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South Asian History and Culture


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Contesting histories and nationalist geographies: a comparison of school


textbooks in India and Pakistan
Sanjay Joshia
a
Department of History, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, AZ, USA

Online publication date: 22 June 2010

To cite this Article Joshi, Sanjay(2010) 'Contesting histories and nationalist geographies: a comparison of school textbooks
in India and Pakistan', South Asian History and Culture, 1: 3, 357 — 377
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/19472498.2010.485379
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2010.485379

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South Asian History and Culture
Vol. 1, No. 3, July 2010, 357–377

Contesting histories and nationalist geographies: a comparison


1947-2501
1947-2498
RSAC
South Asian History and Culture,
Culture Vol. 1, No. 3, May 2010: pp. 0–0

of school textbooks in India and Pakistan


Sanjay Joshi*
South
S. Joshi
Asian History and Culture

Department of History, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, AZ, USA

This article examines selected high school textbooks from India and Pakistan to see
how they craft two different histories out of a shared past. Central to this endeavour,
the article suggests, is the device of placing the two nations’ histories within differently
imagined geographies. Indian textbooks represent the naturalness of India through a
geography and cartography first created in the colonial era. Influences from outside of
these ‘natural’ boundaries are deemed to be ‘foreign’ to Indian history or culture.
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Pakistan’s imagined geography is different. Underplaying subcontinental links,


Pakistani textbooks stress the ‘natural’ affinities of Pakistan with the Islamic world.
Ultimately, such nationalist geographies teach students in India and Pakistan – who
may live no more than fifty miles away from each other and whose grandparents may
well have lived together as neighbours – to imagine themselves as not only the inheri-
tors of different pasts, but as inhabiting different geographical spaces.
Keywords: India; Pakistan; history; textbooks; cartography

Cartography . . . provides some important clues as to how political, personal and psychological
subjectivities are sensitive to cartographic endeavours and how changing the map of the world
can change not only our modes of thought about that world but also our social behaviours and
our sense of well-being.1

The territorial waters of India extend into the sea to a distance of twelve nautical miles measured
from the appropriate baseline.
– Surveyor General of India.2

Nations, Benedict Anderson tells us, are communities imagined within specific
geographic boundaries. Imaginations of the nation are also, for most part, inherently
contradictory entities.3 Nations are imagined as both modern and primordial, as naturally,
‘always already’ present, yet also the products of a recorded and often recent history, in
which foundational figures play a critical role. Such contradictions nationalists usually
seek to paper over with narratives of history4 and, equally significantly, with imaginations
of geography.5 This article examines the different representations of history and geogra-
phy present in the history and social science textbooks used in school classrooms in India
and Pakistan. The two contemporary nation states share a common past. India and Pakistan
as separate entities date only to 1947. Competing nationalisms in the context of British
colonialism led to the creation of two separate nation states in the subcontinent. Constituted
in the midst of one of the modern world’s forgotten holocausts, and with continued political

*Email: sanjay.joshi@nau.edu

ISSN 1947-2498 print/ISSN 1947-2501 online


© 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/19472498.2010.485379
http://www.informaworld.com
358 S. Joshi

tension since, it is no surprise that official narratives come to represent the pasts of the two
nation states through very different histories. Textbooks from both countries have had
their share of critical media attention in recent years. A considerable amount of scholar-
ship has also focused attention on the different ways in which textbooks of the two coun-
tries have chosen to represent the history of their nations to schoolchildren. Given both its
theoretical and political significance, it is disappointing to note the lack of attention by
scholars or journalists to the very different imaginations of geography that these textbooks
seek to conjure up in the classrooms of the two neighbouring countries.
The work of geographers, and increasingly historians too, makes us realize that space
or territory is much more than simply an inert site on which historical events occur. As
David Harvey argues, ‘Space itself must be understood as dynamic and in motion, an active
moment (rather than a passive frame) in the constitution of physical, ecological, social and
political-economic life.’6 Regions, territories and nations are actively constituted through
cultural and political interventions. After 1947, both India and Pakistan needed to actively
define their space in ways that would be distinct from each other and from the colonial
past. Arguing that ‘social spaces – colonial and national, political and economic, material
and imagined – do not emerge from self-evident geographies’, Manu Goswami, among
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others, reveals the historical processes that created the idea of India. Her work emphasizes
how pressures of the global capitalist economy, colonial governmentality as well as
nationalist endeavours shaped the imagination and then the reality of a territorially bounded
national entity called India.7 We know less about the way in which Pakistan came to be
imagined, except that it could not as easily claim the naturalized geography of the ‘Himalayas
to the seas’ that Indian nationalists were able to appropriate from colonial (and pre-colonial)
geographical representations. This dissimilarity is most evident in the very different geo-
graphies that undergird the officially approved textbooks, used in Indian and Pakistani
schools to relate their histories.
The relationship between history textbooks and nationalisms appears to be universal
and virtually axiomatic. Whether in the past or our own times, in South Asia or other parts
of the world, texts aimed at schoolchildren have been a primary vehicle for normalizing
the nation. It is no coincidence that the founders of one of the earliest states organized on
nationalist principles were deeply concerned about the textbooks they would use to edu-
cate their future citizens, and to create books that would not taint upcoming generations
with the dross of the old world.8 Crises (real or potential) threatening the status quo within
a nation state – whether the Civil War in the United States or the partition of the Indian
subcontinent – have been reflected in history textbooks.9 The events of 11 September
2001 led to a scramble among publishers in the United States to rewrite history textbooks
to better ‘explain’ the events of that day.10 The reunification of Germany, for instance,
created its own set of problems for authors of school textbooks.11 Crises can also be per-
ceived when intellectual efforts or political demands from previously disenfranchised
groups result in modifications to a well-established story of the nation. In different con-
texts, both Lynne Cheney’s complaints about the National Standards for the Teaching of
History in the United States and those of the ‘Orthodox History Group’ on self-hating
Japanese liberal historians stem from perceived challenges to simple celebrations of the
nation in their respective school curricula.12 Nor are these very different from the ‘history
wars’ fought in Australia.13 The political edge to the history being taught in classrooms
becomes even more apparent when the context is one of disputed borders, or indeed when
the legitimacy of the nation state itself is being questioned.14 Not that other sort of borders
and boundaries are any less disputed.15 Examining representations of history and geo-
graphy in Indian and Pakistani textbooks reflects the highly contested vision of the nation
South Asian History and Culture 359

which is so obvious in the controversies around school history textbooks across the world.
It is also interesting to note that the state is an important actor in these controversies, even
in political systems that celebrate the operation of the free market and favour decentralized
educational policies.

