippopotamus hunting scene on a C-Ware bowl in collection

of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Fig. 47) is probably also the tail of a wild hunting

dog.46 Very similar tails also form part of the costume worn by the Predynastic Upper

Egyptian rulers who perform the royal smiting ritual on a pair of C-Ware vessels from

Cemetery U at Abydos (Figs. 48-49).47 In the bottom left corner of the recto of the Two

Dogs Palette (Fig. 50), a man playing a flute and wearing a dog mask and tail appears to

exert control over a large group of desert fauna, which includes both real animals and

fantastic hybrid-animals.48 The offering bearer who carries a wild hunting dog's tail in a

fragmentary Protodynastic scene on the so-called Bearers Macehead from Hierakonpolis

(Fig. 51) is probably preparing to present this ritually significant object to the Egyptian

For discussion of the wild hunting dog's tails that form part of the costume of the hunters on the Hunters
Palette, see primarily Helck, Anthropos 49 (1954): 965; Staehelin, in LA, Vol. 4, col. 618, note 34; Helck,
in LA, Vol. 6, col. 591; Hendrickx, in Kroeper, etal., eds., Archaeology of Early Northeastern Africa, pp.
740-742; Darnell, Archeo-Nil 19 (2009): 88. For detailed discussion of the desert hunting scenes on the
Hunters Palette, see Section 5.2.1; Section 5.2.4.
46
For discussion of the animal's tail worn by the hippopotamus hunter on a C-Ware bowl in the collection
of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (MMA 12.182.15), see primarily Hendrickx, in Kroeper, etal., eds.,
Archaeology of Early Northeastern Africa, p. 742. For detailed discussion of the hippopotamus hunting
scene on this C-Ware Bowl, see Section 5.1.
47
For discussion of the animal's tails worn by the Predynastic Upper Egyptian rulers who perform the royal
smiting ritual on a C-Ware vessel from Tomb U-239 at Abydos (Dreyer, etal., MDAIK 54 (1998): 114, fig.
13) and a C-Ware vessel from Tomb U-415 at Abydos (Dreyer, etal, MDAIK 59 (2003): 81, fig. 5), see
primarily Hendrickx, in Kroeper, etal., eds., Archaeology of Early Northeastern Africa, p. 742. For
detailed discussion of the royal smiting rituals that appear on these two C-Ware vessels from Abydos, see
Section 6.1.1.
48
For discussion of the masked man on the recto of the Two Dogs Palette, see primarily Cialowicz, La
naissance d'un royaume, pp. 191-194, fig. 32; Morenz, Archivfur Religionsgeschichte 5 (2003): 212-226,
figs. 4, 6. According to Morenz, loc. cit., this scene on the recto of the Two Dogs Palette provides evidence
for the practice of shamanism in Protodynastic Egypt. For further discussion of the zoomorphic imagery of
the Two Dog Palette, see Section 5.2.1; Section 5.2.3; Section 5.3.2.

12
ruler. Thus, the use of the wild hunting dog's tail as a component of ritual garb in the

Predynastic and Protodynastic periods has a similar symbolic significance to the use of

the bull's tail as a component of royal garb during the ritual performances of the Sed

Festival; both the bull's tail and wild hunting dog's tail imbue their wearer with an

animal-like power and a special ability to suppress chaotic elements of the cosmos.

The widely supported theory regarding the etymological derivation of the term

hb-sd from the word sd, "tail," has many merits; however, the ceremonial tail worn by the

Egyptian ruler during the celebration of the Sed Festival is not unambiguously identified

as a sd-ta.il in any extant Sed Festival reliefs. On the contrary, the ceremonial tail worn

by the king during the Sed Festival is twice identified as a wr.t.t-tail (Wb. 1, 279.10) in

the depiction of the Konigslauf in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre from Abu Gurob

(Fig. 27).50 The word sd.t, which appears as part of the phrase sd.t r3.t in a fragmentary

relief from Niuserre's Konigslauf sequence, does not contain a determinative; thus, a

definitive interpretation of the phrase sd.t r3.t in this context is not possible.51 The phrase

sd.t ri.t most likely refers to the "great tail" that is worn by Niuserre during the

Konigslauf however, the phrase could also hypothetically refer to the "great (standard of

For discussion of the offering bearer who carries a wild hunting dog's tail on the Bearers Macehead
(UCL 14898A), see primarily Quibell and Petrie, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 1, p. 8, pi. 26a; Cialowicz, Les tetes
de massues des periodes Predynastique et Archa'ique dans la Vallee du Nil, pp. 43-45, fig. 6; Cialowicz,
Etudes et Travaux 18 (1999): 36-38, fig. 2. For an imaginative discussion of the image of a man carrying a
pot on the Bearers Macehead as a cryptographic writing of the word ibi, "to dance," see with caution
Morenz, Lingua Aegyptia 6 (1999): 99-103.
50
For the reliefs from Abu Gurob in which the ceremonial tail worn by Niuserre is identified as the wr.t.t-
tail, see von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 33b, 34.
51
For the relief fragment containing the phrase sd.t ri.t, see von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des
Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, no. 34. For discussion this phrase and the ambiguity of its meaning in the
context of the Konigslauf'sequence of Niuserre, see Kees, Der Opfertanz des dgyptischen Konigs, p. 194.

13
the god) Sed" that is carried in front of the king during the performance of the

Konigslauf.52

1.1.2. Hb-Sd: FESTIVAL OF THE CLOTH?

The word sd in the term hb-sd is probably also linked etymologically to the word

sd, "cloth," and the word sd, "to be clothed"—both of which can be written with a narrow

triangle-shaped cloth determinative that closely resembles the determinative for the word

sd in the term hb-sd.53 If this etymological interpretation of sd is correct, as seems likely,

the word sd in the term hb-sd probably refers to the ceremonial robe worn by the

Egyptian ruler during the performance of several notable rituals at the celebration of the

Sed Festival.54 For example, as early as Naqada IC-IIA, in Predynastic, Protodynastic,

and Early Dynastic depictions of the Sed Festival, the Egyptian ruler wears a long,

enveloping robe during the performance of ceremonial barque processions (Figs. 52f, 53-

56); military victory rituals (Fig. 57); hunting rituals (Fig. 58); and enthronement rites

(Figs. 59-63).55 In Sed Festival reliefs from the Old Kingdom onwards, the Egyptian

Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 9, no. 6, sees no ambiguity in the meaning of the phrase sd.t
c
i.t; he interprets the phrase as a designation for the ceremonial tail thatNiuserre wears during the
Konigslauf.
53
For the word sd, "Kleid," see Wb. 4, 365.7-8. For the word sd, "gekleidet sein," see Wb. 4, 365.1-6.
54
For the interpretation of the word sd in the term hb-sd as an allusion to ceremonial robe worn by the king
at the Sed Festival, see, e.g., von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum
des Rathures, Part 1, pp. 95-98; Bonnet, Reallexikon der dgyptischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. 158-160;
Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 119-121; Rummel, SAK 34 (2006): 383.
55
For detailed discussion of the depictions of the robed Egyptian ruler as a seated occupant of a ceremonial
barque on the Gebelein Linen (Scamuzzi, Egyptian Art in the Egyptian Museum of Turin, pi. 5), on the
Metropolitan Museum Knife Handle (Williams and Logan, JNES 46 (1987): 273, fig. 1), on the Qustul
incense burner (Williams, University of Chicago Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition, Vol. 3, Part 1, pi.
34), on the Archaic Horus incense burner (Williams, op. cit., Vol. 3, Part 1, pi. 33), and in a Predynastic
rock inscription from Site 18. M 137A in the Wadi Gash (Winkler, Rock-Drawings of Southern Upper
Egypt,Vol. l,pl. 13.3), see Section 7.1.1. For detailed discussion of the depiction of the robed Egyptian
ruler escorting a defeated enemy combatant away from the battlefield on the recto of the Battlefield Palette
(Davis, Masking the Blow, p. 121, fig. 33), see Section 6.1.3. For detailed discussion of the depiction of the
robed Egyptian ruler in the master-of-beasts scene on the verso of the Gebel el-Arak knife handle

14
ruler often wears a long or short robe during the performance of important rituals, such

as the enthronement rites (Figs. 64-74) ;57 the royal visit to sacred shrines (Figs. 30, 75-

76);58 the royal foot-washing ritual (Figs. 77-79);59 the robing ritual (Figs. 80-81);60 the

procession of the royal palanquin (Figs. 82-90);61 the lion furniture sequence (Fig. 91);62

(Seidlmayer, in Schulz and Seidel, eds., Egypt: The World of the Pharaohs, p. 26, fig. 31), see Section
5.2.1. For detailed discussion of the enthronement scenes depicting the robed Egyptian ruler on the Royal
Macehead (Cialowicz, Etudes et Travaux 18 (1999): 37, fig. 1), the Narmer Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28
(1991): 224, fig. 1), an ebony label of Den from Abydos (Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 158),
a pair of labels of Den from Cemetery T at Abydos (Dreyer, etal., MDAIK 54 (1998): pi. 12g-h), and a seal
impression of Djer (Petrie, Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty, Vol. 2, pi. 15, no. 108), see Section 4.3.4.
For a detailed study of two-dimensional representations of the Sed Festival robe-clad Egyptian ruler from
the 1st Dynasty through the 3 r Dynasty, see Sourouzian, in Stadelmann and Sourouzian, eds., Kunst des
Alten Reiches, pp. 134-140, figs. 1-5.
56
For a detailed study of two-dimensional representations of the Sed Festival robe-clad Egyptian ruler from
the Old Kingdom through the Graeco-Roman Period, see Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 49-76.
57
Depictions of the robed king performing the enthronement rites appear, e.g., in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Snofru in the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Fakhry, The Monuments ofSneferu at
Dahshur, Vol.2, Part 1, p. 108, fig. I l l ) ; in the Sed Festival reliefs ofNiuserre in his solar temple at Abu
Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 1 la-b, 13, 23-24,
27); in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of
Kheruef, pi. 26); and in the Sed Festival reliefs ofOsorkon II at Bubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon
II, pis. 1-2,19-21,23).
58
Depictions of the robed king visiting sacred shrines appear, e.g., in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in
the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Fakhry, The Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2,
Part 1, p. 88, fig. 72); in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis.
102-103,107,112, 114, 117,125, 128-129); and in the Sed Festival reliefs ofOsorkon II at Bubastis
(Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II, pis. 4, 4bis, 11).
59
Depictions of the robed king appear in the royal foot-washing scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of
Snofru in the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Fakhry, The Monuments ofSneferu at
Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 92, fig. 78) and in the Sed Festival reliefs ofNiuserre in his solar temple at Abu
Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 20,45b).
60
Depictions of the Egyptian ruler donning the Sed Festival robe during the robing ritual appear in the Sed
Festival reliefs ofNiuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des
Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 39-43).
61
Depictions of the robed Egyptian ruler as a seated occupant of the royal palanquin appear, e.g., in the Sed
Festival reliefs ofNiuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des
Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 44a-d, 45a-b, 46-47, 50b, 51-52); in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Amenhotep III at Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pi. 97); in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from the
Gempaaten at Karnak (Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pis. 1-2, 7.13); and in the Sed Festival
reliefs ofOsorkon II at Bubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II, pi. 6).

Depictions of the robed Egyptian ruler appear in the lion furniture sequence from the Sed Festival reliefs
ofNiuserre (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 56a-b).

15
and the ceremonial barque procession (Fig. 159). Three-dimensional representations of

the Egyptian ruler wearing the Sed Festival robe are a common form of royal statuary

beginning in Dynasty 1; seated statues of the Egyptian ruler wearing the Sed Festival

robe are most common (Figs. 92-93), but several examples exist in which the Egyptian

ruler is depicted in a standing pose (Figs. 94-95).64

The strongest evidence linking the term hb-sd etymologically to the Egyptian

word sd, "cloth," is the opening and closing scenes of the procession of the royal

palanquin in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob.65 In

the opening scene of this sequence (Figs. 80-81), Niuserre departs from a palace known

as (70 Ssp sd, the "(Palace of) Receiving the Sd-Cloth," and takes a seat on a portable

carrying chair where he receives the Sed Festival robe from an attentive royal official.66

A depiction of the robed Egyptian ruler as a standing occupant of a ceremonial barque appear in the Sed
Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 46).
64
For detailed studies of three-dimensional representations of the Sed Festival robe-clad Egyptian ruler, see
Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 73-79; Sourouzian, in Stadelmann and Sourouzian, eds.,
Kunst des Alten Reiches, pp.133-154, pis. 50-53; Sourouzian, in Berger, etai, eds., Hommages a Jean
Leclant, Vol. 1, pp. 499-530; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 77-86. For discussion
of standing statues of the Sed Festival robe-clad Egyptian ruler as variants of "piliers osiriaques," see with
caution LeBlanc, BIFAO 80 (1980): 69-89, pis. 19-22. Schulz, Die Entwicklung undBedeutung des
kuboiden Statuentypus, Vol. 1, p. 732, convincingly argues—contra LeBlanc, loc. cit.—that standing
statues of the Sed Festival robe-clad Egyptian ruler should not be interpreted as variants of Osiris pillars.
65
For discussion of the depiction of the procession of the royal palanquin in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob, see Section 2.2.3, Scene 11, with references.
66
For discussion of the opening scene of the royal palanquin procession in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob, see von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-
woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 39-43; von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum
des Rathures, Part 1, pp. 94-99; Kaiser, in Aufsdtze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, pp. 91, 94,
Faltafel 5, Register 2; Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 15; Rummel, SAK34 (2006): 387-388,
fig. 3.1. The word sd, "cloth," has a determinative that depicts the Horus falcon perched on a standard
above a group of four vertical signs with forked bottoms (Gardiner Sign 030/U12). This group of signs
could conceivably write a separate word (such as idmi, "idmi-linen") or a separate phrase (such as ifd-ntr,
"divine //af-linen"); however, this group of signs most likely functions as a determinative for the word sd,
"cloth." Rummel, loc. cit., interprets the group of signs that follows the word sd as a separate word and
translates the phrase: "Empfangen des Sed (aus) jdmj-Leinen." According to Posener-Krieger, RdE 29
(1977): 86-96, tall vertical signs with forked bottoms (Gardiner Sign O30/U12) are primarily used in the
Old Kingdom as a unit of measure for the width of cloth.

16
In the final ritual at the end of the procession of the royal palanquin (Figs. 83, 86),

Niuserre returns to a ritual palace known as (ch) hm sd, the "(Palace of) Retiring the Sd-

Cloth," where he presumably removes the ceremonial Sed Festival robe.67

According to a widely supported—but ultimately unproven and unconvincing—

theory, the Sed Festival robe is identical in form and function to the enveloping mummy

wrappings of the god Osiris.68 This theory regarding the supposedly Osirian nature of the

Sed Festival robe is based, in part, on an outdated interpretation of the ritual significance

of the Sed Festival as a whole—namely, that the Sed Festival, being deeply rooted in

Osirian mythology, evolved from a prehistoric ritualistic form of regicide in which an

aged ruler experienced a symbolic death and rebirth that allowed him to regain his vitality

and continue his rule.69 Despite having garnered widespread scholarly support in the first

For discussion of the closing scene of the royal palanquin procession in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob, see von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-
woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 45a, 52; von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-
Heiligtum des Rathures, Part 1, pp. 94-99; Kaiser, in Aufsdtze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, pp.
91, 94, Faltafel 5, Register 4; Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 17; Rummel, SAK34 (2006): 387-
388, fig. 3.2.
68
For discussion of the supposed iconographic and symbolic similarity of the Sed Festival robe and the
mummy wrappings of Osiris, see, e.g., Moret, Du caractere religieux de la royaute pharaonique, pp. 242-
243, 270-273; Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, pp. 32-34; Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 181; Capart,
Revue de I 'histoire des religions 53 (1906): 332-335; Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in
Ancient Egypt, p. 39; Murray, Man 14(1914): 17-23; Mercer, Journal of the Society of Oriental Research 1
(1917): 11; Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris, pp. 151-157, with references; Moret, Nile and Egyptian
Civilization, pp. 130-131; Seligman, Egypt and Negro Africa: A Study in Divine Kingship, pp. 51-52;
Mercer, The Religion ofAncient Egypt, p. 122; Rummel, SAK3A (2006): 381-407. For convincing
criticism of the view that the Sed Festival robe is identical in form and function to the mummy wrappings
of Osiris, see Kees, Der Opfertanz des dgyptischen Konigs, pp. 163-168; Gardiner, JEA 2 (1915): 124;
Griffiths, JEA 41 (1955): 127-128; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, p. 110.
69
For the suggestion that the Sed Festival was rooted in prehistoric African traditions of ritual regicide, see
primarily Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pp. 181-185; Murray, Man 14 (1914): 17-23; Frazer, Adonis, Attis,
Osiris, pp. 151-157; Moret, in Dawson, ed., The Frazer Lectures: 1922-1932, pp. 161-166; James, Myth
and Ritual in the Ancient Near East, pp. 80-91. For further elaborations of this theoretical connection
between the Sed Festival and the burial or ritual murder of the Egyptian ruler, see also Helck, Orientalia 23
(1954): 383-411, especially pp. 408-411; Helck, 'mLA, Vol. 5, col. 274, no. 5; Barta, Untersuchungen zur
Gbttlichkeit des regierenden Konigs, pp. 63-67; Kaiser, MDAIK 39 (1983): 286-287. The early
development of this theory was heavily influenced by ethno-archaeological accounts of the ritual murder of
priest-kings in African tribes, such as the Shilluk tribe of the Sudan; for discussion of the ethnographic
evidence for ritual regicide in Africa, see primarily Seligman, Egypt and Negro Africa: A Study in Divine

17
half of the 20 century, this Osirian interpretation of the ritual significance of the Sed

Festival fails to hold up under close scrutiny because—with the exception of the Raising

of the Djed Pillar ceremony at the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III (Fig. 186)—

Osirian mythology and symbolism do not appear to have exerted any substantial

influence on the various rituals that were performed during the celebration of the Sed

Festival. The Osirian symbolism of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony is clear;

however, Amenhotep Ill's decision to perform this Osirian ritual during the celebration

of his Sed Festival appears to be an innovation of his reign without any clear prior

precedent.71

Instead of demonstrating a connection between the Egyptian ruler and Osiris, the

Sed Festival robe of the Egyptian ruler almost certainly identifies the ruler as a divine

manifestation of the solar deity. Several notable representations of the Sed Festival robe

indicate that the robe was—at least occasionally—decorated with feather-shaped

adornments, feather-shaped patterns, or diamond-shaped patterns symbolizing the

Kingship, pp. 1-82; Seligman and Seligman, Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, pp. 90-96. For reasoned
critiques of this theory regarding the influence of prehistoric traditions of ritual regicide on the Sed
Festival, see Gardiner, JEA 2 (1915): 121-126; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 108-111; Griffiths, JEA 41
(1955): 127-128; Krol, in Maravelia, ed., Modern Trends in European Egyptology, pp. 87-90; Quack, ZAS
133 (2006): 84-85; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 94-95; Lange, in Broekman, ed.,
The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 216-218. For further discussion of the controversial topic of regicide in
ancient Egypt, see with caution Jankuhn, GM\ (1972): 11-16; Stork, GM5 (1973): 31-32; Munro, in
Studien zu Sprache undReligion Agyptens, Vol. 2, pp. 907-928; Campagno, Archeo-Nil 10 (2000): 113-
124; Cervello-Auruori, CCdEl (2001): 27-52; Patznik, in Meyer, ed., Egypt: Temple of the Whole World,
pp. 287-301.
70
For a similar conclusion regarding the lack of Osirian influence on the rites of the Sed Festival, see
primarily Gardiner, JEA 2 (1915): 124; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 109-111, 113,116-118; Lange, in
Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 215-218. Beginning in the New Kingdom, certain
aspects of Osirian iconography and the iconography of the Sed Festival have an influence upon one other;
for discussion of the iconographic connection between Osiris and the Sed Festival from the New Kingdom
onwards, see Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 63-64, 76.
71
For detailed discussion of the symbolic significance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar at the third Sed
Festival of Amenhotep III, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 3. For a similar conclusion regarding Amenhotep Ill's
performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar at his third Sed Festival as unprecedented and innovative, see
Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 216.

18
colorful plumage of the ascendant solar falcon. For example, during the reigns of

Sesostris III (Fig. 96),72 Tuthmosis III,73 Amenhotep III (Figs. 97, 138, 157, 159),74

Tutankhamun (Fig. 98),75 and Osorkon III (Fig. 99),76 the front of the royal Sed Festival

robe is occasionally adorned at mid-thigh with an unusual ornament that closely

resembles the tail feathers of a falcon. The symbolic significance of this feather-shaped

ornament is most readily apparent in a scene from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef that depicts the king as a standing occupant of the solar

night barque during a nautical procession at Thebes.77 In the context of this ritual scene

72
For discussion of the depiction of a Sed Festival robe with feather-shaped adornment in a relief of
Sesostris III from his pyramid complex at Dahshur, see primarily Oppenheim, in Arnold, ed., The Pyramid
Complex of Senwosret HI at Dahshur, pp. 143-144, pi. 163a; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 56-57, fig. 4.
73
For discussion of the depiction of a Sed Festival robe with feather-shaped adornment in a relief of
Tuthmosis III from the Akhmenu at Karnak, see primarily Barguet, Le temple d'Amon-Re a Karnak, pp.
191-192; Porter and Moss, Topographical Biliography, 2nd ed., Vol. 2, p. 118, no. 385; Hornung and
Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 58.
74
For discussion of the depictions of a Sed Festival robe with feather-shaped adornment in the reliefs of
Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, see primarily Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of
Kheruef, pis. 26, 42, and 46; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 58-59, figs. 7-8;
Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 23, 220-221, note 58. For detailed discussion of the
scenes from the tomb of Kheruef in which Amenhotep III wears a Sed Festival robe with a feather-shaped
adornment, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1; Section 2.1.1, Scene 5; Section 2.1.1, Scene 6. For discussion of the
depiction of aSed Festival robe with feather-shaped adornment in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed
Festival in the tomb of Surer, see Save-Soderbergh, Private Tombs at Thebes, Vol. 1, pp. 36-38, pi. 31;
Aldred, JEA 55 (1969): 73-76; Larson, JEA 67 (1981): 180-181; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 58-59.
75
For discussion of the depiction of a Sed Festival robe with feather-shaped adornment on a pectoral of
Tutankhamun from his tomb in the Valley of the Kings, see primarily Feucht, Die koniglichen Pektorale,
pp. 51, 54; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptian Jewellery, p. 139, pi. 51; Larson, JEA 67 (1981): 180-181; Bell, in
Posener-Krieger, ed., Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, Vol. 1, p. 34; Patch, BES 11 (1991-1992): 66-67,
69, 75, pi. 5, with references; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 58, fig. 6.
76
For discussion of the depiction of a Sed Festival robe with feather-shaped adornment in a relief of
Osorkon III in the Temple of Osiris, Hki-D.t, at Karnak, see Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 60-61, figs. 9-10.
77
For discussion of the depiction of Amenhotep III wearing a Sed Festival robe with feather-shaped
adornment in a nautical processional scene from the reliefs of his first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef,
see Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pi. 46. For detailed discussion of this symbolic significance of
this scene, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6; Section 7.4.2.

19
from the tomb of Kheruef, the feather-shaped ornament that adorns Amenhotep Ill's robe

undoubtedly signifies the divine transformation of the king into the solar falcon during

his ceremonial journey aboard the solar barque.78

The fabric of Amenhotep Ill's robe in the reliefs of his first Sed Festival from the

tomb of Kheruef is undecorated; however, in at least two instances, Sed Festival robes

with feather-shaped adornments appear to be made from patterned cloth or cloth that is

decorated with elaborate beadwork. For example, the robe (with a feather-shaped

adornment) that Tutankhamun wears in a ritual scene on a pectoral from his tomb is

covered in its entirety with an intricate feather-shaped pattern (Fig. 98) ;79 the "feathered"

robe on this pectoral may, in fact, be identical to an actual garment that was discovered

among the royal equipment in Tutankhamun's tomb—namely, a corselet that is covered


on

in its entirety with a beaded feather-shaped design (Fig. 100). Garments with feather-

shaped designs, such as kilts and shirts, are fairly common in royal reliefs and statuary of

the 18th Dynasty. In most instances, these royal "feathered" garments identify the

Egyptian ruler as the falcon form of the god Horus; however, in the context of the Sed

For a similar conclusion regarding the solar symbolism of the feather-shaped adornment to the king's
robe in the nautical processional scene from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of
Kheruef, see primarily Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, p. 23.
79
For discussion of the robe depicted on this pectoral of Tutankhamun, see references collected supra, this
section, in footnote 75.
80
For discussion of the "feathered" corselet from the tomb of Tutankhamun, see primarily Patch, BES 11
(1991-1992): 57-77, pi. 6, with references; Larson, JEA 67 (1981): 181.
81
For discussion of New Kingdom royal garments with feathered designs and their relationship to the
falcon form of Horus, see primarily Brunner, ZAS 83 (1958): 74-75; Posener-Krieger, RdE 12 (1960): 37-
58, pis. 3-4; Brunner, ZAS 87 (1962): 76-77, pis. 5-6; Wildung, in LA, Vol. 2, cols. 97-99; Giza-Podgorski,
MDAIK 40 (1984): 103-121; Giza-Podgorski, Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 2 (1992): 27-34; Giza-
Podgorski, Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization A (1992): 27-31; Bolshakov, inZiegler, ed., L'artde
VAncien Empire egyptien, pp. 311-332. For a recent study of feathered garments and their connection to
the god Amun, see also Hirsch, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos Staat, pp. 27-39.

20
Festival, robes with feather-shaped patterns symbolize the transformation of the Egyptian

ruler into the solar falcon.

In the description of the deceased Egyptian ruler's journey through the

netherworld alongside the solar deity in Pyramid Texts Spell 302, the ruler himself adopts
9,0

many of the same physical traits as the solar falcon:


ns.tNNhr=kRr
ny rdi-fs{w) nky nb
pry rfNN r p.t hr=k Rr
hr n NN m bik.w
dnh.w NN m ipd.w
r
n.wt=fm whl.w Itf.t

"The throne of NN is with you, Re.


He will not give it to anyone else.
Indeed, NN will go up to the sky with you, Re,
the face of NN being (the face of) falcons,
the wings of AW being (the wings of) birds.

and his nails being the talons of (him of) Atfet."

The Egyptian ruler's adoption of various avian features in this passage from the Pyramid

Texts signals his divine transformation into the solar deity during his netherworldly

journey through the cosmic sky. In a similar fashion, examples of the Sed Festival robe

with feather-shaped adornments and patterns signal the Egyptian ruler's transformation

into the solar deity during the ritual performances of the Sed Festival; thus, these royal

costumes undoubtedly evoke the falcon imagery of Horus Behedeti, the winged solar

disk, who is commonly described as sib-Sw.ty, "colorful of plumage," in Egyptian

religious texts.83

For this passage from Pyramid Texts Spell 302, see Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, p.
237, § 460c-461d. For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 302, see Allen, Ancient Egyptian Pyramid
Texts, p. 56, Spell W207. For further discussion of the deceased Egyptian ruler's transformation into the
solar falcon in the Pyramid Texts, see Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, p. 221, note 59, with
references.

The epithet sib-Sw.ty, "colorful of plumage," which most commonly describes the god Horus Behedeti,
refers to the prismatic and radiant qualities of the solar disk at sunrise. For discussion of the term slb-Sw.ty

21
The diamond-shaped pattern of the Sed Festival robe that Amenhotep III wears in

relief from the tomb of Surer probably also symbolizes the colorful plumage of the solar

falcon (Fig. 97).84 Examples of a Sed Festival robe with a similar diamond-shaped

pattern also appear in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru at Dahshur (Fig. 101)85 and in the

Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre at Abu Gurob (Fig. 102).86 Three-dimensional

representations of a Sed Festival robe with a similar diamond-shaped pattern also appear

in a small ivory statue of an unknown 1st Dynasty ruler from Abydos (Fig. 94) 7 and in a

fragmentary slate statue of Amenhotep III from Luxor Temple (Fig. 103).

The Sed Festival robe that appears with a feather-shaped adornment in the

previously mentioned Sed Festival reliefs is strikingly similar to a ceremonial robe that

as a description of "prismatic nature of the solar deity qua falcon," see primarily Klotz, Adoration of the
Ram, pp. 73, 130, with references. For a similar interpretation of the term slb-Sw.ty as a description of
solar light, see also Gasse, BIFAO 84 (1984): 214-215, note 8; Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den
Sonnengott, p. 171. According to Kenning, ZAS 129 (2002): 43-48, the term slb-Sw.ty describes the
colorful quality of the plumage of adult falcons in comparison to the relatively plain plumage of juvenile
falcons; however, Kenning's attempt to connect the term sib-Sw.ty to an observable natural phenomenon
overlooks the term's clear theological connection to solar light.
84
For discussion of the robe that Amenhotep III wears in this Sed Festival relief from the tomb of Surer,
see references collected, supra, this section, in footnote 74.
85
For discussion of patterned Sed Festival robe that appears in the reliefs of the valley temple of the Bent
Pyramid of Snofru at Dahshur, see Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Fasc. 1, p. 134, figs.
157-158, pi. 29c-d; Sourouzian, in Stadelmann and Sourouzian, eds., Kunst des Alten Reiches, p. 138;
Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 59.
6
For discussion of the patterned Sed Festival robe that appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his
solar temple at Abu Gurob, see Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser Re, Vol. 3, no. 173;
Sourouzian, in Stadelmann and Sourouzian, eds., Kunst des Alten Reiches, p. 138; Hornung and Staehelin,
Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 59.
87
For discussion of the patterned robe worn by an unknown 1st Dynasty Egyptian ruler in a small ivory
statue from Abydos (British Museum 37996), see primarily Glanville, JEA 17 (1931): 65-66, pi. 9; Aldred,
JEA 55 (1969): 74; Larson, JEA 67 (1981): 180-181; Sourouzian, in Berger, eta/., eds., Hommages a Jean
Leclant, Vol. 1, p. 507, cat. no. 1; Sourouzian, in Stadelmann and Sourouzian, eds., Kunst des Alten
Reiches, pp. 133-140, pi. 50; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 14, 59, 78.
88
For discussion of the patterned robe worn by Amenhotep III in a fragmentary slate statue from Luxor
Temple, see Aldred, JEA 55 (1969): 74, figs. 1-2; Larson, JEA 67 (1981): 180-181, fig. 1; Sourouzian, in
Berger, etal., eds., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1, pp. 501, 523, cat. no. 55; Hornung and Staehelin,
Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 26, 59.

22
appears in the hieroglyphic writing of the Nb.ty-name of the I s Dynasty ruler Semerkhet

(Fig. 104). Semerkhet's Nb.ty-name, which has typically been interpreted as either iry-

(Nb.ty) or iry-ntr, could possibly depict the king wearing a Sed Festival robe with a

feathered ornament; however, a definitive interpretation of the garment that appears in

the Nb.ty-name of Semerkhet is not currently possible. A similarly ornamented robe is

also worn by several royal officials who bear the title iry-ntr, "the one who belongs to the

god," and h?.ty-c, "provincial governor," in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar

temple at Abu Gurob (Figs. 105-107);90 the ceremonial robe of Niuserre himself,

however, does not have a feather-shaped adornment in any of the scenes from his Sed

Festival reliefs. In the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis, an official bearing

the title iry-ntr, "the one who belongs to the god," wears a long ceremonial robe similar

to the royal Sed Festival robe (Fig. 108); however, the ceremonial robe of the iry-ntr does

not have a feather-shaped adornment in any of the scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of

Osorkon II.91 The precise relationship between the royal Sed Festival robe and the

For the interpretation of Semerkhet's Nb ty-name as iry-(Nb.ty), "the one who belongs (to the Two
Ladies)," see primarily Kaplony, Inschriften der agyptischen Fruhzeit, Vol. 1, p. 426; von Beckerath,
Handbuch der agyptischen Konigsnamen, 2nd ed., pp. 40-41. For the interpretation of Semerkhet's Nb ty-
name as iry-ntr, "the one who belongs to the god," see primarily Grdseloff, ASAE 44 (1944): 284-288, fig.
29; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 855-856, fig. 571. For acritical summary of previous interpretations of
Semerkhet's Nb fy-name and an unconvincing interpretation of the name as ".wj-priest," see Ogdon, GM72
(1984): 15-19.
90
For discussion of the royal officials who wear ornamented robes in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in
his solar temple at Abu Gurob, see von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol.
2, nos. 13-14, 45a, 50b, 53; Grdseloff, ASAE 44 (1944): 285-287, figs. 29d-f; Frankfort, Kingship and the
Gods, p. 82; Munro, in Studien zu Sprache undReligion Agyptens, Vol. 2, pp. 919-920. For discussion of
the title iry-ntr in the Old Kingdom, see primarily Jones, Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and
Phrases of the Old Kingdom, Vol. 1, p. 324, no. 1192, with references . For discussion of the title hi.ty-r in
the Old Kingdom, see primarily Helck, in LA, Vol. 2, col. 1042; Jones, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 496-497, no.
1858, with references.
91
For discussion of the royal officials who wear long ceremonial robes in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Osorkon II, see Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 1.6, 3.12; Grdseloff, ASAE 44 (1944): 285-287,
fig. 29h; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 855-856, fig. 57lh; Lange, in Broekman, etal., eds., The Libyan
Period in Egypt, p. 212.

23
ceremonial outfit of the hS.ty-r and the iry-ntr is uncertain; however, the iry-ntr who

wears a ceremonial robe that is similar to the royal Sed Festival robe appears to play an

important ritual function in several scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre and

Osorkon II.92

The ritual garb that the deceased Egyptian ruler dons in Pyramid Texts Spell 335

is similar in several important ways to the ceremonial outfit that the Egyptian ruler

typically wears at the celebration of the Sed Festival:93

nfr.wiy) miw NN
s$d=fm wp.tRc
Sndw .t=f hr=f m Hw.t-Hr
Sw.t-fm Sw.t bik
pr=frfirp.t m-m sn.w=fntr.w

"How beautiful is the sight of NN,


his fillet being (the fillet) from the brow of Re,
his kilt being (the kilt) from Hathor,
and his plumage being the plumage of a falcon,
as, indeed, he goes up to the sky among his brothers, the gods!"

The falcon's plumage that is described in this passage from the Pyramid Texts almost

certainly refers to the feather-shaped ornament that the Egyptian ruler wears during the

celebration of the Sed Festival. The ceremonial kilt of Hathor that is described in this

passage most likely refers to a garment that is similar in function—if not in form—to the

royal Sed Festival robe. In several texts from the Temple of Dendera, Hathor bears the

epithet hbs n bht.t, "clothier of the eastern horizon," which alludes to the goddess as the

solar disk—/. e., the radiant and protective womb that surrounds and swaddles the solar

For scenes in which a ceremonial robe-clad iry-ntr walks at the head of a long procession of officials in
the presence of the king at the Sed Festival, see von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-
woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 45a, 50b;Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 1.6, 3.12.
93
For this passage from Pyramid Texts Spell 335, see Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1,
pp. 278-279, § 546a-c. For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 335, see Allen, Ancient Egyptian
Pyramid Texts, p. 70, Spell T20.

24
deity just prior to his rebirth in the morning sky. As further evidence of this

mythological function of the goddess Hathor, a text from Crypt No. 6 in the Temple of

Dendera describes Hathor as hbs nb-s m Ssp=s imn=s sw m hnw n dfd=s, "(she) who

clothes her lord with her radiance when she hides him within her pupil."95 In a similar

fashion, the enveloping nature of the royal Sed Festival robe almost certainly represents

the protective, womb-like, and radiant qualities of the ritual garment that Hathor provides

for the solar deity—as well as the king—just prior to his rebirth in the eastern horizon of

the sky.96

This strong association between the royal Sed Festival robe and Hathor may

explain why the royal women who appear as seated occupants of palanquins in

representations of the Sed Festival from the Protodynastic Period onwards often wear a

long cloak similar to the ceremonial robe of the Egyptian ruler; representations of seated

royal women wearing long cloaks appear, e.g., on the Scorpion Macehead (Fig. 21),97 on

the Narmer Macehead (Fig. 60), on a Protodynastic palette fragment in the San Antonio

Meeks, Annee lexicographique, Vol. 2, p. 245, no. 78.2647, has collected several attestations of the
phrase hbs n bht.t in the reliefs of the Temple of Dendera. For the definitive interpretation of this phrase as
an epithet of Hathor, see Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, p. 134, no.
4. For further discussion of Hathor as the solar disk and the womb of Re, see references collected in
Darnell, op. cit., p. 134, footnote 434.
9
For this description of Hathor from Crypt No. 6 at Dendera, see Mariette, Denderah: Description
generate du grand temple de cette ville, Vol. 3, pi. 61b. The transliteration and translation of the text
presented here are based on Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, p. 134,
nos. 2-3.
96
For a detailed discussion of the radiant quality of the clothing that Hathor provides for the solar deity, see
Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 132-138, note b.
97
For detailed discussion of the seated royal women wearing long cloaks who appear in the representation
of the Sed Festival on the Scorpion Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28 (1991): 225, fig. 2), see Section 3.2.1.2.
98
For detailed discussion of the seated royal woman wearing a long cloak who appears in the
representation of the Sed Festival on the Narmer Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28 (1991): 224, fig. 1), see
Section 3.2.1.1.

25
Museum of Art (Fig. 109), on a label of Djer from the tomb of Hemaka (Fig. 110), in

the Sed Festival reliefs of Niusere at Abu Gurob (Figs. 111-114),101 in the Sed Festival

reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten (Figs. 115-121), and in the Sed Festival

reliefs of Apries from the gateway of his palace at Memphis (Figs. 28, 32).103 The royal

women who are depicted in numerous Protodynastic ivory and limestone statues from

Hierakonpolis and Abydos also wear a very similar cloaked garment (Figs. 122-130).104

The participation of royal women in the celebration of the Sed Festival often takes the

form of Hathoric musical rites celebrating the king as a divine manifestation of the solar

creator god;105 thus, the reason royal women wear long cloaks at the Sed Festival is very

likely to mark them as Hathoric representatives who are responsible for the clothing and

For detailed discussion of the seated royal women wearing long cloaks who appear on a Protodynastic
palette fragment in the San Antonio Museum of Art (Scott, in Hawass and Richards, eds., The Archaeology
and Art of Ancient Egypt, Vol. 2, p. 345, figs. 1-2), see Section 3.2.1.2.
100
For detailed discussion of the seated royal women wearing long cloaks who appear on a label of Djer
from the tomb of Hemaka (Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 153), see Section 3.2.1.2.
101
For detailed discussion of the seated royal women wearing long cloaks who appear in the Sed Festival
reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs
Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 7b, 44d, 50a; Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, no. 246),
see Section 3.2.1.2.
102
For detailed discussion of the seated royal women wearing long cloaks who appear in the Sed Festival
reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten at Karnak (Smith and Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project,
Vol. 1, pis. 41,44.5, 46.4,48.3, 51.6, 52.2, 58), see Section 3.2.1.2.
103
For detailed discussion of the seated royal women wearing long cloaks who appear in the Sed Festival
reliefs of Apries from the gateway of his palace at Memphis (Kaiser, MDA1K 43 (1986): 148,150, 152,
figs. 5, 7, 9), see Section 3.2.1.2.
104
For an important study of Protodynastic sculptural representations of cloaked royal women from
Hierakonpolis and Abydos, see Fay, in Ziegler, ed., L 'art de VAncien Empire egyptien, pp. 99-147, figs.
33-42, 44-46, 54-56, with references. Fay, op. cit., pp. 109-116, convincingly argues that these
representations of cloaked royal women are linked to the celebration of the Sed Festival. For discussion of
a similar sculptural representation of a cloaked royal woman from Tomb U-182 at Abydos, see Hartmann,
in Hofmann and Sturm, eds., Menschenbilder-Bildermenschen: Kunst undKultur im alten Agypten, pp. 37-
43, figs. 1-3, with references.
10
For detailed discussion of the participation of royal women in Hathoric rites during the celebration of
the Sed Festival, see Section 3.2.

26
protection of the Egyptian ruler prior to his ceremonial rejuvenation and rebirth at the Sed

Festival.

1.1.3. Hb-Sd: FESTIVAL OF THE CANINE GOD SED?

Because the standard of the canine god Wepwawet commonly appears in

representations of the Sed Festival as early as the reign of the Protodynastic king

Scorpion, some scholars have proposed an etymological connection between the word sd

in the term hb-sd and the name of the canine god Sed, who is very likely an archaic

precursor to the god Wepwawet.106 The Palermo Stone entry recording the "creation of

(an image of) Sed" in year x+11 of the reign of Den attests to the antiquity of this

particular canine deity whose standard closely resembles that of the god Wepwawet.107

Early examples of the ritual display of the standard of a canine god occur, for example, in

the depictions of the Sed Festival on the Scorpion Macehead (Fig. 21), the Narmer

Macehead (Fig. 60), and a seal impression of Djer from Abydos (Fig. 63).108 The

Wepwawet standard is closely related to the performance of the Konigslauf at the Sed

Festival as early as the 1st Dynasty. The carrying of the Wepwawet standard takes place

during the performance of the Konigslauf, for example, in depictions of the Sed Festival

For the suggestion that the word hb in the term hb-sd is etymologically linked to the name of the canine
god Sed, see Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, pp. 32-34; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 366, note 1;
Brovarski, in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 779-780; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals of the Late Predynastic Period
and the First Dynasty, pp. 42-43.
107
For discussion of the Palermo Stone entry (recto III.l 1) that records the "creation of (an image of) Sed"
in year x+11 of Den, see Wilkinson, Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt, p. 117, fig. 1; Wilkinson, Early
Dynastic Egypt, p. 294.
108
For detailed discussion of the Wepwawet standard in the depictions of the Sed Festival on the Scorpion
Macehead (Millet, JARCE2S (1991): 225, fig. 2), the Narmer Macehead (Millet, JARCE2S (1991): 224,
fig. 1), and a seal impression of Djer from Abydos (Petrie, Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty, Vol. 2, pi. 15,
no. 108), see Section 4.3.3.

27
of Den (Fig. 38), Djoser (Fig. 25), Snofru (Fig. 26), and Niuserre (Fig. 27). luy In the Sed

Festival reliefs of Niuserre from his solar temple at Abu Gurob, the anointing of the

Wepwawet standard and the fixing of the Wepwawet standard in the ground are

important rituals that take place during the performance of the Konigslauf (Fig. 27). uo

The textual reference to sd.t ci.t in the Konigslauf sequence from the Sed Festival reliefs

of Niuserre could conceivably refer to the standard of the canine god behind the king;

however, this phrase most likely refers to the bull's tail that Niuserre wears during the

performance of the Konigslauf.111 The possibility of an etymological connection between

the canine god Sed and the word hb in the term hb-sd is an intriguing theory, particularly

because wild hunting dogs feature prominently in Predynastic depictions of royal hunting

rituals and because the Wepwawet standard plays a prominent role in the performance of
119

the Konigslauf however, because of the lack of clear evidence connecting a god

named "Sed" to the Sed Festival, this theory concerning the etymology of the word hb in

the term hb-sd ultimately remains unproven and unlikely.

1.1.4. Hb-Sd: 30-YEAR FESTIVAL?

For detailed discussion of the carrying of the Wepwawet standard during the performance of the
Konigslauf in depictions of the Sed Festival from the reigns of Den (Dreyer, etal., MDAIK 59 (2003): pi.
18g), Djoser (Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 23, 28, 30, figs. 14, 16-17), Snofru (Fakhry, The Monuments of
Sneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 76, fig. 55), and Niuserre (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum
des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, no. 33b), see Section 4.3.3.
110
For detailed discussion of the anointing of the Wepwawet standard and the fixing of the Wepwawet
standard in the ground during the performance of the Konigslaufin the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in
his solar temple at Abu Gurob (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2,
nos. 33b, 34), see Section 4.3.3.
1
For the interpretation of sd.t ri t as a reference to the "great tail" worn by Niuserre during the
performance of the Konigslauf, see Section 1.1.1.
112
For discussion of the symbolic significance of wild hunting dogs in Predynastic and Protodynastic
depictions of royal hunting rituals, see primarily Section 5.2.4.

28
According to another widely supported—but ultimately unproven and unlikely—

theory concerning the etymology of the word sd in the term hb-sd, the word sd refers to a

span of time equal to 30 years; based on this etymological interpretation, the term hb-sd

has often been translated "30-Year Festival" or "DreiBigjahrfest."113 This etymological

interpretation of the term hb-sd is based, in large part, on the translation of the royal title

nb hb.w-sd ("lord of the Sed Festivals") as Kupioc TpiaKovTOCETnpiScov ("lord of the 30

year periods") in line 2 of the Greek section of the Memphis Decree on the Rosetta

Stone.114 Attempts to reconcile the description of the Sed Festival as a "30-Year

Festival" in the Rosetta Stone with earlier evidence concerning the celebration of the Sed

Festival in the dynastic period has led to several different theories concerning the date on

which the Sed Festival was typically performed and the normal interval of time that

elapsed between performances of the Sed Festival.115 According to the most commonly

held view, the Egyptian ruler celebrated the Sed Festival for the first time during regnal

year 30; if the ruler's reign lasted more than 30 years, additional celebrations of the Sed

For the interpretation of the word sd in the term hb-sd as a "30-year period," see primarily Lauth, in
Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Abteilung 1875,
Bd. 2, Heft 1, pp. 109-144; Brugsch, Thesaurus Inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum, Vol. 2, pp. 203-215;
Brugsch, op. cit., Vol. 5, pp. 1119-1132; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 2-3. Bonnet,
Reallexikon, pp. 158-160, uses the term "DreiBigjahrfest" to refer to the Sed Festival, but does not suggest
that the word sd actually means "30-year period."
114
For discussion of the phrase Kupioc TpiaKovxasxripiScov ("lord of the 30-year periods") in the Greek
section of the Memphis Decree on the Rosetta Stone, see primarily Lauth, in Sitzungsberichte der
bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Abteilung 1875, Bd. 2, Heft 1, pp.
109-110,122; Brugsch, Thesaurus Inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum, Vol. 2, p. 209; Brugsch, op. cit., Vol. 5,
p. 1119; Simpson, JARCE 2 (1963): 59; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 113-114; Wente and Van Siclen
III, in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, p. 220; Martin, in LA, Vol. 5, col. 784; von Beckerath,
MDAIK 47 (1991): 29; Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 3; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue
Studien zum Sedfest, p. 9, no. 3.
115
For convenient summaries of all theories concerning the theoretical rules governing the timing of the
celebration of the Sed Festival, see Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 11-15; Gohary,
Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 3-5; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 9-12,
with references.

29
Festival could take place in short intervals after regnal year 30—typically every three or

four years.116

The preponderance of evidence suggests that such a model was, in fact, the

typical procedure for the celebration of the Sed Festival from the Middle Kingdom

onwards. Egyptian rulers who are known with a high degree of certainty to have

celebrated their first (or only) Sed Festival in regnal year 29, 30, or 31 include Sesostris I

(in regnal year 31),117 Amenemhat III (in regnal year 30),118 Amenhotep III (in regnal

year 30),119 Ramesses II (in regnal year 30),120 and Ramesses III (in regnal year 29).121

Proponents of this model, whereby an Egyptian ruler celebrated the Sed Festival for the first time in
regnal year 30, include Simpson, JARCE 2 (1963): 59-63; Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, pp.
11-15, 51-54, 62-65, 80-85; Wente and Van Siclen III, in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, pp. 219-
223; Martin, in LA, Vol. 5, col. 784; Murnane, MDAIK 37 (1981): 369-376; von Beckerath, MDAIK 47
(1991): 29-33; Konrad, ZAS 130 (2003): 82-83; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 9-
12,33-37.
117
A rock inscription from Hatnub (Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, cat. no. 49, pp. 76-78, pi.
31) records the "first occasion of the Sed Festival" in year 31 of Sesostris I; for discussion of this text as
evidence for an actual celebration of the Sed Festival by Sesostris I in year 31, see primarily Simpson,
JARCE2 (1963): 61-62; Murnane, MDAIK37 (1981): 369; von Beckerath, MDAIK47 (1991): 30, no. 5;
Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 20, 34, 36.
118
A stela from Sheikh Farag in the Museum of Fine Arts (Dunham, Naga-ed-Der Stelae of the First
Intermediate Period, cat. no. 7, pp. 19-20, pi. 5.1) records the performance of the Sed Festival in year 30 of
Amenemhat III; for discussion of this text as evidence for an actual celebration of the Sed Festival by
Amenemhat III in year 30, see primarily Simpson, JARCE2 (1963): 60, 62-63; Murnane, MDAIK37
(1981): 369-370; von Beckerath, MDAIK 47 (1991): 30, no. 6; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studienzum
Sedfest, pp. 20-21, 34,36.
119
Numerous jar labels from Malqata (Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 82-86) record the performance of the Sed
Festival in year 30 of Amenhotep MI. Inscriptions from the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of
Kheruef pis. 28, 46) and the tomb of Khaemhat (Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pi. 76b) confirm that regnal
year 30 was the date of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival. For discussion of these labels and inscriptions
as evidence for an actual celebration of the Sed Festival by Amenhotep III in year 30, see primarily
Habachi, ZAS 97 (1971): 68-69; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 291-296; Murnane, MDAIK 37 (1981):
370; von Beckerath, MDAIK47 (1991): 30-31, no. 8; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest,
pp. 25, 33, 36. For further discussion of the date(s) of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1,
Text 1.
120
Numerous inscriptions, including several from Gebel Silsileh, record the celebration of the first Sed
Festival of Ramesses II in regnal year 30; for convenient collections of these texts, see Breasted Ancient
Records of Egypt, Vol. 3, pp. 228-234, with references; Habachi, ZAS 97 (1971): 64-72; Gomaa,
Chaemwese: Sohn Ramses' II undHoherpriester von Memphis, pp. 27-33; Kitchen, Ramesside
Inscriptions, Vol. 2, pp. 377-399; Sayed Mohamed, Festvorbereitungen, pp. 12-14, with references. For

30
Additionally, Tuthmosis III, who is known to have celebrated a Sed Festival in regnal

year 33, probably celebrated his first Sed Festival in regnal year 30.122 However, the

existence of several exceptions to the so-called 30-year principle suggests that adherence

to this ideal model was not obligatory. Egyptian rulers who are known with a high

degree of certainty to have celebrated a Sed Festival prior to regnal year 30 include

discussion of these texts as records of an actual celebration of the Sed Festival by Ramesses II in year 30,
see also Murnane, MDAIK31 (1981): 370; von Beckerath, MDA1KM (1991): 30-31, no. 9; Hornung and
Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 28-29, 33, 36.
121
The strongest evidence for the celebration of Ramesses Ill's first Sed Festival in year 29 comes from
Papyrus Turin 44, 18-19 (Gardiner, ZAS 48 (1910): 49):
hsb 129 ibd 4 [p]r t sw 28
hd in ti ty Ti
m-dr iw-fr it t ni ntr w n( w) r rsy r pi hb-sd
"Year 29, fourth month of Peret, day 28:
Traveling downstream by the vizier Ta,
when he came to take the gods of the southern district to the Sed Festival."
An inscription from the tomb of Setau, high priest of Nekhbet, in Elkab (Gardiner, op cit, pp. 48-49)
confirms that the vizier Ta performed these deeds during the celebration of the first Sed Festival of
Ramesses III:
[hsb.t 29 hi hm n nsw t-bi ty\ nb [ti wy]
Wsr-Mir t-Rrmry-'Imn si Rr nb tf w Rr-ms-sw hki-lwnw di rnh
sp-tpy hb-sd
wd.n hm=fdi tmhr n imy-ri niw t ti ty Ti
[r it t ti dp t-ntr n( t) Nhb t r hb-sd]
r ir t nt w-r=s m hw w t hb-sd
"[Year 29 ... under the majesty of the king of U. & L. Egypt, lord of the two lands],
Usermaatre, beloved-of-Re, son of Re, Ramesses, ruler of Heliopolis, given life;
First occasion of the Sed Festival:
That his majesty commanded the attention of the overseer of the City, the vizier Ta, was
[to take the divine barque of Nekhbet to the Sed Festival],
(and) to perform her rituals in the precincts of the Sed Festival."
For discussion of these texts as evidence for an actual celebration of the Sed Festival by Ramesses III in
year 29, see primarily Murnane, MDAIK37 (1981): 370; von Beckerath, MDAIK47 (1991): 30-31, no. 10;
Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 29-30, 35-36. For further discussion of the towing
of the barque of Nekhbet at Ramesses Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 7.4.2.

122
A stela of Sennefer, high priest of Thoth, from Deir el-Bersheh (Sethe, Urkunden der 18 Dynashe, Vol.
2, p. 597, 11. 9-16) records the "beginning of millions of very numerous Sed Festivals" {hi thhwm hb w-sd
r
$i( w) wr t) in year 33 of the reign of Tuthmosis III. If—as seems likely—this text refers to the king's
second Sed Festival, then Tuthmosis Ill's first Sed Festival probably took place in regnal year 30. For
discussion of this text as evidence that Tuthmosis III celebrated his first Sed Festival in year 30 and his
second Sed Festival in year 33, see primarily Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 24, 34,
36.

31
Montuhotep IV (in regnal year 2), Hatshepsut (in regnal year 15 or 16), Akhenaten

(in regnal year 2 or 4),125 and Osorkon II (in regnal year 22).126

Wadi Hammamat inscription no. 110 (Lepsius, Denkmdler, Vol. 2, pi. 149c) records the "first occasion
of the Sed Festival" in regnal year 2 of Montuhotep IV. For discussion of this text as evidence for an actual
celebration of the Sed Festival by Montuhotep IV in year 2, see primarily Hornung and Staehelin, Studien
zum Sedfest, pp. 54-55, who suggest that Montuhotep IV selected this date because it was exactly 30 years
after the reunification of Upper and Lower Egypt by Montuhotep II. For a similar interpretation of this
inscription as a legitimate reference to an actual celebration of the Sed Festival, see also Bleeker, Egyptian
Festivals, p. 114; Murnane, MDAIK 37 (1981): 369. In their updated monograph on the Sed Festival,
Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 19, 36, suggest that the reference to the Sed Festival
in this inscription represents the king's desire to celebrate the Sed Festival at a future date, but does not
provide firm evidence for an actual celebration of the Sed Festival. For a similar interpretation of this
inscription as an expression of the king's desire to celebrate the Sed Festival, see von Beckerath, MDAIK
47 (1991): 30, no. 4.
124
The inscription on the north side of Hatshepsut's northern obelisk at Karnak records the "first occasion
of the Sed Festival" (Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Vol. 2, p. 359,1. 1). According to the inscription
on the base of the northern obelisk (Sethe, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 367,11. 3-5), quarrying work on the obelisks
began in "Year 15, second month of Peret, day 1," and ended in "Year 16, fourth month of Shomu, final
day." If—as seems likely—Hatshepsut commissioned the construction of these obelisks for the celebration
of her Sed Festival, then Hatshepsut's Sed Festival probably took place shortly after the completion of
work on these obelisks in regnal year 16. Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, p. 54, suggest that
Hatshepsut viewed her reign as a continuation of the reign of her father Tuthmosis I and, thus, celebrated
the Sed Festival 30 years after the accession date of Tuthmosis I. For further discussion of Hatshepsut's
obelisk inscriptions as evidence for an actual celebration of the Sed Festival by Hatshepsut in regnal year
15 or 16, see also Uphill, JNES 20 (1961): 250; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, p. 114; Ratie, La reine
Hatchepsout: Sources et problemes, pp. 201-204; Wente and Van Siclen III, in Studies in Honor of George
R. Hughes, pp. 220-221; Murnane, MDAIK37 (1981): 372-373; von Beckerath, MDAIK47 (1991): 30-31,
no. 7; von Beckerath, in Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Jadwiga Lipinska, pp. 15-20; Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 223, note 87; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 23, 36-37.
125
The detailed reliefs of the Gempaaten at Karnak depict the performance of the Sed Festival by
Akhenaten at some point during the early years of his reign—most likely in regnal year 2 or 4. According
to one theory, Akhenaten viewed his reign as a continuation of the 38-year reign of his father Amenhotep
III; thus, regnal year 2 or 4 of Akhenaten would have corresponded to regnal year 40 or 42 of Amenhotep
III. Both of these dates, of course, would have been fitting dates for the celebration of the Sed Festival by
Akhenaten. For discussion of this theory concerning the significance of Akhenaten's celebration of the Sed
Festival in regnal year 2 or 4, see primarily Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, p. 26-27, with
references. For further discussion of the significance of the date of Akhenaten's Sed Festival at Thebes, see
also Wente and Van Siclen III, in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, pp. 220-221; Gohary,
Akhenaten's Sed-festival at Karnak, pp. 29-33; Gabolde, D 'Akhenaton a Toutdnkhamon, pp. 26-28;
Redford, in Freed, etal., eds., Pharaohs of the Sun, pp. 53-57; Martin, SAK 30 (2002): 269-274; Spieser,
CdE 79 (2004): 16, footnote 49, with references; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 27-
28,37.
126
According to a text from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall of
Osorkon II, p. 6, no. 8), the Sed Festival of Osorkon II took place in regnal year 22. Hornung and
Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, p. 55, tentatively suggest that Osorkon II may have celebrated his Sed
Festival 30 years after the accession date of his predecessor Takelot I. According to a commonly held view
concerning the writing of the date of Osorkon II's Sed Festival in this inscription, "year 22' is a scribal
error or copying mistake for "year 30"; proponents of this view include Wente, JNES 35 (1976): 278;
Wente and Van Siclen III, in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, p. 222; von Beckerath, MDAIK 47

32
Prior to the Middle Kingdom no firm evidence exists to suggest that Egyptian

rulers typically celebrated the Sed Festival for the first time in regnal year 30. According

to the royal annals of the Palermo Stone, the 1st dynasty ruler Den celebrated a Sed

Festival in year x+3; however, unfortunately, attempts to link year x+3 of Den to a firm

date in his reign have thus far been inconclusive.127 Records of the celebration of the Sed

Festival by Pepi I in the "year after the 18th reckoning" and in the "year of the 25th

reckoning" have similarly proven difficult to link to particular regnal years in this king's

reign. Since evidence for the 30-year principle is completely absent from the

documentation of the Sed Festival prior to the Middle Kingdom, it seems very unlikely

that the word sd in the term hb-sd originally referred to a word meaning "30-year period."

The term "jubilee" has traditionally been applied to the Sed Festival because of

the mistaken notion that Egyptian rulers universally celebrated the Sed Festival (for the

first time) on the 30th anniversary of their accession to the throne. In contemporary royal

contexts, the term "jubilee" often refers to precisely such a ceremony; for example, the

(1991): 30-31, no. 11; von Beckerath, GM154 (1996): 19-22; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 30, 34, 36. Gozzoli, in Grimal and Baud, eds., Evenement, recit, histoire offlcielle, p. 215,
footnote 18, has noted that the highest attested date for the reign of Osorkon II is regnal year 28. Since
"year 30" is later than the highest attested date for the reign of Osorkon II, the proposal to emend the text
from "year 22" to "year 30" is problematic and highly questionable. For an unconvincing suggestion that
Osorkon II reigned for at least 29 years and possibly as long as 34 years, see with caution Broekman, GM
205 (2005): 21-33.
127
For the record of Den's celebration of the Sed Festival on the Palermo Stone (recto III.3), see primarily
Wilkinson, Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt, pp. 107-108, fig. 1, with references; Hornung and Staehelin,
Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 14.
128
Rock inscriptions from Sinai (Lepsius, Denkmdler, Vol. 2, pi. 116a) and the Wadi Hammamat (Couyat
and Montet, Les inscriptions hieroglyphiques et hieratiques du Ouddi Hammamat, cat. nos. 62, 63, 103,
107) record the celebration of a Sed Festival by Pepi I in "the year after the 18th reckoning"; for discussion
of these records of the Sed Festival of Pepi I, see primarily Murnane, MDAIK31 (1981): 369; von
Beckerath, MDA1KA1 (1991): 30, no. 1; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 17, 36. A
rock inscription from Hatnub (Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, cat. no. 3, p. 13, pi. 4) records the
celebration of a Sed Festival in "the year of the 25th reckoning"; for discussion of this record of the Sed
Festival of Pepi I, see primarily Murnane, op. cit.,p. 369; von Beckerath, op. cit., p. 30, no. 2; Hornung and
Staehelin, op. cit., p. 17.

33
Golden Jubilee of Queen Elizabeth II in 2002 took place exactly 50 years after her

accession to the throne upon the death of her father George VI on February 6, 1952.

However, since evidence for the so-called 30-year principle is completely lacking prior to

the Middle Kingdom, and since deviations from the normal celebration of the Sed

Festival in regnal year 30 were fairly common from the Middle Kingdom onwards, the
1 OH

use of the term "jubilee" to describe the Sed Festival seems woefully inadequate.

Additionally, in the ancient world prior to the destruction of the Second Temple of

Jerusalem in 70 CE, the term "jubilee" specifically referred to a reoccurring yearlong

Jewish festival that took place at regular intervals of seven Sabbatical cycles (/. e., every

49 or 50 years).130 Thus, in the interest of accuracy and clarity, the term hb-sd is perhaps

best rendered into English as simply "Sed Festival."

1.2. SEARCH FOR THE ORIGINS OF THE SED FESTIVAL

Though ultimately unproven and unconvincing, the previously discussed Osirian

"ritual regicide" theory concerning the origins of the Sed Festival has rightfully focused

attention on Predynastic and Protodynastic Egyptian rituals as the basis for the royal

festival later known as the Sed Festival.131 The vast corpus of Predynastic and

Protodynastic iconography, which appears in the form of rock inscriptions, decorated

pottery, inscribed ceremonial objects, painted tableaux, and statuettes, provides fertile

ground for investigations into the origins of royal ideology and royal ritual performance
129
Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, p. 113, has also advocated for the discarding of this term on similar
grounds.
130
For detailed discussion of the history, significance, and societal implications of the Biblical Jubilee that
is described in Chapter 25 of Leviticus, see, e.g., North, Sociology of the Biblical Jubilee; Fager, Land
Tenure and the Biblical Jubilee; North, The Biblical Jubilee: After Fifty Years; Lefebvre, Lejubile
biblique: Lv 25—exegese et theologie; Bergsma, The Jubilee from Leviticus to Qumran.
131
For discussion of the Osirian "ritual regicide" theory concerning the origins of the Sed Festival, see
references collected in Section 1.1.2, footnote 69.

34
in Egypt.132 Indeed, several researchers who have investigated Predynastic and

Protodynastic iconography have identified depictions of rituals from the celebration of

the Sed Festival in Predynastic scenes dating as early as Naqada IC-IIA.

According to Wolfgang Helck, the Sed Festival evolved from a Predynasic

hunting ritual ("Qualifikationsjagd") that demonstrated the virility and power of a would-

be local chief or ruler.133 Bruce Williams and Thomas Logan have found evidence for an

early version of the Sed Festival ("Greater Pharaonic Cycle") in Predynastic and

Protodynastic scenes from as early as Naqada IC-IIA; according to these authors, this

early version of the Sed Festival included a barque procession, a ritual run, a victory

celebration, the sacrifice of a prisoner, and a hunting ritual.134 Largely echoing Williams

and Logan's views concerning Predynastic and Protodynastic evidence for the celebration

of the Sed Festival, Kryzstof Cialowicz has written at great length in several publications

about the early Sed Festival as a ceremony of royal renewal and triumph.135 Alejandro

For convenient collections of Predynastic and Protodynastic artwork and cultural artifacts in various
media from Naqada I through Dynasty 0, see, e.g., Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 261-609; Asselberghs,
Chaos en Beheersing; Cialowicz, Les tetes de massues des periodes Predynastique et Archaique dans la
Vallee du Nil; Williams and Logan, JNES 46 (1987): 245-285; Williams, Decorated Pottery and the Art of
Naqada III; Cialowicz, Les palettes egyptiennes aux motifs zoomorphes et sans decoration; Cialowicz, in
Friedman and Adams, eds., The Followers ofHorus: Studies Dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman, pp. 247-
258; Davis, Masking the Blow; Needier, Predynastic and Archaic Egypt in The Brooklyn Museum;
Cialowicz, La naissance d'un royaume, pp. 151-207; Graff, Lespeintures sur vases de Nagada I—Nagada
II.
133
For discussion of Predynastic hunting rituals as the ideological basis for the celebration of the Sed
Festival, see primarily Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, pp. 6-21.
134
For discussion of the Predynastic and Protodynastic representations of a "Greater Pharaonic Cycle" as
evidence for the celebration of the Sed Festival in Early Egypt, see primarily Williams and Logan, JNES 46
(1987): 245-285. For further elaborations of these authors' views concerning the celebration of the Sed
Festival in Predynastic and Protodynastic Egypt, see also Williams, in Phillips, etal., eds., Ancient Egypt,
the Aegean and the Near East, Vol. 2, pp. 483-496; Logan, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise:
Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F. Wente, pp. 261-276.
135
For Cialowicz's views concerning the earliest evidence for the celebration of the Sed Festival, see
primarily Cialowicz, Les tetes de massues des periodes Predynastique et Archaique dans la Vallee du Nil,
pp. 31-45; Cialowicz, Folia Orientalia 33 (1997): 39-48; Cialowicz, Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization
8 (1997): 11-27; Cialowicz, in Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Jadwiga Lipinska, pp. 339-352; Adams and

35
Jimenez-Serrano, who has shed much light on the various rituals of the Sed Festival in

the Protodynastic and Early Dynastic periods, also believes that the Sed Festival

originated in Egypt during the Predynastic Period. Finally, John Darnell has

convincingly argued that depictions of the Sed Festival appear as "tableaux of royal ritual

power" in Predynastic and Protodynastic rock inscriptions from the Western Desert of

Egypt.137

Unfortunately, however, recent in-depth studies of the documentation for the Sed

Festival from the dynastic period have ignored or dismissed the increasingly large corpus

of Predynastic and Protodynastic royal iconography as a possible source of evidence for

the celebration of the Sed Festival prior to the 1st Dynasty.138 For example, in the preface

to the catalogue of "Sedfest-Belege" in their most recent monograph on the Sed Festival,

Erik Hornung and Elisabeth Staehelin completely dismiss the notion that definitive

evidence for the celebration of the Sed Festival exists in the Predynastic Period;

concerning this matter, the authors state: "Nur am Rande verweisen wir hier auf

Versuche, Sedfest-Hinweise schon in vorgeschichtlicher Zeit zu finden, da diese

Cialowicz, Protodynastic Egypt, pp. 36-46; Cialowicz, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 273-279; Cialowicz, Etudes et Travaux 18 (1999): 35-42;
Cialowicz, La naissance d'un royaume, pp. 155-163, 166-172, 196-207,211-212,218,222-223.
136
For detailed discussion of Protodynastic and Early Dynastic representations of the Sed Festival, see
primarily Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 42-
78.
137
For the identification of elements of the Sed Festival in Predynastic and Protodynastic rock inscriptions
from the Western Thebaic!, see primarily Darnell, in Wilkinson, ed., The Egyptian World, p. 33; Darnell,
Archeo-Nil 19 (2009): 83-107; Darnell, Wadi of the Horus Qa-a: A Tableau of Royal Ritual Power;
Darnell, in Friedman and Fiske, eds., Egypt at its Origins, Vol. 3 (forthcoming).
138
The following discussions of documentation for the Sed Festival in the dynastic period lack any
substantive discussion of Predynastic and Protodynastic evidence for the celebration of the Sed Festival:
Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 91-123; Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A. Wilson, pp. 83-91; Martin,
in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 782-790; Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-
Festival at Karnak; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest; Lange, in Broekman, etal., eds., The
Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 203-218.

36
Versuche bisher nicht iiberzeugen."139 Despite Hornung and Staehelin's protestations to

the contrary, the publications of Helck, Williams, Logan, Cialowicz, and Darnell have

clearly and definitively shown that local rulers in Upper Egypt celebrated an archaic

version of the Sed Festival as early as Naqada IC-IIA.

Central to many Predynastic and Protodynastic scenes of representational art is

the stylized figure of a man who wears distinctive garb, carries ritual implements, and

performs various ritual activities.140 In early scenes from the Predynastic Period, this

man is most likely a local Upper Egyptian ruler or tribal leader; in later tableaux from the

Protodynastic Period, this man is the head of the nascent Egyptian state—i. e., a prototype

for later pharaonic kingship. Identification of the man at the center of these Predynastic

and Protodynastic tableaux as a ruler is based on several factors. First, the overall

iconographic context in which the Predynastic and Protodynastic Egyptian ruler typically

appears indicates that he has a special religious authority and holds power over animals

and other humans.141 Second, the ritual implements and garb of this ruler conform to the

styles of regalia and royal dress that are later associated with pharaonic kingship.142

Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 13.


140
A full discussion of the garb, implements, and ritual activities of the man at the center of these
Predynastic and Protodynastic tableaux appears in Chapters 3-7. For general discussion of the origins and
evolution of royal ideology in Predynastic, Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt, see primarily Williams
and Logan, JNES 46 (1987): 245-285; Baines, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian
Kingship, pp. 95-156; Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt; Wilkinson, JEA 86 (2000): 23-32; Kohler, in van
den Brink and Levy, eds., Egypt and the Levant, pp. 499-513; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late
Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty; Kohler, in Wendrich, ed., Egyptian Archaeology, pp. 49-50.
141
For example, in Predynastic and Protodynastic tableaux, the ruler founds sacred precincts and ritual
waterways (Section 7.5), dominates lions with his bare hands (Section 5.2.1), and smites his enemies with a
ceremonial mace (Section 6.1.1).
142
The first appearance of the red crown, for example, dates to Naqada I (Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt,
pp. 48-49, 192-194). Additionally, the white crown appears commonly in Predynastic royal scenes
beginning in early Naqada III (Wilkinson, op. cit, pp. 194-195); the M^-scepter appears commonly in
Predynastic royal scenes beginning in Naqada II (Wilkinson, op. cit., pp. 188-189); and the nhihi-f[a\\
appears commonly in Predynastic royal scenes beginning in Naqada II (Wilkinson, op. cit., p. 190).

37
Third, several of the ritual scenes in which this ruler appears are similar or identical to the

ritual scenes in which the pharaoh commonly appears in the dynastic period.143 Thus, an

unquestionably clear chain of cultural continuity exists between the iconography of

Predynastic local Upper Egyptian rulers and the iconography of the dynastic rulers of

Egypt—a chain of cultural continuity that spans roughly four millennia from Naqada I

through the Graeco-Roman Period.

The clearest and most definitive evidence for the celebration of the Sed Festival in

the Predynastic and Protodynastic periods is the existence of numerous scenes in which

the Egyptian ruler wears a long enveloping robe that is identical to the royal Sed Festival

robe of the dynastic period. Predynastic and Protodynastic scenes in which the Egyptian

ruler wears this robe include painted and inscribed royal tableaux from the Gebelein

Linen (Fig. 52f),144 the Metropolitan Museum knife handle (Fig. 53),145 the Qustul

incense burner (Fig. 54),146 the Archaic Horus incense burner (Fig. 55),147 a rock

143
The royal smiting scene, which remained largely unchanged for approximately four millennia after its
introduction in Naqada I, was perhaps the most iconic image of the ruler throughout all of ancient Egyptian
history (Section 6.1.1).
144
For detailed discussion of the nautical processional scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Gebelein Linen (Scamuzzi, Egyptian Art in the Egyptian Museum of Turin, pi. 5), see
Section 7.1.1.
145
For detailed discussion of the nautical processional scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Metropolitan Museum knife handle (Williams and Logan, JNES 46 (1987): 273, fig.
1), see Section 7.1.1.
146
For detailed discussion of the nautical processional scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Qustul incense burner (Williams, University of Chicago Oriental Institute Nubian
Expedition, Vol. 3, Part 1, pi. 34), see Section 7.1.1.
147
For detailed discussion of the nautical processional scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Archaic Horus incense burner (Williams, University of Chicago Oriental Institute
Nubian Expedition, Vol. 3, Part 1, pi. 33), see Section 7.1.1.

38
inscription from Site 18. M 137a in the Wadi Gash (Fig. 56),148 the Battlefield Palette

(Fig. 57),149 the Gebel el-Arak knife handle (Fig. 58),150 the Royal Macehead (Fig.

59),151 and the Narmer Macehead (Fig. 60).152 Additionally, in several Predynastic and

Protodynastic scenes, the Egyptian ruler performs rituals that typically occur in the

dynastic period as part of the celebration of the Sed Festival. For example, the Egyptian

ruler performs the Konigslauf'in the painted tableau from Tomb 100 at Hierakonpohs

(Fig. 131d),153 and the ruler performs a foundation rite at the commemoration of a ritual

waterway and sacred precinct on the Scorpion Macehead (Fig. 21).1M A detailed study of

these scenes suggests that the celebration of the Sed Festival in the Predynastic and

Protodynastic periods typically included the performance of several of the following

rites: music and dance rituals (Section 3.1); a palanquin procession of the royal women

(Section 3.2.1); the Konigslauf (Chapter 4); the royal enthronement ritual (Section

4.3.4); hunting and butchery rituals (Chapter 5); military victory rituals (Chapter 6); the

For detailed discussion of the nautical processional scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe in a rock inscription from Site 18. M 137a in the Wadi Gash (Winkler, Rock-Drawings of
Southern Upper Egypt, Vol. 1, pi. 13.3), see 7.1.1.
149
For detailed discussion of the military victory ritual in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Battlefield Palette (Davis, Masking the Blow, p. 121, fig. 33), see Section 6.1.3.
150
For detailed discussion of the "master-of-beasts" scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Gebel el-Arak knife handle (Seidlmayer, in Schulz and Seidel, eds., Egypt: The World
of the Pharaohs, p. 26, fig. 31), see primarily Section 5.2.1.
151
For detailed discussion of the royal enthronement scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Royal Macehead (Cialowicz, Etudes et Travaux 18 (1999): 37, fig. 1), see Section
4.3.4.
152
For detailed discussion of the royal enthronement scene in which the Egyptian ruler wears the long Sed
Festival robe on the Narmer Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28 (1991): 224, fig. 1), see Section 4.3.4.
153
For detailed discussion of the Konigslauf scene from Tomb 100 at Hierakonpohs (Quibell and Green,
Hierakonpohs, Vol. 2, pis. 76-77), see Section 4.1.1.
154
For detailed discussion of the foundation ritual on the Scorpion Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28 (1991):
225, fig. 2), see Section 7.5.

39
royal barque procession (Chapter 7); and the rites of founding a sacred precinct (Section

7.5).

The cultural continuity that is readily apparent in many aspects of the celebration

of the Sed Festival in the Predynastic, Protodynastic, and dynastic periods is not the result

of pure chance. Instead, there is clear evidence that Egyptian rulers periodically studied

archaic documentation for the Sed Festival and attempted to emulate earlier prototypes of

the festival. For example, a text from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in

the tomb of Kheruef unambiguously states that the king consulted ancient documents in

order to celebrate the rites of the Sed Festival in their earliest and most authentic form:155

in hm=firnn
m snr sS.w isw.t
h.wt rmt.w dr rk imy.w-bih
ny ir=sn hb.tn.t hb-sd

"It was his majesty who did these things


in accordance with the documents of ancient times.
As for generations of men since the time of the ancestors,

they did not celebrate the rituals of the Sed Festival (properly)."

As further evidence of this king's interest in the celebration of the Sed Festival during

archaic times, Amenhotep III commissioned the re-inscription of a ceremonial slate

palette that originally depicted a ritual scene from the Sed Festival of an unknown

Predynastic Egyptian ruler (Fig. 132a); the added scene on the reverse of the palette

depicts Amenhotep III and his wife Tiye at the celebration of the Sed Festival (Fig.

132b).156

For this text from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, see
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pi. 28. For detailed discussion of this text, see Section 2.1.1, Text 1.
156
For general discussion of the extant fragments of this re-inscribed palette (Cairo JE 46148 and Brooklyn
Museum 66.175), see primarily von Bissing, AfO 6 (1930): 1-11; Baumgartel, The Cultures of Prehistoric
Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 101-102, pi. 8.1; Asselberghs, Chaos en Beheersing, pp. 252-254, 340-343, pis. 102-103;
Fischer, Ancient Egyptian Representations of Turtles, p. 20; Bothmer, JARCE 8 (1969-1970): 5-8; Ridley,

40
1.3. A N E W INTERPRETIVE MODEL FOR THE SED FESTIVAL

Over the course of roughly four millennia of ancient Egyptian history, during

which many of Egypt's most famous rulers celebrated the Sed Festival, several of the

rituals that comprised the celebration of the Sed Festival evolved significantly in meaning

and form; other rituals fell out of practice for large periods of time or even disappeared

completely from the celebration of the festival. However, an in-depth study of all of the

available documentation for the celebration of the Sed Festival in the Predynastic,

Protodynastic and dynastic periods suggests that the cycle of rituals that took place at the

Sed Festival serve three main purposes throughout the entire history of the festival. First,

during several of the major ritual performances of the Sed Festival, the Egyptian ruler

symbolically transforms into a creator deity, and, by doing so, attains the ability to effect

his own rejuvenation and continue to rule Egypt effectively. Second, by symbolically

demonstrating his control over cyclical phenomena of the natural world, the Egyptian

ruler establishes and maintains order in the cosmos during several ritual performances at

the Sed Festival. Third, in order to suppress the potentially powerful and disruptive

forces of chaos in the cosmos, the Egyptian ruler eliminates all possible threats to himself

and to the Egyptian state during the celebration of the Sed Festival.

Rituals from the celebration of the Sed Festival in which the Egyptian Ruler

transforms into a creator god include the procession of the solar barque and the

performance of ritual music and dance. During an elaborately staged nautical procession

in which the Egyptian ruler travels along a ritual waterway in the barque of the solar

The Unification of Egypt, pp. 54-55; Needier, Predynastic and Archaic Egypt in The Brooklyn Museum, pp.
332-334; Davis, The Canonical Tradition in Ancient Egyptian Art, pp. 157-158. For discussion of this
palette as evidence of archaism in the Sed Festivals of Amenhotep III, see also Berman, in O'Connor and
Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 17; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies,
p. 219, note 42; Hartwig, in Engel, etal, eds., Zeichen aus dem Sand, pp. 195-209.

41
deity, the ruler is symbolically transformed into the brilliantly plumed, ascendant solar

falcon; as a result of this transformation, the ruler shares in the rejuvenation and rebirth

that the solar deity perpetually experiences each day at sunrise (Chapter 7). During a

series of Hathoric music and dance rituals involving performances by the royal daughters

and by women from liminal areas of the Egyptian landscape, the wandering goddess of

the solar eye, who is manifest in the person of the queen, returns to Egypt and unites

sexually with the king who, in turn, transforms into the creator god Re-Atum and realizes

his full creative potential for self-rejuvenation (Chapter 3).

Rituals concerned with the creation and maintenance of order in the cosmos

include the Konigslauf and the procession of the solar barque. During the performance of

the Konigslauf and each of its variants, the Egyptian ruler symbolically demonstrates his

control over important elements of the cosmos and cyclical phenemona of the natural

world (Chapter 4). For example, the Vogellauf dcmonsivaies the Egyptian ruler's control

over the annual migrations of the birds (Section 4.2.1); the Vasenlauf demonstrates the

ruler's control over the watery landscape of the cool water regions (kbh.w) at the northern

and southern edges of the cosmos (Section 4.2.2); and the Ruderlauf demonstrates the

ruler's control over the solar deity's nautical journey through the cosmos (Section 4.1.2).

As a result of his vigorous effort during the performance of the Konigslauf 'and its ritual

variants, the Egyptian ruler assures the proper functioning of the cosmos and claims his

rightful spot on the throne as the legitimate ruler of the Egyptian state in its entirety

(Section 4.3.4). By physically demonstrating his control over navigation on the Nile

during the procession of the solar barque at celebration of the Sed Festival, the Egyptian

42
ruler shows that he alone possesses the divinely bestowed power to maintain the solar

cycle in perpetuity (Chapter 7).

Rituals concerned with the suppression of chaos in the cosmos include Nilotic and

desert hunting rituals, the ritual slaughter of sacrificial animals, and military victory

rituals. During the performance of hunting rituals, which are especially prevalent in

Predynastic and Protodynastic depictions of the Sed Festival, the Egyptian ruler

neutralizes the potentially damaging and disruptive effect of animals from Egypt's desert

and Nilotic environs upon the Egyptian cosmos (Section 5.1, Section 5.2). From the Old

Kingdom onwards, hunting rituals largely disappear from the surviving documentation

for the celebration of the Sed Festival; however, the ritual slaughter of sacrificial animals,

which commonly appears in representations of the Sed Festival from all periods, very

likely has the same symbolic significance as the hunting of desert and Nilotic fauna

(Section 5.3). In documentation for the celebration of the Sed Festival from all periods

of ancient Egyptian history, the Egyptian ruler presents himself as a powerful military

leader with a well equipped and well trained army at his disposal (Chapter 6). The ritual

execution of the enemies of the Egyptian state is a common component of the celebration

of the Sed Festival during the Predynastic and Protodynastic Periods (Section 6.1).

During the celebration of the Sed Festival in the dynastic Period, a more nuanced image

of the Egyptian ruler as a military leader emerges in the performance of less brutal

military rituals, including arrow-shooting rituals (Section 6.2.1) and ritual combat bouts

(Section 6.3).

