1,2.7.

oQ

PRINCETON,

N.

J.

4/^

..„.. i.391 V.8 Pastor, Ludwig, 1854-1928 The history of the popes, from the close of the

BX 95L

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
VOL. VIII.

*

MAR

1

19C

THE

HISTORY OF THE POPES,
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE
AGES. DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES.

FROM THE GERMAN OF

Dr.

ludwig Wstor,

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK, AND DIRECTOR OF THE AUSTRIAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE IN ROME.

EDITED BY

RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY.

VOLUME

vin.

LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER &
I

CO., Ld,.

DRYDEN HOUSE, GERRARD STREET.
908.

CONTENTS OF
Table of Contents
List of

VOL.

VIII.
PAGE
vii

Unpublished Documents

in

Appendix

.

xxiii

Leo
Alliance of the

X.,

1513-1521.

BOOK

IL
.

Pope with the Emperor Charles V.
Death of Leo X.
life
.

1-40

Defeat of the French and increase of the States of the

Church.
Personality

....
. .
. .

41-70
71-125

and manner of
.

of

Leo X.
.

His Finances
.

and Court
Medicean

Rome

.......
.

126-182

The Renaissance
and Sadoleto.

in the field of Literature.

Bembo
.
.

Vida and Sannazaro

183-241

Study of Antiquity.

Raphael and the Plan of Ancient
of the Study of Greek. the

Rome. Encouragement The Vatican Library and
Leo X.
as

Roman
Arts.

University

.

243-280

the

Patron of

the

The

Stanze,

Tapestries, and Loggie of Raphael Leo X. and Michael Angelo. Promotion of the Minor The building of new St. Peter's. The preArts.

281-347

servation of

Roman

Antiquities

The Council of the Lateran The French Concordat. Ecclesiastical
acter

and Pontificate of Leo X.

.... ..... ....
Policy.

348-383

384-413
414-461
463-511

Char-

Appendix of Unpublished Documents
Index of Names

.......
. . .

513-525

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME

VIII

CHAPTER

I.

ALLIANCE OF THE POPE WITH THE EMPKKOR CHARLES V.*
A.D.

PAGE

1519

The Pope

fears the

ascendancy of the Emperor
.

I

His idta of an anti-Imperial league In September he makes a secret treaty with Francis 1520 The Pope instigates an attack on Ferrara
.

1

And

represses the tyrants of the Marches Giampaolo Baglioni summoned to Rome His trial and execution on June 2nd Manuel arrives in Rome as Ambassador from the Emperor on April nth P'irst disturbance in the relations with France Pretensions and encroachments of Francis I.
.
.

.

Who
And

forbids the proclamation of the Bull of

Thursday

opposes the elevation of de la Mark to the Cardinalate The Pope proposes the elevation to the purple of Jean d'Orleans Francis makes a grievance even of this Anger of the Pope Who resolves to drive the French out of Italy And decides to take 6000 Swiss into his service He also sends draft of a new alliance to the Emperor P>ancis I. makes proposals to the Pope But is not sincere in so doing The Pope's negotiations with Manuel on December
.

....... ...... ....... ......
.....
(*)
;

Maundy

>3 14
'5

15 15 16 16

nth
1

52

He

succeeds in coming to an agreement with both Charles and Francis
in

•7

*

Unpublished documents are marked by an asterisk

published

"Acta

Pontificium

Komanorum

"

are

documents to be designated by two

asterisks (**).

Vlll

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
The

A.D.

152

1

insincerity of Francis drives the

the Emperor As does also the Lutheran movement in Germany Where so much depends upon the attitude of the Emperor Concessions of the Pope to Charles V. The reports of Aleander from Germany The Emperor formally requested (January i8th) to

...... .......
. . .

PAGE

Pope towards

A

publish the Bull against Luther Consistory held (February 6th) for dealing with the
" two conflagrations
affair

The Pope now devotes much time

And The
This

.......
to the

23

Lutheran
24
25 26 27 28

writes to the

German

Princes

.

decision to

summon Luther

to the Diet

is complained of at the Consistory on the 20th of March Instructions sent to the Legates in Germany Great anxiety of the Pope (April)

Who
The

sends for Manuel and speaks strongly to him
loyalty of the

Emperor

Causes great satisfaction in Rome (May) Proposed alliance of the Pope and the Emperor against France
Hesitation of the Pope The French go too far, and the alliance is concluded on May 8th The conditions of this alliance are favourable to the

....
.

29 30
31 32

....... .....
to
.
. . .

33 34
35
36

Holy See Thanks of the Pope conveyed

.......
. .
. .

the Emperor,

and

Luther's writings burned in Rome Zeal of Aleander Spread of the new doctrines in Saxony Edicts against Luther's works Henry writes against him

VHL

....
.
.

...
,

-37 -38 38 -39
40

CHAPTER

n.

DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH AND INCREASE OF THE STATES OF THE CHURCH. DEATH OF LEO X.

1

52

1

Commencement
Ferrara
.

of hostilities
. .

;

Papal attempts against
.

.

.

.

Which

fail,

as

do those

to

stir

up an insurrection
42

agamst the French

in

Milan

....

-41

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D,

1521

The

PAGE
attack on Papal declare himself
territory causes

the

Pope

to

(June

27th)

openly

against

France

And

to

make

preparations for the expulsion of the
.
. .

43

French from Italy Composition of the allied army .'45 Francis I. endeavours to win back the Pope, but fails 46 (August) Boasts that he will enter Rome and impose laws on the Pope 45

And

Charles V. urges the Pope to excommunicate Francis informs him of his first move against France
.

47

(Sept. 4th)

The Pope threatens the French with communication and interdict
for this

His reasons

Difficulties with the Swiss,
allies to retreat

whose conduct causes the
50
^^a

from Parma
.

Filonardi and Schinner succeed in getting more Swiss troops .
.

.... ....
.
.

48 49
.q

ex-

together
.
.

Who
And

join the allies are recruited by deserters from the French

advance into

Italy

and

.

.

Milan and the whole of Lombardy conquered Joy of the Pope at hearing this As his position was critical on account of the expenses of the war The Pope taken ill (October 25th) Convalescent on November the 5th, and goes to Magliana
. . .

Intelligence reaches him there the defeat of the French

Meets with an enthusiastic reception on

.... .... ........ ....
.
.

53 54 55 56
=;

.

.

.

_

.

7

58
c8

(November

24th)

of

59

his return to

Rome (November
And
Is

25th)
.

about a public thanksgiving taken ill again on November 26th.
talks
ist learns that

On December

...
. .

.61

60

Parma has been taken
.

Receives Extreme Unction and dies at midnight Consternation of the friends of the Medici Precautionary measures taken by the Sacred College Suspicions of poison Opinions on this of Vettori, Guicciardini and Giovio Most probably the I'ope died from malaria Extravagant attacks on his memory Buried very poorly The tomb erected for him by Paul III. in S. Maria sopra Minerva
.

.

.

.

....
.
.

62 63 63 64 65 65 67 68 68 69

69

VOL.

VIII.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER

III.
X.

PERSONALITY AND MANNER OF LIFE OF LEO

HIS FINANCES

AND COURT.
A.D.

PAGE

Outward appearance of Leo X. far from attractive His musical and pleasant voice, and manner, majestic but full of charm The portrait of Leo X. by Raphael in the Pitti
.

71

Gallery

His character as described by Marino Giorgi His words, " Let us enjoy the Papacy, etc.," rest on no
authentic tradition

......
....

....

His determination to maintain the strong position of the Holy See Enjoys to the full the highly developed culture of his age with unembarrassed light-heartedness His high culture and receptivity of all that is beautiful Exact in the fulfilment of all religious duties Testimony to the undoubted piety of Leo X.

.....
.

The

And

spotlessness of his morals scarcely a great benevolence

work of Christian

charity he does not support His activity in redeeming Christian slaves His tact and amiability in intercourse with others

Yet in political matters could be very severe His prudence in critical moments
Notably
r^ouble-dealing policy of the Pope in his negotiations with

Charles

V.

and

Francis

L

.

His delight in following political "crooked paths" in keeping his plans secret 1 5 13 At first Bibbiena is the Pope's confidant 15 1 7 Then Giulio de' Medici

And

Who

.....
.

in

important

affairs is

the ruling spirit

But has to take the Pope's opinion on all matters Important business with Ambassadors carried on by

1

5

Pope in person Pope's pleasure in giving, leads him into wanton extravagance And to squander the savings of his predecessor 13 Ponzetti becomes Papal Treasurer Methods tried to procure money Financial ruin, the result of the Urbino war The accounts books of Serapica Giorgi's estimate of the Papal revenue
the

The

.....

....

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.

15 13

Revenue from proceeds of saleable

other sources Sums paid by Cibo and Armellini for the office of

And

1

52

1

Camerlengo Taxes in the States of the Church remain low Great difficulty in raising money for the war against France Financial crisis brought about by the death of Leo, and many of his friends are ruined The Florentines largely responsible for the enormous
.

Papal expenditure

They inundate Rome and their greediness is boundless They obtain many lucrative financial posts
All the great families of Florence represented in the Papal " Famiglia

Florentines

in

artists, etc.

And many hold military and And Nunciatures
The

Pope's relatives Card. Bibbiena his friendship with Leo X. 1 5 16 Sent as Legate to the Emperor, and later to Francis His character and tastes Friends of the Pope among the younger Cardinals

Many prelates patronize art and The Roman nobles, with few
distinguished

The banker Agostino Chigi his fabulous And generous patronage of art Raphael executes many works for him
.

Other bankers in Rome Bindo Altoviti his portrait by Raphael 1 5 19 The banquet given by Lorenzo Strozzi Corruption of Roman society Which is pre-eminently cosmopolitan Satire by Ariosto on the Curia

...... ...... ....... ..... "..... ...... ...... ..... — ..... ...... — ..... —
offices
.

PAGE
96 97

99

ro2 [03 ro4
105

the

service of

the

Pope

as

poets
[06
to7

diplomatic appointments

[08

fo8 10
I
1

12

13
15

literature

.

exceptions,

are

not
16
17

fortune

18
19

20
2

.

.... ....
IV.

:22

23
'4
'S

CHAPTER

MEDICEAN ROME.
ICxtraordinary development C)f the city Important improvements promoted by the Pope Description by the Venetian Ambassador The Leonine city Palaces of tlic Cardinals
1

26

.

27 128
1

129

xii

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE

A.D.

Many new
The

buildings erected, remarkable

for

their

beauty Trastevere retains its mediaeval character State of the Ruins of ancient Rome The Forum, Capitol, and the Palatine
.

.

.

131 132

.

.

.

.

Old

St.

Peter's.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Beauty and splendour of the Vatican

.

.

-133 -134 -135 -136
.

The Pope's menagerie Sculpture in the Belvedere. 137 -137 The pilgrimage to the Seven Churches -138 Pesaro's report of the Roman Antiquities 139 Alberto Pio di Carpi and Baldassare Castiglione Rome becomes the centre of European culture. .140 Opinion of Erasmus However great the evil in society, still there is not a Sadoleto 141 little of what was good. .142 The mode of life and occupations of Leo X.
.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

His great temperance and His great love of music

fasts
.

.

.

.

.

.

.

-143 -144
.

Number of musicians at the Papal court Perfection of the Papal choir Next to music, improvisation most appreciated The improvisatori, Tebaldeo, Accolti, Strascino, etc. Professional jesters and buffoons
. .
. .
.

145 147

-149
.

149

.

Era Mariano Camillo Querno ridicule cast upon his vanity Baraballo of Gaeta cruel farce played on him Harm caused by this love for buffoonery Fondness of the Pope for the pleasures of the chase
.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

-151 -152 -153 -154 -156
.

157

Description of his huntmg-ground
. .

.

.

.

Scandal caused by this Description of a hunt by Giovio Postumo and Paris de Grassis, on the Pope's dress for a hunting expedition Kindness and affability of the Pope to the poor on
.
.

.

......
.
.

.

.

.

-158 .160 .161
162

these occasions
Life of

— they greet him with joy
at

Leo X. when

Magliana
. . .
.

.

.

Description of the castle

.

.

.

And
1

its

neighbourhood
of

.

.

.

.163 .164 .165 .166
.

Magnificence of the pageants held
5 13

in

Rome

.

167

The

conferring

the

Roman

Patriciate

on the
.

Pope's nephews (September 13th and 14th) for this is repeated at the Vatican for the pleasure of the Pope (September 18th) Loggia of 15 1 9 Leo watches the Carnival from the

167 169

The ceremonial

.

St.

Angelo

....

And

is

present at Ariosto's

comedy

" Suppositi "

...
.

170
171

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.

Xlll

PAGE
172

Description of this scene by Paolucci Bull-fight in the Piazza of St. Peter's. Scandal given by the plays of Ariosto 1520 Notwithstanding the grave outlook, the Carnival takes place with its wonted brilliancy The great triumphal procession through Rome 1521 The Pope again at St. Angelo for the Carnival and witnesses the " Moresca " dance Description of this by Castiglione Meanwhile opposition to the Papacy to the north of the Alps daily increases Opinions of Machiavelli and Vettori Violent accusations by (iuicciardini 1520 The Dialogue of Bartolomeo Cerretani Complaints of Salomoni and Tizio, who, however, take up a sound (Catholic position Tiie Italians draw a clear line between persons and offices, and do not even contemplate a breach with the Papacy
. .
.

173 173
'74 '75

176 176
177 178

.

178 179
180

.

.

.

.

.

CHAPTER

V.

THE RENAISSANCE IN THE FIELD OF LITERATURE. AND SADOLETO. VIDA AND SANNAZARO.

BEMBO

1513 The election of Leo hailed by the whole educated world His first acts. Eminent Latinists summoned to Rome. Foundation of a College for the study
of Greek

Generosity to poets and learned

........ .......
men
.

18'

Who

flock to Rome as to their mother country Events celebrated by the new Latin poetry The poets pursue the Pope everywhere he unable to satisfy them all
;
. .

184 185 186 187

Favourite meeting-places of the Roman poets The collections of poems by Palladio and Arsilli Bembo and Sadoleto hold the first place as writers of both prose and poetry An appreciation of Bembo The Pope confides to him the composition of th Papal letters Vast extent of l^embo's private correspondence His Latin letters His prominent position at the court of Leo X.
.

188 189 igo
191

...... ......
. .

.... ....

192 193 194 '95 195

XIV
A.D.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

1520

He

leaves

Rome

Position and tastes of Sadoleto His religious spirit and disinterestedness The Pope refuses to part with him Character of Sadoleto's writings. His friends Vida and his poem the "Christiade" An appreciation of this work Sannazaro and his epic on The Nativity of Christ Is requested by Leo to publish this 152 After the Pope's death he attacks his memory The humanists Fracastoro and Spagnolo Mantovano The " Calendar of Feasts " of Mantovano 15 19 Zaccaria Ferreri employed by the Pope His work in the reform of the Breviary Character of the changes made by Ferreri in the
.
.

......
.

PAGE
196 197 198 198 199

....
.

200
201 202

.

204 204
205 206 208 209

.

hymns

The

.......
Leo X.
. . . . .

210
211 213 214

other poets at the Court of Casanova and Muzzarelli

Jano Vitale, Acciaiuoli, and Postumo Antonio Tebaldeo of Ferrara

....
and
bad

The German

poets, friends of Goritz

Rome

inundated

odes, etc. Writers of Italian poetry Bembo, Molza, and Accolti Pietro Aretino and Agostino Beazzano The "Sofonisba" of Trissino. Giovanni Rucellai Ariosto disappointed at his reception by Leo X. Cultivation of rhetoric Qualities required in orations and sermons Discourses by the humanists Equicola and Valeriano 152 1 The oration on the History of Rome (April 21st) The leading orators in Rome 1516 Arrival in Rome of Longueil. Two bitterly opposed parties spring up Celso Mellini and the attack on Longueil 15 19 Who is cited before the Senate on the charge of high treason. His trial 1520 Receives the freedom of the city Writes against Luther. Dies in September 1522

....... — ....... .....
with

216 216
217 218 219 220
221 222 223 225 227

good

poems

.... .... .... —
.

.

228 229
230

"

Pasquino

"

:

its

The

satires

and
in

couched

on St. Mark's day many of pasquinades bitter language
festival

234

them
235 236
2T,G

Strong influence of classical antiquity

The

Historians Guicciardini Machiavelli his ideas

.... ....

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.

XV
PAGE
237 238 239

1520 His relations with the Medici Paolo Giovio and his friend Sanuto The History of Giovio ^judgments passed upon Its value for this period of Papal history

..... ....
it
.
.
.

.240

CHAPTER
STUDY OF ANTIQUITY.

VI.

RAPHAEL AND THE PLAN OF ANCIENT ROME. ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE STUDY OF GREEK. THE VATICAN LIISRARY AND THE ROMAN UNIVERSITY.

The

Latino Giovenale Manetti and his collection of statues collection of inscriptions published by first

Mazocchi work on the " Marvels of Rome " The work of Vakriano on the Obelisks in Rome The works of Andrea Fulvio Services he renders to Raphael
Albertini's
.

........
..... ....
.

242 242 243 243 244 244

.

Who

in

his

company

Rome
Rome
And

Letter by Raphael to the Pope on the antiquities of

245 appeal for their preservation 246 Raphael's intention to make a plan of ancient Rome 247 Great interest aroused by this 249 1520 He dies before its completion 249 Philosophical works of Nifo and Pico della Mirandola 250 The work of Egidio Canisio on the Philosophy of History .250 -251 Leo Africanus, the geographer Theological writers Fiandino, Catarino, Cajetan, and others 252 Alberto Pio di Carpi and Erasmus -253 Abject servility of Erasmus .253 He dedicates to the Pope his St. Jerome and Greek New Testament. Dispensations granted to him 254 Assures Leo X. of his loyalty in the affair of Luther 255 .256 Aleander accuses him of encouraging errors 256 Erasmus writes again to the Pope to defend himself 1521 Who urges him to use his talents in combating Lutheran doctrine -257 Was Erasmus treated with too much consideration? 257 Protection extended by the Pope to the press of Aldus Manutius 257 -258 Greek books printed by Aldus

........ ........ ....
visits

the remains

of ancient

244

..... .....
. •

.

.

.

.

.

........
:

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

xvi
A.D.
1

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Revival of Greek
called to

5 13 5 16

Studies.

Lascaris
.

and Musurus
. .

Rome

1

And

teach Greek in the College founded by the

for that end Causes of the failure of the Greek College Some of the works that issued from its press

.......
.

by Leo X.

-259
260
262 262 263

Pope

.261
.

.

The Pope's support of the study of Oriental languages The Library of Leo X. its custodians
:

15 1 9

Inghirami and Beroaldo Acciaiuoli and Aleander
Efforts of the

...... —
. .

.

264
265 266 267 268 269

satisfaction

caused by the
.

appointment of the latter as librarian Pope to add to the Library The literary mission of Johann Heitmers His powers and instructions Leo X. on the advancement of learning

.

.

.

.

.....
.

.

.

.

.

.

1

of writings dedicated to him Additions to the Vatican Library not so great as might have been expected reason for this 5 13 The Papal Constitution of November 5th on reforms for the Roman University . Professorial chairs of the University . Some of the more celebrated professors their salaries Rivalry of the University of Pisa to which some of the professors migrate Cause of the downfall of the Roman University partly
large
.
:

The

number

.270
.

271

.

.

.

.

.272 .273
274

.

.

.

.

.274
.275

financial

.

,

.

,

.

.

.

Direct results of the literary influence of Leo X. over-estimated Literary dilettantism its prevailing feature
.

much
. .

.

.

.

.

.

,277 .278
by

The

intellectual

atmosphere created
.

in
.

Rome
,

Leo X.

.

.

.

.

.279

CHAPTER
LEO
X. AS

VII

THE PATRON OK THE ARTS. THE STANZE, TAPESTRIES AND LOGGIE OF RAPHAEL.
reign of

15 1 3

The
The

Leo opens
.
.

a
,

new epoch
. .

in the career of
.
.

Raphael

pupils of Raphael, Giov. Franc. Penni

Romano
The The

decorations of the Stanze frescoes of the third Stanza, "del Incendio " Portion of this work executed by Penni and

........ .....
.

.281
282 283 284

and Giulio

G.

Romano

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.287

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.

XVll

PAGE
288 288 294 294
295 295
they excite

15 13 Subjects of these frescoes The allusion in them to events of the time

The Cartoons
1517
15

for the tapestries

Price paid by the

Pope

for

each cartoon
.

The

tapestries executed in Brussels
in

1

Cost of the tapestries Three of the hangings arrive unmixed admiration Vasari's opinion of them
.
.

Rome;

Vicissitudes of the tapestries

The cartoons The second series of tapestries And the cartoons for them In many respects they show Raphael
.
:

....

296 297 298

300
303 306 315 3>5 317 319

at his best

Influence of the tapestries on later art the decoration of the Raphael's third great work Vatican Loggie (15 13-15 19) Description of this by Marcantonio Michiel Scheme of the decoration Share of Raphael's pupils in the work Especially of Giovanni da Udine Character of his work Its clever combination of painting and stucco And the way in which nature, as well as the antique, is

320 322 323 326 327 328

drawn upon
Allusions in the decorations to the favourite pursuits of Leo X. The alliance in them between Christian and pagan
art

...

329 330
332

of Perino del Vaga and Giovanni da Udine in the Borgia apartments Concurrently with these tasks, Raphael executes a number of commissions fur Bibbiena and Chigi The Sixtine Madonna The Transfiguration Part of which is the work of Giulio Romano Connection of this picture with the efforts to promote a Crusade 1520 Raphael dies (April 6th) when he has only partly finished the picture Grief felt at his death

Work

..... .....

....
.

332 333 336 337

338
339 340
341 341

1

1

His burial in S. Maria ad Martyres Leonardo da Vinci comes to Rome But leaves there no trace of his art 5 14 Fra Bartolommeo in Rome, but returns after a few months
5 13

342
to

Morence
342

XVIU
A.D.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE by Soddoma and others 343 Sebastiano del Piombo tries to belittle Raphael 343 To whom the Pope remains loyal 344 Paintings executed by del Piombo in Rome 344 His ambition at the death of Raphael 345 At last he succeeds in gaining an audience of the Pope -345 1530 Account of this interview, in a letter to Michael Angelo (October 15th) 346 The Pope leaves the work at the Vatican in the hands
15 14

Work executed

in

Rome

.

....
. . .

.

.

.

.

•..-.•.•

of Raphael's pupils

..... ......
•.

347

CHAPTER
LEO
X.

Vni.
THE MINOR ARTS. THE PRESERVATION

— THE BUILDING OF

AND MICHAEL ANGELO.

— PROMOTION OF
ST. PETEr's.

NEW

OF ROMAN ANTIQUITIES.
Misrepresentation of the relations of Michael Angelo with Leo X. 1516 He undertakes the work of the fac^ade of the church of S. Lorenzo in Florence In addition to the monument to Julius H. Visits Carrara to choose marbles. This prevents him 15 1 fulfilling his contract 1520 Which is cancelled Resentment of Michael Angelo removed by the Pope's proposal for work in the sacristy of S. Lorenzo Work of Sansovino at Loreto Works of sculpture under Leo X. Development of plastic decoration
.

......
.... .... ...... ....
.

348
349 349 350 350
351 351

.

.

Woodwork and

intarsia

Manufactories of majolica ware. Number of gold smiths employed by Leo X. His wealth of precious stones The art of cutting gems. Designers of medals The architectural task bequeathed by Julius H. to his

.....
.

352 353 353

....
.
. .

.

The new
in

successor buildings in the States of the Church

.......

354 355 356
356 357

Rebuilding and restorations undertaken by Leo

Rome

condition of St. Peter's Bramante, Fra Giocondo, and G. di Sangallo, architects 1 5 13 for the building. Death of Bramante (January 14th, 1514)

The

...... ....

X

358 359

360

TABLE OK CONTENTS.
A.D.

XIX

PAGE

-361 succeeded by Raphael (April ist) Raphael becomes 1515 Death of Fia (iiocondo (July ist). sole architect-in-chief of St. Peter's 364 The plans of Bramante and Raphael 365 Inconsiderable results attained by Raphael -367 1520 He is succeeded by Antonio di Sangallo 367 Difficulties in raising money for the work 367 The financial disorder brings the work to a standstill 369 Raphael employed on other architectural commissions 370 The Villa Madama for Cardinal Medici -37°
15 14

He

is

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Increasing interest in Roman antiquities 1515 Brief of Leo X. to Raphael on the subject The Pope expressly commands the preservation of
.

.

.

-372 -373
all

inscriptions

.

.

.

.

.

.

Archaeological discoveries during his pontificate The Papal collection of antiquities Leo X. contrasted with Julius II. as a patron of art The preference of Leo X. for decorative art
.

....

-373
.

374
375 37C

.

-379
381

Great service rendered to art by his employment of

Raphael
Influence of

Leo X. on

culture

.....
IX.
.
.

383

CHAPTER

THE COUNCIL OF THE LATERAN.

The
1

5 13

He
The

ecclesiastical government of Leo X. proclaims his intention of proceeding with the The Sixth Session opens on Lateran Council. April 27th Pope calls upon the members to fix their attention first on the good of Christendom
.

384

.......
....
.

385

.

Formation of the Congregations The Seventh Session (June 17th, 15 13). The Pope proposes to send embassies of peace to the
princes

386 386

Decree of September 20th relating to the Hussites The Eighth Session (December 19th, 15 13)

.......
propositions
.

The

three

condemned

Directed against a paganized liumanism Proposal for a reform of the Curia 1514 The Ninth Session (May 5th, 15 14) The stringent Bull on the reform of Church and Curia Most of its prescriptions remain on paper The quarrel between Bishops and Regulars

387 388 388 389 390
391 391 392

393 393

XX
A.D.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

1514 Successful mediation of the Pope Answer of the Regulars to the attack of the Bishops
15
1

....
.

PAGE 394
395

The Tenth
reform.

Session

Strengthening of the Bishops 396 Sanction given to the Monti di Pieta 397 Regulations for the printing of books 398 The question of a reform of the Calendar 398 But no decision reached on this matter 399 Proposal of many of the Bishops to unite in a sodality. Their object in this proposal 400 Which is absolutely refused by the Pope .401 The Eleventh Session (December 19th, 15 16). It 15 1 witnesses the first appearance of an American Bishop 402 The Patriarch of the Maronites sends his homage 402 -(Ethiopia and Russia 403 Concordat with France and repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction 403 The Constitution on preaching 404 1517 Discussion in Consistory (February ist) on the closing of the Council 405 Remarkable speech on reform by Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola in the presence of the Council 406 The Twelfth and final Session closed on March i6th 408 A short review of the history and purpose of the Council 408 Was the closing premature 409 Nature of the decrees of the Lateran Council .410 Many of them remain practically a dead letter .410 Cardinal Medici holds a provincial council (151 715 18) for Florence 411 But in Rome little is done 412 1520 Letter of Aleander (December) 413
.
. . .
. .
.

........
.
. . .

(May

4th, 1515).

Still

the cry for authority of

.

....
.

.

........ ...... ........ ..... ....... ........ ........ ?.....
.
.

.

..... ....
.

CHAPTER

X.

THE FRENCH CONCORDAT. ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. CHARACTER AND PONTIFICATE OF LEO X.
15 15 Conference

between
. .

the
.

Pope and Francis
.

I.
.

at

Bologna

.

.

Who come
cordat

-414
Con-

to terms
.
.

on the main
.
.

article of the
. . .

.415

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.

XXI
PAGE

negotiations proceed with difficulty plenipotentiaries leave Bologna (P'ebruary) 1 5 16 Concessions by the Pope. Series of stipulations not in the Concordat Heavy sacrifices made by Leo X. to preserve France in the unity of the Church Opposition to the Concordat in France and Rome The Pope succeeds in securing the condemnation of the Pragmatic Sanction Stipulations of the Concordat And importance of its omissions 15 16 Ratified by the Pope on August i8th The influence of the French king is now turned into
15
1
.

The The

.....
.... ....

415 415

416
417 4T7

418 419 420
421

151

a permanent system laid before the Lateran Council on December 19th few of the Bishops disapprove Publication of the decree Pastor yEternus Triumph of the Pope over the schismatic tendencies The Parliament and University of Paris oppose the

The Concordat

A

..... ......

421

Concordat

As do
1

......
to a future Council.

422 423 424 425

also the provincial Parliaments
registers the

5

18 Francis

Remonstrance of the Paris Parliament I. remains firm, and Parliament Concordat on March 22nd
arrests

426 427 427
428

The University appeals
some of
Satisfaction in

The King
428 429 429

the professors at the firm attitude of Francis I Bull against the appeal of the University (June iSth) Papal edict against the Rector and University (June

Rome

25th)

.

430
in

France survives Estimate of the loss and gain that accrue to the con tracting parties of the Concordat Increase of power given by it to the French King Who distributes benefices without a thought as to
merit

But the opposition

431
431 432

.......
.

But the Concordat has its good side By it the Kings of France have powerful motives

15

1

5

remaining Catholic Concessions to Spain and Portugal Dignities conferred on the boy Alfonso of Portugal who is created Cardinal in 151 Acts of aggression on the part of many Italian States Negotiations between Poland and Rome The Archbishop of Gnesen made legahis ?iatus
.

..... ...
.

433 433
for

434
435

436 437 437 438

xxu
A.D.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE 439 440
441
441

15 15 Relations of
Is

Leo X. with Henry VIII. Wolsey created Cardinal his character and aims
;

1520 His legatine powers extended to two years Publication, in St. Paul's Churchyard, of the Brief 152 against Luther Henry VIII. sends to the Pope his work against Luther And receives the title of " Defender of the Faith " Protection given by Leo X. to the Jews Canonization of Saints Churches and devotions enriched by Indulgences

.......
..... ......
slavery

.....
and

442

444
445 445 446

Protest of the

Pope against

injustice to the

Indians

His attention to the churches of the East 1 5 14 Envoys sent to Russia Dealings of the Pope with the Uniat Greeks
.

....

Steps taken against fanatical preachers Rome and the Church in Scandinavia 15 16 The mission of Arcimboldi to Denmark 1520 King Christian invades Sweden his cruelty Seiids to Germany for Lutheran theologians Seeks to establish a State Church in Denmark Francesco de Potentia sent as Nuncio to Copenhagen 1 52 1522 He absolves Christian Efforts of the Pope for monastic reform His measures as regards the Franciscans 15 1 The forty-two Cardinals created by Leo X. Motives that guided him in these creations Leo X. "a true child of the Renaissance" Judgment of his contemporaries

447 447 448 448 449 450
451 452 453 453 454 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461

....

.

The Leonine Era

......

LIST OF

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
IN

APPENDIX.

I.

Leo X.
,,

to Cardinal
to

Farnese

II.

Bologna

to the Duke Alfonso I. of Ferrara ,, IV. to Pietro Bembo ,, V. The " Oratory of Divine Love " VI. Alessandro Gabbioneta to the Marquis of Mantua VII. Leo X. to Francis I. of France VIII. Safe-conduct from Leo X. to Johann Heitniers IX. Antonio de Beatis to the Marchioness of Mantua X. Leo X. to Lorenzo de' Medici to Francesco da Ferrara XI. ,, XII. Baldassare Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua
III.
. .

.... ..... ....

P.\GE

465 466 466 467 469 470 470
471

XIII.

XIV.

XV. Ang. Germanello to the Marchioness of Mantua XVI. to the Marquis of Mantua XVII. to the Marchioness of Mantua „ XVIII. Fabrizio Pellegrino to the Marquis of Mantua XIX. Baldassare Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua
,,
.

XX. >) »> XXI. Leo X. to Cardinal Giulio de' Medici XXII. rhe "Leonine Letters" of P. Bembo

)>

473 473 475 475 476 476 476 478 478 479 479 480 480 482

CHAPTER

I.

Alliance of the Pope with the Emperor Charles V.

While

the

Emperor was

issuing his Edict against Luther,

his poHtical alliance with the

Pope was concluded.

But

many changes had

taken place before this was accomplished.
necessity to his final

Leo X. had been driven by sheer

consent to the election of Charles to the Imperial throne though, after his consent, he feared the Emperor's ascend-

ancy more than

ever.

Charles and Francis were eager

competitors for the favour of the Pope,* whose partisanship was all-important to each in the approaching struggle,

which was to be fought out principally
scarcely

in Italy.

It

seemed
;

doubtful

which side Leo X. would take
his

for,

though originally
the

sympathies were with Spain,
filled

now

power of the Empire
Medici Pope,

him with aversion and
predecessors, the

fear.f

To the

like so

many of his

idea of a supremacy, such as the Hohenstaufen had ere
striven for,

now

was

like a living

nightmare.

The necessity
in

for the

maintenance of the balance of power
alone the independence of the

Europe, by which
" liberty

Holy See and the

12, 27, 31,

* Cf. the ^Letters of B. Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, Aug. and Sept. 17, 15 19. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

t "*I1

papa

di
et in

natura sua ^ piu inclinato a Spagnoli che a Frances!,

ma

aborrisce

ha

in

odio

ct

tenie

questo

nome de

imperatore,
in

massiniamcnte
^Letter dat.

questo che h tanto potente."
15 19, Sept. 10.

B. Castiglione

a

Rome, VOL. VIIL

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
I

2

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
could be secured, drove

of Italy"

Leo

at

once into the

Hence the plan of ranks of the enemies of the Hapsburg. Emperor's journey to Rome by aggression forestalling the
;

hence the idea of a great anti-Imperial league with France, England, however, Venice, England, and the Swiss*

showed no
France,

inclination to be

drawn
league

into

any such
But

alliance

;

consequently,

a

smaller

between

the

Pope,
as

and

Venice

was

contemplated.

the

two last-named powers cautiously held back, the Pope
also withdrew, having
breach.-]-

no inclination to step alone into the
wish there

He

was, however, most eager to be on friendly
in this
is

terms with France, and
his

no doubt that
part.

designs on

Ferrara played

an obvious

The

suppression of the Duke, his insubordinate vassal, which
had, ever since the time of Julius
II.,

been an important

item of the Papal

policy,

appeared to Leo to be more
but also

urgent than ever, because, not only at the time of the

French invasion
Urbino,

in

15 15,

during

the

war of

Duke Alfonso had made common
Holy
to

cause with

the enemies of the

See.|

Moreover, the subjection

of Ferrara appeared
juncture,
for

be especially desirable at this
that

Leo

X. was convinced

only by an
to be

increase of the States of the

Church was an end
they occupied

put to the

critical

position

between the

two

great

powers of

Europe.

Conscious of his
hitherto
left

own
him
of

weakness,

no

choice

had
to

been

to

except that of vacillating between these two powers, or
of

attaching

himself

one of them, at

the risk

being reduced to a state of servile dependence.

After

the possessions of the Church had been increased, on the
* NiTTI, 228
t
X
seq.,

234

seq.,

and Reichstagsakten,
I.,

II.,

42.

Baumgarten, Karl
Cf. Vol. VII. of this

V.,

191.
p. 144, n., for

work,

the Risposta alia invectiva,

B. 3

and

4.

SECRET TREATY WITH FRANCE.
death of Lorenzo, by the annexation of the

3

Duchy

of

Urbino and Pesaro, the only thing wanting to enable the

Holy See

to defend itself from friend

and

foe alike

was

the acquisition of Ferrara.*

Venice and France were the natural enemies of such a

predominance of the States of the Church
Italy,

in

Central

and Alfonso knew very well that he could count on
Nevertheless
it

the assistance of both these powers.

now

seemed
5 19,

as

if

France were willing to abandon so
ally as

faithful

and warlike an
1

Duke
the

Alfonso.

In

September,

a treaty, which was to be kept absolutely secret, was

made between Leo and
defend the interests of

new French
his

Ambassador,
weapons, both
Charles
the

Saint-Marceau, by which the former pledged himself to

France with

temporal and

spiritual,

and

to

refuse
in

to

investiture with the

crown of Naples

conjunction with
I.

that of the Empire.

On

his side Francis

promised to

defend the States of the Church with
Charles,

all his

might against
last clause

and

all

insubordinate vassals.

This

obviously referred to Ferrara, and Francis hesitated for a

long time before agreeing to
consented, and
the
treaty

it.

However, he

at

last

was signed on the 22nd of
this secret treaty,

October.f
Charles V.,

who knew nothing about
to

was

all

the time eagerly carrying on negotiations with the

Pope,

who understood how

ing out hopes of

hand by holda favourable agreement. But as soon
in

keep him

as the co-operation of Francis

had been apparently won by
to

the treaty of October,

Leo X. wished
not

make

use of the

advantages offered by the situation.

Nevertheless, chiefly

on account
* The above

of Venice, he did
is

dare to take open

from Nitti, 262

seg.

t Nitti, 254 seq., 258 seq. the
te.\t

This same investigator has published

of the treaty of October in Arch. Rom., X\'I., 229 seqq.

4
measures

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
against
Ferrara,

and

therefore

had

recourse
in

to subterfuges.

Without
* the

at first rousing

any suspicion

Alfonso's

mind

Pope

instigated a

sudden attack on

the Duke's capital
Ferrara.

by those

whom

he had banished from

However, the watchfulness of the Marquis of
frustrated the attempt.f
in

Mantua

Fortune was more propitious to the Pope

the measures

taken by him against the petty tyrants of the Marches of Ancona and Umbria, who had unlawfully usurped a

power exceeding that which had belonged to
decessors.

their

pre-

The constant complaints
by
these
for

of the people

who

were

oppressed

unscrupulous

and
for

riotous

despots had
measures.

In March, 1520,
for

some time been calling Leo considered
these to be taken
;

repressive

that the right

moment had come

and ere long

the tyrants of the Marches trembled

before the energy

which he displayed against them.J

Giovanni de' Medici

was commissioned
to subjection the

to

combine with the Bishop of Chiusi,

Niccolo Bonafede, the Governor of the Marches, to reduce

Lord of Fermo, Lodovico Uffreducci, son

of the criminal Oliverotto,
to death

who had been

treacherously put

by Cesare Borgia.

Lodovico defended himself like
life

a valiant condottiere, but lost both lands and

in

an

engagement at Monte Giorgio. Fermo then returned to the immediate dominion of the Pope, and the surrounding
* This
is

related in a
at

Despatch of Jan

14,

1520,

from the Este

Ambassador
t

Rome,

in

Balan,
5;

VI., 25.

GUICCIARDINI, XIII.,
V.,
I.,

PiSTOFlLO
;

in

Atti

Mod.,

III.,

516;
(VI.,

Baumgarten, Karl
25) to prove that

197

NiTTi, 270.

Balan's attempt

Leo X. was innocent of the attempt against Ferrara,
of available sources of information.
Cf.

seems useless

in the face

Semper,
"

Carpi, 14,

who maintains

that such breaches of peace were

allowed by the policy of the age.

See also LuziO'S Review of Pastor's

Leo X." in the Corriere della Sanuto, XXIX., 395. I

Sera, 1906,

No. 282.

FATE OF THE PETTY TYRANTS.
places banished Ufifreducci's representatives.*

5

Several of

the petty tyrants of the Marches met with the

same

fate

two, the Lords of Recanati and Fabriano, were put to

death

;

in

Benevento the supremacy of Ettore Severiano

was destroyed.
of these evil

The means used for ridding the Marches rulers must be condemned as equivocal and
;

wholly unworthy of a Pope
joiced at the result."
to restore peace

nevertheless, " the country reall

Niccolo Bonafede did
;

he could

and order

and the government of the

Papal

officials

proved to be "infinitely better than that of
despot

the lawless barons. "f It fared even worse

with

the

of

Perugia,

Leo X. had but Giampaolo vainly tried to attach him to his person I had met all his friendly advances with contempt. During and the Urbino war his attitude was more than suspicious
Giampaolo Baglioni, than with Uffreducci.
; ;

during the

trial

of Cardinal Petrucci a letter
his

came

to light

which revealed

complicity in the conspiracy.

The

endless brawls in
in

the house of Baglioni gave the Pope,

March, 1520, the desired opportunity of interfering, and
the

destroying
vassal.§

power of

this

dangerous and
to

disloyal

Giampaolo was summoned
in the

Rome
Ital.,

to give

an
286

*
seg.
;

C/.

Alfani, Mem. Perugine,
lib.

Arch. Stor.
II.,

XVI.,

2,

Jovius, Vita,

4

;

Amiani,

Mem di Fano,
1

123

;

FraCASSETTI,

Vita di N. Bonafede, Pesaro, 1832,
d.

17-166; Balan, VI., 26; Arch,

Soc. Rom., XIII., 222.
parties
in

As

to

the

measures taken against the

leaders of the

Fabriano and Recanati, see the *Report

of Ang. Germanello, dat.

Rome, March

24, 1520.

Gonzaga Archives,
162 seg., 167 seg.
;

Mantua.
t
\

Reumont,

III., 2,

109
di

;

FracaSSETTI,

op.

a'/.,

Vermiglioli, Vita

Malatesta IV. Baglioni, 27

SUGENHEIM,
II.,

421.
§

Cf.
f.

GUICCIARDINI, XIII.,

5

;

TiZiO, *Hist. Senen. in Cod. G.
;

38,

252 of the Chigi Library,
;

Rome

Fabretti, Capitani venturieri
i
;

deir Umbria, III., 221

Balan,

VI., 27, n.

CiPOLLA, 853

seg.

Cf.

6

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Perugia of his cousin

account of the banishment from

Gentile and the execution of his followers.

Giampaolo,

who was aware

of his guilt, would not obey the

summons,
charged

but sent his son Malatesta to

Rome

instead.

He

him to find out whether any serious action were really But so skilful was to be feared on the part of the Pope. in hiding his real intentions, that Giampaolo was Leo
persuaded by his friends, especially by Camillo Orsini,
to

go to Rome.

He
is

openly trusted to the protection of

that powerful

noble,

who had

just

before

married

his

daughter.

There
6th of

no proof that the Pope gave him a

safe-conduct.*

March Giampaolo entered Rome with a Next magnificent retinue, including several of the Orsini.

On

the

1

day he waited on the Pope, who was
St.

in

the Castle of

Angelo
him,

;

where, as soon as he entered the gate, the
arrested.

Castellan
tried

had him

The Governor

of

Rome

and both Cardinals Bibbiena and Armellini

urged that he should suffer the extreme punishment of
Fabronius, 309 BONAZZI, II., 74. As to the extraordinary CongreMarch 9, 1520, on account of Giampaolo Baglioni, see
;

gation held on

Ang. Germanello's reports
1520.

in

a *Letter dat. from Rome, March

10,

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

* The assertion that a " safe-conduct, written by Leo X. himself,"

was given, made by Sismondi (XIV.,

503),

Sugenheim
(III., 2,

(422),

De

Leva

(I.

92),

Gregorovius

(VIII., 247),

and Bonazzi

(II.,

78), is

pronounced of doubtful worth by
(VI., 27, n. 5) brings

Reumont
it

108).

Balan
it

forward against
is

a number of valid reasons, the
directly implies that
S.

most important of which

that
:

Alfani

was

not given by his remark (288)
" Baglione

"Si dice N.

aver detto che Giovan

Paolo andasse non avendo errato."
says
:

The Ferrara Ambassador merely

ed

altri

furono conducti dove sono da bone parole,"

This witness especially would have been sure to have mentioned a safe-conduct, had such existed. Ang. Germanello, in his *Report of

March

17 (Appendix,

conduct.

No. 16), says nothing about a Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

letter of safe-

THE OFFENCES OF BAGLIONI.
the law.*

7

When
alive."

the news of what had occurred reached

Perugia, his friends there considered

him

as already "

more
if

dead than
expected
;

In

Rome

his execution was generally

though there were some who thought that
all

he renounced

claim to the government of Perugia, he
liberty.f

might be

set at

However, the position of the

prisoner was aggravated, and the conditions of his captivity

made more
his to stir

severe,

on account of the discovery of a plot of
in the

up a revolution

Marches of Ancona.
light
in

There-

upon

his sons fled to the

Abruzzi and thence to Venice.^
to

Horrible revelations
trial,

came

the course of the

in addition

to the offences already brought against
§

him.

Sources above suspicion

relate

that

Giampaolo
In

was found guilty of coining, murder, and bloodshed.

any case the accused deserved the punishment of death, which was carried out in the night between the 2nd and
3rd of June.ll
*
Cf.

Giampaolo, who consoled himself
3,

in

prison

the

^Report of Ang. Germanello, April

1521.

Gonzaga
28, n.

Archives, Mantua.
t See Letter of Paolucci of
Cf. the

March

17, 1520, in

Balan, VI.,
521.

i.

*Diary

in

Cod. Barb.,

lat.

3552 (Vatican Library), and the
3,
1

letter

quoted (note supra) of Ang. Germanello of April
\

Letter of Paolucci, of
403.

March

20, in

Balan,

VI., 28, n.

3.

Cf.

Sanuto, XXIX.,

In Venice Giampaolo's sons at once allied

themselves to Francesco Maria della

Rovere, the consequences of

which were seen immediately after the death of Leo X. (see Alfani,
290, 292-293)
;

this also

proves that the accusation against their father

of an earlier understanding with Francesco Maria was only too well

founded.
5$

See especially the Letter of Paolucci of April

3,

1520,

who was
4,

certainly not biassed in favour of

Leo

X.,

BaLAN,

VI., 28, n.

and

the Venetian report in
II

SaNUTO, XXIX.,
in

406.
li

Jo.

Paulo Baglione

questa nolte a sette hore circa

fu tagliata la

testa (Paolucci,
in

June
309,

3,

1520, in

Balan,

VI., 29, n. i).
in his

So also Tizio
2

FabRONIUS,
4,
1

and Ang. Germanello

*Reports of June
to

and

52

1

(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).

According

him Baglioni

8

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

sinner.

by reading Ariosto's "Orlando Furioso,"* died a penitent Gentile Baglioni, who had been banished by
him, received his possessions.

Perugia retained only a

nominal

liberty, the

Legate, Silvio Passerini, Cardinal of

Cortona, being the actual governor.-j-

During these events, negotiations
triple alliance

for the

forming of a
fell

between the Pope, France, and Venice

through because of the refusal of the Signoria to accept
the clause agreed to by Francis
to
I.

in

October, relating
insubordinate

the

co-operation

against

the

Pope's

vassals, or, in other words, against Ferrara.J
It

was most important that just

at this crisis Charles

V.
the

should have sent a

new Ambassador

to

Rome

in

person of the Castilian, Juan Manuel,
was "al primo
a
S.

who had "grown
;

revellino,"

beheaded

in the Castle

*el corpo fo portato
in

Maria Traspontina, benche prima fosse deliberate ponerlo

publico,

ma
1

el

papa ad

le

preci

del

S.

Renzo da Ceri revoco
In

dicta

deliberatione

{cf.
1,

Sanuto, XXIX.,
specifies

603).

a second *Report of
Allidoi
in

June
Barb.

4,

52

Germanello

the hour of execution:
Cf. the
2),

del presente
lat.

ad hore doi e meza de nocte.

*Diary

Cod.

3552 (beheading of Baglioni on June
Safifa (detto

Vatican Library,

and the *Letter of Stefano
June
6,

TEremita), dated from

Rome,
{loc.

1520,

who

states explicitly that

Baglioni went to confession

before he was put to death (State Archives, Modena).
«/.), following

Alfani

Fabretti and Gregorovius

(VII., 247), erroneously

places the execution on June 11.

A

*Letter of Fabrizio Pellegrino,

dated from Rome, June
event
:

7,

1520, speaks as follows about this thrilling

Da

molti

e judicato

chel

papa non habia voluto andar
;

in

processione per paura de non esser morto

el se

vede per

le

guardie

grande.

(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)

Even

in

October and December

the Pope feared traps on the part of the Baglioni's relative, Camillo
Orsini (Sanuto,

XXIX.,

342, 423).

* Paolucci,
work, 398
seq..,

in

a *letter of
:

May

26,

1520, quoted Vol. VII. of this
si

reports thus

Joan Paulo Baione vive
State Archives,
;

come intendo

et si fa legiere

Orlando

furioso.

Modena.
81 seqq.

t VermiGLIOLI,

loc. cit.,

31 seq.

BONAZZI,

II.,

X NlTTl, 266 seqq.

NEW AMBASSADOR FROM CHARLES
grey
in

V.

9

diplomacy," and proved to be as astute as he was

energetic*
reaching
entered
I520.f

Being

provided with

full

instructions,

far-

powers,

Rome

with great

and plenty of money, Juan Manuel pomp on the iith of April,
received

The Pope

him
to

very
in

amicably,
his

and

Cardinal Medici invited
the Cancelleria.

him

dwell

palace at

Manuel presented the draft of a treaty, with the proviso that not one word of it was to be altered,! But more than a year went by before any agreement was effected. In the general obscurity of
the situation
it

cannot

cause

surprise

that

the

Pope

should for some time

have vacillated between Charles
last

and Francis.§

If at

he decided
it

in less

favour of the

Emperor, and against Francis,

was

on account of

the prospect held out by an alliance with the former of

an increase of the States of the Church, than because
of two other

momentous

reasons, namely, the extreme im-

prudence of the French King, and the consideration of the

blow given to the authority of the Pope by the Lutheran

movement in Germany. The first disturbance in the relations between Rome and France came at the beginning of 1520, in consequence of
the illegal pretensions of Francis
* BaumGARTEN, Karl
Urrea, had died
Grassis in
V.,
I.

to the guardianship of

I.,

Histor. Jahrb., VI., 551 seq.
in

197. Cf. 281 scq., and HoFLER, in the The former Spanish Ambassador, Pedro
cf.

15 18;

as to his haughty bearing,

Paris

de

Hoffmann,

401 seq.

t Sanuto, XXVIII., 423. Cf.., together with the witnesses quoted by GreGOROVIUS (VIII., 250) and liAUMGARTEN (I 282), the ^Report of
,

Ang. Germanello of April
Appendix, No.
17,

11,

1520 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua),

in

and the *Letter of the Este Ambassador, Paolucci,
State Archives,

Rome,
\

1520, April 11.

Modena.
Charles V., dated Rome, 1520,

" Sin
12.

mudar

palabra."
i.

Manuel
60.

to

May

NiTTi, 303, n.
II.,

§ Reichstagsakten,

10

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal Bibbiena,

Catherine de' Medici.*

who had

just

returned from France,f seems to have smoothed over this

misunderstanding

;

but Leo X. soon had fresh reasons for

complaint against his confederate.

While carrying on

his

negotiations for forming a league between

Rome, France,
his

and Venice, he learned
patronage of the
in

to his bitter experience that Francis
his

had no intention of keeping

word and renouncing
Moreover, the
his

Duke

of Ferrara.:^

spirit

which the French King meant to keep
in

solemn

pledges

regard to the Turkish war, was revealed

when

the Pope asked his help on behalf of Rhodes, upon which
the Sultan Selim was meditating an attack.
refused
all

Francis flatly

assistance.

Moreover, constant complaints came from Milan of the

French encroachments on

the

rights

of

the

Church.||

Almost
more
cessions

as

if

these offences gave
I.

him the

right to ask for

favours, Francis
;

was

for ever seeking for fresh con-

and

if

these were not at once granted, he used
In the

the most violent threats.

autumn
First,

of 1520 he

showed

so

little

consideration towards the Pope that his imprudence

can cause nothing but surprise.
prolongation by five years

he demanded the
of

of the

office

Legate

in

France

for

Cardinal Gouffier de Boissy.

Not content with

obtaining this extraordinary concession, he took the opportunity of trying to enforce the discontinuance of his
protection of the rights of the Legate
* See the Letter of Giulio
Staffileo, Jan. 7, 1520, in

of Avignon.

In

de'

Medici to the French Nuncio G.
n. i.
;

NiTTi, 326,

t Cf. Bandini, Bibbiena, yj seqq.

LuziO-Renier, Mantova,

241.
in

About

his reception in Consistory, Jan- g, 1520, see Paris

de Grassis

Hoffmann,
Cf.
I

441

;

Acta Consist,
lat.

in

Kalkoff, Forschungen,

71 seq.

*Diary

in

Cod. Barb.,

3552, Vatican Library.

NiTTI, 272.

§
II

See Despatch of Paolucci, June

3,

1520, in

Balan, VL,
1

30.

GuicciARDiNi, XIV.,

I.

Cf.

Raynaldus,

52

1,

n. 78.

DISPUTE WITH FRANCIS
vain did the Pope
his

I.

II

make

friendly remonstrances

through

In vain did he Nuncios, Staffileo and Rucellai.* comply with the King's demands so far as to remove the written clause in the stipulation, and allow the word of

Francis to

suffice.

Suggestions were bandied about on

both sides from

September

to

December without

any

agreement being arrived atf But even while this dispute was going on, Francis I. picked another quarrel with the

Holy

See.

He

suddenly forbade

the

proclamation

in

France of the Bull of

Maundy Thursday,
it

with the com"

mand

that

whoever attempted to carry
"

out

should be

drowned."

The
be

Pope," wrote
it

Cardinal

Medici to the

French Nuncio,
threat,
lest

" thinks

better to

he

carried

make no reply to this away by anger. Therefore,

should the King repeat the intimation in your presence, you must reply pleasantly that such a threat is not likely to make the Sacred College anxious to comply with other
requests of
his,

whether
This

it

be about a Cardinal's hat or

anything

else.":!:

last

remark led

to another quarrel,

which burst out at the beginning of the year.

At

this

time Charles V. asked

for the red
la

hat for the

Bishop of Liege, Eberhard de

Mark

;

while almost

simultaneously Francis requested the same for his relative,

Jean d'Orleans, Archbishop of Toulouse.
petition of the

Hearing of the

Emperor, the French King declared that on
to the elevation to the purple
his mortal

no account would he consent
of the Bishop of Liege,

who was
seq.

enemy.

Con-

*

Cf.

PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 58

t Manoscr. Torrig.,

XXV., 387

seq.

;

SanutO, XXIX., 288,447-448.
was prolonged
I.,

On
for

July 22,

1

5 19,

the dignity of Papal Legate in France
to Francis

one year.
St.

See *Brief of Leo X.

dated July 22, 1519.

Archives of
Vatican.
X

Angelo, Arm. IV., caps. L,

n. 16,

Secret Archives of the

Manoscr. Torrig., XXV., 390.

12

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

sequently,

Leo X.

tried to persuade Charles to

renounce

the candidature which was so hateful to France, and accept instead the nomination of Eberhard to the Archbishopric

of Valencia.

As

this

compromise was not accepted, the
cardinals' hats, but neither to this

Pope Pope

offered

two other

alternative

would the Emperor consent.

Thereupon the

tried to conciliate Francis

by the promise of the

appointment of two French Cardinals if he would give up his opposition to the elevation of Eberhard de la Mark. But
this

proposal was declined.

Francis maintained his

pretensions that the

Pope must make no appointment
the risk
of a quarrel

against his wishes, even at

being

caused between Charles and the Holy See.

The French

King carried his arrogance still further by requiring of the Pope a declaration of his intentions toward the Duke of Ferrara, and demanding the restoration of Modena and
Reggio
to that prince.

In vain did the King's best friend,

the prudent Cardinal Bibbiena, warn

him against going

too far; Francis remained firm in his contention that on

no account should Eberhard be made a Cardinal.*
In the autumn, a

Leo X. believed

that he had at last found

way

of pacifying the exacting French King.j-

A

Con-

sistory

was held on the 17th of September,

at

which the

requests for Cardinals' hats

and England were considered.
to the purple
on.

made by the Emperor, France, The Pope proposed that

Jean d'Orleans, Archbishop of Toulouse, should be raised
;

and

this

The
Cf.

publication

of

was the only elevation decided this decision was left in the

*

Letter of Bibbiena,
137, 395,

May

Sanuto, XXVIII., ROTH, II., n. 282,
Soc. de Liege,
t
III.,

19, 1520, in MOLINI, I., 84-85 435; XXIX., 123, 144, 164; Bergen-

;

283,
la

284;

Baumgarten, Karl
cf.

V.,

I.,

289-290.

About Eberhard de

Mark,

Demarteau

in the Confer,

de

la

75 seq.

About

the threats of the French, see NiTTi, 324.

ARROGANCE OF THE FRENCH.
hands of His Holiness.
the

1

As regarded
Leo
X,

the promotion of

Bishop

of

Liege,
it

declared

emphatically

that he would grant

only subject to the consent of

Francis I* Charles V. alone could have found cause for complaint
in this last

concession to France.

Judge then the astonish-

ment of the Pope when, not
grievance of
it
!

Charles, but Francis,

made

a

The French King and

his adherents in

Rome
their

believed that, owing to the revolt of the towns in

Spain, the whole of the world, including the Pope, was in

hands.f

Acting

in

this

spirit,

Francis
at all

I.

declared

that the fact of the
in

Pope having spoken

— especially

Consistory

— about
his

the elevation of the Bishop of Liege,

was an attack on

own

person.

Leo X. had remained

unmoved
all

in the face of the

continuous and complete want
Instead of gratitude for his
17,

of consideration on the part of France; but his anger was

the

more
to the

violent now.

* As

Consistory of September

see Letters of the French

Nuncio of
396
this
sey.
; ;

Sept. 26
c/.

and Oct.

394-395.

Manoscr. Torrig., XXV., 393, BaUMGARTEN, Karl V., I. 291, has overlooked
10, 1520, in

hence his mistaken statement as

to the

day and resolution of the

Consistory.

The

inexplicable statement in

Baumgarten

that

Manuel

reported, as early as the 12th of September, concerning a Consistory

held about the promotions of Cardinals,

is

explained by the fact that the

Consistory of the 17th was preceded by one which discussed the
subject, see

same

Manoscr. Torrig., XXV., 394.
is

on the 17th of Sept.
Archives
brevity,

That a Consistory was held confirmed by the *Acta Consist. (Consistorial
which
this

of

the

Vatican),
report

unfortunately,

for

the

sake

of

docs
the
n.

not

on

matter.
of

There must be a mis-

take
III.,

in
I,

translation

of the

letter

Campeggio

in
in

993.

See also the unsatisfactory statement

BREWER, Sanuto,
ut sibi

XXIX.,

195.

+ " Galli

miro gaudio exultant atque iubilant

et

adeo insolenter

totius terrarum orbis

imperium

in

manibus habere videantur."
26, 1520;

Report
i,

of Gigli to
994.
C/.

Wolsey from Rome, Sept.
II., n.

Brewer,

III.,

n.

Bergenroth,

293.

14

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
most outrageous

concessions, he received nothing but the

complaints and injurious threats.
Pontificate,

Never, during his whole

had His Holiness been so incensed, wrote
French Nuncio, Rucellai.
of such servitude as forbade to

Cardinal Medici to the

The
him

Pope repudiated the idea

freedom of speech even with the College of Cardinals.*
Obviously the elevation to the purple of the Archbishop
of Toulouse was

now postponcd.f
;

Nevertheless no formal
it

breach with France ensued

on the contrary,

seemed
ever.

to

the uninitiated that, in spite of all differences, the relations

between France and Leo X. were closer than
in his

But

inmost heart the Pope had turned his back for good

and

all

on Francis
"

I.

Unmistakable
French
able as enemies."

facts

had

convinced
allies as

Leo X.

that

the

were as unbearable as

they were formid-

This bitter though dearly-bought ex-

perience ripened in the Pope's mind the resolution he had

formed to regain the temporal and
were

spiritual

independence

of the Holy See by driving the French out of Italy.

There

many

other reasons in favour of an alliance with the
his help

Emperor, the chief of which was that
Probably the

was indispen-

sable against the anti-Papal Lutheran revolt in Germany.;}:
skilful and prudent Cardinal Bibbiena might found means to reconcile the Pope to Francis L,

have

still

but at this crucial

moment

that

most zealous champion of
Court was
laid

French
illness

interests at the

Roman

low by an

which was ere long to carry him to
as to be ready for
Rucellai,

his grave.

He
in

died on the 9th of November, 1520.

So

any event, the Pope decided,
i,

* Medici to
396-397t Sanuto,

Oct.

1520.

Manoscr. Torrig.,

XXV.,

XXIX.,

307, 514
;

;

NiTTI, 325,

n. 3.
II.,

X NiTTi, 326, 330
Einleitung, 242, 252.

seg.

Ulmann,

Studien,

111-112.

C/.

Lanz,

PROPOSALS OF FRANCIS
October, to
mercenaries.*

I.

1

take

into

his

service

six

thousand Swiss
told

On

the 2nd of that
that

month he

the

Imperial Ambassador Manuel

he had sent to his

Nuncio and Raffaello
with the Emperor.

de'

Medici the draft of a new alliance
that of an offensive

The scheme was
months
later.

alliance against France, such, indeed, as

was with few

altera-

tions carried out eight
sincerity,

As

a proof of his

Leo X. offered that a man trusted by the German Ambassador should be hidden under a bed during the
which
Saint- Marceau,

negotiations

the

new

Envoy

of

Francis

I.,

was

to carry

on with the Pope.f
Morette,

Saint-Marceau,
arrived in

who

relieved the less capable

Rome on

the 17th of October, 1520.

His pro-

posals were

startling.

Francis

I.,

they ran, wished to

conquer Naples, not
a bait to the

for himself, but for a third party.

As

Pope he

offered to

him a portion of the

kingdom of Naples and
on
this,

Ferrara.

J

The

negotiations, based

dragged on

till

the end of January, 1521.

At

last

a secret agreement was

made

that the

Pope should accept

Ferrara and a strip of the Neapolitan coast extending as
far as the Garigliano, while the

kingdom of Naples proper
I.§

should go to the second son of Francis
Francis was given
facilities

In return

for passing

through the lines
II., 61.

* Eidgenoss. Abschiede,

III., 2,
;

1264

;

Reichstagsakten,
II., n.

t Report of Manuel, Oct. 2

see

Bergenroth,

299,

and NiTTi,

335 seq.
X

See Bernays

in the

Reichstagsakten,

II., 60, n.

i,

containing the

authentic proof.
§

a copy
1519.

Bergenroth (II., n. 267) in Rome made by order
been
fully

gives an epitome of this compact from
of Philip
to
II.,

but places

it

in the

year

That the compact belongs

1521,

and was

really

concluded
II.,

then, has
61, n.
5.

proved by Bernays

in the

Reichstagsakten,
V.,
I.,

Thus

the opinion of

B.-^UMGARTEN (Karl

367)

and

NiTTi (361-362),
falls to

that Saint-Marceau's mission

was without any

results,

the ground.

1

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of the six thousand Swiss mercenaries, the half of whose

pay he undertook to provide.* Francis I. had no idea of carrying out what he thus
pledged himself to do.
a willing ear to those
as possible, the Papal

For a long time he had been lending

who

advised him to weaken, as far
in

power

Italy.

He

did not intend
or
;

that

either

the portion of the Neapolitan coast
fall

the

Duchy

of Ferrara should

to the Pope's share

on the

contrary, the French Court planned the complete

dismem-

berment of the States of the Church.
mentioned

After

Leo X. had

helped with the conquest of Naples, the strip of sea-coast
in the agreement was to be given to Venice. At the same time the Medici ascendancy in Florence was to be overthrown, and the separation of Bologna, Perugia, and the Romagna from the States of the Church effected by placing them under the rule of different small dynasties.f

The
to

details of these projects X., but

were only very partially known

Leo

he suspected double-dealing on the part of

the French King, and fought

him with

his

own weapons.
was

Nearly at the same time as the Pope was carrying on
these
secret

transactions

with

Saint-Marceau, he
;

negotiating with the Emperor's representative
repetition

in

fact a

was going on of the double-dealing policy of January, 1519.+ On the nth of December, 1520, Leo X.
exchanged with Manuel a written assurance that for three months neither party had concluded any agreement
contrary to the interests of the other, and that he would
not do so during the next three months.
* Eidgenoss. Abschiede,
Reichstagsakten,
II.,

This pledge

IV.,
i-

i,

10 seq., 14;

Sanuto, XXX., 26;

62-63, "•

t Cf. the interesting treatise of G. Salles,
si^cle,

Un

traitre

au

XVI™^

Clement Champion, valet de chambre de Francois
d. quest, hist., 1900, II.,

T", in the

Revue
\

56 seq.
p.

See Vol. VII. of

this

work,

271.

THE POPE ESTRANGED FROM FRANCIS

I.

1

was renewed some time between the middle of March, 521, and the end of April, notwithstanding the secret
1

treaty between the

Pope and France made

in

January.*

With the utmost skill the diplomatic Medici had once more succeeded in coming to an agreement with both rivals at
once.

As soon

as the six

thousand Swiss had arrived

in

the Papal States, which should be at the beginning of April, the Pope could
security.-j-

make

his

irrevocable decision with

more

That

this final decision

was adverse
fault, for

to

France

was mostly the French King's own
binding the Pope to him
territorially,

instead of

he had

in his

blindness

driven him into the arms of his antagonist.;};

The agreement with France was
after the adhesion to
it

to be carried out only
this

of

Venice

;

and while

was being

Pope became more and more doubtful whether the promise of the French King to help him to
negotiated,

the

conquer Ferrara had any sincerity
further towards the Emperor.

in

it.§

This state of

uncertainty estranged him from Francis, and drove him

Each day the
to him.||

necessity of

the help of the latter for the suppression of the Lutheran
revolt

became more apparent
as he arrived in

As soon

importance of the anti-Papal movement
factor in the Pope's attitude

Rome, Manuel recognized the in Germany as a towards Charles. As early as
visit

the

1

2th of

May,

1520, he gave his Imperial master the
to

advice to refrain, during his
* BeRGENROTH,
II., n.

Germany, from any
V.,
I.,

312

;

B.\UMGARTEN, Karl
i,

420, 431.

t Eidgenoss. Abschiecle, IV.,
I

31

;

Reichstagsakten,

II., 63.

§
II

Reumont, III., 2, 118. Sec Bernays in Reichstagsakten,
Jovius
(Vita,
lib.
is

II.,

62, n.

4)

has already pointed this out.
present,

Ulmann
however

(Studien,
little

II.,

112)

also of opinion that "for the

may be known, we must

hold that the consideration of the interests
little

of the faith of the

Church conduced not a

to

make common cause
2

between the Pope and the Emperor."

VOL.

VIII.

1

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as Brother

marks of favour towards a certain monk known Martin, or the Elector Frederick of Saxony.

Leo had,

he said, quite an extraordinary fear of Brother Martin, for

he preached against the Pope, and was considered to be very learned. Manuel thought that this might be turned
to account in compelling

Leo

to conclude a treaty

;

though

he was of opinion that such pressure should be applied
only in the event of the Pope's hesitating to sign or else

breaking the treaty.*
It is

not

known what Charles

replied

to this piece of

advice.

In Manuel's reports up to the end of December

there

is

a great deal said about a political alliance between
affair
all
;

Pope and Emperor, but no mention of the Lutheran
though
reports.
it

is

fair

to say that

we do not possess
be
said

the

It

cannot

therefore

with

certainty

whether Manuel did use the weapon which
revolt

this religious
all

afforded against

the

Pope.

It

is

not at

im-

probable that an unprincipled politician like the

German

representative should, even without the explicit consent of
his master, utilize, in the course of the protracted negotiations, a

circumstance which proved the

Pope's

absolute
in

dependence on the assistance of the Emperor
important matter.
to use the

this

He

would, however, have been certain

weapon with diplomatic prudence, employing
though not
difficult to interpret.

hints, covert,

After the adverse judgment had
June, the Pope himself could

fallen
fail

on

Luther

in

not

to see

how much

depended

in this affair on the attitude of the Emperor. However, although the news from Germany became more and more alarming, Leo X. was such an experienced

diplomatist

that

he

carefully

avoided

anything which

could betray his great need of help.f
* Bergenroth,
t
II., n.

279.

Even Pallavicino

(I., c.

25) expresses the opinion that the

Pope

CONCESSIONS TO CHARLES
That
is

V.

1

at that

time he desired the favour of the Emperor,
tenacity about the idea of raising the
in spite of

shown by

his

Bishop of Liege to the purple,
resistance

the obstinate

and threats of Francis.*
certain

shown by the granting of
Inquisition in Aragon.

The same spirit was concessions demanded by
the action of the
is

Charles about Briefs which hampered

That Leo complied unwillingly
his consent.

shown by the gradual manner of
withdraw the Briefs
in

On

the 12th

of December, 1520, he declared bis willingness to partially

question; but only on the i6th of

January, 1521, did he consent to do so entirely.f
13th of December, 1520,

On

the

Manuel was nevertheless able to send the Emperor the much-desired Brief against Antonio de Acuna, Bishop of Zamora, who was implicated in the
Spanish
revolt.;):

Meanwhile the Emperor had
Lutheran Bull
in

loyally carried out the anti-

the Netherlands^
in

At

his coronation at

showed great reserve
lest

appealing

for secular assistance against Luther,

he should betray his helplessness and individual weakness, thereby
it

letting

be seen

how much he depended on
affairs.

the

Emperor for assistance,
for

and thus give him the opportunity of reaping some advantage
himself
in

Italian
8,

This opinion
:

is

manifest

in

Aleander's

report of Feb.

1521, in which he says

"

I

know

that in

Rome

they

are most anxious to conceal the importance of the

affair, lest

occasion
n.

be given to the Imperialists
36
;

to set their foot

on our neck."
7^.

Balan,
(VI.,

— " Non sono a resolvermi a chosa alcuna finche non veda che csito havera cjuesta dicta imperiale — refers to the
believes that Leo's utterance
"

Brieger,

n.

6

;

Kalkoff, Aleander,

Balan

38)

Lutheran

affair.
il

Only the words given before
cattolico
in his
1
1

(31, n.

i)— "et quando

se resolvcssc

Re

volere venire a prehender la corona, etc."

show that he had * C/. supra, p.
t
+

mind

the Emperor's journey to

Rome.

seq.

Llorente,

I.,

481.

Cf.

Baumgarten,

Karl V.,

I.,

Bergenroth, II., n. 317. 462. Cf. Hofler, Antonio de Acuna,

Vienna, 1882.
§

See Vol. VII. of

this work, p. 420.

20

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Aix on the 23rd of October, he swore to hold fast by the Holy Catholic Faith as delivered to the Apostles, and to show due submission and fidelity to the Pope and Holy Roman See. A few days later the Archbishop of Mayence read aloud a Papal Brief to the effect that the Pope had
given to the King, as formerly to Maximilian
of
"
I.,

the

title

Emperor-elect of the Romans."*
the 14th of

On

November Leo X. answered
"

the letter of

Charles, written on the day of his coronation,
notified that event
:

by which he
in

As

there are two planets in heaven."

the

Pope

said, " the

sun and the moon, which surpass

brilliancy all the stars, so are there
earth, the

two great dignitaries on

are subject and

Pope and the Emperor, owe obedience."

to

whom

all

other princes

The

letter

ended by an
whole

exhortation to Charles to remain a loyal son of the Church.f

There seemed no doubt that Charles would
duty as protector of the Church, as
far as the

fulfil

his

Lutheran movereports
let
;

ment was concerned.

"

The Emperor," Aleander
"

from Cologne at the beginning of November,
he stands firm on our side."

does not

himself be led away by Hutten's anti-Roman agitation

Aleander had nothing but
Cologne.

good
of

to report about the Catholic zeal of the Archbishops

Mayence,

Treves,

and

With

his

usual

optimism, he believed that he would even be able to come

round the Elector of Saxony.|

*
t

Cf.

Janssen-Pastor,
II.,

II.i*,

148, 150.

Bergenroth,

n.

380.

The Papal

Brief paraphrases

the

thoughts concerning the co-operation of the two supreme powers of

Christendom which are expressed

in the credentials of

Manuel (Lanz,
Leo
i,

Mon. Habsburg,
n.

II.,

177 seq^.
is

The

original letter of Charles V. to
II.,

X. about his coronation
59 (quoted
j
in

in the

Vatican Archives, Arm.,
II., 102).

caps,

Reichstagsakten,

See the Letter of Aleander, Nov.
;

6,

1520, in Reichstagsakten,

II.,

461

see Vol. VII. of this work, p. 421.

THE REPORTS FROM GERMANY.

21

This and the other news from Germany * had such a
soothing effect in

Rome

that a deceptive security prevailed.

On

the 3rd of December, 1520, Cardinal Medici wrote to
letter full of joyful praise,

Aleander a

congratulating him

on the activity he had shown, and thanking him, in the name of the Pope, for the welcome news he sent of the

good dispositions of the Germans, and

their devotion to the

Holy

See, as

shown by

their attitude

towards the new

Arius or Mahomet,
mind."-]-

"whom

might God bring to a right
reports

But

to

these

glowing

of

Aleander's
It

there

succeeded others which caused

much

anxiety.

was with

amazement

that

Rome

learned the proportions which the

anti-Roman movement had assumed in Germany. Very great alarm was caused by the intelligence that the good intentions of the young Emperor were hampered by
political considerations,

immediate surroundings.

and the temporizing spirit of his Consternation was caused by
eff"orts

Aleander's news that his

to

obtain an imperial

mandate against Lutheran
decided
that
refusal

books had been met by a
imperialists,

from

the

who maintained
to
at

Luther
to

must be heard
Diet.:|:

and

appeal

the

The Pope ignored

must be allowed this, and

the end of December proposed to Manuel that Luther should receive a safe-conduct to Rome, where a body
*

On
:

Nov.

24,

1520, Achille

Borromeo sent

to

the

Marquis of
it

Mantua a
said

report from Cologne, dated Nov. 10, 1520, in

which

was

*Martin Luter 6 stato danato
la

per ereticho de qui et questo
li

perche

M*' Ces. insieme con
el

li

elector!

a posto le
so
aria

mane

salvo

che Sassonia,

quale credo che anchora

lui

remesso, se

non fusse
ducha
col

stato tre o quatro de quelli soi favoriti di quali spero chel

tempo

li

dara

la

punitione che merita per esser nemichi de

la fade cristiana.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
rcf,, n. 5.
;

t
I

Balan, Mon.

Letter of Aleander, Dec. 14, 1520

Balan,

n.

i

i

;

Brieger,

n. i.

22
of

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

men

should be selected to speak and dispute with

him.*

Meanwhile the term
expired, and the

set

for

Luther's recantation

had

Pope issued a new Bull against him on the 3rd of January, 1521. By it the excommunication
threatened in June was

now pronounced, because

of the
;

obstinate persistence in error of himself and his followers

and the places
interdict.-j-

in

which he resided were placed under an

In the middle of January there arrived

news of

the successful results which Aleander had obtained from

Emperor on the 29th of December.^ The news also came that, by burning the Bull Exsurge and the books of
the

canon law,
death. §

Luther had given the signal of war to the
the i8th of January, 1521, the
a

On

Pope sent

to

the

Emperor

formal

and urgent request to have the
execution throughout Germany.
this Brief, the

Bull of excommunication against Luther published, and a

general edict issued for

its

Let the Emperor, so ran
fought against heresy.

remember the example of

earlier

work of Sadoleto, Emperors, who always

Let him also remember how God

had blessed him, young as he was, and had confided to him
the sword of the greatest power in the world.
in vain if

He

wore

it

he did not employ

it

against infidels and

heretics.]!