Textbooks in India and Pakistan: some historical background


Most media attention and even scholarly critique have been directed at recent textbooks
produced in India and Pakistan. Textbooks produced under the Hindu nationalist government
led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and those produced in Pakistan under Zia-ul-Haq’s
Islamization drive have been particular targets of popular and scholarly opprobrium. This
article suggests, however, that these vilified textbooks in many ways share an approach
with their better-regarded counterparts. To understand this we need to locate these text-
books not only in the context of immediate political concerns of the BJP or Zia, but in a
larger and longer history of colonialism and contested nationalisms.
Both India and Pakistan inherited a centralized and top-down apparatus for making
decisions about education and the curriculum when power was transferred from the British
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to nationalist elites in the two countries.16 Along with some expansion of primary and sec-
ondary education, by the end of the nineteenth century the colonial state had also begun to
implement in the educational system an exclusive reliance, for both the teacher and the
student, upon the published textbook.17 The emergence of what Krishna Kumar has
termed the ‘textbook culture’ in colonial India meant that the task of the teacher was often
only to ensure that material in the officially approved textbook was covered in the class.
The textbook virtually became the curriculum. So packed with the power of knowledge
was the textbook perceived to be, that the more ambitious students even wished to ‘grind
the texts into a pulp and extract the knowledge out of them and drink it’.18 Textbooks
naturally became big business for publishers too. For instance, Newal Kishore, one of
north India’s leading publishers, made a substantial portion of his profits from publishing
textbooks.19
It should not be surprising either that textbooks representing Indian history became a
particularly important site of the contestation between an emerging Indian nationalism and
the colonial state.20 For instance, a textbook titled Itihasatimirnashak, written by the arch-
loyalist Raja Shiva Prasad (and translated into English by the then Director of Public
Instruction), was the subject of severe criticism in a magazine brought out by Bharatendu
Harishchandra of Banaras (now Varanasi).21 Critiques of misrepresentations of Indian
history or religion in official textbooks often became the subjects of controversy in the
emerging public sphere of colonial India.22 Major nationalist figures, including Gandhi,
often commented on textbooks.23 Others, ‘crushed by the weight of English poetry’ as
Sudhir Chandra so evocatively put it, took to writing alternative accounts of the past, in a
variety of genres, whether conventionally historical or in the form of historical fiction.24
But, if imagining the nation while under colonial rule was a difficult undertaking, the task
confronting the nationalist elites in the states of India and Pakistan became much more
complicated after 1947 when two different national histories needed to be crafted out of
the same past.
In the First Educational Conference convened in Pakistan shortly after independence,
the Minister for Education declared the state’s preference for an educational system that
would stress the Islamic identity of the new nation state created as a homeland for the
Muslims of the subcontinent.25 Despite many changes in governments and their ideologies
since that time, this has remained a central plank of the school curriculum in Pakistan. The
360 S. Joshi

National Commission for Education established under General Ayub Khan in 1959
supposedly decentralized the responsibility for primary education to the provincial gov-
ernments in Pakistan. The commission also removed history and other social sciences as
separate subjects in the school curriculum, replacing them with ‘Social Studies’ for classes
1–8 and ‘Pakistan Studies’ for classes 9–12.26 Despite the putative decentralization, edu-
cational policy and curriculum remain under the direct supervision of the central or federal
government in Pakistan. Textbooks, though, are prepared under the authority of provincial
‘textbook boards’. Yet these hardly allow for too much autonomy since, according to
A.H. Nayyar and Ahmad Salim, they act as the ‘ideological gatekeepers, making sure that
only what they see as ideologically acceptable gets into classrooms’.27
In India too, despite the fact that education is the responsibility of state governments
under the Constitution, the central government has played a significant role in determining
the secondary school curriculum. The priorities of the new nationalist elite in India were,
however, made apparent by the fact that they appointed a commission to report on the
state of Indian universities 4 years before they decided to appoint one to look into second-
ary education. Once appointed, though, the Education Commission of 1952 signalled that
the central government was determined to play an important role in shaping the school
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curriculum. The members recognized that ‘secondary education is mainly the concern of
the States but, in view of its impact on the life of the country as a whole, both in the field
of culture and technical efficiency, the Central Government cannot divest itself of the
responsibility to improve its standards and to relate it intelligently to the larger problems
of national life’.28 Evidently, the states were seen as incapable of providing either the
intelligence or the larger vision the central government deemed necessary. The National
Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT) was set up as the apex advisory
body to guide the Government of India on matters relating to school education in 1961,
with ‘national development’ as a key component of its mission.29 Since then, the Council
has outlined model national curricula, created syllabi for instruction of different subjects
at government schools, and published model textbooks for use in the schools.30 In 1968,
‘national integration’ was added to the mission Indian textbooks were asked to promote.31
The liberal nationalist leadership of a recently independent and partitioned India wanted
its schoolchildren to learn a history that explicitly rejected the idea of nations based on
religious communities. The (by and large) secular nationalists of the Indian National
Congress party that controlled the Indian government until 1977 were particularly keen to
project a history which on the one hand undermined the ‘two-nation theory’ that had been
used to justify the creation of Pakistan as a homeland for Indian Muslims and at the same
time stressed the tolerance and inclusivism that lay at the core of their vision of a plural
India. It is not surprising, then, that the NCERT commissioned some of the brightest leftist
historians of the 1970s to write their history textbooks. Despite their reservations about
bourgeois nationalism, some of these authors, who had already made their secular creden-
tials explicit in a pamphlet criticizing older sectarian approaches to the writing of Indian
history, agreed to write the textbooks.32 These NCERT books had among their explicit
objectives ‘combating superstition and obscurantism, and fostering a secular, humane, and
forward-looking outlook’.33
Evidently different nationalist ideologies shape the message textbooks in India and
Pakistan seek to convey to their future citizens. Based on the ideology of the anti-colonial
struggle led by the Indian National Congress, Indian nationalism for the most part seeks to
represent itself as championing a secular, plural and inclusive vision of India and its
history. The creation of Pakistan, in this vision, was a tragedy, foisted upon an essentially
united people by the machinations of the British and the greed of the leaders of the
South Asian History and Culture 361

Muslim League. The very phrase used to describe the events of 1947 within Indian histori-
ography – ‘the Partition’ – brings forth images of the vivisection of a naturally existing
organic whole. Not surprisingly, Pakistani nationalists represent this story somewhat dif-
ferently. Pakistani nationalism sees 1947 as the realization of an always-existing separate
Muslim nation, struggling for self-realization against the British who often connived with
a wily, Hindu-dominated Indian National Congress. In fact, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader
of the Muslim League and Pakistan’s first Governor-General, strongly protested the
appropriation of the name ‘India’ by the new, Congress-led political entity that came into
being along with Pakistan in 1947. The protests were ignored by the then British Viceroy.34
Pakistani textbooks and sections of the media, however, insist upon referring to their east-
ern neighbour as ‘Bharat’ (and ‘Hindustan’) rather than India. Of course Indians also use
this term to describe their nation state, although usually only when using Hindi or other
Indian languages.
Despite evident ideological differences, the determination of the state to control school
curriculum has allowed for some interesting parallels to emerge in the history of textbooks
in both India and Pakistan. With political changes, acquisition of power by newer leaders
and parties is often reflected in the books, particularly history books, which students read
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in India and Pakistan. The displacement of Iskander Mirza by General Ayub Khan in 1958
led to the creation of a new National Education Policy in Pakistan. Nonetheless, early text-
books in Pakistan did not completely ignore the pre-Islamic history of the subcontinent;
some even included positive evaluations of the role of Mahatma Gandhi. The secession of
East Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh after the war with India in 1971 brought Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto to power in Pakistan. According to Yvette Rosser’s study of Pakistani text-
books, the process of complete Islamization of textbooks, which was to reach its peak
under his successor, had its origins under a politically weak Bhutto seeking the support of
religious conservatives in Pakistan.35 It is to the 1977 coup by General Zia-ul-Haq that
most critics trace the beginnings of the ‘degeneration’ of the school textbooks in Pakistan
into much more obvious ideological propaganda, particularly after Zia’s New Education
Policy made the inculcation of ‘a deep and abiding loyalty to Islam’ fundamental to the
school curriculum.36 Zia’s legacy has remained a powerful one. Though Benazir Bhutto
may not have shared Zia’s commitment to Islamize education, critics point out that like
much else during her era, ‘attempts to undo the ideological content of education during her
two tenures were neither well-organised, given high priority, nor subject to scrutiny’.37
Ideologues entrenched in the system were able to resist any move to change the curricu-
lum or the textbooks, and were then well supported by the Nawaz Sharif government’s
explicit backing of the Islamization of the school curriculum. General Pervez Musharraf’s
government promised an exhaustive overhaul of the education system. Yet, even his gov-
ernment relied on the long-term goals outlined in the Nawaz Sharif government’s National
Education Policy, and effectively there was no exhaustive overhaul of the system that has
produced the textbooks examined in this article.38
In India, irked by the evident bias of the Indian state towards Left and secular histori-
ans, Hindu right-wing members of the Janata Party (India’s first government not led by the
Indian National Congress) unsuccessfully called for a ban on the NCERT textbooks in
1977.39 That this remained an important part of the agenda of the Hindu Right in India
became evident once they gained control of the government in 1998–1999. One of the first
tasks of this coalition government led by the Hindu nationalist BJP was to replace import-
ant personnel in educational policy making – including the NCERT – with those who were
more sympathetic to their ideas. The new director of the NCERT assured the people of
India that the new books would be vetted by ‘religious experts’.40 Older NCERT history
362 S. Joshi

