Ten Attic Orators

The Ten Attic Orators
Edited by Steven Weiss
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Contents
Articles
Introduction 1
Attic orators 1
Ten Attic Orators 3

Aeschines 3
Andocides 5
Antiphon (person) 6
Demosthenes 10
Dinarchus 35
Hypereides 36
Isaeus 39
Isocrates 41
Lycurgus of Athens 46
Lysias 48
Appendices 55
Logographer (legal) 55
List of orators 56
References
Article Sources and Contributors 59
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 60
Article Licenses
License 61
1
Introduction
Attic orators
The ten Attic orators were considered the
greatest orators and logographers of the
classical era (5th–4th century BCE). They are
included in the "Alexandrian Canon"
(sometimes called the "Canon of Ten")
compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and
Aristarchus of Samothrace.
The Alexandrian "Canon of

Ten"
• Aeschines
• Andocides
• Antiphon
• Demosthenes
• Dinarchus
• Hypereides
• Isaeus
• Isocrates
• Lycurgus
• Lysias
Going back at least as far as Homer (8th or 9th
century BCE), the art of effective speaking was [1]
Lives of the Ten Orators , from an unknown writer whose allonym is
of considerable value in Greece. In Homer's Pseudo-Plutarch, delivers a pseudepigraphy for the ten Attic orators; here
epic, the Iliad, the warrior, Achilles, was Demosthenes practises his craft.
described as "a speaker of words" and "a doer

of deeds."
Until the 5th century BCE, however, oratory was not formally taught. In fact, it is not until the middle of that century
that the Sicilian orator, Corax, along with his pupil, Tisias, began a formal study of rhetoric. In 427 BCE, another
Sicilian named Gorgias of Leontini visited Athens and gave a speech which apparently dazzled the citizens.
Gorgias’s "intellectual" approach to oratory—which included new ideas, forms of expression, and methods of
argument—was continued by Isocrates, a 4th century BCE educator and rhetorician. Oratory eventually became a
central subject of study in the formalized Greek education system.
The work of the Attic orators inspired the later rhetorical movement of Atticism, an approach to speech composition
emphasizing a simple rather than ornate style.
Attic orators 2
References
• Carawan, Edwin (ed.): Oxford readings in the Attic orators. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
ISBN 9780199279920
• Smith, R.M. “A New Look at the Canon of the Ten Attic Orators”, Mnemosyne 48.1 (1995): 66-79.
External links
• Lives of the Ten Orators [2]
References
[1] http:/ / classicpersuasion. org/ pw/ plu10or/ index. htm
[2] http:/ / classicpersuasion. org/ pw/ plu10or/
3
Ten Attic Orators
Aeschines
Aeschines
Marble bust of Aeschines
Born 389 BC
Athens
Died 314 BC
Samos
Aeschines (Greek: Αἰσχίνης, Aischínēs; 389 – 314 BC) was a Greek statesman and one of the ten Attic orators.
Life
Although it is known he was born in Athens, the records regarding his parentage and early life are conflicting; but it
seems probable that his parents, though poor, were respectable. Aeschines' father was Atrometus, an elementary
school teacher of letters. His mother Glaukothea assisted in the religious rites of initiation for the poor. After
assisting his father in his school, he tried his hand at acting with indifferent success, served with distinction in the
army, and held several clerkships, amongst them the office of clerk to the Boule. Among the campaigns that
Aeschines participated in were Phlius in the Peloponnese (368 BC), Battle of Mantinea (362 BC), and Phokion's
campaign in Euboea (349 BC). The fall of Olynthus (348 BC) brought Aeschines into the political arena, and he was
sent on an embassy to rouse the Peloponnese against Philip II of Macedon.
In spring of 347 BC, Aeschines addressed the assembly of Ten Thousand in Megalopolis, Arcadia urging them to
unite and defend their independence against Philip. In the summer 347 BC, he was a member of the peace embassy
to Philip, who seems to have won him over entirely to his side. His dilatoriness during the second embassy (346 BC)
sent to ratify the terms of peace led to him being accused by Demosthenes and Timarchus on a charge of high
treason. Aeschines counterattacked by claiming that Timarchus had forfeited the right to speak before the people as a
consequence of youthful debauches which had left him with the reputation of being a whore and prostituting himself
to many men in the port city of Piraeus. The suit succeeded and Timarchus was sentenced to atimia and politically
Aeschines 4
destroyed, according to Demosthenes. This comment was later interpreted by Pseudo-Plutarch in his Lives of the Ten
Orators as meaning that Timarchos hanged himself upon leaving the assembly, a suggestion contested by some
modern historians.[1]
This oration, Against Timarchus, is considered important because of the bulk of Athenian laws it cites. As a
consequence of his successful attack on Timarchus, Aeschines was cleared of the charge of treason.[2]
In 343 BC the attack on Aeschines was renewed by Demosthenes in his speech On the False Embassy. Aeschines
replied in a speech with the same title and was again acquitted. In 339 BC, as one of the Athenian deputies
(pylagorae) in the Amphictyonic Council, he made a speech which brought about the Fourth Sacred War.
By way of revenge, Aeschines endeavoured to fix the blame for these disasters upon Demosthenes. In 336 BC, when
Ctesiphon proposed that his friend Demosthenes should be rewarded with a golden crown for his distinguished
services to the state, Aeschines accused him of having violated the law in bringing forward the motion. The matter
remained in abeyance till 330 BC, when the two rivals delivered their speeches Against Ctesiphon and On the
Crown. The result was a complete victory for Demosthenes.
Aeschines went into voluntary exile at Rhodes, where he opened a school of rhetoric. He afterwards removed to
Samos, where he died aged seventy-five. His three speeches, called by the ancients "the Three Graces," rank next to
those of Demosthenes. Photius knew of nine letters by him which he called the Nine Muses; the twelve published
under his name (Hercher, Epistolographi Graeci) are not genuine.
Ancient Authorities
Demosthenes, De Corona and De Falsa Legatione; Aeschines, De Falsa Legations and In Ctesiphentem; Lives by
Plutarch, Philostratus and Libanius; the Exegesis of Apollonius.
Editions
• Gustav Eduard Benseler (1855–1860) (trans. and notes)
• Andreas Weidner (1872)
• Friedrich Blass (Teubner, 1896)
• Thomas Leland (1722–1785), Weidner (1872), (1878), G. A. Simcox and W. H. Simcox (1866), Drake (1872),
Richardson (1889), G. Watkin and Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (1890).
• Teubner ed. of Orationes: 1997, edited Mervin R. Dilts. ISBN 3-8154-1009-6
Notes
[1] Nick Fisher, Aeschines: Against Timarchos, "Introduction," p.22 n.71; Oxford University Press, 2001
[2] Nick Fisher, Aeschines: Against Timarchos, "Introduction," p.22 n.71, passim; Oxford University Press, 2001
External links
• Livius (http://www.livius.org), Aeschines (http://www.livius.org/ad-af/aeschines/aeschines.html) by Jona
Lendering
• Against Timarchus (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0002:speech=1) at
the Perseus Project
• On the Embassy (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0002:speech=2) at the
Perseus Project
• Against Ctesiphon (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0002:speech=3) at
the Perseus Project
Aeschines 5
Sources
• This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911).
Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
Andocides
Andocides or Andokides (Ancient Greek: Ἀνδοκίδης, 440–390 BC) was a logographer (speech writer) in Ancient
Greece. He was one of the ten Attic orators included in the "Alexandrian Canon" compiled by Aristophanes of
Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace in the third century BC.
He was implicated during the Peloponnesian War in the mutilation of the Herms on the eve of the departure of the
Athenian expedition against Sicily in 415 BC. Although he saved his life by turning informer, he was condemned to
partial loss of civil rights and forced to leave Athens. He engaged in commercial pursuits, and returned to Athens
under the general amnesty that followed the restoration of the democracy (403 BC), and filled some important
offices. In 391 BC he was one of the ambassadors sent to Sparta to discuss peace terms, but the negotiations failed.
Oligarchical in his sympathies, he offended his own party and was distrusted by the democrats. Andocides was no
professional orator; his style is simple and lively, natural but inartistic.
List of extant speeches

1. On the Mysteries [1] (Περὶ τῶν μυστηρίων "De Mysteriis"). Andocides' defense against the charge of impiety in
attending the Eleusinian Mysteries.
2. On His Return [2] (Περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ καθόδου "De Reditu"). Andocides' plea for his return and removal of civil
disabilities.
3. On the Peace with Sparta [3] (Περὶ τῆς πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους εἰρήνης "De Pace"). An argument for peace with
Sparta.
4. Against Alcibiades [4] (Κατὰ Ἀλκιβιάδου "Contra Alcibiadem"). Generally considered spurious.
References
• Andocides. (Speeches [5] at the Perseus Project.)
References
[1] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Andoc. + 1+ 1
[5] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 01. 0018
Antiphon (person) 6
Antiphon (person)
Antiphon the Sophist lived in Athens probably in the last two decades of the 5th century BC. There is an ongoing
controversy over whether he is one and the same with Antiphon (Ἀντιφῶν) of the Athenian deme Rhamnus in
Attica (480–411 BC), the earliest of the ten Attic orators. For the purposes of this article, they will be treated as
distinct persons.
Antiphon of Rhamnus
Antiphon of Rhamnus was a statesman who took up rhetoric as a profession. He was active in political affairs in
Athens, and, as a zealous supporter of the oligarchical party, was largely responsible for the establishment of the
Four Hundred in 411 (see Theramenes); upon restoration of the democracy shortly afterwards, he was accused of
treason and condemned to death. Thucydides famously characterized Antiphon's skills, influence, and reputation:
...He who concerted the whole affair [of the 411 coup], and prepared the way for the catastrophe, and who had
given the greatest thought to the matter, was Antiphon, one of the best men of his day in Athens; who, with a
head to contrive measures and a tongue to recommend them, did not willingly come forward in the assembly
or upon any public scene, being ill-looked upon by the multitude owing to his reputation for cleverness; and
who yet was the one man best able to aid in the courts, or before the assembly, the suitors who required his
opinion. Indeed, when he was afterwards himself tried for his life on the charge of having been concerned in
setting up this very government, when the Four Hundred were overthrown and hardly dealt with by the
commons, he made what would seem to be the best defence of any known up to my time.
—Thucydides, Histories 8.68[1]
Antiphon may be regarded as the founder of political oratory, but he never addressed the people himself except on
the occasion of his trial. Fragments of his speech then, delivered in defense of his policy (called Περὶ μεταστάσεως)
have been edited by J. Nicole (1907) from an Egyptian papyrus.
His chief business was that of a logographer (λογογράφος), that is a professional speech-writer. He wrote for those
who felt incompetent to conduct their own cases—all disputants were obliged to do so—without expert assistance.
Fifteen of Antiphon's speeches are extant: twelve are mere school exercises on fictitious cases, divided into
tetralogies, each comprising two speeches for prosecution and defence—accusation, fence, reply, counter-reply;
three refer to actual legal processes. All deal with cases of homicide (φονικαὶ δίκαι). Antiphon is also said to have
composed a Τέχνη or art of Rhetoric.
Antiphon (person) 7
Antiphon the Sophist

A treatise known as On Truth, of which only fragments survive, is
attributed to Antiphon the Sophist. It is of great value to political
theory, as it appears to be a precursor to natural rights theory. The
views expressed in it suggest its author could not be the same person as
Antiphon of Rhamnus, since it was interpreted as affirming strong
egalitarian and libertarian principles appropriate to a democracy - but
antithetical to the oligarchical views of one who was instrumental in
the anti-democratic coup of 411 like Antiphon of Rhamnus.[2] It's been
argued that that interpretation has become obsolete in light of a new
fragment of text from On Truth discovered in 1984. New evidence
supposedly rules out an egalitarian interpretation of the text.[3]
However, that argument cannot withstand the actual text of the
surviving fragments of On Truth, which specifically attacks class and
national distinctions as being based, not on nature, but on conventional
prejudice.
Those born of illustrious fathers we respect and honour, whereas A third century AD papyrus attributed to the first
those who come from an undistinguished house we neither book of On Truth (P.Oxy. XI 1364 fr. 1, cols.
respect nor honour. In this we behave like barbarians towards v-vii)
one another. For by nature we all equally, both barbarians and

Greeks, have an entirely similar origin: for it is fitting to fulfil the natural satisfactions which are necessary to
all men: all have the ability to fulfil these in the same way, and in all this none of us is different either as
barbarian or as Greek; for we all breathe into the air with mouth and nostrils and we all eat with the hands.[4]
The egalitarian thrust of this statement is unmistakable and is in harmony with the Greek tendency to view liberty as
requiring equality. Aristotle for one, mentions this as the consensus concerning democracy, that it champions
equality as a form of liberty. This conjunction of equality with liberty would apply both to supporters of democracy
like Pericles or opponents, like Plato. The following passages confirm the strongly libertarian commitments of
Antiphon the Sophist.
"Nature" requires liberty

On Truth juxtaposes the repressive nature of convention and law (νόμος) with "nature" (φύσις), especially human
nature. Nature is envisaged as requiring spontaneity and freedom, in contrast to the often gratuitous restrictions
imposed by institutions:
Most of the things which are legally just are [none the less] ... inimical to nature. By law it has been laid
down for the eyes what they should see and what they should not see; for the ears what they should hear
and they should not hear; for the tongue what it should speak, and what it should not speak; for the
hands what they should do and what they should not do ... and for the mind what it should desire, and
what it should not desire.[5]
Repression means pain, whereas it is nature (human nature) to shun pain.
Elsewhere, Antiphon wrote: "Life is like a brief vigil, and the duration of life like a single day, as it were, in which
having lifted our eyes to the light we give place to other who succeed us."[6] Mario Untersteiner comments: "If death
follows according to nature, why torment its opposite, life, which is equally according to nature? By appealing to this
tragic law of existence, Antiphon, speaking with the voice of humanity, wishes to shake off everything that can do
violence to the individuality of the person."[7]
Antiphon (person) 8
In his championship of the natural liberty and equality of all men, Antiphon anticipates the natural rights doctrine of
Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and the Declaration of Independence.
Mathematics
Further information: Bryson of Heraclea, Pi, and squaring the circle
Antiphon was also a capable mathematician. Antiphon, alongside his companion Bryson of Heraclea, was the first to
give an upper and lower bound for the value of pi by inscribing and then circumscribing a polygon around a circle
and finally proceeding to calculate the polygons' areas. This method was applied to the problem of squaring the
circle.
List of Extant Speeches (available at the Perseus Digital Library [8])

1. Prosecution Of The Stepmother For Poisoning [9] (Φαρμακείας κατὰ τῆς μητρυιᾶς)
2. The First Tetralogy: Anonymous Prosecution For Murder [10] (Κατηγορία φόνου ἀπαράσημος)
3. The Second Tetralogy: Prosecution for Accidental Homicide [11] (Κατηγορία φόνου ακουσίου)
4. The Third Tetralogy: Prosecution for Murder Of One Who Pleads Self-Defense [12] (Κατηγορία φόνου κατὰ τοῦ
λέγοντος ἀμύνασθαι)
5. On the Murder of Herodes [13] (Περὶ τοῦ Ἡρῷδου φόνου)
6. On the Choreutes [14] (Περὶ τοῦ χορευτοῦ)
Notes
[1] trans. by Richard Crawley, revised by Robert Strassler, 1996
[2] W. K C. Guthrie, The Sophists, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971
[3] pp. 351, 356, Gerard Pendrick, 2002, Antiphon the Sophist: The Fragments, Cambridge U. Press; also p. 98 n. 41 of Richard Winton's
"Herodotus, Thucydides, and the sophists" in C.Rowe & M.Schofield, The Cambridge Companion to Greek and Roman Political Thought,
Cambridge 2005.
[4] quoted in Mario Untersteiner, The Sophists, tr. Kathleen Freeman (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1954), p. 252
[5] Antiphon, On Truth, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, xi, no. 1364, fragment 1, quoted in Donald Kagan (ed.) Sources in Greek Political Thought from
Homer to Polybius "Sources in Western Political Thought, A. Hacker, gen. ed.; New York: Free Press, 2965
[6] Fr. 50 DK, quoted at Stobaeus 4.34.63.
[7] Mario Untersteiner, The Sophists, tr. Kathleen Freeman (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1954) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971,
p. 247
[8] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
[9] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Antiph. + 1+ 1
Antiphon (person) 9
References
• Edition, with commentary, by Eduard Maetzner (1838)
• text by Friedrich Blass (1881)
• R. C. Jebb, Attic Orators
• Ps.-Plutarch, Vitae X. Oratorum or Lives of the Ten Orators (http://classicpersuasion.org/pw/plu10or/)
• Philostratus, Vit. Sophistarum, i. 15
• van Cleef, Index Antiphonteus, Ithaca, N. Y. (1895)
• Antiphon (http://www.swan.ac.uk/classics/staff/ter/grst/People/Antiphon.htm)
• Michael Gagarin, Antiphon the Athenian, 2002, U. of Texas Press. Argues for the identification of Antiphon the
Sophist and Antiphon of Rhamnus.
• Gerard Pendrick, Antiphon the Sophist: The Fragments, 2002, Cambridge U. Press. Argues that Antiphon the
Sophist and Antiphon of Rhamnus are two, and provides a new edition of and commentary on the fragments
attributed to the Sophist.
• David Hoffman, "Antiphon the Athenian: Oratory, Law and Justice in the Age of the Sophists/Antiphon the
Sophist: The Fragments" (http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa4142/is_200607/ai_n17176178/pg_1),
Rhetoric Society Quarterly, summer 2006. A review of Gagarin 2002 and Pendrick 2002.
External links
• Antiphon's Apology, the Papyrus Fragments, French 1907 edition from the Internet Archive (http://www.
archive.org/details/lapologiedantip00antigoog)
• Xenophon's Memorabilia 1.6.1-.15 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.
0208&layout=&loc=1.6.1) presents a dialogue between Antiphon the Sophist and Socrates.
• Speeches (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0020;layout=;loc=1.
1;query=toc) by Antiphon of Rhamnus on Perseus
• A bio on Antiphon of Rhamnus by Richard C. Jebb, The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos, 1876 (http://
www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0077:head=#40) on Perseus
• O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Antiphon (person)" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/
Biographies/Antiphon.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews.
• The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article on "Callicles and Thrasymachus" (http://plato.stanford.edu/
entries/callicles-thrasymachus/) discusses the views of Antiphon the Sophist.
Further reading
• Kerferd, G.B. (1970). "Antiphon". Dictionary of Scientific Biography. 1. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
pp. 170–172. ISBN 0-684-10114-9.
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911).
Demosthenes 10
Demosthenes
Demosthenes
Bust of Demosthenes (Louvre, Paris, France)
Born 384 BC
Athens
Died 322 BC
Island of Kalaureia (present-day Poros)
Demosthenes (English pronunciation: /dɪˈmɒs.θəniːz/, Greek: Δημοσθένης, Dēmosthénēs Greek

pronunciation: [dɛːmostʰénɛːs]; 384–322 BC) was a prominent Greek statesman and orator of ancient Athens. His
orations constitute a significant expression of contemporary Athenian intellectual prowess and provide an insight
into the politics and culture of ancient Greece during the 4th century BC. Demosthenes learned rhetoric by studying
the speeches of previous great orators. He delivered his first judicial speeches at the age of 20, in which he argued
effectively to gain from his guardians what was left of his inheritance. For a time, Demosthenes made his living as a
professional speech-writer (logographer) and a lawyer, writing speeches for use in private legal suits.
Demosthenes grew interested in politics during his time as a logographer, and in 354 BC he gave his first public
political speeches. He went on to devote his most productive years to opposing Macedon's expansion. He idealized
his city and strove throughout his life to restore Athens' supremacy and motivate his compatriots against Philip II of
Macedon. He sought to preserve his city's freedom and to establish an alliance against Macedon, in an unsuccessful
attempt to impede Philip's plans to expand his influence southwards by conquering all the other Greek states. After
Philip's death, Demosthenes played a leading part in his city's uprising against the new King of Macedonia,
Alexander the Great. However, his efforts failed and the revolt was met with a harsh Macedonian reaction. To
prevent a similar revolt against his own rule, Alexander's successor in this region, Antipater, sent his men to track
Demosthenes down. Demosthenes took his own life, in order to avoid being arrested by Archias, Antipater's
confidant.
The Alexandrian Canon compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace recognized
Demosthenes as one of the ten greatest Attic orators and logographers. Longinus likened Demosthenes to a blazing
thunderbolt, and argued that he "perfected to the utmost the tone of lofty speech, living passions, copiousness,
readiness, speed".[1] Quintilian extolled him as lex orandi ("the standard of oratory"), and Cicero said about him that
inter omnis unus excellat ("he stands alone among all the orators"), and he also acclaimed him as "the perfect orator"
who lacked nothing.[2]
Demosthenes 11
Early years and personal life
Family and personal life