43
CHAPTER 2: M A J O R S E P FESTIVAL RELIEF PROGRAMS

2.0. INTRODUCTION

Beginning in the Old Kingdom—or perhaps even in the Early Dynastic Period—

Egyptian rulers who celebrated the Sed Festival commemorated this important event with

the commission of detailed reliefs depicting the various rites of the Sed Festival on the

walls of temples, royal mortuary complexes, and other sacred precincts. During the New

Kingdom, especially in reign of Amenhotep III, high-ranking royal officials who

participated in the ritual performances of the Sed Festival memorialized their

participation in this ceremony with detailed reliefs on the walls of their own private

tombs. The Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef (Theban Tomb

192) provide the most complete, best-preserved, and most detailed record of the various

ritual performances that took place at the celebration of the Sed Festival (Section 2.1).1

The scenes and texts of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival (Section 2.1.1) differ greatly

from the scenes and texts of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival (Section 2.1.2) in the

tomb of Kheruef; however, taken as a whole, these two sets of reliefs most likely present

a detailed composite summary of the numerous rituals that Amenhotep III celebrated at

each of his three Sed Festivals. Many—though not all—of the ritual scenes and texts

from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef find close parallels

in the Sed Festival reliefs of other Egyptian rulers; these parallels often provide important

details that aid in the interpretation of fragmentary or obscure portions of the reliefs from

1
For the most complete account of the ancient and modern history of the tomb of Kheruef, see Nims, in
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pp. 1-16. For the definitive publication of the Sed Festival reliefs of
Amenhotep III in this tomb, see Epigraphic Survey, op. cit., pis. 24-63. Earlier publications of these reliefs
include Fakhry, ASAE 42 (1943): 447-508, pis. 39-52; Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Fascicle 21, pp.
1858-1871. For translations of the hieroglyphic texts that appear in these reliefs, see Wente, in Epigraphic
Survey, op. cit, pp. 41-66. For important notes and commentary on Wente's translation of the texts, see
Caminos, JEA 71 (1985): 197-200.

44
the tomb of Kheruef.2 Important detailed representations of the various rituals from the

celebration of the Sed Festival also appear in the reliefs of Djoser in the Step Pyramid

Complex at Saqqara (Section 2.2.1), in the releifs of Snofru in the valley temple of the

Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Section 2.2.2), the reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at

Abu Gurob (Section 2.2.3), in the reliefs of Amenhotep III in the Temple of Soleb

(Section 2.2.4), in the reliefs of Akhenaten in the Gempaaten at Karnak (Section 2.2.5),

and in the reliefs of Osorkon II in the Temple of Bubastis (Section 2.2.6). Other

Egyptian rulers who celebrated the Sed Festival almost certainly also commemorated this

event with the commission of detailed reliefs; however, the reliefs of the previously

mentioned kings are the most complete and best-preserved representations of the Sed

Festival that survive to the present day.

2.1. THE SED FESTIVAL RELIEFS OF AMENHOTEP III IN THE TOMB OF KHERUEF

2.1.0. INTRODUCTION

Detailed reliefs memorializing the royal official Kheruef s participation in the

first and third Sed Festivals of Amenhotep III appear on the western wall of the West

Portico in the tomb of Kheruef. The reliefs of the king's first Sed Festival appear on the

section of the wall to the south of the doorway in the West Portico; the reliefs

commemorating the king's third Sed Festival appear on the section of the wall to the

north of the doorway.3 One of the most commonly depicted of all Sed Festival rituals—

2
Discussion of notable parallel scenes and texts appears alongside discussion of the reliefs from the tomb
of Kheruef in Section 2.1.
3
For the scenes and texts of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival from the tomb of Kheruef, see Epigraphic
Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pp. 41-54, pis. 24-46. For the scenes and texts of the Amenhotep Ill's third Sed
Festival from the tomb of Kheruef, see Epigraphic Survey, op. cit., pp. 54-66, pis. 47-63. For discussion of
the architectural layout of the tomb and its decoration, see Nims, in Epigraphic Survey, op. cit., pp. 3-13,
pis. 2-4.

45
the Konigslauf—is notably absent from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the

tomb of Kheruef; however, many of the rituals that appear in the reliefs from the tomb of

Kheruef are traditional Sed Festival rites that were celebrated as early as the Predynastic

and Early Dynastic periods—for example, Hathoric music and dance rituals, ritual bouts

of hand-to-hand combat, a ceremonial barque procession, and the ritual slaughter of

sacrificial animals.4 Although many of the rituals performed by Amenhotep III during

the celebration of his first and third Sed Festivals are traditional and commonly attested

Sed Festival rites, one of the most prominent rituals of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival—the Raising of the Djed Pillar—is not otherwise attested as part of the

celebration of the Sed Festival.5 Thus, with the inclusion of both traditional and

nontraditional rites, the Sed Festivals of Amenhotep III may rightly be described as both

archaizing and innovative.

According to the Sed Festival relief program in the tomb of Kheruef, Amenhotep

Ill's first Sed Festival and third Sed Festival each included a completely different set of

rituals; however, in actuality, each of Amehotep Ill's Sed Festivals probably included

many of the same rituals. The similarity and consistency of the carving style used for

both sets of Sed Festival reliefs in the tomb of Kheruef suggest that all of the Sed Festival

reliefs were carved at the same time—probably in the final years of Amehotep Ill's reign

or in the first two years of his successor Akhenaten's reign.6 Since the reliefs of

4
For detailed discussion of the Predynastic and Early Dynastic precursors to the rituals performed at
Amenhotep Ill's first and third Sed Festivals, see Chapters 3-7.
5
Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 216, suggests that the performance of the
Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony during Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival was probably an innovation
of his reign without historical precedent.
6
Neither set of Sed Festival reliefs in the tomb of Kheruef was completely finished before the
abandonment of the tomb; however, the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival are more fully

46
Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival and third Sed Festival were very likely planned from

the outset to be viewed together, the reliefs complement each other. Rituals that were

performed at both Sed Festivals appear only once in the relief program in the tomb of

Kheruef; thus, the collected scenes from both sets of reliefs present a composite of all the

rituals performed by Amenhotep III during his first and third Sed Festivals.7

As the grandest ritual expression of kingship in ancient Egypt, the Sed Festival

was a lengthy festival that included numerous ritual performances. In planning the

celebration of a Sed Festival, the reigning king paid homage to the institution of kingship

and to the past by including traditional rites in his Sed Festival; however, to a certain

extent, each king also sought to put his own personal stamp on the celebration of the

festival by highlighting his best royal attributes or by selecting rituals that emphasized a

favored deity.8 The considerable similarities and differences in the major Sed Festival

relief programs of Djoser, Snofru, Niuserre, Amenhotep III, Akhenaten, and Osorkon II

confirm this interpretation of the Sed Festival as an amalgation of traditional and novel

ritual performances. Indeed, the Sed Festival is a celebration of kingship as an

finished than the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival. According to Wente, JNES2S (1969): 275,
the fact that the reliefs of the third Sed Festival are more fully finished suggests that work on both sets of
reliefs began after regnal year 37—the date of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival. Nims, in Epigraphic
Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pp. 10-13, dates the carving of the West Portico of the tomb of Kheruef to the
final years of Amenhotep Ill's reign. After a critical review of previous discussions of the dating of the
construction and decoration of the tomb of Kheruef, Dorman, in Brand and Cooper, ed., Causing his Name
to Live, pp. 65-82, concludes that all of the decoration in the tomb was carved in the first two years of
Akhenaten's reign. Based on his observations regarding the decoration of the tomb of Kheruef and the
Temple of Soleb, Dorman, he. cit, sensibly concludes that "acoregency of any length" between
Amenhotep III and Akhenaten is very unlikely. For a similar conclusion regarding the general dearth of
evidence for a coregency between Amenhotep III and Akhenaten, see Gabolde, D 'Akhenaton a
Toutdnkhamon, pp. 62-98; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, p. 24, with references.
7
The reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the Temple of Soleb (Section 2.2.4) include several
rituals that do not appear in the reliefs from the tomb of Kheruef; thus, the reliefs in the tomb of Kheruef
clearly do not provide a complete catalogue of all the rituals performed at Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festivals.
8
For discussion of the roles of various deities in the celebration of the Sed Festival, see primarily Hornung
and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 47-48.

47
institution, but it is also a celebration of a particular ruler's reign. The major differences

between Amenhotep Ill's two sets of Sed Festival reliefs in the tomb of Kheruef are

probably a reflection of Amenhotep Ill's desire to personalize each of his Sed Festivals

with different ritual emphases. The ritual performances of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival celebrate the goddess Hathor, equate the king with the solar deity, and emphasize

the symbolic rebirth and renewal of the king as a result of the hieros gamos; his third Sed

Festival emphasizes the regeneration of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris through the performance of the

Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony.9 As several of the hymns sung during the

Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival indicate, the result of the Osirian regeneration that

takes place during the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony is the rebirth of the solar deity,

who glistens in the sky and favors Amenhotep III above all others.

The depictions and descriptions of ritual landscape and architecture in the reliefs

of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festivals in the tomb of Kheruef corroborate and supplement the

archaeological work that has been performed at Malqata—a large ritual complex on the

west bank of the Nile at Luxor that served as the setting for all three of Amenhotep Ill's

Sed Festivals (Fig. 133).10 Amenhotep III initiated the construction of much of the ritual

9
Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A. Wilson, pp. 83-91, has come to a similar conclusion regarding the
major themes of the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first and third Sed Festivals in the tomb of Kheruef: "At the
erection of the djed-pillar the king shares in the triumphant resurrection of his father Ptah-Sokar-Osiris,
while as an occupant of the solar bark he is assimilated to the sun god after his symbolic marriage to
Hathor."
10
For an overview of Amenhotep Ill's ritual constructions at Malqata and a summary of the history of
archaeological work at the site, see primarily Kemp and O'Connor, The International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 101-136; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a
Civilization, 1st ed., pp. 213-217; O'Connor, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 1173-1177; Babied, Memnonia 4-5 (1993):
131-146; Lacovara, Amarna Letters 3 (1994): 6-21; Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City; pp. 24-28;
Smith, Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, pp. 159-169; Cabrol, Amenhotep III: Le magnifique, pp. 193-
195; Koltsida, JARCE 43 (2007): 43-57. A wealth of inscribed material at the site, particularly jar labels,
relates to the king's three Sed Festivals; for discussion of this inscribed material, see Hayes, JNES 10
(1951): 35-56, 82-112, 156-183, 231-242; Hayes, Scepter of Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 248-250; Leahy,

48
architecture at the site of Malqata specifically for first Sed Festival in regnal year 30. In

some cases, the Sed Festival reliefs in the tomb of Kheruef provide the only known

evidence for the function of Amenhotep Ill's constructions at Malqata.

Text 1 of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival from the tomb of Kheruef indicates

that the festival began with "the appearance of the king in glory at the great double-gate

of his palace of the House of Rejoicing (rh=fn pr-hcy).,,n In Scene 5, the royal couple

emerges from the House of Rejoicing for the start of a procession to a ceremonial harbor

that is now known as the Birket Habu (Figs. 134-135). The Great Palace of Akhenaten at

Amarna was also called the House of Rejoicing (pr-hcy). Since the House of Rejoicing

Excavations at Malkata and the Birket Habu, Vol. 4; Berman, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III:
Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 16-17.
11
For a discussion of the term pr-hFy as the name of Amenhotep Ill's ritual palace at Malqata, see primarily
Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 177-181; Kemp and O'Connor, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 128-130; Ricke, in Haeny, ed., Untersuchungen im Totentempel
Amenophis' III, p. 33; Lacovara, Amarna Letters, Vol. 3 (1994): 9; Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal
City, pp. 25-27; O'Connor, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp.
160-162; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 25, with references; Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 21-22, with references; Koltsida, JARCE 43 (2007): 43-57. The original royal
palace at Malqata was built before Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival and was at least partially torn down
later in his reign to make way for an expansion of the Birket Habu; however, a rebuilt and expanded royal
palace complex took the place of the original construction and was used for Amenhotep Ill's second and
third Sed Festivals. Darnell and Manassa, loc. cit., connect the term "rejoicing" in the term House of
Rejoicing to the "sexual union between the sun god and the horizon"—with Amenhotep representing the
solar deity and the palace at Malqata symbolizing the horizon. For further discussion of the horizon as
sexual consort of the solar deity, see Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 59-61, with references.

12
For discussion of the term pr-hcy as the name of the Great Palace of Amarna, see Uphill, JNES 29
(1970): 151-166; Assmann, JA^S" 31 (1972): 143-155; Badawy, ZiS1102 (1975): 10-13; Kemp, Ancient
Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., pp. 279-281; Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City, pp. 29-30;
O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, Ancient Egyptian Kingship, pp. 286-289; Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 21-22, with references. O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, loc. cit,
suggests that the Great Palace of Amarna was likely comprised of two parts, called the "House of Rejoicing
for the Aten" and the "House of Rejoicing in Akhetaten for the Aten." These two names appear in the
"earlier proclamation" of the boundary stelae of Akhenaten at Amarna in a passage listing some of the
architectural features the king constructed at his new royal city (Murnane and Van Siclen III, The Boundary
Stelae of Akhenaten, pp. 25, 40,11. K.15-16):
irr=ipr-hry npi itn piy=i it m tl n itn tny hb.w-sd m ih.t itn m By s.t
irr=ipr-hry m [ih.t] i[tn] n pi itn ply=i it mtin itn tny hb.w-sd m iht itn m tly s.t
"That I will construct the House of Rejoicing for the Aten, my father, in the land of the Aten,
distinguished of Sed Festivals, in Akhetaten is in this place.
That I will construct the House of Rejoicing in [Akhet]a[ten] for the Aten, my father, in the land
of the Aten, distinguished of Sed Festivals, in Akhetaten is in this place."

49
served as the ritual setting for the celebration of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festivals at

Malqata, the House of Rejoicing at Amarna very likely served as the setting for the

celebration of the Sed Festival by Akhenaten—or perhaps for the celebration the Sed

Festival by the Aten itself.13

In Text 1 of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, a group of royal officials rows the

royal barque in mr n hm=f ("the waterway of his majesty") and tows the solar night

barque and day barque upon s.t wr.t ("the great place").14 The body of water described in

these texts likely corresponds to a specially constructed system of artificial harbors and

canals on the west and east banks of the Nile at Luxor.15 The most striking aspect of this

network was a large harbor, known now as the Birket Habu, on the west bank at Malqata

(Figs. 134-135);16 just south of Luxor Temple on the east bank of the Nile, the Eastern

Birket served as a counterpart to the Birket Habu (Fig. 135). Presumably the two

13
For a similar conclusion regarding the function of the House of Rejoicing at Amarna, see Assmann,
JNES 31 (1972): 150-152; O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, Ancient Egyptian Kingship, pp. 288-
289. Regarding the celebration of the Sed Festival by Akhenaten and the Aten at Amarna, Kemp, Ancient
Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 286, notes: "we have no expansive sources at all, and it remains
entirely guesswork as to where we wish to locate the main ceremonial."
14
For the depiction of the nautical procession in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the
tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6.
1
For detailed discussion of Amenhotep Ill's construction of ritual waterways for the performance of a
nautical procession at his first Sed Festival, see Section 7.5.
16
For discussion of the Birket Habu, see primarily Kemp and O'Connor, InternationalJournal of Nautical
Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 101-136; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's
Armies, pp. 22-23, with references. According to Kemp and O'Connor, op. cit, pp. 128-130, the Birket
Habu was only "half-completed" at the time of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in regnal year 30. The
harbor continued to be expanded after Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival and was likely used as a docking
place for boats bringing products and offerings to Malqata for Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival (Section
2.1.2, Scene 2a).
17
For the harbor on the east bank of the Nile, opposite the Birket Habu on the west bank, and its
association with the boat procession at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see primarily Darnell and
Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 22,226, note 138; Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep
III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 76-77.

50
harbors were originally connected to the Nile and to each other by a system of canals; if

so, this elaborate waterway likely served as the setting for the ceremonial boat procession

of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival. Unfortunately, no recent archaeological work has

been done at the Eastern Birket, nor is any work likely to be done in the near future since

most of the site lies underneath the modern village of el-Habeel.18

Two enclosed garden areas located in the southern district of Amarna near the

southern terminus of an extension of the Royal Road—the so-called Maruaten or

"viewing places of the Aten"—contained flora, religious structures, and artificial bodies

of water (Fig. 136).19 The Northern Palace section of Amarna also contained a garden

area comparable to the Maruaten (Fig. 136); a talatat block from Karnak mentions a

location that likely corresponds to the northern garden area at Amarna: pi mirw mh.ty n

p? itn mp? $ np3 itn m ih.t itn, "the Northern Maru of the Aten on the Island of the Aten

in Akhetaten."20

Thus report Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 220, endnote 53, who visited the site in
2005.
19
For discussion of the Maruaten of Amarna, see Peet and Woolley, City ofAkhenaten, Vol. 1, pp. 109-
124; Badawy, JEA 42 (1956): 58-64; Hanke, LA, Vol. 3, cols. 1102-1103; Kemp and O'Connor, The
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 132; Kemp, JEA 62
(1976): 93, 99; Kemp, Amarna Reports 6 (1995): 416-432,452-455; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a
Civilization, 1st ed., p. 285; O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, p.
285; Cabrol, Les voiesprocessionnelles de Thebes, pp. 603, 606; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's
Armies, p. 30; Konrad, Architektur und Theologie: Phraonische Tempelterminologie unter
Beriicksichtigung konigsideologischer Aspekte,pp. 121-122. For general discussion of mirw-shrines, see
also Klotz, Kneph: The Religion of Roman Thebes, p. 389, with references; Darnell, RdE 59 (2008): 102-
104, with references; Stadelmann, in LA, Vol. 5, col. 1260; Quack, in Fitzenreiter, ed., Tierkulte im
pharaonishen Agypten und im Kulturvergleich, pp. 113, 115-117; Goldbrunner, Buchis: Eine Untersuchung
zur Theologie des heiligen Stieres in Theben zur griechisch-romischen Zeit, pp. 246-252; Laskowska-
Kusztal, Deir el-Bahari, Vol. 3, pp. 66-68; Konrad, op. cit, pp. 117-154, with references.
20
For discussion of the Northern Maru of Amarna, see Redford, JARCE 10 (1973): 81; O'Connor, in
O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, p. 286; Smith, Art and Architecture of Ancient
Egypt, revised ed., p. 270, note 21; Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City, p. 31; Cabrol, Amenhotep III:
Le Magnifique, p. 287, note 93; Konrad, Architektur und Theologie: Phraonische Tempelterminologie
unter Beriicksichtigung konigsideologischer Aspekte, pp. 122-124. A talatat block ofAkhenaten from
Karnak depicts an enclosed area with gardens that might be another example of a Maru; for this block, see
Anus, BIFAO 69 (1971): 73-79, block 3.

51
The Birket Habu and Eastern Birket of Amenhotep III may have influenced the

design, construction, and use of the Maruaten by Akhenaten at Amarna.21 The term Maru

cannot be linked with any degree of certainty to either of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival

harbors at Thebes; however, a stela of Amenhotep III from Thebes mentions a "Maru" in

a list of Amenhotep Ill's major Theban construction projects.22 The location and nature

of the Maru of Amenhotep III in Thebes are described at length in lines 12-14 of this

stela:23

whm mnw ir.n hm=fn it-f'Imn


ir.t n=fmirw m htp-ntr hft hr n 'lp(.i) rsy(.t)
s.t sdSy n it=i m hb=fnfr
srr.n=i hw.t-ntr r?.t m smn.w=s
mi Rc hrr=f m ih.t
rwd.tl m hrr.wt nb.t
nfr Nwn imy mr r tr nb
n(=i) wr irp=fr mw
mi hwi hcpy msnnb n nhh
r
$3ih.ts.t
Ssp(.w) blk.t his.wt nb.t
ms(.w) in.w r$3.w m-blh it=i
m hr.wt ti.w nb.w

"Reporting the monument that his majesty made for his father Amun;

21
For the possible influence of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival constructions on the Maruaten of Akhenaten,
see Kemp and O'Connor, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration
3 (1974): 131-132; O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, pp. 285-286;
Babied, Memnonia 4-5 (1993): 134-141.
22
This large, inscribed, black granite stela (Cairo CG 34025) was discovered in the mortuary temple of
Merenptah in western Thebes; however, the stela probably originally stood nearby in the mortuary temple
of Amenhotep III. Merenptah re-inscribed the reverse side of the stela with a victory inscription that is
most commonly known as the Israel Stela. For the inscription of Amenhotep III on the front of this stela,
see primarily Klug, Konigliche Stelen in der Zeit von Ahmose bis Amenophis III, pp. 393-407, with
references; Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Fascicle 20, pp. 1646-1657; Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes,
pp. 23-26, pis. 11-12; Gundlach, in Gundlach and Rochholz, eds., Agyptische Tempel: Struktur, Funktion
undProgramm, pp. 89-100; O'Connor, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep HI: Perspectives on His
Reign, pp. 162-172; Cabrol, Amenhotep HI: Le Magnifique, pp. 270-276.
23
For the text of 11. 12-14 of this stela, see primarily Klug, Konigliche Stelen in der Zeit von Ahmose bis
Amenophis III, pp. 397-398; Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Fascicle 20, pp. 1651-1652; Petrie, Six
Temples at Thebes, pp. 24-25, pi. 12,11. 12-14. For further discussion of this section of the text, cf. also
Badawy, JEA 42 (1956): 59-60; Kemp and O'Connor, The International Jouranl of Nautical Archaeology
and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 131; Cabrol, Les voies processionnelles de Thebes, pp. 600-607,
with references.

52
The construction of a Maru for him as a divine offering in front of Southern Ipet;
A place of recreation for my father at his beautiful festival.
It is within it that I have erected a great temple,
like Re when he arises in the horizon,
It is flourishing with all kinds of flowers.
Nun is beautiful when he is in the lake during every season.
Wine is more plentiful for (me) than water
like the overflowing of the Nile, born of the Lord of Eternity.
The products of the place are numerous.
The revenues of all foreign lands have been received.
Much tribute has been brought into the presence of my father

as the products of all lands."

The location of Amenhotep Ill's Maru, which is described in this text as hft hr n 'lp(.t)

rsy(.t), has proven to be controversial because of the difficulty of translating this very

phrase, which could mean "in front of Luxor Temple" or "opposite Luxor Temple."24

Consequently, the proposed locations for Amenhotep Ill's Maru have included the Birket

Habu and its environs, the iSrw-lake of the Mut Precinct at Karnak Temple, the

Eastern Birket,27 and an unknown locale along the processional route between Luxor

Temple and Karnak Temple.28 Because of its proximity to Luxor Temple, the Eastern

Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes, p. 24, translates hft-hr "before the face of; Badawy, JEA 42 (1956): 59,
suggests "over against"; Kemp and O'Connor, The International Jouranl of Nautical Archaeology and
Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 131-132, offer "opposite"; Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds.,
Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 68, proposes "in front of; Cabrol, Les voies processionnelles
de Thebes, p. 601, offers "au-devant de"; Klug, Konigliche Stelen in der Zeit von Ahmose bis Amenophis
III, pp. 397,402-403, suggests "gegeniiber von." For further discussion of the location and nature of the
Maru of Amenhotep III, see also Hanke, LA, Vol. 3, cols. 1102-1103; Manniche, in L 'Egyptologie en 1979,
Vol. 2, pp. 271-273; Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 275; O'Connor, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep Ill-
Perspectives on His Reign, p. 163; Babied, Memnonia 4-5 (1993): 134-141; Cabrol, op. cit., pp. 600-607;
Cabrol, Amenhotep III: Le Magnifique, pp. 267-269; Klotz, Kneph: The Religion of Roman Thebes, p. 389,
footnote 309; Konrad, Architektur und Theologie: Phraonische Tempelterminologie unter
Beriicksichtigung konigsideologischer Aspekte, pp. 118-121, 132-143, 149-154.
25
Badawy, JEA 42 (1956): 58-64; Kemp and O'Connor, The International J ouranl of Nautical
Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 131-132.
26
Manniche, in L Egyptologie en 1979, Vol. 2, pp. 271-273.
27
O'Connor, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 163.
28
Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 68; Cabrol,
Amenhotep III: Le Magnifique, pp. 267-269.

53
Birket seems the most likely location of Amenhotep Ill's Maru—though, admittedly, this

location is difficult to coordinate with the description of the site in the stela as hft hr n

'lp(.t) rsy(.t). Another possibility is that the term Maru rightly applies to both the Eastern

Birket and the Birket Habu.29

During the ceremonial barque procession of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival,

the royal couple probably travelled back and forth across the Nile between the Birket

Habu and the Eastern Birket; this journey on the solar day barque and night barque

mimicked the diurnal and nocturnal movements of the solar deity and resulted in the

ceremonial rebirth of Amenhotep III.30 In a similar fashion, Akhenaten and the royal

family participated in a ritual chariot ride each day at Amarna that mimicked the daily

journey of the solar deity. Each morning Akhenaten rode along the Royal Road from the

Northern City to the Central City at Amarna (Fig. 136) as the human incarnation of the

rising sun; in the evening his chariot ride back to the North City mirrored the setting of

the sun.31 Interestingly, the northern and southern termini of the Royal Road at Amarna

are both near garden districts with artificial bodies of water—i.e., the Northern Maru of

According to Badawy, JEA 42 (1956): 60-61, Graeco-Roman examples of Maru were associated with
solar deities and contained a building called a Sw.t Rr ("Sunshade"), "the main architectural feature" of
which "was a sSdt 'window' in which Horus appeared in the shape of his sacred falcon." This provides a
strong parallel to the images of Amenhotep III sprouting falcon feathers during the boat procession at his
first Sed Festival and supports the idea that the Birket Habu and Eastern Birket are examples of Maru. For
further discussion of the Sw.tRr, see also Kemp, Amarna Reports 6 (1995): 454-461, with references;
Konrad, Architektur und Theologie: Phraonische Tempelterminologie unter Berucksichtigung
kbnigsideologischer Aspekte, pp. 188-205, with references.
30
For a similar interpretation of the boat procession at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see primarily
Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 22-23. For detailed discussion of Amenhotep Ill's solar
transformation during the procession of the solar barque at his first Sed Festival, see Section 1.1.2; Section
2.1.1, Scene 6; Section 7.4.2; Section 7.4.3.
31
For a similar interpretation of Akhenaten's daily chariot ride at Amarna and its relationship to the
ceremonial barque procession of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 38-40. For further discussion of Akhenaten's daily chariot ride along the
Royal Road at Amarna, see also Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., pp. 276-287;
O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, pp. 284-290, 293-296.

54
the Northern Palace in the north and the Maruaten in the south. The layout of these

garden areas at Amarna was likely influenced by the placement of the Birket Habu and

the Eastern Birket within the larger scheme of Amenhotep Ill's ritual constructions at

Thebes.32 Amenhotep Ill's influence on Amarna extended beyond simply the layout of

the city. Akhenaten chose to build his new royal city at Amarna because of the site's

proximity to Hermopolis, a major cultic center of the Ogdoad in Middle Egypt; in this

regard, Amenhotep Ill's decision to build his festival palaces and temples at Malqata on

the west bank of Thebes near a Tuthmoside temple of the Ogdoad strongly influenced

Akhenaten's decision to build at Amarna.

2.1.1. TOMB OF KHERUEF: RELIEFS OF AMENHOTEP Ill's 1ST SED FESTIVAL 34

A multi-register tableau depicting the rituals of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival

appears south of the door on the western wall of the West Portico in the tomb of the

Kheruef (Fig. 137). On the far right of the tableau is an enthronement scene in which

Amenhotep III and Hathor are seated upon thrones inside the palace of the House of

Rejoicing (Scene 1); Queen Tiye stands within the palace behind the thrones of the king

and the goddess. To the left of the enthronement scene are two major registers, each of

O'Connor, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, pp. 279-296, comments
regarding the major construction projects of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten: "temples, palaces and city at
Thebes and Amarna, and presumably at the other royal cities, interrelate with each other so as to establish
an appropriate setting for ritual, ceremony and governance; and simultaneously create a replica of the
cosmos and its workings as envisaged by the Egyptians, thus imparting effectiveness and authority to ritual,
ceremonial and governing activies involved."
33
For discussion of the reasons Akhenaten chose to build his royal city near the cultic center of the Ogdoad
at Hermpolis, see primarily Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 36-40. According to Darnell
and Manassa, loc. cit., Malqata's proximity to the Tuthmoside temple of the Ogdoad enabled Amenhotep
III to return to the time of creation during the celebration of his Sed Festivals.
34
For the scenes and texts of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef,
pp. 41-54, pis. 24-46. According to Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A. Wilson, pp. 83-91, the major
theme of these reliefs is "the sacred marriage of Hathor to the king, identified with the sun god."

55
which is further divided into smaller sub-registers. A hieroglyphic text (Text 1)

presenting an overview of all of the ritual activities of the first Sed Festival appears in the

top register just to the left of the enthronement scene. A lengthy procession of

individuals towards the House of Rejoicing in the bottom register includes the following

groups of celebrants: officials receiving golden amulets and gold-of-praise (Scene 2),

daughters of foreign chieftains bearing libation offerings for the king (Scene 3), and a

group of musicians and dancers singing hymns to Hathor and Sobek (Scene 4). To the

left of the lengthy hieroglyphic text in the top register is a royal processional scene in

which Amenhotep III and Tiye depart from the House of Rejoicing (Scene 5); two rows

of standard-bearers and officials lead the procession from the royal palace. In the

nautical processional scene in the leftmost portion of the top register, Amenhotep III and

Tiye stand inside a divine barque that is towed along the ceremonial harbor of the Birket

Habu by a group of royal officials (Scene 6). On the banks of this harbor, the royal

daughters and other women of the royal family sing a hymn and greet the royal couple

(Scene 7).

SCENE 1: ENTHRONEMENT OF AMENHOTEP III AND HATHOR 3 5

In the enthronement scene at the far right of the tableau, Amenhotep III and

Hathor are enthroned within a kiosk on top of a stepped tnfi./-platform (Fig. 138).36 The

Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 26, pp. 41-43. For further discussion of this scene, see also
Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 570-571, fig. 304; Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 84, 90-
91; Aldred, JEA 55 (1969): 73; Derchain, Hathor Quadrifrons, pp. 43-44; Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp.
28, 60; Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 26-28; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 57-58, 61-62, 100, fig. 34;
Gundlach, in Holtus, ed., Theaterwesen und dramatische Literatur, pp. 66, 70, fig. 20; Walker, Aspects of
the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 263-266; Green, Amarna Letters 2 (1992): 33; Roberts,
Hathor Rising, pp. 25-26, 32-36; Preys, in Eyre, ed., Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, pp.
911-919, fig. 1; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 6-9; Roth, in Brfickelmann and Klug, eds.,
In Pharaos Staat, p. 230; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 58-59, 63, fig. 7. For a
discussion of New Kingdom royal enthronement scenes in which the king is enthroned in a similar kiosk,
see Vandier, op. cit, Vol. 4, pp. 544-571, with references; Aldred, op. cit, pp. 73-81; Martin-Valentin, in
Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 741-757.

56
enthronement of the king within a kiosk on top of a stepped platform is a commonly

depicted iconographic motif of the Sed Festival that is attested as early as the

Protodynastic Period; early depictions of the motif appear on the Narmer Macehead (Fig.

60) and on a label of Den from Abydos (Fig. 61).37 According to the texts of the nautical

processional scene (Scene 6), the tnrt.t-platform that was used for the enthronement rites

of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival was located "on the west bank of Luxor" (hr imn.t

n(.f) niw.i); however, pinpointing the exact location of this platform poses difficulties

since a multitude of raised platforms have been discovered at Malqata and its environs.

Also, the location of the platform may have changed when the original palace complex at

Malqata was dismantled and rebuilt to make room for an expansion of the Birket Habu

after the first Sed Festival of Amenhotep III.39

For discussion of three-dimensional examples of the Sed Festival tntl .f-platform, see Krol, GM184
(2001): 27-36; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 172 (1999): 63-71; Kuhlmann, Der Thron im Alten Agypten, pp. 75-80.
37
For detailed discussion of Protodynastic and Early Dynastic depictions of the stepped Sed Festival
platform on the Narmer Macehead (Millet, JARCE28 (1991): 224, fig. 1), on a label of Den from Abydos
(Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitemeit, p. 158), and in ceremonial scenes on other objects, see Section
4.3.4. Predynastic examples of the covered kiosk also appear as boat cabins in ritual scenes in the painted
tableau of Hierakonpolis Tomb 100 (Quibell and Green, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, pi. 76) and in a rock art
tableau in the Wadi of the Horus Qa'a in the Western Thebai'd (Darnell, Archeo-Nil 19 (2009): 97, fig. 19);
for detailed discussion of the kiosks in these Predynastic tableaux, see Section 4.1.2; Section 7.1.2.
38
Several raised platforms were discovered in the courts near the entrance to the Palace of the King at
Malqata. Another raised platform was found at the edge of the festival hall to the south of the Temple of
Amun at Malqata; walking in procession from this platform towards the east, one arrives at the Birket Habu
at the roughly the midpoint of its western side. The two platforms that were discovered beyond the
southern edge of the Birket Habu at the sites of Kom el-Samak and Kom el-Abd may have also been used
as for the Sed Festival rites of Amenhotep III. For a summary of the numerous platforms found at Malqata
and its environs, see Lacovara, Amarna Letters 3 (1994): 9-15. For the platform at Kom el-Samak, see
Leclant, Journal des Savants 1987, pp. I-III; Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists, p. 755; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 172 (1999): 65-66, with references;
Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 7; Hornung and
Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 25, with references. For the platform at Kom el-Abd, see Kemp,
JEA 63 (1977): 71-82; Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., loc. cit.
39
For discussion of the expansion of the Birket Habu after Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section
2.1.0, footnote 11.

57
During the enthronement rites of Scene 1, Amenhotep III wears the double crown

and the short Sed Festival robe; the falcon's tail feathers that adorn the bottom of the robe

indicate that the king has experienced a divine transformation into the falcon form of the

solar deity during the rites of his first Sed Festival.40 Thus, in this scene, Amenhotep III

is simultaneously human and divine. The chief royal wife Tiye, who stands behind

Hathor, wears a queenly Hathoric crown that is adorned with double plumes, cow horns,

and twin uraei; the two uraei at the front of the queen's diadem are further adorned with

the white and red crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt.41 The enthroned goddess Hathor

embraces the king with one hand; in her other hand, she carries three notched year-signs

as a symbol of the long life that she bestows upon the king during the rites of his Sed

Festival. A special uraeus that is adorned with cow's horns and a solar disk appears at

the front of Hathor's crown. The human-armed insignia that carry shades in front of the

king include an cnh-sign and a vWs-scepter; these ceremonial shade-bearers symbolically

impart "life" and "dominion" to Amenhotep III during the enthronement scene.42

Titulary of Amenhotep III:

For a similar interpretation of the king's costume as an indicator of his divine transformation at the Sed
Festival, see Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 19-24. Amenhotep III appears in the same
ceremonial garb in Section 2.1.1, Scenes 5 and 6. For detailed discussion of the Sed Festival robe with
feathered adornment as a symbol of the solar transformation of the Egyptian ruler at the Sed Festival, see
Section 1.1.2.
41
On the history and significance of this crown, see Malaise, SAK4 (1976): 215-236. According to
Malaise, op. cit., pp. 228-229, the plumes of the crown allude to the celestial falcon deity, not Amun:
"Reines et divines epouses d'Amon pouvaient fort bien arborer l'attribut d'une deesse qui personnifiait
precisement la contrepartie feminine du dieu createur Atoum et qui s'identifiait au desses heliopolitaines
Iousaas et Nebet-Hetepet, symbolisant soit le sexe feminin, soit le geste procreateur du dieu primordial."
42
Personified cnh-signs and wis-scepters also serve as shade-bearers in the Sed Festival reliefs of Djoser in
the Step Pyramid Complex at Saqqara (Section 2.2.1) and in the Sed Festival reliefs on the gateway of the
Palace of Apries at Memphis (Kaiser, MDAIKA3 (1986): pp. 147-150,152-153, figs. 4-7, 9-10). For
discussion of personified rnh-s\gns and vWs-scepters in general, see Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte
pharaonique, pp. 420-436. For further discussion of personified symbols and insignia with human arms,
see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 17-81.

58
Hr ki nht whm hb-sd
Nb.ty hc m hd.t wts dSr.t
nsw.t bi.ty nb ti.wy nb ir.t ih.t
nb hc.w Nb-Mic.t-R?
r
si R hnm shm.ty 'Imn-htp hki Wis.t
di cnh dd wis ml Rr d.t

Horus, victorious bull, who repeats the Sed Festival,43


Two Ladies, who appears in the white crown and raises up the red crown,
King of Upper & Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord of performance,44
lord of appearances, Nebmaatre,
Son of Re, who unites the double crown, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes,
given life, stability, and dominion like Re forever.

Royal Titularly on Left Side of Kiosk:

Hr ki nht hr m mic.t
ntr nfr ir hb.w-sd mi it=f Hr-ti-nn
nbfiw mi Mnw hr s.t wr(.t)
nsw.t bi.ty nb ti.wy Nb-Mir.t-Rc
si Rr mr=f'Imn-htp hki Wis.t
mry Pth ci rsy inb=f
di rnh mi Rr d.t

Horus, victorious bull, who appears in truth,


junior god, who celebrates Sed Festivals like his father Horus-Tatenen,'
lord of magnificence like Min46 upon the great dais,

Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 285, footnote 179, suggests that whm should be translated as "proclaims" rather
than "repeats" since this scene forms part of Amenhotep Ill's first celebration of the Sed Festival.
44
For discussion of the royal title, nb ir.t ih.t, "lord of performance," see Routledge, JARCE 43 (2007):
193-220, with references. Routledge, op. cit, p. 220, concludes that this title emphasizes "the king as
creator of ma'at" and has associations with "cultic, military, royal, and building activities." For the use of
this royal title in a Sed Festival relief of Sesostris III from Medamud, see Gardiner, JEA 30 (1944): pi. 4;
Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 20, with references.
45
Wente, JNES 42 (1983): 156, notes that the crown of Tatenen in this text is the earliest attested example
of Tatenen's crown featuring ram horns, ostrich feathers, and the solar disk. For discussion of the god
Tatenen in the reign of Amenhotep III, see also Schlogl, Der Gott Tatenen, pp. 39-42, who notes that the
Sed Festival reliefs in the tomb of Kheruef contain the first occurrence of the syncretized god Horus-
Tatenen. These religious innovations of Amenhotep III in regard to the accoutrements of Tatenen's crown
and the syncretism of Tatenen and Horus further suggest that Amenhotep III was deified at his Sed Festival
through his union with the solar falcon deity. In these scenes the human king (as Horus) combines with the
solar creator deity (as Tateten with the solar crown). In several New Kingdom and Ptolemaic texts,
Tatenen—like Nun and the Djed Pillar—receives the solar deity in his arms and lifts him up from the
waters in the morning as the newly reborn solar disk; for discussion of this imagery, see van Dijk, OMRO
66(1986): 13-14.
46
Min plays an especially prominent role in the rites of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in his reliefs
from the Temple of Soleb; for a general discussion of the significance of Min at the Sed Festival and a

59
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre,
Son of Re, whom he loves, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes,
beloved of Ptah the Great, south of his wall,
given life like Re forever.

Royal Titulary on Right Side of Kiosk:

Hr kl nht If m mF.t
ntr nfr s? Jmn
shc-n=fhr ns.t-ftp tl r ir.t mrr.t ki=f
nsw.t bi.ty hkS pd.tpsd.t nb tl.wy
nb ir.t h.t Nb-M3r.t-Rc
c
si R n h.t=f mr=flmn-htp hkl Wis.t
mry rs wfe hry-ib hw.t Skr
di cnh d.t

Horus, victorious bull, who appears in truth,


junior god, son of Amun,
whom he has caused to appear on his throne upon earth to do what his ki desires,
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, ruler of the Nine Bows, lord of the Two Lands,
lord of ritual performance, Nebmaatre,
Bodily Son of Re, whom he loves, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes,
beloved of him who awakes uninjured,47 who dwells in the mansion of Sokar,48

given life forever.

The king's titulary in Scene 1 contains several unique epithets and does not

follow the standard titulary known elsewhere for Amenhotep III.49 Similarly, Amenhotep

Ill's titulary in the reliefs of the Opet Festival in Luxor Temple also includes several

discussion of the Min sequence from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb, see Section 2.2.4,
Register 6.
47
For discussion of rs wdi as an epithet of the resurrected Osiris, see Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of
Kheruef, p. 31, textnote p; Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 34, textnote c, with references; Zecchi, A Study
of the Egyptian God Osiris Hemag, pp. 80-81; Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter und
Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 4, pp. 713-715. The regeneration of Osiris is one of the prominent themes of
the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef (Section 2.1.2).
48
For discussion of hry-ib hw.t Skr as an epithet of rs wdi, see Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter und
Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 5, p. 341.
49
For discussion of Amenhotep Ill's titulary in general, see von Beckerath, Handbuch der agyptischen
Konigsnamen, 2 nd ed., pp. 140-143; Schade-Busch, Zur Konigsideologie Amenophis' HI; Gundlach, in
Gundlach and Klug, eds., Das agyptische Konigtum im Spannungsfeldzwischen Innen- und Aussenpolitik
im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., pp. 185-194. For discussion of the titulary of Amenhotep III in his Sed Festival
reliefs, see primarily Schade-Busch, op. cit., p. 50, with references.

60
nonstandard epithets. At Luxor Temple Amenhotep III bears a new and unique titulary

as a result of his union with Amun-Re at the Opet Festival. This union occurs after a

series of scenes depicting the king's presentation of offerings (including incense and

libations) to the god; as a result of the god's largess, the king becomes the recipient of

these same offerings and is thereby deified like the god himself.51 The union of the king

and god rejuvenates Amenhotep III during the celebration of the Opet Festival at Luxor

Temple; the culmination of this ritual union is the enthronement of Amenhotep III as the

king of Upper and Lower Egypt—an episode similar in many ways to the enthronement

of Amenhotep III at his first Sed Festival.52 The various epithets attributed to Amenhotep

III in the royal titulary from the reliefs of his first Sed Festival indicate distinctive

attributes of the divinized king that he gains during the ritual performances of the Sed

Festival; according to Lanny Bell, the Opet Festival and the Sed Festival "center around

the monarch's possession of the royal ka, and both signal his achievement of a new ritual

status, expressed in part by his taking a new name, and hence a new identity, as yet

another aspect of the royal ka."53

Another notable feature of the royal titulary on the left and right side of the kiosk

in Scene 1 is the evocation of seven gods that collectively form two syncretized groups of

gods: Ptah-Sokar-Osiris and Horus-Tatenen-Amun-Min. The resulting pair of divine

50
For changes to Amenhotep Ill's titulary during the Opet Festival depicted at Luxor Temple, see Bell,
JNES 44 (1985): 251-294, especially 281-290. The following discussion of Amenhotep Ill's titulary at
Luxor Temple in this section is based primarily on Bell's article.
51
Amenhotep III is also the recipient of libation offerings in the reliefs of his first Sed Festival in the tomb
ofKheruef (Section 2.1.1, Scene 3).
52
For discussion of the coronation of the king following his union with the god in the rites of the Opet
Festival at Luxor Temple, see Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 283.
53
Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 289-290.

61
syncretized groups gives, special legitimacy, power, and ultimately rejuvenation to the

king. Ptah-Sokar-Osiris represents the syncretized form of the lord of the underworld,

the father of the royal god Horus;54 Horus-Tatenen-Amun-Min forms a impressive

syncretized group of four creator gods. Through the mysteries of the Solar-Osirian unity,

solar resurrection resulted each morning in the eastern horizon of the sky—a resurrection

that the king also hoped to experience by channeling the power of the creator gods.55

Through his divinization at the Sed Festival, the king incorporates two generations into

one person; he is both the father (the solar creator god/Osiris) and the son (the

king/Horus).

By means of textual and visual allusions to the double-crown and the heraldic

plants of Upper and Lower Egypt, Scene 1 emphasizes the unification of Upper and

Lower Egypt as an important theme of the enthronement ceremony at Amenhotep Ill's

first Sed Festival. For example, the epithets of Amenhotep Ill's titulary twice allude to

the double-crown which he wears in Scene 1: hr m hd.t wts dSr.t ("who appears in the

white crown and raises up the red crown") and hnm shm.ty ("who unites the double

crown"). Additionally, nine papyrus plants and lotuses appear below the personified

Inscribed material from Thebes suggests that a temple to the divine triad Ptah-Sokar-Osiris was erected
in the northern portion of Amenhotep Ill's mortuary temple on the west bank of the Nile at Thebes just
northeast of Malqata; for the incorporation of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris into the decorative program of Amenhotep
Ill's mortuary temple, see O'Connor, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His
Reign, pp. 159-161, with references; Ricke, in Haeny, ed., Untersuchungen im Totentempel Amenophis' III,
pp. 31-37; H. Brunner, in Gorg and Pusch, eds., Festschrift Elmar Edel, pp. 60-65; Graindorge-Hereil, Le
Dieu Sokar, pp. 38, 44-54. According to Bryan, in Quirke, ed., Temple in Ancient Egypt, p. 58, the divine
statuary in Amenhotep Ill's mortuary temple was used in rituals, the function of which "was to invoke the
protection of the gods throughout Amenhotep's jubilee year and to link the king's rejuvenation through the
Sed v/'ith his rebirth as the sun god for millions of years to come."
55
For a discussion of the religious texts of the Solar-Osirian unity, see Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld
Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity; Spalinger, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift
fur Jan Assmann, pp. 257-275; Spalinger, Great Dedicatory Inscription of Ramesses II, especially pp. 100-
102.

62
rekhyt-birds in the decoration of the mtf ./-platform on which the king is enthroned; as the

heraldic plants of Upper and Lower Egypt, these plants undoubtedly symbolize

Amenhotep Ill's control over both parts of the country. The columns capped with lotus

flowers and papyrus umbels that support the uraeus frieze on both sides of the Sed

Festival kiosk in Scene 1 also probably allude to this twofold nature of kingship in

Egypt.56 Finally, the lotus flower and papyrus umbel that Tiye carries in Scene 1

probably also signify the two territorial divisions of the country.57 These texual and

visual allusions to the joining of the double-crown and the unification of the papyrus and

lotus in Scene 1 suggest that the scene as a whole represents one of the most commonly

depicted ritual scenes from the celebration of the Sed Festival: the royal double-
CO

enthronement scene.

Hathor:

Hw.t-Hr nb.t 'Iwn.t di=s rnh wis

Hathor, lady of Dendera, as she gives life and dominion.

Tiye:

hm.t nsw.t wr.t mr.t=fTiy rnh.ti


Wnn=s m Sms hm=k mi M3r.t Sms Rr

The chief wife of the king, whom he loves, Tiye, may she live.

56
For discussion of the columns, roofs, and canopies of the royal kiosks that appear in similar
enthronement scenes from other 18th Dynasty private tombs, see Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, p. 544-552.
57
For this variety of the lotus flower, see Kantor, Plant Ornamentation in the Ancient Near East, pp. 97-98;
for similar depictions of the papyrus umbel, see Kantor, op. cit., pp. 14-15. According to Westendorf, in
Endesfelder, etal., eds., Agypten und Kusch, p. 485, fig. 4, a flower may symbolize the vulva, when held by
a woman in the vicinity of her pudendum. Thus, the image of the queen here is sexualized despite the fact
that Hathor subsumes her role as Amenhotep Ill's consort in Scene 1.
58
A common iconographic motif depicted in the wall reliefs of Egyptian temples is the enthronement of the
king within the double-kiosk during the celebration of the Sed Festival; in these images the king often
appears twice—once wearing the red crown and once wearing the white crown. For numerous examples of
this motif, see Kuraszkiewicz, GM172 (1999): 69, Appendix 2. For discussion of the enthronement of the
king as a symbolic representation of the entirety of the Sed Festival, see Section 1.0; Section 4.3.4.

63
It is like Maat in the following of Re, that she exists in the following of your majesty.

Whereas the human and divine aspects of the king are unified in this scene, these

same aspects of the queen appear to be divided between two individuals—the divine

aspect in the form of Hathor, the human aspect in the form of the queen.60 As suggested

supra, the divinized manifestation of Amenhotep III in Scene 1 combines two

generations in one person; however, the two generations of female divinity appear

separately in this scene. Hathor appears as the divine consort of Re; Tiye appears as

Maat, the daughter Re. The interaction of Amenhotep III, Hathor, and Tiye in this scene

demonstrates the complex role of the king's wife and the goddess Hathor at the Sed

Festival. The culmination of this interaction seems to be the hieros gamos, a sexual

union between the king and the queen that mirrors the original creation act and thereby

renews the creative powers of the king.61 Hathor assists the king in his role as unifier of

the two lands; the ritual shaking of papyri, which may be evoked by the image of Tiye

carrying a papyrus umbel in Scene 1, is also associated with the unification of the Two

Lands by the king.62

According to Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 100, this comparison of Tiye to Maat demonstrates that the
"sexual relationship between the king and his consort is thus equated with the relationship between the god
and his daughter-eye." For further discussion of the significance of this text, cf. also Vernus, Essai sur la
conscience de I'Histoire dans I'Egyptepharaonique, p. 39.
60
For a similar interpretation, see Preys, in Eyre, ed., The Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists,
pp. 912-915.
61
For detailed discussion of the numerous visual and textual allusions to the hieros gamos in
representations of the Sed Festival throughout ancient Egyptian history, see Section 3.2.2.
62
For discussion of the connection between the ritual shaking of papyrus and the unification of the two
lands, see Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 57-58. Such a connection is suggested, e.g., in Pyramid Texts
Spell 271 (Sethe, Die Altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, pp. 202-203, § 388a-388c):
NNpw mh tiprmS
NNpw sSS wld
NNpw htp ti.wy
NNpw smi ti.wy
NNpw dmd mw.t=fsmi.t wr.t

64
Vertical Text Appearing Twice in the Central Portion of the Tnti. f-Platform:

tl.w nb.w kls.wt nb.t r rd.wy ntr pn nfr

All flat-lands and all hill-countries are at the feet of this junior god.

Horizontal Text on Left Side of the Tnt3. t-Platform:

rdi.t Bw n ntr nfr sn-ti n sS 'Imn


in wr.w his.wt nb.t w3.w hm.w Kmt

Giving adoration to the junior god and kissing the ground for the son of Amun
by the chiefs of all distant foreign lands who did not know of Egypt.

Horizontal Text on Right Side of the 7>i/2.f-Platform:

rdi.t Bw n nsw.t nht sn-B n hki Wis.t


in wr.w his.wt nb.t SB.(w)t-ns
iw=sn m ksw n blw hm=f

Giving adoration to the victorious king and kissing the ground for the ruler of Thebes
by the chiefs of all foreign lands, strange of tongue,
when they come bowing because of the power of his majesty.63

The texts on the platform of the kiosk in Scene 1 present Amenhotep III as a ruler

under whom all foreign peoples are subjugated; thus, these texts relate to the military

mw tn.t NN smi t hm.t tpy.t dw sm tpy.t dw shsh


"The one who inundates the land that emerges from the lake is NN;
the one who shakes the papyrus is NN;
the one who pacifies the two lands is NN;
the one who unifies the two lands is NN;
the one who joins his mother, the great wild cow, is NN.
The wild cow upon the grassy hill and upon the hill of the shsh-bird is the mother of NN."
Allen, The Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts, p. 33, § 56, does not recognize a grammatical
parallelism (N + pw + participle) in the first five lines of Pyramid Spell 271. Thus, Allen, loc. cit.,
translates sSS wM in the second line as "green lotus-bud" (noun + adjective) rather than "who shakes the
papyrus" (participle + direct object). Based on the writing of sm 1 and dmd with two reed leaves {smiy and
dmdy) in the version of this passage from the tomb of Unis, Allen, loc. cit, interprets these two verbs as
dual forms of the imperative ("join together" and "unite") rather than masculine, singular, active forms of
the participle ("who unifies" and "who joins"). For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 271, cf. also
Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, p. 50, Spell W178. For further discussion of the sSS wid ritual,
see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7.
63
For discussion of the term biw as a divine power that effects terror in humans, see Borghouts, in
Demaree and Janssen, eds., Gleanings from Deir el-Medina, pp. 1-70; Green, in Ruffle, etai, eds.,
Glimpses of Ancient Egypt, pp. 107-115. When associated with the king, biw often appears in military and
ritualized military contexts, e.g., in Papyrus Anastasi II, 2.1-5 (= IV, 6.7-10); for discussion of this passage,
see primarily Borghouts, op. cit, pp. 13-15, with references.

65
victory rituals that Egyptian rulers often celebrated at the Sed Festival during the

Predynastic and Protodynastic periods.64 A text evoking a similar militaristic image of

the king as subjugator of foreign peoples appears in a scene from the Sed Festival reliefs

of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Fig. 90) :65

ti.w nb(.w) his.wt nb(.t)


Rnnw.t hr.tRnnw.t [h]r.t
hls.wt nb(.t) St3{.wt)-[ns\
r rd.wy ntr pn nfr
rhy.t nb(.t) rnh=sn.

"All flat-lands, all hill-lands,


Upper Retjenu, [Lo]wer Retjenu,
And all foreign lands, strange [of tongue],
are at the feet of this junior god;
as for all rekhyt, may they live."

Amenhotep Ill's epithet "ruler of the Nine Bows," which appears on the right side of the

kiosk in Scene 1, similarly presents the king as a militaristic leader of Egypt.66 The

placement of the texts describing the adoration of the king by foreign chiefs on the base

of the tnrt.t-pXatfoxm in Scene 1 may correspond to the presence of foreign dignitaries in

the audience of the king at the Window-of-Appearances during the celebration of grand

state festivals such as the royal durbar {e.g., in the twelfth regnal year of Akhenaten).

The presence of foreign dignitaries at the Window-of-Appearances serves both a practical

Similar texts and scenes that emphasize the king as subjugator of foreign peoples also appear on royal
/ra/^-platforms in several other 18th Dynasty private tombs; for discussion of the militaristic royal imagery
that often appears on the royal;«/;?.r-platform in scenes from 18th Dynasty private tombs, see primarily
Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 552-555. For a discussion of the military victory rituals of the Sed Festival in
the Predynastic and Protodynastic periods, see Section 6.1.
65
The text appears below the palanquin of Osorkon II in a processional scene from the reliefs of the
Temple of Bubastis (Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 6, nos. 10-11); for discussion of the royal
palanquin procession in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II, see Section 2.2.6, Scene 14.
66
For the title "ruler of the Nine Bows," see Grimal, Les termes de la propagande royale egyptienne, p.
372, footnote 1252. For a similar epithet of the king ("Re of the Nine Bows") and its relationship with the
Maru of Amenhotep III as "a place where the divine king's power is made manifest," see Bell, JNES 44
(1985): 275.

66
function (to facilitate the conferring of rewards to loyal subordinates of the king) and a

cosmic function (to demonstrate the universal preeminence of the king over all lands).67

TEXT 1: CELEBRATION OF AMENHOTEP Ill's 1ST SED FESTIVAL 68

The hieroglyphic text to the left of the enthronement scene presents an overview

of the ritual performances of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in regnal year 30 (Fig.

139). The rituals themselves, which are depicted in Scenes 1-7, include the appearance

of the king at the gateway of his Sed Festival palace at Malqata; the presentation of

golden amulets, gold-of-praise, and cloth to the loyal retinue of the king; the dining of

royal officials on food from the royal repast; the rowing of the royal barque; and the

towing of the solar night barque and day barque. Finally, Text 1 concludes with a rather

astounding assertion by Amenhotep III that he utilized ancient documents while planning

the celebration of his first Sed Festival.

hsb.t 30 Ibd 2 Smw sw 27


hr hm n Hr ki nht If m mir.t di rnh
nsw.t bi.ty nb tl.wy Nb-M3c.t-Rr
si Rr mr=fTmn~htp hki Wis.t di rnh
hft ir.t hb-sd tpy n hm=f
hc.t nsw.t r rw.ty-wr.ty m ch=fn pr-tfy
sty sr.w [smr.w]-nsw.t imy-hnt rmt.w rw.ty
rh.w-nsw.t iry.w wii hrp.w rh srh.w-nsw.t
fki-tw m nbw n hsw.t ipd.w rm.w n nb.wy

For a similar interpretation of the presence of foreign dignitaries at the Window-of-Appearances during
the celebration ofthe royal durbar, see Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 125-131, 134-
135,184,208.
68
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 28, pp. 43-45. For discussion of this text, see primarily Kemp
and O'Connor, InternationalJournal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 132-
133; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., pp. 215-216; Kozloff, in Kozloff and Bryan,
eds., Egypt's Dazzling Sun, p. 277; Dorman, in Berger etal., eds, Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1, p. 464;
Berman, in in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 17; Johnson, in
O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 86-87; Murnane, in O'Connor
and Cline, eds., Amenhotep HI: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 217-218; Johnson, in Fried, etal, eds.,
Pharaohs ofthe Sun, p. 43; Galan, JNES 59 (2000): 257; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos
Staat, p. 230; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 61, 93; Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 20; Hartwig, in Engel, etal., eds., Zeichen aus dem Sand, p. 205; Binder, The
Gold of Honour in New Kingdom Egypt, pp. 98-100, fig. 8.3, with references.

67
Ssp=sn ssf.w wid.w
c r
di.w h snb r nmt.t=f
snm=tw m t? n rbw-ri nsw.t t? hnk.t ki.w ipd.w
di.w m-hr rmr n hm=fr hn.t m wlin nsw.t
Ssp-sn shl.w mskt.t hi.t.t nfnd.t
st?=sn wB.w hr s.t wr.t
r r
h =sn r rd.w s.t
in hm=fir nn
m snr s$.w isw.t
h.wt rmt.w dr rk imy.w-blh
ny ir-sn hb.t n.t hb-sd
wd.n.tw=f n hr m mSc.t sS Imn
htp hr.t [it]=fdi cnh mi Rr d.t

Year 30, second month of Shomu, day 27,


under the majesty of Horus, victorious bull, who appears in truth, given life;
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre,
Son of Re, whom he loves, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes, given life,
at the time of celebrating the first Sed Festival of his majesty;
Appearance of the king at the great double-gate in his palace of the House of Rejoicing;
Bringing forward of officials, royal [companions],69 chamberlain, men of the double-gate,
royal acquaintances, crew of the barque, palace-directors, and royal dignitaries,
whom one rewards with gold-of-praise and double-gold birds and fish,
so that they might receive ribbons of green fabric.70
Each man was caused to stand according to his rank,
so that one might eat the food of the royal repast:71 bread, beer, oxen, fowl.
The order was given at the waterway of his majesty to row in the barque of the king.
They took up the towropes of the night barque and the prowrope of the day barque;
They towed the barques upon the great place;
(And) they stopped at the steps of the throne.

For the restoration of smr.w-nsw.t, see Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 43, textnote d.
70
According to Wb 4,274.2, ssf'xs "a type of thin fabric." Most likely, the ssf.w mentioned in this text are
scented cloths used to absorb sweat and mask the body odor of the officials who participated in the towing
of the divine barque during the royal boat procession at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival. For discussion
of the use of scented scarves and cloths to mask body odor during ritual activities, see Darnell, The
Inscription of Queen Katimala atSemna, p. 9, with references. Less likely, the strips of green cloth
mentioned in the text may have served as "ribbonlike" attachments for the flails (or "festival whips") that
are sometimes carried by naval officers in processional scenes; for discussion of the use of flails by naval
officers, see Perdu, RdE 56 (2005): 151-157. For discussion of the naval officers who carry flails with red
cloth attachments in the Opet Procession at Luxor Temple, see Darnell, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor
Temple, Vol. 1, pp. 8, 14. In a fragmentary scene from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in
the tomb ofKheruef, an "insignia-bearer" carries a flail in a royal procession (Section 2.1.1, Scene 5).
71
For discussion of the royal repast at the Sed Festival, see primarily Dorman, in Berger etal., eds,
Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1, pp. 455-470. Dorman, in Berger, etal., eds., op. cit., p. 465,
characterizes the rbw-rl nsw.t of the New Kingdom as "provisions that have been consecrated for a specific
purpose and not leftovers from the king's private dinner table." For further discussion of the royal repast,
cf also Darnell, JEA 75 (1989): 219, footnote 2; Goedicke, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of
William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 357-358.

68
It was his majesty who did these things
in accordance with the documents of ancient times.
As for generations of men since the time of the ancestors,
they did not celebrate the rituals of the Sed Festival (properly).
That it was decreed was for the one who appears in truth, the Son of Amun,

who satisfies the requirements of his [father], given life like Re, forever.

The opening lines of Text 1 date "the time of celebrating the first Sed Festival of

his majesty" to "Year 30, second month of Shomu, day 27." Numerous other sources

corroborate that the celebration of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival took place in regnal

year 30—for example, numerous jar labels from Malqata,73 an inscription in the tomb

chapel of Amenhotep son of Hapu,74 a text from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III

in the Temple of Soleb,75 inscriptions from the tomb of Khaemhat (Theban Tomb 57),76

For detailed discussion of evidence for the 30-year principle as the ideal model for the celebration of the
Sed Festival from the Middle Kingdom onwards, see Section 1.1.4.
73
Several hundred jar labels from Malqata mention the celebration of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in
regnal year 30; for a discussion of theses labels, see Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 56, fig. 16; pp. 82-86; Aldred,
JNES 18 (1959): 117; Habachi, ZAS 97 (1971): 68; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 291; Von Beckerath,
MDAIKM (1991): 31; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 25.
74
A fragmentary inscription in the tomb chapel of Amenhotep son of Hapu gives [hsb t30] ibd3 Smw sw 2
("[Year 30], third month of Shomu, day 2") as crk(y) hb-sd ("the final day of the Sed Festival"); for a
depiction of this fragmenatary inscription, see Robichon and Varille, Le temple du scribe royal Amenhotep
fils de Hapou, Vol. 1, pi. 35. For discussion of date of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival that is mentioned in
this inscription, see Borchardt, ZAS 72 (1936): 55, 58-59; Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 84; Habachi, ZAS 97
(1971): 68; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 292; von Beckerath, MDAIKM (1991): 31; Hornung and
Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 27, with references.
75
In the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the Temple of Soleb, the king issues a royal decree
on hsb t30 ibdl Smw sw I ("Year 30, second month of Shomu, day 1"); the decree grants an exemption
from corvee labor to the musicians, dancers, and priestly staff working in the Temple of Amun (Section
2.2.4, Register 1). For discussion of the dating of the decree, see Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 291; von
Beckerath, MDAIK47 (1991): 31; Dorman, in Brand and Cooper, ed., Causing his Name to Live, p. 80. An
almost verbatim copy of Amenhotep Ill's decree appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at
Bubastis (Section 2.2.6, Scene 14).
76
In a text from the tomb of Khaemhat, the king receives accounts of "the harvest of the high inundation of
the Nile of the [first] Sed Festival of his majesty" (Smw n pi hrpy ri n pi hb-sd [tpy] hm=f); in a nearby next
in the same tomb, the tomb owner and a group of royal officials present "the bounty from their harvest of
regnal year 30" (hiw hr Smw=sn n hsb 130) to the king. For these scenes and texts from the tomb of
Khaemhat, see Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pis. 76b and 77c; Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Fascicle
21, pp. 1841-1842. For a discussion of the dating of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of
Khaemhat, see Borchardt, ZAS 72 (1936): 55; Habachi, ZAS 97 (1971): 68; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973):

69
and a text from the nautical processional scene in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed
• 77
Festival in the tomb of Kheruef.
The text from the tomb chapel of Amenhotep son of Hapu suggests that the final
no

day of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival was Year 30, third month of Shomu, day 2.

The text from Amenhotep Ill's boat procession in the tomb of Kheruef confirms that the

Sed Festival was already underway five days earlier on the day 27 of the second month of

Shomu;79 however, the exact date when Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival began is

uncertain. A fragmentary inscription from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the Temple of Soleb suggests that the festival may have started significantly

earlier than day 27 of the second month of Shomu:80


hftntj.t[...]
S3r m 3bd 4 pr.t sw 26
r Sbd 1 Smw sw 1
[...] nw 36 r hd t? n hb.w-sd
"Illuminating of the //tf^-platform [...]
beginning on the fourth month of Peret, day 26,
until the first month of Shomu, day 1.
[...] of 36 until the day is about to dawn is for the Sed Festival rites."

291; von Beckerath, MDAIKA1 (1991): 31; Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 749-750
77
The royal boat procession of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival takes place on hsb.t30 ibd3 Smw [sw ... ]
("regnal year 30, third month of Shomu (Harvest), day [...]"); for a transliteration and translation of this
text, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 6. For a discussion of the dating of the Sed Festival in this text, see Hayes,
JNES 10 (1951): 84, footnote 62; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 292; von Beckerath, MDAIKA1 (1991):
31; Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, p.
751.
78
For the relevant text in the tomb chapel of Amenhotep, son of Hapu, see supra, this section, footnote 74.
79
For the relevant text from Amenhotep Ill's barque procession, see supra, this section, footnote 77.
80
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pi. 37; for discussion of the dating of this text, see Wilson, JAOS 56 (1936): 293-
296; Borchardt, ZAS12 (1936): 59; Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 84; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 291-294;
Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 40.

70
The ritual of "illuminating the tnti. /-platform" began on day 26 of the fourth month of

Peret and concluded on day 1 of the first month of Shomu. The section of text directly

after the date of the "illuminating the tnti./-platform" is obscure. If "36" refers to the

number of days that passed between the end of the "illuminating the tnti./-platform" and

the opening of the Sed Festival, then the festival would have begun on day 7 of the

second month of Shomu. However, until further evidence comes to light, the precise date

of the opening of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival will remain uncertain.81

Returning again to the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of

Kheruef, Text 1 describes the presentation of rewards to the loyal officials who

participate in celebration of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival; the gifts that the king presents

to these royal officials include gold-of-praise and golden amulets in the shape of fish and

birds.82 The list of officials receiving these rewards includes the "crew of the barque"—

presumably the same crew responsible for the rowing of the "barque of the king" and the

towing of the "day barque" and "night barque."83 In certain accounts of the journey of

the solar deity through the underworld at night, fish surround the night barque in order to

protect the solar deity from potentially dangerous creatures such as crocodiles and

snakes.84 Thus, the awarding of royal fish to the officials at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

81
For discussion of the duration of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Borchardt, ZAS 72 (1936): 54-
55, 58-59; Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 84; Van Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 290-300; von Beckerath, MDAIK
47 (1991): 29-33; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 40. Proposed estimates for the
length of the Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival range from five days to eight months.
82
The actual presentation of golden collars, fish, and birds to these officials is depicted in Section 2.1.1,
Scene 2.
83
For further discussion of the rowing and towing of ceremonial barques at the first Sed Festival of
Amenhotep III, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6; Section 7.4.2; Section 7.4.3.
84
For a recent compilation of references to the "beneficent fish" that "surround and protect Re's night-
bark" in the underworld, see Klotz, ZAS 136 (2009): 137-138, footnote 23. For further discussion, cf. also
Germond, BSEG 26 (2004): 27-41.

71
Festival may indicate that the crewmen who tow the royal barque function similarly to

the fish that swim alongside the night barque and protect Re.

In the Demotic Papyrus Leiden I 384 (111.29-31), birds accompany the solar deity

during his daily journey through the sky; during the god's nightly journey through the
or

underworld, fish surround him:


hr hl[=fl r tlp.t irm n? ipt.w hr hrw
hr hpr=fhn pS mw irm n3 rym.w [m]-mne

iir=fsdr wrS irm=n m-mne

"[He] flies up to the sky with the birds each day;


then he is perpetually in the water with the fish.

It is with us perpetually that he spends the night and day."

In certain cosmological accounts of the solar deity's nocturnal journey through the

underworld, Re himself appears as a swimmer or a fish.86 By symbolically transforming

themselves into fish and birds in the netherworld, deceased individuals could become

linked to the perpetuum mobile of the solar cycle—the combination of the daily and

nightly journeys of the solar deity.87 Accompanying the solar deity during his nocturnal

journey, the deceased could hope to experience renewed life just like the solar deity

himself when he is reborn in the eastern horizon at sunrise. Because of their associations

with the night barque of the solar deity, two particular species of fish—Tilapia nilotica
85
Spiegelberg, Der agyptische Mythus vom Sonnenauge, pp. 16-17. For further discussion of this passage
from Demotic Papyrus Leiden 1384 (111.29-31), see Klotz, ZAS 136 (2009): 137-138, with references.
86
For discussion of cosmological allusions to Re swimming through the underworld at night, see Darnell,
The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 148, 197, 428-429; Klotz, Adoration of
the Ram, p. 105, note E; Klotz, ZAS 136 (2009): 137-138.
87
For discussion of the transformation of deceased individuals into fish and birds in the netherworld, see
primarily Gamer-Wallert, Fische undFischkulte im Alten Agypten, pp. 131-134; Bidoli, Die Spruche der
Fangnetze; Sahrhage, Fischfang und Fischkult im Alten Agypten, pp. 148-152; Cannuyer, in Cannuyer,
etal., eds., Lafemme dans les civilisations orientates, pp. 283-286; Hornung, Geist der Pharaonenzeit, pp.
181-200; Germond, BSEG 26 (2004): 27-41; Servajean, Lesformules des transformations du Livre des
Morts.

72
and Lates nilotica—were special symbols of rejuvenation, rebirth, and new life in

Egypt.88

The offering of golden fish and birds to royal officials does not appear in the Sed

Festival inscriptions of any king besides Amenhotep III; however, two complex scenes

from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis also prominently include fish and

birds (Fig. 140).89 Each of these scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II

depicts two rows of men holding fish and fowl in their hands or on top of their heads.

Each of the fish and birds in these two scenes is identified by species name and is

associated with a particular deity—for example, Isis, Nephthys, Seth, Thoth, Osiris,

Horus, Khenty-irty.90 The combination of fish and birds in these scenes recalls the well-

known motifs of fishing and fowling that are commonly found in private tomb scenes; in

funerary contexts, fishing and fowling are associated with fertility, rebirth, and

rejuvenation.91

For the association of Tilapia nilotica and Lates nilotica with solar rebirth, see primarily Desroches-
Noblecourt, Kemi 13 (1954): 33-42; Germond, BSEG 26 (2004): 27-41.
89
Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pp. 29, 33-34, pis. 18,22. For discussion of these scenes, see
Montet, Revue de I'histoire des religions 68 (1952): 129-144; Gamer-Wallert, Fische undFischkulte im
Alten Agypten, pp. 71-72; Karkowski, Etudes et Travaux 19 (2001): 85-86. For further discussion, see also
Section 2.2.6, Scene 20. Haeny, Untersuchungen im TotentempelAmenophis'III, pi. 40, block 67, has
reconstructed a similar scene in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III from his mortuary temple at
Western Thebes. An early example of this ritual may be depicted on a label of Djer from the tomb of
Hemaka; in one of the scenes on the label, two men carrying a large catfish and a large pelican walk in
procession towards the royal serekh. For discussion of this label of Djer, see Crubezy and Midant-Reynes,
Archeo-Nil 10 (2000): 30, with references; Kessler, Die heiligen Tiere undder Konig, Part 1, pp. 73-74.
90
The texts of these scenes also link each bird and fish to a particular ritual implement or product.
91
For discussion of fishing and fowling imagery, see the references compiled in Decker, Annotierte
Bibliographic zum Sport im Alten Agypten, pp. 118-123; Decker and Forster, Annotierte Bibliographic zum
Sport im Alten Agypten II: 1978-2000, pp. 156-164. For further discussion of these motifs, cf. also
Kaplony, GM214 (2007): 39-69; Woods, BACE 17 (2006): 137-157; Altenmuller, Nikephoros 18 (2005):
39-52; Van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs, pp. 72-80; Hartwig, Tomb Painting and
Identity in Ancient Thebes, pp. 103-106.

73
Several pieces of evidence suggest that fishing and fowling were included in the

rites of the Sed Festival. In a variant of the Konigslauf known as the Vogellauf (Fig. 12),

the king carries a bird while performing a ritual run around a set of boundary markers; the

movement of the king during the course of this run may symbolize the perpetuum mobile

of migratory birds traveling between the kbhw-XQgions, to the north and south of Egypt.92

A fragmentary wooden label of Den from Abydos depicts the king capturing birds in a

net while performing the Konigslauf (Fig. 36).93 One group of relief fragments from the

Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru at Dahshur depicts the capturing of birds in a hexagonal

fowling net in a marshy area (Fig. 141).94 Fragmentary scenes of fishing and fowling

also appear in a set of reliefs from the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari

that probably depicts a scene from the celebration of the Sed Festival.95

In the final lines of Text 1, Amenhotep III claims to have performed the rites of

his first Sed Festival "in accordance with the documents of ancient times"; furthermore,

Amenhotep III also states that "generations of men" had failed to celebrate the Sed

Festival properly in the intervening span of time "since the time of the ancestors." These

92
For discussion of the Vogellauf, see primarily Kees, Der Opfertanz, pp. 4-21; Kees, ZAS 52 (1914): 61-
64; Bartels, Formen altagyptischer Kulte, pp. 71-72; Stoof, Skorpion undSkorpiongottin, pp. 96-97. For a
convenient collection of examples of the Vogellauf, see Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 49, doc.
A60; pp. 50-51, doc. A66; pp. 51-52, doc. A69; p. 55, doc. A82; p. 56, A87; p. 69, doc. A130; p. 74, doc.
A151; p. 76, doc. A159; p. 79, doc. A170; p. 80, doc. A173; p. 97, doc. A231; pp. 100-101, doc. A243; pp.
104-105, doc. A255; pp. 106-107, doc. A263; pp. 109-110, doc. A273; p. 120, doc. A306. For further
discussion of the Vogellauf, see also Section 4.2.1.
93
For this depiction of Den capturing birds in a net while performing the Konigslauf, see Dreyer, etal.,
MDAIKSA (1998): 163-164, pi. 12f.; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and
the First Dynasty, pp. 70-71, fig. 37. For further discussion of this label, see also Section 4.2.1.
94
For discussion of the fowling scene in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru (Fakhry, The Monuments of
Sneferu at Dahshur, Vol 2, Part l,p. 110, figs. 117-118), see Section 2.2.2, Panel 20; Section 4.2.1.
95
Karkowski, EtTrav 19 (2001): 82-90, figs. 1-3; Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, Vol. 6, pi. 163. For
further discussion of the fishing and fowling scenes in Hatshepsut's mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahari, see
also Davies, JARCE 41 (2004): 60.

74
rather astounding claims of Amenhotep III very strongly suggest that the king consulted

ancient prototypes while preparing for the celebration of his Sed Festival. 6 Further

evidence to support this claim is a fragmentary palette with late Predynastic decoration

carved on one side (Fig. 132a) and an image of Amenhotep III and Tiye on the reverse

(Fig. 132b). The Predynastic side of the palette depicts several bearded and long-haired

men who wear belts with sporrans attached at the waist; these men hold their hands

together at their chests just like the three men who run in the presence of Narmer in the

depiction of his Sed Festival on the Narmer Macehead (Fig. 60).98 Thus, this palette

provides convincing evidence that Amenhotep III not only had access to archaic

representations of Sed Festival from the late fourth millennium BCE, but that Amenhotep

III was intrigued enough by early royal iconography to re-inscribe a late Predynastic

ceremonial palette with an image of himself and his chief wife at the Sed Festival.

SCENE 2: PRESENTATION OF GOLD TO A GROUP OF ROYAL OFFICIALS"

For discussion of this passage as evidence that Amenhotep III studied the Sed Festival ceremonies of his
ancestors and incorporated older rites into his own celebrations of the Sed Festival, see primarily Aldred,
JEA 55 (1969): 74; Kozloff, in Kozloff and Bryan, eds., Egypt's Dazzling Sun, p. 277; Berman, in
O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 17; Murnane, in O'Connor and
Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 218-219; Johnson, in Fried, etal, eds., Pharaohs
of the Sun, p. 43; Galan, JNES 59 (2000): 257; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 61;
Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 20; Hartwig, in Engel, etal., eds., Zeichen aus dem Sand,
p. 205.
97
For discussion of this re-inscribed palette as a evidence of Amenhotep Ill's antiquarian interest in the
celebration of the Sed Festival during archaic times, see references collected in Section 1.2, footnote 156.
98
Hartwig, in Engel, etal., eds., Zeichen aus dem Sand, p. 201, also points out the similarity of the running
men on the Narmer Macehead and the bearded men on this palette. For a detailed discussion of the running
men on these objects and a discussion of the group run at the Sed Festival in general, see Section 4.3.1.
99
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 30, p. 45. For discussion of this scene, see Gundlach, in Holtus,
ed., Theaterwesen und dramatische Literatur, p. 69; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos
Staat, p. 231; Binder, The Gold of Honour in New Kingdom Egypt, pp. 98-100. For general discussion of
the awarding of golden collars to royal officials during the New Kingdom, see Hermann, ZAS 90 (1963):
49-66; Binder, op. cit, 1-356, with references.

75
A group of officials, including Kheruef, stands in front of the steps of the Sed

Festival kiosk at the royal palace in the fragmentary reliefs of Scene 2 (Fig. 142); golden

collars and golden amulets of fish and birds are laid out on tables for the royal officials.

Heavy damage to the depictions of the royal officials in this scene is most likely the result

of damnatio memoriae—perhaps suggesting that Kheruef fell out of favor in the royal

court at some point late in his career.100

Awarding of GoId-of-Praise:

fki hrp rh sS-nsw.t


imy-ripr [n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t mr.t-fTiy Hry.w=f]
[...] [hr] r nsw.t

The rewarding of the controller of the palace, the royal scribe,


the steward [of the chief wife of the king, whom he loves, Tiye, Kheruef,]
[...] [from] the hand of the king.

In a similar scene from the tomb of Khaemhat (Fig. 143), the tomb owner and a

group of other royal officials receive golden collars at the steps of the royal kiosk at the

first Sed Festival of Amenhotep III in regnal year 30.101 Similarly, in the tomb of Meryre

II at Amarna, Akhenaten bestows golden collars to the tomb owner and other royal

officials at the Window of Appearances during the royal durbar—a grand festival

commemorating the king's successful Nubian campaign in regnal year 12.

Habachi, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, p. 26, has speculated that damage to the name and
images of Kheruef in his tomb was most likely politically motivated.
101
Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pi. 76b; Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Fascicle 21, pp. 1841-1842.
For discussion of this scene, see Aldred, JEA 55 (1969): 73; Kozloff, in Kozloff and Bryan, eds., Egypt's
Dazzling Sun, pp. 288-289, cat. nos. 54-55; Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 749-750; Binder, The Gold of Honour in New Kingdom Egypt,
p. 100, fig. 8.4, with references.
102
Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, Vol. 2, pp. 36-38, pis. 33-40. For further discussion of the
awarding of golden collars in this scene, see Hermann, ZAS 90 (1963): 57; Binder, The Gold of Honour in
New Kingdom Egypt, pp. 104-105, figs. 8.8-8.10, with references. For general discussion of the durbar
ceremonies of Akhenaten and Tutankhamun, see primarily Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies,
pp. 125-131, 134-135,184, 208-209.

76
SCENE 3: OFFERING OF LIBATIONS TO THE KING 1 0 3

To the left of Scene 2, eight young women perform a libation ritual for

Amenhotep III at the steps of the tnti.t-dsds in the presence of the king (Fig. 144); the

young women are organized into pairs and identified as ms.w wr.w, "daughters of the

chieftains."104 The first two pairs of young women carry "golden nms.t-jars',^, the next

two pairs hold "electrum s{n)b.t-vases."105 From these vessels, the young women offer

cool water to the king four times in a ritual of purification. These eight libation bearers

wear outfits very similar to those worn by the "royal daughters" who greet the royal

couple at the procession of the solar barque in Scene 7. The outfit consists of floor-

length diaphanous robes, broad-collars, and platform crowns; additionally, the young

women in these scenes wear their hair in a distinctive style with long extensions on the

sides.106 Such costumes and hairstyles are typical of young women of the New Kingdom

who bear the titles nfr.t ("beautiful one") and hkr.t-nsw.t ("royal ornament")—both of

which typically designate female Hathoric cultic officials.

103
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 32, pp. 45-46. For discussion of this scene, see Walker,
Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, p. 269; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In
Pharaos Staat, p. 231.
104
For the identification of the ms.w wr.w in this scene as daughters of foreign chieftains, see Wente, in
Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 84-85; Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 46; Roth,
in Brockelmann and Klug, In Pharaos Staat, p. 231. For discussion of the term ms.w in general, see Allam,
SAK \9 (1992): 1-13.
105
Teeter, in Teeter and Johnson, eds., Life ofMeresamun, pp. 44-45, describes the electrum s(n)b.t-vases
carried by the royal daughters as "electrum hes jars."
106
This hairstyle may indicate that the young women have reached adulthood but are not yet married; for
discussion of this hairstyle, see primarily Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, pp. 183-185; Robins, JARCE
36 (1999): 63-68, with references.
107
For discussion of the titles nfr.t ("beautiful one") and hkr.t-nsw.t ("royal ornament"), see primarily Troy,
Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 76-79, figs. 50-51. For Hathoric hair styling in general, see also Posener, in
Lesko, ed., Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard A. Parker, pp. 111-117; Karlshausen, in Obsomer
and Oosthoek, eds., Amosiades, pp. 153-173. According to Troy, op. cit, pp. 121-122, the "platform
crown, uraeus circlet and the papyrus crown also fall into the same referential realm, connotating

77
Carrying of Libation Jars:

sfi ms.w wr.w


[iw.w hr] nms.wt n(.t) nbw s{n)b.wt drmw m dr.t=sn
r ir.t irr.w n hb.w-sd

Bringing forward the daughters of the chieftains,


[who have come bearing] gold nms.t-jars and electrum s(n)b.t-vases in their hands
to celebrate the rites of the Sed Festival ceremonies.

Arrival at the Royal Dais:

rdi.t chr=sn r rd.w s.t hft-hr tntj.t


m-bSh nsw.t

Causing them to stop at the steps of the throne in front of the tntl.t-dais
in the presence of the king.108

Presentation of Offerings:

ir.t rbw sp 4

Making purification-offerings four times.

Daughter of the M/iryH'-Libyans:

wrb nms.wt=k m nbw s(n)b.wt=k m dFmw


sl.t Mntyw di=s n=k kbh.w
ity rnh(.w) wdi(.w) snb(.w) wnn=k rr

Your golden nms.t-]axs and your electrum s(n)b.t-vases are pure.109


As for the daughter of the Mntyw-Libyans, she gives cool water to you.
Sovereign, l.p.h., you will indeed exist.

identification with the Lower Egyptian goddess Wadjet, and her correlate the uraeus, as divine eye and
daughter of the god."
108
In the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre at his solar temple at Abu Gurob, a group of royal daughters that
is carried in palanquins stops at the steps of the royal dais; the caption to the scene (Kees, Das Re-
Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, pp. 35-37, pi. 14, no. 246) reads: rhr hr Bb hft tp rd.w swi ir
s.t=sn, "stopping on the left in front of the top of the stairs; passing by and taking their position." For
further discussion of this scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre, see Kaiser, MDAIK39 (1983):
266-267. In the Sed Festival reliefs ofOsorkon II at Bubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 14),
the royal daughters are similarly described as "passing by and taking their position" (swi ir s.t=sn). For
further discussion of these scenes depicting the royal daughters in palanquins at the steps of the royal
throne, see Section 3.2.1.2.
109
The use of the second person, singular, masculine suffix pronoun suggests that these jars and vases
belong to the king.