textbooks were replaced with more ‘updated’ history texts which were rife with ideological
biases of the Hindu right and peppered with factual errors and ungrammatical prose.41 The
elections of 2004 brought the Indian National Congress back to power, and once again the
leadership of the NCERT was one of the first to undergo change, leading to new questions
about the controversial history textbooks introduced only 2 years earlier. The new leadership
of the council appointed an expert committee of historians who reviewed and thoroughly con-
demned the new history textbooks.42 This move in turn has drawn condemnations from
Hindu right-wing politicians. Their representatives in the media establishment decry leftist
histories as ‘a deliberate attempt to berate India, its civilization, religion, and culture’43 and, in
complete disregard of historical irony, it seems, compare the recommendations of the 2004
panel of historians to the McCarthyite persecution of intellectuals in the United States.44

What do the textbooks say?


Given the history of state formation in the subcontinent, it should come as no surprise that
history textbooks in India and Pakistan will differ in their interpretations of recent events,
particularly those of the first half of the twentieth century. Krishna Kumar analysed in some
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detail how textbooks in the two countries disagree in their evaluation of colonialism and
nationalism in the subcontinent.45 Thus, what is often described as ‘Muslim separatism’ in
Indian textbooks is naturally represented very differently in the textbooks from Pakistan.
The latter pay a great deal more attention to figures such as Muhammad Iqbal, who is repre-
sented in a heroic light, while Jawaharlal Nehru and the Indian National Congress occupy a
place somewhat analogous to the representations of Jinnah and the Muslim League in Indian
textbooks. Indian texts, for instance, Bipan Chandra’s Modern India, represent the actions of
Jinnah and the League as examples of the unfortunate development of ‘communalism’.
Equating the demand for Pakistan with the actions of Hindu communalists, the best of these
textbooks (and Chandra’s is certainly amongst them) relate a history that poses ‘the freedom
struggle’ as a stark contrast between a real nationalism represented by the Congress and the
communalism of parochial or sectarian groups such as the Muslim League and the Hindu
Mahasabha. Narrow self-interest as well as active encouragement of British ‘divide and rule’
policies are shown to be the root cause of such political ideologies.46 Obviously, Pakistani
textbooks have a different take on this history. M.D. Zafar’s Pakistan Studies, for instance,
naturalizes the ‘two-nation theory’, which claims that Hindus and Muslims always existed as
separate nations in the subcontinent, to argue that ‘the Ideology of Pakistan which developed
through a long period of 1000 years was materialized in 1947 when . . . a new Muslim State,
Pakistan, appeared on the map of the world’.47 Reversing the insinuation that Muslim
League demands were somehow favoured by the colonial administrators, Zafar represents
the Congress and the British as being in cahoots to deny Pakistan its rightful place in the sun,
a conspiracy only thwarted by ‘the grace of Allah [and] the wisdom and sagacity [of] Quaid-
i-Azam [the title given to Jinnah in Pakistan] and his followers’.48
While the differences in interpretations of recent history are understandable, what is
less so is the extent to which nationalist concerns have transformed the narration of events
that occurred centuries, even millennia, ago. The Pakistani textbooks produced since 1977
(along with the ones produced during the BJP interregnum in India) have faced the most
scathing criticism on this account. Under Zia, a hitherto obscure phrase, ‘the ideology of
Pakistan’, was elevated to the central plank of the educational curriculum. Pakistani his-
tory, henceforth, was to be rewritten to suit this rather nebulous ideology.49 To narrate the
story of an ever-present nation while telling the history of its creation is always a difficult
endeavour, yet this is what most national history textbooks seek to accomplish across the
South Asian History and Culture 363

world. It is inevitable that such narratives will be rife with inconsistencies. Post-Zia text-
books in Pakistan, however, have carried out this task in a particularly egregious fashion.
K.K. Aziz undertook an extensive and scathing (though somewhat idiosyncratic) critique
of the contents of a large number of textbooks used in Pakistani schools from the lowest
grades to the highest levels of secondary education, and highlighted numerous factual
inaccuracies, biases, lapses, and poor language to be found in these texts.50 The anti-Hindu
orientation of Pakistani textbooks has been noted by a variety of commentators, and these
texts have rightly been excoriated for their stereotypical depiction of the cunning and
treacherous Hindu.51 Equally problematic are the clumsy production values of these
books, manifest in poor spelling, grammar, and the use of very outdated terminology and
concepts. There is, for instance, a chapter devoted to the ‘The Races of Mankind’ in a high
school Social Studies textbook. ‘Negroes’, it points out, ‘can vary from a light chocolate
to almost coal black.’ Hence, this textbook informs readers that ‘the texture of the hair
provides a surer test of race’.52
Almost all critiques of the Pakistan Studies texts point to chronological gaps and
anachronism. These errors result from the attempt to create a history of Pakistan that meets
the official demand of highlighting Muslim nationhood, even as the books seek to appro-
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priate to ‘Pakistani heritage’ the major sites of the Indus Valley civilization (IVC) dating
at least to 2500 BCE. The strategy adopted by the Pakistan Studies books, almost uni-
formly, has been to incorporate the Indus Civilization, as well as some aspects of Buddhist
cultural production found in present-day Pakistan, as part of the nation’s ‘cultural herit-
age’. Real ‘history’ in these textbooks, however, begins with the Arab conquest of Sind in
the eighth century by Muhammad Bin Qasim. Thus M.D. Zafar’s Pakistan Studies tells
students that ‘Although Pakistan was created in August, 1947, yet, except for its name, the
present-day Pakistan has existed, as more or less a single entity, for centuries.’53 The IVC
figures prominently in explaining the millennia-old history of Pakistan. A little earlier
though, the author says that Pakistan (with no qualifications this time!) was actually first
established in 712 CE when bin Qasim, the nephew of Hajjaj-bun-Yusuf, Governor of
Iraq, conquered Sind and Multan.54 With the gap of a few centuries, Zafar finds that under
Ghaznavid rulers of the twelfth century, ‘the shape of Pakistan was more or less the same
as it is today’.55 ‘Pakistan’ then continues to expand under various Muslim rulers until when,
under the Mughals in the sixteenth century, ‘ “Hindustan” completely disappeared and
was completely absorbed in “Pakistan” ’.56
The critique of Indian textbooks has centred, for most part, on the actions of the
national government led by the Hindu right-wing party, the BJP, between 1998 and 2004,
and other BJP governments in various states of India. The desire of the Hindu Right to
exercise control over the school history curriculum was apparent even when it was part of
the Janata government between 1977 and 1979.57 An important component of the Hindu
nationalist ideology is based on the claim that only those who regarded India as their
fatherland and their holy land could be considered to be true patriots. These ideas derived
from V.D. Savarkar’s 1923 pamphlet Hindutva, and serve to support the argument that India
is a nation of and for Hindus alone.58 In addition to inculcating notions of an aggressive
‘Hindu pride’, a central plank of the Hindu nationalist ideology has rested on portraying
Muslims as foreigners who remain loyal to an alien holy land. Under new management
between 1998 and 2004, the NCERT first began to excise ‘objectionable’ content from
older textbooks authored by ‘leftist’ historians, and then to replace them with newer books
written by historians sympathetic to their view of Indian history and politics in line with
their new ‘national curriculum framework’.59 Seeking, among other things, a larger role
for religion as a source of ‘value education’, the new NCERT textbooks’ narratives were
364 S. Joshi

