Cambridge University Press Journal of Latin American Studies

Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change
Author(s): Thomas C. Bruneau

Source: Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2 (Nov., 1985), pp. 271-293
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 17, 271-293 Printed in Great Britain 271
Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis

of Change*
by THOMAS C. BRUNEAU
The Catholic Church in Brazil has undergone a fundamental transformation

in its role in state and society during the past decade and a half, making
it probably the most progressive Church in Latin America, if not the world.
Based on theological innovations since the Second Vatican Council
(I962-5) and the CELAM meeting in Medellin, Colombia (1968), the
Church in Brazil has made a 'preferential option for the poor'. To this
end, the Church at the national and regional levels has issued a series of
critical statements on key areas of society, politics, and the economy,
founded movements and institutes for study and action in such areas as
human rights, land rights, urban labor, and Indian rights, and promoted
the formation of grass-roots organizations, such as the basic Christian
communities (cebs). The stated commitment by the Brazilian Church and
the actions arising therefrom have not gone unnoticed. Consequently,
there exists a respectable body of literature in Brazil and outside describing,
and at times analyzing, the Church's activities and role. There is general
agreement in this literature on the facts of the Church's progressive nature
and activities. There is not, however, similar agreement on analyzing the
causes of the Church's transformation. This analysis is important not only
to understand why the Church began to change and has maintained a
momentum, but is also necessary in order to evaluate whether a reversion
to a less progressive, and less political, role is likely with the present
political circumstances in Brazil and the universal Catholic Church in this
era of Pope John Paul II. My purpose in this article is briefly to describe
the transformation in the Church, its role in state and society, and then
* This paper was originally presented at the annual conference of the Society for Latin
American Studies, Cambridge, 13-15 April, I984. I benefited from the comments at
the time of presentation and from written comments and criticisms by the following
scholars: Margaret Crahan, Michael Dodson, W. E. Hewitt, Daniel Levine, Scott
Mainwaring, Thomas Sanders, and Brian Smith. Of course, only I am responsible for
whatever errors of fact or interpretation remain.
10-2
272 Thomas C. Bruneau
analyze this change, utilizing an approach in comparison with other writers

on the topic. I will review and formulate a critique of some of the most
prevalent other interpretations of change in the Church. In my opinion,
the commitment of their proponents to a particular view of the Church
results in a confusion of a political position with sociological analysis. In
elaborating a critique of others' works, I have reformulated my own
slightly. I will thus propose that we analyze the Church in terms of the
institution and charisma in order to appreciate better how it innovates and
responds. It seems appropriate to do this now as ten years have passed
since the publication of my first book, there is sufficient material on the
topic from a number of different conceptual perspectives, and there are
some indications that a change to a less political role is now occurring.'
It is important to note from the outset that we are discussing the
Catholic Church in Brazil as the institutional Church rather than a sect, group,
or movement. It is the institutional Church that has changed rather than
a minor movement within it or on the fringes, and thus the impact is that
of the institution with all its historical baggage and instruments. In my
recent work I have argued that the Church, in its general approach to the
faithful, lacks influence. This is not to deny, however, that the Church has
been historically identified with Brazilian society and penetrates throughout
all regions of the country and classes of society. It is present everywhere
in Brazil, has frequently been deeply involved with politics at all levels,
and relates to most strata of society. Brazil, with I30 million people, is
the largest Catholic country in the world, with some 93 % of its population
formally members of the religion. There are 240 episcopal divisions and
350 bishops who are brought together in the National Conference of
Brazilian Bishops (CNBB) which has been crucial in coordinating and
promoting a progressive orientation. There are approximately I3,000
priests and 38,ooo women religious - low for the size and population of
the country but, nevertheless, significant for institutional weight. There are
1 For my analyses, see The Political Transformation of the Brazilian Catholic Church
(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, i974), and The Church in Brazil: The Politics
of Religion (Austin, The University of Texas Press, I982). For documentation, see Luiz
Gonzaga de Souza Lima, Evolufao politica dos catolicos e da igreja no Brasil (Petr6polis,
Vozes, I979). For a very useful review of the activities, see Candido Proc6pio Ferreira
de Camargo, Beatriz Muniz de Souza, and Antionio Flavio de Oliveira Pierucci, 'La
Iglesia cat6lica en el Brasil: I945-1970', Revista Mexicana de Sociologii, No. xliii (1981).
For a recent review, see Dom Aloisio Lorscheider, 'Informe para o CELAM pelo
delegado da CNBB', SEDOC, Vol. i6 (July-August, 1983), pp. 86-97. Other relevant
books include: Marcio Moreira Alves, A igreja e a politica no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro,
Civiliza:ao Brasileira, 1979), Roberto Romano, Brasil: igreja contra estado (Sao Paulo,
Kairos, 1979), and Helena Salem (ed.), Brasil: A igreja dos oprimidos (Sao Paulo, Brasil
Debates, I981).
Church and Politics in Brazil 273
as well more than o0,000 social agencies linked to the Church, provid-
ing services to i % of the population. Most recently, the Church has
encouraged the formation of the cebs and we are told there are now some
70,000 throughout the country, involving people in the rural and urban
areas in a more intense relationship with the Church; the cebs in Brazil are
part of the institution rather than founded on its margins. The Brazilian
Church, then, is a substantial institution in a country which has traditionally
been characterized by low institutional development. Further, it is one
which during the past two decades has generally been effectively coordinated
nationally and regionally by the CNBB, for the bishops, and the Conference
of Brazilian Religious (CRB) for the male and female religious orders.2 The
level of coordination reaches to all sectors and includes groups, institutes,
schools, the media, publishing houses and other bodies dealing with both
pastoral and secular matters. And, finally, it is an institution in which a
consensus has developed regarding a progressive role in state and society.
It is not a small faction of the hierarchy, let alone of the priests or religious,
who speak for the Church in a progressive manner but rather the
institution as a whole. This is not to imply that all dioceses, let alone all
6,ooo parishes, implement the progressive orientation, but at the meetings
of the General Assembly of the CNBB, in which very forceful statements
are often issued, the votes in favor of progressive stances are overwhelming,
with normally fewer than five of the approximately 200 bishops in
attendance voting against. Such is the institution's stress on unity. And,
there is broad acceptance throughout the Church depending on the issue
and its relevance for different parts of the country and different classes of
society. At this point it may be useful to illustrate different aspects of the
Church's commitment and activities in working with the poor for their
liberation.
Statements at the level of the hierarchy
Before the military coup of 964 closed down channels of representation