Demosthenes was born in 384 BC, during the last year of the
98th Olympiad or the first year of the 99th Olympiad.[3] His
father—also named Demosthenes—who belonged to the local tribe,
Pandionis, and lived in the deme of Paeania[4] in the Athenian
countryside, was a wealthy sword-maker.[5] Aeschines, Demosthenes'
greatest political rival, maintained that his mother Kleoboule was a
Scythian by blood[6]—an allegation disputed by some modern
scholars.[a] Demosthenes was orphaned at the age of seven. Although
his father provided well for him, his legal guardians, Aphobus,
Demophon and Therippides, mishandled his inheritance.[7]
As soon as Demosthenes came of age in 366 BC, he demanded they

render an account of their management. According to Demosthenes,
the account revealed the misappropriation of his property. Although his
father left an estate of nearly fourteen talents, (equivalent to about 220
years of a laborer's income at standard wages, or 11 million dollars in
terms of median US annual incomes)[8] Demosthenes asserted his
guardians had left nothing "except the house, and fourteen slaves and Bust of Demosthenes (British Museum, London),
thirty silver minae" (30 minae = ½ talent).[9] At the age of 20 Roman copy of a Greek original sculpted by
Demosthenes sued his trustees in order to recover his patrimony and Polyeuktos.
delivered five orations: three Against Aphobus during 363 and 362 BC
and two Against Ontenor during 362 and 361 BC. The courts fixed Demosthenes' damages at ten talents.[10] When
all the trials came to an end,[b] he only succeeded in retrieving a portion of his inheritance.[11]
According to Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes was married once. The only information about his wife, whose name is
unknown, is that she was the daughter of Heliodorus, a prominent citizen.[12] Demosthenes also had a daughter, "the
only one who ever called him father", according to Aeschines' in a trenchant remark.[13] His daughter died young and
unmarried a few days before Philip II's death.[13]
In his speeches, Aeschines uses pederastic relations of Demosthenes as a means to attack him. In the case of
Aristion, a youth from Plataea who lived for a long time in Demosthenes' house, Aeschines mocks the "scandalous"
and "improper" relation.[14] In another speech, Aeschines brings up the pederastic relation of his opponent with a boy
called Cnosion. The slander that Demosthenes' wife also slept with the boy suggests that the relationship was
contemporary with his marriage.[15] Aeschines claims that Demosthenes made money out of young rich men, such as
Aristarchus, the son of Moschus, whom he allegedly deceived with the pretence that he could make him a great
orator. Apparently, while still under Demosthenes' tutelage, Aristarchus killed and mutilated a certain Nicodemus of
Aphidna. Aeschines accused Demosthenes of complicity in the murder, pointing out that Nicodemus had once
pressed a lawsuit accusing Demosthenes of desertion. He also accused Demosthenes of having been such a bad
erastes to Aristarchus so as not even to deserve the name. His crime, according to Aeschines, was to have betrayed
his eromenos by pillaging his estate, allegedly pretending to be in love with the youth so as to get his hands on the
boy's inheritance. Nevertheless, the story of Demosthenes' relations with Aristarchus is still regarded as more than
doubtful, and no other pupil of Demosthenes is known by name.[16]
Demosthenes 12
Education
Between his coming of age in 366 BC and the trials that took place in
364 BC, Demosthenes and his guardians negotiated acrimoniously but
were unable to reach an agreement, for neither side was willing to
make concessions.[18] At the same time, Demosthenes prepared
himself for the trials and improved his oratory skill. As an adolescent,
his curiosity had been noticed by the orator Callistratus, who was then
at the height of his reputation, having just won a case of considerable
importance.[19] According to Friedrich Nietzsche, a German philologist
and philosopher, and Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major Greek
historian, Demosthenes was a student of Isocrates;[20] according to
Cicero, Quintillian and the Roman biographer Hermippus, he was a
student of Plato.[21] Lucian, a Roman-Syrian rhetorician and satirist,
lists the philosophers Aristotle, Theophrastus and Xenocrates among
his teachers.[22] These claims are nowadays disputed.[c] According to
Plutarch, Demosthenes employed Isaeus as his master in Rhetoric,
Demosthenes Practising Oratory by
even though Isocrates was then teaching this subject, either because he Jean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouy
could not pay Isocrates the prescribed fee or because Demosthenes (1842–1923). Demosthenes used to study in an
believed Isaeus' style better suited a vigorous and astute orator such as underground room he constructed himself. He
also used to talk with pebbles in his mouth and
himself .[23] Curtius, a German archaeologist and historian, likened the [17]
recited verses while running. To strengthen
relation between Isaeus and Demosthenes to "an intellectual armed his voice, he spoke on the seashore over the roar
alliance".[24] of the waves.
It has also been said that Demosthenes paid Isaeus 10,000 drachmae (somewhat over 1.5 talents) on the condition
that Isaeus should withdraw from a school of Rhetoric which he had opened, and should devote himself wholly to
Demosthenes, his new pupil.[24] Another version credits Isaeus with having taught Demosthenes without charge.[25]
According to Sir Richard C. Jebb, a British classical scholar, "the intercourse between Isaeus and Demosthenes as
teacher and learner can scarcely have been either very intimate or of very long duration".[24] Konstantinos Tsatsos, a
Greek professor and academician, believes that Isaeus helped Demosthenes edit his initial judicial orations against
his guardians.[26] Demosthenes is also said to have admired the historian Thucydides. In the Illiterate Book-Fancier,
Lucian mentions eight beautiful copies of Thucydides made by Demosthenes, all in Demosthenes' own
handwriting.[27] These references hint at his respect for a historian he must have assiduously studied.[28]
Speech training
According to Plutarch, when Demosthenes first addressed himself to the people, he was derided for his strange and
uncouth style, "which was cumbered with long sentences and tortured with formal arguments to a most harsh and
disagreeable excess".[29] Some citizens however discerned his talent. When he first left the ecclesia (the Athenian
Assembly) disheartened, an old man named Eunomus encouraged him, saying his diction was very much like that of
Pericles.[30] Another time, after the ecclesia had refused to hear him and he was going home dejected, an actor
named Satyrus followed him and entered into a friendly conversation with him.[31]
As a boy Demosthenes had a speech impediment: Plutarch refers to a weakness in his voice of "a perplexed and
indistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and disjointing his sentences much obscured the
sense and meaning of what he spoke."[29] There are problems in Plutarch's account, however, and it is probable that
Demosthenes actually suffered rhotacism, mispronouncing ρ (r) as λ (l).[32] Aeschines taunted him and referred to
him in his speeches by the nickname "Batalus",[d] apparently invented by Demosthenes' pedagogues or by the little
boys with whom he was playing.[33] Demosthenes undertook a disciplined program to overcome his weaknesses and
Demosthenes 13
improve his delivery, including diction, voice and gestures.[34] According to one story, when he was asked to name
the three most important elements in oratory, he replied "Delivery, delivery and delivery!"[35] It is unknown whether
such vignettes are factual accounts of events in Demosthenes' life or merely anecdotes used to illustrate his
perseverance and determination.[36]
Career
Legal career
To make his living, Demosthenes became a professional litigant, both as a "logographer", writing speeches for use in
private legal suits, and advocate ("synegoros") speaking on another's behalf. He seems to have been able to manage
any kind of case, adapting his skills to almost any client, including wealthy and powerful men. It is not unlikely that
he became a teacher of rhetoric and that he brought pupils into court with him. However, though he probably
continued writing speeches throughout his career,[e] he stopped working as an advocate once he entered the political
arena.[37]
"If you feel bound to act in the spirit of that dignity, whenever you come into court to give judgement on public causes, you must bethink
yourselves that with his staff and his badge every one of you receives in trust the ancient pride of Athens."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 210)—The orator's defense of the honor of the courts was in contrast to the improper actions of which
Aeschines accused him.
Judicial oratory had become a significant literary genre by the second half of the fifth century, as represented in the
speeches of Demosthenes' predecessors, Antiphon and Andocides. Logographers were a unique aspect of the
Athenian justice system: evidence for a case was compiled by a magistrate in a preliminary hearing and litigants
could present it as they pleased within set speeches; however, witnesses and documents were popularly mistrusted
(since they could be secured by force or bribery), there was little cross-examination during the trial, there were no
instructions to the jury from a judge, no conferencing between jurists before voting, the juries were huge (typically
between 201 and 501 members), cases depended largely on questions of probable motive, and notions of natural
justice were felt to take precedence over written law—conditions that favoured artfully constructed speeches.[38]
Since Athenian politicians were often indicted by their opponents, there wasn't always a clear distinction between
"private" and "public" cases, and thus a career as a logographer opened the way for Demosthenes to embark on his
political career.[39] An Athenian logographer could remain anonymous, which enabled him to serve personal
interests, even if it prejudiced the client. It also left him open to allegations of malpractice. Thus for example
Aeschines accused Demosthenes of unethically disclosing his clients' arguments to their opponents; in particular, that
he wrote a speech for Phormion (350 BC), a wealthy banker, and then communicated it to Apollodorus, who was
bringing a capital charge against Phormion.[40] Plutarch much later supported this accusation, stating that
Demosthenes "was thought to have acted dishonorably"[41] and he also accused Demosthenes of writing speeches for
both sides. It has often been argued that the deception, if there was one, involved a political quid pro quo, whereby
Apollodorus secretly pledged support for unpopular reforms that Demosthenes was pursuing in the greater, public
interest[42] (i.e. the diversion of Theoric Funds to military purposes).
Early political activity

Demosthenes was admitted to his deme as a citizen with full rights probably in 366 BC, and he soon demonstrated an
interest in politics.[36] In 363 and 359 BC, he assumed the office of the trierarch, being responsible for the outfitting
and maintenance of a trireme.[43] He was among the first ever volunteer trierarchs in 357 BC, sharing the expenses of
a ship called Dawn, for which the public inscription still survives.[44] In 348 BC, he became a choregos, paying the
expenses of a theatrical production.[45]
Demosthenes 14
"While the vessel is safe, whether it be a large or a small one, then is the time for sailor and helmsman and everyone in his turn to show his
zeal and to take care that it is not capsized by anyone's malice or inadvertence; but when the sea has overwhelmed it, zeal is useless."
Demosthenes (Third Philippic, 69)—The orator warned his countrymen of the disasters Athens would suffer, if they continued to remain
idle and indifferent to the challenges of their times.
Between 355–351 BC, Demosthenes continued practicing law privately while he was becoming increasingly
interested in public affairs. During this period, he wrote Against Androtion and Against Leptines, two fierce attacks
on individuals who attempted to repeal certain tax exemptions.[46] In Against Timocrates and Against Aristocrates,
he advocated eliminating corruption.[47] All these speeches, which offer early glimpses of his general principles on
foreign policy, such as the importance of the navy, of alliances and of national honor,[48] are prosecutions (graphē
paranómōn) against individuals accused of illegally proposing legislative texts.[49]
In Demosthenes' time different political goals developed around personalities. Instead of electioneering, Athenian
politicians used litigation and defamation to remove rivals from government processes. Often they indicted each
other for breaches of the statute laws (graphē paranómōn), but accusations of bribery and corruption were ubiquitous
in all cases, being part of the political dialogue. The orators often resorted to "character assassination" (diabolē,
loidoria) tactics, both in the courts and in the Assembly. The rancorous and often hilariously exaggerated
accusations, satirized by Old Comedy, were sustained by innuendo, inferences about motives, and a complete
absence of proof; as J.H. Vince states "there was no room for chivalry in Athenian political life".[50] Such rivalry
enabled the "demos" or citizen-body to reign supreme as judge, jury and executioner.[51] Demosthenes was to
become fully engaged in this kind of litigation and he was also to be instrumental in developing the power of the
Areopagus to indict individuals for treason, invoked in the ecclesia by a process called "ἀπόφασις".[52]
In 354 BC, Demosthenes delivered his first political oration, On the Navy, in which he espoused moderation and
proposed the reform of "symmories" (boards) as a source of funding for the Athenian fleet.[53] In 352 BC, he
delivered For the Megalopolitans and, in 351 BC, On the Liberty of the Rhodians. In both speeches he opposed
Eubulus, the most powerful Athenian statesman of the period 355 to 342 BC. The latter was no pacifist but came to
eschew a policy of aggressive interventionism in the internal affairs of the other Greek cities.[54] Contrary to
Eubulus' policy, Demosthenes called for an alliance with Megalopolis against Sparta or Thebes, and for supporting
the democratic faction of the Rhodians in their internal strife.[55] His arguments revealed his desire to articulate
Athens' needs and interests through a more activist foreign policy, wherever opportunity might provide.[56]
Although his early orations were unsuccessful and reveal a lack of real conviction and of coherent strategic and
political prioritization,[57] Demosthenes established himself as an important political personality and broke with
Eubulus' faction, a prominent member of which was Aeschines.[58] He thus laid the foundations for his future
political successes and for becoming the leader of his own "party" (the issue of whether the modern concept of
political parties can be applied in the Athenian democracy is hotly disputed among modern scholars[59]).
Demosthenes 15
Confrontation with Philip II
First Philippic and the Olynthiacs (351–349 BC)

For more details on this topic, see First Philippic and Olynthiacs
Most of Demosthenes' major orations were directed against the
growing power of King Philip II of Macedon. Since 357 BC, when
Philip seized Amphipolis and Pydna, Athens had been formally at war
with the Macedonians.[60] In 352 BC, Demosthenes characterized
Philip as the very worst enemy of his city; his speech presaged the
fierce attacks that Demosthenes would launch against the Macedonian
king over the ensuing years.[61] A year later he criticized those
dismissing Philip as a person of no account and warned that he was as
dangerous as the King of Persia.[62]
In 352 BC, Athenian troops successfully opposed Philip at

Thermopylae,[63] but the Macedonian victory over the Phocians at the
Philip II of Macedon: victory medal (niketerion)
Battle of Crocus Field shook Demosthenes. In 351 BC, Demosthenes struck in Tarsus, c. 2nd BC (Cabinet des
felt strong enough to express his view concerning the most important Médailles, Paris).
foreign policy issue facing Athens at that time: the stance his city
should take towards Philip. According to Jacqueline de Romilly, a French philologist and member of the Académie
française, the threat of Philip would give Demosthenes' stances a focus and a raison d'être (reason for existence).[48]
Demosthenes saw the King of Macedon as a menace to the autonomy of all Greek cities and yet he presented him as
a monster of Athens' own creation; in the First Philippic he reprimanded his fellow citizens as follows: "Even if
something happens to him, you will soon raise up a second Philip [...]".[64]
The theme of the First Philippic (351–350 BC) was preparedness and the reform of the theoric fund,[f] a mainstay of
Eubulus' policy.[48] In his rousing call for resistance, Demosthenes asked his countrymen to take the necessary action
and asserted that "for a free people there can be no greater compulsion than shame for their position".[65] He thus
provided for the first time a plan and specific recommendations for the strategy to be adopted against Philip in the
north.[66] Among other things, the plan called for the creation of a rapid-response force, to be created cheaply with
each hoplite to be paid only ten drachmas (two obols) per day, which was less than the average pay for unskilled
labourers in Athens – implying that the hoplite was expected to make up the deficiency in pay by looting.[67]
"We need money, for sure, Athenians, and without money nothing can be done that ought to be done."
Demosthenes (First Olynthiac, 20)—The orator took great pains to convince his countrymen that the reform of the theoric fund was
necessary to finance the city's military preparations.
From this moment until 341 BC, all of Demosthenes' speeches referred to the same issue, the struggle against Philip.
In 349 BC, Philip attacked Olynthus, an ally of Athens. In the three Olynthiacs, Demosthenes criticized his
compatriots for being idle and urged Athens to help Olynthus.[68] He also insulted Philip by calling him a
"barbarian".[g] Despite Demosthenes' strong advocacy, the Athenians would not manage to prevent the falling of the
city to the Macedonians. Almost simultaneously, probably on Eubulus' recommendation, they engaged in a war in
Euboea against Philip, which ended in stalemate.[69]
Demosthenes 16
Case of Meidias (348 BC)

In 348 BC a peculiar event occurred: Meidias, a wealthy Athenian, publicly slapped Demosthenes, who was at the
time a choregos at the Greater Dionysia, a large religious festival in honour of the god Dionysus.[45] Meidias was a
friend of Eubulus and supporter of the unsuccessful excursion in Euboea.[70] He also was an old enemy of
Demosthenes; in 361 BC he had broken violently into his house, with his brother Thrasylochus, to take possession of
it.[71]
"Just think. The instant this court rises, each of you will walk home, one quicker, another more leisurely, not anxious, not glancing behind
him, not fearing whether he is going to run up against a friend or an enemy, a big man or a little one, a strong man or a weak one, or
anything of that sort. And why? Because in his heart he knows, and is confident, and has learned to trust the State, that no one shall seize or
insult or strike him."
Demosthenes (Against Meidias, 221)—The orator asked the Athenians to defend their legal system, by making an example of the defendant
[72]
for the instruction of others.
Demosthenes decided to prosecute his wealthy opponent and wrote the judicial oration Against Meidias. This speech
gives valuable information about Athenian law at the time and especially about the Greek concept of hybris
(aggravated assault), which was regarded as a crime not only against the city but against society as a whole.[73] He
stated that a democratic state perishes if the rule of law is undermined by wealthy and unscrupulous men, and that
the citizens acquire power and authority in all state affairs due "to the strength of the laws".[71] There is no consensus
among scholars either on whether Demosthenes finally delivered Against Meidias either on the veracity of
Aeschines' accusation that Demosthenes was bribed to drop the charges.[h]
Peace of Philocrates (347–345 BC)

In 348 BC, Philip conquered Olynthus and razed it to the ground; then conquered the entire Chalcidice and all the
states of the Chalcidic federation that Olynthus had once led.[74] After these Macedonian victories, Athens sued for
peace with Macedon. Demosthenes was among those who favored compromise. In 347 BC, an Athenian delegation,
comprising Demosthenes, Aeschines and Philocrates, was officially sent to Pella to negotiate a peace treaty. In his
first encounter with Philip, Demosthenes is said to have collapsed from fright.[75]
The ecclesia officially accepted Philip's harsh terms, including the renouncement of their claim to Amphipolis.
However, when an Athenian delegation arrived at Pella to put Phillip under oath, which was required to conclude the
treaty, he was campaigning abroad.[76] He expected that he would hold safely any Athenian possessions which he
might seize before the ratification.[77] Being very anxious about the delay, Demosthenes insisted that the embassy
should travel to the place where they would find Philip and swear him in without delay.[77] Despite his suggestions,
the Athenian envoys, including himself and Aeschines, remained in Pella, until Philip successfully concluded his
campaign in Thrace.[78]
Philip swore to the treaty, but he delayed the departure of the Athenian envoys, who had yet to receive the oaths
from Macedon's allies in Thessaly and elsewhere. Finally, peace was sworn at Pherae, where Philip accompanied the
Athenian delegation, after he had completed his military preparations to move south. Demosthenes accused the other
envoys of venality and of facilitating Philip's plans with their stance.[79] Just after the conclusion of the Peace of
Philocrates, Philip passed Thermopylae, and subdued Phocis; Athens made no move to support the Phocians.[80]
Supported by Thebes and Thessaly, Macedon took control of Phocis' votes in the Amphictyonic League, a Greek
religious organization formed to support the greater temples of Apollo and Demeter.[81] Despite some reluctance on
the part of the Athenian leaders, Athens finally accepted Philip's entry into the Council of the League.[82]
Demosthenes was among those who adopted a pragmatic approach, and recommended this stance in his oration On
the Peace. For Edmund M. Burke, this speech landmarks a moment of maturation in Demosthenes' career: after
Philip's successful campaign in 346 BC, the Athenian statesman realized that, if he was to lead his city against the
Macedonians, he had "to adjust his voice, to become less partisan in tone".[83]
Demosthenes 17
Second and Third Philippics (344–341 BC)
For more details on this topic, see Second Philippic, On the