riddled with factual inaccuracies, even as they sought to promote a Hindu-centric history
of India. Under the supervision of the BJP-controlled NCERT, the early 2002 saw the
erasure from these textbooks any references to beef eating in ancient India, critical com-
ments on the caste system, and a host of other major and minor elements that might under-
mine notions of pride in a Hindu history. These changes, by the way, were undertaken
without consulting with the original authors of these textbooks.60 Later that year, older,
liberal textbooks were completely replaced by newer ones. The errors of fact, interpreta-
tion and language in the newer textbooks have been widely covered in the Indian press
and the international media, as well as in a variety of academic fora.61
The new textbooks issued by the BJP appointees to the NCERT in 2002 paralleled in
interesting ways the texts that Pakistani authorities have been producing across the border
since 1977. The clear bias against Muslim elements of the history of the subcontinent that
appeared in the Indian books had a parallel in the Pakistani texts against Hindus. Contem-
porary India, by Hari Om for use in Class IX, for instance, clearly blames only Muslims
and the Muslim League for partition. Not only suggesting that the leaders of the League
were in cahoots with the British, the book goes as far as to suggest that Muslims only par-
ticipated in the first non-cooperation movement led by Gandhi in 1921 because they were
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‘wedded to the idea of Pan-Islamism’.62 Only Muslims, moreover, are shown to be the
aggressors in riots between Hindus and Muslims leading up to partition.63 On the other
hand, the texts depict the activities of Hindu right-wing groups such as the Hindu Mahasabha
in a positive light, while never mentioning their decision to cooperate with the administra-
tion even as many other political groups in the country advocated otherwise. In fact, such
is the felt need to airbrush inconvenient facts that Contemporary India forgets to mention
that a Hindu right-wing fanatic, Nathuram Godse, was the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi.
Also very much like their Pakistani counterparts, BJP-sponsored textbooks rewrote
pre-modern history with a more than obvious political agenda. Makkhan Lal’s India and
the World and Ancient India seek to show, contrary to accepted evidence, that the people
who composed the Vedas were indigenous to India rather than migrants from Central
Asia. Ignoring the prescriptions of ancient law texts, Lal insists that education was freely
available to all and that up until the nineteenth century, ‘India had the highest literacy rate
in comparison to other countries of the world’.64 The textbook for Class VII on medieval
India and the world attributes most negative social practices, such as purdah or women’s
seclusion, to the influence of Islam, while characterizing the practice of sati (widow-burning)
as ‘more prevalent’ because women wanted to ‘save themselves from falling into the hands
of [Muslim] invaders’ (emphasis added).65
For a number of very legitimate reasons, the BJP textbooks from India and the post-
Zia textbooks from Pakistan have been roundly criticized. Of course all history is political,
but when such an exercise is carried out in a relatively unsophisticated manner, as has
been the case in these textbooks, the results would be judged ludicrous if it were not for
the potentially disastrous consequences they have for students compelled to read them.
What this has meant, however, is that the older textbooks produced by the Indian NCERT
have come to be remembered with a great deal of nostalgia. Bipan Chandra, himself one
of the authors of the older NCERT textbooks, criticized the new NCERT textbooks by
comparing them with the Pakistani ones. Chandra’s self-righteousness is apparent when
he laments that ‘instead of Pakistan learning from our modern liberal ideas, it seems we
are learning in the writing of textbooks from their obscurantism’.66 Yet, how different
really are the apparent obscurantism of the Pakistani books and the self-proclaimed liber-
alism of their Indian counterparts when it comes to representations of national past? Just
because the older textbooks were less objectionable to left-leaning historians it hardly means
South Asian History and Culture 365

that they were free of the constraints of nationalist storytelling: a strategy that always
relates the story of a nation state rather than of the people that inhabit it. How this was so
becomes apparent once we compare the sort of geographic constructions that history text-
books, liberal and conservative, both Indian and Pakistani, have sought to impart to their
respective students.

Imagined geographies
An early attempt to rewrite Indian history textbooks from a Hindu nationalist perspective
came in 1992 when the BJP gained power through elections in India’s most populous state
and undertook to revise the history taught in high schools. The new text, High School Iti-
haas, was widely criticized in the liberal media of the time.67 It begins by stating that a
‘greater India’ (Vishaal Bharat) was fashioned by nature. It then goes on to mourn the fact
that despite being ‘geographically one’ our country is today divided into three political
units – India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.68 A similar idea of the ‘natural nation’ pervades
Pakistan Studies texts too. M.D. Zafar, in a volume of Pakistan Studies for higher levels,
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tells students that although the modern state of Pakistan came into being in 1947, the
‘spirit’ of Pakistan existed ‘for centuries’.69 Or that, ‘Pakistan wasn’t . . . born on August
14, 1947. It is as old as history. Nature has endowed it with a unique unity.’70
But this belief in the nation as a primordial entity produced by nature is not limited to
obscurantist, illiberal histories. That the Himalayas to the north and the seas to the south
give India its ‘natural’ boundaries is a ‘truism’ repeated in almost every textbook that I
grew up reading. Moreover, the notion that the entire subcontinent is a united whole
equally informs the historiography of R.S. Sharma, author of Ancient India, published by
the NCERT during the zenith of its liberalism. Outlining for students the ‘importance of
Ancient Indian history’, Sharma argues:

The ancients strove for unity. They looked upon this vast subcontinent as one land. . . . Our
ancient poets, philosophers and writers viewed the country as an integral unit. . . . The kings
who tried to establish their authority from the Himalayas to the Cape Comorin and from the
valley of the Brahmaputra to the land beyond the river Indus in the west were universally
praised.71