Similar letters were sent

to

Charles's confessor, Glapion,
In sending these letters

and several princes of the Empire.

on the 28th of January, Cardinal Medici declared that the

Pope and the Sacred College were
* Letter of Manuel, Dec. 31, 1520,
t Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, p. 415.
X

full

of praise of the holy

in

Bergenroth,

II., n.

314.

Cf. Vol.

VII. of

this

work,
18,

p. 426.

% Cf.'va.

Appendix, No.

the *Report of F. Pellegrino, dated from

Rome,
II

Jan. 15, 1521.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
;

Sadoleti
;

Epist., 95 seqq.
n. 13
;

FoRSTEMANN, Neues Urkundenbuch,
II.,

27-29

Balan,

Reichstagsakten,

495, n.

i.

THE "TWO CONFLAGRATIONS."
zeal

2^

which was so near same occasion Aleander was sent a bill of exchange which was nearly as welcome to him as were the letters sent by the same messenger.*
in this affair,

shown by the Emperor

to all their hearts alike.

On

the

In

special

letters

to

Aleander of the

ist

and 6th of

February,

1521,

Aleander was

instructed

Medici to forcibly point out to

by Cardinal the Emperor that the
his affair as that of the

Lutheran movement was as much

Pope and Holy See, because the
as

religious innovators

were

much

set

on the overthrow of the authority of the
Therefore, the dearest

Empire

as on that of the Church.

personal interests of Charles and the princes of the Empire

demanded

the suppression of the

new

doctrines.

On
St.

the

6th

of

February a

Consistory

was held

at

Angelo, at which the Pope gave directions for dealing

with two conflagrations which had broken out.

The

first

he described as the menace to the States of the Church

from plundering bands of soldiers, against
in case of necessity,

whom

he would,

employ the
;J:

six thousand Swiss

whose

The other conflagration was the had hired. movement to which Luther and his followers had given rise. The Pope told the Cardinals that they would do well to draw up a memorial to send to the Emperor about this.
services he

Some

of the Cardinals were of opinion that Schonberg had

better deliver this document,
* Balan, Mon.
ref., n.

and that when

this

had been

16.

At the same time the Pope granted the
to the Inquisition in

Emperor's request relating
p. 19
;

Aragon

;

see supra,

cf.

Bergenroth,
letter

II., n.

317, 318.

On

Jan. 30, 1521, the Venetian
that

Ambassador reported
Magliana, a
di se, le qual letere

that the

Pope had on

day received,
il

at

from Germany by courier, "e lecte
erano
di

Papa

ste sopra

Alemagna," Sanuto, XXIX., 615.
letter
it

Unhere

fortunately

it

cannot be established which

was which
lost.

is

alluded
f
\

to, for

Aleander's despatches of January, 1521, are

Balan,

n. 17, 18.

Cf. supra, p. 16.

24
done,

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
two or three Cardinal-Legates might be sent to
the

Germany.*

On

13th of February

Leo X. pointed out most
if

forcibly to

Manuel the

evil

consequences, not only to the
Luther's

Papacy, but also to the power of the Empire,
errors
in

were not uprooted.

Afterwards the Pope proposed

Consistory the mission of several Cardinal-Legates to

the Diet, though the plan was abandoned in consequence
of Aleander's representations to the contrary.f

At

that time the Lutheran affair occupied the

mind of

the Pope almost to the exclusion of anything

Venetian Ambassador J

The else. Leo spent many hours in reading a work against Luther, probably that written by the Dominican, Ambrogio Catarino.§ The question of an
testifies

that

alliance
chiefly

with the
politics,

Emperor, which

had hitherto turned

on

now

received a

point

of view of what
his

the

new importance from the Emperor could do against

Luther and

followers.||

On

the

25th of February

Manuel wrote

to tell his

master

how very much Leo had

the Lutheran affair at heart, so that his chief object in
desiring an interview with the

Emperor was to concert with him as to what measures could be taken to protect the Church against the attacks of Luther.lf On the same day that Manuel made this report, the Pope sent to the Emperor
an adulatory
letter.

From what he

could learn from the

Nuncios, he said, he could see with joy that His Majesty

* Acta Consist,
t
I

in Kalkoff, Forschungen, 81. Bergenroth, II., n. 320; Balan, n. 41 Brieger, Sanuto, XXIX., 650 seg'.
;

n. 13.

§

Apologia pro veritate cath. et apost.
III.,

fidei,

appeared

in

December,
n.
i,

1520; see Enders,

105,

119; Kalkoff, Aleander, 87,

About A. Catarino, see
II

ififra, p. 252.

NlTTI, 368-369.

IF

Bergenroth,

II., n.

322.

LETTERS TO THE PRINCES OF GERMANY.
was
rivalling Constantine,

2$
in

Charlemagne, and Otto

his
for

zeal for the

honour of the Church, and he praised God
In an autograph postscript,
that, if

thus inspiring him.

reminded the Emperor
sword and buckler
letters in the
in

Leo X. necessary, he could take up
Laudatory
spiritual

defence of the Church.*

same

strain

were sent to various
at

secular princes of

Germany ;-f and

and the same time the two
Court.;]:

Nuncios were formally re-accredited to the German

When he sent these documents on the 3rd of March, Cardinal Medici repeated his injunction to Aleander to do
everything to convince the Emperor that the innovators
did not aim only at overthrowing the Church, but that,
after the

manner of the
power
as

Hussites, they wished to destroy
well.

the

imperial

He

praised

Aleander's

discourse before the Diet as a brilliant and

most

useful

performances

The news
excitement

that, in spite of all the Nuncios' remonstrances,

Luther was to be called before the Diet, caused great
in

Rome.

The Pope

laid

down

his

exact

position in the matter of the

sequestration of Lutheran

books, in a special instruction which he sent to the Nuncios
in the

second half of March.

In this he took his stand on

the fact that Luther, having been lawfully sentenced, could

not be admitted to a public examination.
the

Nevertheless

Emperor might
n. 26.

lawfully grant

him

a private interview
the ist of

* Balan,
see
t
I

Manuel forwarded the Brief on
II., n.

March

;

Bergenroth,
Balan,
n. 27,

324.
in

already pubhshed
to
;

SadOLETI

Epist., loi sc^.

This was due
n. 21

an expostulation of Aleander's on the 12th of
n. 7).

Feb. (Balan,
the omission

Brhcger,

Medici replied on Feb. 26 that
of consideration for Aleander,

had not arisen from want
it.

but because he had not asked for

Neither had Caracciolo been
to

mentioned

;

but he always
afifair

left

Aleander
28
;

speak as the chief agent
82, n. 2).

in

the Lutheran
§

(Balan,

n.

Kalkoff, Aleander,

Balan,

n. ^z-

26

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
might,
if

without witnesses, and
errors,

he

acknowledged

his

promise him the Pope's pardon, or else give him

a safe-conduct to

Rome,

or

to

the

Spanish

Inquisition.
left

Should Luther accept none of
to

these, there

was nothing

be done except to send him back with his safe-conduct,
his followers.

and then proceed with energy against him and

As regarded
it

the previous sequestration of Lutheran books,
to

was agreed that nothing could be done except
publicly,

burn

them

should

Luther
of praise

refuse
for

to

recant.
far

The
been
affair;

Emperor was worthy
emphatic

having so
in

in his protection of the

Church

this

but he should be warned not to retreat now, in the middle
of his course.*

The

plan of

summoning Luther

before the Diet pained
;

and disturbed the Pope very much

for hitherto the

young

Emperor had been
himself
able
to

the only person on

whom

he believed
juncture,

rely.

However, even at

this

Leo X. did not forget the exigencies of diplomatic prudence. He allowed Manuel to perceive his fear lest the Emperor
should
give
in

too much, without betraying his need of

help and the greatness of his anxiety.f

Cardinal Medici

was more
Aleander.

forcible

what he wrote to The goodwill of the Emperor is not in itself
explicit
in
in a letter of the

and

enough, he wrote

19th of
is

March

;

his offers

must
with

also be carried out.

The Pope
in

not quite pleased

the

endless

delays

carrying out the

measures

commanded by

the

Emperor himself
in Balan, had already remarked

The

zeal of

His

* The Notula mittenda ad nuntios
(Theol. Lit. Ztg., 18S4, 480)
latest to

n. 34, s.d.

Brieger

that this belonged at

February or the beginning of March.
i)

Wrede
this

(Reichstagshalf of

akten, II, 825, n.

places

it

more

correctly in the second

March.

Kalkoff
its

(Aleander, 120 n.) agrees with

opinion; he

surmises that
t Cf.

author was the Grand Penitentiary.

Baumgarten,

Karl V.,

I.,

435-436

CONSISTORY ABOUT LUTHER.
Majesty has without doubt cooled
her enemies.
If the
;

7^
has been

he

who

called to be the defender of the Church, lends his ear to

Emperor does not decide the matter
Nevertheless

before the conclusion of the Diet, the most vexatious con-

sequences

may

be apprehended.

God

will

not forsake His Church.

But, the letter went on to say,
in

Aleander must do nothing except
Immediately afterwards, on the

combination with

the Nuncio Caracciolo and with Raffaello de' Medici.*

20th

of

March, the
Several

Pope brought forward the matter
cited

in Consistory.

Cardinals expressly complained at the Emperor's having

Luther

to

appear before the

Diet,

and thereby

assumed a

jurisdiction

which belonged to the Holy See.

When Leo

X. communicated this opinion to the Imperial
that, in summoning Luther to Emperor had been badly advised. It was
hell,

Ambassador, he remarked
appear, the

impossible that Luther should be received even in

and

Manuel would do
letter

well to

warn

his Imperial

master

in

every

Under these circumstances it was doubly important that Leo X. should condemn Luther in so many words as an excomhe wrote not to take the matter lightly.f

municate and

heretic.

This was done

in

the Bull
2%).\

/;/

Coena

Domini, issued on

Maundy Thursday (March

There was a difference of opinion as to whether a

letter of

safe-conduct couched in honourable terms should be given
* Balan, n. 49; Kalkoff, Aleander, 112, n. i. On the i6th of March laudatory letters were sent to the Electors of Mayence and Brandenburg, and a letter of admonition to Duke George of Saxony. Sadoleti Epist., 103 seqq. Balan, n. 51, 52; Reichstagsakten, II.,
;

662, 809, n.
t

I.

BerGENROTH,
lightly
is

II., n.

325.

What

passed
;

in

Consistory

is

touched

on quite

even

in

Sanuto, XXX., 60

but here, as in the *Acta
for the

Consist., nothing

mentioned except the arrangements made
Senen.

canonization of Benno.
\

Cf. Tizio, *Hist.

in

Cod. G,

II., 39,

Chigi Library, Rome.

28
to Luther.

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal Medici blamed the Emperor severely,
at the

and when writing to Aleander
expressed
his

end of March, he

regret

in

lively

language that such an

imprudent and unpermissible thing as Luther's summons
before the Diet should have taken place, which implied
tlie

suspension of the sentence against him and even against
his books.

Germany, which had always been the object

of the Pope's predilection, was guilty of a shameful ingratitude, in thus acting to the detriment of the Empire.
"

His Holiness," continued the Cardinal,
is

" will

nevertheless

not believe that Charles
of
his

willing to depart from the paths

most Christian and most Catholic predecessors,
discussion of this notorious

and show himself ungrateful to God and the Holy See.

Renewed

and scandalous
If
is

affair

would bring disgrace on His Majesty.
to effect so little against

Charles
in

is

able

one

man who

his

power,

what could the Church and Christendom expect of him Aleander and in a fight against Turks and infidels ? "
Caracciolo

were

then

urged

to

do

all

they could to
as

influence the

Emperor and
Brandenburg
for

his

Council, as well

the

Electors

of

and

Mayence.

But

on

no

account were they to allow themselves to be drawn into a
dispute with Luther
;

by so doing, as Aleander had
a

already so well

pointed out, they would act in

way
had

derogatory to the dignity of the Apostolic See.*
In
his

report of

the

8th

of

March, Aleander

mentioned a menacing utterance of the Imperial Great
Chamberlain, Guillaume de Croy, Lord of Chievres, from

which

he

concluded

that

the

imperialists

wished

to

make

use of the Lutheran affair to influence the Pope's

* Balan, n. 63. The date, April 15, given by Balan, is a mistake. The right date (the end of March) has been pointed out as correct by Brieger (297, n. 2). As to opinion in Rome, cf. the despatch of March 23, 1521, of Fantini, quoted by Balan, VI., 39.

ANXIETY OF THE POPE.
political attitude.*

29
to

The same news came
it

Rome
that,

from

other sources
the

;

and

was further rumoured

though

Emperor had
had

required

Luther to renounce

his false

him a free hand to say anything he However disquieting this might against the Pope.f liked sound, the Pope was still careful to refrain from any exdoctrines, he
left

pression

which

could

betray

his

anxiety and

need of

assistance,

and thus give to the Emperor's representative
"

a handle to use against him.
April, "

Thank God,"

said he to

this

that He has given to me at Manuel on the 3rd of time an Emperor who has the interests of the Church While he went on to beg Manuel to thank at heart." Charles for his good promises, he added the hope that the Emperor would keep them, and not allow persons who gave ear to the devil to lead him astray. J But on the

8th of April Leo's anxiety was too acute to be concealed,

and Manuel sent a special courier to

Worms

to say that
for

His Holiness was awaiting with the utmost impatience

news of Luther, who must, he thought, have arrived before
the Diet
attitude

Soon the Pope abandoned the of reserve which he had hitherto observed. The
this time.§
n.

by

* Balan,

54;

Brieger,

n.

14.

Cf.

Kalkoff, 114
had passed

seq.,

who

pertinently remarks that Chi^vres' threat

was of no importance, as the
into the

treatment of the greater
of Gattinara.
t
\

political questions

hands

Report of Manuel, March

27, 1521, in

Bergenroth,
in

II., n.

326.

"These

are the exact words which His Holiness has

commanded
3,

me

to write to

Your Majesty," says Manuel
II., n.

a report of April

1521.

same day the Venetian Ambassador reported a conversation he had had with the Pope about Luther see Sanuto, XXX., 130.
327.

Bergenroth,

On

the

;

§

Bergenroth,

II., n.

328.

Kalkoff (Forschungen,

81) published

a special treatise about the contemporary business of the election of the

Bishop of Havelberg, under the influence of the Lutheran movement,
for the purpose of

winning over the Elector Joachim

1.

30

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this

immediate cause of
of Luther's

change was Aleander's account

reception,

the consideration

shown by the

Imperialists towards Saxony,

and

their

subsequent attitude,

which showed that they
with God."*

"

reckoned more with
this

man

than

On

the top of

came the

tidings that

Luther was to be allowed to hold a religious disputation. Leo at once sent for Manuel and told him plainly that
such
a

dispute
of

would,

in

his

opinion,

be

a

certain

means
replied
posal,

external

that

he

but that

Manuel injury to the Church. knew nothing about the alleged prohe was sure that the Emperor would

see that the interests of

God and

not

prejudiced.
affair

"Leo
satisfied
"

X.,"

of His Church were Manuel adds, "regards the of the utmost importance,
this,

Lutheran

as a matter

and

until

he

is

about

nothing

will

be got

out of him."-|-

The Pope must have spoken very
Ambassador,
for as lately as the

strongly to the

German

29th of March, Manuel had

written to the

Emperor about the possibility of bringing pressure to bear on the Pope by means of the Lutheran affair | but he now begged him most urgently to satisfy His Holiness about this question of faith. Leo had not on his side held out any proposal of making political conces;

sions in

exchange

for energetic action

on the part of the

Emperor

against Luther.§

But Charles V. had no idea of turning the Lutheran affair to his own advantage politically. Just at that time
he gave a clear proof of
after
this.

On

the

i8th of April,
the
final

Luther's

first

examination, and

before

decision

of the
n.

affair,

he sent Raffaello de'
n. 22.

Medici

to

* Balan,

64

;

Brieger,

t Report of Manuel, April 27, 1521, in
I

Bergenroth,

II., n.

329.
i.

Report of Manuel, March

29, in the Reichstagsakten, II., 866, n.
I.,

§ C/.

Baumgarten, Karl

V.,

436.

LOYALTY OF THE EMPEROR.

3

Rome

to submit to the

Pope the

draft

of a treaty of

alliance.*

* Sanuto, XXX., 129
Charles did not wish to
this

;

Reichstagsakten, 849, 866.

Wrede

points

out the importance of Medici's mission at that

moment

as a proof that

make use of Luther Egelhaaf in his treatise, Karls V. Sache aud dem Wormser Reichstage," in
''

against the Pope.

Before

Stellung zur lutherischen
the Zeitschr.
fiir

allgem.

Gesch., 1884, L, 686

.y^Y.,

and "Analekten

zur Gesch., Stuttgart, 1886,"

had shown
the
to

that, in this question,

a distinction must be

made between
failed

Emperor and
it,

his counsellors,

which Ranke, especially, has
:

make.

EGELHAAF

(Analekten, 273) justly remarks

"As we

under-

stand

Charles threatened his ministers, and rejected their projects
last resort in
;

about Luther, except as a
That,
in

a case of extreme necessity.

and he who, as was believed, conducted matters independently, never thought of making use of this heretic for his own ends. He had indeed gradually come round to
any
case, could
facilitating Luther's invitation to the Diet
;

do no harm

but he did not take

this step

to frighten the

Pope or turn him against France.

Rome

was vulnernation

able on other points,
bear.

and he had other means
'grievances'

of bringing pressure to

The hundred and one

of the

German
it

would, in case of necessity, serve the same or better purpose than
favouring heresy, which would do as

much harm

in

Spain as

could
so as

be of use

in

Germany

or Italy.

He

invited Luther to

Worms,
own

not to affront the Germans, and to obtain his twenty-four thousand

men, and
with

in order, as

he said to Aleander,
Pope.'

'

not to mix up his

affairs

those

of

the

When

his

'dissimular e temporeggiar'

(BAL.AN, 253) had served their purpose, he would drop the mask. Imperial counsellors in
bility of

The

Rome and

about Charles might see the possi-

using Luther as a battering-ram against the Pope, should the

latter attach

himself to France or countenance an attack on Naples."
this opinion.

But Charles did not share

"

Nowhere

is

there to be

found one word which could indicate to Aleander, who was without

doubt a shrewd observer, that the Emperor was not to be relied on"
{loc. cil., 271).

Therefore Balan'.s (VI., 42

seq.) representations as to

Charles's attitude arc thoroughly distorted.

Kalkoff
all

(Aleander, 10)
that Aleander's

says most justly that Charles V. did not at

deny

request to proceed against Luther was right in principle, and that the

Emperor,

at least in all the

main

points, declared himself decidedly

on

the side of

Rome,

32

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Medici arrived
in

Rome

on the 30th of April.*

In the

interval
skilful

news had arrived there of Johann von der Ecken's management of the case, so that even Giberti was of
left to

opinion that there was nothing
follow

be done except to

up the victory over Luther.

The

joy

felt

in

the

immediate entourage of the Pope was as great as had
been the dissatisfaction at the turn previously taken by
the
affair.-j-

Naturally the satisfaction was

still

greater

when the
loth

Emperor made
19th of April.

his

strongly Catholic declaration on the
held

In a Consistory
latest

on

the

of
in

May,

this,

with the
Spain,

reports
read.

of the

Nuncios

Germany and
Cardinals

was
the

Neither

Pope

nor

could

praise

Emperor too highly;
all

and
in

the efforts of the Nuncios the matter were

and

others

concerned

most favourably acknowledged. J
of
the

The
the

Pope's

recognition

Catholic

attitude

of

Emperor,
persons
the

the

Electors,

Glapion,
in

and
Briefs,

other

leading

was expressed
all

special

coupled with
in

same manner. In a Brief to Charles V,, signed by the Pope himself, the latter says that the Emperor had surpassed all his expectations, and had acted as a true champion of
request that
the
* Sanuto, XXX., 188.

these would continue

On

April 29 Cardinal Medici had, at the

Nuncio's request, sent him the

new

version of the Bull Decet, in which

Luther alone was mentioned by name.

Balan,

n.

'j'j.

t Giberti to Aleander, dat. Magliana, 1521,

May
in

i.

A

commendatory Brief

to

Johann von der Ecken

Balan, n. 78. Sadoleti Epist.,

105 seqq.
J
1

In a letter from Cardinal Medici, dated from Florence on
is

May

12,

52 1 (Balan, n. 82), the Consistory

spoken of as having been held
II., n.

"hiermattina."
date.
it

Manuel (Bergenroth,
to the

334) gives no particular

According

Acta Consist. (Kalkoff, Forschungen, 81 seq)

took place on the loth of May.
II., 39,
f.

So

also in Tizio, *Hist. Senen. in

Cod. G,

20, Chigi Library,

Rome.

PROPOSED ALLIANCE AGAINST FRANCE.
the Church.*

33

The

Imperial declaration of April the iQth

was
to

— as

was most unusual

— sent

at

once

in printed

form
with

Rome.f Meanwhile eager consultations went on

in

Rome

Raffaello de' Medici about the political alliance which

was

proposed between the Pope and the Emperor against France.

Unexpected
to

difficulties occurred, for, instead of the offensive

alliance desired

by Leo

X., the draft of the treaty brought

Rome by

Raffaello de' Medici only

made mention

of

a defensive alliance.

To

this the

account consent.

Although Manuel gave

Pope would not on any in at once, and
X., the
is

altered the draft to

meet the wishes of Leo

Pope

put off signing from day to day.
behaviour of the Emperor,

The
so

fact

that the

who had

repeatedly
draft,

thousand

times,

said

Manuel

— altered

the

made

Leo think
as

that the

power of Charles V. was not as great
Still

had been

represented.;!:

greater was the effect

produced on the timid Pope by a declaration published by
France that she had concluded a treaty with the Swiss.

To

this

was added the influence of England, which advised

neutrality.§

indecision prevail with

More than ever before did Leo X.||
84, 85, 86, 87, 88
;

his deeply-rooted

* Balan,

n.

cf.

Reichstagsakten, IL, 878,

n.

i,

previously published in
t *TlziO, loc.
cit.,

Sadoleti
this

Epist., 106 seqq.

reports

unprecedented circumstance.

He
Cf.

says explicitly that the declaratio was "scripta lingua Gallica."
Vol. VII. of this work,
X
p. 434.

C7:

Bergenroth,

II.,n. 334, 335, 336.

ULMANN(Studien,

II.,

113)

tries to explain the obscurity

which surrounded the negotiations between

Charles and the Pope, and the

new

hesitation on the part of the latter,
to obtain a higher price for his

by the supposition that Charles wished

alliance than the formal concession about the investiture of the

crown

of Naples, and therefore was so dilatory in his treaties with the Pope.
§
II

NITTI, ^ibseq.
II.,

Ulmann, Studien, VOL. VIIL

113.

3

34

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The

Pope's hesitation kindled fresh hopes
in

among

the

French diplomatists

Rome, the Count of Carpi and the
these hopes by a declara-

Lord of
tion

Gisors.

Leo X. fanned

which sounded most favourable to France.
the

Knowing

how bent

Pope was on the possession of Ferrara, the
its

French held out hopes to him of
coast in the
pression on

possession, as well as

of the increase of the States of the Church by the strip of

kingdom of Naples. All this made such an imLeo that, as far as we can trust Carpi's reports, he appeared to be willing to agree with the demands of French policy.* On the top of this came the daily
and increasing
financial
difficulty,

which

affected

the

Emperor

as

well as the Pope.f alliance

When

Carpi at length

announced that the
in

between France and the Swiss
fact,

cantons was an accomplished

Leo expressed himself
full

such terms that the French Ambassador was

of

hopes,:[:

It

did not escape

Manuel

that fear

was the chief motive

which drew Leo X. towards France.
vised
his Imperial

He

therefore adin

master to try the influence of fear

another direction, by concluding a treaty with England,

by alienating the Swiss from France, by entering into negotiations with France herself, and by threatening to
call

a General Council. §

Without waiting

for the decision

of the Emperor, Manuel wrote to the Viceroy of Naples to

send a force from the Abruzzi to the borders of the States
of the Church, so as to
* Bergenroth,
NlTTl, 418 seq.
VI., 552 seq.
II., n.

make an impression
337
;

in Rome.jl
V.,
I.,

As

to Carpi's report, see

Baumgarten, Karl Hofler in
this.

501 seq.

;

the Hist. Jahrb.,

t NiTTi, 423, draws especial attention to
J

§
II

Baumgarten, Karl V., I., 503. Bergenroth, II., n. 334, 337. A movement on the Neapolitan border must Ibid.., n. 334.
all

recoil

on Rome,

the

more

as there were thousands of Spaniards in the

THE ALLIANCE CONCLUDED.
But, before this extreme measure was resorted
to,

35

had made up

his

mind
far.

in

favour of the Emperor.

Leo X. The

French had gone too
his ears.*

Leo X. had heard
to the

that Lautrec

had said that he would leave nothing
as Cardinal

Pope except

All the evil which the French had done to

him

and

Pope now came back
I.,

into his mind.-j-

The
the

last

blow was when Francis

contrary to his

many

promises, tried to draw the
Swi.ss, into

Duke
the

of Ferrara, together with
him.:j:

an alliance with
able to
tell

On

the 29th of
the

May Manuel was

had signed the contract
de' Medici, but that
it

Emperor that and sent it to him by

Pope

Raffaello

was

to be kept strictly secret for

the

present. §

Girolamo
helped
result.il

had

especially

Adorno and Cardinal Medici the Imperial Ambassador in
the 8th of

obtaining this

The

offensive alliance, dated

May, gives

prominence to the great mediaeval idea of the combination of the two great powers, the Papal and the Imperial, set

up by God above
of Christendom
"

all

other powers.
" in

The

"

two

real
it

heads
all

were to unite

purifying

from

error, in establishing universal peace, in fighting the infidel,

and

in

introducing a better state of things throughout."

Eternal City

who

could threaten the

Pope

at

his \ery doors

;

see

Balan,

VI., 31, n. 4.

* Leo himself related this to the Venetian Ambassador, Gradenigo.

Albert, 2nd

Series, III., 70.
lib. 4.

+ Cf. Jovius, Vita,
\

This intelligence did not
;

rest,

as NiTTi (429) thinks, on a false

report

see Eidgendss. Abschiede IV.,

m, 20

the Histor. Zeitschr.,
I.,

LXXIV.,

517.

Cf. also

seq.^ and BernayS in Baumgarten, Karl V.,

511.
§
II

See Manuel's report of
;

May

29, 1521, in
;

Bergenroth,

II., n.

338.

Vettori, 333 Cuicciardini, XIV., I and to these add Bergenroth, II., n. 346, about the reward given to Cardinal Medici by
Charles V.

^6

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of
all

The cause
quest,

the present evil

was France's

lust of con-

which had led her to

seize

on Milan and Genoa, to

threaten poor Italy and the independence of the

Holy

See.

In order to restore order and tranquillity, this peace-destroy-

ing

member must be

attacked with

fire

and sword, and the
There-

usurpations of France in Italy must be stopped.
fore

Milan and Genoa should be invested by the Imperial
in

and Papal troops

September, and freed from the French
set

yoke

;

and the Sforza and Adorni should be
to

up again

as vassals of the Empire.

All territories belonging to the

Pope should be restored
Piacenza,

him, especially

and

also

Ferrara.

pledged himself

in the fullest

Parma and Moreover, the Emperor sense to protect the Pope
all

against his enemies and against
faith

who

attacked the true

and defamed the
in

Holy

See,

and guaranteed the

dominion of the Medici

Tuscany.

On

his side

Leo X.

bound himself solemnly and
assistance in defending
rights

in perpetuity to Charles, pro-

mising him a new investiture of the crown of Naples, and
it,

as also in enforcing his Imperial

on Venice.*
this

The Pope gained most by

important agreement.

When
the before
;

the conditions relating to Italy were carried out,

Emperor would be no more powerful than he had been
whereas the States of the Church would be so
long desired

considerably increased that the independence of the Holy
See, so

by Leo

X.,

would

probably be

assured.f

A

still

greater advantage to the

Holy See was
3,
f.

* Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm., IV., caps.
(authentic copy in Archives of the Spanish
in

ibb-i'job

DUMONT,

IV.,

3,

96

seq.

Embassy in Rome), printed Theiner, Cod. III., 524 seqq.; cf.
to hold

Balan,

VI., 45.

For the Bulls which allowed the Emperor

the crown of Naples together with that of the Empire, determined
feudal obligations,
seqq.^

and raised the census, see Raynaldus,
Suppl.,
II., i,

1521, n. 81

and DUMONT,
;

67

seq.; cf.

Lanz, Einleitung, z^bseq.

t

Vettori, 334

NiTTi, 456.

SATISFACTION OF THE POPE.
the protection against
all

37

enemies of the Catholic Faith

which was now solemnly promised by Charles.*

Thus did
once more

the highest spiritual and secular powers unite
for the protection

of the ancient faith in the

Holy Roman Empire,

at the very

moment when
let loose.f

the storm

against the old order of things was

The Curia was
in

quite confident that

Rome would

succeed

mastering the heretical outburst, thanks to the issue of

the Edict of
at

Worms.

The

satisfaction felt

by the Pope
against

the

promulgation of

the

new Imperial law

in

Lutheranism was strongly expressed by Cardinal Medici The Nuncio was charged to his letters to Aleander.

convey the Pope's warmest thanks to the Emperor and
all

who had

contributed to the carrying out of the im-

portant measure.:]:

On

the 7th of June the great news
After-

was communicated
the Piazza

to the Cardinals in Consistory.§

wards, Luther's picture and his writings were burned in

Navona in Rome.|| However well aware Cardinal Medici might be of the zeal shown by Aleander at Worms, of his fidelity to duty
* That
the treaty
t
this consideration
is

weighed very much
i.

in the conclusion of

stated

by GuiCClARDlNI, XIV.,
of this
190,
is

The importance

stated

by modern

writers, especially

by HOFLER, Kaiserthum,
J

§
II

and BUSCH, Vermittlungspolitik, 112. Medici to Aleander, from Florence, June 6, 1521, in Balan, n. 99. Acta Consist, in Kalkoff, Forschungen, 82. That this act, which is placed by Enders (II., 64) and Renazzi
43) in 1520, really took place
in

(II.,

1521,

is

shown by KalkOFF

(Prozess, 578),

who appeals
Catal.

to

the

first

edition of

Bernhard von
of

Luxemburg,
In this the act

haeretic,

LIII<^.,

and the report
in

Planitz

(Wiilcker-Virck, 602).
is

This

is

corroborated by TiziO, *Hist. Senen.

dated a day sooner than

Bernhard von Luxemburg.
in

*Praeterea lunii undecima marti dicata
Martini Luterii publice crematum est
illius

Rome

Naone simulacrum
heretici et opuscula

tamquam
ita ut

quamplurima

fetenti

admixto lumine
f.

circumstantes ferre

non

valerent.

Cod. G,

II., 39,

28^, in the Chigi Library,

Rome.

38

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his energy, he never ceased in his efforts to spur the

and

Nuncio on
Aleander

to fresh

measures against the heresy.*

It

did

not escape the Cardinal's shrewd observation that at times

indulged
in

in

over-optimistic

hopes.f

These
dis-

Rome, chiefly on account of the turbing news which came from Germany through
were not shared
Minorites there.|

the

In the Netherlands Aleander's zeal had achieved great
things
;

but

in

Saxony

the

new

doctrines

were

being

spread with ever-increasing rapidity under the protection
of the Elector.
to

The hopes

to

which Luther's retirement

the

Castle of

showed that
the
1

Wartburg gave birth proved vain, and Rome had not overrated the danger. On
1521, Aleander
to the

8th of September,

make urgent representations "Saxon scandals." If the

was charged to Emperor about the

injunctions of the Edict of

Worms
it

were disregarded now, while the ink with which was written was scarcely dry, he was commissioned to
:

say

What would

the Elector of

Charles had departed from

Saxony Germany?

not dare do
If

when
the

matters were
evil,

not taken in hand now, at the beginning of the
last state of things

would be worse than the
in
in print

first.§

Had

it

been better known

Rome how
murder

the

German
the

people were being incited

and from the pulpit to
priests,
i|

abolish Catholic worship and even to
fear

would have been
in spite

still

greater.

As

it

was, anxiety
less favour-

was very acute
able reports.

of Aleander's

more or

The only thing which
seq.^

allayed this anxiety

* Cf. Balan, 266

277

seq.

;

Kalkoff,

Capito, 43.
;

June 27 and July 6, in Balan, pp. 261, 274 Brieger, pp. 241, 244 cf. Paquier, 278. I See Tizio, *Hist. Senen., loc. cii., Chigi Library, Rome.
;

t Cf. the Letters of

S
II

Balan,

n. 124, p. 291 seq.

;

cf.

292 seq.

Janssen-Pastor, H.i^

198^^^$^.

EDICTS AGAINST LUTHER'S WORKS.

39

was the
seem
to

fact that other countries of

Christendom did not
In Italy,
;*
it

have adopted Luther's

errors.

is

true,

there were

some who sympathized with him
;

but teachers

of his heresy were few and far between f and in Spain and Portugal the new doctrines had produced no effect whatever. J

Even the
1

Polish King, Sigismund, issued, on July

26th,

52 1, a severe edict against the spread of Lutheran
It is true
;

literature.§

that the

news from Denmark was

disquieting

but Leo X. hoped to avert the worst con-

sequences by the exercise of great gentleness towards the
King.ll

In France, in spite of his political antagonism to
I.

the Pope, Francis

ordered that
It

all

Luther's works should

be burnt

in

Paris.11

was of no small importance that
doctrines
as

the distinguished theological faculty of Paris, on April 15th,
1

52

1,

condemned Luther's

emphatically as
in
all

Louvain and Cologne had already done
the primacy of the

15 19.**

Al-

though Aleander blamed the omission of

mention of

Pope

in

the condemnation
so,

by the
would

University of Paris, he hoped that even
of a body of theologians
so

the censure

generally respected

*
t
\

Cf. ttifra, pp.

1

81-182.
this,

For more about

see infra,

p. 178.

On August
delight
is

20,

1

52

1,

Leo wrote

to the

King

of Portugal to express

his

at

Emanuel's having declared himself against Luther.

This

the gist of the letter of April 20, in

Balan,

n.

72

;

see Corp.

Dipl. Port., IL, 47-48.
§
II

Acta Tomic,
See
itifra, pp.

V., 284.

451
;

scq., 454.
p. 237.

IT

Balan,

p.

282

Brieger,

** Ueterminatio super doctrina Lutheri hactenus
Plessis d'Argentrk,
IX., 159 seq.
;

revisa,

in

Du

I.,

2,

365-375.

Cf.

Hefele-Hergenrother,
de
la faculte
in

DeliSLE,

Un

registre des proces-verbau.x

de theologie de Paris, Paris, 1899; KoHi.ER
Beil.
I.,

the Allg. Ztg., 1900,
;

213

;

and Feret, La

faculte

de theologie de Paris

Epoque mod.,

Paris, 1900.

40
not
fail

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to

have a good
in

effect

even

in

Germany.*

Great

joy was caused

King of England, who attacked Luther in a book written by himself. The University of Oxford had already condemned Luther's writings.f The manner in which the Pope received the book of Henry VI IL shows that he, at any rate, considered the Lutheran affair as by no means suppressed.
the action of the
*
t
X

Rome by

Cf.

Balan,

p.

20I

;

Brieger,

p. 257. seq.

Du

Plessis d'Argentre,

Cf. infra.

380 Chapter IV., Vol. VIII.
I., 2,

CHAPTER

II.

Defeat of the French and Increase of the States of THE Church. Death of Leo X.

While
Francis

the alliance between the Pope and the

Emperor was
in

being carefully kept secret, hostilities had already begun.
I.

did not hesitate to profit by the difficulties

which Charles V. was placed by the insurrection of the
Spanish towns on the one
side,

and by the Lutheran moveto wrest

ment on the
attempt made

other,

and seized the opportunity

Navarre from him.*
in the

At

the

same time he favoured the
la

Netherlands by Robert de
in the

Marck.

While fighting was going on
results for the

Pyrenees and
first

Luxem-

burg, the war began in Italy, and at

with unfavourable

Pope and Emperor.
defied the spiritual authority of the

Leo's former anger with Alfonso of Ferrara broke out
afresh

when he

Holy

See by favouring a monk named Andrea da Ferrara.f who

was suspected of disseminating Lutheran
ever, the first attempts of the
failed.^

doctrines.

Howthe

Papal force against Ferrara

So

also did

an attack

made on Genoa by

* Francis had formed private relations with the Spanish insurgents
see

;

Salles

in the

Rev.

d. quest, hist., 1900, II., 55 seq.

t Cy:, about this
615,

the
\

monk, Sanuto, XXIX., 492, 552, 561, XXX., 53-54; and Arch. Veneto, N.S.V. (1893), 249 despatch in Balan, VI., 48 seq.
an attempt
to

609, 614seqq.-,

and

Alfonso of Ferrara and his panegyrist Pistofilo accused the Pope

later of

murder the Duke on

this occasion.

Muratori

42

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Imperial and Papal ships in combination with the Adorni
party.*

No

better success attended the attempt of those
to stir

who had been banished from Milan
rection in

up an

insur-

Lombardy, where the people were possessed of government of the French. Venice betrayed the danger which was threatening France, and measures were taken to frustrate the plot. But the
a wild hatred of the harsh

French soon learned that the versatile and intriguing ViceChancellor of Maximilian Sforza, Girolamo Morone, had
left

Trent for Reggio, richly provided with money, and had gathered round him a large number of Milanese who had unjustly been driven out of Milan by the French.f

Thomas de Lescun,
tried to put a

brother of the Governor

Lautrec,

check on Morone's far-reaching plans by a
In the

bold invasion of the territories of the Holy See.

night between the 23rd and 24th of June, Lescun appeared
before Reggio with an
delivery to

armed force, and demanded the him of the Milanese exiles. His intention,

though

its

success was very doubtful, was to take possesII.,

(Antich. Est.,

323) has accepted this story

;

but the best-informed

contemporaries, such as Guicciardini, Jovius (Vita Alphonsi), Lancellotti,
Giraldi, Zerbinati,

know nothing

of any such an attempt.

ROSCOEbrought

Henke
against

(II.,

461) have therefore rejected the

accusation
(II.,

Leo X.
it.

This did not prevent

De Leva
Mod.,
(VI., 50),

52-53) from

repeating
di Ariosto,

But since him Cappelli

(Atti

III., 517,

and

Lett,

Bologna, 1866), and also
in

Balan

have proved that

the " Prozessakten "

the State Archives,

Modena, accepted by
also

Muratori as authentic, are absolutely untrustworthy, and the accusation

must be rejected as an invention of Alfonso's
App. XIX.
* Guicciardini, XIV.,
t
i.

;

cf.

Balan,

VI.,

According to

Du Bellay

(Mem.,

II.,

129) the

number

of the

Milanese exiled by Lautrec was as great as that of those who remained and it was said that they were banished for the most trifling reasons, or because they possessed money. This made many
;

enemies

to France.

Cf.

SiSMONDl, XIV., 522.

THE FRENCH ATTACK
sion

PAI'AL TERRITORY.

43

of

the

town.

However, the watchfulness of the

Governor of Reggio, the historian Francesco Guicciardini,
saved this important place.*

This attack on Papal territory by the French gave Leo X.
the desired opportunity of declaring himself openly against

France.

The few

diplomatists in

whom

the

Pope confided,
In a postscript

became aware, on the 22nd of June,

that he was waiting for

only one thing before he declared war.f

to his report of the 25th of June, Castiglione
tell

was able
till

to

his

master of the decision which had been
;

then

so carefully kept secret
that he

I

but

it

was not

until the

27th

was able

to

speak of the influence which the attack

on Reggio had had on the Pope's decision.
In a Consistory held on the 27th of June, the Pope complained of the violation of the borders of the States of
the

Church, and declared to the Cardinals that for the

sake of self-protection he wished to ally himself with the
*
C/.

GuiCClARDlNl's Report of June 24, 1521,

in his

Opera

ined.,

VII., n. 136, also

and Storia, XIV., 2. As Grumello, 264, and Cappella, 6-8. Guicciardini was made Governor ofModena in June, 1516, and of Reggio in July, 1517- (CHIESI, 63 se^., 65 seg., says Guicciardini became Governor of Modena in April, As such he carried out 5 16, and of Reggio in December, 15 16.)
to Lautrec's evil intention, see
1

military

proceedings in

Rome

in

1521

against the

robber baron
;

Domenico d'Amorotto, who had many patrons in the Curia cf. Nuova LiVI, II Guicciardini e Domenico d'Amorotto, Reggio, 1875
;

ediz., 1879.

t

*N.

S. si e
la

molto rallegrato meco

et

hami

detto, che aspetta

una

resposta

quale subito venuta pensa risolversi Spagnolo et hami

detto molto male de Frances! et ben del imperatore.

*Report

in

cypher

from B. Castiglione
22,
I
.

to the

Marquis of Mantua, dated from Rome, June
Spagnolo e totalmcnte inimico de Francesi.

1

52

1,

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
ii

*U Papa
.

resoluto

.

U Papa ha
piu.

tenuto tanto secreta questa sua resolutione che non
/oc. cit.

si

p6 dire
55

*Letter of Castiglione's of June 25, 1521,
loc. cii.

*Letter of Castiglione, June 27, 1521,

44

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Emperor, who had recently stood up at the Diet of
as the defender of the Church.*

Worms

The

treaty of

May, which

had been so successfully kept
ances concluded for the
first

secret,

was now to all appeartime, and communicated to
"

England and Switzerland.^
his

The Pope has dropped

mask and

allied himself to

Charles V.," wrote the dis-

concerted Venetian Ambassador, Gradenigo, on the 29th
of June. J

On the same day, without any concealment, Leo accepted the white palfrey from the Emperor's rein

presentative,

token of the investiture of Charles V.
In the

with the crown of Naples.

presence of
of
the

all

the

Ambassadors,
of Francis
I.,

Leo

X.

complained

behaviour

who had

supported
him.

the

kept no agreement, and had Dukes of Ferrara and Urbino against

He now

openly declared himself the enemy of

the French. §

With
Rucellai,
for the

feverish haste,

and

in

spite

of the warnings

of

who was

still

in France,i|

Rome made

preparations

accomplishment of her great object, the expulsion

of the French from Italy.
before long.H

To

raise

The Pope hoped to effect this money he pledged his silver plate,
later

and spoke of obtaining funds
of Cardinals.

by a great nomination

The

opposition of

many members

of the

Sacred College to the Imperial and
* Report of Castiglione, June
Medicis, 265.
t Cf.
28,

anti- French policy

was

1521

;

Baschet, Catherine de

GUICCIARDINI, XIV.,

2.

X Sanuto,

XXX., 468.

BuSCH(Vermittlungspolitik, 120) also shows

how
§

well the secret of the
Cf.

May

treaty

had been
;

kept.
III., 2, n.

BERGENROTH,

II., n.

343, 344

BREWER,

1400, 1402,

1403; BUSCH, Vermittlungspolitik, 120-121.
II

Cf.

Mel. d'archeol., 1886, 267

seq.
i

IT

*I1

Papa spera
to the

Castiglione
1

Frances! de Italia. Marquis of Mantua, dated from Rome, June

di cacciare prestissimo

B.
29,

52 1.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

THE ALLIED ARMV.
not heeded by Leo:
with

45

Cardinal Medici was the only one

whom

he took counsel.*

The
sador.

plan of war was discussed with the

German Ambas-

Prospero Colonna was sent for to

Rome

and given

the supreme

command

of the allied forces.

The Marquis
secret,

Federigo Gonzaga had been named Captain-General of the

Church

in April.

This appointment had been kept
at the

and was made known only

beginning of July.f

Fran-

cesco Guicciardini was confirmed as Commissary-General of
the army, and was appointed to
;

accompany the Marquis,

armed with extensive powers Ferrante d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara, the husband of Vittoria Colonna, so famed as a
poetess, received the

while Giovanni de'

command of the Imperial Medici, who later made for
The whole

infantry;

himself a

formidable

name
the

as leader of the Black Companies,
force

was

to

command
allies

Papal cavalry.
at six

of the

was put

hundred Papal and Florentine heavy
Imperialists, together with six thousand
Italian,

cavalry and as

many

Spanish, six
infantry.^

thousand

and six thousand Swiss
between the
Bergen-

As soon
* Sanuto,

as he learned about the alliance

XXXL,

13,

185, 317, 404,

458;

XXXIL,

8.

ROTH,

IL, n. 345, 346, 351.

t Cf. the rare

and valuable document

:

Delle esenzioni della famiglia

Castiglione e della loro origine e fondamento, Mantova, 1780, 6 seq.,

28

seqq.^ in

which many of the deeds

in the
;

Gonzaga Archives are made
247,
6,

use of; see also MarTINATI, 37 seq.

Luzio-Renier, Mantova,

and Giorn.

ligust,

1890,441

;

*Letter of Castiglione, July

1521 (Gonzaga

Archives, Mantua), Appendix,

No.

19.

About the appointment of
is

Federigo Gonzaga as Captain-General of the Church, A. Luzio
about to publish a special monograph.
:j:

*Letter of
8,

J.

Ginodi

to the

Duke

of Sa\ oy, dated from

Rome on

July

1521, State Archives, Turin,

2; Capella,
Colonna, 39

14 seq.;

Roma, L; Guicciardini, XIV., JOVIUS, Vita Alf. Piscarii Reumont, V.
;

seq.

46

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
several attempts to

Pope and the Emperor, Francis made
threatened

win back the former, and thus allay the tempest which

him

;

when he

failed

he foamed with rage.

On

the

13th of July he

published a manifesto to his

subjects in Italy in which he complained of the ingratitude

of Leo, for

whom

he had done so much.

He

expressed

his confidence that the

Pope would reap neither honour
:

nor benefit from his alliance with the Catholic King

it

was thus that he styled Charles, for he would not give the Soon after, he issued a mantitle of Emperor to his rival.
date forbidding, under severe penalties, the transfer to

Rome
At way

of the incomes of any French bishopric or abbey,*

the beginning of August he declared in his boastful
that " he

would ere long enter

Rome and

impose laws on
in

the Pope."f

His army was by no means equal

strength

to that of his opponents, but he trusted to the assistance

of the Venetians as well as to that of the warlike
of

Duke
of

Ferrara.

He

also

counted

on

the

co-operation

the Swiss,

Meanwhile Leo X. had been overjoyed by the news of
the repulse of the attack of the French on Navarre. J
Bull of the 27th of July, he threatened

By

a

Thomas de Lescun
interdict,

and
if

his fellow-culprits with

excommunication and

they did not within twelve days

make

satisfaction for the

attack on Reggio, their encroachment on matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction,

and

their violation of the

agreement

* MOLINI,

I.,

97-98

;

NiTTI, 439.
II.'*,

t J ANSSEN- Pastor,
I

331.

*Ha

poi S. S'^ [aviso] per lettere duplicate pur di
di

Franza che

Francesi hanno havuto grandissimo danno nel regno

che con perdita de gente assai
quella impresa,
il

et

de

artigliaria

Navarra et hanno abbandonato

che essendo cosi e cosa de grandissimo momento.

B, Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, dat.

Rome, July

20, 152

1.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,

CHARLES
about the purchase of

V.

WRITES TO THE POPE.

47

salt.*
in this,

Charles did not think that the
and, through his Ambassador,

Pope went urged Leo

far

enough

to

pronounce excommunication on the person

of the French King.

But the Pope would not proceed to
In
fact,

such severe measures.

among

the

many

anxieties

which

at that

time gave him sleepless
left in

nights,-)-

was the

dread of being

the lurch by the

Emperor and given
Pope
in

over to the vengeance of France.

Charles heard that this
letter to the

was the

case,

and sent an autograph

which he promised expressly to come to no understanding with France without a previous agreement with Leo.
Baldassare Castiglione saw this important letter on the

2nd of August,
de

1521.:!:

In return for this the Pope published

without further delay the nomination as Cardinal of Eberhard
la

Mark,

this

having been resolved on

in a

Consistory

held on the 9th of August.§

As

to

how

the consent of
to

Leo

was gained,

is

shown by

a report sent

by Clerk

Wolsey.

In consequence of the tidings that the

Turks were maltreatf.

* Bull Regis pacifici^ D,

15 12, VI., Cal. Augusti. Secret., 1202,

136.

Secret Archives of the Vatican.

Cf.

Sanuto, XXXI.,
"

261, 498 seq.
I

Printed copies of this " monitorium poenale

are most rare.

found

one
+
\

in the

Rossiana Library
466.

at

Vienna (XV.,

397, 10).

Sanuto, XXX.,

*Della tregua che de Francesi vanno jactando non e vero
S. dello

ct io

hoggi ho veduto una lettera a N.
nella quale
S.
il

imperatore

di

mano

propria

M"

promette

di

non
el

fare

apuntamento alcuno con

Francesi senza
Inghilterra

consenso del papa

quale tiene ancor per certo che
Castiglione to the Marquis

debba essere contro Franza.

of Mantua,
^

Rome, Aug.
in

2, 1521.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Archives
;

*Acta Consist.,

Consistorial

Paris DE GrassiS,

*Diarium(Secret Archives of the Vatican); and *Letter of B. Castiglione
to the
Cf.

Marquis of Mantua, Aug.
II., n.

9,

1521 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).

Bergenroth,
him on

349, 350, 351, 352, 353.

The sending
;

of the

red hat to Eberhard de la
to

Mark

followed on Sept. 18
t.

see the *Brief

that day,

Arm XLIV.,
,

5,

i.

142.

Secret Archives of the

Vatican.

48

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

ing the Hungarians, the Pope was very

much depressed
his

;

though he did not allow
policy.

this

to

affect

anti-French

Indeed he did not shrink from saying that he
until

would not undertake anything against the Turks

he

had reduced France
able to move.

to such a condition that she

was not
his

The Pope

said that he

would pledge
Italy.*

tiara rather than not drive the

French out of

The

Emperor encouraged Leo
strength against France.f
the

in this

frame of mind by the

assurance that he was determined to exercise his whole
In a second autograph
the
first

letter

Emperor informed Leo of
all his

move he had made

against France, and of his determination to carry on the

war with

might.J
the assistance of the

Leo

X.,

who had asked
fleet,|

King of

Portugal and his

indulged

in

hopes which were

increased by the likelihood, as he thought, of England's

turning against France.
latter

He

treated the boasting of the

with contempt,!!
to

and by calculating the strength
8,

* Clerk
t

Wolsey, Aug.

1521

;

Brewer,
le forze

III., 2, n.

1477.

*N.

S.

ogni di piu ha avisi de la ferma deliberatione di Cesare
sue senza riservo alcuno

contra Franza e di volere esporre tutte
in

questa impresa.

*B. Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, dated

from Rome, Aug.
±

12, 1521.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
altra lettera

*Dui

di

sono

S.

S'^

ha havuta un'

de

lo

imperatore dove

S.

M.

gli

avisa che in ogni

de mano modo alii

propria

VII. di

questo se aviaria alia volta di Franza con uno exercito grossissimo e
conforta S. S'* a

non abandonare

la

impresa ne raffredare punto

si

che N.

S. e

animatissimo.

B. Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua,

Aug.

12, 1521.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
12, 1521, in
S'''

§ Brief of
\\

Aug.
S.

the Corp. Dipl. Port.,

II.,

43 segg.

Ha

ancor

aviso che'l re d'Angliterra se dichiarerk
el

amico
card.

deir

imperatore e suo contra Franza e cosi ha promisso
il

d'Angliterra,

quale ha mostrato

al

homo
I'altre

del

papa

le

lettere

de

Francesi tutte piene de bugie e tra

cose hanno scritto la che
fanti e

hanno

nel

campo
retira

contra

el

Papa trentaquattro milia

che Fexercito

nostro se

continuamente e che lore sperano che non passera

THE FRENCH THREATENED WITH INTERDICT.

49

of both sides, he believed that he might count on swift and
certain victory.*

There were, however, moments when Leo did not
sure of the Emperor.

feel

The mediation

of England and the
In con-

suggestions of France both shook his confidence.^

sequence of
hesitated
to
last,

this mistrust

— which was quite unfounded — he
I.;!:

pronounce excommunication on Francis

But

at

on the 4th of September, he made up

his

mind, and threatened the French King and his generals
with greater excommunication
not, within fifteen days, lay

and

interdict

if

they did

down

their

arms and deliver

over

Parma and Piacenza

to the

Holy

See.

The

reasons

alleged

by the Pope were that Francis had

carried

on war
tithe

with Charles by use of the
for the

money granted

to

him by the

Crusade, that he had violated the Concordat and

ecclesiastical liberty, attacked

Reggio, seized the revenues
in

of the Church, arrested Florentine merchants

Lyons,

and, finally, kept unjust possession of
venti di che

Parma and
di

Piacenza.§
B.
19,

seranno a Napoli

et

altre

bale

questa sorte.

Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, dated from
1

Rome, Aug.

52

1.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
to the

* *B. Castighone
23, t
1

Marquis of Mantua, dated from Rome, Aug.
;

52

1.

Gonz. Archives, Mantua

see Appendix, No. 20.

When Wolsey and
!

Charles V. met in the middle of August, they
less

agreed secretly on no

a measure than the partition of France
in

between them

The French were deluded
II.,

every

Bergenroth,
the particular

n.

355; Brosch, England, VI., 146-152.

way by Wolsey. As to
treaty,

way

in

which the Pope learned about the
135 seq.
I.

see

BUSCH, Vcrmittlungspolitik,

Previously a

futile

attempt had

been made by the mother of Francis
France a
rejected

to induce Charles to
if

break with

the Pope, and great concessions were offered to him
free
all

he would leave

hand

to take

vengeance on Leo X.

;

but the

Emperor
See

these overtures as

incompatible with his honour.

Contarini's Report, July 20, 1521, in
\

Brown,
Cf.

III., n. 266.

Bergenroth,

II., n.

356, 357.

De
is

Leva,

II.,

1

18-1 19.

§

authentic copy of this declaration VOL. VIII.

An

printed in

Dumont, 4

Suppl.

50

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Meanwhile the news which came from the theatre of war in Northern Italy was far from reassuring. At the end of August the Pope daily expected tidings of the taking of

Parma:*

instead, there came,

on the loth of September,
so lightly, that Castiglione

the intelligence that the siege of the city had been raised, j-

The Curia had taken matters
to

wrote on the 4th of September that he had every day
argue with
those

who

did

not

understand

in

the
that

slightest

degree what war was, and
fly.J

who thought
more
of the

soldiers could

All the greater and

painful

was the disillusionment.
his hopes,§ as

The cause

check was

the conduct of the Swiss, on
all

whom

till

well as the

want of

now Leo had set agreement among

the generals of the allied force.

The Nuncio, Pucci, who had been sent to Switzerland as Legatee latere \x\ July, 1521, together with Filonardi and Cardinal Schinner, were employed by the Emperor for the They met with great raising of troops in the cantons.
du tome,
*
III.,

70-73;

cf.

Hefele-Hergenrother,
in

IX., 267, n.

2.

Archives of the Spanish Embassy

Rome.
:

On August

30 Castiglione wrote to the Marquis of Mantua
si

*N.

S. sta in

continua espettatione che Parma
S.
S"*

batta o che la sia presa

perch6 pare a
inimico che
Cf. also the
la

che

lo

exercito
si

suo sia tanto superiore de lo
sentisse qualche cosa segnalata.

ragion vorrebbe che

*Letter of Castiglione of August 28.

Gonzaga Archives,

Mantua.

Sanuto, XXXI., 374, 404, 452. *N. S. sta in grande espettatione de intendere che la cosa de % Parma succeda bene e fin tanto che di questo non se ha nova S. S'^
t

non

stara troppo allegra.

lo tutto
di

il

giorno e tutte I'hore ho da fare
visto

per contrastare con molti

qua che non hanno mai

arme

e

pensano che
che
§
gli

sia

una

facil

cosa pigliare una terra guardata e difesa e

homini possino volare.
9,

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

On September

1521, Castiglione thus reported to his Marquis:
li

*S. S'^ tiene per certo di haver Suizeri e che quelli che sono con

Francesi se ne partiranno.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

THE ALLIES RETREAT FROM PARMA.
difficulties,

5

because

all

the cantons, with the exception ot

Zurich, had formed a treaty with France at the beginning

of May, 1521, one of the clauses of which was directed
against this very recruiting by a foreign power.
all

In spite of

Filonardi's representations, the twelve cantons remained
in

obstinate

their

refusal

to

send

troops

to

the

Pope.

Zurich granted two thousand men, but only on condition
that they were to be

employed

solely in the

defence of

Papal territory.*

Under

these circumstances the allies did not feel them-

selves strong

enough

to take

Parma, although they had been

joined by about six thousand

German

landsknechte.

But

they were insufficiently prepared, and there was want of
unity in the
that

the

army and when, added to this, they learned Duke of Fcrrara was advancing against them,
;

the leaders of the allied troops considered

it

prudent to

abandon the
strong, on

siege.

They
in

fell

back, about three thousand

San Lazzaro,

the direction of Reggio.

The
their

mercenaries
pay, and
it

murmured loudly from discontent with
was feared that they might go over
the

to the

French,

Had

enemy taken

the offensive at

that

moment, no doubt they would have come off victorious.^ The position of the allies was all the more critical because of the mutual distrust which hampered their actions.

The Papal

generals inclined to the view that the Imperialists
at the

had abandoned the siege of Parma
inferior force, solely

approach of an

because they did not wish to take the

*
t

Cf.

WlRZ,
is

Filonardi, 51-53, Archiv

fiir

schweiz. Gesch.,

XVL,
2).

xviii.

This

the decided opinion of GUICCIARDINI (XI\'.

Con-

temporaries differ about the raising of the siege of

causes;
53, n. 3.

cf.

Parma and its BUSCH, Vermittlungspohtik, 154, n. 4, and Bal.\N, VL, There are interesting details about what went on at Parma,
Sienese soldiers
in

in the reports of the

Tizio, *Hist. Senen., Cod. G,

IL, 39,

f.

43 of the Chigi Library,

Rome.

52

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the

town

Pope,

On

the other hand, Prospero Colonna

suspected that Leo X. would withdraw from the war as

soon as Parma and Piacenza had been regained.
the

When

news arrived that the French had been joined by more Swiss troops at Cremona, the alHes retreated on Reggio. They would, no doubt, have retreated further,

had not the agents of the Pope and Emperor combined to
hinder them.*

Meanwhile, a change had taken place

in

Switzerland

and more the impetuous Schinner,f succeeded at last in getting together a considerable body of Swiss mercenaries.
to

which was

be of the utmost importance.

Filonardi,

still

In order to effect a junction with these, Prospero Colonna

crossed the

Po at Casalmaggiore, on the ist of October. Here he was joined by Cardinal Medici, who, at the end
Colonna and Pescara.

of September, had been appointed Legate to the army,
to arrange the differences between

He

took

large

now advanced
fortune

to

sums of money with him.J The allies the Oglio, and it seemed as if the
in

of war was going to turn

their

favour.

It

was of the greatest

advantage

to

them

that, just

at

good opportunity of combining with the Venetians and attacking the enemy at
that juncture, Lautrec lost a

Robecco.

Instead of doing this he retired to a fortified

position behind the Adda.§

Nearly at the same time the

Duke

of Ferrara suffered a severe defeat at Modena, which

* GUICCIARDINI, XIV.,

2.

As

to

the

strength of the army, see
inedite, VII., n. 157.

Guicciardini's report of Sept. 15, 1521, in t Cf.
X

Opere

Blosch, Kardinal Schinner, Berne,

1891, 14 seq.

Cf.

Bergenroth,

II.,

n.

See the

Meed

of appointment

359; Jovius, Vita Leonis X., Hb. 4. of Card. Medici of Sept. 30, 1521

(Secret Archives of the Vatican), in Appendix, No. 21.
§

GUICCIARDINI, XIV.,
II.2,

3.

About Lautrec's mistake, see Ranke,

Deutsche Gesch.,

281.

ADVANCE OF THE
compelled him to
fall

SWISS.

53

back on

his capital.*
full

A

manifesto

which he sent to the Emperor was
accusations against
position, f

of the most violent

the

Pope, and did not improve his

The

Swiss, recruited

by Schinner, had meanwhile ad-

vanced from Chiavenna into the territory of Bergamo,^:
although they had not yet decided whether they would
act directly against the French.

In spite of

all

the argu-

ments of Cardinals Schinner and Schonberg, the men of
Zurich were resolute
in

maintaining that they had been
of the States of the

engaged solely
Church.

for

the protection

On

this

understanding they consented to march
ulterior object of

on Reggio, with the

reconquering Parma

and Piacenza

for the Pope.

For a long time the remaining

six thousand Swiss refused to
at last, at the

come

to

any decision

;

but

end of October, Schinner persuaded them
the Papal-Spanish force.

to join

Gambara with
this

He hoped
make
a

that from

they would go on with him and
;

descent on Milan

in this

was he not mistaken.
force, to
;

Cardinals

Medici and Schinner were with this
;

what was,

* GuicciARDiNi, XIV., 3 Lancelotti, 204 Balan, VI., 54. a comt Alfonso's manifesto appeared in print after Leo's death
;

plete refutation of
late Pope's
Italian,

it

was published by an anonymous adherent of the
in

on the 6th of January, 1522, which was translated into

and published
e glor.

Rome
di

under the

title

of:

Resposta

alia

invectiva qui

annexa Don Alphonso gia duca

di

Ferrara publicata

contra

la

s.

mem.
is

Leone X.

sotto pretexto

de una

littera

scripta alia Ces. M'". Translata di latino in vulgare.

A

copy of

this

very rare pamphlet

in

the Library of Ferrara.

Epitome of both

writings are in Cappelli, Lett, di L. Ariosto, 3 ediz., Milano, 1887.
Cf.

Carte Strozz.,
f.

II.,

469,

II., 39,

69/^

of the Chigi Library,
et

and Tizio, *Hist. Senen in the Cod. G, Rome. The original of the Bulla
dat.

excommunicationis
Dec. (15 Nov.),
%

privationis Alphonsi,

1521, XVII.,

Cal.

in the

State Archives,

Modena.
12th
at
126.

On

October
;

7

they were at Chiavenna, and on the
I,

Bergamo

Eidgenciss. Abschicde, IV.,

54

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
;

according to Guicciardini, the abuse of religion

for there

were the Cardinals, with

their legatine crosses,

mixed up

with the whole crew of plundering, blaspheming murderers.*

The union

of the Papal and Spanish troops with the Swiss,
his

which Lautrec and

Venetian

allies

had been unable

to

prevent, had given the allies an undoubted superiority.

Soon fortune turned her back on the French. The Swiss serving in their army, who had for some time been
affronted

by Lautrec's insolence and attitude of suspicion,
for their pay.

now clamoured
and as a
satisfied, the

As,

in spite

of

all

promises,

result of

bad organization,

this
in

grievance was not

mercenaries deserted

numbers.

The

dis-

content of the Swiss was, moreover, fomented by agents

from their own cantons, who urged them on no account
to fight against their fellow-countrymen.

Lautrec was so

weakened by these defections that he could not prevent the enemy from crossing the Adda,-!- and soon found himself

compelled to

retire

on Milan with
In

his discontented
itself

and discouraged army.

the capital

everything

was against the French, and

late in the afternoon of the

19th of November, in the midst of pouring rain, the allied
force appeared before the walls.

The German landsknechte

formed the vanguard, then followed the bulk of the Papal

and Spanish troops, and last came the Swiss. An immediate attack was resolved on, as news came from the city that the population was ready to rise against
the

French, and

that

the

defences

were

inadequate.

* Guicciardini, XIV.,
+

3.
;

Guicciardini,

XIV., 3

Grumello,
di

274.

Gian Girolamo
16,

Rossi, Vita di Giov. de' Medici, in Vita
Firenze, 1S66, 88.

uomini d'arme del sec,

*The Marquis

of

Mantua wrote on the

i6th of

Nov.

to Castiglione in

Rome

that he
il

had the day before crossed the

Adda

with his troops, "sopra

ponte fatto sotto Rivolta."

Gonzaga

Archives, Mantua.

THE FRENCH RETREAT FROM MILAN.
Cardinals

55

Medici and

Schinner, with

Pescara and

the

Marquis of Mantua, pointed

out certain

suburbs as a

good object
attacked
the

for attack.

Pescara, with Spanish
;

marksmen,
the Porta

Porta

Romana
all

Prospero

Colonna, with

Spaniards and German
Ticinese.

mercenaries, attacked

Contrary to

expectation, the suburbs were

speedily occupied, and

soon after the gates were forced.
such
a

Lautrec

had

thought

rapid

approach

of

the

enemy an impossibility, as been made impassable by
taken

the roads had, he considered,

the rain.

He was

completely

by

surprise,

and, without any serious attempt at

resistance,

retreated

from Milan by the gate leading to
populace, to cries such
!

Como
Duke
the
!

;

while

the
!

as:

Empire!

Church

Palle

rose as one

man and welcomed
and vanquished

enemy.

In

the

night

Maximilian Sforza was pro-

claimed

Duke

of Milan.

Both

victors

were equally surprised by the quick and easy conquest of
the capital of

Lombardy.*
Milan decided that of the whole of Lombardy.
Novara,
Tortona,
Alessandria,
Asti,

The

fate of

Piacenza,

Pavia,

Cremona, and Lodi willingly threw open
allies.f

their gates to the
in

The French,

it

is

true,

succeeded

retaking

*

A full

and authentic account of the conquest of Mihin
seq.,

is

given

in

Sanuto, XXXII., 162
printed reports

165,

168

seq.^

183 seq., 188
report

seq., in

the

of eye-witnesses,

especially the

of Cardinal
in

Medici and that of the Marquis of Mantua.
Arch.
stor.
Ital.,

See also BuRlGOZZO
seq.

ist

Series,
I.,

III.,

433;

Capixla, 28
conquest
139.

Many,
to

among them
Schinner
+
;

Francis

attributed

the
i,

of

Milan

see Eidgenoss. Abschiede, IV.,

On

Nov. 24 the Marquis of Mantua, " ex
:

felicibus

castris
si

in

Mediolano," wrote to B. Castiglione
rese

*Ultra Piasenza e Pavia
et

sono

ancor Novara, Tortona, Alexandria

Asti

ct

si

manda uno

trombetta ad dimandar Lodi.
capitulation of

On

the 26th he wrote to announce the
in

Cremona.

Copies of both ^letters

the Library of

Mantua.

56

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at the

Cremona, but had
they also
to be
lost

same time
the 24th of

to evacuate

Parma, and
the English

Como.

Altogether the star of France seemed

on the wane.

On

November

Chancellor concluded a defensive and offensive alliance
with the

Pope and Emperor against Francis

I.*

The

prudent Venetians meditated a breach of their alliance
with France, on the plea that quite unexpected events had

completely altered the situation.

For three months Leo X. had watched the progress of
the war in Northern Italy with indescribable excitement.

The pause when

the war had scarcely been begun, then

the raising of the siege of Parma, had put

him

into despair.-f

We

can learn

from the

famous

letters

of

Baldassare

Castiglione

progress of

how anxiously the Pope awaited news of the the war, and how he despaired one day and
next.;]:

hoped the
the

His

Holiness, Castiglione reports on
is

15th of October, 1521,
it

filled

with great anxiety;

were
things

possible,

he would
in

like to

know every hour how

are

going

Lombardy.§
might be
true.

When

better

news
all

arrived on the 17th of October, Leo, with

arms upraised,
the

prayed to God that

it

His joy was

* Herbert, Henry VHI., London, 1649, ^^7 ^^1-\ Brosch, VI.,
152.

t Cf.

supra,

51,

and

Castiglione of Sept. 15, 1521.
\

Castiglione reports

Sanuto, XXII., 24; two **Letters ot Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. on Sept. 28, 1521 *Sua S''' sta con bona
:

speranza de victoria e ridese de

la

voce die spargono questi Francesi

con dire che se
gli sia

tratta I'accordo et a

me

pare cognoscere che S.

S'*

non

punto
7, it

inclinata.

In a *Letter of Castiglione's to the Marquis
sta in

on Oct.

says

:

*E1 Papa

grandissima espettatione de vedere
S'''

el fine, el

quale N. S. Dio conceda secondo che S.
in

desidera.

On

October 10 he says
de intendere nove

another

letter

:

*N.

S.

desidera

summamente

delli eserciti.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
termine e cosi strette come sono

§ *S. S'^ per essere le cose in tal

sta

molto suspeso con molta anxieta de animo e se possibil fosse
si fa.

vorrebbe ogni hor sapere cio che

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

CRITICAL POSITION OF THE POPE.
greater because this was the
first

57

time that Cardinal Medici

had sent favourable
Castiglione; "never
floated about

tidings,

"

The
its

state of

expectancy

which reigns here has reached
before

highest

point," wrote

have
all

such

various

rumours

Rome." *

But

the time

Leo was tormented

by the fear that Francesco Maria della Rovere would try
to regain possession of Urbino.f

To
war;:]:

the

Pope the

position

was
all

all

the

more

critical

because he had to bear nearly
for

the

expense of the

Charles was heavily burdened by the expense

incident

on the insurrection of the Spanish towns, and

the maintenance of his
able to send

army

in

the Netherlands, and was

money
The

to Italy only at uncertain intervals.

But
final

it

was not only

his financial difficulties

which exercised

the Pope.§

vacillations of the Swiss,

on

whom

the

settlement of the war seemed to depend, caused him

acute anxiety.
in

There were times when Leo, though quite
to the sugFrench.ll

the secret of his heart, began to give ear

gestions
fits

of the

But these were only passing
in

ot

weakness such as cannot cause surprise
nature.

one of

his

timid

When

he faced the actual state of

affairs

he

knew very

well that he

must stand

firm.

In

order to cut from under his feet the possibility of any

change of purpose, and to remove from the Imperialists
* **Castiglione
to

the Marquis,

dat.

from Rome, Oct.

17,

1521.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t Cf.
\

Balan,

Boschetti,

I.,

148-149.

Vettori,
Attempts

336.
to procure

§

money were made
offices

in

a variety of ways,
;

especially
cf.

by the creation of new

and invention of new taxes

Sanuto, XXXII.,

24, 44, 89, 116, 149.
:

On

Oct. 23, 1521, Castiglione
fa provisione di denari

reports as follows to his Marquis

*I1

Papa

gagliardamentc.
tanta quantita
II

Cardinali farannosi
forsi altri estima.

a qucsto

Natale,

ma non

in

come

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

GUICCIARDINI (XIV.

3) says this explicitly.

58
all

HISTORY OF THE POPES
excuse
for

doubting his steadfastness, he sent Cardinal
in the last

week of SeptemRome, and hesitated for some time to obey,* though the Pope wrote to him with his own hand commanding him to undertake the The appointment of this man, who, although he work.-joften resided in Florence, was nevertheless called into consultation on all important occasions, meant as much
ber.

Medici as Legate to the army

Medici was very unwilling

to

leave

as

Pope himself had been present with the army.J Leo X., who had been seriously ill in the last week of August, but had now recovered as quickly, § was again
if

the

taken

ill

in

the night between the 25th and 26th of October.
it

This time

was not owing

to a chill or to his old fistula

trouble, but to his chronic state of excitement.[|

However,
a considera-

by the 5th of November he was again convalescent ;1[ and
on the 15th he held a Consistory.
tion of 10,000 ducats, he

At

this, for

gave the
title

Duke Giovanni Maria da
of the Papal

Varano of Camerino the
fleet.**

of Admiral

Next day, contrary

to precedent, the
;

Pope was

present at the obsequies of a Cardinal
that he had quite recovered his health.

he wished to prove
After this he went

* Vettori, 336. t *I1 card, de Medici vera

in

campo benche mal
propria efficacissima.
26, 1521.

voluntieri.

II

Papa

li

ha

scritto

una

lettera di

man

*Castiglione

to the

Marquis of Mantua, Rome, Sept.

Gonzaga Archives,

Mantua.
I

GUICCIARDINI, XIV.,
See Paris de Grassis
C/.,

3.

§
II

in

Hoffmann,

475.

with

Sanuto, XXXII.,

89, the

detailed

**Reports of B.

Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, dat.

(Gonzaga Archives, 28, 1 52 *Diarium (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1

Rome, Oct. 26, 27, and Mantua), and Paris de GrassiS,

1 Sanuto, XXXII.,
Sanuto, XXXII.,
187.

116.
C/.

** See *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican).

JOV OF THE POPE.
to his hunting villa at Magliana.*

59

Ambassadors who had

any news

to

communicate,

visited

him there

in

numbers,
23rd
of

and were received without ceremony.

On

the

November

Ambassador of the Marquis of Mantua, had a long conversation with him at Magliana,
Castiglione, the

about the events of the war and the chances of taking
Milan.f

On

the afternoon of the 24th of

November

the secretary

of Cardinal Medici arrived in
that the capital of

Rome

with the intelligence
taken.^
Giberti.

Lombardy had been

He

at

once went on to Magliana, accompanied by
passage
the

They

found the Pope saying Lauds, having just reached the
in

the

Benedictus

:

"

that

being delivered from

fear"

hand of our enemies, we may serve him without Leo's joy at the news brought was (Luke 74).
i.

intense, although he realized that the war was as yet only

He had all the details related to him, and put many questions as to the condition of the army, the position
half over.

of the French, Cardinal Medici's state of health, and the
dispositions of the Milanese.
* Sanuto, XXXII.,
t
149.
letter

Messenger

after

messenger

See Castiglione's

of Nov.

23,

1521

(Gonzaga Archives
dipl. del

Mantua), printed

in the rare

Nozzeschnft Lettere

conte B.

Castiglione, Padova, 1875.
\ For the last days of Leo X., described by many writers with the most arbitrary misstatements (ROSCOE-Henke, III., 477), cf. especially the trustworthy and detailed account of Bart. Angelelli on Dec. 3,
1

52

1,

and
;

that of G. Bonfiglio of Dec.
cf.

5,

in

Sanuto, XXXII, 239
Castiglione's

scq.

and 233

187 (where there

is

apparently a fault in the date) and
;

203-204, extracts from Gradenigo's letters

letters

in

Baschet, Cath. de Medicis, 266-267;
366
1
;

Brewer,
n. 109,

III., 2, n. 1824,

1825

;

Bergenroth, II., n. 365, Paris de Grassis in Ravnaldus,
cf.
; ;

and Hoffmann, 475 477 Alberi, II., 3, 71 Vettori, 338 (with wrong date) *Letter of Ang. Germanello, dat. Rome, 1521, Dec. 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) *Letter of Stefano Saffa (detto
52 1,
;

;

I'Eiemita), dat.