78
A close parallel to the presentation of libation offerings to the king in Scene 3

appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak

(Fig. 145); the extant portion of the text in these reliefs parallels the text of Scene 3 very

closely:110

wrb [ntns.wt=k m nbw s(n)b.wt=k m drmw


sS.t Mnt]yw di-s n=k kbh.w
ity cnh(.w) wdl(.w) snb(.w) wnn-k rr

"[Your golden ntns.t-jars and your electrum s(n)b.t-vases] are pure.


[As for the daughter of the Mnt] vw-Libyans, she gives cool water to you.
Sovereign, l.p.h., you will indeed exist."

Another talatat block from the Gemapaaten at Karnak depicts two young women who

wear similar outfits and carry libation vessels at the Sed Festival of Akhenaten (Fig.

146); the partially preserved caption to the scene on this talatat block reads:111

ist ms.w wr.w nw his.t nb.t hr-h?[.t] [...].

"Meanwhile, the daughters of the chiefs of each foreign land are in fro[nt] [...]."

A similar scene in which two young women carry libation vessels appears in the Sed

Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Fig. 147a); a caption below the two libation

bearers reads:112

his.wt nb(.t) hr-hl.wt=sn


hr nms.wt n [nbw] s{n)b.wt n drm

"All foreign lands are in front of them


bearing golden nms.t-jars and electrum ,s(«)&.f-vases."

Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4. For detailed discussion of the libation offering scene on
these talatat blocks, see Traunecker, JSSEA 14 (1984): 61-62; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak,
pp. 98-101, pis. 50-51; Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 148-149,
pi. 61; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 7-8. For further discussion of this scene, see
Section 2.2.5, Scene 12; Section 3.1.2.
111
Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 85.5; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, In
Pharaos Staat, p. 231. For further discussion of this scene, see Section 2.2.5, Scene 12; Section 3.1.2.
112
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 14, no. 3. For further discussion of this scene, see Section
2.2.6, Scene 7; Section 3.1.2.

79
These similar scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten and Osorkon II confirm

that the young women offering libations to the king in the tomb of Kheruef are, indeed,

daughters of foreign chieftains.113

The term ms.w wr.w also appears in a fragmentary 18th Dynasty stela that

describes the presentation of tribute to the king by groups of Nubians and Asiatics; in the

text of this stela, ms.w wr.w ("children of the chieftains") are included in a list of

offerings that the Asiatics bring to the king:1

iw.t n=fhrpy.w wr.w


r srSS wlhy.t m t3 pn
r sdfiy htp.w-sn
r smnh cw.t
kml.n=frhy.t
pr.t m ir.t=f
di=fiw.t n=f'Iwn.ty.w Sty
inw=sn m nbw hr dr.t=fhbny ->bw
hnm.t nSm.t inm.w Iby.w
r
r s $3 mnw.w m r?.w-pr.w n(w) ntr.w nb.w
iw n=fSt.ty.w m hnt
inw=sn mh n=ft3pn (m)
hd nbw hr his.wt=fhsbd m?r mfkl.t
r
y.w{t) nb.t Sps(.t) hm.t dhty
mi cS3-sn
ssm.wt-sn wrry.wt=sn hm.w hm.wt
m ms.w wr.w
irp sntr b3k w3d CS mrh(.t)
n tp.w n(w) ht[y.w]
[...] ssn[dm] Ki.w nb(.w) ndm(.w) sty ibr
n psd.t
his.t nb.t [hr] inw-sn

Though the term ms.w wr.w, "daughters of foreign chieftains," is never applied to royal women, the term
ms.w wr.w might appropriately describe foreign members of the royal harim and foreign-born princesses
whom Amenhotep III took as wives—for example, Gilukhepa, daughter of the Mitannian king Shuttarna.
For a discussion of Amenhotep Ill's diplomatic practice of incorporating foreign princesses into his royal
harim, see primarily Schulman, JNES 38 (1979): 177-193; Berman, in O'Connor and Cline, eds.,
Amenhotep HI: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 19-22; Weinstein, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep
III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 224-226; Kitchen, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III:
Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 256-260; Meier, in Cohen and Westbrook, eds., Amarna Diplomacy, pp.
165-173; Cabrol, Amenhotep III: Le magnifique, pp. 129-138; Roth, Gebieterin aller Lander, pp. 85-130;
Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 144-146.
114
Gaballa, JEA 63 (1977): 122-124, pis. 22-23.

80
r shtp Km.t n nb=s
ntk ntr ir tm.w
r
nh=sn m rwd r.wy-ky

"May great inundations come forth for him (the king)


to increase the amount of grain in this land,
to provide their offerings,
and to endow small cattle,
after he (the god) has created the people
who come forth from his eye.
May he (the god) cause the Nubian nomads to come for him (the king),
(they) whose tribute consists of gold in its ore, ebony, ivory,
red jasper, green felspar, and panther skins,
in order to multiply the monuments in the temples of all the gods.
It is for him that the Asiatics come traveling south,
(they) whose tribute, which fills this land for him, (consists of):
silver, gold from its deserts, true lapis lazuli, turquoise,
all kinds of noble costly stones, copper, and lead
according to their quantity;
their horses, their chariots, male and female servants,
along with the children of the chieftains;
wine, incense, fresh moringa-oil, cedar oil, and resin
from the hillsides;
[...], ssn[dm]-wood, all kinds of sweet-smelling herbs, and ladanum
of the Ennead.
Every foreign land bears their tribute
in order to pacify Egypt for its lord.
You are the god who creates all peoples,
so that they might live by the strength of your arms."

The foreign peoples that are ennumerated in this stela are said to come forth from the eye

of a deity who created them; the unknown deity in the stela is most likely the solar deity

Re.115 Thus, the foreign peoples and their products in this stela are understood to be

emanations of the eye of Re—i. e., the solar disk. Since the Egyptian king rules over all

the lands upon which the rays of the sun fall, people of foreign lands are also subject to

the rule of the Egyptian king. Thus, this stela compares the tribute brought to Egypt by

foreign peoples to the floodwaters of the inundation; notably, the inundation marks the

Gaballa, JEA 63 (1977): 123, similarly interprets the creator of the people in the stela as the solar deity.

81
beginning of the New Year and coincides with the return of the wandering goddess of the

eye of the sun to Egypt.

The hymns and dance performances of Scene 4 of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef evoke strong Hathoric imagery; a similar connection to

Hathor as the wandering solar eye goddess may be applicable for the libation offering

rituals of Scene 3. The text in Scene 3 singles out one of the young women pouring

libations as the "daughter of the Mnfyvv-Libyans." In the Medamud Hymn to the Golden

One and in the Mut Ritual of Papyrus Berlin 3053, the Mntyw are "Lybo-Nubians" who

dance for Hathor in the form of the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun.116 In a

scene from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus that may also allude to the myth of

wandering goddess, Libyan women offer the god Horus a chain of faince that symbolizes

his wd?.t-eye.ni

In "les rites de l'eau" in a bandeau text from the ramp of Taharqa at Karnak, the
l in

king is similarly purified by water that is poured from snb.t-va.ses and nms.t-jais:

[r>] n wd[S] hr wdhw snb.wt nms.wt


Imn Mw.t Hnsw hr nwy
dd mdw in hry-hb \hry\-tp
ntr.w nb.w m ihhy
psd.t tm.ti hr hnp
ini-sn cnh w3s n 7mn-Rc
nb ns.wt tl.wy hrf psd.t=f

The identification of the Mntyw as "denizens of far southeastern Libya and the western regions of
Nubia," in Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 66-74, is preferable to the interpretation of the Mntyw as Asiatics, for
example, in Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, p. 46, textnote g; Roth, in Brockelmann and
Klug, In Pharaos Staat, p. 231. According to Darnell, op. cit., pp. 72-73, footnote 134, the "beautiful and
not un-Egyptian appearing 'daughter(s)" of the Mnty.w' in the tomb of Kheruef, also called the msw wr.w,
might be early imitators of the southern Lybo-Nubian tribe, associated with the Libyan clad acrobats, all
representatives of the land of the solar eye's hiding at the Hathoric rites of Amenophis Ill's Jubilee." For
further discussion of these "Libyan clad" dancers at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1,
Scene 4.
117
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 185-189, Scene 24,11. 76-79.
118
Traunecker, BIFAO 72 (1972): 203-209, figs. 2-3.

82
ini=sn cnh wis n s? Rr [Tihrk] di cnh
nsw.t...

"Utterance of processing while carrying the offering of snb.t-vases and nms.t-jais


of Amun, Mut, and Khonsu from the floodwaters.
Words to be spoken by the chief lector priest:
'All the gods are rejoicing;
The entire Ennead is pouring libations.
That they bring life & dominion is to Amun-Re,
the lord of the thrones of the two lands along with his Ennead.
That they bring life & dominion is for the son of Re [Taharqa], given life.

The king...'"

The purification of the king and the pouring of water from the snb.t-vases and nms.t-jars

in this ritual are apprently connected to the inundation of the Nile and the festival of the

New Year.119 The nms.t-jar also often appears as a cultic object during the Amarna

Period; in numerous scenes the king or other members of the royal family offer these

vessels to the outstretched hands of the rays of the Aten.120

Several passages in the Pyramid Texts suggest that a rite involving the pouring of

water from four nms.t-jars was associated with the purification of the eye of Horus and

119
For a similar conclusion, see Traunecker, BIFAO 72 (1972): 195-236, especially 209-219,230-236.
Traunecker, op. cit, pp. 220-230, also discusses several other notable ritual scenes from the New Kingdom
that involve the use of the nms.t-jar and/or the snb.t-vase.
1
For discussion of the nms.t-jar as a cultic object during the Amarna Period, see primarily Tawfik,
MDAIK35 (1979): 335-344. For identification of the various forms of the nms.t-jar, see du Mesnil du
Buisson, Les noms etsignes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets similaires, pp. 131-137; Fazzini,
JSSEA 28 (2001): 60-61. For discussion of the various water rituals associated with the nms.t-jar, see also
Jeffreys, in Sowada and Ockinga, Egyptian Art in the Nicholson Museum, Sydney, pp. 119-133; Dorothea
Arnold, in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 213-220.

83
the rebirth of the deceased king. 121 In Pyramid Texts Spell 536, libation offerings from

nms.t-jars are connected to the regeneration of Osiris: 122

mw=kn=k
brhw=k n=k
rdw-k n=kpr m Wsir
wn n-k rj.wy p.t
i.sn n-k c?.wy nw.t
wn n=k ri.wy p.t
i.sn n-k r3.wy kbhw
nhi in is.t
m htp in Nb.t-hw.t
mij.n-sny sn—sny
tstw
whr n-k kis.w=k
why n-k hmw=k
hms r=k hr hndw=k pw bil
wcb.ti mfd.t=k nms.wtfd.t=k r
3b.wt
pri.t n=k m ch-ntr=k
brh.t n-k m mr ntry
rdi.t.n n=k Hr Nhn

"Your water is yours;


your inundation is yours;
your effluvium that comes forth from Osiris is yours;
For you, the double-doors of heaven have been opened;
For you, the double-doors of the sky have been cast open;
For you, the double-doors of the sky have been opened;
For you, the double-doors of the firmament have been cast open;
'Be enduring,' exclaims Isis;
'In peace,' exclaims Nephthys,
after they have seen their brother.
Lift yourself!
For you, your bonds have been loosened;
For you, your dust has been cleared.
Be seated upon this bronze throne of yours,
that you might be purified with your four nms>jars & your four c3b.t-)ars,
which have come forth to you from your divine palace,

121
For a convenient collection of passages from the Pyramid texts that describe rituals involving the use of
the nms.t-jar, see Tawfik, MDAIK 35 (1979): 343. A scene from the Middle Kingdom Dramatic
Ramesseum Papyrus (Sethe, Dramatische Texte zu altaegyptischen Mysterienspielen, pp. 177-180, Scene
22,11. 69-71) may also relate to Scene 3 of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef; in
this scene from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, the pouring of wine from Spn.t-jars by ms.w-nsw.t,
"royal daughters," is equated to the presentation of the eye of Horus to the god.
122
Sethe, Die Altdgyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, pp. 222-223, § 1291a-1293d. For a full translation of
Pyramid Texts Spell 536, see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, pp. 168-169, Spell P484.

84
which have been filled for you from the divine canal,
which Horus of Hierakonpolis has given to you."

The libation offerings, thus, create the proper environment to facilitate the regeneration of

Osiris in the underworld; the result of this regeneration is the rebirth of the deceased king

as the solar disk in the eastern horizon in the morning.123 In the waters of nwn, the solar

deity Re is able to achieve renewal and rebirth. The water poured from the sacred vessels

in this passage from the Pyramid Texts may symbolize light and, thus, be connected to

the first rays of the solar disk in the morning when Re is (re)born in the eastern

horizon.124 At the Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, such an association would especially

be especially appropriate given the apparent transformation of the king into the solar

deity.

SCENE 4: PERFORMANCE OF HATHORIC MUSIC & DANCE RITUALS 1 2 5

To the left of Scene 3 in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the

tomb of Kheruef are two registers that depict a complex sequence of music and dance

For a similar interpretation, see Colin, in Amenta, etal, eds., L 'Acqua Nell'Antico Egitto, pp. 283-292.
Colin, loc. cit, suggests that the four vessels are linked to the four cardinal points and their associated
deities—for example, the four goddesses who stand on each side of Tutankhamun's wooden canopic
shrine: Selkis, Neith, Isis, and Anukis. On the eastern wall of the temple of Seti I at Gurna (Christophe,
BIFAO 49 (1950): 121-126), the king pours a libation offering from a nms.t-'^ar and offers incense to
Amun-Re Kamutef as part of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony; this scene provides a further link
between libation offerings from nms.t-]axs and regeneration.
124
For interchangeability of liquid and light within Egyptian religious iconography, see Darnell, The
Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 56, 147-148, with references.
125
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 34, 36,38, 40, pp. 46-49. For discussion of the hymns,
musical performances, and dance rituals in this scene, see Vikentiev, BIE 37 (1956): 283-284, 306-308;
Wild, in Les danses sacrees, p. 77; Wente, in Hauser, ed., Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 85-91;
Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte pharaonique, pp. 67-69, 118-120; Meeks, in Luft, ed., The Intellectual
Heritage of Egypt, p. 426; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 722, doc. R4.4; pp. 751-752, doc.
S2.18; pp. 799-801, doc. S3.95; Volokhine, BSEG 18 (1994): 83-84; Walker, Papeete of the Primaeval
Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 270-272; Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 72-73; Roberts, Hathor Rising, pp. 26-
29; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos Staat, p. 231. For discussion of related Hathoric
dances, see also Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im Alten Agypten, pp. 40-42; Wild, op. cit, pp. 65-72; Nord, in
Simpson and Davis, eds., Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan, pp. 141-142; Bartels,
Formen altagyptischer Kulte, pp. 153-159; Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 50-51, 64-74, 88-89; Teeter, in Teeter
and Johnson, eds., Life ofMeresamun, p. 32.

85
rituals (Fig. 148). An intriguing group of animals appears in front of a small shrine at the

far right of the top register; the group consists of a bull calf, a flying goose, and a baboon

(Fig. 148a). Behind the shrine, a group of longhaired women performs a series of

acrobatic dances; the dancing women in this scene wear kilts, broad collars, and leather

bands on their chests (Figs. 148a-d). As part of their performance, the dancing women

sing an unusual hymn that describes an agricultural ritual involving a pod of carob seeds.

The bottom register of Scene 4 depicts a long row of female musicians, chantresses, and

dancers; the ritual celebrants of this register sing a lengthy hymn to the goddess Hathor

and a short hymn to the god Sokar. The female musicians in the right portion of the

bottom register wear broad collars and long, formfitting robes (Figs. 148a-b). The

dancing women in the middle portion of the bottom register wear broad collars, kilts, and

leather bands on the chests (Figs. 148a-c). The three dancing women in the left portion

of the bottom register wear broad collars and long kilts; their hair is closely cropped

except for a long ponytail or braid at the back of the head (Fig. 148d). This hairstyle is

commonly worn by dancing women who attach a small round object to the end of their

braided hair in order to accentuate their acrobatic dance moves. At the far left of the

bottom register are three lion-masked men with large, pendulous breasts and rolls of fat

on their bellies; one these men carries an arm-shaped baton (Fig. 148d). Close parallels

to the hymns and the ritual scenes in both registers of Scene 4 appear in the Sed Festival

reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak (Fig. 145) and in the Sed

For discussion of dancing women who wear this hairstyle, see, e.g., Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im Alten
Agypten, pp. 23-27; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, p. 41; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas
zum Sport im alten Agypten, pp. 706, 708-710, 742-746, 748-749, 777-779, 785-787, cat. nos. R1.1-R1.2,
R3.1-R3.2, R3.4-R3.5, S2.7-S2.9, S2.14, S3.56, S3.58, S3.68-S3.69.

86
Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Fig. 147); however, the most complete

version of these texts and scenes appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in

the tomb of Kheruef.

Female Ritual Celebrants:

stS hm.wt m-blh nsw.t


r irt irw n hb.w-sd hft-hr tntS.t

Bringing forward women into the presence of the king


to celebrate the rites of the Sed Festival in front of the tnrt. t-dais.

Top Register: Acrobatic Dance Sequence and Hymn of the Carob Seed Pod:128

rdi.n—fn{=i) wch nprw.t


(i)n ibh wrh n pr.wt wl n(=i) sw w3i
shm n(=i) sw shm
ibh mk.t-n{-i) it.ti
mk.t-n(=i) it.ti
kil.t ki.ti
sdr-k
B B.t
dSr ir.ty n sti.t Fk.t
k? [d]s=f ns=fhty.t=f ndd=f
h.ti
spd rn.t nS 3y.t
[tsbw.t...]
[...m si ...]
[...prm ...sh.t]

It is to me that he has given a pod of carob beans.

For the Hathoric music and dance sequence in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten, see Traunecker,
JSSEA 14 (1984): 61-62; Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival
at Karnak, pp. 98-101,163-164, pis. 50-51, 107; Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains
d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 148-149, pi. 61; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 7-8. For further
discussion of the Hathoric rites in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten, see Section 2.2.5, Scene 11. For
the Hathoric music and dance sequence in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II, see Naville, The Festival-
Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 14-15; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im alten Agypten, pp. 722-723, cat.
no. R4.5; Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte pharaonique, pp. 67-69. For further discussion of the Hathoric
rites in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II, see also Section 2.2.6, Scene 7.
128
The following interpretation of the Hymn of the Carob Seed Pod is based in part on the ideas of John
Darnell and Colleen Manassa, who have suggested (by personal communication) that the carob seeds
represent the eyes of Apophis and that the "exalted ones" represent eyes of the solar deity and Horus.
129
In Pyramid Text Spells 168 and 182, the deceased king receives two bowls of carob beans (wrh, Wb. 1,
289.1-9) as offerings; in both spells, the deceased also receives the eye of Horus and is entrusted with
protecting the eye from the nets of an unnamed individual (probably Seth) who attempts to ensnare (rh, Wb.
1,213.17-19) the eye.

87
It is the cultivator of the pod of carob beans who roasted it thoroughly for me,
(and) who ground it thoroughly for me.131
Oh cultivator, what I have protected has been seized!
What I have protected has been seized!
Oh female exalted one, may you be exalted!
May you (masculine) spend the night;
Oh male exalted one, may you be exalted!
The two eyes become red through the shooting of the inverted one.
May his [kn]ife, tongue, throat, and ndd-part be exalted!

The otherwise unattested word ibh with the seated man determinative is probably related to the noun
Ibh, "water" {Wb., 1, 64.12), and the verb bh {Wb. 1,472.6-8), which refers to the irrigation or fertilization
of a crop-bearing field. The word ibh may also be a corruption of the title lb, "cultivator"; for discussion of
this title, see Cauville, RdE 59 (2008): p. 73, with references.
131
Literally, wl n{=i) sw wii shm n{=i) sw shm means "who roasted it for me a roasting, who ground it for
me a grinding." Verhoeven, Grillen, Kochen, Backen, pp. 82-84, translates, "es dorrte sie meine Darre, es
zerstampfte sie mein Zerstampfer." For discussion of complementary infinitives and cognate accusatives,
see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, pp. 222-223, § 298; Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 171; Vermis, in Autuori
and Alvarez, eds., ...Ir a Buscar Lena: Estudios Dedicados alProf. Jesus Lopez, pp. 193-202. One attested
preparation of carob for medicinal purposes involved combining carob with milk—a product that in other
contexts is known to rejuvenate re-energize the kin; for discussion of the rejuvenating effect of milk-
offerings, see Leclant, in Proceedings of the IXth International Congress for the History of Religions, pp.
135-145; Guglielmi, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 127-128; Maruejol, ASAE 69 (1983): 311-319; Feucht, SAK11
(1984): 402-404, with references; Darnell, in Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple,
Vol. 1, p. 30; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complex of the Old Kingdom, pp. 176-184,
with references; Troy, in Cline and O'Connor, eds., Thutmose III: A New Biography, p. 145.
132
Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef p. 47, interprets this word as an unusual orthography of
hty.t, "throat" {Wb. 3, 181.4-16). Other possible readings of the word include hwn, "a special piece of
flesh" {Wb. 3, 55.3-4), and ih.ty, "the inner-flesh of the upper thigh of the mother" {Wb. 1, 120.16-17)—the
latter of which may apply to the sky goddess or the mother of the king. If the reading hty.t, "throat," is
correct, the passage may refer to Hathor and/or Maat as the "throat" of the solar deity; for discussion of
Hathor and Maat as the "throat" {bgs.t) of the solar deity, see primarily Klotz, Kneph: The Religion of
Roman Thebes, p. 160, with references.
133
In Coffin Texts Spell 888, ndd refers to an individual who appears to be friendly towards Re (de Buck,
Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. 7, p. 100):
/ nb nb.w
ink nddpw {smri) Imn-Rc hr-ib hw.t sSm.w
ni rdi.tw=i n r?pp
nirdy=in ripp
"Oh lord of lords!
I am ndd (who establishes) Amun-Re within the temple of divine images.
I will not be given to Apophis.
Nor will I give (anyone) to Apophis."
However, in version B16C of Coffin Texts Spell 49, ndd appears as a variant of Nbd, "Evil One" (DeBuck,
Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. 1, p. 220):
ndr ndd imy kkw
"Grasp ndd who is in darkness!"
In this context, ndd may be related to the term ndd {Wb. 2, 369.1), which refers to the defeated enemies of
the solar god Re. In the Hymn of the Carob Seed Pod from the tomb ofKheruef, ndd probably refers to an
unknown part of the body {Wb. 2, 386.5)—perhaps with magical importance, as in Coffin Texts Spell 657
(de Buck, Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. 6, p. 278):
shi.t hkiw

88
May you be exalted!
Oh you sharp of talons, who drives off the pale one!134
[The vertebra of the detested one ...]
[... as a son ...]
[... come forth from ... field ...]

A parallel to the first two lines of the hymn appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of

Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak (Fig. 145) .135

ink rdy n=f si Rr si Dhwty


shn(.n)=i nn gm.n-i m ri=i
him.t=i gm.n=i hr ndd-l
"Calling magic to mind:
I am the one to whom (things) are given, the son of Re, the son of Thoth.
I sought this thing which I found in my mouth.
I have found that which I catch under my ndd."
Similarly, ndd refers to an unknown part of the body in a fragmentary passage referring to Hathor as a
celestial goddess in Coffin Texts Spell 846 (de Buck, Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. 7, p. 50):
pr sd.t r hw.t-ntr n.t Smy.tpr.t n ...
... hr=f
ni rdi.<n>=fsw.t hi Wsir NNpn
ndd n Npn hr=fm mj[ki.t] ...
... [Ws]ir NN [pn] ... m Siw
Wr.t rb.wy ... r=fdbi m sbi.wy
iw sp.ty NN\pri\ ...
iw in.n WsirNNpn [hr...]
[...m.n] Wsir NN pn ih.w=f
ni rdi Wsir NN [pn] ...
...itihkiw
"The fire bursts forth against the temple of the desert goddess who comes forth ...
... to him.
He will not place danger around Osiris NN.
The ndd of Osiris AW bears him with turqfuoise] ...
... [Osjiris AW... in Sais.
The Great One, [whose] horns ... against him, adorned with two stars.
The lips of NN...
Osiris AW has brought ...
Osiris AW [has ...] his powers.
Osiris AW will not ...
... taking possession of magic."
134
For iy.t-hr, "pale of face" (Wb. 1, 2.9), as an expression of fear, see Goedicke, BSEG 22 (1998): 35,
footnote 35; this use of the term appears in the Tale of Sinuhe when the royal daughters beg the king to
forgive Sinuhe and urge Sinuhe not to be afraid in the presence of the king (Sinuhe B278-279; Koch,
Erzdhlung des Sinuhe, p. 79):
nn iy.t-hr n mil hr=k
nn snd ir.t dg.ttw
"There will be no one whose face is pale from looking upon you!
There will be no one who is afraid when the eye sees you!"
135
Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4. For further discussion, cf. also Traunecker, JSSEA 14
(1984): 61-62; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 98-101, 163-164, pis. 50-51, 107;

89
rdi.n<=f> n=i mni.t nprw.t
in ibhy [n] mny.t nprw.t w3 n(—i) sw [...]

"It is to me that <he> has given the root of seeds.


It is the mixer [of] the root of seeds who roasted it for (me) [...]."

In this parallel, "carob" is replaced by mni.t, "root" (Wb. 2, 77.2-5)—a word that can

figuratively mean the "life" of an individual or a people.137 Another slightly confused

variant of this passage appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Fig.

147b):138

di<.n—f> n(=i) ns.t(yw) npr.wt


in pr.wt Wjw3(=i) sw w3w?

"It is to (me) that <he has> given a pod of ns.t(yw)-seeds.


As for the (pod of) seeds, I will roast it thoroughly."

The word ns.t(yw), which replaces "carob," is "a type of plant with red root" (Wb. 2,

324.3-5); because of its red color, the ancient Egyptians used the root of the ns.tiyw) plant

as a dyeing agent.139 The use of this red-rooted plant in the hymn from the Sed Festival

Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 148-149, pi. 61; Traunecker,
Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 7-8.
136
The verb ibh (Wb., 1, 8.8-20), variant ibh, means "to mix," "to associate with," or "to fill"; one usage of
the verb describes the mixing of ingredients in medical texts {Wb., 1, 8.9-10). Alternatively, ibhy may
simply be a corrupted form of the word ibh, "cultivator," which appears in the version of this text in the
tomb of Kheruef.
137
In the victory inscriptions of Ramesses Ill's first Libyan War at Medinet Habu, mni.t is used in a
figurative sense to describe the life of the Libyans that is extinguished by the Egyptian king (Epigraphic
Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 1, pi. 22,1. 7; pi. 28,1. 42):
fdk tiy=sn mni.t
ni st m sp wr.ty
"Their root is severed.
They are not on even a single occasion."

138
Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi 15, no. 5.
139
A text at Edfu suggests that the root of the ns.ryw-plant was used by the Egyptians as a red dye
(Dumichen, Geographische Inschriften altdgyptischer Denkmdler, Vol. 2, pi. 90):
sdSry m wib.w nw ns.tyw
"Dyeing red with the roots of the «.y.?yw-plant."
For further discussion of the ns.tyw-p\ant in this text from Edfu, see Ebbell, ZAS 64 (1929): 51. For
additional examples of ns.tyw, "plant," in texts of the Ptolemaic Period, see Wilson, Ptolemaic Lexikon, p.
548.

90
reliefs of Osorkon II probably alludes to a later section of the hymn that is absent from

Osorkon IPs relief: "the two eyes become red through the shooting of the inverted one."

The reddening of the two eyes in the hymn may refer to the radiance of the solar disk at

sunrise in the eastern horizon of the sky; since the eastern horizon is also the location for

the punishment of the damned and the enemies of the solar deity (such as Apophis), the

red color of this location also represents the exsanguination of enemies.140 In Pyramid

Texts Spell 246, a red-eyed form of the god Horus protects the king from inimical deities

in the underworld.141

A variant of another difficult portion of the hymn also appears in the Sed Festival

reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten at Karnak:142

B.t B.ti
sdr[-k]
B B.ti

For the eastern horizon as the place of punishment for Apophis and the souls of the damned, see Darnell,
The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 24-25, 137-138, 145, 176, 319, 373-374,
389-390. In connection with the eastern horizon, the color red represents the angry goddess of the eye of
the sun and the glowing light of the morning sun; for discussion of the significance of the color red in these
contexts, see primarily Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 305-308;
Darnell, SAK2A (1997): 35-48, especially pp. 41-42, and 44. As Darnell, SAK 24 (1997): 42, notes, the
"blood and gore with which the wild goddess slakes her rage become the red glow of the protective sun
when the fury of the eye is turned against the enemies of the solar order."
141
Sethe, Die altdgyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, p. 139, § 253a-253b:
// r=tn Hr hsbd ir.ty
s>=tn Hr dSr ir.ty mr i.t
n hsfbl=f
"It is against you that the lapis-eyed Horus comes.
You should beware the red-eyed Horus, painful with power,
whose bi cannot be repulsed."
For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 246, see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, p. 41,
Spell W157. In a scene from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, Horus takes his eye—described as red in
color—from Seth and leaves Seth with a carnelian stone in its place; see Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp.
180-185, Scene 23,11. 72-75.

142
Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4. For further discussion, cf. also Traunecker, JSSEA 14
(1984): 61-62; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festivalat Karnak, pp. 98-101, 163-164, pis. 50-51, 107;
Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 148-149, pi. 61; Traunecker,
Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 7-8.

91
"Oh female exalted one, may you be exalted!
May [you (masc.)] spend the night!
Oh male exalted one, may you be exalted!"

The section of the hymn that follows these lines closely parallels the version from the

tomb of Kheruef and, unfortunately, does not provide any alternative readings or

solutions to the obscure sections of the hymn. A variant of the same section of the hymn

also appears in the Sed Festival inscriptions of Osorkon II at Bubastis:143

kl kii.t
sndr k3j(i)

"Oh male exalted one, oh female exalted one!


Spend the night, you (masc.) being exalted!"

The different renderings of this difficult passage in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep

III, Akhenaten, and Osorkon II might indicate that this hymn was copied from a damaged

or poorly understood original copy on papyrus.

Although the hymn sung by the dancers in the top register of Scene 4 is damaged

and difficult to interpret in places, it is clear that the hymn is a complicated religious

treatise that describes an agricultural ritual pertaining to the cultivation of carob; the

hymn also alludes to the regenerative aspects of the nocturnal journey of the solar deity.

At the far right of the dance sequence in the top register of Scene 4, three women wearing

leather bands on their chests reach down to the ground with their hands; the hieroglyphic

sign for water (Gardiner Sign N35) appears near the hands of two of these women. Since

the hymn above them describes a ritual linked to the cultivation of carob seeds, the

movements of these dancing women may symbolize the irrigation of the land in which

carob plants grow.

143
Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 14, no. 1.

92
A possible parallel to the dancing women who participate in the agricultural ritual

of Scene 4 appears in the late Predynastic depiction of the Sed Festival of Horus Scorpion

on the Scorpion Macehead (Fig. 21).144 In the depiction of the Sed Festival on the

Scorpion Macehead, four longhaired, kilted women simultaneously dance and clap their

hands in an area with marsh plants directly behind the ceremonial shade-bearers of the

king.145 In another scene on the Scorpion Macehead, the king wields a mr-hoe at the

dedication of a new ritual complex; the complex includes several religious shrines and a

ritual waterway that is navigable by boat.146 The hoeing of the earth is a well-attested

ritual that is typically performed as part of the ceremonial foundation of a temple.147 The

two attendants directly in front of the king on the Scorpion Macehead are also carrying

out a ritual that is most likely related to the temple foundation ceremonies—i.e., the

pouring of sand on the ground.148 According to another—less likely—theory, the royal

scene on the Scorpion Macehead is an agricultural rite in which the king digs holes in the

ground with the mr-hoe, the attendant directly in front of him drops seeds into these

144
For discussion of the depiction of the Sed Festival on the Scorpion Macehead, see primarily Quibell and
Petrie, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 1, pp. 9-10, pis. 25, 26c; Quibell and Green, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, p. 41;
Cialowicz, Les tetes de massues des periodes Predynastique et Archalque dans la Vallee du Nil, pp. 32-38;
Gautier and Midant-Reynes, Archeo-Nil 5 (1995): 87-127; Cialowicz, Studies in Ancient Art and
Civilization 8 (1997): 11-27; Gundlach, Der Pharao undsein Staat, pp. 62-68; Cialowicz, La naissance d'
un royaume, pp. 197-202. For further discussion, cf. also Vikentiev, BIE 32 (1950): 209-218; Vandier,
Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 600-602; Baumgartel, The Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 116-118; Nibbi,
GM29 (1978): 89-94; Schneider, SAK2A (1997): 241-267; Nibbi, in Eldamaty and Trad, eds., Egyptian
Museum Collections from Around the World, pp. 855-861; Morenz, Bild-Buchstaben und symbolische
Zeichen, pp. 151-154.
145
For detailed discussion of the dancing women on the Scorpion Macehead, see Section 3.1.2.
146
For detailed discussion of the main scene on the Scorpion Macehead as a depiction of a foundation
ritual, see Section 7.5.
147
For the hoeing of the earth by the king at the ceremonial foundation of a temple, see Finnestad, Image of
the World and Symbol of the Creator, p. 57; Montet, Kemi 17 (1964): 85-87, Scene 4, fig. 2.
148
For the ritual pouring of sand onto the ground at the cermonial foundation of a temple, see Finnestad,
Image of the World and Symbol of the Creator, p. 57; Montet, Kemi 17 (1964): 89-91, Scene 6, fig. 4.

93
holes, and the second attendant is refills the holes with soil. If these attendants are

indeed planting seeds, the symbolism of the royal ritual on the Scorpion Macehead may

be linked to the Egyptian concept of the temple as the mound from which creation

springs forth out of the waters of chaos; the columns of the hypostyle courts in Egyptian

temples, for example, symbolize the papyrus and reed plants that grow in Egypt's

marshy, inundated areas.150

The hieroglyphic water signs next to the dancing women's hands in Scene 4 from

the tomb of Kheruef suggest that their dance movements might represent a form of the

nyny-gestuxe. The nyny-gestare can serve as a simple greeting; however, in certain

contexts the «yny-gesture is an allusion to the hieros gamos of the goddess Nut and the

solar deity (or the deceased king); the result of this sacred union is the rebirth of the solar

disk in the eastern horizon and the rejuvenation of the deceased king.151 In a painted

scene from the northern wall of the tomb of Tutankhamun, the goddess Nut performs the

wywy-gesture before Tutankhamun; this scene illustrates the symbolic significance of the

«y«y-gesture quite well (Fig. 149):152

For discussion of this agricultural interpretation of the primary royal scene on the Scorpion Macehead,
see primarily Vikentiev, BIE32 (1951): 209-215.
150
Finnestad, Image of the World and Symbol of the Creator, pp. 1-174, demonstrates that the ancient
Egyptians viewed their temples as symbols of the cosmos; the foundation of a temple corresponds to the act
of creation, during which order triumphs over chaos. Finnestad, op. cit., p. 3, notes: "When appearing as
cosmos, the temple is called by names identifying it with a cosmological geography and topography, and it
has frequently been pointed out that it displays architectural features identifying it with the landscape of
cosmos: its roof is the sky, its floor is the soil of Egypt from which pillars 'grow' like vegetation."
151
For the Hj/ry-gesture as a type of greeting, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebarden in Darstellungen des
Alten und Mittleren Reiches, pp. 36-58. For the ny«y-gesture as an allusion to the sexual union of Nut and
the deceased king, see Westendorf, in Verhoeven and Graefe, eds., Religion undPhilosophie im Alten
Agypten, pp. 351-362, especially pp. 358-359; Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-
Osirian Unity, pp. 142-149, especially pp. 148-149.
152
For a discussion of this scene from the northern wall of the tomb of Tutankhamun, see Westendorf, in
Verhoeven and Graefe, eds., Religion und Philosophie im Alten Agypten, pp. 358-359, 362, fig. 1.

94
Nw.t nb.tp.t hnw.t ntr.w
wdi=s nyny n ms.n=s
di=s snb rnh rfnd=k
r
nh.ti d.t

"As for Nut, the mistress of the sky and lady of the gods,
she performs the «y«y-gesture for the one whom she bore,
so that she might place health and life against your nostrils.
May she live forever!"

In a scene from the second golden shrine of Tutankhamun, six goddesses associated with

the eastern horizon of the netherworld pour water from their hands onto the heads of

snakes that are emerging from the ground (Fig. 150).153 In this scene the goddesses

symbolize the Netherworld and the embodied womb of the solar deity; their pouring of

water onto the snakes alludes to the birth of Re at the conclusion of his nocturnal journey

after traveling through the body of the serpent Apophis. A possible allusion to Apophis

(as the "the inverted one") in the hymn above the dancers in Scene 4 in the tomb of

Kheruef suggests that the scene may similarly relate to the rejuvenation of the solar deity

at the conclusion of his journey through the underworld.

The unusual posture of the dancers who bend forward with their hair draped down

in front of their faces in the top register of Scene 4 is similar to the posture of several

groups of women who appear in the Book of the Night (Figs. 151-152).154 The

overarching theme of the Book of the Night and the hymn above the dancers in Scene 4

For the definitive interpretation of this scene and the accompanying cryptographic texts from the second
golden shrine of Tutankhamun, see Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity,
pp. 142-149, pi. 13B. The description of the scene presented here is based on the overall interpretation of
Darnell.
154
For discussion of the the groups of women who appear in the third, fourth, sixth, and seventh hours of
the Book of the Night, see Roulin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of
Egyptologists, p. 1011; Roulin, he livre de la nuit, Vol. 1, pp. 131-133, third hour, lower register, nos. 8-9;
pp. 154-155, fourth hour, lower register, nos. 1-3; pp. 200-203, sixth hour, lower register, nos. 2, 4; pp.
221-222, seventh hour, lower register, no. 1. Roulin, loc. cit, suggests that these women are deceased
inhabitants of the netherworld who exist in a state of lamentation because the absence of the sun has caused
them to have a restless, non-rejuvenating night of sleep.

95
of the tomb of Kheruef is the rejuvenation of the solar deity during his nocturnal journey

through the underworld.155 Since this rejuvenation occurs as a result of the sexual union

of Nut and the solar deity, the long hair and the acrobatic movements of the women

probably has an erotically charged significance.156 Thus, these women's hairstyles and

acrobatic gestures are most likely intended to stimulate the king to re-engender himself
1 S7

like the creator god Re-Atum in the Heliopolitan creation myth. The caption to the

group of women in the seventh hour of the Book of the Night—kmS, "creating"—clearly

links their movements to a process of creation and rebirth.158 The names of the

longhaired, dancing women in the Book of the Night suggest that they are foreigners

from various geographic regions or perhaps a group of nomadic women who have

traveled through many different regions.159 Similarly, the outfits worn by the dancers in

the tomb of Kheruef also indicate that they are foreigners; for example, the leather bands
For a similar conclusion regarding the primary theme of the Book of the Night, see Hornung, The
Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, pp. 122-135; Goebs, GM165 (1998): 57-72; Roberts, My Heart My
Mother, pp. 106-178.
156
For discussion of the eroticism of the long hairstyles of women in ancient Egypt, see Derchain, RdE2\
(1969): 19-25; Derchain, SAK2 (1975): 55-74; Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 61-62, 73. For further discussion
of Hathoric hair styling, see also Posener, in Lesko, ed., Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard A.
Parker, pp. 111-117. For ancient Egyptian women's hairstyles in general, see Robins, JARCE 36 (1999):
63-68, with references. Darnell, op. cit, p. 73, notes that "groups of women and men toss their hair for"
the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun upon her return to Egypt in Column 22 of the Myth of the
Solar Eye. For the acrobatic dance movements of young women in scenes from Old Kingdom private
tombs as erotic stimulation for the self re-engendering of the deceased, see Gillam, Performance and
Drama in Ancient Egypt, p. 41; Altenmuller, SAK 6 (1978): 1 -24. For further discussion of acrobatic
dance, see also Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 396-397, 435-437,446-454; Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im alten
Agypten, pp. 23-27, 39-40, 48-52; Wild, Les danses sacrees, pp. 66-68, 70-71; Bartels, Formen
altagyptischer Kulte, pp. 150-153; Decker, Annotierte Bibliographiczum Sport, Vol. l,pp. 103-104; Van
Lepp, BSAK3 (1988): 385-394; Decker and Forster, Annotierte Bibliographic zum Sport, Vol. 2, pp. 122-
123.
157
For further discussion of the connection between the rejuvenation of the king at the Sed Festival and the
creation act of the Heliopolitan creation myth, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7.
158
Roulin, Le livre de la nuit, Vol. 1, pp. 221-222, seventh hour, lower register, no. 1.
159
Captions in the Book of the Night identify these dancing women as sh.ty.w and min.ty.w in the third
hour, as htr.ty.w, ihm.ty.w, and wdby.w in the fourth hour, and as Smi.w and Sfd.w in the sixth hour; see
Roulin, Le livre de la nuit, Vol. 1, pp. 131-133, 154-155, 200-203.

96
that they wear on their chests are part of a traditional Libyan style of dress. These

women are probably associated with the different geographic locations through which the

wandering goddess of the solar eye travels during the winter months; their inhabitants

praise the goddess and perhaps help to pacify her as she returns to Egypt.161

In front of the dancers at the far right of the top register of Scene 4, a group of

animals appears in front of a shrine; the group consists of a young bull rearing up with its

front hooves raised off the ground, a baboon walking upright, and a goose flying over the

other two animals (Fig. 148a). A similar pairing of a bull and a baboon appears in the

depictions of the Kdnigsiauf and Apislauf on a seal impression of Den from the tomb of

Hemaka (Fig. 153); the ritual scene on this seal impression provides an intriguing and

unexpected possible parallel to the group of animals that appears before the shrine in the

tomb of Kheruef.163 The baboon in Scene 4 may correspond to the "great white" baboon

For discussion of leather straps (worn across the chest) as a Libyan style of dress, see primarily Brunner-
Traut, Der Tanz im alten Agypten, pp. 15-16; Vikentiev, BIE 37 (1956): 306-307; Staehelin,
Untersuchungen zur agyptischen Tracht im Alten Reich, pp. 130-132; Wente, in Studies in Honor of John
A. Wilson, p. 88; Goedicke, Re-used Blocks, p. 75, footnote 185; Nord, in Simpson and Davis, eds., Studies
in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan, p. 137; Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 70-73, footnote 124.
Darnell, op. cit.,p. 73, compares the dancing women from Scene 4 to the M«fyw-Libyans who wear leather
bands across their chests and dance for the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun during the goddess's
return to Egypt in the Medamud Hymn.
161
Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 72, footnote 134, similarly connects the dancers from Scene 4 of the tomb of
Kheruef to the wandering solar eye goddess and identifies them as "representatives of the land of the solar
eye's hiding."
162
Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 73, footnote 135, reasonably suggests that the animals in front of the shrine in
Scene 4 of the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef "are representatives of
the 'verkehrte Welt' which occurs at the time of the New Year." For discussion of this "verkehrte Welt,"
see Kessler, SAK 15 (1988): 171-196. A bull calf also appears in front of a group of acrobatic dancers in
the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Naville, The Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II, pi. 15, nos. 4-
5). A bull calf and a shrine appear at the front of the procession of dancers and libation bearers in the Sed
Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak (Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 24-
25, figs. 3-4).
163
For the seal impression of Den from the tomb of Hemaka, see primarily Emery, Tomb of Hemaka, p. 64,
fig. 26, cat. no. 434; Kees, Die Opfertanzdarstellung aufeinem Siegel des Konigs Usaphais, pp. 21-30;
Blackman, Studia Aegyptiaca 1 (1938): 4-9; Helck, Anthropos 49 (1950): 987; Kaplony, Kleine Beitrdge zu
den Inschriften der agyptischen Friihzeit, pp. 92, 94; Eaton-Krauss, Representations of Statuary in Private

97
deity who offers a bowl of doum nuts to the king during the performance of the

Konigslauf 'at the Sed Festival; similarly, the bull calf in Scene 4 may correspond to the

Apis bull who runs alongside the king during the performance of the Apislauf at the Sed

Festival.164 If so, then the flying goose in Scene 4 probably depicts the king himself

during the performance of the Konigslauf. The complete transformation of the king into

a bird during the performance of Konigslauf is not otherwise attested; however, such a

transformation seems logical since the course for the Konigslauf'mirrors the routes flown

by migratory birds.165 Alternatively, the depiction of the flying goose in Scene 4 may

symbolize the transformation of the king into the creator god Amun-Re, who often

appears in the form of a cackling goose.166 In several scenes from the reliefs of his first

Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, Amenhotep III wears a robe adorned with the tail-

feathers of the solar falcon deity (Scenes 1, 5-6).167 In Pyramid Texts Spell 682, the

deceased king appears as both a goose and a solar falcon:168

Tombs of the Old Kingdom, pp. 90-91; Kessler, Die heiligen Tiere undder Konig, Part 1, p. 72; Wilkinson,
Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt, p. 241; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period
and the First Dynasty, p. 69; Sherkova, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First
Century, Vol. 2, pp. 505-506. For detailed discussion of the running rituals on this seal impression of Den,
see Section 4.2.2; Section 4.3.2.
164
For detailed discussion of symbolic significance of the "great white" baboon deity's offering of doum
nuts to the king during the performance of the Konigslauf see Section 4.2.3. For detailed discussion of
symbolic significance of the Apislauf, see Section 4.3.2.
165
For discussion of the Konigslauf as a ritual run paralleling the paths flown by migratory birds, see
Section 4.2.1.
166
For a discussion of the goose as a form of the god Amun-Re, see El-Adly, GM126 (1992): 47-57, with
references.
167
For detailed discussion of the feathered adornement to the king's Sed Festival robe in these scenes, see
Section 1.1.2.
168
Sethe, Die Altdgyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, pp. 494-495, § 2042c-2043b. For discussion of the
king's transformation into a falcon in Pyramid Texts Spells 626, 655, and 668, see Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun's Armies, p. 221, note 59. For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 682, see Allen, The
Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, p. 290, Spell N512.

98
igp NN m bik ntr(y)
kbhNNm rhiw
ittNNm smn
dnh.wy NN m bik ntr(y)
tpy.t-dnh NN m bik ntriy)

"Just as AW soars to the clouds as a divine falcon,


so too does AW fly to the sky as a heron,
and so too does AWflyup as a goose.
Just as the wings of NN are (those of) a divine falcon,
so too is the tail feather of NN (that of) a divine falcon."

Bottom Register: Musical Sequence and Hymn to the Golden One:

ir m(y) hiy n Nbw htp.w n nb.t tl.wy


swlh=s Nb-MF.t-Rc di rnh
mi.t ki ir=t mi.t
iry=i n-t hiy hr hlwy
iky m mSrw
Hw.t-Hr itw ki.ti m Sny Rr m Sny Rc
rdi.w n=tp.t im wSlw sbi.w
wr hm.t=s m shtp=s
dwl Nbw m wbn-s m p.t
n=t tm m p.t Rr im-s
n=t tm m t? Gb im-f
nn ntr ir msd.t n=t Jf.ti
wdS hm.t r bw mrr=t
nn (n=)s bw-k[hb h]3y[.t] [hr] hdnn{.t}
hnw.t-i mi.t hw.t nsw.t Nb-M¥\t-Rc di rnh
ssnb sw hr Bby np.t
nfr.w wdi(.w) snb(.w) m Sh.t
shtp sy ty.wy tmy iw wn Nbw
mr cnh=f
srnh sw m hh.w nw rnp.wt mhhn sp
mhi nn m hw

Make jubilation for the Golden One and pleasantries for the lady of the two lands,
so that she might cause Nebmaatre, given life, to endure!
Come, be raised on high, come,
so that I might make jubilation for you at twilight
and perform sistrum-music in the evening!
Hathor, you are exalted as the hair of Re, as the hair of Re!169

Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A. Wilson, p. 89, points out a parallel to this line in the song of a
harpist in the Middle Kingdom tomb of Senbi at Meir. In a 30th Dynasty mythological text carved on a
naos from Ismailia (no. 2248), the god Geb is bitten by the uraeus of Re and is subsequently cured by the
Br.t n Rr, which translators of the text have rendered either "wig of Re" or "uraeus of Re"—both of which
(Wb. 1, 11.17-18; Wb. 1, 32.3) are feasible translations of the phrase. However, based on the determinative
(Gardiner Sign D3) that is used for Hr.t in the text, "wig" seems to be the best reading of the word. The
relevant section of the text reads (Goyon, Kemi 6 (1936): 16-17):

99
It is to you that the sky there, the deep night, and the stars have been given.
Her majesty is great when she is pacified.170
r r
h nddn {n} hm n Gb
ink rdi-i st hr tp=i ml ir n it=i Sw
Gb pw rk=frpr Hr t hrf ntr w <n> nty <r> hnr=f
r r
h n wdi r r kffd t nty rnh t im~s<t>
pr pw ir n sl-tl
c
nh n=f tlw=f r hm n Gb m nSn w-fwr sp 2
hpipw ir nnty r h t=f
Smm pw ir n km n ntr pn
wdi pw ir n hm=fr mht tnilt Nbs hr Smm pn n hry t-tp
r c
h nph hm<n>=fr shty w hnn w
iw nn rri Smm pn
r r
h n dd n=f<n> ntr w nty <r> h wt=f
i mi iti tw Hr t n Rr im
r Sm hm=k r mil sStl=s
rr=s hm=f hr=k
r r
h n rdi n hm n Gb iti Hr t hr tp=fr pr Hr t
rdi( t) ir tw n=s pds nrl t mlr t
imn tw=s m bw pr Hr tmw n Hr t ntr( t) n hm n Rr
r r
h n rri Smm pnmhF w n( w) hm n Gb
"Then the majesty of Geb spoke:
'As for me .., I will place her upon my head like my father Shu did.'
Geb entered the House of the Iaret along with the gods who were with him.
Then (his) arm extended to uncover the box within which was Ankhet.
And the serpent came forth.
She breathed her breath against the majesty of Geb in maddening him very greatly.
The one in his following was struck dead.
And the majesty of this god burned.
His majesty proceeded to the north of the mound of Nbs bearing this burn of Her-upon-the-head.
Then his majesty reached the fields of hnn w,
there being no healing of this burning.
Then the gods who were in his following spoke to him:
'Oh, come, that the wig of Re might be seized there,
that your majesty might come to see its mystery.
It will heal his majesty [of that which is] upon you.'
Then the majesty of Geb caused the wig to be placed upon his head at the House of Iaret,
and caused a box of true, costly stone to be made for it.
It was hidden in [...] place, the House of Iaret in the area of the divine wig of the majesty of Re.
Then this burning was healed in the limbs of the majesty of Geb."
When Hathor is exalted as the "hair of Re" in the text from the tomb of Kheruef, she may be invoked as the
powerful uraeus-form of the daughter of Re; only the "hair of Re" is able to cure her venomous bite. For
further discussion of the mythological text on naos no. 2248 from Ismailia, cf. also Griffith, Antiquities of
Tell el Yahudtyeh, pp. 70-74; Goyon, op cit., pp. 1-42; Schumacher, Der Gott Sopdu, pp. 179-184;
Verhoeven, in Verhoeven and Graefe, eds., Religion undPhilosophie im Alten Agypten, pp. 319-330;
Goedicke, Agypten undLevante 3 (1992): 61; Sternberg el-Hotabi, in Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten
Testaments, Vol. 3, Lief. 5, pp. 1006-1017; Loprieno, in Loprieno, ed., Ancient Egyptian Literature, pp.
293-294; Schneider, in Brodbeck, ed., Em agyptisches Glasperlenspiel, pp. 207-242, with references For
discussion of the significance of the .frry-hair of the goddess of the eye of the sun in the Tale of the
Herdsman, see Darnell, in Melville and Slotsky, eds., Opening the Tablet Box, pp. 115-120.

170
Since the following line refers to the rising (wbn) of the Golden One in the sky, the phrase shtp=s
("when she is pacified") probably refers not only to the "pacifying" of the goddess, but also to the "setting"
of the goddess. In his discussion of the hymn to the Golden One in the temple of Medamud, Darnell, SAK
22 (1995): 52, suggests that the Golden One—as the solar disk at night—"rises at the beginning of the
nocturnal celebration, and sets when it concludes in deep night."

100
Adoration of the Golden One when she rises in the sky.
Unto you is everything in the sky in which Re is;
Unto you is everything in the earth in which Geb is.
There is no god who does what displeases you when you appear.
Proceed, majesty, to the place where you desire.
There is no ha[rm] (to) her when [she dejscends [upon] the unwilling one.
My mistress, come and protect king Nebmaatre, given life.
Make him healthy in the eastern side of the sky.
May he be happy, uninjured, and healthy in the horizon.
It is when the Golden One exists, that the entire two lands pacify her.172
Desire that he live!
Cause him to live for millions of years, a million times!
Concern yourself with this as a protection!

Bottom Register: Song of Chantresses:

wn cS.wy
pr ntr wcb

The double-doors are open,


so that the god may go forth pure.

Bottom Register: Hymn to Sobek:

iw nn (m) hw=f nsw.t Nb-M?.t-Rr


mi m(y) Sbk n si Rc Imn-htp hk?-W?s.t di rnh
ir-k mrr.t=f

The translation of this line is very uncertain; as understood here, the line is grammatically parallel to the
line above that reads: "There is no god who does what displeases you when you appear." When the
goddess "descends" upon the "unwilling one," she appears as the angry form of the solar eye goddess who
must be pacified. In this context the "unwilling one" is most likely Seth or Apophis. In lines 22-23 of a
21 st Dynasty decree of Amun-Re, hdnn.w, the "unwilling ones," refer to the enemies of Amun-Re (Daressy,
ASAE 18 (1919): 218-224):
m.k hrw pi spr wr $ps n Jmn-Rr nsw.t ntr.wply it nfr
[m...tw] hrw-ib
mtw rwi hdnn.w nb.w hr.w nb.w kn.w nb.w $pt nb nhi.t ib
"Hear the voice of the great and noble petition of Amun-Re, lord of the gods, the good father,
... content of heart,
and expelling all the unwilling ones, all weapons, all offences, all the anger and sadness."
172
The ms.w-nsw.t ("royal daughters") pacify Hathor as the wandering solar eye goddess in the Medamud
Hymn (Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 54-55):
shtp twt msw-nsw.t m mr.t
hry.w-tp.w hr klb n=t wdb.w
"When the royal daughters pacify you with what is desired,
the officials consecrate offerings to you."
Darnell, loc. cit., suggests that the royal daughters pacified the goddess by shaking Hathoric musical
instruments, such as sistra and mm'.f-necklaces.

101
This is his protection, namely king Nebmaatre;
Come, Sobek, to the Son of Re, Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes, given life,
that you may do what he desires.

Bottom Register: Dancers:

Bhm

Dancing.173

Bottom Register: Song of the Clapping Women:

hs. hnn sp-2 ir m hnn bn(n)

Singing: "Jubilate, jubilate! Make jubilation! Be effusive!"174

Bottom Register: Short Hymn to the Golden One:


m=t sw ir-fn=t 7hy-wrb
nsw.t bity Nb-MSrJ-Rc
s? Rr Jmn-htp h& Wls.t
iry-fhb-sd

Behold him as he acts as the Pure-Ihy175 for you,


King of Upper & Lower Egypt, Nebmaatre,
Son of Re, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes,
so that he might celebrate the Sed Festival.

The women depicted in the bottom register of Scene 4 sing a hymn to the Golden

One—a form of the goddess Hathor—and perform Hathoric musical and dance rituals

throughout the night. The musical and dance rituals described in this lengthy hymn to

Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 49, textnote e, has suggested that iihm is an unusual
orthography oflhb (Wb. 1, 118.12-17), "to dance."
174
Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 49, textnote i, has suggested that bn(n) (Wb., 1,
460.5) is used figuratively ("be effusive") rather than literally ("overflow").
175
For discussion of 1hy-wrb as a form of the god Ihy who presents libation offerings to his mother Hathor,
see Cauville, BIFA091 (1991): 99-117.
176
Hathor's epithet, the "Golden One," refers to the solar aspect of this goddess; for discussion of Hathor as
the Golden One, see Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 47-94; Darnell, SAK24 (1997): 35-48, especially 42, footnote
47; Darnell, in Friedman, etal., JARCE 36 (1999): 27-29, with references; Darnell, in David and Wilson,
eds., Inscribed Landscapes, pp. 113-114; Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen,
Vol. 4, pp. 180-182. The hymn to the Golden One in the temple of Medamud similarly describes the
performance of nocturnal musical and dance performances for the goddess; for transliteration and

102
the Golden One take place throughout the entire night and are closely associated with the

nocturnal journey of the solar disk through the underworld. The rituals begin in the early

evening (during hiwy and mSrw) around the time of sunset when torches for the nocturnal

rituals are lit and the solar disk descends into the western horizon—an act that the

Egyptians viewed as a sexual union between the solar deity and the sky goddess.177 The

rituals continue into the deep night (w$3w) and conclude with the appearance of the

healthy, happy, and uninjured king at sunrise in the horizon (3h.t) of the eastern side of

the sky (hr Bby n p.t) where the rebirth of the solar deity takes place. As the womb that

carries and protects the solar deity, Hathor plays an important role in the rebirth of the

solar deity; in the hymn in the bottom register in Scene 4, the Golden One protects the

king and ensures his wellbeing in the eastern horizon.178 Thus, by associating himself

with the solar deity's rebirth in the eastern horizon, the king is able to experience a

renewal of his royal power during the Sed Festival. The song of the chantresses describes

the moment of renewal when Amenhotep III exits the House of Rejoicing and the solar

translation of the Medamud Hymn with detailed commentary, see Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 47-94, with
references. For the description of the division of the night in the nocturnal rituals of the Medamud Hymn,
see especially Darnell, op. cit., pp. 49-53, 57-61.
177
For discussion of the setting of the sun as a sexual union between the solar deity and the sky goddess
Nut, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 4, footnote 151. For Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival palace, the "House of
Rejoicing," as a symbol for the western horizon, i.e., the symbolic sexual consort of the solar deity at
sunset, see Section 2.1.0, footnote 11. For discussion of the lighting of torches to mark the beginning of
nocturnal Hathoric celebrations in the evening, see Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 51-52, with references.
Hathor—in the form of the bovine sky goddess—is already associated with the celestial night sky in the
Predynastic Period on the famous Gerzeh Palette (Cairo 34173); for a discussion of early images of the
bovine sky goddess, see Radwan, in Czerny, ed., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, Vol. 1,
pp. 275-285, with references.
178
For discussion of Hathor as the solar eye and womb of the solar deity, see references collected in
Section 1.1.2, footnote 94.

103
deity exits the underworld through the eastern horizon of the sky: "The double-doors are

open, so that the god may go forth pure."179

Three lion-masked men appear at the far left of the bottom register of Scene 4

(Fig. 148d); these lion-masked men have large, pendulous breasts and rolls of fat on

their bellies—body-features that resemble depictions of male "fecundity figures" and

depictions of the god Bes.181 A similar lion-masked figure appears in the Sed Festival

Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A Wilson, p 88, has noted a parallel for this line in the tomb of the
vizier Antefoker's wife Senet (Davies and Gardiner, Tomb ofAntefoker, pi 23)
wn ri wy p tpri ntr
"The double-doors of heaven are open, so that the god may go forth "
Another notable parallel appears in the texts of the Festival of Sokar at Medinet Habu (Epigraphic Survey,
Medinet Habu,No\ 4, pi 226,1 1, Gaballa and Kitchen, Onentaha 38 (1969) 9,64)
wn r j wy p tpri ntr wrb ti
"The double-doors of heaven are open, so that the god may go forth' May you be pure'"
A similar exclamation also appears in the ritual text of the Festival of Sokar that is recorded on Papyrus
Louvre I 3079, col 114,1 93 (Goyon, RdE20 (1968) 84,89)
wn ri wyp tpri ntr
"The double-doors of heaven are open, so that the god may go forth'"
Mikhail, GM82 (1984) 36, with references, notes that wn r> wy p tpri ntr "is an invocation which is
typical of the processions of the dead or their statues " For the "double-doors of heaven" as the doors of a
shrine, temple, or palace, see Cerny, JEA 34 (1948) 120, Goyon, op cit, p 96, note 75, Wente, in Studies
in Honor of John A Wilson, p 88, footnote 38, Darnell SAK 22 (1995) 62, Leprohon, in Hawass and
Richards, eds , The Art and Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, Vol 2, pp 83-94 The double-doors that are
mentioned in this exclamation from Scene 4 of the tomb of Kheruef likely refer to the gateway of
Amenhotep's palace, the "House of Rejoicing," at Malqata, Amenhotep III and Tiye are shown leaving the
palace in Section 2 1 l,Scene5 Brovarski, Onentaha Ad (1977) 107-115, notes that the double-doors of
heaven represent the entrance to the underworld in the western horizon Since the lengthy hymn to the
Golden One emphasizes the nocturnal journey of the solar deity through the underworld, the double-doors
also likely refer to the eastern horizon where the solar deity exits the underworld and is reborn in the
morning The unusual dancing that takes place in the scenes accompanying this hymn is appropriate since
acrobatic dancing is often associated with major gateways in ritual processions, for discussion of dancing at
the gateways of religious structures during ritual processions, see Darnell, in Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs
and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple, Vol 1, p 18, with references
180
For discussion of these lion-masked men in the tomb of Kheruef, see Wente, in Studies in Honor of John
A Wilson, pp 86-87, Sourdive, La mam dans I Egypte pharaomque, pp 118-120, Meeks, in Luft, ed , The
Intellectual Heritage of Egypt, p 426, Volokhine, BSEG 18 (1994) 83-84
181
Barnes, Fecundity Figures, pp 112-116, has suggested that the term "fecundity figures" should replace
the inaccurate term "Nile gods" that has traditionally been used to describe a class of deities with large,
pendulous breasts and rolls of belly-fat For a discussion of the iconographic features of this class of
deities, see Baines, op cit, pp 83-111,117-145 In a scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in the
valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur, two male fecundity figures carry divine offerings—
including "seeds of the cedar tree" (pr wt r$) and "figs" (d?b w)—for the king, for discussion of this scene,
see Section 2 2 2, Panel 11 For the similarity of representations of fecundity figures and representations of
the god Bes, see Baines, op cit,pp 127-131 For further discussion of the iconography of Bes, see also
Altenmuller, in LA 1, cols 720-723, Bosse-Gnffiths, JEA 63 (1977) 98-106, Romano, BES 2 (1980) 39-

104
reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Fig. 147b);182 additionally, examples of lion-masked

figures also appear in the Old Kingdom in contexts that are not clearly associated with

the Sed Festival—for example, in a relief from the mortuary complex of Sahure at Abusir

(Fig. 154).183 The identification of these lion-masked figures as early prototypes for the

god Bes is not certain; however, Bes's later iconographic association with lions does

strongly suggest that the lion-masked figures are representatives of Bes.184 In the myth of

the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun, Bes dances for the goddess during her

winter journeys in regions to the south of Egypt in order to placate her and coax her to

return to Egypt; through his role in this myth, Bes became especially linked to the lands

56; Malaise, in Israelit-Groll, ed., Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim, Vol. 2, pp. 681-
689; Dasen, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, pp. 57-60; Volokhine, BSEG 18 (1994): 81-95; Malaise,
in Redford, ed., Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, pp. 179-181.
182
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 15, no. 5. Gohary, in Redford, ed., Akhenaten Temple Project,
Vol. 1, p. 67, pi. 85, block 4, has suggested that two celebrants, depicted in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak, are also "priests with masks"; for further discussion of
these two figures, cf also Sourdive, La main dans I'Egyptepharaoniques, pp. 125-128. However, these
two celebrants are actually female musicians with unguent cones on their heads; for similar depictions of
female musicians on talatat blocks of Akhenaten, cf. D'Auria, in Freed, etal., eds., Pharaohs of the Sun, p.
210, cat. nos. 29, 31.
183
For an example of a lion-masked figure in the reliefs of Sahure's mortuary complex at Abusir, see
Borchardt, Grabdenkmal des Konigs Saihu-Re, Vol. 2, pp. 38-39, pi. 22. For further discussion of lion-
masked figures that appear in contexts not clearly associated with the Sed Festival, see also Capart, BIFAO
30 (1931): 73-75; Bonnet, Reallexikon der dgyptischen Religionsgeschichte, p. 109; James, Hieroglyphic
Texts from Egyptian Stelae, Vol. 1, p. 26, pi. 25.3; Wild, Les Danses sacrees, pp. 76-77,100-101; Vandier,
Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 402-403, fig. 209; Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A. Wilson, pp. 86-87;
AltenmUller, in LA 1, cols. 720-721; Bosse-Griffiths, JEA 63 (1977): 103-104; Sourdive, La main dans
I'Egypte pharaonique, pp. 48-69, 111-132; Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 129-130, with references;
Dasen, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, pp. 57-58, with references; Volokhine, BSEG 18 (1994): 82-
84, with references. For further discussion of the significance of ritual masks and masking in ancient Egypt
and the Eastern Sahara, see bibliography collected in DuQuesne, Discussions in Egyptology 51 (2001): 20-
21; for further discussion of masks, cf. also Vercoutter, Dictionnaire archeologique des techniques, pp.
593-594; Huard, RdE 17 (1965): 54-56; David, BACE2 (1991): 33-40, especially pp. 37-39; Krzyzaniak
and Kroeper, Archeo-Nil 1 (1991): 59-61; Soleilhavoup, Archeo-Nil 1 (1991): 43-58; Assmann, in
Schabert, ed., Die Sprache der Mas ken, pp. 149-171; Morenz Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte 5 (2003): 212-
226.

184
For the identification of the lion-masked figures as representatives of Bes and general discussion of the
iconography of Bes, including his leonine features, see primarily Volokhine, BSEG 18 (1994): 81-95. For
the uncertainty of these lion-masked figures' association with Bes, see especially Baines, Fecundity
Figures, pp. 129-130.

105
of Nubia and Punt.185 As an extension of his role in the myth of the wandering goddess,

Bes is especially linked to the goddess Hathor, to rites of Hathoric music and dancing, to

the protection of the solar child and Harpocrates, and to childbirth in general.186 The

arm-shaped baton carried by one of the lion-masked men in the tomb of Kheruef alludes

to Nebet-Hetepet as the hand of Atum—/. e., the means by which Atum creates Shu and

Tefnut in the Heliopolitan creation myth.187 Thus, the lion-masked men who appear at

the rear of the musical and dance sequence in the bottom register of Scene 4 further

emphasize the themes of rejuvenation and solar rebirth.

The invocation of Sobek in the short hymn in Scene 4 emphasizes the

rejuvenation that the king experiences under the protection of Sobek at the celebration of

For Bes's role in the myth of the wandering godess of the eye of the sun and Bes's association with Punt
and Nubia, see Junker, Der Auszug der Hathor-Tefnut aus Nubien, p. 86; Daumas, Les mammisis des
temples egyptiens, pp. 139-143; Malaise, in Israel it-Gro 11, ed., Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam
Lichtheim, Vol. 2, pp. 693-698, 702, with references; Meeks, in Luft, ed., The Intellectual Heritage of
Egypt, p. 433; Dasen, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, pp. 61-63, with references; Volokhine, BSEG
18 (1994): 86-89. Since Bes is strongly linked to Punt, the lion-masked Bes figures in the tomb of Kheruef
may in fact be related to the bearded dwarf identified as a "dancer of Punt" in the reliefs of Amenhotep
Ill's first Sed Festival in the Temple of Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 120-121); for a similar
interpretation of this dancing dwarf at Soleb, see Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte pharaonique, pp. 124-
125.
186
For these associations of Bes, see especially Altenmuller, LA 1, cols. 721-722; Pinch, Orientalia 52
(1983): 412-413, with references; Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor, pp. 290-292; Malaise, in Israelit-
Groll, ed., Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim, Vol. 2, pp. 699-714; Dasen, Dwarfs in
Ancient Egypt and Greece, pp. 67-75, 77-80. Bes also appears as a motif utilized in tattoo design by
women—particularly musicians and dancers—during the New Kingdom; for tattoos of Bes and their
connection to female musicians and dancers, see Keimer, Remarques sur le tatouage dans I'Egypte
ancienne, pp. 40-44; Poon and Quickenden, BACE 17 (2006): 128-130.
187
For the arm-shaped baton in general, see primarily, Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte pharaonique, pp.
1-132, 181-213, with references. For the use of the arm-shaped baton by lion-masked men at the Sed
Festival, see Sourdive, op. cit, pp. 111-128. Sourdive, op. cit., pp. 122-123, 181, affirms Hickmann's
suggestion that this baton symbolizes the hand of Hathor and has protective powers over the dangers of
nautical navigation and domestic life; for further discussion, cf Hickmann, BIE 37 (1954-1955): 81-122,
especially pp. 105-106; Hickmann, BIE 37 (1956): 151-190. In discussing the use of the arm-shaped baton
in the so-called mirror-dance, Hickmann, op. cit., pp. 159-160, links the baton to Nebet-Hetepet's
appearance as the hand of Atum, with which Atum masturbates and thereby creates the second generation
of deities, Shu and Tefnut, in the Heliopolitan creation myth; on this connection, cf. also Kinney, in
Donovan and McCorquodale, eds., Egyptian Art: Principles andThemes in Wall Scenes, pp. 194-195. For
further discussion of Nebet-Hetepet's role in the self-creation act of Arum in the Heliopolitan creation
myth, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7.

106
the Sed Festival.188 A parallel to this hymn to Sobek appears in the Middle Kingdom

tomb of the vizier Antefoker's wife Senet: mi Sbk n ln.i-it=f-ikr ir=k mrr.t=f, "Come,

Sobek, to Antefoker, that you may do what he desires!"189 The last part of the invocation

of Sobek in both hymns ("that you may do what he desires") almost certainly alludes to a

passage from Pyramid Texts Spell 317 in which the deceased king takes the form of

Sobek:190

h^-imSbks^Ni.t
wnm=i m ri=i
wsS=i nk=i m hnn=i
ink nb mtw.t
it hm.wt m-r hi=sn
r-s.t mrr-i hft S?r ib=i

"It is as Sobek, the son of Neith, that I appear.


It is with my mouth that I eat.
It is with my penis that I urinate and copulate.
I am the lord of semen,
who seizes the wives from the hand of their husband,

188
For Sobek and the crocodile as symbols of renewal, regeneration, eternity, and time, see Kakosy,
MDAIK20 (1965): 116-120, with references. For Sobek's associations with the gods Re, Osiris, and
Horus, see Beinlich, Das Buch vom Fayum, Vol. 1, pp. 319-322; Leitz, Lexikon der dgyptischen Gotter und
Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 6, pp. 258-260. According to Beinlich, loc. cit., Re can take the form of a
crocodile swimming through the nwn-waters of the underworld during the critical time from sunset to
sunrise when the god is mysteriously regenerated. In the records of the Khoiak Festival in the Temple of
Dendera, Horus takes the form of a crocodile to deliver the body of Osiris from the water to the temple
(Cauville, he temple de Dendara: Les chapelles osiriennes, Vol. 1, p. 23):
Hr in.n=fhr.w-ntr n Wsir hr mw m hrwpn m irw=fn sbk
r hts m Hw.t-Wsir
m rn=fn Sbk nb 'Imiw m Hw.t-ih.t
"It was in the form of a crocodile that Horus brought the divine body of Osiris on this day,
in order to complete the rites in the temple of Osiris
in his name of Sobek, lord of Imau, in the temple of the cow."
Thus, Sobek, as the most prominent crocodile god, is associated with the regeneration of Osiris that takes
place in the «wn-waters during the nocturnal journey of Re.
189
Davies and Gardiner, Tomb of Antefoker, pi. 23. Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 88-
89, footnote 39, has already noted the similarity of the hymns to Sobek in the tomb of Kheruef and in the
tomb of the vizier Antefoker's wife Senet.
190
Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, p. 261, § 510a-510d. For discussion of the use of the
perfective participle (it) to refer to a habitual action of the king in this passage, see Allen, The Inflection of
the Verb in the Pyramid Texts, p. 445, § 639. For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 317, cf Allen,
The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, p. 60, Spell W222. For a similar description of the king appearing as
Sobek, cf. also Coffin Texts Spells 268 and 285.

107
whenever I desire and according to my wish."

This passage describes the sexual potency of Sobek in terms of its rejuvenating effect

upon the deceased king during his period of regeneration in the underworld. In the

opening scene of the Litany of Re, a serpent and a crocodile act as protectors of the solar

deity in the dangerous realm of the underworld.191 In a Sed Festival relief of Ptolemy II

from Medamud, two men carry crocodile statues before the enthroned king (Fig. 155);

the incorporation of the crocodile imagery in this scene probably similarly emphasizes

the protection and rejuvenation of the king at the Sed Festival.192 The hm-ntr priest of a

crocodile god, who appears in the several scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre

at Abu Gurob, probably protects the king and assists in his rejuvenation (Fig. 156).

SCENE 5: PROCESSION OF THE ROYAL COUPLE FROM THE PALACE 1 9 4

In a scene to the left of Text 1 in the top register of the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's

first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, Amenhotep III and Tiye depart from the palace

of the House of Rejoicing at Malqata and begin to walk in a lengthy procession (Fig.

For the authoritative interpretation of the serpent and snake in the opening scene of the Litany of Re as
"emissaries" of the solar deity, see Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian
Unitypp. 273-274, with references.
192
For the offering of crocodile statues to the king at the Sed Festival of Ptolemy II at Medamud, see
Sambin and Carlotti, BIFAO 95 (1995): 451, fig. 23; Rummel, SAK 34 (2006): 384, fig. 1.5.
193
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, pis. 4-5, nos. 1 lb, 12a, 12c;
Vol. 3, pi. 15, no. 252. For discussion of this priest's title, see Von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu
den Reliefs aus dent Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, p. 55.
194
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 42 and 44, pp. 49-51. For discussion of this scene, see
Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 570-571, fig. 304; Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 84, 90-
91; Kemp and O'Connor, Inter-national J'our-nal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3
(1974): 132-133; Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 26; Gundlach, in Holtus, ed., Theaterwesen und
dramatische Literatur, pp. 66-67, fig. 18; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 216;
Gundlach, in Holtus, ed., Theaterwesen und dramatische Literatur, p. 66; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval
Nature of Egyptian Kingship, p. 272; Preys, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International
Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 911-919, fig. 2; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 58-
59, fig. 8.

108
157). The procession's ultimate destination is most likely the Birket Habu—i.e., the

artificial harbor where the towing of the solar barque takes place in Scene 6. Ten royal

officials, who are organized into two rows of five, lead the procession and carry the

standards of "the gods who are at the Sed Festival, who are in the retinue of his majesty."

Amenhotep III wears a broad collar, the short Sed Festival robe, the white crown, and a

fillet adorned by a falcon and a uraeus; like in Scene 1 and Scene 6, the tail feathers of

the solar falcon sprout forth from the king's robe and indicate the divinization of the king

in Scene 5.195 The goddess Hathor does not appear alongside the king in Scene 5;

however, in this scene Tiye wears the so-called Hathoric uraeus that the goddess Hathor

previously wore in Scene 1. Thus, in Scene 5 Tiye most likely appears as a human

manifestation of the goddess Hathor.196

Amenhotep III:

ntr nfr nb ti.wy Nb-M3r.t-Rc


s3 Rc mr=f'Imn-htp hkS-Wls.t
di cnh d.t
r
h .t m [km3ty] in nsw.t

Junior god, lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre,


Son of Re, his beloved, Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes,
given life forever.
Appearance in [the Sed Festival robe]197 by the king.

Wadjet:

WMy.t. di=s rnh dd wis

Wadjet, as she gives life, stability, and dominion.

Tiye:
195
For detailed discussion of this outfit's association with the solar falcon, see Section 1.1.2.
196
For a similar interpretation of the divinity of Tiye in this scene, see Preys, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of
the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 911-919.
197
For kmity as a designation of the royal Sed Festival robe, see Wb. 5, 38.11.

109
iry(.t)-pc.t wr.t hsw.t
hnw.t Srrf.w Mhw hm.t-nsw.t wr.t mr.t-f
Tiy cnh.ti
hF.tm [...] d.t sp2

Noblewoman, great of praise,


Mistress of Upper and Lower Egypt, chief wife of the king, whom he loves,
Tiye, may she live.
Appearance in [...] forever and ever.

Protection of King:

[...] h?=fnb mi Rr rc-nb


[...] all surround him like Re every day.

Palace:
r
h=f n pr hcy

His palace of the House of Rejoicing.

Divine Standards:198

Wp-wlw.t [....] nb [...] nb [...] nb [...] d.t


Wp-wlw.t Mhw
Nhn n nsw.t
Dhwty
Hr
ntr.w imy.w hb-sd wnny.w m Sms.w hm-f

Wepwawet, [...] all [...] all [...] all [...] forever;


Wepwawet of Lower Egypt;
Nekhen of the king;199
Thoth;
Horus.
The gods who are at the Sed Festival, who are in the retinue of his majesty.

Officials/Standard-Bearers:

hm-ntr

The same group of standards appears at the front of the solar barque in Section 2.1.1, Scene 6.
199
For the now outdated interpretation of this standard as the placenta of the king, see with caution
Seligman and Murray, Man 11 (1911): 165-171. For a much more sensible interpretation of this standard
as the royal throne cushion, see Morenz, Bild-Buchstaben und symbolische Zeichen, pp. 34-39, with
references.

110
hm-ntr
hm-ntr
hm-ntr
hry-hb hry-tp

Priest;
Priest;
Priest;
Priest;
Chief Lector Priest.

hm-ntr
hm-ntr
hry-nws
[...]

Priest;
Priest;
Insignia-bearer;
[-];

The king's departure through the gates of the House of Rejoicing at Malqata

symbolically mirrors the solar deity's exit through the gates of the underworld in the

eastern horizon of the sky after his nocturnal journey. Upon departing the underworld,

the solar deity is reborn as the solar disk in the morning. Through his ceremonial

costume, Amenhotep III identifies himself with the solar falcon and indicates that he too

shares in solar rebirth during the rites of his first Sed Festival. In the Sed Festival reliefs

of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob, the king's departure from his Sed Festival

palace prefaces the performance of the Konigslauf (Fig. 27) and the royal palanquin

procession (Figs. 80-81).200 Numerous scenes from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first

Sed Festival in the Temple of Soleb depict the king and queen arriving at the entrance to

For discussion of the Konigslauf sequence from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre (von Bissing and
Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 33b, 34), see Section 2.2.3, Scene 8; Section
4.3.3. For discussion of Niuserre's departure from the Sed Festival palace prior to the royal palanquin
procession (von Bissing and Kees, op. cit, Vol. 2, nos. 39-43), see Section 2.2.3, Scene 11; Section 1.1.2.

Ill
the palace in order to rest (htp) after performing various rituals (Fig. 158).201 These

scenes from the Temple of Soleb probably allude to the solar deities's entrance into the

underworld through the western horizon of the sky at sunset, which the Egyptians

interpreted as a sexual union between the solar deity and the sky goddess.202 Amenhotep

Ill's departure from the palace in Scene 5 of the reliefs of his first Sed Festival in the

tomb of Kheruef represents the end result of the process of renewal that begins at

sunset—i.e., the rebirth of the solar disk in the eastern horizon at sunrise.

SCENE 6: TOWING OF THE SOLAR BARQUE 2 0 3

At the far left of the top register of the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, Tiye and Amenhotep III stand inside a kiosk on the deck

of the divine night barque of the solar deity (Fig. 159). Four royal officials, including

Kheruef, accompany the royal couple on board the night barque. On shore a large crew

of officials takes up a long prowrope and tows the barque along the waters of a

ceremonial harbor.

zul
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 94-95, 99-101, 105-106, 110-111, 115-116,120-121,126-127, 129, 131-
132.
202
The name of Amenhotep Ill's palace, "House of Rejoicing," alludes to the sexual union of the solar
deity and the western horizon at sunset; for discussion of sexual symbolism of the term House of Rejoicing,
see Section 2.1.0, footnote 11.
203
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 44-46, pp. 52-54. For discussion of this scene, see Wente, in
Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 84, 90-91; Kemp and O'Connor, International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 3 (1974): 132-133; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a
Civilization, 1st ed., pp. 215-216; Gundlach, in Holtus, ed., Theaterwesen und dramatische Literatur, pp.
69, 71, fig. 21; Roberts, Hathor Rising, p. 26; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian
Kingship, pp. 272-274; Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign,
pp. 86-87; Johnson, JEA 82 (1996): 67; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 6; Cabrol,
Amenhotep III: Le magnifique, pp. 195, 199, fig. 50; Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex, Vol. 1, p. 98;
Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos Staat, p. 232; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 58, 93; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun'sArmies, pp. 22-23; Karlshausen, L'iconographie
de la barque processionelle divine en Egypte au Nouvel Empire, p. 114. For the suggestion that the images
of the king and queen in the barque in Scene 6 are actually statues, see Gundlach, in Holtus, ed., loc. cit;
Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., loc. cit.; Kemp, loc. cit.

112
The Towers of the Night Barque:

smr.w nw stp-s? rnh(.w) wdS(.w) snb(.w) sr.w wr.w nw ... \T)mn


st?=s[ri] nsw.t [m m]sk[t.t] ...
hn-n[=f\ ...