and expression, the Church had issued a number of statements in favor
of structural reforms in Brazil. In the first years after the coup the
statements were not frequent and not particularly pointed. From 1973
onward, however, there were new departures concerning human rights at
the national level and the need for serious structural change at the regional
level (Northeast and Centerwest). From these initial statements, and more
and more as the government of President Geisel after 1974 was at first
2 On the CNBB the definitive canon law study is by Pe. Gervasio Pernandes de (Quelroga,
Conferencia nacional dos bispos do Brasil (Sao Paulo, Edic6es Paulinas, I977).
unable to bring the security apparatus under control, a momentum was

established which brought the Church into an increasingly critical position.
There were important national statements in November 1975 and 1976 and
another in February 1977 which put the Church clearly on the side of the
masses (o povo) and particularly those marginalized by the regime and the
economic system. For example, in the November 1976 statement the
Representative Commission of the CNBB was particularly outspoken.
While indicating that it was not issuing yet another denunciation, it
emphasized that the mere negative facts of the regime and the society were
themselves a denunciation. The bishops pointed out that, because of their
commitment to the Gospels, they must clarify their position, and observed
that those in the Church who defend the poor and oppressed are
themselves attacked and slandered. The resultant conflicts then forced
the Church to look at the society more closely and they found that there
were underlying causes of violence which in turn encouraged the Church
to look more closely at the regime. After pointing to a number of obvious
problems and violations of human rights, the bishops stated their
commitment as follows.
The Church must follow the example of Christ. She cannot exclude anyone and
must offer to all, great and small, the means of salvation received from Christ.
But her option and her preferences are the weak and oppressed. She cannot remain
indifferent to the plight of the Indian forced from his land, and the destruction
of his culture. She cannot close her eyes in the face of the grave situation of
insecurity in which the defenseless live, before the starvation of the poor, and the
malnutrition of children. She cannot ignore the uprooted, the migrants looking
for new opportunities, who only find shelter under bridges or lose themselves
in the outskirts of the large cities.3
The position defined in this statement was reinforced in another

approved by the episcopacy at the General Assembly in February 1977.
This particular document is important in that it was approved by the
overwhelming majority of bishops in attendance (2Io to 3), and the very
title, 'Christian Requirements of a Political Order', makes it clear that they
are offering basic principles by which a government might be judged. This
latter point is significant as the Brazilian regime has steadfastly emphasized
its Christian orientation and firmly identified itself with the non-Communist
West. While this statement is less specific and emphatic than the previous
document, it nonetheless points to the failings of the Brazilian regime to
meet the requirements of a Christian political order.4 Some of the main
points of this long (2I-page) document are the following:
3 'Comunicagao Pastoral ao Povo de Deus', November, 1976.
4 CNBB, Exigencias Cristas de uma ordem politica (Sao Paulo, Edi96es Paulinas, 1978).
(I) The bishops are obliged to apply Christian doctrine and ethical
principles to assist in resolving the country's problems, as salvation must
begin on earth.
(2) The political order is subject to moral order and thus the Church,
with the light of Faith, 'proclaims the requirements and demands that
Christians assume their specific function in constructing a society in accord
with these principles'.
(3) The Church accepts responsibility for all men, 'especially the poor
whose situation of misery is eloquent testimony of the sin that is found
in the heart of man, contaminating all his personal, family and social life'.
(4) The state does not grant rights to individuals, but rather vice versa,
and it is the state's function to respect, defend, and promote individual
rights. 'All force that is exercised at the margin of and beyond the law
is violence.'
(5) The extreme socioeconomic marginalization of much of the popu-

lation is proof that the common good is not being achieved and,
'important decisions are made in respect to class or group interests and
not in respect to the interests of all the people'.
Indeed, the state must encourage participation so that the people can
develop fully. 'Security, as a goal of a nation, is incompatible with the
permanent insecurity of the people.'
While not primarily denunciatory, this document elucidates the requi-
sites for a Christian society, and the Brazilian regime and its model of
socioeconomic 'development' is found lacking. Another important state-
ment emanating from the CNBB is the bishops' position paper written
in preparation for the Third General Assembly of the Latin American
Episcopal Conference held in Puebla, Mexico in February 1979. This
document was prepared in April, 1978 and is a straightforward account
of the Brazilian Church's position. It is worth noting that this national
statement took into account dozens of regional documents which involved
a tremendous amount of lay and popular participation.5
The paper notes the weaknesses of the Church, in particular a de-empha-
sis of the sacraments and lack of influence among the people, but also calls
attention to positive aspects such as 'a Church that, more concerned with
the people and more interested in the humble, knows how to assume
prophetic positions'. The bishops characterize extensively the sociopoliti-
cal situation and note 'an exacerbation of conflict between oppressors
5 CNBB, 'Subsidios para Puebla', Itaici, 18-25 April 1978. See also the many analyses
of the initial Puebla document in Revista Eclesidstica Brasileira, vol. 38, no. 149 (March
I978) and J. B. Libanio, 'A III Conferencia Geral do Episcopado Latino-Americano',
Sintese no. 12, (January/March, 1978).
and oppressed due to a situation of clamorous social injustice'. They call

special attention to the rural sector, the elimination of the Indians,
increasing marginalization of much of the population, concentration of
wealth, dominance of the state by virtue of the Doctrine of National
Security, and various social problems. They note that 'the situation of
injustice is maintained by mechanisms of institutionalized violence, by
forces of repression functioning beyond the law and enjoying the neglect,
complacency, or complicity of the powers, leading to desperate actions
which offer the pretext for more violent repression'. In such a context the
bishops offer suggestions for the 'Evangelizing Action of the Church in
Latin America' - the topic of the Puebla conference. 'The presence of the
Church in the world must be presented as the presence of evangelic
ferment which seeks to transform society in fraternal harmony, but in such
a way that this fraternity is made concrete in economic and political
structures which permit the participation of all the people in the definition
of the objectives to be achieved and which encourages a just distribution
of income without privileges.' And 'the Church assumes its prophetic
mission with concrete actions, confronting the conflicts dividing Latin
America in that which concerns human rights, the Doctrine of National
Security, rightist and revolutionary radicalization, and trilateralism'.
As evidence that this commitment continued as the political system
opened or was 'liberalized', are five more recent documents. The first was
published in August, 1979 and is entitled Subsidios para uma politica social
(Aids for a Social Policy).6 This document is important for it recognized
the nature of the political opening which was intended to defuse the
opposition, and to co-opt a broad range of political elements, while
continuing to consolidate the socioeconomic model. They question the
whole approach to 'development' pursued in Brazil and suggest that other
models are both necessary and possible from which the people will benefit.
The second document was published in February 980 after having been
approved by the I 8th Assembly of the CNBB. It is entitled Igreja eproblemas
da terra (The Church and Land Problems) and is an extremely forceful
condemnation of the situation of land tenure.7 The bishops note that the
predicament of the peasants is very serious and growing worse as the few
are profiting to the cost of the many; the seriousness of the situation is
dramatized by increased violence in the rural areas. In this situation the
Church denounces terrible conditions, aids the peasants to organize, and
assists in the promotion of a serious agrarian reform.
6 CNBB, Subsidios para uma politica social (Sao Paulo, Edic6es Paulinas, 1979).
7 CNBB, Igreja e problemas da terra (Sao Paulo, Edi96es Paulinas, I980).
At the 20th General Assembly of the CNBB in February I982 the