The effect of this discourse on unity is undermined somewhat when Sharma reveals in the
next sentence that in the three to four thousand years of history covered by his book, polit-
ical unity approximating the subcontinent was only achieved twice. However, that does
not deter Sharma from averring in the very next page: ‘The idea that India constituted one
single geographical unit persisted in the minds of the conquerors and cultural leaders. . . . The
unity of India was also recognized by foreigners’.72 Nothing illustrates this ‘always
already’ India better than the maps used in R.S. Sharma’s Ancient India (Figure 1), which
superimpose the boundaries of the contemporary Indian state on maps depicting an era
that existed a good two to three thousand years before the present day.73
Pointing to anachronism in Sharma’s textbook does not mean to suggest that notions
of territoriality did not exist in the region before the British, but rather that this cartograph-
ical imagination of India is one clearly derived from colonial constructions. Historians of
India, past and present, have made great efforts to refute the claim that the British some-
how ‘created’ India. Radhakumud Mookerji created an exhaustive list of citations (primarily
from old Sanskrit texts) which express a territorial notion of Bharatvarsha or Aryavarta in his
Fundamental Unity of India.74 The central argument of this pamphlet, originally delivered as a
366 S. Joshi
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Figure 1. Map of Ashoka’s Empire: From R.S. Sharma, Ancient India: A Textbook for Class XI,
(Delhi: NCERT, 1977), 89.

lecture in 1909, aims to refute the notion that India is a product entirely of British coloni-
alism, and suggests that India’s ‘fundamental unity is much older than British rule, that it
is not a recent growth or discovery but has a history running back to a remote antiquity’.75
Mookerji’s arguments were taken to their next logical level by the intellectuals associated
with the Calcutta-based Greater India Society (which included among its members the
well-known historian R.C. Majumdar as well as the philologist Suniti Kumar Chatterji
(1890–1977)).76 More recently, Amartya Sen made a spirited rebuttal of the charge that he
used an anachronistic notion of India in his book The Argumentative Indian. Citing data
ranging from Megasthenes’ Indika of the third-century BCE, through the eleventh-cen-
tury Ta’rikh al-Hind of Alberuni, to the ideas of the sixteenth-century emperor Akbar, Sen
also argued for a longer genealogy for the idea of India.77 Yet, there is clearly a difference
South Asian History and Culture 367

between the notion of a territorial entity called Indika, Bharatvarsha or Al Hind, and the
modern, cartographically delimited nation state.
Recent years have seen a great deal of scholarly work on the subject of cartography in
colonial India. The East India Company, particularly after it became a major political
player in the Indian politics in the eighteenth century, brought new cartographic imperatives
to the mapping of India. While maps had been prized in Mughal India too, the company
created maps for much more utilitarian purposes, including the demarcation of clear polit-
ical boundaries.78 Using a variety of new scientific techniques, the colonial state sought to
know, possess and eventually legitimize its control over India through the use of maps.79
Textbooks used in the schools of colonial India became one way to naturalize this new
cartographical imagination of the territory.80 While colonial cartography and education
may have routinized the peninsular shape of ‘India’ to its presently recognized one,
nationalism did not blindly appropriate a colonial construct. Only by imbuing the imper-
sonal map with affective content, such as identifying the image produced by colonial
cartography with Bharat Mata (‘mother India’), did nationalist leaders make this map into
something for which patriots were expected to lay down their lives.81 They were able to
do this, Sumathi Ramaswamy argues, in part because this idea of a territory from the seas
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to the mountains resonated with older Puranic terminologies. Yet, as she is also careful to
point out, both the scientific maps as well as those laden with nationalist sentiments, both
the enchanted and disenchanted visions of India, were very much modern constructs and
the products of different but equally modern needs of colonialism and nationalism.
For Indian nationalists, certainly, the cartographic image ‘revealing’ a single nation
shaped by nature from the mountains to the seas became crucial for justifying their efforts
to create an independent India. It is interesting to note that Radhakumud Mookerji, who
otherwise sought to validate his claim based primarily on evidence of the territorial integ-
rity of ‘India’ found in ancient Hindu texts, clinches his arguments by asking readers to
look at the ultimate source of authority, the map:

And besides, is not this unity apparent on the map? . . . The great barrier of the north formed
by the Himalayas, which may be easily rendered impregnable, effectually isolates the country
from the rest of Asia . . . while towards the south the advantages of an insular position
are secured by the sea. Thus, sea-girt and mountain guarded India is indisputably a geograph-
ical unit.82

It should hardly be surprising, either, that a phrase dating back to the Puranas, ‘Â Setu
Himachalam’ (referring to land between the Himalayas and the bridge supposedly
constructed between Rameshwaram at the southern tip of the subcontinent and Sri Lanka
in the epic Ramayana),83 came to be emblazoned on the logo of the post-independence
Survey of India, the body which today authorizes all maps of the country. So central did
this idea of a ‘natural’ or geographical entity become that nationalists found it difficult to
think otherwise even after partition had created within its boundaries a separate and sover-
eign country in 1947. At the same time, as they had done through much of the national
movement (and perhaps continue to do to date!), Indian nationalists ignored the sover-
eignty of Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, entities in the region that they took to represent
‘India’.84 Pakistan, and the trauma accompanying its creation, however, was too palpable
to ignore in the same fashion. The strategy adopted by Indian nationalists was thus the one
that we see reflected in the textbooks; they never abandoned the idea of India as a naturally
forming nation. Even today, most representations of India depict an organic entity, whose
integrity was marred by the ‘tragedy’ of partition.
368 S. Joshi

Given the burgeoning recent scholarship on colonial cartography and the ‘production’
of India, it is somewhat surprising that so little of it refers to the creation of Pakistan.
These studies have certainly alerted us to consider how the territorial construction of India
derived largely from Hindu sources.85 While this construction of a Hinduized India
undoubtedly contributed to the demand for a separate Muslim homeland, we know little
about how and if colonial constructions of territoriality influenced the imagination of
Pakistan. Examining the representations of Pakistan’s geography in school textbooks throws
some light on the subject, although this is a topic that evidently deserves much more and
detailed attention.
If we look at textbooks from Pakistan, what is quite apparent is the effort to craft a
‘regionality’ distinct from India’s appropriation of the grand narrative of the natural
geographical unity of the subcontinent. Given that stressing an Islamic identity became
central to the educational curriculum in Pakistan fairly early, it is hardly surprising that
students were also expected to see its geography as predominantly connected to the Muslim
world. This element became an even more overwhelming concern in the textbooks pro-
duced in the Zia-ul-Haq era. A Social Studies book for Class Six opened with a chapter
‘Location of Pakistan’ by stating: ‘Pakistan enjoys a very important position in South
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Asia.’86 However, other than a brief reference to India, China and Russia as Pakistan’s
neighbours, this chapter has virtually nothing about the region we understand to be South
Asia. Almost the entire chapter is aimed at locating Pakistan only in the context of the
Islamic world. The next book in the series, by the same author, begins with a chapter titled
‘Pakistan and the Muslim World’. Among the six subsequent chapter titles we find ‘Phys-
ical Features of the Muslim World’, ‘Climate of the Muslim World’, ‘Conditions of Soci-
ety before the Advent of Islam & Influence of Islam on Society’ and ‘Awakening of the
Muslims’.87 Muhammad Arshad’s introductory textbook on Pakistan Studies describes
Pakistan’s geography as follows:

Bharat lies on Pakistan’s eastern border . . . . to its east is another chain of Muslim countries,
Bangla Desh [sic], Malaysia, and Indonesia . . . . further West, Pakistan is linked with the Mid-
dle East countries. To the West of these countries are situated the Arab countries of Arabia.
This group of Muslim countries form a continuous Muslim block.88

While none of this is inaccurate, the geopolitical implications of such descriptions are not
hard to perceive, especially as the textbook quickly goes on to say that, because of its
location, ‘Pakistan enjoys a central position among the Muslim countries of South East
and South West Asia. Hence Pakistan can play a great role in solving the political issues of
the Muslim World.’89 Very evidently, the connections to other Muslim countries and
people, in other words the connections with ‘spiritual’ rather than geographic neighbours,
are deemed to be important. ‘Bharat’ does figure prominently in discussions of Pakistan’s
present but inevitably as an antagonist. The section ‘Pakistan’s Relation with Bharat’ begins
with the following statement: ‘After independence, Pakistan’s greatest danger came from
Bharat.’90
If we accept David Harvey’s notion that ideas about territory and region are ‘central to
consciousness and identity formation and to political subjectivity’, then the differences in
the imagination of the ‘geo-body’ (I take the phrase from Thongchai Winichakul) in
Indian and Pakistani textbooks have some important implications.91 Examining the history
presented in Pakistan Studies textbooks through the lens of geography makes it apparent
that their attempt is to highlight the connections between the early history (the pre-history?)
of Pakistan and the area that is today part of the Muslim world. When this is not possible,
South Asian History and Culture 369

the books make an effort to write a history which separates the history of Pakistan from
that of Bharat. This geographical imagination may well facilitate the teaching of a history
assailed by critics for huge lapses in chronological continuity. For, once Pakistan is understood
only in the context of a regionality defined by the Muslim world, erasing other closer geo-
graphic connections, it is much easier to teach a history that excludes non-Islamic elements.92
In a textbook whose telos is to understand only the making of Pakistan, M.D. Zafar is
compelled to move directly from the IVC of c.2500 BCE to the Gandhara Civilization of
c.500 BCE in the space of a few lines, because both are located within the bounds of
present-day Pakistan.93 His narrative compels Zafar to appropriate a much older history,
including that of the IVC, as part of pre-history of Pakistan.94 Yet it is even more interest-
ing to note the sort of geographical connections that are both forged and ignored in this
textbook. Zafar, for instance, highlights the connections between the IVC and Mesopota-
mia (present-day Iraq), the conquest of the Indus region by the Persian empire and even
the connections of the region with the Bactrian Greeks. Briefly mentioning the control of
the Indus basin by the Mauryan empire as the handiwork of a ‘Taxila trained prince’ (Taxila
is in present-day Pakistan, though the core of the Mauryan empire was in eastern India),
Zafar avers that ‘[S]oon Pakistan re-established its link with the Bactrian Greeks in Cen-
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tral Asia’.95 Most Pakistan Studies textbooks fail to account for any history from roughly
the fourth and third-century BCE to the eighth-century, because in this period the region
comprising modern-day Pakistan was intimately connected to what is today India. History
is thus put to work to reinforce the notion of an always-separate Pakistan and Bharat.
Referring a little later in the textbook to the influx of nomads from Central Asia c.1500
BCE who produced the Vedas (one of the major components of Hindu religious litera-
ture), Zafar points out that by the sixth-century BCE the Vedic people moved eastward
and established themselves in Bharatavarsha (present-day India) around the river Ganges.
‘A notable feature of this period’, he says, ‘was that it consolidated the separate identity of
the Indus Zone from Bharatavarsha, while on the other hand, it developed close relations
between Pakistan and Iran’.96 For Zafar to maintain this, he has to ignore the history of the
early territorial states in the subcontinent and of the relations between them. He has to
overlook, for instance, texts such as the Mahabharata in which one of the central characters
is Gandhari, or the queen from Gandhara, who marries into the clan of the Kurus settled in
the Gangetic basin.
By the same token, appropriating the grand narrative of a natural geographical unity of
the subcontinent, although it suits the logic of Indian nationalism, also leads to historical
tunnel vision and a remarkably similar effect of appropriating, erasing or negating well-
known historical connections for the sake of political ideology. To start with the most
obvious example, the IVC is today so totally appropriated to Indian history, that when
products of the school system (including myself) first encounter the title of Mortimer
Wheeler’s 1950 book, Five Thousand Years of Pakistan, their response is either incredu-
lousness or merriment. On closer reflection, of course, there is no doubt that given that the
major part of the river valley of the Indus is in Pakistan, and the most significant excavation
sites of the IVC, including Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, are firmly located within its
boundaries, Pakistan has a ‘better’ case for claiming the IVC to its history. Yet, the entire
IVC is conveniently appropriated to the history of a naturalized India. But not all great
civilizations are so easily appropriated. In such cases, Indian textbook writers have chosen
to either ignore or minimize.
For long periods of time, ‘Indian’ history was closely connected with the histories of
other parts of the world. However, textbooks on the history of India take nationalist con-
structions of a naturally existing India so much to heart that they tend to ignore the influences
370 S. Joshi

of events outside the ‘natural’ boundaries. At best, such influences are discussed only in
the way they contribute to the Indic world. The Persian empire existed on the borders of
what textbooks represent as Ancient India, but R.S. Sharma’s book hardly refers to it. The
empire of Ashoka transcended the boundaries of present-day India. However, students
learn little about happenings outside the limits of the imagined ‘India’. The Kushans con-
nected the Indian subcontinent to a larger Central and East Asian world for a hundred and
fifty years. But, references to individual emperors apart, Indian students learn little about
these relations from their textbooks – in large measure simply because they do not corre-
spond to the entity that is defined as India. Richard Eaton’s recent work emphasizes the
continuous set of historical ties between regions we today think of as separate – India and
Iran.97 These connections, of course, ran right through what is today Pakistan. Eaton
argues that from the time of Alexander the Great in the fourth-century BCE to the failed
British attempts to annex Afghanistan to their Indian imperial possessions, there was only
a brief period, from the thirteenth to the early sixteenth centuries, in which regions on both
sides of the passes connecting the Iranian plateau to the Indus Valley were not controlled
by a single political power. The constant movement of people, animals, and goods across
these passes made them of crucial strategic and economic importance. Citing the work of
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Scott Levi, Eaton points out that in one year, 1639, about 65 camels reached Iran from
India, each day, carrying about 30,000 lb of Indian textiles.98 In Indian textbooks, how-
ever, even when this history does deal with connections between the subcontinent and
other parts of Asia, for instance in the chapters of R.S. Sharma’s book, it is rendered in
completely Indocentric terms. Thus Sharma’s textbook tells students that Ashoka ‘brought
about the political unification of the country’.99 However, the same textbook labels Iranians,
Greeks, Bactrians, Scythians, Kushans and a host of other groups with origins outside of
the subcontinent – all of whom made important contributions to ‘Indian’ culture and certainly
to the Indian genetic pool – as ‘invaders’.100
The idea of a world comprised only of territorially demarcated nation states represented
on maps obstructs any understanding of a past characterized by a much more mobile his-
tory and geography. Contemporary maps, David Ludden argues, ‘now control history,
using scientific cartography to bury old mobile spaces by putting all of their evidence in
the proper place, inside national maps, like a primitive archeologist ripping artifacts out of
context to store neatly in a museum’.101 Like museums, these representations seek to tell a
very limited story, that of the modern nation state. So, while Pakistani textbooks are will-
ing to acknowledge the westward connection of their history in the name of Islamic solid-
arity, we get from them no sense at all of the historical links of present-day Pakistan to a
larger regional pattern that included the Indian subcontinent. Similarly, Indian history
textbooks are more or less blind to the connections between India and the larger Central
and West Asian region of which it was a part. In this, Indian historiography obviously
takes its cue from what Eaton says were British decisions to isolate the Punjab entirely,
‘politically, militarily, and conceptually’, from Afghanistan after their military failures
there.102 Nationalist textbooks in Pakistan encourage their students to believe that they
have historical connections only with a larger Muslim world. Even more significantly,
perhaps, by locating their history with respect to a certain geography, these textbooks
teach readers that they do not share historical experience with their eastern neighbour. On
the other side of the border, the entrenched idea of a naturally formed nation produces a
completely blinkered vision of a past, which too excludes any larger regional or global
vision of history. Just as all maps authorized by the Survey of India are required to spec-
ify, it appears that nationalist imperatives also limit Indian historical narratives to ‘twelve
nautical miles measured from the appropriate baseline’.
South Asian History and Culture 371