Chersonese, Third Philippic
In 344 BC Demosthenes travelled to the Peloponnese, in order to
detach as many cities as possible from Macedon's influence, but his
efforts were generally unsuccessful.[84] Most of the Peloponnesians
saw Philip as the guarantor of their freedom and sent a joint embassy to
Athens to express their grievances against Demosthenes' activities.[85]
In response, Demosthenes delivered the Second Philippic, a vehement
Satellite image of the Thracian Chersonese and
attack against Philip. In 343 BC Demosthenes delivered On the False the surrounding area. The Chersonese became the
Embassy against Aeschines, who was facing a charge of high treason. focus of a bitter territorial dispute between
Nonetheless, Aeschines was acquitted by the narrow margin of thirty Athens and Macedon. It was eventually ceded to
Philip in 338 BC.
votes by a jury which may have numbered as many as 1,501.[86]
In 343 BC, Macedonian forces were conducting campaigns in Epirus and, in 342 BC, Philip campaigned in
Thrace.[87] He also negotiated with the Athenians an amendment to the Peace of Philocrates.[88] When the
Macedonian army approached Chersonese (now known as the Gallipoli Peninsula), an Athenian general named
Diopeithes ravaged the maritime district of Thrace, thereby inciting Philip's rage. Because of this turbulence, the
Athenian Assembly convened. Demosthenes delivered On the Chersonese and convinced the Athenians not to recall
Diopeithes. Also in 342 BC, he delivered the Third Philippic, which is considered to be the best of his political
orations.[89] Using all the power of his eloquence, he demanded resolute action against Philip and called for a burst
of energy from the Athenian people. He told them that it would be "better to die a thousand times than pay court to
Philip".[90] Demosthenes now dominated Athenian politics and was able to considerably weaken the
pro-Macedonian faction of Aeschines.
Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC)
In 341 BC Demosthenes was sent to Byzantium, where he sought to

renew its alliance with Athens. Thanks to Demosthenes' diplomatic
manoeuvres, Abydos also entered into an alliance with Athens. These
developments worried Philip and increased his anger at Demosthenes.
The Assembly, however, laid aside Philip's grievances against
Demosthenes' conduct and denounced the peace treaty; so doing, in
effect, amounted to an official declaration of war. In 339 BC Philip
made his last and most effective bid to conquer southern Greece,
The battle of Chaeronea (map designed by Marco
assisted by Aeschines' stance in the Amphictyonic Council. During a [91]
Prins and Jona Lendering ) took place the
meeting of the Council, Philip accused the Amfissian Locrians of autumn of 338 BC and resulted in a significant
intruding on consecrated ground. The presiding officer of the Council, victory for Philip, who established Macedon's
a Thessalian named Cottyphus, proposed the convocation of an supremacy over the Greek cities.
Amphictyonic Congress to inflict a harsh punishment upon the

Locrians. Aeschines agreed with this proposition and maintained that the Athenians should participate in the
Congress.[92] Demosthenes however reversed Aeschines' initiatives and Athens finally abstained.[93] After the failure
of a first military excursion against the Locrians, the summer session of the Amphictyonic Council gave command of
the league's forces to Philip and asked him to lead a second excursion. Philip decided to act at once; in the winter of
339–338 BC, he passed through Thermopylae, entered Amfissa and defeated the Locrians. After this significant
victory, Philip swiftly entered Phocis in 338 BC. He then turned south-east down the Cephissus valley, seized
Elateia, and restored the fortifications of the city.[94]
Demosthenes 18
At the same time, Athens orchestrated the creation of an alliance with Euboea, Megara, Achaea, Corinth, Acarnania
and other states in the Peloponnese. However the most desirable ally for Athens was Thebes. To secure their
allegiance, Demosthenes was sent, by Athens, to the Boeotian city; Philip also sent a deputation, but Demosthenes
succeeded in securing Thebes' allegiance.[95] Demosthenes' oration before the Theban people is not extant and,
therefore, the arguments he used to convince the Thebans remain unknown. In any case, the alliance came at a price:
Thebes' control of Boeotia was recognized, Thebes was to command solely on land and jointly at sea, and Athens
was to pay two thirds of the campaign's cost.[96]
While the Athenians and the Thebans were preparing themselves for war, Philip made a final attempt to appease his
enemies, proposing in vain a new peace treaty.[97] After a few trivial encounters between the two sides, which
resulted in minor Athenian victories, Philip drew the phalanx of the Athenian and Theban confederates into a plain
near Chaeronea, where he defeated them. Demosthenes fought as a mere hoplite.[i] Such was Philip's hatred for
Demosthenes that, according to Diodorus Siculus, the King after his victory sneered at the misfortunes of the
Athenian statesman. However, the Athenian orator and statesman Demades is said to have remarked: "O King, when
Fortune has cast you in the role of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites? [an obscene soldier
of the Greek army during the Trojan War]" Stung by these words, Philip immediately altered his demeanour.[98]
Last political initiatives and death
Confrontation with Alexander
After Chaeronea, Philip inflicted a harsh punishment upon Thebes, but

made peace with Athens on very lenient terms. Demosthenes
encouraged the fortification of Athens and was chosen by the ecclesia
to deliver the Funeral Oration.[99] In 337 BC, Philip created the League
of Corinth, a confederation of Greek states under his leadership, and
returned to Pella.[100] In 336 BC, Philip was assassinated at the
wedding of his daughter, Cleopatra of Macedon, to King Alexander of
Epirus. The Macedonian army swiftly proclaimed Alexander III of
Macedon, then twenty years old, as the new King of Macedon. Greek Alexander Mosaic from Pompeii, from a 3rd
cities like Athens and Thebes saw in this change of leadership an century BC original Greek painting, now lost. In
336–335 BC, the King of Macedon crippled any
opportunity to regain their full independence. Demosthenes celebrated
attempt of the Greek cities at resistance and
Philip's assassination and played a leading part in his city's uprising. shattered Demosthenes' hopes for Athenian
According to Aeschines, "it was but the seventh day after the death of independence.
his daughter, and though the ceremonies of mourning were not yet
completed, he put a garland on his head and white raiment on his body, and there he stood making thank-offerings,
violating all decency."[13] Demosthenes also sent envoys to Attalus, whom he considered to be an internal opponent
of Alexander.[101] Nonetheless, Alexander moved swiftly to Thebes, which submitted shortly after his appearance at
its gates. When the Athenians learned that Alexander had moved quickly to Boeotia, they panicked and begged the
new King of Macedon for mercy. Alexander admonished them but imposed no punishment.
In 335 BC Alexander felt free to engage the Thracians and the Illyrians, but, while he was campaigning in the north,
Demosthenes spread a rumor—even producing a bloodstained messenger—that Alexander and all of his
expeditionary force had been slaughtered by the Triballians.[102] The Thebans and the Athenians rebelled once again,
financed by Darius III of Persia, and Demosthenes is said to have received about 300 talents on behalf of Athens and
to have faced accusations of embezzlement.[j] Alexander reacted immediately and razed Thebes to the ground. He
did not attack Athens, but demanded the exile of all anti-Macedonian politicians, Demosthenes first of all. According
to Plutarch, a special Athenian embassy led by Phocion, an opponent of the anti-Macedonian faction, was able to
persuade Alexander to relent.[103]
Demosthenes 19
Delivery of On the Crown
"You stand revealed in your life and conduct, in your public performances and also in your public abstinences. A project approved by the
people is going forward. Aeschines is speechless. A regrettable incident is reported. Aeschines is in evidence. He reminds one of an old
sprain or fracture: the moment you are out of health it begins to be active."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 198)—In On the Crown Demosthenes fiercely assaulted and finally neutralized Aeschines, his formidable
political opponent.
Despite the unsuccessful ventures against Philip and Alexander, the Athenians still respected Demosthenes. In
336 BC, the orator Ctesiphon proposed that Athens honor Demosthenes for his services to the city by presenting
him, according to custom, with a golden crown. This proposal became a political issue and, in 330 BC, Aeschines
prosecuted Ctesiphon on charges of legal irregularities. In his most brilliant speech,[104] On the Crown, Demosthenes
effectively defended Ctesiphon and vehemently attacked those who would have preferred peace with Macedon. He
was unrepentant about his past actions and policies and insisted that, when in power, the constant aim of his policies
was the honor and the ascendancy of his country; and on every occasion and in all business he preserved his loyalty
to Athens.[105] He finally defeated Aeschines, although his enemy's objections to the crowning were arguably valid
from a legal point of view.[106]
Case of Harpalus and death
In 324 BC Harpalus, to whom Alexander had entrusted huge treasures,

absconded and sought refuge in Athens.[k] The Assembly had initially
refused to accept him, following Demosthenes' advice, but finally
Harpalus entered Athens. He was imprisoned after a proposal of
Demosthenes and Phocion, despite the dissent of Hypereides, an
anti-Macedonian statesman and former ally of Demosthenes.
Additionally, the ecclesia decided to take control of Harpalus' money,
which was entrusted to a committee presided over by Demosthenes.
When the committee counted the treasure, they found they only had The site of the temple of Poseidon, Kalaureia,
where Demosthenes committed suicide.
half the money Harpalus had declared he possessed. Nevertheless, they
decided not to disclose the deficit. When Harpalus escaped, the
Areopagus conducted an inquiry and charged Demosthenes with mishandling twenty talents. During the trial,
Hypereides argued that Demosthenes did not disclose the huge deficit, because he was bribed by Harpalus.
Demosthenes was fined and imprisoned, but he soon escaped.[107] It remains unclear whether the accusations against
him were just or not.[l] In any case, the Athenians soon repealed the sentence.[108]
"For a house, I take it, or a ship or anything of that sort must have its chief strength in its substructure; and so too in affairs of state the
principles and the foundations must be truth and justice."
Demosthenes (Second Olynthiac, 10)—The orator faced serious accusations more than once, but he never admitted to any improper actions
and insisted that it is impossible "to gain permanent power by injustice, perjury, and falsehood".
After Alexander's death in 323 BC, Demosthenes again urged the Athenians to seek independence from Macedon in
what became known as the Lamian War. However, Antipater, Alexander's successor, quelled all opposition and
demanded that the Athenians turn over Demosthenes and Hypereides, among others. Following his request, the
ecclesia adopted a decree condemning the most prominent anti-Macedonian agitators to death. Demosthenes escaped
to a sanctuary on the island of Kalaureia (modern-day Poros), where he was later discovered by Archias, a confidant
of Antipater. He committed suicide before his capture by taking poison out of a reed, pretending he wanted to write a
letter to his family.[109] When Demosthenes felt that the poison was working on his body, he said to Archias: "Now,
as soon as you please you may commence the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this body of mine unburied.
Demosthenes 20
But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yet alive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though
Antipater and the Macedonians have not left so much as the temple unpolluted." After saying these words, he passed
by the altar, fell down and died.[109] Years after Demosthenes' suicide, the Athenians erected a statue to honor him
and decreed that the state should provide meals to his descendants in the Prytaneum.[110]
Assessments
Political career
Plutarch lauds Demosthenes for not being of a fickle disposition. Rebutting historian Theopompus, the biographer
insists that for "the same party and post in politics which he held from the beginning, to these he kept constant to the
end; and was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather to forsake his life than his purpose".[111]
On the other hand, Polybius, a Greek historian of the Mediterranean world, was highly critical of Demosthenes'
policies. Polybius accused him of having launched unjustified verbal attacks on great men of other cities, branding
them unjustly as traitors to the Greeks. The historian maintains that Demosthenes measured everything by the
interests of his own city, imagining that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens. According to
Polybius, the only thing the Athenians eventually got by their opposition to Philip was the defeat at Chaeronea. "And
had it not been for the king's magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone
even further, thanks to the policy of Demosthenes".[112]
"Two characteristics, men of Athens, a citizen of a respectable character...must be able to show: when he enjoys authority, he must
maintain to the end the policy whose aims are noble action and the pre-eminence of his country: and at all times and in every phase of
fortune he must remain loyal. For this depends upon his own nature; while his power and his influence are determined by external causes.
And in me, you will find, this loyalty has persisted unalloyed...For from the very first, I chose the straight and honest path in public life: I
chose to foster the honour, the supremacy, the good name of my country, to seek to enhance them, and to stand or fall with them."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 321–22)—Faced with the practical defeat of his policies, Demosthenes assessed them by the ideals they
embodied rather than by their utility.
Paparrigopoulos extols Demosthenes' patriotism, but criticizes him as being short-sighted. According to this critique,
Demosthenes should have understood that the ancient Greek states could only survive unified under the leadership of
Macedon.[113] Therefore, Demosthenes is accused of misjudging events, opponents and opportunities and of being
unable to foresee Philip's inevitable triumph.[114] He is criticized for having overrated Athens' capacity to revive and
challenge Macedon.[115] His city had lost most of its Aegean allies, whereas Philip had consolidated his hold over
Macedonia and was master of enormous mineral wealth. Chris Carey, a professor of Greek in UCL, concludes that
Demosthenes was a better orator and political operator than strategist.[114] Nevertheless, the same scholar
underscores that "pragmatists" like Aeschines or Phocion had no inspiring vision to rival that of Demosthenes. The
orator asked the Athenians to choose that which is just and honorable, before their own safety and preservation.[111]
The people preferred Demosthenes' activism and even the bitter defeat at Chaeronea was regarded as a price worth
paying in the attempt to retain freedom and influence.[114] According to Professor of Greek Arthur Wallace Pickarde,
success may be a poor criterion for judging the actions of people like Demosthenes, who were motivated by the ideal
of political liberty.[116] Athens was asked by Philip to sacrifice its freedom and its democracy, while Demosthenes
longed for the city's brilliance.[115] He endeavored to revive its imperilled values and, thus, he became an "educator
of the people" (in the words of Werner Jaeger).[117]
The fact that Demosthenes fought at the battle of Chaeronea as a hoplite indicates that he lacked any military skills.
According to historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his time the division between political and military offices
was beginning to be strongly marked.[118] Almost no politician, with the exception of Phocion, was at the same time
an apt orator and a competent general. Demosthenes dealt in policies and ideas, and war was not his business.[118]
This contrast between Demosthenes' intellectual prowess and his deficiencies in terms of vigor, stamina, military
skill and strategic vision is illustrated by the inscription his countrymen engraved on the base of his statue:[119]
Demosthenes 21
“
Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were, The Macedonian would not have conquered her.
”
Oratorical skill
In Demosthenes' initial judicial orations, the influence of both Lysias and
Isaeus is obvious, but his marked, original style is already revealed.[24] Most
of his extant speeches for private cases—written early in his career—show
glimpses of talent: a powerful intellectual drive, masterly selection (and
omission) of facts, and a confident assertion of the justice of his case, all
ensuring the dominance of his viewpoint over his rival. However, at this early
stage of his career, his writing was not yet remarkable for its subtlety, verbal
precision and variety of effects.[120]
According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian and teacher of

rhetoric, Demosthenes represented the final stage in the development of Attic
prose. Both Dionysius and Cicero assert that Demosthenes brought together
the best features of the basic types of style; he used the middle or normal type
style ordinarily and applied the archaic type and the type of plain elegance
where they were fitting. In each one of the three types he was better than its
special masters.[121] He is, therefore, regarded as a consummate orator, adept
in the techniques of oratory, which are brought together in his work.[117]
According to the classical scholar Harry Thurston Peck, Demosthenes

"affects no learning; he aims at no elegance; he seeks no glaring ornaments;
he rarely touches the heart with a soft or melting appeal, and when he does, it
is only with an effect in which a third-rate speaker would have surpassed
him. He had no wit, no humour, no vivacity, in our acceptance of these terms.
The secret of his power is simple, for it lies essentially in the fact that his
Herma of Demosthenes: the head is a
political principles were interwoven with his very spirit."[122] In this
copy of the bronze posthumous
judgement, Peck agrees with Jaeger, who said that the imminent political commemorative statue in the Ancient
decision imbued the Demosthenes' speech with a fascinating artistic Agora of Athens by Polyeuctus
power.[123] From his part, George A. Kennedy believes that his political (ca. 280 BC); this herm was found in the
Circus of Maxentius in 1825 (Glyptothek,
speeches in the ecclesia were to become "the artistic exposition of reasoned
Munich).
views".[124]
Demosthenes was apt at combining abruptness with the extended period, brevity with breadth. Hence, his style
harmonizes with his fervent commitment.[117] His language is simple and natural, never far-fetched or artificial.
According to Jebb, Demosthenes was a true artist who could make his art obey him.[24] For his part, Aeschines
stigmatized his intensity, attributing to his rival strings of absurd and incoherent images.[125] Dionysius stated that
Demosthenes' only shortcoming is the lack of humor, although Quintilian regards this deficiency as a virtue.[126] In a
now lost letter of his, Cicero, though an admirer of the Athenian orator, he claimed that occasionally Demosthenes
"nods", and elsewhere Cicero also argued that, although he is pre-eminent, Demosthenes sometimes fails to satisfy
his ears.[127] The main criticism of Demosthenes' art, however, seems to have rested chiefly on his known reluctance
to speak extempore;[128] he often declined to comment on subjects he had not studied beforehand.[122] However, he
gave the most elaborate preparation to all his speeches and, therefore, his arguments were the products of careful
study. He was also famous for his caustic wit.[129]
Demosthenes 22
Besides his style, Cicero also admired other aspects of Demosthenes's works, such as the good prose rhythm, and the
way he structured and arranged the material in his orations.[130] According to the Roman statesman, Demosthenes
regarded "delivery" (gestures, voice etc.) as more important than style.[131] Although he lacked Aeschines' charming
voice and Demades's skill at improvisation, he made efficient use of his body to accentuate his words.[132] Thus he
managed to project his ideas and arguments much more forcefully. However, the use of physical gestures wasn't an
integral or developed part of rhetorical training in his day.[133] Moreover, his delivery was not accepted by
everybody in antiquity: Demetrius Phalereus and the comedians ridiculed Demosthenes' "theatricality", whilst
Aeschines regarded Leodamas of Acharnae as superior to him.[134]
Rhetorical legacy
Demosthenes' fame has continued down the ages. Authors and scholars
who flourished at Rome, such as Longinus and Caecilius, regarded his
oratory as sublime.[135] Juvenal acclaimed him as "largus et exundans
ingenii fons" (a large and overflowing fountain of genius),[136] and he
inspired Cicero's speeches against Mark Antony, also called the
Philippics. According to Professor of Classics Cecil Wooten, Cicero
ended his career by trying to imitate Demosthenes' political role.[137]
Plutarch drew attention in his Life of Demosthenes to the strong
similarities between the personalities and careers of Demosthenes and
Marcus Tullius Cicero:[138]
Phryne Going to the Public Baths as Venus and

Demosthenes Taunted by Aeschines by J. M. W.
Turner (1838)
“
The divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and Cicero upon the same plan, giving them many similarities in their
natural characters, as their passion for distinction and their love of liberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers and war, and at the
same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I think there can hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and obscure
beginnings, became so great and mighty; who both contested with kings and tyrants; both lost their daughters, were driven out of their country,
and returned with honor; who, flying from thence again, were both seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with the liberty
of their countrymen. ”
During the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Demosthenes had a reputation for eloquence.[139] He was read more than
any other ancient orator; only Cicero offered any real competition.[140] French author and lawyer Guillaume du Vair
praised his speeches for their artful arrangement and elegant style; John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, and Jacques
Amyot, a French Renaissance writer and translator, regarded Demosthenes as a great or even the "supreme"
orator.[141] For Thomas Wilson, who first published translation of his speeches into English, Demosthenes was not
only an eloquent orator, but, mainly, an authoritative statesman, "a source of wisdom".[142]
In modern history, orators such as Henry Clay would mimic Demosthenes' technique. His ideas and principles
survived, influencing prominent politicians and movements of our times. Hence, he constituted a source of
inspiration for the authors of the Federalist Papers (series of 85 articles arguing for the ratification of the United
States Constitution) and for the major orators of the French Revolution.[143] French Prime Minister Georges
Clemenceau was among those who idealized Demosthenes and wrote a book about him.[144] For his part, Friedrich
Nietzsche often composed his sentences according to the paradigms of Demosthenes, whose style he admired.[145]
Demosthenes 23
Works and transmission