Rome,

1521, Dec.

i

(State Archives, Modena).

6o was despatched
event
in

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to

Rome
manner.

with orders

to

celebrate the
St.

a

fitting

Cannon from

Angelo
in-

proclaimed the victory to the inhabitants of the Eternal
City
;

the joy caused

by the news was altogether

describable.*

At Magliana those in the immediate entourage of the Pope were intoxicated with joy, especially the Swiss, who
looked on the capture of Milan as an avenging of Marignano.

Fireworks were sent off throughout the night, to the accom-

paniment of music and volleys of guns.

This commotion,
all

added
It

to his excitement, kept the

Pope awake

night.

was reported that he passed it sitting at the open window, sunk in thought, and watching the doings of the Swiss,
till

he became so chilled that he had to return to the stove

to

warm.

By

this

imprudence he caught a severe
set in.

chill,

and symptoms of fever soon
the 25th of

In the afternoon of

Rome. It was one of those glorious winter days such as are perhaps known
only
in

November

the Pope returned to

warmth
for,

Rome, with the sun shining with almost too much in spite of this the Pope shivered and walked
; ;

part of the distance on foot

this did

not improve matters,

owing

to his corpulence, he broke into a profuse per-

spiration.

so occupied was he

However, he paid scarcely any attention to this, by the thought of the great reception

which was awaiting him in Rome, which was to remind him of the ovation at the beginning of his Pontificate, when

The crowds greeted and the Cardinals received him with reverence. Everywhere the air echoed with joyous cries and salvos of cannon. He beamed with joy, and said to the Imperial
he took possession of the Lateran.
joy,

him with

Ambassador

that he rejoiced

more over the conquest of
Papal

Milan than he had rejoiced

at his election to the
1

* Cf. Castiglione's letter of Nov. 24,

521, in the writing about the

Esenzioniy 28-29, quoted supra, p. 45, n.

PUBLIC THANKSGIVING.
chair.*
far

6l

These words show with a
secularization

terrible clearness

how
by

the

of

the

supreme dignity of the
it

Church

had

advanced
his

since

was

commenced

Sixtus IV.f

Leo X. talked with
arrangements
victory.
for a

Master of Ceremonies about the
for the

solemn service of thanksgiving
should
not

Paris de Grassis remarked in his dry

way
up

that
for

public

thanksgivings

be

offered

a

victory gained over a Christian power, unless there had

been

at

stake

Full of glee, the

some special advantage Pope replied, smiling,
the Church

for

the Church.

that the greatest

advantage

for

was

at
all

Wednesday
Consistory.
night.
:[:

he

would
held
their

make
high

and that on arrangements in a
stake,
till

Rome

festival

late

into the
in

As was
that

way, the Romans indulged

the

wildest of surmises, and

of

proof,

the

many believed, without a shadow Duchy of Milan was destined for
spirits,

Cardinal Medici.§
In the evening the Pope dined in the best of
that night slept well.

and
26),

But next morning (November

while he was giving audience to Cardinal Trivulzio and
* Manuel, Nov.
t

27, in

Bergenroth,
felt

II.,

n. 364.
is

How much

this

was

by contemporaries

shown

in several

passages by the Sienese chronicler Tizio.

In 1521 he writes thus:

*Et profecto minim
deberent ct

est cur pontifices Christianorum, qui

pace studere
prae-

nulli parti

regum dissidentium adhercre, assensum

beant atque procurent Christiani cruoris tantum effundi in dies ac

virginum multitudinem lupanari infamia pollui prophanari edes sacras
ac virginum vestalium fedari monasteria, sacra vasa sacramve suppellectilem diripi sine ullo dei aliusve ultoris metu, clerum et pia loca in
dies gravibus pecuniar, decimationibus onerari et anghariari.
II.,

Cod. G,

39,

f.

41, of the Chigi Library,

I

Paris de Grassis in

Rome. Raynaldus, 1521,

n. 109.

§ Paris de Grassis in

emarks further

:

HOFFMANN, 475. Mancano di cio le prove.

C/.

De

Leva,

II.,

115,

who

62

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his relatives,

one of

he was taken with a shivering

fit

and

had to break
27th,

off the interview

and return

to bed.

restless in the night,

he

felt fairly

well on

Though Wednesday the

though rather weak, so that the Consistory was postponed. The physicians declared that his ailment was a
case of simple intermittent fever, the consequence of the
chill

he had caught
for cold

in the night at

Magliana.

Towards

evening and during the following days they gave the usual

remedies

and intermittent

fever,
in a

and had no doubt
few days.

that the Pope would be quite well

But

in

the evening of the 29th of
fainting
fit

November he had such a severe became alarmed. Already being made in several quarters for the arrangements were Nor did the possibility of a vacancy in the Holy See.*
that

the doctors

Pope conceal from himself the gravity

of his state,

and

made
Briefs

a general confession with great devotion.f
felt

However,

on Saturday he again

so well that he sent off

some

and enjoyed some music. He went so far as to declare that in eight days, on the Feast of St. Ambrose,
he wished to
S.
visit

the church

of that saint, and

also

Maria del Popolo. But in the evening violent fever suddenly returned and he lost consciousness for a time
those about him were

much alarmed, J and

three messengers

were sent to Cardinal Medici.
* See Giberti's
177 seq.
t S. S'^ se avea confessato
11

letter of

Nov.

30,

1521, in

Balan,

Boschetti,

I.,

Venere quando ebbe
;

11

primo accidente.

Report of G. Bonfiglio in Sanuto, XXXII., 233 cf. 235, 243. The Swiss captain, Kaspar Roist, also testifies to this in his letter of Dec. 4
(Eidgendss. Abschiede, IV.,
i,

153).

See also Castiglione's

letter of

Gregorovius Dec. 2 in Baschet, Catherine de Medecis, 267. (VIII., 265) is mistaken in gathering from this letter that the Pope
also received

Communion.

1

*Letter of Floriano Montino, dated from I Cf. the State Archives, Modena, 521.

Rome, Nov.

30,

LAST ILLNESS OF THE
In the niq,ht he
1st
it

POl'E.

63

was very

ill,

and

in

the morning of the
interior heat,

of

December he complained of great
difficulty that

and

was with

he allowed himself to be persuaded

to take

some nourishment.
left

Then once again he was
in

better

and the fever

him.

He was

great spirits and talked

a great deal, and the doctors again entertained hopes of a

speedy recovery.
Piacenza, and

He had
this

already heard of the conquest of

been taken.

day he learned that Parma had To win back these two cities had been his
war
;

now on

chief motive for beginning the
at the time to Cardinal

and he had declared

Medici that he would gladly purlife.* It

chase their recovery with his
his

seemed now that

hope of securing the independence of the Holy See, by an increase of the States of the Church, was about to
-j-

be realized.

The improvement
day.

in

the Pope's condition continued

all

Feeling quite easy about him, the few persons
to the sick-room

who
two

had been admitted

went away.

These were

the doctor, Cardinal Pucci, Bishop Ponzetti, the Pope's

nephews
Jacopo
shivering

Salviati

and

Ridolfi,

and

his sister Lucrezia, wife of

Salviati.
fit

However,

at eleven o'clock a

than any before seized on him.

that his hour

had come, and

at

more violent Leo X. knew once asked for Extreme

Unction.
his

Viaticum was deferred, presumably because of extreme weakness.;]: He repeatedly kissed the crucifix,
:

and called on the name of Jesus

it

was

his

last

word.

When

Cardinal Pucci,

who had been summoned

in haste,

* GUICCIARDINI, XIV.,
t NITTI, 456.
J

4.

B. Angelelli says explicitly
;

:

" S.

S'"*

cognoscendo
242.

el

morire ado-

mand6 Toglio santo" in RoscoeHknke,
that
false.

Sanuto, XXXII.,
III., 477,

The
58,
is

contrary statement
I.,

Ranke,
last

1.8,

and Brosch,

62,

Leo X. died without the

sacraments,

therefore absolutely

64

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

entered the room, he found the Pope unconscious.*
died at midnight.-f

He

Early in the morning of the 2nd of December the totally unexpected news of the death of the Supreme Pontiff was
spread
shut.

throughout the

city,

where

all

the shops were

The
:

consternation of the

friends

and adherents

of the

Medici Pope was very great.

Their glory had
lay hands

departed

and even

in the night

they carried off from
on.:J:

the Vatican everything that they could
In
to

the morning the the

Cardinals could
a

be seen hurrying

Vatican

for

preliminary consultation.
fifty

The
pieces

Palace was

closed,
it,

and the Swiss mounted
while everywhere

of ordnance on
selves.

men armed them-

Everything, however, remained quiet, so good

* The oft-repeated assertion of a popular preacher in

1

537, that

Fra

Mariano alone remained by the Pope's death-bed
VII.,
3,

(see

Tiraboschi,
of B.
the

380),

is

not confirmed by the version

we have seen
report.

Angelelli's

detailed

and well-founded contemporary
Mariano

On
li

other

hand we

find the information, " Frate

bufifone

racco-

mandava I'anima per quanto si dice," in a letter sent from Rome on Sanuto, XXXII., 289. But this anonymous letter Dec. 21, 1521
;

contains the most malicious exaggerations (see

Reumont,

III., 2, 123),

and also
Cf. also

direct untruths, e.g. that the

Pope had died without confession.

Rossi, Pasquinate, XI.

t

There was a post-mortem examination of the body next day (see

the report

drawn up from the statements of Paris de Grassis
seq.,

in

Hoff-

man, 479

which are not
;

in this case very sufficient,

and Laemmer,

Mantissa, 200-201

cf.

B. Castiglione in NiTTi, 455).

The body was
to St.
in the

laid out in Cardinal Medici's rooms,

and afterwards removed

Peter's
cf.

(SanutO, XXXII.,
239.
to

242),

and there interred

evening;

Fabronius,
X

According

Gradenigo (Alb^RI, he.

cit..,

71) Leo's sister Lucrezia

took part

in the pillage.

An

authentic proof that

many

things were
is

stolen from the Vatican in the night before Leo's death

found

in

some *marginal
tium in foraria

notes to the ^Inventarium

omnium bonorum
State Archives,

existen-

S.

D. Leonis X.,

f.

8

and

f.

Zb.

Rome.

DEATH OF THE

POPE.

6$

were the precautionary measures taken by the Sacred
College.*

six, at

The sudden death of this Pope, at the early age of fortythe very moment when messenger after messenger
fresh victories, has

was arriving with news of
tragic about
it.

something
from

"Just ei^ht days ago," wrote Castiglione
"

of the 2nd of December,

His

Holiness returned

Magiiana

in

triumphal
first

procession, such as had not been
his Pontificate.

seen since the

days of

This evening

there will take place a very different kind of solemnity, his

interment
fortune
!

in

St. Peter's. Thus changeable is human The Lord God overthrows our plans as He

pleases."f
It

may

be said

that

the

proverbial
;

good-fortune of

Leo X. accompanied him
would have had
to carry

to his death

for

had he

lived,

he

on the war with an exhausted exdifficulties.

chequer and under the greatest

He knew

only

of the triumph of his arms, what was to follow was hidden

from him.

As
*

in all

cases of sudden death, there was

much
153.

talk of

C/. the lucid reports in

Sanuto, XXXII., 237

se^., 242,
i,

and the
See also
3,

letter of

Kaspar Roist
II.,

in

Eidgenoss. Abschiede, IV.,

Bergenroth,
1

n. 368,

and the *Letter of
266.

B. Castiglione, Dec.

52

1,

in the

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
C/. also Giraldi in

t

Baschet, Catherine de Medecis,
SiSMONDl, XIV.,
well

Fab-

RONIUS, 317.
I

536.

It is

known
this

that

Wolsey

attributed to
to

the Pope the intention of using the

power of the Hapsburg only

destroy that of the French

;

and that

being done, he meant to
all

turn round on Charles so as to rid Italy of

foreign ascendancy.

Guicciardini gathered the

same thing from Cardinal Medici.

Nitti

also (457) does not consider that this idea should be quite rejected,

but does right

in

putting

it

forward with the greatest caution, for the

prudent Medici must have been aware that what might have been
possible during the lifetime of Maximilian would be hopeless in face of such a

power as that of Charles V.
5

VOL. VHI.

66

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

poison connected with that of Leo X.

The

discoloration

and swelHng of the body after death were taken by
as a sure sign that his decease

many
at the

was the

result of a crime.*

But the physician Severino, who had been present
post-mortem
examination, declared
thing,

that

there

was no
at

question of any such

though he admitted that he
it.f

could not persuade his colleagues of

Suspicion

fell

once on the Pope's cup-bearer, Bernabo Malaspina, who
belonged
suspicion,
to

the

French

party

;

his

behaviour excited
his

and he was

arrested.

However,

examination

brought nothing to light on which

his accusers could lay

hands; Cardinal Medici had him
so as not to

set at liberty,

presumably
I.,

make an

irreconcilable

enemy
in

of Francis

should he be found to be mixed up

the case. J

Both

Francesco Maria della Rovere and the

Duke

of Ferrara

were mentioned as instigators of the crime.

The

latter

gave an excuse
decease.

for this suspicion

by the scandalous signs
of his enemy's

of joy in which he indulged

when he heard

He

rewarded with generosity those who brought

the news, and vilified the

memory

of the dead Pontifif in

every possible way.§

* Paris de Grassis

in

217, 234, 235 seq.; Reports of the

Raynaldus, 1521, n. 109; Sanuto, XXXII., Mayence Ambassador in Krafft,
Zeit der Reformation, Elberfeld, 1875,

Briefe

und Dokumente aus der
and
seqq.

31, 32, 24,

letters of Castiglione in

Renier,

Notizia, ig seqq.,

and
de

Martinati, 40
t See
Grassis, loc.
I
cit.

Bonfiglio's

report,

Sanuto, XXXII.,
Campeggio
in

234,

and

Paris

Sanuto, XXXII.,
loc. cit.

234, 238;
lib.

Brewer,

III., n.

2,

1869; JOVIUS, Vita Leonis X.,

4; Guicciardini, XIV., 4; Paris

de Grassis,

;

*Blasii de Martinelles de Cesena, Diarium (Cere-

monial Archives of the Vatican).
§
Cf.

JOVIUS, Vita Alphonsi
ed.

;

Frizzi,
3rd

Mem.

di Ferrara,

IV.,

286

;

Ariosto, Lettere

Cappelli,

ed.,

Milano,

1887,

LXXXII,

B.\LAN, seqq.; VI., 55-56.

CAUSE OF THE POPE'S DEATH.

6y

Francesco Vettori, the great friend of the Medici, has
declared himself, in
idea of poison.
his

History of Italy, adverse to the
to the

In a

letter

Englishman, Clerk,*
chill

he attributes the Pope's death entirely to the

he

caught

in

the night at Magliana

;

and says that anyone

who knew
manner of

Leo's constitution, his corpulency, his bloated

countenance, and almost chronic catarrh, as well as his
living,

with

frequent fasts and heavy meals,
lived so long.f

would be surprised that he had

Two

of the most

celebrated

contemporary

historians,

Guicciardini and Giovio, are firmly convinced that he was

poisoned,^
theless,

as

is

also

Baldassare

Castiglione.§
far

Neveras
it

the

result

of the

post-mortem, as

is

known, as well as the form taken by the Pope's
of
intermittent
fever

illness

with

intervals

of

complete con-

valescence, offered no sanction for the idea of death by
* Clerk
t

to

Wolsey, Dec.
338.

2,

Brewer,
in

III., 2,

n 1825.
his

Vettori,

H. Borgia also mentions the peculiarity of
is
I.,

dietary in his report, which
in

other respects incredibly embellished
i.

Brosch, Kirchenstaat,
Dec.
2

62, n.

Manuel speaks

of this in his

letter of

(Bergenroth,

II., n.

366), with a cautious hint

about

poison.
t

Jovius, Vita Leonis X.,
is

lib.

4

;

GuiCCiARDiNi, XIV.,

4.

The

suspicion of poison

definitely indicated

by these

;

and K.

Roist, in

the report above quoted, says that there was a suspicion of poisoned

wine having been given.

"El

si

dice."

The same is The statement of GORI

said in
is

Lancellotti,

I.,

210

:

similar (Archivio, IV., 245).
historians

See also Rossi, Pasquinate, IX.

Among modern

Gre-

GOROVIUS

(VIII., 264) has e.vprcssed himself

most strongly against the
NiTTi was that of "febbre
the suspicion of

theory of poison, but without any clear reasons for the doubt.
(455) says truly that to
perniciosa," yet
all

appearances the

illness

there

seemed some foundation
the Pope

for

poison.

In April, 15

19,

Venice had reported that a certain scoundrel

had wished

to poison

and

his

relatives

;

sec

Lam.anskv,

Secrets de Venise, 406-407.
§

Renier,

Notizia, 19-20.

68
violence.

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Everything
like

points
VI.,

rather

to

the

idea

that

Leo

X.,

Alexander

was

the

victim

of

a

virulent attack of n:ialaria.*

The number of enemies possessed by Leo was revealed by the extravagant attacks which were showered on his

memory

after

his death.
in.

Verses of bitterest scorn and

senseless rage poured

The

favourites of the Medici,
satirical

whose hopes were now destroyed, were ridiculed by pictures and medals with biting inscriptions.-|-

Every

manner of accusation was
moderate
flattery

levelled against the late Pope.

This immoderate abuse was only equalled by the im-

which had been showered on him when
In

newly

elected. J

In other ways also his end was in striking

contrast with the brilliant beginning of his Pontificate.

consequence of the financial need

his

funeral obsequies,

though not as mean as had been some, were by no means
brilliant. §

His funeral oration, delivered by Antonio da
short.

Spello,

was very

There could have been nothing
malaria raged at that time in
4.

* As at the present day,

this infectious
;

the neighbourhood of Magliana

see JoviUS, Vita, Hb.

Cases of

malaria are prevalent
to

in

a damp,

warm

winter, especially

imprudence
+
I

like that of

Leo X.

in the night of

when added November 25.
1.,

Sanuto, XXXII.,

288, 289-290.

Some

of these pasquinades in

Sanuto,

XXXI

289, 302, 356

(the one there quoted, " Intravit ut vulpes, vixit ut leo, mortuus est ut
canis,"
Ital.,

had already been applied to Boniface VIII., see Giorn. d. lett. XXXI., 401), others in TiziO, *Hist. Senen. Cod. G, II., 39, f.
;

563 segq. (Chigi Library, Rome), and elsewhere

c/.

RoSSi, Pasquinate,
682, LI.,

XII.

segg.,

78; Xuova Antologia, 3rd Series,
d.
lett.
;

XXXVIIL,

535 seqq.; Giorn.
Secolo, III., 48
esp.
in

seqq.

XXVIII., 58 seq.^ ZZseqq.; Gnoli, Cesareo, 195, 207 seqq. Many unprinted,
Ital.,

Cod. Ottob., 2817, Vatican

Library.

Alongside of these

there are not wanting praises of the dead; see ROSCOE-BOSSI, XII.,
47, n. 2.
§

See Paris de Grassis
89).

in

Hoffmann,

481 seqq.
274.

{cf.

Delicati-

Armellini,

Sanuto, XXXII., 260-271,

TOMB OF LEO
noteworthy
mention.*
in
it,

X.

69

or

it

would not have passed without
of the Renaissance, so devoted to
;

The Pope

magnificence, was buried very poorly
St. Peter's

a simple
It

tomb

in

covered his mortal remains. f

was only
in

in the

Pontificate of Paul III. that a great

tomb

white marble

was erected
S.

for

him

in the choir
Its

behind the high altar at

Maria sopra Minerva.

execution was given to the

Florentine, Baccio Bandinelli,^ and the
it

work of designing

Four Corinthian columns support an arch surmounted by the Medici arms and subjects in relief; that in the middle depicts the meeting of Leo X. with Francis I. at Bologna in the
entrusted
to
di

Antonio

Sangallo.§

;

principal niche sits the Medici Pope., holding the keys in his
left

hand, while he raises the right
||

in blessing.

The

figures

of the Princes of the Apostles,

by Baccio
it

Bandinelli, the

* Paris de Grassis (*Diarium) says
brevis,

is

true

:

*Ipse sermo

fuit

compendiosus

et

accommodatus.

On

the other hand,
" assai brutta et

Sanuto

remarks (XXXII., 290) that the discourse was

da piovan

da

villa."

The numerous commemorative
;

discourses delivered at the

Universities are preserved
t JOVIUS, Vita,
I
lib. 4.

see RoscOE-Bossi, XII., 48-49.

Cf. the contract of

1536

in

Arch.

stor. dell' Arte, V., 2, 305.

Vasari
died,

(in the Life of Alf.

Lombard!)

relates that

when Clement VH.

Cardinal Ippolito de" Medici commissioned that sculptor to prepare
the

tombs of both Medici Popes.

Lombardi prepared them from
to

drawings by Michael Angelo, and went

Carrara to choose the marble.

When
sister,

Cardinal Ippolito died, Lombardi was dismissed by Cardinals

Salviati, Ridolfi, Pucci, Cibo,

and Gaddi, and,

at the request of Leo's

Lucrezia Salviati, the execution of the

monument was handed
it

over to Baccio Bandinelli, who had prepared a sketch of
the lifetime of Clement

during
in

VII.

There

is

a

sketch of the
II.,

tomb

ClACONlUS,

III.,

331,

and Clausse, San

Gallo,

317, who, however,

changed the two tombs of Leo X. and Clement VII. § Clausse, loc. cit., II., 316.
I|

Not
1

virtues, as they are called

by Lubke, Gesch. der Plastik (2nd

ed.,

87 1), 7ZAscqq.

70

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
rival of

needy

Michael Angelo, which stand

in

the two side

commonplace as the central figure of The whole the Pope executed by Rafifaello da Montelupo. thing is a cold and insipid piece of work, unworthy of the patron of Raphael. As is most unusual, there is no inscription on the tomb. * Yet never was there a Pope who
niches, are quite as

was the subject of more inscriptions

in his lifetime

than

LeoX.
* Masetti (Mem. della chiesa di
S.

Maria sopra Minerva, Roma,

1855, 19) surmises that the inscription

may be

covered by the

stalls.

There

is

no foundation

for this idea.

The

translation of Leo's bones,
St.

together with those of Clement VII., from

Peter's to S.

Maria

sopra Minerva, took place, according to
of June, 1542.

MORONi,

XII., 143, on the 6th

CHAPTER
Personality and

III.

— His

Manner of

Life of Leo X.

Finances and Court.

The

outward appearance of the Pope who gave his name to the age of the Renaissance, with its worship of the
beautiful,

was far from attractive in itself Leo X. was of more than middle height, broad-shouldered and very fat,
than
face,

though, as Giovio declares,* he was rather bloated
actually stout.
set

His unusually large head and His legs were

full

on a short neck, were out of proportion with the
in

rest

of his body.

themselves well shaped,

but too short for the frame they supported.
beautiful things

The only
in

about him were his well-cared-for and

snow-white hands, which he took pleasure
with costly
fat

adorning

rings.

The want
his

of charm

of his flabby,

face

was increased by

and

their unusually short sight,

weak and prominent eyes, which was an inherited
the anonymous Roscoe-Henke, scqq.\ cf. the same
cf.

* JOVIUS, Vita Leonis X.,

lib. 4.

In what follows

Vita Leonis X., in the Cod. Vatic, 3920, printed in
III.,

618

scq.,

and ROSCOE-BOSSI,
the

XII.,

153

(177

seqq.)

about

value

of

this

very
of

impartial
In

biographical
the

sketch written soon after the

death
to

Leo X.
narrative

printing
;

some
Series,

passages

unfavourable
Finally,
cf.

Leo X. have been
in
in

omitted

see

Janus, 381.
III.,

Gradcnigo's

Alberi,
in the

2nd
der

72,

and

Bonivard

Monnier
seq.).

(Literaturgesch.

Renaissance, Nordlingen, 1888, 356
stor. d. lett.
Ital.,

See ClAN

Giorn.

XLVIII., 419

seq.

See also Delaborde, M. A.

Raimondi,

59.

72
family defect.*

HISTORY OF THE TOPES.
This, in spite of his efforts to dispense

with

it,

compelled him to make frequent use of a magnify-

ing glass.f
of

A

drawing

in

the possession of the
to

Duke
lifelike

Devonshire,

attributed

Sebastiano
of

del

Piombo,

reproduces the coarse features
faithfulness. J

Leo X. with
first

The unpleasant impression
exterior almost
course.
entirely

at

produced
after

by

his

disappeared

further inter-

The Pope's musical and pleasant voice, his intelligent way of expressing himself, and his manner,
which, for
all
its

majesty, was friendly and

full

of charm,

his lively interest in science

and

art,

and

his unaffected

delight with the creations laid at his feet
cultivated

by the highlyto captivate all

men
in

of the age, could not

fail

who came
in

contact with him.

Raphael has reproduced
portrait of his patron
in

this side of his character in his

famous

the Pitti Gallery. §

This wonderful portrait,
ed.,

spite of

* See Ariosto, Lettere ed. Cappelli, 3rd

Milano, 1887, 23
210.

;

and the
+ See
I

facetious remarks of Equicola,

LuziO-Renier, Mantova,

Cf.

BURCKHARDT, I.' 344, and the literature therein quoted. Strong, Reproductions of Drawings by Old Masters in
Duke
of Devonshire at Chatsworth, London, 1904.
this

the

Collection of the
§

A fresh
Cf.

and excellent copy of

by Andrea del Sarto
is in

is

in

the

Museum
Rome.
Leone

at Naples.

A

copy by Bugiardini
di

the Corsini Gallery in

A. Niccolini, Sul ritratto

Leone X., dipinto da Raffaello
;

e sulla copia di A. del Sarto, Napoli, 1841 X., etc., Napoli, 1842
;

(R. Betti) Sul ritratto di
Sulla vertenza intorno al
ritratto di

C.

Pancaldi,
;

ritratto di

Leone

X., Milano, 1842

G. Masselli, Sul

Leone

X., dipinto

da Raffaello

e sulla copia fatta
la legitimite
;

da A. del Sarto, Firenze,

1842; H.

de Garriod, De
X.,
s.l.,

du

portrait

de Leon X.,
al ritratto

Reponse a A.
di

Niccolini, Florence, 1842

E. Rocco, Intorno

Leone

1842; C. Guerra, Sul Leone X., del R. Museo
;

Borbonico, Napoli, 1843
stor.
Ital.,

C. d'Arco ed. U.
2,

Braghirolli
in

in

the Arch,

3rd Series, VII.,
;

175 stg.

]

Reumont
360
set/g.
;

the Jahrb. fur
;

Kunstwiss., 1868, 211 Jty.

Springer, Raphael, 114

seg.

Gruyer,

Raphael peintre

d.

portraits, 333 segg.,

Strzvgowski, 47

PORTRAIT OF LEO
its

X.

BY RAPHAEL.
reproduces

7^)

being

embellished

and

ennobled,*

the

originality

and personality of the Pope
the

far

more correctly
or
tlie

than

does

above-mentioned
in

sketch

highly-

realistic

commemorative statue
full

the Capitol.f
in his

Raphael has represented the Pope
dress with the

simple morning

red cape (mozetta), and the cap on his
as the caviauro.

head which
in

is

known

He

is

sitting at ease

an elbow-chair before a table, on the red damask cover
bell,

of which there stands a richly-chased

with an open

manuscript illuminated with miniatures.

In his left hand,

seq.

Against an unjust criticism of the picture, see Kunstchronik, 1899

Most later portraits are based on the one in the Pitti Kenner, 144. Other portraits are taken from the fresco of Attila (^. Crowe, Rafifael, II., 153), and the above-mentioned (p. 72)
-1900, No. 22.
see

drawing by Sebastiano del Piombo, and the miniature from
collection of Prosper- Valton (reproduced in

it

in
5),

the

Muntz,

Tapiss.,

and

the sketch of 15 13 in the
291).

Hofmuseum

in

Vienna (3rd room, No. 460,
life size,
is

A

beautiful

marble bust, rather more than
in
it

Giannozzo Pandolfini,

the palace of that name,

not yet

made for made public.
is

Family tradition
incorrect.

calls

the work of Michael Angelo, which

manifestly
(in

Alfonso Lombardi's colossal marble statue of Leo X.
is

which the Pope
Vecchio,
in

represented as giving his blessing), in the Palazzo

the

Still more may this be said of the bust is a commonplace work. same Palazzo in the Sala di Leone X. Caradosso and Sangallo
cf.

designed medals of Leo X.;
III., 27, 31, 45, 46, 62, 143,

Armand,
As
I.,

L,

hi, 159; IL,

113, 114;

201-202.

to coins, see Cin.\gli,

Monete

de' papi,

Fermo, 1848

;

ScHULTE,

218 seqq.

Fine cameos with the

head of Leo X. are
cf.

in the Ufifizi at

Florence (Nos. 500, 501, 3202, 3203)

WiCKHOFF in Kunstgeschichtl. Anzeigen, 1906, S. 54. * Grimm (Leben Raphaels, 439) declares that in this
done more
for his patron's

picture the

painter of Urbino has "

memory
It is

than could
the master-

have been done by the most

brilliant historian.

...

piece of Raphael in this direction,
portrait of
li.

and conies second

to

no

historical
e.g.

any age.

Vasari's praise

was

quite justified."
132, place
it

Many,

SCHUBLING, Florenz
II.

(Stuttgart, 1902),

above

that of

Julius
t

67.,

about

this, infra.,

283

scqq..,

352.

74

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the intellectual friend of literature and art holds a magnifying
glass,

through which

he has been examining
to

the

paintings,

and seems anxious

have

the opinion

of

Cardinals Medici and Rossi,

who

are standing beside him.

By

just these few touches
bell

— the glass, the illuminated book,
The
the

and the beautiful

— the Pope's characteristics as a lover
the

of beauty and patron of art are placed on the canvas.

head, large out of proportion, the heavy expression, the
flabby,

beardless
all

face,

furrowed forehead

and

double-chin, are

truthfully reproduced.*
is

The

expression

of the countenance

pre-eminently that of gentleness and

kindliness, united to the quiet dignity of a self-conscious
ruler

and shrewd, calculating diplomatist. and
illustrates to a

The expression

of the persuasive mouth, round v/hich there plays a smile,
is

inimitable,

marvellous degree what

Giovio says about the refined and pleasant
peculiar to
in

way of speaking

Leo

X.,

and which could be quite as serious
it

important matters as

was

full

of a delightful ease, a
in the

gay humour, and the greatest courtesy imaginable
ordinary affairs of
life.f

Leo's cheerfulness of temper, which never failed him,

even when suffering from his constitutional ailments, and
especially the fistula trouble,
is

extolled

by

all

contemit

porary writers;^ though, added to his infirmities,
* WoLFFLiN, Klass. Kunst.,
t JOVIUS, Vita,
lib.

no

ii6.

4

;

and

the Vita Anon, in

Roscoe-Henke,
especially
his

III.,

619-620.
I

As

to

Leo's generally

weak

health,

and

fistula

troubles,

which brought on a severe

illness in the

summer

of 1516, (^,

as well asthe Vita

Anon,

in

372, 412, 443, 456, 475; XXIII., 268; XXVI., 7, 51, 216 XXIX., 164 st;gg.
;

Roscoe-Henke, III., 619, Sanuto, XXII., XXV., 204, 438, 611 segq.;
;

cf.

Vol. VII. of this work, p.

156,

and

siipra^ p.

58,

and Marini,

I.,

318 seqq.

In the

same

(I.,

303

seqq) are valuable accounts of Leo's physicians and surgeons.
" Archangiolo
"

The

mentioned on

p.

282 received eight ducats a month;

CHARACTER OF LEO

X.

75

doubt increased the dilatoriness and slowness of action

which were
Pope,*

such characteristic

features

of

the

Medici

The

discomforts suffered by Leo, especially during

long ecclesiastical functions, by reason of his corpulence,

have been

testified

by

his

Master of Ceremonies, who

describes how, on such occasions, he

saw him keep wiping

the perspiration from his face

and hands.f Ambassador, Marino Giorgi, has The observant Venetian drawn Leo's character most admirably with a few strokes
of the pen.

"The Pope," he

says in his

final

report of

March,

15 17, "is a

very good-tempered and generous man,

who

shrinks from severe exertion and desires peace.
in
it

He
by

would never be drawn into war unless entangled
his adherents.

He
di
ill.

loves the sciences

and

is

well versed in

see *Serapica, Spese private di

Leone

X.,

L
;

(State Archives,

Rome).
L, 206.

See also

Mem.

Pisani, IV., 291

seqq.

Heimbucher,
St.

Among the physicians was the celebrated Jew, Bonet de whom Reuchlin turned {cf. Maulde, Juifs dans les Etats du
Paris, 1886, 17,

Lattes, to

Siege,
at all

and VOGELSTEIN,

II., {cf.

35, 81, 83).
J.

It

was not

unusual to have Jews as physicians
Aerzte,

MiJNZ, Ueber die jiidischen
jiidischen

im

Mittelalter, Berlin,

1887;

Landau, Gesch. der
This

Aerzte, Berlin,

1895).

Even

before his election

Leo X. had a Jew

(perhaps as a physician?) in his service.
in

Ferrara,
:

and Medici recommended
Isac

him
in

Ferrara

*Cum

Hebreus de Phano
*Brief dated from

man wished to settle Duke Alfonso of nos dum in minoribus
to
2,

essemus familiamque nostram plurima obsequia impenderit diuque
fideliter

inservierit.

Rome, May

15 13
in

(State

Archives, Modena).

In Nos. 102 and 105 of the Borgo

Nuovo

Rome

we can
di

still

admire the beautiful palace of Leo's court physician, Giacomo
{cf.

Bartolomeo da Brescia
is

Adinolfi, Portica

di

San

Pietro, 109),

the plan of which
tion

ascribed to Raphael or Peruzzi.
liberalitate
||

The

inscrip-

over
||

it

:

Leonis X. Pont. Max.
||

Jacobus Brixianus
this

Chirugus

Aedificavit

no longer

exists.

About
<^.,

physician
I.,

who
317,

was attending Leo during the Conclave,
the *Uffiziali camerali, 1515-1521,
f.

besides Marini,

8,

State Archives,

Rome.
Cacce,
15.

*

Cf. Paris

de Grassis

t Paris de Grassis in

in Hoffmann, 428, and Gnoli, Hoffmann, 416; cf 420.

76
literature

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and canon law
"
;

but above

all

else

he

is

an

excellent musician." *
literature," is

years later;

He is learned and the friend of Marco Minio's account, written some three "he fulfils his religious duties conscientiously,
and enjoy
life.

but he

will live

He

takes especial pleasure

in the chase."

f

Marino Giorgi's narrative also contains the report of Leo
having said to his brother Giuliano, soon after his election,
"

Let us enjoy the Papacy, since God has given

it

to us."

These words have been too readily repeated and accepted by authors who aspire after what is sensational but they rest on no authentic tradition. The Ambassador who records them did not take up his post in Rome till two
;

years after the election

;

therefore he

is

not a contemporary

witness: furthermore, as a Venetian, he was by no
likely to
is

means

speak impartially of Leo X.

Evidently Giorgi
[J

merely repeating an anecdote of the ante-chamber.
writers,

Other

who

could speak with even less authority,

give a different version of the words ;§ on the other hand,

Giovio and also Guicciardini scorn to take up or spread the
reported words,

However questionable it may be whether Leo X. ever did say those words, there is no doubt that
|i

they are descriptive of his desire for pleasure, and of the
aspect in which he regarded his great position.

suspecting the dangers which
* Sanuto, XXIV.,
t
:|:

Without menaced the Papacy from
Series, III., 51, 56.

90, 93
;

;

Alberi, 2nd
Alberi,
Masi

Sanuto, XXVIII., 517
Cf.

loc. cii., 64.

Masi, Studi,

I.,

132, 158.

tries also to

prove that the

words as uttered with
that

their original context
to

have a

dififerent sense,

and

by them Leo only wished
Cf. Pr.\to, 405.

curb the covetous proclivities of his
J. Ziegler, Leo X. is made to say Ranke, Deutsche Gesch., VI., 132.

court.
§

According

to

:

"Nunc On
II

triumphabimus, amici."

the other hand, the author of the Vita

Anonyma

in

Cod. Vatic,

3920, adopted

them

;

see Janus, 381.

LEO A TRUE SON OF

IIIS

AGE.

"jy

within, he regarded himself only as the fortunate heir of

the achievements of his powerful predecessor and as secure
in his inheritance.

He was

zealously determined to main-

tain the strong position of the but, for the rest, he
intellectual

Holy See

as he found

it

gave himself without reserve to the

enjoyments which the newly-opened world of

the ancients, and the highly-developed culture of his
age, offered to

own

him with such bountiful fulness. of antiquity and the marvellous creations of contemporary artists interested him no less than did the thrilling accounts which reached him from the newly-discovered countries,''* the elegant discourses and

The masterpieces

poems of

the

humanists, the

frivolous

comedies of a

Bibbiena or an Ariosto, the bewitching compositions of
distinguished musicians, the witty sallies of his improvisatori

and the coarse
the

jests of the buffoons,

who were

at that time

welcome entertainment of almost every

court.

Every-

thing unpleasant f was removed as far as possible from him, for an insatiable search for pleasure was a leading principle
in

his existence.
it

This was a family characteristic, and
in

with him

took shape from the surroundings

which he

found himself

Music and the drama,
witty,

art

and poetry, the

intellectual,

and often coarse conversation of the
In

courtiers,

were

enjoyed by the Pope with the unembarrassed light-heartedness of a spoilt child of the world.
all

this

he was a
evil

true son of that age of ferment, in which

good and

were

mingled
*

in

the most extrar rdinary manner.

His character

He
in

used

to read these records of

an evening,

icsqite

ad nauseam,

to his sister,

Petri Mart.,

Epist., 562.

The

great interest taken by the
related

Tope
in his

a work entitled Origine dc' Turchi,
25, 1520.

is

by A. Gabbioneta
"

*Report of Nov.
find in the

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
:

t

We

ambassadorial reports such words as these
509.

Non

vol fastidi."

Sanuto, XXVI.,

78

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and inglorious

reveals a peculiar combination of glorious
qualities,

but what was

light, gay,

and

infinitely versatile

was

far

from being balanced by earnestness, depth, and

originality.

The

rays of the Renaissance were focussed on
glory,

him, and from

them he borrowed
himself

and by them

irresistibly attracted to

men

of the most diverse

nationalities

and characters.*
finer qualities of

The range of the

Leo X.

is

so evident that

no one can doubt them.

To

these belong his high culture,
beautiful, his great gift of

his receptivity of all that

was
his

eloquence,! the ease and gracefulness of his epistolary style,

Latin as well

as

Italian,
finally,

happy memory,
dignity,

his

good

judgment, J and,

the

majesty, and piety

which were conspicuous on

all

occasions in which he took

part in the public worship of God.

That Leo
seemed

X., in spite of the cheerful worldliness

which

to be part of him,
all

was conscientious

in the fulfil-

ment

of

his religious duties

— such as saying
many

his Office,

attending at divine

worship, and
his

observing the fasts
occasions,
is

and that he manifested
testified

piety on

especially by his Master of Ceremonies,^ and

* See Gregorovius, VIII., 267 seq.;

Reumont,
see also

III.,

i,

142;

WOLZOGEN,
225,
X

Rafifael,

98

;

MaSI,

I.,

135.

t Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, pp. 73

and 137
450.

;

Sanuto, XV.,
and Matth.

and Paris de Grassis

in

Hoffmann,
Vita

Herculanus
§
Cf.

With JoviUS, Vita, cf. the in Fabronius, 205.
Paris de Grassis, 1513,

Anonyma,

loc. cit.,

March 24 (Roscoe-Henke,

II., 62).

About
et

the Corpus Christi procession of 15 13, Paris de Grassis reports
:

as follows

*Cumque
sine

alii

dicerent ipsum

cum

mitra pretiosa

ire

oportere

non cum

simplici propter solemnitatem actus et ego dicerem,

me

lulium iussisse

mitra retento solo bireto albo propter aerem

matutinum, ipse hoc audito devote auscultans iussit ambas mitras aufferri a se et etiam voluit per totam viam usque ad ultimum actus
esse nudo capite, et sic fuit reverentissime,

quod a multis

fuit

tamquam

PIETY OF LEO
also

X.

79

by others who by no means shrank from reporting Even the things which were unfavourable to their master.
Venetian Ambassadors, who were but
partial
little

inclined to be
his

towards Leo, while often relating instances of

love of pleasure, are emphatic on

the subject of his un-

doubted
to hear

piety.

It

was

this piety

which led the busy Pope

Mass

daily in the Chapel of S. Lorenzo, painted

by

Fra Angelico, and made him rigidly exact
daily office *

in reciting his

Whenever the Pope said Mass, he went first The reproach made against Leo X., that to confession.-fhe took no interest in the more serious sciences, especially
unfounded as the accusation that he gave
licet

in theology, is as

devotissimus commendatus,

nonnulli

damnaverint non decere

pontificem esse nudo capite, ad quos ego respond!

immo decere
est
sic
{cf.

portans

sacramentuni non procedens suis pedibus prout

faciendum.

On

Dec.

19,

15 13, after
10)
:

the

sitting

of the

Council

Delicati-

Armellini,

*Quia pluviae instabant papa recta

recessit

ad aedes
scalas

suas omissa basilica.

Notavi autem devotionem eius qui

cum

sanctas, quae Pilati vulgo dicuntur et a

muHeribus non

nisi

genuflexis

ascenduntur, non
in

nisi

discoperto capite ac semper orando ascendit et

summo
dixi

quasi veniam a

Deo
alibi.

petiit

quod non genuflexus ascendent.
omnibus
et universis

Haec
in
si

quia non possem eius

in

actionibus

pietatem referre, sed haec
1516
:

About the Corpus
capite licet a

Christi procession

*Papa semper

fuit

nudo

me

pluries incitatus, ut,

non mitram

saltern birretum

assumeret propter sanitatem, sed non
15 19:

voluit.

On
"

the vigil

of the

Epiphany,

In

spite

of "frigus

intensum

the

Pope took part

in the divine worship.
in

*Diarium (Secret
Cf. Vol.

Archives of the Vatican and Rossiana Library
of this work, pp. 34

Vienna).

VI
com-

XXVII.,
*

297.

and Hop'FMANn, 443. Leo X. was more severe with his

and

233,

See also Sanuto,
fasts

than

is

manded by
Cf.

the

Church

;

see infra,

p.

143.

Albert, 2nd
p. 59.

Series, III.,
15,

supra,

On August
S.

capella parva superior, in

164, 474, and Paris DE Grassis mentions the qua papa quotidie parvam missam audit

64; Sanuto, XXIX.,

15 17,

quaeque

dicata est

Laurentio

et

Stephano.

*Diarium (Secret

Archives of the Vatican).
t

Sanuto, XXIII.,

395.

8o

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Leo X. but most certainly he was

Utterance to infidel and free-thinking opinions,*

was but too often very worldly, no unbeliever, even though he was not a man of deep If he was not so ready as most of his interior religion.
contemporaries to consider extraordinary occurrences as
miraculous, in the strict sense of the term, such sobriety

of judgment on his part

is

only worthy of commendation.-j-

As

to the purity of the morals of

Leo

X.,

it

can only be

said that as a Cardinal his reputation in this respect

was

* The words " Quantum nobis nostrisque ea de Christo fabula profuerit, satis est

omnibus saeculis notum," which Leo
in the

is

reported to have
in

said
satire

in

connection with Bembo, were attributed to him

a violent
(J.

by an apostate Carmehte
179, ed.
1

time of Queen Elizabeth
satire
is full

Bale,

Pageant of Popes,

574).

Although the

of the most

senseless statements (such as that

Bembo was made
many
writers

Cardinal,

and

that

Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici were bastard sons of the Pope,
this

etc.),

anecdote has been accepted by

on the mere word of

this anti-Papal partisan

who was

not even a contemporary.

Bayle
ROSCOE-

(Diet,

art.,

Leon X.) expresses

his surprise at this, and, like

BOSSi, XIL, 83-84, rejects the utterance as totally unworthy of belief

The *Diarium many of Leo's
infidehty.

of the Master of Ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, retails
confidential utterances, but not one which savours of
in the

Moreover,

thousands of ambassadorial reports

in

the

Archives of Mantua, Modena, and Florence, which the Marchese
Ferrajoli

and

I

looked through between

us, there is

not the slightest
in

trace of anything said by Leo X. which could be interpreted
infidel sense.

an

Nor

are there any words from trustworthy sources of

Luther

{cf.

Wrampelmayer, Tagebuch
is

Luthers, 68) or other enemies

of the Papacy, even though their testimony in such a matter might be

open

to suspicion (such

the
to

judgment of ROSCOE-BOSSI, XIL,
Leo contrary
critic

85),

which
soul.

attribute

any opinions

to the immortality of the

Even

that

most acrimonious

of

Leo

X., D.

Gnoli, says of

the Medici Pope that he was not a im'scredentc {Secdio di Leone X., IL, About J. Bale, cf. Bellesheim, Geschichte der kat. Kirche in 647).
Irland, IL, 92, 98
seq..,

Mainz, 1890.

t Cf. his sober opinion as against that of Paris de Grassis in the case
of certain signa or prodigia
;

see

Raynaldus,

1518, n.

i.

Cf Delicati-

Armellini,

62,

and Not. des Ms. du Roi, IL, 598

seq.

BENEVOLENCE OF LEO
absolutely spotless;
there
is

X.

8i

no proof that as Pope* he

was

in

any way

different.

One

of the most pleasing aspects of the character of
is

Leo X. work of
support.

his great benevolence.

There was scarcely a
not only in

Christian charity to which he did not give his

Monasteries and
afield,

hospitals,

Rome
the

but further

were the objects of
poor
students,

his especial care.f
exiles,

Disabled

soldiers,

pilgrims,

blind, cripples

and unfortunates of every description were
lib.

* Whereas JOVIUS (Vita,

4) passes

over the whole subject of the

truth of the accusations brought against the moral conduct of

Leo

X.,

and declares that the secrets of the private
the sphere of historians,

lives of princes are

beyond
This

GUICCIARDINI brings

strong, though general,

accusations against him, without, however, citing one witness.

passage, which has hitherto passed unnoticed,

is,

curiously enough, to
<:.,

be found

in his
is

History of Clement VIL,

lib.

XV^L

5.

However,
fact

Guicciardini
that he

in this

an untrustworthy witness.
time living
in

Apart from the

was not

at that

Rome, he
in

contradicts himself in

a most remarkable manner, especially

what concerns Leo X.

Thus

(XIV.,

i),

starting with the
all

thoroughly wrong notion that Cardinal

Medici conducted

business on his

own

account, and that Leo was

quite passive (alieno sopra
is

modo

dalle faccende), the contrary of

which

testified

by

all

the .Embassadors {infra, p. 89), he soon after

remarks

most

justly that

much was

attributed to Cardinal Medici which in reality

emanated from the
that he preserved
(III.,

Pope.

Matth.

Herculanus (Fabronius, 296)

praises chastity as one of Leo's principal virtues,
it

and says

explicitly

as Pope.

On

the strength of this
2,

Roscok-Henke
reports of the

510

JT^.)

and

Reumont (III.,

125) have rejected the whole of

Guicciardini's accusation as without foundation.

The

Venetian and Mantuan Ambassadors contain nothing which could
warrant the above
-

named

accusations

;

even

Ferrajoli, in

an Este

despatch, could find
nothing.

nothing beyond an insinuation which proved
(II.,

ROSCOE-Henke

55)

have refuted the assertion that the
life.

Pope's fistula trouble was a consecjuence of his immoral

It

may
on

be remarked that even
the purity of Leo's
life.

Gregorovius
Cf. Regest.

(VIII., 224) casts no doubt

t JOVIUS, Vita, lib. 4.

Leonis X.,
I.,

n.

2708, 3444, 3844

5176, 5503, 6565, 16,535 VOL. VIII.

;

Bembi,

Epist.,

24.

6

82

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

generously helped by him.*

No

less

than 6000 ducats

were set aside annually to be spent on
that,

alms.-j-

No wonder
all

whenever the Pope went
pressed

out,

the

poor from
his

quarters

round him to receive of

bounty.^

leading to the Belvedere

These unfortunates often placed themselves in the corridor § but it was especially when he
;

made
slaves
in

excursions into the country that the poor thronged
II

his steps.

He was
was

as active in
in

redeeming poor Christian

H

as he
lust

maintaining those

whom

the Turks

their

of conquest had driven from their homes.
Pontificate

The books
full

of accounts kept during his

are

of notes of his expenditure in those
the

cases of this
pensions,

kind.
find

Among

who

received
of

regular

we

alongside

entries

quite

simple

people

many

names of well-known and proudly titled persons. For instance, together with the members of the unfortunate
* Numerous instances are given
Ill, State in the

*Spese

di Serapica,

I.,

II.,

Archives,

Rome.
cam.,

t See *Divers.

LXIII.

seq.^

126'',

Secret

Archives of the

Vatican.
\

On August
to S.

19,

1

5 16,

the Pope gave thirty ducats in alms on his

way

Maria Maggiore.

*Spese
a note

di

Serapica,

I.,

State Archives,

Rome.
§

On May

19, 15 19,

there

is

in

the *Spese di Serapica,
S.

II.:

due. 10 a una donna nel corridoro
II

andando N.
in

a Belvedere.
I

There are numerous instances
II.

the *Spese di Serapica.
in

take
18,

from Vol.

the

list

of gifts

on one single day

Corneto, Nov.

1520: due. 8 per amor di Dio a due povere donne in Corneto; due.
2

a un povero homo,
li

al

qual fu rubato due sachi di mele
bruciata la casa in Corneto
; ;

;

due. 25
10 a

a una donna, che

fu

due.

un
di

giovane
S.

di

Corneto per andar a studiare
7

due. 4 a le

monache

Agostino; due.
giulio

a septe pescatori

;

finally,

a 21

donne povere
State

un

per una, and an alms for Fra Nicolo di Padua.

Archives,
IF

Rome.
X., n. 3471, 4559, 5056, 5261, 5500, 5585.

Cf.

Regest Leonis.

See

also *Spese di Serapica, III., State Archives,

Rome.

TACT AND AMIABILITY OF LEO

X.

83
di

house of Aragon,* we find a Catacuzeno, a Tocco
Arta, a
"

Duke

of

Achaia and prince of Macedonia, and
others

two sons of

tiie

King of Cyprus." f
nothing could surpass
to

In his intercourse with

Leo's tact and amiability.

He knew how

adapt the

tone of his voice, the expression of his countenance, and

even his attitude to the circumstances of the interview.

Even when compelled
doing above
all

to refuse a request,

which he disliked

things, he

knew how

to soften the hardness

of the blow by gentle excuses and by holding out a hope

some other opportunity of meeting might arise to He was indeed always efface any unfavourable impression. too apt to promise a great deal more than he could do
that

and one of

his biographers attributes to this the revulsion

of feeling against

him which took place

after his death.
freely,

But whatever he had he gave away joyfully and

and he often said that he would gladly do more
in his

if it

were

power to do
yet this

so.^:

And

same man could be very

hard, especially
in
this,

in political matters.

As

in other respects, so

the

* *Leo X. assignat Isabcllae senior!

relictae Federici regis Siciliae el
5,

Isabellae iuniori et luliae de Aragonia pensiones, July
Barb.,
t
lat.

1521.

Cod.

2428,

f.

14,

Vatican Library.

235, 236.

See Amati, 215, 217, 219, 220, 224, 225, 228, 229, 230, 233, 234, Cf. also Regest. Leonis X., n. 1990, 6216, 6505, 7409, 7417
;

Sanuto, XXVI.,
of the

510,

and Rev.
cf.

d. Bibl., V.,

326

seq.

About

the

"sons
Cos-

King of Cyprus,"

Reumont

in the Suppl. to Allg. Ztg., 1879,

No.

72,

and Cesareo

in

the

Nuova Rassegna,
X.

1894, L,

i

seqq.

Comnenus duca d'Achaia e appointed Ciovernorof Fano in 15 16 by Leo
tantino Areneti
de'

principe di Macedonia was
;

see *Lettcr of Lorenzo

Medici

to the

same, Nov.

5,

15 16.

Carte Strozz., IX., 188, State

Archives, Florence.
\

Jovius,

lib. 4,

Vita Anonynia, 619-620.

*Dare omnia

cupit,

negare

nescit, a se tristem
facile patitur.
f.

aliquem minimeque

voti

compotem discedere non
Cod. Vatic, 5875,

Raph. Voi.aterr., Brevis

historia in

30,

Vatican Library.

84
character of
personality
;

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Leo seems
his

to reveal simultaneously a dual

two souls dwelt within him.
rejection

He was He

quite

inexorable in
of

of

all

intercession on behalf

Duke Francesco Maria

della Rovere.

proceeded

relentlessly against

Giampaolo Baglioni and the tyrants
Petrucci had to pay for
for-

of the Marches.
his

Even Cardinal
life,

crime with his

though the Pope showed more

bearance towards the other Cardinals
in the plot.

who were
with their

implicated

There

is

no doubt that under Julius H. these
affair
lives.

would not have come out of the
Guicciardini's

judgment on Leo X. as a politician is that he showed less good-nature and more shrewdness than had been anticipated.* The old Lorenzo had early recognized this quality in him, when he remarked of his three
sons, Piero, Giuliano,

and Giovanni, that the
quality to a

first

was a

fool,

the second good, and the third prudent.

As Pope he showed
when,
his
at a

this

marked degree

most

critical

counsellors, he

decided, in

moment, and against the advice of the autumn of 15 15, on

holding a personal interview with the victor of Marignano.
It

took him

indeed
his

weeks, and even months, before he

could

make up

mind, during which time he ceaselessly
all

turned the matter over and over, weighed
bilities,

human

possi-

come

to a decision.

and struggled with himself without being able to When we compare his slow, cautious,
with
the
fresh,

anxious premeditation, his great indecision and frequent
hesitations,

bold,

grand

features

which

marked

all

the dealings of the genial Julius H., a doubly
is

unfavourable impression
the Medici Pope.

produced by the methods of

More
Leo

revolting are the

want of straightforwardness, nay,

the falseness, the double-dealing

by which the policy of
was almost

X., as a true statesman of the Renaissance,
4.

* GUICCIARDINI, XIV.,

DOUBLE-DEALING TOLICY.
always actuated.

85

by two compasses"* became the more readily a second nature to him,
plan
as he

The

of " steering

was constitutionally averse
for

to

making

a final decision.

Quite unabashed, he acted on the principle that, for the
sake of being ready
every event, the conclusion of a
treaty with one party need offer no obstacle to the conclusion of another in an opposite sense with his opponent.

By

a double

game, unique of

its

kind, he succeeded in

making
Francis

secret treaties simultaneously with rivals such as
I.

and Charles

V., the objects of

which were at

least quite irreconcilable J with the intentions of these

two

princes.

In order to explain and offer
duct, stress has been
difficult

some excuse

for

such con-

laid

with reason on the unusually
himself, as head of

position in which

Leo X. found

the States of the Church, between the two great powers

of

France

and the

Spanish-Hapsburg.§
tried

Being
craft

much

weaker than they, he was unable
the

to

effect

by

what he

to accomplish to be found

by
in

force.

A

further excuse for

Pope

is

the fact that double-dealing
age,|l

was the general mark of the policy of the
* This striking expression
used by Ulmann.

and that

is

A

contemporary
It

says of Leo X. that he never sailed with one wind (Verdi, 103).

has been said in connection with a pohtical transaction of the time of
Sixtus V. (*Discorsi politici de conclavi, a

MS. from

the

Corvisieri
like

Library,

now
;

in

my

possession) that
loc. cii.,

Leo X. twisted about

a

weather-cock
f In
1

see Cian,

426, n.

531 Soriano relates (Alberi,
to

2nd

Series, III., 290) that

Leo

was known
X

have expressed himself
Studien,
II.,

in this sense.

Ulmann,
I.,

91

;

cf. p.

185.

§

See Ranke, Papste,
136.
I.,

I.*,

55-56;

Ulmann,
Arch.

Studien,

II.,

97,

and
n.

Masi,
i

II

Cf.

Masi,

137

;

FerrajOLI
VI., 90;

in

d. Soc. in

Rom., XIX., 438,
Forsch.
z.

I

;

Brosch, England,
;

Baumgarten
II.,

deutsch.

Gesch., XXIII., 528

Ulmann,

461.

86

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

French diplomacy especially worked against him by the
worst
his

methods.

Nevertheless, neither the difficulties of

position,

nor

the

circumstance
allowable
as

that
in

his

contem-

poraries

held

everything

the

diplomatic

warfare, could justify

Leo

Pope

in

acting in the

same

way as temporal princes, to whom the most solemn engagements and most sacred protestations were no better
than empty words.*

The
and
in

peculiar pleasure taken

by Leo X.

in

misleading,

following crooked paths, as well as the indifference

with which he

made promises which

could not possibly be
his

kept, were closely connected with

desire to conceal

from

all

alike the ultimate ends of his political dealings,

so that in the after event, whatever the result, his policy

could not be called in question.

This quality was born

and bred

in

him during the

exile of the Medici from Flor-

ence, during which time he

was taking eager part

in

all

the plots for the restoration of his family to power. -f
fluence on his whole character.

Those

years of mental development had a very unfortunate in-

grew on him
who,

after

The habit of insincerity he was Pope, when he found himself

placed between the two great European antagonistic powers,
if

the States of the Church were to be maintained as

an independent middle power, had to be balanced the one
against the other.

Seldom has any statesman kept

his thoughts, plans,

and

intentions so hidden from even his most intimate friends

*

It is

highly characteristic of Leo X. that he should have declared

to Castiglione that

he might safely believe his bare word, seeing that
Bulls.

he could equally deceive by Briefs and
of Castiglione's, dated from

Postscript to a *Report

Rome,

April i8, 1516.

Gonzaga Archives,
in the

Mantua.

See LuziO'S Review of Pastor's "Leo X."
Vol.

Corriere

della sera, 1906, No. 282.

t

Ulmann,

94

;

cf.

VIL

of this work, p. 30.

BIBBIENA AND GIULIO DE* MEUICI.
and
relatives as did

87
little,*

Leo

X.,

who spoke but

and

usually replied by a smile.f
said that he

had never met a
to

Many years later, Aleander man who understood as well
secret.;]:

as

Leo did how
all

keep

his plans

At

first

there

was only one man. Cardinal Bibbiena, who was the Pope's
confidant in

matters of political secrecy
filled

;

but

later,

Giulio de' Medici

the

same

position

when he was
very interest-

made Vice-Chancellor
sadors,

in

March, I5I7.§

It is

ing to see throughout the reports of the Venetian

Ambas-

how

the influence of the relative grew year by year,

and drove into the background that of Bibbiena, which had
at

the

beginning been all-powerful.
"

i|

Earnest, capable,

* This " prudentissima taciturnitas
155-

has been extolled by Venuti,

t Cf. Paris
\

de Grassis

in

Gnoli, Secolo,

II.,

638-639.

Dil qual (Leone X.) mai vidi principe ne

huomo

piu coperto al
25, 1532,

negociar.
di

*Aleander

to

Sanga from Ratisbon, March

Nunz.

Germania,
^

LI., 103.

Secret Arehives of the Vatican.

Paris de Grassis in
this

Hefele-Hergenrother,
n
,

VIII., 719

;

cf.

Vol.

VII. of
1

work,

p.

198,

and the

"^Letter of Giuliano Caprili,

Rome,

March 11. State Archives, Modena. As to Bibbiena, see supra, Vol. VII. of this work, pp. 84 seq. in September, 15 14, Bibbiena and Giulio held equal positions: they alone knew all secrets (Sanuto, XIX., 27). Even until the autumn of
5 17,
II

151
1

5

Bibbiena often played the more important part.
this

It

was only
p. 122).

in

517 that Giulio supplanted him (Vol. VII. of
:

work,

In

June, 1520, Minio says in his final report

"

II

card, di Medici a gran
;

poder

col Papa, e

homo
Papa
e

di

gran maneggio, ha grandissima autoritk
fa nulla se

tamen sa viver
di

col

non

prima non domanda

al

Papa

cosse da conto

II.

card. Bibiena

e appresso assa' dil Papa,
,

ma
Leo

questo Medici fa

il

tutto"

(Sanuto, XXXI.

576).

In July, 1521,
13).

X. took counsel with Card. Medici alone (Sanuto, XXXI.,
July 28,
di
1

On

52

1,

Castiglione declares

:

*Certo e che Medici e consapevole

Gradcnigo, looking back, reports

In 1523 ogni intentione del Papa (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). " Medici era il primo apresso Leone,
:

homo

di

gran inzegno e cuor, e
198).

il

Papa feva

quello

lui

voleva"

(Sanuto, XXXIV.,

88

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in

moderate, and indefatigable

his work, Cardinal

Giulio

undertook an increasing portion of business, having as coadjutors Giberti and Nicholas von Schonberg.*

Cardinal

Medici often acted as a salutary counterweight to the
frivolity, precipitation,

and love of pleasure
as

in his master.j-

In very important

matters, such

the

process against
influence he

Luther, he was the real ruling
exercised
is

spirit.;]:

The

shown by the immediate
It

effect of his

temporary

absences from the Papal Court.§

appears that Cardinal

Medici was always unwilling to leave
repeatedly

Rome
in

;

reference

is

made

to his

annoyance

at being compelled,

by

urgent business, to go to Florence, or
the

— as

1521

to join

army
5 19,

as Legate.||

Often, as was the case in the

summer

of

1

he had himself represented by his relative Cardinal

Cibo.1I

Giulio de' Medici got on excellently with the Pope in
spite of the

many
lost

differences in their characters.
all his relatives,

When
his

Leo, having
will in

by death neafly

made

January, 1521, he

made Cardinal Medici

heir of all

he possessed.**
* For more details about both of these, see under Clement VII.,
Vol. IX. of this work.

t
I

Reumont,

III., 2,

62

;

cf.,

by the same, Gesch. Toskanas,
p. 394.
cf.
1

I.,

16-17.

Cf. Vol. VII. of this

work,

§

Kalkoff
Cf.

(Prozess,

404 seqq.^ 402,

31-136) draws especial

attention to this.
II

supra,

p.

58,

and

the

report

of Angelo
7,

Germanello
^Heri

to the

Marquis of Mantua from Rome, Feb.

1520:

partite

de
li

Roma
lectica
si

el

Card'^ de Medici per Fiorenza molto di

mala voglia perche

recresceva lo andare et
;

mezo

indisposto de la persona et

ando

in

la

causa de

la partita

sua piu celere che non haveva desegnato
se fa in Fiorenza.

fo alcuni tumulti et

mal vivere

Gonzaga Archives,

Mantua.
IT

Sanuto, XXVII.,

414.

** The original
d. Soc.

in the State Archives, Florence, printed in the

Arch,

Rom., XXII., 567

seqq.

THE POPE AND AMBASSADORS.
Those who stood
at a distance

89
affairs

from pubh'c

were
in

under the impression that Leo X., being absorbed
variety of other interests, left the actual
political

a

management
a

of his
fact,

business to Giulio.*

But, as

matter of

although, after 1517, the Cardinal held, in a certain sense,

the position of Prime Minister and carried on

nearly

all

the correspondence with the Nuncios, he had to take the

Pope's opinion on

all

matters of even secondary importance

before despatch of business.^

This had been the case also

with Bibbiena.iJ:

Any

important business with the Ambasconverse with them for hours

sadors of the great powers was, as a rule, carried on by the

Pope

in person.

He would

together,

cleverly

concealing his

own views

while,

by

apparently agreeing with them, he drew out the opinions

and intentions of the diplomatists with
treating. §

whom

he was

The

lavish generosity of the

Pope had a
for

fateful effect

on

the political aims which he pursued with so
ness, dissimulation,

much

clever-

and acumen

;

it

soon deprived him
skilful

of those

means without which the most

statesman

cannot possibly attain his object at the

critical
all

moment.
his Florenliterati,

The
tine

Pope's entourage, his Court, above
the whole

compatriots, and

swarm

of

were

naturally enchanted by the showers of gold which rained
*
Cf. the

Vita

Anonyma

in

Roscoe-Henke,

III.,

629
f.

scqq.,
io<^,

and

Fr. Novellus *Vita Leonis X. in the Cod. Barb.,

lat.

2273,

of the

Vatican Library.
t

The Venetian Ambassador, M. Minio,
2nd
Series, III., 64.
Cf.
I.,

states

this

clearly

and and

precisely, .Alberi,

Ulmann,

loc. cit.^ 92,

Masi,
\

212. 347.

Cf.

Richard,

§ Sanuio's

despatches afford

many

instances of

this.

Richard,

in

his treatise

on the beginnings of the French nunciature, originated by Leo X., extols the latter as " pontife diplomate par excellence." Rev.
hist.,

de quest,

1905,

II.,

147.

go
on
them, and

HISTORY
they

OP"

THE
Leo

POPES.
to

exalted

the

skies.

Being

benevolent by nature, the Pope liked to
as far as
it

make

others

happy

lay in his power.
his

Without troubling himself
bounty were deserving and

whether the recipients of
"

them the resources at his disposal. By his pleasure in giving he showed real greatness, for all ostentation and artificial display were far from him,"* as was proved by his indifference to outward ceremonial. His kind and generous nature often led him
necessitous, he squandered on
to relax the strictness of canonical precepts: but, in order
to satisfy his suppliants,

and not without inward
far.

protest,

he

granted petitions which went too
to grant
to

So

reluctant

was he

some

of these extravagant requests, that he appealed

the

experienced but certainly not over-conscientious

Cardinal Pucci to protect him against making mistakes of
this sort

through want of caution.f

Giovio,

who

relates this,

adds
his

that, driven

by the

necessities of war,

and moved by
reluctantly

enthusiasm for art and learning, and caring more for

the enrichment of others than of himself,

Leo X.

neglected

much

in the

way

of

financial

business.

This,

however, cannot excuse his
extravagance.
Julius
II.

unscrupulous

and

wanton

had been an economical and
his subjects with

skilful financier.

Without burdening
spite of his

new

taxes,

and

in

many

wars, he had contrived to leave to his

successor a considerable

sum

in

his

treasury.:|:

Leo X.
and with

seems to have looked on

this as inexhaustible,

open hand squandered that which
been at such pains to accumulate.

his

predecessor had

Natural generosity,

nepotism,§ a passionate love of art and literature together
* Geiger, Renaissance, 285.
t JOVIUS, Vita,
lib. 4.

X Cf. Vol. VI. of this %

work, 223 seqq.
8.

CiAN, Musa Medicea,

THE PAPAL FINANCES.

9I

with that of magnificence and luxury, combined to devour
the savings of Julius
II. in

the short space of two years.*

Bibbiena,

who had

general charge of the finances at the

beginning of Leo's Pontificate.f ought to have considered
it

his

duty to warn and check the Pope

in his

expenditure

but that light-hearted Tuscan

proved to be as careless

about money matters as his master.
simonius Ferdinando Ponzetti,
treasurer as early as the
in devising

Although the paras

who succeeded Bibbiena
of
1

autumn

5

1

^.^

was very ingenious
to give

new

sources of income, he could not restore the

balance

in

the Papal exchequer, for
free

Leo continued

on every side with a

hand.

For instance, he gave a

wedding present
16,000 ducats.§

to his brother Giuliano to the

amount of
this

In the

.'spring

of 151

5

the Papal treasury
after

had reached low water mark, and never

time

was Leo X.

freed from his financial difficulties.

The most varied methods were tried to procure money. Very early the Pope had recourse to the plan of creating new places and offices and later on, doubtful and even
;
||

reprehensible

measures were
ordinary

resorted

to.

But

all

the

devices which were tried to improve the finances were of

no

avail

:

neither

nor

extraordinary

income

* Sanuto, XX., 341.
t Regest. Leonis X., n. 43.
+

IdiW., n.

4647

;

c/.

X'lTALl, Tesorieri, xxxvi. s^g^.,

and GOTTLOR,
(in

Camera Apostolica,
^

277.

According

to the specific statement of L.

Canossa

Fabronius,
Accord-

278 seg.), Giuliano's annual income amounted to 59,600 ducats.
ing to Jovius (Vita,
lib.

3),

the marriage of Giuliano cost the
is

Pope
is

150,000 ducats.

But

this

figure
in his

manifestly too high.

Giovio

very

little to

be relied on

numerical statements.

He

puts the

inhabitants of

Rome

at too

high a number, and the cost of Raphael's

cartoons at too high a figure.
II

Regest. Leonis X., n. 9787

;

see

Sanuto, XX.,

142.

C/. 362, 400,

426; XXII., 217.

92

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
meet the need. This the war of

sufficed in the remotest degree to

deficiency

was

increased
the

considerably by

Urbino, which, from

beginning, devoured

enormous

sums.*

The consequence of
financial ruin,

that unfortunate undertaking

was complete

from which the Pope tried to

extricate himself

by

raising loans, not only from bankers,

but also from private individuals, Cardinals, and members
of the Curia.f

But

all

this

was of

as little avail as

were

the financial devices which the ingenious Cardinals Armellini

and Pucci openly employed to procure money. +

The

sources upon which

we can draw

to ascertain the

exact state of Leo's balance-sheet are very scanty.
register of receipts

The

and expenditure of the Apostolic Exany way
suffice for

chequer does not
partly because
it

in

an accurate statement,

was imperfectly kept, and partly because

there were also other financial departments.^

The most

important of these was the Pope's private treasury, under
the control of the influential private chamberlain Giovanni

Lazzaro

Serapica.||

There exist three volumes

— extending
Cf. Vol.

* Sanuto, XXIII., 554; XXIV.,
VII. of this work,
p.

142, 144, 180, 274, 376.

211 seq.

t Cf. the ^testimony of Cornelius de Fine, given in Vol. VII. of this

work,
%
§

p.

212

n.

(National Library, Paris).

SCHULTE, I., 223. See SCHULTE, I.,

253,

which gives a good

insight

into

the

*Introitus

and Exitus of Leo's

Pontificate, preserved

in the Secret

Archives of the Vatican, as also the other accounts of the Exchequer which are kept there. For the value of the State Archives, see infra,
PP- 93-94, nII

Serapica played under Leo X. the same important part which
II.

Accursio played under Julius

According

to

Sanuto, XXV.,

288,

he came from Albano.
his small stature).

His real

name was Giovanni

Lazzaro de'

Magistris (the nickname of Serapica was given to

He was

at first
1 1

him on account of master of the hounds to Cardinal

Sanseverino {cf GnOLI, Cacce,

seqq.\ which was

made

the occasion

of continual ridicule on the part of the satirists (see RoSSi, Pasquinate,

GIOV.

L.

SERAPICA.

93

from July, 1516, to November, 1521 of accounts kept by Serapica of the privy expenditure all others are missing.*
;

134 segg.).
de' Medici,

He was

already in the service of Leo
his six conclavists

when he was Cardinal

and was one of

(Delicati-Armellini,

Diario di Paride di Grassis, 93).

In the *Rotuius of 15 14 (see infra,

p. 105 n.) Serapica appears as the third or fourth of the chamberlains.

Even then he was on
faithful

intimate terms with

Leo X.

;

see

Baschet,

Catherine de Medicis, 244.
service;

The Pope rewarded him liberally for his Sanuto, XXVIII., 361, XXIX., 192; see Regest.

LeonisX.,n. 3909 j^^., 6 105-6 107, 6 122, 6993, 7217, 12,551,13,885, 16,861, and Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm,, XXXIX., t. 31, 1516, n. 43

:

*Pro magistro

lo.

Lazzaro Serapica de Magistris notario

et famil.

:

Licentia capiendi possessionem monast. S. Leonis Tullens. dice. ord.
can. regul.
s.

August. D. Romae, 15

16,

Sept.

6,

151S, n. 82
for

:

*Letter to
Lazzaro

two canons of Ghent about the benefices there
Serapica de Magistris
nost. sec.
1

loh.

cleric.

Aquil. famil. contin, conmens. ac. cam.
Cf. also the ^receipt of

D. Rome, 1518,
Div.

lunii, 26.
f.

Nov.

11,

5 17,

in

Cam,

67,

67.

When

travelling

to Loreto in

15 18,

Serapica also visited Venice, where he was treated like a great lord

(Sanuto, XXV., 294, 299, 348). In Rome he took part in the Carnival races {ibid., XXVII., 68, ']},, and Ademollo, Aless., VI., etc., 83 seqq)
he was also distinguished as a bold sportsman (see Cesareo
treatise
in

;

the

quoted

ififra,

and Gnoli,

loc. cit.).

It

seems that he usually

lived in the Vatican

(Sanuto, XXX., 466) and also at the Belvedere, where he was sometimes the guest of Leo X. (SanUTO, XXV., 438
Manoscr. Torrig., XXIII., 22)
;

;

yet

he had a house

in

the

city

(Armellini, Censimento,
to

55).

He was

so well off that he was able

advance considerable sums of money to the Pope.

After the death
this

of

Leo X. he was arrested
fact
?

for

embezzlement.

Was
in

accusation

founded on
" Dicunt

In the *Inventarium

bonorum
it

in foraria

Leonis X,
:

(State Archives, Rome), quoted infra,

is

said
rate

several places

Serapicam

habuisse,''

which

at

any

show

that Serapica

made
in

a

wrong use of

his position.

He was
No.
8,

set at liberty after the
;

death of Adrian VI. (SanUTO,
the

XXXIV.,
II.,

244, 257, 438)

see

Cesareo

Nuova Rassegna,

1894,

who

believes Serapica to

have been better than was reported. * Gregorovius searched for the account-books of Leo X.
State

in

the

Archives of Rome.

His assumption that they are
158)
is

all

missing

(Histor. Zeitschr.,

XXXVL,

quite as mistaken as

is

his

surmise

94

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
loss

The

of

these

important

account-books,
is

to

which

Serapica's register often refers,

deplorable.

Amid

this debris of official sources*

we have

to rely for

essentials on the statements of the Venetian Ambassadors,

which must always be accepted with reserve, and,
certainly set the figures too high.

in places,

But, taken as a whole,

the representatives of the great mercantile state were well-

informed about financial matters.

Their

final reports for

that " they were perhaps destroyed in order to leave

no traces of the
in

extravagance

of this epicurean."

There are actually existing
Annatae,

the

State Archives in

Rome

:

(I.)Obligazioni perservizi, one volume, extend-

ing from 1513 to I5i6(c/

SCHULTE,

I.,

256);

(II.)

(i)

1512-

1513. (2) 1513, (3) IS'6, (4) 1517, (5) I5'7-I5i8, (6)

1519-1520, (7)
Quartalschrift,
i

1520-1521

;

(III.)

Formatori, 2
(IV.)

vols.,

cf.

Romische
1513-1523,
register

VIII., 456 seqq.;

Mandati camerali

vol.;

(V.)