bishops turned their same critical attention to the urban situation in their
Solo urbano e adao pastoral (Urban land and pastoral action).8 In this
document they again point to the serious predicament of the people,
indicate the basis of these problems in the nature of private property
holdings, and commit the Church to help in seeking solutions.
The most pointed statement on specifically political matters from the
CNBB was issued in August 1 981 by its Permanent Council. It was issued
in the context of political liberalization with elections scheduled for
November I982 but which would be severely constrained by series of
specific laws (casvismos) issued by the government in order to guarantee
its continuation in power. In Reflexdo Cristd sobre a conjuntura politica
(Christian reflection on the political situation), the bishops emphasized
democracy and participation and stated their willingness to encourage this
ethic.9 They again pointed to the faults of the current socioeconomic model
of development and emphasized that it is the people who are paying the
price. They argued that democracy includes not only political rights but
also the improvement of society and opportunities for the people. They
encouraged social democracy, with ample possibilities for participation and
education in civic matters.
What emerges from these ten years of documents issued by the bishops
in regional groupings or in the CNBB is a very keen awareness of the social,
economic, and political problems of the country, particularly as they
concern the lower classes. They have not been averse to criticizing in the
most severe terms the terrible price paid for economic growth which
benefited a minority of the society. They criticize the form of capitalism
established in Brazil, the political regime which perpetuates it, and the
means utilized for its continuation. They have done this regarding various
regions in the country, areas of society, and the structures of the political
system. Their criticism in the regional statements of 1973 and the national
statements by 1976 were structural. Brazil requires new structures and the
Church will not offer prefabricated models but rather some indications and
orientations whereby a more suitable and just model of society, economy
and polity might be constructed. They have given particular emphasis to
the marginalization of much of the population, and argue that participation,
in politics and the economy, is necessary if people are to be fully developed
as people. These critical documents have not been welcomed by the
government nor by wealthier classes, but they have received a great deal
8 CNBB, 'Solo urbano e acao pastoral' (February, 1982).
9 CNBB, 'Reflexao Crista sobre a conjuntura polftica' (August, 198I).
of attention. In them the bishops have undoubtedly done much to attack

the legitimacy of the established system and suggest the bases of some other
system which have yet to be decided upon, let alone implemented. There
is support for socialism in some of these documents but not in the
particular forms in which socialism is now implemented anywhere in the
world.
A more recent document was issued on 22 July I983 by the Executive

of the CNBB, composed of three bishops. In this document they point
to the economic crisis and call attention to the dependency of the country
externally and the lack of discussion and involvement of the larger society.
They request a substantial transformation of the ethic and operation of
the government so that the crisis can be dealt with and confidence
regained. The bishops are, then, maintaining a position in the public realm
and indicating their concern in the face of the serious crisis confronting
the country. What can be detected very clearly in the most recent
documents and in other materials prepared by the CNBB is an emphasis
on nationalism. For an institution which has been criticized by the regime
at various times for being foreign, with a center in Rome and with many
foreign clergy and religious, this is an important rejoinder. The Church
now, along with some political parties and pressure groups, is coming to
define nationalism and encouraging national solutions which the govern-
ment has been unwilling to consider, let alone implement. In April I984,
during the debate in the Congress over an amendment which would
re-establish direct elections for the presidency in 1985, the General
Assembly of the CNBB voted 2 8 out of 243 to send a telegram in support
of the amendment. The measure failed to receive the two-thirds vote
necessary, despite support of the opposition political parties and t

unprecedented level of mobilized public opinion in favor. The Church a
played a role in this mobilization.
The episcopal statements have taken specific note of the weak positio
of the Church, the nature of the regime and its economic model, and t
persecution of those opposing this regime. Through these statements th
bishops have defined for the Church a new approach to society which often
poses itself in contrast to the government and opts for the lower class
In this process, the bishops and clergy review the Church's structures a
activities in order to align themselves in accord with this commitment.
illustrate this option in favor of the lower classes and others suffering from
the system, it may be useful to review briefly the Church's activities in
number of areas.
Church and Politics in Bragil 279
National Church programs

Initially the campaign on human rights had little momentum, largely
because most people in the Church took President Geisel at his word in
1974 when he promised to bring the security apparatus under control and
abolish torture. When it became obvious by late I975 that there were still
flagrant violations of human rights, the campaign gained momentum. At
the national level, the Church's Justice and Peace Commission assisted in
the formation of regional and diocesan commissions and by I980 these
were found in four regions and included some forty-two student groups.
There are a number of dimensions to this process: the publication and
promotion of literature on human rights; research on specific instances of
violations; legal assistance for those in need; local bodies within dioceses
providing support and defense for the persecuted and their families; and
an informal network of communications throughout the country. As
repression had been haphazard and random, the network likewise had to
be extremely flexible and broadly defined. It is worth noting as well that
the larger, structural causes of the violations of human rights, the 'causes
of violence', have been amply denounced in the various documents
discussed previously. As repression diminished in Brazil in the late 1970S
but continued in the Southern Confe, the human rights network assisted
refugees in Brazil.
While a number of agrarian reform laws are on the books, a serious
agrarian reform has never been implemented in Brazil; the unequal
distribution of land persists. Since the military government consolidated
its regime under the Doctrine of National Security, extended control over
society, and further elaborated an economic model, the unjust situation
of landholding was exacerbated. Subsistence farmers and their families
have been forced off the land, even though as settlers (posseiros) they
presumably have legal rights. This land concentration is often based on
speculation and as a hedge against inflation, and, although it is subsidized,
it is not necessarily assisting the growth of the economy.
In the midst of turbulence and tensions, the Church became involved.
A document from the bishops of the Centerwest, Marginali.aZao de um
povo, issued in I973, criticizes the agrarian situation, shows that the
predicament of peasants grows worse, and outlines the Church's responsi-
bilities. Once attention was called to the issue of land tenure, it became
clear that the same type of problem was endemic throughout Brazil. In
the Northeast, Bahia, and even Sao Paulo, people in the Church became
aware of the significance and severity of the situation. Moreover, they
correctly perceived that this was not simply a rural problem as people
forced off their land inevitably end up in the cities, thus swelling the
subuirbios orfavelas on the periphery.
As the problems became obvious, it was decided that the Justice and
Peace Commission, in conjunction with the CNBB, would hold a nationa
conference in June 1975 to discuss the issue and propose a strategy. At
that meeting the following steps were taken:
(i) The promotion of agrarian reform through all possible agencies;
(2) The founding of a Comissao de Terras (Land Commission), linked
to the CNBB, to promote and assess programs in favor of reform and to
publicize and denounce cases of injustice;
(3) The encouragement of groups in each diocese to organize legal
assistance and promote campaigns of information for peasants and pastora
agents.
These steps have been carried out during the past nine years as a national
team travels around the country, promoting studies and organizing
various local teams. In November 1977 the Commission, now called the
Pastoral Land Commission (Comissao Pastoral de Terra), held the Firs
National Assembly on the Land Pastoral to take stock and develop further
strategy. Some aspects of the activities include a monthly bulletin, studie
on the law, documentation, and case studies of conflicts and people being
forced from their land. In dioceses throughout the country commissions
have been set up which function along the same lines, as well as specifically
assisting people to defend themselves against the unscrupulous individuals
and groups attempting to take their land - frequently with the suppor
of the authorities.
Another ecclesiastical organization which in many ways parallels and