The "publication" and distribution of prose texts was common practice in Athens by the latter half of the fourth
century BC and Demosthenes was among the Athenian politicians who set the trend, publishing many or even all of
his orations.[146] After his death, texts of his speeches survived in Athens (possibly forming part of the library of
Cicero's friend, Atticus, though their fate is otherwise unknown), and in the Library of Alexandria. However, the
speeches that Demosthenes "published" might have differed from the original speeches that were actually delivered
(there are indications that he rewrote them with readers in mind) and therefore it is possible also that he "published"
different versions of any one speech, differences that could have impacted on the Alexandrian edition of his works
and thus on all subsequent editions down to the present day.[147]
The Alexandrian texts were incorporated into the body of classical Greek literature that was preserved, catalogued
and studied by scholars of the Hellenistic period. From then until the fourth century AD, copies of his orations
multiplied and they were in a relatively good position to survive the tense period from the sixth until the ninth
century AD.[148] In the end, sixty-one orations attributed to Demosthenes' survived till the present day (some
however are pseudonymous). Friedrich Blass, a German classical scholar, believes that nine more speeches were
recorded by the orator, but they are not extant.[149] Modern editions of these speeches are based on four manuscripts
of the tenth and eleventh centuries AD.[150]
Some of the speeches that comprise the "Demosthenic corpus" are known to have been written by other authors,
though scholars differ over which speeches these are.[m] Irrespective of their status, the speeches attributed to
Demosthenes are often grouped in three genres first defined by Aristotle:[151]
• Symbouleutic or political, considering the expediency of future actions—sixteen such speeches are included in the
Demosthenic corpus;[m]
• Dicanic or judicial, assessing the justice of past actions—only about ten of these are cases in which Demosthenes
was personally involved, the rest were written for other speakers;[152]
• Epideictic or sophistic display, attributing praise or blame, often delivered at public ceremonies—only two
speeches have been included in the Demosthenic corpus, one a funeral speech that has been dismissed as a "rather
poor" example of his work, and the other probably spurious.[153]
In addition to the speeches, there are fifty-six prologues (openings of speeches). They were collected for the Library
of Alexandria by Callimachus, who believed them genuine.[154] Modern scholars are divided: some reject them,
while others, such as Blass, believe they are authentic.[155] Finally, six letters also survive under Demosthenes' name
and their authorship too is hotly debated.[n]
Notes
a. According to Edward Cohen, professor of Classics at the University of Pennsylvania, Cleoboule was the
daughter of a Scythian woman and of an Athenian father, Gylon, although other scholars insist on the genealogical
purity of Demosthenes.[156] There is an agreement among scholars that Cleoboule was a Crimean and not an
Athenian citizen.[157] Gylon had suffered banishment at the end of the Peloponnesian War for allegedly betraying
Nymphaeum in Crimaea.[158] According to Aeschines, Gylon received as a gift from the Bosporan rulers a place
called "the Gardens" in the colony of Kepoi in present-day Russia (located within two miles (3 km) from
Phanagoria).[4] Nevertheless, the accuracy of these allegations is disputed, since more than seventy years had elapsed
between Gylon's possible treachery and Aeschines speech, and, therefore, the orator could be confident that his
audience would have no direct knowledge of events at Nymphaeum.[159]
b. According to Tsatsos, the trials against the guardians lasted until Demosthenes was twenty four.[160] Nietzsche
reduces the time of the judicial disputes to five years.[161]
c. According to the tenth century encyclopedia Suda, Demosthenes studied with Eubulides and Plato.[162] Cicero
and Quintilian argue that Demosthenes was Plato's disciple.[163] Tsatsos and the philologist Henri Weil believe that
Demosthenes 24
there is no indication that Demosthenes was a pupil of Plato or Isocrates.[164] As far as Isaeus is concerned,
according to Jebb "the school of Isaeus is nowhere else mentioned, nor is the name of any other pupil recorded".[24]
Peck believes that Demosthenes continued to study under Isaeus for the space of four years after he had reached his
majority.[122]
d. "Batalus" or "Batalos" meant "stammerer" in ancient Greek, but it was also the name of a flute-player (in ridicule
of whom Antiphanes wrote a play) and of a song-writer.[165] The word "batalus" was also used by the Athenians to
describe the anus.[166] In fact the word actually defining his speech defect was "Battalos", signifying someone with
rhotacism, but it was crudely misrepresented as "Batalos" by the enemies of Demosthenes and by Plutarch's time the
original word had already lost currency.[167] Another nickname of Demosthenes was "Argas." According to Plutarch,
this name was given him either for his savage and spiteful behavior or for his disagreeable way of speaking. "Argas"
was a poetical word for a snake, but also the name of a poet.[168]
e. Both Tsatsos and Weil maintain that Demosthenes never abandoned the profession of the logographer, but, after
delivering his first political orations, he wanted to be regarded as a statesman. According to James J. Murphy,
Professor emeritus of Rhetoric and Communication at the University of California, Davis, his lifelong career as a
logographer continued even during his most intense involvement in the political struggle against Philip.[169]
f. "Theorika" were allowances paid by the state to poor Athenians to enable them to watch dramatic festivals.
According to Libanius, Eubulus passed a law making it difficult to divert public funds, including "theorika," for
minor military operations.[48] E.M. Burke argues that, if this was indeed a law of Eubulus, it would have served "as a
means to check a too-aggressive and expensive interventionism [...] allowing for the controlled expenditures on other
items, including construction for defense". Thus Burke believes that in the Eubulan period, the Theoric Fund was
used not only as allowances for public entertainment but also for a variety of projects, including public works.[170]
As Burke also points out, in his later and more "mature" political career, Demosthenes no longer criticized
"theorika"; in fact, in his Fourth Philippic (341–340 BC), he defended theoric spending.[171]
g. In the Third Olynthiac and in the Third Philippic, Demosthenes characterized Philip as a "barbarian", one of the
various abusive terms applied by the orator to the King of Macedon.[172] According to Konstantinos Tsatsos and
Douglas M. MacDowell, Demosthenes regarded as Greeks only those who had reached the cultural standards of
south Greece and he did not take into consideration ethnological criteria.[173] His contempt for Philip is forcefully
expressed in the Third Philippic 31 in these terms: "...he is not only no Greek, nor related to the Greeks, but not even
a barbarian from any place that can be named with honour, but a pestilent knave from Macedonia, whence it was
never yet possible to buy a decent slave." The wording is even more telling in Greek, ending with an accumulation of
plosive pi sounds: οὐ μόνον οὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος οὐδὲ προσήκοντος οὐδὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ βαρβάρου
ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καλὸν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλέθρου Μακεδόνος, ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἀνδράποδον σπουδαῖον οὐδὲν ἦν πρότερον
πρίασθαι.[174]
h. Aeschines maintained that Demosthenes was bribed to drop his charges against Meidias in return for a payment
of thirty mnai. Plutarch argued the Demosthenes accepted the bribe out of fear of Meidias' power.[175] Philipp
August Böckh also accepted Aeschines account for an out-of-court settlement, and concluded that the speech was
never delivered. Böckh's position was soon endorsed by Arnold Schaefer and Blass. Weil agreed that Demosthenes
never delivered Against Meidias, but believed that he dropped the charges for political reasons. In 1956, Hartmut
Erbse partly challenged Böckh's conclusions, when he argued that Against Meidias was a finished speech that could
have been delivered in court, but Erbse then sided with George Grote, by accepting that, after Demosthenes secured
a judgment in his favor, he reached some kind of settlement with Meidias. Kenneth Dover also endorsed Aeschines'
account, and argued that, although the speech was never delivered in court, Demosthenes put into circulation an
attack on Meidias. Dover's arguments were refuted by Edward M. Harris, who concluded that, although we cannot be
sure about the outcome of the trial, the speech was delivered in court, and that Aeschines story was a lie.[176]
i. According to Plutarch, Demosthenes deserted his colors and "did nothing honorable, nor was his performance
answerable to his speeches".[177]
Demosthenes 25
j. Aeschines reproached Demosthenes for being silent as to the seventy talents of the king's gold which he allegedly
seized and embezzled. Aeschines and Dinarchus also maintained that when the Arcadians offered their services for
ten talents, Demosthenes refused to furnish the money to the Thebans, who were conducting the negotiations, and so
the Arcadians sold out to the Macedonians.[178]
k. The exact chronology of Harpalus' entrance in Athens and of all the related events remains a debated topic
among modern scholars, who have proposed different, and sometimes conflicting, chronological schemes.[179]
l. According to Pausanias, Demosthenes himself and others had declared that the orator had taken no part of the
money that Harpalus brought from Asia. He also narrates the following story: Shortly after Harpalus ran away from
Athens, he was put to death by the servants who were attending him, though some assert that he was assassinated.
The steward of his money fled to Rhodes, and was arrested by a Macedonian officer, Philoxenus. Philoxenus
proceeded to examine the slave, "until he learned everything about such as had allowed themselves to accept a bribe
from Harpalus." He then sent a dispatch to Athens, in which he gave a list of the persons who had taken a bribe from
Harpalus. "Demosthenes, however, he never mentioned at all, although Alexander held him in bitter hatred, and he
himself had a private quarrel with him."[180] On the other hand, Plutarch believes that Harpalus sent Demosthenes a
cup with twenty talents and that "Demosthenes could not resist the temptation, but admitting the present, ... he
surrendered himself up to the interest of Harpalus."[181] Tsatsos defends Demosthenes' innocence, but Irkos
Apostolidis underlines the problematic character of the primary sources on this issue—Hypereides and Dinarchus
were at the time Demosthenes' political opponents and accusers—and states that, despite the rich bibliography on
Harpalus' case, modern scholarship has not yet managed to reach a safe conclusion on whether Demosthenes was
bribed or not.[182]
m. Blass disputes the authorship of the following speeches: Fourth Philippic, Funeral Oration, Erotic Essay,
Against Stephanus 2 and Against Evergus and Mnesibulus,[183] while Schaefer recognizes as genuine only
twenty-nine orations.[184] Of Demosthenes' corpus political speeches, J.H. Vince singles out five as spurious: On
Halonnesus, Fourth Phillipic, Answer to Philip's Letter, On Organization and On the Treaty with Alexander.[185]
n. In this discussion the work of Jonathan A. Goldstein, Professor of History and Classics at the University of Iowa,
is regarded as paramount.[186] Goldstein regards Demosthenes's letters as authentic apologetic letters that were
addressed to the Athenian Assembly.[187]
Citations
[1] Longinus, On the Sublime, 12.4, 34.4
* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277–279
[2] Cicero, Brutus, 35 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#35), Orator, II. 6 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator.
shtml#6); Quintillian, Institutiones, X, 1. 76 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ quintilian/ quintilian. institutio10. shtml#1)
* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277
[3] H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 5–6
[4] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 171 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=171)
[5] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 11
[7] O. Thomsen, The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Demosthenes, 61
[8] Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 1, 4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0074:speech=27:section=4)
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3
[9] Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 1, 6 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0074:speech=27:section=6)
[10] Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 3, 59 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0074:speech=29:section=59)
[12] Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 847c
Demosthenes 26
[15] Aeschines, On the Embassy, 149 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=2:section=149);
Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, XIII, 63
* C.A. Cox, Household Interests, 202
[16] Aeschines, On the Embassy, 148–150 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=2:section=148), 165–166 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
* A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom, 15
[17] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 11.1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=11:section=1)
[18] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3 (passim); "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.
[19] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.1–3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=5:section=1)
[20] F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 233–235; K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396–398
[22] Lucian, Demosthenes, An Encomium, 12
[24] R. C. Jebb, The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0077:chapter=19:section=4)
[25] Suda, article Isaeus (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?login=guest& enlogin=guest& db=REAL& field=adlerhw_gr&
searchstr=Iota,620)
[26] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 83
[27] Lucian, The Illiterate Book-Fancier, 4
[28] H. Weil, Biography of Demothenes, 10–11
[32] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 211, note 180
[33] Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 126 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=1:section=126);
Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 99 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[34] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 6–7 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=6:section=1)
[35] Cicero, De Oratore, 3. 213 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 02. 0120:book=3:section=213)
* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 517–18
[37] Demosthenes, Against Zenothemis, 32 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
* G. Kennedy, Greek Literature, 514
[38] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 498–500
* H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 263 (note 275)
[39] J Vince, Demosthenes Orations, Intro. xii
[40] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 173 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=173);
Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 165 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[41] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 15
[42] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 516
[43] A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom, xiv–xv
[44] Packard Humanities Institute, IG Π2 1612.301-10 (http:/ / epigraphy. packhum. org/ inscriptions/ main)
* H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 167
[45] S. Usher, Greek Oratory, 226
[46] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 177–178
[47] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 29–30
[48] J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 116–117
[49] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 7 (pr.)
[50] E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", 117–118; J.H. Vince, Demosthenes Orations, I, Intro. xii; N. Worman, "Insult and
Oral Excess", 1–2
[51] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 9, 22
[52] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 187
[53] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 29–30; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 88
Demosthenes 27
[56] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 180, 183 (note 91); T.N. Habinek, Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory, 21; D.
Phillips, Athenian Political Oratory, 72
[59] M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy, 177
[60] D. Phillips, Athenian Political Oratory, 69
[61] Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates, 121 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[62] Demosthenes, For the Liberty of the Rhodians, 24
[63] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 17; On the False Embassy, 319
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 184 (note 92)
[64] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 11
* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 519–520
[65] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 10
[67] First Philippic 28, cited by J. H. Vince, p. 84-5 notea.
[68] Demosthenes, First Olynthiac, 3; Demosthenes, Second Olynthiac, 3
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 185
[69] Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 185–187
[70] Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 174 (note 47)
[71] Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 78–80 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[72] J. De Romilly, Ancient Greece against Violence, 113–117
[73] H. Yunis, The Rhetoric of Law in 4th Century Athens, 206
[74] Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 56
[75] Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 34 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102–103
[77] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 25–27
[78] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 30
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102–105; D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12
[80] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 36; Demosthenes, On the Peace, 10
[82] Demosthenes, On the False Embassy, 111–113
[84] Demosthenes, Second Philippic, 19
[85] T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History 750-323 BC, 480
[86] Pseudo-Plutarch, Aeschines, 840c
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12 (in fine)
[88] Demosthenes (or Hegesippus), On Halonnesus, 18–23 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[91] http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alexander/ alexander_pic/ alexander_pics. html
[92] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 149, 150, 151
* C. Carey, Aeschines, 7–8
Demosthenes 28
[93] C. Carey, Aeschines, 7–8, 11

* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 283; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 41–42
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284–285; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 41–42
[96] P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical World, 317
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284–285
[98] Diodorus, Library, XVI, 87 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084:book=16:chapter=87:section=1)
[99] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 285, 299
[100] L.A. Tritle, The Greek World in the Fourth Century, 123
[101] P. Green, Alexander of Macedon, 119
[102] Demades, On the Twelve Years, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0066:speech=1:section=17)
* J.R. Hamilton, Alexander the Great, 48
[103] Plutarch, Phocion, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0057:chapter=17:section=1)
[104] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 301; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.
[106] A. Duncan, Performance and Identity in the Classical World, 70
[107] Hypereides, Against Demosthenes, 3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0140:speech=5:fragment=3); Plutarch, Demosthenes, 25.2–26.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01.
* I. Apostolidis, notes 1219, 1226 & 1229 in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 717–726; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 303–309; D.
Whitehead, Hypereides, 359–360; I. Worthington, Harpalus Affair, passim
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 311
[109] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=29:section=1)
[110] Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 847d
[111] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 13. 1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=13:section=1)
[112] Polybius, Histories, 18, 14 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0234:book=18:chapter=14)
[113] K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396–398
[114] C. Carey, Aeschines, 12–14
[115] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 318–326
[116] A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom , 490
[117] J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 120–122
[118] T.B. Macaulay, On Mitford's History of Greece, 136
[119] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 30
* C.Carey, Aeschines, 12–14; K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396–398
[120] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 514-15
[121] Cicero, Orator, 76–101 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator. shtml#76); Dionysius, On the Admirable Style of Demosthenes,
46
* C. Wooten, "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes", 39
[122] H.T. Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0062:alphabetic+ letter=D:entry+ group=4:entry=demosthenes-harpers)
[123] W. Jaeger, Demosthenes, 123–124
[126] Dionysius, On the Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 56; Quintillian, Institutiones, VI, 3.2 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
text?doc=Perseus:text:2007. 01. 0063:book=6:chapter=3:section=2)
[127] Cicero, Orator, 104 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator. shtml#104); Plutarch, Cicero, 24. 4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.
edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0016:chapter=24:section=4)
* D.C. Innes, "Longinus and Caecilius", 262 (note 10)
[128] J. Bollansie, Hermippos of Smyrna, 415
[129] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 8.1–4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=8:section=3)
[130] C. Wooten, "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes", 38–40
[131] Cicero, Brutus, 38 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#38), 142 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut.
shtml#142)
[132] F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 233–235
[133] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 238 (note 232)
Demosthenes 29
[134] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 139 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002&
query=section=#519); Plutarch, Demosthenes, 9–11 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01.
[135] D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", passim
[136] Juvenal, Satura, X, 119
[137] C. Wooten, "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes", 37
[138] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=3:section=1)
[139] A.J.L. Blanshard & T.A. Sowerby, "Thomas Wilson's Demosthenes", 46–47, 51–55; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.
[140] G. Gibson, Interpreting a Classic, 1
[141] W. A. Rebhorn, Renaissance Debates on Rhetoric, 139, 167, 258
[142] A.J.L. Blanshard & T.A. Sowerby, "Thomas Wilson's Demosthenes", 46–47, 51–55
[144] V. Marcu, Men and Forces of Our Time, 32
[145] F. Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, 247
* P.J.M. Van Tongeren, Reinterpreting Modern Culture, 92
[146] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 26; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 66–67
[147] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 26–27
[148] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 28
[149] F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, III, 2, 60
[150] C.A. Gibson, Interpreting a Classic, 1; K.A. Kapparis, Apollodoros against Neaira, 62
[153] G Kennedy, "Oratory", 510
[154] I. Worthington, Oral Performance, 135
[155] "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.; F. Blass, Die Attische Beredsamkeit, III, 1, 281–287
[156] E. Cohen, The Athenian Nation, 76
[157] E. Cohen, The Athenian Nation, 76; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.
[158] E.M. Burke, The Looting of the Estates of the Elder Demosthenes, 63
[159] D. Braund, "The Bosporan Kings and Classical Athens", 200
[161] F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 65
[162] Suda, article Demosthenes (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?search_method=QUERY& login=guest& enlogin=guest&
page_num=1& user_list=LIST& searchstr=Demosthenes& field=hw_eng& num_per_page=25& db=REAL)
[163] Cicero, Brutus, 121 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#121); Quintilian, Institutiones, XII, 2. 22 (http:/ / www.
thelatinlibrary. com/ quintilian/ quintilian. institutio12. shtml#2)
[164] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 84; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 10–11
* D. Hawhee, Bodily Arts, 156
* M.L. Rose, The Staff of Oedipus, 57
[167] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 211 (note 180)
[169] "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 90; H. Weil, Biography of Demothenes, 17
[170] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 175, 185
[171] Demosthenes, Fourth Philippic, 35–45 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[172] Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac, 16 and 24; Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 31
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13; I. Worthington, Alexander the Great, 21
[173] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 258
[174] J.H. Vince, Demosthenes I, 242-43
[175] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 52 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=52);
Plutarch, Demosthenes, 12. 2 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=12:section=2)
* E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", 118
[176] E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", passim; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 28
[177] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20; Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 845f
[178] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 239–240 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=3:section=239); Dinarcus, Against Demosthenes, 18–21 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.
Demosthenes 30
01. 0082:speech=1:section=18)
[179] I. Apostolidis, note 1219 in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 719–720; J. Engels, Hypereides, 308–313; I. Worthington,
Harpalus Affair, passim
[180] Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2. 33 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0160:book=2:chapter=33:section=4)
[182] I. Apostolidis, note 1229 (with further references), in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 725; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes,
307–309
[183] F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, III, 1, 404–406 and 542–546
[184] A. Schaefer, Demosthenes und seine Zeit, III, 111, 178, 247 and 257; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 66–67
[185] J.H. Vince, Demosthenes Orations, 268, 317, 353, 463
[186] F.J. Long, Ancient Rhetoric and Paul's Apology, 102; M. Trap, Greek and Latin Letters, 12
[187] J.A. Goldstein, The Letters of Demosthenes, 93
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Danoise De Philologie et D'Histoire (Museum Tusculanum Press) 49: 45–66. ISBN 978-87-7289-535-2.
Retrieved 2006-10-08.
• Trapp, Michael (2003). Greek and Latin Letters. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-49943-7.
• Tritle, Lawrence A. (1997). The Greek World in the Fourth Century. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-10583-8.
• Tsatsos, Konstantinos (1975). Demosthenes. Estia (in Greek).
• Usher, Stephen (1999). "Demosthenes Symboulos". Greek Oratory: Tradition and Originality. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 0-19-815074-1.
• Van Tongeren, Paul J. M. (1999). Reinterpreting Modern Culture: An Introduction to Friedrich Nietzsche's
Philosophy. Purdue University Press. ISBN 1-55753-156-0.
• Vince, J.H. (1930). "Preface". Demosthenes Orations Vol. 1. Loeb Classical Library.
• Weil, Henri (1975). Biography of Demosthenes in "Demosthenes' Orations". Papyros (from the Greek
translation).
• Whitehead, David (2000). Hypereides: the Forensic Speeches. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815218-3.
Demosthenes 34
• Wooten, Cecil (October – November 1977). "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes: A Clarification". The Classical
Journal (The Classical Association of the Middle West and South) 73 (1): 37–43. JSTOR 3296953.
• Worman, Nancy (Spring 2004). "Insult and Oral Excess in the Disputes between Aeschines and Demosthenes".
The American Journal of Philology (The Johns Hopkins University Press) 125 (1): 1–25. JSTOR 1562208.
• Worthington, Ian (2003). Alexander the Great: A Reader. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-29187-9.
• Worthington, Ian (2004). "Oral Performance in the Athenian Assembly and the Demosthenic Prooemia". Oral
Performance and its Context edited by C.J. MacKie. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-13680-0.
• Worthington, Ian (1986). "The Chronology of the Harpalus Affair" (http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.
1080/00397678608590798#preview). Symbolae Osloenses (Taylor & Francis) 61 (1): 63–76.
doi:10.1080/00397678608590798. Retrieved 2011-11-08.
• Yunis, Harvey (2001). Demosthenes: On the Crown. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-62930-6.
• Yunis, Harvey (2005). "The Rhetoric of Law in Fourth-Century Athens". The Cambridge Companion to Ancient
Greek Law edited by Michael Gagarin, David Cohen. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-81840-0.
Further reading
• Adams, Charles Darwin (1927). Demosthenes and His Influence. New York: Longmans.
• Brodribb, William Jackson (1877). Demosthenes. J.B. Lippincott & co..
• Bryan, William Jennings (1906). The world's famous orations (Volume 1). New York: Funk and Wagnalls
Company.
• Butcher, Samuel Henry (1888). Demosthenes. Macmillan & co..
• Clemenceau, Georges (1926). Demosthène. Plon.
• Easterling P. E., Knox Bernard M. W. (1985). The Cambridge History of Classical Literature. Cambridge
University Press. ISBN 0-521-21042-9.
• Kennedy, George A. (1963). Art of Persuasion in Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University press.
• Murphy, James J., ed. (1967). Demosthenes' "On the Crown": A Critical Case Study of a Masterpiece of Ancient
Oratory. New York: Random House.
• Pearson, Lionel (1981). The art of Demosthenes. Chico, CA: Scholars press. ISBN 0-89130-551-3.
External links
• Art of Speech (http://library.thinkquest.org/C001146/curriculum.php3?action=item_view&item_id=22&
print_view=1)
• Britannica, 11th Edition (http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/DEM_DIO/DEMOSTHENES.html)
• Britannica online (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9029911)
• Lendering, Jona (http://www.livius.org/de-dh/demosthenes/demosthenes.html)
• Pickard A.W. (http://www.third-millennium-library.com/readinghall/GalleryofHistory/DEMOSTHENES/
DOOR.html)
His era
• Beck, Sanderson: Philip, Demosthenes, and Alexander (http://www.san.beck.org/EC22-Alexander.html)
• Blackwell, Christopher W.: The Assembly during Demosthenes' era (http://www.stoa.org/projects/demos/
article_assembly?page=7&greekEncoding=UnicodeC/)
• Britannica online: Macedonian supremacy in Greece (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-261110/
ancient-Greek-civilization)
• Smith, William: A Smaller History of Ancient Greece-Philip of Macedon (http://www.ellopos.net/elpenor/
greek-texts/ancient-greece/history-of-ancient-greece-19-philip.asp)
Miscellaneous
Demosthenes 35
• SORGLL: Demosthenes, On the Crown 199-208; read by Stephen Daitz (http://www.rhapsodes.fll.vt.edu/