Spese minute

di

palazzo,

and

also

the

of expenditure of
this

Leonardo

di

Zanobi Bartholini (see Vol. VII. of

work, 39
(I.

n.)

(2) Serapica, Spese private di

Leone

X., 3 vols.

Schulte

256)

knows only
to

the
1

first

of these volumes, extending from July 28, 15 16,

Jan. 17,
use.

5 19,

of
in

which Cerasoli (Studi
1893

e

doc, XIV., 394) also

made
to

But

Gnoli
Secolo

(Cacce, 11) had his attention drawn

the two other volumes,
seqq.
;

(38

r/.,

further,

and took printed information from them As Gnoli di Leone X., II., 632).

intends to publish these Spese private di Leone X. in a complete form
(Secolo,
II.,
1

643),

I

will

confine myself here to a few particulars.

volume

5

16-15
II.,
I.

19,

of which
8,

Cesareo made
is

use in the
I

The Nuova Ras-

segna, 1894,
di

No.

and Leone

X., 199 scq.,

will

quote as Spese

Serapica,

The volume

oblong, and bound in brown stamped

leather, bearing

on the outside the arms of Leo X.
it

At the end of the
:

year

(f.

44-5) the Pope has signed

wiih a firm as Spese,
;

hand

Ita est J[oannes].

The next volume
for the first entry


is

quoted by

me

II.

— follows immediately,
like the last,

on Jan. 23, 1519

it is

bound
1

and also
1

written

by Serapica himself, and

finished

on the

5th of

December,

520.

The

third

volume— quoted
It

as Spese, III.

is

one continued by Gentile
Feb.
17,

de Gualdo (servant to Card. Armellini)
original ending.

to

1522,

from the
Archives,

extends from Dec.

16, 1520, to

Nov.

20, 1521.

* The series of the Spese del maggiordomo Rome, contains nothing about Leo X.

in the State

THE PAPAL REVENUE.

95

the years 1517, 1520, 1523 give a most interesting insight
into the Pope's

money
in

affairs,*

March, 1517, reckons the state income of Leo X. to have been about 420,000 ducats.f Of this,

Marino Giorgi,

6o,oooducatscame from the
wine.

river tax in

Rome (Ripa grande),
Romagna
at

about 33,000 from the land tax, and 8coo from the tax on
Spoleto, the Marches of Ancona, and the
180,000.

contributed about

The alum works

Tolfa,

according to Giorgi's apparently exaggerated statement, J

brought

in 40,000.

The

salt

marshes of Cervia,

in

con-

junction with the revenues of Ravenna, brought in

from

6o,coo to 100,000 ducats.
spiritual revenues,

To

these were to be added the

which by their nature were subject to

great fluctuations.

The

returns of the annates have been

generally estimated at 100,000 ducats, though half of these
(the first-fruits of bishoprics
* The Venetian reports were
III.,

and abbeys) belonged
correctly

to the

first

published by Albkri, 2nd Series,

39

seqq., 61

seqq.^ 65 seq.^

more

by Sanuto,

XXIV,

84

seqq.,

XXVIII., 5S6
280 seqq.

seqq.^
s. le

see COPPI, Discorso
III.,
2,

XXXIV., \2j seq. Among modern writers finanze di Roma, Roma, 1847, and Reumont,
of the Venetians' statements,
r.*/-.

Some

the

8000

ducats monthly for the expenses of housekeeping, can hardly be correct.

See infra, note
t

1.

The

value of a ducat, or gold gulden,

can be approximately

estimated as equal to that of ten
of what would be
its

German Reichsmark.
is

A

calculation

value at the present day

impossible with our
;

imperfect knowledge of the money, coinage, and prices at that time

see Pog.vtscher'S instructive treatise on the issue of books of accounts
of the Apostolic Exchequer, in the Viennese periodical " Die Kultur,"
II.

(1901), 469,

and LUSCHIN vON Ebengreuth, Miinzkunde und
Cf.

Geldgcschichtc, Munich, 1904, 183-192.

MiJNTZ, Les Arts k

la

cour du Pape d'Innocent VIII.,
t
It

etc., Paris,

1898, 40.

ajjpcars from Regest. Leonis X., n. 3510, that he let the alum-

pits to the

due. annually

of Andrea Bellanti for twelve years for 15,000 GOTTLOB, Cam. apost., 305. About a loan of 75,000 ducats made by Leo X. from A. Bellanti, see Arch, d Soc.
Cf.

company

Rom.,

II.,

478.

g6
Sacred College.

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The new tax
in

of "compositions,"* intro-

duced by Sixtus IV., brought
times only 60,000 ducats.

an equal sum, but somethis

To

must be added the

returns of saleable offices, which were considerably increased

by Leo X.

He added no

fewer than six hundred and twelve

new members

to the College of the

one hundred and forty-one
II.,

Porzionari di Ripa founded by Julius

whereby he gained
to the College

286,000 ducats.

He added

sixty

members

of the Cubiculari and a hundred and forty to that of the
Scudieri.
latter
r

The former

paid a gross
Finally, in

sum

of 90,000 and the

12,000 ducats.f

1520,

by the advice of

Cardinal Pucci, and for the express

purpose of making

money

to clear the debt consequent on the

war of Urbino,
di
S. Pietro.

he founded the new College of the Cavalieri

Each of its four hundred and one members paid down a sum of 1000 ducats. Hereby a capital sum of 401,000 ducats was raised, bringing in interest at more than 10 per cent., which was assigned for different purposes. Besides this the Cavalieri received a number of privileges, such as
enrolment
Palatine,
in

the

Roman

nobility,

the

title

of

Count

and the right to inspect the accounts of the
:|:

Exchequer.

Purchase was invited by the bait of these
seg'.

* C/. Vol. IV. of this work, 420
t C/. Bulla
offic.

cubicular. et scutiferor. apost., dat.
is

Romae,

1515,

9 Cal. Aug.
Library,

A

contemporary and rare impression

in

the Rossiana

Vienna.

Fabronius,

292;

MORONE,

LXXXVII., 89;
f.

GOTTLOB, Cam.
there
is

apost., 251.

In the *Introitus et Exitus, 551,
for 202,000 ducats
c/.
f.

92,

an entry of a receipt
et

"ab

officiis

scuti-

ferorum
Vatican.

cubiculariorum"

;

215.

Secret

Archives

of

the

X The Bull about the Cavalieri di S. Pietro, July 30, 1520, which SCHULTE (I., 223) quotes from the Vatican register, was printed at the

time.

I

found one copy
unusually rich
cf.

in the

Rossiana Library, Vienna, a collection

which

is

in rare

documents of the kind.

About the
and Corp.

Cavalieri di S. Pietro,
Dipl. Port.,
II., 33.

also S.\NUTO,

XXIX.,

yy,

1

13, 633,

SOURCES OF REVENUE.
privileges,

97
office

though the essential importance of the

of

Cavaliere consisted in the enjoyment of the interest.

Like

most other saleable
reality nothing but a

(vacabili) offices, this institution

was

in

system of raising loans by life annuities.*
Venetian

According

to the

number
to
capital

of saleable offices

Ambassador Gradenigo, the amounted at the death of Leo X.
fifty,

two thousand one hundred and
of nearly

representing a

three

million

ducats,

and

an

annual

income of 328,000 ducats had paid
to the State.f

for the possessors,

average received more than 10 per cent, for

who on an the sums they

Apart from

tithes, jubilees

and indulgences, the number

of which were multiplied to excess for this purpose, supplied

huge sources of revenue.
entirely " into a

As

these

had sunk

"

almost

mere

financial jobbery, they
;|:

caused great however,

and

justifiable scandal.

The monetary

stress,

continued

much

as before, since the greater part of these
straight into the Papal
first

sums did not go
their

Exchequer;

for

both princes and bankers

of

all

assured themselves of

did

own very considerable share. Moreover, indulgences not now bring in so much money as they had done
1

formerly. §
In
5

17

Leo X. made use of

the punishment of the

Cardinals implicated in Petrucci's conspiracy, to gather in

enormous sums from them.
soon afterwards.il
of

He

also turned to the

same

account the unprecedentedly numerous creation of Cardinals
In spite of these expedients, the need a standing evil
;

money remained
Cf.

for the

Pope never
281 scq.

*

Ranke,

P-ipste
;

I.",

264;

Reumont,

III., 2,

See

also COPPI, Finanze, 2-3 t
\

Gottlob, 245
seq.

seq.^ 251.

Reumont,
Cf. Vol.

III., 2,

283-284.

VII. of

this

work, 341

§ Cf.
II

SCHULTE,
VIII.

I.,

185 seq.
seq..,

Cf. Vol.

VII. of this work, 179

189

seq..,

202.

VOL.

7

98

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

dreamed of making economics. When his nephew Lorenzo went to France in 1 518, he was fitted out in the most exThe Pope shrank from no method of travagant way.*
gaining money, and even the highest offices were sold.f

The

office

of Camerlengo, Hke that of Cardinal, became a

matter of purchase.

Innocenzo Cibo

paid

30,000,

or,

according to other accounts, 35,000 or 40,000 ducats for
the former
post,

which he held

for

only a few months.|
is

His successor, Francesco Armellini,
60,000 or 70,000 ducats
* Verdi, 95
seq.

said to have paid

for the succession. §

But

all

these

Omnia XXX., 188.
t "
\

sunt venalia," writes the Venetian
Cf.

Manuel's report

in

Ambassador Sanuto, LlORENTE, I., 475, 476, 481, and
;

the satires of 15 18 in the Giorn. d.

lett. Ital.,
7,

XVI

I,

,

335 seqq.

After the death of Riario (July
p. 193)

1521, see Vol.

VII. of this

work,

Cibo received the
controversiam

office of

Camerlengo

" excluso

Armel-

lino qui

magnam

fecerit," as

we

are told by Biagio di

Barone Martinelli da Cesena
the office on August
7

in his "'^Diarium.

He

took possession of

(Delicati-Armellini, 86); but already on
offici, in

October

2 " Card.

Armellinus cepit possessionem Camerariatus
officii,

Camera

apost. exhibuit litteras

etc.,
cit.

Card.
Cf.

Cibo propter hoc
197,

discessit a curia indignatus."

*Diarium

Garampi, App.,
8.

and Marini, I., 271. § Sanuto, XXXI.,
in

106,

117, 404,
I.,

453; XXXII.,

Cf.

Cesareo
di passati

Nuova Rassegna,
rev.

1894,

71 seqq.
:

B. Castiglione reports on July *Scrissi a V. Ex.
alii

16, 1521, to the

Marquis of Mantua
Cibo havea havuto
il

che mons.

camerlengato e fu vero, pur mons.
di

Armellino ne

ofiferse al

papa quaranta milia ducati
el

modo che
di

cosi

bella proferta fece
di

un poco titubare

papa

in questi

tempi

bisogno

modo che mons. Cibo ha
:

pagato trenta milia

et hallo ottenuto.

On

July 24

*This morning, "in Consistorio," Cibo was appointed Camer-

lengo, et

ha pagato trentum due.
rev.

;

Sept. 19

:

*Quella (V. Ex.) havera
di el

saputo

come monsig.

Cibo hebbe a questi
S"^
R""^

camerlengato e poi
il

a N.

S. e piacciuto

che S

lo renunti

a monsig. Armelhno

quale ha pagato molti e molti migliara de ducati e cosi ha havuto

il

camerlengato
"

;

penso bene che N.

S.

dark a monsig.

rev.

Cibo

tal

contracambio che se ne contenterk (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).

The
says

Frenchman

living in

Rome

" is

guilty of exaggeration

when he

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE
sums melted away
could
it

99
in.

as soon as they

had been paid

How
Vettori

have been otherwise with a Pope of
fly

whom

says that a stone could more easily
of
itself
!

up

into the air

than Leo could keep possession of a thousand

ducats *
If the

Venetian Ambassador, Marino Giorgi,

is

to be

believed,

8000 ducats were spent monthly on

gifts

and card-

playing.f Forty-eight thousand ducats covered the expenses

of the Papal household under Julius
credible
successor.
accounts,;]:

II.

;

but, according to

this
in

sum

was

doubled

under

his

If

we bear

mind that the whole

of the Papal

income was not more than from 500,000 to 600,000 ducats, we can see how out of proportion was the expenditure
mentioned.

To

this there

was added

after 15 16 the cost

of the Urbino war, which devoured altogether 8oo,ooo.§

After this Cardinal Armellini advised the Pope to raise
the price of salt
;

but this attempt was frustrated by the

determined resistance of the inhabitants of the Romagna.

Nothing more of the kind was again attempted
taxes remained so low
in

;

in

fact,

the States of the Church that

they really did not do more than cover the cost of their
administration.il

Money, however, had
According
to a

to

be procured,
lat.

that Armellini paid 80,000 ducats (*Diary in Cod. Barb.,

3552, of

the Vatican Library).
1

*Report from

J. (iinodi,

dated

Rome, 521, July 8, to the Duke of Savoy, the salary of the office of Camerlengo was 6000 ducats (State Archives, Turin, Roma, I.).
* Vettori, 322.
t

Sanuto, XXIV.,
al

93.

Leo X. never gave
;

gratuities of less than a
8,

ducat,

and often much more

thus

e.g.,
5
;

on

May
:

1520
dui

:

al

barcarole

che sta

ponte per mancia due.
el

Oct. 25

A

muratori
8.

che
di

hanno murato
Card.

palazo de Monterosoli per mancia due.

^Spcse

Serapica, State Archives,
\

Rome.
V^cnetian

Riario to

the

Ambassador, Sanuto, XXIV.,

91-92.
§ Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, 211 seq.
\\

Vianesius Albergatus in

Ranke,

Piipste,

I.",

265.

lOO

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for

and loans were raised

which sometimes no

less

than

40 per

cent,

was paid.*
the state of finances went down-hill with

In this

way

ever-increasing rapidity.

Debt was heaped upon debt

until

the tapestries of the palace, the silver plate off the table, the jewels of the tiara, and the valuable statues of the

Apostles

in

the Papal chapel were pledged,f and yet nothing

could stop up the Danaids' sieve.

The

troops had to wait
artists,

for their pay, the University professors

and

even of

the rank of Raphael and Giuliano di Sangallo, for their
stipends.
:[:

"The

yellow-green brass doors of the Pantheon

are said to contain the weight of

many

coins,"

remarks a
so,

contemporary with

just irony

"
;

but were this
It

Leo X.

would not leave them
interest

in their

place." §

was only by

the greatest exertion and by paying an enormous rate of
that
in

money could be

raised for the

war against

France
financial

1521.II

During the course of

this

war the

need increased to such an extent that Leo and

his confidants, especially Pucci

and Armellini, contemplated

measures which can only be called desperate.
taxed, the

New

offices

were to be created, court places and prelacies were to be

Lake of Trasimene was
of,

corn was again spoken
* Sanuto, XXIV., 92.

to be sold. A tax on and there was to be another

t Cf. Gradenigo's report of 1523 in

Alberi, 2nd
;

Series, III., 71
d.

;

Sanuto, XXX., 130; Schulte,
215
j^5^.,

I.,

227

and Arch.

Soc.

Rom.,

II.,

especially the inventory of the

"gemmae

et pretiosa iocalia

loco pignoris praefato Sigismondo (Chigi) assignata pro dictis 10 m.

due.
\

"

(May

10,

1521) in Fea, Notizie, 90-92.
in Jahrb. d. preuss.

Cf.

Fabricsy
p 275.

Kunstsamml.,

23, Beiheft, p. 24,

and
§

mfra^i

Sanuto, XXXIV 220. See Sanuto, XXX., 31, 90, 130, 173, 188, 351 seqq.., and the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine in the National Library, Paris. See also NiTTi, 423 seqq.., and SCHULTE, I., 224.
,
|.|

FINANCIAL CRISIS AT DEATH OF LEO.
great nomination of Cardinals, the

lOI

names of whom were
100,000 ducats.*
all

ah'eady being circulated.
of selling

There was, futhermore, a talk
the

Terracina to the Gaetani for

Lastly, an expedient

was discussed of requiring

Pope's relatives and confidants to pledge their collective
benefices.-]-

creditors,

When, therefore, Leo X. died suddenly, his who had, by reason of his youth, counted on a
on the brink of
financial
5,

longer reign, stood

ruin.

A

Roman

report given in Sanuto

(December
in

1521) contains

further particulars of the financial crisis, which

had never before been experienced

was such as Rome. The Bini
ducats;
failure.

bank

was hardest

hit,

with

claims

of 200,000

this house, like that of Strozzi,

was threatened with
chamberlain
claim

The Gaddi had
Turini
18,000
16,000,

lent 32,000, the Ricasoli 10,000, the datary

and
and

the

trusted

Serapica
to

ducats.

Cardinal
he,

Salviati's

amounted
in

80,000 ducats;

with his colleagues Ridolfi
all
;

and

Rangoni, had renounced
raise

their benefices

order to

money

for the
it

Pope

ruin therefore stared

them

in

the face, as

did Cardinals Pucci and Armellini.
latter his
all

The
whole
Pope's

former had lent Leo 150,000 ducats and the
fortune.

In

short,

says

the

informant,
:

the

favourites

and servants are ruined

yet,

though they lament
is

their misfortune, they

do not blame him who

dead, but
far the

rather bewail the loss of so kind a master.;J:
figures given

How
is

above are individually correct
;

uncertain.§

* Sanuto, XXX., 351

XXXI.,

13

;

XXXII.,

8, 116,

u8.

Camillo

Gaetani lent Leo 10,000 golden ducats, for the recovery of Parma and
Piacenza
;

see the *Dichiarazione of the Cardinal Camerlengo, dated the Gaetani Archives,

Dec.
t
I

14, 1521, in

Rome
date,

(Cassa, 71, n. 28).

Sanuto, XXXI., 13. Sanuto, XXXII., 236-237.

The

Nov.

5,

in

Sanuto

is

a

clerical error. §

SCHULTE

(I.,

227) believes with reason that the

sums are much

exaggerated.

But he gives documentary evidence that the Venetian

I02

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Venetian

The Statements

Ambassador Gradenigo

are

more trustworthy,
ing to this

as he expressly refers to the estimate

submitted by the Cardinal Camerlengo, Armellini.

Accord-

and a half
thousand

Leo X. expended during his Pontificate four million ducats, and died owing four hundred

more.*

A

pasquinade

puts

into

words the

common, and probably correct, opinion current in Rome "Leo has eaten up three Pontificates: the treasury of Julius II., the revenues of his own Pontificate, and those
of his successor." t

In citing the
hold,

enormous expenditure

in

the Pope's house:

" The cause of number of Florentines who allow themselves to be supported by the good-nature of the " The treasury of the Pope is empty," writes Pope." J

Marino Giorgi laconically remarks
to be found in the

this

is

statement of the scheme for procuring

money by pledging

the benefices

by the Pope's confidants, is based on truth (227). * Sanuto, XXXII., 230. In what, it is true, is an anonymous
it

letter,

is

said that Armellini reckoned the deficit in the Apostolic
;

Exchequer

at 80,660 ducats

in this
is

document the whole expenditure during the
put at 5,050,000 ducats.

Pontificate of

Leo X.

The Envoy from
Gonzaga Archives,
I.,

Mayence, Teutleben, and also Pandolfo Pico della Mirandola (*Letter
of Dec. 16, 1521, to the Marquis of Mantua, in the

Mantua), puts the debts at 800,000 ducats (SCHULTE,
I.

224).

Francis
VI., 66).

estimated them at

1,200,000 crowns

(Hofler, Adrian
to

Girolamo Severino wrote on Jan.
ascertained
ducats.

7th, 1522, to Charles V. that the already

amount

of the debts of

Leo X. came

more than 850,000
*Hist.
apost.

Well-informed persons said that the debts over and above
to 300,000 ducats
:

amounted
exhaustam

Senen., writes

"

Relatum

(Bergenroth, II., n. 373). Tizio, est Leonem pontificem Cameram
mitram quam regnum appellant
II., 39,
f.

reliquisse

atque alieno gravatam ere nongentorum quinet

quaginta milium aureorum
pignorasse mercatoribus
"

Chisiis

(Cod. G,

65, Chigi Library,

Rome).
in

Still more severe is the pasquinade t Sanuto, XXXII., 356. Cesareo, 207 seq. Cf. the payments in Amati, 217 seqq. I Sanuto, XXIV., 92.

FLORENTINES FLOCK TO ROME.
Marco Minio in 1520, does not know how
"

IO3

because he

is

so generous that he
;

to

keep back any money

and the

Florentines do not leave him a soldo." *
In former times the fellow-countrymen of the reigning

Pontiff

had often made
the Sienese
in flocks to

their

home
it

in

Rome.

Under
;

Callixtus III. and Alexander VI.

had been the Spaniards

under Pius

II.

;

under Sixtus IV. the Ligurians,

who had come

the Papal Court,

But an inunda-

tion such as the Eternal City

now experienced at the hands had never been known before. In vain of the Florentines did Leo X., who knew but too well what his fellow-countrymen were, try to check the inflow,f which was enormous, even in the first days of his Pontificate. J The greediness
of these

people was

boundless

;

they believed that

all

benefices and offices existed for

them alone. § With a truly mercantile spirit they tried to draw from the position of Soon Leo X. every possible advantage for themselves.
||

no fewer than thirty Florentine banks had been opened

in

Rome.H
Ariosto, in his witty satire to Annibale Maleguccio,**

describes

how "the gentlemen from Florence" exhausted
:

the fountains of Papal favour
I

nipoti e

i

parenti,

che son
;

tanti,

Prima anno a bar

poi quei che I'ajutaro
i

A
* Sanuto,
+

vestirsi

il

piu bel di tutti

manti.

XXVIIL,

576.

+ NiTTI, 19-20.
Cf.

Sanuto, XVL, 72

;

Luzio-Renier, Mantova

e Urbino, 210

;

LuziO, Isabella d'Este, 82 and 92. Sec Baschet, Catherine de Medicis, 241.
5^
II

Cf.

IF

Vettori, 300 SCHULTE, I., 16.
to

;

Sanuto, XXVII I.,

361.

** Satire

Annibale Malaguccio, Parnaso

Italiano, Vol.

XXVII.,

28, 29, Venezia, 1787.

I04
Bevuto

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ch' abbian questi, gli sia caro

Che beano
L'un dice

quei che contra
si

il

Soderino

Per tornarlo in Firenze
:

levaro.

io fui

con Pietro

in Casentino,

E

d' esser
gli

preso e morto a risco venni

Lo
Dice un

prestai denar,' grida Brandino.
;

altro

a mie spese

il

frate tenni

Un

anno, e lo rimessi in veste e in arme
d'

Di cavallo e

argento

gli

sovvenni.

With increasing
Florentines

displeasure the

Romans saw how
into
in

the

squeezed

themselves

every post, and
the early days

especially into financial offices.

Quite

of Leo's Pontificate, Filippo Strozzi was appointed Receiver-

General of the Papal Exchequer,* and gathered together

under him

many
him

of his fellow-countrymen.
first

The

office

of

Treasurer-General was

given to the Tuscan, Bibbiena,

and

after

to his compatriot

Ferdinando Ponzetti;f
subordinate
posts.

relatives

of

both obtained

lucrative

The

treasurership of the county of Venaissin
1514.+

was confided
of the
after

to Pietro de' Pazzi in

The management

Datary was in the hands of Tuscans first Pucci, and him Passerini, Benassao and Turini da Pescia.§
* SCHULTE,
t VlTALI,
:j:

I.,

224.

XXXVI.
100.

§

GOTTLOB, Cam. apost., SCHULTE, I., 264 seq.
to

In addition to the statement of Schulte
it

about Latino Beneassai or Benassao,

must be here remarked that
15 16,

he was sent

France
11, 15 17,

in

November

whence he returned
367 scqq.
is

to

Rome
Pope
;

on March
see
is

where next day he made

his report to the

Manoscr. Torrig.,
described as

XX

,

244

seqq.^
:

In

this

L.
is

Benassao

Papal treasurer

it

certain that he

identical with the Latinus
Vat., 8598),

Benesax

in the

*Rotulus of Leo X. (Cod.
u.

whom Friedensburg

(Quellen

Forsch. d. preuss. Inst,

VL, 68) was not able to identify. The year of Latino's death is given in Sanuto, XXV., 348. The Venetian Envoy announces the death

THE PAPAL
The number
personal
of the

'•

FAMIGLIA.
fellow-countrymen
in

IO5
his

Pope's

court was

unusually large.
all

There were
the great

to be

found representatives of nearly
Florence
:

families of
Ricasoli,

the

Albizzi,

Passcrini,

Michelozzi,

Gaddi, Capponi, Alamanni, Tornabuoni, and others.

The

Majordomo Alessandro Neroni was
There
is

also

a

Florentine.*

in his

department an

official list

of the Papal Court
1514,! which with

and household, dated the
little

ist

of

May

alteration
It

would hold good
Medici

for at least

two years and
this

a half.

shows the enormous number of the household
Pope.

staff (famiglia) of the

According to

document the total number of these was originally six hundred and eighty -three namely, two hundred and forty
;

four " gentlemen " or occupants of the higher court places,

a

hundred
as the

and seventy-four special

officials,

and

two

hundred and sixty-five servants

in all

about four times as
II. I

many
first

members of
included

the "famiglia" of Pius

The

class,

"gentlemen," which was again subdivided into
the

five

divisions,

domestic

prelates

(praelati

domestici), twenty-seven in number,

Archbishops and six Bishops.
of Latino on April
6, 15 18, at

among them being two The humanists Bembo,
in

the age of only thirty, with the appoint-

ment

of Turini as Datary.

See also Kalkoff

the Arch.

f.

Ref.

Gesch, L, 384. * In 5 14 A. Neroni received
1

\S\&

praecepioria of the Hospital of
12,550).

Santo Spirito (Regest Leonis X.,

n.

On August
dell'

16,

1523,

Adrian

VL

appointed him to the Commissario
Vat., 7124,
first
f.

Annona

in

Corneto

and the whole Patrimony (Cod.

154, Vatican Library).

On May

2,

15 14,

we

find
S.

the

entry of payment to Alex, de

Neronibus mag. dom.

U. N.

in *Introitus et Exitus, 552 (Secret

Archi\es of the Vatican).
t *Rottuliis
Library).
Ferrajoli
Cf.
is

familiae

Smi D. N. (Cod.
in

Vat., 8598 of the

Vatican

Frildensburg
all

Quellen und Forsch., VL, 53-71.
wiili

preparing a complete account of this Rotukis
the names.
II.,

an

explanation of
X

See Marini, Archiatri,

152, 156.

I06

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Sadoleto, Filippo Beroaldo, Giovanni Poggio, and Zaccaria
Ferreri belonged to this highest class.

four chamberlains, of

whom

the best

Then came sixtyknown are Serapica,

Ercole Rangoni, and Baldassare Turini da Pescia, besides

two physicians and a surgeon.*
majority were
Italians

In this class also the

and

mostly compatriots of the

Pope
the

;

but there were also some Spaniards, and

among

chamberlains, one
in

German.

Numerous Florentines

were also
in

the third section, the cubiculari, sixty-eight

number, but among these were two Germans, and a well-known personality, the blind improvisatore, Raffaello
Brandolini.
at

ninety-four;

The next section, the scudieri, were numbered among them were several musicians; to

this class

belonged the poetaster Baraballo and the keeper

of the famous elephant.

The
offices.

fifth

and

last

class
title

comwere

prised the chaplains, under which honourable

comprised most various

Among

others were the

two

clerici

capellce,

two

forieri,

the plunibator, the peni-

tentiary, the custodians of the Library, of the Belvedere,

of petitions,

and also the keeper of the Vatican vineyard.
officials
(ofificiales)

The

real

household

were rigorously
;

separated

from these

higher

court officials

and they

too were subdivided into two classes.f

Florentines or Tuscans were in the pay of the Pope as

men

of

letters, artists,

and rhetoricians
thence.;]:

:

even the well-

known

court fools

came

Among

the administrative

* D. lacopus cirurgicus, manifestly the same as Giacomo di Bartol.

da Brescia, mentioned supra,
+ Here, sented.
loc.
cit.,

p.

75 n.
servants,

and also among the

They formed
ji
;

a tenth part of the whole
d.

Germans were well repreFriedenburg, staff.
sfq.

cf.

SCHMIDLIN, Gesch.
writers of

Anima, 261

About the

German domestics and
740 seq.
\
Cf.

Leo

X., see Histor-polit. Bl., CVIII.,

Cesareo,

214.

See

ibid, for the satires directed

against the

Florentines.

EMPLOYMENT OF FLORENTINES.
officials

lO/

Guicciardini

is

the most celebrated.

While

he,

by

his severe

measures against banditti,
officials

showed how order

could be maintained, other

oppressed those over

whom
bitter

they were set to such
hatred

a

degree that the most

was aroused against them.*

The

Pope's

compatriots also held

many

military appointments,!

and

were much employed on diplomatic service. What has been already said shows the important part played by An Cardinal Bibbiena together with GiuHo de' Medici. Bibbiena, was Nuncio elder brother of the Cardinal, Pietro
at

Venice from
of a

15 13

to 1514.+

Pietro
family,

Ardinghello, a

member

noble

Florentine

was the Pope's

secretary for his private correspondence.
* Cf. M. Giorgi's report of 1517 in AlbeRI, 2nd Series,
III.,

55.

This

is

surely exaggerated.

t From made the

the *Introitus et Exitus (Secret Archives of the Vatican)

I

following notes
S.

:— Vol.

551,
f.

f.

162: Simon de Tornabonis
f.

revisor gent, armor.

D. N.

{cf.

217);

164: Hieronymus de
{cf.
f.

Albicis capitan. balisterior. (ecjuestrium custodie palatii)
f.

ijyb);

174: Barthol. de Bibiena superstant. munit. S. D.

N.

(July, 1513);

f.

227b

:

lac" Florentin. superstant.
f.

artiglarie

D. N. (December 30,
equor. levis

1513);

243:

Hieronymus de Albicis
15 14).— Vol.
palatii

capit. custodie

armat.

S.

D. N. (March
munit.

552:
15 14).

Bernardo de Bibiena
Barthol.

superstanti

(May
4,

31,

de Bibiena

1514).— Vol. 553, repeatedly: Bernard. de Bibiena superst. munit. and Simon de Tornabonis commiss. gen.
superst. tramit.

(September

armor
Bibiena

Here

also,

on the 23rd of November, 15 14, one Nicolaus de
S.

superst.

fontis

Petri.

— Vol.
;

554,

on January
10,

3,

15 16:

Hieron. de Albicis capit. balisterior.; on January

1516: Barthol.
:

de Bibiena superst. munit.
Ricasolis

—Vol.
S.

555,

on March

12,

1516
28,

Barthol. de

cancell. custodie

D. N.

on March

15 16:

Simon

de Tornabonis commiss. gent, armor.
Barth. de
fontis
S.

— Vol.
30,

557 (1517-1518), often:
lulianus Torna-

Bibiena superst. munit. and Nicol. de Bibiena superst.
Petri.

— Vol.
7 scg(/.

559,

on November

1519:

bonus
I

castellan, castri S. Angeli.
seg.

PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 48

§

Richard,

;

BaSCHET, Catherine de Medicis,

260.

Io8

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the

Among
Pistoia

Swiss Nuncios, Goro Gherio came from
Quite a new

and Antonio Pucci from Florence.*
is

phenomenon
Francesco

the fact that the resident

Ambassadors of
acted

the Republic of Florence in
Vettori,

France, Roberto Acciaiuoli,
Pandolfini,

and

Francesco
in

provisionally for the

Pope

conjunction with the ordinary
the

Nuncios.

In

Spain

also,

Florentine

Ambassadors,

Giovanni Corsi and Giovanni Vespucci, were employed

by the Holy See.f On certain important occasions the Pope employed some of his relatives on diplomatic missions thus Roberto Orsini was sent first to
;

Hungary, and then
about the imperial

to

treat

with

the

German
de'

Electors

election;

and

Rafifaello

Medici
until

was Nuncio
the spring of
April, 1521.J

to

Charles

V. from

October,

1516,

15 17,

and again from August,

15 19, until

The

relatives of the

nearest to him, his

Pope were very numerous. Of those nephew Lorenzo, the son of his brother
is

Giuliano, and his cousin Giulio, there
to be told
in

only too

much

the history of his

Pontificate.

Lorenzo's

ambitious mother, Alfonsina Orsini, must also be frequently

mentioned.
Alfonsina
in

Giuliano died in 15
1520.;]

16,

Lorenzo

in I5i9,§

and

The only daughter
the
little

of

the

latter

married Filippo Strozzi, and devoted herself to the care of
Lorenzo's orphan child,
Medici.

Duchess Caterina

de'

Leo X. had many
* Archiv
fiir

relatives

through his three

sisters,

schweiz. Gesch., XVI., xx.,

xxiii.

seqq.

t PlEPER, loc. at, 56, 58, 59.
I

Ibid., 53, 54, 60,

and Vol. VII. of

this

work, pp. 216, 278, 418
281.
;

n.

§ Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, pp. 150
II

and

Cf.

Series,

XXIV.,

Baschet, Catherine de Medicis, 263 Arch. stor. Ital., 5th MORSOLIN, in Riv. Ital. di numismatica, V. 19 seqq.

(1892), 71 seqq.

THE MEDICI FAMILY.
Maddalena, Lucrezia, and Contessina.
married
the

IO9

Maddalena* had
Cibo,

wealthy

Franceschetto
19,

Count

of

Anguillara,

who
The

died in 15

having been made by the
six children

Pope Governor of Spoleto.
marriage.
eldest son,

She had

by her

a Cardinal in 15
left

I nnocenzo (born 1491), was made 13: he led a completely worldly life, and

a bad reputation

behind him.f

Maddalena's second
Giovanni

son, Lorenzo, married, in
heiress of
Battista,

15 15, Ricciarda Malaspina, the

Massa and Carrara.

The

third

son,

when

his

was made Bishop of Marseilles by Clement VII. Maddalena's brother Innocenzo resigned the see.

daughter, Caterina (born 1501), married Giovan Maria da

Varano of Camerino. Leo created him Duke in 15 15, gave him Sinigaglia in 1520, and, after the death of Lorenzo Roberto di de' Medici, made him Prefect of Rome. J Maddalena's Sanseverino, Count of Cajazzo, the husband of
second daughter Ippolita, received from the Pope, Colorno,
in

the territory

of Parma.
in

A

third daughter, Eleonora,

entered a cloister

Genoa. §

Lucrezia de' Medici had married Jacopo Salviati,
tried to

who

come

to the aid of

Leo

X. in his financial difficulties

without neglecting his

own

interests.

Their son Giovanni
citizenship in
2,

* Maddalena, who received the right of

Roman

1515

(GregOROVIUS,

Schriften,

I.,

289), died

on December

15 19

Out-

wardly the Pope showed no signs of mourning, though her loss grieved

him very much.

Paris de Grassis in

Hoffmann,

434.

t Cf. STAFFETTI, 25 seq.^ 33 seqq.
X

Cf.

Regest Leonis X.,

n. 15,241
;

;

Mestica, Favorino,
Paris de Grassis in

39,

Mscq.^

Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,
;

XIII., 408 seqq.
Boschetti,
I.,

HOFFMANN,
s.

451 scq.
Cat.

Balan,

172;

FelicianGELI, Not.
Camerino,

vita di

CiboVarano, duchessa

di

Camerino,

1891.

The

^announcement of the appointment of G. Maria da Varano as Prefect
of the City, dated .August
8,

1520,

is

in

the State Archives, Florence,

Urb.

eccl.

§ Cf.

STAFFETTI,

33.

no

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

was made protonotary at an early age, Bishop of Fermo in The red hat was also given 1516, and Cardinal in 15 17.*
to

Niccolo

Ridolfi,

the
in

son of

the

Pope's

third

sister

Contessina,

who

died

1515,! and of Piero Ridolfi, J

who

was made Governor of Spoleto from 1514 to i5i6;§ at the same time as the Pope's two nephews, Luigi de' Rossi
received the purple.

He was

related to

Leo through

his

mother,
ficent,

who was

a natural sister of Lorenzo the Magni-

and had been brought up with Leo.
to the Pope.||

His early death

was a great grief

Leo's friendship with Cardinal Bibbiena
close.lF

was unusually

This highly-gifted
Moroni, LXI.,
SanUTO, XX.,
f.

man was

second to no

member

*

Cf.

8.

t Cf.

362.

For the money given

to Contessina, 15 14,

see Div. Cam., 63,

2b\b^ Secret Archives
p. 93, n.,
it

of the Vatican.
is

In the

*Inventarium mentioned, supra,

said

:

Asserunt habere

Contessinam or Maddalenam.

Both

sisters, therefore,

made

as

much
15 14;

use as possible of their brother's position.
\

A

daughter of Ridolfi married the Lord of Piombino
to

in

March 16, 15 13 (State Archives, Florence, Av. il princ, CXIIL); Sanuto, XVIII., 470; Baschet, Catherine de Medicis, 243. About the marriage of Luigi
see *Letter of Cardinal Medici

Lorenzo,

Ridolfi (15 1 6), see Carte. Strozz.,
§

I.,

27. for

When
the

he was there Ridolfi commissioned Spagna to paint
is

him

Madonna, so famed for its beauty and dignity, which the ornament of the Palazzo Pubblico at Spoleto.
II

now

Castiglione reports to the Marchioness of Mantua, Isabella (Aug.
1

17,

5 19),

that Cardinal Rossi

was dangerously

ill

(gotta, flusso e febre).

*N.
to

S'®

ne ha sentito e tutta via sente grandissimo despiacere, pur
la

bisogna concordarsi con
the great
the
grief of the

volonta di Dio. Rossi, died on Aug.
;

19,

Pope

see Report in

Baschet, 261-262,
27,
in

and

^Letters

of

Castiglione,

Aug.

17,

19,

Appendix,

Nos. 12-14.
IT

The

old biography by Bandini (Livorno, 1758)
;

is

now
is

of course

insufficient

G.

Grimaldi has undertaken the praiseworthy task of

writing a

monograph of Bibbiena.

There

is

much

that

new about

him

in

Luzio-Renier, Mantua, 195

seqq.,

208 seqq, 224 seqq., 245

CARDINAL BIBBIENA.
of the Court
in

Ill

amiability, gaiety, wit,

and high

spirits

;

while frequent mention has been
as an astute politician and
the Pope.

made

of the part he played

for a

time

— chief adviser
He

to

Even

later,

his place, his friendship

when Cardinal Medici had taken remained most valuable to Leo, who
secrets of state policy.
lived

entrusted him with
in the

many

Vatican, so as to be near his master.

In the spring

of

I

5

16 Bibbiena was selected to be Legate to the Emperor,
later
I.*

and two years

he was sent

in

the

same capacity

to the

Court of Francis

During
I.

his tenure of this last office his
it

relations with Francis

were such that

was evident that

he had more regard
his position.

for the interests of

France than befitted

Consequently, his friendship with the Pope

became

strained,

and he was recalled

to

Rome

in

1520;

he died there on the 9th of November of the same year.

The rumour
had been
It
is

that he had been poisoned, which
;

was spread
Cardinal

about, was entirely without foundation
in failing health for j'ears.-f

for the

not easy to form a just estimate of Bibbiena's per-

sonality, so

mixed

are
"

good and

evil in

him.
is

The

author-

ship of the

comedy

Calandria," which

full

of indecent

seqq.^ 321 seqq.^ 330.

See also Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,

XXXIX., 207
329

seqq.,

217
seqq.

seqq.^

226

seqq.,

and Richard,

7 seqq., 322 seqq.^

seqq.,

353

* See Vol. VII. of

tliis

work, 152

seq.^

237

seq.,

240

seq.

In the
;

autumn of 1 516 Bibbiena was sent
1

as Legate to Perugia

and Spoleto
4°,

see the *BulI of Nomination, dat. 15 16, XV., Kal., Sept., A,
196,
f.

Regest.

204, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.

+ Cf. Paris

de Grassis
di

in

ClAN, Decennio

Bembo,
to

Hoff.mANN, 456 Bandini, 50 scqq. see also 9, n. i, and Cortegiano, xix.
; ; ;

Luzio-Renier, Mantova, 246
227 seq.
In

seqq.,
I

and Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,

XXXIX.,

addition

this

may remark
illness
;

that

Bibbiena liad been subject to attacks of
205
;

ever since 15 13 see Sanuto, XVII.,
Ital.,

(Bandini,

16),

.XXIII., 288

;

Miscell. di stor.

II.,

130.

It

seems that Bibbiena had an incurable disease of the stomach.

112
jokes,

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
is

not compatible with his position as a prince of the

Church.

Moreover, the erotic paintings
his letters,-]-

in his

bathroom,*

and many of
like

prove that Bibbiena was more
his

worldly-minded than beseemed

position.

Leo
notice

X.,

many

of

his

contemporaries, took
life.

no

of

Bibbiena's lax

manner of
clever
his

In

fact

the bewitching

amiability of the
lectual
tastes,

and refined Tuscan, J his intelknowledge of classical literature, his
skill

ability as a

statesman and companion, and his
festivities

as
this

an organizer of
friend of his

and entertainments, § made

No
art;

less

youth quite indispensable to the Medici Pope. useful was Bibbiena to his master in matters of
Cardinal

for the

was a good connoisseur
art,

in

such

things.

His ardent appreciation of

and especially the
||

terms of friendship on which he was with Raphael, weighs
* By Bibbiena's desire there was represented on these walls the
story of

Venus and Cupid

palace.

a most unseemly subject for a Cardinal's Raphael drew the sketches for this. Cf. Passavanti, II.,
;

277 seqq.

Hasse

in the Zeitschr.
2)1^^

f.

bild.

Kunst, VI., 137 seq. (suppl.,
in

Kunstchronik, 1896, No.
III.,
4,

and Dollmayr
is

Arch.

stor.

d.

Arte,

272 seqq.

The

statement, which

repeated even by Gsell-Fels,
partition,
is

592, that the frescoes

on the wall are now hidden by a
is

incorrect.

The bathroom

indeed inaccessible, but

I

can
still

testify,

from the most authentic information, that the frescoes are
seen, though

to

be

they are in a most deplorable condition.
is

The

chief

painting on the right-hand wall

completely destroyed where a

cupboard was

set up, for the
I.,

bathroom served as a dining-room.

See

also Lanciani, t

211.
I.,

With

the frivolous letters in MOLINI,
seq.
;

79, 80, 86, cf.

LuziO-

Renier, Mantova, 225
\

see also BuSER, Beziehungen, 338.
Hist. Venet., Basil., 1557, 537).

Amabilissimus

homo (Bembo,
in

§

He was
Cf.

essentially a " maitre

de plaisir"

;

cf.

Jovius, Vita.,

lib. 4,

and Vita Anonyma
II

ROSCOE-BOSSI,

V., 156 seq.

LuziO-Renier, Mantova,

240,

and the

literature there given

also I'Arte, 1899, 259.

cated with

The portrait of Bibbiena cannot be authentiany certainty. ClAN (Cortegiano, 43) believes that it must
in the Pitti Gallery.

be the well-known portrait of a Cardinal

FRIENDS OF THE POPE.
in the

II3
spite

balance

in

his

favour.

Moreover,

in

of his
side.

frivolity,

Bibbiena had a worthier and more serious

This
ship

is

shown,

among

other things, by his intimate friend-

with

such

excellent

men

as

Castiglione,

Giulio

Sadoleto, and Giovanni Battista Sanga,* as well as by his
last

testament.f
to Bibbiena, the

Next

younger Cardinals to
friendship

whom

Pope made his he owed
especially
to

friends
his

among

the

elevation, his

being

given

Luigi

d'Aragona,

Alfonso Petrucci, Soderini, Sauli, Ippolito d'Este, Sigis-

mondo Gonzaga, and Marco

Cornaro.

;]:

To them were
§

joined the newly-made Cardinals, Cibo and Pucci.
*
t
Cf.

Most

Bandini, 24

seqq.

;

Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,

XXVII.,

293.

Bandini

(50 seq.) has
8,

made known
Manucci,

to us Bibbiena's last testament,
I.

dated November

1520

;

Glor. del Casent.,

Cf.

MazzaS.

TINTI, VI., 182, about the

MS

in the

Library of the Confrat. di
possesses

Maria

at

Arezzo.

The Marchese FerrajoH
not.),

*Hippolytus
p.

de Cesis (cam. apost.
seqq.^

Instrument., 1511-1522.
Card''^ S.

Here, on

277

we

find the

Testamentum
for

Mariae

in porticu.
;

In this

Bibbiena provides

masses

for the repose of his soul

he leaves

legacies to certain cloisters where prayers will be said for

him

;

and
Item

he leaves a hundred and
in terra Bibiene."

fifty

ducats " pro maritandis puellis pauperibus
:

The

following provisions are interesting

"

reliquit rev. Card,

de Cybo

unum pannum quadratum
reliquit
b.

sericeum auro
altare
in

pretextum

b.

Veronice
misse.

quo utebatur ipse testator ante
aliud
Virginis,

celebratione

Item

quadrum pannum pictum
quo ipse
Castiliono. testator
in

manu Raphaelis cum
cubiculo
rev.

figura

eius

utebatur,
P.

mag. dom.
S.

Balth. de

Item

reliquit

dom.

Bembo
reliquit
ccrtis
S.

D. N. secretario quandam parvam lunam
S.
S''

auream.

Item

quod pax magna
et et

D. N°

et

unum

collare

aureum cum
crux,
alias

gemmis

etiam

si

Sue placebit quedam
Stuerdo communiter

per

Suam

sibi

dom.

Balth.

largita restituatur."
+

Cf.

Sanuto, XVI.,
Cf.

54,

XVII., 217, 486, and Baschet, Cath. de

Medicis, 241.
§

Luzio, Isabella d'Este, 92.
193,

Sanuto,
VIII.

XX,

where Pucci

is

named

Palatine

Cardinal

together with Medici and Bibbiena.

VOL.

8

114

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of those mentioned were lovers and promoters of art and
literature,

and some few among them were learned * but they were all thoroughly worldly-minded, and many of
;

them

— true children of a corrupt age — led scandalous
in wild sport,

lives.

Their days were spent

luxurious carouses,
things.

frivolous dramas, and other worse

Intercourse
fail

with

these

extravagant
effect

young men could not
to

to

have

a

bad

on one so inclined

pleasure as

Leo X.f
In the catastrophe of 15 17 the Pope's friendship
Petrucci, Soderini,

with Luigi
in

and Sauli came

to a terrible end.

d'Aragona, who was without cause suspected of a share
Petrucci's conspiracy, thought
it

advisable to absent himself
visit to

from the Court
Charles V.
;

for

some time under pretext of a
after

however,
18, his

his

return

to

Rome

in

the

spring of 15
restored.

former relations with the Pope were

Luigi d'Aragona,

who was perhaps
died
in

the

best

among

the

younger

Cardinals,

January, 1519.+

Ippolito d'Este, the patron of Ariosto, retired to Ferrara,

where he died

in

September, 1520.

Cornaro,

who

also

had

unjustly fallen under suspicion, continued, together with
Pucci, to enjoy the confidence of the
further the Pope's good-will

Pope
is

;

but

how much
1517.

extended on the

shown by the
of July,
;

large

creation

of

Cardinals
in

ist

* Soderini was versed
Ital.,

Etruscan inscriptions

see Arch. stor.

4th Series, XIX., 314.

t

So says Jovius,
of
;

Vita,

lib.

4.

As

to the Cardinals in general,

cf.

Albert, 2nd

Series, III., 55 seqq., 59 seq.
is

The

reputation in which

some them

them were held

shown by the numerous pasquinades upon
;

cf.

Cesareo
49.

in

the

Pasquinate XLII.

scqq.,

Nuova Rassegna, 1894, I., 68 seqq. Rossi, XLVIIL, XLIX., etc.; Giorn. d. lett. Ital.,
III., 58.

XXVI

1

1.,
;

Cibo and Sigismondo Gonzaga suffered from the morbus

gallicus

see ALBERT, 2nd Series,
cf.

As

to the large

incomes of

the Cardinals,
\

Fabronius,

127, 287.
7 seqq.

See Pastor, Die Reise des Kardinals L. d'Aragona,

PATRONAGE OF LITERATURE AND ART.

II5

Among

those

who were then
all

raised to the purple, Ponzetti,
Orsini,
Salviati,

ArmelHni, Passerini,

Pandolfini,

Ridolfi,

Rangoni, and, above
intimate friends of

others, Luigi de' Rossi,

were the

Leo X.*
prelates,

Literature and art were patronized to no less a degree

by a number of other
distinguished
Giberti,

among whom may be
Pescia,
dell'

Baldassare Turini da

Gian

Maria
of

Giovanni Battista Branconio
of

Aquila, and
friends
ij:

Giannozzo Pandolfini, both
Raphael's
;

whom

were

-f-

the Frenchmen, Ferry de Carondolet

and
ai

Thomas
Baullari
;

le
§

Roy, who

built

the

exquisite

Farnesina

and

also

the

Turini's villa,

now

the Villa

German-Luxemburger, Goritz. Lante, decorated by Giulio
the
finest

Romano, and

situated on the Janiculum with
cf.

* About those nominated,

Vol. VII. of this work, 201 seqq.

t Raphael painted for the former the Visitation,

now

in

Madrid, and

drew the plans

for his palace in the

Borgo

;

see MiJNTZ, Raphael, 430.
15 14,

About G.
died in

Pandolfini, Bishop of Troia

between 1484 and
Cf.

who

1525,

see

Ughelli,
di

I.,

1343.
in

Rossi, Pasquinate, 142.

His palace

in the

Via

Sangallo

Florence, built by Francesco di

Sangallo from a sketch of Raphael's,
half palace, half villa
;

is

an extremely graceful building,
126 seqq.;

cf.

Clausse,
Geymuller

III.,
is

Geymuller,
in the

Raff,

come

architett., 54 seqq.

preparing a monograph about

the Palazzo Pandolfini.

Pandolfini lived for

some time

Vatican

during the reign of Leo X.; see Sanuto, XXXII., 465.
X

The Duke

of Grafton possesses a beautiful portrait of Ferry de

Carondolet and his secretar)- by Sebastiano del Piombo.
Ferry de Carondolet, published by L. de
§
la Briere,

Lettres de

Evreux, 1894.

About Thomas

le

Roy, commonly called Regis, and his palace,
restored,
d.
cf.

recently

and not very happily

Gnoli
I.,

in

Arch.

stor.

d.

Arte, 1889, 393 seqq.;

and Riv.

Italia,

1900,

530 seqq.; Giorn.
dcr Bauverwal;

Arcadico, VIII., 401 seq.;
tung, 1891, No. 17
;

SCHULTZ

in the Zentralblatt

Kunstchronik, 1901-1902, 125, 266

TomaseTTI
in

in

the Bull. d. commiss. archeol., 1900, 321 seqq.,
1

and Cosmos

catholicus,

90 1, No. 6; Clausse,

S. Gallo,

II.,

169 seqq.;

Gatti

Studi

e

docum., 1904, 275 seqq.; and especially
Louis des Francais VI., 159 seqq.

Mollat

in

the Annal. de St.
II.,

See also LanCIANI,

10 seq.

Il6

HISTORY OF THE POrES.

panoramic view of Rome,* was, together with the vineyard
belonging to the affable old Goritz, the central resort of the

humanists inhabiting Rome.f

Turini,

who
the

like

Giberti

and Pandolfini was the

confidant of

Medici, was

intimate with Francia, Leonardo da Vinci, and especially

with Raphael, and was one of his executors.

His corI

respondence with Lorenzo

de'

Medici and Lorenzo Gheri

shows him
artists.

to us as a connoisseur of art

and patron of

Whereas the Roman nobles were, with few exceptions,
distinguished neither socially nor as patrons of learning,

the great bankers, the monied aristocracy, brought a

re-

markable and new element into

Roman

society.

Their
the
n.||

most

brilliant

representative

was

Agostino

Chigi,

Rothschild

of his time.

His intimacy with Julius
latter years of the

had been troubled during the
Rovere
;

impetuous

but,

on the other hand, his relations with Leo X.
possible.!!

remained to the end the very best
* The
Av.
il.

fine

tomb

of Turini (ob.

1

543, see State Archives, Florence,

princ, CVII., introductory remarks), in the Cathedral of Pescia,
to his son,

which owed a great deal
Montelupo.
main.
C/.

was designed by
seg.,

Raffaello da

Of

the frescoes in the Villa Lante, only fragments re-

Strena Helbigiana, Lipsiae, 1900, 129

299

seg'.

t Cf. m/ra, pp. 189, 216.
I

Printed in

Gave,

I.,

138 scgg., 148 seg^.;

cf.

Janitschek, Gelikely ex-

sellschaft, 95. §

Marc Antonio

Altieri

draws a moving, though most
about
15 14 (ed.

aggerated, picture

in his Nuptiali, finished

Narducci,

Roma, 1873, cf. especially p. 15), their own fault, and disappearance
standing.
II

of the impoverishment, largely

by

of the

Roman

families of highest

Cf. Vol. VI. of this

work,

p.

495.

IT

The

principal Life of the great banker,

by Fabio
with
seqq..,

Chigi,

which

is

for the

most part based on
in

Tizio,* Hist. Senen, has

been published by

CUGNONI
notes
(II.,

Arch.
scqq..,

d.

Soc.

Rom.,

II.,

46

scqq..,

many
291

valuable

37

209

scqq..,

475 seqq.;

III.,

213

seqq..,

422

AGOSTINO

CHIGI.

I

\J

V>y his extensive financial operations, Chigi,

whose bank
his

was

in

the Via de' Banchi, had amassed an ahnost fabulous

fortune.

Well-informed

contemporaries

estimated

annual income at 70,000 ducats.

He

left

800,000 behind

him when he
that

died.

He

himself once told the Pope that
ships, and was not the the mere word of such a money. The sovereigns of

he possessed a hundred houses and
he employed 20,000 men.

as

many

But

this

only test of his fortune, for
Croesus was as good as solid

Spain, France, Germany, and even the Sultan, laid themselves out to win the favour of Chigi

by

their gifts.
in

The
151
1,

proud Venetians, to

whom

he lent 125,000 ducats

gave him the place of honour next to the Doge when he
visited their city.

Leo

treated this prince of bankers,

whose
Chigi

assistance he so often sought, like a

crowned head.

often had the honour of receiving the
his

Pope

as his guest in

famous country-house, the Farnesina, which was full of every kind of work of art.* The luxury of the merchant
prince,

who used nothing

but silver plate in his house, to

the exclusion of earthenware, reminds us of that of the

ancient

Roman

Emperors.

At one of

his

extravagant

banquets, which was spread in the loggia overlooking the
Tiber, the gold

and

silver dishes

which had been used were

thrown

after

each course into the river
in

— whence, no

doubt,

they were drawn up afterwards
banquet, given
seqq.;

hidden nets.

At another

in

honour of Chigi's birthday, each guest
195 seqq.).
It
is

IV., 56 seijq.,

surprising that
full

no one should
this

have undertaken the grateful task of writing a

biography of
cf.

man, who
in

is

so characteristic of his lime.
f.

Of
I.,

later lives,
seqq.^

Reumont

Zahns Jahrb.
*

Kunstwisscnschaft,
i

213

and especially

F(")RSTER, Farncsina-Studien,

seqq.
15 13;

He

entertained the Pope at the end of April,

Sanuto,
;

XVI., 227.

Leo X. sometimes dined

also with Card. Farnese
4,

see

Letter of Castiglionc from Rome, July
Mantua.

15 19.

Gonzaga Archives,

Il8

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
laid in front of

found the plate
arms.

him engraved with

his

own

When, by
marry

the persuasion of the Pope, Chigi decided to

his mistress, a great feast

was held

at the Farnesina.

The Pope himself
tone of the time

— which

is

characteristic
it

of the

moral

— took

part in

with thirteen Cardinals.

He

even held the finger of the bride while the marriage
it.

ring was being placed on
terrific

On
parts

this occasion Chigi, at

expense, sent to

all

of the

world

for

the
fish

choicest viands.

Among

other luxuries he had live

sent from France and Spain, and even from the coasts of

the Bosphorus.*
oi\.\\Q

Such extravagance, which bears the mark
it.

parvenu, has something repulsive about

Chigi has better claims to remembrance on account of
his great benevolence

and generous patronage of
of
"
il

art

and

literature; the

name

magnifico" was given to him

on account of
not himself a

his generosity in regard to these.

Though

man
up
in

of any great culture, he gladly promoted

learning of every kind.
ing-press set

For

this

purpose he had a print-

one of

his houses, at
first

which was produced
to

an edition of Pindar, the
print in

Greek book

appear

in

Rome.

Among

the learned and

literati,

Giovio,

Bembo, Cornelio Benigno, and Aretino were closely connected by friendship with the wealthy merchant.f As a patron of art Chigi vied even with Leo X. That this is no exaggeration is shown by a glance at the 'Farnesina, that "ideal dwelling-place, half town-mansion and half
country-house."

The dwelling-rooms on

the upper floor

are decorated with architectural paintings
Peruzzi.

by Baldassare
painted the
Arch.
d.

In

the sleeping-chamber

Soddoma
cf.

* With Sanuto, XXV., 386, and XXVII., 628,

Soc.

Rom.,
107
t
;

II.,

66

seqq., III. 232,
lett. Ital.,

290; FoRSTER,
205.

7 seq.;

Jansen, Soddoma,

Giorn. d.
Cf.

XXXIX.,
118.

FoRSTER,

5

and

WORKS OF RAPHAEL FOR

CIIIGI.

II9

Marriage of Alexander with Roxana, and the family of
Darius before the conqueror of the world.
floor in the great hall,

On

the ground-

which was originally open, Chigi
after

had painted the fable of Psyche and Cupid,
popular narrative
of

the
the

Apuleius.

Raphael

designed

decorations of the ceiling, beams, and cornices, which were
carried

out by Giulio

Romano and

G. Francesco Penni.

The

beautiful encircling wreaths are the

work of Giovanni

da Udine.

In the adjoining hall Baldassare Peruzzi painted

the starry heavens on the ceiling, while in the lunettes are
subjects from Ovid's " Metamorphoses," by Scbastiano del

Piombo.
the
well

On

the entrance wall Raphael himself painted

Triumph

of Galatea, which furnishes a proof of

how

he could adapt himself to the reproduction of the

sensuous world of the antique.

But

in the

case of this

work of
critic
"

art, as in

that of the story of Psyche, the Christian

can give only a qualified admiration to the prevalent

divine nudity." *

From
for
S.

these works he will turn with alacrity to others
is

which Chigi

equally responsible,

in

the Church
S.

of

Maria della

Pace and the chapel
first

in

Maria del

Popolo.
Sybils.f

For the

Raphael painted

his

incomparable

In the mortuary chapel of the Chigi in S. Maria

del Popolo, Sebastiano del

Piombo painted the Nativity of

* According to Vasari, B. Peruzzi was the architect of the Farnesina,

according to Geymiiller,
Zeitschr.
this.
f.

it

was Raphael, but SPRINGER
not feel at
in
all

(Beibl.

z.

bild.

Kunst.,

1884, 408) docs
cf.

sure about

As
1862

to
;

the ornamentation,

Gruyer
seq.,

the Gaz. d.

Beaux
seqq.,

Arts,

Sringer,

Rafifael,

260

338

seq.\

MiJNTZ, 509

519 seqq.\

Minghetti,
i

141 seqq.^ 203 seqq.;

FORSTER, 39
j^'^.;

seq.,

and
i;

Repcrt., XXIII.,

seq.\

MiCHAELlS

in the

Kunstchronik, 1889, No.
M.\ASS,

Propping, Sebastian

del Piombo, Leipzig, 1892, 28

Aus

der Farnesina, Marburg, 1902, and the inspired description of SteinM.'VNN, 171 seq.
t
;

see also his Sixtina,

II.,

104 scq.

Cf. Springer,

258

seq.;

MuNTZ,

511 scqq.

I20

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as an altar-piece,

Mary

and Raphael sketched the archi-

tectural designs for the chapel, the bronze-relief of Christ

and the woman of Samaria, the statue of Jonas, and the mosaic paintings for the cupola. In this last are represented
the gods of the planets and the heaven of the fixed stars,

watched over and guided by angels, while from above they
are blessed

by God the Father.*

Chigi,

who was very
for

generous

in ecclesiastical matters,

gave the commission
In the

the decoration of another church.

Church of the

Guardian Angels, belonging to the Sienese confraternity of
S. Caterina,

he had the altar-piece, our Lord's Resurrection,

painted by Genga.

At Tolfa he

built a

church for the

hermits of

St.

Augustine.f

Chigi survived his friend Raphael by only a few days.

He

died on the loth of April, 1520, at the comparatively

early age of fifty-five, and

was buried with regal splendour

in the chapel which he had prepared for himself in S. Maria

del Popolo.J

The

other bankers

in

Rome,

the

Spannochi, Strozzi,

Altoviti, Gaddi,§

and

BiniJi could

not compare with Chigi

either in riches or generosity,

any more than could the
;

agents of the houses of Fugger and Welser

nevertheless,

they were his rivals

in

the patronage of

art.*!

The young

* With MiJNTZ (514 seqq.)
Chigiana,

cf.

Gruner,

I

mosaici nella cappella

Roma, 1859. t Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 96, and FoRSTER, 5 seq. X With Sanuto, XXVIII., 361, 385, 406, 407, 423, 424, 425, 426, and Tizio in Fabronius, 313, f/l, in Appendix, No. 17, the *Letter of Ang.
Germanello, April
§
11, 1520.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Gaddi,

The

Jacopo Sansovino
II

in the Via de' Banchi, was built by Vasari, VII., 497. The palace of the Bini in the Via Consolato was unfortunately

fine palace of the
;

destroyed
IF

in

1888

;

see Arch.

d.

Arte,

I.,

268 seqq.
I.,

Cf. the detailed notice in

Schulte,

201

scq..,

about the houses

of

Fugger and Welser.

BIN DO ALTOVITI.

12

1

Bindo

Altoviti

came

first

in

this

;

his

portrait

in

the

Pinacoteca at Munich was for a long time described as a
portrait of

Raphael by himself*

in

spite of the blue eyes
portrait,

and

fair,

curly hair.

As

well as this wonderful

Raphael painted

for Altoviti the

now in the Pitti Gallery. f who kept aloof from the worldly
frescoes,

Madonna dell' Impannata, The grave Michael Angelo,
Chigi, held Altoviti in

such friendship that he gave him a cartoon of his Sistine

and commemorated

his noble friend
Cellini.
:J:

by a medal.

His bust was made by Benvenuto
other works of
art,

These and

combined with choice antique specimens, were the glory of the Palazzo Altoviti, which stood close to the banks of the Tiber, to the left of the Ponte S. Angelo.

The

palace disappeared in i888,§ while the

ofifices

of the

mercantile house of Chigi, which stood close by, are used at

Nowhere is the transitoriness wood magazine. of human things brought home more forcibly than in the
present as a
||

Eternal City.

Another banker, Lorenzo Stroz/J
so well
* H.
Jahrb.,
tier alt.

known

for

his

— the brother of Filippo, epicureanism — to outrival
If

tried

Grimm
XXIV.

has contested this untenable opinion

in

the preuss.

About the

picture,

cf.

Hirth-Muther,

Cicerone

in

Pinakothek, Miinchen, 1888,
531, 533.

tj.

+
J

MuNTZ, Raphael,
See Plon, 221

seq.

% Cf.

Gnoli

in the

Arch.

d.

Arte,

I.,

202 seqq.

About

Altoviti, cf.

Alveri, Roma, 107
Altoviti, Firenzc,

seq.\

Pancini, Genealogia e storia della famiglia

1871, 55 seqq.

See also MORENI,

Illustraz. di

una

rarissima medaglia rappres. B. Altoviti, opera di
Firenze, 1824
II
;

M. A. Buonarotti,
are situated in

cf.

L.\ncianl,

1.,

163.

Earlier than this they were used as stables.

They

the

Arco
10,

and

Banchi (formerly known as the Cortile de' Chigi), Nos. 9 which connects the Via de' Banchi with the V^ia Paola see
de'
;

Arch.

d.

Soc. Rom.,

II.,

488,

and Arch.

d. Arte,

I.,

192 seqq.

% Cf

Ferrai, Lorenzo

de' Medici, Milano, 1889,

8-9; and ClAN,

Cortcgiano, loi seq.

122

HISTORY OF THE POPES,

Chigi in extravagance.

A

banquet given by him during

the Carnival of 15 19 caused

him
first

to be
led

much

talked about.
to a black

His shuddering guests were

up a step

door, through which they entered a hall draped in black.

In the middle of this stood a black table on which were
flasks of

wine and two deaths'-heads containing the choicest
After this

viands.

whimsical

introduction

the

guests

adjourned to a brilliantly-lighted hall and sat down to
table.

The

food was served up by means of an
:

under-

ground contrivance
after

dainties, and them uneatable food. Suddenly the lights went out, and there entered two actors dressed like jesters, who led a
first

there were

handed

dance.

The meal was

so plentiful

that

the guests had

eaten to surfeit before a third course was offered to them.

Fourteen persons took part
Cardinals
Rossi,

in

this

banquet, including
Ridolfi,

Cibo,

Salviati,

and

the

two

buffoons Mariano and Brandino, and three ladies of the

demi-monde.*

Such a banquet takes us back
ominous
height.

to a time

when wealth and
dared to invite

luxury, extravagance and laxity of morals, had reached an

The

fact

that

Strozzi
is

such company to meet the Cardinals,

most

significant.
in

But such a thing was nothing new
time of the rugged Julius
II.,

in

Rome.

Even

the

to say nothing of the reign of
prostitute, the beautiful

Alexander VI., a well-known
society.^

and

highly-cultivated Imperia, played a part in high

Roman

There

is

but too
in

much

evidence as to the immorality
in

which prevailed
*
Cf.

Rome

the

time of Leo X.+

It

Sanuto, XXVII., 74-75.
;

+ Cf. Vol. V. of this work, p. 123 seq.
i

see also

GRAF, 264

seq.

See Censimento
1882, for the

d. citta di

Roma

sotto

Leone

X., ed. Armellini,

Roma,
of

number

of courtesans in

Rome,

the headquarters
Cf.

whom

were

in the vicinity of the

Ponte Sisto (see Graf, 253).

ROMAN
extended
to every
its

SOCIETY.

1

23

branch of society, spiritual and secular,
greatest

and reached

development among the most

highly educated.

Yet the Rome of that time was not more corrupt than Venice or the other cities of Italy.*
indifference

The
for

with which

even

the

highest spiritual

authorities regarded the state of society at that time,

and

some time

after, is truly

scandalous.

The Popes
first

of the

time of the Catholic ref(jrmation were the
with severity and decision an
evil

to

combat

which caused such grave
of the Christian world.

scandal, especially in the capital

The immorality

in

Rome was
;

connected

with her vast

intercourse with foreigners f with the idleness of many of her prelates, who spent the large incomes arising from their
benefices in the metropolis of the world
of luxury;
J
;

with the increase

with the enormous influx of

money; with
;

the

settlement of so

many

foreigners in

Rome

§

and especially

with the growth of population.il
the Lamentations of Batt.
in

Mantovano about the morals

of the Curia

BURCKHARDT,
BURCKHARDT, rare " Lamento
is

11.^,

304.

The
II.,

satires,

pasquinades, and general

Hterature of the time are fully quoted by
also
I.',

Graf, 226

seqq., 285.

See

320

;

332.
{s.d.,

To

the reign of

Leo X. belongs

the

di

pasquino"

but after the battle of Bicocca),

a copy of which

in the State Library,

Munich, Poet.

Ital.,

517.

*
t

Cf. Vol.

V. of this work, 164 seq.
in

Paris de Grassis (*Diarium,

the Secret

Archives of the

Vatican) puts the
1

number

of those present at the paschal blessing in

5 17 at

over a hundred thousand.

These cannot

(see

Gnoli, Arch.

d.

Soc. Rom., XVII., 376) be counted as inhabitants, for assuredly there

were many foreigners among them.
\
j5

CJ.

Altieri, Nuptiali, 6 seqq.
;

The foreigners were the promoters of immorality in Rome cf. BURCKHARDT, I.", 200, who refers to DeliCado, Lozana, I., 239, for the laxity of moral conditions. The morals of the real inhabitants
were better
;

see what

Altieri (ioi seqq^ says about the penalties of

marriage separations.
II

Cf. infra, p. 128.

124

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
still

Rome
character.
racially

maintained her pre-eminently cosmopolitan

There existed no court which was composed,
socially,

and

of

such

heterogeneous

elements

elements which formed to some extent rather ominous
combinations.
obtain

The

facility

with

which

persons

could

money

at the Curia as negotiators or go-betweens,

and the rapidity with which promotion
place-hunters, adventurers, and
influx of the humanists

to spiritual offices

could lead to power and wealth, were bound to attract
idlers.*

No doubt

the

had a bad

effect

on the machinery

of government

;

still

the humanists were by no

means the

only persons to pursue the love of gain at the expense of
others,

and

to the neglect of their

own

duties.f

A

deepthe

rooted corruption had taken possession of nearly
officials,

all

and a host of abuses had become common among

them.
of

The

truly Italian art of procrastination in matters

business,

the

inordinate
all

number of

gratuities
all

and
sides

exactions, had passed

bounds.

Moreover, on

deeds were dishonestly manipulated, and even
the
officials.;]:

falsified,

by

No wonder that

there arose from

all

parts of Christendom

the loudest complaints about the corruption and financial

extortions of the Papal
* See
t Cf.

officials.

It

was even said that

in

Hoffmann, Gesch. d. papstl. Kanzlei, 43. Hoffmann, loc. cit., 45 seq., 47 seq., who justly remarks
was manifest

that

the lack of qualification in the officials

in their careless-

ness in making out Bulls and Registers.
the worst and most illegible of
\
all.

The

Registers of Leo X. are

Sebastiano da Trevigi was burnt on the charge of falsification of

Bulls

and

Petitions

;

see Jovius, Vita,
;

lib.

4

;

CiCOGNA, Michiel, 402

;

Sanuto, XXVH., 474
Federicis)

and the *Brief for
litt.

loh. Novello et vicario gen.

episc. Feltren., s.d. (super falsificat.
:

apost. facta a Sebastiano
t.

de

Brevia anni 1518, Arm.,

XXXIX.,
falsificat.

32,

f.

234;

ibid, for

Ant.

de

Pocalera (facultat. contra,

litt.

apost.,

D, 1518,

luni 21).

Secret Archives of the Vatican.

SATIRES ON THE CURIA.

1

25

Rome
satirist

everything had

its

price.*

With

biting irony, the

Ariosto describes the restless doings of the avaricious
the secularized Curia
:

members of

Quando
Ision

la ruota,

che non pur castiga

rio, si

volge in mezzo a

Roma
briga.

L'anime a cruciar con lunga

Their insatiable avarice was ready

to

sacrifice

peace,

happiness, and liberty for benefices and dignities.
signify five mitres

What
:

on the head or a hundred followers on
?

the

way

to the Vatican

That they
;

call
si

mere luck f

10 lo stimo miseria

e son

pazzo,

Ch'io penso e dico, che in
11

Roma

famosa

signer e piu servo, che'l ragazzo.

* Sanuto, XXVI., 510; Vita Anon,
382, n.

in

Cod. Vat., 3920, in Janus,

t Satire to Galeazzo Ariosto, Parnaso Italiano,;Vol. XXVII.,

12, 18,

Venezia, 17 18.

CHAPTER

IV.

Medicean Rome.

However
be
in

blameworthy the worldliness of the Curia might
it,

itself,

like

the lavish expenditure of the Pope,

conduced rather to the advantage of

Rome

than otherwise,

by the impetus which

it

gave to the extraordinary developin the

ment of the

city.

There was no place

world where

capital could be put out to better advantage,

where riches and importance could be obtained more rapidly, or where Rome was exempt from the fewer taxes were paid.*
miseries of war; hence the influx of immigrants, especially

from the heavily-burdened north of

Italy.

This was so

considerable that Giovio speaks of a whole colony of these

immigrants having established themselves

in the

neighbourthis

hood of the Campo
influx as

de' Fiori.

The Pope encouraged

much

as he could.

He was

active in promoting

the development of

Rome,f and exerted himself a great
all

deal in the maintenance of quiet and security in

the

States of the Church, as well as in the Eternal City itself J
*
t

Ranke

especially points this out (Papste, I.^ 265). Vita,
1.

With Jovius,

4,

cf.

the

enumeration of Leo's merits as

regarded
X

Rome
;

with the discourse in
loc. cti., cf. Bull. V.,

Venuti,
IV.,

131 seqq.
;

and

165.

W^ith JOVIUS,

712 seqq., 737
;

Regest. Leonis X.,
;

n.

4590, 16,937
II,

Bembi,

Epist., III., 9

15, 18

V.,
18,

34

;

VI., 13

;

XV.,

28; *Brief to the Bishop of Tivoli, Sept.
t.

15 15

(Arm.

XXXIX,.
f.

30, Secret

Archives of the Vatican)
;

;

Paris de Grassis, ed.
lat.

Delicati-Armellini, 85

Fr. Novellus in the

*Cod. Barb.,
acts of

2273,

18 of the Vatican Library.

Nevertheless,

many

murder were

IMPROVEMENTS

IN ROME.

127

He

regulated the importation as well as the price of food,*
in the

promoted husbandry

Campa^^na, busied himself with
of Rome,;[: and
city.

draining- the Pontine Marshes,f protected all the benevolent
institutions, especially the hospitals,

did

much

to

improve the architecture of the

The works

of restoration

begun by Julius

II. in

the Via Alessandrina,

leading from the Castle of St. Angelo to the Vatican, were

continued under Leo by Giuliano di Sangallo.
northern part of the

In the

Campo

Marzio, the fine design of the

three streets converging on the Piazza del Popolo was begun
in this Pontificate, to

be finished under Clement VII.

The

Bull of

November 2nd,

1516, which revived the projects of

Sixtus IV. for widening and embellishing the streets, was
of the greatest importance for

Rome.

It stirred

up

archi-

tectural activity to such an extent that
city acquired a totally

many

parts of the

new

aspect.

committed

in the States of the
v.

Church as

well as in

Rome
f.

;

see the

Report of M.

Watt, 1520,

in the

Mitteil. des hist. Ver.

St.

Gallen,

XXV.,

292.
X., n. 3730.

* Regest. Leonis

t Cf. ibid., n. 5847(566 also

GOTTLOB, Cam. Apost.,

122),

13,189;

Manoscr. Torrig., XXVI., 367
Lettera, 61
;

;

Tournon,
Roma,

Etud.
I.,

statist,

219

;

Marini,

Monografia

d. cittk di

326.
5,

For the promotion

of drainage at Ravenna, see *Brief of Sept.

15 14 (State Archives,

Modena), Appendix, No.
X

3.
;

Cf. Bull, v.,

639 seqq

Regest. Leonis X.,

n.