overlaps the Land Pastoral is the Native Missionary Council (Conselho
Indigenista Missiondrio - CIMI) which was established in 1972 to help defend
the few remaining native Brazilians. The history of the Indians in Brazil
is unfortunately similar to that in North America, and is essentially an
account of the elimination of a people. There is little evidence that the
government is concerned. While the original Indian Protection Service
(Servifo de Protefao dos Indios - SPI) was so corrupt as to be a national
scandal, its replacement from I968, the National Indian Foundation
(Fundarao Nacional do Indio - FUNAI), is no more effective in defending
the Indians. FUNAI was placed under the Ministry of the Interior, is
usually headed by an army officer, and is ineffective either purposely or
because of its inferior position within the government.
The Church has always been involved with the Indians, often to the
detriment of the latter. With change in the Church in the late 96os, which
coincided with increased pressure on the Indians as the economic model

became consolidated, clergy began to take stock of the situation and
realized that they were at least partly to blame for the plight of these people,
and that the Church should defend them. From approximately I967,
several bishops and missionaries began to organize, and the founding of
CIMI in 1972 with the support of the CNBB was the result. By 1974 CIMI
had assumed its present form and had evolved considerably in a number
of sectors, all seeking to coordinate and improve Church involvement with
the Indians. It is important to note that CIMI has been linked to the CNBB
since its inception, and the General Assembly of the CNBB acted in 1977
to make this connection even stronger. A close connection between the
two organizations not only increases efficiency through coordinating plans
and programs, but also supports CIMI when it is attacked.
The Church has maintained a momentum as its orientation became more
clearly defined regarding land and Indian problems. The conflicts it has
been involved in have further served to justify its option. Evidence of the
conflicts includes personal attacks on such bishops as Dom Pedro
Casaldaliga, Dom Tomas Balduino (one-time President of CIMI), frontal
attacks on CIMI by elements in FUNAI, and the murders of Pe. Rodolfo
Lunkenbein and Pe. Joao Bosco Penido Burnier in 1976. Dom Estevao
Cardoso Avelar of Conceicao do Araguaia and Dom Alano Pena of
Maraba (both in the Amazon area) were interrogated and accused under
the National Security Law of connections with an armed confron-
tation between settlers and the military, and two priests were imprisoned
in 1982 for involvement with settlers in a violent confrontation with
ranchers.
Probably the most acclaimed innovation in the Brazilian Church,

followed to some extent in other parts of Latin America, is the formation
of the basic Christian communities or cebs.10 The cebs are grass-roots
organizations, composed of between 10 and 40 people, coming together
on the basis of concrete interests and reflecting on these interests in the
light of the Bible. In Brazil there has been official support for the cebs since
the mid-g960s but they really caught on after approximately 1970 and the
repression which made other organizations problematic. Today it is
estimated there are approximately 70,000 cebs in all parts of the country
but primarily among the poorer classes in the rural areas and on the margins
of the large cities.1l The cebs emerge from religious functions and
10 In addition to chapter 8 in my I982 book, and the bibliography cited there, see
CEBRAP, 'Comunidades eclesiais de base', 1979. Mimeo.
1 This estimate is from Leonardo Boff, Igreja: Carisma e poder (Petr6polis, Vozes, I981),
p. I97.
structures and are firmly based on religious activities. They seek to relat
the Gospels to reality and, in so doing, hold implications for both the
Church as institution and Catholicism. Even though the cebs are primari
religious groupings they hold obvious sociopolitical implications. They
offer possibilities for participation, can encourage political efficacy by
beginning on small and local issues and then expanding, and, by drawing
on the Gospels, they ground their judgment on a utopian vision which
can hold great potential for radicalization. The significance of the cebs, whic
have been very important in giving a definition to the Brazilian Church
lies not only in the implications for future change in the Church but al
in the fact that they provide the basis and incentive for their members
expand their interest and activities into other areas in the civil society.1
Another area of action by the Church in pursuit of its commitment t
assist in changing the state and society is the wide and diverse campaign
to promote awareness of the importance of politics and participation i
elections. Through CNBB statements, regional pronouncements, and loca
campaigns the Church emphasizes the importance of participation and
awareness. At all levels it publishes documents and booklets for civ
education in terms of the meaning of elections, the role of political parties,
and the obligations of the voter. By the time of the November I98
elections the Church, as a relatively non-partisan institution in th
context, was recognized for its role in encouraging voter turnout and
awareness of the significance and limitations of these elections. Some ma
see the poor showing of the Workers' Party (PT), as an indication of th
weakness of the Church in these elections. However, with very fe
exceptions, the Church did not throw support specifically to the PT, an
the nature of the education provided through the Church would encoura
voting for a variety of parties. There was no 'Church party' such as th
Christian Democratic Party has been in Chile or Italy.
The preceding review of statements, activities, and movements of the
Church in Brazil should make clear that the institution has undergone
fundamental transformation in its role in society. Traditionally, th
Brazilian Church was similar to the Church in other Latin American
countries in being closely linked to the Iberian Crowns and then