demosthenes.htm)
• Libanius, Hypotheses to the Orations of Demosthenes (http://www.stoa.org/projects/demos/
article_libanius?page=33&greekEncoding=Unicode)
• Works by Demosthenes (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Demosthenes) at Project Gutenberg
Dinarchus
Dinarchus or Dinarch (Corinth, c. 361 – c. 291 BC) was a logographer (speech writer) in Ancient Greece. He was
the last of the ten Attic orators included in the "Alexandrian Canon" compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and
Aristarchus of Samothrace in the third century BC.
A son of Sostratus (or, according to the Suda, Socrates), Dinarchus settled at Athens early in life, and when not more
than twenty-five was already active as a logographer—a writer of speeches for the law courts. As a metic, he was
unable to take part in the debates. He had been the pupil both of Theophrastus and of Demetrius Phalereus, and had
early acquired a certain fluency and versatility of style.
In 324 the Areopagus, after inquiry, reported that nine men had taken bribes from Harpalus, the fugitive treasurer of
Alexander. Ten public prosecutors were appointed. Dinarchus wrote, for one or more of these prosecutors, the three
speeches which are still extant: Against Demosthenes, Against Aristogeiton, and Against Philocles.
The sympathies of Dinarchus were in favor of an Athenian oligarchy under Macedonian control; but it should be
remembered that he was not an Athenian citizen. Aeschines and Demades had no such excuse. In the Harpalus affair,
Demosthenes as well as the others accused, were probably innocent. Yet Hypereides, the most fiery of the patriots,
was on the same side as Dinarchus.
Under the regency of his old master, Demetrius Phalereus, Dinarchus exercised much political influence. The years
317–307 were the most prosperous of his life. On the fall of Demetrius Phalereus and the restoration of the
democracy by Demetrius Poliorcetes, Dinarchus was condemned to death and withdrew into exile at Chalcis in
Euboea.
About 292, thanks to his friend Theophrastus, he was able to return to Attica, and took up his abode in the country
with a former associate, Proxenus. He afterwards brought an action against Proxenus on the ground that he had
robbed him of some money and plate. Dinarchus died at Athens about 291.
Surviving Speeches
• Against Demosthenes [1]
• Against Aristogiton [2]
• Against Philocles [3]
References
• Minor Attic Orators, II, Lycurgus. Dinarchus. Demades. Hyperides [4], trans. J. O. Burtt, Harvard University
Press, Loeb Classical Library, 1954.
• Dinarchus, Hyperides, & Lycurgus [5], trans. Ian Worthington, Craig Cooper, and Edward M. Harris, University
of Texas Press, 2001.
Dinarchus 36
References
[1] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 01. 0082& query=head%3D%231
[4] http:/ / www. hup. harvard. edu/ catalog/ L395. html
[5] http:/ / www. utexas. edu/ utpress/ books/ wordin. html
Hypereides
Hypereides or Hyperides (Ancient Greek: Ὑπερείδης, Hypereidēs; c. 390 BCE – 322 BCE; English pronunciation
with the stress variably on the penultimate or antepenultimate syllable[1]) was a logographer (speech writer) in
Ancient Greece. He was one of the ten Attic orators included in the "Alexandrian Canon" compiled by Aristophanes
of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace in the third century BCE.
Rise to power
Little is known about his early life except that he was the son of Glaucippus, of the deme of Collytus and that he
studied logography under Isocrates. In 360 BCE he prosecuted Autocles for treason.[2] During the Social War
(358–355 BCE) he accused Aristophon, then one of the most influential men at Athens, of malpractices,[3] and
impeached Philocrates (343 BCE) for high treason. Although Hypereides supported Demosthenes in the struggle
against Phillip II of Macedon; that support was withdrawn after the Harpalus affair. After Demosthenes' exile
Hypereides became the head of the patriotic party (324 BCE).
Downfall
After the death of Alexander the Great, Hypereides was one of the chief promoters of war against Macedonian rule.
His speeches are believed to have led to the outbreak of the Lamian War (323–322 BCE) in which Athens, Aetolia,
and Thessaly revolted against Macedonian rule. After the decisive defeat at Crannon (322 BCE) in which Athens and
her allies lost their independence, Hypereides and the other orators, were condemned to death by the Athenian
supporters of Macedon.
Hypereides fled to Aegina only to be captured at the temple of Poseidon. After being put to death, his body
(according to others) was taken to Cleonae and shown to the Macedonian general Antipater before being returned to
Athens for burial.
Personality and oratorical style

Hypereides was an ardent pursuer of "the beautiful," which in his time generally meant pleasure and luxury. His
temper was easy-going and humorous. Though in his development of the periodic sentence he followed Isocrates, the
essential tendencies of his style are those of Lysias. His diction was plain, though he occasionally indulged in long
compound words probably borrowed from Middle Comedy. His composition was simple. He was especially
distinguished for subtlety of expression, grace and wit.[4]
Hypereides 37
Surviving speeches
Seventy-seven speeches have been attributed to Hypereides, of which
seventy-five were regarded as spurious by his contemporaries. It is said
that a manuscript of most of the speeches survived as late as the 15th
century in the library of Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, but was
later destroyed after the capture of Buda by the Turks in the 16th
century. Only a few fragments were known until relatively recent
times. In 1847 large fragments of his speeches, Against Demosthenes
and For Lycophron (incidentally interesting for clarifying the order of
marriage processions and other details of Athenian life, and the
Athenian government of Lemnos) and the whole of For Euxenippus (c.
330 BCE, a locus classicus on eisangeliai or state prosecutions), were
found in a tomb at Thebes in Egypt. In 1856 a considerable portion of a
logos epitaphios, a Funeral Oration over Leosthenes and his comrades
who had fallen in the Lamian war was discovered. Currently this is the
best surviving example of epideictic oratory.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century further discoveries were

made including the conclusion of the speech Against Philippides
(dealing with an indictment for the proposal of unconstitutional
measure, arising out of the disputes of the Macedonian and
anti-Macedonian parties at Athens), and of the whole of Against
Athenogenes (a perfumer accused of fraud in the sale of his business).
The final two columns of P.Lit.Lond. 134, the
2nd-century BCE papyrus that transmits the
New discoveries conclusion to Against Philippides
In 2002 Natalie Tchernetska of Trinity College, Cambridge discovered fragments of two speeches of Hypereides,
which had been considered lost, in the Archimedes Palimpsest. These were from the Against Timandros and Against
Diondas. Tchernetska's discovery led to a publication on the subject in the Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und
Epigraphik.[5] This prompted the establishment of a working group under the auspices of the British Academy,
which includes scholars from the UK, Hungary and the US.[6]
In 2006, the Archimedes Palimpsest project together with imagers at Stanford University used powerful X-ray
fluorescence imaging to read the final pages of the Palimpsest, which contained the material by Hypereides. These
were interpreted, transcribed and translated by the working group.
The new Hypereides revelations include two previously unknown speeches, effectively increasing the quantity of
material known by this author by 20 percent. Previously, most scholars believed only fragments of Hypereides had
survived beyond the Classical period.[7]
Hypereides 38
Lost speeches
Among the speeches not yet recovered is the
Deliacus[8] in which the presidency of the Delian
temple claimed by both Athens and Cos, which was
adjudged by the Amphictyonic League to Athens. Also
missing is the speech in which he defended the
illustrious courtesan Phryne (said to have been his
mistress) on a capital charge: according to Plutarch and
Athenaeus the speech climaxed with Hypereides
stripping off her clothing to reveal her naked breasts; in
the face of which the judges found it impossible to
condemn her.[9] Jean-Léon Gérôme, Phryne before the Areopagus, 1861
Assessment
William Noel, the curator of manuscripts and rare books at the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore, Maryland and the
director of the Archimedes Palimpsest project, called Hypereides "one of the great foundational figures of Greek
democracy and the golden age of Athenian democracy, the foundational democracy of all democracy."[7]
Notes
[1] Mackey and Mackey, The Pronunciation of 10,000 Proper Names, New York, 1922, p. 138 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=4rp8kMDkizkC& vq=Hyperides& pg=PA138& q=Hyperides& f=false#v=snippet& q=Hyperides& f=false) (penult); John Walker,
Critical Pronouncing Dictionary, New York, 1828, p. 61 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=dNkUAAAAYAAJ& vq=Hyperides&
pg=PA673#v=snippet& q=Hyperides& f=false) (antepenult); John Hogg in The Gentleman's Magazine, 1857, p. 423 (http:/ / books. google.
com/ books?id=ePoIAAAAIAAJ& vq="pronunciation of the word Hyperides"& pg=PA423#v=onepage& q& f=false) (considering both
possibilities)
[2] (frags. 55–65, Blass)
[4] (De sublimitate, 34) in the phrase-"Hypereides was the Sheridan of Athens"
[5] Tchernetska, Natalie (2005). "New Fragments of Hypereides from the Archimedes Palimpsest". ZPE 154: 1–6. JSTOR 20190979.
[6] Carey, C.; et al. (2008). "Fragments of Hyperides' Against Diondas from the Archimedes Palimpsest". ZPE 165: 1–19.
[7] Lee, Felicia R. (November 27, 2006). "A Layered Look Reveals Ancient Greek Texts" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2006/ 11/ 27/ arts/
27greek. html). New York Times. .
[9] (Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, XIII.590)
References
• Herrman, Judson (ed., trans. comm.). Hyperides. Funeral oration. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009. xiv,
148 p. (American Philological Association. American classical studies, 53).
• Whitehead, David (2000). Hypereides: The Forensic Speeches. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815218-3.
Isaeus 39
Isaeus
Isaeus (Latin; Greek Ἰσαῖος Isaios), fl. early 4th century BC. One of the ten Attic Orators according to the
Alexandrian canon. He was a student of Isocrates in Athens, and later taught Demosthenes while working as a metic
speechwriter for others. Only eleven of his speeches survive, with fragments of a twelfth. They are mostly concerned
with inheritance, with one on civil rights. Dionysius of Halicarnassus compared his style to Lysias, although Isaeus
was more given to employing sophistry.
Life
The time of his birth and death is unknown, but all accounts agree in the statement that he flourished (ἤκμασε)
during the period between the Peloponnesian War and the accession of Philip II of Macedon, so that he lived
between 420 and 348 BCE.[1] He was a son of Diagoras, and was born at Chalcis in Euboea; some sources say he
was born in Athens, probably only because he came there at an early age and spent the greater part of his life there.
He was instructed in oratory by Lysias and Isocrates.[2] He was afterwards engaged in writing judicial orations for
others, and established a rhetorical school at Athens, in which Demosthenes is said to have been his pupil. The Suda
states that Isaeus instructed him free of charge, whereas Plutarch relates that he received 10,000 drachmas;[3] and it is
further said that Isaeus composed for Demosthenes the speeches against his guardians, or at least assisted him in the
composition. All particulars about his life are unknown, and were so even in the time of Dionysius, since Hermippus,
who had written an account of the disciples of Isocrates, did not mention Isaeus at all.
Works
In antiquity there were 64 orations which bore the name of Isaeus, but only fifty were recognised as genuine by the
ancient critics.[4] Of these, only eleven have come down to us; but we possess fragments and the titles of 56 speeches
ascribed to him. The eleven extant are all on subjects connected with disputed inheritances; and Isaeus appears to
have been particularly well acquainted with the laws relating to inheritance.
Ten of these orations had been known ever since the revival of letters in the Renaissance, and were printed in the
collections of Greek orators; but the eleventh, On Menecles' legacy (περὶ τοῦ Μενεκλέους κλήρου), was first
published in 1785 from a Florentine manuscript by Tyrwhitt, and later by Orelli in 1814. Also, in 1815 Mai
discovered and published the greater half of Isaeus' oration On Cleonymus' legacy (περὶ τοῦ Κλεωνύμου κλήρου).
Isaeus is also known to have written a manual on speechwriting entitled the Technē or Idiai technai (ἰδίαι τέχναι,
"Personal skills"), which, however, is lost.[5]
List of extant speeches (available at the Perseus Digital Library [8])
1. On The Estate of Cleonymus [6]
2. On the Estate of Menecles [7]
3. On The Estate Of Pyrrhus [8]
4. On the Estate of Nicostratus [9]
5. On the Estate of Dicaeogenes [10]
6. On the Estate of Philoctemon [11]
7. On The Estate of Apollodorus [12]
8. On The Estate of Ciron [13]
9. On the Estate of Astyphilus [14]
10. On The Estate Of Aristarchus [15]
11. On the Estate of Hagnias [16]
12. On Behalf of Euphiletus [17]
Isaeus 40
Oratorical style
Although his orations were placed fifth in the Alexandrian canon, still we do not hear of any of the grammarians
having written commentaries on him, except Didymus of Alexandria.[18] But we still possess the criticism upon
Isaeus written by Dionysius of Halicarnassus; and by a comparison of the orations still extant with the opinions of
Dionysius, we come to the following conclusion.
The oratory of Isaeus resembles in many points that of his teacher, Lysias: the style of both is pure, clear, and
concise; but while Lysias is at the same time simple and graceful, Isaeus evidently strives to attain a higher degree of
polish and refinement, without, however, in the least injuring the powerful and impressive character of his oratory.
The same spirit is visible in the manner in which he handles his subjects, especially in their skilful division, and in
the artful manner in which he interweaves his arguments with various parts of the exposition, whereby his orations
become like a painting in which light and shade are distributed with a distinct view to produce certain effects. It was
mainly owing to this mode of management that he was envied and censured by his contemporaries, as if he had tried
to deceive and misguide his hearers. He was one of the first who turned their attention to a scientific cultivation of
political oratory; but excellence in this department of the art was not attained until the time of Demosthenes.
Bibliography
Print
• Forster, E.S. (ed., tr.) 1927, Isaeus (Cambridge, MA). ISBN 0-674-99222-9
• Roussel, P. (ed., tr.) 2003, Isée. Discours, 3rd ed. (1st ed. 1922; Paris). ISBN 2-251-00170-0
• Thalheim, Th. (ed.) 1963, Isaei Orationes cum deperditarum fragmentis, 2nd ed. (1st ed. 1903; Stuttgart). ISBN
3-598-71456-4
• Wyse, W. (ed.) 1904, The Speeches of Isaeus (Cambridge). - PDF [19]
References
[1] Dionysius, Isaeus 1; Plutarch, Lives of the Ten Orators p. 839; Anon., γένος Ἰσαίου.
[2] Photius, Bibliotheca cod. 263; Dionysius and Plutarch, locc. citt.
[3] Cf. Plutarch de Glor. Ath. p. 350, c.; Photius loc. cit.
[4] Plutarch, Lives of the Ten Orators, loc. cit.
[5] Plutarch, Lives of the Ten Orators p. 839; Dionysius Epist. ad Ammon. i.2.
[7] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Isaeus+ 2+ hypothesis
[18] Harpocrates, s.vv. γαμηλία, πανδαισία.
[19] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TqUNAAAAIAAJ
Isaeus 41
Sources
• This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1867). "article
name needed
". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.
Further reading
• Lawless, John M. (1991). Law, argument and equity in the speeches of Isaeus. Providence, RI: Brown University
Ph.D. thesis. OCLC 26957676.
• Wyse, William (1904). The Speeches of Isaeus with Critical and Explanatory Notes. Cambridge: University
Press.
Isocrates
Isocrates (English: /aɪ.ˈsɒk.rɑ.tiːs/; Ancient Greek: Ἰσοκράτης; 436–338 BC), an
ancient Greek rhetorician, was one of the ten Attic orators. In his time, he was
probably the most influential rhetorician in Greece and made many contributions
to rhetoric and education through his teaching and written works.
Greek rhetoric is commonly traced to Corax of Syracuse, who first formulated a
set of rhetorical rules in the fifth century BC. His pupil, Tisias, was influential in
the development of the rhetoric of the courtroom, and by some accounts was the
teacher of Isocrates. Within two generations, rhetoric had become an important
art, its growth driven by the social and political changes, such as democracy and
the courts of law.
Career
Bust of Isocrates; plaster cast in the
Unlike most rhetoric schools of the time, which were taught by itinerant sophists, Pushkin Museum of the bust
formerly at Villa Albani, Rome
Isocrates defined himself with his treatise Against the Sophists.[1] This polemic
was written to explain and advertise the reasoning and educational principles
behind his newly-opened school. He promoted his broad-based education by speaking against two types of teachers:
the Eristics, who disputed about theoretical and ethical matters, and the Sophists, who taught political debate
techniques.[2]
Isocrates was born to a wealthy family in Athens and received a first-rate education. He was greatly influenced by
his sophist teachers, Prodicus and Gorgias, and was also closely acquainted with Socrates.[2] After the Peloponnesian
War, Isocrates' family lost its wealth, and Isocrates was forced to earn a living.
Isocrates' professional career is said to have begun as a logographer, or a hired courtroom speech writer. Athenian
citizens would not hire lawyers because legal procedure required self-representation. Instead, they would speak for
themselves and hire people like Isocrates to write speeches for them in exchange for a fee. Isocrates had a great
talent for this since he lacked confidence in public speaking. His weak voice motivated him to publish pamphlets and
although he played no direct part in state affairs, his written speech influenced the public and provided significant
insight on large political issues of the fourth century BC.[3] Around 392 BC he set up his own school of rhetoric,
because at the time Athens had no set curriculum for higher education (sophist teachers often travelled), and proved
to be not only an influential teacher, but a shrewd businessman. His fees were unusually high, and he accepted no
more than nine pupils at a time. Many of them went on to be philosophers, legislators and historians.[2] As a
consequence, he amassed a considerable fortune. According to Pliny the Elder (NH VII.30) he could sell a single
Isocrates 42
oration for twenty talents.
Program of rhetoric
Isocrates' program of rhetorical education stressed the ability to use language to address practical problems, and he
referred to his teachings as more of a philosophy as opposed to rhetoric. He emphasized that students needed three
things to learn: a natural aptitude which was inborn, knowledge training granted by teachers and textbooks and
applied practices designed by educators.[2] He also stressed civic education, training students to serve the state.
Students would practice composing and delivering speeches on various subjects. He considered natural ability and
practice to be more important than rules or principles of rhetoric. Rather than delineating static rules, Isocrates
stressed "fitness for the occasion," or kairos (the rhetor's ability to adapt to changing circumstances and situations).
His school lasted for over fifty years and taught the basis of liberal arts education as we know it today, including
oratory, composition, history, citizenship, culture and morality.[2]
Because of Plato's attacks on the sophists, Isocrates' school of rhetoric and philosophy came to be viewed as
unethical and deceitful. Yet many of Plato's criticisms are hard to substantiate in the work of Isocrates, and at the end
of his Phaedrus Plato even has Socrates praising Isocrates, though some scholars take this to be sarcastic. Isocrates
saw the ideal orator as someone who must not only possess rhetorical gifts, but possess also a wide knowledge of
philosophy, science, and the arts. The orator should also represent Greek ideals of freedom, self-control, and virtue.
In this, he influenced several Roman rhetoricians, such as Cicero and Quintilian, and also had an influence on the
idea of liberal education.
On the art of rhetoric, he was also an innovator. He paid closer attention to expression and rhythm far more than any
other Greek writer, but because his sentences were so complex and artistic, he often sacrificed clarity to demonstrate
his messages.[3]
Of the 60 orations in his name available in Roman times, 21 were transmitted by ancient and medieval scribes.
Another three orations were found in a single codex during a 1988 excavation at Kellis,[4][5] a site in the Dakhla
Oasis of Egypt. We have nine letters in his name, but the authenticity of four has been questioned. He is said to have
compiled a treatise, the Art of Rhetoric, but it has not survived. In addition to the orations, other works include his
autobiographical Antidosis and educational texts, such as Against the Sophists.
Panathenaicus and Famous Quotation