As for the companions of the palace, l.p.h., the officials, chiefs of... [A]mun,
th[ey] tow the king [in the n]ig[ht barque]...,
after [he] has alighted ...

imy-ri wrr.wt mh.t.t

wr.w

Overseer of the northern administrative divisions,

Great ones,

Officials in the Night Barque:

hrp ch sS-nsw.t imy-rt pr n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t mr.t-fTiy Hry.w=f [mSc hrw]


[iry-pr.t h^.ty-c] smr wr.ty
[tl-ty] s?b rty.ty
hry-hb hry-tp

Controller of the palace, royal scribe, and steward of the chief wife of the king,
whom he loves, Tiye, Kheruef, [justified];
[Nobleman, count], sole companion;
[Vizier], he of the curtain, dignitary;
Chief lector priest.

Divine Standards in the Night Barque:

Wp-w3w.t Mhw
[Wp-w?w.t]
Nhn n nsw.t
Hr
Dhwty

Wepwawet of Lower Egypt,


[Wepwawet],
Nekhen of the king,
Horus,
Thoth.

Amenhotep III and Tiye in the Night Barque:

113
... Nb-M?.t-Rc
... 7[mn]-htphk3W3s.t
[htp ms]kt.t in nsw.t

... Nebmaatre,
... A[men]hotep, Ruler of Thebes,
[Occupying the ni]ght barque by the king.

Hieroglyphic Text of Year 30:

hsb.t 30 ?bd 3 Smw [sw] ...


[h]r [hm n Hr] ki nht If [m] mir.t di cnh
Nb.ty smn hp.w sgrh ti.wy
[Hr nbw] rS hpS hwy St.ty.w
nsw.t-bl.ty nb ti.wy Nb-M3r.t-Rr
s3 Rr lmn\-htp hkl Wls.t]
... nht si 'Imn
r htp tnti.t n.t ms sw m hb-sd
ir(.i).n=fhr imn.t n(.t) niw.t
$sp tp-wi.t in [hm=fr tr] n hcpy rS
r hn.t ntr.w hb-sd
... mry Imn
hn Py.w... [m m]skt.t nfnd.t...

Year 30, third month of Shomu, day ...,


[un]der [the majesty of Horus], victorious bull, who appears [in] truth, given life;
Two ladies, who establishes laws, who pacifies the two lands,
[Golden Horus], strong of forearm, who smites the Asiatics,
King of Upper & Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre,
Son of Re, Amen[hotep, Ruler of Thebes];204
... victorious, Son of Re,
to occupy the tnti. t-dais of the one who created him at the Sed Festival,
which he constructed on the west bank of Thebes.205
Making of the journey by [his majesty at the time] of high Nile,
to transport the gods of the Sed Festival by rowing,
... beloved of Amun.
The rowing of those of Pe .... [in the ni]ght barque and the day barque ...

Amenhotep Ill's titulary in this scene is comprised primarily of typical formulaic epithets; for discussion
of the individual epithets and their connection to royal ideology, see Schade-Busch, Zur Konigsideologie
Amenophis'III., especially pp. 10-30.
205
Without the emendation of the text to ir(.t).n-f, the meaning of this line is uncertain. The expression
"Sed Festival that he performed" {hb-sd ir.n=f) is grammatically possible; however, this expression does
not make sense temporally since it suggests that the Sed Festival had already been completed by the time
Amenhotep III occupied the tntl.t-dais. The proposed interpretation of this line ("tnrt.t-dais ... that he
constructed") solves this temporal problem.

114
hd tl <n>
StS st
rdi.t wdl=sn r rhr.w-sn
ir.t n-sn wp.t-r?
rdi.t mSr ... iwi.w wnm.w hr m ...
... nb nsw.t tS.wy ntr.w
nb.w hb.w-sd r£>.w wr.t
di rnh mi Rr d.t

That the day is about to dawn is <for>:206


towing them;
causing that they proceed to their stations;
the performance of the Opening of the Mouth for them;
causing the sacrifice of... oxen and small cattle, a thousand of...
... [for whom Amon-Re,] lord of the thrones of the two lands,
and all the gods [decreed] very many Sed Festivals,
given life like Re forever.

The primary theme of the nautical procession in Scene 6 is the rejuvenation of the

divinized king, who is transformed into the solar deity through the rites of the Sed

Festival.207 Like in Scenes 1 and 5, Amenhotep III wears a short Sed Festival robe with a

feather-shaped adornment as an indicator of his transformation into the solar falcon.208

The goddess Hathor does not appear in Scene 6; however, Tiye appears alongside the

king as the embodiment of the human and divine aspects of Egyptian queenship.209 The

rejuvenation of the king in Scene 6 is linked primarily to the rebirth of the solar deity

after the god's nocturnal journey through the underworld; additionally the king's

206
For a discussion of the proper grammatical use of the expression hd ti in Egyptian, see Gilula, in Studies
in Honor of George R. Hughes, pp. 75-82. While several different grammatical interpretations are possible
here, n has been restored to create an emphasized prepositional phrase with the following four infinitives.
207
For a similar interpretation, see especially Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 90-91;
Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 272-274; Johnson, in O'Connor and
Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 86-88; Johnson, JEA 82 (1996): 67; Hornung
and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 58, 93; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 22-
23.
208
For a discussion of the king's costume in this scene as evidence of his divine transformation into the
solar falcon, see Section 1.1.2.
209
For a similar interpretation of divine and human attributes of Tiye in this scene, see primarily Preys, in
Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 911-919.

115
rejuvenation results from the hieros gamos and from the performance of the Opening of

the Mouth ceremony.

Already transformed into the solar deity, as his costume in Scene 6 indicates,

Amenhotep III stands with Tiye in the solar night barque as a large crew of royal officials

tows the barque through the waters of a ceremonial harbor at Thebes.210 Though Scene 6

depicts only the night barque, the text accompanying the scene indicates that both the

night barque (mskt.t) and the day barque {nfnd.i) of the solar deity were used during the

nautical procession at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival. The use of the day barque and

the night barque at the Sed Festival clearly links the nautical procession to the perpetuum

mobile of the solar deity's cyclical journey through the underworld at night and through

the sky during the day.211 In all likelihood, Amenhotep III attempted to mirror the solar

deity's east-to-west daily journey and west-to-east nightly journey by traveling back and

forth between the artificial harbors he constructed on the west bank and the east bank of

the Nile at Thebes (the Birket Habu and the Eastern Birket).212 The text accompanying

Scene 6 specifies that the ritual boat procession took place at daybreak—i.e., the time

when the sun rises in the eastern horizon after the completion of the solar deity's

The network of waterways that Amenhotep III constructed for the rituals of his Sed Festivals included
artificial harbors on both banks of the Nile—the Birket Habu on the west bank and the Eastern Birket on
the east bank. For discussion of Amenhotep Ill's contraction of a large ritual waterway at Thebes, see
Section 2.1.0; Section 7.5.
211
For similar intepretation of the significance of the night barque and day barque used during the boat
procession of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st
ed., pp. 215-216; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 272-274; Darnell and
Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 22-23. For further discussion of the boat procession's connection to
the solar cycle at the first Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, see Section 2.1.0; Section 2.1.1, Text 1; Section
7.4.2; Section 7.4.3. For Egyptian religious beliefs concerning solar deity's journey through the
underworld at night, as expressed in the underworld books, see primarily Hornung, Die Nachtfahrt der
Sonne.
212
For the route of Amenhotep Ill's boat procession including stops in the Birket Habu and the Eastern
Habu, see Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 22-23.

116
nocturnal journey through the underworld. According to the religious beliefs of the

ancient Egyptians, the deceased could hope to gain renewed life by associating himself

with the solar deity during the god's nocturnal journey; however, during the celebration

of his first Sed Festival, Amenhotep III gained the special ability to rejuvenate himself

while still alive through his ritual journey on the solar night barque.

Several elements of the decoration of the night barque in Scene 6 support the

interpretation of the scene as a representation of the symbolic rebirth of Amenhotep III as

the solar deity at daybreak. The prow of the night barque in Scene 6 is adorned with the

solar mat, a decorative element of the solar barque that is made from woven marsh plants

(Phragmites communis) or beaded cloth that mimics these plants; the colors of the plant's

red stems and green leaves probably symbolize the illuminating and regenerative aspects

of the journey of the solar deity.214 The depictions of the solar barque in the various

hours of the Book of the Day and the Book of the Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI

suggest that the solar mat is especially linked to the nocturnal journey of solar deity and

to the periods of transition between the day and the night—i.e., sunrise and sunset.215

As Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 22-23, point out, the appearance of the living king
on the solar day barque is not unusual; however, a ritual procession on the night barque is quite unusual for
the living king. Thus, according to Darnell and Manassa, op. cit, p. 23, the ritual boat procession of
Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival reflects a startling new contribution to Egyptian royal ideology: "The
rituals enacted at Malqata ensured that Amenhotep III was not simply rejuvenated like previous rulers who
celebrated jubilees, but that he also underwent the transformation and physical journey that no ruler should
actually experience until after death."
214
For discussion of the solar mat adorning the prow of the solar barque, see primarily Thomas, JEA 45
(1959): 38-51; Goebs, GM165 (1998): 57-71, with references. Patch, JARCE 32 (1995): 93-116, suggests
that the royal beaded apron that is sometimes adorned by a swallow-shaped amulet (sii.t) derives from the
solar mat and symbolizes solar rebirth; for further discussion of this royal beaded apron, cf. also Grimm,
ZAS 166 (1989): 138-142; Grimm, GM 115 (1990): 33-45; Hellinckx, JEA 83 (1997): 109-125. For
discussion of the ancient Egyptian religious understanding of the connection between the growth of plants
and the light of solar rays, see Wiebach-Koepke, in Waitkus, ed., Diener des Horus, pp. 283-306; Wiebach-
Koepke, SAK 38 (2009): 355-378; Wiebach-Koepke, in Maravelia, ed., En quite de la lumiere, pp. 51-70.
215
For a similar conclusion regarding the solar mat in the depiction of the Book of the Day and the Book of
the Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI, see Goebs, GM 165 (1998): 57-71. For the Book of the Day and the

117
The three 8w-feathers that appear at the feet of the officials on the barque just to the left

of the solar mat in Scene 6 of the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival probably

symbolize the radiant qualities of the solar barque in the waning moments of the night

just before sunrise; in the Book of the Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI, j?w-feathers

appear on the solar mat only in the twelfth hour of the night.216 The child who appears

among the budding marsh plants above the solar mat of the night barque in Scene 6 is the

solar child—i.e., the reborn, rejuvenated form of the solar deity who appears in the

eastern horizon at sunrise.217 Thus, the depiction of the solar mat, the solar child, and the

Sw-feathers at the prow of the night barque in Scene 6 suggests that this scene represents

the concluding moments of the nocturnal journey of the solar deity when the rejuvenated

solar deity prepares to exit the night barque and board the day barque. If Amenhotep

Ill's boat procession began and ended on the west bank of the Nile at Malqata, where his

Sed Festival palace was located, then the king would have boarded the night barque in the

Book of the Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI, see Piankoff, Le Livre dujour et de la nuit; Piankoff, The
Tomb of Ramesses VI, Vol. 1, pis. 149-159,186-196. In the depiction of the Book of the Day in the tomb
of Ramesses VI, the solar mat is present on the prow of the solar day barque in the first, second, eleventh,
and twelfth hours of the day; in the depiction of the Book of the Night in the same tomb, the solar mat is
present on the prow of the solar night barque in every hour of the night except the first. For further
discussion of the Book of the Day and the Book of the Night, cf. also Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian
Books of the Afterlife, pp. 116-135, 178-179, with annotated bibliography. For a new textual edition of the
various versions of the Book of the Night with translation and commentary, see Roulin, Le Livre de la Nuit,
Vols. 1-2. For a new textual edition of the various versions of the Book of the Day, see MUller-Roth, Das
Buck vom Tage.
216
For discussion of the four ^-feathers that appear on the solar mat in the twelfth hour of the Book of the
Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI, see Goebs, GM165 (1998): 64.
217
For the identification of the young child, who appears above the solar mat on the prow of the night
barque in the Book of the Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI, as the solar child, see Goebs, GM 165 (1998):
60, 62-63, 65. For further discussion of the solar child who appears amongst marsh plants on the solar
barque, see Feucht, SAK11 (1984): 401-419, especially 411.
218
In depictions of the solar deity's transfer from the night barque to the day barque at sunrise, the two
barques face each other prow to prow; the prows of both barques are typically adorned with the solar mat.
For discussion of scenes depicting the solar deity's transfer from one barque to another, see Thomas, JEA
42 (1956): 65-79, with references.

118
Birket Habu in the final hours of the night, traveled across the Nile to the east bank,

boarded the day barque in the Eastern Habu at sunrise, and traveled back across the Nile

to Malqata as the resplendent, reborn solar child. Thus, Scene 6 depicts the king shortly

before his transfer to the day barque and his solar rebirth.

The text of Scene 6 indicates that Amenhotep III occupied the tnrt.t-dais in the

third month of Shomu during regnal year 30; however, the royal boat procession is said to

have taken place during the time of the "high Nile" (hrpy r3)—presumably around the

beginning of the New Year when the inundation of the Nile Valley occurred.219 From a

practical perspective, the flooding of the Nile would have made travel on the Nile easier

and provided Amenhotep III with good access to the Birket Habu and the Eastern Birket

during the nautical procession of his first Sed Festival.220 The performance of this ritual

barque procession during the period of inundation also links the ritual to the myth of the

wandering goddess of the eye of the sun, whose return to Egypt marks the beginning of

the inundation, the New Year, and a period of celebration.221 When properly channeled,

For discussion of the date(s) of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Text 1. According
to Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum SedFest, p. 39: "Aus mehreren Bezeugungen aber wird
deutlich, dass man mit einem Sedfest eine besonders hohe Niluberschwemmung verbunden hat—ob nur als
Idealvorstellung oder auch in der (nachgebesserten) Realitat, bleibe dahingestellt."
220
For discussion of the relative ease of navigation on the Nile during the inundation season, see Bonneau,
La crue du Nil, pp. 96-101; Darnell, in Johnson, ed., Life in a Multi-Cultural Society, pp. 70-71, with
references. Kemp and O'Connor, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater
Exploration 3 (1974): 109, note that a canal, marked by mounds of sand on either side, extends from the
eastern side of the Birket Habu towards the Nile, but does not reach all the way to the Nile. Kemp and
O'Connor, loc. cit., suggest that it is "probable that the canal was actually quite long but that its spoil
heaps, considerably smaller than those produced by the harbour itself, were destroyed by centuries of
cultivation following the abandonment and silting up of the canal." However, based on their
reconstructions, Kemp and O'Connor, op. cit., p. 128, ultimately conclude that "it would not appear likely
that the Birket Habu was usable for ships during low Nile." Thus, the Birket Habu may have been used
primarily for rituals that occurred during the inundation; during this period, floodwaters would have
extended far enough west to fill the Birket Habu and its associated network of canals with water.
221
The Egyptians celebrated the return of the wandering goddess, the beginning of the inundation period,
and the New Year with festivals, e.g., the Festival of Drunkenness on day 20 of the first month of Akhet;
for discussion of the return of the goddess and associated festivals, see, e.g., Verhoeven and Derchain, Le

119
the power of Sakhmet, the violent leonine form of the wandering goddess, had a great

creative potential and could assist the king during the ritual renewal of royal power at the

Sed Festival.222 After the return of the pacified wandering goddess to Egypt, a hieros

gamos took place between Hathor and the solar creator god.223 Having transformed into

the solar falcon during the rites of his first Sed Festival, Amenhotep III takes the place of

the solar deity during the hieros gamos; as the embodiment of divine queenship, Tiye

plays the role of Hathor during this sexual union.224 Through the hieros gamos, the

creative powers of the solar deity are transferred to the king, who is then able to

rejuvenate himself. The inundation waters that the wandering goddess brings with her to

Egypt mirror the chaotic state of the cosmos before the original creation act; the hieros

gamos inspires the creator god to create, and, as a result, new life springs forth from the
225

nwft-waters.

Like the solar barque procession and the hieros gamos, the performance of the

Opening of the Mouth ceremony also serves as a ritual method of rejuvenation in Scene

6. The text describing the performance of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony in Scene

voyage de la deesse libyque; Kessler, SAK 15 (1988): 171-196; Spalinger, SAK20 (1993): 289-303;
Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 47-94; Darnell, SAK 24 (1997): 35-48; Inconnu-Bocquillon, Le mythe de la Deesse
Lointaine a Philae. For a recent discussion of the cult of the Nile and the inundation, see Prell, SAK 38
(2009): 211-257.
222
For the potentially beneficial aspects of the angry form of the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun,
see Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 57-61, 84-87.
223
For discussion of the hieros gamos that occurred upon the return of the wandering goddess to Egypt, see
Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 57-61, 88-91.
224
For a similar interpretation of the sexual union of the king and queen in Scene 6, see Wente, in Studies
in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 83-91, especially 90-91; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of
Egyptian Kingship, pp. 272-27'4.
225
Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, pp. 22-23, similarly compare Amenhotep Ill's boat
procession in the solar night barque to the solar deity's nightly travel through "primordial waters, out of
which creation originally arose," in the fifth hour of the Book of Amduat.

120
6 is—to a certain extent—ambiguous with regard to the identity of the recipients of the

ceremony's rejuvating effects: ir.t n-sn wp.t-ri, "the performance of the Opening of the

Mouth for them." The pronoun "them" probably refers to the divine standards at the

front of the solar barque in Scene 6—i.e., the "gods of the Sed Festival." In a relief from

the Chateau de l'Or at Karnak that probably depicts a scene from the celebration of the

Sed Festival (Fig. 160), Tuthmosis III performs the Opening of the Mouth ceremony for a

divine statue of Amun that is resting within a shrine on the deck of a ceremonial

barque.226 However, the pronoun "them" in the description of the Opening of the Mouth

ceremony in Scene 6 could also possibly refer to the royal couple standing upon the deck

of the solar barque. In Pyramid Texts Spell 407, the Opening of the Mouth ceremony is

performed for the deceased king when he appears as a seated occupant of the "barque of

Re" during a ritual nautical procession through the netherworld.227

In funerary contexts the rites of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony symbolically

brought renewed life to the mummy of the deceased; however, the rites of the Opening of

the Mouth ceremony also effected a similar result when performed upon divine statuary

in Egyptian cultic practice.228 The ritual slaughter of cattle, which also occurs in Scene 6,

is a well-known ritual component of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony.229 During the

226
For this scene from the Chateau de l'Or at Karnak, see Traunecker, CR1PEL 11 (1989): 96-99, 106-107,
figs. 4-5. For detailed discussion of the scene's connection to the Sed Festival, see Section 7.4.1.
227
For Pyramid Texts Spell 407, see Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, pp. 387-391, § 710-
713). For a full translation of this spell, see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, p. 93, Spell T284.
For detailed discussion of the symbolism of the nautical imagery in this spell, see Section 7.4.3.

For discussion of the overall purpose and symbolism of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony, see Otto,
Das Agyptische Mundoffnungsritual; Roth, JEA 78 (1992): 113-147; Roth, JEA 79 (1993): 57-79; Fischer-
Elfert, Die Vision von der Statue im Stein; Roth, in Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient
Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 605-609.
229
For the ritual slaughter of oxen in Scenes 23-25 and Scenes 43-45 of the Opening of the Mouth
ceremony, see Otto, Das Agyptische Mundoffnungsritual, Vol. 1, pp. 43-55, 96-104; Vol. 2, pp. 73-80, 102-

121
ritual slaughtering of the bull at the Opening of the Mouth ceremony, the presentation of

the foreleg and heart of a bull to the deceased symbolize the destruction of enemies and

the providing of sustenance—both of which were necessary for the renewal of the

deceased individual or the divine statue. The combination of the solar boat procession,

the hieros gamos, and the Opening of the Mouth ceremony during the first Sed Festival

of Amenhotep III brings together several distinct rituals that effect the same result—the

rejuvenation of the king and the "gods of the Sed Festival."

SCENE 7: MUSICAL PERFORMANCE OF THE ROYAL DAUGHTERS 230

Above the officials who tow the night barque in Scene 6, a group of royal women

stands on shore and greets the royal couple on the night barque by shaking various

Hathoric implements (Fig. 161). Unfortunately, the depictions of the royal women and

the accompanying texts that identify them are considerably damaged in this scene. At

least two of the women bear the title s3.t-nsw.t, "royal daughter"; another woman, who is

identified as sn.t-f, "his sister," may possibly be a "royal sister." The royal women in

106; Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 164-177; TeVelde, Seth: God of Confusion, pp. 87-89; Gordon and Schwabe, in
Eyre, ed., Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 461-469; Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, pp. 53-
54. For detailed discussion of the butchery episodes of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony, see Section
2.1.2, Scene 2; Section 5.3.
230
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pis. 44-45, pp. 51-53. For discussion of this scene, see Wente, in
Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 84-85; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 89-90; Green, Queens and
Princesses of the Amarna Period, pp. 432-433; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian
Kingship, pp. 272-273; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth International
Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp. 1959-1965, especially pp. 1962-1965; Cabrol, Amenhotep III: he
magnifique, pp. 148-149; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos Staat, pp. 232-233.
231
For general discussion of the daughters of Amenhotep III and Tiye, see, e.g., Cabrol, Amenhotep III: Le
magnifique, pp. 141-162. On the title sl.t-nsw.t see Schmitz, Untersuchungen zum Titel sl-njswt; Schmitz,
in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 659-661; Helck, CdE 44 (1944): 22-26; Robins, GM52 (1981): 75-81; Troy, Patterns of
Queenship, pp. 104-114; Robins, Wepwawet 3 (1987): 15-17; Baud, Famille royale etpouvoir, pp. 162-
170, 185-189, 345-350; Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom, pp. 47-48; Dodson and Hilton,
Complete Royal Families of Ancient Egypt, pp. 34-35. On the title sn.t-nsw.t see Schmitz, in LA, Vol. 3,
col. 659; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 106; Dodson and Hilton, Complete Royal Families of Ancient
Egypt, p. 35.

122
this scene wear long, diaphanous robes and floral crowns with platform bases;232 they

carry three types of musical implements—sistra, mn/i-necklaces, and gazelle-headed

wands.

Hymn of the Royal Daughters at the Solar Barque Procession:233

s\tl ms.w]-nsw.t [r hS.t] ... [n.t] hn.t

Bringing forward of the] royal [daughters at the front] ... [of] the nautical procession.

[$sp]=k [h?.U] n=t


mskt.t wSr.t rrfnd.t
hn.n-k ntr.w hb-sd
... d.t[=k] [hr] wl.t

\jjf\.w [R*] mn(.w) m tp=k


nhh d.t n hr=k

... you...,
with the result that you [take up the prowrope] of the night barque
and the towrope of the day barque,
after you have transported the gods of the Sed Festival by rowing,
... [your] self [upon] the path.
...you...,
[the diadem] s [of Re] being fixed upon your head,
as eternity and infinite time are before you.

Four Pairs of Royal Daughters .235

232
For discussion of floral crowns worn by royal women of the New Kingdom, see Schafer, Die
altagyptischen prunkgefasse, pp. 12-13,27; Appelt, MDAIK 1 (1930):153-157; Keimer, MDAIK2 (1931):
137-138; Kantor, Plant Ornamentation in the Ancient Near East, pp. 147-148, 159; Wilkinson, Ancient
Egyptian Jewellery, pp. 116-117, 152-154; Troy, Patterns of Queenship, pp. 121-122. Troy, loc. cit,
suggests that the plants adorning these crowns are swamp-plants; she connects this type of crown to Wadjet
and the myth of Horus's birth in the Lower Egyptian Delta. If the plants on the crown are papyri, as
Kantor, loc. cit, has suggested, they may also be related to the ritual of sSS-wid n Hw.t-Hr ("shaking the
papyri for Hathor") and the hieros gamos. Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 57, points out that floral crowns are
associated with nocturnal ritual activity.
233
Very little of the original hieroglyphic text is preserved in the following sections; the transliteration and
translation of the texts are based primarily on the reconstruction of the text by Wente, in Epigraphic
Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pp. 51-53.
234
The restoration of this line in Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 51, poses grammatical
problems, since the dative n=t should go before the direct object; nonetheless, at the present time, Wente's
restoration provides the best reading for this difficult line.

123
sS.t-nsw.t mr.t-f
sl.t-nsw.t mr.t-f

The royal daughter, whom he loves;


The royal daughter, whom he loves.

[ms.w]-nsw.t... [nsw.t] [ir.w] m [sSS.t m dr.t-sn]


m-r [Snfy.t n.t 'Im\n ... nb
...Hr ...

The royal [daughters] ... [the king, playing] with [the sistrum in their hands]
together with [the chantresses of Amu]n ... every ...
... Horus ...

Musical Performance for the King at the Sed Festival:

[wr.t hnr n 7mn-Rr Snfy.t ] ...


[...]=sn ntr-nfr m hb.t hb-sd hm[-f\
h[n] n Srrf dd=sn
iky ... nb.whb-sd
di hn ...
[s]hd ... [nsw].t-[bi.ty] nb tl.wyNb-Mlr.t-Rrdi r
nh
htp-fm w[ii] ...
... [...t] nb [r-dr] ... nb [hm...]
... [s3] Ih.t... mi [R?] d.t sp-2

Great one [of the dance troupe of Amun-Re and the chantresses of] ...,
as they ... the junior god in the rituals of the Sed Festival of [his] majesty.
The musical [performance] of incantation which they sing:
Sistrum-playing ... all the ... of the Sed Festival;
setting the rhythm236 ...;
[illu]minating ... King of [U&LE], lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre, given life,
as he occupies the bfarque]...
... lord of all... every ...
... [protection?] the horizon ... like [Re] forever and ever.

Four Pairs of Royal Women:237

The designation si.t-nsw.t, "royal daughter," which appears above the third and fourth pairs of women,
probably also applies to the first and second pair of women.
236
On the musical expression wdi hn, later dhn, see Bryan, BES 4 (1982): 48.
237
The text above the third and fourth pair of royal women is heavily damaged and unreadable.

124
... [Rwiw]
sn.t=f mr.t=f[$tncy.t] n(.i) Imn Hnw.t-nfr.t

... [Ruiu]rJ*
His sister, whom he loves, [the chantress] of Amun, Henutnofret;

Smcy.t [n.t] Jmn


[ir=s]n Irr.w n(w) ...
[...=s]n ... rl[mri\ ...

The chantresses [of] Amun


[as th]ey [perform] the ceremonies of...
[as th]ey ... unto A[mun]...

The fragmentary hymn sung by the royal daughters in the presence of Amenhotep

III and Tiye at the procession of the solar barque addresses the king as a manifestation of

the solar deity: "[the diadem]s [of Re] are fixed upon your head, as eternity and infinite

time are before you." These "diadems of Re" are the uraeus-serpents adorning the divine

king's crown; as an incarnation of the solar eye goddess, the uraeus-serpent is the
l
daughter of the solar deity and a representation of his fiery power. The sistra, mni.t-

Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 53, note V, tentatively restores Rwiw, the name of
Kheruef s mother, who appears in pis. 72-73.
239
Since the name Henutnofret is not attested as a sister or wife of Amenhotep III, Wente, in Epigraphic
Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, p. 53, note W, suggests that she is the sister or possibly the wife ofKheruef. For
discussion of the sisters and wives of Amenhotep III, see Cabrol, Amenhotep III: Le magnifique, pp. 71-73,
89-137.
240
For discussion of the uraeus as a manifestation of the solar eye goddess, the daughter of the solar deity,
see Allam, Beitrdge zum Hathorkult, pp. 109-112; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 23-25; Borghouts,
Magical Texts of Papyrus Leiden 1348, p. 183; Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 47-94; Darnell, SAK24 (1997):
35-48.
241
For discussion of the ritual function of shm-sistra and s.Wi-sistra, see Davies, JEA 6 (1920): 69-72;
Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 384-386; Daumas, RdE 22 (1970): 72-73; Ziegler, in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 959-
963; Tutundjian de Vartavan, Wepwawetl (1986): 26-30; Manniche, Music and Musicians in Ancient
Egypt, pp. 62-65; Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor, pp. 135-159; Capel and Markoe, Mistress of the
House, Mistress of Heaven, pp. 99, 123-124; Reynders, in Clarysse, etal., eds., Egyptian Religion: The Last
Thousand Years, pp. 1013-1026; Preys, GM188 (2002): 95-102; Fekri, ASAE 79 (2005): 103-106; Ayad,

125
necklaces,242 and gazelle-headed wands,243 which the royal daughters carry in Scene 7,

are musical instruments typically used in cultic settings to placate the goddess Hathor.

The shaking of the sistra and mn/.f-necklaces mimics the sound of rustling papyri and

alludes to a ritual known as sSS-wld n Hw.t-Hr ("shaking of the papyri for Hathor"); the

God's Wife, God's Servant, pp. 35-51. The rattling of the sistrum, which was similar to the sound of
papyrus rustling in the wind, was connected to the ritual of "shaking the papyri for Hathor" (sSS-wid n
Hw.t-Hr) and the hieros gamos; for discussion of the sound created by the shaking of the sistrum, see
especially Ziegler, in LA, Vol. 5, cols. col. 960; Pinch, op. cit., p. 156; Reynders, in Clarysse, etal., eds., p.
1020; Fekri, loc. cit.. For further discussion of the ritual significance of the sistrum, see Section 2.1.2,
Scene 4a; Section 3.2.2.
242
For discussion of the ritual function of mm'.Miecklaces, see Jequier, Frises d'Objets, pp. 73-77; Barguet,
BIFAO 52 (1953): 103-111; Hickmann, Kemi 13 (1954): 99-102; Vandier, Manuel,Vol 4, p. 386; Leclant,
in Melanges Mariette, pp. 251-284; Daumas, RdE 22 (1970): 69-70; Staehelin, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 52-53;
Manniche, Music and Musicians in Ancient Egypt, pp. 63-65; Gosline, Discussions in Egyptology 30
(1994): 37-46; Capel and Markoe, Mistress or the House, Mistress of Heaven, pp. 99-101; Cannuyer, GM
(1997): 11-14; Preys, GM 188 (2002): 95-102; Fekri, ASAE 79 (2005): 99-106; Manniche, BACE 17
(2006): 100-103; Preys, SAK 34 (2006): 357-365; Ayad, God's Wife, God's Servant, pp. 47-49. The
shaking of mm'.?-necklaces created a rattling sound that was probably similar to the shaking of sistra; for the
musical qualities of the ran/.J-necklace, see especially Staehelin, in LA, Vol. 4, col. 52; Manniche, loc. cit;
contra Gosline, op. cit, pp. 39-40. For further discussion of the ritual significance of wn/.r-necklaces, see
Section 2.1.2, Scene 4a; Section 3.2.2.
243
For discussion of the ritual function of gazelle-headed wands, see Petrie, in Quibell, Hierakonpolis, Vol.
1, p. 7; Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, p. 84, footnote 6; Bryan, BESA (1982): pp. 47-48;
Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 130; Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 55; Fischer, JARCE 38 (2001): 3-5. For
Early Dynastic examples of gazelle-headed wands see Petrie, Gizeh andRifeh, pi. 4.6-7; Hickmann, BIE 37
(1956): 86; Fischer, op. cit., pp. 3-4, fig. 6. For an image of dancing women striking together pairs of
gazelle-headed wands as musical instruments in the reliefs of the fifth dynasty tomb of Inty at Deshasheh,
see Petrie, Deshasheh, pi. 12. Capart, Primitive Art in Egypt, pp. 275-276, points out that the determinative
for the word dwi.t, "underworld," in Pyramid Texts Spell 504, § 1083a, is a woman's arm holding a
gazelle-headed wand; this determinative suggests that the dance performed with gazelle-headed wands is
associated with the underworld. The gazelle-headed wand may be especially associated with cultic
performances of women of the royal family. For an image of two daughters of Ramesses II wearing
gazelle-headed diadems and carrying gazelle-headed wands at the Temple of Elkab, see Wilkinson, Ancient
Egyptian Jewellery, p. 117, fig. 51. For depictions of royal women carrying gazelle-headed wands in the
Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at the Temple of Bubastis, see Naville, The Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II,
pis. 1, 14, 25. The gazelle is also linked to the rejuvenating aspects of the solar cycle; for discussion of the
gazelles connection to the solar deity and the wandering solar eye goddess, see Troy, op. cit., pp. 129-130;
Darnell, op. cit., pp. 58, 86. The so-called "Gazellenwunderbericht," which is recorded in a rock inscription
of Montuhotep IV in the Wadi Hammamat, emphasizes the regenerative powers of the solar eye goddess
when she appears in the form of a gazelle; for discussion of this inscription, see Shirun-Grumach,
Offenbarung, Orakel und Konigsnovelle, pp. 3-8, with references.

126
soothing sound of the rustling papyrus placates the goddess and typically serves as a
4
prelude to the hieros gamos.

In the Middle Kingdom literary text, the Tale of Sinuhe, the royal daughters—in

requesting that Sesostris I have mercy upon Sinuhe—similarly address the king as a

manifestation of the solar deity, call for the uraeus to be placed upon the king's brow, and

shake sistra and mw>necklaces:245

ist rfin.n=sn mni.wt=sn shm.w=sn s$S.wt=sn


m-r=sn
ms.in=sn st n hm-fdd.in=sn
c
.wy=k r nfr.t nsw.t w3h
hkry.wt n.t nb.t p.t
di Nbw cnh rfnd=k
hnm tw nb.t sbi.w
hd8nf=s
hnt mhw-s
smi twt mrln hm=k
di=tw w3d.t m wp.t-k
shr.n=k twS.w m dw.t
htp n=k Rr nb B.wy
hy n=k mi nb.t r-dr
rift rbi-k sfh s$r=k
imi t?w nntym itm.w
imi n=n hn.t tn nfr.t
mtn pn Sl-mhy.tpd.ty msw m ti-mry
ir.n=fwrr.t n snd-k
rwi.n=ftS n hry.t=k
nn jy.t-hr n mil hr=k

244
For the ritual shaking of the papyri (s$X wid) as a prelude to the hieros gamos, see primarily Munro, Der
Unas-Friedhof Nord-West. 1., pp. 95-118,126-136. For further discussion of the ritual, cf also Balcz, ZAS
75 (1939): 32-38; Montet, Kemi 14 (1958): 102-108; Harpur, GM38 (1980): 53-61; Troy, Patterns of
Queenship, pp. 58, 75; Wettengel, SAK19 (1992): 323-338; Altenmuller, SAK 30 (2002): 1-42; Strudwick,
Texts from the Pyramid Age, p. 420. Munro, op. cit., p. 110, summarizes the key purpose of this ritual:
"Der Terminus z$$-w>d in Hw.t-Hrw) steht zwar als Schlilsselwort fur die Hochzeit und impliziert auch die
intime Vereinigung des Paares."
245
Koch, Erzahlung des Sinuhe, pp. 76-79, B268-B279. For discussion of the hymn's allusions to the
hieros gamos—the sexual union of Sesostris I and his wife—as a means to facilitate creation, life, and
rebirth, see primarily Derchain, RdE 22 (1970): 79-83. For further discussion of the royal daughters' hymn
in Sinuhe, cf. also Brunner, ZAS 80 (1955): 5-11; Westendorf, SAK 5 (1977): 293-304; Goedicke, BSEG 22
(1998): 29-36; Troy, Patterns of Queenship, pp. 58-59; Manniche, Music and Musicians in Ancient Egypt,
pp. 64-65; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 256-263; Gillam, JARCE 32
(1995): 216-217; Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 55; Morenz, Die Welt des Orients 28 (1997): 7-17; Gillam,
Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp. 53-55; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of
the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, p. 1963.

127
nn snd ir.t dg.t tw

"Meanwhile, they took up their mn/./-necklaces, shm-shtxa., and s£?.f-sistra


in their hands.
Then, they presented them to his majesty, and they said:
'May your arms be upon a beautiful thing, enduring king,
(namely) the ornaments of the lady of the sky!246
May the Golden One give life to your nose!
May the lady of the stars be united with you!
May the Upper Egyptian crown travel north,
and may the Lower Egyptian crown travel south,
being joined and united in the utterance of your majesty!
May the uraeus be placed upon your brow!
Your having delivered poor men from evil is
so that Re, the lord of the two lands, might be gracious to you!
Hail to you, and likewise to the lady of all!
Slacken your grip on the scepter! Lay aside the arrow!
Give breath to the one who is suffocating!
Grant this benefaction to us!
As for this sheikh, son of the North Wind, the bowman, who was born in Egypt,
it was through fear of you that he made flight;
it was through dread of you that he left the land!
There will be no one whose face is pale from looking upon you!
There will be no one who is afraid, when the eye sees you!'"

In this hymn from the Tale of Sinuhe, Sesostris I is transformed into Re-Atum; and, in

this form, the king unites with his consort Hathor, who appears in the form of the

queen.247 The hieros gamos is a ritual symbolizing the original creation act of the

Heliopolitan myth. The king plays the role of Re-Atum; the queen plays the role of the

Hathoric goddess Nebet-Hetepet, the female element of creation—the hand of the god,

which he uses for masturbation and self-creation. With the creative power that he

The opening line of the hymn recalls a line in a drinking song recited in the Opet Procession at Luxor
Temple (Darnell, in Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple, Vol. 1, pp. 12-14, pi. 26,
11. 10-11):
H.t-Hr ir.t nfr.t nfr.wt n Dsr-hpr.w-Rr Stp-n-Rr
"Hathor has done the most wonderful of things for Djeserkheperure-Setepenre."
Both the hymn and the drinking song refer to the hieros gamos of Hathor and the divinized king.
247
For Re-Atum and Hathor as a "Gotterpaar," see Allam, Beitrage zum Hathorkult, pp. 113-116.
248
Since the Egyptian word for hand, dr.t, is feminine, the hand of the god serves as a vaginal substitute in
the self creation act of Re-Atum in the Heliopolitan creation myth. For the role of Nebet-Hetepet in the

128
achieves through his transformation into Re-Atum and through the hieros gamos,

Sesostris I bestows Sinuhe the Asiatic with a symbolic rebirth as an Egyptian.249

The primary function of the royal daughters' musical performance in the Tale of

Sinuhe is to invoke and pacify the goddess through the shaking of their Hathoric musical

instruments. The eight pairs of royal daughters who appear in Scene 7 of the reliefs of

Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef most likely play a very similar

role—to invoke and placate the goddess Hathor, so that she might appear in the person of

Tiye and join with Amenhotep III in the hieros gamos; it is precisely for this purpose that

Tiye accompanies the king during the boat procession in Scene 6. In a scene from the

reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, eight pairs of royal

daughters who carry Hathoric musical instruments and sing a hymn in the presence of the

king and queen during the performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony

probably also fulfill this same role.250 Like the procession of the solar barque at

Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony takes place at

daybreak; the performance of these two ceremonies at sunrise emphasizes the solar

rebirth that the king experiences as a result of the hieros gamos and his transformation

Heliopolitan creation myth, see Blackman, JEA 7 (1921): 12-14; Vandier, RdE 16 (1964): 55-146;
Derchain, Hathor Quadrifrons, pp. 45-49; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 60, 91-102; Refai, GM181
(2001): 89-94; Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 394-396, with
references.
249
As Westendorf, SAK 5 (1977): 293-304, notes, Sinuhe's name, which literally means "son of the
sycamore," alludes to Hathor's role in facilitating his rebirth as an Egyptian since Hathor had a well-known
cultic association with the sycamore tree.
250
For the musical performance of the royal daughters in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival
in the tomb of Kheruef, see Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 57, p. 61; for discussion of this scene,
see Section 2.1.2, Scene 4a. For the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed
Festival, see Epigraphic Survey, op. cit, pi. 56, pp. 59-61; for further discussion of this scene, see Section
2.1.2, Scene 3.

129
into the solar falcon. During the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony, Tiye stands

directly beside the king; several of the queen's epithets in the scene strongly suggest that

her presence in the scene is an allusion to the hieros gamos.252

The royal daughters of Amenhotep III also appear in representations of the Sed

Festival from several other sources in addition to the reliefs from the tomb of Kheruef. In

several scenes from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the Temple of

Soleb, a group of royal daughters carrying Hathoric musical instruments appears beside

the king and queen as the royal couple walks in procession to the king's Sed Festival

palace (Fig. 158). The royal daughters Sitamun, Henuttaneb, and Isis are depicted

carrying Hathoric implements in a fragmentary scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of

Amenhotep III in his mortuary temple in western Thebes (Fig. 162). 54 A carnelian

bracelet plaque from the reign of Amenhotep III depicts the royal daughters Isis and

Henuttaneb shaking sistra before the enthroned royal couple; Amenhotep Ill's outfit,

251
For the nautical procession of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6. The
caption to the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival reads:
srhc dd in nsw.t ds=f
hd 6 n hb.w-sd
"Raising the Djed Pillar by the king himself.
That the day is about to dawn is for the Sed Festival rites."
For further discussion of the significance of the performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar at daybreak,
see Section 2.1.2, Scene 3.
252
For discussion of Tiye's epithets and their connection to the hieros gamos in this scene, see Section
2.1.2, Scene 3.
253
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 94, 97, 121, 124, 127, 130, 131. For discussion of the role of the royal
daughters in these scenes, see Section 3.2.2. In one of these scenes (Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 5, pi. 97),
Amenhotep III issues a tax exemption to people working in the temples of Amun-Re; for transliteration and
translation of this text, which Osorkon II included nearly verbatim in his own Sed Festival reliefs in the
Temple of Bubastis, see Section 2.2.6, Scene 14. The exemption issued by Amenhotep III at his first Sed
Festival applies to the "dance troupe and singers of the House of Amun" (hnr \hrf\ infy.wt n pr-lmri); the
royal daughters carrying Hathoric musical instruments at the king's Sed Festival were likely members of
these groups.
254
Haeny, Untersuchungen im TotentempelAmenophis' III, pp. 107-108, pi. 41; Xekalaki, in Goyon and
Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp. 1961-1962.

130
which consists of the long Sed Festival robe and the double-crown, indicates that the

ritual scene on this plaque is an episode from one of the king's Sed Festivals (Fig.

163). A similar carnelian bracelet plaque, which probably also depicts an episode from

one of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festivals, depicts two royal daughters shaking sistra and

offering notched year-sticks (symbols of long life) to Amenhotep III and Tiye (Fig.

164).256 Like the scenes featuring the royal daughters in the Sed Festival reliefs of

Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef and in the Temple of Soleb, both of these plaques

likely allude to the hieros gamos of the queen and the divinized king.

Most often the royal daughters appear as seated occupants of palanquins in the

Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak (Figs. 115-

121);257 however, in several scenes the royal daughters of Akhenaten stand directly in

front of their palanquins (Fig. 165).258 These examples may suggest that the royal

daughters emerged from their palanquins and participated in the rites of the Sed Festival

after being carried to the location(s) where the ritual performances of the Sed Festival

Metropolitan Museum of Art 44.2.1. For discussion of this plaque, see primarily Hayes, BMMA 6
(1948): 272-279; Hayes, Scepter of Egypt, Vol. 2, p. 242; Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, p. 443,
fig. 123a; Arnold, The Royal Women ofAmarna, pp. 8-9, fig. 4; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 27, 63; Grover, Studia Antigua 6 (2008): 11-12, fig. 3.
256
Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.7.1340. For discussion of this plaque, see primarily Gardiner, JEA 3
(1916): 73-75, pi. l i e ; Hayes, BMMA 6 (1948): 272-279; Hayes, Scepter of Egypt, Vol. 2, p. 242-243, fig.
147 top right; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptian Jewellery, p. 104, pi. 28b; Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling
Sun, p. 443, fig. 123, pi. 62; Kozloff, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep HI: Perspectives on His
Reign, p. 112, fig. 4.5; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 27; Grover, Studia Antigua 6
(2008): 12-14.
257
Smith and Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 41,44.5, 46.4,48.3, 51.6, 52.2, 58;
Gohary, Ahhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pis. 1,2,8, 9, 10, 16, 72, 73; for discussion of these scenes,
see Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 89; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth
International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, p. 1963. For detailed discussion of the role of royal
women who appear as seated occupants of palanquins at the celebration of the Sed Festival, see Section
3.2.1.
258
Smith and Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 44.1,44.4,44.6; Gohary, Akhenaten's
Sed-Festival at Karnak, pis. 72, 73.

131
took place. For example, in a fragmentary scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of

Akhenaten from the Gempaaten at Karnak, the royal daughters perform the hnw-gesture

before the royal couple and sing a hymn to the king that emphasizes his divinization and

solar transformation at the Sed Festival (Fig. 166):259

[ddmdw in] ms.w-[nsw.t] ...


[ind hr=k] Rr rr nb
ind hr=k bik rc nb
ind hr=k it-n rr [nb]

ind hr=k nsw.t Nfr-hpr.w-Rr wc-n-Rc nb(-i) rnh(.w) wS{.w) snb(.w)


[...].wt=fwr~
iti hkiw
iw sS.w-k n hb-sd ...
... ds=fmi sS.w-f
c r
h ... [...].wt
kfswr hpr.w im=f
ihy hb-sd...
m hb.w-sd mi Rr hnty ntr.w ...

[Words spoken by] the [royal] daughters ...


"[Hail to you], Re, every day!
Hail to you, falcon, every day!
Hail to you, our father, ever [day]!

Hail to you, king Nefer-kheperu-Re, the unique one of Re, (my) lord, l.p.h.,
whose ... is alone,
who takes hold of magic,260

Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 77. For transliteration and translation of the
text with commentary, see Spalinger, in Redford, ed., Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 2, pp. 29-33, fig. 16;
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 95, pi. 47, Scene 116. In a fragmentary scene from the Sed
Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb, the royal sons and daughters (ms.w-nsw.t tiy.w hm.wt) are said to
perform the the hnw-gesture four times for the king; see Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pi. 117. For the hnw-
gesture as a jubilant gesture of respect and veneration, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebdrden in
Darstellungen des Alten undMittleren Reiches, pp. 61-65.
260
Magicians (hry.w hklw) play a prominent role in the reliefs depicting the Sed Festival celebrations of
Amenhotep III at the Temple of Soleb and Osorkon II at the Temple of Bubastis. In several scenes
magicians perform the hnw-gesture for Amenhotep III as he offers incense to a statue of Khnum; see
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 102, 107, 112, 128. For a fragmentary scene in which magicians perform the
hnw-gesture for Osorkon II, as he offers incense to an unknown deity, see Naville, Festival-Hall of
Osorkon II, pi. 13. For two scenes in which magicians carry papyrus rolls—probably containing important
ritual texts—at the Sed Festival of Osorkon II, see Naville, op. cit., pis. 3, 8. A group of magicians sings an
ihy-song at the Sed Festival of Osorkon II that is similar in some regards to the hymn of the royal daughters
in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten (Naville, op. cit., pi. 9, no. 13):
hry.w hkiw dd=sn ...
ihy hb.w-sd n bik d.t sp-2
ihy hb-sd n ... bik

132
when your documents of the Sed Festival...
... himself like his documents.
A lifetime...
who uncovers it/him for the transformation into it/him.
A Sed Festival song ...
in the Sed Festival rites like Re, foremost of the gods..."

ntr.w n pr-cnh phr-sn Sm>w [mhw] m ...


"As for the magicians, they sing ...:
'A Sed Festival song for the falcon forever and ever!
A Sed Festival song for ... the falcon!'
As for the gods of the House of Life, they circumambulate Upper [and Lower] Egypt as ..."
For a discussion of the role of the magicians in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II, see Uphill, JNES 24
(1965): 370, 376. For a comparison of the role of magicians in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon and the
role of magic in the royal daughters' hymn in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten, see Spalinger in
Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 2, pp. 31-32. The word hkiw, "magic," which appears on a relief
fragment from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob, may indicate that
magicians also played a role in the performance of the Sed Festival in the Old Kingdom; see von Bissing
and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, pi. 23, no. 57.
261
Young women, who carry bouquets and wear long diaphanous robes and floral crowns, sing ihy-songs in
a scene from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the Temple of Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol.
5, pi. 119):
hrbikSsp.n nb ... [...].w=f
delmdw Ihy hb.w-sd ...
ddmdw {<"} il.n ... r ... nsw .t Nb-Mir .t-Rr
"That the falcon appears in glory is after the lord ... has received his ... !
Words to be spoken: 'A Sed Festival song ...!'
Words to be spoken: 'That... has come is ... to ... the king Nebmaatre!'
These women are most likely the royal daughters of Amenhotep III. A similarly outfitted group of dancers
(rwi.wt), who carry gazelle-headed wands and sistra, sing ihy-songs in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II
at Bubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 14):
dd mdw hc bik
Ssp.n=fSw.ty nsw.t Wsirkn
si-Bis.t.t mry-lmn di rnh nb
dd mdw ihy hb-sd
ihy hpr hb-sd n Pth-Ti-tnn
"Words to be spoken: 'That the falcon appears in glory is
after he has received the two feathers of the king Osorkon,
son of Bastet, beloved of Amun, given all life!'
Words to be spoken: 'A Sed Festival song!
A Sed Festival song of transformation for Ptah-Tatenen!'"
Another similarly outfitted group of singers (Smry.wt), who carry gazelle-headed wands and sistra, sing ihy-
songs in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II (Naville, op. cit., pi. 25, block 6):
dd mdw hr bik
$sp=f$w.ty nsw.t Wsr-Mir.t-Rr stp-n-'Imn
dd mdw ihy.w hb-sd
ihy hpr.w hb-sd Pth
"Words to be spoken: 'That the falcon appears in glory is
when he receives the two feathers of the king Usermaatra, the chosen one of Amun!'
Words to be spoken: 'Sed Festival songs!
A Sed Festival song of transformations (for) Ptah!'"
For the correction placement of the block containing the hymn of the singers at the Sed Festival of Osorkon
II, see Kuraszkiewicz, GM153 (1996): 75, fig. 2.

133
The gist of this fragmentary hymn is clear: after the king's consultation of special

magical texts and his subsequent divine transformation at the Sed Festival, the royal

daughters hail him as a manifestation of Re and the solar falcon.

In two scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis, the royal

daughters stand in front of the tnfi.t-dais of king (Figs. 69-70).262 In one of these two

enthronement scenes (Fig. 69), the royal daughters carry carry sistra and mni.t-

necklaces;263 the only preserved portion of the caption in front the royal daughters is the

word shtp ("to pacify"), which suggests a link to the royal daughters who pacify (shtp)

the Djed Pillar in Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival and to the royal daughters who

pacify (shtp) the Golden One in the nocturnal Hathoric rites of the Medamud Hymn.264

In another Sed Festival scene related to the hieros gamos and the deification of the king,

the royal daughters and Queen Karoma appear directly above an image of the king and

the goddess Bastet at the Sed Festival of Osorkon II; the royal women carry Hathoric

musical instruments and the king is identified as a manifestation of Amun-Re (Fig.

30):265

Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 1, 2. For discussion of these scenes, see Uphill, JNES 24
(1965): 371-372; Kaiser, in Aufsatzezum 70. Geburtstagvon HerbertRicke, pp. 102-103; Barta,SAK6
(1978): 29, 35-37; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-FestivalatKarnak, p. 19; Kuraskiewicz, GM151 (1996): 88,
fig. 3; Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 206-207, figs. 7-8. For further
discussion, see also Section 2.2.6, Scenes 4 and 6. The royal daughters carrying Hathoric musical
instruments who appear in Naville, op. cit.,p\. 14, are also said to "pass by and take (their) position" {swl ir
s.t), presumably at the steps of the king's tnti.t-dais.
263
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 1.
264
For pacification of the Djed Pillar by the royal daughters in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed
Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 4a. For pacification of the wandering goddess by
the royal daughters in the Medamud Hymn, see Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 54-55. For discussion of the
sistrum as an instrument to shtp Hathor and Sakhmet, see Ziegler, in LA, Vol. 5, col. 960; Pinch, Votive
Offerings to Hathor, p. 157.
265
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 4. For discussion of this scene, see Uphill, JNES 24 (1965):
373; Barta, SAK6 (1978): 30, 40.

134
hr m shn wnm
r shc.t hm n ntr p[n] Sps 'Imn-Rr nb ns.wt tl.wy
r htp m{m\ s.t=fm hw.t hb-sd

"Appearance in the shrine of food-offerings,


in order to cause the majesty of this noble god, Amun-Re,
lord of the thrones of the two lands to appear,
in order to rest on his thone in the Sed Festival palace."

In a fragmentary scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II, the royal daughters

carry Hathoric musical instruments and stand behind the royal couple as Osorkon II

presents the ^.r-offering to an unknown goddess (Fig. 34); in exchange for his offering,

the king likely receives rejuvenating powers and the protection of the goddess.

In the Eastern High Gate of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, a series of reliefs

depicts the king with princesses who wear sandals, broad collars, and platform crowns

with floral adornments, but who are otherwise nude. In one scene, the young women,

Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 16. In another scene Osorkon II presents thetf&.J-offeringto
Nekhbet (Naville, op. cit., pi. 3); thus, it seems likely that he presents the $»offering to Wadjet in this
scene. For further discussion of the #?.f-offering scenes in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II, see
Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 370, 381; Sambin, L 'offrande de la soi-disant clepsydre, pp. 14-15, 318-324;
Gohary, Akhenaten'sSed-FestivalatKarnak, p. 18; Sambin, BIFAO 95 (1995): 412; Lange, in Broekman,
eta/., eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 205-206, fig. 5. The queen is absent from the #>.r-offering
scenes in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the Temple of Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5,
pis. 74, 75, 79, 80, 81); for discussion of these scenes, see Sambin, L 'offrande de la soi-disant clepsydre,
pp. 12-14, 316-317. According to Sambin, op. cit, pp. 383-384, the king receives the protection of the
solar eye goddess during thetffo.r-offeringscenes at the Sed Festival: "...le pharaon offre a la deesse son ka,
c'est- a-dire le substitut terrestre de l'oeil de Re, V oudjat-Sbt, complet, efficace, l'uraeus 'dresse contre ses
ennemis.' ... Le rite de la Sbt est un appel a l'union: celle d'Hathor a Re et a Horus dans le cadre d'une
monarchic divine des origines; heritier de ces premiers rois prestigieux, le pharaon fait appel a la deesse
pour qu'elle renouvelle envers lui son action bienveillante et efficace. Donner et recevoir la Sbt revient,
finalement, a une prise de possession du pouvoir royal."
267
Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 8, pis. 630-633, 636-642, 646, 648-654. For discussion of the
young women in these plates, see Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 78-79, fig. 51; Callender, BACE 5
(1994): 20; Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 55, footnote 41; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of
the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp. 1959-1965. With caution, see also
O'Connor, in Janosi, ed., Structure and Significance, pp. 445-448, who suggests that the term ms.w-nsw.t,
which labels at least one group of young women in these scenes, does not refer to "princesses" or "literal
daughters of the king," but rather "to some other female component of the royal household, a component
enjoying a relatively informal, intimate and even eroticized relationship with the king." For a rejection of
the suggestion that the king had a sexual relationship with the royal daughters, see Helck, CdE 44 (1969):
22-26; Robins, GM52 (1981): 75-81; Troy, op. cit, p. 113. For nude adolescent girls as symbols of
fertility and (re)birth in the New Kingdom, see Manniche, Sexual Life in Ancient Egypt, pp. 40-43; Robins,
in Kampen, ed., Sexuality in Ancient Art, pp. 30-34.

135
who are labeled "royal daughters," sing a hymn to the king that describes his various

body parts as precious minerals and stones (Fig. 167).268 The hymn very likely relates to

the dispersal of mineral wealth—as emanations of the Hatoric goddess of the solar eye—

in foreign lands and in the deserts of Egypt.269 As a manifestation of the solar deity,

Ramesses III himself also has the body of a god. Thus, the role of Ramesses Ill's

daughters in this scene may very well parallel the role of the daughters of Akhenaten in

portraits of the royal family from the Amarna Period; like solar rays extending from the

Aten, the royal daughters appear as manifestations of the light emanating from the

solarized king.270 In their exaltations of the king as the solar deity and in their

invocations of Hathor as the consort of the solar deity, the royal daughters who

participate in the musical rites of the Sed Festivals of Amenhotep III, Akhenaten, and

Osorkon II also serve as emanations of the solar deity and as uraei adorning the king's

crown.

268
Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 8, pi. 648, p. 14. For discussion of this hymn, see Darnell, SAK
22 (1995): 55, footnote 41. Numerous ancient Egyptian texts describe the body parts of various deities as
consisting of precious metals and stones; for discussion of this topic, see, e.g., Klotz, Adoration of the Ram,
pp. 71-73; Smith, On the Primaeval Ocean, pp. 138-141; Zandee, Der Amunhymnus des Papyrus Leiden,
Vol. 1, pp. 349-364. In the opening lines of the Destruction of Mankind, e.g., the body of the solar deity Re
is described thus (Hornung, Agyptische Mythos von der Himmelskuh, pp. 1, 37; Guilhou, La vieillesse des
dieux, pp. 15, 27, note 6): ks.w=fm hd hr.w=fm nbw $n.w=fm hsbdm?, "his bones are silver, his limbs
gold, his hair true lapis lazuli."
269
For this novel interpretation of the royal daughters' hymn, see Darnell, "For I See the Color of his
Uraei" (in preparation). For discussion of the mineral wealth of Egypt and foreign lands as emanations of
the Hathoric solar eye goddess, see Aufrere, RdE 34 (1982-1983): 3-21; Aufrere, Archeo-Nil 7 (1997): 113-
144; Smith, On the Primaeval Ocean, pp. 139-141; Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, pp. 73, 175-185; Darnell,
in Wilkinson, ed., The Egyptian World, p. 46. For discussion of the Egyptian conception of the prismatic
light visible in the newly reborn morning sun as manifestations of the fire-spitting uraeus goddesses who
protect Re and illuminate the sky, see Darnell, SAK24 (1997): 35-48; Darnell, "For I See the Color of his
Uraei" (in preparation); Klotz, loc. cit. For discussion of the association of minerals with the lunar eye in
the ritual of mh wdi.t, "filling the wdl.t-eye"; see Aufrere, L 'univers mineral, Vol. 1, pp. 199-303.
270
For this novel interpretation of the Amarna "family portraits," see Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's
Armies, pp. 34-44, especially 43-44; Darnell, "For L See the Color of his Uraei" (in preparation).

136
2.1.2. TOMB OF KHERUEF: RELIEFS OF AMENHOTEP Ill's 3 SED FESTIVAL

A multi-register tableau depicting the rituals of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival appears to north of the door on the western wall of the West Portico in the tomb

of the Kheruef (Fig. 168). On the far left of the tableau is a scene of homage in which a

group of royal officials presents offerings to the enthroned royal couple, Amenhotep III

and Tiye, in the House of Rejoicing (Scene 1). To the right of this scene, Amenhotep III

presents a vast array of offerings to a statue of the Djed Pillar that rests upon a platform

in a covered kiosk (Scene 2b). Further to the right, Amenhotep III is joined by five

officials and his wife Tiye as he performs the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony (Scene

3); eight pairs of royal daughters stationed to the right of Amenhotep III and Tiye sing a

hymn in priase of the Djed Pillar during the performance of this ceremony (Scene 4a).

Several notable scenes and ritual episodes also appear in the three registers of relief

decoration directly below Scene 2b, Scene 3, and Scene 4a. For example, the preparation

and transport of offerings for the Djed Pillar appear in the first and third registers (Scene

2a); a sequence of music and dance rituals commemorating the Raising of the Djed Pillar

appears in the first and second registers (Scene 4b); the driving of cattle around the walls

of a sacred precinct takes place in the far right portion of the third register (Scene 5); and

the performance of ritual combat, including boxing and stick-fighting, takes place in the

second register (Scene 6).

One of the most intriguing and controversial aspects of the reliefs of Amenhotep

Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef is their possible connection to the

Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, an illustrated Middle Kingdom papyrus that served as the

271
For the scenes and texts of Amenhotep Ill's third festival, see Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pp.
54-66, pis. 47-63.

137
script and stage directions for the performance of a royal ritual during the reign of

Sesostris I.272 The 138 columns of retrograde hieroglyphic text on the Dramatic

Ramesseum Papyrus are annotated with a list of props and cast members who perform the

rituals in each scene; many of the scenes also have an accompanying image that

illustrates the rituals that are performed in each individual scene. According to Kurt

Sethe, who produced the original text edition of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, the

papyrus describes two related rituals: the burial of the recently deceased king Amenemhat

I and the coronation of the new king Sesostris I 273 Largely because the celebration of the

Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony occurs in both the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus

and the reliefs of the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef, several

scholars have rejected Sethe's interpretation and suggested that the Dramatic Ramesseum

Papyrus actually served as a script for the celebration of the Sed Festival by Sesostris I.

Recently, however, this interpretation of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus as a script for

For the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see primarily Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp 81-264, pis 1-22,
Lorand, Le papyrus dramatique du Ramesseum For discussion of the various ritual episodes that appear in
this papyrus, cf also Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp 123-139, Gasper, Thespis Ritual Myth and
Drama in the Ancient Near East, pp 383-403, Helck, Orientaha, 23 (1954) 383-411, Altenmuller, JEOL
19(1966) 421-442, Barta, Z4S 98 (1970) 9-12, Altenmuller, in LA, Vol l,cols 1132-1140, Barta, SAK4
(1976) 31-43, Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and his Cult, pp 111-113,163-165, van der Vhet, BSAK3
(1988) 405-411, Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp 47-53, Hornung and Staehelin,
Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp 94-95, Quack, ZAS 133 (2006) 72-89, Rummel, SAK34 (2006) 396-398,
Gestermann, in Rothohler and Manisah, eds , Mythos & Ritual Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp 27-52,
Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisah, eds , op cit, pp 231-255
273
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp 81-264, especially pp 92-96
274
For the Raising of the Djed Pillar in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see Sethe, Dramatische Texte,
pp 147-160, Scenes 12-15,11 41-52, pp 249-250, Images 7-9 For the suggestion that the Dramatic
Ramesseum Papyrus describes the celebration of the Sed Festival of Sesostris I, see Helck, Orientaha 23
(1954) 383-411, especially pp 408-411, Altenmuller, JEOL 19(1966) 421-442, especially pp 441-442,
Barta, ZAS 98 (1970) 9-12, Barta, SAK A (1976) 31-43, Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient
Egypt, pp 47-53, 85-87

138
the celebration of the Sed Festival has rightly been questioned, criticized, and rejected by

several scholars.275

Although there are several notable similarities between the ritual performances of

the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus and the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, these

similarities are not substantial enough to suggest that both describe the same festival.

Rituals from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef that

also occur in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus include the ritual slaughtering of a bull

(Scene 2a), the presentation of animal sacrifices to the Djed Pillar (Scene 2b), the

Raising of the Djed Pillar (Scene 3), music and dance rites (Scene 4), the

circumambulation of cattle and donkeys around a ritual complex (Scene 5), ritual combat

(Scene 6), and the offering of jewelry (Scene l). 276 The use of similar rituals at the royal

coronation and the Sed Festival is not surprising since the performance of the coronation

ceremony formally legitimized the king's right to rule and the Sed Festival reaffirmed the

king's right to continue his reign.277

Amenhotep Ill's unique approach to planning his Sed Festival rites relied on

ancient prototypes for various rituals, but also infused these ancient rites with new

For a critical review and summary of previous interpretations of the royal ceremony that is described in
the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see primarily Quack, ZAS 133 (2006): 73-89, especially pp. 79-85;
Gestermann, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 27-52,
especially pp. 47-48; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 94-95; Lorand, Lepapyrus
dramatique du Ramesseum, pp. 50-70, 85-102. For the conclusion that the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus
describes the coronoation rites of Sesostris I, see primarily Quack, loc. cit.; Gestermann, in Rothohler and
Manisali, eds., loc. cit.
276
Discussion of the parallel scenes from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus appears infra, this section, in
Scenes 1-6.
277
For legitimization as an important component of the royal coronation ceremony, see Barta,
Untersuchungen zur Gottlichkeit des regierenden Konigs, pp. 44-61, 124-125. Though both the coronation
and the Sed Festival served to legitimize the king's rule, the Sed Festival is not a reenactment of the
coronation ceremony as has been suggested by Barta, op. cit., pp. 62-73; Barta, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 531-
533; Decker, Sports and Games of Ancient Egypt, pp. 32-33; von Beckerath, MDAIKM (1991): 29;
Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 8, footnote 28.

139
symbolic meaning. In this way, the scenes and texts of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef demonstrate both archaism and innovation.279 The

Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony was not traditionally one of the rites of the Sed

Festival; since no other major Sed Festival reliefs are known to have incorporated Osirian

imagery or mythology in such a prominent way, the celebration of this Osirian ceremony

at the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III is quite unusual.280 Though Osiris did not

traditionally play an important role in the Sed Festival, ironically, Amenhotep Ill's reason

for including Osirian rituals into his Sed Festival celebration may have been connected to

his efforts to archaize his Sed Festival celebration. The rituals typically associated with

the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony—including music and dance rituals, ritual

combat, the slaughter of sacrificial animals, and the driving of cattle around a religious

structure—are similar to rituals traditionally performed at the Sed Festival in the

Predynastic, Protodynastic, and Early Dynastic periods.281 In connecting these archaic

Sed Festival rituals to their later Osirian counterparts, Amenhotep III added a new layer

of symbolic meaning to the ancient rites of the Sed Festival.

SCENE 1: PRESENTATION OF GIFTS TO THE ENTHRONED ROYAL COUPLE 2 8 2

278
For discussion of Amenhotep Ill's claim that he celebrated his first Sed Festival "in accordance with the
documents of ancient times," see Section 2.1.1, Text 1.
279
For discussion of the archaic Sed Festival rituals on which Amenhotep III likely based many of the
rituals that took place at the performance of his three Sed Festivals, see Chapters 3-7.
280
For discussion of the general lack of Osirian influence on the rituals of the Sed Festival, see Section
1.1.2; Section 2.1.2, Scene 3. Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 216, considers
Amenhotep Ill's inclusion of the Raising of the Djed Pillar at his third Sed Festival to be "entirely fitting,"
but novel and without historical precedent.
281
For brief discussions of the Predynastic, Protodynastic, and Early Dynastic Sed Festival rituals that
served as prototypes for the ritual performances of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.2,
Scenes 1-7. For lengthier discussions of these archaic Sed Festival rituals, see also Chapters 3-7.
282
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 49, 51, pp. 54-58. For discussion of the enthroned royal
couple in this scene, see Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 90-91; Aldred, JEA 55 (1969):
73; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 65-66; Morkot, Wepwawet2 (1986): 1-9; Walker, Aspects of the

140
In Scene 1, Amenhotep III and Tiye are enthroned within a kiosk on top of a

stepped tntl.t-platform (Fig. 169a); the royal kiosk in this scene is very similar to the

kiosk that appears in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of

Kheruef.283 The king's costume in this scene includes the blue crown, a broad collar, and

a long kilt with a bull's tail and a sporran attached to the waist; the king's sporran is

decorated with a leopard's head and twin uraei.284 In his hands, Amenhotep III carries

symbols of royal power and divinity: an rnh-sign, the M?-scepter, and the nh?hi-f[ai\.

Tiye wears a floor-length diaphanous robe, a broad collar, and a double-plumed crown

with twin uraei; the uraei that adorn Tiye's crown are further adorned with the white and

red crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt. In her hands, Tiye carries symbols of

queenship and divinity: an cnh-sign and a lotus flower.286 The tomb owner Kheruef leads

a group of nine officials to the House of Rejoicing in order to present a vast array of

Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 266-269; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 6,
fig. 1; Roth, Gebieterin aller Lander, pp. 21-29, figs. 1,4. For a discussion of New Kingdom royal
enthronement scenes in which the king appears in a similar kiosk, see Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 544-
571, with references; Aldred, op. cit., pp. 73-81; Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 741-757.
283
For discussion of the similar Ml. /-platform and kiosk that appear in the depiction of Amenhotep Ill's
first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1.
284
Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep HI: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 87, suggests that
"the appearance of the shebyu- and wa/z-collars around the king's neck" in this scene and in other images of
the king from his "fourth-decade monument decoration" represents "an official statement that Amenhotep
HI had united with the sun god while still alive, as a consequence of his first jubilee rites in year 30."
285
Morkot, Wepwawet 2 (1986): 2, remarks that "Tiye is the first queen shown wearing the Sbyw-collar,
usually given as part of the 'gold of honour'"; for further discussion of the queen's collar, cf also Johnson,
in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 90, footnote 151.
286
Green, Amarna Letters 2 (1992): 33-35, notes that "Tiye is one of the first queens to be regularly
portrayed holding the ankh, a prerogative of deities."

141
offerings to the enthroned royal couple, including jewelry and other worked goods that

are decorated with precious metals and stones (Fig. 169b).

Appearance of the King:

hF.t nsw.t hr s.t wr.t mi it=fRr rr nb

Appearance of the king on the great throne like his father Re every day.288

Titulary of Amenhotep III:


Hr ki nht hF m rnir.t
nsw.t-bl.ty nb ti.wy nb hF.w Nb-M3r.t-Rr
si RC n h.t=f mry=f'Imn-htp hki-Wls.t
ti.tRr hnttlwy
di rnh dd wis mi Rr

Horus, victorious bull, who appears in truth;


King of Upper & Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord of appearances, Nebmaatre;
Bodily son of Re, his beloved, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes;
Image of Re in front of the two lands;
Given live, stability, and dominion like Re.

Protection of the King:

s3 rnh hi-fmi Rr

The protection of life surrounds him like Re.289

Royal Titulary on the Right Side of the Kiosk:

Hr ki nht whm hb.w-sd


[smn].n Imn hr s.t wr.t
nsw.t-bi.ty hki pd.t psd.t nb tl.wy Nb-M3r.t-Rr
si Rr mr=f'Imn-htp hkS WSs.t
mry Pth-Skr nb Sty.t di rnh d.t

Horus, victorious bull, who repeats the Sed Festival ceremonies,


whom Amun has [establish]ed upon the great throne;

Heavy damage to Kheruef and to accompanying members of the royal retinue here is likely the result of
a damnatio memoriae. For discussion of damnatio memoriae in the tomb, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 2,
footnote 100.
288
For discussion of this line, see Feucht, SAK11 (1984): 414.
289
For the translation of the first two words of this formula as a genitival construction (i.e., "protection of
life"), see Darnell, in Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple, Vol. 1, p. 1, note d.

142
King of Upper & Lower Egypt, ruler of the Nine Bows, lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre;
Son of Re, whom he loves, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes;
beloved of Ptah-Sokar,290 lord of Shetyt,291 given life forever.

Royal Titulary on Right Side of the Kiosk:

Hr ki nht wts hb.w-sd


mr.n 'Imn r [nsw].t [...]
nsw.t-bi.ty nb ti.wy nb ir.t Ih.t Nb-M3('.t-Rr
s? Rc mr=f'Imn-htp hki W3s.t
mry [Wsir hki] d.t di cnh mi Rc

Horus, victorious bull, who raises Sed Festivals,


whom Amun has preferred to [any other kin]g;
King of Upper & Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord of performance, Nebmaatre;
Son of Re, whom he loves, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes;
beloved of [Osiris, ruler of] eternity, given life like Re.

Nine Bows on the Base of the Tnt3.t-Flatform:292

H3.w nbw.t

T? Srrf.w
Sht 'Bm
TlMhw
Pd.tyw Sw
Thnw
Iwnty.w Sty
Mnty.w nw St.t

Aegean Isles;
Schat;
Upper Egypt;
Sekhet-Yam;
Lower Egypt;
Those of Pedju-Shu;
Tjehenu;293

For the syncretism of Ptah and Sokar, see Sandman-Holmberg, The GodPtah, pp. 123-147; Brovarski,
in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 1059-1060; Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 10-14; Leitz, Lexikon der
cigyptischen Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 3, pp. 175-176.
291
For "lord of Shetyt" as an epithet of Ptah-Sokar, see Leitz, Lexikon der cigyptischen Gotter und
Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 3, pp. 755-756.
292
The same group of nine bound prisoners appears on the base of the platform of Amenhotep Ill's Sed
Festival kiosk in the tomb of Khaemhat (Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pis. 76b, 77c) and in the tomb of
Surer (SSve-Soderbergh, Private Tombs at Thebes, Vol. 1, pis. 30, 34; Davies, 10 (1915): 228-236, fig. 4).
This particular group of foreigners is a standardized list of the Nine Bows that appears in several other 18th
Dynasty Theban private tombs; for discussion of this list, see Wildung, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 472-473.

143
Nubian nomads;
Mentiuof Asia.

Like the enthronement scene in Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival from the tomb

of Kheruef, the king's titulary in the homage scene from the reliefs of his third Sed

Festival is nonstandard and contains several unique epithets.294 In Scene 1, Amenhotep

III bears three separate and unique Horus names: "victorious bull, who appears in truth";

"victorious bull, who repeats the Sed Festival ceremonies"; and "victorious bull, who

raises Sed Festivals." In the enthronement scene from Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, the syncretized creator god Horus-Tatenen-Amun-Min

appeared prominently in the king's titulary;296 however, in the homage scene of his third

Sed Festival, the creator god Amun-Re takes a position of prominence in Amenhotep

Ill's titulary. At his third Sed Festival, Amenhotep III bears the epithets: "image of Re in
907 908

front of the two lands"; "whom Amun has [established upon the great throne"; and

"whom Amun has preferred to [any other kin]g."299 The emphasis on Amun-Re in the

royal titulary recalls changes to the king's titulary in scenes from the Opet Festival at
293
For an important lexicographical study of terms for Libya and Libyans, see Manassa, The Great Karnak
Inscription ofMerneptah, pp. 82-85.
294
For a discussion of Amenhotep Ill's titularly in the enthronement scene of his first Sed Festival from the
tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1.
295
Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 285, footnote 181, compares the accumulation of Horus names by Amenhotep III
during his third Sed Festival to the accumulation of Horus names by Seti I at Abydos.
296
Section 2.2.2, Scene 1.
297
For ti.t Rr and ti.t Rr hnt ti.wy as epithets of the king in the New Kingdom, see Kuentz, Le petit temple
d'Abou Simbel, Vol. 1, p. 133, note 45; Grimal, Les termes de lapropagande royale egyptienne, pp. 128-
133; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 43-44; Schade-Busch, Zur
Konigsideologie Amenophis' III, pp. 11, 15.
298
For similar epithets of Amenhotep III, see Schade-Busch, Zur Konigsideologie Amenophis' III, pp. 205-
206,243.
299
For a similar epithet of Amenhotep III, see Schade-Busch, Zur Konigsideologie Amenophis' III, p. 229.

144
Luxor Temple; in these scenes from Luxor Temple, the king's union with Amun-Re

rejuvenates the king in a fashion similar to the rituals of his Sed Festival.300 Amenhotep

Ill's titulary in Scene 1 also references the syncretized god of the underworld Ptah-Sokar-

Osiris; emphasis on Ptah-Sokar-Osiris and Amun-Re in this scene provides a strong and

clear link to the Solar-Osirian unity. Through the mysteries of the Solar-Osirian unity,

the king—typically the deceased king—hoped to achieve resurrection and

regeneration.301 However, during his Sed Festivals, Amenhotep III was able to share in

the rejuvenating powers of the Solar-Osirian unity while still alive.

A dominant theme that appears in several aspects of the text and imagery of Scene

1 is the suppression of foreign enemies by the king. The king's epithet "ruler of the Nine

Bows"302 is represented in a hieroglyphicized way by the decoration on the base of the

throne platform in this scene. The nine bound enemies on the platform are under the

king's control; they are literally under the king's feet. The placement of bound enemies

at the king's feet in Scene 1 alludes to the king's role as military leader—an aspect of

kingship emphasized at the Sed Festival particularly during the Predynastic,

Protodynastic, and Early Dynastic periods. In a similar way, the depictions of the

durbar of Akhenaten in the tombs of Meryre II and Huya included images of bound

Nubian rebels to affirm the military power of the king; in the context of the durbar these

For titulary changes and union with Amun-Re during the Opet Festival at Luxor Temple, see Bell, JNES
44 (1985): 281-290. For further discussion, see also Section 2.1.1, Scene 1.
301
For further discussion of the Solar-Osirian unity in relation to the enthronement scene of Amenhotep
Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1, with references.
302
For this epithet of Amenhotep III, see Schade-Busch, Zur Konigsideologie Amenophis' III, pp. 179-180.
303
For further discussion of the military aspects of the celebration of the Sed Festival in all periods, see
Chapter 6.

145
images of bound Nubians also memorialize Akhenaten's successful military campaign in

Nubia in regnal year 12.304

Titulary of Tiye:

iry.t-pr.t wr.t hsw.t hnw.t n.t U.w nb.w


hnm.t nsw.t If m mF.t
hm.t-nsw.t wr.t mr.t=fTiy
r
nh.ti mS.ti rnpi.ti d.t

Noblewoman, great of praise, mistress of all lands,


who joins the king, who appears in glory;
The chief wife of the king, whom he loves, Tiye;
May she live, be renewed and be youthful forever!305

Text on Tiye's Throne:

hm.t-nsw.t wr.t mr.t=fTiy


r
nh.ti dd.ti rnpi.ti rc nb
ptpt hls.t nb.t

Chief wife of the king, whom he loves, Tiye;


May she live, be enduring and be youthful every day!
Trampling every foreign land.

Nekhbet:

Hd.t Nhn

White One of Hierakonpolis.306

For images of Akhenaten's durbar in the tombs of Meryre II and Huya, see Davies, Rock Tombs of El
Amarna, Vol. 2, pis. 37-40; Vol. 3, pis. 7, 13-15. For discussion of the significance of these durbar scenes,
see primarily Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 125-131, 134-135, 184,208-209, with
references. Darnell and Manassa, op. cit, p. 127, conclude regarding the durbar of Akhenaten: "The
perpetuation of the world and the solar cycle depended on Egypt's domination of hostile, foreign groups ...
When foreigners from all corners of the Egyptian cosmos bow to Akhenaten and present him with their
tribute, Akhenaten is transformed into the sun god himself."
305
A similar wish, rnh.ti mi.ti rnpi.ti mi Rr rr nb, appears as an epithet of the god's wives of Amun in the
Third Intermediate Period; for discussion of this epithet, see Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 177, 188.
306
For the title "White One of Hierakonpolis," which likely alludes to Nekhbet's connection to the white
crown of Upper Egypt, see Van Voss, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 366-367; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 117-
118, with references; Leitz, Lexikon der dgyptischen Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 5, pp. 606-607.
Though Nekhbet more commonly appears as a vulture, the depiction of her found here, as a uraeus wearing
the white crown of Upper Egypt, is also attested elsewhere, e.g., in the tomb of Nefertari (Desroches-
Noblecourt, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 192-193, fig. 6).

146
The enthronement and of Tiye and Amenhotep III side by side in this scene likely

alludes to the hieros gamos of the divinized king and queen at the Sed Festival. A

caption labeling the queen suggests that she appears as the sexual partner of the king:

hnm.t nsw.t hr m mir.t, "who unites with the king, who appears in truth."307 Several

stative forms in the iscription associated with Tiye in this scene express wishes

concerning the rejuvenation of the queen—namely, that she "live, be renewed {rni.t'i) and

be youthful forever" and that she "live, be enduring and be youthful every day."308 These

307
Morkot, Wepwawetl (1986): 2, suggests that "Tiye acquires royal divine power through this
association" with the king, i.e., the hnm-union. According to Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 45, and
Callender, SAK 22 (1995): 43-46, the verb hnm has sexual connotations and alludes to the hieros gamos of
the king and queen. The verb is used in a hymn sung by the royal daughters in the Tale of Sinuhe (Koch,
Erzdhlung des Sinuhe, p. 77, line B271) to refer to the hieros gamos of the king and Hathor:
r
.wy=k r nfr.t nsw.t wih hkry.wt n.t nb.tp.t
di Nbw rnh rfnd-k hnm tw nb.t sbi.w
"May your arms be upon a beautiful thing, enduring king, ornaments of the lady of the sky!
May the Golden One give life to your nose! May the lady of the stars be united with you!"
In a study of the use of the verb hnm in ritual inscriptions of the New Kingdom, Gulyas, SAK32 (2004):
159-169, concludes that hnm "describes a physical contact... that aims at realizing a transmission of
power." In the context of Amenhotep's Sed Festival, the physical contact between the king and queen
implied by the verb hnm leads to a transfer of rejuvenating power.
308
In the Litany of Re, the verb miwi ("sich erneuern," Wb. 2,25.16-19 and 26.1-4) is used in a description
of the renewal of the bi of Horakhty (Hornung, Das Buch der Anbetung des Re im Westen, Vol. 1, pp. 196-
199):
twt is Hr-ih.ty
mi.w b? pn n ih mnh
shm.w imy.t dr.ty=f
in=sn ntr.w wr.w ri.w r=i
hry=sn im=i
hkn=sn m imy.t r.wy=i sn
di=sn n=i si=sn
wd=sn n=i cnh.w=sn
iw=i hc m bi ih.ty s.ty Rr imy p.t
wd=sn n=i wd.wt
mic=sn wi m didi.t=sn
wbi=i sbi np.t n ti mi it=i Rr
'"Oh, you are Horakhty,
when this bi of the excellent ih is renewed,
when that which is in his hand is renewed!'
So say the old and great gods to me.
That they are joyful is over me;
That they rejoice is in that which was in my two arms,
with the result that they give their protection to me.
It is to me that they entrust their lives,
when I appear in glory as the bi of the horizons, the successor of Re, who is in they sky.
It is to me that they issue decrees,

147
wishes emphasize the queen's youthfulness and rejuvenation; as such, they mirror the

Sed Festival's emphasis on the rejuvenation of the king and the renewal of kingship.

Several elements of Tiye's costume in Scene 1, such as her crown with its twin uraei,

allude to the queen's association with female divinity—particularly the uraeus-form of

the daughter of the solar deity.309 Tiye's association with the uraeus also connects the

queen with Hathor since the uraeus is a manifestation of the Hathoric solar eye

goddess.310

The decoration adorning Tiye's throne in Scene 1 emphasizes the queen's

association with goddess Sakhmet, the violent leonine form of the Hathoric solar eye

goddess. An image of a bound Asiatic woman and a bound Nubian woman tied to the

sml-tl.wy emblem appears in the decorated area between the legs of Tiye's throne; this

image serves as a hieroglyphicized rendering of Tiye's title hnw.t n.t tl.w nb.w, "mistress

of all lands."311 In an image decorating the armrest of Tiye's throne, the queen herself

when they lead me in their council.