6964, 7143

;

Pericoli,

L'osped. di S. Maria d. Consolazione,
143.

Roma,
S.

1879, 119;

Morichini,

For the founding of the Hospital of

Maria
In

di Costantinopoli in

1515, see Arch. d. Soc.

Rom

,

XIII., 286.
;

1520 Leo X. erected a

convent as a refuge for penitents

sec Bull. V., 742 seq.\ ibid., 739 seqq.,

see Bull for confirmation of the archiconfraternitas charitatis in Jan.
1520, founded
§
Bull, v.,

by Card. Giulio
655
;

dc' Medici.
III., 2,

Reumont,

452

;

Regest. Leonis X.,

n.

6922.

About the Via Alessandrina or Via Leonis, besides Paris de Grassis, ed. Armellini-Delicati, 120; sec *Div. Cam., 65, f 36-37, and Arm.

XXXI.X,

t.

41,

{.

14/^-15 of the Secret

Archives of the Vatican, and

128

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Contemporaries were astonished to see
each day more
her beauty.*
buildings
"

Rome becoming
new

beautiful, while her prosperity grew with

From day
up
in

to day," says an orator, "

spring
life

your midst, and new quarters

spring into

along the Tiber, on the Janiculum, and

around the Porta Flaminia (del Popolo)."i-

Ambassador, writing
built in

in

1523, puts the

The Venetian number of houses

Rome by
at

northern Italians since the election of
J:

Leo X.
greatly

ten

thousand.

This calculation
Giovio's

may

be as

exaggerated as

is

statement that the

inhabitants of

Rome had

increased to eighty-five thousand

during Leo's Pontificate.§

ordinary development of the city

But a considerable and extrais beyond all question.

Witness to

this are the notes of

Marc Antonio
in the

Altieri, a

Roman who
things, as
told the
fine

lamented the rapid change

condition of

much as the undoubted increase of luxury. He Pope many painful truths. " Not only do we see
all

and commodious houses springing up on
"

sides,"

he writes,

but with them splendid palaces

full

of dis-

tinguished inhabitants, noted for the unwonted splendour
of their appearance,

and the numbers among them of

young

exquisites decked out with brilliant caps on their

*Cod. Barb., lat. 2428,
92 seq.

f.

2.

About the

Ripetta,

cf.

Arch.
:

d. Soc.

Rom.,

I.,

Frenchman it is said commendement du pape Leon X. fut commence la
In the *Diary of a

"

En

I'an 15 18

par

strada de N.
lat.

Dame
f.

de populo

.

.

.

et fut

acheve en Tan 1519"

;

Cod. Barb.,

3552,

34^5

of the Vatican Library.

* Cf. in Appendix, No.
1

6,

the *Letter of A. Gabbioneta, Jan.

14,

5 17.

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Series, III., 67.
1.

t Venuti, Oratio, 160 seqq.
\
J:^

Albert, 2nd
JOVIUS, Vita,

4.

wont

to indulge, see

As Gnoli

to the exaggerations in
in the

which Gicvio was
,

Arch.

d. Soc.

Rom

XVII., 382

seq.

The number
50,000.

of inhabitants could not at that time have been

more than

PALACES OF THE CARDINALS.
heads, and
velvet slippers and shoes on
their
feet,

129

and

surrounded by
their finery

many

servants.

Women

no longer don
it

only on feast-days, but wear

every day

when they go abroad they around them the perfume
there
as
if
is

are proudly adorned, spreading

of sweet scents;

and
all

at

home

the revelry of dancing and music, for

the world

each one of them was about to ascend a throne."*
a contrast

What

was

this

age to the time of Eugenius IV.,
is

about sixty years before, when, as
looked on the

related, the Florentines

Romans
city,

as a people of cow-herds

The Leonine
Leo's

the central part of which had already

been remodelled, chiefly under Alexander VI., was, during
Pontificate, the

essentially ecclesiastical quarter of

Rome.
St.

Here, under the shadow of

the chief church,

Peter's,

and the chief
dwelt.

fortress, St.

Angelo, the greater

number

of Cardinals, prelates, and officials of the Court and

the Curia

To

the palaces already existing there
later

was added one, begun by Cardinal ArmelHni, and
belonging to the Cesi family.f
St. Peter's

was that of
the

S.

The largest piazza after Giacomo Scossacavalli, better
the

known
near

as

Piazza

of

Cardinal
of

S.

Clemente,
della

which

stood
the

the

palace
of the

Domenico

Rovere,

now

palace

Penitenzieri.

In

a

magnificent building which, though now hidden and crowded up by houses, retains many traces of its former
splendour, lived Cardinal Luigi d'Aragona,

who

vied with
;[:

Leo

X.

both

in

magnificence

and generosity.
a

Just

opposite to him, on the other side of the Piazza, lived

Cardinal

Adriano

Castellesi,§

in

still

more

beautiful

* Altieri, Nuptiali,
see also
+ Cf.
\
,

17.

About the

luxur)' of the
2,

Roman women,

Gave, I 608, and Reumont, III., Gregorovius, VIL, 3rd ed., 676.
this

859.

Cf.

Pastor, Die Raise des Kardinals Luigi d'Aragona,
work,
p. 179.

8.

§

See Vol. VI. of
VIII.

Vol.

9

130
palace,

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which was
the palace
for a

long time ascribed to Bramante.

Where
lived

of the Convertendi

now

stands, there

then stood Raphael's elegant mansion.*

Cardinal Soderini

next to Cardinal

Adriano

Castellesi.

Near these

stood the mansion of Giannantonio Battiferri of Urbino,
the facade of which

was embellished by Raphael with
This memorial has vanished, but

paintings and drawings.

on the right or northern side of the Borgo Nuovo, there still exists the house of the court physician, Febo Brigotti.f
and the palace designed by Raphael
for the

Papal surgeon,

Giacomo da
the

Brescia.

On

the

left

side of the street, ad-

joining Raphael's palace, stood the house of the Zoni, and

palace of Cardinal
St.

Accolti.

Further on, near the

Piazza of

Peter's, could be seen the magnificent palace

of Raphael's friend, Giovan Battista Branconio, destroyed

when
finest

the Piazza Rusticucci was made.ij:

In the part of palace

Rome on

the

left

bank of the Tiber the
largest

was the Cancelleria, and the
of

the

Palazzo di San
Venezia.

Marco, now known as the Palazzo di
truly

Soon there arose a palace
which
has immortalized

Roman
of
the

proportions,

the

name

Farnese.§

As

originally planned, the fagade of the palace
in 15 17,
it

* Built by Bramante and bought by Raphael

and inhabited
have destroyed
;

by him
its

until his death.

Later buildings set up round
in

original

form; see Gnoli
the Arch.
st.

Nuova
Arte,
I.

Antologia, 1887, fasc. 11
(1888), fasc. 2, p.
i

A. Rossi

in

dell'

seqq.

;

BUONAROTTI, 3rd
7 seqq., 228 seqq.,

Series, III., 26 scq.;
II.,

and GnOLI, Arch.

st. dell'

Arte,

145 seqq,
is

t Over the door of Brigotti's house (Borgo Nuovo, 106-107)
inscription
:

the

"

Phoebus
Brigoctus medicus."

+

Gnoli, Nuova Antologia, 3rd
stor. dell' Arte,
I.,

Series,

XIV.

(1888), 591 seq.
III., 542.

Cf.

Arch.

134 seqq.

;

and MiJNTZ,

§ Cf.

Navenne

in the

Revue des deux Mondes,

1895, Sept., 399

ERECTION OF NEW BUILDINGS.
was intended
at that

I3I

to look

towards the Via Giulia.
finest in the

This

street,

time the broadest and

Eternal City,
chronicler of
,

took the place of the present Corso.
Perugia, writing in the time of Clement
there was to be found the flower of

A

VI I,

says that

the

way

of brilliancy
di

came

the Canale di Ponte

Via del Banco and

Santo Spirito)

Next to it in (now the and the Via de' Banchi,
In the neighbour-

Rome.

where stood the houses of business of the merchant princes
lesser bankers,

mostly Florentines.

hood Leo

erected the national church of S. Giovanni de'

Fiorentini for his compatriots.*

The whole Navona and

of the district of Ponte, as far as the Piazza
the

Campo

de' Fiori,

was the most thickly
city.

populated and most lively quarter of the

In the
;

first

named, the market had been held ever since 1477 the Campo de' Fiori was the place of execution of criminals
;

there was to be seen the greatest

number

of taverns.f
Italians settled

During Leo's pontificate many northern
in this

quarter and erected

new

buildings,

many

of which

were remarkable
versity,

Not far from the Uniwhich had been enlarged by Leo X., stood two
for their beauty.;]:

new

palaces which rivalled in magnificence the imposing
Cicciaporci
built
for
ai

Palazzo

Giulio

Alteriori

in

1521

;

these were the Palazzo Lante

Capretari, built

Sansovino,

and

the

Palazzo

Maccarani,

by Jacopo which Giulio
of
;

Romano
seqq.
;

built for
II.,

the family of Cenci.

The custom
in

ClaUSSE,

67 scqq.

Leo X. inspected the building
Delic.\ti Armellini, 72
seq.
;

person

see

Paris de

Grassis, ed.

see also Alt-

preussische Monatschrift,

XXXIX., 400

*

Cf.

SCHULTE,

I.,

209.

t Cf. Barb.,

Grecorovius,
3552,
f.

VII., 3rd ed., 681, 6S5 scq.

The *Diary

in

Cod.

lat.

33 (\'atican Library), mentions the "grande justice"
in the

carried out
\

on a murderer

Campo
4.

de' Fiori.

Jovius, Vita Leonis

X.,

lib.

The

Piazza

Lombarda

is

now

called the Piazza

Madama.

132

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
little

painting the facade added not a
houses.

to the

beauty of the

other

About the same time stucco-work, busts and ornaments, became more common.* The dark, gloomy aspect of mediaeval Rome began generally Obviously it was in the more beautiful and to disappear. renovated parts of the city that the signs of the new era could be more clearly read. In the labyrinths of narrow
plaster
streets

which surrounded the foot of the Capitol, and
district

in

the

thickly -populated

of

the

Trastevere,

the

mediaeval character of the city was preserved for a long
time.

The houses

there were for the most part small, with
galleries

porticoes or open

on the

first

floor,

which was

reached by outside stone staircases.f

Here and there
Marzio, which
irregularities

among them were
is

towers, of which that of the Anguillara

the only one remaining.^
less thickly inhabited,

The Campo
presented in

was no

its

a rare mixture of

modern and mediaeval

buildings, palaces,

and churches,
While the
were

in

the midst of the bustle of
part.

commerce

in

which the most varied nationalities took
city itself

was being ever more and more
X., the

transformed, under
left

Leo

monuments

of antiquity

more

or less untouched.

In spite of the increasing

interest taken in the antique, the old
still

pagan monuments

served as convenient quarries for marble and travertine;

nevertheless, the demolitions of this sort remained inconsiderable.
* See
above,

The

zeal of antiquarians saved
1 1 1
.,

many works

of

Reumont,

2,

423, 858.
I.,

About the new palaces mentioned
cf.

cf.

Lanciani, Scavi,

212;

Grilli, Pitture a graffito e

chiaroscuro di PoHdoro e Maturino suUe facciate delle case a
in the

Roma,

Rassegna

d'

Arte, V., 97 seq.
VII., 3rd ed., 678 seq.

t Cf.

Gregorovius,

When

this description

was

written,

many more

of the old-fashioned houses existed than at
galleries
is

present.

A

good specimen of the houses with open
Trastevere in the Vicolo work,
p. 148.

to be

found
+

in the

dell' Atleta.

Cf. Vol. IV. of this

THE RUINS OF ANCIENT ROME.
art

I33

and old

inscriptions.

The Colosseum

suffered most,

whereas the Baths of Diocletian and Constantine, with
those of Caracalla, remained practically intact.*

The

silent

world of ruins formed a striking contrast with
life

the restless

of the modern

Rome

of that time.

The

uninhabited portions were far more extensive than those
built over.

The

Pincio was for the most part garden-land

;

country-houses began to arise on the Ouirinal, and there

were but few dwelling-houses on the Viminal, Esquiline, and
Ccelian
hills.

The venerable

basilicas

and other churches
S.

gave

its

character to this part of

Rome.

Maria Maggiore
to them, as
in

and the Lateran, and the buildings belonging
yet

untouched by

later

restorations, stood

imposing

grandeur with their rows of ancient marble
mosaic decorations.
Diocletian
loneliness
;

pillars

and

The gigantic halls of the Baths of commanded a vast field of ruins, grand in their while close to the Baths was a formal wood in
Testaccio was waste land
; ;

which deer were kept.f
Cestus was buried

the

Aventine was sparsely inhabited
in

the Pyramid of Caius
of

rubbish.

With the exception
fields

some venerable churches and convents, nothing was
seen
in

to be

the neighbourhood
the

except

and meadows.

The
field

site of

Augustus and Nerva was partly and partly marsh, the memory of which is kept alive
of
de'

Forums

by the name Arco

Pantani.

The

treasures

of the

Forum were The earth.

buried under about thirty feet of rubbish and
pillars of the

Temple of Saturn were buried
seq.

* See Reumont,

III., 2,

(69) that the burning of

454 marble

But witness

is

borne by Venuti
going on under

to obtain lime

was

still

LeoX.
t

This

is

mentioned by Franc. Janis da Tolmezzo

in his

report quoted

//{/>•«, p.

135 n.

Egger

(Verzeichnis dcr architektonisch Handzeich1903, 19) gives a ground-plan of the
Italian, 15 14.

nungen der Hofbibliotek, Wein,

Baths of Diocletian, taken from the sketch-book of an

134

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

to their base, while those of the

buried to half their height.

Severus and Titus

Temple of Vespasian were The Arches of Septimus were surrounded by mean buildings.
of the Forum, on which a great

The remaining open space
part of

Roman

history had been played, served as a cattle-

market (Campo vaccino), while scattered around were old
churches and single houses.

On

the Capitol, the Palace of the Senators, with

its

four

metal-crowned corner towers of the time of Boniface VIII.,
bore quite a mediaeval appearance, in spite of the slight
alterations

the

made by Nicholas V., to whom the Palace of Conservatori owed its actual form * The south-eastern
of the historic
hill

summit Leo X.

was waste ground
called
it.

in the

time of

The Tarpeian rock was
its

Monte Caprino,

from the goats which climbed about

The

Palatine, with

world of ruins, was an indescribably
the south side, in the midst of

romantic wilderness.

On

weeds and creepers, stood the magnificent remains of the
Septizonium.

The
rift

other colossal ruins of the Palace of the

Caesars were equally overrun
tion.

by a wild growth of vegetared-brown walls grew

In every

and

fissure of the

dark-green ivy;
roses

while everywhere there

bloomed wild-

and yellow broom.
all

Laurel trees, dark cypresses and

picturesque pines, stood

about

;

while, in the midst of this

confusion of wild growth, vines had been cultivated on every
favourable spot.
in

Deep

silence reigned in the halls whence,
fate of the

days gone by, the Caesars had controlled the

world.

No

one but learned and
there, ever

artistic

men, who had

visited the

neighbouring baths
left

for the

sake of the remnants

of decoration of the Caesars.

thought of visiting the Palace

What men
*
1 1

of culture cared to visit in

Rome,

is

told

Cf.

HiJLSEN, Bilder aus der Geschichte des Kapitols, Rom., 1899,

seq.

ST.

PETER'S

AND THE VATICAN.
The

1

35

US in the reports of

some of the Venetians.*
met
still

first

thing that every stranger did on arriving in
visit St. Peter's,

Rome was

to

the mosaic facade of which

his eyes

from

afar.

A

large part of the old church

was

standing.

The

great relics there, the head of St.
St.

Andrew, and the

Santo Volto (Sudarium of

Veronica), were shown only

on great
the Pope.

festivals,

except by the personal permission of

A

provisional choir had been put up, so that
in

worship could be carried on
building was

the central nave.

Every-

where, however, could be seen

signs that the venerable

of the

doomed to destruction.f The foundations new dome covered such an immense space that the
felt

beholders

that their grandchildren would scarcely live

to see the completion of the wonderful work.

Great architectural activity reigned at the Vatican and also
at St.

Angelo.

The Loggie

of the Cortile of St.

Damasus

were approaching completion.
tall, fine

About
to

three hundred Swiss,

men

in white, green,

and yellow uniforms, bearing
the Pope's residence,

halberds, guarded the entrance

which was

fitted

up with every conceivable luxury which

a highly-developed civilization could supply.

Even the
all

Venetian Ambassadors, accustomed as they were to
that art could contrive in the

way

of magnificence, were
in

* Besides the known reports of the Venetian Ambassadors

1

523,

most

likely written

by Pcsaro,

in

Alberi, 2nd

Series, III., 97 seqq., see

the interesting report of Franc. Janis da Tolmezzo,
in

who

visited

Rome
seq.).

February, 15 19

(in

FULiN, Diarii Venez., Venice, 1881, 68
to

There are interesting things
publication
:

be found abbe de

in

the

very rare French
Relation d'un
1520, et termine

Dom

Edme,

XLI*-'
le

Clairvau.x.

voyage k
le

Rome commence

XXIII. du mois d'aout
Publ. par

XIV. du mois
Peter's

d'avril 1521.

t In the narrative of the journey of the
S.
:

Harmand, Troyes, 1850. Abbat Edme, he says about
et ruinee et est

Qui

etoit

du

tout ou a

pcu pres desolec
Julie y avoit fait

piteable chose de la veoir.

Le pape
faultc

quelque peu de

beau commencement, mais

de couverture

yl se ruinoit fort.

136

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

astounded by the splendour and beauty of the Vatican,
with

which

no

royal

palace

in

the

world

could

be

compared..
In addition to the paintings on the walls and ceilings,
there was

which proclaimed the zenith of

art,

a great
silk.

profusion of tapestry, and embroideries in gold and

The

furniture

and the gold and

silver plate

were models

of the most refined taste.

The

Pope's chairs were covered

with crimson velvet, with silver knobs, and the arms of

Leo X. worked

in gold.*

Within the Vatican the greatest
;

conceivable activity prevailed

the
in

pressure

of business

was so great that even prelates
Cardinal
Medici.

high position had to

wait four or five hours before they could have access to

Often

six

hours

passed

before

an

audience could be obtained with the Pope himself; f for
Leo's intimates
the Vatican.
July, 1517:

among the Cardinals went frequently to Bembo wrote to Bibbiena on the 19th of "The rooms of His Holiness, which Raphael
made incomparably
beautiful
in

painted, are

by these paintis

ings

;

but the greatest attraction

them

the sight of

the Cardinals,
in

who

are nearly always walking to and fro

them." I

However much
were admired by

the works of Raphael in the Vatican
his

contemporaries, they placed a

still

higher value on the great creations of Michael Angelo in
*
I

have taken these
Vatican

details

from the reports of the Venetian

Ambassadors quoted
furniture

above.
is

A

most interesting
in

insight

of

the

of the

given

the

**Inventarium omnium

bonorum existentium in foraria S'"' D. Leonis, pp. X., factum de mandato Suae Bea"'^ per r. d. Phihppum de Senis et Christophorum Barotium camerae apost. clericos die septima Septembris A° D, sui anno sexto. State Archives, Rome, Arch, camerale, 1 5 18, pont.
Invent, busta,
i.

t Cf. the report of the Abbot
X

Edme,

62-63, quoted above.

Bembo, Opere,

III., 14.

THE SEVEN CHURCHES.
the Papal chapel.*

137

But the devotees of antiquity found
Vatican Belvedere,
Nile, the Tiber,

their central attraction in the court of the

where the masterpieces of sculpture
Hercules, Ariadne, Venus, the
and, lastly, the Laocoon, which

— the
at

world-renowned

Apollo,

was

that

time more
cypresses,

admired than
laurels,

any

— stood
trees,

in

the

midst

of

and orange

amidst which played running
free access to this

fountains.

Leo X. gave
Finally,

sanctuary of

ancient art.f
failed

no one who went

to the Vatican

to visit the Pope's menagerie, in

which there were
which no devout

several lions.J

The pilgrimage
visitor to

to the seven churches,

Rome

failed to perform,

had

to be

day, and usually took about eight hours.
visits

made in one As a rule the
pillars.§

began

at St. Paul's, with its

famous ancient
;

Thence the pilgrim went
the adjacent catacombs
of several

to St. Sebastian

admission to

was not easily obtained, on account strangers having become hopelessly lost in the

underground passages.

From
;

these venerable sanctuaries

the pilgrim went on to the basilica of the Lateran, extraordinarily rich in relics
in

front of the church there then

stood the statue of Marcus Aurelius.
to

Thence he proceeded the Church of Santa Croce, where Cardinal Carvajal was
After this he visited
fuori le

carrying on his great improvements.
S.

Lorenzo
*
Cf.^ for

mure, and

S.

Maria Maggiore, finishing
f.

contemporary opinion, Repert.

Kunstwissenschaft, IX.,

121.

t Cf. Vol. VI. of this work, 487 seqq.

The Venetian

report of 1523

expressly mentions the granting of this free access.
\

According

to Vasari,
in

Giovanni da Udine painted a picture of the

Papal menagerie

the Sala de' Palafrenieri.

About the

lions,

see

Archiv
§

fiir

iilterc

deutsche Geschichte, VII., 182.
cf.

For the following,

the accounts quoted above of Franc. Janis da

Tolmezzo and Pietro Pesaro.

Dom Edme made

the pilgrimage in

reversed order, and visited also the catacomb of

St. Calli.xtus.

138
his pilgrimage

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by a
visit to

the

tomb of

St. Peter in his

church.

Lovers of antiquity did not neglect a
statues of

visit to

the colossal

Monte

Cavallo, or the collection in the Palace of
to

the

Conservatori, where were

be found the Warrior

extracting a thorn from his foot, and the She-wolf, which
the Venetian Ambassador, Pietro Pesaro, calls the finest

bronzes in
buildings,

the the

world.

Among
eight

the

principal

ancient
the

same

authority

specially

mentions
the

Pantheon, reached
Diocletian.

by
last,

steps,

and

Baths of

These

which were then

in a better state

of preservation than at present, are, he says,
finest buildings in

among

the
all.

Rome:
for

yet the Colosseum surpasses

The enthusiasm
report
is

antiquity which

pervades Pesaro's

not so conspicuous in the accounts of foreign

travellers,

which

is

a proof of the finely-cultivated
;

taste

of the representative of Venice

yet his was no isolated

example.

The diplomatic
bankers
in the
in their

corps vied with Cardinals, prelates, and
art

patronage of

and

literature, as well as

magnificence and brilliancy of their establishments.

In those days

men prominent

in the field of literature

and

in the ecclesiastical state

were always to be found

in the

ranks of diplomacy in Rome.

Two names

shine forth

beyond
in

all

others

:

the learned Alberto Pio di Carpi,* high

the favour of Leo,

who

first

represented the

Emperor and

*

Cf.

TiRABOSCHI,

Bibl.

Mod., IV., \^b seqq.; FiRMIN DiDOT, Aide
5

Manuce,
45.

and NOLHAC, Erasme en Italie, i2>'i-, 4^9 Further literature, especially about Carpi's Library, in the Giorn.
8 seqq., 30, 46, 145,

d. lett. Ital.,

XXXV.,

221.

See also Ulm.\nn,
utilized
;

II.,

453

seq.,

and Guglia,

19 seq.,

where Carpi's reports are

other reports of his in the
also in the National

Lett, de' principi,

and

in

Molini, Docum., and
feast given

Library, Paris.

About the

by Carpi

in

Rome,

see

Sanuto,

XXV.,

284.

BALDASSARE CASTIGLIONE.
afterwards Francis
in
I.,

1

39

and Baldassare CastigHone * the agent
In the hospitable

Rome

of the Marquis of Mantua.

house of

this " Chevalier of the world," as
all

he was called by

Charles V., there were gathered
in

the

literati

and

artists

Rome.

Castiglione was the friend not only of Raphael,

but also of Michael Angelo, intimacy with
difficult to obtain.

whom was

so

The famous
in

"

Cortegiano," finished by

the

Mantuan diplomatist
X.,-f

the

first

year of the reign of

Leo

describes,

and indeed
day;
its

idealizes, in
life

wonderfully
in

fluent classical

Italian, the

manner of
ripest

the most

cultivated

circles

of that

a society

in

which the

Renaissance had
in

reached

development, and

which signs of decay were already apparent.
little

The

perusal of this

book, which unfolds an unique picture

of the civilization of the time, gives an excellent idea of

the intellectual and brilliant salons of that
true

period.:J:

It is

— as

Bibbiena deplores

§

— that

there

was lacking at
in the

Rome
of

an element which formed a striking feature

Court of Urbino, which he describes, namely, the influence

women.
were

But, in

default of this, poets,

savants,
in

and
the

artists

the

more numerously represented

Eternal City.

The Renaissance observed no
they were
little

class distinctions, at least

insisted

on at the Court of Leo X.

The

highest prelates and
all

diplomatists treated as their equals

who

possessed talent and personality.

Consequently,

humanists, poets,

men

of learning, and artists

came more
essential

and more into the foreground, and formed an
* The most important part of the literature relating
to

to Castiglione is

be found collected
t
+
Cf.,

in

Gasparv,

II.,

684,
seq.,

and Flamini,
in

566.
II., 2,

besides Vol V. of this work, 32

GaSPARY-Rossi,

287.

Cf. Dr. K. Federer,

Ein Salon der Renaissance
2,

No. 11,003 of

the N. Fr. Presse of April
§

1895.

Lcttere de' principi,

I.,

\2,b.

140

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in the

element

higher society of Rome, which was described

as the h'ght

and stage of the world.

The
later

Eternal City was then what Paris became centuries

— the centre of European culture.
time.
:

To

dwell in

Rome
man
to

was the climax of good
of the
a Cardinal
"

fortune for every intellectual
for all

Erasmus speaks
Before
I

when he wrote
I

can forget Rome,

must plunge into
his sojourn

the river of Lethe."
there,
this

Each time he
satirical

recalled

cold

and

man was

seized

with an

irresistible

longing to return to a place which offered

much

more
"

to

him than the mere monuments of
precious freedom," he writes, " what
of books,

antiquity.

What
way

treasures in

the

what depths of knowledge among the
intercourse
!

learned,

what

beneficial social

Where

else

could one find such literary society or such versatility of
talent in

one and the same place?"*

The

extracts from authors devoted to the promotion of

literature

and

art give a

complete picture of the intellectual
of the time.

aristocracy of the

Rome

To them

especially

do we owe our knowledge

of the importance of the

Leonine

Leo himself as a centre of culture. What a wealth of brilliant names do they make known to us On one side there are learned men and Sadoleto, Castiglione, literati such as Bibbiena, Bembo, Carpi, Giovio, Lascaris, Inghirami, whose portraits, by the down to first painters of the time, have been handed the noble company of posterity and on the other hand
Court, and, in a measure, of Pope
!

;

artists

themselves,

Raphael, Bramante, Michael Angelo,

Baldassare Peruzzi, the two Sansovini, Giuliano and Antonio
di Sangallo,

Soddoma, Sebastiano del Piombo, Era GioIt is thanks to condo, Caradosso and many others. these painters that posterity has forgotten much that was
* ReumONT, III., NoLHAC, Erasme en
2,

144 seq. 65 seq.

Cf.

GreGOROVIUS,

VIII., 285,

and

Italic,

THE LEONINE COURT.
repulsive
in

I4I

that

corrupt

and

semi-paganized
in

society.
historic
light

They,
over

together

with

Giovio

his

brilliant

descriptions,

have cast an

idealized

glamour and
even
if

the

Leonine
in

Court*

which,

they

only

correspond
to this day.

part to the

reality, cast

their rays

on us

What wonder that men of the impression made on them by
spent their whole lives there?

time, carried

away by

the

the capital of the world,

However

great the evil
still

which may have lurked
they contained not a

in the society

of those days,

little

of what was good, which, by the
less

very nature of things, was
bad.

spoken of than what was

Bearing this

in

mind, the Leonine age comes before

us

in

a far better moral light than
to be

when we allow our
by manifest and
highly

judgment

biassed, at

first

sight,

deplorable excesses.^
intellectual, earnest,

We understand how a man as

and pious as Sadoleto could look back

on

his
It is

gay youth

in

Rome
all

with a gentle melancholy.^
it

a characteristic of the Eternal City that
that
art.
is

possesses

the power of attracting
intellect,

prominent

in

the

way

of

knowledge, and

But never before or since
brilliant

have her walls contained within them a more
society.
It

must be admitted that the prevailing tone of society which surrounded the Holy See was worldly,
and, in

some

respects, wholly secular.

The

priest

and the

theologian, as such, disappeared when he entered the court
*

"We

can never tear ourselves away from the

brilliant picture of

Leonine
darker
t
X

Rome as drawn by P. Giovio, however side may be," says BURCKHARDT, L", 201.
d. lett. Ital.,

well

emphasised the

See ClAN, Giorn.

XVII., 298

scqq.,

and XXIX., 405.
is

See the Letter of Sadoleto
!oc. cit.

to Colocci in 1529,

which

discussed

by ClAN,
tionality

Cian has with justice rejected the shallow conven-

which describes the time of the Renaissance, and especially

the Court of

Leo

X., as

"a

great classical bacchanalia
d. lett. Ital.,

orgy of paganism," Giorn.

and a monstrous XXIX., 404-405.

142
circle,

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
teeming with distinguished men,
life full

of the enjoyin

ment of

and of

intellectual interests,

and absorbed

their enthusiasm

for literature, art,

music, and the stage.

Leo X. was
circle.

in

every respect

fitted to

be the centre of this
?

For who exhibited greater splendour than he
subsidized
?

Who
poets

so

many
in
?

artists,

men
all

of learning, and the pleasure that
in

Who

drank

more eagerly
scenes.

they could
of
bright

offer

him

His days were passed
Great

a series

and

shifting

ecclesiastical

functions,

solemn processions, impressive feasts

of

the

Church, grave Consistories, stately diplomatic receptions,
tedious political negotiations, rang the changes with long

hunting

expeditions,

brilliant

banquets,

musical

and

dramatic entertainments, recitations of speeches and poetry

on the

classic model,

and the inspection of old and new
spent his
life in

creations of art.
intoxication.*

He

a sort of intellectual
for

Small wonder that no time remained
!

the serious task of ecclesiastical reform

The mode

of

life

and chief occupations of Leo
not
difficult to

in

the

vortex of this brilliant existence are attested by so

many

documents, that

it is

make

a sketch of them

as they really existed.j-

enter his

Leo X. was accustomed to rise late. The first person to room was Cardinal Medici's secretary, Gian Matteo Giberti, who received instructions relating to the more imAfter him came the datary, with portant business of state. whom the Pope settled matters referring to benefices after
;

* So says Ranke, Piipste,
t

I.^ 58,

and Masi,

I.,

197.

The

chief sources at our
in

command
113,
;

are the reports of the Venetian
;

Ambassadors

Sanuto

;

cf.

especially XVI., 543

XXII., 456, 471

;

XXIV., 103, 105; XXIX., -n, Cf. Alberi, 2nd Series, III., 70
Grassis in

164; XXX., 374;

xxxiv.,

199.

also Jovius, Vita,
517.

lib. 4,

and Paris de

Roscoe-Henke,
in

III

,

Besides these there are

many

other sources quoted

the following pages.

HABITS OF THE POPE.
him, the chamberlains.

I43

This business being over, the Pope
After

heard Mass, a habit from which he never departed.

Mass he granted audiences, in the number of which he was very generous. Then followed his dinner, which was usually at an advanced hour. After the meal the Pope usually rested for a short time, and then gave more audiences, or
talked with his intimate friends.

On

these latter occasions
as

cards or chess were played

;

Leo detested dice-throwing

immoral.
chess-men,

The Pope possessed a very valuable set of made of silver gilt.* These were quite in
bell, as

keeping with the beautiful

painted in his portrait

by Raphael, and show how the articles which served Leo for his daily use bore the mark of his artistic taste. In the
afternoon the Pope usually took a ride through the Vatican

gardens

;

though,

if

he were living out of Rome, he devoted

the time to the chase.

But

his usual residence

was

in the

palace of the Vatican, though during the

summer
all

heat he

preferred the Belvederef or the cool Castle of St. Angelo.J

Leo X. showed the
pleasure and

greatest temperance at

parties of

festivities.

He

confined himself to one meal in
;

the day, and at this he ate heartily

but,

on the other hand,

he fasted three days

in

the week.

On Wednesdays

and

Fridays he ate only fasting food, and on the latter only
fruit,

vegetables, and bread.

He

took a special pleasure
;

in

music played during and after the meal
* About this set of chess-men, see Arch.
cf.

§

and, like a true
dell'

stor.

Arte,

I.,

3,
;

71

;

ClAN, Cortegiano, 162

;

Gnoli, Secolo

di
16,

Leone

X., 642

and

Cesareo, 204
note
:

On

the 5th of October, 15

Serapica makes this
9, 15 19,

a N. S. per giocar due. 70; and again on October

we

find a note

made

of thirteen ducats paid for the Pope's losses at play.
.X.,

Serapica, *Spcse di Leon

L

State Archives,

Rome.
at St.

+ Arch.
\

stor. Ital.,

3rd Series,
113.

XXVL,

369.

Sanuto, XXIX., Sanuto, XXX.,

A

garden was laid out

Angelo

;

see

*Introitus et Exitus, 551, in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
§ 173.

144

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

son of the Renaissance, considered that the entertainment

was incomplete without song or the accompaniment of a
violin.

From

his

youth Leo, who had a

fine ear

and a melodious
It

voice, loved

music to the pitch of fanaticism.

was

his

favourite subject of conversation,

and

in his private

room

there stood a musical instrument on which he improvised.*

When

a Cardinal, he tried his

hand

at composition.f

The
of the

sumptuous banquets which he gave
always terminated with music
the Vatican

to the

members

:j:

Sacred College and other intimates after he was Pope,
;

and deep into the night

was

filled

with joyous strains.

When

the

performance was exceptionally good the Pope was enraptured.

With head sunk on
to

his breast
in

and eyes closed
the sweet tones,

he

sat, lost

everything, drinking

which he often accompanied with
tone.!

his voice in

an under-

The most
were sent

distinguished musicians were drawn from

all

parts of Italy, France,

and Spain to the Papal Court.

Briefs

to various princes

and Cardinals
If

for

the sole

purpose of obtaining the services of some musician or to
express thanks for those received.||
* Fabronius, 206
296.

anyone
III.,

will

run

;

cf.

See also Aschbach,

845

seq.

As
seq.

to the musical instruments of that time, see

ClAN, Cortegiano, loi

t Cf. Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 1888, 394 seq.
\

Among
;

these Luigi d'Aragona especially was a passionate lover of

music
§

see PASTOR, Reise des Kard. L. d'Aragona, 24, 30, 44, 56, 78.
Epist.,

Bembi,

XVI.,

5

;

Vita

Anonyma, 630
in

;

Jovius, Vita,

lib. 4.

Cf. Paris

de Grassis, *Diarium

various passages, and *Letter of
8, 15 14.

Bald, da Pescia to Lorenzo de' Medici, June

State Archives,

Florence, Av.
II

il

princ, CVII.
Epist.,

With Bembi,
of Aug. 8

IX., 22, 23, X.,
25, 1514
ibid..,

2)l->

<^f-

the *Briefs

to

F.

Gonzaga

and Sept.
;

(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua);
19,

see Appendix, No. 22

see also
I.,

*Report of Gabbioneta, June

1514

;

*Brief to Francis

Aug.

3,

15 17 (National Archives, Paris), in

PAPAL MUSICIANS.
his

145
will

eye through Leo's books of accounts, he

find that,

next to goldsmiths, the names of musicians are entered as
receiving the highest salaries.

Besides the comparatively
is

high pay which they received, there
of gratuities from
Appendix, No.
7

frequent

mention

the Pope's private purse.*
II.,

The Jew
;

;

Desjardins,

670

;

SanUTO, XXVIII., 488

and

Manoscr. Torrig., XX., 372, XXIV., 10 * Cf. Arch. stor. Ital., 3rd Series, III., 1,216, 222, 224, 226, 228, 231,
233, 234, 235
;

BUONAROTTI,
203.
I

1

87 1, 246 seqq.

;

MiJNTZ, Raphael, 426-

427

;

Cesareo,

made a
in
flor.

note of the following payments from
:

the *Introitus et Exitus
551.

the Secret Archives of the Vatican

1513, April

18:

104 cantoribus capell.
secreto S. D. N.
;

May
for for

14: flor

46

loanni Marie

Alemano musico
to

keep

two months. one month.
et

May

14
:

:

tlor.

6 Galeatio Baldo Bonon. musico

;

keep

Aug. 8

payment

Laurentio de Mutina, Nicol

de Albis
is

loanni

lacobo de Zanetio

(in

other places Tarvisio or Trivino
;

also

menOct.

tioned) cantoribus secrctis

f.

192

:

Galeatio de Ubaldis musico.
;

29

:

Antonio Brochier cantori secreto

f.

226

:

Galeatio Badeto musico

secreto.
552.
S.
1

5 14,

May
:

15

:

Mathie Mariliano
et

et

Raphaeli Lunesio musicis
Juni 10
:

D. N.

June 8

Raphaeli
:

Mathie musicis.

Ant. Brochier

cantori secreto.
553.

June 20
:

Gal. Baldo musico.

1514-1515

the

554. (Besides

the

same names as in 551 and 552. names already given.) 1515, Aug. 2: Gabrieli
:

Baldo musico
555.
1

sec.

Aug. 27
:

lacopo Larcinto

et Nic.

de Albis musicis.

5 16,

March 28

loh.

Marie de Medicis musico (obviously the
:

Jew mentioned aljove). May 30 Nicol. et lacopo cantorib. secret. Then follow the same names as above, only written rather differently,
except locattino Level, loh. Brugio.
557-

'5J7>

March 13: The same names, except payments

for loh.

Ambrosio musico sec, Georgio de Parma musico. The same names; besides payment on April 558. 1518-1519.
1

10,

5 18,

for Laurentio

de Bergomotiis and on August
sec.

15,

1518: Camillo

filio

et loh.

Marie mus.

March

11,

1519: Franc, et Selimino
1519: Andree

gallicis cant. sec.

559.

1519-1520.
sec.

The same names, except June
Oct. 11
:

11,

de Silva cant.

Claudio de Alexandris cantori.
la

Nov. 12
cantori

:

Hicronymo de Amcria mus. sec, and Valentino de VOL. VIII.

Rue

sec

10

146

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Giammaria, to

whom

the nickname of Medici

was

given,

received a monthly pension of twenty-three gold florins,
1520, Jan. 30: loh. Bapt.

Pontano mus.

sec.

March
April 30

11

:

Franc, de

Manfronibus citeredo
560.

S.

D. N.

(4 ducats monthly).
:

1520.

The same names, excepting on
Aug.
sec.

Cesari TolenSept. 16
:

t!no mus. sec.

12

:

Simoni Malic
loh.

(or Mella) cant. sec.

Martino mus.
mus.
sec.

and

Esquino (probably the famous Encina)

No less numerous are the musicians mentioned in *Serapica's accounts
of Leo's
private

expenditure.

In

this

payments

for

the
;

following
lo.

musicians are mentioned: 1516, Aug. 22: Bidone cantore
(see supra) musico.

Maria
;

Sept. 19

:

A

li

tedeschi delli organi due. 25
:

A

dui

cantori
5 17,
:

de Carpentras.
5
:

Sept 29

1

Jan.

Musici Milanesi.

M. Egidio cantor di capella. March i Gian Maria musico 45 d.
:

Sept. 8

A
; ;

un prete musico
Padre e
figlio,

di far viole due. 40.

Sept. 13

:

Musici Musici

Mantovani

musici Milanesi.
July:

— 1518,

May:

Mantovani

Un

cantor francese.
250.

Musici Milanesi.
:

July 13:

A Jo.
due.

Maria giudeo due.
:

September 4

A

quel canta de Orlando

due. 4.
2.

September 29 A quello che sono la lira in la rocha di Viterbo October 9: A uno sonava la citara due. i nel Isola. 15 19,


:

January

i

:

Giachetto cantore
:

da Spelimberto.
June 15:

January

5

Julio

Mantuano musico. May 13 A M.Julio Mantuano musico
di

AM.

Francesco musico due.

45,

and

due. 45.

A

li

musici de

Re
:

Francia, due.

115;

A

li

musici tedeschi, due.
8
:

20.

August 13:
July 21
3 mesi.

Hieron. da Asti musico.

— 1520, April
di Corneto.

Pififeri

Milanesi.
di

A
In

uno musico
and
for Jo.
la

di

Corneto, due. 90 per sua provisione

August, September, and October expenses for Marc Antonio musico

Maria musico,
alia

August
:

21

:

Expenses quando
Gaspare Fiamingo
che canta de

ando

musica

Magliana.
:

August 22

A

cantore, due. 54.

October 18
January
i
:

Al sonator de

la citara

improvise.
el

— 1521,

A

Galeazo musico, due. 30 per batezar

suo pucto.

February 18: Marc Antonio musico.
ali

March
et

19

:

Due.

172 dati per mancia
April
I
:

cantori, pifari

et

trombetti

altri

musici.
in

A

Nostro Signore due. 60 dette per mancia a piu musici

Belvedere.

June
de

:

A
S.

tre sonatori

de arpa, tamborino
3.

et violetto
:

che
Ali

sonavono

el di

Joanni inanti a N. S. due.

September 29

cantori, trombetti et altri musici furono al pasto di S.
Jul.
']\.

Cosma

due. 284,
State

SER.4PICA, *Spese private di Leon X.,

lib. I., II., III.

Archives,

Rome.

THE PAPAL CHOIR.

I47

and the appointment of castellan of the town of Verucchio.*
Musical talent

among

the

clergy

was often made the

occasion of ecclesiastical promotion.

With
Church.
not

his love of

music

it

was natural that Leo should
its

attach great importance to

use

in

the services of the

The numerous musicians above mentioned were subsidized by him solely for his own gratification, or
purpose of social entertainment, but largely for the

for the

increase of devotion in the great ecclesiastical functions, on

the worthy celebration of which the heart of the Pope was
so
set.

However devoid he might be of formalism
life,

in

the

ordinary intellectual affairs of

he always exacted great

punctiliousness in the details of divine worship.

On

such

occasions he gave the most edifying example by his solemn

demeanour and pious behaviour.^

The Papal
perfection

Choir, for which French, Dutch, and Spanish

as well as Italian singers were engaged,

was
not

raised to such

that

contemporaries could
therefore,
Cf.
;

contain

their

enthusiasm. §

There was,
n.

good reason why the
3rd Series,
;

* Regest. Leonis X.,
226
;

3315.

Arch.

stor. Ital,
II.,

III., i,

Rossi, Pasquinate, 99 scq.

VogelSTEIN,

35, 119

and Katt,

Musicisti ebrei Rinascimento, in the Corriere IsraeHtico, Trieste, 1903.

In the *Rotulus of
t
\

1

5 14, lo.

Maria musicus appears among the

Scutifferi.

Fauronius,

205, 207.

Numerous examples

of this are given

by Paris de Grassis, *Diarium,

XII., 23, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
i^

See Paris de Grassis, ed.
II.,

HARDT,
a
list

7th ed., 321.

Cf.

Delicati-Armellini, 66; BURCKSCHULTE, 202 scq., at 258 seq. there is
which
is,

of the singers under

Leo

X.,

however, by no means comIII.,

plete.

About the famous Costanzo Festa, see Ambros,
ibid.,
;

2nd

ed.,

583

;

276

seq.

about Eleazar Genet.

He was

magister capellae in
i,

1514

see the Brief to the Cardinal of S. Sabina, Sept.
is

15 14, in

which

recommended for a benefice. In this it is said "quanto cantores nostros amore prosequimur presestim Elezearium qui
Elezcarius Geneti

ejusdcm capelle nostre magister

c.xistit."

Draft of Sadoleto in Arm.,
n.

XLIV.,

t.

5,

f.

60;

cf.

Regest.

Leonis X.,

11,348,

and

17,640.

148

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

choir should occupy such an important place in the paint-

ing of
Further,

the
it

Coronation of Charlemagne
is

in

the

Stanze.

only when

we

learn

how

constantly

Leo X.

was sending
masses, that

to Florence for

books of sacred music, especially
painted his
illustrative

we can understand why Raphael
as

patron holding such a book.*
of the

This was quite as
the

mind of Leo X.
in

introduction

of musical

instruments

the arabesques of the Loggie.
costly instruments

Leo often procured
gold and
silver,

ornamented with

and ordered them himself from German
Naples an organ adorned

makers.f

He

procured from

with alabaster, which Baldassare Castiglione declared was
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
prior, see Regest.

For Nicol. de

Pictis, 1513,

cantor

Leonis X.,

n. 3560.

The

celebrated Spaniard, Juan
;

de

la

Encina, was for a long time the director of the Papal Choir
I.,

cf.

TiCKNOR,

223

seq.^

and

II

,

695
Ital.,

seq.

;

Zeitschr. f rom. Phil.,

XVII.
For
in

(1893), 586;

Giorn.

d.

lett.

V,

395, VII., 273, IX., 325.
93.

the Florentine Pietro Aaron,
Atti d. Soc. Istriana,
II.,

cf.

RoSCOE-Bossi, XII.,

Gravisi,

Parenzo, 1885, deals with Leo X. and the

musician

Andrea Antico.

See

also

Haberl,
5,

Musikkatalog
42
seq..,

des

papstlichen Kapellenarchivs, Leipzig, 1888,
Paris de Grassis mentions an

10,

49, 51, 66.

improvement

in the

singing of the Papal
Cf.

Choir

in

Holy Week, 1514
;

;

see Regest. Leonis X., p. 503.

LuziO,
la

Isabella d'Este, 29 seq.

cf.

TOUGARD, Les
in

chantres

Normands de
I'hist.

chapelle du pape (1418-1514)

the Bull, de la Soc. de

de Nor-

mandie, IX. * On the 6th of October, 15 13, Giuliano de' Medici writes thus to
Lorenzo: *N.
costi et
S'''^

vorrebbe
di

certi

miei

libri di

musica che restorono
li

maxime uno

masse.

Quando
il

la

M. V.

mandera verranno
Cf., in

a

S. S'^ et a

me

molto

grati.

Av.

princ, CVIII.

Carte Strozz.,

III.

(Minutario di lettere del M. Lorenzo), the *Letter to Giuliano,
State Archives, Florence.

Oct. 14, 1513t

On the 30th of September, 1517, there were paid due. 1000 Corrado Trompa (in the margin, Trompet is written) de Noliebergo (sic!) pro uno horologio et certis instrumentis musicis per eum datis S. D. N. et
auro
et

argento laboratis.

*Introit. et Exit., 557.

Secret Archives of

the Vatican.

THE IMPROVISATORI.
the

I49

most beautiful thing he had ever seen or heard.*
Luigi d'Aragona
little

Cardinal
valuable

presented

the

Pope

with

a

organ.f

Next to music, improvisation was the entertainment most appreciated by the Renaissance. The art of giving
expression in verse to the things of the
in the gifted Italian people.

moment

is

inherent

Leo X. would not have been
he not taken
of amusement.

the son of Lorenzo the

Magnificent had

special delight in this kind

He

himself

often took part in the elegant poetic contests, which were

a greater ornament

to

his

table

than

the costly plate,

choice dishes, and rare wines.
In

the art of improvisation, after

Tebaldeo, Accolti,

and Strascino,+ Raffaello Brandolini and Andrea Maronc
displayed

most

talent. §
first,

They were both men

of real

poetical gifts.

The

a fellow-countryman of Leo's, had

enjoyed special marks of favour from the latter even before
his election.

Apartments

in the

Vatican were

now

given

*

*Non

tacero ancor questa

nova che da Napoli
il

e stato portato al

papa un organo
visto

di alabastro, el piu bello et

migliore che mai sia stato

ne udito.

B. Castiglione to the Marquis of

Mantua from Rome,
II.

July 16, 1521.
t Este

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
in

Report

Ademollo, Alessandro
Accolti, see
i,

VI., Giulio

e

Leone X. About

nel Carnevale, 90.
}

About Tebaldeo and

////>-(;,

pp. 195, 215, 217 JtY.

the Sienese Niccolo

Cam pan

called Strascino,

who

often improvised

before Leo X., see

Ademollo, Alessandro
literary details in
Ital

VI., etc., 79,

and Cesareo
II., 2,

207

;

and also more

GaSPARV-Rossi,
,

305,

and

Flamini, 558.

Cf. Giorn. d. lett.

XXXIX., 204

j^^.

Serapica,
ClAN,

on Aug.

27,
:

1

5 18,

makes

the following entry in the *Spese private di

Leone X.

due. 50 date a Strascino.
lett. Ital.,

State Archives,
422.

Rome.

Cf.

Giorn. stor. d.
!:$

XLVIIL,

Marone, see ROSCOE-BOSSI, VII., 201
Giorn.
d.
lett.
Ital.,

For more about Brandolini, see infra^ pp. 222 and 222 n. seq. BUDIK, I., XLIX.
;

For
seq.
;

XL, 156

seq.; Rossi, Pasquinate,

117 seq.; and

Geremia, Andrea Marone, Palermo,

1901.

I50
to

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
;

him and so indispensable was he to Leo, that he went by the name of the apple of the Pope's eye a curious nickname for one who was blind. Marone of Brescia

possessed

even greater readiness in clothing the

most

ordinary events on the spur of the

moment
to

in

elegant

Latin verse.

Raphael has immortalized him

in his picture

of the violin-player.*

He knew how

enhance the

effect

of his improvisations by an accompaniment on the lute or
violin,

and by the

lively play of his features.
his
lips

The

verses

which flowed from

displayed
hearers

such power

and

richness of thought that
away.-j-

his

were quite carried
his verses delivered
in
1

He won

especial

renown by

at a
his

banquet given by the Pope to the Ambassadors

5

17

theme was the Turkish question, which
all

at

that time

absorbed

interest.

Giovio has preserved for posterity

the beginning of this improvisation, and the Pope rewarded

the poet by the gift of a benefice in the archdiocese of

Capua.

Leo X. sometimes started a contest among his improvisatori, the theme of which was set by himself. Once on the feast of the patron saints of the Medici, SS. Cosmas and Damian Brandolini and Marone were
festivals

On

thus measured against each

othei-.

The Pope, who
and metre,
this

acted

as a severe critic of subject, language

time

adjudged the prize to Marone. J

The

discussion of serious, learned, and even religious

subjects alternated at the Pope's table with these lighter
recreations
his
;

for

Leo X.

lost

no opportunity of extending
his

knowledge and cultivating
I.,

mind.§

He

was, how-

* Passavanti,

299,
I.,

II.,
;

335.
cf.

t JOVIUS, Elogia,
I

xxii.

AmbroS,

III.,

490.

See FOGLIAZZi, R. Brandolini Dialogus, Venetiis, 1753, 48. Slight as are the § Mathaeus Herculanus in Fabronius, 296. traces we can find of this, such a mixture of subjects was not unusual.

PROFESSIONAL JESTERS.
ever, so essentially a child of his
interest in hii;her subjects,

151

age

that, in spite of his
in

he took the greatest pleasure

the low jokes of professional buffoons.*
in

The mummery
it

which they indulged might seem incredible, were
the

not

for

testimony of

the

most

reliable

contemporary

writers.

At

the very table with Cardinals, Ambassadors,
half-crazy poetasters, and parasites

poets and
carried on

artists, jesters,

unchidden

their repulsive

and

foolish calling.

Leo

X.,

who was

himself exceedingly temperate both in

eating and drinking, treated his guests with lavish profusion.
bills,

His successor was amazed by the enormous kitchen

in

which peacocks' tongues occupied a large place.

The

greediness of the buffoons, about which the strangest

anecdotes were circulated, was turned into a joke by Leo
himself,

who gave

orders that dishes of apes and ravens

should be placed before them.f

The names have come down
jesters,

to us of a

number of such

by whose coarse jokes and wit Leo X. allowed himtime
;

self to pass the
this

he had a notion that diversions of
life.J

kind would serve to prolong his
all

The most
§

famous of
Cf. the

the buffoons was Fra Mariano;

this

man,

remarks of Luzio-Renier
the " miscugho
di

in the

Giorn.

d. lett. Ital,

XXXV.,

243, about

giocondita e di serietk" noticeable in

Isabella d'Este.

* Besides Burckhardt,
treatise of

I.,

7th ed., 170 seq.,

cf.

the precious Httle
;

Luzio, Buffoni, nani e schiavi dei Gonzaga, Roma, 1891
15 seqq., 23 scqq., 45 seqq.
;

GalOTTO,
infra.

Giorn. d.

lett. Ital.,

XXIV., 446
is

(about Rodocanachi's book), and the special literature quoted in note

That buffoons were considered indispensable

at feasts

ex-

plained by

Sanuto, XXVI.,
lib. 4.

19.

t Jovius, Vita,
\

Cf.

GRAF, Cinquecento, 370

seq.

Vita

Anonyma,
is

loc. cit.

§

There

an extensive

literature

about Leo's buffoons, especially
in

Fra Mariano.

Besides that mentioned
II.,

the note supra, see

Fabseqq.
;

RONIUS, 295; Gave,

135 seqq.;

GRAF, Cinquecento, ^yo

152

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
real

whose
father,
self to

name was

Fetti,

had been barber

to the Pope's

Lorenzo the Magnificent.

Later he attached him-

Savonarola and entered the Dominican Order, with-

out, however, giving

up

his buffooneries

;

it

was not only

his

low

wit,

but also his total want of manners and incredible

appetite, that caused

merriment to

his

master and the Court,

even though the story of his having devoured forty eggs

and twenty roast chickens
aggeration.
It

at

one meal

is

certainly an ex-

cannot be established with certainty what
it

position he held in his Order, but

is

most

likely that

he was only a lay-brother.*

But Fra Mariano must have been
than his reputation
;

in

some ways

better

otherwise he could not have been the

friend of the earnest

Fra Bartolommeo.

He showed

his

love of art

by the decorations of the chapel

in S. Silvestro

on the Quirinal, which he employed Baldassare Peruzzi and
Polidoro da Caravaggio to paint.f

Fra Mariano must
for,

have been a man of some capacity,
died in April, 15
14,

when Bramante

Leo X. made him
it

"

piombatore" (or one

of those whose business

was

to seal the Papal Bulls with

Giorn.

d.

lett.

Ital.,

XVI.,

254,

466,

XVII.,
in

284,

XVIII.,
stor.

460,

XXVIII.,
XVIII.,
d. Soc.

52,

XLII., 287, 292;

ClAN

the

Arch.

Lomb.,
Arch.

6,0b seqq.^

and La

Cultura, 1891, No. 20;
;

Luzio
;

in the

Rom.,

IX., 572 seqq.

CalmO,

Lettere, 64 seqq.

Taorauna,

Un

frate alia corte di

Leone
seqq.

X., Palermo,

1890; Rossi, Pasquinate,
il

85 seqq. (Fra Mariano), 91 seq. (Brandino detto

Cordiale), loi seqq.

(Moro
*

de'
;

Nobili),

105

(Mastro Andrea dipintore) 144 seqq.
Cf.

(Poggio)

Masi,

I.,

lyo seqq., 212.

Luzio, Isabella dEste,
II.,

31.

Marchese (Mem.

d. pittori ecc.

Domenic,
left

4th ed., Bologna,

1874, 104 seq.) takes this view as a certainty.

t This chapel (the

first

on the

as you enter), which

is

well

preserved, has been saved from oblivion by Gnoli's excellent essay in
the Arch. stor. dell' Arte, IV., 117 seqq.
tiles,

The pavement
reproduced
in

of majolica

such as used to be in the Loggie,
in

is

chromolitho-

graph

Tesorini,

tav.

i, figs,

i

and

2.

CAMILLO QUERNO.
lead), with

153

an annual income of 800 ducats.
fault with

This appoint-

ment was found
to the

even by a courtier so devoted

Medici as Baldassare Turini.*

On

a par with this

was the Pope's consent to

his transfer to the Cistercian

Order, without his being deprived of the right of living as
before in the monastery of S. Silvestro.f
In a
certain
class

sense this

half-crazy poetaster

belonged

to that

of buffoons whose vanity was often

made

ridiculous in a cruel way.J

One

of these, Camillo

Querno

by name, had come
Monopoli
literati

to

Rome

from

his

native town of
;

in

Apulia, hoping to

make

his fortune

the

Roman

soon took the measure of their man.

Ouerno, a

corpulent creature with long flowing hair, was invited by

them

to a

symposium

at

which he was made to drink and
in

sing alternately.

After he had proved his qualifications

both these respects, he was crowned with a wreath of
vine-leaves, cabbage,

and

laurel,

and solemnly dubbed with
all

the

name

of arch-poet.

The poor man took
;

this quite

seriously,

and shed

tears of joy

his self-conceit rose
piibHc
in

when
Nuova
"

* See the testimony which
Antologia, 3rd
received,
Series,

Gnoli has made
Also

XIV., 585.

Giovan Francesco Poggio

among

other marks of favour, a lucrative post of " sollicitatore
;

of Papal Briefs

see Rossi, Pasquinate, 144.

By being

holders

of

these secondary posts, the buffoons of the Italian Renaissance were
essentially in a different position

from that of the court
lo-i
i.

fools to the

north of the Alps

;

see LUZIO,
X.,
n.

loc. cit.,

t Regest. Leonis

8545.

The

transfer

of

Mariano
is

to

the

Cistercian Order, which has hitherto remained a mystery,

explained

by the
had
X

fact that the office of " Bullator,"

which was conferred on him
216.

to

be held by a Cistercian
these, besides those

;

see

Tangl,

To

mentioned
LuziO,

in the text,

belonged Giovanni
;

Gazoklo, Girolamo Brittonio, and the stammering Cinotto
Pasquinate, \6 seqq., Zoscqq.
;

cf.

Rossi,
scq.

11

;

Gnoli, Secolo,
in
;

II.,

646

For presents
di

in

money
18,

to

Gazoldo and others
:

Serapica, *Spese priv.

Leone X.
I.

— 15

June 26

al

Gazoldo due. 12

Nov. 20

:

al

Gazoldo

due.

State Archives,

Rome.

154

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

he was invited to the Pope's table, where he became the
occasion of constant mirth, not only by his improvised
verse

— which he declamed
in

on one occasion clad as Venus

— but by his prodigious hunger
mistake
his verses, he
his

and

thirst.

If

he

made

a

was punished by water being
verses improvised by himself;
If

mixed with

wine.

Sometimes, the story goes, Leo
" in

replied to his "

arch-poet

he gave him a monthly pension of nine ducats.*
stories are true,
facility in
Still
it

these

is

clear that the

Pope possessed great

improvising verses.f
cruel

was the ridicule cast on the improvisatore Baraballo of Gaeta, whose vanity knew no bounds.

more

This rhymester considered himself another Petrarch.

The
and

more mad
on him
at

his

poems the

greater was the praise showered

the Pope's table;

he swallowed

all

this,

was

at last so puffed

up that he claimed the
Capitol.
It

right to be
his

crowned poet on the

was decided by
it

tormentors that his wish would be granted, and

was
garb

arranged that he should ride to the Capitol,
of a

in the

Roman

conqueror, and mounted on the back of the

elephant which the King of Portugal

had presented to
were not ashamed

Leo X.
to fix
it

Those who organized the
for the feast

farce

of the patron saints of the Medici.

Even

the fact that Baraballo

was a

cleric,

and belonged

to a distinguished family, was not allowed to stand in the

way
*

of the
Cf.

jest.

So

full

of conceit was Baraballo that,
II.

*Serapica, Spese priv. di Leon X.,

— 15
d.

19,

December

25

:

Al

archipoeta per sua provisione di

Dec, Gennaio

e Febraio d. 27.

1520,

March 27
for three

:

A. M. Camillo Querno archipoeta
;

27 per sua provisione
1521,

months

April 2
27.

:

Al archipoeta due.

27.

February 21

:

Al archipoeta due.

State Archives,
vir.
;

Rome.
;

t Cf. JOVIUS, Elogia clar.

imag. apposita, Venet., 1546, 51
d.

ROSCOE-BOSSI, VII., 204 seqq.
Secolo di Leon X., 642 seq.
in the
;

Arch.

Soc. Rom., IX., 576

;

GnOLI,

and the detailed account by E. GiRARDi
2-4, Trani, 1885.

Rassegna Pugliese,

II., n.

BARABALLO OF GAETA.

I

55

disregarding the remonstrances of his relatives, he went
to the Vatican at the appointed time, clad in festal robes

of green velvet and crimson silk

trimmed with ermine,
solemnly received
" "
I

made
seen

after

an ancient pattern.

He was

at the palace
it

and conducted

to the Pope.

Had

I

not

with

my own

eyes," writes Giovio,

would not

have believed that a man, sixty years of age, and with
grey
hair,

could

have lent himself to such a comedy."

The verses recited by l^araballo were so foolish that those who heard him could with difficulty smother their laughter; then the poet was led to the Piazza of St. Peter's. The
Pope looked out of the window, and through
mented
beast,
his glass

could see the poet mounted on the magnificently orna-

and led away to the sound of drums and
St.

trumpets.

However, on the bridge of

Angelo, the

elephant shied and threw the hero on to the pavement,

and the

jest

was nearly turned into a tragedy.*

The

spirit of the

age was such that we must not be surprised

that poets were found to celebrate the incident in verse.

But that
mortalized

this
in

act

of buffoonery should

have been im-

an intarsia on one of the doors of the Stanze,
taste difficult to surpass.

shows a want of

Baraballo might have congratulated himself on coming

out of the affair with a whole skin
other poets of his stamp.

;

for

it

fared worse with
15 19, a
;

During the Carnival of

comedy was acted which proved to be a complete fiasco as a penalty for his failure, Leo X. had its author

monk

— punished

before his eyes in a truly cruel manner.

He was

tossed in a blanket, and

then scourged

till

the

* Cf. Jovius, Vita,

XX., 41
to

;

1. Sanuto, XIX., 74 Manoscr. Torrig., 4 RoSCOE-Bossi, VII., 208 seqq.\ Gabotto, 55. According
;

;

Giovio,

Leo made merry

in

like

fashion

over
a

his

secretary

Evangelista Tarasconio,
theorist;
cf.

who considered himself

great

musical

Rossi, Pasquinate, u6.

156

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
flowed.*

blood

As

a

compensation

he

received

two

ducats.f

The

poetaster Gazoldo also often received the
;[:

bastinado as a reward for his bad verses.

The roughness
is

and unseemliness of manners

at the

Papal Court

further

shown by the story of a gentleman who was so provoked by Querno's gluttony that he wounded him in the face.
In explanation of Leo's love for jokes of
all

sorts,

it

has
all

been pointed out that
there

this

was a characteristic of

Florentines, and especially of the Medici. |
is

Nevertheless,

something
as

in the highest

degree incongruous in a
intel-

prince

capable as he was of the most refined
in

lectual enjoyment, taking pleasure
buffoonery.!!

coarse and foolish

The matter

has, however, a very serious side.

Though in nearly every other place, princes and Germany many secularized bishops might indulge

in

in

these kinds of amusements, in a Pope pleasure of this kind

was

utterly

unworthy.

This

is

admitted by Giovio

in

spite of his enthusiasm for the hero of his book.lF

Such

things must be judged even more severely from the standpoint of the present day
;

with a total disregard for the

menacing signs of the time, he threw himself more and
*
Cf. the

report

of Paolucci, who,

it

is

true, writes

from hearsay

only, hi the
I.,

Nuova

Antologia, 3rd Series, XIV., 583.

BurCKHARDT,

7th ed., 170, referring to such proceedings, reminds his readers of

the jests practised on her savants by Christina of Sweden.
t

March

10, 15 19

:

A

M. Ant.

di Spello due. 2, disse
priv., II.

per dare

al frate

de

la %

comedia.

*Serapica, Spese

State Archives,

Rome.

ROSCOE-BOSSI, VII., 207.
Luzio,
10.

§
I!

"Certamente Leone ebbe una natura da stremo a stremo, ne saria
il

opra da ognuno
le

giudicare chi
;

piii gli dilettasse,
il

o

le virtu de' dotti

o

ciance de' buffoni

e de cio fa fede

suo aver dato a I'una ed

I'altra

specie, esaltando tanto questi quanto quegli," writes
I.,

Aretino,

Lettere,

Parigi, 1606, 26(J.

T

Jovius, Vita,

1.

4.

DEVOTION TO THE CHASE.
more
into such coarse

1

57

and

foolish pleasures

up

to the very

brink of the great catastrophe.

More comprehensible was Leo's
noble art of venery.

great devotion

to

the

In spite of the prohibitions of the

Church,

many

Cardinals

had, ever
to

since

the

days
to

of

Scarampo,

devoted

themselves

the

chase,*

the

pleasures of which a Pope
In July,
1

now gave
:

himself over.
to Cardinal Farnese,

5

13,

Leo X. wrote thus
him
to a hunt
"

who had
like you,

invited

Would

that

I

were

free

and could accept your invitation."!
impossible
to say.

pressure of business or scruples restrained the
occasion,
it

Whether Pope on this
14,

is

In

January, 15

he

yielded to a similar invitation from Farnese, and devoted
nearly the whole of October to the delights of hunting.

Thenceforward
the
first

this

became a yearly custom.
:J:

As soon

as

rains

had tempered the heat of the

Roman summer,
well

the Pope began his progress through the immediate and

more remote neighbourhood of Rome.
to ancient

The time was

chosen, for most of the business was dormant, as, according

custom, October was regarded as a holiday
the officials
of

month by
fresh with

the

Curia.

The Campagna,
no better time of went along the
to the

its

new

vegetation, offered irresistible enticements
;

to

country excursions

as

for

sport,

the year could be chosen.

Leo, as a

rule,

Via Cassia, over Monterosi and Nepi,

country round Viterbo, where he took the

woody hillwarm baths.

The neighbourhood was
to which
Italian
;

favourable for hawking, a sport
all

Leo was devoted with
for

the passion of a true

hours together he would watch the carefullyAs
to the chase in general at that time,

* Gnoli, Cacce, 3 seqq.
see ClAN, Cortegiano, 49.

t See the text of the *Letter (Secret Archives of the Vatican) in

Appendix, No.
+

i.

Cf. the

survey of Leo's country excursions in Gnoli, Cacce, 35-36.

158
trained

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hawks
bringing

down

quails,

partridges,
to

and

pheasants.

From Viterbo he proceeded
its

the

Lake of

Bolsena, famous for

eel-fishery

;

there Cardinal Farnese

entertained his sovereign in regal fashion at his beautiful
estate of

Capo

di

Monte.
"

Leo delighted

to dwell

on the
Farnese

picturesque island of Martana, which was equally fitted for
fishing

and hawking.

Year

after year," sings the

poet, " is

Leo pleased
in

to visit

my

domain, and bathe his

sacred

countenance

my

waters."

From Bolsena

the

Pope moved on by short stages over Toscanella
whence, hunting
all

to Corneto,

the while, he passed over the stretch of

country covered with Etruscan monuments to Civitavecchia

and the and wild

forests of Cervetri.

The

locality

abounded

in

deer

boars, for the pursuit of which the plain, surrounded
hills,

by pleasant

was so suited that

it

could be compared

to a trap for game.

A

mile from Civitavecchia, at Santa
sea,

Marinella, the deer used to take to the

where they
still

were caught by huntsmen
Magliana.*

in

boats.

By

Palo,

the
via

eldorado of quail-hunters, the Pope returned to

Rome

His was indeed a truly royal hunting-ground, bounded

on the south by the Tiber, on the east by the ancient Via
Cassia,

and on the west by the glistening
relatives

sea, while

on the

north

it

extended to the steep precipices of Corneto.
the
Orsini,

Here

whose Roughly speaking, these hunting excursions took up a month of
too lay the territory of his
hospitable castle

was thrown

open

to

him.

every autumn. f
* Jovius, Vita,
41 seq., 43 seq.

Sometimes, under pressure of business,
1.

4

;

Sanuto, XXIX., 442-443

;

Gnoli, Cacce,
of the Pope's

t Accounts differ as to the duration

and frequency
declares that

hunting expeditions.

JoviUS

{loc. cit.)

Leo X. minded

neither wind nor weather nor rough travelling, provided only that he

could satisfy his desire for sport.

Paris

de Grassis speaks of an

DEVOTION TO THE CHASE.
either political or ecclesiastical, the

1

59

Pope had

to shorten or
it

interrupt his holiday
gether.

;

but he would never forego
rain,

alto-

Neither wind,

nor cold, nor the gravity of the
this

political situation, could

keep him from

recreation.*

His chief companions were the younger Cardinals, of

whom,
him
seen

as regards the chase, Luigi d'Aragona,

and

after

Orsini,

were the leaders.f

In the age of the Renaissance Cardinals could often be
in

the hunting-ground, and Ascanio Sforza, as well as

Sanseverino, were ardent disciples of Nimrod.

But hitherto

Popes had been present on only a few occasions.

Leo X.

was the
reserved

first

who

regularly devoted his time to the sport,

for

himself a hunting preserve, and organized
scale.

Papal hunting expeditions on a large
spared

To do

this

he

no

expense.
in

A

special

huntsman-in-chief

was
nets,

appointed

the person of

Domenico Boccamazzo;

hounds, and a great part of the hunting equipment were
sent for from France.
J

Cardinals, Princes, and

Ambas-

sadors vied with one another in
absence from

making

rich presents to
but he has not
Cf.

Rome

of at

most two or three months

;

taken into consideration the interruptions at Palo and MagHana.

Gnoli, 35-36. * Cf. Sanuto, XVII., 486; XXIII.,
38, 142, 176, 216, 219, 223.

74,

437

;

XXIV.,

51

;

XXVI.,
Av.

*Letters of Bald da Pescia to Lorenzo de'
15 14 (State Archives, Florence),
il

Medici, dat. June
princ, CVII.

16,

20, 22,

Sometimes he received an Ambassador even while he see Sanuto, XXVI., 420. was on a hunting expedition How the
;

Pope made use
20, 1520, in

of these occasions as a pretext not to speak with the
is

Imperial Ambassador Manuel,

told in the report of the latter,

Nov.

Bergenroth,

II., n.

310.

t Gnoli, Cacce, 15.
\
1

Gnoli, Cacce,

8 seqq.^ 13 seqq., 15 seqq.^ 18.
is

5 18, in

which Prospero Colonna

appointed protector of
et

The *Brief of May 2, game and

"commissarius super venatione Campanie

Marittime," was hitherto

unknown.
n. 16.

Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm.,

XXXIX.,

t.

31,

l6o
the

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope of valuable
hounds, pheasants, and
trained
for

hawks,* an eloquent proof of the passion of Leo X.
the chase.

Even then

this

occupation of the Pope caused scandal.

In reply to those

who found

fault

with

it,

considerations of
fact,

health were adduced, which did, as a matter of
for a great deal in the pursuits

count

favoured by Leo.

Physicians,

having regard to his extreme stoutness and heated blood,
urged him strongly to take bodily exercise, to
ride,

and to

be as much as possible
considerations
for his

in the

open

air.

But none of these
the

health can
is

justify

excessive

devotion
Giovio. f

to

the

chase, which

emphasized

even by

In the panegyrics of the court poets,

;[:

the Pope,

when

* As well as to Gnoli, 14
136,

seq.^
:

I

refer for this to

Sanuto, XXVIII.,
I.

and

to the following *Briefs
i,

(i)

To Alfonso

of Ferrara, dated

Rome, Dec.
returning to

15 13 (in

which " loannes Antonius pardorum magister,"
is

Ferrara,

recommended
which he
is

to him).

State

Archives,

Modena.

(2)

To
i,

the Marquis Francesco

Gonzaga

of Mantua, dated

Rome, June
dated

15 18 (in

thanked for "aves praestantes
(3)

falcones vocatos," which have been sent by him).
in villa nostra

To

the same,

Manliana, April

28,

1520 (in which thanks are

returned for "falcones, qui quidem eo tempore venerunt quo propediem

eorum experimentum eramus
Archives, Mantua.
in

capturi'').

Nos. 2 and 3

in the

Gonzaga

The animals were kept
we

partly at Magliana, partly

the

old Viridarium at the Vatican.

In the *Introitus et Exitus,
find
in

551
1

(Secret Archives of the Vatican),

the

autumn of

5 13

repeated entries of payments

to

Franc, de

Ferrara custodi

leopardi D. N.
t Jovius, Vita,
1.

4.

Cf.

Mathaeus Herculanus

in

Fabronius,

296.
i,

Similar reasons are given by Leo himself; see Bembi, Epist, X.,

and Regest. Leonis

X., n. 12,147.

Cf. also the letter of

Longueil

in

ROSCOE-Henke,
\

III.,

bi()seqq.

Cf. Tranquilli

Molossi Palietum seu descriptio venationis

Alex. Farnesius in Palieti sui silvis Leoni X., P.

M.

aliisque

quam Romanae

aulae proceribus paravit, published by G.

Andres, Anecdota graeca

DESCRIPTION OF A
following the chase,
is

HUNT

13V

GIOVIO.

l6l

described as playing the part of a

king of the gods, who, like a calm and disinterested onlooker, sits enthroned

above the turmoil.
is

In contrast with
as

the excited Cardinals, he

represented

benignly ob-

serving the

mad

scurry from an elevated position, dispens-

ing praise and blame, and at sunset solemnly

commanding
Giovio

the slaughter to cease, and dividing the booty with noble

generosity
gives a

among

the huntsmen on their return.

more

realistic picture

of the Pope as a sportsman,
the art of waiting with unto

and

tells

how he understood
according

failing

patience,

the

recognized

laws

of

how he would show unwonted severity towards anyone who frightened the game by loud speech.
venery, and also

He was
if

almost inconceivably sharp and violent

in

his

expressions of displeasure, even with those of high estate,
the result of the hunt were unfavourable,

owing

to the to

neglect or inexperience of any in the party.

Woe
!

him

who, after a misadventure of

this kind,

had the
petition

folly to

approach the incensed Pontiff with a

Those

who knew him
request

best seized their opportunity to

make

a

when Leo was returning from

a successful hunt.

Then he would grant extraordinary profusion, especially to those who had
selves in the day's sport.*

favours with lavish
distinguished them-

Giovio does not inform us of the part taken personally

by the Pope

in the sport.

According to the account given

by the secretary of Cardinal d'Aragona, the Pope, spectacles
et latina
cf.

I

,

Napoli, 1816

;

Epitome

in

ROSCOE-Bossi, XII., 130

seqq.

;

Gnoli, 30 seq. The poems of Guido Postumo Sih cstri have been reprinted by RoSCOE-BOSSi, loc. ciL, 184 scqq., 208 seqq. A poet of
Perugia describes a hunt
took part at Viterbo
127 seqq.,
;

in

which Leo X. and Giampaolo Baglioni
I.,

see

Bellucci,
I.,

Manoscr.

d.

com.

di Perugia,

and I'Umbria,
I.