In Panathenaicus, Isocrates argues with a student about the literacy of the Spartans. In section 250, the student
claims that the most intelligent of the Spartans owned copies of and admired some of Isocrates' speeches. The
implication is that some Spartans had books, were able to read them and were eager to do so. The Spartans, however,
needed an interpreter to clear up any misunderstandings of double meanings which might lie concealed beneath the
surface of complicated words. This text indicates that some Spartans were not illiterate. If this speech is taken
literally, it would suggest that Spartans could conduct political affairs and that they collected and made use of written
works such as speeches. This text is important to scholars' understanding of literacy in Sparta because it indicates
that Spartans were able to read and that they often put written documents to use in their public affairs.
"Ἰσοκράτης τῆς παιδείας τὴν ῥίζαν πικρὰν ἔφη, γλυκεῖς δὲ τοὺς καρπούς."[6]
"Isocrates said that the root of education is bitter, but the fruits are sweet."
Progymnasmata of Aphthonios. A similar sentence is found in the Progymnasmata of Libanios.
Isocrates 43
Panegyricus 50 and the True Hellene debate

In modern Greece there has been, due to the rise of immigration, debate between nationalists and anti-nationalists on
what the passage in Panegyricus 50 actually entails. The proposition by anti-nationalists is that Isocrates said that "A
Greek is he who shares our common culture" (meaning Greek culture) and understand from that that he was an early
proponent of multiculturalism who wanted barbarians as well as Greeks becoming a part of the Greek ethnic group.
On the other hand nationalists refute that, with some of them claiming that he in fact meant that "It is a shame that a
Greek is considered by some one who shares our culture rather than our common kinship" and paint him as a
proto-racist.
Some claim that Isocrates was merely making an appeal to unite all Hellenes under the hegemony of Athens (whose
culture is implied under the words "our common culture") in a crusade against the Persians rather than their
customary fighting against each other. That is, Isocrates was referring to Athenian not Greek culture when he said
that. In any case, on this theory, Isocrates was not extending the appellation Hellene to non-Greeks.[7]
However, he was also not an early proponent of racism either since he did specifically, in Panegyricus, make an
appeal to define the Hellenes as a people sharing a common culture, albeit the Athenian one.[8] This was done in
order to boost Athens whose present military weakness meant that its only claim to leadership of the Greeks was its
cultural ascendancy.[9][10]
Nonetheless, the misinterpretation of Isocratesis not wholly new. Second Sophistic Greeks, living in a multi-cultural
environment, had a fresh impetus to re-interpret him and apply his words, if not spirit, to their time.[11]
Quotation of Panegyricus 50
Greek text
[50] τοσοῦτον δ' ἀπολέλοιπεν ἡ πόλις ἡμῶν περὶ τὸ φρονεῖν καὶ λέγειν τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους, ὥσθ' οἱ ταύτης
μαθηταὶ τῶν ἄλλων διδάσκαλοι γεγόνασι, καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὄνομα πεποίηκε μηκέτι τοῦ γένους ἀλλὰ τῆς
διανοίας δοκεῖν εἶναι, καὶ μᾶλλον Ἕλληνας καλεῖσθαι τοὺς τῆς παιδεύσεως τῆς ἡμετέρας ἢ τοὺς τῆς κοινῆς
φύσεως μετέχοντας.[12]
English text
"Our city of Athens has so far surpassed other men in its wisdom and its power of expression that its pupils have
become the teachers of the world. It has caused the name of Hellene to be regarded as no longer a mark of racial
origin but of intelligence, so that men are called Hellenes because they have shared our common education rather
than that they share in our common ethnic origin."[13]
Notes
[1] Readings in Classical Rhetoric By Thomas W. Benson, Michael H. Prosser Page 43 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=XjrJUcEnBnsC&
pg=PA43& dq=Isocrates+ + against+ the+ sophists#v=onepage& q=Isocrates against the sophists& f=false) ISBN 0-9611800-3-X
[2] Matsen, Patricia, Philip Rollinson and Marion Sousa. Readings from Classical Rhetoric. Southern Illinois: 1990. Print.
[3] George Law Cackwell (1998). "Isocrates" (http:/ / www. oxfordreference. com. ezprozy. library. yorku. ca/ views/ ENTRY.
html?subview=Main& entry=t133. e343). The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization. York University: Simon Hornblower and Antony
Spawforth | Oxford University Press. . Retrieved October 18, 2011.
[4] "Ancient Kellis" (http:/ / www. lib. monash. edu. au/ exhibitions/ egypt/ xegy. html). Lib.monash.edu.au. 1998-10-02. . Retrieved
2012-07-09.
[5] Roger Pearse (2005-09-17). "The texts found at Kellis in the Dakhleh Oasis" (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ rpearse/ manuscripts/ kellis. htm).
Tertullian.org. . Retrieved 2012-07-09.
[6] Christian Walz, Rhetores Graeci (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=AToOAAAAYAAJ& printsec=titlepage& vq=ÏÏÎ¿Î³Ï
Î¼Î½Î±ÏÎ¼Î±ÏÎ±& source=gbs_summary_r& cad=0#PPA63,M1), p. 63.
[7] Greeks and Barbarians (Edinburgh Readings on the Ancient World, Edinburgh University Press (25 Oct 2001), ISBN 978-0-7486-1270-3,
σελ.139-140 "It has been widely assumed in the past that the word Hellene began by having a ‘national’ sense and later, especially in
Hellenistic times, came to mean ‘possessing Greek culture’. For instance, in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt the Hellenes were also known as ol
Isocrates 44
ôô to y4lvuaiou, ‘those from the gymnasium’) and frequently had non- Greek names. From Tebtunis we have a list of five E)Avwv ycwpyIvI,
‘Greek farmers’, of whom only one has a Greek name.’ And it has been thought that the beginning of this extension in the meaning of the word
can be traced to the fourth century, when Isocrates wrote,”‘Athens has become the teacher of the other cities, and has made the name of Greek
(to tcwE?.Xvwv övopa) no longer a mark of race (yvoç) hut of Intellect (6tãvota), so that it is those who share our upbringing (tiç
ltau5c6aEwç) rather than our common nature (tiç coiviIc pioç) who are called Hellcnes.’ This passage has attracted great attention, Jaeger
going so far as to claim it as° ‘a higher justification for the new national imperialism, in that it identifies what is specifically Greek with what
is universally human’. ‘Without the idea which [Isocrates] here expresses for the first time’, he continues, ‘... there would have been no
Maccdonian Greek world-empire, and the universal culture which we call Hellenistic would never have existed.’ Unfortunately for this claim,
it has been shown” that in this passage Tsocrates is not extending the term Helene to non-Greeks, hut restricting its application; he is in effect
saying, ‘Hellenes are no longer all who share in the yévoç and common qnai; of the Greek people, as hitherto, but only those who have gone to
school to Athens; henceforth Greece” is equivalent to Athens and her cultural following.’ Thus Isocrates gives the term a cultural value; but he
cannot be regarded as initiating a wider concept of Hellas."
[8] Jeffrey Walker, Rhetoric and poetics in antiquity, Oxford University Press US, 2000, 0195130359, 9780195130355, p.178, "And so far has
our city outpaced all others in thought and speech that her students have become the teachers of the rest, so that the word “Hellenes” suggests
no longer A race but a way of thought, and the tide “Hellenes” applies to those who share our culture rather than those who share a common
blood. (48—50; my emphasis) In this cnthymcme of great persuasive force and enormous cultural power, Isocrates presents the vision that
will define the Greek ideal of paideia for centuries to come, This enthymeme’s power derives not only from a quasi-syllogistic marshalling of
evidence to justify a conclusion: the claim that Athens has become the “school” of all Greece because it has most honoured eloquence is, in
truth, weakly supported here, though earlier passages do give it some evidential ground. Rather, much of this enthymeme’s power lies in its
use of emotively significant oppositions human/animal, wise/foolish, cultured/ignorant, achievement/luck, and so forth), defining eloquence as
the distinguishing feature of human-ness and the distinctive sign of an accomplished and wise intelligence, in order to motivate the audience’s
admiration and desire—the wish that Athens should indeed be the school of Greece-—a desire that, if it is evoked, will drive or simply be
adherence with Isocrares’ vision of a cosmopolitan cultural identity defined by ways of thought (the distinctly human, the discursively
constructed) rather than by blood (the animal and accidental).
The Athenian paideia as Isocrares defines it is a good thing, and should define Hellenic” identity, for the reasons
embodied in the network of emotively significant, evaluative oppositions that his argument has mobilized. This
enthyincme, in turn, is meant to motivate audience adherence with his larger theme,"
[9] James I. Porter, Classical pasts: the classical traditions of Greece and Rome Classical pasts, Princeton University Press, 2006, 0691089426,
9780691089423, p.383-384, "The telos towards which the whole encomium is directed is neither military nor material, but cultural, and in
particular linguistic: •toiio4ia (in Isocrates’, not in Plato’s sense) is Athens’s gift to the world, and eloquence, which distinguishes men from
animals and liberally educated men (τους ευθύς εξαρχής ελευθέρως τεθραμμένους) from uncultured ones, is honoured in that city more than
in any other.3° Thus Isocrates can claim that it is above all in the domain of language that Athens has become the school for the rest of the
world: “And so far has our city distanced the rest of mankind in thought and in speech that her pupils have become the teachers of the rest of
the world; and she has brought it about that the name ‘Hellenes’ suggests no longer a race but an intelligence, and thin the title ‘Hellenes’ is
applied rather to those who share our culture than to those who share a common blood:’3’ Like Pericles’ funeral oration in Thucydides, upon
which this section of the Panegyricus is closely modelled,32 Isocrates’ panegyric emphasizes abstract cultural values but its ultimate goal is in
fact more concretely military: the speech as a whole aims at convincing the other Greek cities to grant Athens hegemony and leadership in an
expedition against the Pεrsians, which will reunite the Greeks by distracting them from their internecine warfare.
But Athens’s present military weakness in the wake of the Peace of Antalcidas (387 B.C.E.) deprives Isocrates of the
easiest argument, that leadership should be given to the city that has the greatest military strength. Hence he must
appeal to past military and culturall glories in order to justify present claims—indeed, his evident reuse of themes
from Pericles’ funeral oration is part of the same rhetorical strategy, designed as it is to remind fourth-century
pan-Hellenic readers of Athens’s fifth-century glory. But what passes itself off here as the disinterested praise of a
city is in fact the canny self-advertisement of a successful businessman, and Isocrates’ climactic celebration of
Athenian philosophy and eloquence is little more than a thinly disguised panegyric for what he saw as his very own
contribution to Athenian, Greek and world culture. For φιλοσοφία and eloquence were in fact the slogans of
Isocrates’ own educational program.
[10] Takis Poulakos, David J. Depew, Isocrates and civic education, University of Texas Press, 2004, 0292702191, 9780292702196, p.63-64,
"He crafts onto his predecessor’s analogy Athens as a school of Hellas an enduring bond among the Hellenes and a great divide between them
and the Persians: Athens’ pupils have become the teachers of the rest of the world” and “the title ‘Hellenes’ is applied rather to those who share
our culture than to those who share a common blood” (50). The cultural links Pericles had named as uniting Athenians and their allies lies
together are refigured here rhetorically, and in a way that forges a symbolic unification among all the cities of Hellas, including Sparta and its
allied states. Relying on and at the same time changing Pericles’ wise words, Isocrates creates the perception of Athens as having been unified
with all Greek city-stares from the very beginning, and thereby makes this perception part and parcel of Athens’ glorious history. As a result of
this rhetorical engagement of conventional wisdom, current concerns about pan-Hellenism find their way into the city’s timeless traditions.
Capitalizing on the propensity of epideictic language to amplify and to augment, lsocrates finesses the stable doxa of the community and
Isocrates 45
enlarges its boundaries 90 as to accommodate the less stable doxa of the present".
[11] Apologetics in the Roman Empire: pagans, Jews, and Christians, Mark J. Edwards, Martin Goodman, S. R. F. Price, Christopher Rowland,
Oxford University Press, 1999, 0198269862, 9780198269861, σελ. 185, "I want now to pursue the relation between Apollonius and Hellenism
and the East by looking at Apollonius’ relations with the sages and some other matters. In the court of the Persian king Vardanes, Apollonius
lectures Damis on the difference between Hellenic and barbarian morals. ‘To a wise man Hellas is everywhere’ (i . 3c). The origin of the tag is
Isocrates, Panegyric, 50 (‘the name “Hellenes” [is the name of] those who share our culture rather than a common nature’). Isocrates was
speaking of Athenian culture in particular; but he was well aware of the power of Hellenic culture to civilize barbarians (such as Cyprians/
Phoenicians at Evagoras, 47—SO). Second-sophistic Greeks took the outlook of Isocrates very much to heart. For Philostratus, it is essential
to present Hellenism as a universally appreciated ideal. Thus the court of Vardanes is thoroughly philhellenic (i. 29, 32;2. 1 7, etc.), and the
statement of Hellenism’s appeal follows Apollonius’ exposition of Pythagoreanism" (t. 32).
[12] yricus.htm Panegyricus 50 Greek Text (http:/ / users. uoa. gr/ ~nektar/ history/ tri)
[13] Prof. John P. Adams, Modern and Classical Languages and Literatures (2009-05-25). "Panegyricus 50 English Translation" (http:/ / www.
csun. edu/ ~hcfll004/ GkVirtue. html). Csun.edu. . Retrieved 2012-07-09.
Further reading
• Benoit, William L. (1984). "Isocrates on Rhetorical Education". Communication Education: 109–119.
• Bizzell, Patricia; Herzberg, Bruce, eds. (2001). The rhetorical tradition : readings from classical times to the
present (2nd ed.). Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's. ISBN 0-312-14839-9.
• Bury, J.B. (1913). A History of Greece (http://www.archive.org/details/
AHistoryOfGreeceToTheDeathOfAlexanderTheGreat). Macmillan: London.
• Eucken, von Christoph (1983) (in German). Isokrates : seine Positionen in der Auseinandersetzung mit den
zeitgenössischen Philosophen. Berlin: W. de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-008646-8.
• Golden, James L.; Berquist, Goodwin F.; Coleman, William E. (2007). The rhetoric of Western thought (9th ed.).
Dubuque, IA: Kendall / Hunt. ISBN 0-7575-3838-X.
• Grube, G.M.A. (1965). The Greek and Roman Critics. London: Methuen.
• Haskins, Ekaterina V. (2004). Logos and power in Isocrates and Aristotle. Columbia, SC: University of South
Carolina Press. ISBN 1-57003-526-1.
• Isocrates (1968). Isocrates. Loeb Classical Library. George Norlin, Larue van Hook, trans. Cambridge, MA.:
Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-99231-8.
• Isocrates (2000). Isocrates I. David Mirhady, Yun Lee Too, trans. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
ISBN 0-292-75237-7.
• Isocrates (2004). Isocrates II. Terry L. Papillon, trans. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
ISBN 0-292-70245-0.
• Livingstone, Niall (2001). A commentary on Isocrates' Busiris. Boston: Brill. ISBN 90-04-12143-9.
• Papillon, Terry (1998). "Isocrates and the Greek Poetic Tradition" (http://www.otago.ac.nz/classics/
scholiagfx/v07p041-061.pdf). Scholia 7: 41–61.
• Poulakos, Takis; Depew, David J., eds. (2004). Isocrates and civic education. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press.
ISBN 0-292-70219-1.
• Poulakos, Takis (1997). Speaking for the polis : Isocrates' rhetorical education. Columbia, SC: Univ. of South
Carolina Press. ISBN 1-57003-177-0.
• Romilly, Jacqueline de (1985). Magic and rhetoric in ancient Greece. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
ISBN 0-674-54152-9.
• Smith, Robert W.; Bryant, Donald C., eds. (1969). Ancient Greek and Roman Rhetoricians: A Biographical
Dictionary. Columbia, MO: Artcraft Press.
• Too, Yun Lee (2008). A commentary on Isocrates' Antidosis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
ISBN 978-0-19-923807-1.
• Too, Yun Lee (1995). The rhetoric of identity in Isocrates : text, power, pedagogy. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ.
Press. ISBN 0-521-47406-X.
Isocrates 46
• Usener, Sylvia (1994) (in German). Isokrates, Platon und ihr Publikum : Hörer und Leser von Literatur im 4.
Jahrhundert v. Chr.. Tübingen: Narr. ISBN 3-8233-4278-9.
• Robin Waterfield's Notes to his translation of Plato's 'Phaedrus', Oxford University Press, 2002.
External links
• Speeches of Isocrates (Perseus Project) (http://old.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Isoc.+1+1)
• English Translation of various texts (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/searchresults?q=isocrates)
• "Plutarch", Life of Isocrates (attalus.org) (http://www.attalus.org/old/orators1.html#Isocrates)
• B. Keith Murphy (Fort Valley State University) – Isocrates (http://www.keithmurphy.info/399/Isoc.htm)
• Isocrates (436 – 338 B.C.) (http://people.morehead-st.edu/fs/w.willis/isocrates.html)
Lycurgus of Athens
Lycurgus (Greek: Λυκοῦργος, Lykourgos; 396–323 BC) was a logographer in Ancient Greece. He was one of the
ten Attic orators included in the "Alexandrian Canon" compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of
Samothrace in the third century BCE.
Lycurgus was born at Athens about 396 BC, and was the son of Lycophron, who belonged to the noble family of the
Eteobutadae.[1] He should not be confused with the quasi-mythological Spartan lawgiver of the same name.
Life
In his early life he devoted himself to the study of philosophy in the school of Plato, but afterwards became one of
the disciples of Isocrates, and entered upon public life at a comparatively early age. He was appointed three
successive times to the office of manager of the public revenue, and held his office each time for four years,
beginning with 337 BC. The conscientiousness with which he discharged the duties of this office enabled him to
raise the public revenue to the sum of 1200 talents.
This, as well as the unwearied activity with which he laboured both for increasing the security and splendour of the
city of Athens, gained for him the universal confidence of the people to such a degree, that when Alexander the
Great demanded, in 335 BC, among the other opponents of the Macedonian interest, the surrender of Lycurgus also,
who had, in conjunction with Demosthenes, exerted himself against the intrigues of Macedonia even as early as the
reign of Philip, the people of Athens clung to him, and boldly refused to deliver him up.[2]
He was further entrusted with the superintendence (φυλακη) of the city and the keeping of public discipline; and the
severity with which he watched over the conduct of the citizens became almost proverbial.[3]
He had a noble taste for every thing that was beautiful and grand, as he showed by the buildings he erected or
completed, both for the use of the citizens and the ornament of the city. His integrity was so great, that even private
persons deposited with him large sums of money, which they wished to be kept in safety. He was also the author of
several legislative enactments, of which he enforced the strictest observance. One of his laws forbade women to ride
in chariots at the celebration of the mysteries; and when his own wife transgressed this law, she was fined;[4] another
ordained that bronze statues should be erected to Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, that copies of their tragedies
should be made and preserved in the public archives.
The Lives of the Ten Orators erroneously ascribed to Plutarch[5] are full of anecdotes and characteristic features of
Lycurgus, from which we must infer that he was reputed one of the noblest specimens of old Attic virtue, and a
worthy contemporary of Demosthenes. He often appeared as a successful accuser in the Athenian courts, but he
himself was as often accused by others, though he always, and even in the last days of his life, succeeded in silencing
his enemies.
Thus we know that he was attacked by Philinus[6], Dinarchus[7], Aristogeiton, Menesaechmus, and others. He died
while holding the office of director (επιστατης) of the theatre of Dionysus, in 323 BC. A fragment of an inscription,
containing the account which he rendered to the state of his administration of the finances, is still extant. At his death
he left behind three sons, including one named Abron or Habron,[8] by his wife Callisto, who were severely
persecuted by Menesaechmus and Thrasycles, but were defended by Hypereides and Democles.[5] Among the
honours which were conferred upon him, we may mention, that the archon Anaxicrates ordered a bronze statue to be
erected to him in the Ceramicus, and that he and his eldest son should be entertained in the prytaneum at the public
expense.
The ancients mention fifteen orations of Lycurgus as extant in their days[2], but we know the titles of at least twenty.
With the exception, however, of one entire oration against Leocrates, and some fragments of others, all the rest are
lost, so that our knowledge of his skill and style as an orator is very incomplete. Dionysius and other ancient critics
draw particular attention to the ethical tendency of his orations, but they censure the harshness of his metaphors, the
inaccuracy in the arrangement of his subject, and his frequent digressions.
His style was said to be noble and grand, but neither elegant nor pleasing.[9] His works seem to have been
commented upon by Didymus of Alexandria.[10] Theon[11] mentions two declamations, Encomium of Helen and
Deploration of Eurybatus, as the works of Lycurgus; but this Lycurgus, if the name be correct, must be a different
personage from the Attic orator. The oration Against Leocrates, which was delivered in 330 BC[12], was first printed
by Aldus Manutius in his edition of the Attic orators.
References
• Schmitz, Leonhard (1867), "Lycurgus" [13], in Smith, William, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and
Mythology, 2, Boston, MA, pp. 858
• A.E. Haigh, The Attic Theatre. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1898.
• Sir Arthur Pickard-Cambridge. The Theatre of Dionysus at Athens, 1946.
Notes
[1] Pseudo-Plutarch, Moralia, "Lives of the Ten Orators", p. 841 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ old/ orators1. html#841); Suda, s.v. "Lykourgos"
(http:/ / www. stoa. org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?login=guest& enlogin=guest& db=REAL& field=adlerhw_gr& searchstr=lambda,825); Photius,
Bibliotheca, cod. 268
[2] Pseudo-Plutarch, ibid. (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ old/ orators1. html#841); Photius, ibid.
[3] Cicero, Epistulae, "Ad Atticum", i. 13 (http:/ / agoraclass. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ concordances/ cicero_atticusI/ lecture/ 2. htm); Plutarch, Parallel
Lives, "Flaminus", 12 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Flamininus*. html#12); Ammianus
Marcellinus, Res gestae, xxii. 9 (http:/ / agoraclass. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ concordances/ Ammien_histXXII/ lecture/ 9. htm), xxx. 8 (http:/ /
agoraclass. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ concordances/ Ammien_histXXX/ lecture/ 8. htm)
[4] Aelian, Varia Historia, xiii. 24 (http:/ / remacle. org/ bloodwolf/ historiens/ elien/ 13. htm)
[5] Pseudo-Plutarch, p. 842 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ old/ orators1. html#842)
[6] Harpocration, Lexicon of the Ten Orators, s.v. "theorika".
[7] Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Dinarchus, 10.
[8] Smith, William (1867), "Abron" (http:/ / www. ancientlibrary. com/ smith-bio/ 0012. html), in Smith, William, Dictionary of Greek and
Roman Biography and Mythology, 1, Boston, MA, pp. 3,
[9] Dionysius, On the ancient orators, v. 3; Hermogenes of Tarsus, De Formis Oratoriis, v; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 18.11 (http:/ / penelope.
uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Dio_Chrysostom/ Discourses/ 18*. html#11)
[10] Harpocration, s.vv. "pelanos", "prokovia", "stroter".
[11] Theon, Progymnasmata
[12] Aeschines, Speeches, "Against Ctesiphon", 93
[13] http:/ / www. ancientlibrary. com/ smith-bio/ 1966. html
External links
• Lycurgus, Against Leocrates (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Lyc.+1+hypothesis) (both
Greek text and English translation at Perseus (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu))
Sources
• This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1867). "article
name needed
". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.
Lysias
Lysias (Greek: Λυσίας) (ca. 445 BC – ca. 380 BC) was a logographer
(speech writer) in Ancient Greece. He was one of the ten Attic orators
included in the "Alexandrian Canon" compiled by Aristophanes of
Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace in the third century BC.
Life
According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the author of the life
ascribed to Plutarch, Lysias was born in 459 BC, which would accord
with a tradition that Lysias reached, or passed, the age of eighty. This
date was evidently obtained by reckoning back from the foundation of
Thurii (444 BC), since there was a tradition that Lysias had gone there
at the age of fifteen. Modern critics, in general, place his birth later, ca.
445 BC, and place the trip to Thurii around 430 BC.[1]
Cephalus, his father, was a native of Syracuse, and on the invitation of