independent governments, supporting the status quo through statem
and deeds, focusing its pastoral attention on the wealthier classes, a
12 For a specific case study see my 'Brazil: The Catholic Church and the Basic Christ
Communities. A Case Study from the Brazilian Amazon', in Daniel H. Levine (e
Popular Religion, the Churches, and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel
University of North Carolina Press, forthcoming).
Church and Politics in Bragil 28 3
providing little service to the vast majority of the population. It was not
always an institution committed to working with the lower classes in their
liberation and, indeed, a certain amount of the present vigor in the
commitment arises from an awareness of past lapses and omissions. The
commitment is particularly important, and here, too, can be found part
of its cause, in that it was defined and developed during the height of the
dictatorship in the late I96os and early 1970S when issuing statements and
acting on behalf of structural change and the lower classes could and often
did prove dangerous. Bishops were threatened with death, one was
kidnapped and abused, two priests were assassinated, priests and nuns were
tortured and imprisoned, and active laity were murdered. The commitment
was adopted not because it was 'trendy' and easy but because it was
appropriate and necessary during a particularly rough period of Brazilian
politics.
Today, in the context of political liberalization and extremely serious
economic crisis, the Catholic Church is recognized for its positive efforts
and risks in helping to bring about structural reforms in Brazil. This is
not to say that the regime welcomed the criticisms - past and present -
but rather that several of the points of the criticism have been widely
accepted.13 It should be stressed that the position and activities of the
Brazilian Church have, in general terms, not been opposed by Pope John
Paul II. Through his meetings and speeches during his visit to Brazil in
June-July 1980, he made this support clear while criticizing the government
for the costs in social and human terms of the model of economic growth.
Analysis of change in the Church
The above facts are widely known and generally agreed upon by students
of the Church in Brazil. The arrangement of the statements and activities
may vary from one study to another, and there may be different emphasis
given to one activity over another, but the general picture is similar. What
is not agreed upon, however, is the analysis of this commitment. It is
important to stress the difference between origins and continuation, as what
initiates a process need not encourage its continuation; and the factors
making for continuation may not originate a process in the first place. In
what follows I will provide an analysis of the origin and continuation of
the process, review some criticisms and analyses of others, and further
elaborate an interpretation.
In Brazil more than a decade separates the origins of the process of
13 This point is made in Fernando B. Avila, 'A igreja na crise brasileira', Sintese, no. 28
(May-June, I983), pp. 7-24.
change from its continuation; whereas the former are found in the I95 os
the latter are in the early 1970s. The Church in Brazil, as well as the Church
in Chile, began to change before the Second Vatican Council and, indeed,
embodied a number of elements which would be generalized after the
Council. In these developing Latin American countries the explanation is
found primarily in the open political systems and the creation of national
episcopal conferences in the early i 9 os. Brazil functioned as a democratic
system between 1946 and I964 and Chile was the longest-lived democracy
in South America until the military coup of 1973. In the context of
relatively open politics the Church was confronted by threats to its
religious monopoly and influence not only at the religious level by
Protestants and Spiritists (the latter mainly in Brazil) but also by urban
and rural unions, radical political movements of the Right and Left, and
political demagogues. The Church was able to respond due to the creation
of national conferences of bishops, whereby the isolation of the dioceses
was somewhat attenuated and national strategies could be developed. In
both countries the strategies were progressive due to the Church personnel
involved in formulating responses and the infusion of modern theology
from Europe which would be predominant in the Council.14
These special political conditions came to an end in Brazil in 1964 with
the coup and, indeed, there was a period of approximately five years during
which the Church retreated from advanced sociopolitical positions and
actions. By I970, however, the Church was again assuming leadership in
formal statements and actions, as discussed above, against the modernizing
authoritarian regime and the model of economy and society it was
implementing in Brazil. This was no longer due to an open political
environment but rather to a series of factors which only when considered
together can explain this rather substantial commitment in a hostile
political environment. These factors are as follows: international legit-
imation for a progressive role following from the Council, its manifestation
in Latin America at the CELAM meeting in Medellin in 1968, and the
statements of Pope Paul VI especially Populorum Progressio; a latent
commitment by the Brazilian Church to the pre- 964 positions and actions
which became manifest through some elements in the Church who had
been involved in Catholic Action, Basic Education Movement, and other
progressive movements; an increasing awareness of the Church's loss of
14 See my 1974 book, chapter 4, and Brian Smith, The Church and Politics in Chile: Challenges
to Modern Catholicism (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1982). For a strong analysis
of contrasting cases, see Daniel H. Levine, Religion and Politics in Latin America: The
Catholic Church in Veneguela and Colombia (Princeton, Princeton University Press, I981).
influence in both religious and political terms; and the elimination of other
groups and movements in the society by a regime which made the Church,
as the only institution with some degree of autonomy, both a haven and
a place from which change could be promoted in society. In short, the
Church assumed the role of surrogate in the dictatorial political system.15
The most useful approach in explaining the change in the Brazilian
Church is derived from the theory of organizations and particularly that
branch of it associated with Barnard, Selznick, Katz and Kahn, and
Thompson.16 In this approach one looks to the Church as an institution
which seeks to implement goals in a changing environment. While the aim
of leading people and societies to salvation is constant, its formulation in
terms of intermediate goals and instruments has changed during the 2,000
years of Church history. This is most obvious in changing environments,
and there is no lack of evidence of the innovative capacity of the
institution. Of particular significance for the Church as institution is its
transcendental mission, to be further discussed below, and the difficulty
of evaluating success or failure by any but very partial and possibly
misleading criteria such as baptisms, attendance at mass, percentage of
population declared Catholic, number of Catholic schools, and the like.
These are rather limited in comparison with objectives to lead people
and societies to salvation.
Of particular importance for the Church in Latin America is the