1898,

n. 5-6.

* Jovius, Vita,

4.

VOL.

VIII.

II

l62

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at

on nose, would
taken

times despatch

with

a lance a deer

in the nets.*

In the Ovidian verses in which Guido Postumo described
Leo's hunt at Palo, he clothes the Pope in a white garment
;

but the picture drawn
"

by

Paris
is

de Grassis of how his
the
truth.

master set forth to hunt

certainly nearer

He

left

Rome

without a

stole," writes the

shocked Master
is

of Ceremonies in

January, 15 14; "and, what
;

worse,

without his rochet
is

arid,

worst of

all,

with boots on.

That
this
it

quite improper, for no one can kiss his feet."
to

When

was pointed out
did

the

Pope, he laughed, as though

not concern

him

in the least.f
still

The Cardinals who
regard for what was

accompanied Leo X. showed
suitable in

less

the

way

of

attire.

A
in

Venetian Ambassador
a short scarlet doublet

saw Cardinal Cornaro hunting and a Spanish hat.J

In a report of the 29th of April, I5i8,§ the Venetian

Ambassador

gives a short sketch of the day's

on one of these hunting expeditions, at present, sometimes on horseback, sometimes
chair.

programme which the Pope was
in

a sedan-

The

first

thing

in

the morning, the masters of the
spoil

hunt came to inform him of the places where
be found.

was to

Roe-deer and boars were the

first

to be sought,

and then hawking began. Immediately the Pope started forth again, conversing
* *Letter of Ant. de Beatis,
Archives, Mantua).

after a until

luncheon

he reached

May
15,

i,

1518, in

Appendix, No. 9 (Gonzaga
I.,

Gnoli,
this

and Burckhardt,

7th ed.,
;

2>7^,

must be corrected by
Isabella d'Este, 64-82.

well-authenticated

account

cf.

LuziO,

t
X

Roscoe-Henke,

III., 520.
III., 94.
;

Description by an eye-witness in Alberi, 3rd Series,

ibid., Cf. the Letter of Nov. 26, 1520 § Sanuto, XXV., 385 seqq. XXIX., 442 segq. Both these important accounts have escaped

Gnoli's notice,
relates to this.

who has

in other respects

completely collected

all

that

LEO GREETED BY THE POOR.
the point at which he could
beast.
let

163

loose the dogs after

some

The grand style in which the hunt was conducted is shown by authoritative accounts. In January, 15 14, a Mantuaii Ambassador gives an account of a hunt organized by Alessandro Farnese, in which the Pope and eighteen Cardinals took part.* The number of dogs sent out to track the game was between sixty and seventy. The suite of the Pope Cardinals, prelates, servants, literati,

buffoons, actors, and musicians
ing, to

— amounted, roughly speakin

To this was added the bodyguard of about one hundred and sixty men. If we
one hundred and
forty.

take into account the difficulties of their maintenance

a

poor

district, this

number was very

considerable.-f

Some-

times hunting excursions are mentioned in which from a

thousand to two thousand horsemen took
In
all his

part.;[:

excursions the kindly master of the hunt was

greeted with joy by the poor,
in their

who made every
and
offer
girls

preparation
§

power to do him honour.

His biographer

de-

scribes in vivid colours

how

bo}\s

and old people

arranged themselves on the road
to pass

where

Leo

X.

was

by, to greet
in

him and

him

presents.

He
his

rewarded these

such princely fashion that the peasants,
in

according to the expression of the same author, saw
arrival

among them
fruitful
it
;

a harvest far more productive than the
fields.

most

in

their

He

gave

money without
in

counting

he even called bystanders up to him and
if

asked them

there was

anything amiss with them

* Baschet, Catherine de Medicis, 243. t Cf. Gnoli, 14, 26, 36, 39, 43 scq.
\

Sanuto, XVII., 486; XXIX.,
is

443.
in

The presence
303.

of the strong
for his

bodyguard
life at

explained by the fear
;

which the Pope stood
II., n.

those times

sec
4.

Bergenroth,

§ Jovius, Vita,

1.

l64
their

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
homes.

As he went by he
sick

gladly dowered poor

girls,

and paid the debts of the

and aged, and of those

burdened with large families. The account-books of his Someconfidential chamberlain Serapica testify to this.
times
child,
it

is

a church or convent, sometimes a

woman
whose

with

sometimes

an

unfortunate

person

house

has been

burnt down, sometimes a boy

who

wishes to

study, sometimes a girl

who wants
Lazarus

to marry, or some-

times

the

poor
"

of

St.

— whose

motley ranks,

clamouring

For the love of God," experience the wellof the large-hearted
Pontiff.
in

known
helped
fifty

liberality

Not one
any

returned
in

home empty-handed who had
the hunt.

way

Each

disbursement varies from ten to

ducats.*
spirit

Leo showed the same benevolent

when he was
he went

living at his country-house at Magliana, whither

not only during his autumn hunting excursion, but often in the course of the year when the turmoil and business of

Rome became
silent

too great.

There,

in the solitude

of the
in

Campagna, he
in his

lived at

his ease,

and delighted

mixing

kindly way with

the shepherds and peasants

of the neighbourhood.

Magliana was well suited

for a holiday resort,

because

the more important affairs of government could be carried on from there, being only a few miles to the west of the

Porta Portese in Rome, close to the Tiber, and on the lefthand side of the road to Fiumicino. Numbers of trees had

been cut down, and owing to

this the air

was becoming
its

more and more malarious.

The

castlef

and

neighbour-

* See the items from the account-books in Gnoli, Cacce, yj seqq. t Concerning Maghana and its former fresco decoration, cf. NiBBY,
Dintorni,
1841,

1847

;

HaSE in the Blattern fiirliterar. Unterhaltung, Gruner, I Freschi della Villa Magliana, London, Nos. 334, 335 Reumont, Kunstblatt, 1848, No. 48 RiCHTER, Der Zeitschr. f.
II.,

284 seqq.
;

;

;

THE CASTLE AT MAGLIANA.
hood
the
it

16$

offered
;

but few attractions saving those connected
this

with sport

alone

explains
IV., built

why Girolamo
it

Riario,

nephew of Sixtus

as a pleasure place;
II.,

was also enlarged under Innocent VIII. and Julius
latter,

and embellished by the favourite of the
Alidosi.

Cardinal
in

The

place,

once so beautifully decorated,
his

which Leo X. loved to dwell with
his

intimate friends,
is

huntsmen, musicians, poets, and buffoons,
farm, the halls
it

now

a

dilapidated

of which are used as barns.
in

Thousands pass
vecchia, without

by every year

the railway to Civita-

giving a thought to the brilliant feasts

which used to be held there, or the important decisions
arrived
at

within

its

walls.

Battlements
it.

crown
first

the
it

surrounding walls and a moat encloses

At

sight

seems to be only one of the many deserted
over the

castles scattered

Campagna
it

;

but as

we

enter through the great

door into the courtyard, we see at once by the buildings

on either side that
great noble.
pilasters,

must have been the abode of some
with three arches and octagonal
roof, stands in the left wing,

A

hall,

and a groined

above
with

the windows of which the
read.

name

of Innocent VIII. can be
this,

A

hall

contiguous to the right corner of

five arches,

by Julius
floor.
bild.

II.

was erected, as we are told by an inscription, The arms of the Rovere Pope and those of

Alidosi can be seen in the banqueting-hall on the ground-

A
in

broad and magnificent staircase, a portion of the
;

Kunst, X., \2bseqq.

SCHULZ, Der
Arch.
d.

Zeitschr.
I.,

fiir

Baiiwesen., 1895
;

;

GRUVER
18 seqq.
;

the Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, 1873,
in

336 seqq.

Gnoli, Cacce,
J.?$7$r.
;

TOMASSETTI

Soc. Rom., XXII.,478

Haro,

De

I'authenticite des fresqucs

de Raphael provenant de
et

la

Magliana,
fresque de
la
d.

Paris, 1873;

Oudrv, De
1873;

I'hist.

de I'authenticite de
le

la

Raphael

:

Le P^re Eternel benissant
Paris,
159.

monde, provenant de
stor.

Magliana,
Arte, III.,
IJarluzzi.

MiJNTZ, Raphael, 468 seq.; Arch.
is

A

special study

being prepared by the architect
II.,

Sec

further,

SteinmaNN,

157, n. 6.

l66
tiled floor

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of which remains, leads to the
first floor, in

the hall

of which there used to be frescoes of Apollo

and the Muses,

now removed windows there
Alban
hills.

to the gallery of the Capitol.
is

From

the

a beautiful view of the winding Tiber, and

the undulations of the green

Campagna extending
little

to the

The

frescoes in the

chapel, representing

on one side the martyrdom of

St. Cecilia,

and on the other
to

God The
Paris.

the Father blessing the world, are no longer there.
first

has been destroyed, and the other taken

Nothing

not even a coat of arms
it

— reminds us of
Merli,

the Medici Pope, whose favourite abode

was.*

The
in the

chief reason of this

was

his absorption in the chase, for

neighbourhood of Magliana was the

Campo dei

so favourable for sport.

Round about

the castle

roamed

wild pigs, deer, and hares, while the locality was equally

favourable for the

pursuit

of herons and gulls.f

As

is

shown by

the register of his private accounts, the Pope's
;

passion for the chase devoured large sums
his financial difficulties could never induce

nevertheless,
to think

Leo X.

of any retrenchments, |
to

He

paid not the slightest attention
still

the

fact

that

his
in

hunting pleasures, and

more
were were

the boisterous
totally

way

which they were carried
sacerdotal
gravity,

out,

incompatible with

and

contrary to canonical precept.
for,

Leo knew

this well

enough,

at

the

request

of

King Emanuel, he had forbidden
Such a contradiction between
to build at
;

ecclesiastics to take part in the chase in Portugal, as being

unsuited

to

their

state. §

* Shortly before

his death

Leo X. began
garden
"ali operarii

Magliana

;

see

Gnoli,

23.

He
Jan. 4

also beautified the
:

see *Serapica, Spese priv.,
piantati limoni celsi a

III., 1521,

Payment

hanno

la

Manliana."
t

State Archives,

Rome.
at Ostia,

Gnoli,

24.

At the mouth of the Tiber
(loc. cit.^ 28).

Leo delighted

in

the French sport of netting
%

Cf.

Gnoli,

9, 11, 14.
II.,

§

Corp. Dipl. Port.,

26.

MAGNIFICENCE OF THE PAGEANTS.

1

67

precept and practice produces a painful impression on the

mind.

Still

more
of the

painful

is

it

to contemplate the enortheatrical

mous

cost

festivals

and

performances

arranged by Leo X.

The wonderful
Lateran
in

spectacle of the taking possession of the

Romans a foretaste of what they might expect in the way of magnificence and extravagance from the new government. Just as the Romans
15 13

gave the

then tried to outvie each other

in

splendour, so did they

again, on a subsequent occasion,

when

the patriciate was

conferred on the Pope's nephews, GiuHano and Lorenzo,
in

September, 15

13.

Leo had himself begged the Conon his family.
This
act,

servatori to

bestow

this dignity

which took place
for the

at the Capitol, secured, at

one stroke,

young nephews of the Pope, popularity with the Romans.

Few

of the pageants which gratified the festal spirit of

the Renaissance have been described with so
as this great gala, which filled

much

detail

Rome, from end
waited

to end, with

excitement.*
a deputation

On
of

the morning of the 13th of September
fifty

nobles

on Giuliano

for

* The principal accounts are

:

(i)

Giuliano de' Medici eleto cittadino
nel 15 13.

romano, ovvero
Altieri, ed.
(2)

il

Natale di

Roma
Roma,

Relazione di M. Ant.

L.

Pasqualucci,

1881 (edition of only 200 copies).

Le

feste pel

conferimento del patriziato romano a Giuliano e Lorenzo

de' Medici narrate 18S5.
Cf.
fiir

da Paolo

Palliolo Fanese, ed.

Guerrini, Bologna,
i.,

Janitschek, Das

kapitol.

Theater,

J.

15 13,

in

the
Vat.,

Repert.

Kunstwiss., V., 259 seqq. (ace. to Altieri
51 seq.

and the Cod.

5381)

;

FlechSIG,
lat.

Both have overlooked a third account

in

the

*Cod. Barb.,
(1891).
Cf.
III.,

4793 (L. III., 31); see

Buonarotti, 3rd
'\\7.\0
;

Series, IV.

Venuti, Oratio, 139 seqq.\
231 seq.
;

in

the Arch. d. Soc.
d. lett. Ital.,

Rom.,

ALTIERI, Nuptiali, 118

Giorn.

VII.,

26() seqq.

The

description

by Pasqualucci
of the author,
VI., 147.

(13),

mentioned

in the

*Cod.

Vat., 5381, with the
at Perugia
;

name

is

in the

Communal

Library

see Mazzatinti,

l68

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Lorenzo was absent
the Capitol.

— to take him

in

solemn procession to
:

There a great surprise awaited him

over-

night
in

a theatre

had been erected

in

the historic square

front of the Palace of the Senators.

The wonderful
it

building was

made almost

entirely of wood, but

had the

appearance of being an antique monument and an architectural

gem
in

of rare beauty. the centre,

The

fagade, with a great

entrance

was copied from

one

of

the

Roman
metres

triumphal arches and decorated with paintings in
of antique
bas-reliefs.

imitation

The

gallery, thirty-one
it

in length,

was bounded by a wall which gave
Gilded
in

a

magnificent appearance.
into
five

pillars divided the wall

parts

:

each of these there was a doorway

covered by a curtain of gold brocade.

Above

the doors

was a

frieze

ornamented with
;

vine-tendrils, sea-gods,
five

and

emblems

of the Medici

above these again were
friendship

great

paintings depicting the ancient

between the
Besides these

Romans and
there

the Etruscans (Florentines).

were other historical pictures, one of them having

been designed by Peruzzi.*
Giuliano was received in this wonderful building by the
Imperial Ambassador and the representatives of France,
Spain, Milan, and Florence, the Despot of the Morea, and
the Conservator! and magnates of the city.

On

the stage,

facing the antique pictures, there was set up a richly-orna-

mented
was

altar,

where High Mass was sung,

in order,

says a

contemporary, that the help of
fitting

God might be

invoked, as

on such an occasion.

of the

Conservator!

made

speeches,

Lorenzo Vallati and one to which Giuliano

responded.

This was followed by the solemn reading of
in letters of gold,

a proclamation, written

by which the

Senate and people of
de' Medici,

Rome

gave to Giuliano and Lorenzo

and

their heirs, the rights of citizenship.
seq.^ 55 seq.

The

*

Cf.

Flechsig, 53

THE BANQUET TO GIULIANO.
day's solemnities terminated with a

169

number of banquets.

The

Cardinals and higher prelates were entertained in the

Palace of the Conservatori, and the lower ecclestiastics,
nobles, singers,

and

actors, in the Palace of the Senators.

But the banquet given

to Giuliano, the Senators,

and the
in

Ambassadors was

laid out

on the stage of the theatre
the arena.

view of the crowd who

filled

These

also

had
in

their share in the choice food,

which was carried round
silver plate.

extravagant profusion on magnificent
the tables

After

were cleared, an allegorical and pantomimic

spectacle was given on the stage^ with recitations in verse

and an eclogue.

To

an accompaniment of music

Roma

appeared, along with Justice and Strength, while Cybele
entered in a triumphal car, and Florentia on a
lion.

The
"

festivities

of the second day consisted in similar

representations, with the acting of the

Poenulus," in Latin.

The

actors,

comedy of Plautus, who were nearly all
and cloth of gold,

Roman
set

nobles, were clad in silk, velvet,

with

precious stones.

The

director of the play

was
the

the

learned

Tommaso
fit

Inghirami,

who had drawn

designs for the painted decorations of the theatre.

Leo X. had not seen
brilliant festivals

to be present at the ceremonial

and

on the Capitol, the cost of which amounted

to six

thousand ducats.*

But he would not forego the
presence of

pleasure of the celebration, and, on September the i8th,

had everything repeated
his relatives

at the Vatican, in the

and the whole Court, f
fail

Nor, as far as was

possible, did he
in

to be present at the

numerous

feasts

the following

year.ij:

His interest

in

such things was so

* Sanuto, XVII.,
t I'ALLIOLO, loc.

74.

cit.,

144; Altieri,

/^f.

ctf.,

54; Sanuto, XVII.,
4 for a brilliant
in

89

;

Flechsig, 59

seq.

X

The opportunity for many feasts, and

especially in

1

5

1

Carnival,

was given by the presence of Isabella d'Este

Rome

;

sec

I/O

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
all

great that he was always kept closely informed about

the festivities which were going on outside.*

A

genuine

Medici,

Leo enjoyed the gay,
it

fantastic

doings and masquerades of the Carnival, as
year after year.

came by

He

usually watched the fun from the

Loggia of Julius II. in the Castle of St. Angelo.f In 15 19 he remained there throughout the whole Carnival, returning
to the Vatican only

when necessary
for

to hold a Consistory. J

While

at St.

Angelo he sent
renowned

a famous

company

of

actors from Siena,

for their boisterous

comedies

of peasant

life.§

Theatrical pieces, brilliantly staged, with pleasant music

and graceful dances, were among the Pope's favourite
amusements, and under
his

patronage theatrical perform-

ances reached their zenith.

Not only during the

Carnival,

but throughout the year, comedies were acted before him.||
Luzio-RenieR, Mantova, 213
62 seq.

seq.

;

cf.
5,

LuziO, Isabella d'Este, 51
see Repert.
f.

seq.,

About a Roman
;

feast in 151

Kuntswissenschaft,

XIV., 529 about another in 15 19, see Gave, Carteggio, I., 408 seqq. * See the*Letterof Bald, da Pescia to Lorenzo, 15 14, June 8 and
22.

State Archives, Florence.

Gnoli, Secolo

di

Leon

X., 643 seq.

t Cf.
+

AdEMOLLO,

71 seqq.

;

CLEMENTI,

1

58.

§ C/:, with
di

Sanuto, XXVI., 509. Ruth, II., 496
sec.
16,
I.,

.y^^.,

504,

Mazzi, La Congrega dei Rozzi

Siena nel

Firenze, 1882, 66 seq.

The Commedia
of the

di

Pidinzuolo, played before

Leo X. by the predecessors
Sanese curata da C. Mazzi,

Rozzi,

appeared
1891.

in the

Bibl. pop.

fasc. 3, Siena,

633

Sanuto, XXVI., 142, 469 XXVII., 68 XXVIII., 74 XXIX., Angelo Germanello reports on August 5, 1520, to 188, 223 the Marquis of Mantua *La Sua S" senne sta in castello e fuge li
II

Cf.

;

;

;

;

XXX.

;

:

fastidii

quanto po.

El primo e secundo

di

de Augusto fece doi nobicardinali,

lissime cene e

comedie e musiche, dove intervenero molti
altri nobili.

ambasciatori e

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
plays

Even during

his country excursions

Leo X. had

and dances performed before
16,

him.

Cf.

*Serapica, Spese priv. di Leone X., 15

Oct. 22

:

A

quelli

THE THEATRE.
Next
to

I/I

hunting and music, Leo's passion was for the
In
his

theatre.

unbounded

desire for pleasure he gave

himself over

in this

respect to a wholly worldly pursuit;

nor did he shrink from degrading his palace to the level
of a theatre for the performance of the

most unseemly

comedies. In the autumn of

1

5

14 he was present,

amid great
author,

pomp,

at the

performance of

"

Calandria," an immoral piece,
its

the representation of which, Cardinal Bibbiena,

had carried out
Isabella d'Este.*

in

his own apartments, in honour of The splendid scenery was painted by

Baldassare Peruzzi.

On
"

Carnival

Sunday,

in

March,

15 19,

the Pope was

present at

another comedy, of like character, Ariosto's

Suppositi," which Cibo,

was put on the stage
residing

at St.

Cardinal

who was

there. hall

Angelo by About two

thousand spectators were admitted to a
a large amphitheatre.

transformed into

Leo X.

sat

on a raised seat facing

the stage, surrounded by Cardinals and Ambassadors.

On

the proscenium was a representation of "Fra Mariano teased

by

little

devils."

The

classical description of the Ferrara

Ambassador, Alfonso Paolucci, gives an idea of the play.f "When the audience was seated," he writes, "the pipers
che fecero
la

comedia

in S.

Severa due. 6

;

October 24

:

A

quelli

che

fecero la comedia [in S. Severa] due. 10.

Performers of the moresca
:

were constantly employed,

cf.

April

2,

1520

Ali tre Francesi fanno la
20, 1521
18,
:

moresca due.
doi

63.

Also on June
la

12, etc.,

Feb.

a quelli singari ferno
ballo.

morescha.

June

payment

Due. 25 per A una
:

donna che

State Archives,
1.

Rome.
214, n.
Cf. Vol.

* JOVIUS, Vita,

4

;

Luzio-Renier, Mantova,
published by
di

V.

of this work, 123 scq.
\
I.,

Rome, March

8, 15 19, first

Campori

in Atti
,

Mod.,

Ill seq., then

by Cappelli, Lettere

L. Ariosto, 3rd ed

Milano,

1887, clxxvi. seqq., and lastly and best by AdemOLLO, II Carnevale di Roma, Roma, 1887, 88 seqq. Cf. the report of T. Lippomano in Sanuto, X.WII., 73. About the " Suppositi," cf. Vol. \. of this work, 123.

172

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
raised.

began to play, and the curtain was
music the Pope looked through

During the
on
per-

his glass at the stage,
in

which Raphael had painted the town of Ferrara
spective.*

Artistic candelabra, with five lights in each,
First of

were arranged to form the monogram of Leo X.
all

entered
jests

a

messenger,
title

who spoke

the

prologue and
the

made

about the

of the comedy, at which

Pope and those near him laughed heartily, though I understand that some Frenchmen were offended. The recitation Music was played between of the comedy was excellent.
the acts, and

among

the other instruments used was a

flute,

and the
Cardinal
the last

little
;

organ presented to the Pope by our dead

the vocal music was less to be praised.

During

intermezzo the moresca (a kind of ballet) was
it

danced, to illustrate the fable of the Gorgon:

was

fine,

but could not be compared with that at Your Highness's
Court.

Now the
I,

spectators began to leave the hall in such

haste that

being dragged over one of the rows of seats,

was

in

danger of breaking

my

leg, a

danger averted by the

blessing of His Holiness,

In the apartment where supper
;

was prepared
spoke
about
tinguished

I

met Cardinals Rangoni and Salviati Messer Ludovico Ariosto and how
in

we
dis-

he was

his

art.

As

I

went away with
it

Lanfranco Spinola, we remarked what a pity
noble a lord

was that

such unbecoming plays should be represented before so
;

this

being especially the case

in

the beginning

of the piece." f
*
t

Cf.

Flechsig, 66

seq.
I,

Cf Reumont,
But
it

III.,

135 seq.,

who

pertinently remarks

:

"The

fact of

a Pope attending such plays publicly, caused scandal even in

those days.

would be

to us

an insoluble enigma did not other
us as something

circumstances indicate a difference in the moral standpoint, which,

when, as here,
appalling.

it

meets us

in the concrete, strikes

Just as

Leo X. and

his College of Cardinals, or at

any rate

SCANDAL GIVEN BY THE PLAYS.
At
to

I73

the end of the evening Cardinal Cibo gave a banquet, the

which

Pope,

seventeen

Cardinals,

and
in

several

Ambassadors and
several

prelates sat
in

down.

On Monday

there

took place a bull-fight

the Piazza of St. Peter's,

which

men

lost their lives.

The

bull-fighters

wore costly

costumes given by the Pope, such as had not been given

by any of the Cardinals
paid
four thousand

;

though a Venetian Ambassador

regretted the good old days

when Cardinal
in

Petrucci had
In

ducats for one such

outfit.

the

evening another play was acted

the presence of the
before,

Pope; and on Shrove Tuesday two were acted, one

and another

after,

supper.*
as they could well be.

Yet the times were as anxious
Regardless of
this,

and regardless of the scandal given by

his presence at the acting of the " Suppositi,"
its

Leo X. urged

author to write another play.

in the

"Negromante."

When

this

Thereupon Ariosto sent was produced, and it was
was

perceived that the prologue cast ridicule on indulgences,

and the abuses connected with them, the acting of
discontinued-!

it

the younger

members

of

it,

did not seem to be scandalized by the

indecent situations and rank obscenity of such plays, so were the latter

popular at courts— such as that of Urbino

in the last

days of Guidobaldo

da Montefeltro
often enough,

— which were looked upon as models, and with cultured
who
could not see "Calandria" acted

princesses like Isabella Gonzaga,

and had

it

produced with great

pomp on

the stage at

Mantua in 1520." * Sanuto, XXVII., 73-74 5 19, Scrapica makes this note
;

cf.

ClEMENTI,

\^c)seqq.
di

On March
Leon. X.,

27,
II.
:

1

in his

*Spese private

Due. 48 per prezzo
t

di 4 thori.

State Archives,
II.,

Rome.
;

Opere min.

di

Ariosto,

Firenze, 1857, 538, 559

Campanini,
;

L. Ariosto nei prologhi d. sue

commedie, Bologna, 1891
;

Gaspary-

ROSSI,

II.,
;

2,02)Segq.

1,73,76; Flamini, 269.y^i?$7. Giorn. d.lett. Ital., XXXIII., Gabotto, Saggi crit., Venezia, 1888, 165 seqq., and Rassegna

Emiliana, \. (1889), 226 scqq.

174

HISTORY OF THE POPES
a grave outlook.

The year 1520 opened with
afifairs

To

the
the

complications of the political situation were added
of Luther, and in addition to these

came
in

the death

of Alfonsina Orsini on the 6th of February.

Notwith-

standing
habits.

this,

Leo X. made no change

his

wonted

He had

comedies played during the Carnival,

and watched day by day from the ramparts of St. Angelo Far from discouraging the antics of the masqueraders *
its

observance, the Carnival of 1520 was kept with unusual

brilliancy.

have a fresh

Every day," writes a contemporary, " we entertainment and in the evening theatrical
"
;

and musical performances

in the

presence of the Pope."

In the town the usual races were varied by bull-fights,

and the ordinary barbarous

sports, dating

from the Middle
full

Ages, took place on Monte Testaccio, where cars
pigs were tumbled headlong from

of

the

summit

to

be

scrambled

for

by the people below.

In front of St.

Angelo a mimic

fight

was held on a
given

wooden

fortification.

The Papal household were

special costumes,

and fought with oranges, which amused
that he had the fight repeated next

the Pope so

much

day

in front of the palace.f in

The

principal civic pageant which,

accordance with traditional custom, was always held in
* *E1 papa sennesta
in castello tucto el di

ad vedere
el S"^

le

mascare

et
la

omne

sera se fa recitar

comedie, et domane

Camillo Ursino ad

S" deve contrahere 11 sponsalitii con una figliola de Joanpaulo Baglione. Hore e morta madonna Alphonsina cugnata del papa in Roma in la casa del papa quando era in minoribus. Angelo Germanello to the Marquis of Mantua from Rome, Feb. 7,
presentia de la sua
.

.

.

1520.

Pandolfo Pico della Mirandola also writes thus on the i8th of
:

February

*N.

S''*

sta in Castello per veder passar maschare.

Gonzaga
in

Archives, Mantua.
t

With Sanuto, XXVIII., 277

seqq., cf. the

Report of Michiel
122,

CiCOGNA, 407 seqq. See also Altieri, Nuptiali, 113, *Diary in the Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library.

and the

THE CARNIVAL OF
the Piazza

152O.

175

Navona

*

on Carnival Thursday (Giovedi grasso),
to ancient style.
It

was celebrated with close adherence

surpassed anything of the kind seen hithcrto.f

A

great

triumphal procession set forth from the Capitol, passing

through the Via de' Banchi to

St.

Angelo, from which the

Pope looked on
Peter's,

;

it

then proceeded to the Piazza of St.
to the Piazza

and

finally

wound back

Navona,

arriv-

ing there towards dusk.
cars with

In the procession were thirteen
Italia,

representations of
in

Isis

(taken

from an

ancient statue

possession of the Pope), Neptune, Hercules,

Atlas, yEolus, Vulcan, the Tiber,
wolf.

and the Capitoline Shein

Alexander the Great, on horseback, figured
as

the

procession

well

as

two

camels

which

had

been

presented to Leo X.

Lastly came a globe surmounted by

an angel, which was meant to symbolize the triumph of
religion.

The
in

cars were

accompanied by two hundred
representing

youths

ancient

costumes,

the

various

guilds and districts of the city, with their banners.^

On

another occasion Leo X. arranged that the

girls

who had

been presented with
take part
in

their dowries at Pentecost should also

the procession, clad in semi-antique costumes.
its

Antiquity laid
* In

stamp on everything.

Can we wonder
Sanuto,
*Cod.

1

514 there were interesting political allusions, see
seq.
f.

XVIII., 14
Vat., 3351,

The

description which
is

is

to

be found

in the

i75<^,

and
in

made use

of

by Janitschek
it

in Repert, II.,
artists

416

seq.,

apparently belongs to

1515;

mentions

hitherto

unknown working
IV., 4, 116.

Rome

under Leo X.

Cf. Giorn. d. crudiz. artist,

t

With Sanuto, XXVIII.,

277,

and Michiel (see supra,

p.

174

n.), cf.

the '"Report of Germanello, Feb. 19, 1520 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua),
in

Appendix, No.
\

15.

*Le

feste di

Nagone con

li

carri

sono

stati

piu

pomposi che mai

vedesse alter volte, writes Pandolfo Pico della Mirandola on Feb. 18
1520.
g

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Sanuto, XXVII., 468.

176
that even a

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Dominican should compare Leo X. with the
1521

Sun-god

?

*

The Carnival of
St.

found

Leo X. once more

at

Angelo.

In spite of the menacing state of the world, he

was able

to enjoy himself

more than ever with masquerades,

music, theatrical performances, dances, and
All business remained at a standstill. f

sham

fights.

In the evening of

Sunday (Quinquagesima), some Sienese actors came before the Court at St. Angelo to dance a moresca which Baldassare Castiglione has described. J The Pope The and those with him looked at it from a window.
Carnival
courtyard, where a tent of dark-green satin was put up,

was used

as a stage.

The
this, to

play began with the entrance of a

woman, who,
lover.

in

graceful verse, prayed to

Venus

to

send her a

On

the sound of drums, there appeared eight hermits

clad in grey tunics.

These danced, and began to drive

away
of the

a Cupid,

quiver.

who had appeared on the stage with his Cupid, in tears, prayed Venus to deliver him out hands of the hermits, who had snatched away his
214. 633, 651
;

* See
t Cf.

ififra., p.

Sanuto, XXIX.,

Clementi, 167-168.
it is

In the ^letter

of Castiglione, quoted in the next note,

said

:

"

II

vero e che N. S.

e stato questi di occupato in feste di

modo che non

si

e potuto attendere

a negocio alcuno."
J

The

very interesting letter of Castiglione
il

to

the Marquis

of

Mantua, dated Rome,

primo

di

Quaresima, 1521, has been twice

printed entire, and recently in part in Luzio-Renier, 325 seqq.
first

The
title

complete edition appeared as a Nozze-pi(bl. under
pubblico da Anton Enrico Mortara

the

of: Lettera di B. Castiglione a F. Gonzaga, ora per la

prima volta

messa
But
it

in

:

Casalmaggiore, 1851.

was not issued, as the marriage did not take place. Later the same letter was published by C. Loria as " finora inedita " per le auspic. nozze Loria-Maroni Lettera inedita di B. Castiglione, Mantova, 1861.
:

This document also

is

a bibliograph'cal

rarity.

INCREASED OPPOSITION IN GERMANY.
bow.

1/7

Thereupon Venus appeared, and, calling to her, the love-sick woman bade her give the hermits a charmed
potion, which sent

them all to sleep. Cupid now took back his bow, and waked up the hermits with his arrows they danced round Cupid and made declarations of love to the woman, and finally, casting away their grey tunics, When they had they appeared as comely young men.
;

performed a moresca, the

woman commanded them
;

to
in

make proof

of their weapons

a

combat then ensued,

which seven of them were

killed, the survivor receiving the

woman Had
witness,

as the prize of victory.

not this been related by an absolutely trustworthy
it

incredible. So far did the Leo X. carry him, that, at the very time when Luther's case was being dealt with before the Diet of Worms, and when many monks in sympathy with

would

seem

irresponsible frivolity of

the

reformer were

breaking
trifling

their

vows

and

entering

wedlock, this sort of

could be enacted on the stage
for

under the Pope's very eyes, and be made almost matter

encomium.

No wonder

that, to the

north of the Alps, the

opposition to the Papacy daily increased in strength and
that the cry for reform in head and

members sounded

louder and louder, or that the most venemous accusations of Hutten, Luther, and many other bitter enemies of the

Roman

See

in

Germany met with

a ready response from

thousands and thousands of malcontents, so that many
despaired of the survival of the Papacy.

How

widespread the danger was

is

made

clear

by the

fact that the flames of a passionate

antagonism from the

most opposite quarters of Christendom were on the point of kindling the heap of inflammable material which had been piling itself up for centuries. Not only was a large
portion of

Germany ready

to sever the

bonds which had
in Italy the

united

it

to

Rome

for a

thousand years, but

VOL.

VIII.

12

178

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in a

upper and middle classes were
the secularized Papacy.
It
is

ferment of hostility to

true that only

some

individuals went as far as

Machiavelli in desiring the destruction of the whole institution of the Papacy, as the root of all evil.

Nevertheless,

year after year, the voices which pointed out the unnatural

preponderance of purely secular tendencies
Court increased
in

in the

Roman
startling

volume and

in

number.

The

contrast between the apostolic simplicity and purity of the
early days of Christianity, with

the worldliness

of the

Church as
antitheses

it

then existed, was drawn out
Vettori,

in attractive

by Francesco

whose

relations with the

house of Medici were most intimate.*

The

historian Guicciardini, after having served
faithfully for long years,

Leo X.

and Clement VII.
that Luther

broke out into

violent accusations against

Rome, and cherished the hope
in his "

might bring about the destruction of the

ecclesiastical polity.

A

passage

Aphorisms" shows

the bitter hatred which

filled his soul.

He

wrote at a time

(1529)
in

when

the consequences of Luther's

movements could
"

a great measure be surveyed as a whole.
he, " is it

To no man,"

says

tion, covetousness,
all

more displeasing than to me, to see the ambiand excesses of priests, not only because
is

wickedness

hateful in

itself,

but because, taken generally

and

individually, such wickedness should find
state of
life

no place

in

men whose
God.
it

implies a special relationship to

Also, they are so divided one from the other that

is

only

in particular individuals that the spirit of

unity

can be found.
of my
I

At the same

time,

my

relations with several

Popes have made

me

desire their greatness at the expense

own

interest.

Had

it

not been for this consideration,

would have loved Martin Luther as myself; not that I might set myself free from the laws imposed on us by
* Vettori, 304.

OPINIONS OF THE CHRONICLERS
Christianity, as
it
I

179

is

commonly

interpreted

and under-

stood, but that

might see

this flock of good-for-nothings

(questa caterva di scelcrati) confined within due limits, so
that they might be forced to choose between a crime or a life witiiout power." *
It
life

without

must be remembered that Guicciardini's anti-Papal

opinions are manifestly connected with his belief that

man

must of necessity remain
natural
things.f

in

the dark in respect of superto

His enmity

the

Catholic

Church

cannot therefore cause surprise.

But the same

remarkable

in the case of really believing Italians,

more amongst
is

whom we
ization

find equally severe

expressions about the secular-

of higher and lower ecclesiastics.

The Milanese

chronicle of Giovanni

Andrea Prato contains very stronglythis effect, directed especially against

worded passages to
those

monks who, "having nothing, yet possessed everything." The severe judgments of Prato gain in importance
if

we

realize his

pregnant saying that, from respect

for the

keys, he desires to keep silence about the Pope.;!:

Another chronicler, the Florentine Bartolomeo Cerretani
{pb.

1524),

though an adherent of the Medici,

sets forth the

necessity of reform in an imaginary dialogue between

some

Florentine
arola
in
in

friends,

followers,

and adversaries of Savonis

which the condition of the Church
the
necessity
for

painted
is

the darkest colours, and

reform

emphasized.
in

Cerretani's hopes of salvation were placed

no other than Martin Luther.

In him he hails a

man

distinguished equally for morals, learning, and piety, whose

views are penetrated by the ideas of the ancient Church,

and whose writings are marked by a true and
* Ricordi,
t Cf.
I.,

solid learning.

n. 28, in

Opere
II.,

ined.,

I.,

97.
;

BURCKHARDT,
Prato,

7th ed., 187

cf.

MONNIER,

Quattrocento,

Paris, 1901, 88,
\

and Riv. Europea, XIII.. Fircnzc,

1879, j^bseqq.

Cf.

310, 322, 404, 405.

l8o

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Cerretani's Dialogue
is

The date

1520,
still

when the
in

later
Still,

developments of Lutheranism were
the Bull Exsurge was
affected
his

unknown.

known

to him,

and had

no way

deep sympathy with the German
still

professor.

In spite of the Papal condemnation, he

believed that

from Luther would come the ardently desired reform of
the Church.*

Even
self,

in

Rome,

in

a treatise dedicated to

Leo X. him-

Mario Salomoni, professor of jurisprudence, complains
Nevertheless,

about the simony which prevailed, the wars carried on by
the Pope, and the worldliness of the Curia.
like

Dante and

Prato, respect for the keys

with reverence and reserve about the

made him speak Supreme Head of the

Church.

This does not prevent him from remarking that,

although the Pope, as bearer of the highest dignity on
earth, can

be judged of no man, even

for the

misuse of his

authority, he cannot escape the

judgment of God.f
as are to be

Especially remarkable are the casual opinions of really
ecclesiastically

minded contemporaries, such

found

in the still

unprinted chronicle of the Sienese canon,

Sigismondo

Tizio,

who was deeply

disgusted by the Pope's

unceasing demands for money.

Here we have evidence

of the offence caused by Leo's worldly actions

among
in
all

those who, in

spite

of such

disorders,

remained

essentials faithful

members of

the Church.

Most of
and

Tizio's complaints concern the

impoverishment
for

of the clergy by the Pope's insatiable
his frivolous generosity.
J

demands

money

Here he agrees with many
III,

* Cf. SCHNITZER, Quellen und Forsch. zur Gesch. Savonarolas
B. Cerretani, Miinchen, 1904,

XLIL,

seqq.^

83 seqq.

\ Cf. Cian's interesting treatise,

Un

trattatista del

"Principe" a
;

tempo
1

di Machiavelli

:

Mario Salomoni, Torino,
seq.

1900, 16-18

cf.

Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,

XXXVII., 454

Cf.

PlCCOLO?,nNi, Tizio, 128.

SIGISMONDO
of his contemporaries
severely
in

TIZIO.

l8l
as

Italy

as

well

Germany,

in

condemning abuses
into

in the

matter of indulgences,

as well as Leo's military enterprises.*
led

He

is

sometimes

away

making complaints of
indignation
is

which

fall

little

more general nature, short of the worst examples of German
a

hostility,

Tizio's

vented most heavily on

the striking contrast between

the high

and noble task
held the highest

inherent

in

the Papacy

and the inconceivable want of

appreciation of this task in those
ecclesiastical positions.f

who

Nevertheless, Tizio never dreams

of renouncing obedience to the
in

Roman
new

See, nor does he

any way give ear

to Luther's

doctrines.

He

con-

siders

Luther a very learned man, but utterly condemns
In this he, unlike Cerretani, takes
position.

his opinions as false.

up a strong and thoroughly sound Catholic
clear line

The
is

drawn by Tizio between persons and things

very remarkable.

Amid

all

his

indignation

against the
finds a
is

needy and pleasure-seeking Pope, he always
of excuse to say for him,
as, e.g.,

word

when he

describing

Leo's love of buffoonery, he remarks that the Florentines

kept everything sad, or even anything relating to the
of the Church,

affairs

away from the Pope.

It
is

is,

however, true
:

that in his concluding sentence there
"

a note of severity

In

his

delight in such jests and

amusements the Pope
rests

forgets himself,

and thinks not of the burden which

on
is

his shoulders.

Neither does he give a thought to what

the will of God, to the dangers threatening the Church

in

Germany,

to the
J

growth of

error, or to the severe decrees

of Councils."

Expressions such as these show that

in Italy also, anti-

Papal
*

opinions

were

more widespread than has been
p. 350,
6,

Cf. Vol. VII. of this

work,

and supra,

p. 61 n.

t Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, p.
X

and PiCCOLOMlNl,
II.,

120.

Tlzio, Hist Sencn.

in

Cod. G,

39,

f.

12,

Chigi Library,

Rome.

1

82

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Still

generally supposed.

the anti-Papal
it

movement
was

there

was but limited compared with what
of the Alps.

to the north
;

Various causes contributed to this
life
it

in

no

other country was the whole

of the people bound up
in

with that of the Church as

was

Italy

;

the Catholic
true that the

Faith had taken the deepest root there.

It is

people were not blind to the transgressions of the clergy
of
all

degrees

;

but nowhere was such a clear line drawn
offices.

between persons and
viction

There was a general con-

among

the Italians that, in the

same way

that a

bad setting does not take from the value of a precious
stone, so

no sinfulness on the part of the

priest affects in

any

essential

manner

either

the

sacrifice

he

offers,

the

sacraments he dispenses, or even the doctrine he teaches.

The people knew
which gives
it

that gold remains gold whether the

hand

be clean or unclean.
also

There were

other very material

reasons which

prevented Italians of the day from even contemplating a

breach with the Papacy.

To most

it

was a matter of no

small pride that the centre of Western Christendom should

have been established
of others
it

in their

country; to a great number

was of the utmost importance that the existing

order should be preserved.*

A
a

fact which, moreover,

had

a very great influence, especially on the educated classes,

was

that,

for at
itself

least

half

century, the

Papacy had
field

taken on

the position of leader in the

of art

and learning.
* See BURCKHARDT,
I.

7th ed., no.

CHAPTER
The Renaissance
in

V.

the Field of Literature. SaDOLETO ViDA AND SaNNAZARO.

— Bembo

and

PECULIAR fascination is connected with the very name of Whenever literature and art are mentioned, it comes at once before us as the representative symbol of
Medici.
the world of culture.

A

When

Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici
this opinion

was

raised to the

See of Peter,

generally prevalent, that his election

was already so was hailed by the
rejoicing.

whole educated world with the greatest
world, and at the
scholars, poets,

The

son of Lorenzo the Magnificent would restore peace to the

same time introduce
artists.

a golden age for

and

Far and wide the conviction
pupil

was entertained that
Cardinal,
lively interest in

the

of

Poliziano,

who,

as
his

had shown, even under grave

difficulties,

knowledge and

art,

would,

now

that he

was master of the means of the Papacy, put into practice
the brilliant aims and traditions of his family.

When
city

he took solemn possession of the Lateran, the

was covered with inscriptions which proclaimed the
of the age of Pallas Athene.
1 1.,

dawn

of Julius

and the asperity of his rule,

for a reaction in the pontificate of

The very ruggedness made men look his successor, and men of

education confidently expected that to the stormy pontificate

of the

founder of the

States of the Church there
in

would succeed an age of peace,
vated Medici Pope would do

which the highly-cultito the

homage

Muses

alone.

1

84

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Desire gave birth to the conviction that the peace-loving

Medici would follow the warlike Rovere

like

Numa

after

Romulus.*

Aldus Manutius, the indefatigable and learned publisher
of Greek
first

and Latin

classics,

reminded the Pope,

in his

edition of Plato,

how

science

had been promoted by
It

Nicholas V. and Lorenzo the Magnificent.

behoved the
pre-

exalted successor of the one, and son of the other, to complete

what a premature death had prevented
acts of the

his

decessors from accomplishing.^

The
years,

first

new

Pontificate

in

which Leo X.

declared that he had loved the fine arts from his earliest

and had grown up among books,

:|:

and wished to
as possible
§

attract to

Rome

as

many

distinguished

men

— were calculated
brated
private
Latinists

to satisfy the

exaggerated expectations
of the cele-

which had been formed.
secretaries,

The appointment

Bembo and

Sadoleto to be the Pope's

and the summoning to

Rome

of the

great Greek scholar Giano Lascaris, the foundation of a

College for the study of Greek, and,
tion

finally,

the reorganiza-

of the

Roman

University,

filled

the whole literary
all

world
literary

with a joyous excitement.

From

sides, poets,

and learned men, gathered round the Pope, who,
36.y,?$r.;

* C/. Fabronius,
Kultur,
I.,

RoscoE-Bossi, IV.,93

j^^.;

Burckhardt,
remarkable to

7th ed., 243.

See also VOLPICELLA, Heroica Marci Ant. Casa15,

novae, Napoli, 1867,
see

yj

;

VAST, Lascaris, 79

It

is

how

the poet

and

archaeologist,

Andrea
first

Fulvio, in his
II.,

work dedi-

cated to Leo X., regards the Pontificate of Julius
ruption in the growth of study.

as a mere interto this in

ClAN

drew attention

the Giorn. d.

lett.

Ital,

t ROSCOE-Bossi, v.,
\

XXIX., 435. 298 Legrand,
;

I.,

\oo seqq.

"

Nos qui ab incunabulis bonas
aetatem versati fuimus."

artes dileximus et in bibliothecis per
Brief,

omnem
j:^

Aug.

24, 15 13, Regest.

Leonis

X., n. 4202.
Cf,

Ratti, Lettera,

13.

GENEROSITY OF THE POPE.
with
gifts

185

an

unparalleled

generosity, showered

on them his
of Angelo

and tokens of favour.
five

The laudatory poem
;*

Colocci was

rewarded with four

hundred ducats, and another
poets also of no importAll

by Tebaldeo with
were blazoned
far

hundred

ance were likewise liberally rewarded. f

these acts
;

and wide

in

letters

and poems

Leo's

generosity was described as unparalleled and incredible
past ages had never
posterity

known anything like " At last," would speak of
it.;]:

it,

and remotest
epigram
recalled

said an
I

affixed to Pasquino, clad as Apollo, "at last

am

from banishment

;

for

Leo

reigns,

who

will not leave poets

unrecompensed,"

§

Instances, both true and untrue, of the

Pope's liberality were circulated, and a kind of legendary
lore

about his patronage of literature grew up.

To

this

belongs the story of the purple velvet purses
packets of gold of different
sizes, into

filled

with

which the fortunate
near to him.||
the

successor of the rugged Julius plunged his hand blindly, to
give to the
fact

men

of letters

who drew

The

of

the

case

was

that

Serapica,

confidential
all

treasurer of the Pope, kept a rigid account of

his lord's

expenditure. 1[

* Gnoli, Secolo
t

di

Leone

X.,

II.,

632.
X., lib. 4),

No

poem, says Giovio (Vita Leonis
This
is

was too

insignificant

to taste of the Pope's liberality.
I

a rare piece of praise.

Cf. the

poem

in
di

ROSCoe-Henke,
Pasquino, 283.

III.,

601-602.

§
II

Gnoli, Storia
"

Purpuream etenim crumenam quotidie

aureis

nummis

sibi repleri

iubebat ad incertas cxerccndae liberalitatis occasionis."
lib.

JOVIUS, Vita,

4.

Cf.
I.,

GiRALDi, Hecatommithi, VI., Nov.

8,

and Burckhardt,
equally belongs the
to

Kultur,

3rd ed., 266, 345.

^

Cf. supra, p. 210.

To

this

legendary

talc

story, so often told

by older

writers, of Leo's
to write a

reward

Giovanni Aurelio

Augurelli,
:

making money he presented him with an empty sack, saying that a man who knew how to make money needed nothing but a purse to put it into.
the art of

whom

he had charged

poem on

1

86

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ever the centre of the
writes Cardinal Riario,

literary

Rome became now more than " On all sides," world.
"literary

who
1

built the Cancelleria, in a letter to

Erasmus

in

July,

5 15,

men

flock to the Eternal City as to their

mother country, foster-mother and patron."*

Nowhere
in

was

intellect so

encouraged as

in

Rome

;

and

no other
for talent

place were there so
as in the

many openings

to be

found
in

numerous

offices of the Curia,

and

the brilliant
it

households of Cardinals and rich bankers.
only
in

For

was not

in

the immediate entourage of the

Pope, but also

that of the Cardinals and
society,

other great personages of
of

Roman
polite

that

the

composers
mottoes,

elegant letters,

addresses,
verses,

devices,

festal

programmes
connection
it

and

found

advancement.
great

This

of

men
to

of letters with

houses, though

dates back

former

Pontificates,

received

a

new

development
frequented the

under Leo X.
In surveying the throng of authors

who

Rome
tion

of Leo X.,

we

are surprised at the unusual propor-

among them

of poets.

Many

of these had
II.,

come

to

the Eternal City in the time of Julius
as in other ways, paved the

and had

in this,

Medici ;f for

way for the influence of the under Leo X. the number of poets in Rome
calculation.

was almost beyond
the

The admirers of antiquity had a decided predilection for new Latin poetry and however much a servile imita;

tion of the ancients

might prevail

in this, there nevertheless

came
as
Cf.

into existence

some

original creations.

Every kind

of poetry

— epic, mythological, bucolic and didactic, as well The standard of lyrics and epigrams — was cultivated.
Monograph
of

Pavanello, Un maestro
ep., 180.

del Quattrocento, Venezia,

1905, 186 seqq.

* Erasmi Opera
t

GnOLI

rightly emphasises this, Secolo,

II.,

628

seq.

THE NEW LATIN POETRV.
the ancients was most closely approached in the

1

87

latter.

Next to classical themes, the favourite subjects were drawn from sacred history and contemporary events. The occurrences, great and small, which took place in the
reign of

Leo

X., such as his election, the taking possession

of the Lateran, the conferring of the rights of citizenship on

the Pope's nephews, the embassy and gifts of the

King of

Portugal, the arrival of manuscripts, deaths in the Sacred
College, the Council of the Lateran

and the proposed war
poets,

against the Turks, were frequently treated by the

even such matters as the Pope's hunting expeditions not
being overlooked.

The

artists also

and

their

works of

art,

patronized by Leo, furnished subjects for
the
indefatigable
poets.

many
any

verses to

So

also

did
visits

important

ecclesiastical function,

and even the

of the Pope to

various churches.

No
life

prince mentioned in history has had

the events of his

recorded and extolled to the same

extent as

Leo X.*

Without weighing
no
line

the

merits

or

demerits of these poets, Leo dispensed his favours indiscriminately, drawing

between

men

of profound

learning and real poets, and skilful improvisatori, poetasters,

and

jesters of the

most ordinary kind.f
;

The more he gave
if

the more greedy were the poets
* Besides Burckhardt,
instances
Kulliir,

even

the good-natured
t/.

I.,

3rd ed., 266,
II.,

the
65,
seq.,

numerous
169,

recorded
415, 441

in
sc(/.;

Roscoe-Henke,
III.,

53,

59,

271,
seq.,

412
602

seq.,

535

seq.,

554

seq.,

586

594

seq.^

612

scq.

A

remarkable poem on the Turkish question,

printed at the expense of

Leo
||

X.,

is

in

the Chigi
||

Library,

Rome

:

Carmina dc certo Turcar.
ad arma
in
s.
I.

adventu non credito
per
||

cum
||

cxhortatione

||

eos

su

||

scipienda
sheets.

loan.

Bapti

stam Catha

||

neum
on

,
||

et «.,

9

An

Italian
in

poem,

still

unprintcd,

the

assistance
is

sent

by

Leo X.

1520 to
;

Rhodes against
Strozz.,

the Turks,
II.,

in

the

State

Archives, Florence

see Carte

812.
Cf. supra, p.
I

t

5

1

scq.

1

88
invited

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
them
collectively to his table, or asked

Pope

them

to recite their compositions on certain special occasions,*

or even gave

them

free

access to his presence at noon,
"

they were not

satisfied.

The
;

unabashed swarm of poets
in

"

pursued

Leo everywhere
existence.!

even

his

bedchamber he
he had himself

was not
called

safe from these tormenters

whom

into

Naturally the Pope was unable
fell

to satisfy everyone,

and as he
louder.

deeper and deeper into
for favours

financial difficulties, the voices

which clamoured
|

sounded
spirits

louder

and

To

these

discontented

belonged that poet

who proclaimed

that the ancients

were fortunate, because they were provided with great
patrons.
If
it is,

as a rule, a mistake to give full credence

to authors with a grievance,

we must

certainly refuse to
" for rarely

accept this

last

implied accusation as unjust,
in a brighter

have poetical talents basked
did in the time of Leo X."§

sun than they

Besides

the

bestowal

of

gifts

in

money, the Pope

rewarded

literary

men

with

positions in the Curia,

and
of
||

benefices, as

well as

other favours, such as
titles

patents

nobility, the rank

of count and other

of honour.

He
*

also repeatedly helped

them by giving them

letters of

We

read of this occurring on the feast of the patron saints of the

Cosmas and Damian. *Et post haec (the Mass) dedit epulum omnibus cardinalibus et principibus et infinitis curialibus ac Romanis solemne, post quod recitata sunt multa festiviter carmina
Medici, SS.
latina
et

vulgaria.

Paris de Grassis, ad

a.,

15 14, XII., 23.

Secret

Archives of the Vatican.
t Valerianus,

Sermo

cui titulus est Simia

ad Leonem

X., in

ROSCOE-

Henke,
I §

II.,

422.
III.,

Gnoli, Secolo,

42 se^g.
C/.

Such

is

the opinion of GreCiOROVIUS, VII., 323-324.

ROSCOEsee

BOSSI, VII., 219, and especially
II

CesareO,

199.

Regest.

Leonis

X.,

n.

8339-8383.

For

other

instances

zn/ra.

MEETING-PLACES OF THE POETS.
recommendation
After the
literati

189

to princes

and others

in

high spiritual or

secular positions.*

Vatican the principal place of meeting of
villa

and poets was the
books,
at the

of the

wealthy Angelo

Colocci, built on the ruins of Sallust's villa,
rare

and

full

of

manuscripts,

antiquities,

and

inscriptions.

Colocci,

who was

head of the

Roman Academy,
his secretary, for his

had been appointed by Leo X. to be
later

and
of

had been generously remunerated by him
he
received

poems

the

reversion

of

the

bishopric

Nocera. f

Another favourite meeting-place of the
old receiver of petitions,

Roman

poets

was the vineyard near Trajan's Forum, belonging to the

Johann

Goritz.

This native of

Luxemburg, who was, however, quite Italianized, was Erasmus as "a man of pure heart." Every year, on the Feast of St. Anne, he gave a feast to his literary
extolled by
friends,
his

who expressed
at the

their gratitude in verses written in

honour, which were presented to him either at his vine-

yard or

Chapel

in S.

Agostino, founded by him, which
Sansovino's group of the Divine
St.

has been

made famous by

Infant with His

Mother and

Anne.

In the collection of
in

* See, for example, the

letter to the

Doge, composed by Sadoleto,
{cf.

which the poet Francesco Modesto

Tiraboschi, VII.,

2,

279,
;

Modena
printed

edition,

which

is

used

in the following), is

recommended
epist.,

by Sanuto, XXIV., 474-475. ROSCOE-ROSSI, VII., 12.
t Cf.

Cf.

Bembi,

IX.,

2

;

Lancelloti, Vita
3,

di

A.

Colocci (Poesie,
III.,

ed.

Jesi,

1772);

Tiraboschi, VII.,
112
orti
;

181 seq.;

Blume,
;

190; Rossi, Pasquinate,
seq.
;

NOLHAC,
still

F. Orsini, 249

J^$^.

Lanciani, 202

C. GlOlA, Gli

Colocciani in

Roma,

Foligno, 1893.
in

Many

Briefs,

composed by
to

Colocci,

unprintcd and missing

Mergennithcr's Register, are

be found

in

the Rcgcst. Brevium Lateran.
in

(Secret Archives of the
;

Vatican), transcribed

the

autumn of 1904
18.

sec especially tom. V.

:

Brevia Lconis X.,

1.,

1514 15

190

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

these poems, which Blosio Palladio, so celebrated for the

elegance of his verses, gathered together and published in
the
first

poetical annual, which appeared in 1524,

we meet

with the works of celebrated
lione,

men such

as

Bembo, Castigstill

Vida, and Flaminio, interspersed with the productions
quite

of

men

unknown

to fame.*

We
to the

see this

more

in the collection of

Roman

poets

made by

the physician
collection.-f

Francesco
If to these

Arsilli,

and appended

above

we

add the statements of Giovio, Giraldi,J and
524, a

* Coryciana, Romae,

1

copy of which

is

in the Bibl. Vittorio

Emanuele.

Cf.

Geiger'S
f.

fine essay
I.,

on the "oldest poetical annual"
1

in the Zeitschr.

Renaiss.,

145.

See ROSCOE-Bossi. VII., 21

seq.

;

VIII., 214 seq.\

SCHONFELD, Sansovino,
;

21 seq.^ 24 seq.; Aleander's
Beroaldi,

autobiography, ed. Paquier, 17 seq.

Paquier, Vita

35

;

LanciaNI, 202
II.,

seq.

About Blosio

Palladio, see
I.,

BORGIA, Anecd.
fiir

litt.,

167 seq.
in

;

Gregorovius,

Schriften,
lett.,

289 (Biirgerrecht

Blosio),

and ClAN

the Giorn. stor. d.

XVII., 281-282, XLV., 67 seq.
;

About Goritz and his circle, cf. Gnoli, Pasquino, 69 seq. Paquier, Aleandre, 113, and Vita Beroaldi, 'j'j seq. Cf. also Regest. Leonis X.,
n.
1

5464-1 5465.

\ Fr. Arsilli Senogalliensis de poetis urbanis ad P. lovium libellus,
in

TirabOSCHi, VII.,
Coryciana.

3,

425-442, with the readings of the

first

edition

in the

Arsilli,

who was one
II.

of the

discontented poets
In
;

mentioned above

(see supra., p. 188), avoided all

mention of Leo X.
if

one of his epigrams he speaks of Julius
see Gnoli, Secolo,
II.,

as

he were
is

still

living

628,

cf.

III., 45.

Gnoli

right, as

against

Tiraboschi, in putting the version published by the latter at a later date

than that of Coryciana.
edition as his basis,
\

RoscOE-Bossi

(VII., 225) takes the
p.

second
seq.

and gives many explanatory notes on

248

LiLlUS GreGORIUS Gyraldus,

De

poetis nostrorum

temporum,

published by K. Wolke, Berlin, 1894.
133
seq.^ 220,

Cf. Rass., Bibl. d. lett. Ital., III.,
lett.

and

B. Rossi's ingenious treatment in the Giorn. d.
seqq.

Ital.,

XXXVII., 246

In 15

14,

Giraldi

came

to

Rome

with his

disciple Ercole

Rangoni and soon gained the favour of Leo. X.

He

was one of the markedly Christian humanists. In his first dialogue he condemned, with remarkable severity, the immoral subject-matter

and

lasciviousness of the poems, put forth under

Leo X.

BEMBO AND SADOLETO
Pierio Valeriano,*

I9I

of the poetical

we have a more circle of Leo X.f
first

or less perfect picture

Undoubtedly the
poetry,

place as writers, both of prose and

must be given to Bembo;|: and Sadoleto.

By

his

appointment of these two representatives of

true,

pure,

Ciceronian style to be his secretaries and domestic prelates,§

Leo proclaimed
from
his

his

determination that the writings issued

chancery should be distinguished for the elegance
Latinity.

of their
friends.

Bembo and

Sadoleto were intimate
the

Both
n.,||

had

previously enjoyed

favour

of

Julius

and now they together obtained a position
it

near his successor as distinguished as
responsible.
is

was important and

The

choice of these two celebrated Latinists

therefore to the credit of Leo, being, as they were, such

a

marked contrast
life

to

the

others

who

represented

the

intellectual

of the time.

Bembo

has been declared by
is

many

to have been a pagan.

This judgment
*
I.

most certainly
infelicitate

unjust,1i

though

it is

not
1620

P.

Valerianus, De

litteratorum,

\'enetiae,

(also in the Giorn. d.

lett., III.,

Venezia, 17 10).

About

P. Valeriano,

see BuSTico in the Atti d. Accad. di Rovereto, 3rd Series, XI.
t
It
is

impossible to give here a complete

list

of the poets

and

literati

of the

Rome

of
)

Leo X.

Among

the poets, the improvisatori

(see supra, p. 149 Jty

r"^y be in a certain sense included.

But, on

the other hand, for local reasons and because they lived in

Rome

for

only a short time, such

men
is

as

Marc Antonio Flaminio

{cf.

CUCCOLI,

29 seqq.) cannot be included.
\

Unfortunately there

no biography of

Bembo which comes up
in this direction in

to

modern requirements.
P.

Cian made a beginning

his book, written in his usual masterly way,

Un
n.
i)

decennio

di vita di

M.
v^

Bembo, Torino,

1885, in

which

(p.

i

he gives details of

earlier biographies.

Thus

are they both styled in the *Rotulus of 1514

;

see Quellen

and Forschungen dcs preuss. Instituts, VI., 56. About Bembo, see Vol. VI. of this work, p. 457 IT Cf. Rev. hist., XXXII., 214.
II

n.

192

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

to be denied that the intellectual Venetian, so full of the love

of

life,

belonged avowedly to that portion of the humanist
of which
lived
in

school the representatives

a

state

of

moral depravity and undisguised devotion to the ancient
world, troubling themselves but
Christianity.*
little

with the precepts of

However

lax

Bembo's conduct may have
infidel

been,

it

does not follow that he held

opinions

;j-

better feelings were latent within him, which
later in his
life.

came

to light

Nor must
in

it

be forgotten that at this time
;

Bembo was

only

minor orders

he received sacred
Cardinal. J

orders only in 1539,

when he was nominated

Although Bembo was well paid
like

as Papal secretary, he,

many

others,

was very eager

to obtain benefices, § the
brilliant

incomes of which would enable him to lead a
luxurious
objects.
life.

and

Some
art,

of his wealth was applied to nobler

He was

a zealous collector of manuscripts, books,

and works of
last

both ancient and modern

:

among

these

were the portraits by Raphael of Navagero, Beazzano,

and of Bembo himself, besides paintings by Memlinc,
* Bembo
lived for twenty-two years in

an unlawful connection with
children,

the beautiful Morosina,

who bore him
;

several

and whose
II.,
2,

death was bitterly bewailed by him

see

Mazzuchelli,
Giorn. d.

740,

and ClAN, Decennio,
seqq.
It is

XL., 335 characteristic of the time that no one should seem to have
14 seq.
;

cf.

Ratti

in the

lett.,

taken scandal at such a connection.
*Letters to
t

About Benibo's
3,

children,

cf.

the

Bembo

in

Cod. Barb., LXI.,
di

Vatican Library.

See MORSOLIN, La ortodossia

P.

Bembo, Venezia, 1885
433
seq.

;

cf.

ClAN, Decennio, 20, and Giorn.
\

stor. d. lett. Ital, V.,

Cf.

ClAN, Decennio,

15. n.

§

See Regest. Leonis X.,
17,208;

2741

seq.^ 5029,
II.,

5139
739,

seq.^

7768, 7905,

13,708, 14,869,

Mazzuchelli,
dated

2,

742;
stor.

Pinton,
d.
lett.

P.

Bembo, Canonico Saccense, Roma, 1892; Giorn.
XIX.,
443
;

Ital.,

*Brief,

Viterbo,
;

15 18,

Sept.

30
t.

(sup.

canonicatu et praebenda eccles. Bellunen.)
*Brief,

Arm.,
/(5zV/.

XXXIX.,

31

;

May

24,

15 18

(Benefizium

in

Foligno),

Secret Archives

of the Vatican.

LEO
Mantegna,
Bellini,

X.

AND BEMBO.

1

93

and Sebastiano del Piombo.*
youth, and also

His strong
indecent

affection for

the antique was manifested by
in his
b\'

many

poems written
from

a few letters written

Rome

to his friend Bibbiena, in

which he asks him to
in his

procure for him a statue of Venus, to be placed

study

alongside those of Jupiter and Mercury, the father and
brother of the foam-born goddess.f

October, 15

Leo X. had shown his favour to Bembo as early as 13, by appointing him Notary of the Apostolic " S. Pal. et aulae Lateran. comes." on the ist See and of January, 15 15, he gave him the name and arms of the
;
:|:

and on several occasions confided diplomatic missions to him.|| But the chief task which was confided to this perfect stylist was that of composing the Papal
Medici,
§

letters.

If

we look

at the private
all

correspondence carried

on by

Bembo H

with nearly

the celebrities of the time,

* About Bembo's Library, see, besides
183
in
seq.^

NOLHAC,

F. Orsini, 92 seq.,

236 325 which more details arc given about the collections of Bembo, which
seq.^

278 seq

^

seq.^

especially ClAN, Dccennio, \02 scq.^

were only begun

in

Rome.

See also Janitschek,

95.

Agostino

Beazzano, also a poet, served
216. t
I

Bembo

as secretary.

Cian, Cortegiano,

Bembo, Opere,
See Appendix,

III., \'enezia, 1729, 12, 14, 205.
n. 5

Regest. Leonis X.,

139 -5 140
for the

;

cf.

Giorn. d.

lett. Ital.,
is

XIX., 382.
missing in

§

No.

4,

document which

Hergenrdther's Register.
II

Mazzuchelli,
See

II., 2,

739.
letters, see

1

About the editions of Bembo's
in the third

Mazzuchelli,

II.

2,

j62)Seq. volgari,

volume, Venetian edition of 1729, the Lettere

and

in the fourth
in

volume the
II

Epist. lat.

Supplements are given

by Malagola

the periodical

Barctti, Torino, 1875.

Many

other

letters are scattered

about

in
I

stray publications.
will

Without attempting
Lettere inedite
tratte

to

make

the

list

complete,

here

name

:

Bembo,

o rare, Padova, 1852.

Lettere

inedite del Card.
;

Bembo
Ital.,

dai
i.

codici d. Marciana, Venezia, 1855

c/'.

Arch, storia

N.

S., II.,

242 seqq.

Lettere ined. del Card.
VIII.

Bembo

e di altri scritt. pubbl.

da

S.

VOL.

13

194

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

both

ecclesiastics,

men and women, literati, artists, poets, statesmen, and we are astonished by his vast connection,* as
by the many-sided
interests

well as
this

and power of work of
letters

Venetian patrician.

The many
Pope

which he com-

posed by

command

of the

relate partly to political

and partly
lesser

to ecclesiastical affairs, as well as to matters of

importance and often of quite insignificant account.

The

elegant stylist

knew how

to handle each subject,

how-

ever different, with a classical, and often cold and
elegance.

artistic,

Many
still

secretary are
lost.

composed by him as Leo's unprinted, and many of them have been
of the letters
first

With the
(i

assistance of Cola Bruno, a portion only

of these, arranged in sixteen books, was

printed at

Venice
III.,

535-1 536).f
relates

In this edition, dedicated to Paul
left

Bembo

how, when he

Rome, he threw

into a

chest a pile of rough drafts of letters which he had written in

Leo's

name during

the Pontificate of that Pope

;

and how
to publish

his friend

Latino Giovenale Manetti had discovered these

nearly-forgotten letters and had prevailed on

him

them.
letters

The

dedication to Paul III. followed, so that these
to other writers of the
letters,

might be held up as a model

chancery.

In this edition are to be found the
in

the

antique expressions and constructions
Spezi,
P.

which have been
Card.

Roma, 1862 Bembo, Roma,

;

cf.

Narducci, Intorno ad
P.

ale. lett. ined. del

1862.

Bembo

:

Saggio di 4 Lettere delle 67

inedite a cura di

M. Melga, Napoli,
Lett, inedite di P.
in

1861.

Alcune

lett. di scrittori ital.
c.

del sec., XVI., Padova, 1871.

Quattro epistole,

p. p.

di F.

Stefani,

Venezia, 1873.
1875.

Bembo
his

a G. B. Ramusio, Venezia,
letters

ClAN, Decennio, gives

appendix numerous

of

Bembo's, hitherto unknown.
di

See also ClAN, Motti ined. e sconosciuti

m. P. Bembo, Venezia, 1888. * About Bembo's connection with
IX., 81 seq., iiy seq.

Isabella

d'Este, see

Giorn. d

lett. Ital.,

t Cf. ClAN,

Un

medaglione del Rinascimento, Cola Bruno e
Firenze, 1901.

le

sue

relaz. c.

Bembo,

THE LATIN LETTERS OF BEMBO.
often quoted as proofs of the

I95

paganism which permeated

the Papal Court at that time.

Such might be the case had
the form in which they stand
case.

these letters been sent out
printed, but this

in

was not the

expressions were inserted
printed
;

later,

Most of the pagan when the letters were
the expressions cited

for the greater

number of

are not to be found in the originals as they were despatched

from the chancery of Leo X.*
of the Medici Pope,
spect.

A

servile

adherence to the

antique would have been out of keeping with the intention

who was so large-minded in every reThough Leo X. proclaimed his strong desire that
flourish

"the Latin tongue should

during his Pontificate,"

he did not by any means belong to those narrow-minded
Latinists

who regarded

Cicero as the only model of language.
to listen to should

" It sufficed

him that whatever he had
J

be real Latin, flowing and elegant."

Bembo
Leo
X.,

took up a prominent position at the Court of
his intellectual

where everyone was delighted by

refinement.

How

indispensable he was to the Pope can

be seen by the value which was attached to his mediation.

His most intimate friends were Cardinals Bibbiena and
Medici, the banker Chigi, and the poets Tebaldeo, Accolti,

and Castiglione
with Raphael.

;

while his closest friendship of
part taken

all

was

The

by him

in the intellectual

development of the painter of Urbino can scarcely be overestimated

they used to wander about the neighbourin

* Cf. the proof of this
t "

Appendix, No.
quas
in

22.

Nam

inter caeterias curas,

hac humanarum rerum curain

tione divinitus nobis concessa, subimus,

non

postremis hanc quoque
dicatur facta

habendam ducimus,
auctior," are the

ut latina

hngua nostro
VI L, 172-173.
7th ed., 278
;

pontificatu

words used

in the

Brief to Fr. dc Rosis,

composed by

Sadolcto, as found in ROSCOE,
X

BURCKHARDT,
ed., 398.

Kultur,

I.,

cf.

ReumONT, Lorenzo

II.,

2nd
^

Janitschek, Gesellschaft,

95.

196

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
revelling in the beauty of antiquity

hood of Rome,
nature.*

and of

At

the end of April, 1519, the state of his health, com-

bined with

family reasons, compelled

Bembo

to

leave

Rome, whither he did not
Again, a year
later,

return until the spring of 1520.

on the same plea of health, he asked
In his heart he was dein

and obtained leave of absence.
Padua, and there

termined to finally resign his position
live in

Rome,

settle in

peace and devote himself to study.f

Leo X. has been accused of being the cause of Bembo
leaving the Eternal City
;

I

this

is

true in so far that nothing

short of receiving a Cardinal's hat would have kept
there.

him

That the Pope would not confer

this

dignity on
;

the elegant

man of the world may easily be forgiven him Bembo, however, thought himself worthy of the purple. § But still more than disappointed hopes or considerations
him was the
life

of health, what weighed with

fact that

the

fatiguing and severe duties of his

at the Papal
||

Court

were uncongenial to a
robbed

man

of his literary tastes.

More-

over, the death of his friends, Raphael, Chigi,

and Bibbiena,
his

Rome

of

its

chief attractions

;

and

many

benefices afforded
self to literature,

him a sufficient income to devote himfar away from the turmoil of a court life.

In his

work on the poets of the

Rome

of

Leo

X.,

Francesco ArsilH extols

Bembo

because the pure Tuscan

speech which flowed from his pen by no means interfered
with his being a master of Latin eloquence.
Yet, in spite

of his unbounded praise, Arsilli would give him only the

second place

among
letter to
II., 2,
II.,

the

men

of letters
3,

:

the

first

being

* See Bembo's
t
+

Bibbiena, April

1516, in Opere, III., 10.

Mazzuchelli,
Gnoli, Secolo,
Cf.

741-742
;

;

CiAN, Decennio, 5-10.

635

III., 50.

§
II

ClAN,

1 1

se^,

Idt'd., 10.

POSITION OF SADOLETO.
given to Sadoleto.*
It is true that, in

1

97

more respects than

one, this distinguished that of his colleague.

man

holds a position higher than

He was
gifts that

theologian, philosopher, orator, poet, author,
it

and

diplomatist; but

was not only by the

versatility of his

he excelled Bembo, but also by the depth and

purity of his character.
priest,

He

had always been a model
where no deterioration
studies

and was a
is

living proof that,
classical

of morals

involved,

may become

a

matter of absorption without injury.

Ever since the publication of
lished

his

poem on

the discovery

of the Laocoon group, Sadoleto's renown had been estab-

among
as

the

men

of letters of
life

Rome

;

but he took

but

little

part in the brilliant

of the Court of
life

Leo X.
and

As much

he could he led a
all

of retirement,-]-

devoted himself above

things to the duties of his office

and to profound study.
kind were
in

His only recreations of a lighter
of literary friends, at
of,

the social gatherings
classic simplicity

which a meal of

was partaken

followed

by the

recitation of

poems, and by discourses.

Many

years

afterwards, Sadoleto recalled with joy

and longing those

happy

times.;]:

* Besides the older biographies by Fiordibello
edition of the epist. of 1759,
i

(in

the

Roman

scqq.^

and

in the

Veronese edition of the

and TiRABOSCHi (Bibl. Mod., IV., 424 seqq.\ monograph of A. JOLY, Sadolet (1477-1547), Caen, Gerini, Scritt. pedag. del sec, XVI., 1857 cf. Cantu, Ital. ill., III. Torino, 1891 Miscell. ex Mss. Collegii Roniani S Jesu, Romae, 1754,
Opera
Sadoleti,
I.,
i

seqq.\

see the little-known
;

;

;

236 seqq.

;

and KOPP

in

the Bibliothck der kathol. Padagogik, XV.,

Freiburg, 1904, 339 seqq.
t Cf.
\

Sanuto, XXVII.,
I.

224.
ep.

Sadoleti epist. fam.
-W'll., 298 seqq.

106.

Cf.

Cian

in

the Giorn.

d.

lett.

Ital.,

See also Sadoleto's

letter to his friend,

Mario

da Voltcrra, appointed Bishop of Aquino by Leo, quoted by ClAN,
Cortcgiano, 215.

198

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
question of ecclesiastical reform occupied the mind

The
of

this

deeply-reHgious man.

All

recognitions

of
to

his

services,

which would have been of the greatest use
he invariably refused
disinterestedness,
;

him

in his position,

in

this

he gave a
at that

rare

example of a
in 15 17,

most unusual
benefice
for

time, in never seeking to obtain

a

himself.