It is like my father Re that I open the door of heaven and of earth."
As the son and successor of Re, Horakhty is able to experience the same renewal as Re in this text.
Similarly, in the text of Scene 1 from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the
tomb of Kheruef, Tiye shares in the renewal of Amenhotep III. For the use of the verb m'wi in various
religious texts describing the rejuvenation of the solar deity during the night, see Zandee, JEOL 27 (1981-
1982): 20-22.
309
Troy, in Ziegler, eds., Queens of Egypt: From Hetepheres to Cleopatra, pp.154-170, especially 158-159,
suggests that 18th Dynasty queenship was strongly associated with Hathor and emphasized the "multi-
generational role of the queen" as mother, consort, and daughter of the divine king. For a similar
discussion of 18th Dynasty queenship and the symbolism of queenly crowns and regalia, see also Troy,
Patterns of Queenship; Green, Amarna Letters 2 (1992): 28-41.
310
On the uraeus's association with Hathor and the solar eye, see Troy, Patterns of Queenship, pp. 20-25;
Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 47-94; Darnell, SAK24 (1997): 35-48.
311
Morkot, Wepwawet2 (1986): 2, comes to a similar conclusion regarding the connection between the title
"mistress of all lands" and the decoration between the legs of Tiye's throne. The heraldic plants of Upper
and Lower Egypt are often tied to the .wij-hieroglyph by Hapy gods or by Horus and Seth; however,
because of their association with the Lower Egyptian red crown and the Upper Egyptian white crown, the
Two Ladies—Wadjet and Nekhbet—are also connected to the symbolism of the smi-t'.wy. For these
goddesses' association with the sml-ti.wy, see Desroches-Noblecourt, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in
Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 191-197. The smi-tl.wy scene in the tomb of Kheruef likely

148
appears as a sphinx trampling an Asiatic woman and a Nubian woman; the goddess

Nekhbet protects the queen as she performs this militaristic activity. The image of the

queen as a sphinx in Scene 1 alludes to her association with the violent lioness form of

the Hathoric solar eye goddess, Sakhmet; a similar image of Tiye as a sphinx appears on

a carnelian bracelet plaque in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Fig. 170).312 The

decoration of Tiye's throne in this scene is similar to the decoration of Amenhotep Ill's

throne in Sed Festival scenes from the tombs of Khaemhat (Fig. 171) and Surer (Figs.

172-173); however, in the tombs of Khaemhat and Surer, the king himself appears as a

sphinx trampling male foreign enemies.313 The Sw.^-sunshade that shades the queen in

Scene 1 further indicates the divinity of Tiye.314

alludes to Tiye's connection with the Two Ladies and the Hathoric solar eye goddess. On the Two Ladies'
association with the solar eye, see Troy, op. cit., pp. 66, 115-131. For discussion of the title hnw.t ti.w
nb.w, "mistress of all lands," see Roth, Gebieterin aller Lander, pp. 11-16,19-20.
312
For discussion of the depictions of Tiye as a sphinx in this scene from the tomb of Kheruef, on a
carnelian bracelet plaque (MMA 26.7.1342), and in a relief from the Temple of Sedeinga, see Leibovitch,
ASAE 42 (1943): 93-105; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 65-66; Morkot, Wepwawetl (1986): 1-9;
Green, Amarna Letters 2 (1992): 36; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 6, fig. 1; Darnell and
Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 34; Cabrol, Amenhotep III: Le Magnifique, pp. 98-99, with references;
Roth, Gebieterin aller Lander, pp. 14-15, 19-20, 26-29, 43-49, figs. 1, 4, 6, 10-12; Hoffmann, CRIPEL 27
(2008): 51-52; Grover, StudiaAntigua 6 (2008): 11. As Roth, op. cit., p. 20, notes: "In Gestalt der
schreitenden Lowin spielt Teje die Rolle des vernichtenden Sonnenauges Hathor-Tefnut."
13
For discussion of the image of the Amenhotep III as a sphinx on the depiction of the royal throne in the
tomb of Khaemhat (Lepsius, Denkmdler, Vol. 3, pis. 76b, 77c), see Schoske, Das Erschlagen der Feinde,
pp. 402-403, cat. no. El 63; Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International
Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 749-750, with references. For discussion of the images of the Amenhotep III
as a sphinx on the depiction of the royal throne in the tomb of Surer (Davies, BMMA 10 (1915): 228-236,
fig. 4; Save-Soderbergh, Private Tombs at Thebes, Vol. 1, pis. 30, 35), see Schoske, op. cit., pp. 402-403,
cat. no. E161; Martin-Valentin, op. cit., pp. 742-744, with references. The base of Amenhotep Ill's Sed
Festival kiosk in the tomb of Surer is decorated with alternating images of the king as a human smiting the
enemy and as a sphinx trampling the enemy; for these images of the king, see Save-S6derbergh, op. cit.,
Vol. 1, pis. 30-33.
314
For the sunshade as a marker of divinity and royalty, see Bell, in Posener-Krieger, ed., Melanges Gamal
Eddin Mokhtar, Vol. 1, pp. 33-35; Morkot, Wepwawet 2 (1986): 2. Bell, op. cit, p. 33, notes that the
sunshade, when it appears in association with a sphinx, has the function of "animating it as a manifestation
of the divine power of Re." The term $w.t-Rr serves as the designation for a type of unroofed solar temple
used during the New Kingdom. During the Amarna Period, this type of temple seems to have been
especially associated with women of the royal family; the tomb of Huya depicts Akhenaten and Tiye
attending a religious celebration in a Sw.t-Rc temple at Akhetaten. For the Sw.t-Rr temple during the

149
The Presentation of Gifts to the King:

sB mnw.w wr.w cSl.w m-blh hm=f


in imy-rS pr n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t Tiy sS-nsw.t Hry.w=f

Bringing forward many great monuments before his majesty


by the steward of the chief wife of the king, Tiye, the royal scribe, Kheruef.

hrp mnw.w rdl.t m-blh


r rniw n ntr nfr
smnh kl.wt
mi wdd.wt mrr.n hm-fm ir.t
ist htp ib n nb tl.wy
m ir.t mnw.w r3.w wr.w
shkrpr=fm dcmw m k(r)h.wt nb.t nn dr r=sn
iw=w r$?.w r smn-sn m sS.w
wdi.w wsh.w mh m hsbd
m rj.wt nb.t Spss.t
bB.w tmm ir.t
in iry-pr.t hy.ty-c smr nfr r rd.w s.t
mh-ib mnh n ity
imy-ib Hr m pr=f
shnt.n nsw.t r wr.w r=f
hrr nb tj.wy hr bi.t=f
sS-nsw.t
imy-ri pr n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t Tiy rnh.ti
Hry.w=f
mir-hrw hs.w mr.w m-bih hrn=f
m htr n mil mnw.w

Offering monuments (for) placement before (the king)


for the inspection of the junior god;
Embellishing products
according to the criteria that his majesty preferred for manufacture;
Now the heart of the lord of the two lands is pleased
with the production of great and large monuments,
and the decoration of his house with electrum and with all vessels without limit,

Amarna Period, see Cabrol, Amenhotep IB: Le Magnifique, pp. 102-104, with references; Morkot, op. cit,
p. 2, with references.
315
Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, p. 57, with references, has pointed out parallels to this
text in the reliefs of the tombs of Userhat (Theban Tomb 47), Surer (Theban Tomb 48), Amenhotep-Sise
(Theban Tomb 75), and Heqareshu (Theban Tomb 226). The recipient of the gifts in the reliefs from the
tombs of Userhat, Heqareshu, and Surer is Amenhotep III; however, in the version of the text from the
tomb of Amenhotep Sise, Tuthmosis IV is the recipient of the gifts. For further discussion of the version of
this text in the tomb of Surer, see also Martin-Valentin, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists, pp. 742-744, 754. A partial parallel to this scene also appears in
Theban Tomb 73; for this version of the scene, see Save-S6derbergh, Private Tombs at Thebes, Vol. 1, pis.
1-2.

150
they being too numerous for the recording of them in writing:
pectorals and broad collars inlaid with lapis lazuli
and with all sorts of costly stones,
treasures that had never been manufactured;
by the nobleman, count, good companion at the steps of the throne,
excellent confidant of the sovereign,
favorite of Horus in his house,
whom the king has promoted above those greater than he,
with whose character the lord of the two lands is content,
the royal scribe,
steward of the chief wife of the king, Tiye, may she live,
Kheruef,
justified, praised and beloved before his majesty,
in the duty of inspecting monuments.

hsb.t37
st-> smr.w rdl.t m-b?h
m hb-sd 3-nw n hm=f
in iry-pc.t hi.ty-r smr rS n mrw.t sS-nsw.t
imy-ri pr n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t Tiy rnh.ti
Hry.w=fmSr-hrw [... r...]

Year 37:
Bringing forward companions (for) placement before (the king)
at the third Sed Festival of his majesty,
by the nobleman, count, beloved great companion, royal scribe,
steward of the chief wife of the king, Tiye, may she live,
Kheruef, justified [...].

[...] n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t [...]

[...] of the chief wife of the king [...]

hsb.t 37
sti it.w-ntr rdl.t m-b?h
m hb-sd 3-nw n hm-f
In iry-pr.t h?.ty-c smr c3 n nb B.wy
whmw-nsw.t tpy n imy rh sS-nsw.t
imy-ri pr n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t Tiy cnh.ti
Hry.w[=fmir-hrw] [...]

Year 37:
Bringing forward god's fathers317 (for) placement before (the king)

For discussion of this line, see Vernus, Essai sur la conscience de I'Histoire dans I'Egypte pharaonique,
p. 60.
317
For discussion of the use of the title it-ntr ("god's father") during the period of time from the Old
Kingdom to the New Kingdom, see Habachi, in LA, Vol. 2, cols. 825-826; Baud, Famille royale etpouvoir

151
at the third Sed Festival of His Majesty,
by the nobleman, count, great companion of the lord of the two lands,
first royal herald of the one who is in the palace, royal scribe,
steward of the chief wife of the king, Tiye, may she live,
Kheru[ef, justified] [...].

A considerable number of decorated objects (including jewelry and glassware)

have been excavated at the site of Malqata; however, none of these finds can be clearly

linked to the objects depicted and described in Scene l.318 The Prunkgefafi carried by

Kheruef in this scene is decorated with a lotus flower and a pair of gazelle heads; an

image of the seated king clasping papyri and lotuses from a dense mass of foliage appears

above the rim of the bowl.319 The decorative scheme of the Prunkgefafi in Scene 1 is

sous I'Ancien Empire egyptien, Vol. 1, pp. 148-150, with references. The word ntr ("god") in the title refers
to the king. During the 18th Dynasty, the title could refer to blood relatives and in-laws of the king, as well
as the male officials in the royal court who were responsible for tutoring the crown prince. For the latter
class of individuals, see H. Brunner, ZAS 86 (1961): 90-100. Since Tiye's father Yuya—the father-in-law
of Amenhotep HI—held the title it-ntr, he may be one of the individuals bearing this title at Amenhotep
Ill's third Sed Festival. For the titles of Yuya, see Berman, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III:
Perspectives on His Reign, p. 5; Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 51.
318
For discussion of decorated objects from Amenhotep Ill's festival constructions at Malqata, see Hayes,
Scepter of Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 244-255; Keller, Journal of Glass Studies 25 (1983): 19-28; Ziegler, Queens
of Egypt, pp. 261-263. For discussion of jewelry from the reign of Amenhotep III (including pectorals and
necklaces), see Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep HI and his World, pp. 434-451;
Kozloff, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, pp. 111-118. For
discussion of Prunkgefafie and pectorals in general, see references collected by Wente, in Epigraphic
Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, p. 57.
319
In the image of the king on top of the Prunkgefafi, Amenhotep III wears the round wig; a uraeus-serpent
adorns the brow of the king in this image. Baines, JEA: Reviews Supplement 71 (1985): 47, suggests that
the "composition" of this offering bowl from the tomb of Kheruef "alludes to the zml tiwj motif and to that
of Horus in the marshes, and in the latter respect constitutes a forerunner for the largely Graeco-Roman
occurrence of youthful deities, such as Ihy and Harsomtus, on the lotus." In statues depicting Amenhotep
III as the child god Neferhotep, the king typically wears the round wig and the double crown with a uraeus
at his brow; examples of this type of statue include Cleveland Museum of Art 1961.417 and Museum of
Fine Arts-Boston 1970-636. These youthful representations of Amenhotep III were most likely
commissioned by the king for his Sed Festival celebrations; the youthfulness of the king in these statues
probably alludes to the rejuvenation experienced by the king during the Sed Festival. For a discussion of
these youthful statues of Amenhotep III, see Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, pp. 189-161, 198-
202; Vandersleyen, BSFE 111 (1988): 9-30. For further discussion of statues of the youthful king as an
allusion to the child form of the solar deity and his rebirth at sunrise, see Rossler-Kohler, in Studien zu
Sprache undReligion Agyptens, Vol. 2, pp. 929-946, with references; Feucht, SAK 11 (1984): 401-419. An
image of a child above the prow of the solar night barque in the boat processional scene from the reliefs of
Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef represents the solar child at sunrise; the image of
the king above the Prunkgefafi in Scene 1 likely serves a similar function. For discussion of the solar child

152
reminiscent of the decoration on faience bowls known as "marsh bowls" or

"Nunschale."320 The outside of a "marsh bowl" is typically decorated with lotus flowers;

the inside of the bowl usually contains depictions of both marsh flora and fauna.321 As

cultic objects associated with the bovine form of the goddess Hathor, "marsh bowls"

emphasize rebirth and highlight the goddess's maternal relationship with the king.

The texts of Scene 1 indicate that the materials used for the production of the

jewelry offered to the king were costly stones and metals. According to the religous

beliefs of the Egyptians, the bodies of the gods and goddesses were made out of precious

minerals, stones, and metals; thus, such materials were thought to be imbued with divine

power.322 Gold was particularly associated with the sun god Re and with Hathor, who

sometimes bore the epithet "Golden One," which emphasizes the solar attributes of the

goddess; Egyptian texts often refer to gold as "the flesh of the gods."323 As the daugther

of Re, the goddess Hathor had a special connection to precious metals and stones; the

great mineral wealth of Egypt was thought to emanate from goddess in the form of the

who appears above the prow of the night barque in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the
tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6.
320
For a description of the decorative schemes of "marsh bowls" and a discussion the symbolic significance
of their decoration, see Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor, pp. 308-315, with references; Straufi, Die
Nunschale: Eine Gefdfigruppe des Neuen Reiches.
321
For the lotus flower as a symbol of the birth of the sun, see StrauB, Die Nunschale: Eine Gefdfigruppe
des Neuen Reiches, pp. 72-76; Brunner-Traut, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 1091-1096; El-Khachab, JEA 57 (1971):
132-145; Schlogl, Der Sonnengott aufder Bliite; Dittmar, Blumen undBlumenstrdufie, pp. 132-133. For
the papyrus motif on these bowls as a symbol of the fertility of Hathor, see StrauB, op. cit, pp. 77-79. For
papyrus as a symbol of regeneration and life, see Dittmar, op. cit., pp. 133-143.
322
For discussion of the body parts of the gods as precious metals and stones, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7,
footnote 268.
323
For the solar aspects of gold, see Daumas, Revue de 1'histoire des religions 149 (1956): 1-17; Aufrere,
L 'univers mineral, Vol. 2, pp. 353-406. Hathor is invoked as the "Golden One" in a lengthy hymn from the
reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef; for a discussion of the solar attributes
of Hathor in this hymn, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 4.

153
solar eye. Thus, the presentation of jewelry to Amenhotep III in Scene 1 strongly

alludes to the deification of the king and emphasizes his association with the falcon form

of the solar deity.325

Perhaps paralleling the offering of jewelry to Amenhotep III in the reliefs of his

third Sed Festival, the god Horus is the recipient of chains of carnelian and faience in two

scenes from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus.326 In Scene 23 of the Dramatic

Ramesseum Papyrus, Horus seizes a chain of carnelian (hrs.t) from the god Seth. 27 The

identification of the carnelian in the text as ir.t dSr.t, "red eye," suggests that the carnelian

may represent the eye of Re. The color red is associated with the glowing light of the

morning sun in the eastern horizon of the sky; the red glow of the solar eye also alludes to

blood and, thus, to the destructive power of the angry solar eye goddess who protects

Re.328 In Scene 24, Horus receives a chain of faience (thn.t) from the "daughters of

Horus," who are also called "women of Libya" in the text.329 The identification of the

For discussion of the Egyptian understanding of the vast mineral wealth in Egypt and foreign lands as an
emanation of the Hathoric solar eye goddess, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7, footnote 269.
325
Horus the Behdetite, a falcon god, who often appears as the winged solar disc, is often described as slb-
Sw.ty, "colorful of plumage"—a term that likely alludes to the radiant light of the solar deity at sunrise; for
detailed discussion of the term slb-Sw.ty in connection with the feather adornments of the royal Sed
Festival robe, see Section 1.1.2.
326
As the god most closely associated with kingship in Egypt, Horus probably serves as a stand-in for the
king in the rites of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus.
327
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 180-185, Scene 23,11. 72-75. For discussion of the scene, see also
Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschriftfur Jan Assmann, pp. 253-254;
Gestermann, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 41.
328
For red as the color of the light emanating from the rising sun in the eastern horizon, see Darnell, The
Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 72-73, 136. For the color red as an allusion
to the destructive power of the bloodthirsty solar eye goddess who protects Re and, see Darnell, op. cit., p.
197; Darnell, SAK24 (1995): 41-42. According to Aufrere, L'universmineral, pp. 553-560, red cornelian
and other red stones symbolize the flames of the goddess of the eye of the sun, with which the angry
goddess—often in leonine or serpentine form—burns the enemies of Re.
329
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 185-189, Scene 24,11. 76-79. For discussion of this scene, see also
Gestermann, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 41.

154
faience in the text as ir.t=fw?d.t, "his green eye," suggests that faience may represent the

Wadjet Eye—the uninjured (wM.t) eye of Horus that was commonly used as a protective

amulet.330 As a substitute for lapis lazuli and turquoise, faience had the same symbolism

as these authentic stones—primarily rebirth, regeneration, fertility, and the inundation.331

The identification of the daughters of Horus who deliver the green eye to Horus as

Libyan women is probably an allusion to the Libyan women who dance for the

wandering goddess of the eye of the sun; the return of the goddess to Egypt marked the

beginning of the inundation season and the New Year.332 The carnelian and faience

necklaces that Horus receives in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus most likely represent

the solar eye and the lunar eye—/. e., the left eye and right eye of the supreme cosmic

deity.333

330
In contrast to the red solar disk of morning and day, the solar disk may be green in color while traveling
through the Nun-waters of the underworld at night; see Brunner, in Gorg and Pusch, eds., Festschrift Elmar
Edel, pp. 54-59. Ir.t Hr wid.t is an offering of green sir-fruit in Pyramid Texts Spells 162 and 190; in
Pyramid Texts Spell 186, ir.tHr wid.t designates a type of bread offering. During the Graeco-Roman
Period, ir.tHr wid.t (Wb. 1, 107.18-19) refers to a type of wine used in offerings. According to Poo, Wine
and Wine Offering in the Religion of Ancient Egypt, pp. 24-25, the offering of this type of wine likely
"implied the rejuvenating power that creates prosperity"; for a similar intepretation of the regenerative
qualities of wine offerings in the Graeco-Roman Period, see also Germond, BSEG 27 (2005-2007): 49-50,
with references.
331
For faience as a substitute for turquoise and lapis lazuli, see Nicholson and Peltenburg, in Nicholson and
Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials, p. 178, with references; Aufrere, L'univers mineral, pp. 521-537.
For the symbolism of turquoise and lapis lazuli, see Aufrere, L 'univers mineral, pp. 463-517. For further
discussion of the semiotics of the colors red and green in ancient Egypt, see Gautier, Archeo-Nil 7 (1997):
9-15.
332
For discussion of female Libyan dancers at the Sed Festival and their connection to the wandering
goddess of the eye of the sun, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 3; Section 3.1.3.1. Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 80,
footnote 172, points out Sakhmet's association with Libya by noting her epithet hry(.t)-Thn.w, "chief of the
Libyans."
333
Alternately, the carnelian might represent the bloody, injured eye of Horus; the faience would then
represent the healed form of the eye of Horus. For discussion of the solar and lunar eyes of the supreme
deity, see Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 305-308, 416-417;
Darnell, SAK24 (1997): 35-48, with references; Borghouts, in Studien zu Sprache undReligion Agyptens,
Vol. 2, pp. 703-716. Darnell, SAK24 (1997): 35-48, describes a type of apotropaic amulet that combines
the symbolism of the eye of Horus (in the form of the Wadjet Eye) and the eye of Re ("the angry wandering
eye in her form of Bastet-Sothis, the mistress of the New Year"); these amulets probably celebrate the
heliacal rising of Sothis, which marks the New Year and the beginning of the inundation season.

155
SCENE 2: PRESENTATION OF OFFERINGS TO THE DJED PILLAR

Scene 2a depicts the preparation and transport of offerings for the Djed Pillar; the

reliefs of this scene appear in the first and third registers of relief decoration below

Scenes 1, 2b, 3, and 4a. In Scene 2b, Amenhotep III presents an impressive assortment

of offerings to the anthropomorphic cult statue of the Djed Pillar; the reliefs of this scene

appear just to the right of Scene 1.

SCENE 2A: PREPARATION & TRANSPORT OF OFFERINGS 3 3 4

To the left of Scene 5 in Register 3, two royal acquaintances and two god's

fathers load offerings onto a barque docked at a quay next to a clump of papyrus reeds

(Fig. 174).335 Four royal acquaintances walking on shore carry offerings for placement

on two additional barques docked at another quay further to the left; on a raised floor in

the area between the four royal acquaintances and their destination, a butcher removes the

foreleg of a sacrificial bull. At the second quay, two royal acquaintances and two god's

fathers load the offerings onto two barques. A group of officials headed by Kheruef

stands on shore—possibly awaiting the arrival of the barques and offerings at a quay on

the western side of the Birket Habu at Malqata.336 A possible parallel to the

334
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 58, 59, 61, 63, pp. 61, 63, 65.
335
The clumps of papyrus may allude to the use of papyrus-stalks in stick-fighting bouts in the reliefs of the
Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef (Section 2.1.2, Scene 6). Clumps of papyrus
also appear to the right of the dancing women and the royal women seated in palanquins in the depiction of
the Sed Festival on the Scorpion Macehead; for discussion of these plants on the Scorpion Macehead, see
primarily Cialowicz, Les tetes de massues, p. 33, with references. The presence of the papyrus plants in
Scene 2a and in the Scorpion Macehead calls to mind the ritual shaking of the papyri (sSS-wid) and, thus,
may similarly symbolize rebirth and rejuvenation. For further discussion of the shaking of the papyrus
ritual, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7; Section 3.2.2.
336
For detailed discussion of the ritual landscape and waterscape of Amenhotep III at Malqata, see Section
2.1.0; Section 7.5. For identification of the various implements carried by the officials waiting at the quay
in this scene, see Fakhry, ASAE 42 (1943): 485. The fourth official carries a snake-headed wand and a
mallet. The mallet carried by this official is similar to the one used by Akhenaten in a fragmentary scene
from Karnak to hammer a stake (Redford, in Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, p. 77,
pi. 18.6). For discussion of snake-headed wands as apotropaic, magical implements, see primarily Darnell,

156
representations of the unloading products from boats in Scene 2a appears in a series of

scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at the Temple of Soleb; in these

scenes from Soleb, several royal officials busy themselves with the loading and

unloading of cattle, marsh plants, birds, wine jars, and metal ingots from a group of boats

at a quay (Fig. 175).337

Loading of First Barque with Offerings in Third Register:

itp ih.t nb.t nfr.t wcb.t r wB.w in it.w-ntr

Reception of all sorts of good and pure products for the barques by the god's fathers.

(f)h-nsw.t

Royal acquaintance338

SAK22 (1995): 88-89, footnote 219, with references; Willems, Coffin ofHeqata, pp. 125-131. Several
magical implements, including a snake-headed wand, magical knives, and a small statuette of a lioness-
masked woman holding two snake-headed wands, were discovered in a Middle Kingdom tomb at the site of
the Ramesseum; the cache also contained a collection of papyrus rolls that included the Dramatic
Ramesseum Papyrus. For the magical objects discovered in this cache at the Ramesseum, see primarily
Quibell, Ramesseum, p. 3, pis. 2-3; Ritner, Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, pp. 222-233;
Darnell, loc. cit; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, p. 53; Quack, ZAS 133 (2006): 72-73.
For further discussion of magical wands and knives from the Middle Kingdom, see also Altenmuller, Die
Apotropaia unddie Gbtter Mitteldgyptens; Altenmuller, WdO 14 (1983): 30-45; Altenmuller, SAK13
(1986): 1-27; Koenig, Magie etmagiciens dans I'Egypte ancienne, pp. 85-98; Vol3, in Polz, etal., MDAIK
55 (1999): 390-399; Perraud, BIFAO 102 (2002): 309-326; Hubai, SAK37 (2008): 169-198. The king uses
a long, straight, snake-headed rod and a long, wavy, snake-tailed rod in the ritual "driving of the calves"
(hw.t bhs.w); for detailed discussion of this ritual and the snake-shaped rods used by the king during the
performance of the ritual, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 5.
337
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 86-93, 134-137; for further discussion of these scenes from Soleb, see
Section 2.2.4; Section 7.2.
338
Interpretation of the title (r)h-nsw.t (with the orthography: Gardiner Sign M23 over Gardiner Sign Aal)
has proven problematic and controversial; for an overview of literature on this term, see Baud, Famille
royale etpouvoir sous I'Ancien Empire egyptien, Vol. l,pp. 107-118, with references. Wb. 2, 446.9-15
and 447.1-3 lists this particular orthographic writing as an example of the title rh-nsw.t, "royal
acquaintance." Fischer, MMJ12 (1978): 8, footnote 40, suggests that the original reading of this
orthographic writing of the title may have been iry-h.(t) nsw.t or h(nms)-nsw.t. As Baud, op. cit., pp. 114-
116, notes, this title is most often associated with officials who carry or manipulate ropes in royal rituals,
e.g. in the Raising of the Djed Pillar in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of
Kheruef (Section 2.1.2, Scene 3). Based on this association, Baud suggests a novel interpretation of the
title: "sachant meme que le signe h peut representr une corde roulee en pelote, sa mise en relation avec les
fonctions susmentionnees suggere tout simplement une lecture du hieroglyphe composite comme h-nswt, a
traduire par manipulateur de corde du roi, a defaut du neologisme encordeur du roi." Baud's suggestion is
sensible and may in the end be correct; however, to avoid confusion, the standardized translation "royal
acquaintance" is used here. According to Bohleke, JARCE 39 (2002): 160: "Though it died out in the joint
reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, the rank 'king's acquaintance' seems to have been resurrected

157
it-(ntr)
it-ntr

(God's) father
God's father

smn dr.t=k

Steady your hand.

Ssp r wyh m pi wi?

Receiving for stowing in the barque.

(r)h-nsw.t
(r)h-nsw.t

Royal acquaintance
Royal acquaintance

Transport of Offerings for Loading in Second and Third Barques in Third Register:

fil.t ty.w hnk.t kl.w Spd.w rnp.wt nb.t ndm.t bnr.t


ih.t nb.t nfr.t wrb.t r wB.w

The carrying of bread, beer, oxen, fowl, all sorts of sweet and pleasant plants,
and all sorts of good and pure products to the barques.

(r)h(.w)-nsw.t

Royal acquaintance(s)

Butchering of Bull in Third Register:

sft di.w r stp.w


hrp di.w r wB.w wrb sp-2 hr r.wy nsw.t

Butchery was performed upon the choice cuts;


The offering was placed upon the barques, doubly pure, under the authority of the king.

Loading of Second and Third Barques with Offerings in Third Register:

through the research in connection with Amenhotep Ill's jubilees, which aimed to hearken back to
ancient—and more 'authentic'—precedents." According to Gorre, ZAS 136 (2009): 8-18, rh-nsw.t takes on
a new meaning as a religious title in the Graeco-Roman Period after falling out of use as a courtly title
during the early Ptolemaic Period.

158
it.w-ntr
Ssp t?.w hnk.t k3.w Spd.w
ih.t nb.t nfr.t wcb.t rdi.t r wB.w
3tp ih.t nb.t nfr.t wrb.t r wB.w
sw pn n srhr dd

The god's fathers,


who receive bread, beer, oxen, fowl,
and all sorts of good and pure products (for) placement upon the barques,
who load all sorts of good and pure products upon the barques
on this day of Raising the Djed Pillar.

(r)h-nsw.t
hrp stp.w r wB

Royal acquaintance;
Bringing choice cuts to the barque.

(r)h-nsw.t

Royal acquaintance

Ssp ih.t nb.t [i]n it.w-ntr

Reception of all sorts of products by the god's fathers.

it-ntr

God's father

Royal Officials Awaiting the Delivery of Offerings at the Quay in Third Register:

smr.w nw pr-r3 cnh(.w) wd?(.w) snb(.w)


iry.w-rd.wy n nb B.wy
wnnyw m Sms.w ntr nfr
sS-nsw.t niyc mr—f
mh-ib mnh n nb tl.wy
imy-rS pr n hm.t-nsw.t wr.t Hry.w=f m?-hrw

Companions of the Pharaoh, l.p.h.;


Attendants of the lord of the two lands,
who are in the retinue of the junior god;
True royal scribe, whom he loves,
Excellent confidant of the lord of the two lands;
Steward of the chief wife of the king, Kheruef, justified.

iry.w n nb-tl.wy Sms.w ity nht

Officials of the lord of the two lands, who serve the victorious sovereign.

159
Transport of Unloaded Offerings in Register 1:

ms t3 hnk.t rnpw.t nb.t ndm.t bnr.t


ih.t nb.t nfr.t wcb.t n k!>=k Pth Skr dd n Wsir

Bringing of bread, beer, all sorts of sweet and pleasant plants,


all sorts of good and pure products for your ki, Ptah-Sokar, Djed Pillar of Osiris.

(r)h-nsw.t
(r)h-nsw.t
(r)h-nsw.t
(r)h-nsw.t

Royal acquaintance
Royal acquaintance
Royal acquaintance
Royal acquaintance

The butchery sequence in Scene 2a depicts a butcher removing the foreleg of a

sacrificial bull; a royal acquaintance to the left of the butcher carries away the bull's

foreleg for placement on a ceremonial barque loaded with a wide variety of food-

offerings.340 The slaughtering of a sacrificial bull in this scene probably symbolizes the

destruction of enemies, the subjugation of chaos, and the providing of nourishment (in

the form of meat offerings). In Scene 2b and Scene 3, the king offers "choice cuts" from

the slaughtered bull to the Djed Pillar, which appears in the form of a cult statue of the

syncretized underworld deity Ptah-Sokar-Osiris.

The earliest attested depiction of the butchering of a sacrificial bull at the Sed

Festival appears in a Predynastic painted tableau on the wall of Tomb 100 at

The offerings carried by these officials include several symbolically charged objects, e.g., offering tables
with ^/-pillars as legs, bundles of papyrus stalks, groups of fettered water birds, "Vj/j-signs, and lotus
flowers. For these groups of offerings as apotropaic symbols and symbols of renewal and regeneration, see
Arnst, in Arnst, ed., Begegnungen: Antike Kulturen im Niltal, pp. 19-53.
340
Two fragmentary relief blocks from Amenhotep Ill's mortuary temple on the west bank of the Nile at
Thebes depict an official carrying a bull's foreleg at the king's Sed Festival; see Haeny, Untersuchungen im
TotentempelAmenophis'III, pi. 40, nos. 95-96.

160
Hierakonpolis (Fig. 131c).341 Fragmentary scenes of butchery also appear in the Sed

Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (Fig. 176). In these

scenes from Abu Gurob, the butcher slits the throat of a sacrificial bull and removes one

of the forelegs of the bull; a priest carries off the bull's butchered foreleg as an offering.

The man who slaughters the bull in this scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre is

identified as imnh Snd.t, "the butcher of the Acacia (House);343 the caption to the butchery

scene reads: stp Ssr, "cutting up the sacrificial bull."344 Additionally, the slaughter

sacrificial bulls appears in several scenes in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from

341
For a detailed discussion of the butchery scene in Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Quibell and Green,
Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, pi. 76), see Section 5.3.1. The slaughtering of the bull takes place next to an
architectural feature that closely resembles later depictions of the />ra-pillar. Other ritual motifs in the
tableau include musical and dance performance, a boat procession, ritual combat, the hunting of desert
game animals, and the Konigslauf. Similar rituals are also performed at the third Sed Festival of
Amenhotep III in reliefs of the tomb of Kheruef, including a boat procession (Scene 2a), music and dance
rituals (Scene 4), and ritual combat (Scene 6).
342
Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 361-373. For discussion of this scene, see
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 113, footnote 1; Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 165-166; Fischer, Orientalia 29 (1960):
182-183, fig. 5. For further discussion, see also Section 2.2.3, Scene 3; Section 5.3.1.
343
Fischer, Orientalia 29 (1960): 183, follows Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 113, footnote 1, in suggesting
that the phrase Sd.t hr (or mh.t hr) that appears to the right of imnh Snd.t on block 361 belongs "to an
independent inscription." The meaning of the phrase is not entirely clear, but perhaps Sd.t hr means
"pulling on (a rope)," as in the Eloquent Peasant, Bl, 194-195 (= old Bl, 164; Parkinson, The Tale of the
Eloquent Peasant, p. 29):
m sbn
ir=k hmw
Sd hr nfry.t
"Do not go off course!
May you guide the steering oar!
Pull on the tiller rope!"
For discussion of the participation of a "dwarf of the Acacia House" in the Sed Festival of Osorkon II, see
Section 3.1.1.1.
344
Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, pi. 23, nos. 372-373. The phrase (r)di.t-r,
"giving the arm," appears on the latter block above the man who stands to the left of the butcher. This
same phrase is also spoken by a sm-priest who reaches his hand out towards the sacrificial bull during the
butchery sequence in Scenes 23 and 43 of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony (Otto, Das Agyptische
Mundoffnungsritual, Vol. 1, pp. 44, 96; Vol. 2, pp. 73, 102). According to Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, p.
128, when the priest extends his hand toward the bull in the Opening of the Mouth ceremony, he "points
out and marks the beast for slaughter." For further discussion of the phrase rdi.t-r and the gesture
represented by this phrase, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebarden, pp. 91-93.

161
the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak (Fig. 177). Like the butchery scenes from

Niuserre's Sed Festival, the slitting of the sacrificial bull's throat and the removal of the

bull's foreleg are both depicted in the butchery scenes from Akhenaten's Sed Festival

reliefs. Scenes depicting the slaughter of sacrificial bulls are not present in the extant Sed

Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis; however, in one scene, the king presents

butchered oxen as offerings to the gods of Egypt (Fig. 178).346 At the Sed Festivals of

Niuserre, Akhenaten, and Osorkon II, the context for the slaughtering of bulls is less clear

than in the tomb of Kheruef; however, the Djed Pillar does not appear to be the recipient

of the "choice cuts" of the slaughtered bull in any of these kings' Sed Festival reliefs.

The butchery scene in the representation of the Sed Festival in Tomb 100 at

Hierakonpolis also lacks any clear connection to the Djed Pillar.

The butchery sequence in Scene 2a from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef appears directly below a dance ritual performed by four

women identified as hmw.t inn.w hr whl.t, "women brought from the oasis"; these

women wear leather-bands across their chests and perform a dance move in which they

raise their arms above their heads.347 The outfits and dance movements of these women

are similar to those of a group of dancers, known as "the dance troupe of the Acacia

House" (hnr n Snd.i), who are depicted in several Old Kingdom tomb reliefs (Figs. 179-

182); this group of dancers appears most often in association with scenes depicting the

345
For further discussion of the scenes of butchery from the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten (Smith and
Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 73.1, 75.1-2), see Section 2.2.5, Scene 3; Section 5.3.1.
346
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 7-8. The caption to the scene reads: ir.t htp-di-nsw.t (n) ntr.w
hnt hw.wt ntr.w n{.w) hb-sd, "Performance of the htp-di-nsw.t formula (for) the gods in front of the
enclosures of the gods of the Sed Festival."
347
For further discussion of these women, their outfits, and their dance movements, see Section 2.1.2,
Scene 4b; Section 3.1.3.1.

162
ritual slaughter of a bull and the preparation of food offerings. The Acacia House was

an abattoir of the mortuary cult and a sanctuary of the goddess Sakhmet; the butchered

meats from the Acacia house served as nourishment for the deceased and as offerings to

pacify the violent goddess Sakhmet.349 The combination of dancing women and butchery

in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef strongly

parallels the butchery and dancing rites of the mortuary cult at the Acacia House. The

identification of the butcher in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre as a "butcher of the

Acacia (House)" further links the butchery rites of the Sed Festival and the Acacia

House.350 Thus, the butchery sequence at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival very likely

shares the same symbolic function as the Acacia House sequence—to channel the violent

power of Sakhmet to destroy potentially dangerous enemies and to facilitate rebirth and

rejuvenation through an association with the regenerative properties of the solar cycle.

A text from reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef

records the performance of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony for the divine standards

of the Sed Festival gods during the procession of the solar barque; the ceremony includes

the sacrifice of "oxen and small cattle."351 The Opening of the Mouth ceremony is not

348
For the hnr n Snd.t ("dance troupe of the Acacia House"), see Edel, Das Akazienhaus und seine Rolle in
den Begrabnisriten; Wild, in Les danses sacrees, p. 91; Nord, in Simpson and Davis, eds., Studies in
Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan, p. 141; Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, pp. 54-55; Kinney, Dance,
Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, pp. 23-25; Hendrickx, etal., in Riemer, etal.,
eds., Desert Animals in the Eastern Sahara, pp. 212-219; Darnell, Theban Desert Road Survey, Vol. 3 (in
preparation). For further discussion of Old Kingdom depictions of the dancing women of the Acacia house
and their relationship to butchery rituals of the mortuary cult, see also Section 3.1.1.1; Section 5.3.1.
349
On the dual role of the Acacia House as an abattoir of the mortuary cult and a sanctuary of the goddess
Sakhmet, see Edel, Das Akazienhaus und seine Rolle in den Begrabnisriten, especially pp. 19-22.
350
For discussion of the the man who slaughters sacrificial bulls in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre as
the "butcher of the Acacia (House)," see supra, this section.
351
For the performance of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony and the associated ritual sacrifice of cattle
at the celebration of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6.

163
directly mentioned in the bull-slaughtering scene from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's

third Sed Festival; however, the symbolism of the slaughtering of the bull in the scene is

likely related to the symbolism of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony. During the

Opening of the Mouth ceremony, the foreleg and heart of a sacrificial bull were removed

by a butcher in the presence of a sm-priest, a lector priest, and a woman identified as a

"kite" idry.t). The "kite" in the scene probably performed a "bird-dance" that was

intended to mimic the flapping of the wings of a bird; during this dance, the "kite" would

have raised her arms above her head like the female dancers who appear in

representations of the Acacia House and in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef.353 The butchery ritual at the Opening of the Mouth

ceremony probably originated from a Predynastic hunting ritual; thus, the "kite" in this

scene represents a scavenger bird hovering over a recently felled game animal.354 A

similar ritual involving the ritual slaughter of a sacrificial bull appears in Scenes 3 and 4

of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus; however, the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus

mythologizes the ritual by identifying the human and animal actors as deities.355 The

significance of the mythological identification of the various actors and animals is

352
For the ritual slaughter of oxen in Scenes 23-25 and Scenes 43-45 of the Opening of the Mouth
ceremony, see Otto, Das Agyptische Mundoffnungsritual, Vol. 1, pp. 43-55, 96-104; Vol. 2, pp. 73-80, 102-
106; Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 164-177; TeVelde, Seth: God of Confusion, pp. 87-89.
353
For further discussion of the "bird-dance" and its connection to the "kites" at the Opening of the Mouth
and other mortuary rituals, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 4b; Section 3.1.1.3.
354
Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 164-177, has suggested that the butchery episodes of the Opening of the Mouth
ceremony and the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus originate in a "pre-mythical hunting scene." According to
Otto, loc. cit, the woman labeled dry.t "represents a carrion bird circling above the slain animal, with its
shrieking interpreted as speech."
355
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 109-119, Scenes 3-4,11. 8-14; pp. 246-247, Image 2. For discussion of
these scenes, see also Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 164-177, especially 168,171-172; Altenmuller, JEOL 19
(1966): 438-440; van der Vliet, BSAK3 (1988): 407, footnote 14; Gestermann, in Rothohler and Manisali,
eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 38; Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., op.
cit., pp. 236-238; Lorand, Lepapyrus dramatique du Ramesseum, pp. 134-135.

164
uncertain and controversial since, in this regard, the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus

apparently breaks from tradition by identifying the god Thoth as the sacrificial bull.

However, in Scene 41 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, Thoth slaughters a sacrificial

bull that clearly represents Seth:357

Dhwty pw iti=fSth n Wsir


fd.n=fn=fhpS=f

"The one who brings Seth to Osiris is Thoth,

after he has removed his foreleg for him."

The slaughtering of Seth in Scene 41 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus is likely

intended to punish Seth for his transgressions against Osiris and to prevent him from

committing any further misdeeds.

After the butchery sequence of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony, the foreleg

and heart of the bull were offered to the statue of the deceased; this sequence imbued the

deceased with nourishment and power in order to effect his rejuvenation and
58
reanimation. The foreleg and heart of the bull are both included in the offerings

Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 109-119, may be correct in suggesting that Thoth should be understood as
the butcher, not the sacrificial bull, in Scenes 3-4 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus. However, Otto,
JNES 9 (1950): 171-172, has criticized Sethe's "conception of a changeless myth with the roles of the gods
clearly defined" and his "conviction that these roles in a dramatic play must maintain a uniform character."
Instead, Otto, he. cit, has suggested that Thoth is correctly identified as the sacrificial bull in the Dramatic
Ramesseum Papyrus despite the existence of numerous ritual bull-slaughtering scenes in which Thoth
consistently plays the role of butcher.
357
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 230-233, Scene 41,11. 126-129.
358
The Egyptian word hpS (written with the hieroglyphic sign for the foreleg of a bull) can mean "Arm,
Kraft" (Wb. 3, 268.10-269.19) or "(Vorder)schenkel" (Wb. 3, 268.4-8); both senses of the word seem to be
appropriate for the offering of the bull's foreleg at the Opening of the Mouth ceremony. For the orientation
of the bull's foreleg hieroglyph in various contexts, see Fischer, Orientation of Hieroglyphs, Vol. 1, pp.
121-127. Gordon and Schwabe, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of
Egyptologists, pp. 461-469, suggest that the foreleg was removed from the sacrificial bull while the animal
was still alive at the Opening of the Mouth ceremony; according to these authors, the Egyptians interpreted
the twitching muscles of the recently amputated bull's foreleg as a type of magical life-force that could be
transferred to the deceased. For discussion of the offering of the foreleg and heart of a bull at the Opening
of the Mouth ceremony as a ritual of renewal and rejuvenation, see Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, pp. 53-54.
For further discussion, also also Section 5.3.1. For discussion of the overall purpose of the Opening of the
Mouth ceremony, see Otto, Das Agyptische Mundoffnungsritual; Roth, JEA 78 (1992): 113-147; Roth, JEA

165
presented to the Djed Pillar by Amenhotep III in Scene 2b. In addition to providing

nourishment that ultimately facilitates the rejuvenation of the deceased, the slaughter of

the sacrificial bull also symbolizes the defeat of enemies during a critical period of

transition.359 The symbolism of the butchery sequence and the offering of "choice cuts"

to the Djed Pillar at the Sed Festival is likely very similar to the symbolism of the

offering of the bull's heart and foreleg to the deceased at the Opening of the Mouth

ceremony. The slaughtering of the bull symbolizes the destruction of enemies, and the

offering of meat provides nourishment that is necessary for the regeneration of Osiris.

In addition to meat from the sacrificial bull, several varieties of flowers and

vegetables are loaded onto barques for transport to the area designated for the offering

ritual. The offering of rnp.wt-plants emphasizes the themes of rejuvenation and

regeneration since the word rnp.wt is etymologically related to the word rnpi, "to be

young."360 One of the varieties of rnp.wt-plants included in the offerings being loaded

79 (1993): 57-79; Fischer-Elfert, Die Vision von der Statue im Stein; Roth, in Redford, ed., The Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 605-609.
359
The speech of the lector priest to the statue of the deceased receiving the bull's foreleg and heart in
Scene 23 and 43 of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony stresses that the butchered bull was an enemy of
the deceased (Otto, Das Agyptische Mundoffnungsritual, Vol. 1, pp. 46-47, 98-99; Vol. 2, pp. 74, 102; Otto,
JNES9 (1950): 167-169, fig. IE):
iim.n(=i) n=k sn
in(.n=i) n=khfty.w=k
hnk=f hr=k
ngi.n(=i) n=k sw tm
mrrr ntr pf
"For you have (I) bound them (i.e., the sacrificial animals).
For you have I brought your enemies,
he being laid out under you.
For you have I slaughtered him completely.
'Do not rise up against that god!'"
360
Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, p. 179, suggests that the rnp.wt-plants
offered by Herihor to Amun-Re in a scene from the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak are "symbolic of
rejuvenation" based on an etymological link to the adjective-verb rnpi, "to be young" (Wb. 2, 432.11-22,
433.1-31, 434.1-8). For the offering of rnp.t-plants to Osiris and Isis at Sebbenytos, see Koemoth, Osiris et
les arbres, pp. 37-38. For a detailed discussion of the "offering of rnp.t-p\ants" (rdi.t rnp.wt) in the wall
reliefs of Egyptian temples, see Dittmar, Blumen und Blumenstrausse, pp. 79-108.

166
onto the barques is onions. Onions (hd.w) have a special connection to the god Sokar-

Osiris and play an important cultic role at the Khoiak Festival. Worn as necklaces by

celebrants and offered to Sokar-Osiris and the deceased on the 25th and 26th nights of

Khoiak, onions helped to facilitate the regeneration of the corpse of Osiris by means of

their purifying and illuminative qualities.362 The light understood to emanate from the

onions served an apotropaic function in protecting Osiris from Apophis and other

serpentine enemies during the period of time leading up to the Solar-Osirian unity and the

subsequent reanimation of Osiris. At Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival, the onions

presented as offerings to the Djed Pillar most likely play a similar apotropaic role; they

help to protect the underworld deity Ptah-Sokar-Osiris from his enemies and to facilitate

the regeneration of the god.

SCENE 2 B : GRANTING OF OFFERINGS BY THE KING 3 6 3

To the left of the enthronement scene in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef is a scene depicting the presentation of offerings to a

mummiform, anthropomorphic cult statue of the Djed Pillar (Fig. 183). The royal

benefactor Amenhotep III stands before the Djed Pillar's kiosk with a vast assortment of

offerings arranged on two offering tables or platters. The king's outfit in this scene

consists of the blue crown, a broad collar, a pair of armlets, a pair of bracelets, a pair of

361
For a detailed discussion of onions and their significance at the Khoiak Festival of Sokar-Osiris, see
Graindorge, RdE 43 (1992): 87-105. The discussion of the significance of onions in this section is based
primarily on Graindorge's article. For discussion of the connection between the Khoiak Festival and the
Raising of the Djed Pillar, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 3.
362
According to Graindorge, RdE A3 (1992): 90, onions were understood to have illuminative qualities
based on a word-play between hd.w ("onions," Wb. 3,212.5-9) and hd ("to be white or bright," Wb. 3,
206.14-18, 207.1-27, 208.1-6).
363
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pi. 54, pp. 58-59.

167
sandals, and a kilt with a bull's tail attached to the back of the waist. In his left hand,

Amenhotep III carries an rnh-sign; with his right hand, he presents the offerings to the

Djed Pillar. The top platter of offerings contains, onions, bread, cuts of beef, fowl, a calf,

and a bouquet of flowers; the bottom platter contains the carcasses of a butchered oryx

(m3-hd) and an ox (iwl). A nms.t-jar and two additional bouquets of flowers rest on

stands within the kiosk just in front of the statue of the Djed Pillar. The mummiforrn,

anthropomorphic statue clasps a nhlhi-flail and hki-scepter in his hands and wears a

double-feathered cnd.ti-crovm that is adorned with a solar disk and twin uraei.366

Offering to the Djed Pillar:

sm?r r3b.t c3.t


m iwS.w wnd.w ih.t nb.t nfr.t wrb.t
n Wsir hid d.t

Presenting great offerings


consisting of oxen, short-horned cattle, and all sorts of good and pure products,
to Osiris, Ruler of Eternity.367

Titulary of Amenhotep III:

ntr nfr nb tl.wy Nb-M3r.t-Rc


s3 Rc n h.t=f'Imn-htp hB W3s.t
d.t Rr hnt tS.wy mr.n=fr nsw.t nb
di rnh mi Rr

Junior god, lord of the two lands, Nebmaatre;


Bodily son of Re, Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes;

Amenhotep Ill's outfit in this scene is similar to the one he wears in Section 2.1.2, Scene la.
365
In a rite of purification during during Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, the "daughters of the
chieftains" to offer cool water to the king from nms.t-jars and s(n)b.t-vases; for discussion of this scene, see
Section 2.1.1, Scene 3; Section 3.1.2.
366
According to Amann, WdO 14 (1983): 52-53, the statue of the Djed Pillar in this scene "bildet das
fruhste bekannte Beispiel fur einen mit Augen und Armen versehenen Djed-Pfeiler"; the anthropomorphic
statue of the Djed Pillar with eyes, arms, W.r/-crown, crook, and flail is a manifestation of the god Osiris.
367
For hki d.t as an epithet of Osiris, see Leitz, Lexikon der dgyptischen Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen,
Vol. 5, pp. 531-532. For discussion of the 23 rd Dynasty temple at Karnak that is dedicated to Osiris, Ruler
of Eternity, see Redford, JEA 59 (1973): 16-30.

168
Image of Re in front of the two lands, whom he preferred to any (other) king,
given life like Re.

Protection of the King:

s3 cnh nb hS=fmi Rr

The protection of all life surrounds him like Re.

Vulture Above King:

Wldy.t nb.t pr-nw

Wadjet, lady of the Per-Nu shrine.

Offerings Given by the King:

ml-hd
twS
hnk.t nb.t ndm.t bnr.t
Ih.t nb.t nfr.t wrb.t

Oryx;
Ox;
All sorts of sweet and pleasant offerings;
^r»R

All sorts of good and pure products.

Words Accompanying the Offering:


dd mdw di.n(=i) n=k dfi.w
dd mdw di.n(-i) n=k hw
Words to be spoken: "I have given provisions to you."
Words to be spoken: "I have given food to you."

Personified Djed Pillar:

htp m shn inb.w in ntr pn hft srhr dd

Resting in the walled shrine by this god at the time of Raising the Djed Pillar.

dl-fnh nb ?w.t-ib nb(.t) snb nb


Wsir hnty m hw.t Skr ntr r3 nsw.t rnh.w

For discussion of this list of offerings, see Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian
Kingship, p. 164, footnote 317; Walker, loc. cit., suggests that the description of these offerings as ndm
bnr emphasizes the offerings' ability to pacify the god.

169
As he gives all life, all joy, and all health,
^f\Q ^70
Osiris, foremost in the temple of Sokar, great god, king of the living ones.

si rnh nb r-hi—fnb mi Rr
dd wis snb hr ns.t it-fGb

The protection of all life surrounds him entirely like Re;


Stability, dominion, and health upon the throne of his father Geb.

iw n=k rnh dd wSs


hki-k hr ns.t Gb Wnn-nfr s3 Nw.t
rs-wdi m pr=fn imh.t

Life, stability, and dominion belong to you,


^71
so that you may rule upon the throne of Geb, Onnophris, the son of Nut,
IT) ^7^
who awakes uninjured in his house of the netherworld.

The offerings presented to the Djed Pillar in Scene 2b include several types of

meat and fowl, including oryx, ox, and geese; the depiction of the preparation of these

offerings in Scene 2a includes the ritual slaughter of a sacrificial bull. Similarly, the

offering of a goose and a young goat follows the slaughtering of a sacrificial bull in some

369
For hnty m hw.t Skr (variant: hnty hw.t Skr) as an epithet of Osiris, see Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen
Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 5. pp. 838-839. By the Old Kingdom, Osiris was already connected
to Sokar, e.g., in the Pyramid Texts; for discussion of this early association of Sokar and Osiris, see
Brovarski, in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 1060-1061; Mikhail, GM 82 (1984): 25-26, with references. The mortuary
temple of Amenhotep III on the west bank of the Nile at Thebes included a sacred precinct called "the
temple of Sokar" (hw.t-Skr); for discussion of this temple, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1, footnote 54.
370
For nsw.t rnh.w as an epithet of Osiris, Onnophris, and Re, see Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter
und Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 4, p. 323.
371
In an 18th dynasty private stela (Berlin Museum 7769), Nakht and his wife Mut-nofret praise Amenhotep
III as a manifestation of the deity Onnophris; for discussion of this stela, see Radwan, MDAIK29 (1973):
71-76.
372
For rs wdi as an epithet of the resurrected Osiris, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1, footnote 47. For discussion
of the sign used to write rs wdi in this passage, see Berlandini, in Zivie, ed., Memphis etses necropoles au
nouvel empire, p. 28.
373
For imh.t as "a designation of the netherworld realm of Sokar," see Wente, in Epigraphic Survey, Tomb
ofKheruef, p. 59, note e. Meeks, Annee Lexicographique, Vol. 3, p. 22, catalogue entry 79.0234, regards
imh.t as a designation for '"la source' du Nil du Nord puis, par extension, Pentree du royaume des morts."
Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 122, footnote 368, notes: "In the Fourth and Fifth Hours of the Amduat, Re
travels through the Land of Sokar (ti skr) along the 'roads of Imhet.'"

170
versions of Scenes 23-24 and 43-44 of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony.374 The

presentation of these butchered animals as food offerings at the Opening of the Mouth

ceremony symbolizes the subjugation of chaos and the providing of nourishment for the

deceased. The offering of oryx (mi-hd) and geese to the Djed Pillar in Scene 2b most

likely symbolizes the destruction of the enemies of the syncretized underworld deity

Ptah-Sokar-Osiris.375 As a desert game animal, the oryx is connected in Egyptian

religious thought to Seth, the god of confusion.376 In order for the regeneration of Osiris

to occur during the Raising of the Djed Pillar, the enemies of Osiris needed to be

supressed and kept at bay.377 Foremost among these enemies was Seth, the god

responsible for the dismemberment of his brother Osiris; in punishment for his misdeeds,

374
Otto, Das Agyptische Munddffnimgsritual, Vol. 1, pp. 43-51, 96-101; Vol. 2, pp. 73-78, 102-105. For
further discussion of these scenes, see also Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 164-177; Graindorge, JEA 82 (1996): 88-
89; Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, p. 93, footnote 81.
375
For the offering of animals in general as a symbol of the destruction of enemies, see Junker, ZAS 48
(1910): 69-77; Kees, Bemerkungen zum Tieropfer der Agypter undseiner Symbolik, pp. 71-88; Eyre, The
Cannibal Hymn, pp. 52-57,170-171. For the specific symbolism of the offering of geese in connection
with the destruction of enemies, see Junker, in Firchow, ed., Agyptologische Studien: Hermann Grapow
zum 70. Geburtstaggewidmet, pp. 171-175; Stork, LA, Vol. 2., cols. 373-376; Eggebrecht, LA, Vol. 2., cols.
371-372; Graindorge, JEA 82 (1996): 88-89, with references; Meurer, Die Feinde des Konigs in den
Pyramidentexten, pp. 151-152; Arnst, in Arnst, ed., Begegnungen: Antike Kulturen im Niltal, pp. 19-53,
especially pp. 31-32. A ritual in which the king cooks a goose on a brazier before a deity may suggest the
fiery destruction of enemies; for discussion of this ritual, see Eggebrecht, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 848-850, with
references; Assmann, in Biderman and Scharftstein, eds., Interpretation in Religion, pp. 94-96; Eyre, The
Cannibal Hymn, pp. 38-39,110.
376
For the sacrifice of the oryx as a Sethian enemy of Horus and Osiris, see Derchain, Le sacrifice de
I'oryx; Stork, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 319-323, with references; Germond, BSEG 13 (1989): 51-55; Labrique, in
Clarysse, eta/., eds., Egyptian Religion: The Last Thousand Years, Vol. 2, pp. 883-902; Meurer, Die Feinde
des Konigs in den Pyramidentexten, p. 150, footnote 3; Griffiths, in Verhoeven and Graefe, eds., Religion
und Philosophie im Alten Agypten, p. 153, footnote 16. In his study of the ritual sacrifice of the oryx in the
Graeco-Roman Period, Derchain, op. cit., pp. 28-29, concludes: "L'antilope ayant ete indentifiee avec Seth
devient naturellement l'ennemi type, et en particulier celui de l'oeil d'Horus, dans les textes tardifs."
377
For discussion of the regeneration of Osiris during the Raising of the Djed Pillar, see Section 2.1.2,
Scene 3.

171
Seth—in the form of a sacrificial animal—was forced to carry Osiris and was then

slaughtered.378

Oryxes are also included as offerings in the Sed Festival reliefs of other kings;

however, the context for these offerings is not as clearly understood as in the tomb of

Kheruef. In a scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru at Dahshur, the king conducts

an inspection of the stalls where living oryxes are kept (Fig. 184). This inspection

scene does not show the slaughter of the oryxes; however, the scene very likely alludes to

the sacrifice of these animals at the Sed Festival of Snofru. A talatat block of Akhenaten

from Karnak Temple depicts a royal palace with facilities for animal husbandry (Fig.

185); although this relief has not been previously linked to Akhenaten's Sed Festival, the

facilities depicted on the block may have been utilized for butchery rituals at the king's

Sed Festival.380 In a courtyard to the right of the cattle pen on the far left of talatat block,

a man attends to two pairs of oryxes feeding at troughs; this scene perhaps parallels the

royal inspection of oryx stalls at Snefru's Sed Festival. The mention of oryxes in a

fragmentary inscription from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis may also

refer to the slaughter of these animals as part of the procession of the barque of Amun.381

378
For Seth's murder of Osiris and his subsequent punishment, see, e.g., TeVelde, Seth: God of Confusion,
pp. 81-98; Meurer, Die Feinde des Konigs in den Pyramidentexten, pp. 101-191. Eyre, The Cannibal
Hymn, pp. 168-169, notes that in a Late Period magical stela (Kestner Museum 1935.200.445; Derchain,
RdE 16 (1964): 19-23), "Seth is threatened with burning and mutilation by Sakhmet and by the eye of
Horus, and it is then threatened that he will eat the enemy of the eye of Horus—that is to say, himself as an
oryx." For discussion of the Raising of the Djed Pillar as a celebration of the triumph of Osiris over Seth,
see Altenmttller, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 1101-1103.
379
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 101-104, figs. 99-104; Edel, in Der
Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 206-208, fig. 4. According to
Edel's reconstruction of the scene, the caption reads: m" md.wt n(.t) mi.w-hd.w rnh(.w), "Inspecting the
stalls of living oryxes."
380
Anus, BIFAO 69 (1971): 73-79, block 3.
381
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 13, no. 5. The relevant text reads: mi.w-hd.w n it=f'Imn [...],
"oryxes of his father Amun [...]." For further discussion of this scene, see Section 2.2.6, Scene 13.

172
A group of butchery and offering scenes from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus

relates directly to the ceremonial Raising of the Djed Pillar; as such, they provide

important comparative material to illuminate the significance of the butchery and offering

scenes connected to the Raising of the Djed Pillar at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival

in the tomb of Kheruef. In Scenes 12-13 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, a goose
101

and a young goat are decapitated and offered to the Djed Pillar:
hpr.n hnk n Dd
m tp n ib mtp n smn
Hr pw shm
dd.t=fir.w n=f
dd mdw wdi.tw n(=i) [s]$d
hnk 2 sh.t
Gb dd mdw (n) Dhwty
wdi n=ftp=fsp 2
tp Sth
hnk tp n lb tp n smn
hw.t nbw

"It happened that an offering was made for the Djed Pillar
consisting of the head of a kid and the head of a goose.
The powerful one is Horus,
for whom that which he speaks is done.384
Words to be spoken: 'To me does one extend the fillet.'
— two offerings of grain.

382
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 147-156, Scenes 12-13,11. 41-47; pp. 249-250, Images 7-8. For
discussion of these scenes, see also Kees, Bemerkungen zum Tieropfer der Agypter und seiner Symbolik,
pp. 72-75; Helck, Orientalia 23 (1954): 390-391; Junker, in Firchow, ed., Agyptologische Studien:
Hermann Grapow zum 70. Geburtstag gewidmet, pp. 173-174; Altenmuller, JEOL 19 (1966): 429-430,
440-442; Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and his Cult, pp. 111-113; Altenmuller, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 1101-
1102; van der Vliet, BSAK 3 (1988): 405-411; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, p. 50;
Eyre, The Cannibal Hymn, p. 93, footnote 81; Meurer, Die Feinde des Kbnigs in den Pyramidentexten, pp.
150-151; p. 155, footnote 4; p. 199 footnote 6; Gestermann, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos &
Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 38; Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., op. cit.,pp. 243-244.
3
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 153-156, Scene 13,11. 46-47. For further discussion of this scene, see
Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 243-244;
Lorand, Lepapyrus dramatique du Ramesseum, pp. 126-128.
384
Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 243-244,
has recently questioned Sethe's interpretation of this line and offered a new translation: "Horus ist das,
dessen Zorn machtig ist, der fur sich gehandelt." The papyrus is fragmentary in this section of text;
however, the traces of ink in this line (Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pi. 4,1. 46) appear to support Sethe's
dd.t=f("was er sagt") rather than Schneider's dnd=f (udessen Zorn").

173
Geb speaks to Thoth:
'Extend his head to him two times!'
— the head of Seth
— the offering of the head of a kid and the head of a goose

— temple of gold."

Thus, the text of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus clearly equates the offering of the

decapitated goose and young goat with the subjugation of the god Seth.

SCENE 3: THE RAISING OF THE DJED PILLAR 3 8 5

To the left of Scene 2b is a scene depicting the rites of the Raising of the Djed

Pillar at the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III (Fig. 186). During the performance of

this ritual, Amenhotep III—with the assistance of a group of four attendants—raises a

large statue of the Djed Pillar onto a pedestal by pulling a rope that is attached to the

pillar. The group of attendants who assists the king during the Raising of the Djed Pillar

includes an unlabeled official who guides the pillar onto the pedestal and three royal

acquaintances who pull a rope that is attached to the pillar. A kneeling god's father

who appears directly in front of the Djed Pillar is responsible for arranging a platter of

offerings that includes bread, beer, beef, fowl, flowers, and onions.387 In the portion of

the scene above these offerings, a sm-priest and a master craftsman bow their heads

Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 56, pp. 59-61. For discussion of this scene, see van de Walle,
La nouvelle Clio 5-6 (1954): 293-297; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 116-118; Wente, in Studies in
Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 83, 90-91; Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 72-74; David,
Religious Ritual at Abydos, p. 248; Altenmuller, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 1101-1103; Barta, Untersuchungen zur
Gottlichkeit des regierenden Konigs, pp. 63-67; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 51-69; van Dijk, OMRO 66
(1986): 13; van der Vliet, BSAK3 (1988): 405-411; Mostafa, GM109 (1989): 43; Kemp, Ancient Egypt:
Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 216; Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 271-276,295-297,
404-410; Walker, Aspects of the Primaeval Nature of Egyptian Kingship, pp. 274-276; Negm, Discussions
in Egyptology, 57 (2003): 69-70; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp. 85-86; Hornung
and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 93.
386
Since the unlabeled official standing behind the Djed Pillar wears the same outfit as the it-ntr ("god's
father") who presents offerings to the statue, he may also be a god's father.
387
The offerings on the tray in this scene are similar to the offerings that appear on the top tray in Section
2.1.2, Scene 2a.

174
respectfully towards Amenhotep III as the sacred rite is performed.388 Standing dutifully

behind the king, Tiye clasps a lotus flower in her right hand and a fe-scepter in her left

hand.389

Titulary of Amenhotep III:

ntr nfr nb ti.wy Nb-M3r.t-Rc


si Rr [...] ['Imn-htp hkl WSs.t]
di cnh [...]
S'3 [.J

Junior god, lord of the Two Lands, Nebmaatre;


Son of Re, [...] [Amenhotep, Ruler of Thebes];
given life [...],
who glorifies [...].

Protection of the King:

s3 cnh nb dd wis nb r-h?=f {nb} mi Rr d.t

The protection of all life, all stability, and dominion surrounds him like Re forever.

Titulary of Tiye:

iry.t-pr.t wr.t hsw.t hnw.t n.t tl.w nb.w mh.t ch m mrw.t


hm.t-nsw.t wr.t mry.t=fTiy
r
nh.tl rnpi.ti rc nb

Noblewoman, great of praise, mistress of all lands, who fills the palace with love,
chief wife of the king, whom he loves, Tiye,
may she live and be youthful every day!

Tiye's epithet, "she who fills the palace with love," likely alludes to the hieros

gamos of the king and the queen; the result of the royal couple's sacred union is the

rejuvenation of the king and transfer of the creative powers of the solar deity to the

388
For bowing as a gesture of respect, see Dominicus, Gesten undGebdrden, pp. 21-25.
389
For the /jfs-scepter as ritual object associated with queenship during the New Kingdom, see Troy,
Patterns of Queenship, pp. 83-85.

175
king.390 The exclamation cnh.ti rnpi.ti r f nb ("May she live and be youthful every day!")

suggests that the queen herself also experienced the same renewal as Amenhotep III

during the rites of the Sed Festival.391

Raising the Djed Pillar:

srhr dd in nsw.t
ir.n=fn it-fSkr Wsir ntr ri hry-ib Sty.t
di-frnh nb dd wis nb snb nb lw.t-ib nb(.t)
dfi.w nb(.w) dbh.w m hb-sd
ml it=fHr-tS-nn

The Raising of the Djed Pillar by the king,


which he did for his father Sokar-Osiris, the great god, residing in Shetyt,392
so that he might give all life, all stability and dominion, all health, all joy,
and all provisions required in the Sed Festival
like his father Horus-Tatenen.393

srhr dd in nsw.t ds=f


ir=fdi cnh mi Rc d.t nhh

The Raising of the Djed Pillar by the king himself,


that he may achieve "given life" like Re forever and ever.

srhr dd in nsw.t ds=f


hd t? n hb.w-sd

The Raising of the Djed Pillar by the king himself.


That the day is about to dawn is for the Sed Festival rites.394

(r)h.w-nsw.t

Royal acquaintances

390
For the queenly epithet mr.t rh m mrw.t and its allusion to the hieros gamos, see Troy, Patterns of
Queenship, pp. 100, 184, no. A4/2. For further discussion of this epithet of Tiye and its connection to the
hieros gamos, see Sections 3.2.2.
391
A similar description of the renewal of Tiye's youthfulness appears in Section 2.1.1, Scene 1.
392
For hry-ib Sty.t as an epithet of Sokar-Osiris, see Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter und
Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 5, pp. 348-349.
393
For the significance of the syncretized deity Horus-Tatenen in the inscriptions of Amenhotep Ill's first
Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 1, footnote 45.
394
For discussion of the grammar and meaning of this line, see Gilula, in Studies in Honor of George R.
Hughes, pp. 81-82; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 55.

176
The Djed Pillar:

[Pth-Sk]r-Wsir

[Ptah-Soka]r-Osiris395

wnn s? cnh nb r-hi-fmi Rc rr nb

It is every day that the protection of all life shall surround him like Re.

Performance of Ceremonies:

st? sm wr hrp hmw.t


rdi.t chc=sn r rd.w s.t
r ir.t irr.w n schr dd m-b?h nsw.t

Bringing forward of the sm-priest and the master craftsman.


Causing them to stand at the steps of the throne
to perform the ceremonies of the Raising of the Djed Pillar before the king.

sm
wr hrp hmw.t

Sm-priest;
Master craftsman.

Offering to the Djed Pillar:

rdi.t htp-ntr hnk n dd

Giving a divine offering and making offering to the Djed Pillar.

hnk m t? hnk.t

Making an offering consisting of bread and beer.

The name of the syncretized triad Ptah-Sokar-Osiris is written out clearly in Section 2.1.2, Scene 5. For
Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, seeLeitz, Lexikon der dgyptischen Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 3, pp. 176-
177, with references.
396
A biographical text on a funerary stela of the master craftsman Pl-Sri-n-Pth (Psen-Ptah III) indicates that
one of the roles of master craftsmen during the Ptolemaic Period was to produce golden jewelry for the Sed
Festival; along with several other notable achievements from his life, Psen-Ptah III describes how he
personally presented a golden collar and a uraeus to Ptolemy X on the occasion of the king's Sed Festival.
For the section of his funerary stela in which Psen-Ptah III describes his role in the Sed Festival of Ptolemy
X, see Reymond, From the Records of a Priestly Family from Memphis, p. 142, no. 18b, 1. 8; Derchain, in
Clarysse, eta/., eds., Egyptian Religion: The Last Thousand Years, Vol. 2, pp. 1157-1158.

177
ih.t nb.t nfr.t wrb.t

All sorts of good and pure things.

It-ntr

God's Father

The performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony by Amenhotep III

during the rites of his third Sed Festival is the only known example of the performance of

this ceremony at a celebration of the Sed Festival. The Raising of the Djed Pillar

ceremony, however, does appear in several other contexts, including the Dramatic

Ramesseum Papyrus,397 the Coffin Texts,398 the Book of the Dead,399 reliefs from several

New Kingdom and Late Period private tombs at Thebes and Memphis,400 a relief from

the First Hall of Osiris in the Temple of Seti I at Abydos,401 and festival calendars

recording the events of the 30th day of the Khoiak Festival.402 In each of these various

397
For the Raising of the Djed Pillar in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see Sethe, Dramatische Texte,
pp. 156-160, Scenes 14-15,11. 48-52; p. 250, Image 9.
398
The Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony occurs in Coffin Texts Spells 337 and 338.
399
The Raising of the Djed Pillar occurs in Book of the Dead Spells 18, 19, and 20.
400
For depictions of the Raising of the Djed Pillar in reliefs from several New Kingdom and Late Period
private tombs at Thebes and Memphis, see Mikhail, GM 83 (1984): 59, with references; van Dijk, OMRO
66 (1986): 7-20; Mostafa, GM 109 (1989): 41-50, with references; Graindorge-Hereil, Le DieuSokar, Vol.
1, pp. 273-278, 408, footnote 181; Negm, Discussions in Egyptology 57 (2003): 68-70, with references;
Assem, in RoGler-KQhler and Tawfik, eds., Die Ihr vorbeigehen werdet... wenn Tempel, Grdber und
Statuen spree hen, pp. 51-58.
401
For the depiction of the Raising of the Djed Pillar in a relief from the Temple of Seti I at Abydos, see
Calverley and Gardiner, The Temple ofKingSethos at Abydos, Vol. 3, pi. 8; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals,
pp. 116-117; David, Religious Ritual at Abydos, p. 226, Scene H, pp. 246-252; Amann, WdO 14 (1983): 52;
Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 58-59; van Dijk, OMRO 66 (1986): 15; Park, Discussions in Egyptology 32
(1995): 75-84.
402
The Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony occurs on the 30th day of Khoiak in several sources, including
the festival calendar of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu (Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 3, pi. 160;
Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pp. 171-172; El-Sabban, Temple Festival Calendars of Ancient
Egypt, pp. 113-115); the festival calendar at Edfu (Chassinat, Le temple d'Edfou, Vol. 5, p. 351; Alliot, Le
Culte d'Horus a Edfou au temps des Ptolemees, pp. 216, 226; El-Sabban, op. cit., p. 175); the festival
calendar at Dendera (Chassinat, Le mystere d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak, pp. 260, 695-705, 756-757;
Cauville, Le temple de Dendara: Les chapelle osiriennes, Vol. 1, pp. 16, 23, 24); and the festival calendar

178
contexts, the performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar is linked to Osirian

mythology; the rite primarily symbolizes the resurrection of Osiris and the triumph of

Osiris over Seth.

The performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at the Khoiak

Festival provides important context for understanding the significance of the Raising of

the Djed Pillar ceremony at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival. The Djed Pillar appears

in the tomb of Kheruef as a manifestation of the syncretized underworld deity Ptah-

Sokar-Osiris; similarly, the Djed Pillar is a manifestation of Osiris in the Raising of the

Djed Pillar ceremony at the Khoiak Festival. The rites of the Khoiak Festival are

primarily concerned with the death and dismemberment of Osiris at the hands of his

brother Seth and the reanimation of the corpse of Osiris.403 During the performance of

the rites of the Khoiak Festival, Osiris's death and subsequent regeneration are linked to

the annual agricultural cycles of Egypt; as the final month of the season of inundation,

Khoiak was the month in which the receding floodwaters revealed cultivable fields

at Esna (Sauneron, Esna II: Le Temple d'Esna, p. 128; Sauneron, Esna V: Les fetes religieuses d'Esna, p.
16; El-Sabban, op. cit., p. 163). For further discussion of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in these
festival calendars, see van de Walle, La nouvelle Clio 5-6 (1954): 283-297; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp,
116-117; Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 72-74; AltenmUller, in LA, Vol. 1, col. 1101, with
references; Daumas, in LA, Vol. 1, col. 958; David, Religious Ritual atAbydos, pp. 248-250; Mikhail, GM
83 (1984): 51-69; van der Vliet, BSAK 3 (1988): 406; Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 270-
271,277-278; Tooley, JEA 82 (1996): 174-175, with references; Gillam, Performance and Drama in
Ancient Egypt, p. 105; Jauhiainen, Do Not Celebrate Your Feast Without Your Neighbours, pp. 113-114.
403
For an overview of the Osirian rites of the Khoiak Festival and the related Festival of Sokar, see
Chassinat, Le mystere d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak, Vols. 1-2; Barguet, Le papyrus N. 3176 (s) du Musee du
Louvre; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 69-90; Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 1-76; Daumas,
in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 957-960; Goyon, BIFAO 78 (1978): 415-438; Mikhail, GM81 (1984): 29-54; Mikhail,
GMS2 (1984): 25-44; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 51-69; Cauville, BSFE 112 (1988): 23-36; Graindorge-
Hereil, RdE 43 (1992): 87-105; Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 169-437; Graindorge-Hereil,
JEA 82 (1996): 83-105; Quack, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the seventh International Congress of
Egyptologists, pp. 921-930; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp. 79-80, 100-108; Eaton,
SAK 35 (2006): 75-101; Jauhiainen, Do Not Celebrate Your Feast Without Your Neighbours, pp. 112-118;
Troy, in Cline and O'Connor, eds., Thutmose III: A New Biography, pp. 143-144.

179
covered with high quality fertile silt. The Raising of the Djed Pillar, which occurs on

the morning of the 30th day of Khoiak, is the culmination of an entire month of Osirian

rituals; the rite corresponds to the most important moment of the celebration of the

Khoiak Festival—i.e., the reanimation of the corpse of Osiris.405 At the performance of

the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in the scenes from the tomb of Kheruef and the

Temple of Seti I at Abydos, Amenhotep III and Seti I participate directly in the physical

act of erecting the Djed Pillar; by performing this ceremony, each of these kings ritually

assumes Horus's role as protector of his father Osiris.406 When the king offers butchered

At Dendera the agricultural rites of the Khoiak Festival included the creation of two molds in the shape
of the god Osiris; the two molds were filled with soil and barley seeds, watered over the course of 12 days,
and then joined together to symbolize the corpse of Khentimentiu. This image of the corpse of
Khentimentiu was embalmed and symbolically buried in a temple niche. For discussion of the performance
of this ritual at the Khoiak Festival at Dendera, see, e.g., Chassinat, Le mystere d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak,
Vol. 1, pp. 54-63; Cauville, BSFE 112 (1988): 23-36; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, p.
105. For discussion of these Osiris-shaped molds (the so-called "corn mummies" or "Kornosiris"), see
primarily Seeber, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 744-746; Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and His Cult, pp. 163-170;
Raven, OMRO 59-60 (1978-1979): 251-296; Raven, OMRO 63 (1982): 7-38; Spalinger, in Berger el-
Naggar, ed., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 4, pp. 363-377; Tooley, JEA 82 (1996): 167-179; Raven, in
Clarysse, etal, eds. Egyptian Religion: The Last Thousand Years, pp. 227-239; Kurth, GM166 (1998): 43-
50; Quack, WdO 31 (2001): 5-18; Centrone, in Piquette and Love, eds., Current Research in Egyptology
2003, pp. 11-23; Centrone, in Dann, ed., Current Research in Egyptology in 2004, pp. 20-33; Quack, in
Fitzenreiter, ed., Das Heilige unddie Ware, pp. 325-331; Minas, MDAIK 62 (2006): 197-213, especially
208-210; Fritz, SAK 35 (2006): 103-124; Jauhiainen, Do Not Celebrate Your Feast Without Your
Neighbours, p. 113: Picchi, in Maravelia, ed., En quite de la lumiere, pp. 121-132.
405
In the texts of the Khoiak Festival at Dendera, the Raising of the Djed Pillar is described as such
(Chassinat, Le mystere d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak, Vol. 2, pp. 756-757; Cauville, Le temple de Dendara:
Les chapelles osiriennes, Vol. 1, p. 24; Gardiner, JEA 2 (1915): 123):
iry,bd-4Smw [sw rrky]
srhrDdmDdw
hrwpfy n smi ti n Wsir im=f
m Bt-nbh.w m tph.t hr iSd.w
dr-ntt hrw pfy ii.tw If.w-ntr n Wsir im=f
m-ht krs.t Wsir
"As for the fourth month of Shomu, [the final day]:
The Raising of the Djed Pillar in Busiris
on that day of the interment of Osiris therein
in the mound of «M-plants in the cavern under the /ft/-trees
since on that day the divine body of Osiris came therefrom
after the burial of Osiris."
406
The caption to the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in the tomb of Kheruef identifies Sokar-Osiris as
the father of the king. For the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in the First Osiris Hall at Abydos, see
references collected supra, this section, in footnote 401. In the scene directly to the right of the Raising of

180
animals to the Djed Pillar in Scene 2b from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival in the Tomb of Kheruef, he avenges the the murder of Osiris by destroying the

god's Sethian enemies.

The Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony is celebrated in Book of the Dead Spells

18-20 as part of the vindication of Osiris against his enemies;407 in Spell 18 Thoth

vindicates Osiris during the night of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony.408

Similarly, in Coffin Texts Spells 337 and 338, Thoth vindicates Osiris against his

the Djed Pillar ceremony at Abydos, Seti I offers two long strips of cloth to the Djed Pillar (which is
identified as Wsir Dd Spss, "Osiris, noble Djed Pillar"); the caption to this scene links the king to Horus by
identifying Osiris as his father (Calverley and Gardiner, The Temple of King Sethos at Abydos, Vol. 3, pi.
8): rdi.t mnh.t n it=fWsir, "Giving cloth to his father Osiris." For discussion of this scene see Bleeker,
Egyptian Festivals, pp. 116-117; David, Religious Ritual at Abydos, p. 226, Scene I, pp. 246-252; Amann,
WdO 14 (1983): 52; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 58-59; Park, Discussions in Egyptology 32 (1995): 75-84.
407
For discussion of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in Book of the Dead Spells 18-20, see van der
Vliet, BSAK3 (1988): 410; Altenmuller, mLA, Vol. 1, col. 1101, with references; Graindorge-Hereil, Le
Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 273-274, 278-279.
408
Book of the Dead Spell 18 (Lapp, Catalogue of Books of the Dead in the British Museum, Vol. 3, pi.
45):
/Dhwty sm->r-hrw Wsir r hfty.w=f
smir-hrw Wsir NN r hfty.w=f
m didi.t r}.t imy.t Ddw
grh pwy n srhr Dd m Ddw
r
ir didi.t i.t imy.t Ddw
Wsirpw
is.tpw
Nb.t-hw.tpw
Hr pw nd-hr it=f
ir srhc Dd m Ddw
Ifh pw n Hr hnty Hm
iw=sn h? Wsir m mrw hbs.w
"Oh Thoth, who justifies Osiris against his enemies!
Justify Osiris NN against his enemies
in the great council that is in Busiris
(on) this night of Raising the Djed Pillar in Busiris!
As for the great council that is in Busiris,
it is Osiris,
it is Isis,
it is Nephthys,
it is Horus, who protects his father.
As for the Raising of the Djed Pillar in Busiris,
it is the upper arm of Horus, foremost of Letopolis,
when they {i.e. his arms) surround Osiris like a piece of cloth."

181
enemies during the night of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony. The enemies

whom Thoth thwarts during this ceremony are not identified in the relevant passages

from the Book of the Dead and the Coffin Texts; however, since Seth was the foremost

enemy of Osiris in myths of his death and resurrection, the generic term "enemies" that is

used in these passages most likely refers to Seth. In Scenes 14-15 of the Dramatic

Ramesseum Papyrus, the subjugation of Seth clearly coincides with the Raising of the

Djed Pillar ceremony:410

hpr.n srhr Dd in (r)h.w-nsw.t


Hr pw w[d].n=fn ms.w=f[s]chr [Dd]
Hr dd mdw in) ms.w-Hr
[di(.tw) dd]=fhr=f
[Sth] hr Wsir rmi
schrDd
js.t Nb.t-Hw.t dd mdw (n) ms.w-Hr
hn hrshr
ms.w-Hr
(r)h.w-nsw.t

For discussion of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in Coffin Texts 337-338, see van der Vliet,
BSAK3 (1988): 410-411, with references; AltenmUller, in LA, Vol. 1, col. 1101, with references. The
relevant section of Coffin Texts Spell 337 reads (DeBuck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. 4, pp. 331-332):
/ Dhwty smir=k hrw Wsir r hfty.w=fm

didi.t ri.t imy.t Hm


grh pfn srhr Dd m Hr-wr
r
didi.t i.t imy.t P Dp
grh pfn srhr Dd.wy
"Oh Thoth, may you justify Osiris against his enemies in:

the great council that is in Letopolis


(on) that night of Raising the Djed Pillar in Her-wer;
the great council that is in Pe and Dep
(on) that night of Raising the Two Djed Pillars."
410
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 156-160, Scenes 14-15,11. 48-52; p. 250, Image 9. For discussion of the
Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see also Schneider, in Rothohler
and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 244-245; Gestermann, in Rothohler
and Manisali, eds., op. cit., pp. 36-38; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 128; Helck, Orientalia 23
(1954): 389-391; AltenmUller, JEOL 19 (1966): 430, 440-442; Wente, in Studies in Honor ofJohn A.
Wilson, pp. 83, 90-91; Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and his Cult, pp. 111-113; AltenmUller, in LA, Vol.
1, cols. 1101-1102; David, Religious Ritual at Abydos, p. 248; Barta, Untersuchungen zur Gottlichkeit des
regierenden Konigs, pp. 63-67; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 51-69; van Dijk, OMRO 66 (1986): 12, 15; van der
Vliet, BSAK3 (1988): 405-411; Graindorge-Hereil, Le DieuSokar, Vol. 1, pp. 271-272, 407-408; Gillam,
Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, p. 50; Lorand, Le papyrus dramatique du Ramesseum, pp. 126-
128..