historical integration of the institution with state and society: much of the
latter grew out of the Church's religious symbolic and educational systems
and the state has relied on the Church for legitimation. The Church, in
turn, has depended on the state for resources and overall implementation
of its intermediate aims. I have argued, and continue to do so, that the
Latin American Churches have confused power with influence and in
seeking to use state power for Church goals have been particularly prone
to compromises with the state.17
The Church has innovated, has changed, in seeking to implement its
goal of influence which is to lead men and societies to salvation. Due to
the 'embeddedness' of the Church and religion in Brazil, this innovation
15 On many of the Church's activities during the dictatorship, see Helena Salem (ed.)
Brasil: A igreja dos oprimidos (Sao Paulo, Brasil Debates, 1981).
16 Philip Selznick, Leadership in Administration (Evanston, Rowe, Peterson and Co., 95 7),
Daniel Katz and Robert Khan, The Social Psychology of Organizations (New York, Wiley,
1966); Chester Barnard, The Functions of the Executive (Cambridge, Havard University
Press, I938), and James Thompson, Organizations in Action (New York, McGraw Hill,
I967).
17 See my 'Power and Influence: Analysis of the Church in Latin America and the Case
of Brazil', Latin American Research Review vol. 8 (Summer, 1973), pp. 25-51.
has important implications for state and society. The Church has innov
as it seeks to maintain its influence, and the direction of this renew
is largely determined by changing normative or theological formulatio
These formulations normally are elaborated locally but find internati
legitimation as well. The Church changes, then, not only due to short-
strategies but also in pursuit of long-run visions of society which are base
in theology.
Three Brazilian students of the Church and religion have reviewed the
approach summarized above, as well as others, and have made certain
criticisms which are open to challenge. Luiz Alberto G. de Souza finds that
this work, as well as Ivan Vallier's and that of the Rand Corporation,
falling within the 'social change' school of analysis which is only
concerned with the continuation of the capitalist system.18 Vallier was,
indeed, within the structural-functional and modernization school
of analysis, and I have indicated some problems with his approach while
also stressing his major contribution to the study of the Church in
Latin America.19
In my book, published in 974, I looked to the transformative capacity
of the Church in Brazil in delegitimizing the political and economic system
and creating new groups and movements to press for change while
simultaneously promoting groups and movements at the base of society.
The Conclusion to that book posed the possibility that 'the Brazilian
Church may well become revolutionary'.20 While not dealing specifically
with 'the capitalist system', I would argue that the effect on the regime
of the Church's criticism and mobilization has been to weaken it in its
implementation of this economic system as found in Brazil. The concept

of 'the capitalist system' is itself of little utility, given the variety of its
manifestations at different times and places, and then, too, there is a
popular body of literature which argues that there is only one world
economic system and it is capitalist. In Brazil the state's role in the
economy is so great that the system should be termed 'state capitalist' at
the least, although this in itself clarifies little. De Souza's main argument is
to favor a class-based approach to the study of the Church in Brazil and
elsewhere. Unfortunately, we are unable to evaluate its utility in analysis
as he did not formulate such an approach in this article or in his later
collection of essays.21 He does observe in this article, and in more than
18 Luiz Alberto G. de Souza,' Igreja a sociedade: elementos para um marco te6rico', Sintese
vol. I3 (April-June, 1978) p. 19. 19 See my The Church in Brazil, pp. 6-8.
20 See my Political Transformation, p. 240.
21 Classes populares e igreja nos caminhos da histdria (Petr6polis, Vozes, I982).
one essay in the book, that society, with its conflicts, is mirrored within
the Church which has very little autonomy from society. '... class conflict,
ideological confrontation and political struggle criss-cross society and the
Church.'22 What is important for de Souza in the Brazilian Church is that
the povo (people) 'took over' the Church, converted it, and it acts on their
behalf.23 In essence, de Souza advocates a Gramscian approach to the study
of the Church and religion.
A similar, although less conceptually informed, position is taken by
Carlos Palacio and his argument is indicated by the title of the article 'An
Irreversible Historical Consciousness (I960--979: two decades of the
history of the Church in Brazil)'.24 Palacio wants precise class analysis,
criticizes the 1974 book for neglecting concrete historical processes, and
faults several authors for neglecting the povo. Palacio uses my book as an
example of North American social science which is removed from concrete
historical processes and focuses on modernization. However, the author
takes a very limited view of the institutional approach. Palacio has critical
things to say about Brazilian authors (particularly Marcio Moreira Alves),
and his main argument is finally similar to de Souza: the Church changed
its social bases as it has been penetrated by society and opted for working
primarily with the lower classes. While providing a useful, if standard,
chronological description of manifestations of this option, Palacio does not
offer an analytical approach to explain it. At times he emphasizes
institutional aspects and at others a more class-based approach. In general,
his tendency is in line with what de Souza is advocating.
Luiz Gonzaga de Souza Lima has written a useful book which has an
Introduction taking an approach not dissimilar from my own and then
followed by many documents illustrating change in the Church between
I959 and 1977. In an article, however, the author claims that Pedro Demo,
Ralph Della Cava and I use a sociological approach which suffers for being
'functionalist'.25 Since 'functionalist' is not defined, it is difficult to know
what this means but it is clear that none of us employs a functionalist
approach as it is known in North America.
What is common to these three authors is a tendency to accuse all North
American (in the case of Demo, German) social science as being the same.
There is no delineation of different approaches, but rather a blanket
22 'Igreja e Sociedade', p. 25.
23 Classes populares, p. 240.
24 Carlos Palacio, 'Uma consciencia hist6rica irreversivel (I960-1979: duas decadas de
hist6ria de igreja no Brasil)', Sintese, No. 17 (September-December, I979), pp. 19-40.
25 Luiz Gonzaga de Souza Lima, 'Evoluiiao poliftica' and same 'Comunidades Eclesiais
de Base', Revista de Cultura Voges, lxxiv (June-July, i980), p. 402.
criticism which might apply to some but not to others. There seems
be a sense that North American social science (which, of course, is adop
by Brazilians as well) must somehow support the status quo, the society
classes and continued exploitation of the masses. While none of these th
authors elaborates an alternative approach in their articles, or books, th
emphasis on commitment, society penetrating the Church and unambiguou
options make it clear that they tend towards a Gramscian approach t
analysis of the Church.26
The appeal of a Gramscian approach seems to be based at least on th
following: it is not a mechanistic Marxist approach but by being Marx
it presumably avoids the commitment to the status quo, or reformism
North American social sciences; it emphasizes culture and the role of t
intellectual; and Gramsci did, in fact, look to the political role of th
Church in Italy during Fascism. Of particular importance is the highlighte
role of the intellectual in providing an interpretation of reality which
in fact make a difference and the commitment to the povo. Regarding
former we should note that interpretations by Church intellectuals
thought to be important for the Church, the povo, and society in gene
'... the Church could act decisively in specific "conjunctural" situation
particularly in periods when hegemony was not achieved in the domin
bloc, or in the relations of the latter with the subordinate classes.'27 T
commitment to the povo is a strong characteristic of Gramsci's appro
to Marxism, and Kolakowski goes so far as to state that '...in Gramsc
view Marxism was not a "scientific" account of social reality from wh
practical rules can be deduced for effective political action, but was
expression of the class-consciousness of the proletariat and an aspect
component of its practical struggle'.28 In this approach there is
distinction of base and superstructure but rather only praxis: clearly
focus on institutions has little role. This is further emphasized b
Gramsci's vision of a society in which every process of life was subje
to control by all producers, where economic, political, and cultu
liberation would advance simultaneously.29
26 On Gramsci, see, for example, A. Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks (ed
Q. Hoareand G. Nowell-Smith) (New York, International Publishers, I 97 I); H. Porte
Gramsci et le bloc historique (Paris, PUF, 1972); H. Portelli, Gramsci et la question religieu
(Paris, Anthropos, 1977); Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism, vol. III,
220-5 2 on Gramsci (Oxford, OUP, 1978), and Anne S. Sassoon, Gramsci's Politics (N
St Martin's Press, I980).
27 Paulo Krischke, 'Proposal for the Study of the Church's Role in the I964 Brazi
Political Crisis'. Working Paper no. 7 (December, i983) (The Kellogg Institut
University of Notre Dame), p. i6.
28 Kolakowski, II, p. 236. 29 Ibid., p. 225.
This brief review of a few elements of Gramsci may help us to