Concluding remarks
While deriving its argument from school texts, this article does not in any way represent an
exhaustive survey of textbooks across India and Pakistan. I am aware that even the NCERT
texts, for instance, reach only a small proportion of students in Indian schools.103 Others
have pointed to the much more insidious agenda of textbooks used in institutions run by the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.104 At the same time, many private schools probably use
extremely outdated history textbooks, perhaps because they believe that history never
changes! For instance, some of the history books used in South Point School in Calcutta in
the 1980s (then recognized as the largest school in the world by the Guinness Book of
World Records) had evidently been written for British students living in the age when Brit-
ain still had an empire. Students in 1984 Calcutta were reading about the Greeks and their
colonies, and how ‘we the British people . . . too have a little Mother country and big new
daughter countries across the seas’.105 Finally, as Sumit Sarkar pointed out recently, the
real problem with textbooks is not limited to their cultural or political relevance. Text-
books, and this is particularly true of those used in Indian and Pakistani schools, need to be
better written and illustrated to challenge their readers and make the stories of the past seem
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relevant and interesting to them. Without that, students will simply remain alienated from
whatever kind of history they are taught, as, unfortunately, too many are already.106
All the textbooks examined in this article have been authorized by their respective
states. The trauma that accompanied the creation of borders in 1947, the wars that have
been fought to maintain or transform them since, and the continued disputes around the
borders of Kashmir, among other things, make both states touchy about borders and maps.
The fact that, despite strict institutional separation, the borders remain more porous and
fluid than either state would prefer generates ‘cartographic anxiety’, as Sankaran Krishna
has discussed in a fascinating essay.107 One could argue that nationalist textbook projects
are yet another way of dealing with that anxiety.
After the creation of two separate nation states in 1947, India and Pakistan needed to
craft different histories out of a shared past. But how does one do that? Much of the scholar-
ship that has examined this subject in the context of textbooks in India and Pakistan focuses
on different interpretations of key historical figures or important historical moments.108 This
article suggests that constructions of geography are equally critical in this regard. David
Harvey reminds us that ‘regions are “made” or “constructed” as much in imagination as in
material form’.109 Pakistan and India chose to imagine their histories in the context of appar-
ently diverse regions. These different ‘geoscapes’ in turn facilitate the slippages and anach-
ronism that characterize the historical narratives that one finds in the textbooks of both
countries. Imagining Pakistan exclusively in terms of the ‘Islamic world’ makes it possible
for Pakistani history to ignore large periods when its past was inextricably linked with what
is today India or Bharat. Similarly, without the naturalization of the boundaries of India, it
would not be possible for Indian textbooks to treat the creation of Pakistan as the tragic vivi-
section of an organic entity, ignoring the large periods of history when a plurality of states
characterized the political status of the subcontinent. The nationalist geographies within
which students are taught to locate their histories not only limit what students learn about the
past but actually encourage students from India and Pakistan to believe that they belong to
different worlds. By placing the two nations’ histories within differently imagined geogra-
phies, school texts enable, even foment, the writing of different histories out of a shared past.
The real tragedy perhaps is that the books seek to teach youth who are studying, say in
Lahore and Amritsar – no more than fifty miles away from each other – to imagine them-
selves not only as the inheritors of different pasts but also as inhabiting different worlds.
372 S. Joshi

Acknowledgements
I am very grateful to Zulfiqar Ahmad for obtaining the Pakistani textbooks I refer to in this article. A
big thank you also to Judith Giesberg for pushing me to write a paper for her panel at the American
Historical Association meetings in 2003 on the subject, and to Laura Hein and other commentators
on that panel for their incisive comments and questions. Judy and Susan Deeds gave valuable editing
advice. I am grateful for the comments of the anonymous readers for SAHC who gave valuable sug-
gestions for improving this article. Finally, as always, nothing I write would ever be possible without
the intellectual companionship and support of Sanjam Ahluwalia, nor would any writing be as satis-
fying if not repeatedly interrupted by our delightful daughter, Aeka.

Notes
1. Harvey, ‘Cartographic Identities’, 221.
2. This phrase must legally accompany any map authorized by the Surveyor General of India.
3. Anderson, Imagined Communities.
4. Duara, Rescuing History.
5. Barrow, Making History; Ramaswamy, ‘Visualizing India’s Geo-body’, 151–90; Winichakul,
Siam Mapped.
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6. Harvey, ‘Cartographic Identities’, 223.


7. Goswami, Producing India, 5.
8. Tyack, ‘Forming the National Character’.
9. Giesberg, ‘To Forget and Forgive’; Kumar, Prejudice and Pride; Moreau, Schoolbook Nation.
10. Toppo, ‘Changing History’.
11. Schnee, ‘Germany: Two Histories United’.
12. Cheney, ‘The End of History’; Hein and Seldon, Censoring History; also see Loewen, Lies My
Teacher Told Me.
13. MacIntyre and Clark, The History Wars.
14. Podeh, ‘History and Memory in the Israeli Educational System’.
15. For some instances of how fiercely the adoption of textbooks are debated in the state of Texas
in the United States, see Russel Shorto, ‘How Christian Were the Founders?’.
16. Kumar, Prejudice and Pride; Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion.
17. Kumar, ‘Origins of India’s Textbook Culture’.
18. Prakash Tandon, cited in Kumar, Political Agenda of Education, 67.
19. ‘Newal Kishore is, first of all, a school book publisher’ wrote a contemporary observer, John
Hurst, before going on to describe his vast publishing enterprise. Hurst, Indika, 604; Stark, An
Empire of Books; also, Joshi, Fractured Modernity.
20. Kumar, Political Agenda of Education.
21. Chandra, The Oppressive Present.
22. For one example, see Indian Reformer October 10, 1895, citing the Paisa Akhbar of Lahore
regarding the geography textbook used in Kapurthala. Selections from the Vernacular News-
papers of North India, October 30, 1895, 528.
23. Kumar, ‘Origins of India’s Textbook Culture’.
24. Chandra, The Oppressive Present; Kaviraj, The Unhappy Consciousness; Sharar, Paradise of
the Assassins.
25. Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion.
26. Aziz, Murder of History; Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion.
27. Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion, 5.
28. Mudaliar, Report of the Secondary Education Commission, 1952.
29. NCERT, Memorandum of Association and Rules.
30. Kumar, Prejudice and Pride.
31. Wahi, ‘Textbooks, Politics and the Practice of History’.
32. See, Thapar, ‘The History Debate and School Textbooks in India’; also Bhattacharya, ‘Teach-
ing History in Schools’. For the older pamphlet, see Thapar, Mukhia, and Chandra, Commu-
nalism and the Writing of Indian History.
33. Gopalan, Foreword to Medieval India, by Satish Chandra.
34. Rosser, ‘Contesting Historiographies in South Asia’.
35. Ibid.
South Asian History and Culture 373