182
wr-m?.w

"It happened that the Djed Pillar was raised by the royal acquaintances.
The one who or[der]ed his children to [ra]ise [the Djed Pillar] is Horus.411
Horus speaks (to) the children of Horus:
'[May] his [remaining] under him [be caused]!'412
— [Seth] under the weeping Osiris
— the Raising of the Djed Pillar
Isis and Nephthys speak (to) the children of Horus:
'Be energetic according to the plan!'413
— the children of Horus
— the royal acquaintances
— the greatest of seers"

hpr.n wdi.w nwh r Dd


Sth pw Sc (m) wd Hr n ms.w=f
Hr dd mdw (n) ms.w-Hr
di(.tw) chc=fh[wy.w]
Sth [h]w[y.w]
(r)di.t ks(.w) (n) Dd

"It happened that a rope was extended to the Djed Pillar.414


The one who is slaughtered by the order of Horus to his children is Seth.
Horus speaks (to) the children of Horus:
'May his standing, being defeated], be caused!'
— Seth, the [de]fe[ated] one
— causing of bowing (to) the Djed Pillar"

411
Though he does not offer a new interpretation of the text, Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds.,
Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 244, rightly questions the reconstruction of this line in
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 156: "Horus ist das, der seinen Kindern befohlen hat, [den Seth aufjzurichten
[unter Osiris]."
412
The translation of this heavily damaged line is based on the textual reconstruction of the Sethe,
Dramatische Texte, pp. 156-157.
413
The translation of this line is based on a new interpretation proposed by Schneider, in Rothohler and
Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 244-245: "Seid energisch mit dem
Vorhaben!" The translation offered by Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 156-159, poses significant
difficulties and requires several emendations of the text: "schiebt (ihn) dem Gefallenen unter."
414
Schneider, in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 245, notes
that the nwh-rope is used for the punishment of Apophis in Book of the Dead Spell 39. According to
Schneider, loc. cit., the nwh-rope "wird in der vorliegenden Szene vielleicht einfach unten an den Pfeiler
gelegt oder an den Pfeiler angebunden und damit Osiris als Strafmittel zur Verfugung gestellt." Another
possibility is that the nwh-rope was used to erect the Djed Pillar in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, as in
the Raising of the Djed Pillar scene from the tomb of Kheruef.

183
Based primarily on Sethe's questionable reconstruction of the heavily damaged text of

Scene 14, several scholars have suggested that the Djed Pillar represents Seth in the

Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus; according to this interpretation, the Djed Pillar is

subjugated in the text and forced to carry the body of Osiris.415 Such an interpretation is

unlikely since in other contexts the Djed Pillar typically represents Osiris or a related

syncretized form of the underworld deity.416

Like the nautical processional scene in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at his third Sed

Festival takes place at daybreak.417 The performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar at

sunrise emphasizes the theme of solar rebirth and evokes an Egyptian iconographic motif

that is common beginning in the 18th Dynasty: the image of a solar disk resting on the

raised arms of a Djed Pillar (or on the arms of an rnh-sign surmounting a Djed Pillar).

415
For the Djed Pillar as Seth in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 153-
154, Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 387, note 84; van Dijk, OMRO 66 (1986): 15; van der Vliet,
BSAK3 (1988): 409.
416
Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and His Cult, pp. 111-113, has rightly questioned Sethe's assertion that
the Djed Pillar represented Seth in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus: "One may assume with equal, if not
more, reason that Seth is imagined as bound to the djed-colunrn." More recently, Schneider, in Rothohler
and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 244-245, has also criticized Sethe's
interpretation of the Raising of the Djed Pillar scenes in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus and asserted
that the Djed Pillar represents Osiris, not Seth. For discussion of the Djed Pillar as an Osirian symbol, see,
e.g., Amann, WdO 14 (1983): 46-62.
417
For the barque procession of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 6.
418
The hymns sung during the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep
III make further allusions to solar rebirth and to the solar barque; for discussion of these hymns, see Section
2.1.2, Scene 4. For discussion of images of the Djed Pillar carrying the solar disk, see Hellinckx, SAK 29
(2001): 70-74; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 51; Asmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, p. 43;
Assmann, Der Konig als Sonnenprtester, p. 45; Assmann, Liturgische Lieder, pp. 60-63; Schafer, ZAS 71
(1935): 15-38.

184
This iconographic motif symbolizes the raising of the solar disk by the Osirian Djed

Pillar in the eastern horizon of the sky at sunrise.419

As already noted, the performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar at Amenhotep

Ill's third Sed Festival is the only attested performance of this ceremony at the Sed

Festival. Neither Osiris nor Osirian myths appears to have played a substantive role in

the various Sed Festival rites performed by any other Egyptian ruler.420 Because of its

clear Osirian symbolism, the performance of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at

the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III is curious; the decision to incorporate this

ceremony into the celebration of the Sed Festival appears to be an innovation of

Amenhotep III.421 However, several of the rituals that accompany the Raising of the

Djed Pillar at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival are known to have been performed at

the Sed Festival as early as the Predynastic Period; these rituals include the driving of

Cf. Book of the Dead Spells 15-16, in which Osiris receives and hails the solar disk at sunset and raises
it up at day-break. For discussion of these spells, see van Dijk, OMRO 66 (1986): 13-14; Budek, SAK 37
(2008): 19-48. For the related final scene of the underworld books, see Hornung, MDA1KZ1 (1981): 217-
226.
420
For a similar conclusion regarding Osirian myths' relative lack of influence on the rites of the Sed
Festival, see references collected in Section 1.1.2, footnote 70. Beginning in the New Kingdom, however,
certain aspects of the iconography of Osiris and the iconography of the Sed Festival have a mutual
influence upon each other; for discussion of the mutual influence of Osirian and Sed Festival iconography
in the New Kingdom and later, see Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 63-64, 76. On a
New Kingdom sarcophagus from Deir el-Bahari (Berlin Museum 11978), Osiris is enthroned in the double
Sed Festival kiosk and participates in various Sed Festival rites; for discussion of the decoration of this
sarcophagus, see MQller, ZAS 39 (1901): 71-75; Moret, Du caractere religieux de la royaute pharaonique,
pp. 269-273; Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pp. 184-185; Kees, Der Opfertanz, pp. 37-39, 269, 277, 283;
Gardiner, loc. cit.; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 367, note 2; Blackman and Fairman, JEA 36
(1950): 76-77; Redford, JEA 59 (1973): 25; Zivie, in Hommages a la memoire de Serge Sauneron, Vol. 1,
pp. 495-496; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 68, no. A128; Morfin, in Berger el-Naggar and
Mathieu, eds., Etudes sur VAncien Empire et la necropole de Saqqdra dediees a Jean-Philippe Lauer, Vol.
2, p. 317; Eissa, MDAIK 58 (2002): 238, fig. 14; Hornung and Staehelin, op. cit., pp. 48, 76.
421
Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 216, similarly suggests that the performance
of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival was innovative and novel.

185
cattle, the ritual slaughter of sacrificial animals, hand-to-hand combat, and music and

dance rituals.422

SCENE 4: PERFORMANCE OF MUSIC & DANCE RITUALS

To the right of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony is a scene in which eight

pairs of royal daughters stand directly behind the royal couple and sing a song of praise to

the Djed Pillar (Scene 4a). Interspersed among the depictions of ritual combat in Scene 5

and the depictions of offering bearers in Scene 2a, several groups of men and women

engage in ritual performances of music and dance (Scene 4b) in the first and second

registers of relief decoration below Scenes 2b, 3 and 4a.

SCENE 4A: HYMN OF THE ROYAL DAUGHTERS 4 2 3

Each of the sixteen royal daughters stationed behind the royal couple at the

Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony carries a mni.t-necklace and a sistrum in her hands

and wears an outfit consisting of a long diaphanous robe, a platform crown, and a broad

collar (Fig. 187).424 Additionally, the royal daughters in this scene wear their hair in one

of two closely related hairstyles, each of which features a long extension of hair at the

side of the head. The hairstyles and outfits of the royal daughters in Scene 4a are very

For a diachronic study of these Sed Festival rituals, see Chapters 3-7.
423
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKhernef, pi. 57, p. 61. For discussion of this scene, see Brunner-Traut, Der
Tctnz im Alten Agypten, p. 52; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 56; Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, pp. 89-90; Kozloff,
in Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and his World, pp. 290-291, cat. no. 57;
Anderson, in Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. 4, pp. 2566-2567; Xekalaki, in
Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp.
1959-1965; Ziegler, in Ziegler, ed., Queens of Egypt: From Hetepheres to Cleopatra, pp. 69, 256, cat. no.
256; Teeter, in Teeter and Johnson, eds., Life of Meresamun, p. 28.
424
The royal daughters who greet the royal couple during the procession of the solar barque at Amenhotep
Ill's first Sed Festival also carry sistra and m«/.?-necklaces; see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7.

186
similar to those of the ms.w wr.w ("daughters of chieftains") the royal daughters in the

reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef.425

Hymn of the Royal Daughters to the Djed Pillar, Top Row:

ms.w-nsw.t swl$ dd Spsy

The royal daughters who honor the noble Djed Pillar.426

n k?=k sSS.wt
n hr=k nfr mni.wt shm.w
wbn=k dd Spsy [...] Wsir Skr nb Sty.t
s$$.t-s\stxdL for your ki\
mm'.Miecklaces and 5#m-sistra for your good face,
as you rise, oh noble Djed Pillar [...], Osiris-Sokar, lord of Shetyt.

Hymn of the Royal Daughters to the Djed Pillar, Bottom Row:

ms.w-nsw.t shtp dd Spsy

The royal daughters who please the noble Djed Pillar.427

dw3 Pth Skr dd n Wsir ntr r3 hry-ib Sty.t


in ms.w-nsw.t

Praise of Ptah-Sokar, the Djed Pillar of Osiris, the great god, who resides in Shetyt,428

For discussion of the ritual significance of the outfits and hairstyles of the ms.w wr.w and the ms.w-nsw.t
who participate in Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.1, Scenes 3, 7.
During the New Kingdom, these outfits and hairstyles were typically worn by young, unmarried women
who held the Hathoric cultic titles, such as nfr.t ("beautiful one") and hkr.t-nsw.t ("royal ornament").
426
For discussion of the term Dd Spsy, "noble Djed Pillar," see primarily Junker, Die Onurislegende, pp.
64-66; Sandman-Holmberg, The GodPtah, pp. 154-166; Goedicke, JEA 41 (1955): 31-33; Kakosy, JEA 66
(1980): 48-53; Amann, WdO 14 (1983): 51, footnote 19; van Dijk, OMRO 66 (1986): 13-16; Berlandini, in
Zivie and Leclant, eds., Memphis etses necropoles au nouvel empire, pp. 23-33; Berlandini, RdE 46
(1995): 25-28; Hellinckx, SAK29 (2001): 71, footnote 39; Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter und
Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 7, pp. 678-680.
427
A possible parallel to this line of text and to this scene appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II
at Bubastis (Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 1, no. 2); in this scene four royal daughters who
carry sistra and w«/.r-neclaces stand behind the kneeling queen at the steps of the royal dais of the
enthroned king. The only preserved portion of the hieroglyphic text in front of the queen reads shtp, "to
pacify." This caption could also allude to the pacification of the Golden One by the royal daughters during
the nocturnal Hathoric rites of the Medamud Hymn; for discussion of the pacification of Hathor in this
hymn, see Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 54-55.
428
In the Book of Amduat, Shetyt (Wb. 4, 559.3-21) is the subterranean cavern of Sokar where regeneration
of the dead takes place at night; for discussion of Shetyt, see Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp.
36-38, with references; Mikhail, GM82 (1984): 27-28. Shetyt (Sty.t, variant Sti.t) may be related to an

187
by the royal daughters.

At Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, similarly outfitted royal daughters shake

sistra and ran/.?-necklaces in order to facilitate the hieros gamos of the divinized royal

couple during the procession of the solar barque.429 In Scene 4a from the reliefs of

Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, the royal daughters'

proximity to the royal couple at the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony might suggest a

similar significance for the hymn and musical performance of the royal daughters in this

scene. Tiye's epithet, "she who fills the palace with love," in Scene 3 lends further

support to such an interpretation. However, the hymn sung by the royal daughters in

Scene 4a seems to refer primarily to the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony and the

regeneration of Osiris in the underworld at night—a theme that does not have any clear

link to the hieros gamos. A close reading of the hymn itself provides a curious

description of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony; the royal daughters hold their

Hathoric implements to the face of the syncretized underworld deity as the Djed Pillar

"rises" (wbn). The use of wbn to describe the movement of the Djed Pillar is at first

curious since the verb wbn (Wb. 1, 292.9-16; 293.1-22; 294.1-3) typically describes the

rising of celestial bodies in the sky, such as the solar disk in the morning. This

description of the Djed Pillar "rising" in Scene 4a parallels the Raising of the Djed Pillar

at daybreak in Scene 3; the reference to the "rising" Djed Pillar in Scene 4a is probably a

textual allusion to images of an anthropomorphic Djed Pillar carrying the solar disk in its

Egyptian word for "womb" (Sti.t, Wb. 4, 555.3) since both are places where metamorphosis and the
development of new life take place. For discussion of the word Sti.t, "womb," see Manniche, BACE 17
(2006): 100.
429
For discussion of the procession of the solar barque at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section
2.1.1, Scene 6; Section 7.4.2; Section 7.4.3. For discussion of the royal daughters who greet the royal
couple at Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7; Section 3.2.2.

188
upraised arms at sunrise. With this emphasis on solar renewal in the hymn of the royal

daughters in mind, the shaking of sistra and mn/.f-necklaces by the royal daughters in

Scene 4a very well may facilitate the hieros gamos of the divinized king and queen as a

means to transfer the creative powers of the solar deity to the divinized king.431

SCENE 4B: ADDITIONAL MUSIC & DANCE SEQUENCES 432

At the far left of the first register, three male singers clad in long robes invoke the

gods Ptah and Re in a hymn in praise of Amenhotep III; directly to the right of these

singers, ten male dancers clad in kilts perform a ritual dance that is linked to the Raising

of the Djed Pillar ceremony (Fig. 188a). To the right of this group of dancers, four more

male singers clad in long robes intone a hymn describing the solar deity's journey

through the underworld (Fig. 188a). At the far right of the first register, eight more male

dancers clad in kilts perform a ritual connected to the Raising of the Djed Pillar (Fig.

188b).

At the far left side of the second register, a group of 12 women engage in a ritual

performance of music and dance as part of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony (Fig.

188c). Four pairs of female singers clad in long formfitting robes lead the performance

by clapping their hands and striking tambourines; to the right of these musicians, four

For discussion of this iconographic motif, see references collected in Section 2.1.2, Scene 3, footnote
418.
431
For the imbuing of the creative powers of the solar deity to the king as a result of the hieros gamos, see
Section 2.1.1, Scenes 6-7; Section 3.2.2.
432
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pis. 59, 61, 63, pp. 62-63. For discussion of the dance sequences
and hymns in this scene, see Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im alten Agypten, p. 52; Wild, in Les danses sacrees,
pp. 45-48; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 454-457; Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 72-73;
Wente, in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, pp. 90-91; Mikhail, GM 83 (1984): 56-60; Graindorge-
Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 14-17; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im alten Agypten, pp. 801-
803, cat. nos. S3.96-S3.97; Teeter, in Teeter and Johnson, eds., Life ofMeresamun, pp. 28-29, 42.

189
female dancers clad in long kilts, broad collars, and leather bands raise their arms above

their heads during the performance of an elaborate dance.

Hymn of the Four Male Singers on the Left Side of the First Register:433

hrPth
dw3(=i) tw ir=k
sk?(=i) tw hmw m imw
dmd=k ti>
iry-k phr=f
hs tw Rr hr nfrw=k
mi mrr=k B.t r3.t Nb-M?c.t-Rr
mi n=n
skS=n sw

May Ptah appear,


so that (I) might praise you extensively,
(and) so that (I) might exalt you, oh steering oar in the ship.
May you unite the land,434
so that you might achieve the traversing of it.
May Re favor you on account of your perfection,
as you love the great office, oh Nebmaatre.
Let us come,
so that we might exalt him.

Smr.w

Chanters.

Ten Male Dancers on the Left Side of the First Register:

ir.t nn hft-hr dd

Performing this in front of the Djed Pillar.

Hymn of the Four Male Singers on the Right Side of the First Register:435

wn c.wy hr.t Skr

For additional translations of this hymn, cf. also Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 73; Mikhail,
GM83 (1984): 56-57.
434
The verb dmd ("vereinigen," Wb. 5, 45.7-12) may be used in descriptions of the uniting of the various
constituent parts of Egypt itself, as well as in descriptions of the uniting of foreign lands under the king of
Egypt.
435
For additional translations of this hymn, cf. also Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 73, with
references; Redford, JARCE 3 (1976): 50-51; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 57.

190
Rr mp.trnp
r
h 'Itm m m?n=k
r
bS.ti m Ih.t
mh.n=k tS.wy m nfrw=k mi p.t
sty.ti m thn.t
mi ms.n.tw—k m itn mp.t

The double-doors of the underworld are opened, oh Sokar,


while Re is rejuvenated in the sky.
May Arum appear while looking upon you,
as you glitter in the horizon,
having filled the two lands with your beauty like the sky,
(and) as you gleam with faience,
like when you were born as the solar disk in the sky.

hs(.w)

Singer(s).

Eight Male Dancers on the Right Side of the First Register:

ir.t nn irr.w hft-hr dd Spsy imy hw.t Skr


hrw pn n srhr dd n Wsir

Performing these rites before the noble Djed Pillar, which is in the temple of Sokar.
This day of Raising the Djed Pillar of Osiris.

Eight Female Singers on the Left Side of the Second Register:

Smry.t nty hr Smr.w


hft ir.t irr.w n srhr dd

Chantresses who chant


at the time of the performance of the rites of the Raising of the Djed Pillar.

Four Female Dancers on the Left Side of the Second Register:

hmw.t inn.w hr whi.t r srhr dd

Women who were brought from the oasis for the Raising of the Djed Pillar.

The first hymn sung by the male singers in front of the Djed Pillar invokes Ptah

and describes the king as the steering-oar {hmw) of a ship; this nautical imagery is most

likely an allusion to the barque of the solar deity Re, whom the singers call upon to favor

191
Amenhotep III later in the hymn. Furthermore, the singers call upon the king to unite

the land and to circle around it; this portion of the hymn probably refers to the circuit of

the solar deity through the firmament.437 The identification of the king as a steering-oar

For references to hmw ("das Steuerrudder," Wb., 3, 80.16-81.10) in Egyptian texts, see Jones, Glossary
ofAncient Egyptian Nautical Terms, p. 200. In Coffin Texts Spell 361, the "steering-oar of Re" is the
source of control over water (de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. 5, pp. 15-16):
shm m mw
ink hmwpw n Rr
shtp=fnfr.t im=f
iwty npi=fn mw
iwty nwh=fn sd.t
ink Biby shm m mw
"Control over water.
I am this steering-oar of Re,
with which he pacified the perfect goddess,
which is not soaked because of water,
(and) which is not scorched because of flame.
I am Babi who has control over water."
In Pyramid Texts Spell 470, the deceased king identifies himself with the steering-oar and the solar falcon
traveling through the firmament (Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, p. 7, § 916a-917c); for
transliteration, translation, and detailed discussion of this passage from the Pyramid Texts, see Section
7.4.3. For hmw, "steering-oar," as a component of divine barques, see also Pyramid Texts Spell 505;
Coffin Texts Spells 182, 332, 398, and 404; Book of the Dead Spell 99. In Book of Dead Spells 141 and
148, the four steering oars of the solar barque in the underworld are associated with the four cardinal
directions—north, west, east, and south. The reference to the boat in the hymn from Scene 4b of the reliefs
of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef may also allude to the procession of the hnw-
barque of Sokar at the Festival of Sokar; for discussion of the procession of the barque of Sokar, see
Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 4, pis. 221,223,226; Gaballaand Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969):
4-6, 8-13, 51-71; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 75-81; Brovarski, in LA, Vol. 5, cols. 1066-1067;
Graindordge-Hereil, RdE 43 (1992):87-105; Graindorge-Hereil, he Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 17-33, et
passim; Graindorge-Hereil, JEA 82 (1996): 83-105; Eaton, SAK 35 (2006): 80-84.
437
Phr {Wb., 1, 546.11) describes the movement of the rays of the solar disk, e.g., in Papyrus Harris I, 25.3-
5 (Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I, p. 29,11. 7-10; Grandet, Papyrus Harris I, Vol. 1, p. 258):
iiw n=k Rr-Tmw
nb-r-dr
kmiw wnn.wt
wbn mp.t
shd m t> pn
stw.wt=fphr imn.w
imn.tyw hr=sn r=k
wnf=sn n mil nfr.w=k
hr-nb.w(t) hrw n ptri=k
ntk irip.ttl
"Praise be to you, Re-Arum,
the lord of all,
who created that which exists,
who rises in the sky,
who shines in this land,
(and) whose rays circle the hidden places!
As for the westerners, their faces (turn) to you.
It is upon viewing your perfection that they rejoice.

192
and the description of the king's uniting and traversing of the land probably allude to the

ritual performance of the Ruderlauf—a well-known Sed Festival ritual in which the king

ran a ceremonial course while carrying the hp.t-oar of Re.4 8 Additionally, the

combination of solar and Osirian imagery in this hymn very likely alludes to the Solar-

Osirian unity—i.e., the mythological event by means of which the solar deity experiences

regeneration and ultimately rebirth in the underworld.439 In the context of this hymn, the

beneficiary of the regnerative effects of the Solar-Osirian unity is Amenhotep III.

In the second hymn of Scene 4b, the "double-doors of the underworld" could refer

to either the entrance or the exit to the underworld; however, the mention of the birth of

the solar disk in the final line of the hymn suggests that the doors probably represent the

portal from which Re exits the underworld as the reborn solar disk in the morning. In

several lines of the second hymn, the singers extol the radiant beauty of the solar disk

(itn), which "glitters in the horizon" (rbl.ti m 3h.t) and "gleams with faience" (sty.ti m

thn.t). The hymn's glowing description of the newly born solar disk recalls Amenhotep

Ill's epithet "Nebmaatre is the dazzling solar disk" (Nb-M3r.t-Rr itn thn); Amenhotep III

adopted this epithet in regnal year 30 to reflect the deification that he experienced during

All people are joyful upon seeing you.


You are the one who makes the sky and the land."
For a similar description of the movement of the rays of the solar disk, see Epigraphic Survey, Medinet
Habu, Vol. 4, pi. 231,11. 38-39. Grandet, Papyrus Harris I, Vol. 2, p. 112, note 454, also observes this
parallel from Medinet Habu, but mistakenly gives reference as Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 6.
438
For detailed discussion of the symbolic significance of the Ruderlauf, see Section 4.1.2.
439
For further discussion of the Solar-Osirian unity, see references collected in Section 2.1.1, Scene 1,
footnote 55.

193
the rites of his first Sed Festival.440 The invocation of Sokar in the context of the solar

imagery of this hymn clearly alludes to the Solar-Osirian unity.441

As noted above, the women who dance and sing at the Raising of the Djed Pillar

ceremony in Scene 4b appear directly above a scene depicting the ritual slaughter of a

sacrificial bull (Scene 2a); the combination of dancing and ritual slaughter also

commonly occurs in the rites of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony and in the mortuary

rites of the Acacia House.442 The dancing women at the Raising of the Djed Pillar in the

tomb of Kheruef raise their hands over their heads as part of a dance that is intended to

mimic the movements of birds flapping their wings.443 The members of the hnr n Snd.t

("dance troupe of the Acacia House") perform a similar "bird-dance" during the ritual

slaughter of a bull as part of the mortuary rites of the deceased in reliefs from several Old

Kingdom tombs (Figs. 179-181).444 This "bird-dance" probably developed from a

Predynastic hunting ritual; echoes of this hunting ritual are preserved in Spells 23 and 43

440
For Amenhotep Ill's epithet Nb-Mir.t-Rr ttn thn, "Nebmaatre is the dazzling solar disk," see Redford,
JARCE 13 (1976): 51; Johnson, in O'Connor and Cline, eds., Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign,
pp. 88-90, footnote 146, with references; Johnson, in Fried, etal., eds., Pharaohs of the Sun, p. 43.
Redford, loc. cit, notes that this epithet was also "applied variously to the palace at Malkata, to the royal
barge, and to a company in the army." For further discussion of the development of the solar disk (itn) as a
component of Egyptian religious and royal iconography and ideology, particularly during the reign of
Akhenaten, see Redford, op. cit., pp. 47-61; Redford, JARCE 17 (1980): 21-38.
441
For discussion of the equation of the regenerated god Sokar with the rising sun in this hymn, see
Graindorge-Hereil, LeDieuSokar, Vol. l,pp. 14-17; Brovarski, mLA, Vol. 5, col. 1061; Gaballaand
Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 73, with references; Mikhail, GM83 (1984): 57.
442
For further discussion of the relationship between the bull-slaughtering ritual and the ritual performance
of the dancing women in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, see
Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a; Section 3.1.1.1; Section 5.3.1.
443
For detailed discussion of dancing with raised arms as mimicking birds, see Section 3.1.1.
444
For detailed discussion of the ritual peformances of the Acacia House, see references collected in
Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a, footnote 348. For further discussion of the ritual dance of the "dance troupe of the
Acacia House," see Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a; Section 3.1.1.1; Section 5.3.1.

194
of the Opening of the Mouth ceremony. In these scenes from the Opening of the

Mouth ceremony, women identified as "kites" mimic the movements and shrieking

sounds of carrion birds hovering around a fallen game animal. A long row of men

engaged in bouts of ritual combat appears to the right of the dancing women in Scene 4b

in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef.446 Similarly,

female dancers and musicians appear alongside scenes depicting hand-to-hand combat

and the ritual slaughter of a sacrificial bull in a Predynastic representation of the Sed

Festival in Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Fig. 131).447

In the same way that the "dance troupe of the Acacia House" is linked to the

angry lioness goddess Sakhmet, the women who dance at the Raising of the Djed Pillar in

the tomb of Kheruef are also probably linked to the wandering goddess of the eye of the

sun.448 The dancing women in Scene 4b from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

445
Otto, Das Agyptische Mundoffnungsritual, Vol. 1, pp. 43-47, 96-99; Vol. 2, pp. 73-76, 102-103. For the
suggestion that these scenes from the Opening of the Mouth ceremony are based on a Predynastic hunting
ritual, see Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 164-177. For further discussion of the "kites" at the butchery episode of
the Opening of the Mouth ceremony, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a; Section 3.1.1.3; Section 5.3.1.
446
For discussion of the ritual combat scene of the tomb of Kheruef, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 6; Section
6.3.
447
For detailed discussion of the female musicians and dancers in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at
Hierakonpolis (Quibell and Green, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, pis. 76-77), see Section 3.1.1.2. For detailed
discussion of the ritual combat scenes in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Quibell and
Green, op. cit, Vol. 2, pi. 76), see Section 6.3. For detailed discussion of the depiction of the ritual
slaughter of a bull in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Quibell and Green, op. cit., Vol. 2,
pi. 76), see Section 5.3.1.
448
For the Acacia House's connection to Sakhmet, see Edel, Das Akazienhaus undseine Rolle in den
Begrdbnisriten, pp. 19-22. The Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony is related to the myth of creation and
the myth of the wandering solar eye goddess. The "august Djed Pillar" and the "female Djed Pillar" can
represent Shu and Tefnut-Sakhmet-Hathor—the second generation of deities in the Heliopolitan version of
the creation myth; the second deity in this pair represents the lion-headed, wandering goddess of the eye of
the sun. For discussion of these associations, see Junker, Die Onurislegende, pp. 64-66, 105-108,113;
Gutbub, Textes fundamentaux de la theologie de Kom Ombo, Vol. 1, pp. 291-292, textnote e, and pp. 442-
446; Altenmuller, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 1102-1103; van Dijk, OMRO 66 (1986): 15; Berlandini, in Zivie and
Leclant, eds., Memphis et ses necropoles au nouvel empire, pp. 23-33; Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar,
Vol. 1, p. 407, footnote 180; Berlandi, RdE 46 (1995): 25-28; Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 150, footnote
75.

195
Festival in the tomb of Kheruef wear a distinctive Libyan outfit comprised of broad

collars, long kilts, and leather straps on their chests; the association of these dancers with

Libya and the Western Desert is also confirmed by the identification of the dancers as

"women brought forth from the oasis."449 In the Medamud Hymn to Hathor, there is a

strong connection between dancing Libyans and the worship of Hathor as the wandering

goddess of the eye of the sun.450 The invocation of Hathor in this context probably

alludes to the hieros gamos of the divinized king (as Re) and the divinized queen (as

Hathor) during the Sed Festival.451 The hieros gamos imbued the king with creative

powers that facilitated his rejuvenation at the Sed Festival; the references to the Raising

of the Djed Pillar and the birth of the morning sun in the two hymns of Scene 4b similarly

emphasize the rejuvenation of the king at the Sed Festival.

SCENE 5: DRIVING OF CATTLE AROUND THE WALLS 4 5 2

At the far right of the third register, six men clad in kilts and equipped with sticks

goad a group of eleven cows and twelve donkeys around the walls of a ritual structure—

presumably at Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival complex at Malqata (Fig. 189).453

449
For discussion of this style of dress—particularly the leather straps across the women's chests—as
Libyan, see references collected in Section 2.1.1, Scene 4, footnote 160. Libyan women appear in Scene 24
of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus (Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 185-189, Scene 24,11. 76-79), in
which there they are involved in the presentation of faience to Horus as a symbol of the v«Rr-eye of Horus;
for further discussion of this scene, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 1.
450
For the connection between dancing Libyans and the worship of Hathor, see Darnell, SAK22 (1995):
47-94, with references.
451
For detailed discussion of the significance of hieros gamos at the Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Scenes
6-7; Section 3.2.2.
452
Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 61, 63, p. 66. For discussion of this scene, see Gaballa and
Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 73-74; Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and his Cult, pp. 164; Egberts, GM
111 (1989): 42; Graindorge-Hereil, Le Dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp. 272-273,296-297,410-412; Egberts, In
Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, p. 371.
453
For discussion of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival complex at Malqata, see Section 2.1.0; Section 7.5.

196
The Driving of the Cows in the Third Register:

phr=sn inb.w sp-4


hrw pn n srhc dd Spsy imy Sty.t

May they circumambulate the walls four times


on this day of Raising the noble Djed Pillar, which is in Shetyt.

m-ir Sm n hr—t

Do not go in the direction of your face,

iSm

Go.
The Driving of the Donkeys in the Third Register:

phr—sn Inb.w sp-4


hrw pn n srhr dd Spsy n Pth Skr Wsir

May they circumambulate the walls four times

on this day of Raising the noble Djed Pillar of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris.

The texts describing this scene, in which herdsmen drive a group of donkeys and

cows around the walls of a ritual construction four times, clearly link the ritual to the

Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony. However, the significance of these animals'

circumambulation and its connection to the Raising of the Djed Pillar is not immediately

clear. Possible parallels to this ritual include: the a ritual involving the trampling of grain

by donkeys and bulls in Scene 9 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, a royal ritual

called hw.t bhs.w ("the driving of the calves"), a royal ritual from the Palermo Stone

called phr hi inb ("circling around the wall(s)"), a ritual from the Festival of Sokar called

phr inb.w ("circumambulating the walls"), a ritual from the Festival of Sokar called hw.t
r
3 ("driving of the donkey"), and a ritual involving the counting of herds of cattle that

have seized as war booty.

197
An intriguing possible parallel to the driving of donkeys and cows at Amenhotep

Ill's third Festival appears in a fragmentary scene from the Dramatic Ramesseum

Papyrus in which a group of animals tramples grain on a threshing floor; the fragmentary

text of Scene 9 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus reads:454

hpr.n (r)di.t it hr sp.t


hpr[.n] [t\n.{f)w tiy.w
ffit=sn hr=f\
[Hr pw nd-fit=fWsir]
Hr dd mdw (n) [hty.w Sth]
h[i\...

h(wi) [Wsir]
[•••] [lb]

Hr dd mdw (n) hty.w Sth


m hwi it-fpn
h(wi) Wsir
hbi ntr
it
Hr dd mdw (n) Wsir
h(wi).n(=i) n=k h(wi).w <t>w
ht[y.w] Sth
ih.w
Hm
Hr dd mdw (n) Wsir
im CJC isd=f r=k
Sth
r
l.w
pr.t r kbhw

"The placing of barley upon the threshing floor occurred.


It happen[ed] that male animals were [brjought,
so that [they] might lea[p upon it].
[The one who avenges his father is Horus.]
Horus speaks to [the followers of Seth]:
'0[h] ...'
[...]

454
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 134-138, Scene 9,11. 29-33. For discussion of this scene, see Kees,
Farbensymbolik in dgyptischen religiosen Texten, pp. 473-474; Junker, Der sehende undblinde Gott, pp.
53-55; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 127-128; Helck, Orientalia 23 (1954): 386,408-410;
Altenmuller, JEOL 19 (1966): 425,430, 438; Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris and his Cult, pp. 163-165;
van der Vliet, BSAK 3 (1988): 409; Egberts, GM 111 (1989): 41-42; Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, pp. 366,
370-372; Tooley, JEA 82 (1996): 174; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp. 49-50;
Quack, ZAS 133 (2006): 80; Lorand, Lepapyrus dramatique du Ramesseum, pp. 130-133.

198
—beating of [Osiris]
—[...] [kid]

Horus speaks to the followers of Seth:


'Do not beat (or thresh) this father of mine!'
—beating (or threshing) of Osiris
—destruction of the god
—barley
Horus speaks to Osiris:
'It is for you that (I) have beaten those who beat (or thresh) you.'
—followers of Seth
—bulls
—Letopolis
Horus speaks to Osiris:
'May the evil influence that he spits against you not exist!'455
—Seth
—donkeys

—ascending to the sky"

In this scene from the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, the grain represents Osiris, the

bulls represent the followers of Seth, and the donkeys represent Seth himself. Horus

beats these Sethian animals as a punishment for their beating of Osiris—i.e., the threshing

of the grain; and, in so doing, Horus thwarts Seth from having an evil influence upon

Osiris. At the end of the scene, Horus forces Seth to go up to the heavens—presumably

with Osiris on his back.456 A depiction of bulls and donkeys appears below the text of

Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 134, translates this line: "sein Geifer soil nicht sprudeln gegen dich."
Sethe, op. cit, p. 138, points out several passages from the Pyramid Texts in which the spittle of Seth is
described in similar terms, e.g., Pyramid Texts Spell 247, § 261; Spell 455, § 850; Spell 593, § 1628. For
further discussion of the spittle of Seth and its effect—both positive and negative—on Osiris, see TeVelde,
Seth: God of Confusion, pp. 85-86, 89.
456
The application of the phrase "ascending to the sky" to Seth is curious since Seth is clearly inimical to
Osiris in this scene. However, as several other scholars have pointed out, the carrying of the threshed grain
by the donkey is a metaphor for the carrying of the corpse of Osiris by Seth; for this interpretation, see
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 138, note 33c; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 128; Griffiths, The
Origins of Osiris and his Cult, p. 164; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, p. 50. Such an
explanation has a firm basis in the Pyramid Texts; in Pyramid Texts Spell 593, the great Ennead of gods
forces Seth to carry Osiris (Sethe, Die altdgyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, p. 361, § 1627b-1628c):
sk.n n=kGb ri=k
nd.ntwpsd.tri.t
wdi.n=sn n-k St$ hr=k
hnk=fhr=k
hwi.n=sn rir=f isd=f ir=k

199
Scene 9 in the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus.457 Only the first word of the fragmentary

caption is preserved: phr, "circumambulating." However, the caption describes the

movement of these animals in a fashion similar to the movement of the donkeys and

cows in Scene 5 from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of

Kheruef. Since phr (Wb. 1, 544.12-547.7) refers to circular movement, the image

associated with Scene 9 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus may depict a ritual in

which donkeys and bulls symbolically thresh grain by walking in a circle around a

threshing floor.458 Alternately, the movement of the "circumambulating" donkeys and

bulls may correspond to their "ascending to the sky" with Osiris on their backs; this ritual

would then symbolize the resurrection of Osiris.

The ritual of "circumambulating the walls four times" by donkeys and cows in the

tomb of Kheruef also bears similarities to a ritual known as hw.t bhs.w, the "driving of

the calves."459 In most depictions of this ritual, the king holds a coil of rope and a wavy

"Just as Geb wipes your mouth for you,


so does the great Ennead protect you.
It is for you that they have placed Seth under you,
so that he might be burdened with you.
They have prevented his evil influence, which he spat against you."
For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 593, see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, pp. 217-
218, Spell M206.

457
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 248, pi. 14, Image 5.
458
For a discussion of Old Kingdom depictions of the threshing of grain by cattle, see Vandier, Manuel,
Vol. 6, pp. 164-175.
459
For the ritual driving of the calves, see primarily Egberts, GM111 (1989): 33-45, with references;
Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, pp. 205-374, 386-388,432-433,435-441, with references. For
further discussion of the driving of the calves, cf. also Kees, Bemerkungen zum Tieropfer der Agypter und
seiner Symbolik, pp. 470-476; Blackman and Fairman, JEA 35 (1949): 98-112; Blackman and Fairman,
JEA 36 (1950): 63-81; Alliot, Le Culte d'Horus a Edfou au temps des Ptolemees, pp. 463-465; Chassinat,
Le mystere d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak, pp. 655-667; Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 73-74;
Kurth, in LA, Vol. 6, cols. 749-754.

200
rod in one hand and a serpent-headed rod in the other hand.460 The four bull-calves of

various colors that typically stand in front of the king during this ritual are each restrained

by means of a rope attached their forelegs. The driving of the calves ritual likely

experienced significant changes in meaning over the course of its long history of

celebration (from the Old Kingdom to the Roman Period); however, in its origin, the

ritual was probably an amalgamation of several formerly separate agricultural, pastoral,

and Osirian rites.461 The ritual's connection to the Sed Festival is uncertain; however, the

driving of calves does appear as one of several vignettes on a New Kingdom sarcophagus

depicting the Sed Festival of a deceased individual identified as Osiris.462

The two agricultural themes that appear most commonly in the texts of the driving

of the calves ritual are the threshing of grain and the trampling of worms.463 The two

serpent-shaped staffs that the king carries during the ritual likely symbolize the

destruction and trampling of worms; the wavy rod and the serpent-headed rod probably

respectively represent the tail and the head of a bisected worm.464 The serpent-headed

rod that a royal official carries in the small register directly below the enthronement of
460
For various depictions of the ritual known as the driving of the calves, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning,
Vol. 2, pis. 76-121.
461
For a critical survey of all previous interpretations of the symbolic meaning of the driving of the calves
ritual, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, pp. 335-374, 386-388, 432-433, 435-441. The conclusions
presented in this section concerning the major themes of the ritual largely follow Egberts, loc. cit.
462
For the depiction of the driving of the calves at the Sed Festival of Osiris on a New Kingdom
sarcophagus from Deir el-Bahari, see Moller, ZAS 39 (1901): 71-75, pi. 5; Blackman and Fairman, JEA 36
(1950): 76-77.
463
For discussion of the agricultural themes of the driving of the calves ritual, see Egberts, In Quest of
Meaning, Vol. 1, pp. 340-345, 363-374,435-441. Egberts, op. cit, pp. 372-373, is skeptical that the
driving of the calves was originally connected to threshing since the vignettes depicting the ritual do not
correspond to other known depictions of threshing. Egberts, op. cit., pp. 438-440, concludes that the
"message of the references to threshing and the destruction of worms obviously concerns the abundance
and good quality of the harvest."
464
For a similar interpretation of the staffs carried by the king during the ritual, see Egberts, GM111
(1989): 33-45. Egberts notes that worms and snakes are often interchangeable in Egyptian iconography.

201
the king and queen in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of

Kheruef (Fig. 174) is at least superficially similar in appearance to the serpent-headed rod

that the king typically carries during the performance of the driving of the calves ritual.465

However, since the depiction of the driving of donkeys and cattle is so far-removed from

the image of the official with the snake-headed rod in the tomb of Kheruef, there is no

clear link between the driving of donkeys and cattle and the trampling of worms.

In several versions of the driving of the calves ritual, the calves are said to hh is,

"seek the grave"; this expression likely refers to a simulated search for the grave of Osiris

that was intended to conceal the grave's true location and to protect Osiris from his

enemies.466 At the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, Shetyt, the cavern/tomb of

Sokar-Osiris, serves as the place where the regeneration of the solar disk takes place;467

thus, a ritual concerned with the protection of the tomb of Osiris would be particularly

appropriate in the context of Amenhotep Ill's Sed Festival. However, since donkeys

typically appear as Sethian animals in Egyptian religious texts and iconography, the

donkeys depicted in the tomb of Kheruef are probably not participating in the

concealment of the tomb of Osiris—an act that would benefit Osiris.

465
The official who carries a snake-headed rod at the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III in the tomb of
Kheruef appears in a row of officials in Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a. The snake-headed rod that this official
carries is shorter and more curved than the snake-headed rod that the king typically carries in depictions of
the driving of the calves ritual.
466
For discussion of the Osirian themes of the driving of the calves ritual and the significance of the phrase
hh is, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, pp. 345-374; 435-441. Egberts, loc. cit., concludes that hh
Is means "to seek the grave," not "to tread the grave," as several other scholars have suggested.
467
For discussion of Shetyt as a place of regeneration, see references collected in Section, 2.1.2, Scene 4a,
footnote 428.
468
For the donkey's association with Seth, see, e.g., Newberry, JEA 14 (1928): 223-224; TeVelde, Seth:
God of Confusion, pp. 7-26; Brunner-Traut, in LA, Vol. 2, cols. 27-30; Ward, JNES 37 (1978): 23-34. In
Upper Egyptian Predynastic rock art, e.g., at Vulture Rock at Elkab, the donkey appears as an enemy of the
solar barque; for discussion of these Predynastic rock art images of donkeys and boats, see Huyge, in
Friedman, ed., Egypt and Nubia Gifts of the Desert, pp. 192-206, especially 197-201.

202
The four calves that appear in the driving of the calves ritual probably represent

the four cardinal points. The text of several versions of the ritual emphasizes the king's

control over the four corners of the sky or land; these four corners probably symbolize

the entirety of the cosmos.469 In a version of the driving of the calves ritual from Edfu,

Horus offers control of the cosmos to Ptolemy IV (Fig. 190):470

dl.n-i n=k
ifd n nn.t
wsh n ti
bw nb mSS.n Jfy.ty

"It is to you that I have given


the four (corners) of the sky,
the breadth of the land,
and every place upon which the two luminaries have looked."

The vignettes accompanying this ritual consistently show the king driving all four calves

at the same time. However, in several different depictions of the ritual, the title of the

ceremony is hw.t bhs.w sp 4, "driving of the calves four times"; this title would seem to

indicate that the king actually performed the ritual four times.471 The location for the

performance of the driving of the calves ritual is specified as "in the temple" in several

versions of the ceremony, including the earliest attested version of the ritual from the

mortuary temple of Sahure at Abusir.472 Thus, with regard to the number of times the

For discussion of the theme of the four cardinal points in the driving of the calves ritual, see Egberts, In
Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, pp. 338-339, 368-369.
470
For this version of the driving of the calves ritual from Edfu, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1,
pp. 291-294, doc. B.a-Ptol.4-Ed.l, with references. In another version of the ritual at Edfu (Egberts, op.
cit., Vol. 1, pp. 324-325, doc. B.a-Ptol.lO-Ed.l), Horus presents the "four corners of the land" {ifd n ti) to
Ptolemy X.
471
For examples in which the title of ritual is hw.t bhs.w sp 4, "driving of the calves four times," or a
similar variant, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, p. 272, doc. B.a-XIX.2-Ka.l; pp. 283-284, doc.
B.a-XXX.3-Hi.l; pp. 298-299, doc. B.a-Ptol.4-Ed.3; pp. 314-317, doc. B.a-Ptol.9-Ed.l.
472
For examples in which the driving of the calves ritual is described as taking place m hw.t-ntr, "in the
temple," see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, Vol. 1, p. 257, doc. B.a-V.2-Abu.l and doc. B.a-V.9-Sa.l; p.
281, doc. B.a-XXV.6-Ka.l and doc. B.a-XXV.6-Kaw.l.

203
ritual was performed and the location where the ritual was performed, the driving of the

calves ritual corresponds to the ritual of circumambulating the walls by donkeys and

cattle in the tomb of Kheruef. While similarities between the two rituals do exist, these

similarities do not provide convincing evidence to argue that the overall symbolic

significance of each ritual is the same.

Scene 5 in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of

Kheruef may also relate to a ritual called phr hi inb, "circling around the wall(s)."

According to the royal annals of the Palermo Stone, several Egyptian rulers from the Old

Kingsom are known to have performed this ritual in the first year of their reigns.473 The

significance of phr hS inb in this context is uncertain; however this royal ritual may be

connected to a similarly named ritual performed at the Festival of Sokar. During the

celebration of the Festival of Sokar at Medinet Habu, a group of priests carried the hnw-

barque of Sokar around the walls of the temple during a ritual called phr inb.w,

"circumambulating the walls";474 this ritual likely corresponds to the procession to the

For examples of the ritual phr hi inb, "circling around the wall(s)," on the Palermo Stone, see
Wilkinson, Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt, pp. 92, 94-95. For discussion ofphr hi inb, see Bleeker,
Egyptian Festivals, pp. 95-96; Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 15-16, 18-19; Goedicke, in
Posener-Krieger, ed., Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, Vol. 1, pp. 317-324; Godron, Etudes sur VHorus
Den, pp. 34, 37-38, 115; Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, p. 210; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the
Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 38, 46-47, 49. Goedicke, in Posener-Krieger, ed., loc.
cit, translates phr hi inb as "the one who had turned behind the wall" and unconvincingly inerprets this
phrase as a reference to "the deceased king" at the time of his interment (smi.t-ti.wy). Jimenez-Serrano,
loc. cit., suggests that phr hi inb corresponds to the performance of the Konigslauf'at the Sed Festival;
however, such a correspondence is not supported by any textual examples in which the action of the king's
ritual run is described as phr hi inb.
474
In Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 4, pi. 223,11. 1-2, the king follows behind the barque of
Sokar in a ritual procession:
sti Pth-Skr-Wsir r phr inb.w
in nsw.t ds=f
Sms ntr r iw.t=f m-ht phr=f inb.w
in nn
"The bringing forward of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris to circumambulate the walls
by the king himself.
Following the god at his return after his circumambulation of the walls
by this one (i.e., the king)."

204
tomb of Osiris on the 26th day of Khoiak in the ritual text of Papyrus N. 3176 (S) from

the Graeco-Roman Period.475

The rituals of the 26th of Khoiak in the great festival calendar of Horus at Edfu

include the slaughtering of a "wild donkey of the Temple of Seth" in the presence of

Osiris.476 The symbolism of this ritual is clear; the donkey is a Sethian enemy of Osiris

and, as such, the donkey is slaughtered. A text from the Ramesside tomb of Ramose

(Theban Tomb 166) suggests that the driving and ritual slaughter of a donkey occur on

In Epigraphic Survey, op. cit., Vol. 4, pi. 226,11.41-44, several priests purify the processional route of the
barque of Sokar with incense and libations during the circumambulation of the walls of the temple. For
discussion of the ritual of "circumambulating the walls" on the 26th day of Khoiak during the Festival of
Sokar, see Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 6, 9, 52-54, 61-62, 66-71; Alliot, Culte d'Horus a
Edfou au temps des Ptolemies, pp. 799-803; Goyon, BIFAO 78 (1978): 432-433; Cauville, BSFE 112
(1988): 31-33.
475
For the rituals of the 26th of Khoiak in Papyrus N. 3176 (S), see Barguet, Le papyrus N. 3176 (s) du
Musee du Louvre, pp. 21-22,24-25; for further discussion of these rites, see also Mikhail, GM 82 (1984):
33.
476
The description of the ritual slaughter of a donkey the 26th of Khoiak in the great festival calendar of
Horus at Edfu reads (Alliot, Culte d'Horus a Edfou au temps des Ptolemees, pp. 206, 210; Graindorge-
Hereil, Le dieu Sokar, Vol. 2, Text 39):
Ibd 4 Iht sw 26 irw nb n hb Skr mtrn dwi.w
rdi.t wdn.w rSi.w m-blh Wsir
ini.t r> Smi n pr Sth
ini.t [...]
Ssp rbb.t (i)n msn.w
[...] in nsw.t
smi m-blh Wsir
"Fourth month of Akhet, day 26, every ceremony of the Festival of Sokar, at the time of morning:
the presentation of numerous offerings in the presence of Osiris;
the bringing of a wild donkey of the Temple of Seth;
the bringing of [...];
the taking up of the harpoon by the harpooners;
[the arrival?] by the king;
the slaughtering in the presence of Osiris."
For discussion of the ritual slaughter of the donkey in this text, see Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38
(1969): 25, 73-74; Goyon, BIFAO 78 (1978): 431, footnote 1; Graindorge-Hereil, op. cit, Vol. 1, pp. 256-
258; el-Sabban, Temple Festival Calendars of Ancient Egypt, p. 171. A commemorative inscription
recorded in Western Thebes by a group of ironworkers from Armant suggests that the ritual sacrifice of
donkeys at the end of the Festival of Sokar was performed as late as the fourth century CE; for discussion
of the significance of this inscription, see primarily Klotz, Kneph: The Religion of Roman Thebes, pp. 592-
593, with references.

205
the same day as Sokar's circuit around the walls during the Festival of Sokar. The

driving of the donkey(s) around the temple and the circling of the walls by Sokar, thus,

appear to be complementary rituals at the Festival of Sokar. Very likely, Sokar's circuit

of the walls symbolizes the rebirth of the solar form of Sokar at sunrise in the eastern

horizon;478 the driving and subsequent slaughter of the Sethian donkey, thus, probably

correspond to the punishment of solar enemies and the souls of the damned in the

underworld at the eastern horizon of the sky.479

Like the rituals hw.t <7 and phr inb.w that were performed on the 26th day of

Khoiak at the Festival of Sokar, the circumambulation of the walls by the donkeys and

cattle in Scene 5 from the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of

Kheruef most likely symbolizes the punishment of Sethian enemies in the eastern horizon

at the same time as the resurrection of Sokar-Osiris as the newborn morning sun at

477
Hofmann and Seyfried, MDAIK 51 (1995): 38, 41, fig. 6:
[ir.Mw] n[=i] s[.i\ m n[Sm.i\ ml Sms.w Hr
Ssp=i snh (for: sih) m w Pkr mi srh.w Sps.w
nls=tw (sn) m hb Skr hrw phr inb.w
hwi=i ri phr=fhw.t
dii=i sw m nm.t Inpw
"[May a] thr[one] be [made] for [me] in the n[$m.t]-barque like the Followers of Horus,
so that I may receive a grant of land in the district of Paqer like the noble mummies,
(whom) one invokes at the Festival of Sokar on the day of circling the walls.
It is when it circles the temple that I drive (or smite) the donkey.
It is in the abattoir of Anubis that I pierce it."
For further discussion of the driving and slaughter of the donkey in this passage from the tomb of Ramose,
see also Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 61-62; Graindorge-Hereil, Le dieu Sokar, Vol. 1, pp.
133, 278; Vol. 2, Text 43c.

478
Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia 38 (1969): 61-62, also interpret this ritual text as an allusion to the
rebirth of the solarized Sokar. For the interrelationship of Sokar and Re, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 4b,
footnote 441.
479
For the eastern horizon as the place of the punishment of Apophis and the souls of the damned, see
Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, pp. 24-25, 137-138, 145, 176, 319,
373-374, 389-390.

206
daybreak. A similar ritual involving the driving of cattle also appears in the Sed

Festival reliefs of Niuserre from his solar temple at Abu Gurob; the scene is damaged but

clearly depicts several rows of cattle, including long-horned bulls and rams (Fig. 191).481

The labels above two of the long-horned bulls suggest that these animals may be

sacrificial animals symbolizing Sethian enemies: Sb.t ("butchered meat offering") and

bw.t Inpw ("abomination of Anubis").482

Similarly, a long-horned bull and a ram appear together in the depiction of the

Sed Festival of Narmer on the Narmer Macehead (Fig. 60); these animals appear next to

a bound man in the register directly below the running ritual on the macehead.483 The

numbers next to these figures on the Narmer Macehead suggest that the scene represents

an accounting of cattle (400,000), caprids (1,422,000), and human captives (120,000);

since the human figure is a bound prisoner, these tallies most likely indicate an

accumulation of war booty seized by Narmer.484 A similar record of war booty from the

Scene 5 of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival, thus, complements the imagery of the hymns of Scene
4b; these hymns emphasize the connection between the rebirth of the solar disk and the regeneration of
Sokar-Osiris.
481
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 13-16. For further
discussion of this scene, see Section 2.2.3, Scene 9; Section 5.4.
482
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 14, 16. According to
Wb. 5,437.3-5, Sb (variant Sb.t) can refer to the "zerstuckelten Gliedern des Nilpferdes" as a symbol of the
god Seth. The expression bw.t 'Inpw also appears in line 7 of the First Immediate Period stela of Merer
(Cerny, JEA 47 (1961): 6-7): ny dd{=i) grg r rnh bw.t Inpw, "(I) did not speak a falsehood against a
person—an abomination of Anubis." For further discussion of this passage, see Goedicke, JEA 51 (1965):
43, footnote 5.
483
For detailed discussion of the depiction of cattle on the Narmer Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28 (1991):
224, fig. 1), see Section 5.4.
484
For a similar interpretation of this scene as an accounting of war booty, see Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, p.
604; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, p. 99. This interpretation is preferable to that of Millet, JARCE 27
(1990): 57-58, who instead interprets the scene as a census of all the cattle and people in Egypt. A biennial
cattle count (tnw.t) played an important role in regnal year dating during the Early Dynastic Period and Old
Kingdom, e.g. in the royal annals of the Palermo Stone and associated fragments; for discussion of the
cattle count, see Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, pp. 113-114; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals
and Day-Books, pp. 88-89; Wilkinson, Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt, pp. 64, 67.

207
Protodynastic Period may be recorded on the so-called Libyan Palette (Fig. 192); the

three rows of long-horned bulls, donkeys, and rams on this palette probably represent the

war booty seized by the king during a successful military expedition to Libya.485 The

representations of livestock in the ritual scenes on the Narmer Macehead and the Libyan

Palette suggest that seized domestic livestock was an important aspect of military victory

and royal ritual in the Protodynastic Period. New Kingdom representations of sacrificial

cattle often show their horns curved and decorated in such a way that the cattle appear to

represent members of the Nine Bows—the traditional enemies of the Egyptian state.486

Thus, the slaughter of sacrificial cattle could symbolize the destruction of Egypt's

enemies. The ritual driving of cattle at the Sed Festival may have originally been

connected to a post-battle victory celebration during which the defeated enemy's

livestock was confiscated, driven back to Egypt, counted, and celebrated.

In incorporating an Osirian ritual of driving donkeys and bulls into his third Sed

Festival, Amenhotep III cleverly added a new layer of symbolic meaning to a pre-existing

Sed Festival ritual in which the driving of cattle represented the king's economic wealth

and his triumph over Egypt's enemies. The number of times these cattle were driven

around the walls at Malqata (i.e., four) probably represents the four cardinal points and

For a similar interpretation of the Libyan Palette, see Baines, in Potts, eta/., eds., Culture through
Objects, pp. 31-32. For further discussion of the Libyan Palette, see primarily Cialowicz, Les palettes
egyptiennes, pp. 56-57, with references; Davis, Masking the Blow, pp. 229-233; Gundlach, Die
Zangsumsiedlung auswdrtiger Bevolkerung, pp. 19-33; Baines, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient
Egyptian Kingship, p. 112; Cialowicz, La naissance d'un royaume, pp. 180-182; Bagh, in Czerny, eta/.,
eds., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, Vol. 2, pp. 15-16; Bietak, Cahiers de Recherche de
I'Institut de Papyrologie de Lille 8 (1986): 29-35.
486
For discussion of numerous examples of this motif, see Leclant, MDAIK14 (1956): 128-145. The Sed
Festival talatat blocks of Akhenaten preserve portions of several scenes in which fattened cattle are driven
and/or counted; see Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, p. 143, pi. 71,
Assemblage A0049; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pis. 36, 52, 55, 100; Redford, Akhenaten
Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 55.

208
symbolizes the king's control over the entirety of the cosmos and his ability to defeat

enemies of the state in every direction.

SCENE 6: PERFORMANCE OF RITUAL COMBAT 4 8 7

In the second register below Scenes 2b, 3, and 4a in the reliefs of Amenhotep III

third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef, depictions of bouts of hand-to-hand combat

(Fig. 193) take up the entire area to the right of the music and dance rituals of Scene 4b.

The overall movement of Scene 6 is to the left; the scene is divided into two distinct

sections, each of which includes multiple bouts of hand-to-hand combat, as well as a

group of non-combatants.488 The first section of Scene 6 depicts five bouts of hand-to-

hand combat and a group of three non-combatants. The first three bouts of the this

section feature pairs of boxers; the fourth and fifth bouts feature pairs of stick fighters

who strike at each other with papyrus stalks. The second section of Scene 6 similarly

includes four bouts of hand-to-hand combat and a group of two non-combatants. The

first three bouts of this section feature a pair of boxers; the final bout is a melee featuring

three stick fighters.489

Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 59, 61, 63, pp. 63-64. For discussion of this scene, see
primarily Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, pp. 341-344, 346-348, with references. For
further discussion, cf also Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 178-179, with references; Touny and
Wenig, Sport in Ancient Egypt, pp. 22,25-26; Mikhail, GM&3 (1984): 57-58; Decker, Sports and Games of
Ancient Egypt, pp. 84-88; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 565-566, doc. M2; p. 572, doc. Nl;
Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 74, footnote 141; Borghouts, in DuQuesne, ed., Hermes Aegyptiacus, p. 44; Beck,
BACEU (2000): 12; Decker, in Ulf, ed., Ideologic Sport, Aussenseiter, pp. 120-121, 129-134;
AltenmUller, SAK 30 (2002): 31-33; FSrster, Nikephoros 18 (2005): 82, footnote 38; Darnell and Manassa,
Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 273, note 107. A fragmentary ritual combat scene featuring a bout between two
Nubian boxers appears in a Sed Festival relief of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak; for
this relief, see Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pi. 106.
488
Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, pp. 341-344, suggests that the non-combatants in
this scene are judges who referee the stick fighting matches; however, such an interpretation is unlikely to
be correct since the first pair of non-combatants do not actually face in the general direction of any of the
combatants.
489
All but four of the combatants in Scene 6 wear a kilt with a sporran attached to the front of the waist—a
style of garb that specifically allows the wearer to move vigorously without constriction or obstruction; the

209
First Group of Non-Combatants:

hry-hb
hsw(.w)
nn hfty=k

Lector Priest.
Singers.
"You have no enemy!"

First Pair of Boxers:


c
mn.t
ndr
it.n Hr m hr mSr.t

Boxing.
"Strike!490
Horus, appearing in truth, has triumphed!"

Second Pair of Boxers:


r
mn.t
it.n Hr m hr mSc.t

Boxing.
"Horus, appearing in truth, has triumphed!"

Third Pair of Boxers:


r
mn.t
it.n Hr m hc m?r.t

Boxing.
"Horus, appearing in truth, has triumphed!"

First Pair of Stick Fighters:

rmt.w P
ndr

shade-bearers and runners who appear in the representation of the Sed Festival on the Narmer Macehead
(Millet, JARCE 28 (1991): 224, fig. 1) wear a very similar outfit. For detailed discussion of the runners on
the Namer Macehead, see Section 4.3.1.
490
Ndr (Wb., 2, 382.18-383.25) typically means "to grasp," "to seize," or "to hold." However, in
specialized contexts (e.g., hunting and warfare), ndr takes on the extended meaning "to hit or strike (with
an object)"; for this extended meaning of the word, see Griffiths, JEA 62 (1976): 186-187; Forster, SAK 34
(2006): 141-158.

210
Men of Pe.
"Strike!"

Second Pair of Stick Fighters:

rmt.w Dp
ndr sp [2]

Men of Dep.
"Strike, strike!"

Second Group of Non-Combatants:

nn hfty-k

"You have no enemy!"

Fourth Pair of Boxers:


r
mn.t
it.n Hrm hr m?c.t

Boxing.
"Horus, appearing in truth, has triumphed!"

Fifth Pair of Boxers:


c
mn.t
it.n Hrm hr nSc.t

Boxing.
"Horus, appearing in truth, has triumphed!"

Sixth Pair of Boxers:


r
mn.t sp 2
ndr sp 2

Boxing, boxing.
"Strike, strike!"

Melee of Three Stick Fighters:

ndr

"Strike!"
The victorious party in five of the six boxing matches is identified as Horus: it.n

Hr m hc m?c.t, "Horus, appearing in truth, has triumphed!"491 The texts do not identify

the opponent whom Horus defeats in each of these ritual combat bouts; however, two

scenes from the Dramatic Ramesseum indicate that ritual combat bouts served as

reenactments of the mythological struggle between Horus and Seth. In Scene 18 of the

Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, a child of Horus and a follower of Seth engage in a bout

of hand-to-hand combat (cmw) that parallels the hand-to-hand combat {mrf) of Horus and

Seth:492

hpr.n mrf
Hr pw rhl=f hrf Sth
Gb dd mdw (n) Hr Sth
c
mw lb
Hr Sth rh3
mrf
Hr dd mdw (n) ms.w Hr
n-tn is rmw ib
ms Hr hty Sth rhi
r
mw

"It happened that there was hand-to-hand combat.


The one whose fighting is with Seth is Horus.
Geb speaks to Horus and Seth:
'Swallow the heart!'493
—Horus and Seth fighting

491
The identification of the victor of these boxing matches as "Horus" may suggest that Amenhotep III
himself successfully participated in the ritual combat bouts at his third Sed Festival.
492
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 166-167, Scene 18,11. 56-58; p. 252, Image 12. For discussion of this
scene, see Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 128-129; Helck, Orientalia 23 (1954): 391-392;
Altenmuller, JEOL 19 (1966): 434; Beck, BACE 11 (2000): 7; Quack, ZAS 133 (2006): 88; Schneider, in
Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, p. 246; Gestermann, in
RothOhler and Manisali, eds., op. cit., p. 39; Lorand, Le papyrus dramatique du Ramesseum, pp. 125-126.
493 r
m ib, "to swallow the heart," is an idiomatic expression meaning "to keep secret" or "to repent" (Wb. 1,
184.14-15). Most modern translators follow Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 166-167, note 57a, in
translating the expression "vergessen" or "to forgive"; in this way, the scene might represent a
reconciliation or peace agreement between the two warring factions, Horus and Seth. However, Schneider,
in Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschriftfiir Jan Assmann, p. 246, offers a new
translation of the expression ("ohnmachtig werden") and suggests that rmw ib is an exhortation to Horus
and Seth to fight until the defeat of one of the combatants due to exhaustion.

212
—hand-to-hand combat
Horus speaks (to) the children of Horus:
'As for you, swallow the heart!'
—child of Horus and follower of Seth fighting
—hand-to-hand combat

In Scene 38 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, the children of Horus carry nfiS.t-

sticks, and the followers of Seth grasp (?)m^-sticks;494 the accompanying vignette to the

scene depicts a stick fighting bout between two individuals identified as shn.w-Sh:495

hpr.n ir shn.w-Sh m-r mcSwy


Hr dd mdw (n) ms.w Hr
shn=tn it(=i) [pn]
ms Hr
shn.w-Sh
Dhwty
ms.w Hr dd mdw in) [hty.w Sth]
tni (S)ms.w=t<n> rp.t
hpd.w=t<n> n cw.t phr(.w) [hl=f]
tni {T)ms.w [n.w] hty Sth
iri (w-0 mrSw(y)
Hm

"It happened that the shn.w-Sh performed with the nftt./-sticks.


Horus speaks (to) the children of Horus:
'May you seek this father of mine!'
—child of Horus
—shn.w-Sh
—district of Thoth
The children of Horus speak (to) [the followers of Seth]:496

494
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 223-225, Scene 38,11. 117-119; p. 257, Image 24. For discussion of this
scene, see Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 133, 136; Junker, Der sehende undblinde Gott, pp. 52-53;
Altenmuller, JEOL 18 (1964): 271-279; AltenmUller, JEOL 19 (1966): 428, 433, 438-439; Barta, SAK4
(1976): 39-42; Decker, Sports and Games of Ancient Egypt, pp. 86-87; Borghouts, in DuQuesne, ed.,
Hermes Aegyptiacus, pp. 44-45; Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, pp. 339-341;
Altenmuller, SAK 30 (2002): 31-32; FQrster, Nikephoros 18 (2005): 82-83, footnote 38; Gestermann, in
Rothohler and Manisali, eds., Mythos & Ritual: Festschrift fur Jan Assmann, pp. 38-39.
495
For a critical review of all possible translations of the title shn-3h, see El-Sayed, BIFAO 88 (1988): 63-
69.
496
Sethe, Dramatische Texte, pp. 223-225, pi. 21, reconstructs the opening of line 119: "Die Horuskinder
sprechen Worte zu [Nut]: 'erhebe deine Kinder zum Himmel."' Based on an alternative reconstruction of
the text of the top portion of line 119, Altenmuller, JEOL 18 (1964): 274-275, renders this passage: "Die
Horuskinder sprechen Worte zu den Gefolgsleuten des Seth: Erhebet eure ms-Holzer zum Himmel." Ink
traces on this heavily damaged section of the papyrus are inconclusive; however, the mention of the

213
'Raise your (:Oms-sticks to the sky,
while your buttocks belong to goats who circle [around it].'
—raising the (/Jms'-sticks of the follower of Seth
—performing with the mrRf-sticks
—Letopolis"

Scene 38 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus describes a stick fighting bout between

the children of Horus and the followers of Seth; the exhortation of Horus to the children

of Horus ("May you seek this father of mine!") may indicate that the stick fighters who

represent the children of Horus act to protect Osiris.498 The meaning of the speech of the

children of Horus to the followers of Seth is not clear, but the former group appears to be

challenging the latter group to a fight.499 The phrase "goats who circle [around it]"

"followers of Seth" later in this scene seems to confirm Altenmiiller's reconstruction of the text. For a
photo of the relevant portion of the papyrus, see Sethe, op. cit., pi. 10.
497
In Pyramid Texts Spell 324 (Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 1, p. 267, § 522-523), the
deceased king strikes a female hippopotamus and a female donkey with an ims-stick and a «/-plant,
respectively. For discussion of this passage from the Pyramid Texts, see Junker, Der sehende und blinde
Gott, p. 72, footnote 2; Altenmiiller, JEOL 18 (1964): 275-276; Meurer, Die Feinde des Konigs in den
Pyramidentexten, pp. 218-220, with references; Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, pp.
338-339, 344. The female donkey and hippopotamus appear as enemies of the deceased king in Pyramid
Texts Spell 324; however, Piccione's assertion that they are "Sethian animals" is probably incorrect since
typically only the male of each of these species is associated with Seth. For the male donkey's association
with Seth, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 5, footnote 468. For the male hippopotamus's association with Seth,
see Save-Soderbergh, On Egyptian Representations of Hippopotamus Hunting as a Religious Motive, pp.
25-45, with references; Stork, in LA, Vol. 4, col. 504, with references. The female hippopotamus often
appears as a goddess who is celebrated at a festival known as hb Hd.t, the Festival of the White
Hippopotamus Goddess; for discussion of this festival, see Save-Soderbergh, op. cit, pp. 45-55; Kaiser,
MDA1K44 (1988): 125-144; Pawlicki, Etudes et Travaux 14 (1990): 15-28; Altenmiiller, in Berger el-
Naggar, ed., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1, pp. 29-44; Behrmann, Das Nilpferd, Vol. 2, pp. 117-123;
Kaiser, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 2, pp. 451-459; Kaiser,
MDAIK53 (1997): 113-115. According to Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 88-91, the wandering solar eye
goddess is "changed from the roaring lioness of the desert to the great and protective riverine beast of
Nubia," i.e. a female hippopotamus whose return to Egypt brings about the New Year and the inundation of
the Nile; for further discussion of the hippopotamus as a manifestation of the wandering solar eye goddess,
see Darnell, in David and Wilson, eds., Inscribed Landscapes, pp. 111-112, with references. For discussion
of the significance of hippopotamus hunting in Predynastic royal iconography, see Section 5.1; Section 7.2.

498
In Pyramid Texts Spells 20, 579, 637, and 659, Horus seeks (shn) his deceased father Osiris in order to
protect his corpse and to assist in his regeneration. Similarly, Isis and Nephthys seek (shn) Osiris in
Pyramid Texts Spell 535. For discussion of the use of the term shn in these Pyramid Texts spells, see
Altenmiiller, in Clarysse, ed., Egyptian Religion: The Last Thousand Years, Vol. 2, p. 755.
499
For a similar interpretation, see Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, p. 340.

214
recalls the circumambulating donkeys and bulls that thresh grain in Scene 9 of the

Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus; the reference to these goats may provide a link between

hand-to-hand combat rituals and the driving of cattle.500

The performance of a ritual with nfil.t-sticks also occurs at Letopolis in Pyramid

Texts Spell 469:501

Ppi pn wS htf iwf=f


nfr n Ppi pn hrf rn=f
c
nh Ppi pn hnr k3=f
hsr-fdw.t tp.t-c.wy Ppi
shr=fdw.t imy.t-ht Ppi
mi nfB.wt hnty Hm
shr.(w)t dw.t tp(.t)-c.wy=f
hsr.{w)t dw.t imy.t-ht=f

"This Pepi has become hale along with his flesh.


It is good for this Pepi along with his name.
This Pepi will live along with his ki.
Just as it drives away the evil that is in front of Pepi,
so too does it remove the evil that is behind Pepi,
like the mrR/-sticks of the foremost of Letopolis,
which expel the evil that is in front of him,
and drive away the evil that is behind him."

In this passage "the nfB.t-sticks of the foremost of Letopolis" are used as weapons to

protect the deceased king from the damaging influence of evil. The source of this "evil"

is not identified; however, Pyramid Texts Spell 469 and Scene 38 of the Dramatic

Ramesseum Papyrus are similar in their description of the use of nfB.t-sticks to protect

Osiris from evil at Letopolis. Thus, both texts probably allude to a mythical event in

500
For discussion of Scene 9 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 5.
501
Sethe, Die altdgyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, p. 2, § 908a-908g. For discussion of this passage, see
Junker, Der sehende undblinde Gott, pp. 72-73; Altenmtiller, JEOL 18 (1964): 271-279; Meurer, Die
Feinde des Konigs in den Pyramidentexten, pp. 117, 257, with references; Piccione, in Teeter and Larson,
eds., Gold of Praise, pp. 339-341. For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 469, cf. Allen, The Ancient
Egyptian Pyramid Texts, pp. 124-125, Spell P319b.

215
which Horus battled with Seth at the cultic center of Letopolis in order to protect the

corpse of his father Osiris.502

In Chapter 63 of Book 2 of his Histories, Herodotus indicates that he himself

observed the performance of a stick fighting ritual at the entrance to a temple at

Papremis.503 According to Herodotus's native Egyptian guides, this ritual was based on a

myth in which the god Ares (possibly Horus) stormed the temple at Papremis with his

club-wielding followers in order to gain access to his estranged mother (possibly Isis) and

to have sexual intercourse with her.504 If Herodotus's understanding of the mythical

context for this ritual is correct, then the stick fighting ritual at Papremis has no clear

connection to the ritual combat episodes recorded in Pyramid Texts Spell 468 or in

Scenes 18 and 38 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus.

Two pairs of stick fighters in the tomb of Kheruef are identified as "men of Pe"

and "men of Dep"; both of these titles refer to the Lower Egyptian cultic center of

The primary god of the cult center of Letopolis was a warlike falcon god, who was associated with
Horus since the Old Kingdom; for Horus of Letopolis, see Junker, Die Onurislegende, pp. 40-44; Junker,
Der sehende undblinde Gott, pp. 45-58; Gomaa, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 1009-1011, with references;
Altenmuller, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 41-46, with references.
503
For commentary on Herodotus, Histories, Book 2, Chapter 63, see Lloyd, Herodotus BookII, Vol. 2, pp.
285-286; Lloyd, in Murray and Moreno, eds., A Commentary on Herodotus Books I-IV, pp. 279-280.
504
Altenmuller, JEOL 18 (1964): 271-279, attempts to link the ritual combat episode recorded by
Herodotus to the stick fighting rituals in Scene 38 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus and in Pyramid
Texts Spell 469. Altenmuller unconvincingly argues that Papremis and Letopolis are the same town; and,
based on this assumption, Altenmuller links each of these ritual combat episodes to mythical accounts of
Onuris and the cult center of Letopolis—for which, see Junker, Die Onurislegende, pp. 40-44; Junker, Der
sehende undblinde Gott, pp. 45-58. Altenmtiller's interpretation of Herodotus, Histories, Book 2, Chapter
63—particularly his equation of Papremis and Letopolis—has not gained universal acceptance and remains
controversial; for a recent critical survey of commentary on this ritual, see Borghouts, in DuQuesne, ed.,
Hermes Aegyptiacus, pp. 43-52, with references. Borghouts concludes that the Papremis ritual probably
corresponded to "a New Year celebration of local tailoring" and symbolized the triumphant restoration of a
"chief god" to the throne "after a period of cosmic decline." Further support for such an interpretation is
provided by a 26th Dynasty New Year's flask decorated with a pair of stick fighters; for discussion of this
flask, see Fazzini, JSSEA 28 (2001): 55-57. Additionally, in the hymn to Hathor at Medamud, club-
wielding Nubians dance for the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun during her return to Egypt, which
marks the beginning of the inundation season and the New Year; for discussion of these club-wielding
Nubians, see Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 64-65, 69, 73-74.

216
Buto.505 In Pyramid Texts Spell 482, the Souls of Pe perform a stick-dance while

lamenting the death of Osiris, extolling Horus for avenging Osiris's death, and foretelling

the resurrection of Osiris:506

rwi n-k bj.w P


hwi-sn n-k iwf-sn
shf=sn n=k r.wy=sn
nwn=sn n-k m smi.w-sn
idd-sn n Wsir
Sm n=k iw n=k rs n-k sdr n=k
mn.ti m cnh
r c
h mii=k nn
r c
h sdm=k nn
Ir.n n-k s?=k
ir.n n-k Hr
hwi.n=fn=k hwi tw
k3s.n=fn=k kis tw
wdi-fsw hr s3.t=k imy.t Kdm

"It is for you that the Souls of Pe dance with sticks.507


It is for you that they beat their flesh.
It is for you that they clasp their hands in fists.
It is for you that they pull their side-locks.
It is to Osiris that they speak:
'Go and come!
Wake up and sleep that you might become enduring in life!508

505
For Buto as a cultic center in Lower Egypt, see Altenmuller, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 887-889, with
references.
506
Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, pp. 64-66, § 1005-1008. For discussion of this
passage, Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, pp. 340, 344; Meurer, Die Feinde des Konigs
in den Pyramidentexten, pp. 118, 139, 173,238, and 250. For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 482,
cf. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, pp. 130-131, Spell P333.
507
The determinative for the word rwi ("sich bewegen," Wb., 2,406.7-10) is the upper body of a man
grasping two sticks. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, p. 130, Spell P333, translates rwi as
"drum" rather than "dance with sticks."
508
Allen, The Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts, p. 276, § 409, offers a different interpretation of
these two lines:
Sm.n=k iw.n=k
rs.n=k sdr.n=k
mn.ti m rnh
"Though you have gone away, you have returned.
After going to sleep you have awakened,
established in life."
Allen's intepretation is certainly grammatically possible; however, in grammatical parallel to the passage
that follows ("Stand up that you might see this! Stand up that you might hear this"), Sm, iw, rs, and sdr are
probably imperatives followed by a stative result clause (mn.ti m rnh). Though mi is the most commonly

217
Stand up that you might see this!
Stand up that you might hear this,
(namely) that which your son did for you,
(namely) that which Horus did for you!
It is for you that he beat the one who beat you.509
It is for you that he bound the one who bound you,

while placing him under your daughter, who is in Qedem."'

In this passage the stick-dance of the lamenting Souls of Pe parallels the beating of Seth

by Horus. The stick fighting of the Butic men of Pe and Dep in the tomb of Kheruef

similarly alludes to the Horus's punishment of Seth for his mistreatment of Osiris.510

The texts describing the performance of stick fighting and boxing at the third Sed

Festival of Amenhotep III do not explicitly refer to the struggle between Horus and Seth

as the mythological basis for these rituals; however, the ritual combat episodes of the

Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus and the Pyramid Texts clearly allude to the mythical battle

between Horus and Seth. The dominant ritual focus of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival is the Raising of the Djed Pillar—a ceremony that emphasizes the regeneration

and resurrection of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris.511 The Osirian imagery of Amenhotep Ill's third

used imperative form of the verb iw ("to come") in Old Egyptian, iw is also attested as an imperative form
of this verb; for the use of iw as an imperative form in Old Egyptian, see Edel, Altagyptische Grammatik,
pp. 295-296, § 609.
509
Horus speaks a similar line to Osiris in Scene 9 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus: h(wi).n(=i) n=k
h(wi).w <t>w, "It is for you that (I) have beaten those who beat (or thresh) you." In this passage from the
Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus, "those who beat you" are the followers of Seth, the bulls that trample
Osiris; for discussion of this passage, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 5.
510
For a similar interpretation of the symbolic significance of the terms "men of Pe" and "men of Dep,"
which identify two pairs of stick fighters in the tomb of Kheruef, see Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds.,
Gold of Praise, p. 344; Decker, in Ulf, ed., Ideologie, Sport, Aussenseiter, pp. 133-134.
511
For discussion of the Raising of the Djed Pillar ceremony at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival, see
Section 2.1.2, Scene 3. The use of papyrus stalks in place of wooden sticks in the stick fighting rituals of
Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival further emphasizes the theme of regeneration since papyrus was a well-
known symbol of renewal and rebirth in Egypt. For a similar interpretation of the use of papyrus stalks as
ritual combat weapons in the tomb of Kheruef, see Decker, Sports and Games of Ancient Egypt, pp. 84-86.
For papyrus, in general, as a symbol of rebirth, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 1, footnote 321. Altenmiiller, SAK
30 (2002): 31-33, posits that the stick fighting with papyrus stalks in the tomb of Kheruef might relate to
the ritual of shaking the papyri {sSS wld)—a ritual that emphasizes the theme of renewal and occurs as a

218
Sed Festival and the identification of the victor of the ritual combat bouts as Horus

strongly suggest that these bouts represent the mythical struggle between Horus and

Seth.512

In addition to their connection to Osirian myths and the conflict between Horus

and Seth, the ritual combat scenes of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival also have

another important symbolic significance. These scenes affirm the king's role as

maintainer of order in the cosmos; the king is able to suppress chaos in the world by

means of his army's military campaigns in foreign lands.513 The depiction of the Nine

Bows on the platform of the royal tnrt.t-dais in the scene of homage to the king in the

reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef strongly alludes to

the royal prerogative to suppress chaos by defeating Egypt's foreign enemies.514 The

members of the Egyptian military who participated in ritual combat bouts at Amenhotep

Ill's third Sed Festival acted as representatives of the king and as an extension of the

king's own military prowess in order to suppress chaos and (re)establish cosmic order.515

prelude to the hieros gctmos. For further discussion of the shaking of the papyrus ritual, see references
collected in Section 2.1.1, Scene 7, footnote 244.
512
For a similar conclusion, see Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of Praise, pp. 341-344; Decker,
in Ulf, ed., Ideologie, Sport, Aussenseiter, pp. 129-134.
513
According to Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun's Armies, pp. 208-209, scenes of ritual combat at the
durbar of Akhenaten in regnal year twelve in the tomb of Meryre II and at the Window of Appearances of
Ramesses III at Medinet Habu "reinforced the image of the ruler as warlord." For the ritual combat scenes
from Akhenaten's durbar in the tomb of Meryre II, see also Davies, Rock Tombs ofElAmarna, Vol. 2, p.
40, pis. 37-38; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 555-556, doc. L28; p. 566, doc. M3; pp. 572-573,
doc. N2; Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds. Gold of Praise, p. 344; Decker, in Ulf, ed., Ideologie, Sport,
Aussenseiter, pp. 135-138. For the ritual combat scenes of Ramesses III (and Ramesses II) at Medinet
Habu, see also Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, pis. 111-112, 127b; Decker and Herb, op. cit, p. 558,
doc. L31; pp. 559-561, doc. L34; pp. 569-570, doc. M9; Piccione, in Teeter and Larson, eds., op. cit., pp.
345-346; Decker, in Ulf, ed., op. cit., pp. 139-143. For further discussion of these scenes, see Chapter 6.
514
For discussion of this the decoration on the platform of this dais, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 1.
515
While all of the ritual combat participants in the tomb of Kheruef appear to be Egyptian, the participants
in the ritual combat scenes from the tomb of Meryre and Medinet Habu included both Egyptians and

219
Ritual combat already appears as an expression of Egyptian royal military prowess in the

Predynastic representations of the Sed Festival in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at

Hierakonpolis (Fig. 131e)516 and on the Gebel el-Arak knife handle (Fig. 58).517 Thus,

Amenhotep Ill's decision to include bouts of ritual combat at the celebration of his third

Sed Festival may reflect the king's interest in performing his Sed Festival in accordance

with archaic prototypes; however, by imbuing these military rituals with allusions to

Horian and Osirian myths, Amenhotep III added an innovative new layer of symbolic

mean to the performance of ritual combat at his Sed Festival.