understand better some of the otherwise ambiguous characteristics of the
Brazilian authors referred to above. They are all involved as intellectuals
within the Church and are seeking to implement a certain orientation which
is not the same as an objective analysis of society and the Church's role
in it. Yet most of the description and even conclusions are similar to mine
and those of other North American students of the Brazilian Church. This
approach is not convincing. Apparently only those involved in the

struggle with the povo can work out a correct analysis. The commitment
may be laudable but the adoption of the approach encourages a misleading
analysis. The Church is clearly not all of society, not even when it
supposedly speaks for most of the society, and does not contain all the
means of production of the larger society. It is thus unclear how the
dynamics of class penetrate it as completely as these authors seem to
believe. What is more, the Church, as I will argue below, is held together
by a shared belief and commitment, and not primarily by economic
relations of domination and subordination. This belief finds little place in
this analysis. Also, there is a total de-emphasis on the Church as institution,
let alone international institution. While their commitment to the Brazilian
povo may be total, it does not mean that their interpretation has become
predominant; the institution in Brazil may well find that it is under
pressure to be reoriented from Rome, regardless of commitment to the
povo. This approach, while aspiring to include all, misses much of the
political and institutional dimensions, and misleads us in our attempts to
understand how the institution is likely to change under different
circumstances.30 It must be stressed that the approach utilized by these
three authors is not a 'bottom to the top' approach but rather the inverse
with a stated commitment to the bottom.31
That the Church has sought to maintain influence by looking to the

lower classes and working with them in their liberation is not due to a
30 For this reason I am not at all impressed with the gratuitous suggestion by one reviewer
of my book as well as Levine's and Smith's that we look more closely at Gramsci for
a 'well unified theory or method of study'. See Thomas Bamat, 'The Catholic Church
and Latin American Politics' Latin American Research Review, vol. I 5, no. 3 (Fall, I983),
p. 226. It should be noted that the example of analysis promoted by Bamat, Otto
Maduro, Religion and Social Conflicts (Maryknoll, Orbis Books, I982) is an eclectic
Marxist analysis in which Gramsci is not predominant. The book is more a philosophical
treatise than an empirical analysis.
31 Carlos Rodrigues Brandao, Os deuses do povo (Sao Paulo, Brasiliense, I980). One of the
most impressive of the bottom to the top approaches, by an anthropologist whose
sympathy for the lower classes he is studying is obvious, reaches conclusions very
similar to my own on the Church changing to adopt to different circumstances in order
to maintain influence in society.
short-run approach to society. Rather, to explain this orientation which

originally caused internal conflicts and continues to cause tensions with
state and society, we must consider the Church's changing definition of
itself and its mission: we must consider different ideological or normative
perspectives which have been adopted by the Church. This issue has been
to look to theological innovations at the level of the universal and Brazilian
Church and indicate that the national and political contexts provided the
motivation but the theological justification set the limits on innovation.
In Brazil theological innovations were adopted before the Council and the
progressive theology of Medellin and Puebla have, in fact, been
implemented. The Church as institution changed not so much for
opportunistic reasons as it did to maintain influence which was itself
defined by changing normative orientations.
This position on the issue does not seem to be fully comprehended, not
even by the most recent serious North American student of the Brazilian
Church. Scott Mainwaring has done a thorough analysis which has
benefited from previous work and broken new ground particularly
concerning the 'popular Church'. While many of his comments and
criticisms of others' work are to the point, we differ on our understanding
of 'interests' and institutional strategies in explaining change in the
Church.32
Mainwaring seeks to explain the emergence of the popular sectors within

the Brazilian Church and provides a fairly complete discussion of the
background and present dynamic of these sectors. His approach to analysis
would appear still to be in the process of definition, for, while ostensibly
differing from an institutional analysis, it in fact differs little from it and
reaches similar conclusions.33 The main elements distinguishing my work
and that of Mainwaring are the understanding of interests and institutional
strategies.
Mainwaring criticizes those who follow an institutional approach for
taking too narrow a view of interests.34 Yet the indicators given for
institutional response are those given by the Church itself through
documents and interviews. The threat of religious and political competition,
the loss of vocations, the problem of finances were given as evidence by
32 Scott Mainwaring, 'Igreja e politica: anatoSoes te6ricas', Sintese, No. 27 (January-April,

I983), pp. 35-56, and his thesis, 'The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, I916-
1982, Stanford University, Department of Political Science (I982), to be published by
Stanford University Press.
33 Ibid., pp. 38-9.
34 Ibid., p. 38.
the elites in the Church that the institution had to innovate. These
indicators made it obvious to some in the Church in the 195 os that it had
to respond and continue to be utilized in showing that the Church should
keep changing.35 I would argue further that the nature of the change, in
this case in favor of the lower classes, was determined not so much by a
struggle within the institution between progressives and conservatives as
by the availability of new theologies to legitimate new roles which are in
fact favored by the progressives. In sum, institutional analysis can be broad
and, if done properly, does not neglect the ideological or normative in
determining the direction of innovation in response to the institution's
search for a response.
Mainwaring also states a limited view of the capacity of the Church as
institution to develop strategies. Having a strategy does not guarantee
success in implementing it and this is not peculiar to the Church.
Mainwaring suggests an almost haphazard nature of the Church's goals,
as indicated by the following: '...the Church does not have predefined
goals or interests'; its '.. goals are so diffuse and subjective'; or, ... the
Church's goals are diffuse and often contradictory'.36 Churches have goals
but what is peculiar about them is the difficulty of realizing whether they
are successful in implementing them. A way around this problem is to
define different levels of goals with the broadest being that of leading
people to salvation and breaking down to instruments or mechanisms to
achieve this goal in different periods and contexts.37 And, while Mainwaring
includes the oft-mentioned displacement of goals, his work, and mine,
really proves that goals can also be expanded - at least in the sociopolitical
realm. In the case of the Brazilian Church, the instruments and means
utilized to seek to bring people to salvation were re-defined and broadened,
with support from the universal institution and new theologies, and this
was a strategy of the institution in order to respond to a very rapidly
changing context. With a broad interpretation of institutional interests this
is perfectly understandable, as it has been to the elites within the Church
as evidenced in documents as well as interviews. Despite these disagreements
on the understanding of interests and institutional strategies, Mainwaring's
work is very useful and full of insight. Throughout his work he draws
on Weber and Troeltsch as do I, Levine, and Smith in our work.
35 See, for example of this awareness, CNBB, DiretriZes gerais da ardo pastoral da igreja no
Brasil, i97//I978 (Sao Paulo, Paulinas, 1975).
36 Mainwaring, 'Igreja e Politica'.
37 See Bruneau, Political Transformation, I974, p. 4 for a discussion of this.
Institution and charisma
Of particular importance in Weber's approach to analysis is how individuals