36. Ali, ‘History, Ideology and Curriculum’; Aziz, Murder of History; Hoodhbhoy and Nayyar,
‘Rewriting the History of Pakistan’; Jalal, ‘Conjuring Pakistan’; Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle
Subversion; Powell, ‘Perceptions of the South Asian Past’, 190–228; Rosser, ‘Contesting His-
toriographies in South Asia’.
37. Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion, 4.
38. Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion.
39. Lloyd Rudolph and Suzanne Rudolph, ‘Cultural Policy, the Textbook Controversy, and Indian
Identity’.
40. Mridula Mukherjee and Aditya Mukherjee, ‘Communalization of Education’.
41. Dev, ‘Mind Games, NCERT Style’; Kaur, ‘History and Sensibilities’; Report of the Panel of
Historians; Vanaik, ‘The Textbook Controversy’.
42. Report of the Panel of Historians.
43. Mitra, ‘The Purpose of History’.
44. Mitra, ‘What’s It about History?’.
45. Kumar, Prejudice and Pride.
46. Chandra, Modern India.
47. Zafar, Pakistan Studies, 37.
48. Ibid., 40.
49. Hoodhbhoy and Nayyar, ‘Rewriting the History of Pakistan’.
50. Aziz, Murder of History.
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51. Hoodhbhoy and Nayyar, ‘Rewriting the History of Pakistan’, 175; also see Ali, ‘History, Ideology
and Curriculum’; Jalal, ‘Conjuring Pakistan’; Nayyar and Salim, The Subtle Subversion; Powell,
‘Perceptions of the South Asian Past’; Rosser, ‘Contesting Historiographies in South Asia’.
52. Arshad, Social Studies for Class VIII, 53.
53. Zafar, Pakistan Studies, 23.
54. Ibid., 4.
55. Ibid., 5.
56. Ibid., 6–7.
57. Lloyd Rudolph and Suzanne Rudolph, ‘Cultural Policy, the Textbook Controversy, and Indian
Identity’.
58. Savarkar, Hindutva.
59. Jha, ‘A New Brand of History’.
60. Ibid.; Kaur, ‘History and Sensibilities’.
61. Friese, ‘Hijacking India’s History’; Habib, Jaiswal, and Mukherjee, ‘History in the New
NCERT Textbooks’; Jha, ‘A New Brand of History’; Report of the Panel of Historians; Sullivan,
‘India Textbooks May Cut Gandhi Assassination’; Vanaik, ‘The Textbook Controversy’.
62. Om, Contemporary India, 34.
63. Ibid., 36, 57.
64. Lal, Ancient India, 232; Lal et al., India and the World.
65. Report of the Panel of Historians.
66. Chandra, ‘Texts Were Rewritten in Nazi Germany, Pak’. Interview.
67. Kumar, ‘History at the Crossroads’.
68. Chaturvedi et al., High School Itihaas, 7–8.
69. Zafar, Pakistan Studies, 23.
70. Ibid., 35.
71. Sharma, Ancient India, 1.
72. Ibid., 2.
73. Sharma, Ancient India, 1, 35, 53, 70, 79.
74. The Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan text I possess spells his last name as ‘Mukherji’ on the spine,
though continues to use ‘Mookerji’ in the main text, which is the spelling used in the original
1914 edition of this text, and the one I employ in this article.
75. Mookerji, The Fundamental Unity of India, 24.
76. For a very interesting study of the Greater India Society, see Bayly, ‘Imagining “Greater
India” ’. Unlike the argument for a geographically naturalized India, these intellectuals saw
India as the metropolitan centre of a larger Indian imperial formation. Bayly also notes the
association of the Greater India Society intellectuals with contemporary Hindu nationalists,
their contribution to the historical vision of secular nationalists such as Nehru as well as the
appropriation of their legacy by contemporary advocates of Hindutva.
374 S. Joshi

77. Sen, ‘Our Past and Our Present’, 4884–5.


78. Sen, Distant Sovereignty.
79. Barrow, Making History, Drawing Territory; Edney, Mapping an Empire; Scott, Seeing Like
a State.
80. Goswami, Producing India.
81. Ramaswamy, ‘Visualizing India’s Geo-body’.
82. Mookerji, The Fundamental Unity of India, 92.
83. I am grateful to Sumathi Ramaswamy and to Bruce Sullivan for helping me with the translation
of this phrase. My gloss remains somewhat simplistic, and requires more research. I look for-
ward to reading Sumathi Ramaswamy’s forthcoming work on geographic logos used by the
Indian state, including this one.
84. Joshi, ‘Colonial Notions of South Asia’.
85. Goswami, Producing India; Ramaswamy, ‘Visualizing India’s Geo-body’.
86. Khan, Social Studies for Class VI, 7.
87. Khan, Social Studies for Class VII.
88. Arshad, Social Studies for Class VIII, 55–6.
89. Ibid., 56.
90. Ibid., 136; also see, Powell, ‘Perceptions of the South Asian Past’; Rosser, ‘Contesting Histo-
riographies in South Asia’.
91. Harvey, ‘Cartographic Identities’, 225.
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92. In a similar manner, as Yvette Rosser recounts, early revisions of history textbooks in a then
newly created Bangladesh emphasized a history that was centred on the region, and a Bengali
rather than a Muslim identity. Rosser, ‘Curriculum as Destiny’, chap. 4.
93. Zafar, Pakistan Studies, 157.
94. This was obviously a somewhat different project from the one celebrating ‘thousands of
years’ of Pakistani history. Mortimer Wheeler’s Five Thousand Years of Pakistan was an
important text for the latter project. Manan Ahmed has recently written about this in his blog
‘Chapati Mystery’. See, http://www.chapatimystery.com/archives/homistan/thousands_of_
years.html.
95. Zafar, Pakistan Studies, 165.
96. Ibid., 164.
97. Eaton, ‘Mapping Persia, India, and Asia’.
98. Ibid.
99. Sharma, Ancient India, 91.
100. Ibid., 75, 100, 102–8.
101. Ludden, ‘Presidential Address: Maps of the Mind’, 1062.
102. Eaton, ‘Mapping Persia, India, and Asia’.
103. Bhattacharya, ‘The Problem’; also see, Bhattacharya, ‘Teaching History in Schools’.
104. Sarkar, ‘Historical Pedagogy of the Sangh Parivar’.
105. Joshi, ‘Be Indian the British Way’.
106. Sarkar, ‘History Textbooks: The Need to Move Forward’.
107. Krishna, ‘Cartographic Anxiety’.
108. Aziz, Murder of History; Jalal, ‘Conjuring Pakistan’; Kumar, Prejudice and Pride; Report of
the Panel of Historians.
109. Harvey, ‘Cartographic Identities’, 225.

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