When,

Leo

X.,

who had

already given him

many

proofs of his favour,* presented

him with the bishopric of
it,

Carpentras, Sadoleto wished to refuse
to take
it

and only consented

by obedience

to the clearly-expressed desire of
it,

the Pope.

Having accepted
in his diocese,

he wished to go at once
however, Leo

and reside
to study

and there devote himself entirely
his sacred office
;

and the duties of
part
"

refused to

with this tried and faithful servant as

long as he lived.
I

Would

to God," wrote Sadoleto, " that

could leave

myself to Christ,

Rome and retire to my my only Lord "f
!

diocese,

and give

Only a small portion of the letters written in the Pope's name by Sadoleto during the term of his office as secretary These are written in the classic have been printed.
:|:

Ciceronian epistolary style, so highly valued at the time;

they are models of form and elegance,
grace,

full of academic and permeated by that delicate courtesy known only

to the Curia.§

In

many

of the letters he understood

how

to give expression in a masterly

way

to the exact thoughts

of his master.il
*

He made

use in these of classical figures,

Cf. Regest. Leonis X., n.

4775 -4777.

t C/. JOLY, 107 seg., 111-112.
I

In the
first

Roman

edition of the Epist. Sadoleti of 1759, there are in
in

the

vokmie only ninety-eight of those written
Hergenrother publishes many more
letters in the
in his

the

name

of

Leo X.
are
in the

Regesta.

There

numerous
JOLY,

Secret Archives of the Vatican, and also
5), still

Archives of Paris and Bologna (Q
59.

unprinted.

§ Cf.
II

Ibid.,

104 segq., 118 scqg.

WRITINGS OF SADOLETO.
his
his

I99
in
is

method

in so

doing being put into words by himself
" It

admirable treatise on the education of children.
permissible,"

without doubt

he

says,

"to

consider

the

methods of expression in vogue in those languages which we ourselves want to use. Thus, where there is no question
of a specially theological subject,
I

am

willing to introduce

and adorn

my

speech with Latin figures and constructions.

Thus

I

would, for example, speak of Hercules or Zeus
fidius) or

(medius

of the "immortal

gods"

collectively.

Such expressions are not to be taken

literally,

and serve
I

only to give greater strength and brilliancy to what
saying, and preserve the idea of antiquity.

am

For when a

language
to
it,

is

ornamented by the

figures of speech belonging

it

has more weight, and contains greater power to

teach right and truth, and inculcate the good which has to

be practised." *
Sadoleto was not the only writer who, though on quite
other subjects,

knew how

to

harmonize

real Christianity

with an ardent love of antiquity.f

Of one mind
Giberti,

with him

were Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola,;]: Alberto Pio di
Carpi, §
in the

and the young Gian Matteo
of Giberti's friends

who

rejoiced
||

favour of both the Pope and Cardinal Medici.

was the canon-regular, Marco Girolamo Vida (born 1490, died 1566), who had come to Rome in the days of Julius II., and had remained there pure

One

and unspotted, leading the
* KOPP,
t Cf.
\

life

of a model priest in the midst

loc. ciL,

404-405.
giudizio, 64.

Gnoli,

Un

Cf. Vol. VII. of this

work,

p. 5 seq.^

and

infra,

p.

406.

§ Cf. supra, p. 138.
II

See

Tiib. Quartaischr., 1859, 6.

It is

true that at this time Giberti
later
;

was not as seriously disposed as he was
1

Giorn. d.

lett.

Ital.,
;

XLV., 68. In 517 Giberti received the freedom of the city of Rome For more about Giberti, see see Gregorovius, Schriften, I., 291.
Vol. IX. of this work.

200

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It

of the general corruption.

does honour to Leo X. that he

should have preferred

this excellent

man

in

such a marked

way

that he went generally

by the name of the Pope's
silk-

especial favourite.*

Vida's early poems about chess and

worms pleased Leo X.

so much, that he sent for the author,
set aside all other

rewarded him, and bade him

work and

devote his powers to a Christian epic, the subject of which

was to be our Divine Saviour's
the Pope
Virgil

life.

That Vida might be
Augustus to another
S. Silvestro

able to give himself over undisturbedly to this great task,

— who wished
Few

to be another

—gave him the priorate of the monastery of
little

at Frascati.

other places in the neighbourhood of

Rome
with

could have been better fitted to be the abode of a

poet than this cheerful
its

town,

full

of classic memories,

picturesque heights and glorious views.

There,
in

in

the midst of forests of old olive trees and pines,

view of

the magnificent
''

Christiade

"

of

Vida flowed from
it

panorama of the Roman Campagna, the his pen, though Leo X.
completed. f

did not live to see
* About Vida,
cf.

By

his

inspiration of
;

Lancetti, Vita

e scritti di G. Vida, Milano, 1831

ROSCOE-BOSSI, VII., 134 seqq.; BiSSOLATI, Vite di due ill. Cremon., Milano, 1856; RONCHINI in the Atti Mod., IV., 73 seq. BerchIaLLA,
;

G. Vida, Alba, 1869

{Nozze-Publ)
seq.,

;

Gabotto, Cinque lettere di M. G. Vida, Pinerolo NOVAti in the Arch. stor. Lomb., 3rd Series, X., 195
;

XI.,

5

scqq.

;

Giorn.
;

338

seqq., esp.

343

d. lett. Ital., XXX., 459 seq., XXXVI., CiCCHiTELLi, SuUe opere poet, di M. G. Vida,

Napoli, 1904.
t
in

The

first

impression of Vida's " Christiade

'

appeared

at

Cremona

1535, suppressed in 1560.

An
by

Italian translation
:

by N. Romana,
181 1;

Napoli, 1894.
lateinisches
(2)

German

translations
J.

(l)

Vida's Jesus Christus, ein
Miiller,

Heldengedicht,
Christias,

D.

Hamburg,

by Hubner, Nissa, 1849. Among Italians the "Christiade" has been recently treated by G. Moroncini, Sulla
Vida's
Cristiade di

M. G. Vida, Trani, 1896; ZuMBiNl, Per
;

il

giubileo del
la

card. Capecelatro, Caserta, 1897, 350 seqq.
Cristiade,

L.

Gatta, G. Vida e work
of

Palermo,

1900.

See

also

the

valuable

B.

VIDA AND HIS WORK.
this epic

20I

the Pope has rendered a permanent service to

Christian poetry.

This service

is

all

the greater because,

by

this

act of glorification of Christ, in

uhich Leo was

instrumental, "the finest artistic epic of the time of the

Renaissance proved the injustice of the accusation made

by Luther, that the Papacy had
barrier

formed

itself

into

a

between the Redeemer and

the redeemed." *

Vida's work cannot be appreciated unless
ourselves the
difificulties

we put before
In con-

connected with his task.
its

sequence of the inviolable nature of
it

dogmatic character,

was

at the outset

impossible to give free scope to his

imagination. He had to destroy much which, humanly and poetically speaking, was excellent., because it was theologically inadmissible. It was impossible for the
poetic

greatest poetical genius to approach

the calm grandeur
at

and noble simplicity which meets us
chapters of the Bible narrative.f

every turn

in

the

All Christian poets

who

have ventured to deal with the subject have had to contend
with this difficulty, and even Vida was unable to overcome
it.J

But undoubtedly he attained to more than

his

pre-

decessors.
in a

The

noble and inexhaustible subject

is

treated

manner

closely corresponding with the Gospel narrative,

"a

dignified

and majestic, and

at the

same time an elegant
in

and touching production, expressed
diction." §

the

finest

Latin

The

divine nature of Christ shines forth in the
reality of

poet's explicit

dogmatic declaration of the
XXXI., 361

His

COTRONEI
lett. Ital.,

in the Giorn.

d. lett.

Ital.,

scqq.

;

also Rass. d.
2,

i8v6, 297 seq.^

and Ateneo Vencto, XIX.

(1S96),

134 seqq.

* Baumgartner, IV., 591.
t Cf. with

Baumgartner,
366 scqq
loc. cit.,

loc.

cit.,

Moroncini, 64

scqq.^

and

COTRONEI,
\

loc. cii.,

COTRONEI,

handles these weak points best.
declares

§ "Virgil

himself,"
it

Baumgartner

(IV.,

591),

"could

scarcely have done

better."

202

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
nature.

human

The

reader

will
in

never

forget

certain

passages, as, for instance, that

which Vida describes

the flight into

Egypt and the
is

life

of Jesus at Nazareth.

The Passion
monster, to

the culminating point of the narrative.

Fear, called in by Satan, " the great, black, unconquerable

whom
;

no other fury of the abyss can be comin the

pared for hideousness," turns the scale

mind of the

wavering Pilate
Risen

the die

is

cast,

and
is

at the words, "

the Jews," the death of Christ

decided on.

King of With the
life,

One

the

"

golden race" of Christians springs into
all

and, with a picture of their spread over

the world, the

poet closes his work, which
first

order.

By
it

glancing through
in

enthusiasm

evoked

many beauties of the we can understand the contemporary writers, who in verse
is

full

of

it

and prose hailed Vida as the Christian

Virgil.*
" is

One
rejected

peculiar merit of the
all

"

Christiade

that the poet

those pagan accessories which in other poems

have nearly destroyed the Christian tone.
as his

He

took Virgil

model

for style

and

versification, but in essentials

the

poem remains

uninfluenced by the classical element.^

Consequently, Vida's

poem

affords to the reader a

more
In

unalloyed pleasure than does the famous epic of Sannazaro,
perfect
it,

though

it is

in
in

form, on the Nativity of Christ.
the third book, too

and especially
is

much
No

of pagan
reality
less

mythology
*
that
Cf. esp.

employed. J

Nevertheless, the
13.

of

Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, XLVI.,
later

a poet

Tasso reproduced

on whole pages
See

freely translated

from

Vida's " Christiade," in his "
t Cf.

Gerusalemme
also

Liberata."
seq.,

MORONCINI,

24.

Norrenberg, 48

and

Flamini, 107-108.
±

Cf. Vol. V. of this work, 141.

Stimmen aus Maria-Laach,

X., i^^^seq.

See also Norrenberg, 47 seq.., and Flamini is, however, right when

he points out (106 seqq.) that some parts of Sannazaro's poem are quite
unaffected by any such unsuitable classical references.
Cf.

NiCOLA Dl

Lorenzo, Sul de partu

virginis di J. S., Pistoia, 1900, 65 seqq.

SANNAZARO.
Sannazaro's Christianity cannot
than can be that of the

203
doubted, any more

be

many
is

other poets

who allowed
at
first

themselves the same license.
sight looks like

paganism

in

fact

Very much that mere poetical

license,

or at most a concession to the language of the classics.*
In character

Sannazarof does not stand so high
his relations

as Vida.
;

This

is

demonstrated by

with Leo X.

he

took up the case of the pending marriage of his much-

esteemed

friend

Cassandra
affair

Marchese

with

passionate

vehemence. J

This

has never been properly ex-

plained, because the acts of the process cannot be found ;§
it is

therefore impossible to say whether the severe accus-

ations which Sannazaro brought against

Leo

X.,

on account
not.
||

of his decision
In a

in

the

affair,

were well founded or

moment

of great
in

excitement the poet wrote a

mordant epigram

which he ridiculed Leo, and compared
his nature, to

him
a

to a blind

mole who wanted, against
is

be

lion.1[

There

a difference of opinion as to whether

these and similar attacks ever

came

to

the ears of the

* Cf. Daniel, Etud., 212 seq.\
Sadolet, 71.
cit.,

Baumgartner,
20, 23-24,
cf.

IV., 586, 593

;

Joly,
loc.

See further, Moroncini,

and Cotronei,

362.

About Sannazaro's sincere
Rossi, Quattrocento, 364

piety,

GabottO, La fede

di S.,

Bologna, 1891.
t Cf.
seqi^.,

where their writings are

compared.
X

A

special

work

is

expected by Percopo.

See the excellent work of Nunziante,
1887.
Cf.
in

Un

divorzio ai tempi di

Leone X., Roma,
131 seq.,
^

Scherillo

in the Giorn. d. lett. Ital.,

XL,

and Nunziante

the Arch. stor. Napolitan., XIL, 699 seq.

My

researches in the Secret Archives of the Vatican have had
result as those

the
date,
II

same negative

made by Nunziante
loc. cH., 134,

at

an earlier

when

the inventory of those Archives was not accessible.
loc.
is
cit..,

Scherillo,
Epigr., IL,

like
in

Nunziante,
darkness.

declares that

the whole affair
IT

shrouded
S7.

Cf.

Scherillo,

loc.

ciL,

136.

The

purely

personal nature

is

pointed out with justice by Gabotto.

loc. cit.^ 31.

204
Pope.*

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

As

a matter of fact a very flattering Brief was
1

sent on the 6th of August,

521, to Sannazaro, in

which the

Pope requested him

to

pubhsh the poem on the Nativity
This desire was founded, so ran

of Christ without delay.

the Brief, on the hope that the

Queen of Heaven might
composed with
evil intent,

be glorified by the poem, which might act as an antidote
to the
"

many

writings which were
is

While the Church

being rent and tormented by her

enemies, do you exalt her to heaven.

Our century

will
side,

be made famous by
standing against her
Saul.

the light of thy poem.
is

On

one

Goliath,

and on the other the frenzied

Let the valiant David come forward and overcome the
his sling,
It

one with
of his

and calm the other with the sweet sound
has not transpired what answer Sannazaro

harp."-]-

gave to

this request of the

Pope

;

but a distressing proof of
is

the irreconcilable spirit of the poet

to be found in the

abusive epigram which he wrote about Leo immediately after
the death of that Pontiff. the

He made

an unworthy attack on
I

memory

of the deceased, based on the false report

that

the Pope had died without the last sacraments.§

The

humanists,

Girolamo

Fracastoro

and

Battista

Spagnolo Mantovano, were more sparing than Sannazaro
in their use of the classical

elements

in

literature.

The
X.
to
in

former,

who

extolled

the

patronage
not
really

of

Leo

extravagant
* See Giorn.

languageJI

did

belong

the

d. lett. Ital.,XI. 458, n.

t Sannazaro's

Poemata, XLIII., was

first

published

in the edizione

Corniniana without references, and defectively printed in ROSCOE-

Henke,
{/oc. a'/.,

III., 532.

In the face of this

it

does not behove SCHERILLO

361) to controvert Moroncini's opinion that

Leo X. hoped

that

religion
I

might be promoted by such a poem.
63
seq.

Cf. supra, p.

%

Epig., III.,

8.

For a judgment of the epigram, see Giorn.

d. lett.

Ital, XI., 458, n.
II

Cf.

Gaspary-Rossi,

II., 2, 50.

FRACASTORO AND MANTOVANO.

205
closest

Roman
ties.

literary world,

though united to

it

by the

In his

poem

"

Joseph," Fracastoro disdained the use
It is to

of any pagan phrases.

the credit of this humanist,

famous

alike as physician

and philosopher, that he devoted

a didactic
gallicus.

poem to the curse of the time, the morbus The elegant and impressive verses on this
;

delicate subject are written with an absence of anything

approaching to indecency

certain
its

allusions

to

ancient

mythology being

in

harmony with
Italy,

purport.

The open-

ing of the second book, which

tells

of the misfortunes

which had overtaken
peace which

and indicates the restoration of
"

Rome
is

enjoyed under the rule of the

mag-

nanimous

Leo,''

very impressive.*

The
1516,

Carmelite, Battista
in

Spagnolo Mantovano, elected

General of his Order

15 13,

who

died on

March

20th,

path like an apparition.f

and was declared Blessed by Leo XIII., crosses our Like Sadoleto he united a deep
a most prolific poet, and
Italy,

piety with a great enthusiasm for the treasures of antiquity.

He was

his
it

fame soon spread

throughout

and even beyond

into

Germany,

His

exaggerated admirers gave him the name of a second
Virgil.
ij:

Although he did not entirely discard mythologieven
in his

cal allusions,

sacred hymns, he used them with
151
scq.\

*

Cf.

ROSCOE-BOSSI,

VII.,
seq.\

BUDIK,
106, 112
alle

II.,

184

seq.;

CaSTELNAU, Medicis, 326
G. Fracastoro in Relaz.

Flamini,

See also Rossi,

all

aristotelismo e

scienze nel Rinasci-

Barbarani, G. Fracastoro, Verona, 1897. t Cf. F. Ambposi, Ue rebus gestis ac scriptis op. Bapt. Alantuani, Taurini, 1784; Fanucchi, Vita d. b. Batt. Spagnolo, Lucca, 1887; GabOTIO, Unpoeia bcatificato, Venezia, 1892 Giorn. d. Ictt. Iial., XX 469 seq XXXIV., 59 seq.^ 67 seq. \ In Mantua his bust was set up alongside that of Virgil, BettiNELLI, Lett, ed arte Mantov. (1774), 100. About other busts and medals,^. Bode, Plastik, 123 seq.\ Gioin. d. Ictt. Ital., XX., 469 J^'j^.,
mento, Pisa, 1893
; ; , ,

XXXIV.,

66.

206

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In several ways he furthered a Christian

great moderation.

reaction against the paganism of antiquity, even though he

could not rid himself of
his "

it

altogether.

In the beginning of

Calendar of Feasts

"

(De

sacris diebus) *

he

tells

the

reader that he must not expect to find in the pages which
follow anything about the false deities.
to treat of Jupiter,

He

is

not going

Venus, or Juno, but only of those heroes

who had

attained to heaven,
to
in

whom
all

the Almighty Father

had admitted
Carmelite sings

the

"ethereal

city."

As

the

pious
of the

turn of

the great

feasts

Church, intertwining with them the feasts of the

saints, like

a beautiful garland of flowers, he brings out the contrast

between paganism and the victory gained
Christianity.
his

over

it

by

Christ and His saints

song

—have
is

— such
gods

is
;

the burden of

overthrown the

false

and

this key-

note runs through the whole poem.
the

The

Incarnation of

Son of God
gods

is

at hand,

and the end of the worship of
Mercury, who, hovering round

false

approaching.

the Angel Gabriel, has followed

him from Mount Carmel,
to the

overhears the mysterious

greeting of the Angel

holy Maiden of Nazareth, and at once suspects danger.

He

hastens back to the gods to
full

tell

them what he has

heard, and they,

of agitation, take counsel together.

They
grief,

tremble, and

throws away her spear, but takes

ing that

new

arts

ancient dominion.
is

born, renews

all

Venus and Juno weep; Pallas, full of it up again, advisshall be employed to maintain their In vain! The Redeemer of the world things, laws, sacrifices, and priesthood,
"

and conquers the world.
the poet on the 25th of
for

Give way,
"

O

ye gods," sings

December;
!

forsake your temples,

your fame

is

at

an end

Delphic Apollo, shut the
sink

door of your

false

temple

;

with thy tripod into
in

* First ed. Lyons, 1516, reprinted by Wimpheling at Strasburg
1518.

THE "CALENDAR OF
Hades
;

FEASTS."

2O7

cast thine oracle into the Stygian abyss.
flee into

Venus,

Juno, Jupiter,

darkness, for

now

is

your power upon

earth at an end.

Away, ye
kingdom
"
!

tyrants, give

up your place

and honours, which have been

stolen, for behold, the true

King

enters on his

After such a Christian proclamation
that the poet should sometimes epithets and call

it

signifies

but

little

make

use of ancient classical

heaven Olympus, God the Father the
Hades.

Thunderer, or

hell

That the

stars

and days should
and can no

bear pagan names, says the poet, need not trouble us, for

they have come to mean good things
longer
his

for us,

harm

us.

Battista

Spagnolo Mantovano dedicated

"Calendar of Feasts" to Leo X.*

the Feast of SS.

In the poem on Cosmas and Damian, and again on that
all

which celebrated
of Leo, he took
to his exalted

the canonized Popes of the
to
offer

the opportunity

his

name homage

patron.f

At

the

same time he pointed

out to him with holy liberty the greatness of the tasks

committed

to him.

He

especially

named

three of these,|

the restoration of peace to Italy, the protection of the
Christian faith against the Turks, and the reform of
"

the

Roman

Curia, which was infected by a deep corruption
all

which spread poison throughout
nigh

countries."
" for

"

Help,

holy father Leo," exclaimed the poet,
is

Christendom
"
in

its fall."

§
"

We may

rank with Spagnolo's

Calendar of Feasts
is

the
the

* The dedicatory copy, with the arms of Leo X.,
Laurentian Library at Florence, Plut. XIV., Cod.
t Cf.
\

kept

XIL

AmbroSI, 92
sacr. dieb.,
1.

seq. {pp. cit.).

De

4

:

De

Sanctis Lconibus.

§

The Pope

did not take these strong words of exhortation amiss.

On

the contrary, he

summoned

their author to the

Council of the
{cf.

Lateran and seconded his

eflfortsto

reform the Carmelites

Ambrosi,

86 seq.\

Nevertheless the Pope did not arouse himself to take any

stronger measures.

208

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ferreri, written

work of Zaccaria
Julius II. as the
Pisa.*

by order of the Pope.
set himself

This learned though restless

man had

up under
his

champion of the schismatic Council of

After Leo's election he resolved to

make

peace

with the Pope.

He

offered his submission in the form of
is

a Latin poem, which

a remarkable imitation of Dante's
in this

"Divina Commedia."f

Although

a reform of the Church, which was to be led by

poem he demanded Rome, and

used great freedom of speech, J Leo accepted the work very graciously.
Ferreri,

who was warmly recommended
by reason of
in

by

others, not only received absolution from the censures
fallen his share in the

under which he had
indulgent Pope.§

schism of Pisa, but was singled out

various

ways by the
latter's

He accompanied Leo
made
in

on the

expedition to Bologna, was

Bishop, and in 15 19 was Poland.

appointed

Nuncio

Russia

and

There he

laboured for the reform of the clergy and the suppression
*
t
Cf. Vol. VI. of this work, 386.

Lugdunense Somnium de
r.

divi

Leonis X. P.M. ad

s.

apost.

apicem
is

divina electione ad

Franc. Soderinum card. Volat., 1513.
Library;
to

There
II.,

a

copy

in

the

Laurentian

see

Bandinius, Cat.

122.

Another

edition, with dedication
latinista del

Louis XII., Lugduni, 1513; see

MORSOLiN, Un
1S94.
\

Cinquecento imitatore del Dante, Venezia,
prius,

Roma tamen purganda

postrema moratur,
flagella.

Quanto tarda magis, tanto graviora
§

his
1

That the leniency of the Tope towards Ferreri was greater than court expected, is shown by Paris de Grassis. At Pentecost,
the latter reports:
[s.

5 17,

"Sermonem nuUus
de gratia
petiit

habuit quia cardinahs

celebrans

Crucis] sic

a papa.

Facturus ilium

erat Zacharias electus titularis qui alias fuit scismaticus et ideo plus

placuit omnibus quod non fieret sermo per ilium scismaticum et cum papa se remisisset ad vota cardinalium omnes quidem acceptarunt Hadrianus autem obtulit papae par pavonum si non ut non fieret.
fieret et

papa acceptavit."

*Diarium, Secret Archives of the Vatican,

XII., 23.

ZACCARIA FERRERI.
of the Lutheran heresy.*

20g
thought

How
his

highly Leo X.

of Ferreri as a poet can be seen by the fact that he turned
to
is,

him

for assistance

in

reform of the breviar}\

It

however, characteristic that the proposed amendments
but the form of the breviary,
efforts
it

did not affect the subject the sole object of Leo's of the language in which
to

being the improvement
written.

was

Ferreri

seemed

him the

right

man

to

do

this, for

a

name by

the composition
saints.

of a

he had already made number of hymns in

honour of the

Ferreri threw himself with ardour
its

into the work, but

Leo died before

completion.

It

was
in

not until 1525 that a portion of the work, consisting of
a
revision

of

the

hymns
X.,

of the breviary, appeared

print.f

It is related

in the edition

of Ferreri's letters to of zeal for the Church,

Clement VII. how Leo
deficiencies of the

being

full

and conversant with good

literature,

and impressed by the
"

hymns

daily used for the praises of God,
true latinity

and seeing how

far

they were from possessing

or right metre," gave

him the commission

"

either to

improve

those in use, or create

So great was the
he read each

new hymns devoid of barbarisms." interest taken by Leo in the work, that
as Ferreri completed
70
segg.,
it.

hymn

Clement VII.
Histor.

* See MORSOLIN,
Jahrbuch, XV., 374.

Z. Ferreri, 65 segg'.,

and Fijat.ek,
by

About

his

appointment as Bishop, see Hefele-

Hergenrother,
July
7,

VIII., 614.

For the

faculties received

Ferreri,
f.

1520,

and

his mission to the Poles, see Regest., n. 1201,

390.

Secret Archives of the Vatican.
t Zachariae Ferrerii Vicent. Pont. Gardien.
iuxta
P.

Hymni

novi ecclesiastici

veram metri

et latinitas

normam
in

a beatiss. patre Clemente VII.,

M.

ut in divinis quisquc eis uti possit approbati et novis Ludovici

ac Lantitii Perusini characteribus

lucem

traditi,

sanctum ac ncces-

sarium opus.

Breviarium ecclesiasticum ab codem Zach. Pont, longe

brevius et facilius rcdditum et ab omni errore purgatum propcdiem
exibit.

Romac
VIII.

1525.

(Copies are rare

;

I

am making

use of the one

in the Bibl.

Casanat.)

VOL.

14

2IO

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

confirmed the commission to Ferreri to remove everything
w^hich contemporary Latinists could find fault with in the

rendering of the
posterity
It
is is

mediaeval

hymns.

The judgment

of

not as favourable as was that of contemporaries.

undeniable that Ferreri's hymns, belonging as they

do
is

to the best time of the Renaissance, contain

much
to

that

excellent

;

nevertheless, in spite of the blamelessness of

their classical

form, they seem to a

sound taste

be

weak
earlier

imitations of the grand, powerful
time,*
is

strophes of an

Nothing of the old canticles remains
remodelled and
in

everything
afresh.
If

some

parts thought out
e.g.

we compare

the best of these,

the

Veni

Creator,^ with the ancient version,

we

see with

amazement

how

formal the

hymn
lost.

has been rendered, and

how even

its

sense has been

Only too often the grand
its

religious

dignity suffers under

profane setting.

The poetry

also

of the

hymns has
Baumer, 387

suffered.

For instance, the wonderful

*

Cf.

seq.,

and MORSOLIN,
This
is

Ferreri, 104

seq.^

in

a

similar though independent sense.

nection with the beginning of the

hymn

to

shown by Baumer the Holy Trinity
:

in con-

O celsitudo gloriae, O maximum mysterium
Secreta coeli noscere

Conceditur mortalibus.
t This
is

how

it

runs in Ferreri's version,

p. xx.:

Veni beate

spiritus
illabere,

Nostraeque menti

Depelle cuncta crimina,

Et da

tuis

charismata.
lesbii

Xenophanis ceu

Te

iambicis attollimus
:

Concentibus

sic effice

Nos

esse coeli compotes.

THE IIVMNS OF FERRERI.
strength of the

211
quite lost.*
canticles in
allusions,

hymn

Ccclestis

urbs Jerusalem

is

Worse

still

is

the clothing of these sacred
full

classical

language,

of pagan

pictures

and

wliich are introduced with incredible naivete.

Thus, the
"
;

Holy Trinity is described as " triforme numen Olympi the Mother of God as " fortunate goddess " (felix dea),
"

or

most pure nymph (nympha candidissima).

of as the great ruler of the

God is spoken gods (deorum maximus rector).
Ferreri to a

The humanist,
degree.

rejoicing in the beauties of classical con-

structions, preponderates in

most unsuitable

None
Romans.

of the

who have been mentioned were Nevertheless, at Leo's "court of the Muses"
poets

native talent

was not wanting, the
time.f

result of the efforts of
sterility

Nicholas V. to overcome the remarkable mental

of

Rome

in his

To

the

Roman
Lelio,

poets belong Marcello

Palonio,
Battista

who sang
Casali,

of the Battle of Ravenna, Egidio Gallo,

Antonio

Bernardino

Capella,

Vincenzo Pimpinelli, Lorenzo Vallati, Giambattista Sanga,

Lorenzo Grana, Scipione Lancellotti, Camillo Porcari, who
Hyberna
pclle frigora
;

De

cordibus rigentibus
nitore splendeant,

Tuo Tuo

calore ferveant.

Zeluni futuri saeculi

Huiusque

vitae

taedium

Des, o perennis halitus
Parentis atque
filii.

* Tliis re-cast of Fcrreri's,

p. Ixx./',

begins thus

:

Civitas haec est vocitata

pads

Visio

:

que de superum beato

Orbe descendens nova sponsa, gaudet
Coniuge Christo.
t Cf. Vol. II. of this work, 194 scq.

212

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
lastly,

was made professor of elocution by Leo X., and, Evangelista Fausto Maddaleni de' Capodifcrro.*
This distinguished disciple of Pomponio Leto, to

whom

Leo X. had given a
Julius
II.,

professorship,

had had
prolific

relations with

and was one of the most

poets of the

time, though he

was not a happy example.

At
this

first

he

had extolled the Borgia, and finding that
remunerative, he changed

was not

round and made himself the

mouthpiece of

all

the accusations brought against

them by
poet

the enemies of their race.

Many
verses,

of his poems betray, by

their obscenity, the influence of antiquity.

The

prolific

lauded Leo X.

in

numerous

and sang

of the different

things connected with him, from the elephant presented by
the the

King of Portugal

to the artists

and works of
family,

art of

Rome

of the day.f

Several

members

of

the

Mellini

whose name
in

survives in the villa on

Monte Mario, and
by

the tower

near S. Agnese, were distinguished as poets.
Celso Mellini,

One

of them,

won

celebrity both

his dispute with the
his

French humanist Longueil and by
mature death.
* For
42
seq.^

tragic

and pre-

Arsilli's

poem,

cf.

Renazzi,

II.,

21 seq.^

and Marini, Lettera
Lelio, B.

59 seq., 64, 65, 66.

About M. Palonio, A.
102,

Casali,
115.

V. Pimpinelli, see Rossi, Pasquinate,

no
cf.

seq.,

113 seq.^

About A.
t His
d. Lincei,

Lelio, cf. further, Giorn. d. stor. d. lett. Ital,

poems are
Ser.
in the

in the
CI.

Cod. Vat., 3351
di

;

XXVIII., 59 seq. TOMASINI in the Atti
X.,

IV.,

scienze
fiir
;

mor., vol.

Roma,

1893,

and

Janitschek
works
in the

Repert.

Kunstwissensch.,
see

III.,

52 seqq.

Other

Cod. Vat., 3419

him and Blosio
*Cod. Capponi,

Palladio, L. Grana,

Nolhac, 257. For epigrams by and V. Pimpinelli on the conferring
in

of civic rights on the Pope's nephews
75,
f.

15 13 (see supra, p. 168), see

9i<^-ii2, of the Vatican Library (see also Cod.

Barb., LIIL, 31).
in

Cod. 33 of the

Some of the poems of E. F. M. de' Communal Library at Savignano in

Capodiferro are
the

Romagna

;

see Mazzatinti, Inventari dei Mss.

(Forli, 1890), 1891,

CASANOVA AND MUZZARELLI.
Marcantonio Casanova also was born
his family
in

21 3

Rome, though
in

came from Como.
"

This intellectual imitator of

Martial dedicated his

Heroica" to the Pope.* and was

return raised to the rank of count.
apostolic,

He was

abbreviator

and had the reputation of being one of the most

elegant and ready poets of his day.f

The name

of

"

the

new

Catullus " was given to him, and his epigrams were

characterized as "sublime."

The Mantuan, Giovanni

Muzzarelli, of

whom

at

first

no account was made, drew attention to himself by a laudatory poem on Leo X. The Pope rewarded him by
appointing him Governor of Mondaino
in

the

Romagna,
the court
ad

where he met with a violent

death.:J:

Among

* Heroica Marci Antonii Casanovae (117 epigrams, a

"Hymnus
The

virginem Christiparam " and an elegy "de morte patris").

dedi-

catory copy to the Pope, a beautiful Renaissance manuscript with the

arms of Leo
edition

X.,

was
in

in

possession of S. Volpicella, from which an
;

was printed

1867 with a good commentary

this is

very rare
is

{Nozze Medici-Gallone).

The

codex, of which

I

made

use in 1893,

now MS.
tion

in the
is

Library of the Societk di storia patria at
it

Naples.

The
poems

of importance, because
ill.

shows how
Ital.,

uncritical

was the publicaSeveral

of the Carmina

poetar.

Parisiis,

1576.

which, by the evidence of the Naples MS., belong to Casanova, are
ascribed
to

other

authors

(Tebaldeo,

Lampridio,
is

and

Molza).

Casanova's
the

Hymnus ad

virginem Christiparam

very characteristic of

way

Christianity

and Paganism are intermingled.

Thus

:

lure Ceres, iure et colitur iam nulla Minerva,

Nulla soror Phoebi est nee lovis uUa soror.

Then

the poet continues

:

In te

stelliferi

Rector descendit Olympi
tui

Elegitque uteri Candida templa

Quo
The
last

nascente ruunt veterum simulacra deorum.
further
:

goes

still

Pulsa Venus Cypro est
t Regest. Leonis X., n. 8339 (e
+

:

pulsa Diana Epheso.

e).

Cf. Giorn. d. lett. Ital.,

XXL,

362

;

XXVI I.,

268.

214

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in

poets was also the Sicilian Jano Vitale, who,

his

poem

on the election of Leo X., overflowing with
flattery,

repulsive

did

not shrink

from saying that a new Jupiter
like Apollo,

had come down from high Olympus who,
would heal
all

sicknesses.*

With

the

same want of

taste

a Dominican, Zanobi Acciaiuoli, in other respects a clever

man, broke out into a poem,

in which,

pleading for the

adornment of the deserted Quirinal, he compared the Medici Pope with the sun-god Apollo.f
Guido Postumo
poet,
Silvestri

was

also highly esteemed as a
Italy during the reign

and sang of the happiness of

of

Leo X.

In recognition of this the Pope had the poet's

ruined possessions restored.

Postumo repaid

this liberality
:

by an elegy which concludes with these words
Pro cytherae mentis
Jussit et
tribuit

Leo Maximus aurum,
sui,

hinc vatis tecta nitere

Quippe Amphionii non
Si

ficta est

fabula muri,
est.

domus haec

blaudae structa canore lyrse

Another poem by the same reached a climax of
in a petition to Christ,

flattery

Mary, and the saints to leave Leo

(this nunten) for a little longer

already saints enough in

among men, as there were heaven The same man, in a
!

long poem, celebrated
"divine
protector."^

the

hunting expeditions

of his

To-day, Postumo, the

friend
is

of
as

Ariosto, and

the correspondent

of Isabella d'Este,

* Roscoe-Henke,
stor. Sicil.,
I., 'j']^

II.,

412.

About Jano Vitale,^. Arch.
See further, Zeitschr.
fiir allg.

stor.

d.

N.

S.,

VIII. (1888).

Gesch.,

and Gnoli,

Un

giudizio, 162 seq.

t ROSCOE-BOSSI, X., 252 seq.
X

Cf. supra., p. 161 n.
;

See also BUDIK,

I.,

XLVII.
P.

seqq.

;

GeiGER,

Renaissance, 302

Renier, Delia
lett. Ital.,

corrisp. di G.

Silvestri in the

valuable publication for the Nozze Cian-Sappa Flandinet, Bergamo,
1894, 241 seq.
;

Giorn. d.

XXV., 242

seq.

;

and Flamini,

117.

ANTONIO TEBALDEO.
much
in

215

forgotten as
is

is

Antonio Tebaldeo of Ferrara, although
his celebrated

the latter

remembered by
Originally

tomb
a

in S.

Maria

Via Lata.*

intended

to be

physician,

Tebaldeo
principal

later entered the ecclesiastical state.

In

Rome

he soon won the Pope's favour and the friendship of the

members

of the Court.

His chief friends were
painted his portrait.f
in

Bembo and Tebaldeo, who may
Bibbiena,

Raphael,

who

be compared

Bembo,;!: wrote verses in Latin as well

many ways with among as Italian
;

other subjects he sang of Leo's endeavours to promote a

crusade
villa

he also described

in

verse Cardinal

Medici's

As Tebaldeo was a very skilful improvisatore, he received many tokens of favour from the Pope a Latin epigram in praise of Leo X. won for him
on Monte Mario.
;

the princely gift of

five

hundred ducats.

||

Besides poets of Italian origin, there were a
foreigners
;1[

number of

for

humanists flocked from
Cf.
Ital,

all

parts to the
II., i,

* FORCELLA, VIII., 407.
seq.^

about Tebaldeo, Gaspary,

306

307; Giorn.

d.

lett.

XXXV., Bembo

193 seq.^

XXXVII., 96

seq.

Rossi, Pasquinate,

1 1 1

scq.

t Cf. the interesting letter of

to Bibbiena of April

19, 15 16.

Bembo, Opere,
I

III., 11,

and ClAN
147.
II.,

in the Giorn. d. lett. Ital., VIII., 394.

Altieri, Nuptiali,

§ Cf. Balbi, Opera,
II

151 seqq.

;

MiCHAUD,

VI., 292.
;

d.

Giorn. Lucae Gaurici Tractatus astrologicus, Venetia, 1552, 65 ROSCOE-Bossi, VII., 1 1 seq. In Serapica's lett. Ital., XXXVII., 96
;

*Spese

priv. di

Leon

X.,

I

found the entry on July
State

13,

1518

:

A. M.
12,

Antonio Tebaldeo due. 200.
1

Archives, Rome.
I.
:

On June

5 18,

Leo sent a *Letter

to Ma.ximilian

"pro Antonio Thebaldeo,
Secret
241

clerico Fcrrarien. famil. nost. super adipiscenda possessione ecclesiae
s.

Mariae de Bretonico"

— Arm., XXX
scq.

I

X,

t.

31,

1518, n. 65.

Archives of the Vatican.
seq..,

For Tebaldeo, see Giorn.
notice

d. lett. Ital., IX.,

and Supplement, VIII., 113
these especial

^ Among
side of Papal

must be taken of the Spaniard
comedies, derided the darker
;

Bartolome de Torres Naharro, who,

in his
I.,

Rome.

Cf. in

Ticknor,

2\o seq.

II., 172,

697

seq.

;

and

2l6

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Eternal City, there to study or

make

their fortunes.

The

Germans

were, comparatively speaking,
is

numerous

;

besides

Hutten mention
Velius,

made

of Sustenius, Petrus Aperbachius,

Janus Hadelius Saxo, Caius Silvanus,

Kaspar Ursinus

and Michael Humelberg.

All of these were friends

of the hospitable Goritz.*

The number
Eternal

of poets residing in Medicean

Rome

is

given at more than a hundred by Arsilli and others.

The

City was inundated with good and bad poems,

odes, letters, epigrams,

eclogues; a pasquinade of 1521

remarks that

versifiers in

Rome

were more numerous than

the stars in the heavens.f

But the merit of the poems

was not in proportion to the number of those who lived under the shadow of the Curia. The oblivion which has been the fate of these Latin versifiers of the time, whose
poetry, instead of the divine
afifiatus,
is

breathed nothing but

the atmosphere of the court,

only what they deserved.]:
litera-

Nevertheless their importance in the history of the
ture of the

day must not be denied.

also

Gabotto,
Gazz.
lett.

Un
di

comediografo Spagnuolo
Torino,
1889,

alia corte di

Leone X.

in

the

No.

17.
1

See also Flamini, 559.

About the Spaniard Saturno Gerona (ob. is in S. Maria dell' Anima, see the clever
Antologia, 3rd Series, LI., 232-248.

523),

whose

poetical epitaph
in

treatise of

Gnoli
I.,
I.,

Nuova
and
See

* Gregorovius, VIII., 328.

Cf. Ges.
f.

Schriften,

299

seq.

Geiger
also

in the Vierteljahrschr.

Lit.

der Renaiss.,

148, 523.

Bautz, Kasp. Urs.

Velius, Buda-pest, 1886.

Cf.

F.

Guldner,

Jakob Questenberg,
t

ein deutscher Humanist in Rom., Bonn, 1906. Carmina apposita Pasquillo anno, 1521. Cf. Gnoli, Pasquino, 23. About the "smania versaiola" of that time, see also Cian in the Giorn.
d. lett. Ital.,
±

XVII., 277.
III., 2,

Cf.

Reumont,
f.

350 seq.; JOLY, Sadolet, 29; and Geiger
I.,

in the Zeitschr.
lett. Ital.,

Renaissancelit.,
439.
125.

158 seq.

;

Cian

in the Giorn. d.

XXIX.,

§ Cf.

Flamini,

ITALIAN POETRY.

217

The new-fashioned enthusiasm
Prolific as

for

Latin poetry in

Rome

had a strong influence on contemporary ItaHan poetry.
were the results
in

this field of literature, there

was a singular lack of
the lyric poets,
gifts,

originality.

Even the two
elegant

best of

Bembo and
nothing

Molza,

in spite of their

high

produced

better

than

imitations.

In

their

footsteps there

followed

an army of imitators,

who
"

obtained

among
modern

Italians

the appropriate

name of
a highlyin

rimatori."*

Francesco Maria Molza, who went by the
Tibullus,

name
gifted

of the

was

in

reality
his

poet, but

unfortunately wasted
life.f

talents

an

unsettled and dissolute

The names
we

of the remainder

of the Italian poets survive only in literary records, and
it

is

with astonishment that

see the praise which was

lavished
for

on them

at

the

time that they wrote.

Who,
poet

instance,

knows
is

to-day

anything
light

about

the

Bernardo Accolti, "the great
only one" (I'unico)

of

Arezzo"?
himself,

how he

styled

"The and how

he was styled by others.
generous Leo,

Accolti sang the praises of the

was able

to

who had rewarded him so lavishly that he buy the title of Duke of Nepi. The fame of
Arezzo
is

this native of

to-day quite inconceivable

;

but

he enchanted the society of his time by his gay, witty
prattle,

which was joined to the

art,

then highly valued,
music.
Pietro
3, 3.
;

of accompanying his verses with
* Beside

suitable

ReumONT,

III.,

2,

326

seq.^ cf,

TiRABOSCHi, VII.,
e.g.^

Contemporaries jeered
cf.

at

many
;

of these rhymesters, as,
d. lett.
Ital.,

G. Casio

Rossi, Pasquinate, 81

Giorn. storia

XXXVIII., 56
of these

seq.,

and Geremia, G. Casio, Palermo,
versifiers,
scq.^

1902.

About another
in

mediocre
I.,

Mariangelo Accursio, see Cali
VI.

Nuova Rassegna,
Cat. des

45

and

Bull. stor. abruzz, V.,

About the Canzoni of Gugl.

de' Nobili, written in
livres

honour of Leo

X., see

(Pawlowski)
^pscq.

de

la bibl.

Firmin-Didot, 1878, 36.
;

t

ROSSI,

See RoscoE-Bossi, VII., 33 j^</. II., 2, 290, and Flamini, 550

Budik,
seq.

1 1.,

Cf.

Gaspary-

2l8
Aretino,*

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

who had
"

just

come
in

to

Rome, being subsidized
was about
to

by the Pope, and high
relates

the favour of Cardinal Medici,

that

when

the heavenly Accoiti

improvise on the

lute,

the shops were shut and prelates
to listen to him."

and other personages flocked
Accoiti of a visit which
Holiness.

Pietro

Aretino was himself sent one day by the Pope, to remind

he had promised to pay His
entered
the

When

Accoiti

Vatican, Leo X.
before

commanded that every person should give way him. The poem which he sang about the Blessed
filled his

Virgin

hearers with such admiration that,

when he had
the divine

finished,

one and

all

cried
is

out

:

"

Long

live

poet
it

!

"

This production

preserved, and

when we read
it

we can but wonder
;

at

the

applause which

called

f undeniably the standard of excellence days was very different from what it is now.
forth

in

those

The poet Agostino Beazzano was provided
benefices; he expressed his thanks to the

with rich
in

Pope

Italian

sonnets

and

Latin
still

epistles.
;J:

The

poet

Giangiorgio

Trissino§ stood

higher

in

the favour of

Leo

X.,

and

was sent by him on diplomatic missions.
citizen of Vicenza,

This prominent
in

having come to

Rome

15 14,

armed
and

with

warm recommendations from
Bibbiena and

Isabella

d'Este

Cardinals

Luigi d'Aragona, was received
In the

most honourably by the Pope.
*

autumn of the
199.

He

received 50 ducats in August 1520.

See Cesareo,
II.,
I,

t Cf. ROSCOE-BOSSI, VII., 15 seq.;

GASPARY,

311

;

ROSSI,

Pasquinate, 112 seq.; ClAN, Cortegiano, XVII.; Gnoli, Cacce. 40 seqq.\
Giorn. de.
lett. Ital.,

XXXIX., 228
n.

seqq.;?iaA E.

Guarnera,

B. Accoiti,

Palermo, 1901, loi seqq.
see Regest. Leonis X.,
X

About Leo's tokens
3164, 12,019.
Cf.

of favour to B. Accoiti,

ROSCOE-BoSSI, VII., yiseq.

Mazzuchelli,

II., 2,

571 seq.

§
Ital,

MORSOLIN, Giangiorgio
XXIII., 435
seq.

Trissino, Firenze, 1894.

6/. Giorn. d. lett.

Morsolin published the Lettere del card. Giulio

de' Medici al Trissino at Vicenza {Nosze-Publ.), 1881.

TRISSINO
followiniT year Trissino
in

AND RUCELLAI.
difficult

219
mission

was charged with a

Germany

to the

Emperor Maximilian, which kept him
until the spring of 15 16; in

on the other side of the Alps
the

same year there followed a mission to Venice; the distinguished nobleman refused to receive

autumn of

the

any remuneration

for his services.*

As
"

early as 15 15 he

had dedicated to the Pope

his

tragedy

Sofonisba,"f not

without misgivings that the classical-minded Medici would
take amiss that the work should be written
in

Italian.
sciolti),
;

The
is

subject of the poem, written in blank verse (versi

borrowed
is

from the

thirteenth

book of Livy
for

I

the

tragedy
epic,
"
it

cold and

lifeless,

and as

Trissino's heroic
in

Italy

liberated

by the gods," which appeared
failure.
§

1547,

can only be condemned as an utter

Trissino's friend, Giovanni Rucellai, also wrote in blank

verse with no better

results.il

Being a near

relative of the

Pope's, the latter often entrusted

him with

political business,
I.

and sent him,
critical

for instance,
(in

on a mission to Francis
I520).*i
It is

at a

moment

September

asserted

by

* Cf. MORSOLiN, 80 XXXVII., 233 jr^.
+ C/.
II.,

seg.,

91-95.

See also Giorn.

d.

lett.

Ital.,

MORSOLiN, 69

seg.;

Flamini, 242; and D'Ancona, Varieta,

Milano, 1885, 261 seg.

X

The statement

that

it

was

produced

in

Rome

is

incorrect

(MORSOLIN, 75 scg.). § C/. MORSOLIN, 282
seg.;

set/.,

312 seg.

See also

Reumont,

III., 2,

348

Roma, 1893; and also MORSOLIN in Rassegna bibliogr., 1895, No. i. The violent verses against the Roman abuses are lacking in some copies of the original, which, according to MORSOLIN (Un poeta ipocrita, in Nuova AntoErmini,
L'ltalia liberata di G. Trissino,
logia,
II

I,

Nov.

1882),

were intended
di

for the

Pope and the Curia.
;

Mazzoni, Opere
Ital.,

G. Rucellai, Bologna, 1887, Prefaz.

Giorn. d.

lett.

XI., 458 seg.;
I,

MORSOLiN,

Trissino, 69.

C/.

Propugnatore,

N.
IF

S., III.,

374

-y^!?-

C/. supra, p. 14.

220

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that Rucellai's tragedy

many

"Rosmunda" was
this.*

put on

the stage on the occasion of Leo's sojourn in Florence

but there

is

nothing certain about

Among
;

the

poets of that time there appears
relative

the

of

the

Pope's,

Pietro

de'

name of another Pazzi how far the
justified

praises lavished on

him by contemporaries were

must remain a matter of doubt.f
It is

remarkable that the Medici Pope who patronized so
poetasters and vagrant poets
I

many

should have been on

very distant terms with Ariosto.

Confident of a friendly

reception by the Pope, the poet had hastened to
after the election of

Rome
All the

Leo X.

;

when the courteous reception
this led to nothing.

with which he met raised the poet's expectations.
greater was
his

astonishment when

The
Still,

clever satires in which Ariosto pictured the affairs of

Rome

prove the greatness and depth of his disillusionment.
all

through his disappointment, and

in all his

most

bitter attacks,

one can see

his intention of screening the

Pope

personally,

having received from him a privilege

against piracy for his " Orlando," and

many

other tokens

of favour. §
* Mazzoni,
t Cf.
I
/flc.

ciL, xviii.;

Gaspary,

II., 2,

298.

Gnoli,

Un

giudizio, 41.

See

Bernardo Giambullari,
XLL,
170 seg.
epist.,

Soneti rusticani

di
;

Biagio del
see Giorn.

Capperone, pubbl. a cura
d. lett. Ital., §

di C. Arlia, Citta di Castello, 1902

Cf.

SadOLETI,

193

;

Bembi,
il

epist., X.,

40; ROSCOE-BOSSI,

VII., 41 segg.; Rossi, L'Ariosto e

beneficio di S.
Series,

Agata

in

Rendiconti

deir

1st.

Lomb.

d. scienze e lett.,

2nd
;

XXXI.

(1898), 1169 segg.;

XXXVII., 249 A. Valeri in Rev. d'ltalia, 1900, 1., Reumont, III., 2, 347, declares that the privilege about the 517 segg. publication of the "Orlando" has foolishly been made use of to bring
Giorn. d.
lett. Ital.,

accusations against Leo X., just as
of Ariosto's poems, whereas
its
;

if it

contained a Papal approbation

only object was the usual protection

against piracy.

This

is

just

but,

on the other hand, Castelnau (Les

CULTIVATION OF RHETORIC.
Next
place
in

221

to poetry, rhetoric occupied the

most prominent
a
child

the

Rome

of

Leo X.

As

of

the

Renaissance, as well as belonging to a people devoted to
things pleasant to the ear, the Pope enjoyed good Latin

prose as keenly as the most melodious verse
to the

;

* the replies

solemn speeches of Ambassadors sent to make

their " obedientia,"

which had been occasions of confusion
his classical

to Julius

H.,

who had not

culture,

were a

real delight to his successor;

he understood how to reply
This
skill

with an astounding readiness and elegance.f
contributed not a
at
little

to the

renown of the Medici Pope
good rhetorician
to

a

time when such exaggerated value was placed on

classical elegance, as to cause a

be put

on a

level

with a great painter. J

The speeches which were most admired in those days fail to stir us if we read them now. There is much classical
learning
best, the
in

them but very

little

originality

;

even

in the

happiest thoughts and the noblest conceptions
flood of high-flown phrases.

are

submerged by a
for true
;

In vain
in these

do we look
thing else

imagination or deep thought

declamations
;

the elegance of the form drives out everyis

§

the purport of the discourses
is

often horrible,
!

and the want of truthfulness
Medicis,
II.,

indescribable

As

in the

336),

is

justified

when he says

:

"Vue de

plus haut, cette

manifestation de puissance spirituelle en faveur d'une CEUvre profane,

adverse au fond, sinon hostile, k

I'esprit chretien,

met en

plein jour le

caract^re de revolution accomplie au faite de I'Eglise.

About the

"Orlando,"
Ariosto,
cf.

cj.

Vol. V. of this work,
loc. cit.^ 423.
I.,

121

seq.

About Leo X. and

ClAN,

* BURCKHARDT, Kultur,

3rd

ed., 275.
"j^.,

t Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, 70,
I

136,

and supra,

78.

Cf.

BURCKHARDT,
Mencken,
JOLY, Sadolct,

I.,

3rd

ed., 350,

who

cites Petrus Alcyonius,

de

exilic (ed § Cf.

136).
53,

and ClAN

in the Giorn. d. lett.

Ital.,

XIX.,

152.

222
classical
letters
is

HISTORY OF THE POPES,
of the
time,

so

also

in
is

the discourses,

infinite praise

dispensed for which there

not a shadow
is

of justification.
lauded, and

When

facts failed, a

supposed intention

brilliant phrases are

strung together which

bear a semblance to praise.*
flattery

This power of disingenuous
in

seemed

to

be innate

the orator

of the day.

Often, for instance, a funeral oration

might be very much
although the

admired and extolled as a work of
eulogized

art,

man

might

not

possess
If

any one of the

qualities

falsely attributed to him.f

only fine-sounding phrases,

well delivered and sonorous, were poured into their ears,

the hearers were quite satisfied.

In this respect

Leo X.

was no exception
discourses
is

;

the exaggerated value he set on fine
his

shown by

decree issued

in

15 14, that

every meeting of the Conservatori should be opened with
a speech by a born

Roman

about distinguished

Roman

citizens of past ages.+

of the

Medici,
;

The feast of the patronal saints SS. Cosmas and Damian, was celebrated
one
of
as

by

orations

on

these

occasions

Raffaello
letter-

Braadolini, so
writer,

renowned
an
oration

an improvisatore and
afterwards

made

and

glorified

his

exalted patron in
*
Cf.

an elegant dialogue entitled "Leo."§

JOLV,

57.

t In this light the following account given in Paris

de Grassis of

the obsequies of Card. Sisto Gara della Rovere, on the 3rd of April,
15 17,
is

very interesting:

*Camillus Fortius

canonicus

elegantissimam habuit orationem

cum
in

admiratione

Romanus omnium expectviri

antium quo evasurus esset orator ipse

laudem unius

qualis iste
viri sicut

fuit nullius ingenii, nullius veritatis, virtutis

sed abiectissimi

unus asinus

et

tamen elegantia
viri

et dexteritas oratoris tanta fuit ut in

laudem

ipsius

evaserit.

Paris
23.

de Grassis, *Diarium.

Secret

Archives of the Vatican, XII.,
X

Cf. tttfra, p. 239, n.

§

About

Raffaello Brandolini
;

Lippi,

cf.

TiRABOSCHi,
II.,

VI.,

2,

270

;

Amati, 23s

Brom

in the

Rom.

Quartalschr.,

175

j-^^.,

and

esp.

ORATIONS AND SERMONS.

223

The Turkish
orations.*

peril

was also the occasion of numerous
in

Besides these orations the very inferior sermons

the

Papal chapel must not be overlooked

;

these very often

could not be distinguished from ordinary speeches.

Leo X.

desired that they should be short, not exceeding a quarter
of an

hour

in

length

;

preacher

who had made good

f not seldom the Pope sent for a his case and expressed his

approval.:!:

Giovio says that a sermon well preached might
In 15 13,

lead to a bishopric.^

Leo X. had the censorship
it

of the court preachers by the Master of the Sacred Palace

made more
FOGLIAZZI
in

severe,

||

but even then

was

far

from being
Dialogus
copy,
in

the preface to Raph. Brandolini
Venetiis,
1753.

Lippi iun.

Leo nuncupatus,
aede
*
divi Eustachii

The

original

dedicatory

sumptuously ornamented, of his Oratio de laudibus eloquentiae

ad populum habita XV.

Cal. Nov.,

15 13,

is

kept

in the

Classense Library, Ravenna.

Cf. Vol.

Vn.

of this work, 233, about Sadoleto.

See also infra,

A speech by A. PP- 385, 387, about the speeches at the Council. Navagero on the Turkish question is mentioned by Geiger, Renaissance, 274.

Baltasar de Rio Pallantinus, Oratio de expedit. contra
15 13, is

Turchos inucnda, Romae (Mazochius),
wanting
in Graesse.

exceedingly rare, and

t Cf. Paris de Grassis in
\

CreiGHTON,

V., 315.

This

is

reported by Leo's Master of Ceremonies as having taken
:

place on S. Stephen's feast 1516

Dominici de Placentia de doino
clcgantissimum

*Scrmonem habuit quidam frater Alemanorum et doctissimum
et

s.

et

ita ut papa post missam multum eum commendaverit de doctrina

miserit pro ipso fratre et

elegantia

et

arte con-

cionandi.

Paris de Grassis,

*Diarium Secret Archives of the Vatican,

Xn.,23.

P. lovii

Dialogus de

viris

lit.

illustr. in

BURCKHARDT,
in

L, 3rd ed.,

283.
II

This report, which

is

only partially given
7th
ed.,

MuNTZ, Raphael,
quite
in

426,
in

and BURCKHARDT,

IL,

351,

and not
"

correctly

Creighton,

v., 315,

appears

in

a copy of Paris de C^rassis
:

the

Secret Archives of the \'atican, XII., 23

Scrmoncm habuit quidam

224
strict.

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

abuse, existing in the time of Julius II., and animadverted on by Erasmus, of the Ciceronian phrases with which preachers treated more of antiquity than of
Christianity, continued under

The

Leo X.*

A

quite irreproach-

1

able witness, the Master of Ceremonies, Paris de Grassis,
relates the scandal given

by a humanist preacher who, on
" in

the Feast of St. John the Baptist in 15 17, appealed, in the

presence of the Pope, to the gods and goddesses

a

manner more pagan than Christian." f These preachers saw no more evil in this than did the humanist Mario Equicola,
who,
in his

discourse at a beatification by

Leo

X.,

quoted

Castor, Romulus, and others,
gods.J
Pierio Valeriano

who had been
still

raised to be

went

further in his funeral

oration on Cardinal Bibbiena, delivered in the presence of

Leo X.

He

thus appealed to the Cardinal's shade:

"We

ask not to what part of Olympus thine immortal virtue
has led thee
in

thy golden chariot

;

but when thou passest

through the heavenly spheres, and when thou beholdest the
heroes there, then forget not to pray the King of heaven

and the other gods
of others

that, if

they wish to enjoy the worship

upon

earth, they

may add

to Leo's

life

the years

scholaris Narniensis satis scholastice et potius gentilitio
christiano, invocans deos

more quam
ita ut

deasque

in

exclamatione sua

multi

riserint multi detestati fuerint.

Ego

increpavi magistrum palatii qui

non

corrigit

quando praevidet eos sennones.

Papa

patienter tolleravit

ut est sui moris patientissimi et dulcissimi."

About another humanist

discourse, see LiJTOLF, Schweizergarde, 20 seq.

* Ciceronianus, 219
giudizio, 16 seq.

seq.

Cf.

SCHUCK, Aldus,

98,

and Gnoli,

Un

+ Paris

de Grassis
174.

in

Delicati-Armellini,

13.

Cf.

KalkOFF,

Forschungen,
\

Oratio

ad

Isab.

Est.

in

consecratione divae

Andreasiae.

Cf.

Luzio-Renier, Giorn.
details

d. lett. Ital.,

XXXIV.,

18

;

here are also further

about Equicola,

who came

to

Rome

in the suite of

Gonzaga

in

1513-

ORATION ON THE HISTORY OF ROME.
of which the impious Fates have deprived thee and
de' Medici."*

225

GiuHano

Many
in the

of the discourses of that time were not delivered
in

form

which we now possess them

in

manuscripts

and printed

editions.

This applies equally to the great
" Palilia,"

oration alleged to have been delivered at the Capitol, on

the 2 1st of April, 1521, on the festival of the
the
"

by

Riformatore" of the University,! when,

in

accordance
a colossal

with a resolution of the Senate, of the }'ear 15

18,

marble

statue

of

Leo
the

X.:J:

was

erected.

The

orator §

makes

a survey of nearly the

whole history of
records
of the

Rome;
of

he even

begins by

first

history

mankind.
ference

Being a

Roman

born,

he dwells with prehis

on the ancient

history

of

own
time

city.
it

He
was
in

impressively draws the contrast between what

former

days

and what
"

it

was

at

the

in

which
yore

he was speaking.

The seven

hills,

covered of

with houses, are covered to-day with ruins and vineyards.

Of
see

the sixteen forums with their basilicas and temples

we

now only open spaces. Of the now remains only the Aqua Virgo.
*
P.

twe'nty aqueducts there

Of

the thirteen baths

\'aleri.\ni, He.xamctri, Ferrariac, 1550, 78;

Gregorovius,

VIII., 273.
t Oratio

totam fere

Romanam

historiam complectens habita

Romae

in aedil)iis Capitolinis

XI. Kal. Mail., 1521, ab anonimo auctore die
statiia, ed.

qua dcdicata

fuit

inarmorea Leonis X., I'.M.
this

R. \'enuti,

Romae,

1735.

That Leo heard

speech

is

an arbitrary assumption

on the part of Gregorovius, VIII., 297.
delivered
this,
t. ;

The speech was never

see Gnoli,

Un

giudizio, 35.

Gregorovius could have seen

as
Cf.

it fills

134 sheets of print.
1

R0D0C.\NACHl, Capitole,
this

10 saj.,

and infra,
;

p.

352.

§ Venuti thinks that

was Celso Mellini

but he had died in

1520.

(Un
See

giudizio, 36)
all

M.\RINI (Lettcra, 39) thinks it was G. B. Veralli. Ikit Gnoi.i makes it seem probable that it was Blosio Palladio.
the allusions to the subject
VIII.
in Lon<^ucil.

VOL.

15

2

26
that
left

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
is

all

to us are the ruins of those of Diocletian

and Caracalla.

Of
is

the three hundred temples the sole one the Pantheon.

Of Vespasian's amphitheatre, once counted among the wonders of the world, we can find only a crumbling fragment. Where are the five
remaining perfect

Naumachia, the eleven Nympha^a, the four Circuses, the
six great obelisks, the twenty-four libraries, the ten basilicas,

the

twenty-two bronze horses, the

thirty-six
?

triumphal
all
lie

arches,

and

all

the

many

other edifices
for lime,

They

in

ruins, shattered or

burned

and destroyed

in

such

a

manner

that no trace of

them remains."

The

pain of the orator at this unparalleled destruction

grows upon him the longer he dwells on the wonders of
ancient Rome.

He

looks so exclusively at the bright side

of antiquity that he rejects as unfounded the
that the or

accusation

Romans

of old could have carried on unjust wars In the darkest possible colours

oppressed provinces.

he paints the "barbarians from Gaul and Germania" who

overwhelmed the Roman Empire.
his

In the second part of oration

writing

for

su'ch

must

his

be

styled

— the

author dwells on the fame of modern Christian Rome.
"

Having conquered lands and

seas

by our arms and won
only remained for

immortal renown by our

literature, there

us to win a share in heaven by religion.

Thus, even as
succeed to the

Numa

succeeded

Romulus, did

religion

glories of war."

Then he

enters on enthusiastic praise of

the Popes,

"

who not only

represented

in

part the ancient
spiritual empire."

empire on earth, but founded a new and

No
as

city in the world
"

had promoted Christianity as mightily

had Rome. This is proved by the number of Popes who have sprung from Rome, by the thousands of martyrs whose relics we venerate to this day on the Latin, Appian,

and

Ostian

ways.

If,

therefore,

the

Roman Empire
its

perished as a

human

work, we must rejoice because

KRCOLANO AND OTHER ORATORS.
ruin

22/
better.

was the beginning of something new and
are

Thus

we born

in

happier times

;

for

we do not honour
All this and
;

the cruel Mars, the adulterous Jupiter, the corrupt Venus,

the deceitful Mercury, but the triune God."

much more, he goes

on,

Rome

has owed to the Popes
X.,

but

none of them has been so popular as Leo
statue was about to be set up.

whose marble

He described

with enthusiasm

the services of
qualities.

Leo to the city, and extolled his life and good The Pope had given edifices to the city and
;

saints to

heaven

he had built churches, reformed morals,

and restored peace to Rome, and proved himself the father
of his country.
to Jupiter

In conclusion, the orator declared that not
for a

would he pray

long

life

for the

Pope, but

to the (^apitoline Virgin, the

Mother of God.
is

Even

as in this panegyric, so also in a similar

Matteo Ercolano, the Christian element

given

work by more

importance than we should have expected, considering the

pagan current which
the favour of

rail

through the literature of the time.

Ercolano, who, as an old friend of the Medici, experienced

Leo

in

many
in

ways, confined himself to relatprotector.

ing

the

life

of his

exalted
his

He

gives

many

interesting particulars

biography of Leo X., but

unfortunately his work reaches only to the fourth )ear of
his pontificate.*

As masters
given to

of Ciceronian oratory the

first

place must be

Tommaso

Inghirami and Camillo Porzio,

made

Bishop of Teramo by Leo X.

These

"

lights of the

Roman

Academy," exalted

as such

by Giovio, had as
Canisio,

rivals for the

laurels of eloquence Battista Casali,

Lorenzo Grana, Blosio

Palladio, Sadoleto, Egidio
*

Vincenzo Pimpinclli,
X.,
is
1'.

which

The work *Mathaei Hcrculani Encomion in Lconcin is often made use of, especially by Fabronius,

M.,
the

in

Laiircntian Library at Florence, Plut. LI., Cod.
H., 538.

XVL;

cf.

Bandinius,

228

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and many other humanists, not a few of
honour of showing

whom
in

had the

their skill before the Pope.*

A

learned

Frenchman f came

to

Rome

1516

who

proved to be a formidable rival of Porzio and

Casali.

Christophe Longueil (latinized into Longolius) attracted
to himself
Sadoleto.;|:

many

among whom were Bembo and Those, however, who were hostile to and
friends,
fail

jealous of the foreigner did not

to

show

their

venom,

and turned on him on account of a speech he had delivered
years before
the
(
1

508) in Poitiers,
of

in

which he had maintained

superiority

France

over

Rome and
and
speeches
in

all

Italy.

Longueil
1

5 18,

in

make amends Giberti's house, made
tried to

for this,
five

at the

end of

praise of

Rome. §
freedom

His friends
of
to

contrived

to obtain

for

him the
side

the

city,

but

his

enemies

on
the

their

managed
diploma.

delay

the

drawing

up

of

necessary

When

Longueil, after waiting for

some

time,

asked on the 9th

of April, 15 19, for the fulfilment of

the

promise, the Conservatori declared that what he had said
earlier in depreciation of

Rome must

first

be gone

into.

||

Two

literary parties bitterly
:

opposed

to

one another now

sprang up

on the one side being the friends of the learned

Frenchman, and on the other
national

Roman

patriots

full

of

sentiment,

under the leadership of the young

* C/. Gnoli, Un giudizio, 12-16; ClAN, Cortegiano, 204, 210; and GOTHEIN, Kulturentwicklung, 454 seg. The discourse delivered by C. Porzio before Leo X., about the King of Portugal, was the occasion See Volpicella, Heroica M. A. Casanovae, of a laudatory epigram. Blosio's speech on Leo X. is printed in Napoli, 1867, 19 and 40.

Anecd.

lit.,

II.

t Cf. CiAN,
I

XIX., 373

seg.

§

Cf. Sabbadini, Storia del Ciceronianismo, 53 seqq. This is to be found in *Cod. Ottob., 15 17, pp. 44-185 of the Vatican

Library.
Jl

Cf.

Gnoli,

Un

giudizio,

20

seq.

Gnolt,

loc. clt.,

24-28.

MKLLINI AND LONGUKIL.
Celso
Mellini,

229
others.*

who was supported by many
self-conceited
to
this

Jealousy of the ambitious,
all-powerful,

foreigner

was

and

there

was added an extreme

susceptibility as to the greatness of

of the growth of a foreign

Rome, and the fear humanism which seemed to
It

threaten the literary primacy of Italy.
quite
seriously
that

was maintained
for

Longueil,

who was known
libraries of

his

diligence in copying manuscripts,

was secretly employed

by Erasmus and Buda^us to rob the
their literary treasures.

Rome

of

From
people,

the

humanists the feeling soon spread to the
fanaticism against the French and

who turned with
all

indeed against

foreigners,

whom
;

they

st)'led barbarians.

To

take a part against Longueil

appeared to

many

in

the light of a patriotic duty

a morbid and exaggerated

idea of nationality united itself naturally with a biassed

Renaissance.!
sented by

Although the

literary

aristocracy,

repre-

Bembo and

Sadoleto, placed itself on the side of

the foreigner, his adversaries were in an
superiority,

immense numerical

and the waves of excitement rose higher and
if

higher.

Even
it

the

dark description of Longueil be
speaks for
danger,
itself

exaggerated,

nevertheless
itself
all

that

the

"

German colony felt Anima" repudiated
It
is

in

and through the

connection with Longueil. j
great, that
affair

highly significant that such an affair should have

stirred

up an excitement so

it

has with reason

been asserted that the Longueil
quietude
* Chief
in

caused more disthe

Rome

in

15 19

than

did

movement

of

among

these was

Tommaso
154.

I'ighinucci di Pietrasanta, the
(iNOi.T, 31
Jtv/.,

tutor of the sons of

Mario

Mellini.

With

38,

cf.

Cian,

Giorn. stor.
t Cf.
t

d. lett. Ita!.,
I.

XIX.,

\'ol.

of this work, 87.
(CiNOl.i, 41) is

This statement of Mellini
is

worthy of

belief,

although

there

no corresponding document

in the

Archives of the Anima.

230
Martin Luther.*

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The Pope took

the side of

attacked, and, manifestly under the influence

him who was of Bembo and

Sadoleto, showed to Longueil, on the 12th of April, 1519,

the most unusual tokens of favour. j-

On
up

the other side, a formal deed of accusation was

drawn

by the
on

opponents of
charge

Longueil, by which

he was

solemnly cited to appear before the senate and people of

Rome
Italy.

the

of

high

treason

(crimen

laesae

maiestatis)

because of his utterances against

Rome

and

With "boisterous fervour"

a court of justice

was

assembled, and proceedings were instituted against him on
the

model of those of ancient Rome, which shows more
in

than could anything else the fantastic dreamland

which

many

of the humanists lived.
;J:

Never before had the

halls of the Capitol witnessed such

a large assembly of learned and literary

men

as

on the

day when the
proposal
to

trial

of Longueil was opened.

It is rightly

ascribed to the influence of

Bembo and

Sadoleto that the

take back the freedom of the city given to

Longueil was negatived.
the

Nothing, however, could prevent
it

proposed charge being brought against him, and

was decided that the matter should be discussed by both sides, and public sentence be passed in accordance with
the result. §

Thus

in

yet another form was

Rome
still

to live

antiquity over again.

Great were the preparations, and greater
state of general expectation.

was the

Many

Cardinals and prelates,

and even the Pope, went
*
Cf.

to the Capitol

on the day

fixed,

Reumont,
first

III., 2, 351,

and Gnoli,
19,

40.

+ In the

Brief of April 19, 15
seq.)^

made known by Cian
;

(Giorn,

d. lett. Ital.,

378

Longueil was legitimized

in the

second he was

named Count
X §

of the Sacred Palace
;

and Notary Apostolic.
see also Kl. Schriften,
I.,

GREGOROVIUS. VIII., 331 Gnoli, 45-46.
Cf.

292 seqq.

ATTACK ON LONGUEIL.

23

anxious to enjoy the spectacle of a great literary contest.

But disappointment

awaited

deemed

it

prudent to

them withdraw by

;

for

Longueil
flight
(in

had
the

secret

middle of June, 15 19) from the wrath of

his

enemies.*

The

clever speech of the

up the national
be desired
in

young Mellini,f which stirred passions of the Romans, left nothing to

the

way

of violence.

In

all

seriousness he

demanded
into

that, in

accordance with the ancient

Roman

law, his adversary should be put to death, or at least cast

prison

as

a

traitor.

Contemporaries

testify to the

excitement which prevailed, J and Baldassare Castiglione
is

sure

that,

had Longueil been present, he would have
in

been either thrown from the window, or torn
Mellini's
friends,

pieces.

eloquence made an
his

impression

on

Longueil's

and he won by

speech the commendation of
b)'

Leo
up

X.,
his

who

was, however,

no means induced

to give

support of Longueil.

The Frenchman's
in

defence,

which

his friends

had printed
it

Rome

in

August, worked

in his favour.

In

he treats

his cause with great skill;

he throws himself into the speaks as a republican of old

fiction

of an

ancient

trial,

Rome

who, finding himself

accused before the senate and people, defends himself and

endeavours to show that he
provisions
of the

is

not guilt}- according to the

Lex

Julia.

He

not

only eloquently

* Gnoli, 47-49.
t

The speech

of Mellini, which was believed to be
,

lost,

is

in

the

Vatican Library, *Cod. Vatic

3370,

and has since been printed by
in

Gnoli, 99-118.
X CJ. especially the
Ital.jXIX., 155-156,
i^

letter

published by ClAN
to

the

Giorn.

d.

Ictt.

from A. Gabbioneta

M. Equicola, June
civis

30, 1519.

Letter of June 16, 15 19, in Gnoli, 54.

II

This

first

version

of Christ. Longolii

Ro. pcrduellionis

rci

defensio, which has hitherto remained

unknown, was discovered
(i)p.

in the

Angelica Library and puljlished by (iNol.l

121- 160),

who deserves

much

credit for the light

he has thrown on the whole

affair.

^JZ

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

recalls the greatness of ancient

Rome, but
"

points to the

spiritual

supremacy of the Eternal City
" It is true,"

as the centre of

the Church.

he says,

that of yore your fathers

ruled over a great portion of the world, and although to-

day you no longer send

forth

your praetors and proconsuls,

you despatch
bishops

all

over the world your bishops and arch-

— Spaniards, and Englishmen —
An

Frenchmen,
men,

Germans,
for all

Hungarians,
confess the

in short, all

who

true religion of Jesus Christ belong to

Rome."
In

unexpected turn

in

favour of Longueil was caused
his adversary, Celso Mellini.
in

by the untimely death of
November,
15 19,

he was taking part

one of the Pope's
Over-

hunting expeditions near Magliana, and on that occasion
received a special

mark of the favour of the Pope.

joyed and anxious to convey the good news to his he hastened back to
night
fell

relatives,

Rome

;

and

in the

darkness of the

into a swollen stream

and was drowned.

The

death of the talented young

man

caused general sorrow,

and many poems were written
a Latin
inscription,

to his

memory.

The Pope
for
its

caused a bridge to be set up on the unlucky spot with
still

preserved,

remarkable

elegant simplicity.*

Meanwhile, Longueil had removed from Paris to Louvain

;

when
so

there, he visited

Erasmus, and the

trial

conducted

seriously in

Rome

struck this eminent critic as most

strange.

In spite of his bitter experience, Longueil could

* Gnoli, after he had finished his work, found this

poem

in the

Alessandrina Library

(I

K

43)

:

In

Celsi
la.

Archelai

Melini funere

amicorum
it

lacrimae.
in

Impressit
p.

Romae
165.

Mazochius, and printed
J2,

at

once

an appendix,

Cf.

seq.

about

Mellini's
"

death.

See also Luzio-Renier, Mantova,

n.

233.