and institutions view their own actions: the subjective in the definition
of interests and actions. If interests and strategies are understood in terms
of the actors involved, then we are well on a way to a sophisticated analysis
of the Church. What seems to me most suggestive for understanding the
Church are the dimensions which Avery Dulles has termed 'institution and
charism in the Church'.38 Much of our social science analysis of the
Church emphasizes the institutional (or political or secular or that which
is involved in society) but, for those involved in the Church as believers,
both must be present for the Church to be Church; they are inseparable.
For Dulles the institutional is broad and includes doctrines, public
worship, structures of government, and law and customs. It is the public,
the regular, and the officially approved: the most apparent. Also, insti-
tutionalization in the Church is a process which suggests the Church is
dynamic. In short, the institutional for Dulles is broad but not much
broader than it is for institutional analysis from the theory of organizations.
It is the public and the readily perceived.
Charism, or charismatic, refers to the fact that the Church, for its
believers, was founded by Christ; it is unique. The charismatic refers to
all gifts of grace as charisms are concretizations of the life of grace. The
charismatic, by offsetting the vocational hazards of the official, of the
institutional, can help prevent the Church from becoming rigid, mechanical,
routinized, and stodgy. In sum, for its adherents the Church is unique and,
while the analyst can focus on the institutional (broadly understood), one
must never neglect that it is by definition imbued with grace. Explanations
cannot remain at the level of the institution but must also include the fact
that for its adherents it is a unique, a special, and a dynamic institution.
With this in mind we need not see the triumph of the progressive sectors
of the Church in Brazil as a result of a struggle for hegemony. Rather,
with the high degree of unity in favor of this commitment, if there is a
struggle it is very different from the ones we usually deal with in secular
organizations. Instead, there is a new definition of the proper role of the
Church and, drawing on the charismatic in the Church, derived from the
grace-giving properties of the institution itself, it came to prevail in a
particular sociopolitical context. What I am suggesting, then, is in stark
contrast to a Gramscian view of the intellectuals providing a hegemonic
38 Avery Dulles, S.J., A Church to Believe In (New York, Crossroads, 1982), Chapter z,
'Institution and Charism in the Church'.
interpretation to a culture. The institutional and charismatic in the Church

have prevailed and provided unity around a progressive role for the
institution in Brazil.
Precisely because I emphasize the charismatic we must remember that

it remains dynamic and the intermediate means or instruments of the
institutional can change in different social and political contexts. If it were
only the institutional there would be more continuity because of the
commitment of individuals to these means and instruments. With the
dynamic element of charism, however, there is less commitment to these,
as part of the whole arrangement, and more rapid shifts are possible. It
seems to me that this is precisely what is happening now with the
liberalization in politics and the emphasis of Pope John Paul II on less
political, and increased spiritual, involvement.
Conclusion
For the past year or so it is possible to determine on the part of the Brazilian
Church a slight pulling back from positions assumed during the past
decade. It is not negating its commitment to work with the lower classes
but its focus is becoming broader - to other classes - and at the same time
to the more strictly 'religious'. Thus the statements on sociopolitical
matters are likely to be less frequent and less pointed, although the Church
will not disappear completely from public attention. There will be a search
for appropriate groups for the middle classes just as the cebs would seem
to be appropriate for the lower classes. And the Church will seek to
maintain its political independence as long as the transition continues and
political parties emerge, mobilize, and seek power. With other groups and
parties competing for power, the Church will attempt to insulate itself
somewhat from ongoing, and increasing, secular conflicts. As the insti-
tutional strategy of the Church in the late 196os and 1970s was an important
response to one context, a different context can be expected to suggest
another response. But the response will be according to the institution and
the charismatic and not a Gramscian view advocated by a group of
intellectuals. Considering the charismatic in the Church, there is no reason
to doubt that the Church will respond to this context.

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Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change

Author(s): Thomas C. Bruneau

Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis

The Catholic Church in Brazil has undergone a fundamental transformation

analyze this change, utilizing an approach in comparison with other writers

Statements at the level of the hierarchy

Before the military coup of 964 closed down channels of representation

unable to bring the security apparatus under control, a momentum was

The position defined in this statement was reinforced in another

(5) The extreme socioeconomic marginalization of much of the popu-

and oppressed due to a situation of clamorous social injustice'. They call

At the 20th General Assembly of the CNBB in February I982 the

of attention. In them the bishops have undoubtedly done much to attack

A more recent document was issued on 22 July I983 by the Executive

necessary, despite support of the opposition political parties and t

National Church programs

Another ecclesiastical organization which in many ways parallels and

coincided with increased pressure on the Indians as the economic model

Probably the most acclaimed innovation in the Brazilian Church,

countries in being closely linked to the Iberian Crowns and then

Analysis of change in the Church

Of particular importance for the Church in Latin America is the

implementation of this economic system as found in Brazil. The concept

This brief review of a few elements of Gramsci may help us to

approach is not convincing. Apparently only those involved in the

That the Church has sought to maintain influence by looking to the

short-run approach to society. Rather, to explain this orientation which

Mainwaring seeks to explain the emergence of the popular sectors within

32 Scott Mainwaring, 'Igreja e politica: anatoSoes te6ricas', Sintese, No. 27 (January-April,

Institution and charisma

Of particular importance in Weber's approach to analysis is how individuals

interpretation to a culture. The institutional and charismatic in the Church

Precisely because I emphasize the charismatic we must remember that

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