Pericles had settled at Athens. The opening scene of Plato's Republic is
set at the house of his eldest son, Polemarchus, in Piraeus. The tone of
Lysias by Jean Dedieu (Gardens of Versailles)
the picture warrants the inference that the Sicilian family were well
known to Plato, and that their houses must often have been hospitable
to such gatherings. Further, Plato's Phaedrus opens with Phaedrus coming from conversation with Lysias at the
house of Epicrates of Athens: he meets Socrates, with whom he will read and discuss the speech of Lysias he heard.
At Thurii, the colony newly planted on the Tarentine Gulf, the boy may have seen Herodotus, now a man in middle
life, and a friendship may have grown up between them. There, too, Lysias is said to have commenced his studies in
rhetoric—doubtless under a master of the Sicilian school possibly, as tradition said, under Tisias, the pupil of Corax,
whose name is associated with the first attempt to formulate rhetoric as an art. In 413 BC the Athenian armament in
Sicily was annihilated. The desire to link famous names is illustrated by the ancient ascription to Lysias of a
rhetorical exercise purporting to be a speech in which the captive general Nicias appealed for mercy to the Sicilians.
The terrible blow to Athens quickened the energies of an anti-Athenian faction at Thurii. Lysias and his elder brother
Polemarchus, with three hundred other persons, were accused of Atticizing. They were driven from Thurii and
settled at Athens (412 BC).
Lysias and Polemarchus were rich men, having inherited property from their father, Cephalus; and Lysias claims
that, though merely resident aliens, they discharged public services with a liberality which shamed many of those
who enjoyed the franchise (Against Eratosthenes xii.20). The fact that they owned house property shows that they
Lysias 49
were classed as isoteleis (ἰσοτελεῖς), i.e. foreigners who paid only the same tax as citizens, being exempt from the
special tax (μετοίκιον) on resident aliens. Polemarchus occupied a house in Athens itself, Lysias another in the
Piraeus, near which was their shield manufactory, employing a hundred and twenty skilled slaves.
In 404 the Thirty Tyrants were established at Athens under the protection of a Spartan garrison. One of their earliest
measures was an attack upon the resident aliens, who were represented as disaffected to the new government. Lysias
and Polemarchus were on a list of ten singled out to be the first victims. Polemarchus was arrested, and compelled to
drink hemlock. Lysias had a narrow escape, with the help of a large bribe. He slipped by a back-door out of the
house in which he was a prisoner, and took a boat to Megara. It appears that he had rendered valuable services to the
exiles during the reign of the tyrants, and in 403 Thrasybulus proposed that these services should be recognized by
the bestowal of the citizenship. The Boule, however, had not yet been reconstituted, and hence the measure could not
be introduced to the ecclesia by the requisite preliminary resolution (προβούλευμα). On this ground it was
successfully opposed.
The Athenian political climate during Lysias’s life cannot be looked upon in modern terms. Modern politics means
constant and open competition between organized rival factions with their own ideologies and memberships. The
members of these parties label themselves a certain name which implies that they will vote and pay dues to a certain
organization who share the same basic social and political outlooks on society. The terms that best render political
opposites at the time were “Oligarch” and “Democratic.” Politics as described by Lysias meant that “no human being
is by nature oligarchical or democratic, but whatever constitution brings advantage to an individual is the one he
would like to see established.” This passage illustrates that whatever ideology a person chose to support is not based
on their core beliefs or principles. Overall, two of the key terms of Athenian politics were popular participation and
collective rule. Every male Athenian citizen, irrespective to birth, occupation, and with a few exceptions, economic
status, had the right to wield power as an official or Council member and actively participate in the decision-making
process at the Assembly whether or not he currently held any official position. Voting was egalitarian—‘one man,
one vote’—and because Athens was a direct democracy, voting outcomes remained relatively unpredictable. A Greek
person was likely to support one or the other at any given time based on specific economic and social cases.[2] [3]
During his later years Lysias—now probably a comparatively poor man owing to the rapacity of the tyrants and his
own generosity to the Athenian exiles—appears as a hard-working member of a new profession—that of
logographer, writer of speeches to be delivered in the law-courts. The thirty-four extant are but a small fraction.
From 403 to about 380 BC his industry must have been incessant. The notices of his personal life in these years are
scanty. In 403 he came forward as the accuser of Eratosthenes, one of the Thirty Tyrants. This was his only direct
contact with Athenian politics. The story that he wrote a defence for Socrates, which the latter declined to use,
probably arose from a confusion. Several years after the death of Socrates the sophist Polycrates composed a
declamation against him, to which Lysias replied.[4]
A more authentic tradition represents Lysias as having spoken his own Olympiacus at the Olympic festival of 388
BC, to which Dionysius I of Syracuse had sent a magnificent embassy. Tents embroidered with gold were pitched
within the sacred enclosure; and the wealth of Dionysius was vividly shown by the number of chariots which he had
entered. Lysias lifted up his voice to denounce Dionysius as, next to Artaxerxes, the worst enemy of Hellas, and to
impress upon the assembled Greeks that one of their foremost duties was to deliver Sicily from a hateful oppression.
The latest work of Lysias which we can date (a fragment of a speech For Pherenicus) belongs to 381 or 380 BC. He
probably died in or soon after 380 BC.
Lysias 50
Style
Lysias displays literary tact, humour, and attention to character in his extant speeches, and is famous for using his
skill to conceal his art. It was obviously desirable that a speech written for delivery by a client should be suitable to
his age, station and circumstances. Lysias was the first to make this adaptation really artistic. His language is crafted
to flow easily, in contrast to his predecessor Antiphon's pursuit of majestic emphasis, to his pupil (and close follower
in many respects) Isaeus' more conspicuous display of artistry and more strictly logical manner of argumentation,[5]
and later to the forceful oratory of Demosthenes.
Translated into terms of ancient criticism, he became the model of the plain style (ἰσχνὸς χαρακτήρ,
ἰσχνὴ/λιτὴ/ἀφελὴς λέξις: genus tenue or subtile). Greek and then Roman critics distinguished three styles of
rhetorical composition—the grand (or elaborate), the plain and the middle, the plain being nearest to the language of
daily life. Greek rhetoric began in the grand style; then Lysias set an exquisite pattern of the plain; and Demosthenes
might be considered as having effected an almost ideal compromise.
The vocabulary of Lysias is relatively simple and would later be regarded as a model of pure diction for Atticists.
Most of the rhetorical figures are sparingly used—except such as consist in the parallelism or opposition of clauses.
The taste of the day not yet emancipated from the influence of the Sicilian rhetoric probably demanded a large use of
antithesis. Lysias excels in vivid description; he has also the knack of marking the speakers character by light
touches. The structure of his sentences varies a good deal according to the dignity of the subject. He has equal
command over the periodic style (κατεστραμμένη λέξις) and the non-periodic or continuous (εἰρομένη,
διαλελυμένη). His disposition of his subject-matter is always simple. The speech has usually four parts: introduction
(προοίμιον), narrative of facts (διήγησις), proofs (πίστεις), which may be either external, as from witnesses, or
internal, derived from argument on the facts, and, lastly, conclusion (ἐπίλογος).
It is in the introduction and the narrative that Lysias is seen at his best. In his greatest extant speech—that Against
Eratosthenes—and also in the fragmentary Olympiacus, he has pathos and fire; but these were not characteristic
qualities of his work. In Cicero's judgment (De Orat. iii. 7, 28) Demosthenes was peculiarly distinguished by force
(vis), Aeschines by resonance (sonitus); Hypereides by acuteness (acumen); Isocrates by sweetness (suavitas); the
distinction which he assigns to Lysias is subtilitas, an Attic refinement—which, as he elsewhere says (Brutus, 16,
64) is often joined to an admirable vigour (lacerti). Nor was it oratory alone to which Lysias rendered service; his
work had an important effect on all subsequent Greek prose, by showing how perfect elegance could be joined to
plainness. Here, in his artistic use of familiar idiom, he might fairly be called the Euripides of Attic prose. His style
has attracted interest from modern readers, because it is employed in describing scenes from the everyday life of
Athens.
Works
Table of extant speeches

From Lysias we have thirty-four speeches. Three fragmentary ones have come down under the name of Lysias; one
hundred and twenty-seven more, now lost, are known from smaller fragments or from titles. In the Augustan age
four hundred and twenty-five works bore his name, of which more than two hundred were allowed as genuine by the
critics.
The table below shows the name of the speech (in the ordered listed in the Lamb translation), the suggested date of
the speech, the primary rhetorical mode, the main point of the speech, and comments. Forensic is synonymous with
judicial and denotes speeches made in law courts. Epideictic is ceremonial and involves the praise or, less often, the
criticism, of the subject. Deliberative denotes speeches made in legislatures. Notes (e.g., A1, B3, etc.) refer to the
list of qualifications below the table.
Lysias 51
Speech Suggested Primary rhetorical Main point of speech Comment

date mode
1. On the Murder of uncertain forensic, in public Euphiletos tries to prove that the murder
Eratosthenes cases [A6]; in private he committed was not premeditated
cases [B4]
2. Funeral Oration ca. 392 BCE epideictic Praise of fallen soldiers, purported to have Authorship uncertain (style and
? been spoken during the Corinthian War. approach are very different from
Lysias' other speeches).
3. Against Simon 393 BCE or forensic, in public

later cases [A6]; in private
cases [B4]
4. On a Wound by uncertain forensic, in public Defendant is on a charge of wounding his

Premeditation cases [A6] friend, with intent to kill.
5. For Callias uncertain forensic, in public A friend defends Callias against Preserved fragmentarily.
cases [A7] accusations of impiety.
6. Against Andocides 400/399 BCE forensic, in public certainly spurious, but perhaps
cases [A7] contemporary; beginning lost
7. Defense in the Matter of 396 BCE or forensic, in public

the Olive Stump later cases [A7]
8. Accusation of Calumny uncertain forensic, in private spurious

cases [B3]
9. For the Soldier ca. 395-387 forensic, in public

BCE cases [A3]
10. Against Theomnestus ca. 384–383 Forensic, in private

1 BCE cases [B1]
11. Against Theomnestus ca. 384–383 Forensic, in private an epitome (abstract) of Lys. 10
2 BCE cases [B1]
12. Against Eratosthenes 403 BCE or forensic, in public Perhaps a pamphlet meant for circulation
soon after cases [A6] (reading).
13. Against Agoratus ca. 399 BCE forensic, in public

cases [A6]
14. Against Alcibiades 1 395 BCE forensic, in public

cases [A5]
15. Against Alcibiades 2 395 BCE forensic, in public

cases [A5]
16. In Defense of ca. 392-389 forensic, in public before the Council (Boule)
Mantitheus BCE cases [A4]
17. On The Property Of ca. 397 BCE forensic, in private

Eraton cases [B3]
18. On The Property Of ca. 396 BCE forensic, in public

The Brother Of Nicias: cases [A2]
Peroration
19. On the Property of ca. 388-387 forensic, in public

Aristophanes BCE cases [A3]
20. For Polystratus ca. 410 BCE forensic, in public Polystratus is prosecuted for his acts
cases [A1] against democracy. Polystratus' son
defends him.
Lysias 52
21. Defense Against a 403/2 BCE forensic, in public Defendant pleads the court not to condemn
Charge of Taking Bribes cases [A1] him for corruption.
22. Against the 386 BCE forensic, in public

Corn-Dealers cases [A1]
23. Against Pancleon uncertain forensic, in private

(400/399?) cases [B4]
24. On the Refusal of a soon after forensic, in public An allegedly disabled man defends
Pension 403 BCE cases [A4] himself against accusations of not being
eligible for a pension before the Council
(Boule).
25. Defense Against a ca. 401-399 forensic, in public A man defends himself against a charge of
Charge of Subverting the BCE cases [A4] treason; he is accused of being a supporter
Democracy of the Thirty Tyrants.
26. On the Scrutiny of 382 BCE forensic, in public

Evandros cases [A4]
27. Against Epicrates and ca. 390 BCE forensic, in public

his Fellow-Envoys cases [A1]
28. Against Ergocles 388 BCE forensic, in public

cases [A1]
29. Against Philocrates 388 BCE forensic, in public

cases [A3]
30. Against Nicomachus 399 BCE forensic, in public

cases [A1]
31. Against Philon ca. 403–398 forensic, in public Philon have been elected to the council by
BCE cases [A4] lot. The speaker objects his election.
32. Against Diogeiton 399/8 BCE? forensic, in private A guardian is accused of holding out the
cases [B2] money belonging to his wards.
33. Olympic Oration 388 BCE epideictic
34. Against the Subversion 403 BCE deliberative Lysias speaks against a proposal that
of the Ancestral citizenship of Athens should only be
Constitution confined to land owners.
NOTES "A": FORENSIC, RELATING TO PUBLIC CASES