2.2. OVERVIEW OF M A J O R SED FESTIVAL RELIEF PROGRAMS

2.2.0. INTRODUCTION

The Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef provide the

most complete account of the various rituals that were typically performed at the

celebration of the Sed Festival. Over the course of pharaonic Egyptian history, many

kings chose to commemorate their Sed Festival celebrations with wall-reliefs in temples;

however, an exhaustive catalogue and detailed discussion of all extant Sed Festival reliefs

and texts are beyond the scope of this dissertation.518 Section 2.2 presents a general

discussion and overview of six major Sed Festival relief programs from the Old

Kingdom, New Kingdom, and 3 rd Intermediate Period: the subterranean relief panels of

foreigners. For discussion of the ethnicity of the participants in the ritual combat scenes from the tomb of
Meryre II and Medinet Habu, see the references collected in Section 2.1.2, Scene 7, footnote 513.
516
For a detailed discussion of the scenes of ritual combat in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at
Hierakonpolis (Quibell and Green, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, pi. 76), see Section 6.5.
517
For a detailed discussion of the scenes of ritual combat on the Gebel el-Arak knife handle (Seidlmayer,
in Schulz and Seidel, eds., Egypt: The World of the Pharaohs, p. 26, fig. 31), see Section 6.5.
518
For the most complete catalogue of Sed Festival reliefs from the pharaonic period, see Hornung and
Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 13-32; Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 16-49.

220
Djoser from his Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara (Section 2.2.1); the Sed Festival

reliefs of Snofru from the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur (Section 2.2.2);

the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre from his solar temple at Abu Gurob (Section 2.2.3);

the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the Temple of Soleb (Section 2.2.4); the Sed

Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten at Karnak (Section 2.2.5); and the Sed

Festival reliefs of Osorkon II in the Temple of Bubastis (Section 2.2.6). Several of these

Sed Festival relief programs were originally larger and more comprehensive than the Sed

Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef; however, these detailed relief

programs have unfortunately survived in a fragmentary form that prevents a complete

reconstruction of the full sequence of rituals.

2.2.1. STEP PYRAMID COMPLEX OF DJOSER AT SAQQARA 519

A series of six subterranean relief panels at Djoser's Step Pyramid complex at

Saqqara depicts the Konigslauf and the king's visit to the ceremonial shrines of Upper

and Lower Egypt during the celebration of the Sed Festival; the series consists of three

panels below the Step Pyramid itself and three panels below the so-called South Tomb

(Fig. 25). The shrines that are depicted in these panels may correspond to the pr-wr

The primarily publications of the subterranean relief panels from the Step Pyramid complex of Djoser at
Saqqara are Firth, etal, Excavations at Saqqara: The Step Pyramid, Vol. 2, pis. 13-17, 38-44; Lauer, La
pyramide a degres, Vol. 2, pis. 34-37. For discussion of the Sed Festival scenes on these relief panels, see
primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 1-42, with references; Kees, in NGWG 1929, No. 1, pp. 57-64;
Jequier, CdE 27 (1939): 29-35; Lauer, MonPiot 49 (1957): 1-15; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im
Alten Agypten, pp. 32-33, docs. A6-A8; Kahl, etal., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 50-53, 76-79. For
further discussion, cf. also Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 884-889, 912-919; Munro, ZAS 86 (1961): 67-68;
Goelet, Two Aspects of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, pp. 305-314; Baines, Fecundity
Figures, pp. 44-45, fig. 14; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 6-7; Lauer, in Berger, etal.,
eds., Hommages a Jean Leclant, pp. 183-198; Friedman, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of
William Kelly Simpson, pp. 337-351; Goedicke, BACE 8 (1997): 41-43; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals,
pp. 45,47-49; Baud, Djeser et la Hie dynastie, pp. 172-177, fig. 46; Blumenthal, ZAS 130 (2003): 6;
Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 194-195, 227-229,
292-294, 336-338; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp. 29-35; Wengrow, Archaeology
of Early Egypt, pp. 229-231; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 15; Winter, in Czerny,
ed., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, pp. 451-452.

221
shrines and pr-nw shrines that line the eastern and western sides of the Sed Festival Court

in the southeastern corner of the Step Pyramid complex.520 The archaeological discovery

of semicircular stone boundary markers in the Southern Court and in the court of the

"Maison du Sud" indicates that the Step Pyramid complex originally contained at least

two courses for the performance the Kdnigslauf; both courses are laid out along the north-

south axis of the complex.521 The placement of the subterranean relief panels underneath

the Step Pyramid (at the northern edge of the Southern Court) and underneath the South

Tomb (at the southern edge of the Southern Court) strongly suggests that the Southern

Court was the primary site for the performance of the Kdnigslauf at the Sed Festival of

Djoser; the orientation of the images of the walking and running king on these panels

clearly indicates that the king traveled from north to south within the Southern Court

during the performance of the Kdnigslauf.522 The north-to-south path of Djoser's run

likely mirrors the north-to-south route of migratory birds during the months of autumn;523

similarly, the north-to-south path of Djoser's run probably also mirrors the north-to-south

For discussion of the shrines of the Sed Festival Court in Djoser's Step Pyramid complex, see primarily
Firth, etal, Excavations at Saqqara: The Step Pyramid, Vol. 1, pp. 67-70; Lauer, Lepyramide ddegres,
Vol. 1, pp. 130-145; Vol. 2, pis. 55-67; Lauer, Histoire monumentale despyramides d'Egypte, Vol. 1, pp.
144-154; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 920-926; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed.,
pp. 58-62, 71; Stadelmann, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 2, pp.
787-800, with references; Goedicke, BACE 8 (1997): 33-48; Baud, Djeser et la Ille dynastie, pp. 103-115,
figs. 27-28.
521
For reconstructions, detailed measurements, and discussion of the stone boundary markers from
Djoser's Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara, see primarily Lauer, in Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 4, pp.
183-198; Decker, in Gamer-Wallert and Helck, eds., Gegengabe: Festschrift fur Emma Brunner-Traut, pp.
64-65; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 33-34, doc. A9; Decker, Pharao undSport, pp. 12-17.
522
For detailed discussion of the subterranean relief panels of Djoser as evidence for the path of the
Kdnigslauf'in the Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara, see infra, this section; Section 4.3.4.
523
For the ancient Egyptians' awareness of the routes of migratory birds, see primarily Egberts, JEA 77
(1991): 57-67, with references; for a detailed discussion of the connection between the Kdnigslauf and the
autumnal route of migratory birds, see Section 4.2.1.

222
nautical journey of the solar barque through the cosmic sky between midnight and

noon.524

The six subterranean relief panels from Djoser's Step Pyramid complex each

share the same basic layout and have several notable iconographic features in common.

First, the caption to each panel appears in a column of text on the left side of the panel.

Second, the left-facing image of the king is the central figure in each panel. Third, the

falcon form of Horus Behedeti hovers protectively over the king in each panel. Fourth,

a group of apotropaic symbols appears behind the king in each panel. Fifth, human-
527
armed cnh-signs and vWs-scepters function as shade-bearers for the king in each panel

524
For discussion of the north-to-south route of the solar barque between midnight and noon, see primarily
Thomas, JEA 42 (1956): 65-79; or a detailed discussion of the connection between the Konigslauf and the
nautical journey of the solar deity, see Section 4.1.
525
For discussion of the falcon hovering over the king in these panels as a protective deity, see Blumenthal,
ZAS 130 (2003): 6. The falcon is identified as Bhd.ty, the "Behdetite," in Panel 4. In Panels 1,2, 3, and 5,
the falcon carries a Sn-r'mg; in Panels 4 and 5, the falcon carries an r«/?-sign. The falcon in these panels
may actually symbolize the king himself; for discussion of statues of the king as manifestations of the god
Horus, see Blumenthal, op. cit, pp. 19-26.
526
The two half-sky signs that appear behind the king in these panels probably represent the edges of the
sky and the doors that regulate the flow of the waters of the kbhw within the cosmos. Spencer, JEA 64
(1978): 54-55, suggests that these symbols represent half/?./-signs. Westendorf, in Gamer-Wallert and
Helck, Gegengabe: Festschriftfur Emma Brunner-Traut, pp. 348-354, agrees with Spencer's suggestion
that these symbols are half p. /-signs that represent the corners of the sky; secondarily, Westendorf suggests
that the symbols also represent door-pivots. Millet, GM173 (1999): 11-12, agrees with Westendorf s
interpretation of the symbols as door-pivots but rejects the interpretation of these symbols as half p./-signs.
The opening of the "door of the sky" is connected to the waters of the kbhw in the Pyramid Texts; for
discussion of this connection, see Allen, in Simpson, ed., Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt, p. 8,
fn. 53. Friedman, in Der Manuelian, ed. Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, p. 340,
interprets the two halfp./-signs behind Djoser in the subterranean relief panels from the Step Pyramid
complex as a "dual form suggesting the upper and netherworlds, pt and Nwt."
527
Ostrich-feather Swy.t-fms are used in Panels 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6; lotus-leaf (nfy.t) fans are used in Panel 5.
According to Bell, in Posener-Krieger, ed., Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, Vol. 1, pp. 33-35, the
appearance of the shade-bearers in the presence of the king indicates divine presence and celebrates "the
divinity of the king ... as a living incarnation of the sun god Re." According to Friedman, JARCE 32
(1995): 21, fn. 104, with references, the lotus-leaf (nfy.t) shaped fans used in Panel 5 serve as a source of
"air, wind or breath" at the Konigslauf. For discussion of the anthropomorphic rnh-signs and vWs-scepters
that carry shades in Djoser's subterranean relief panels, see Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte pharaonique,
pp. 420-426; Friedman, op. cit., pp. 20-21. The shape and solar symbolism of the w'is-scepter evolved from
representations of giraffes and serpopards in the Predynastic Period; for discussion of the w^-scepter's
evolution from earlier Predynastic iconographic motifs, see primarily Westendorf, in Festgabe fur Dr.

223
Sixth, Djoser's Horus name Ntry-h.t appears in a serekh directly in front of the king in

each panel.528 Seventh, the standard of Wepwawet is carried or fixed in the ground in

front of the king in each panel.529

In Panel 1 (Fig. 25)—the northernmost of the six panels—Djoser visits an Upper

Egyptian shrine before the start of the Konigslauf. rhc (hr) pr-wr Hr Bhd.t, "Stopping (at)

the pr-wr shrine of Horus of Behdet."530 The king wears the white crown of Upper Egypt

and the so-called archaic wrap-around garment with a bull's tail attached to the back of

his waist. The mks-staff and piriform mace, which Djoser carries in Panel 1,

respectively serve as symbols of the king's religious and military authority532 Along with

Walter Will, pp. 204-206; Westendorf, in Moers, etal., eds., jn.t dr.w: Festschrift fur FriedrichJunge, pp.
721-722; Darnell, in Allen and Shaw, eds., Oxford Handbook of Egyptology, forthcoming.
528
The head-ware of the Horus falcon perched on top of the serekh changes from panel to panel.
529
For further discussion of the significance of the Wepwawet standard at the Sed Festival, see Section
4.3.3. During the king's visit to sacred shrines in Panels 1, 5, and 6, the throne cushion standard and the
Wepwawet standard are fixed in the ground in front of the king. For further discussion of the throne
cushion standard, see references collected in Section 2.1.1, Scene 5, footnote 199. In Panels 2 and 3, a
personified w^s-scepter carries the Wepwawet standard in front of the running king. As the king concludes
his run in Panel 4, the Wepwawet standard rests on a small platform that is raised slightly above ground
level.
530
For discussion of Panel 1, see primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 18-22, fig. 12; Kahl, etal., Die
Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 52-53, doc. Ne/Sa/22. In Panel \,pr-wr is written ideographically;
however, in Panel 6, pr-wr is written phonetically and contains a determinative of a slightly different shape.
For discussion of the god Horus of Behdet and his association with kingship and the cultic center of Edfu,
see primarily Leitz, Lexikon der agyptischen Gotter und Gotterbezeichnungen, Vol. 5, pp. 253-255, with
references; Gardiner, JEA 30 (1944): 23-60; Otto, in LA, Vol. 1, col. 683; Schenkel, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 14-
25; Barta, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 33-36; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., pp. 37-41.
For discussion of the etymological origin of the word Bhd.t, which probably originally refers to a throne,
see primarily Westendorf, GM 90 (1986): 85-86.
531
For discussion of the archaic wrap-around garment, see Giza-Podgorski, Studies in Ancient Art and
Civilization 2 (1992): 27-34; Vogelsang-Eastwood, Pharaonic Egyptian Clothing, pp. 88-94; Friedman,
JARCE 32 (1995): 21. Friedman, loc. cit., notes the similarity of Djoser's outfit in this panel and Narmer's
outfit on the Narmer Palette. For discussion of the bull's tail as an indicator of the taurine transformation
of the king during the performance of the Konigslauf and other active rituals at the Sed Festival, see Section
1.1.1; Section 4.3.3; and Section 5.2.3.
532
The earliest forms of the hieroglyph dsr (Gardiner Sign List D45) feature an arm—probably the arm of
the king—carrying the mks-staff. For discussion of the wfa-staff s connection to the religious functions of
the king, see primarily Fischer, MM/13 (1979): 24-25; Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 20, footnote 100.
The piriform mace appears as a symbol of royal military authority as early as the Predynastic Period; for

224
the typical apotropaic symbols that appear behind the king in all six panels, an image of a

human-armed w^-scepter restraining a bound scorpion appears behind Djoser in Panel


, 533

The next panel in the sequence—Panel 2 (Fig. 25)—depicts the king's run

between two sets of semi-circular boundary markers in the Southern Court of the Step

Pyramid complex at Saqqara.534 In order to facilitate the vigorous movement of the

Kdnigslaufm this panel, Djoser removes the archaic wrap-around garment and wears a

less restrictive outfit that is comprised of an apron, a bull's tail, and the white crown. The

nh3h3-flai\ and m&s-container, which Djoser carries during this ritual run, serve as

symbols of the king's divinely bestowed royal authority.535 The caption to Panel 2

discussion of the piriform mace as a symbol of royal military authority, see primarily Cialowicz, Les tetes
de massues des periodes predynastique et archaique dans la vallee du Nil, pp. 1-68; Gilbert, Weapons,
Warriors and Warfare in Early Egypt, pp. 35-41; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic
Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 80-91; Kohler, in Van den Brink and Levy, eds., Egypt and the Levant,
pp. 499-513.
533
Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 21-22, with references, similarly concludes that the wis-scepter and
scorpion are apotropaic symbols in Panel 1. For further discussion of the vWs-scepter and scorpion in this
panel, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, p. 45, who tentatively suggests that the scorpion is performing a
gesture of adoration. For more detailed discussion of the scorpion as an apotropaic symbol in
representations of the Konigslauf, see Stoof, Skorpion und Skorpiongottin im alten Agypten, pp. 87-103.
534
For discussion of Panel 2, see primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 22-26, fig. 14; Kahl, etal., Die
Lnschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 50-51, doc. Ne/Sa/20.
535
Before its use as a symbol of royal power, the nhlhi-flail may have originally been used as a shepherd's
whip in Predynastic Egypt. For discussion of the nhihi-f\ai\ as a royal symbol, see primarily Fischer, LA,
Vol. 2, cols. 516-517; Sourdive, La main dans I'Egyptepharaonique, pp. 136-173; Wessetzky, in Studia in
Honorem L. Foti, pp. 425-429; Perdu, RdE 56 (2005): 151-157. The wfo-container, which the king often
carries during the Konigslauf, may have contained a property-transfer document known as the imy.t-pr.
Several different explanations have been posited for the significance of the mfe-container in the context of
the Konigslauf; however, the most convincing suggestion is that the document gives the king divine
permission to rule over the country of Egypt. For discussion of therafcs-container,which was originally
known as the H/w-container, see primarily Kees, Der Opfertanz des agyptischen Konigs, pp. 144-145;
Spiegelberg, ZAS 53 (1917): 101-104; Staehelin, Untersuchungen zur agyptischen Tracht im Alten Reich, p.
162; Mysliwiec, BIFAO 78 (1978): 174-176; Barta, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 20-22; Fehlig, SAK 13 (1986): 66;
Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 22-24; Koemoth, CdE 71 (1996): 216; Stadelmann, in Grimal, ed., Les
criteres de datation stylistiques, pp. 367-368. For discussion of the imy.t-pr document, see primarily
Godecken, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 141-145; Mrsich, &4AT2 (1974): 189-212; Mrsich, SAK3 (1975): 201-226;
Mrsich, in Studien zu Sprache und Religion Agyptens, Vol. 1, pp. 561 -611; Menu, in Geus and Thill, eds.,

225
indicates that the king passes a ceremonial shrine during the course of the run: ch-hd

wr.w, "the White Chapel of the Great Ones."536 The baboon that rests on top of the

shrine-determinative for rh-hd wr.w in the column of text to the left of the king is most

likely a representation of the god Hd-wr ("Great White One"). Since the god Thoth is

prominently linked to the White Chapel in Pyramid Texts Spells 611, 665, and 665B, the

baboon deity Hd-wr is most likely a manifestation of Thoth.538 Like the baboon that

appears in a representation of the Konigslauf of Den on a seal impression from the tomb

of Hemaka (Fig. 153), the baboon in Panel 2 offers the running king a small bowl that

contains an unknown beverage or food offering.539 Caches of votive baboon figurines

dating to the Predynastic, Protodynastic, and Early Dynastic periods have been

Melanges offerts a Jean Vercoutter, pp. 249-262; Logan, JARCE 37 (2000): 49-73; Ganley, Discussions in
Egyptology 55 (2003): 15-27; Ganley, Discussions in Egyptology 56 (2003): 37-44.
536
Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 24-26, similarly reads this inscription as rh-hd wr.w, "the White Shrine of
the Great Ones." Goelet, Two Aspects of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, pp. 305-314,
suggests another possible reading of the caption to Panel 2: wr.w ch-hd, "the Great Ones of the rh-hd."
Kahl, etal., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 50-51, disregard the Ti-shrine and interpret the text as the
name of the baboon god Hd-wr. w. Goedicke, BACE 8 (1997): 43, suggests that the caption to Panel 2
refers to the ancient Egyptian name for Memphis: nb-hd wr.w, "white-wall (residence) of the great ones."
For detailed discussion of other representations of the king running past a shrine associated with a baboon
deity during the performance of the Konigslauf, see Section 4.2.2.
537
For discussion of the baboon deity Hd-wr, see primarily Kaplony, in LA, Vol. 2, cols. 1078-1080;
Godron, Etudes sur I'Horus Den, pp. 107-110, with references; Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 24-26;
Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, p. 285; Goelet, Two Aspects of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old
Kingdom, pp. 286-292, 300-303, 305-336.
538
For discussion of the significance of Thoth and the White Chapel in Pyramid Texts Spells 611, 665, and
665B, see Goelet, Two Aspects of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, pp. 313-315. For
discussion of Pyramid Texts Spells 219,262, 475, and 600, which also reference the White Chapel, see
Kees, in NGWG 1929, No. 1, pp. 61-64; Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 24-26.
539
For discussion of the baboon that presents an offering to the running king on a seal impression of Den
from the tomb of Hemaka, see primarily Emery, Tomb of Hemaka, p. 64, fig. 26, cat. no. 434; Kees, in
NGWG 1938, pp. 21 -30; Blackman, Studio Aegyptiaca 1 (1938): 4-9; Helck, Anthropos 49 (1950): 987;
Kaplony, Kleine Beitrdge zu den Inschriften der dgyptischen Friihzeit, pp. 92, 94; Goelet, Two Aspects of
the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, pp. 310-312; Eaton-Krauss, Representations of Statuary in
Private Tombs of the Old Kingdom, pp. 90-91; Kessler, Die heiligen Tiere undder Konig, Vol. 1, p. 72;
Wilkinson, Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt, p. 241; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late
Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, p. 69; Sherkova, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the
Twenty-First Century, Vol. 2, pp. 505-506. For further discussion of the image of the baboon on this seal
impression, see also Section 4.2.2.

226
discovered at Elephantine, Hierakonpolis, Abydos, Tell el-Daba, and Tell Ibrahim Awad

(Figs. 194-195); these baboon figurines are most likely representations of the baboon

deity Hd-wr.540 The leather straps worn on the chest of the baboon in Panel 2 are an

element of clothing typically worn by Libyans and Egyptian dancers.541 The Libyan

dancers who accompany the wandering goddess of the solar eye during her return to

Egypt in the Medamud Hymn also wear leather bands on their chests.542 Thus, the

leather straps worn by the baboon may allude to Thoth's role in the myth of the

wandering goddess of the solar eye; in this myth, Thoth pacifies the angry goddess and

coaxes her back to Egypt.543 A year label from the reign of Semerkhet depicts a seated

baboon with an offering bowl below the "White Chapel of the Great Ones" at the

540
For discussion of these Predynastic, Protodynastic, and Early Dynastic votive baboon figurines, see
primarily Dreyer, Elephantine, Vol. 8, pp. 68-73, with references; Sherkova, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at
the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century, pp. 504-508; Winter, in Czerny, ed., Timelines: Studies in Honour
of Manfred Bietak, pp. 447-454, with references. One of the Early Dynastic artifacts discovered at Tell
Ibrahim Awad is a faience model of boat with seven baboon figurines seated inside; Sherkova, in Hawass,
ed., loc. cit, suggests that this model is an "illustration" of the four baboons who accompany the solar night
barque during its trip through the underworld in Book of the Dead Spell 126. For further discussion of the
role of the baboons in Book of the Dead Spell 126, see also Donnat, in Aufrere, ed., Encyclopedic
religieuse de I'Univers vegetal, Vol. 1, p. 214. Two Early Dynastic statues of baboons bear the names of
the Egyptian monarchs Narmer and Meritneith; for discussion of these statues, see primarily Kaplony,
Kleine Beitrage zu den lnschriften der agyptischen Fruhzeit, pp. 91-98; Dreyer, Elephantine, Vol. 8, p. 69;
Krauss, MDAIK 50 (1994): 223-230. Primarily because of the royal inscriptions on these two Early
Dynastic baboon statues, some scholars have suggested that images of baboons represent the deceased
ancestors of the king; according to such an interpretation, these baboon deities offer legitimacy to the
reigning king during the rites of the Sed Festival. For discussion of baboons as the deceased ancestors of
the king, see primarily Helck, Orientalia 19 (1950): 427-431; Helck, Archiv Orientdlni 20 (1952): 80-83;
Helck, Anthropos 49 (1954): 987; Dreyer, op. cit, p. 69; Helck, Untersuchungenzur Thinitenzeit, pp. 9-11;
Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1st ed., p. 60; Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 25-26;
Goedicke, BACE 8 (1997): 43.
541
For discussion of leather straps as an element of Libyan garb, see references collected in Section 2.1.1,
Scene 4, footnote 160.
542
For discussion of the Libyan dancers who accompany the wandering goddess of the solar eye during her
return to Egypt, see primarily Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 64-80.
543
For discussion of Thoth's role in the myth of the wandering goddess of the solar eye, see Darnell, SAK
22 (1995): 84, 92, with references; Brunner-Traut, Altagyptische Tiergeschichte undFabel, pp. 34-41.

227
ceremonial procession of a sacred barque (Fig. 104);544 the three pellet-shaped objects

above the bowl in the outstretched front paws of the baboon provide an important clue

regarding the contents of the bowl.545 Since Thoth has a well-attested association with

the lifegiving and nourishing properties of the doum-palm and its nuts, the pellet-shaped

objects most likely represent doum-nuts.546

In Panel 3 (Fig. 25)—the last of the three panels beneath the Step Pyramid—

Djoser carries the nhlhl-flail and the mfe-container while he runs between the boundary

markers of the Southern Court.547 The headware worn by the king in this fragmentary

panel has not been preserved; however, the extant portion of Panel 3 clearly indicates that

Djoser has removed the apron and the bull's tail. The king's outfit for the Konigslauf in

Panel 3 consists of merely a penis sheath—most likely because the strenuous physical

exertion of the run required less restrictive clothing during this phase.548 The caption to

544
For discussion of this label from the reign of Semerkhet, see primarily Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals
in the Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 96-97, fig. 57; Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 25,
footnote 132; Kaplony, Kleine Beitrdge zu den Inschriften der dgyptischen Friihzeit, p. 130, no. 83;
Sherkova, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century, Vol. 2, p. 505.
545
No text identifies the contexts of the offering bowl held by the baboon in this scene or in similar scenes.
Based on the large number of wine jars discovered within Djoser's Step Pyramid Complex, Helck,
Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, pp. 9-10, reasonably proposes that the baboon offers wine to the king
during the performance of the Konigslauf. Vikentiev, BIE 32 (1951): 202-209, has suggested that the
pellets above the bowl in the label of Semerkhet are seeds that the baboon throws under the feet of the
running king during the performance of the Konigslauf Alternatively, Vikentiev, BIE 37 (1956): 139-145,
has also suggested that the baboon offers pellets of silphium to the king to stimulate and invigorate him
during the performance of the Konigslauf
546
For a more detailed discussion of the offering of doum-nuts and/or doum-nut juice to the king during the
performance of the Konigslauf see Section 4.2.2.
547
For discussion of Panel 3, see primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 26-29, fig. 16; Kahl, etal, Die
Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 50-51, doc. Ne/Sa/18.
548
Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 26, notes that in Panel 3 "Djoser makes an even more forceful run, his arm
and leg muscles bulging with effort." When performing strenuous activities, marines, boat workers,
fisherman, fowlers, herdsmen, and dancers often wear only a sporran; this non-restricting outfit allows the
wearer a full range of vigorous motion during strenuous activities. For discussion of this outfit, which is
also worn by the three men who perform the group run at the Sed Festival ceremony depicted on the
Narmer Macehead, see Perdu, RdE 56 (2002): 157-162.

228
this scene suggests that Djoser has crossed the southern court and is nearing the end of

his run: hr knb.t rsy(.t) imn(.t), "at the southwestern corner."549 The "southwestern

corner" mentioned in the caption to Panel 3 probably refers to the South Tomb of the

Step Pyramid complex—i.e., the location of Panels 4-6.

Panel 4 (Fig. 25)—the northernmost panel below the South Tomb—depicts a

scene very similar to Panel 3. 550 In Panel 4, Djoser runs vigorously between two sets of

boundary markers while carrying the nh3hl-flail and the mfe-container; the king once

again wears the white crown and a penis sheath as he performs the Konigslauf A

personified wis-scepter behind the king's rear foot performs the /mw-gesture as a symbol

of respect for the king.551 An cnh-sign appears in front of the king's right foot; this sign

is probably a symbol of the renewed life that the king gains as a result of the Konigslauf.

The caption to Panel 4 describes a ceremony that takes place in the vicinity of the South

Tomb after the king has completed his run: ms(.t) hr knb.t rsy(.t) imn(.t), "Dedication in

After considering three possible translations for the hieroglyhic sign depicting the corner of a fortified
wall in this inscription (knb.t, sbh.t, and wsh.t), Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 27-31, concludes that the sign
writes wsh.t. Additionally, Friedman, loc. cit., suggests that the expression hr wsh.t rsy(.t) imn(.t)
designates the southwestern corner of the courtyard. The second hieroglyph in the inscription most closely
resembles Gardiner Sign 014; this sign is most commonly used as an alternative version of Gardiner Sign
013, the ideogram for sbh.t, "gateway." Kahl, etal., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 50-51, tentatively
suggest that the sign in question is an unusual orthographic writing of Gardiner Sign 038, which
ideographically writes knb.t, "corner." Though far from certain, the latter interpretation seems most likely
because it accurately describes the location of the subterranean passage below the South Tomb where
Panels 4-6 are located. Both Friedman, loc. cit., and Kahl, etal., loc. cit., restore ms(.t) before hr based on
the parallel inscription in Panel 4.
550
For discussion of Panel 4, see primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 29-36, fig. 17; Kahl, etal., Die
Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 78-79, doc. Ne/Sa/59.
51
Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 44-45, fig. 14, notes that depictions of personified vW.s-scepters
performing the /j«w-gesture are "rare" and points out that a similar image of a personified vW^-scepter
appears behind the king during the Konigslauf in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in the Valley Temple of
his Bent Pyramid at Dahshur; in this example from Dahshur, the personified wls-scepter is identified as a
JVmw-Libyan (Section 2.2.2, Panel 8). A scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten in the
Gempaaten Temple at Karnak depicts the royal daughters performing the /mw-gesture before the royal
couple and singing a hymn to the king that emphasizes his divinization and solar transformation at the Sed
Festival (Section 2.2.5, Scene 13); for discussion of this scene and hymn, see also Section 2.1.1, Scene 7;
Section 3.2.2.

229
the southwestern corner." The inscription does not specify what type of object is being

dedicated in the southwestern corner of the southern courtyard; however, the dedicated

object is almost certainly the Wepwawet standard that is placed on a small platform in

front of the king in Panel 4.553 The Horus falcon above the royal serekh in Panel 4 wears

the double-crown of Upper and Lower Egypt; this crown may allude to the double-

enthronement of the king in the red crown and white crown at the conclusion of the

Konigslauf ritual at the Sed Festival.554

In Panel 5 (Fig. 25)—the next panel in the sequence—Djoser once again dons the

archaic wrap-around garment and a bull's tail during a visit to a sacred shrine;

additionally, the king takes up a piriform mace and a staff that are similar in appearance

to the implements he carried during his visit to the shrine of Horus of Behedeti in Panel

l.555 The caption to this panel indicates that the king visits the shrine of a Lower

For the term ms.t as a references to the "production" or "dedication" of a cultic statue or ceremonial
standard, see primarily Schott, GM3 (1972): 35; Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 29-36, with references;
Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals, p. 59, with references. Kahl, eta/., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp.
78-79, offer a more literal translation of ms t: "Gebaren." However, this translation of ms.t poses problems
of interpretation since there is no logical object of the infinitive "Gebaren."
553
Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 34-35, notes that an entry on the Palermo Stone for the reign of
Shepseskaf refers to the ms.t ("dedication" or "production") of two Wepwawet standards. For further
discussion of the use of the term ms.t for the "creation" of cultic images or standards in the Palermo Stone,
see Wilkinson, Royal Annals ofAncient Egypt, pp. 90-91,172-176,239-243. All six of Djoser's
subterranean panels depict the Wepwawet standard; and, after being carried in front of the king by
personified a vWs-scepter during the Konigslauf in Panels 2 and 3, the Wepwawet standard is fixed in the
ground in front of the king again in Panel 4.
554
The double-enthronement of the king follows the Konigslauf in a Sed Festival relief of Amenhotep III in
the birth room of Luxor Temple, in a Sed Festival relief of Ramesses II in the Ramesseum, and in a Sed
Festival relief of Ramesses II on a naos from Pithom. For discussion of these double-enthronement scenes,
see Mysliwiec, BIFAO 78 (1978): 171-182, figs. 2-4; Decker and Herb, Bildatlaszum Sport im alten
Agypten, pp. 64, 85-86, 89-90, cat. nos. Al 12-A113, A194, A208; Kuraszkiewicz, GM172 (1999): 69, no.
11; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studienzum Sedfest, pp. 28, 61, with references; Rummel, SAK 34
(2006): 384, 392-395, figs. 1.4, 5, 6. For a more detailed discussion of the enthronement of the king that
typically follows the performance of the Konigslaufat the Sed Festival, see Section 4.3.4.
555
For discussion of Panel 5, see primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 36-38, fig. 23; Kahl, eta/., Die
Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 76-77, doc. Ne/Sa/58.

230
Egyptian deity: rhr (hr) pr-nw Hr Hm, "Stopping (at) the pr-nw shrine of Horus of

Letopolis."556 Djoser's visit to this Lower Egyptian shrine probably emphasizes his rule

over Lower Egypt; and, indeed, Panel 5 is the only panel in which Djoser wears the red

crown of Lower Egypt. The similarly outfitted and equipped king wears the white crown

of Upper Egypt and visits an Upper Egyptian shrine in Panel 6 (Fig. 25): chr (hr) pr-wr,

"Standing (at) the pr-wr shrine."557 Thus, the king's visit to a shrine of Lower Egypt in

Panel 5 and his visit to a shrine of Upper Egypt in Panel 6 suggest that the result of his

ritual run is a legitimization of his rule over both constituent parts of Egypt.

2.2.2. VALLEY TEMPLE OF THE BENT PYRAMID OF SNOFRU AT DAHSHUR 558

For the pr-nw shrine as a Lower Egyptian shrine, see primarily Weill, Recherches sur la Ire dynastie et
les temps prepharaoniques, Vol. 1, pp. 83-88; Arnold, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 932-933; Arnold, Encyclopedia
of Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 173, with references; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late
Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 35-36. The primary god of the cult center of Letopolis was a
warlike falcon god who was associated with Horus since the Old Kingdom; for discussion of Horus of
Letopolis, particularly his battle with Seth to protect the corpse of Osiris at Letopolis, see Section 2.1.2,
Scene 6. Pyramid Texts Spell 688 suggests a connection between Horus of Letopolis and the rebirth of the
deceased Egyptian king (Sethe, Die Altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Vol. 2, pp. 505-506, § 2078a-2079d):
ddmdw rhcfdw ipw (r)h.w-nsw.t n(w) Npn
'Imsti Hrpi Dwl-mw.t=f Kbh-snw=f ms.w Hr Hm
kis=sn kis n NNpn
srwd=sn mlk.t n NN
sirr=sn NN n Hprr
hpr-fm gs Bby n p.t
"Words to be spoken: 'It is for this AW that these four royal acquaintances stand,
namely, Imseti, Hapi, Duamutef, and Qebehsenuf, the children of Horus of Letopolis,
so that they might tie the rope-ladder for this AW;
so that they might secure the ladder for AW;
and so that they might cause Nto ascend to Khepri,
when he comes into being in the eastern side of the sky.'"
For a full translation of Pyramid Texts Spell 688, see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, pp. 292-
293, Spell N522.
557
For discussion of Panel 6, see primarily Friedman, JARCE 32 (1995): 37-40, fig. 24; Kahl, etal, Die
Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, pp. 76-77, doc. Ne/Sa/57. For the pr-wr shrine as an Upper Egyptian shrine,
see primarily Weill, Recherches sur la Ire dynastie et les temps prepharaoniques, Vol. 1, pp. 88-99;
Arnold, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 934-935; Arnold, Encyclopedia of Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 174, with
references; Friedman, in Spencer, ed., Aspects of Early Egypt, pp. 16-35; Kuhlmann, in Bietak, ed., Haus
undPalast im Alten Agypten, pp. 117-137.
558
For the primary publication of the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru from the valley temple of the Bent
Pyramid at Dahshur, see Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 59-110. For further
discussion of these reliefs, see also Edel, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly

231
A series of reliefs from the northern portico of the valley temple of the Bent

Pyramid at Dahshur records numerous rites from the celebration of the Sed Festival by

Snofru. The reliefs originally appeared as decorative panels on the sides of ten pillars

arranged in two rows in front of a group of six chapels at the northern end of the

courtyard of the valley temple; however, the poor state of preservation of the pillars and

their relief decoration has made reconstruction of the placement and sequence of the

panels very difficult.559 Each decorative panel in this sequence features a large scene

depicting the performance of a ritual at the Sed Festival of Snofru; in several cases, a

smaller secondary scene appears below the major ritual scene in the panel. Portions of

approximately 20 panels have survived in varying states of preservation; in only five

instances can multiple panels be attributed to the same pillar.560 Several of Snofru's Sed

Festival scenes have clear parallels in the subterranean relief panels from the Step

Pyramid complex of Djoser at Saqqara (Section 2.2.1), in the Sed Festival reliefs of

Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 199-208; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old
Kingdom, pp. 185, 195-196, 198-199, 224, 229-230, 233, 238-239, 243-244, 279-281, 288-289. For further
discussion, cf. also Schott, GM3 (1972): 31-36; Kaiser, MDAIK39 (1983): 272; Baines, Fecundity
Figures, pp. 45, 85, 133-134, fig. 45; Stadelmann, Die dgyptischen Pyramiden, pp. 98-100; Gohary,
Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 7; Guglielmi, Die Gottin Mr.t: Entstehung und Verehrung einer
Personifikation, p. 44; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 34-35, docs. A10-A14; Blumenthal, ZAS
130 (2003): 6-7; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 15, 59.
559
According to Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 59-60, relief decoration
originally appeared on the southern, eastern, and western sides of the ten pillars; thus, Fakhry has suggested
that the pillars originally recorded 30 scenes from the Snofru's Sed Festival. Based on an examination of
the same archaeological evidence, Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old
Kingdom, pp. 279-281, has suggested that the five pillars in the back row were originally left undecorated
on both the northern and southern sides; thus, according to Cwiek, the pillars originally recorded 25 scenes
from Snofru's Sed Festival. The available evidence does not allow for a definitive conclusion regarding the
total number of scenes or the original sequence of the rituals that were carved on these ten pillars.
560
For discussion of the pillars to which multiple panels can be attributed see Fakhry, Monuments of
Sneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 59-98, figs. 35-95, Pillars A-E. In the following discussion of the
Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in this section, the designations Panels 1-20 are used to refer to the reliefs that
originally decorated the ten pillars in the courtyard of the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid at Dahshur.
These designations are intended to facilitate reference to individual scenes; however, a definitive
reconstruction of the original order of these panels is not possible at the present time.

232
Niuserre from his solar temple at Abu Gurob (Section 2.2.3), and in the Sed Festival

reliefs from the palace of Apries at Memphis.561

Like Djoser's Sed Festival reliefs panels, several scenes from Snofru's Sed

Festival reliefs depict the king visiting shrines and performing the Konigslauf. In Panel 1

Snofru visits a sacred grotto that contains palm trees and religious shrines associated with

the Lower Egyptian cult center Buto (Fig. 29).562 Panel 2 depicts the king's visit to the

Upper Egyptian pr-wr shrine and the Lower Egyptian pr-nsr shrine (Fig. 29). In Panel

3 Snofru wears the short Sed Festival robe and performs an unknown ritual at the Upper

For the Sed Festival reliefs on the gateway of the palace of Apries at Memphis, see primarily Kaiser,
MDAIK A3 (1986): 123-154, pis. 42-48. Kaiser's reconstruction of the reliefs largely supersedes the
original publication of the gateway in Petrie, The Palace of Apries, pp. 5-11, pis. 3-9. For discussion of the
archaizing style and content of these reliefs, see also Lauer, in Berger-El Naggar, ed., Hommages a Jean
Leclant, Vol. 4, p. 195; Kees, Der Opfertanz des agyptischen Konigs, pp. 198-200.
562
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 60-65, figs. 35-42. For further discussion,
see also Kaiser, MDAIK39 (1983): 272, footnote 52; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary
Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 195-196; Bietak, in Bietak, etal, eds., Zwischen den beiden
Ewigkeiten, pp. 1-2, 11, fig. 2. Similar depictions of this grotto appear in several Early Dynastic labels that
probably depict rituals from celebration of the Sed Festival. Two labels from the reign of Den depict the
king seated on a throne on top of a stepped dais opposite a similar grotto; for discussion of these labels, see
Dreyer, etal., MDAIK 54 (1998): 163-164; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period
and the First Dynasty, pp. 69-70, fig. 37, with references. A label from the reign of Aha also depicts a
similar grotto; for discussion of this label, see primarily Jimenez-Serrano, op. cit., pp. 63-64, fig. 27, with
references; Helck, Untersuchungenzur Thinitenzeit, pp. 152-153; Bietak, in Bietak, etal, eds., op. cit, pp.
1,10, fig. 1; Kaplony, Agypten und Levante 13 (2003): 119-121. The king visits a similar grotto in the Sed
Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb; for this scene, see Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pi. 46. Finally, the
king also visits a similar grotto in the Sed Festival reliefs from the palace of Apries at Memphis; for this
scene, see Kaiser, MDAIK A3 (1986): 131, 140-141, 147,152, figs. 4, 9; Petrie, The Palace of Apries, pi. 6.
This type of grotto typically includes a group of Lower Egyptian shrines and a grove of palm trees; in
several cases, texts accompanying the king's visit to this grotto suggest that it is located in the Lower
Egyptian cult center of Buto. For discussion of the grotto's association with Buto, see primarily Gamer-
Wallert, Die Palmen im Alten Agypten, pp. 114-128; Bietak, in Bietak, etal., eds., op. cit., pp. 1-18;
Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, pp. 221, 284, 319-320; Servajean, in Aufrere, ed., Encyclopedic
religieuse de I'Univers vegetal, Vol. 1, pp. 227-247; Servajean, in Aufrere, ed., Encyclopedic religieuse de
I'Univers vegetal, Vol. 2, pp. 3-16.
563
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 71-75, figs. 48-54. For further discussion,
see also Blumenthal, ZAS 130 (2003): 6-7; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of
the Old Kingdom, pp. 195-196. For the pr-wr shrine as an Upper Egyptian shrine, see references collected
in Section 2.2.1, footnote 557. For the pr-nsr as a Lower Egyptian shrine, see primarily Weill, Recherches
sur la Ire dynastie et les temps prepharaoniques, Vol. 1, pp. 83-88; Arnold, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 932-933.

233
Egyptian pr-wr shrine and the Lower Egyptian pr-nsr shrine (Fig. 75).5 The king also

wears the Sed Festival robe in the poorly preserved reliefs of Panel 4, which probably

depicts the ritual washing of Snofru's feet prior to the king's visit to a shrine (Fig. 77).565

Panel 5 depicts an episode from the performance of the Konigslauf m which the king runs

between two sets of boundary markers (Fig. 26).566 A similar poorly preserved episode

from the performance of the Konigslauf also appears in Panel 6 (Fig. 26).567 Scene 7

depicts an episode from the Konigslauf 'in which the king runs past the snw.t-shrim (Fig.

26).568 In Panel 8, a human-armed vWs-scepter identified as a JVmvv-Libyan performs the

/mw-gesture behind the king during the performance of the Konigslauf (Fig. 26).569 Panel

9 depicts Snofru's performance of the Apislauf (Fig. 196).570

564
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 85, 88-91, figs. 12-11.
565
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 91-92, fig. 78.
566
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 65-70, figs. 43-47. For further discussion
of this panel, see also Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 34, doc. A10; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in
the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 229-230.
567
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 85-88, figs. 68-71. For further discussion
of this panel, see also Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 34-35, doc. A13; Blumenthal, ZAS 130
(2003): 6-7; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 229-230.
568
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 73, 76-78, figs. 55-57. For further
discussion of this panel, see also Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 34, doc. A l l ; Cwiek, Relief
Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 195-196, 229-230. The snw.t-shr'me
mentioned in the caption to Scene 4 may refer to the so-called "Schlangensteine," a pair of stelae that were
placed at the entrance to cultic sanctuaries, such as the "siidliche Kapelle" atNiuserre's solar temple at Abu
Gurob. For a detailed discussion of the "Schlangensteine" and their significance at the Sed Festival, see
Section 5.2.2.
569
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 77-80, figs. 58-62. For further discussion,
of this panel see also Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 34, doc. A12; Schott, GM3 (1972): 34;
Edel, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, p. 204; Cwiek, Relief
Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 229-230.
570
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 98-100, figs. 96-98. For an improved
reconstruction of this panel, see Schott, GM3 (1972): 31-36. For further discussion of this panel, see also
Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 35, doc. A14; Guglielmi, Die Gottin Mr.t: Entstehung und
Verehrung einer Personifikation, p. 44; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the
Old Kingdom, pp. 243-244. According to the reconstruction of Schott, loc. cit, the caption to this panel

234
Several reliefs on the pillars of the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid of Snofru at

Dahshur pertain to the royal inspection of crops and cattle. In Panel 10 Snofru performs

an inspection of fields containing groves of cedar and myrrh trees (Fig. 197).571 Panel 11

depicts the royal inspection of stalls of oryxes (Fig. 197).572 Only a small portion of

Panel 12 is preserved; however, a smaller secondary scene below the main scene depicts

a group of fecundity figures presenting divine offerings—consisting of pr.wt c$ ("seeds of

the cedar tree") and dib.w ("figs")—to the king (Fig. 197).573 The offering of these items

to the king suggests that Panel 12 may have originally depicted the inspection of fields

containing groves of trees.

Another group of reliefs from from the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid of

Snofru at Dahshur depicts a series of rites pertaining to the foundation of sacred buildings

and precincts for use at the celebration of the Sed Festival; Snofru probably performed

these rites at the very beginning of his Sed Festival celebration.574 In Panel 13 Snofru

reads: ir=fir.tphrr Hp, "he performs the ceremony of the Apislauf." For a detailed discussion of the
significance of the Apislauf, see Section 4.3.2.
571
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 80-85, figs. 63-67. For an improved
reconstruction of this panel, see also Edel, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly
Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 200-204, fig. 1. For further discussion of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration
in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 198-199. According to the reconstruction of
Edel, loc. cit, the caption to this panel reads: mii ird rS wid nhw.t rntyw w>d, "inspecting the growth of
fresh cedar and fresh myrrh trees."
572
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 101-104, figs. 99-104. For an improved
reconstruction of this panel, see also Edel, in Der Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly
Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 206-208, fig. 4. For further discussion of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration
in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 198-199. According to the reconstruction of
Edel, loc. cit, the caption to this panel reads: m" md.wt«(./) mi.w-hd.w rnh(.w), "inspecting the stalls of
living oryxes." For further discussion of this panel and its connection to butchery rituals at the celebration
of the Sed Festival, see Section 5.3.2.
573
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 101, 106-107, fig. 110. For further
discussion, see also Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 85, 133-134, fig. 45; Edel, in Der Manuelian, ed.,
Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 1, pp. 204-206, fig. 3.
574
For the rites associated with the foundation of temples in Egypt, see primarily Montet, Kemi 17 (1964):
74-100; Reymond, The Mythical Origin of the Egyptian Temple; Finnestad, Image of the World and Symbol

235
and the goddess Seshat drive stakes into the ground as part of the temple foundation rites

(Fig. 22).575 The depiction of Snofru and Seshat in a loving embrace in Panel 14

probably also relates to the temple foundation rites (Fig. 22). The king and an

unknown deity also appear in an embrace in Panel 15 (Fig. 198).577

The Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru at Dahshur depict several other notable rituals

from the celebration of the king's Sed Festival. The enthronement of the king in the Sed

Festival kiosk is depicted in two fragmentary panels from these reliefs. In Panel 16

Snofru wears the red crown during his ritual enthronement upon a stepped dais (Fig.

64);578 Panel 17 probably depicts a ritual counterpart in which the king wears the white

crown during his enthronement (Fig. 64).579 The enthronement scenes in these two

panels may have originally have followed the Konigslauf sequence in Panels 1-9. The

god Min appears in a fragmentary ritual scene in Panel 18 (Fig. 198); although the

of the Creator, especially pp. 52-60; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and
the First Dynasty, pp. 26-37.
575
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 94, 97-98, figs. 91-95. For further
discussion of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old
Kingdom, pp. 238-239. For discussion of the driving of stakes into the ground as part of the temple
foundation rites, see Montet, Kemi 17 (1964): 78-85, fig. 1. The ritual of driving stakes into the ground
also occurs in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (Section 2.2.3, Scene 1)
and in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten in the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak (Section 2.2.5, Scene 1).
576
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 91, 94-96, figs. 84-90. For further
discussion of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old
Kingdom, p. 185.
577
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur,Vo\. 2, Part 1, pp. 101, 104-105, figs. 105-109. For further
discussion of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old
Kingdom, p. 185.
578
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 107-108, fig. 111. For further discussion
of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, p.
233.
579
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 107-108, fig. 112. For further discussion
of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, p.
233.

236
context for Min's appearance is unclear, he probably receives incense and food-offerings

from the king in this panel.580 Panel 19 depicts the hauling of a ceremonial barque that
CO 1

may represent the divine barque of the solar deity (Fig. 199). Finally, the trapping of

birds in a large fowling net takes place in a marshy area in the ritual scene depicted in

Panel 20 (Fig. 141).582

2.2.3. SOLAR TEMPLE OF NIUSERRE AT ABU GUROB 5 8 3

Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 107, 109, figs. 113-116. For further
discussion of this panel, see also McFarlane, The God Mm to the End of the Old Kingdom, pp. 133, 193,
cat. no. 214. In the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb, the king offers incense and food-
offerings to Min in several scenes (Section 2.2.4, Register 6).
581
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 91-93, figs. 79-83. The symbolic
significance of this scene may be similar to the boat procession that is depicted in the reliefs of the first Sed
Festival of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef (Section 2 1.1, Scene 6). For further discussion of the
towing of the ceremonial barque in Panel 19, see Section 7.4.2.
582
Fakhry, Monuments ofSneferu at Dahshur, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 110, figs. 117-118. For further discussion
of this panel, see also Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes of the Old Kingdom, p.
224. For detailed discussion of the significance offish and fowl imagery in the rites of the Sed Festival,
see Section 2.1.1, Text 1.
583
For the primarily publications of the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre from his solar temple at Abu
Gurob, see Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heihgtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2; Kees, Das Re-
Heihgtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3; von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem
Re-Heihgtum des Rathures, pp 1-115. For other detailed discussions of these reliefs, see Kaiser, in
Aufsatze zum 70 Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, pp. 87-105; Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, pp.
6-21; VoG, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheihgtumern der 5 Dynastie, pp. 75-98. For further discussion,
cf also Kees, Der Opfertanz des agyptischen Konigs, pp. 135-136,281; Borchardt, ZAS 61 (1928): 30-37;
Brunner Traut, Der Tanz im Alten Agypt, pp. 27-28, 53; Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 113, footnote 1;
Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 79-88; Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 165-166; Hickman, BIE 37 (1956): 68-
69; Vikentiev, BIE 37 (1956): 271-316; Fischer, Onentaha 29 (1960): 182-183, fig. 5; Munro, ZAS 86
(1961): 68; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 91-123, especially 99-101; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 328-
330, 397-398; Barta, SAK4 (1976): 31-43; Helck, SAK 5 (1977): 47-77; Goelet, Two Aspects of the Royal
Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, pp. 316-335; Kaiser, MDAIK 39 (1983): 266-270, 291-293; Adams,
Eretz-Israe121 (1990): 5; Guglielmi, Die Gottin Mr t Entstehung und Verehrung einer Personifikation, pp.
25-26; Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 10-11; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im
alten Agypten, pp. 36, 848-849, cat. nos. A18-A19, S10.2; Logan, in Teeter and Larson, eds., Gold of
Praise, pp. 262-265; Rochholz, in Gundlach and Rochholz, eds., Agyptische Tempel Struktur, Funktion
und Programm, pp. 255-256; Krol, GM184 (2001): 31-32; Jimenez-Serrano, Royal Festivals in the Late
Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty, pp. 44-46; Espinel, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of
the Twenty-First Century, Vol. 2, pp. 216-218; Rummel, Pfeiler seiner Mutter—Be is tand seines Vater, pp.
90-91; Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex, Vol. 1, p. 98; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary
Complexes of the Old Kingdom, pp. 238, 243, 338; DuQuesne, The Jackal Divinities of Egypt, Vol. 1, pp.
91-93, 103, 114-115, 125-129, 223-227, 423-424; Gillam, Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp.
27-35; Rummel, SAK34 (2006): 385-388; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp. 16, 51,
59, 61, 91-93; Nuzzolo, SAK 36 (2007): 224-229; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the

237
The 5 Dynasty king Niuserre commemorated the celebration of his Sed Festival

by commissioning two detailed sets of Sed Festival reliefs as part of the decorative

program for his solar temple at Abu Gurob; unfortunately, only a relatively small portion

of the original Sed Festival relief program has survived. The better preserved of the two

sets of reliefs is the "kleine Sedfestdarstellung," which originally appeared on the eastern

and western walls of the small chapel located on the northern side of the large obelisk at

center of the complex.584 Most of the scenes of the "kleine Sedfestdarstellung" have been

reconstructed from relief fragments discovered on the ground in the solar temple;

however, a small portion of the relief decoration was found in situ in its original

placement on the walls of the chapel. The "groBe Sedfestdarstellung" on the walls of the

passageway around the obelisk in the center of the complex is very fragmentary.585

Comparison of the two sets of Sed Festival reliefs suggests that they originally depicted a

similar sequence of scenes. When viewed together, these two sets of reliefs provide a

fairly detailed account of the rituals performed by Niuserre during the celebration of his

Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp. 1962-1963, 1965; Degreef, GM223 (2009): 27-
34.
584
For the location of the "kleine Sedfestdarstellung" and a reconstruction of the sequence of scenes, see
primarily Borchardt, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 1, pp. 15-16; von Bissing and Kees,
Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2; von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs
aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, pp. 1-115; Kaiser, in Aufsdtze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke,
pp. 87-105; Helck, Untersuchungenzur Thinitenzeit, pp. 6-21; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festivalat
Karnak, pp. 10-11; VoG, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtiimern der 5. Dynastie, pp. 88-98. The
reconstruction of the sequence of scenes in Kaiser, loc. cit., greatly improves upon the original
reconstruction in von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2.
585
Because of the fragmentary nature of the "groGe Sedfestdarstellung," this set of reliefs has not received
as much scholarly attention as the "kleine Sedfestdarstellung." For the location of the "groGe
Sedfestdarstellung" and a reconstruction of the sequence of scenes, see primarily Borchardt, Das Re-
Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 1, p. 11; Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3;
Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 18; VoG, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtiimern der 5.
Dynastie, pp. 75-88. VoG, loc. cit., has demonstrated that the sequence of scenes in the "groGe
Sedfestdarstellung" largely mirrors the sequence of scenes in the better-preserved "kleine
Sedfestdarstellung."

238
Sed Festival. The reliefs indicate that several of the rituals were actually performed by

the king twice during the ceremony—once while wearing the white crown of Upper

Egypt and a second time while wearing the red crown of Lower Egypt.

The sequence of ritual scenes in the reliefs of the "kleine Sedfestdarstellung" and

the "groBe Sedfestdarstellung" from the solar temple of Niuserre at Abu Gurob can be

reconstructed fairly accurately. Scene 1 depicts the king's performance of the temple

foundation rites—including the hoeing of the ground (Fig. 23) and the driving of stakes

(Fig. 24)—at the opening of the Sed Festival.586 Scene 2 depicts the royal inspection of

construction work (Fig. 200) and the counting of cattle (Fig. 201).587 Scene 3 depicts the

ritual slaughter of bulls (Fig. 176) and the presentation of offerings.588 Scene 4 depicts
con

the opening procession (Fig. 202). Scene 5 depicts the lion-furniture sequence (Fig.

91).590 Scene 6 depicts rituals of homage to the enthroned king (Figs. 65, 68)—including

Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. lb, 2-6, 8, 56a-b; Kees,
Das Re-Heihgtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 111-112, 291-298, 425. For discussion of Scene 1,
see primarily von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures,
pp. 3-21; VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheihgtumern der 5 Dynastie, pp. 82-83, 96-97.
587
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heihgtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. la, 7a, 7c, 9, lOa-b, 56a;
Kees, Das Re-Heihgtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 289, 306-308, 310-313. For discussion of
Scene 2, see primarily VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheihgtumern der 5 Dynastie, pp. 83, 97. For
further discussion of the cattle-count and driving of cattle at the Sed Festival of Niuserre, see Section 5.4.
588
Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 317-347, 361-373. For discussion of
Scene 3, see primarily Sethe, Dramatische Texte, p. 113, footnote 1; Otto, JNES 9 (1950): 165-166;
Fischer, Orientalia 29 (1960): 182-183, fig. 5. For further discussion of the butchery sequence in the Sed
Festival reliefs of Niuserre, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a; Section 5.3.1; Section 5.3.3.
589
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos 7a-c; Kees, Das Re-
Heihgtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 102a-b, 118, 120, 138. For discussion of Scene 4, see
primarily von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, pp.
22-24; VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheihgtumern der 5 Dynastie, pp. 83-84.
590
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heihgtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 56a-b, 57-59; Kees, Das
Re-Heiligtum des Komgs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, no. 276-278. For discussion of Scene 5, see primarily von
Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, pp. 90-91;
Borchardt, ZAS61 (1928)-30-37; Kaiser, in Aufsatze zum 70 Geburtstagvon Herbert Ricke, pp. 101-105;
Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thmitenzeit, pp. 11-12; Rummel, Pfeiler seiner Mutter—Beistand seines Vater,
pp. 90-91, with references; VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheihgtumern der 5 Dynastie, pp. 84, 97;

239
several performances of the group run in an open courtyard in front of the royal throne.591

Scene 7 depicts the royal visit to the shrine of Min and the royal procession to the throne

(Fig. 203).592 Scene 8 depicts the anointing of the Wepwawet standard and the

performance of the Konigslauf (Fig. 27).593 Scene 9 depicts the display and distribution

of cattle (Fig. 191).594 Scene 10 depicts the washing of the king's feet (Figs. 78-79).595

Finally, Scene 11—the most elaborate of all Niuserre's Sed Festival rituals—depicts the

rites pertaining to the delivery, mounting, and procession of the royal palanquin (Figs.

Rummel, SAK 34 (2006): 385-388, with references. For further discussion of the lion furniture sequence in
the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre, see Section 5.2.1.
591
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 1 la-b, 12a-c, 27-31, 76;
Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 104, 216, 221, 228-229, 241, 252, 254, 256-
262. For discussion of Scene 6, see primarily von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus
dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, pp. 59-84; Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, pp. 13-14; VoB,
Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtumern der 5. Dynastie, pp. 84-85, 97. For discussion of the depiction
of the group run that appears in the royal homage scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre, see
Section 4.3.1.
592
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 33a-b, 35, 96; Kees, Das
Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, no. 197. For discussion of Scene 7, see primarily Helck,
Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, p. 12; VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtumern der 5. Dynastie,
pp. 85-86, 97; Espinel, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century, Vol. 2, pp.
216-218.
593
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 13,17, 33b, 34, 36-37,
84, 93; Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 112,226,239-240. For discussion of
Scene 8, see primarily von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des
Rathures, pp. 85-90; Kees, Der Opfertanz des agyptischen Konigs, pp. 135-136,281; Goelet, Two Aspects
of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, pp. 326-329; Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, 6-
11; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, p. 36, docs. A18-A19; Guglielmi, Die Gottin Mr.t: Entstehung
und Verehrung einer Personifikation, pp. 25-28; VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtumern der 5.
Dynastie, pp. 85-86, 97. For detailed discussion of the Konigslauf sequence from the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre, see Section 4.3.3.
594
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 13-18,20a-c, 21, 25, 61,
78, 85, 95; Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 264-271. For discussion of Scene
9, see primarily VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtumern der 5. Dynastie, pp. 86-87, 97. For
further discussion of the display and distribution of cattle at the Sed Festival of Niuserre, see Section 5.4.
595
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, no. 20c; Kees, Das Re-
Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 105, 194. For discussion of Scene 10, see primarily VoB,
Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtumern der 5. Dynastie, pp. 87, 97-98.

240
80-86).596 At the opening of Scene 11, the king emerges from his Sed Festival palace,

dons the Sed Festival robe, and mounts the royal palanquin (Figs. 80-81); at the

conclusion of Scene 11, the king returns to the palace (Figs. 83, 86).597 Several other

improtant rituals also take place during the procession of the royal palanquin—including

the palanquin procession of the royal daughters (Figs. 111-114) and the transfer of a

bow-and-arrow set to the king (Figs. 204-205).599

2.2.4. TEMPLE OF SOLEB: RELIEFS OF AMENHOTEP III600

596
Von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 2, nos. 38-43,44a-d; 45a-b, 46-
47, 49, 50a-b, 51-52, 55, 100; Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, nos. 121-129, 143-
144,179, 183, 186-189. For discussion of Scene 11, see primarily von Bissing and Kees, Untersuchungen
zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures, pp. 91-115; Helck, Anthropos 49 (1954): 988; Kaiser,
in Aufsatze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, pp. 100-101; Barta, Untersuchungen zur Gottlichkeit
des regierenden Konigs, pp. 68-69; Behrens, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 1007-1008; Helck, Untersuchungen zur
Thinitenzeit, pp. 14-17; VoB, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtumern der 5. Dynastie, pp. 87, 98;
Rummel, SAK 34 (2006): 387-388. For detailed discussion of the presentation of a bow and arrow to the
king in this sequence, see Section 6.2.
597
For detailed discussion of the robing of the king at the opening of this sequence and the disrobing of the
king at the end of this sequence, see Section 1.1.2.
598
For detailed discussion of the palanquin procession of the royal daughters in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre at Abu Gurob, see Section 1.1.2; Section 3.2.1.2.
599
For detailed discussion of the transfer of a bow-and-arrow set to the king in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre, see Section 6.2.
600
For the primarily publications of the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep HI from the Temple of Soleb,
see Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pis. 83-86; Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 32-143; Giorgini, op. cit, Vol. 3,
pp. 212-325. For further discussion of the reliefs, see also Wilson, JAOS 56 (1936): 293-296; Van Siclen
III, JNES32 (1973): 290-300; Gohary, Akhenaten'sSed-FestivalatKarnak(London, 1992), pp. 11-16;
Dorman, in Berger, etal, eds., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1, pp. 455-470; Galan, JNES 59 (2000):
255-264; Murnane, Amarna Letters 4 (2000): 6-19; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp.
26, 34-35, 39-40, 51, 62-63, 73, 84-85, 88, 91, 93. For further discussion, cf. also Breasted, AJSL 25
(1908): 83-96; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 81, 83, 367, note 5; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp.
91-123, especially 101; Habachi, ZAS 97 (1971): 68, 72; Vernus, BIFAO 75 (1975): 25; Wente, JNES 35
(1976): 278; Barta, SAK6 (1978): 25-42; Sourdive, La main dans I'Egyptepharaonique, pp. 124-125;
Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 2nd ed., pp. 320-322; Guglielmi, Die Gottin Mr.t:
Entstehung und Verehrung einer Personifikation, pp. 33-34; Spalinger, JARCE 28 (1991): 29-30; Sambin,
L'offrande de la soi-disant clepsydre, pp. 12-14, 316-324; Leclant, in Quaegebeur, ed., Ritual and Sacrifice
in the Ancient Near East, pp. 235-236; Kessler, in Luft, ed., The Intellectual History of Egypt, pp. 349-353;
Goedicke, Problems ConcerningAmenophis HI, pp. 17-51; Bryan, in Kozloff and Bryan, eds., Egypt's
Dazzling Sun, pp. 106-110; Sambin, BIFAO 95 (1995): 412; Berman, in O'Connor and Cline, eds.,
Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, p. 16; Gozzoli, in Grimal and Baud, eds., Evenement, recit,
histoire officielle, pp. 215-220; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth

241
At the Temple of Soleb in Nubia, Amenhotep III commemorated the celebration

of his first Sed Festival with a detailed set of reliefs on the interior walls of the first court

and on the walls of the gateway connecting the first and second courts. The reliefs from

the gateway depict rites from the actual celebration of the Sed Festival;601 the reliefs on

the interior walls of the first court depict a series of preparatory rites leading up to the

celebration of the Sed Festival.602 The preparatory rites depicted on the rear of the
/TAT

northern wing of the grand pylon include the illuminating of the tnti. /-platform, the

striking of the gates,604 and the procession of the royal palanquin.605 In a a series of

reliefs beside the gateway in the northeastern corner of the first court, Amenhotep III

visits the pr-nsr and pr-wr shrines and presents the $>./-offering to the goddesses Nekhbet

and Wadjet.606

International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp. 1962-1965; Brand, Bibliotheca Orientalis 64 (2007):
615-617; Degreef, GM223 (2009): 27-34.
601
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 85-143; Giorgini, op. cit, Vol. 3, pp. 260-325.
602
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 32-84; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 217-260.
603
Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pi. 84a-b; Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 34-38; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp.
218-223. For further discussion of the ritual performance of the illuminating of the /Mtf.r-platform in the
Temple of Soleb, see Breasted, AJSL 20 (1908): 89; Wilson, JAOS 56 (1936): 293-296; Borchardt, ZAS 72
(1936): 59; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 81; Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 84; Van Siclen, JNES 32
(1973): 291-294; Gohary, Akhenaten'sSed-FestivalatKarnak, p. 12; Goedicke, Problems Concerning
Amenophis III, pp. 22-24; Bryan, in Kozloff and Bryan, eds., Egypt's Dazzling Sun, pp. 108-109; Murnane,
Amarna Letters 4 (2000): 14-15; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 40. The ritual
begins on day 26 of the fourth month of Peret and ends on day 1 of the first month of Shomu; for detailed
discussion of the date(s) of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed Festival, see Section 2.1.1, Text 1.
604
Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pi. 83b-c; Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 39-61; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp.
223-243. For further discussion of the striking of the gates, see Breasted, AJSL 20 (1908): 89-92; Gohary,
Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 12; Goedicke, Problems Concerning Amenophis III, pp. 21-22;
Bryan, in Kozloff and Bryan, eds., Egypt's Dazzling Sun, p. 109. This group of scenes also includes the
king's visit to sacred precincts and the presentation of offerings to the barque of Amun.
605
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 62-65; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 243-245.
606
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 69-82; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 247-258. For discussion of Amenhotep
Ill's presentation of the ^.^-offering to the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet in this group of scenes, see
Sambin, L 'offrande de la soi-disant clepsydre, pp. 12-14, 316-324. Osorkon II similarly presents the Sb.t-

242
Scenes depicting the rites of the actual celebration of the Sed Festival probably

originally appeared on both the northern and southern sides of the gateway connecting

the first and second courts in the Temple of Soleb. The reliefs from the northern side of

the gateway have survived in a relatively good state of preservation;607 however, only a

very small portion of the reliefs from the southern side of the gateway has survived.608 A

series of scenes on the base of the wall on both sides of the gateway depicts the docking

and unloading of boats at a quay; the products transported on these boats include cattle,

birds, marsh plants, metal ingots, and jars of wine (Fig. 175).609 A similar set of scenes

in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef depicts the

loading and unloading of offerings at the docks of the Birket Habu at Malqata (Fig.

174).610 Eight registers of reliefs depicting the Lower Egyptian rites of Amenhotep Ill's

first Sed Festival appear above the docking scene on the northern side of the gateway

connecting the first and second courts in the Temple of Soleb; in all of these reliefs, the

king wears the red crown of Lower Egypt.611 Presumably, a similar set of reliefs

offering to Nekhbet and Wadjet in his Sed Festival reliefs from the Temple of Bubastis (Section 2.2.6,
Scenes 2, 12).
607
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 85-132; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 260-315.
608
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 133-137; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 315-316.
609
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 86-93, 134-137; Giorgini, op. cit, Vol. 3, pp. 261, 264-265, 315-316.
610
For a discussion of the scenes from the tomb of Kheruef that depict the transport of offerings of
offerings at the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, see Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a.
611
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 94-132; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 265-315. An additional relief
fragment in which the king wears the red crown probably also belongs to the reliefs on the northern side of
the gateway; see Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 5, pi. 139, no. 117; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 319.

243
depicting the Upper Egyptian rites of the Sed Festival appeared on the southern side of

the gateway.612

Each of the eight registers on the northern side of the gateway includes multiple

scenes in which Amenhotep III performs rituals connected to the celebration of his first

Sed Festival. Tiye and members of the royal retinue accompany the king in most of

scenes in these eight registers; in several scenes, the royal daughters also accompany the

king.613 In the concluding scene of each register, the king and queen retire to the Sed

Festival palace in order to rest (Fig. 158).614 Beginning at the bottom of the wall on the

northern side of the gateway, Register 1 appears just above the docking scene at the base

of the wall; Register 8 appears at the very top of the wall. The most important ritual

performance of Register 1 is the royal palanquin procession during which Amenhotep III

issues a royal decree exempting the staff of the Temple of Amun from their normal tax

obligations (Fig. 87).615 Register 2 depicts the chief lector priest's announcement of the

A relief fragment in which the king wears the white crown probably belongs to the reliefs of the
southern side of the gateway; see Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pi. 138, no. 76; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 317-
318.
613
For discussion of the presence of the royal daughters in these scenes from Soleb, see primarily Xekalaki,
in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, pp.
1962-1965, with references; Green, Queens and Princesses of the Amarna Period, p. 431; Roth, in
Brockelmann and Klug, eds., In Pharaos Staat, pp. 229-230.
614
In each register, the king and queen move from right to left; thus, the concluding scene of each register
is on the far left of the wall. For the royal couple's return to the palace at the end of each register, see
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 94, 99, 105, 110, 115, 120, 126, 131.
615
Lepsius, Denkmaler, Vol. 3, pi. 86a-b; Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 94-98; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp.
265-271. For discussion of the scenes in Register 1, see primarily Bara, SAK6 (1978): 30; Gohary,
Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak,p. 13. An almost identical copy of Amenhotep Ill's decree of tax
exemption for the staff of the Temple of Amun appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II in the
Temple of Bubastis (Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 6). For discussion of these decrees, see
primarily Van Siclen, JNES 32 (1973): 296-299, figs. 1-2; Vermis, BIFAO 75 (1975): 25; Kitchen, The
Third Intermediate Period, 2nd ed., pp. 320-322; Spalinger, JARCE 28 (1991): 29-30; Goedicke, Problems
Concerning Amenophis III, pp. 28-34; Galan, JNES 59 (2000): 255-264; Gozzoli, in Grimal and Baud, eds.,
Evenement, recit, histoire officielle, pp. 215-220, figs. 3-4. For transliteration, translation, and discussion
of the text of this decree, see Section 2.2.6, Scene 14.

244
offering of a boon on behalf of the king and Osiris, the king's visit to an assembled group

of deities, and the king's presentation of offerings to the god Khnum (Fig. 206).616 In

Register 3, the Amenhotep III visits the shrine of Horus (Fig. 207) and presents offerings

to Khnum.617 Register 4 depicts the king's visit to an assembled group of deities, his visit

to the shrine of Horus, and the presentation of offerings to Khnum.618 In Register 5, four

officials participate in the group run (Fig. 208), a group of 24 standard-bearers greets the

king, the king visits an assembled group of deities (Fig. 76), the king visits the shrine of

Lepsius, Denkmdler, Vol. 3, pi. 85b-c; Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 99-104; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp.
271-278. For discussion of the scenes of Register 2, see primarily Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 30; Gohary,
Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 13-14. In one of the scenes from Register 2, Amenhotep III
makes food-offerings and burns incense for the ram god Khnum inside the "shrine of eating" (sh n wnm);
similar scenes depicting the king presenting offerings to Khnum appear in Registers 3, 4, 5, and 7. For
discussion of these offering scenes, see Dorman, in Berger, etal, eds., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1,
pp. 455-470. The prominence of Khnum in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the Temple of
Soleb may be explained in part by Khnum's strong associations with Nubia and his frequent appearance in
the reliefs of Nubian temples. Khnum's main cult center was in the region of the first cataract of the Nile at
Elephantine; Khnum also served as the main god at Semna/Kumma in the region of the second cataract of
the Nile in Nubia. For Khnum's association with Elephantine, Semna, and Kumma, see, e.g., Otto, in LA,
Vol. 1, col. 951, with references; Badawi, Der Gott Chnum, pp. 22-31; Laskowska-Kusztal, in Engel, etal,
eds., Zeichen aus dem Sand, pp. 453-462. Khnum is the creator god who fashions the entities of creation
on the potter's wheel; offerings to Khnum by the king during the Sed Festival likely ensure that king is
imbued with the creative powers necessary to effect his own renewal. For discussion of Khnum as a
creator god, see Badawi, op. cit., pp. 49-58; Otto, in LA, Vol. 1, cols. 950-954; Assmann, Egyptian Solar
Religion in the New Kingdom, pp. 158-159, with references; Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, pp. 142-143,
150-151, with references. For the evolution of the iconography of Khnum, see Bickel, B1FAO 91 (1991):
55-67; Badawi, op. cit., pp. 16-21. In a scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at the Temple of
Bubastis (Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pi. 7), the king presents offerings to seven ram-headed
gods—each of whom is identified as either ntr r i hnty hb-sd ("great god, foremost of the Sed Festival") or
ntr ri nb hb-sd ("great god, lord of the Sed Festival"). In return for his offerings to these seven ram-headed
gods, Osorkon II receives "all life and dominion," "all health," "all strength," "all victory," "all offerings,"
and "all provisions." According to Kessler, in Luft, ed., The Intellectual Heritage of Egypt, pp. 347-348,
these seven ram-headed gods represent the bl.w of the solar deity. The ram-headed gods in the Sed Festival
reliefs of Osorkon II may also be related to the seven ram-headed gods who assist in the construction of the
temple in the reliefs of Edfu; for discussion of these ram-headed gods at Edfu, see Klotz, op. cit., pp. 142-
143; Rochholz, Schbpfung, Feindvernichtung, Regeneration, pp. 39-42, 51-56. The horns of the ram are
also a component of the royal ?(/-crown, which is sometimes worn by the deified king during the rites of the
Sed Festival; Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 269, footnote, 85, notes several examples of kings wearing "the solar
atef-crown and the ram's horns of Amun" during the celebration of the Sed Festival.

617
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 105-109; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 278-284. For discussion of the
scenes of Register 3, see primarily Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 14.
618
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 110-114; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 284-291. For discussion of the
scenes of Register 4, see Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 14.

245
Horus, and the king presents offerings to Khnum.619 Register 6 depicts the king's

presentation of offerings to Min (Fig. 33) and the Puntite dancing ritual (Fig. 209).620 In

Register 7, the king visits the shrine of Horus and presents offerings to Khnum.621 Most

of scenes in Register 8 have not been preserved; however, like the first seven registers,

Register 8 concludes with the royal couple's return to the palace.622

During the king's visit to the shrine of Horus in Registers 3, 4, 5, and 7,

Amenhotep III receives a lettuce-plant from an attendant: rdi.t rbw ntr n nsw.t,

"presenting the lettuce of the god to the king." To the ancient Egyptians, the lettuce

plant was an aphrodisiac and a fertility symbol most commonly associated with Min, the

ithyphallic god of fertility and male potency.624 Horus's association with fertility and

agriculture is not as well-attested as Min's; however, in a depiction of the "driving of the

619
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 115-119; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 291-299. For discussion of the
scenes in Register 5, see primarily Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 14-15. For detailed
discussion of the group run scene in this register, see Section 4.3.1.
620
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 120-125; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 299-306. For discussion of the
scenes in Register 6, see primarily Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 15; Sourdive, La main
dans I'Egypte pharaonique, pp. 124-125; Dasen, Dwarfs in Acnient Egypt and Greece, pp. 145-146;
Morenz, Bild-Buchstaben und symbolische Zeichen, pp. 177-178. For further discussion of the rites
concerning Min in this register, see infra, this section. For detailed discussion of the dancing Puntites in
this register, see also Section 3.1.3.4.
621
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 126-130; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 307-312. For discussion of the
scenes in Register 7, see primarily Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 15.
622
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 131-132; Giorgini, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 312-315. For discussion of the
scenes in Register 8, see primarily Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 15.
623
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 109, 114, 116-117, 129-130.
624
For the lettuce plant and its associations with Min, see primarily Germer, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 938-939;
Germer, SAKS (1980): 85-87; El-Hadidi, in Friedman and Adams, eds., Followers of Horus, pp. 323-326;
Schulz, Die Entwicklung undBedeutung des kuboiden Statuentypus, Vol. 1, pp. 745-746, with references.

246
calves" by Ptolemy VIII at Edfu, Horus is identified as nb sh.t srd sm.w, "the lord of the

field, who causes the plants to grow."625

In several scenes in Register 6, Amenhotep III visits the shrine of Min to burn

incense and present food-offerings to the god; in two of these scenes, Min appears in

front of the shn.t-tent, a pair of lettuce plants, and the Rf-standard.626 Because of Min's

association with kingship and fertility, Amenhotep Ill's offerings to Min likely ensure the

king's virility during the Sed Festival;627 in return for his offerings to Min, Amenhotep III

receives legitimacy and longevity:

ddmdw
di.n(=i) n-k r hh.w m rnp.wt
ddmdw
di.n(=i) n=k ns.t Gb ii.t 'Itm

"Words to be spoken:
'It is to you that I have given more than millions of years.'
Words to be spoken:

'It is to you that I have given the throne of Geb and the office of Atum.'"

In a relief from Coptos, Sesostris I performs the Ruderlauf in front of Min (Fig. 15); the

caption to this Ruderlauf scene further suggests that Min grants longevity to the king at

the Sed Festival:629

625
For this depiction of the driving of the calves by Ptolemy VIII, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, pp.
303-309, 345, with references. According to Egberts, loc. cit., Horus's titles in this relief emphasize the
"agrarian themes underlying the driving of the calves."
626
For discussion of the shn.t-shr'me of Min and the Rf-standard that appears next to the shrine, see
primarily Munro, Das Zelt-Heiligtum des Min; Gundlach, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 136-137. For further
discussion, see also Eissa, MDAIK 58 (2002): 238.
627
For discussion of Min's association with fertility and kingship, see primarily Gundlach, in LA, Vol. 4,
cols. 136-140; Brunner-Traut, in LA, Vol. 4, cols. 141-144; Moens, SAK 12 (1985): 61-73; McFarlane,
BACE 1 (1990): 69-75; Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, pp. 344-345.
628
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pi. 122.
629
For discussion of Sesostris I's Ruderlauf scene from Coptos (UCL 14786), see primarily Petrie, Koptos,
p. 11, pis. 1,9; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im alien Agypten, p. 41, cat. no. A38, with

247
it.t hp.t n Mnw ntr c3 hr-ib niw.t=f
ir=f [di rnh]
ddmdw
di.n(=i) n-k ir.t hb-sd
r
nh.timiRc

Seizing the /^-implement for Min, the great god in the midst of his city,
so that he might achieve [a given life].
Words to be spoken:
"It is for you that I have caused the performance of the Sed Festival,
so that you might live like Re."

The appearance of Min in the rites of the Sed Festival is also attested in several sources

from the Early Dynastic Period and the Old Kingdom; his connection to the Sed Festival

may even extend as far back as the Protodynastic and Predynastic periods.630

One of the "dancers of Punt" (ihb.w n(w) Pwn.t) in Register 6 from the Sed

Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb is a bearded dwarf.631 Like the lion-masked

figures who take part in the dancing rituals in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first Sed

Festival in the tomb of Kheruef and in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis,

the bearded Puntite dwarf who dances in Register 6 probably represents the god Bes.

references; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, p. 20. For further discussion of the depiction
of the Ruderlauf in this scene, see Section 4.1.2; Section 7.4.3.
630
For discussion of Min's connection to the Sed Festival during the Early Dynastic Period and the Old
Kingdom, see McFarlane, The God Min to the End of the Old Kingdom, pp. 21-22, 137, 140,185,247, cat.
nos. 026, 225, 227. For the depiction of Min in the Sed Festival reliefs of Snofru in the valley temple of his
Bent Pyramid at Dahshur, see Section 2.2.2, Panel 18. For the Min sequence in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob, see Section 2.2.3, Scene 7. Min standards appear as adornments
of boats in several boat processional scenes from Naqada II D-Ware pottery and Predynastic rock
inscriptions; these boat processions may conceivably be linked to the Sed Festival. For discussion of
Predynastic examples of the Min standard, see McFarlane, The God Min to the End of the Old Kingdom,
pp. 157-173, 373-374, pis. 1-2; Goedicke, MDAIK 58 (2002): 254; Graff, Lespeintures sur vases de
Nagada I—Nagada II, pp. 44-45, 173, Designation N5h; Aksamit, in Kroeper, etal., eds., Archaeology of
Early Northeastern Africa, pp. 560-571, 575, 581, 583, 586-587. For further discussion of the standards on
boats in Predynastic Sed Festival scenes, see Section 7.1.
631
Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 120-121.
632
For a similar conclusion regarding the dancing Puntite dwarf in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep
III at Soleb, see Sourdive, La main dans I'Egypte pharaonique, pp. 124-125. For further discussion of the
dancing Puntite dwarf in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb, see also Dasen, Dwarfs in
Acnient Egypt and Greece, pp. 145-146; Morenz, Bild-Buchstaben undsymbolische Zeichen, pp. 177-178.

248
In this regard, the dancing Puntite dwarf in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at

Soleb probably performs the role that Bes plays in the myth of the wandering goddess of

the solar eye—namely, he dances for the goddess to placate her and to coax her back to

Egypt.633 Bearded Puntites also dance for the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun

during her winter journey outside of Egypt.634 The dancing Puntites at Soleb appear in a

sequence of scenes that primarily pertains to the presentation of offerings to Min. With

regard to their participation in these rites of Min, the dancing Puntites may also represent

the "Nubian of Punt" (Nhsy n Pwn.t) who participates in the Festival of Min at Medinet

Habu635 and/or the Nubians who climb the scaffolding of the the shrine of Min during the

"raising of the bull of the s/m.^-shrine" (srhr k? shn.t).636

2.2.5. GEMPAATEN TEMPLE OF AKHENATEN AT KARNAK 637

For discussion of the lion-masked figures in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in the tomb of
Kheruef, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 4. For discussion of the lion-masked figure in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Osorkon II at Bubastis, see also Section 2.2.6, Scene 7. For detailed discussion of the significance of
dancing Bes-figures at the Sed Festival, see Section 3.1.3.4.
633
For discussion of Bes's role in the myth of the wandering goddess of the eye of the sun, see references
collected in Section2.1.1, Scene4, footnote 185.
634
For a discussion of the Puntites who dance for the wandering goddess, see primarily Darnell, SAK 22
(1995): 64-65, 69-70. 76-79. Darnell, op. cit., pp. 77-79, notes that the Puntites who dance for the
wandering goddess in the hymn from Medamud are called hbs.tyw, "bearded ones."
635
For the Nhsy n Pwn.t who sings a hymn in praise of Min in the reliefs of the Festival of Min at Medinet
Habu, see Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, Vol. 4, pi. 203; for discussion of the hymn sung by the
"Nubian of Punt," see also Gauthier, Les fetes du dieu Min, pp. 199-204; Gutbub, in Melanges Maspero,
Vol. 1, Fasc. 4, pp. 63-64; Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 64, 78.
636
For discussion of the ritual known as srhr ki shn.t and the Nubians who climb the scaffolding of the
shrine during this ritual, see primarily Gauthier, Les fetes du dieu Min, pp. 142-150; Lacau, CdE 28 (1953):
13-22; Helck, in LA, Vol. 3, cols. 454-455; Munro, Das Zelt-Heiligtum des Min, pp. 38-41; Moens, SAK 8
(1985): pp. 66-67; Isler, JARCE 28 (1991): 155-185; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport, pp. 123-131,
docs. B1-B24; Feder, in Gundlach and Rochholz, eds., 4. dgyptologische Tempeltagung, pp. 31-54;
Goedicke, MDAIK 58 (2002): 249-250,254, with references. No scholarly consensus yet exists for the
correct translation of the phrase srhc ki shn.t; for a review of previously suggested translations, see Munro,
op. cit., pp. 39-41; Isler, op. cit., p. 158. For the identification of the climbers of the scaffolding as Nubians
from Punt, see Feder, in Gundlach and Rochholz, eds., he. cit.; Lacau, op. cit., pp. 21-22.
637
For the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak, see primarily Gohary,
Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 9.1,18.6,

249
In the early years of his reign, before the foundation of a new capital city at Tell

el-Amarna in his fifth regnal year, Akhenaten celebrated a Sed Festival at Thebes; to

commemorate this occasion, Akhenaten decorated the walls of the Gempaaten Temple at

Karnak with scenes from the celebration of his Sed Festival.638 The use of talatat blocks

as a building material for the construction of the Gempaaten Temple and Akhenaten's

other Theban temples facilitated the speedy erection of these monuments; however, these

relatively small stone blocks could also be easily disassembled. After the Amarna

Period, the talatat blocks of Akhenaten's major Theban construction projects—including

the Gempaaten Temple—were disassembled and reused in the Theban construction

projects of later kings, e.g., in the Tenth Pylon, in the Ninth Pylon, in the Second Pylon,

and in the bases of the columns of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak Temple.640

34.1, 36-77; Gohary, in Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pp. 64-67; Traunecker,
BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4; Spalinger, in Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 2, pp. 29-33, fig.
16; Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains dAmenhotep IV, pp. 130-132,148-149, 192-193,
pis. 23, 61, Assemblages A0085, A0066. For further discussion of the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten
from the Gempaaten, cf. also Chevrier, ASAE 38 (1938): 605, pis. 109-111; Uphill, JNES 22 (1963): 123-
127; Traunecker, JSSEA 14 (1984): 61-62; Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King, pp. 102-136, especially
122-131; Redford, in Berger, eta/., eds., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol.1, pp. 485-492; Schlick-Nolte and
Loeben, in Schade-Busch, ed., Wege offnen, pp. 270-287; Vergnieux and Gondran, Amenophis IVet les
pierres du soleil, pp. 174-177; Smith, Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, 3 r revised ed., p. 176, with
references; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 7-8; Redford, in Freed, eta/., eds., Pharaohs of
the Sun, pp. 50-59; Martin, SAK 30 (2002): 269-274; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest, pp.
27-28, 37, 63-65, 84, 93-94.
638
The Sed Festival of Akhenaten that is depicted in the reliefs of the Gempaaten Temple took place in the
early years of his reign—probably in his second or fourth regnal year. For discussion of the date of
Akhenaten's Sed Festival at Thebes, see references collected in Section 1.1.4, footnote 125.
639
For discussion of the new construction techniques introduced by Akhenaten for his Theban construction
projects, see, e.g., Darnell and Manassa, Tutankhamun 's Armies, p. 26, with references; Redford, in Freed,
eta/., eds., Pharaohs of the Sun, pp. 50-59; Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains
d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 1-42.
640
The assemblages of talatat blocks that were reused by later kings in construction projects at Karnak have
been the subject of several major studies: Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1; Redford,
Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 2; Redford, JARCE 10 (1973): 77-94; Redford, JARCE 12 (1975): 9-14;
Redford, JARCE 14 (1977): 9-32; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak; Vergnieux, Recherches sur
les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV; Sauneron and Sa'ad, Kemi 19 (1969): 137-178; Sauneron and
Stfad,Kemi2\ (1971): 145-150; Lauffray, eta/., Kemi21 (1971): 64-66; Manniche, Ae/w/21 (1971): 155-
164; Lauffray, Karnak6 (1980): 67-89, pis. 14-19; Azim, Karnak 7 (1982): 19-65; LeSaout and

250
Reliefs from Akhenaten's Theban Sed Festival have been identified on more than

1,500 talatat blocks from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak; previous studies have not

produced any conclusive estimate of the total number of talatat blocks that were part of

Akhenaten's Sed Festival relief program in the Gempaaten Temple.641 Reconstructions

of a limited number of Sed Festival scenes contain reliefs on two or more talatat blocks;

however, most blocks with Sed Festival reliefs cannot be placed within the framework of

a larger scene.642 The Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten in the Gempaaten Temple

probably originally consisted of two sets of scenes: the Upper Egyptian rites on the

southern wall of the courtyard and the Lower Egyptian rites on the northern wall of the

courtyard.643

Traunecker, Karnak 1 (1982): 67-74; Lopez, Karnak 8 (1985): 245-270. For a convenient summary of the
archaeological work done by various research teams on the assemblages of Akhenaten's Theban talatat
blocks, see Gohary, op. cit., pp. 26-29; Vergnieux, op. cit., pp. 55-64; Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic
King, pp. 63-71, 82-85; Redford, in Freed, etal., eds., Pharaohs of the Sun, pp. 50-53; Vergnieux and
Gondran, Amenophis IV et les pierres du soleil, pp. 1-198. Not all of the talatat blocks of Akhenaten's
dismantled Theban temples were reused in construction projects at Thebes; several scenes from the Sed
Festival of Akhenaten have been found on talatat blocks at sites outside of Thebes—e.g., at Medamud, Tod,
Ashmunein, and Memphis. Most—if not all—of these Sed Festival reliefs were originally from the
Gempaaten Temple at Karnak. For discussion of the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten that have been
discovered outside of Thebes, see Hornung and Staehelin, op.cit., pp. 27-28, with references; Clere, RdE 20
(1968): 51-54; Redford, in Freed, etal, eds., op. cit, pp. 50, 56.
641
For discussion of the difficulty of estimating the total number of blocks that were originally decorated
with Sed Festival scenes, see Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 28-29, 36. For discussion
of the location and groundplan of the Gempaaten Temple, see primarily Redford, in Berger, etal, eds.,
Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol.1, pp. 485-492, with references; Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King, pp.
102-122. Based on excavations in East Karnak, Redford, op. cit., p. 102, suggests that the Gempaaten
Temple "was a simple but vast rectangle, about 130 by 200 (?) meters, oriented toward the east."
642
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 40-119, pis. 1 -56, identifies 165 Sed Festival scenes
containing at least two talatat blocks; Gohary, op. cit., pp. 120-166, pis. 57-110, identifies nearly a
thousand individual blocks with Sed Festival reliefs that cannot be placed within the framework of a larger
scene. Reconstructions of additional scenes with multiple blocks appear in Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986):
23-28, figs. 3-4; Spalinger, in Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 2, pp. 29-33, fig. 16; Vergnieux,
Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 130-132,148-149, 192-193, pis. 23, 61.
643
For discussion of the division of Akhenaten's Sed Festival scenes into Upper Egyptian rites and Lower
Egyptian rites, see primarily Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King, pp. 122-130; Redford, in Berger, etal,
eds., Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. 1, pp. 485-492; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 37-
39.

251
A complete reconstruction of the sequence of rituals depicted in the Sed Festival

reliefs of Akhenaten from the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak is beyond the scope of this

dissertation; however, however several notable scenes are clearly recognizable in the Sed

Festival reliefs of the Gempaaten Temple.644 In Scene 1, Akhenaten drives a stake into

the ground at the temple foundation rites during the opening sequence of the Sed Festival

(Fig. 210).645 Scene 2 depicts the driving of cattle (Fig. 211).646 In Scene 3, royal

officials take part in the ritual slaughter of sacrificial bulls (Fig. 177).647 Scene 4 depicts

the preparation of offerings for the celebration of the Sed Festival (Fig. 212).648 In Scene

5, Akhenaten visits the royal Sed Festival kiosk and the presents offerings to the Aten

(Fig. 213).649 Scene 6 depicts the royal banquet (Fig. 214).650 In Scene 7, the king

departs from the royal Sed Festival palace (Fig. 215).651 Scene 8 depicts the procession

of the lion-shaped palanquins (Fig. 216);652 Scene 9 depicts the so-called lion-furniture

644
The designations of Scenes 1-18 are intended to facilitate ease of reference; however, the order of these
scenes probably does not correspond to the original sequence of rituals in the Gempaaten Temple.
645
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 64, pi. 22, Scene 49; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten
Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 18.6.
646
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 45-46, 80, 101-102, 156-159, pis. 3, 36, 52, 98-100,
Scenes 6, 83, 127-129; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 55.
647
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 69-70, 79-83, 103-104, 106-107, 136-137, 156-159,
pis. 28, 36, 37, 53-54, 56, 85, 98-100, Scenes 58, 81-82, 84-85, 87-89, 130-131, 137-138, 141; Smith and
Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 73.1, 74.
648
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 67, 69, 104-110, 152-157, pis. 25, 27, 54-57, 95-98,
Scenes 53, 57, 132-138, 141, 143-144; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 56, 61.
649
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 69-89, 103-104, 107, 130-137, pis. 28-42, 53-54, 56,
78-85, Scenes 58-102, 130-131, 140; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 36-37,
39.2-3, 73-76.
650
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 65-69, 111-112, pis. 24-26, 59, Scenes 52, 54-56,148;
Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 61-71.
651
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 40-43, 44-47, pis. 1, 3, 5, Scenes 1, 3, 5, 9.
652
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 89-92, 151-152, pis. 43-45, 94, Scenes 103-110; Smith
and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 24, 26.1.

252
sequence (Fig. 217).653 In Scene 10, foreigners pay homage to the king (Fig. 218).654

Scene 11 depicts the performance of the group run by a group of royal officials (Fig.

219).655 Scene 12 depicts the performance of Hathoric music and dance rituals (Fig.

145).656 In Scene 13, the daughters of foreign chieftains present libation offerings to the

king (Figs. 145-146).657 In Scene 14, the royal daughters perform the Anw-gesture and

sing a hymn in praise of Akhenaten (Fig. 166).658 Scene 15 depicts the appearance of the

king at the steps of a ceremonial kiosk (Fig. 220).659 In Scene 16, members of the

Egyptian military engage in ritual bouts of boxing and stick fighting (Fig. 221).660 Scene

653
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 139, pi. 87; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple
Project, Vol. 1, pi. 85.1. For further discussion of the lion-furniture sequence, see Section 5.2.1.
654
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 92-98, 107, 112, pis. 46-49, 56, 59, Scenes 111-113,
115, 118-121, 139,149.
655
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 140-141, pi. 88; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten
Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 53.7.
656
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 98-101, 112-113, 142, 163-164, pis. 50-51, 60, 88,
107, Scene 122-126, 151; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 43, 85.4; Vergnieux,
Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 148-149, 192-193, pi. 61; Traunecker, JSSEA
14 (1984): 61-62; Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14
(1999): 7-8; Manniche, Kemill (1971): 155-164. For detailed discussion of the Hathoric music and dance
rituals in this scene, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 4; Section 3.1.2.
657
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 98-101,141-142, pis. 50-51, 88; Smith and Redford,
Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 85.5; Traunecker, JSSEA 14 (1984): 61-62; Traunecker, BSFE 107
(1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4; Vergnieux, Recherches sur les monuments Thebains d'Amenhotep IV, pp. 148-149,
pi. 61; Traunecker, Egypte Afrique & Orient 14 (1999): 7-8; Roth, in Brockelmann and Klug, In Pharaos
Staat, p. 231. For detailed discussion of the libation offerers in this scene, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 3;
Section 3.1.2.
658
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 95, pi. 47, Scene 116; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten
Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 77; Spalinger, in Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 2, pp. 29-33, fig. 16.
For tranliteration, translation, and discussion of the hymn of the royal daughters in the Sed Festival reliefs
of Akhenaten, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7; Section 3.2.2.
659
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 61-64, pis. 20-22, Scenes 44-47; Smith and Redford,
Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pi. 77. A similar scene appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II
at Bubastis (Section 2.2.6, Scene 9).
660
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 163,pi. 106. For further discussion of the ritual combat
scenes in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten, see Section 6.3.

253
17 depicts the washing of the king's feet (Fig. 222).661 Scene 18 depicts the procession

of the royal chariot (Fig. 89).662 Finally, in Scene 19, the king appears as a seated

occupant of a hb-shapcd palanquin at the Upper and Lower Egyptian royal palanquin

sequences (Figs. 88-89).663

2.2.6. TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS: RELIEFS OF OSORKON II 664

The Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II originally appeared on the walls of a large

ceremonial gateway connecting the first hall and the second hall of the Temple of

Bubastis. Like several previously discussed Sed Festival relief programs, Osorkon II's

Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 141, pi. 88; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple
Project, Vol. 1, pi. 9.1.
662
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 43-44,47-48, 60-61, pi. 2-3, 19, Scenes 2,11, 42-43;
Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 1, pis. 12, 45.1, 58.
663
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 40-44,47-60,113-116, 120-129, 159-160, pis. 1-2,5-
19,61-63,67-77, 101-102, Scenes 1-2, 10-42, 154-156, 158-159; Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple
Project, Vol. 1, pis. 38, 41-42, 44, 46-49, 51-52, 58.
664
The primarily publication of the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II from the Temple of Bubastis are
Naville, The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II; Lange, Ritualepisoden: Das Sedfest-Tor Osorkons II. in Bubastis
(in preparation). For detailed discussion of the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis, see Habachi,
Tell Basta, pp. 59-70; Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 365-383; Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 25-42; Van Siclen, VA 1
(1991): 81-87; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 18-25; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996):
79-93; Kuraszkiewicz, GM153 (1996): 73-77; Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan Period in
Egypt, pp. 203-218. For further discussion, cf. also Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 79-88; Montet,
Revue de I'histoire des religions 68 (1952): 129-144; Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 91-123, especially
103-106; Uphill, JNES 26 (1967): 61 -62; Kaiser, in Aufsdtze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, pp.
102-103; Van Siclen JNES 32 (1973): 290-300; Vernus, BIFAO 75 (1975): 25-26; Wente, JNES 35 (1976):
278; Zivie, in Hommages a la memoire de Serge Sauneron, Vol. 1, pp. 487, 494-495; Kaiser, MDAIK 39
(1983): 269-270,292; Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 2nd ed., pp. 320-322; Gamer-
Wallert, Fische und Fischkulte im Alten Agypten, pp. 71-72; Sambin, L 'offrande de la soi-disant clepsydre,
pp. 14-15, 316-324; Von Beckerath, MDAIK 47 (1991): 29-33; Kessler, in Luft, ed., The Intellectual
Heritage of Egypt, pp. 343-349, 353; Decker, Sports and Games of Ancient Egypt, pp. 25, 33-34; Decker
and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im Alten Agypten, pp. 722-723, doc. R4.5; Sambin, BIFAO 95 (1995): 412;
Von Beckerath, GM 154 (1996): 19-22; Morfin, in Berger el-Naggar and Mathieu, eds., Etudes sur
I 'Ancien Empire et la necropole de Saqqdra dediees a Jean-Philippe Lauer, Vol. 2, pp. 315,319,325, fig.
2c; Galan, JNES 59 (2000): 255-264; Karkowski, EtTrav 19 (2001): 85-86; Eissa, MDAIK 58 (2002): 236-
238, fig. 16; Gozzoli, in Grimal and Baud, eds., Evenement, recit, histoire officielle, pp. 215-220; Espinel,
in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century, Vol. 2, p. 218, fig. 2; Gillam,
Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, pp. 87-88; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum Sedfest,
pp. 30, 34, 36,47, 49, 72-73, 76, 87, 92-94; Xekalaki, in Goyon and Cardin, eds., Proceedings of the Ninth
International Congress of Egyptologists, Vol. 2, p. 1964; Rummel, SAK 34 (2006): 382; Degreef, GM223
(2009): 27-34.

254
reliefs were divided into Upper and Lower Egyptian rites on the basis of the crown that

the king wore during the performance of each individual rite.665 The Upper Egytian rites

of Osorkon IPs Sed Festival probably originally appeared on the southern side of the

ceremonial gateway in the Temple of Bubastis; the Lower Egyptian rites probably

appeared on the northern side of the gateway.666

The opening scenes from the Sed Festival of Osorkon II appear on the front—i.e.,

the eastern side—of the gateway on Walls A and D; unlike the later scenes from Walls B,

C, E, and F, the king wears either the double-crown or the blue crown during the opening

sequence of the Sed Festival. Beginning at the bottom of Walls A and D, Scene 1 depicts

the bestowal of long life and the granting of numerous Sed Festivals to the king by the

various gods and goddesses of Egypt (Fig. 223).667 In Scene 2, Osorkon II presents the

A similar division of rites appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu
Gurob (Section 2.2.3), in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb (Section 2.2.4), and the Sed
Festival reliefs of Akhenaten at Karnak (Section 2.2.5).

The placement and sequence of the scenes proposed in the initial publication of the reliefs by Naville,
Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 28-31, has generally been accepted with only minor modifications. Most
disagreements have focused on the placement and sequence of the Lower Egyptian rites on Wall E and
Wall F in Naville, op. cit., pis. 30-31. For additional relief fragments discovered after the initial publication
of the reliefs, see Habachi, Tell Basta, p. 62, fig. 16; Kuraszkiewicz, GM153 (1996): 73-77, fig. 1. For
modified reconstructions of the placement and sequence of the scenes on the walls of the gateway, see
primarily Barta, SAK6 (1978): 25-42, pis. 1-4; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 81-87, figs. 3-4;
Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 79-93, figs. 5-8; Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan Period in
Egypt, pp. 203-218, figs. 4-18. According to the reconstruction of Barta, loc. cit, approximately 8% of the
decoration of Wall E has been preserved. Howevever, Van Siclen III, loc. cit., has suggested that much of
Wall E originally functioned as an undecorated "shadow of the door"; thus, according to Van Siclen III,
approximately 33% percent of the decoration of Wall E has been preserved. Lange, in Broekman, etal,
eds., op. cit., pp. 211-214, notes that the Sed Festival reliefs of Osorkon II bear similarities to the reliefs of
Amenhotep III and Niuserre: "in general, episodes on the southern wall are paralleled in the time of
Amenhotep III—represented by the sources Soleb and TT 192—while the episodes occurring on the
northern walls at Bubastis go back to one or more pattern books of the Old Kingdom as can be judged by
their parallels at Abu Gurob."

667
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 3.14-15, 17,28. The reliefs of Scene 1 appear on the base of
Wall A and Wall D; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK6 (1978): pi. 1; Van
Siclen III, VA 1 (1991): 84-85, figs. 3-4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 90, fig. 5; Lange, in Broekman,
etal, eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 204-205, fig. 4. For further discussion of this scene, see also
Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 370; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 18.

255
$>./-offering to the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet (Figs. 34,224).668 Scene 3 depicts the

first procession of the king to the tntS.t-platform (Fig. 225).669 In Scene 4—a scene that

may be related to the so-called lion-furniture sequence—four pairs of deities greet the

enthroned ruler in the "East," "West," "North," and "South" (Fig. 70).670 Scene 5 depicts

the second procession of the king to the tntB.t-platform (Fig. 226).671 In Scene 6,

Osorkon II is enthroned within a kiosk on the tnti-/-platform (Fig. 69).672 Scene 7

contains an elaborate representation of Hathoric music and dance rituals, the presentation

of libation offerings to the king, the group run, and the procession of the royal daughters

668
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 3.12-13, 16,28. Scene 2 appears directly above Scene 2 on
Wall A and Wall D; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): pi. 1; Van
Siclen III, VA 1 (1991): 84-85, figs. 3-4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996): 90, fig. 5; Lange, in Broekman,
eta/., eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 205-206,214, fig. 5. For further discussion of the scene, see
also Satnbin, L'offrande de lasoi-disant clepsydre, pp. 14-15, 316-324; Uphill, JNES24 (1965): 370;
Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 18.
669
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 2.10-13,28. Scene 3 appears above Scene 2 on Wall A; for the
reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 29, 35, pi. 1; Van Siclen III, VA 1
(1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 90, fig. 5; Lange, in Broekman, eta/., eds., The Libyan
Period in Egypt, pp. 205-206, 214, fig. 6. For further discussion of this scene, see Uphill, JNES 24 (1965):
370-371; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 19.
670
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 2.4-10, 28. Scene 4 appears above Scene 3 on Wall A; for the
reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 29, 35-36, pi. 1; Van Siclen III, VA 7
(1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 90, fig. 5; Lange, in Broekman, eta/., eds., The Libyan
Period in Egypt, pp. 206,214, fig. 7. For further discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 24 (1965):
371; Kaiser, in Aufsdtze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, pp. 102-103; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-
Festival at Karnak, p. 319. For further discussion of the lion-furniture sequence, see Section 5.2.1.
671
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 1.3-6, 28. Scene 5 appears above Scene 4 on Wall A; for the
reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK6 (1978): 29, 36-37, pi. 1; Van Siclen III, VA 7
(1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 90, fig. 5; Lange, in Broekman, eta/., eds., 77ze Libyan
Period in Egypt, pp. 207, 214. For further discussion of the scene, see also Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 371 -
372; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 19.
2
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 1.1-2, 1.5,28. Scene 6 appears above Scene 5 on Wall A; for
the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 29, 36-37, pi. 1; Van Siclen III, VA
7 (1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 88, 90, figs. 3, 5; Lange, in Broekman, eta/., eds., The
Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 207, 214, fig. 8. For further discussion of the scene, see also Uphill, JNES24
(1965): 372; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 19.

256
past the throne (Fig. 147). Scene 8 depicts the third procession of the king to the tnti.t-

platform (Fig. 227).674

In the Upper Egyptian rites that appear on the southern side of the gateway (on

Walls B and C), the king wears the white crown of Upper Egypt. The sequence of the

scenes once again moves from the bottom to the top of the wall; each of the scenes in the

Upper Egyptian sequence appears in a register that begins on Wall B and cconcludes on

Wall C. Scene 9 depicts the appearance of the king at the steps of a ceremonial kiosk

(Fig. 228). In Scene 10, Osorkon II anoints the Wepwawet standard inside of a

ceremonial shrine (Fig. 229) .676 Scene 11 depicts the ceremonial censing of a series of

673
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 14, 15, 25.6, 28; Kuraszkiewicz, GM153 (1996): 73-77, figs.
1-2. Scene 7 appears on Wall D opposite the royal processions and royal enthronement in Scenes 3-5; for
the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK6 (1978): 29, 35-36, pi. 1; Van Siclen III, VA
7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 90, fig. 5; Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan
Period in Egypt, pp. 206-207, 214, figs. 6-7. For further discussion of the scene, see also Uphill, JNES 24
(1965): 381-382; Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 19-20; Decker, Sports and Games of
Ancient Egypt, pp. 33-34; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im Alten Agypten, pp. 722-723, doc. R4.5.
For further discussion of the libation-bearers in this scene, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 3; Section 3.1.2. For
further discussion of the Hathoric music and dance sequence in this scene, see Section 2.1.1, Scene 4;
Section 3.1.2. For further discussion of the group run in this scene, see Section 4.3.1.
674
Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II, pis. 13.4, 28; Habachi, TellBasta, pp. 61-62, fig. 16. Scene8
appears above Scene 7 on Wall D; for the reconstruction and placement of the scene, see Barta, SAK6
(1978): 29, 37, pi. 1; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 89-90, figs. 4-
5. For further discussion of this scene, see also Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 19.
675
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 9.1-6. Scene 9 appears at the base of Wall B; for the
reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK6 (1978): 29, 37-38, pi. 2; Van Siclen III, VA 1
(1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 91, fig. 6. For further discussion of this scene, see
Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 376; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 23. A similar scene appears
in the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten in the Gempaaten Temple at Karnak; for discussion of this scene,
see Section 2.2.5, Scene 15.
676
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 9.11-13, 29. Scene 10 appears above Scene 9 on Wall B; for
the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK6 (1978): 29, 38, pi. 2; Van Siclen, VA 1
(1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996): 91, fig. 6; Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan
Period in Egypt, p. 207, fig. 9. For further discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 374;
Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 21. The anointing of the Wepwawet standard also occurs
in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre at Abu Gurob (Section 2.2.3, Scene 8); for detailed discussion of the
anointing of the Wepwawet standard, see Section 4.3.3.

257
standards and pillars by the king (Fig. 230). In Scene 12, the king presents offerings to

the deities of the Ennead, takes part in a purification ritual before the goddess Bastet, and

presents the £&>offering to an unknown deity (Fig. 231). Scene 13 depicts the

appearance of Osorkon II in the hall of eating (Fig. 30), the procession of the barque of

Amun (Fig. 232), and the performance of music rites and ritual prostration (Fig. 233).

Scene 14 depicts the procession of the royal palanquin (Fig. 90), the proclamation of a

decree of tax exemption for the Temple of Amun (Fig. 90), and the royal visit to the

shrine of the Heliopolitan Ennead.680

Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 9.7-10, 29. Scene 11 appears above Scene 10 on Wall B; for
the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 29, 38, pi. 2; Van Siclen III, VA 1
(1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996): 91, fig. 6; Lange, in Broekman, etal., eds., The Libyan
Period in Egypt, pp. 207,214, fig. 10. For further discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 24
(1965): 374-375; Zivie, in Hommages a la memoire de Serge Sauneron, Vol. 1, pp. 487, 494-495; Gohary,
Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 21; Kessler, in Luft, ed., The Intellectual Heritage of Egypt, pp.
343-349, 353; Morfin, in Berger el-Naggar and Mathieu, eds., Etudes sur I'Ancien Empire et la necropole
de Saqqdra dediees a Jean-Philippe Lauer, Vol. 2, pp. 315, 319, 325, fig. 2c. For detailed discussion of
this scene, see Section 5.3.3.
678
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. AbisA, 46/5.12-13, 7, 8,11.6,12, 13.1,29, 31. Scene 12
appears above Scene 11 on Wall B; at the western edge of Wall B, Scene 12 wraps around the corner of the
wall and continues on Wall C. For the reconstruction and placement of Scene 12, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978):
30, 39, pis. 2-3; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 91, 93, figs. 6, 8;
Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 208-209, 215, figs. 11-12. For further
discussion of this scene, see also Sambin, L 'offrande de la soi-disant clepsydre, pp. 14-15, 316-324; Uphill,
JNES 24 (1965): 375-377; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 21-23.
679
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 4.2-4, 5, 6.10-11, 11.4-6, 13.5, 29, 31. Scene 13 appears above
Scene 12 on Wall B and Wall C; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6
(1978): 30, 40, pis. 2-3; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996): 91, 93,
figs. 6, 8; Lange, in Broekman, etal., eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 209,215, fig. 13. For further
discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 24 (1965): 373-374; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at
Karnak, pp. 20, 22. For discussion of the rectangular rocks that appear on the far right of Wall C in Scene
13, see Espinel, in Hawass, ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century, Vol. 2, p. 218, fig. 2,
who suggests that these rectangular rocks are funerary stelae that mark the boundaries of the royal
necropolis.
680
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 4.1-2, 4Z>is.l4-15, 5.5, 6, 10, 13.5, 29, 31. Scene 14 appears
above Scene 13 on Wall B and Wall C; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6
(1978): 30,40-41, pis. 2-3; Van Siclen III, VA 1 (1991): 84, fig. 3; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 91, 93,
figs. 6, 8; Lange, in Broekman, etal., eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 209-211, 215, figs. 14-15. For
further discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, c 372-374; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak,
pp. 21, 23. For transliteration, translation, and discussion of the royal decree of tax exemption in this
scene, see infra, this section.

258
In the Lower Egyptian rites that appear on the northern side of the gateway (on

Wall E and Wall F), the king wears the red crown of Lower Egypt. The sequence of the

scenes once again moves from the bottom to the top of the wall; each of the scenes in the

Lower Egyptian sequence appears in a register that begins on Wall E and concludes on

Wall F. In the lower portion of Wall E and Wall F, the sequence of the Lower Egyptian

rites is difficult to reconstruct because the reliefs are very fragmentary. Scene 15 depicts

the royal procession and the northern procession of the divine barque (Fig. 234).681

Scene 16 depicts the first set of rituals of homage to the enthroned king (Fig. 72).682

Scene 17 depicts the royal procession to the throne and the enthronement of the king

(Fig. 71).683 In Scene 18, the king walks in procession (Fig. 235).684 Scene 19 depicts

the second set of rituals of homage to the enthroned king and the group run (Fig. 74).685

681
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 19.1-2, 25.1,25.5, 27.4. Scene 15 is the lowest reconstructable
scene on Wall E and Wall F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978):
30, 38-39, pi. 3-4; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4.
682
Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II, pis. 18.10-13, 19.5,20.5-6,24.10. Scene 16 appears above Scene
15 on Wall E and Wall F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK6 (1978): 30,
38-39, pis. 3-4; Van Siclen III, VA 1 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996): 92-93, figs. 7-8.
For further discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 26 (1967): 376-377; Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-
Festival at Karnak, pp. 23-24.
683
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 19.3-4, 20.3-4,20.6,24.9-10, 25.3 30, 31. Scene 17 appears
above Scene 16 on Wall E and Wall F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6
(1978): 30, 38-39, pis. 3-4; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM151 (1996): 92-93,
figs. 7-8. For further discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 26 (1967): 376-377; Gohary,
Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 23-24.
684
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon 11, pis. 23.7-8, 24.7, 24.9, 26.6, 30, 31. Scene 18 appears above Scene
17 on Wall E and Wall F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 30,
38-39, pis. 3-4; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 92-93, figs. 7-8;
Lange, in Broekman, etal, eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 210-211, figs. 16, 18. For further
discussion of this scene, see also Uphill, JNES 26 (1967): 377; Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at
Karnak, pp. 23-24.
685
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 18.9, 23.5-8, 25.4, 30, 31. Scene 19 appears above Scene 18
on Wall E and Wall F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 30,40-
41, pis. 3-4; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 15\ (1996): 92-93, figs. 7-8;
Lange, in Broekman, etal., eds., The Libyan Period in Egypt, pp. 210-211, fig. 16. For further discussion of
this scene, see Gohary, Akhenaten's Sed-Festival at Karnak, pp. 24-25.

259
Scene 20 depicts a procession of men carrying fish and birds (Fig. 140).686 Scene 21

depicts the third set of rituals of homage to the enthroned king (Fig. 73).687

The proclamation of a decree of tax exemption for the Temple of Amun in Scene

14 is an almost exact copy of a proclamation that apppears in the reliefs of the first Sed

Festival of Amenhotep III in the Temple of Soleb.688 The version in the Temple of

Bubastis is the better preserved of the two proclamations:689

hsb.t22ibd4 3h.t
hc m hw.t-ntr n Imn ntiy) m hw.t hb-sd
htp hr spi
Ssp hw ti.wy i[n] nsw.t
n hw.t hnr.t pr-Jmn
hrf hw.t hm.wt nb(.t) n(w) niw.t=f
nty(.w) m hm.wt dr hlw it.w
iw=sn m hm.wt m pr nb
htriyv) hr bik-sn hr rnp.t
ist hm=f hr hhy sp c3 n Ihw n it=flmn-Rr
hft sr=f hb-sd tpy n s3=f
htp hr ns.t=f
sr—fn=fcSS.twr{.t) mW3s.t
nb.t pd.t psd.t
686
Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon II, pis. 18.7-9, 22, 30, 31. Scene 20 appears above Scene 19 on Wall
E and Wall F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 30, 40-41, pis.
3-4; Van Siclen III, VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 92-93, figs. 7-8. For
discussion of this scene, see Montet, Revue de I'histoire des religions 68 (1952): 129-144; Gamer-Wallert,
Fische undFischkulte im Alten Agypten, pp. 71-72; Gohary, Akhenaten'sSed-Festivalat Karnak, p. 25;
Karkowski, EtTrav 19 (2001): 85-86. For further discussion of this scene, see also Section 2.2.2, Text 1.
Haeny, Untersuchungen im Totentempel Amenophis' III, pi. 40, block 67, has reconstructed a similar scene
in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III from his mortuary temple in Western Thebes; for further
discussion of this scene, see also Karkowski, op. cit, p. 86, footnote 8.
687
Naville, Festival-Hall ofOsorkon //, pis. 21, 31. Scene 21 appears above Scene 20 on Wall E and Wall
F; for the reconstruction and placement of this scene, see Barta, SAK 6 (1978): 30,42, pi. 3; Van Siclen III,
VA 7 (1991): 85, fig. 4; Kuraszkiewicz, GM 151 (1996): 93, fig. 8. For further discussion of this scene, see
Uphill, JNES 26 (1967): 380; Gohary, Akhenaten 's Sed-Festival at Karnak, p. 25.
688
For the decree of Amenhotep III in the Temple of Soleb, see Section 2.2.4, Register 1. For discussion of
the text of these two nearly identical proclamations, see primarily Uphill, JNES26 (1967): 61-62; Van
Siclen III, JNES 32 (1973): 290-300; Vernus, BIFAO 75 (1975): 25-26; Wente, JNES 35 (1976): 278;
Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 2nd ed., pp. 320-322; von Beckerath, MDAIK41 (1991):
29-33; von Beckerath, GM 154 (1996): 19-22; Galan, JNES 59 (2000): 255-264; Gozzoli, in Grimal and
Baud, eds., Evenement, recit, histoire officielle, pp. 215-220; Hornung and Staehelin, Neue Studien zum
Sedfest, pp. 34. 36.
689
Variants from the version of the proclamation in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb
appear in the footnotes to the translation of the text.

260
dd.hr nsw.t m-bih it=f'Imn
iw hw.n(=i) Wls.t hr k?.t=s hr wsh=s
swrb.ti di.ti n nb=s
nn dl(.tw) tS r=s in rwd.w nw pr-nsw.t
hw(.w) rmt.w-s nhh
hr rn wr n ntr nfr

"Year 22, fourth month of Akhet:690


Appearing in the Temple of Amun, which is in the temple of the Sed Festival;
Resting upon the palanquin;691
Commencing the exemption of the two lands b[y] the king;
and the exemption of the musical troupe of the House of Amun,692
and the exemption of all the women of his city (i.e., Thebes),
who have been servants since the time of the forefathers.
They are servants in every house,693
who are taxed through their work annually.
Meanwhile, his majesty is seeking a great event of glory for his father Amun-Re,
when he announces the first Sed Festival for his son,
who rests upon his throne;
and he announces a great multitude for him in Thebes,
the lady of the Nine Bows.
Then the king speaks in the presence of his father Amun:694
'I have exempted Thebes in its length and in its width,
so that it has been purified and given to its lord.
The land will not be bothered by agents of the royal palace.
Its people have been exempted forever
in the great name of the junior god."'

690
The date of Amenhotep Ill's version of the decree is: hsb.tSO Ibd 2 Smw sw 1, "Year 30, second month
of Shomu, day one." The date of Osorkon It's decree ("Year 22") does not correspond to the date of
Amenhotep Ill's decree ("Year 30"); this discrepancy could possibly be the result of a mistake by Osorkon
II's scribe or a mistake by the modern copyist of the inscription. Several scholars have contended that the
date of Osorkon IPs decree should be emended to "Year 30"; for this suggestion, see references collected
in Section 1.1.4, footnote 126.
691
Amenhotep Ill's version of the decree uses the word wts.t (Wb., 1, 384.7-10) rather than spl (Wb. 3,
441.7-9) for "palanquin."

Amenhotep Ill's version of the decree reads: hw.t hnr[.t] Smry.t n(w) pr-'Imn, "(and) the exemption of
the musical troupe and the singers of the House of Amun." For detailed discussion of the hnr as a Hathoric
college of musicians and dancers, rather than a harim of sexual consorts of the king, see primarily Nord, in
Simpson and Davis, eds., Essays in Honor ofDows Dunham, pp. 137-145; Bryan, BES 4 (1982): 35-54;
Ward, Essays on Feminine Titles, pp. 69-80, 150-153; Roth, JEA 78 (1992): 140-144; Callendar, BACE 5
(1994): 7-25; Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom, p. 26; Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the
Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, pp. 20-23.
693
Amenhotep Ill's version of the decree reads: iw=sn mpr nb, "They are in every house."
694
In Amenhotep Ill's version of the decree, Amun bears the epithet nb ns.wt ti.wy, "lord of the thrones of
the two lands."

261
The text of this decree exempts the female musicians of the House of Amun from the

burden of corvee labor, so that these women may dedicate themselves fully to the work of

the temple.695 The bestowing of this exemption may have also been intended to reward

the female musicians for their participation in the rites of the king's Sed Festival.696

695
For a similar conclusion, see Galan, JNES, 59 (2000): 256.
696
For detailed discussion of the performance of music and dance rituals by women at the celebration of the
Sed Festival, see Chapter 3.

262
CHAPTER 3: Music AND DANCE: HATHORIC RITUALS OF RENEWAL

3.0. INTRODUCTION

A remarkable series of scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in

the tomb of Kheruef depicts the performance of elaborate music and dance rituals during

the celebration of the king's first and third Sed Festival (Figs. 148, 161, 187-188).1 The

primary purpose of the ritual performances of music and dance at Amenhotep Ill's Sed

Festivals—as suggested by the lyrics to the hymns that accompany these performances—

is to invoke Hathor and to effect the regeneration and rejuvenation of the Egyptian ruler

as a divine manifestation of the solar creator god. Both men and women participate in

the performance of music and dance rituals in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III in

the tomb of Kheruef; however, the participation of women in these rites is particularly

notable since women do not otherwise typically play an active role in the performance of

rituals at the celebration of the Sed Festival. Female participants in these ritual

performances of music and dance in the tomb of Kheruef notably include both royal

women (Figs. 161,187) and non-royal women (Figs. 148,188c).2

The reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first and third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef

are undoubtedly the most elaborate and complete depiction of ritual music and dance at

the celebration of the Sed Festival that has survived to the present day; however, several

1
For detailed discussion of the depictions of music and dance rituals in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's first
and third Sed Festivals in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pis. 34, 36, 38, 40,
44-45, 57, 59, 61, 63), see Section 2.1.1, Scene 4; Section 2.1.1, Scene 4, Section 2.1.2, Scene 4; Section
3.1; Section 3.2.2.
2
For detailed discussion of the depictions of royal women performing musical rites in the reliefs of
Amenhotep Ill's first and third Sed Festivals in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef,
pis. 44-45, 57), see Section 2.1.1, Scene 7; Section 2.1.2, Scene 4a; Section 3.2.2. For detailed discussion
of the depictions of non-royal women performing music and dance rituals in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's
first and third Sed Festivals in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, op. cit., pis. 34, 36, 38,40, 59), see
Section 2.1.1, Scene 4; Section 2.1.2, Scene 4b; Section 3.1.1.

263
of the music and dance performances by non-royal women in the reliefs from the tomb of

Kheruf are closely paralleled in the Sed Festival reliefs of Amenhotep III at Soleb (Fig.

209), the Sed Festival reliefs of Akhenaten (Fig. 145), and Osorkon II (Fig. 147).3 These

Sed Festival scenes involving the performance of dance rituals by a group of non-royal

women have a long history that dates back to the Predynastic and Protodynastic periods;

in examples of ritual dancing in the depictions of the Sed Festival on the Gebelein Linen

(Figs. 52b-c), the painted tableau of Tomb 100 (Figs. 131d-e), and the Scorpion

Macehead (Fig. 21), groups of presumably non-royal women perform ritual dances

within the larger context of hunting rituals, butchery rituals, nautical processions, military

victory processions, foundation rites, and the palanquin procession of the royal women.4

As part of the celebration of the Sed Festival in the reigns of Amenhotep III,

Akhenaten, and Osorkon II, the daughters of the king play Hathoric instruments and sing

hymns in the presence of the royal couple (Section 3.2.2). In several of the hymns, the

royal daughters praise the king as a divine manifestation of the solar deity; in this regard,

the hymns of the royal daughters likely allude to the transfer of creative energy to the

king during the performance of the hieros gamos—a mysterious rite in which the king,

after transforming into the solar creator god, enters into a sexual union with his divine

consort, who appears in the person of the queen. Perhaps for reasons of decorum, the

reliefs of the Sed Festival never actually depict the actual performance of the hieros
3
For detailed discussion of the depictions of music and dance rituals in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Amenhotep III in the Temple of Soleb (Giorgini, Soleb, Vol. 5, pis. 120-121), in the Sed Festival reliefs of
Akhenaten in the Gempaaten (Traunecker, BSFE 107 (1986): 23-28, figs. 3-4), and in the Sed Festival
reliefs of Osorkon II atBubastis (Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 14-15), see Section 2.1.1, Scene
4; Section 3.1.
4
For detailed discussion of the depictions of ritual dancing on the Gebelein Linen (Scamuzzi, Egyptian Art
in the Egyptian Museum of Turin, pis. 1-2), the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Quibell and
Green, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, pis. 76-77), and the Scorpion Macehead (Millet, JARCE 28 (1991): 225, fig.
2), see Section 3.1.

264
gamos. When not directly involved in the performance of musical rites, the royal

daughters and the queen most often appear as seated occupants of palanquins during the

celebration of the Sed Festival (Section 3.2.1).

3.1. HATHORIC DANCES OF REGENERATION AND RENEWAL

3.1.0. INTRODUCTION

Two important variants of Hathoric dancing can be identified in relevant sources

for the Sed Festival. In one variant, women raise their arms over their head in a form of

dance that mimics birds in the act of flapping their wings; as evidence of the antiquity of

this so-called "bird-dance," depictions of women performing this dance appear in

Predynastic representations of the Sed Festival on the Gebelein Linen and the painted

tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Section 3.1.1). A close examination of

Predynastic and dynastic examples of this dance in Sed Festival and non-Sed Festival

contexts suggests that the dance celebrates the proper functioning of the solar cycle

during the performance of nautical processions and the defeat of enemies during the

performance of hunting rituals, butchery rituals, and military victory rituals. Another

variant of Hathoric dancing that appears in representations of the Sed Festival as early as

the Protodynastic Period is a choreographed dance in which longhaired women toss their

hair and contort their bodies in unusual, acrobatic poses (Section 3.1.2). This particular

dance, which is typically accompanied by the performance of a purifying libation ritual,

appears to emphasize the regenerating aspects of the nocturnal journey of the solar deity.

Of particular importance for both of these variants of Hathoric dancing is their

connection to the goddess Hathor in her role as the goddess of solar eye. During her

winter sojourn to regions far to the southeast of Egypt, and during her return to Egypt

265
leading up to the celebration of the New Year Festival, the wandering goddess of the

solar eye encounters several foreign peoples who perform dances or other rituals in order

to placate or entertain the goddess (Section 3.1.3). Representatives of these foreign

peoples who perform dances and related rituals for Hathor during the celebration of the

Sed Festival include women from the oases and daughters of Mntyw-Libyan chiefs

(Section 3.1.3.1); stick-wielding Nubians (Section 3.1.3.2); Jwn.ty.w-nomads (Section

3.1.3.3); and bearded Puntites and lion-masked Bes figures (Section 3.1.3.4).

3.1.1. DANCING WITH RAISED ARMS: THE BIRD-DANCE & THE HUNT

3.1.1.1. WOMEN OF THE OASIS & THE DANCE TROUPE OF THE ACACIA HOUSE

In the reliefs of the third Sed Festival of Amenhotep III in the tomb of Kheruef,

four women clad in caps, long kilts, broad collars, and leather straps raise their arms

above their heads while performing an elaborate dance at the ceremonial Raising of the

Djed Pillar; eight additional women clad in long formfitting robes keep time for these

dancers by clapping their hands and striking tambourines (Fig. 188c).5 According to the

hieroglyphic text labelling the dancers in this scene, they are "women who were brought

from the oasis for the Raising of the Djed Pillar" (hmw.t inn.w hr whl.t r srhc dd). The
5
For detailed discussion of the dancing women and female musicians in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's
third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraph ic Survey, Tomb of Kheruef, pi. 59), see Section 2.1.2,
Scene 4b. For further discussion of the dancing women in this scene, see also Brunner-Traut, Der Tcmz im
alten Agypten, p. 52; Wild, in Les danses sacrees, pp. 47-48; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 454-457;
Mikhail, GMS3 (1984): 57; Anderson, in Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. 4, pp.
2566-2567; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im alten Agypten, pp. 802-803, cat. no. S 3.97, with
references; Teeter, in Teeter and Johnson, eds., Life of Meresamun, pp. 28,42, fig. 33. For general
discussion of the commonly attested ancient Egyptian form of dance involving the raising of the arms
above the head, see primarily Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom,
pp. 9, 54-72, with references. For further disucussion of this dance pose, see also Lexova, Ancient
Egyptian Dances, pp. 21, 36-37, 52; Brunner-Traut, op. cit, pp. 11-12, 14-22, 37-39, 59-61, 68-69;
Settgast, Untersuchungen zu altagyptischen Bestattungsdarstellungen, pp. 21-37, 75-88; Wild, op. cit., p.
40-41, 86-91; Brunner-Traut, RdE 27 (1975): 53; Battels, Formen altagyptischer Kulte, pp. 138-144;
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebdrden in Darstellungen des Alten undMittleren Reiches, pp. 58-61,65-72;
Monnet-Saleh, in Cohen, ed., International Encyclopedia of Dance, Vol. 2, pp. 481-486; Kinney, in
Donovan and McCorquodale, eds., Egyptian Art: Principles and Themes in Wall Scenes, pp. 191-206;
Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn of Agriculture, pp. 233-267.

266
clothing worn by these dancers—particularly the leather straps on their chests—is a

distinctive style of dress that is typically worn by Libyans (Fig. 236) or by female female

members of a Hathoric college of dancers and musicians known as the hnr (Figs. 181,

237-243).6

The placement of these female dancers and musicians directly above a scene

depicting the ritual slaughter of a bull in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival

(Fig. 174) suggests that these women's performance may be symbolically linked to

butchery rituals and the preparation of meat offerings.7 In this regard, the female dancers

and musicians who perform at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival may very well be

members of the "dance troupe of the Acacia House" {hnr n Snd.t)—a group of women

that often appears in scenes depicting the ritual slaughter of a bull and the preparation of

meat offerings for the private mortuary cult. In several reliefs from private tombs of the

6
For discussion of leather straps as a component of Libyan garb, see references collected in Section 2.1.1,
Scene 4, footnote 160. For images of Libyans wearing leather straps on their chests, see, e g., Borchardt,
Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Sahu-re, Vol. 2, pis. 1,5. For detailed discussion of these Libyans who
appear in the reliefs of the mortuary temple of Sahure, see Spalinger, JSSEA 9 (1979): 128, 132-136;
Stockfisch, in Schade-Busch, ed., Wege offnen, pp. 315-325; Baines, in Gundlach, ed., Selbstverstandnis
und Realitat, p. 145; Cwiek, Relief Decoration in the Royal Funerary Complexes, pp. 209-210; Herb,
Nikephoros 18 (2005): 21-37; Hope, in Hawass and Richards, eds., The Archaeology and Art of Ancient
Egypt, Vol. 1, pp. 401-402. For depictions of female dancers of the hnr wearing leather straps on their
chests in reliefs from the Old Kingdom, see, eg., Hawass and Verner, MDAIK52 (1996): 183, fig. lb, pi.
55a; Hawass, Secrets from the Sands, pp. 61-62; Cwiek, op. cit, p. 238; Borchardt, op. cit., Vol. 2, pi. 54;
Edel, Das Akazienhaus und seine Rolle in den Begrabnisriten, fig. 4; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport
im alten Agypten, cat. nos. S 3.9, S 3.17, S 3.31, S 3.39, S 3.61. For general discussion of representations
of dancing women in Old Kingdom private tombs, see Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im alten Agypten, pp. 13-
36; Wild, Les danses sacrees, pp. 86-91; Van Lepp, BSAK 3 (1988): 385-394; Bartels, Formen
altagyptischer Kulte, pp. 140-144; Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old
Kingdom. For detailed discussion of the hnr as a Hathoric college of musicians and dancers, rather than a
harim of sexual consorts of the king, see references collected in Section 2.2.6, footnote 692.
7
For detailed discussion of the depiction of the ritual slaughter of a bull in the reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's
third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef (Epigraphic Survey, Tomb ofKheruef, pi. 59), see Section 2.1.2,
Scene 2a.
8
For detailed discussion of the "dance troupe of the Acacia House" (hnr n Snd.i) and its association with
the ritual slaughter of cattle for the private mortuary cult, see references collected in Section 2.1.2, Scene
2a, footnote 348.

267
Old Kingdom (Figs. 179-181), the dancing women of the Acacia House raise their arms

above their heads in a fashion similar to the dancing women in the reliefs of Amenhotep

Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef;9 in at least one relief from the Old

Kingdom (Fig. 181), the dancing women of the Acacia House wear leather straps on their

chests during their performance.10 In addition to its function as an abbatoir of the private

mortuary cult, the Acacia House was also a sanctuary of the goddess Sakhmet; thus, the

butchered meats from the Acacia house served as a form of nourishment for the deceased

and also as an appeasement offering for the violent goddess Sakhmet.''

The dancing women who perform at the celebration of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed

Festival are not directly identified as members of the "dance troupe of the Acacia

House"; however, allusions to the Acacia House in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre

and Osorkon II suggest that the members of the hnr n Snd.t may have taken part—at least
19

occasionally—in the ritual performances of the Sed Festival. In a scene from the Sed

Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar temple at Abu Gurob (Fig. 176), a man who

participates in the ritual slaughter of a sacrificial bull is identified as a "butcher of the

9
For Old Kingdom reliefs in which the dancing women of the Acacia House raise their arms above their
heads, see Edel, Das Akazienhaus undseine Rolle in den Begrdbnisriten, figs. 1, 3-4; Kinney, Dance,
Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, pp. 197,203,261.
10
For a relief from the tomb of Pth-htp in which the dancing of the Acacia House wear straps on their
chests, see Edel, Das Akazienhaus und seine Rolle in den Begrdbnisriten, fig. 4; Kinney, Dance, Dancers
and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, p. 197.
11
For discussion of this dual function of the Acacia House and the meat offerings that were produced there,
see references collected in Section 2.1.2, Scene 2a, footnote 349.
12
For a similar conclusion regarding the possible involvement of the staff of the Acacia House in the
celebration of the Sed Festival, see Hendrickx, etal., in Riemer, etal., eds., Desert Animals in the Eastern
Sahara, p. 214.

268
Acacia (House)" (imnh Snd.t). Additionally, in two scenes from the Sed Festival reliefs

of Osorkon II at Bubastis (Figs. 34, 147a), one or more dwarfs bear the title nm Snd.t

("dwarf of the Acacia House") or nm Snd.t shm(.t) ("dwarf of the Acacia House of the

powerful one (i.e., Sakhmet)").14 The first word of this title is a homophone of the word

nm, "abattoir" (Wb. 2, 264.1-9); thus, the title itself may possibly allude to the butchery

rituals of the Acacia House.

The symbolic significance of the ritual dance of the women of "the oasis" (who

perform during the ritual slaughter of a bull at Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Fesitval) is

most likely similar to the symbolic significance of the ritual dance of the "dance troupe of

the Acacia House" (which performs during the ritual slaughter of a bull in the Old

Kingdom private mortuary cult). In both cases, the dance involving the raising of the

arms probably placates the angry goddess Sakhmet and redirects her potentially

destructive energy towards something positive—namely, the punishment and destruction

of inimical creatures (i.e., desert game animals) and the nourishment of the deceased

invidual and the Djed Pillar during a critical phase of regeneration.15

3.1.1.2. DANCING WOMEN & THE OSTRICH-DANCE

The depiction of the ritual dance performance of the women of "the oasis" in the

reliefs of Amenhotep Ill's third Sed Festival in the tomb of Kheruef is unique among

representations of the Sed Festival from the dynastic period; however, two of the earliest

13
For discussion the title of the butcher who appears in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre at Abu Gurob
(Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, no. 361), see references collected in Section
2.1.2, Scene 2a, footnotes 342-343.
14
Naville, Festival-Hall of Osorkon II, pis. 14, 16.
15
For detailed discussion of this dual significance of butchery rites at the celebration of the Sed Festival,
see Section 2.1.2, Scene 2; Section 5.3.

269
detailed representations of the Sed Festival from the Predynastic Period—the Gebelein

Linen (Fig. 52b) and the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Fig. 131d)—

include depictions of a group of women raising up their arms during the performance of a

dance ritual.16 In the context of these Predynastic representations of the Sed Festival, this

dance pose occurs as part of a grand ritual celebration that includes a nautical procession,

military victory rituals, and hunting rituals. A review of other Predynastic

representations this dance suggests that dancing with raised arms, in fact, almost always

occurs in one of theese three contexts—i.e., at nautical processions, hunting rituals, or

military victory rituals. In most cases, women are the performers of this particular dance

during the Predynastic Period; however, in several Predynastic scenes, men also lift up

their arms in a similar pose as part of a celebratory dance or gesture.

According to a commonly accepted theory regarding the symbolic significance of

dancing with raised arms, the pose of the dancer mimics the general shape of a cow's

head and horns; in this regard, people—especially women—who perform this dance are

thought to evoke the image of the bovine form of the celestial goddess Bat/Hathor, which

appears, for example on the Narmer Palette (Fig. 39), the Gerzeh Palette (Fig. 244), a

seal impression from Tomb U-210 at Abydos (Fig. 245), and a stone vessel from

Hierakonpolis (Fig. 246).17 Despite the widespread acceptance of the bovine

For detailed discussion of the dancing women who appear on the Gebelein Linen and the painted tableau
of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis, see infra, this section.
17
For discussion of this dance as an evocation of the head and horns of the bovine celestial goddess, see,
e.g., Murray, JEA 42 (1956): 92; Baumgartel, Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt, Vol. 1, p. 81; Baumgartel,
Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 144-146; Manniche, Music and Musicians in Ancient Egypt, p.
34; Williams, Decorated Pottery and the Art of Naqada III, p. 51, footnote 194; Hassan, in Friedman and
Adams, eds., Followers ofHorus: Studies Dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman, p. 315; Hassan, in
Goodison and Morris, eds., Ancient Goddesses: The Myths and the Evidence, p. 106; Wengrow, CAJ11
(2001): 98, 100, endnote 11; Hendrickx, in Hassan, ed., Droughts, Food and Culture, pp. 277, 283-288;
Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn of Agriculture, pp. 233-235, with references; Hendrickx, etal., in Riemer,
etal., eds., Desert Animals in the Eastern Sahara, p. 215; Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the Performance

270
interpretation of this dance pose, a review of the various Predynastic contexts in which

women and men perform this dance suggests that the raising of the arms above the head

is not intended to mimic the shape of a cow's head and horns, but rather to mimic the

movements of an ostrich flapping its wings.18 Perhaps the strongest evidence to connect

this dance pose to the movements of ostriches is the depiction of a masked man

performing a variant of this dance directly behind a row of three ostriches on the

Manchester Palette (Fig. 247).19 A similar scene in which a dancing man follows closely

behind a walking ostrich appears in a Predynastic rock inscription from Site 18. M 154a

in the Wadi Gash (Fig. 248).20 New Kingdom sources connect the movements of

ostriches to the rising sun and to the appearance of the Egyptian ruler as a divine

manifestation of the solar deity.21 A close review of the Predynastic iconographic

contexts in which ostriches and ostrich-dancing appear strongly suggests that the ostrich

Cohort in the Old Kingdom, p. 9, with references. For discussion of the archaic Egyptian iconography of
the bovine celestial goddess Bat/Hathor on the Narmer Palette (Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a
Civilization, 1st ed., p. 42, fig. 12), on the Gerzeh Palette (Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, p. 444, fig. 297), on a
seal impression from Tomb U-210 at Abydos (Hartung, MDAIK 54 (1998): 201, no. 22), and on an Early
Dynastic stone vessel from Hierakonpolis (Burgess and Arkell, JEA 44 (1958): 6-11), see Hendrickx, in
Hassan, ed., op. cit, pp. 288,298, 310, Appendix H, with references; Radwan, in Czerny, eta/., eds.,
Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, Vol. 1, pp. 275-276, fig. 1.
18
For the interpretation of the movements of the dancing women in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at
Hierakonpolis as a mimicking of birds, see Case and Crowfoot-Payne, JEA 48 (1962): 15, footnote 5; Avi-
Yonah, in Groll, ed., Papers for Discussion Presented by the Department of Egyptology, Jerusalem, The
Hebrew University, Vol. 2, p. 21.
19
For discussion of the dancing masked man and the ostriches on the so-called Manchester Palette
(Manchester Museum 5476), see primarily Cialowicz, Lespalettes egyptiennes aux motifs zoomorphes et
sans decoration, pp. 42-43, fig. 10, with references; Cialowicz, La naissance d'un royaume, pp. 191-192,
fig. 31, with references; Hendrickx, CCdE 1 (2000): 25; Morenz, Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte 5 (2003):
217-218, 221, fig. 3.
20
For discussion of the dancing man and ostrich in the Predynastic rock inscription from Site 18. M 154a in
the Wadi Gash, see Winkler, Rock-Drawings of Southern Upper Egypt, Vol. 1, pp. 25, 40, pi. 15.2
21
For discussion of ostriches dancing in honor of the solar deity and the king, see primarily Dautheville,
BIFAO 20 (1922): 225-229; Kuentz, B1FAO 23 (1924): 85-88; Darnell, SAK22 (1995): 71, footnote 71;
Darnell, JARCE 36 (1999): 28, footnote 90; Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian
Unity, pp. 480-481, footnote 133.

271
was an elite symbol associated with nautical processions, ritual hunting, military victory

rituals, and solar theology during this period.22

Interspersed among the representations of a royal nautical procession (Figs. 52f-

h), a military victory ritual (Fig. 52f), and a hippopotamus hunt (Figs. 52d-e) on the

Gebelein Linen (c. Naqada IC-IIA) are at least three rows of people performing an

elaborate dance ritual (Figs. 52b-c).23 Due to the fragmentary state of preservation of the

painted linen, the gender of most of the dancers in this scene is uncertain; however, the

three dancers who wear floor-length black kilts that obscure their feet are almost certainly

women.24 The other dancers—several of whom are clearly peforming a dance in which

they raise their arms above their heads—could conceivably be either men or women;

however, in the parallel dancing scene from the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at

Hierakonpolis (Fig. 131d), the ritual performers are clearly women. Several of the

dancers appear to be standing in a row and holding hands with the dancers who are

For discussion of the symbolism of ostriches in Predynastic iconography, see primarily Hendrickx, CCdE
1 (2000): 21-52, with references; Wilkinson, Genesis of the Pharaohs, pp. 142-145, figs. 45, 49; Graff, Les
peintures sur vases de Nagada I—Nagada II, pp. 38, 164, Designation Ao2, with references. For detailed
discussion of the ostrich's connection to nautical processions, ritual hunting, military victory rituals, and
solar theology in the Predynastic Period, see infra, this section.
23
For the discussion of the dancing women in the depiction of the Sed Festival on the Gebelein Linen, see
primarily Galassi, Rivista dell'Istituto Nazionale d'Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte, Nova Series 4 (1955): 6-
9, 12-13, figs. 1-4, 7-9; Scamuzzi, Egyptian Art in the Egyptian Museum of Turin, pis. 1-2; Williams and
Logan, JNES 46 (1987): 256; Donadoni Roveri, in Robins, ed., Beyond the Pyramids: Egyptian Regional
Art from the Museo Egizio, Turin, p. 25; Adams and Cialowicz, Protodynastic Egypt, pp. 36-37, fig. 23;
Cialowicz, Folia Orientalia 33 (1997): 39-48, fig. 1; Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, p. 33; Garfinkel,
Dancing at the Dawn ofAgriculture, pp. 265-267, figs. 11.25, 11.26a; Cialowicz, La naissance d'un
royaume, pp. 155-157, fig. 17; Wengrow, The Archaeology of Early Egypt, p. 109; Hendrickx, etal., in
Riemer, etal., eds., Desert Animals in the Eastern Sahara, pp. 212-219. For discussion of the royal nautical
procession on the Gebelein Linen, see Section 7.1.1; Section 7.4.3. For discussion of the military victory
ritual on the Gebelein Linen, see Section 6.1.2; Section 7.3. For discussion of the hippopotamus hunt on
the Gebelein Linen, see Section 5.1; Section 7.2.
24
According to the following authors, the larger dancing figures (clad in black kilts) are women and the
smaller dancing figures (possibly clad in white belts) are men: Scamuzzi, Egyptian Art in the Egyptian
Museum of Turin, pis. 1-2; Cialowicz, Folia Orientalia 33 (1997): 42; Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn of
Agriculture, pp. 265-267.

272
positioned directly to their left and right; the dancer on the far left of this row carries an

obscure, poorly preserved object in his/her right hand. A close parallel to this row of

dancers appears in decorative scenes on three other Predynastic ceremonial objects: a

golden knife handle from Gebelein (Fig. 249),25 a bird-shaped D-Ware vessel in a private

collection in Switzerland (Fig. 250),26 and a D-Ware vessel in the Ashmolean Museum

(Fig. 251).27 In all three of these scenes, the dancers who hold hands in a row are women

clad in long kilts; thus, the dancers in the parallel scene on the Gebelein Linen are most

likely women as well. The obscure object that the leftmost dancer in each of these scenes

carries is most likely a fan made of ostrich feathers; thus, the dance performance of this

row of women is very likely intended to mimic the movements of ostriches.

The dance movements of the row of women who raise their arms above their

heads on the Gebelein Linen are similar to the dance poses of three women who extend

their arms outward with their hands pointed straight up in a complex royal scene in the

painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (Fig. 131d).29 Each of the dancing women

25
Cairo JdE 34210, CG 64868; see Quibell, ASAE 2 (1901): 131-132; Aksamit, in Krzyzaniak and
Kobusiewicz, eds., Late Prehistory of the Nile Basin and the Sahara, pp. 325-332, with references.
26
Formerly of the MacGregor Collection (no. 1756); see Aksamit, in Krzyzaniak and Kobusiewicz, eds.,
Late Prehistory of the Nile Basin and the Sahara, p. 327, fig. 3; Hendrickx, CCdE 214 (2002): 39, no. 34;
Graff, Lespeintures sur vases de Nagada I—Nagada II, p. 381, cat. no. 564, with references.
27
Ashmolean Museum 1958.345; see Aksamit, in Krzyzaniak and Kobusiewicz, eds., Late Prehistory of
the Nile Basin and the Sahara, p. 327; Hendrickx, CCdE 3/4 (2002): 43, no. 53; Garfinkel, Dancing at the
Dawn of Agriculture, p. 256, fig. 11.17; Graff, Les peintures sur vases de Nagada I—Nagada II, p. 297,
cat. no. 311, with references.
28
Aksamit, in Krzyzaniak and Kobusiewicz, eds., Late Prehistory of the Nile Basin and the Sahara, pp.
325-332, similarly concludes that this obscure object is probably a fan.
29
For discussion of the dancing women in the depiction of the Sed Festival in the painted tableau of Tomb
100 at Hierakonpolis, see primarily Quibell and Green, Hierakonpolis, Vol. 2, pis. 75-76; Kantor, JNES 3
(1944): 117, fig. 7a; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 563, 569, fig. 375; Case and Crowfoot-Payne, JEA 48
(1962): 14-15, fig. 5.13, pi. lb; Ridley, The Unification of Egypt, pp. 22-24, pi. 7; Avi-Yonah, in Groll, ed.,
Papers for Discussion Presented by the Department of Egyptology, Jerusalem, The Hebrew School, Vol. 2,
pp. 8-10, 18-27; Williams and Logan, JA^S 46 (1987): 255, 277, fig. ll;Helck, Untersuchungenzur
Thinitenzeit, pp. 87-88; Gautier, Archeo-Nil 3 (1993): 39,44, fig. 5; Adams and Cialowicz, Protodynastic

273
in the Sed Festival tableau from Tomb 100 wears a long—possibly diaphanous—ankle-

length white kilt that is outlined in red. Three similarly outfitted women who perform a

musical rite involving the use of clappers in another portion of the tableau (Fig. 131e) are

most likely members of the same ritual performance group—or possibly even the very

same women who perform the ritual dance in this tableau. The main iconographic

motifs that appear in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis are hunting rituals

(Figs. 131b-c, 131g), a butchery ritual (Fig. 131c), a military victory ritual (Figs. 131c),

ritual hand-to-hand combat (Fig. 131e), a royal nautical procession (Fig. 131a), and the

Konigslauf (Fig. 131d).31 The dancing women appear to be most closely linked to the

performance of an intriguing variant of the Konigslauf m which the Egyptian ruler runs

near—or perhaps around—a docked boat from which he disembarks for the performance

of this ritual run. The dance performance of these women probably celebrates the vigor

and physical strength that the Egyptian ruler exhibits during the performance of the

Konigslauf; however, since these women's dance takes place in close proximity to a

Egypt, pp. 37-39, fig. 24d; Cialowicz, in Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of
Egyptologists, pp. 273,275, 278, fig. 1; Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn ofAgriculture, p. 267, fig. 11.27c;
Kinney, in Donovan and McCorquodale, eds., Egyptian Art: Principles and Themes in Wall Scenes, pp.
191, 200, fig. 17.1; Cialowicz, La naissance d' un royaume, pp. 158-161, fig. 18.1; Hendrickx, etal., in
Riemer, etal., eds., Desert Animals in the Eastern Sahara, pp. 212-219. The dance pose of these women
has occasionally been tentatively linked to the movements of birds; see references collected supra, this
section, in footnote 18.
30
For discussion of the women who perform a musical rite in the depiction of the Sed Festival in the
painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis, see the references collected supra, this section, in footnote
30. For general discussion of clappers as musical instruments in ancient Egypt, see, e.g., Hickmann, BIE
37 (1957): 67-122; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 387-389; Sourdive, La main dans I'Egyptepharaonique,
pp. 181-213; Capel and Markoe, Mistress of the House: Mistress ofHeaven, pp. 101-102.
31
For discussion of the hunting rituals that appear in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis, see
Section 5.2; Section 7.2. For discussion of the butchery ritual in this tableau, see Section 5.3. For
discussion of the military victory ritual in this tableau, see Section 6.1.1; Section 7.3. For discussion of
ritual hand-to-hand combat scenes in this tableau, see Section 6.3; Section 7.3. For discussion of the
nautical procession in this tableau, see Section 7.1.2; Section 7.4.3. For discussion of the depiction of the
Konigslauf 'in this tableau, see Section 4.1.1.

274
procession of ceremonial barques and an orderly row of four oryxes/ibexes, the dance

probably also celebrates the Egyptian ruler's control over ritual navigation on the Nile

and his control over (potentially chaotic) desert fauna.32 The close proximity of the

rightmost dancer in the group to a wild bird—possibly an ostrich (?)—suggests that her

dance probably mimics the movements of birds.33

The context in which the dancing women appear in the painted tableau of Tomb

100 at Hierakonpolis is similar in many regards to the context in which dancing women

often appear in ritual scenes on the outside of D-Ware pottery; in fact, one of the most

commonly depicted iconographic motifs on D-Ware pottery is an image of a woman with

raised arms who appears to be "floating" above, beside, or below a double-cabined,

crescent-shaped ceremonial barque (Figs. 252-258).34 Two of the most commonly

depicted motifs that appear alongside images dancing women at nautical processions on

D-Ware vessels are rows of long-necked birds (Figs. 252-256) and rows of desert bovids,

For discussion of the row of four oryxes/ibexes above the dancers in the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at
Hierakonpolis as a symbol of the royal imposition of order in the cosmos, see Section 5.2.2. For discussion
of the nautical procession at the Sed Festival as a symbol of the Egyptian ruler's control over ritual
navigation, see Section 7.4.
33
The bird above the rightmost dancer in this scene from the painted tableau of Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis
possesses a black and white coloration that is consistent with the coloration of ostriches; however, the
bird's short legs proclude a definitive interpretation of this bird as an ostrich.
34
For a catalogue of D-Ware vessels that include depictions of boats, see Gilbert, BACE 10 (1999): 19-37.
For a catalogue of D-Ware vessels that include depictions of human figures, see Hendrickx, CCdE 3/4
(2002): 29-50. For a complete catalogue of all known D-Ware vessels, see Graff, Les peintures sur vases
de Nagada 1'- Nagada II, pp. 252-409, cat. nos. 177-646. For discussion of the women with raised arms
who appear at nautical processions in decorative scenes on the outside of numerous D-Ware vessels, see
primarily Capart, Primitive Art in Egypt, p. 119; Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im alten Agypten, pp. 11-12, fig.
2; Kantor, JNES 3 (1944): 117, figs. 6b-6e; Baumgartel, Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt, Vol. 2, pp. 145-146,
pi. 13; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 349-356, figs. 237-240; Brunner-Traut, RdE 27 (1975): 53, Motiv 5;
Aksamit, Fontes Archaeologici Posnannienses 32 (1981): 162; Midant-Reynes, The Prehistory of Egypt,
pp. 190-191, fig. 9; Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn of Agriculture, pp. 235, 239, 241, 243, 249-263, figs.
11.7, 11.9, 11.11-11.23; Wengrow and Baines, in Hendrickx, etal., eds., Egyptat its Origins, Vol. l,pp.
1090-1093; Graff, op. cit, pp. 25-30, 53-58,127, 132, 151, Designation Hfl-11; Lankester, in Friedman
and McNamara, eds., Abstracts of Papers Presented at the Third International Colloquium on Predynastic
and Early Dynastic Egypt, p. 127; Hendrickx and Eyckerman, in Raffaele, etal, eds., Proceedings of the
First Neapolitan Congress of Egyptology (forthcoming).

275
such as oryxes, ibexes, antelopes, and gazelles (Figs. 253, 256-258). The identification

of the long-necked birds that commonly appear in D-Ware scenes is an unresolved,

controversial topic; however, in some scenes, the physical features of these birds clearly

indicate that they are ostriches (Fig. 256).36 D-Ware scenes depicting dancing women

and rows of desert bovids do not always include images of a nautical procession (Figs.

251, 259-260); however, scenes with nautical processions are more common that those

without. The men with staffs and shepherd's crooks who often appear in D-Ware scenes

with dancing women and rows of desert bovids are most likely responsible for the actual

physical care of these animals (Figs. 251, 253-258, 260); however, the ritual dance of the

women, which almost certainly mimics the movements of ostriches, probably exerts a

symbolic or religious control over these desert bovids and—by extension—imposes order

in the otherwise chaotic environment of the desert.37 The specialized funerary context in

which D-Ware vessels most often appear suggests that the scenes on these vessels

For a catalogue of D-Ware scenes that include depictions of birds, see Graff, Les peintures sur vases de
Nagada I - Nagada II, pp. 164-165, Designations Ao 1 - Ao 11. For a catalogue of D-Ware scenes that
include depictions of desert bovids (such as oryxes, ibexes, antelopes, and gazelles), see Graff, op. cit., pp.
156-158, Designations Abl-Ab23.
36
In some cases, Graff, Les peintures sur vases de Nagada I -Nagada II, pp. 38, 164, Designation Aol,
suggests that long-necked birds are examples of an "echassier." In other cases, Graff, op. cit., pp. 38, 164,
Designation Ao2, suggests that long-necked birds are examples of an "autruche." For further discussion of
the depiction of ostriches in D-Ware scenes, see references collected supra, this section, in footnote 22.
37
For a catalogue of D-Ware scenes that include depictions of men holding staffs, see Graff, Les peintures
sur vases de Nagada I- Nagada II, pp. 152-154, Designations Hm.2, Hm.6, Hm.8, Hm.14, Hm.23. For an
intriguing study of the interrelationship of addaxes, dancing women, and men carrying staffs in D-Ware
scenes, see Graff, CCdE 5 (2003): 35-57. In this study, Graff, loc. cit, concludes that scenes including
these iconographic motifs allude to the renewal of life. In some D-Ware scenes, a man in the company of a
dancing woman appears to hold two short staffs. According to Aksamit, Cahiers de la ceramique
egyptienne 3 (1992): 19, these paired objects are probably castanets (clappers) rather than staffs. The men
who perform a "stick-dance" in a fragmentary scene from the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre in his solar
temple at Abu Gurob (Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Vol. 3, no. 274) may function
similarly to the men with castanets in these D-Ware scenes. For discussion of men who perform a stick-
dance in the Sed Festival reliefs of Niuserre, see Brunner-Traut, Der Tanz im alten Agypten, p. 27, footnote
14; Hickman, BIE 37 (1956): 68-69; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 4, pp. 397-398; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas
zum Sport im alten Agypten, pp. 848-849, cat. no. S 10.2, with references; Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the
Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, pp. 94-95, fig. 3.14.

276
represent funerary rites; the depictions of nautical processions, women with raised

arms, and assorted desert fauna on D-Ware vessels are most likely linked to the Egyptian

religious concepts of solar renewal and the regeneration of the deceased.

People—most likely men—with raised arms sometimes appear as occupants of

solar boats in Predynastic rock inscriptions (Fig. 261); in this context the raising of the

arms functions as a celebratory gesture to herald the triumph of the solar deity over his

enemies and the successful navigation of the solar barque through the cosmos.40 A

For discussion of the predominantly—though not exclusively—funerary symbolism and context of D-


Ware vessels, see Aksamit, Fontes Archaeologici Posnannienses 32 (1981): 161-164, with references;
Graff, CCdE 5 (2003): 35-57; Graff, in Hendrickx, etal, eds., Egypt at its Origins, Vol. 1, pp. 765-777;
Wengrow and Baines, in Hendrickx, etal., eds., Egypt at its Origins, Vol. l,pp. 1081-1113, especially p.
1093; Graff, Bibliotheca Orientalis 64 (2007): 259-288; Darnell, Archeo-Nil 19 (2009): 84, with
references; Graff, Lespeintures sur vases de Nagada I'— Nagada II, pp. 121-124; Hendrickx and
Eyckerman, in Raffaele, etal., eds., Proceedings of the First Neapolitan Congress of Egyptology
(forthcoming).
39
For discussion of nautical processions on D-Ware pottery as representations of funerary rituals, see
primarily de Morgan, Revue anthropologique 30 (1920): 272-282; Hornblower, JEA 16 (1930): 10-18;
Brunner-Traut, RdE 27 (1975): 41-55; Aksamit, Fontes Archaeologici Posnannienses 32 (1981): 161-164,
with references; Vinson, Egyptian Boats and Ships, pp. 12-13; Graff, Les peintures sur vases de Nagada I—
Nagada II, pp. 43-45, with references; Hendrickx and Eyckerman, in Raffaele, etal., eds., Proceedings of
the First Neapolitan Congress of Egyptology (forthcoming). For discussion of the solar symbolism of the
funerary scene involving boats on D-Ware vessels, see primarily Huyge, in Friedman, ed., Egypt and
Nubia: Gifts of the Desert, pp. 200-201. Stressing that D-Ware vessels have not been found in exclusively
funerary contexts, Gilbert, BACE 10 (1999): 30-31, however, strongly disputes the commonly held view
that depictions of boats on D-Ware have "some sort of funerary significance."
40
For discussion of the men with raised arms who sometimes appear as occupants of solar boats in
Predynastic rock inscriptions, see primarily Huyge, in Friedman, ed., Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert,
pp. 197-201, Horizons I-II; Darnell, in Shaw and Allen, eds., Oxford Handbook of Egyptology
(forthcoming); Hendrickx and Eyckerman, in Raffaele, etal., eds., Proceedings of the First Neapolitan
Congress of Egyptology (forthcoming). For further discussion of the men with raised arms who appear as
occupants of solar boats in Predynastic rock inscriptions, see also Winkler, Rock-Drawings of Southern
Upper Egypt, Vol. 1, p. 25; Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn ofAgriculture, pp. 260-261,263-265, fig.
11.24; Wengrow and Baines, in Hendrickx, etal., eds., Egypt at its Origins, Vol. 1, pp. 1090-1091, with
references; Lankester, in Friedman and McNamara, eds., Abstracts of Papers Presented at the Third
International Colloquium on Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt, p. 127; Zajac, Studies in Ancient Art
and Civilization 12 (2008): 15-16, 19-20; Gatto, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 13
(2009): 131; Gatto, etal., Archeo-Nil 19 (2009): 163. Based on a perceived iconographic equivalence with
the women with raised arms who appear above boats on D-Ware pottery, the men with raised arms who
appear as occupants of solar boats in Predynastic rock inscriptions have often been mistakenly identified as
women or goddesses; for discussion of these figures as women and/or goddesses, see with caution Fuchs,
African Archaeological Review 7 (1989): 139, 141,145-146, 151, figs. 19,28; Rohl, Followers ofHorus:
Eastern Desert Survey Report, Vol. 1, p. 6, figs. 10-13; Wilkinson, in Rohl, ed., Followers ofHorus:

277
person—most likely a woman—with raised arms who stands next to the towers of the

royal barque in a Predynastic rock inscription from Site 18. M 141a in the Wadi Gash

probably heralds the Egyptian ruler as a manifestation of the solar deity (Fig. 262).41 The

people who perform the "ostrich-dance" in these royal and solar nautical processional

scenes appear to be interchangeable with images of actual ostriches. For example, in a

Predynastic rock inscription from the Wadi Abu Subeira, a pair of ostriches stand near

the stern of a barque that carries the royal falcon standard (Fig. 263).42 In a similar

fashion, a group of three ostriches appears in front of the prow of a piloted solar barque in

a Predynastic rock inscription from the Khor Takar (Fig. 264).43 Both ostriches and

dancing persons who appear at ritual nautical processions most likely have the same

symbolic function—namely, they celebrate the solar deity during his cosmic journey and

they herald the Egyptian ruler during his ritual navigation of the Nile.

The depictions of women performing the "ostrich-dance" in the painted tableau of

Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis and in the nautical processional scenes on D-Ware pottery

symbolize—in part—the control of desert bovids such as ibexes, oryxes, antelopes, and

gazelles. In several other Predynastic iconographic contexts, dancing women, dancing

men, and ostriches appear to be linked to hunting and to the ritual slaughter of desert

Eastern Desert Survey Report, Vol. l,pp. 160-161,164-165; Wilkinson, Genesis of the Pharaohs, pp. 155-
156.
41
Winkler, Rock-Drawings of Southern Upper Egypt, pp. 24-26, pi. 14.2. For detailed discussion of the the
Predynastic rock inscription from Site 18. M 141a in the Wadi Gash, see references collected in Section
7.1.2, footnote 72. For discussion of the royal barque procession in this rock inscription, see Section 7.1.2;
7.4.2. For discussion of the hippopotamus hunt in this rock inscription, see Section 5.1; Section 7.2.
42
Gatto, etal., Archeo-Nil 19 (2009): 162-163, fig. 16. For further discussion of the royal nautical
procession in this Predynastic rock inscription from the Wadi Abu Subeira, see Section 7.1.1.
43
Engelmayer, Die Felsgravierungen im DistriktSayala-Nubien, Vol. 1, p. 26, pis. 12.4,45.2. For further
discussion of the symbolism of the helmsman in this rock inscription, see Section 7.4.2, footnote 211.

278
bovids. For example, in the ritual hunting scene that appears on the so-called Hunters

Palette (Fig. 46), an ostrich with outstretched wings out appears directly behind a gazelle

that is attempting to flee from a large group of hunters.44 A similar depiction of an

ostrich with outstretched wings appears in the midst of a chaotic desert hunt on the non-

boss side of a knife handle from Tomb U-503 at Abydos (Fig. 265).45 The general

posture of the hunters on the Hunters Palette—most of whom hold throwsticks, spears, or

bows in their outstretched hands—is vaguely reminiscent of the ostrich with outstretched

wings in this scene. The hunter who grasps a bow in one outstretched hand and the

leashes of four hunting dogs in his other outstretched hand on a C-Ware bowl from the

collection of the Moscow Museum adopts a very similar posture (Fig. 266); so too does

the hippopotamus hunter who grasps a mace and a coil of rope in a Predynastic rock

inscription from the Dominion Behind Thebes (Fig. 267).47 As further evidence that the

hunters on the Hunters Palette may perhaps take on some of the attributes of ostriches

during their desert hunting expedition, they adorn themselves with headdresses made of

For discussion of the hunting scene on the Hunters Palette, see primarily Cialowicz, Les palettes
egyptiennes aux motifs zoomorphes et sans decoration, pp. 55-56, fig. 24, with references; Davis, Masking
the Blow, pp. 93-118, fig. 28; Baines, in O'Connor and Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, p. 112;
Cialowicz, La naissance d'un royaume, pp. 189-191, fig. 30; Baines, in Potts, etal., eds., Culture Through
Objects, p. 45; Morenz, Bild-Buchstaben undsymbolische Zeichen, pp. 165-172; Hendrickx, in Kroeper,
etal., eds., Archaeology of Early Northeastern Africa, pp. 733, 740-744, fig. 11; Hendrickx and Eyckerman,
in Raffaele, etal., eds., Proceedings of the First Neapolitan Congress of Egyptology (forthcoming). For
discussion of the ostrich on the Hunters Palette, see primarily Hendrickx, CCdE 1 (2000): 25.
45
Dreyer, in Ziegler, ed., L'artde I'Ancien Empire egyptien, pp. 210-213,225-226, fig. 12; Wengrow, The
Archaeology of Early Egypt, p. 183, fig. 9.5 bottom.
46
For discussion of the hunting scene on this C-Ware bowl from the collection of the Moscow Museum,
see Scharff, ZAS 61 (1926): 21-22, pi. 2.2; Scharff, JEA 14 (1928): 267-269, pi. 27.4; Hilzheimer, Antiquity
6 (1932): fig. 10; Vandier, Manuel, Vol. 1, pp. 284-285, fig. 192; Kantor, Record of the Art Museum,
Princeton University 12:2 (1953): 77; Hendrickx, CdE 67 (1992): 16-17; Midant-Reynes, The Prehistory of
Egypt, pp. 17