1. Relating to Offences directly against the State (γραφαὶ δημοσίων ἀδικημάτων); such as treason, malversation in
office, embezzlement of public moneys.
2. Cases relating to Unconstitutional Procedure (γραφὴ παρανόμων)
3. Cases relating to *Claims for Money withheld from the State (ἀπογραφαί).
4. Cases relating to a Scrutiny (δοκιμασία); especially the Scrutiny, by the Senate, of Officials Designate
5. Cases relating to Military Offences (γραφαὶ λιποταξίου, ἀστρατείας)
6. Cases relating to Murder or Intent to Murder (γραφαὶ φόνου, τραύματος ἐκ προνοίας)
7. Cases relating to Impiety (γραφαὶ ἀσεβείας)
NOTES "B": FORENSIC, RELATING TO PRIVATE CASES
1. Action for Libel (δίκη κακηγορίας)
2. Action by a Ward against a Guardian (δίκη ἐπιτροπῆς)
3. Trial of a Claim to Property (διαδικασία)
4. Answer to a Special Plea (πρὸς παραγραφήν)
Lysias 53
Miscellaneous
To his Companions, a Complaint of Slanders, viii. (certainly spurious).
The speech attributed to Lysias in Plato's Phaedrus 230e–234. This speech has generally been regarded as Plato's
own work; but the certainty of this conclusion will be doubted by those who observe:
• the elaborate preparations made in the dialogue for a recital of the erōtikos which shall be verbally exact,
• the closeness of the criticism made upon it.
If the satirist were merely analysing his own composition, such criticism would have little point. Lysias is the earliest
writer who is known to have composed erōtikoi; it is as representing both rhetoric and a false erōs that he is the
object of attack in the Phaedrus.
Fragments
Three hundred and fifty-five of these are collected by Hermann Sauppe, Oratores Attici, ii. 170–216. Two hundred
and fifty-two of them represent one hundred and twenty-seven speeches of known title; and of six the fragments are
comparatively large. Of these, the fragmentary speech For Pherenicus belongs to 381 or 380 BC, and is thus the
latest known work of Lysias. In literary and historical interest, the first place among the extant speeches of Lysias
belongs to that Against Eratosthenes (403 BC), one of the Thirty Tyrants, whom Lysias arraigns as the murderer of
his brother Polemarchus. The speech is an eloquent and vivid picture of the reign of terror which the Thirty
established at Athens; the concluding appeal, to both parties among the citizens, is specially powerful.
Next in importance is the speech Against Agoratus (388 BC), one of our chief authorities for the internal history of
Athens during the months which immediately followed; the defeat at Aegospotami. The Olympiacus (388 BC) is a
brilliant fragment, expressing the spirit of the festival at Olympia, and exhorting Greeks to unite against their
common foes. The Plea for the Constitution (403 BC) is interesting for the manner in which it argues that the
well-being of Athens—now stripped of empire—is bound up with the maintenance of democratic principles. The
speech For Mantitheus (392 BC) is a graceful and animated portrait, of a young Athenian hippeus, making a spirited
defence of his honor against the charge of disloyalty. The defence For the Invalid is a humorous character-sketch,
The speech Against Pancleon illustrates the intimate relations between Athens and Plataea, while it gives us some
picturesque glimpses of Athenian town life. The defence of the person who had, been charged with destroying a
mona, or sacred olive, places us amidst the country life of Attica. And the speech Against Theomnestus deserves
attention for its curious evidence of the way in which the ordinary vocabulary of Athens had changed between 600
and 400 BC.
References
Notes
[1] Debra Nails, The People of Plato (Hackett, 2002), p. 190, and S.C. Todd, "Lysias," in Oxford Classical Dictionary 3rd ed. (1996).
[2] Gabriel Hermann, Morality and Behaviour in Democratic Athens. Cambridge University Press (2006) 52
[3] Flensted-Jensen, P., T.H. Nielsen, and L. Rubinstein. Polis and Politics:Studies in Ancient Greek History. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum
Press, 2000
[4] John Addington Symonds, A problem in Greek Ethics, XII, p.64
[5] Cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Isaeus 61 and Jebb, Attic Orators (1893), vol. 2, pp. 290ff.
Lysias 54
Bibliography
Editions by
• Aldus (Editio princeps, Venice, 1513)
• with variorum notes, by J. J. Reiske (1772)
• Immanuel Bekker (1823)
• W. S. Dobson (1828) in Oratores Attici
• Johann Georg Baiter and Hermann Sauppe, Oratores Attici, vol. 1, Zurich, 1839, pp. 59 (http://books.google.
com/books?id=W8RAAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA59#v=onepage&q&f=false) ff.
• C. Scheibe (1852)
• T. Thalheim (1901, Teubner series, with bibliography) – PDF (http://books.google.com/
books?vid=OCLC08418449&id=SkcMAAAAIAAJ)
• C. G. Cobet (4th ed., by J. J. Hartman, 1905)
• Karl Hude (da), Oxford Classical Texts, 1912
• W.R.M. Lamb, Loeb Classical Library, 1930
• Umberto Albini, Greek text and Italian translation, Florence: Sansoni, 1955
• Louis Gernet and Marcel Bizos (fr), Collection Budé, 2 vols., 1959–1962
• Enrico Medda, Greek text and Italian translation, 2 vols., Milan: BUR, 1992–1995
• Christopher Carey, Oxford Classical Texts, 2007
Editions of select speeches by
• J. H. Bremi (1845)
• R. Rauchenstein (1848, revised by C. Fuhr, 1880–1881)
• H. Frohberger (1866–1871)
• H. van Herwerden (1863)
• Andreas Weidner (1888)
• Evelyn Shirley Shuckburgh (1882) – PDF (http://books.google.com/books?id=YrwDAAAAQAAJ)
• A. Westermann and W. Binder (1887–1890)
• G. P. Bristol (1892)
• M. H. Morgan (1895) – PDF (http://books.google.com/books?id=OakNAAAAIAAJ)
• W. H. Wait (1898) – PDF (http://books.google.com/books?id=IakNAAAAIAAJ)
• C. D. Adams (1905) – PDF (http://books.google.com/books?id=tbANAAAAIAAJ)
There is a special lexicon to Lysias by D. H. Holmes (Bonn, 1895, online (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=PWn6RpMy3-EC)). See also Jebb's Attic Orators (1893, vol. 1 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=x40NAAAAIAAJ), vol. 2 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=So0NAAAAIAAJ)) and Selections from
the Attic Orators (2nd ed.; 1st ed. online (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=QMYkAAAAMAAJ)). The first
volume of a full commentary on the speeches is S. C. Todd, A Commentary on Lysias, Speeches 1–11. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2007. Pp. ix, 783. ISBN 978-0-19-814909-5.
External links
• Works by Lysias (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Lysias) at Project Gutenberg
55
Appendices
Logographer (legal)
The title of logographer (from the Ancient Greek λογογράφος, logographos, a compound of λόγος, logos, 'word',
and γράφω, grapho, 'write') was applied to professional authors of judicial discourse in Ancient Greece. The modern
term speechwriter is roughly equivalent.
In the Athens of antiquity, the law required a litigant to make his case in front of the court with two successive
speeches. Lawyers were unknown, and the law permitted only one friend or relative to aid each party. If a litigant did
not feel confident to make his own speech, he would seek the service of a logographer (also called a λογοποιός,
logopoios, from ποιέω, poieo, 'to make'), to whom he would describe his case. The logographer would then write a
speech which the litigant would learn by heart and recite in front of the court. Antiphon (480 BC–410 BC) was
among the first to practice this profession; the orator Demosthenes (384–322) was also a logographer. Practice in
defending the targets of politicized prosecutions built the foundations of a later career in politics for many
logographers.
Role of the logographer

Logographers played a pivotal role in the larger interactions of the Athenian court system. Athenian courts differ
from modern examples of legal systems in several significant ways. In Classical Athens, no class of legal experts
existed. The absence of prosecution and defense attorneys meant cases were decided mainly upon the basis of the
speeches given by plaintiff and defendant. Litigants were expected to deliver their own speeches in court, but often
relied on professional speech writers to craft their words. To support the arguments made in these speeches, the
parties involved in litigation often produced several witnesses. In Classical Athens, the social status, wealth, and
esteem of a witness determined the strength and potential impact of his (typically a male's) testimony and not
necessarily the accuracy of his account. Unlike in modern legal systems, these "character witnesses" wielded
considerable influence over juries. The Athenian court system was characterized by a lack of state intervention.
Pursuing litigation, collecting evidence, and prosecuting were all functions of the legal process left to the
responsibility of the litigant. The juries which decided the outcome of these cases were large assemblies of Athenian
citizens, not state-appointed judges.
List of well-known logographers

• Antiphon
• Demosthenes
• Dinarchus
• Hypereides
• Isocrates
• Lysias
Logographer (legal) 56
Bibliography
Todd, S.C. A Commentary on Lysias: Speeches 1-11. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.
List of orators
An orator, or oratist, is a (public) speaker.
An orator may also be called an oratorian - literally, "one who orates".
Etymology
It is recorded in English since c.1374, meaning "one who pleads or argues for a cause", from Anglo-French oratour,
Old French orateur (14th century), Latin orator ("speaker"), from orare ("speak before a court or assembly; plead"),
derived from a Proto-Indo-European base *or- ("to pronounce a ritual formula").
The modern meaning of the word, "public speaker", is attested from c.1430.
History
In ancient Rome, the art of speaking in public (Ars Oratoria) was a professional competence especially cultivated by
politicians and lawyers. As the Greeks were still seen as the masters in this field, as in philosophy and most sciences,
the leading Roman families often either sent their sons to study these things under a famous master in Greece (as was
the case with the young Julius Caesar), or engaged a Greek teacher (under pay or as a slave).
In the young revolutionary French republic, Orateur (French for "orator", but compare the Anglo-Saxon
parliamentary speaker) was the formal title for the delegated members of the Tribunat to the Corps législatif, to
motivate their ruling on a presented bill.
In the 19th century, orators and lecturers, such as Mark Twain, Charles Dickens, and Col. Robert G. Ingersoll were
major providers of popular entertainment.
The term pulpit orator denotes Christian authors, often clergymen, renowned for their ability to write and/or deliver
(from the pulpit in church, hence the word) rhetorically skilled religious sermons.
In some universities, the title 'Orator' is given to the official whose task it is to give speeches on ceremonial
occasions, such as the presentation of honorary degrees.
Orators
The following are, by necessity, those who have been noted as famous specifically for their oratory abilities,
and/or for a particularly famous speech or speeches. Most religious leaders and politicians (by nature of their office)
may perform many speeches, as may those who support or oppose a particular issue. To include them all would be
prohibitive.
Classical era
• The ten Attic orators (Greece)
• Demosthenes, champion of the Philippic
• Aeschines
• Andocides
• Antiphon
• Dinarchus
• Hypereides
List of orators 57
• Lysias
• Isaeus
• Isocrates
• Lycurgus of Athens
• Aristogeiton
• Claudius Aelianus, meliglossos, 'honey-tongued'
• Cicero
• Corax of Syracuse
• Gaius Scribonius Curio
• Gorgias
• Hegesippus, Athenian
• Julius Caesar, Roman dictator
• Licinius Macer Calvus, Roman poet and orator
• Marcus Antonius (orator), Roman
• Nicetas of Smyrna, 1 century AC, Greek sophist and orator
• Pericles, Athenian statesman
• Quintus Hortensius
Modern era
• Allied and Axis leaders of World War II noted for their speeches:
• Winston Churchill (UK PM)
• Charles de Gaulle (Free French general; President of France)
• Joseph Goebbels
• Adolf Hitler (Führer of Nazi Germany)
• Douglas MacArthur - Farewell Speech to Congress
• Benito Mussolini
• Franklin D. Roosevelt (US President)
• The Great Triumvirate:
• Henry Clay
• John C. Calhoun
• Daniel Webster
• William Jennings Bryan - Cross of Gold speech
• Frederick Douglass - Self-Made Men
• Ralph Waldo Emerson - The American Scholar
• Patrick Henry - Give me Liberty, or give me Death!
• John O'Connor Power, Irish Nationalist
• John F. Kennedy (US President) - Inaugural Address
• Martin Luther King, Jr. - I Have A Dream
• Abraham Lincoln (US President) - Gettysburg address
• Richard M. Nixon (US Vice-President) - Checkers speech
• Barack Obama (US President) - The Audacity of Hope; A More Perfect Union
• Ronald Reagan (US President) - First Inaugural Address; Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!
• Sojourner Truth[1] - Ain't I a Woman?
• Malcolm X - The Ballot or the Bullet
List of orators 58
Notes
[1] African American Orators: A Bio-Critical Sourcebook, edited by Richard W. Leeman, Greenwood Publishing Group, 1996. ISBN
0-313-29014-8
Sources and references

(incomplete)
• American Rhetoric (http://www.americanrhetoric.com)
• EtymologyOnLine (http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?search=orator&searchmode=none)
• Catholic Encyclopaedia (passim)
• 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica (passim)
• Californian mason site (http://www.calmason.com/orator.htm)
• African American Orators: A Bio-Critical Sourcebook, edited by Richard W. Leeman, Greenwood Publishing
Group, 1996. ISBN 0-313-29014-8
• The Will of a People: A Critical Anthology of Great Speeches by African Americans, edited with critical
introductions by Richard W. Leeman and Bernard K. Duffy, Southern Illinois University Press, 2012. ISBN-10:
0809330571 | ISBN-13: 978-0809330577
• American Orators of the Twentieth Century: Critical Studies and Sources, edited by Bernard K. Duffy and
Halford R. Ryan, Greenwood, 1987. ISBN-10: 0313248435 ISBN-13: 978-0313248436
• American Orators Before 1900: Critical Studies and Sources, edited by Bernard K. Duffy and Halford R. Ryan,
Greenwood, 1987. ISBN-10: 0313251290 ISBN-13: 978-0313251290
• American Voices: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Orators, edited by Bernard K. Duffy and Richard W.
Leeman, Greewnood, 1987. ISBN-10: 0313327904 ISBN-13: 978-0313327902
• Women Public Speakers in the United States, 1800-1925: A Bio-Critical Sourcebook, edited by Karlyn Kohrs
Campbell, Greenwood, 1993. ISBN-10: 0313275335 ISBN-13: 978-0313275333
• American Voices, Significant Speeches in American History: 1640-1945, edited by James Andrews and David
Zarefsky, Longman Publishing Group, 1989. ISBN-10: 080130217X ISBN-13: 978-0801302176
• Contemporary American Voices: Significant Speeches in American History, 1945-Present, edited by James R.
Andrews and David Zarefsky, Longman Publishing Group, 1991. ISBN-10: 0801302188 ISBN-13:
978-0801302183
• Contemporary American Public Discourse. 3rd Edition. edited by Halford Ross Ryan, Waveland Press, 1991.
ISBN-10: 0881336297 | ISBN-13: 978-0881336290
Article Sources and Contributors 59
Article Sources and Contributors

Attic orators Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=501823285 Contributors: Adamsan, Aldux, Betacommand, Bgwhite, Catalographer, Clavicule, Deucalionite, Eastlaw,
El-Ahrairah, F.chiodo, Froid, Goregore, Hmains, Jlg4104, Kolja21, Lilliputian, Matterngroup5, Obey, PigFlu Oink, Psmith, Pufacz, Schlossberg, SimonP, 11 anonymous edits
Aeschines Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=515211857 Contributors: Acr8tiv, Alcmaeonid, Aldux, AllanBz, AndreasJS, Argos'Dad, Bearcat, Binot, Catalographer, Charles
Matthews, Chicheley, ChrisO, Cyrpressd, Daderot, Damac, Davidiad, Dblk, Delta 51, Deucalionite, EamonnPKeane, FeanorStar7, Filipo, Flauto Dolce, Fordmadoxfraud, Funhistory, Future
Perfect at Sunrise, G.W., Haiduc, Hectorian, Isokrates, JLCA, Jaraalbe, John K, JorgeB2000, Ketiltrout, Koranjem, Kross, Ksnow, Leuko, Magioladitis, Makemi, Michalis Famelis, Mizpah14,
Moe Epsilon, Morel, Moreschi, Omnipaedista, Paul venter, Pjmc, Pmanderson, Proofreader, Sardanaphalus, SatyrTN, Sumahoy, Tagishsimon, Tatufan, TheresaSG, TwoMightyGods, UtherSRG,
Viriditas, WVhybrid, Wareh, William percy, Woohookitty, 22 anonymous edits
Andocides Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=514115237 Contributors: 216.99.203.xxx, Adam Bishop, AndreasJS, Care, Catalographer, Charles Matthews, Cleduc, Conversion
script, Cplakidas, Davidiad, Dblk, Dimadick, El-Ahrairah, Fer.filol, Goregore, Hectorian, JLCA, Jaraalbe, Jlg4104, Kalogeropoulos, Klemen Kocjancic, Kubigula, Llywrch, MichaelTinkler,
Michalis Famelis, Murtasa, Paul August, Rich Farmbrough, Serinde, Viriditas, Wareh, WhisperToMe, 5 anonymous edits
Antiphon (person) Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=516937501 Contributors: Abrahami, Alfreddo, Altenmann, Aratiti, Bansp, Binabik80, Bolivian Unicyclist, Charles
Matthews, Clarice Reis, Cortical, Dario Zornija, David ekstrand, Davidiad, Dblk, Dimadick, Everyking, Fellini8, Fer.filol, Gaius Cornelius, Giftlite, Goregore, Headbomb, Ikokki, Isokrates,
Jaraalbe, Jbergquist, John K, Kicking222, Kripkenstein, Larry R. Holmgren, Leandrod, Lestrade, Linas, Megapixie, Nikadama, Nono64, Onodevo, Oracleofottawa, Paul August, Pearle,
Peruvianllama, Phoebe, Pjoef, Puuropyssy, Pwqn, RJFJR, RayKiddy, Selfworm, Serinde, Simastrick, Stevenmitchell, Sumahoy, ThreePD, TimBray, TreasuryTag, Viriditas, Woohookitty, Xgoni,
18 anonymous edits
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Ten Attic Orators

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Ten Attic Orators

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The Ten Attic Orators

Edited by Steven Weiss

Ten Attic Orators 3

The Alexandrian "Canon of

described as "a speaker of words" and "a doer

Ten Attic Orators

Marble bust of Aeschines

List of extant speeches

Antiphon the Sophist

one another. For by nature we all equally, both barbarians and

"Nature" requires liberty

List of Extant Speeches (available at the Perseus Digital Library [8])

Bust of Demosthenes (Louvre, Paris, France)

Demosthenes (English pronunciation: /dɪˈmɒs.θəniːz/, Greek: Δημοσθένης, Dēmosthénēs Greek

Early years and personal life

Family and personal life

As soon as Demosthenes came of age in 366 BC, he demanded they

Early political activity

Confrontation with Philip II

First Philippic and the Olynthiacs (351–349 BC)

In 352 BC, Athenian troops successfully opposed Philip at

Case of Meidias (348 BC)

Peace of Philocrates (347–345 BC)

Second and Third Philippics (344–341 BC)

For more details on this topic, see Second Philippic, On the

Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC)

In 341 BC Demosthenes was sent to Byzantium, where he sought to

Amphictyonic Congress to inflict a harsh punishment upon the

Last political initiatives and death

Confrontation with Alexander

After Chaeronea, Philip inflicted a harsh punishment upon Thebes, but

Delivery of On the Crown

Case of Harpalus and death

In 324 BC Harpalus, to whom Alexander had entrusted huge treasures,

According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian and teacher of

According to the classical scholar Harry Thurston Peck, Demosthenes

Phryne Going to the Public Baths as Venus and

Works and transmission

[93] C. Carey, Aeschines, 7–8, 11

Primary sources (Greeks and Romans)

• SORGLL: Demosthenes, On the Crown 199-208; read by Stephen Daitz (http://www.rhapsodes.fll.vt.edu/

Personality and oratorical style

Towards the end of the nineteenth century further discoveries were

oration for twenty talents.

Panathenaicus and Famous Quotation

Panegyricus 50 and the True Hellene debate

Cephalus, his father, was a native of Syracuse, and on the invitation of

Table of extant speeches

Speech Suggested Primary rhetorical Main point of speech Comment

3. Against Simon 393 BCE or forensic, in public

4. On a Wound by uncertain forensic, in public Defendant is on a charge of wounding his

7. Defense in the Matter of 396 BCE or forensic, in public

8. Accusation of Calumny uncertain forensic, in private spurious

9. For the Soldier ca. 395-387 forensic, in public

10. Against Theomnestus ca. 384–383 Forensic, in private

13. Against Agoratus ca. 399 BCE forensic, in public

14. Against Alcibiades 1 395 BCE forensic, in public

15. Against Alcibiades 2 395 BCE forensic, in public

17. On The Property Of ca. 397 BCE forensic, in private

18. On The Property Of ca. 396 BCE forensic, in public

19. On the Property of ca. 388-387 forensic, in public

22. Against the 386 BCE forensic, in public

23. Against Pancleon uncertain forensic, in private

26. On the Scrutiny of 382 BCE forensic, in public