The

giambi

insignificanti"

(Gaspary-Rossi,

II., 2,

283),

which Leo X. had com-

posed as a Cardinal and had engraved on a statue of Lucrezia found
in the Trastevere, are printed in

ROSCOE-BOSSI, XL, 230-231.

LONGUEIL WRITES AGAINST LUTHER.
no longer
Italy
first
;

233

resist his

longing to be once more

in beautiful

in

and by the help of Bembo found a quiet refuge, Venice, and then in Padua, where he lived on a
given
to

pension
entirely

to

him by Leo
In
in

X.,

and devoted himself

study.

February, 1520, he had proudly

refused

a

professorship

Florence offered to him
In

by

Cardinal Medici through Sadoleto.*
ever, he

May,

1520, how-

had the satisfaction of receiving the diploma of

the freedom of the city of
that
write

Rome.

It

was through Bcmbo

a

request

was sent

to Longueil from the
in

Pope

to

against

Luther; he did this

the form
full

of five

discourses.

Bembo and Navagero were

of praises of

the work, declaring that Longueil alone had
into the Lutheran citadel,

made

his

way

the schools.
appropriate.

The adverse judgment

by popularizing the theology of of Erasmus is more

In spite of his admiration of the skill with

which the learned Frenchman clothed theological ideas
in

Ciceronian garb, he declared that the freedom of his

movements was hampered
clothing.j-

by the
for

strangeness of the

Longueil enjoyed his
for,

triumph
"

a short time only,

worn out by the
his

strain of work, he died in

September,

1522.
in

In a second edition of his

Apology," which became
st)'le,

hands a model of Ciceronian

he had set him-

self against the festival of
said, virtuous

Pasquino, on which occasion, he

people were attacked by anonymous poems4
is

The passage

of importance because
satirical

it

prevented the

composition of any

pasquinade

for a

whole year.§

This change was being slowly introduced during the time
of

Leo

X.,

with the consequence that Pasquino became
;

* S.MiliADI.M, 56
t Cf.

CiNOI.I, 62 68.

Gnoli,

88.

: Ibid., 83.
i^

CJ.

LUZIO

in the

Giorn.

d. Ictt. Ital.,

XIX., 98,

n. 2.

234
the

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
recognized channel of the ridicule and
satirists.*
its

wit

of the

Roman
served

In essentials, however, the statue pre-

original

academic character.

It

was decorated

and dressed up only on the Feast of
of April),

St.

Mark

(the 25th

when the

literati,

especially those attending the

Roman
It
is

University, fastened their epigrams to the pedestal.

interesting to see

how

the current events of the day

and antiquity disputed
of Pasquino. In

in their influence

on the adornment
the
statue
it

15 12,
;

under Julius
in 15 13, in

II.,

had

been dressed as Mars

under Leo X.,

appeared
in

as the Belvedere Apollo;

15 14, as
;

Mercury;

1515,

as

Orpheus
appeared

;

in

1

5 16,

as Proteus

in 15 17, the

year marked

by the intercessory pilgrimages during the Turkish panic,
it

in

the garb of a pilgrim.

A

professor of the
festival,

University was always the organizer of the
a Cardinal
its

and

patron

;

and

it

was a novelty when the
the case of

Pope

— especially significant
the
in

in

Leo X.

— busied
it.

himself directly about the festival and spent

money on

Among
indulged

poems

there

were,

it

is

true,

some which

vagaries and political attacks on the Curia
;

and even on Leo X.
the
contrary,

but these

last

were never directed

against the spiritual authority of the Pope as such.

On

Pasquino often

attacked

the extravagant

doctrines of Luther.f

That the lampoons should increase under Leo X. was
but one of the consequences of the culture of the time.

Rome had

always been famous

for its satires,

both learned

and popular; but never since the time of the Emperors
* See Vol. VI. of this work, 117, and
literature.
It
is still

Flamini,
the

550, for special

undecided who
Pasquino
(Giorn. d.
:

effected

change of an

academic

into a satiric

either Aretino or
lett.

Antonio Lelio or

—as
t

suggests
Cf.

Cesareo

Ital.,

XXXI., 408)— the Roman

people.

CiAN,

loc. cit.,
d.

423-434.

See Gnoli, Storia

Pasquino, 62 scqq.^ 75, 283 scqq., 293 scq.

SATIRES
had
this

AND PASQUINADES.

235

kind of literature flourished so luxuriantly as now.
satires,*

In the multitude of Latin and Italian

scandal

held a perfect orgy.f

The

"

inconceivable

liberty "

which
and

always prevailed

is

shown by the
and

fact that repeatedly,

especially in 15 13, 15 15, 15 16,

15 18, satires

were spread

about, couched in bitter language, and directed, not only

against Cardinals,

members of
to

the Curia, and especially

against the hated Florentines, but against

Leo X.

himself.

Some

of these were affixed

Pasquino, but the place

where they had been printed was not stated, and the
author concealed himself under the veil of anonymity.
In
1

+

5

19 the festival of Pasquino

was forbidden,
;

to the

great grief of the

Roman

literati

§

a

poem

affixed

to

Pasquino
men.
II

in

1520 deplores the unfortunate position of these
the other

On

hand, another pasquinade affords

indirect proof that the poets

had cause

to be satisfied with

the liberality of the Pope. IF
If

classical
satire

antiquity
rhetoric,

exercised

this

strong
it

influence

on

and

no

less

did

influence

the

when written in Italian. Indeed, the Italian historians are more penetrated by the spirit of antiquity than the most ardent Latinist, enamoured
writing of history, even
*
Cf.

CeSAKEO, Nuova Antologia, 3rd

Series, LI. (1894),

90

scqq.^

I05) 534) 537 ^^qg-

About one of the most famous
I.

satires, the Testa-

mento deir
Ital.,

Elefante. see Rossi, Intermezzo,

(1890), n. 28-30.

About

the Sortes Vergilianae of 15 17, see

Luzio-Renikr
is

in the Giorn. d. lett.

XLII., 87 seqq.

In

the

same, Leo X.

handled with great

irreverence.

t Cf.
X

Cesareo,
Cesareo,
;

loc. cit.^

216-217.
522 seqq., 528
iltui.,
;

Cf.

loc. cit.,

Cian, Giorn.
,

d.

Ictt.

Ital.,
il>id..

XVII., 335 seqq.

LuziO-Renier,

XIX

93,

and PRRCOPO,

XX\\\Uj^()seqq. ^ Sanuto, XXVII., 27
II

2>-

GNOi.i,

y:,.

H See

for this in

Cesareo, Leone X.

c

Maestro Fasc[uino,

199.

236
of Livy.*

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The

greater ones were personally
live to see the

known

to

Leo

X..

though he did not

completion of

their histories.

Francesco Guicciardini, who must be mentioned

first,

wrote his immortal History of Italy long after the days of

Leo X.

;

but had, under the

influence of the important

events which were going on,

mapped

out the plan of his

work during the

lifetime of the Medici

Pope.f

being an adversary of the Medici, he became their

From warm

adherent when he was sent to Cortona to meet the Pope

on his way to Bologna.
talent of the highly-gifted
consistorial advocate,

Leo soon recognized the great
man, and appointed Guicciardini
in 15 16
It

and

made him Governor
political

of

Modena and

Reggio.;|:

was
all

his

advice that

Leo should put on one

side

other dangerous enterprises,

for the sake of establishing a firm

dominion

in

Florence,

even under the outward semblance of republicanism.^
Machiavelli's
writer, as

ideas

were quite

different.

This genial

indifferent

morally as Guicciardini, ranks with
"

his

compatriot by his most important works,

Discourses
of War,"

on the

Roman
in

History of Livy," and

"The Art

which date from the time of Leo X.
involved
*
t

Machiavelli had been

the conspiracy of the Boscoli, and
Kultur,
I.,

owed

his pre-

Cf.

BURCKHARDT,
Zur

3rd

ed., 290.

About Guicciardini as an
criticisms,
Kritik,
i

historian, see besides
;

Ranke'S

wellet

known

scqq.
;

BenOIST, Guichardin historien

homme
la

d'etat Ital., Paris, 1862

Gebhart, Les

historiens florentins de
in

Renaissance, Paris, 1875.
1861

Cf. also

Geoffroy

the

Revue des
siecle,

Deux Mondes,
e
le

and 1874; Treverret,
;

L'ltalie

au

XVP
;

2nd Series: L'Arioste
Machiavelli, III.,
Zeitschrift,
X
i^

Guichardin, Paris, 1879; GlODA, Guicciardini
;

sue opere ined., Napoli, 1880
2,

Flamini, 42
d. lett.
Ital.,

seq.,

and 351

ViLLARl,
;

481

;

Giorn.
seq.
;

XXX., 497

seq.

Histor.

LXXVIII., 207
p. 43, n.
i.

Chiesi, 95 seq.

Cf.

supra,

Villari-Heusler, Machiavelli,

II.,

48

j<?^.

MACHIAVELLI.
scrvation to the clemency of

237

Leo X.

;

he now Hved

in the

country near Florence, occupied with hterature.

At the
hopes of
through

end of

15

1

3

he finished his famous book "II Principe,"
de' Medici, in the
fell
;

which he dedicated to Lorenzo
obtaining employment from

him;* the plan
Cardinal

owing
taking

to
i

the
5
1

opposition

of

Medici

and

in

February,

5,

the latter expressly warned Giuliano against
into
his

Machiavelli

service.f

However,

the

historian succeeded

later in

entering on closer relations

with

the

Medici.

In

15 19

he received a request from

Cardinal Giulio to give him his opinion in writing as to
the best ways and
Florence.

means of improving the government

of

This opinion was to be submitted to the Pope,
death of Lorenzo, was planning
affairs.

who,

at that time, after the

a re-arrangement of Florentine

Machiavelli ex-

cused himself from complying with the request, because

he advocated the restoration of the Republic, though

in

such a manner that Leo X. and Cardinal Medici would

remain the

real lords for

as long as they lived. J
set aside in

When
last

this singular opinion

was

Rome

better days
at
;

began to dawn
received

for Machiavelli, in so far that

he

some commissions from

the Cardinal

but they

were so insignificant that they humiliated him more than
they benefited him.§
the Medici was

A

real

proof of favour on the part of

shown him

for the first

time

in

November,

1520, when, for the consideration

of an

income of 100

gulden, he was charged with the writing of a histor}' of
* Cj. Vol. V. of
t
;|:

this

work, 161 scq.

Manoscr. Torrig., XIX., 231.
Discorso sopra
il

riformar lo stato

di

Fircnze, fatto ad istanza di
directly only through the
52,

P.

Leone

[actually only indirectly,

and asked
II.,

Cardinal; see Vh.i.ari-Heuslek,
seqq.
vj

51,

58.]

Opere, IV., 105

Cf.

GlODA, Machiavelli, Firenze, 1874,
II.,

I'^c^scqq.;

FESTER,

121.

Vn.I,.\RI-HEUSl.ER,

I'iscq.

238
Florence.

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This arrangement was
in great part

due to the

far-seeing Cardinal Giulio, who, as Archbishop of Florence,

was
of

at the

head of the University, and
31st of January, 1515,

in virtue of a Bull

Leo X. of the

had the power of
This historical
;

conferring academic degrees and dignities.*

work of Machiavelli was never seen by Leo
Giovio.

but, on the

other hand, he read a part at least of that written by Paolo

Paolo Giovio, the third of the great national historians,

who
1483,

described the age of Leo X., was born at

Como

in

had been the pupil of Pomponazzi
degree
in

in

Padua, and

had

at Pavia gained a doctor's

medicine. f

The
to

fame

of the liberality

of the Medici

Pope lured him

Rome.|

There he went on with
far

his practice of medicine,|

though he was really
contemporary
well
history.
this

more
as

interested in the study of
are so

Few

places in the world
is

suited

for

stud)'

the

Eternal

City.

The
all

items of news which were always streaming in from

parts were discussed by Giovio with a friend who took the same unbounded interest as himself in news of this kind. This was Marino Sanuto, the author of the great collection

of diaries which form such an inexhaustible fund for the

making of contemporary
* \'illari-Heusler,
t Cf.
t
II.,

history.

Giovio planned a great

110 se^.

TiRABOSCHi, VII.,

2,

242

segg'.

From TIRABOSCHI
it

{^oc.

cit)

onward
at the
letter

to

Gregorovius (VIII

,

314)

was accepted that Giovio came
was a professor
Cf. also his
letter to

first to

fact is that Giovio

as

1

5

14 (see

i>if/-a).

Rome in 15 16. But the Roman University as early from Rome in May, 15 14
15,

(Marini, Lettera, in);

Sanuto, dat. Bologna, 15
in the

Dec.

15

(Sanuto, XXL, 391
XVII., 333 segg.
%

segg.)

See also Clan

Giorn.

d. lett.

Ital,

For a knowledge of Giovio's character,

cf.

the very important

and

not sufficiently

known

publication of LUZIO, Lettere di Giovio, 21
43.

and

47 segg.

See also Marini, Lettere,

PAOLO GIOVIO.
historical

239
all

work which was
taken

to com[)risc

countries.

His

project

was

to narrate in Latin all the occurrences of the

world

which had

place

since

the expedition

of

Charles VIII. into Italw

A

more

suitable beginning could

not have been chosen than this event, which led to a complete dislocation in the condition of the States of Europe.*

A

portion of this work was finished as early as 1514
it

;

and
im-

Giovio had the honour of reading

to

Leo

X.,

who was

mensely pleased.

Since Livy, he

is

reported to have said,
fluently.

no one has written so elegantly and
and a professorship
at the

Knighthood
j-

Roman

University

were the

immediate rewards of the fortunate author, who accompanied the Pope to Bologna in 15 15. Thence he wrote

Sanuto that he could think of nothing but the completion and publication ol' his work.;]: It was not, however, till
to

1550,
to

two years before
in

his death, that Giovio's

book began

appear

print.
;

Copies

in

manuscript had already

been circulated

but

Giovio worked on indefatigably at
in
all

improving the work, and turned
material.^

directions for fresh

Giovio's

work shared the

fate of all

important histories,
;

and was subjected

to very divers

judgments
it

belauded by

some to the heavens, by
ciated.

many
bj'

others

was equally deprein

These attacks Giovio has made public
confessions

his too

frank

both

word and

letter.

As

a true

humanist he was profoundly convinced that he was the
* Cf. Vol. V. of
t Giovio
this work, 434 seq. was made professor of rhetoric.

suitable

It would liave been more had he been given the post mentioned on p. 223 supra. This was received by F. Maddaleni di Capodiferro, celebrated for his poems.

Renazzi,

II.,

14,

234-235.

This appointment illustrated the casual
It

and
poet
\

dilettante character of Leo's patronage.

was not Giovio, but a

who had to be supported, who received the post. Sanuto, XXL, 393 Tiraboschi, VIL, 2, 242 seqq,
;

%

Cf.

LuziO, Lettcre,

8,

17 seqq.

240

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

dispenser of fame, and wished to
as possible.

make

his

work as

useful

With
some
spoke
in

cynical vaunting he declared that

he

had written according as he had been paid, and had therefore clothed

gold brocade and others in sackcloth.*
opinions so reprehensible
in

The same man who expressed
a historian,
bitter

home-truths to his greatest patron,

although he was being constantly and richly remunerated

by him. His work became the model and chief source drawn on by all political writers of that time in Italy, though the book was censured by many, simply from
envy.f
Giovio's

history

throws valuable light on
life.:|:

the

moral

aspect of his

own

Some

confidential letters in the

years 1522 and 1523 prove that at that time Giovio led the

same

life

of

enjoyment as was led by so many of

his con-

temporaries.§

But besides the pleasures of a lower sort
of

which the

Rome

Leo X.

afforded, there
these, the

were others
one to which
beginning of

which were more

noble.

Among
which

Giovio devoted himself was that of collecting works of
art,

especially

portraits,

were

the
1!

his

museum,

at a

later date so

famous.

He

delighted,

* For these and other passages, see Tiraboschi, VII.,
in Cf. the highly characteristic letter

2,

247 seq.
this

Luzio, 23, who at
venalita

p. 13

draws

conclusion:

"Non dunque una
di

sfacciata

ma

un desiderio
ClAN,

molto pratico
t Cf.

non lavorare per

la sola gloria."
i
;

Giorn.

Ranke, Zur Kritik, 72 seq. See also LuziO, 23, n. d. lett. Ital., XXXVII., 356; and Sanesi, the Arch.
Roscoe-Henke,

stor. Ital.,

5th Series, XXIII., 260 seq.
X

This has already been pointed out by

III.,

367.

Cf. also
§

Reumont,

III., 2, 340.

See LuziO, Lettere,

11,

21, 27 seqq.
in a

The
few

character of Giovio
lines, in

is

drawn by ClAN, most excellently and
lett.

the Giorn. d.

Ital,

XVII., 27% seqq.
II

II

Cf. FOSSATI,

Museo Gioviano, Como,
P. Jove, Paris,

1892;

MiJNTZ,

Le

musde de

portraits

de

1900; ClAN, Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,

GIOVIO'S HISTORY.

24
the intellectual and

moreover,
learned
of the

in social

intercourse with

all

The memory joyous time which Giovio then spent in Rome, lights
lived in the Eternal City.

men who

up, like a

gleam of sunshine, the picture drawn by him of
patron and his

his exalted

own

aesthetic

enjoyment of

life.

However much this history, in which the darker side of the Medici Pope is almost entirely overlooked, may be open to criticism, it makes us understand how for a whole century
it

influenced the reading world of the West.
is

In no other

work

there put before

us

in

such vivid colours that
time of Leo X.,
itself

joyous and

brilliant spirit of the

in

which

the enjoyment

of

antiquity

interwove

with

and

stamped

all
life

other enjoyments, and
in

gave such a special

mark

to

Rome.*
;

XXVI
in

1 1.,

174 seqq.

HaGELSTANGE,
;

Holzschnittsportriits der Visconti,

Anz. des germ. Museums, 1904

and

F.

Servaes

in

the

Neuen
another
;

Freien Presse, 1905, No. 14508.

*

Cf.

BURCKHARDT,

I.,

3rd

cd.,

23 1, 265.

He

remarks

in

place

(II.,

3rd ed., 51) that "the spirit of the age permeates his pages

his Leo, his Alfonso, his

Pompeo Colonna,
in the Zeitschr.
f.

live

and move before
is

us, truly

and
us."

forcibly,

even though their innermost nature

kept hidden from
I.,

See also Geiger,

Renaissance-Lit.,

150.

VOL. VII L

l6

CHAPTER
.Study of

VI.

Antiquity, — Raphael and the Plan of Ancient — Encouragement of the Study of Greek. — The Rome.

Vatican Library and the Roman University.

Leo's

classical tendencies

must have benefited the science
chief
representatives,

of antiquity.

One

of

its

Latino

Giovenale Manetti, was soon known as Bembo's friend.*

No

less close

were the relations which bound

this noble

patrician,

who was
It is

also of some note as a poet, with Sadoleto,

Sanga, Trissino, Castiglione, and especially with Cardinal
Bibbiena.f
certain that at that time Manetti laid the

foundation of his collection of statues which
in the

made

his

house

Campo de'

Fiori a resort for all sight-seers.

This

man

as learned as he

was

clever,
in

was often employed by Leo X.
15 14

on diplomatic missions;
in

he was sent to Ferrara,

1515 to northern Italy, in 15 16 to
Several benefices,

Germany, and

in 15 17

to Venice.;|:
St. Peter's,

among

others a canonry of

were the reward of his

faithful services.^

In
in

1

52

1

Leo X. had the joy of seeing the appearance
first

print of the

collection of

Roman

topographical

inscriptions.

Jacopo Mazocchi,|| the indefatigable printer

*

Cf. siipfa, p. 194.
I.,

t Cf. Marini,
+

384

seq.;
n.

ClAN, Cortegiano, 229.
7504, 12,009, 16,331
; ;

Cf. Regest.
II.,

Leonis X.,

Marini,
34.

I.,

384,

385,
§
II

PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 49, 52 Chiesi, See Regest. Leonis X., n. 7948, 16,331.
353
;

About Mazocchi, see Lanciani,

I.,

183, 201.

INTEREST IN ANTIQUITIES.
of the

243

Roman
it.

University,

who was

himself a learned man,

published

The Pope, by whom Mazocchi was always
had

gladly received,
against
in

by privilege
30,

protected

the

work

piracy

on November

15 17.

This collection,

which the previous works of the Veronese Fra Giocondo
utilized,

and Pietro Sabino were
learned
little

was compiled by the

Canon, Francesco Albertini, the author of the
to

work dedicated

Julius

II.

"on the marvels of
as can be easily
;

ancient and

modern Rome."*

It

embraces both ancient
is,

and early Christian inscriptions, and
deserves

understood, neither correct nor perfect

nevertheless,

it

high

commendation, and
lost,

ments, since

introducing a

many fragnew epoch in Roman
rescued

epigraphy.!

An

interest

in

Egyptian antiquities was springing up,
in

having been apparently awakened by the obelisks
Pierio Valeriano,

Rome.

who was
of
the

also a poet, busied himself with

the

sj'mbolism

hieroglyphics,
In
in

and published an

important
Valeriano,
ture,

work
the

on

them.
versed

1521

Leo

entrusted
litera-

who was

Latin

and Greek

with

education

of his

nephews Ippolito and
explicitly

Alessandro.;|:

Andrea
called
"

Fulvio, who, in an official document,

is

an

antiquarian," belongs also to the time of the

Medici Pope.

As

early as 15 13, he dedicated to

Leo X.

a description of the antiquities of
* Cf. Vol.
t Sec
segq.
\

Rome,
tier

written in Latin

\'I.

of

tliis

work, 501 scq.
r>cil.

Hknzkn

in

the MonatslxTichtcii

Akad., 1868, 403
TicOZZi, Storia

About
lett.

Picric \'aleriano ((iiainpietro Bolzani),

cj.

dei

del dipartimcnto dclla Piave, Belluno, 1813,85 scgq.;

Tira-

I'-OSCHI,

VI

I.,

2,

220 scqq.
Giorn.

;

ROSCOE-BOSSI,
lett.

X.,

1

1

5

seqq.

;

GrkGOROVIUS,
233 seqq.\
Catania,

WW.^IO-]
(\.

seq.\

d.

Ital.,

XXIX.,

445,

XXXIX.,

Cali, Delia vita e

ilcllc

opcrc

di

tiiov. Pierio \'alcriano,

1901.

244
hexameters.*

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

A

description of the ancient city in prose

was, by the special direction of the Pope,
it

made from

this

;

appeared

in

the time of Clement VII., and formed an
In 15 17

important step in the knowledge of antiquity.

Fulvio brought out a book on numismatics, the excellent

wood-cuts of which were protected against imitation by a
special

Papal privilege.f

Full of gratitude, the
in a

learned

antiquary eulogized the Medici Pope
the ornament of the

Latin poem, as
to

Roman

See,

and dedicated

him

an eclogue on the Nativity of

Christ.;]:

The

extensive

learning
as

of
it

Fulvio

was

as

highly

appreciated

by Raphael
repaid

was by the Pope.

The

great painter

the services which Fulvio rendered

him by

his antiquarian studies,

by standing
not

his friend as

an architectural expert.

Fulvio was

the

only one

whose knowledge was
kind of subject.

utilized

by Raphael, who was so
on every
instance,

indefatigable in learning

everything he could
for

He

had,

had Vitruvius

translated into Italian

by the aged Mario Fabio Calvo of

Ravenna.§

Raphael! visited the remains of ancient

Rome

with these two companions, being often joined by Baldas* Antiquaria Urbis per A. Fiilvium,
Panzer, VIII., 252
t A.
;

Romae
646.
(J.

(J.

Mazochius),

15 13;

Graesse, Tresor,

II.,

Fulvius, Illustrium imagines,

Romae

Mazochius), 1517,8™.

In this copyright

Leo bestows the highest praise on the pubhsher.
one of the chief examples of wood-cuts executed
in

This pubhcation

is

Rome in
i

the time of
f.

Leo X.

It is

worthy of the examination of an expert.

*Cod. 15,429, *Cod.

1-4 of the Court Library, Vienna.
ii^

§

ital, 37,

b,

c, Court Library, Munich.
(VIII., 309),

In opposition to

the doubt raised by
d.
it

Gregorovius
CI. scienze

Lanciani (Rendiconti
III.,

Accad. dei Lincei,

mon,

5th Series,

803) considers

certain that the marginal notes of the manuscript are written

by

Raphael himself.
f.

About Calvo, see *Mazzuchelli

in

Cod. Vatic, 9263,

275/^,
II

Vatican Library.

Cf.

LOEWY,

in Archiv. stor. dell' arte, 1896, 241 seq.

THE LETTER OK RAPHAEL.
sare Castiglione, the cultured diplomatist

245

who always took
in

such a lively interest

in

everything that was going on
this
little

Rome

at that

time.

In

circle

a

project
zest.

was
This

started into which

Leo X. threw himself with

was nothing

less

than the making of a great archaeological

plan of ancient

Rome

with explanatory text, worked out

from existing remains, new excavations, and the testimony
of ancient writers.
the antiquities of
first

This was the origin of the letter* on

Rome, addressed
later

to

Leo

X.,

and ascribed

to Castiglione,

to

Raphael, and

by others

to

Fulvio or Fra Giocondo.
take
is

No doubt

the correct view to

that

this

highly-interesting

document embodies

the ideas of Raphael, put into shape by the experienced

pen of Castiglione.f
* There are two versions of
script of Sc. Maffei,
this
:

the one, published from a
the

manuworks

appeared

first in

Paduan

edition of the
P.

of Castighonc, 1733,

and was pubhshcd separately by

E. Visconti

(Roma,
found

1834),

and again by Passavanti

(Rafiael, L, 539).

Schmeller

in

the

Court Library, Munich, a second and somewhat later

version, with a few important differences

and

additions, published
III., 2,

by

PaSSAVANTI,

III.,

43 scqg.

I

agree with

Reumont,
last

358

scijq.,

in following the
life.

second version, dating from the
fixes

period of Raphael's
19.

(iREGOROVIUS (VIII., 310)

the letter in 15 18 or 15

t

The

original opinion, that Castiglione

successfully

combated by D.

composed the report, was Fkancesconi (Congettura che una
Rafifaello d'Urbino,

lettera credita di B.
1799).

Castiglione sia di

Firenze,

Since then Raphael has been regarded as the real author.

At

first

H.

Grimm
fiir

tried to prove the impossibility of this (see

Zahn's
this

Jahrbiichcr
Berlin

Kunstwissensch.,

1871,

67

segg.).

Whereas
author.

student
its

maintained

that

Fulvio was

the

Springer

inclined to

being Fra Giocondo.
segi/.)

Against both of these MiJNTZ,
Miintz has

(Raphael, 604

strongly urged the claims of Raphael.
difficulties

most happily disposed of the chronological
at first to

which seemed

upset Raphael's claims to authorship.
is

Tliat the actual form
it

belongs to Castiglione
Francesconi.
BOSSI,
I.\.,

no more denied by Miintz than
is

is

by

The same
265,

opinion
sc<j.\

held by Pr.ATNER,

I.,

266

;

ROSCOE.

XI.,

172

GrUVEK, Raphael

et

I'antiquite,

1,

246

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
is

marked by the most ardent veneration for antiquity and its wonderful remains in Rome, the "Queen of the world." Therefore, the "Goths and
Vandals" and the "shameless barbarians
"

The document

who,

in their

ignorance, have destroyed the witnesses of the greatness

and power of the ancient Romans, so that nothing remains
but the skeleton stripped of
If in this
its

flesh,

are

all

condemned.
which
impartial

Raphael adheres

to the unhistorical ideas
is

prevailed at the end of the Middle Ages,* he

enough
selves,

to bear in

mind the

guilt of the

Romans them-

both during that period and at the time of the

"

With noble candour he goes on to say Holy Father, possessing the same dignity as Your Holiness, but not the same knowledge, ability, and high-mindedness, whereby you bear within you
Renaissance.

How many

Popes,

the image of

God

— how many have demolished the ancient
have ordered the foundations to be

temples, statues, triumphal arches, and other magnificent
buildings
!

How many

dug
the

for the
fall

sake of the puzzolano, quite regardless that
superstructure must follow
pillars
!

of the

How many
all

have reduced ancient
lime
its
!

and marble ornaments to
see standing in

The new Rome, which we now
is

beauty and grandeur, adorned with palaces, churches,
built

and other buildings,
obtained
in this

throughout with the

lime

way from

ancient marbles."
his

Full of grief,

Raphael contemplates how, even since

own twelve

years' sojourn in the Eternal City, the ruins of the so-called

Meta
Ceres
452 516
;

of

Romulus

in

the Castle of St. Angelo, the arches

at the entrance of the
in

Baths of Diocletian, the Temple of

the Via Sacra, and, quite recently, a portion of
in
Lit. Zentralblatt, 1882,

;

Reumont, III., 2, 358; JANITSCHEK MiNGHETTi (168) and Lanciani (792,
I.,

n. 2) in the treatise

men-

tioned, infra^ p. 248 n.

* Cf. Grisar, Geschichte Roms.,

94.

APPEAL OF RAPHAEL TO THE POPE.
the

247

Forum

of Nerva, as well as a

number

of the columns,
basilicas

friezes,

and architraves, and the greater part of the

in

the

Roman Forum, had

been destroyed

:

"

a barbarity

which dishonours our age, and worse than which Hannibal

Raphael therefore appeals to the Pope to protect the remains of " the great mother of fame and the greatness of Italy," so that the witnesses of the dignity and genius of those "sublime minds, the very
could not have done."

thought of which

stirs

up those yet

alive to higher things,

may

not be spoiled and destroyed by the evil-minded and

ignorant."

With

characteristic

boldness Raphael

makes an

intel-

lectual survey of the

development of architecture

in anti-

quity, the

Middle Ages, and during the Renaissance.
is

To

him the antique
since attained
;

the one model to which no one has

he holds

German Gothic

architecture as so

much rubbish
tion based

in

comparison.*

There follows an explana-

on the observation and measurement of ancient
complete the plan of the city

buildings.f
It

was

his intention to

in

fourteen

sheets,

each of which was to embrace one of
the

the

regions

of

Emperor
Fabio

x'\ugustus.

In

fixing

the

boundaries of these, Raphael had the assistance of Andrea
Fulvio as well as Mario
*
It is

Ca.\vo.l

Contemporaries
Gothic

worthy of notice

thai, in spite of the depreciation of

architecture, shared Ijy

Raphael with most of

his fellow-countrymen,
is

"a gleam
him."
Mitteil.

of appreciation of Teutonic architecture
III.,
2,

perceptible in
se</^.

See Reumont,
dcr
k.
k.

359;
in

r/.

Muntz, 608
III.

See also
321
segg.

Zentralkomm.

Vienna,

(1858),

Raphael's contempt for everything Gothic was connected
aversion for "the barbarians"; see Mestica, La cultura ed

with his
i

senti-

menti

politici di

RaffacUo,

in

the

Nuova Antologia,
3rd
cd., 231.

1899, Feb. 16.

t C/.
I

BURCKHARDT,

Kultur,

I.,

Besides
in

Kuhlen
the Kunstbl

(Calvo
,

and Calcagnini,
c/.

in

connection

with

Raphael,

1844, Nos. 46-47),

especially

Lanciani, La

248

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
all

ascribed the whole work to Raphael alone, and

friends

of antiquity followed

its

progress with the greatest interest.

The

learned Celio Calcagnini,

who

in a

Latin

poem

extolled
to his

the "inspired" excavating of ruined
friend

Rome,* wrote
at

Jakob Ziegler

:

"Raphael

is

present

occupied

with

an admirable work which

will

be the wonder of
city of

posterity.

He

is

drawing plans of the

Rome

which

reproduce almost

in their entirety its ancient aspect, its

former extent, and the exact details of each part.
this
hills

For
in

purpose he has caused excavations to be

made

the

and among deep-lying foundations, comparing the

results obtained with the descriptions

and measurements

of ancient writers.

This work has impressed Pope Leo
with such admiration that the

and

all

classes of

Romans
i

pianta di

Roma
d.

antica e

disegni archeol. di Raffaello Sanzio, in the
Series, III.

Rendic.

R. Accad. dei Lincei, CI. scienze mor., 5th

(1894), 795 seqq.

After Raphael's death his friends continued the work
far as the text

through Fulvio as
at the drawings.

was concerned, while Calvo worked

appeared

in

The " Antiquitates" of Fulvio and the Plan of Calvo Of the latter (M. Fabius Calvus, Antiquae Urbis 1527.
Simulachrum,

cum

regionibus

Romae,
Rom.,

Ludov. Vicentinus,

1527).

Lanciani has discovered the only copy which has escaped destruction
in the Libr. Vitt.

Eman.

(Collez.

3,

G. 21).

According
topography

to the

opinion of the above-named student,

we must
into

recollect that Calvo
in

and
the

Raphael carried on

their researches

Roman

closest union, the reason being that the fatherhood of the work, excellent in idea,

though faulty

in execution,

belonged entirely

to

Raphael.

Calvo's Plan was that

one, the

publication of which

was expected,

when he once co-operated with and worked under the patronage of Raphael. The many efforts {cf. ROSSI, Piante di Roma, 113) to find
Raphael's

autograph
it

on

it

remained
existed.

unsuccessful,

according

to
f.

Lanciani, because

had never

C. v.

Fabriczy (Repert
650.

Kunstwiss., XIX., 494 seq.) seems inclined to agree with this conclusion.
Aretino's ridicule of the Plan
is

mentioned by Gnoli, Secolo,
Cf. also the verses of

II.,

* ROSCOE-BOSSI, XL, 93 n. Germanicus, quoted by Gnoli

Caius Silvanus
II.,

in the

Arch.

dell.

Arte,

250,

RArilAKl/S PLAN OF ROME.
originator sent
is

249

looked upon as a more than mortal being,
to restore to the Eternal City her

down from heaven

pristine glory." *

Great,

therefore, in proportion to their

expectations, was the

grief of the

educated world when
his

Raphael's
verses

premature death interrupted
attained
that
celebrity

labours.

In

that
fate

Castiglione

bewailed

the

envious

had

snatched from their midst the
of old.f

resuscitator of the

Rome

The noble Venetian,
April 15th,

Marcantonio Michiel, emphasized,
1520, the loss sustained
in

in a letter of

an equal degree by painting
did for the world, of

as well as architecture: "

What Ptolemy
the

Raphael has done

for

ancient

buildings

Rome,
clearly

restoring their form, proportions,
that to look on his drawings
is,

and ornaments so

seemingly, to gaze on the
first

ancient

city.

He

has already finished the

Region,

reproducing not only the ground-plan and situation of
the

buildings

according to

measurements obtained by

careful examination of their remains, but also their facade,

from data afforded by a close study of Vitruvius, and of
the rules of ancient architecture, along with a compari-

son of the early

writers.";]:

While
in

classical studies

were thus pursued with ardour

Leonine Rome, philosophy and theology had to conthemselves with a modest status.

tent

The dangerous
condemnation

trend of opinion which Pietro Pomponazzi had followed in
the former
in

domain of study had
v^

led to his

the Lateran Council.

* C. CalcaGNINI, Opera,

Basil.,

1544, 101.

About Calcagnini,
2^0
scq.

cf.

LuziO-Renier
t B. Castil.
+

in Giorn. d. Ictt. Ital., X.X.XV.,

Carmina, Romae, 1760, 150; RO-SCOE-Bossi, XI.,
4^4-

92.

Sanuto, XXVIII.,
See Vol. V. of
this

§

work, 155

sei/.^

and

infra,

p.

389

seq.

It

is

remarkable what distinction Pomponazzi enjoyed
demnation.
Cf.

in spite

of his conff.

Costa

in the

.'X.lti

p.

I.,

Romagna,

1903, 287

Bembo,

2 50

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pomponazzi's keenest opponent, Agostino Nifo,* received
a
call

from

Leo X.

to the

Roman

University
titles

repeatedly marked out for honours and

he was by the Pope.f
;

While Nifo was

chiefly busied with the writings of Aristotle,

Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola stepped forward as an

opponent of the Stagirite and as an enthusiastic admirer of
Plato.

In other respects also these two
poles

men

of learning

stood

asunder;

Nifo supported lax ethical views;

Pico was a

man

of stern morality.

Leo X. showed repeated
misfortune which he

marks of sympathy with Pico
had to
fight against;

in the

the latter, in grateful recognition,
Special

dedicated to the Pope his work on Divine Love.J

mention ought to be made here of Egidio Canisio of
Viterbo,

who was made
in

a

Cardinal

by Leo
to

X., as

the
a

composer of a work
philosophy of

which he sought

expound

secular

and

ecclesiastical

history

before

and
it

after the
well

Incarnation.§

The whole

is

a curious and

is

known, interceded with the Pope

for Pomponazzi.

About

Cardinal Medici as an opponent of the book against Immortahty, see
Atti, p.
1.,

Romagna,
289,

VI., 148.
I,

*

Cf.

TiRABOSCHi, VII.,
I.,

339

seq.,

and

IX.,

305
IX.,
in

;

Marini,

Archiatri,

and

Lettera,

40; ROSCOE-Bossi,
Nifo e
le

in

seqq.,

229

scq.^

XII., 239; Tuozzi,

A

sue opere,

the

Atti

d.

Accad.

di

Padova, N.
in the

S.,

XX.,

(1904).

The opinion

recently supported
in

by CORSO
t See

Riv. calab, X., 1902, that Nifo

was born

loppolo

(lopolo) must be mistaken.

Marini,

Archiatri,

I.,

289.

Concerning the

philosopher
;

Francesco Diaceto, patronized by Leo X., see ClAN, Cortegiano, 83 about the Spanish philosopher, Juan Montesdoch, who was summoned to

Rome, see Atti, p. 1., Romagna, 1903, 293 scqq.; cf. Appendix, No. 2. For Gianfrancesco Pico, see also 1 Cf. TiRABOSCHi, VII., I, 355. The dedicaV., 216, VI., 342, 616, and VII., p. 5 seq. this work. Vol.
tion

copy of

his writing, "

De

divino amore,"
518.

is

in

the

Laurentian

Library; see B.\ndinius,
i^

III.,

Historia viginti saeculorum per totidem psalmos conscripta
of the Angelica Library at

;

Cod.

C

8, 19,

Rome.

This MS.

{if.

Narducci,

THE
often confused
sophical,

IIISTOKV OF EGIDIO CANISIO.
* of historical narrative

25

medley

and

philo-

philological,
;

moral, exegetical

and

allegorical

commentaries
Testament.

the latter treat of the prophecies of the Old
are

Not only

the autobiographical passages

valuable, but also the copious information concerning con-

temporary Popes.
vi'ith

On many

of them he passes judgment

a noble candour which contrasts strangely with the
lavishes, like

unstinted praise which he
courtier,
tion, as

an accomplished

on Leo X.

This work also claims particular atten-

showing how deeply humanist ideas had affected
of the Augustinian

the views even of ecclesiastics of rigid orthodoxy.

The Neapolitan Ambrogio Fiandino,
Catal.,

177; sec also the same, 223, for Cod.

D

8,

6.)

I

have made

use

of.

PeLISSIER, Rev.

d.

Biblioth.,

II.,

238 seqq.^ quotes from an
cf.

MS.

in

the National Library, Naples (IX., B. 14,
I.,

OssiNGER, 194;
third
in

Montfaucon,

232), in

which he sees the
is

original.

Another and
the

MS., which Pelissier came across,
Library
seq.).
;

to

be found
f.

Dresden
378

this

Hofler made
;

use of (Archiv

osterr. Gesch., 1854,

Leo Africanus, the Arab geographer, was in 15 17 captured and delivered up to the Pope he was converted to Christianity, Leo X.
conferring his

own name upon him and granting him a pension. His work on Africa is still of value German translation by LORSHACir,
:

Merkwurdige Beschreibung von
by R. Brown,
*
in

Africa, Bd.

I.,

Herborn, 1805

;

English

works issued by the Hakluyt Soc,

ist Series, n.

92-94, London, 1906; French by A.
I

Schefer,

Paris, 1896-99.

cannot support the conjecture that the work
first draft.

—as we

have

it

is

probably only a
t Cf.

the keen

and searching

criticism of

Pklissier, l)e opere

historico Aegidii

card. Viterb., Hist, viginti saccul, Monspelii, 1896.

The work
contrary,
^I->

is
it

not so generally

unknown
;

as Pelissier thinks.

On

the

has often been used

thus,

by Victorcllus

in

ClACONiUS,

55') 590;

M.VNNi, Anni Santi, 48; Georgius, Nicolaus V., 66,
I,

76; B.vluze, Vitae,

625

;

further
seq.
;

by H(')FLER, he.
in

cit.

;

Laemmer,
Soc.

Zur Kirchengeschichtc, 66
III.,
"J"];

Tommasini

Arch.
I.

d.

Rom.,

and lasdy

in

the present work, Vols.

to VI.

The paneto

gyrical remarks of Egidio on
letter of the latter,

Leo X. are quite appropriate
quotes, Studien, 95 seq.

the

which

UllmaNN

252
Order,

HISTORY OF THE TOPES.

who was appointed
in
;

suffragan Bishop

of

Mantua
against

by Leo
theology
Luther.
in Italy

15 17,

forms a hnk between philosophy and
also

Fiandino

wrote

several

books

The first work which appeared against Luther came from the Order which also in Germany proPrierias, Leo's

duced so many opponents of the Wittenberg reformer.*
It

was by Silvestro
;

Master of the Sacred

we have already spoken. f To these names may be added, among Luther's earliest antagonists in Italy, those of the Dominicans, Ambrogio
Palace
of his
activdty

Catarino

and

Tommaso

Rhadino,

professors

at

the

University of
Marcello.:|:

Rome, and also The pre-eminence
Court of Leo X.

the Venetian Christoforo
in

theology

must

un-

doubtedly be accorded to Cardinal Cajetan among the
celebrities of the

Almost

all

the writings

of this remarkable

man, who was called by Clement VII.
Church,"
rests

the

"

light

of

the

were

composed
on
his

in

Rome.
com-

Cajetan's

reputation
"

chiefly

classical

mentary on the

Summa"

of St.

Thomas Aquinas, and on
II.

his learned treatise

on the authority of Popes and Councils,

which had already been composed under Julius

He
in

was also the author of many occasional pamphlets,
which he defended, with great
* Cf.

moderation

and sound

Paulus, Die Deutschen Dominikaner im Kampfe gegen
i.

Luther (15 18, bis 1563), Freiburg
Bible was eagerly encouraged by
t Vol.
%

Br.,

1903.

To

the

Dominican

Order also belonged Sante Pagnini da Lucca, whose translation of the

Leo X.
scq.^

Renazzi,

II.,

13-14.

VII. of this work, pp. 363
for these

392 seg.
221,

Cf.

and
seq.

also

others,

Kalkoff, Aleander,
28,

and
II.,

Forschungen, 176

For Catarino,^. besides Kirchenlexicon,
Lettera,

2nd

ed., 2053,
;

also

Marini,

and Laemmer, Vortrid.
seq..,

Theol., 21

see also

Frakn6i, Verboczi, 160

and

supra., p. his

24.

For the Dominican Pietro Colonna, named Galatino from

home,

who

wrote, in 15 18, a treatise on " Catholic
i,

Truth" against the Jews,

see Tiraboschi, VII.,

308.

PIO DI CARPI

AND ERASMUS.

253

judgment, the ancient teaching of the Church against the

Lutheran innovations.*
di Carpi

Along with Cajetan, Alberto Pio

may

also be

mentioned as a distinguished theo-

logian in his day.

Carpi, like

many

other learned

men who

were also strong churchmen, was an opponent of Erasmus
of Rotterdam, the most celebrated and the most noteworthy
scholar of his age.f

Erasmus, during
familiar

his sojourn in

Rome

in 1509,

was on a
frequent

footing with

the Carch'nals and also

a

visitor at the palace of

Giovanni de' Medici.

On

intimate

terms they could hardly have ever been, which explains

why, on the elevation of Leo to the Papacy, no invitation

was given
before

to

Erasmus
his

to

accompany him
full

to

Rome.

Erasmus, however, himself allowed
he

two years to pass
Leo,

renewed

relations

with
flattery

Then he
15,

certainly gave
servility.

way to the coarsest From London, on the

and most abject
he

28th of April, 15

addressed a long and inflated letter to the Pope.

He

begins by making excuses for his boldness in approaching a

man who

is

now as

highly exalted over his fellow-men
"

as they are over the brute creation.

Oh

!

that

it

were

granted to
to

me

to prostrate myself at your blessed feet,
kisses
in

and

impress

my

on

them."

After this

preamble

Erasmus indulges

the loudest strains of praise of the
illustrious

whole house of Medici, and of the Pope, their most

member, who has equal claims
aus seincn
Theol.,

to be considered the patron
lutlicrisclie

* Sec Jaokr, " Kajetans kampf ge^cn die
Traktaten dargelegt,"
431
seqq.
;

Lehrfonn,
f.

in

Niedners
et

Zcitschrift.

histor.

1858,

Cf.

also

Echard

Quetif,

II.,

14

scq.\
III.,

Hurti:r, Nomcnclator
2l\seq.\
SCHEEJ'.EN

Wkrnkr, Der

HI. 'Ihonias
III.,

von Acjuin,
ed.,

in

Kirchenlexicon,

2nd

1675

scq.\

Jknkins, Pre-Tridcntine Doctrine; a review of the Commentary on
the Scriptures of

Thomas dc
1.,

Vio, London, 1891,

and A. Cossio,

11.

Card. Gaetano e la riforma,
t Cf. Hks.s,
].,

Cividade, 1902.

301 scq.

254

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of science as well as the prince of peace.

As
his

a special

favour he
St.

begs permission

to

dedicate

edition

of

Jerome Such a tribute

to the Sovereign Pontiff.* of

homage from

the

most celebrated

humanist of the day must have been a cause of the most
pleasurable satisfaction to the Medici Pope.

He

accepted

the dedication of the St. Jerome and also that of the Greek

New
to

Testament

;

at the

same time he introduced Erasmus
Still,

Henry VHI.

of England.f

a

summons

to

the

Papal Court, which Erasmus, who was then longing to

Rome, might have expected, did not come. On the other hand, Leo X. complied with another request which
revisit

the notable

scholar

had tendered through the English

Erasmus had dispensed himself from his monastic vows and had fallen under excommunication further, owing to his illegitimate birth, he was disqualified for Church preferment. These were dif^cult circumstances in which Papal favour would be helpful; therefore, Erasmus pledged his word that, for the future,
;

Nuncio, Andreas Ammonius.

he would never publish a sheet which did not
praise of the

set forth the

good and great Pope

Leo.;]:

What may

importance was attached
first

in

Rome

to the gratifica-

tion of the wishes of the

literary celebrity of the

day

be seen in the delicate and considerate

way

in

which

his petitions

were granted.

At

the end of January, 15 17,

three dispensations were issued, two of which were so
that

worded
in

no one could
tainted, or

infer that

Erasmus's birth was

any

way

why he had
III., I,

incurred ecclesiastical censure.§
\2C) seq.

* Erasmi, Op.
+
X
v$

149

;

Hartfelder, Erasmus,
Hartfelder,
III., i, 166.

Erasmi, Op.
Erasmi, Op.

III., III.,

i,
i,

156.?^^.

159;

131.

One
in

Brief

is

in

Erasmi, Op.

The two

others are to be
II.,

found
1

Vlscher, Erasmiana, 26
7, n. 3,

seqq.;

cf.

also

Janssen-Pastor,

8th ed.,

and Hartfelder, 132

seq.

p:rasmus

and leo

x.

255

Erasmus promised, in his letter of thanks, to be bound 'hand and foot" henceforward to promote the glory of the Pope who had brought back the " golden age" of piety and
learning.*

The subsequent

relations

between the greatest scholar

and the greatest patron of learning of the age remained unimpaired. They were not altered even when rumours
were
the
rife

in

Rome

pointedly accusing Erasmus of being

instigator
his

That
felt

conduct

and encourager of the Lutheran errors. in this respect was open to attack was

even by Erasmus himself.
clear

He
sort
;

therefore

made

haste

to

himself

from

any

of

suspicion

by the

strongest assurances of loyalty

with great adroitness he

struck a note in his apologetic writings which was sure to
find

an echo

in

the

mind of Leo X.
;

He

represented his

opponents as the enemies of learning

they only attacked

him because he made the cause of learning his own. " From their birth these men have hated the Muses and the Graces;
they wage an endless war against studies which they are
incapable of understanding
of which
pillars
;

likewise they cry, Religion

they consider themselves naturally to be the
in

is

danger."

But through

all

Erasmus
;

is

deter-

mined
be,

in

his writings to

keep clear of error
insignificant
all

he asserts

with emphasis:

"However

my

talents
;

may
His

they are dedicated once and for

to Christ

to

glory alone are they devoted, and to the service of the

Roman Church and its head especially to Your Holiness, to whom am under endless
;

the service of
obligation."f

I

As

his accusers, with

Aleander

at their head,

were

far

from being silenced, Erasmus turned once more to the Pope
himself.
*

Dishonest men, he
133.
13,

writes to the latter on the

Hartfelder,
seq.

t Letter of

August

1519,

Erasmi, Op.

III.,

1,490;

cf.

Hart-

felder, 134

256

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
1

1

3th of September,

5 20, in

their

enmity towards the beauty

of learning, seek to calumniate

ReuchHn and Luther.

Nothing
;

him as the champion of is more untrue he has
;

no acquaintance with Luther

he has not even read his

writings, with the exception of

some

ten or twelve pages,

on which he bestowed only a casual glance.
that
this

He

admits

scanty perusal gave him the impression that
it

Luther had
the

in

him

to

become
;

a Biblical interpreter after

manner

of the ancients

but as soon as he

became
felt

aware of the uneasiness which he was causing, he
to discontinue the issue of such works.

such

aversion that he persuaded the printer Froben, with threats,

Moreover, he had

earnestly begged his friends to exhort Luther to observe

moderation and the interests of the peace of the Church.

"Two years before, when Luther first wrote to me, 1 reminded
him
in affectionate

terms of what

I

wished him to avoid
!

;

would that he had listened to that advice
that this letter was conveyed to
result that
I

I

apprehend

Your

Holiness, with the
really,
it

have

forfeited

your esteem, although,

ought rather to have secured to
Finally,

me

the Papal approval."

Erasmus defended himself against the objection
had not yet written anything against Luther.
place, he

that he

In

the

first

had not had time to make a thorough
he had no wish to anticipate the
with the matter
;

study of Luther's writings, neither had he the necessary
qualifications
;

further,

theological faculties
lastly,

who were occupied

he admitted the principal cause of his

silence:

his fear lest

he should draw down upon himself an ever-

increasing weight of odium.*

This

letter

seems to have had the desired

effect, at least

as regards

Leo X.

The

latter,

replying on the
in

i6th of
his

January, 1521, said that doubts had arisen

mind

concerning the opinions of Erasmus, not only from what he
* Erasivh Op.
III.,
I,

578

;

Hartfelder,

135 scq.

WAS ERASMUS LOVAL
had been
told

257

by very shrewd and well-informed men, but
his

from some of

own

writings.

All such impressions

had
and

been obliterated by

this letter,

and he had no longer any
wished that

hesitation regarding his loyalty to the See of Peter

the teaching of the Church.

He

all

might be as

firmly convinced of that teaching as

Erasmus was.

At the
and

same time he enjoined upon him

to use his

talents

learning in combating the Lutheran doctrine.*

From autumn
all

the letters of Cardinal Medici to Aleandcr, in the

of 1521,

it

is

clear that the former, notwithstanding

reports prejudicial to Erasmus, remained of the opinion

that

the

latter

ought

to

be

treated

with

the

utmost

consideration and leniency. f
limits

In this respect the furthest

were reached and, perhaps, overstepped.
later date

Moreover,
lost

at

an even

Adrian VI. himself had not
of the Church

hope

of winning, as

an

apologist

against the

Reformers, the greatest Latinist of the day and the most

accomplished penman

in

Christendom.

Even

if

the praises

given by Erasmus to the services rendered by Leo X. to
learning were exaggerated, they were yet in one respect,
to

some

extent, justified

— namely, as regards
is

the study of

Greek.

In this instance the protection which the

Pope

in

part extended to the Venetian press of

Aldus Manutius Aldus was no

(born

1450,

died

15 15)

remarkable.

ordinary- publisher;

he was at the same time a

man

of

learning and also a staunch adherent of his religion.

He
of

expressly

undertook,

in
it

the

preface

to

his

edition

Lucretius, to reject from

everything that was contrary to
for the

the tenets of theology.

His reverence

Holy See was
works of
levelled

evidenced

in

ano'her way, since,
all

in his issue of the

Petrarch, he omitted
* BalaN, Mon.

the

passionate sonnets

ref., n. 53,
i

129-130;

also, with slij^ht differences, in

Laemmer, Mon.
+

vat,

scg.

Balan,

loc. cii.,

292 segq.

vol,

VIII.

17

258
against
for

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Rome.

The

editions published

by Aldus Manutius,

up

ability he knew how to open new markets, were generally prized for their accuracy and elegance. The business of the firm, which soon became world-renowned, had, for that age, an

which with business-like

entirely

unwontedly universal character
for

;

he deserves special credit

his

successful

efforts

to

supply the want of Greek

books.*

Soon

after Leo's accession, the edition of Plato,

prepared by Marcus Musurus,t began to appear from his
press.

The

first

part of this remarkable publication

was

adorned, together with a fine Greek
the

poem by Musurus, by
which attention has
;

spirited dedication of Aldus, to

already been called.

The Pope was delighted nothing more appropriate could have been offered to the son of
Lorenzo
de' Medici.

He

expressed his thanks
of

in

a testiit

monial dated the 28th

November,

15 13.

In

he

commends

the unwearied diligence with which for years

Aldus had bestov\ed labour and money on the publication
of works of learning;
in

consideration of which he confers
the

upon

him

for

fifteen

years
all

exclusive

privilege

of

printing and publishing

Latin and Greek works which

have already been or

shall hereafter

be issued by him,
;

in

the beautiful cursive type of his

invention

all

copyists
ecclesi-

and imitators are threatened with heavy

fines

and

* Cf. A. FiRMiN DiDOT, A. Man. et riiellenisme k Venise, Paris,
1875
1881,
;

Frommann,
11-51;

Aufsatze zur Geschichte des Buckhandels, Jena,
in

Geizer

the

Bail, zur

Allgem. Zeitung, 1881, No.
;

284; SCHUCK, Aldus Manutius, 56
Biicherliebhaberei, 31, 33 seq
in
;

P.
;

100 seq. Muhlbrecht, DE Nolhac, Correspond, de A. Man.,
seq., 68,

Studi e doc, VIII., 247 seq.
in

cf.

Giorn.

d. lett. Ital.,

XIII., 391 seq

;

Castellani, La stampa

Venezia, Venezia,

1889; F. Ongania,
;

L'Arti di stamp, nel rinasc. a Venezia, Venezia, 1895
VI., 143 seq..,iy] seq., 311 seq.;

Rev.

d. Biblioth.,
Ital.

FUMAGALLI,

Lexic. typogr.

ed.

Milano, 1905.
t Cf.

Legrand,

Bibliogr. hellenique,

I.,

cxvi.,

and \oo

seq.

PROMOTION OF OKKKK STUDIES.
astical censures.

259
is

On

the other hand, Manutius

ordered

to

sell

his editions at a reasonable

and not extravagant

price.*

In order to

promote Greek studies
first \'ear

in

Rome, Leo X.

called thither in the

of his reign the celebrated

Giano Lascarisf and

his scholar

Marcus Musurus.*

To

the

former, whose relations with Lorenzo the Magnificent had

already been of the closest, was sent a letter composed by

Sadoleto
to

in

terms of affection and intimacy.^

The

letter

Musurus was written by Bembo, who informs him that
the well-nigh extinct
literature of Greece,
far as lies in

the Pope earnestly longs to revive

knowledge of the language and
generally to encourage

and
his

the sciences as

power.
of good
the

He

is

invited to bring ten or

abilities

from Greece to
learn

more young men Rome, in order that
language
concerning
correctly

Italians

may

the

Greek

from

them.

Further

information

the

pro-

posed training college of science would be supplied by
Lascaris.
[|

The new Greek College was opened
* ROSCOE-BOSSI,
v., 301 seq.

in

the house of the

For the complaint brought by the
its

Florentine printer Giunta against this privilege, and

dismissal by

Leo, see M.VRZi,

Una

questione libraria fra

i

Giunti cd Aldo Manuzio

{A^ozze Pul)l.\ Firenze, 1895.
t

The sources and the older literature relating
in Zentralbl.
f.

lo

Giano Lascaris
I.,

have been collected by Mui,i,kk
333 -f^?opcribus
;

Bibliothekwesen,

C/^-

4'' ^^9- about the defective work of Vast,

De

Vita et

J.

Lascaris, Paris, 1878.
;

The
II.,

best information

is in

Hibliogr. helleniquc, L, cxxxi-clxii

322-336.
;

Cf. further,

Lkgrand, SCHUCK,
280
91.

Aldus, 80, and Mel. d'arch., 1886, 251 seqg.
seqq.^ IV.,
\
I.,

Rev.

d. Biblioth., II.,

84 seqq.

;

Flamini,

96, 535

;

LUZIO, Isabella d'Este,
;

Cf.,

with Mf.nge, Hesychius, rec. Schmidt, Jena, 1868

Lkcrand,

cviii-cxxiv.
J5

Sadoleti Epist. Leonis X., 1759, 2-3.

II

Bkmhi,

Epist.,

I\'.,

8

;

cf.

Vast, 82

.u-q.

26o

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
;

Colocci on the Quirinal

* Lascaris

was Rector.
I5i6,-|-

He and

Musurus, who came to

Rome

in

taught Greek;

Latin was assigned to Benedetto Lampridio of Cremona,

who

also posed as a poet. J

A

printing press was attached

to the College,

which received the name of the Medicean
purpose of meeting the want of Greek
felt.

Academy,
college
in

for the

books, then sensibly

Leo X.

also founded a similar

Florence, of which

the

Rector was Arsenio

Apostolios.§

Lascaris stood high in favour with
in

Leo X.

;

i|

already,

February, 15
;1[

14,

he was

named

for

the nunciature in

Venice

in

October,

15 15,

he was

entrusted

with

a

weighty diplomatic mission to the King of France,

who
later

was sojourning
In

in

Upper

Italy

;

he was

also, at

a

date, admitted to the conferences on the Turkish war.**
1

5

18 the great hellenist undertook a journey to France

to give

Francis

I.

the assistance of his counsels in that
FOGLIAZZI, Raph. Brandolini, 128;

* Lancellotti, Colocci, 36;

and Marini,

Lettera, 70.
II.,
i

t Cf. Arch. Veneto, N. S.,
%

(1901), 173-174.
3,

For Lampridio, see TiRABOSCHi, VII.,
;

197 seqq.; Renazzi,
Ictt.

II.,
;

13 seq.

Gnoli,

Un

guidizio, 78

;

Giorn. de

Ital.,

XXXVI., 345

NOLHAC, 134; FLAMINI, § Legrand, I., clxx.
Arsenio, Archbishop of
seqq.\ to

12

1.

For the

" Pracclara
{cf.

dicta,"

dedicated by
VII.,
2,

Monembasia

Tiraboschi,
IV.,

395

Pope Leo

X., see

ROSCOE-Bossi,
X.

116, 163 seq.

The

Laurentian Library possesses (Plut IV., Cod. XVI.) *Arsenii
basiae Floras auctorum ad
II

Monem-

Leonem
see Rev.

He

received a

monthly pension: Amati, 216, 226.
;

The Pope

also supported his family
IT

d. Biblioth. V.,

325-329.

Cf. the *letter
1

of Cardinal Guilio de' Medici to Lorenzo, dated
20.

Rome,

5 14,

Feb.

State

Archives,

Florence,

Av.

il.

princ,

CXIII. ** Cf. Vol. VII. of
d/.,4i2)
in 15 15
;

this

work, 127, 222

n.

MuLLER

(Zentralbl., loc.

is

quite mistaken in putting the journey of Lascaris to France
I.

Francis

was then

in

Upper

Italy,

TIIK

GREEK COLLEGE.

261

monarch's endeavours to encourage the study of Greek.*
Lascaris continued to live in

Romef
1535.

after

the death of
his

Leo, and died
S.
"

there

about
n:iay

Over

grave

in
:

Agata

alia

Suburra
Lascaris,

be read the pathetic epitapli
strangers, yet joyfully
;

Here

rests

among

for

as a

Greek he durst not hope

for a single spot of free

earth in his

own

fatherland.";]:

The expectation
soil,

of

Musurus

that,

on the foundation of
of this institu-

the Greek College, a second Athens would arise on Latin

was never

fulfilled.
it

The disappearance

tion from history,

is

with probability conjectured, was

owing

to the scarcity of

money, by reason of which means
;

were wanting to carry out the enterprise thus begun
the jealousy of the

§

Roman men
place

of learning

may

also have

had a prejudicial influence;! a harder blow was the death
of Musurus, which took
after
his
in

autumn
to

I5I7,1[ a

year
of

appointment by Leo

the

Achbishopric

Monembasia (Napoli

di Malvasia).**

His successor

in this

dignity was Manilio Rallo, another hellenist favoured by
* LegraND,
L,
clii.
;

cf.

VAST,

88

seq.

See

also

TiLLEY,

Humanism under
t

Francis L, in Engl. Hist. Rev.,
settled in Paris after 15 18

That Lascaris

XV. (igcx)), 456-478. (Muller, he. at., 336),
is

as

Gnoli (Secolo, II., LegraND, I., clii. scq. X Forcella, X., 348.
v^

634) also seems

to

suppose,

a mistake;

Cf.

Gnoli, Secolo,

II.,

636,

who overlooks

the

fact

that

from

the

Greek College Leo's most noteworthy Greek scholars proceeded.
I.,

For one of the most distinguished, Nik. Sophianos, see Legrand,
clxxxvii. seq.
II

Cf.

Gnoli,

Un
is

guidizio, 39.

II

The statement
Cf.

that

Musurus died
;

of grief at being disappointed of

a Cardinal's hat,

a fable

see

**

ROSCOE-Bossi,

IV.,
.\.,

Legranu, I., c.\x. Legrand, 103 seqq.
;

I.,

cxx.

The

latter

quotes a *Brief of Leo
(in the

composed by Sadoleto, February
it

20, 1517

National Library, Athens), from which

appears that Musurus

held benefices from

Leo

in

Crete and Cyprus.

262
Leo.*
Already,

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in

the

summer

of 15 14,

Leo had nomi-

nated his

own Greek
and
in

teacher,

Varino Favorino of Camerino,

Bishop

Vice-Governor of Nocera.f
the Lateran Council.

As such

he

took part

Favorino's

principal

work, from the press of Zaccaria Calliergi, which

made

its

appearance at
Before

last in 1523,

was

his

famous Greek Lexicon.
his

this, in

1517, he

had dedicated to the Pope
collection

Latin

translation

of a

of

Greek

apothegms
In the

from various authors, by Giovanni Stobeo.^:
year the Scholia on

same

Homer were

issued from the printing
;

press belonging to the Greek College
also a

from the same came
the
first

new

edition of Porphyry, and, for

time,

Commentaries on Sophocles.
other works produced by the

The copyright of these and same house was protected by
Leo
re-

Papal privileges which threatened with excommunication

any contravention. §
markable

The eagerness with which

supported the study of Oriental languages was also
;

his exertions in this direction
il

were connected

with the Lateran Council.
*

The

question,

left

unsettled by

Legrand,

I.,

clxvi.,
ia

whether
solved

Rallo actually succeeded Musurus in this archbishopric,

now

by the express statement of Sanuto, hitherto unnoticed (Sanuto, XXV.,
64,

66

;

cf.

120, 502).

Rallo

is

here

named

" servitor del Card. Medici."
;

t Cf.
seqq.
p.
;

Mestica, Varino Favorino, 38
IV., 125 seqq.
;

seq.

Marini,
577,

Lettera,

71

ROSCOE-BOSSI,

Krumbacher,

and
cf.

Bollett,

rUmbria, VII., 141
d.

seqq.

About the death of Favorino,
Marche, Nuovo Serie
;

Atti e

mem.
1:

deput.

p. le prov. delle

2,

I.

%

162,

Mestica, 65 seq.., 69 seqq. cf. Legrand, I., 175 seq. Besides Roscoe-Bossi, IV., no, cf. especially Legrand, I., 159, Copies of the above-named 163, 164, 166, 169; cf. 129, 134, 153.
:

books are very rare
Library, Paris.
II

the most complete collection

is

in

the National

See RoscOE-Bossi,
christl.
;

IV.,

140 seqq.

;

Macenas des
3rd
ed.,

Rom., Dresden, 1872, 25
p.

Haferkorn, Leo X., Der Burckhardt, I., seq.
;

244

GUBERNATIS, Materiaux

servir

a

I'hist.

d.

etudes

orient,

en

Italic,

XXXV.,

188, Paris, 1876.

The

first

Ethiopian book

LIBKARV OF

].i:0

X.

263

Brought up among books, Leo
printed works.

X

,

while Cardinal, had

displayed great activity as a collector of manuscripts and

He

took a special delight

in

illuminated

codices, a branch of art in

which the Renaissance excelled.*
in

He

shrank from

no

sacrifice

order

to

recover

the

valuable library of his family which the Florentines had
confiscated in
1494,

and the monks of San Marco had
in

bought.
library

This he succeeded

was now removed

to

doing in iSoS.f The Rome, and henceforward
S.

becaine the chief ornament of his palace at

Eustachio

(now the Palazzo Madama).*
collection,

The charge
laid

of this precious
to
all
I

which was

freely

open

learning, §

was entrusted
and that

to

Varino Favorino.

men One

of

of

the
his

first

administrative acts of
library

own

Leo X. was connected with of the Vatican. The two colmaintenance and use of

lections were kept separate, the precise regulations be-

queathed by Sixtus IV.

for the

the literary treasures of the Vatican were re-enforced, and
a

new

librarian

was appointed.^

Tommaso
that
d.

Inghirami,

who had

been

nominated,

in

appeared

in print

was

the-

Psalter, printed at

Rome

in

1513

;

Arch,

Soc. Rom., IX., 273. * Cf. MUNTZ, Bibliotheque, 37

scqq.

A

splendid example of the

illuminative art

of this period
treatise
3.

is

afforded by the dedication copy of

M. Salomoni's
Library, Esp. n.
t

De

Principatu,

now

in

the Vittorio

Emanuele
Stor.
Ital.,

For the Medicean Library from 1494-1508, sec Arch.
.\.\I.,

3rd Series, XIX., 101-129, 254-281;

102-112, 291-296.

Cf.

F.MiRONiUS, 265, and Mel. d'archeol., 1895, 475. \ Aldertini, Dc Mirabil. Romae, ed. .Schmarsow,
5^

35.

Access was even permitted when the Cardinal himself was there
permission.

—an unprecedented
II

Gnoli, Secolo,

II.,

627.

Mestic.v, Varino Favorino, 35 seqq.
Regest. Leonis
X., n.

^

4202.

Cf.

As.skmani, Catal.

Bibl.

\^-xt.,

I., Ixi.,

and Mlntz,

Hibl. 23-24.

264
the
first

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
place,

Vatican
altered.*

by Julius II., continued as Prefect of the Library, of which the arrangements were not On account of his classical eloquence he was
and played an important part
of Fedra adhered to
role

called the Cicero of his age,
at the Papal Court.

The nickname
"

him,

for,

while yet a youth, he
a performance of the

had taken the

of

Phaedra

in

Hippolytus" of Seneca,
machinery had imskill.

and during an accident

to the stage

provised a set of Latin verses with great

He had
in

now become
and sunk
in

a portly prelate; he

is

thus represented with

startling fidelity to nature, in his red robes,

pen

hand,

thought,

in

the celebrated picture in the Pitti

Gallery, which has been attributed to Raphael.

As Inghirami
of the loyalty

lost his life

through an accident on the

5th of September, 15 16, J

Leo X., in grateful remembrance shown him during the time of his exile,
important and

bestowed

this

honourable

post

on

the

Bolognese humanist, Filippo Beroaldo, who, to distinguish

him from
younger.^

his

namesake and

uncle,

is

spoken of as the

who had been Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici's secretary, had already been distinguished by many marks of Papal favour. He was now not only custodian-inBeroaldo,
St. Angelo.||

chief of the treasures in the Pope's library, but also of the

State Archiv^es preserved in the Castle of
*
Cf.

Mel. d'archeol., 1895, 479.

t Cf. Vol. VI. of this work, 458, n.
+

See Giorn.

d.

lett.

Ital.,

XXXIV.,
cf.

8.

For Inghirami,
le

whom
See

NoLHAC (Erasme
Prelat
also
§ vita
lett.

in

Italic,

68) calls "le type

plus

accompli du

Romain de

la

Renaissance,"
seqq..,

Vol. VI. of this work, 458, n.
204.

Marini,
et

Lettera, 53

and Cl.\N, Cortegiano,

Besides the scholarly work of Paquier,
scriptis,
Parisiis,

De

Ph. Beroaldi, jun.,
in Giorn.
d.

1900, see
seqq..,
;

also

LuziO-Rp:nier

Ital.,

XXXVIII., 48

and the

literature there referred to.
epist., 195 seqq.
;

II

Cf.
;

ASSEMANI,

I., Ixi.

Sadoleti

MiJNTZ,

Bibl.,

29-31

Paquier, Ph. Beroaldi

Vita, 15 seqq.

CUSTODIANS OF THE

I.IHRARV.

265

Beroaldo, highly gifted though he was, led an irregular

and

restless life
15 18,

and died

early.*

He was

succeeded in

September,
Acciaiuoli.

by the Pope's fellow-countryman, Zanobi
in

This learned Dominican, versed
himself to his

the culture
ardour.

of humanism, devoted

task with

He

not only drew up a

new inventory of

the library ,f but

also of the Archives of St. Angelo.J

Acciaiuoli dying very soon,§ the learned Aleander took
his place

on July 27th,
;
||

15 19,
filled

on the recommendation of
his

Cardinal Medici

he
all

conspicuous position to

the satisfaction of

scholars both in Italy and abroad. IF
librar)'

The

custodians of the

appointed by Julius

H.,

Lorenzo Parmenio
their offices.**

and

Romulo

Mammacino,

retained

With regard

to the loan

of manuscripts,

Leo X. was

obliged to curtail

the

liberality of

former days, as had

indeed become necessary even under Julius n.,this being
the only

way of preventing
XXVI., 19;
n.

serious losses.ff

In important

cases, however, exceptions were permitted.

In order that
21
seqq.^

*

Cj.

S.'\NUTO,

PaqUIER,

Vita,
II.,

28 scqq.

Ileroaldo was not a priest; see Fantuzzi,
+

140.
Bibl., 41 seq.,

*Cod. Vatic,
;

3948, 3955,

cf.

n.

3950.

See Muntz,

50 seq.
t

DE Rossi,

Bibl. Apost. 43.

First

published by

Montfaucon,

Bibl.

bibl.,

I.,

202-215, and

more
seq.

correctly by

Aretin, Beytrage,
in
d. S.

II.% 74 scq.

Cf.

Blume,
269

Iter,

III., 24,

and

Kehr

the Nachr. der Gott. Gcs. der Wiss., 1900, 115

Marini, Archivi

Sedc, 23, and
(still

Blume,

Iter, IV.,

seq.,

have called attention

to the catalogue

unpublished),

made

in 15 16,

of the Archives of the .Apostohc Camera.
S
I,

For Acciaiuoli,
seq.

(/".

supra., p. 214,

and especially Mazzuchelli,
seq..,
1

I.,

50
II

See also Marini, Lettera, 69
I.,

13.
II.,

See ASSEMANI,
epist.,

Ixii.

;

Rev.

d.

biljlioth.,

49

seq.,

68;

Sadoleti

197 seqq.
n.
5.

^

Cf. Ziegler'S testimony in Giorn. d. lett. Ital, I.\., 451, ** MuNTZ, Bib!., 31. Cf. Giorn. d. lett. Ital, IX., 452.

tt MiJNTZ,

Bibl.,

39

seq.

Cf. Giorn. d. lett. Ital., I.X., 452.

266

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Cardinal Ximenes might be helped in the completion of
his

famous Complutensian Polyglot, the Pope gave orders

that the requisite

Greek manuscripts should be sent from
Spain, even
if

the Vatican

Library to

they had

to

be

secured with chains of iron.*

Leo X. was no
Papal collection.

less

zealous

than

his

predecessors

in

adding to the treasures of books and manuscripts
It recalls

in the

the days of Nicholas V.,

when

we

consider

how the Pope had

his emissaries in all quarters,
in

from Scandinavia to the East,
of literature.

search of the

monuments
these

Among many
Agostino

others entrusted with

behests

were

Beazzano,

Angelo

Arcimboldi,

Fausto Sabeo, Johann Heitmers, and Francesco de Rosis.f
In a letter to the last named,

Leo explains

directly that

he considers

it

one of

his

most urgent duties
flourish
in

to increase the

number of

copies of ancient authors in order that, under

his pontificate, latinity

may

once more.

:J

The
is

Pope's personal interest

these literary missions

clearly

shown

in

the letters to ecclesiastical and secular

princes in

Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and GothJohann Heitmers, the
n.

land, with which

ecclesiastic of Liege,

* Regest. Leonis X.,
19,

4263.

The

*Licentia, dated 1513, August

issued to Alphonso Garciae abbati de Compludo, to borrow
the Vatican Library, here wanting,
116, of the
is

Greek
lat.

MSS. from
2428
seq.,

in

Cod. Barb.,
307,

Vatican Library.
ed.,
II.,

Cf.
1,

Fabronius,

and

Hefelk, Ximenes, 2nd
Ferdinand the Catholic,

Tubingen, 185
4S6, 514.

117.

See also PrescOtt,
Vatican

One

of the very rare copies of
to

the Complutensian Polyglot on
Library.
t
III.,

parchment belongs

the

See ROSCOE-Bossi, IV., 137
34
;

(Epigr.

seg., 145, cf. X., 92-97; Blume, Gregorovius, VI 1 1., 292. For Fausto Sabeo, whose epigram Romae, 1556, 402 cf. Renazzi, II., 12 seq.) shows that here
;

also the precarious state of finances

stood in the way,

cf.

QUIRINI,

Spec.
\

Litt. in

Brixia, II., 167,

and RoscOE-Bossi,

X., \4,seqq.,<)2 seqq.

Cf. si/pra^ p. 195.

THE MISSION OF HEITMERS.
was furnished on the occasion of
"

l^y
15 17.*

his

mission in
it

From

the beginning of our pontificate,"

here runs,

"we

have, by the help of God, and for His honour and glory,

spared

neither

pains

nor

money

to

discover

valuable

treasures

of ancient

literature, for

the profit as well as

the

Heitmers was either
as the

honour of virtuous and especially of learned men." to borrow such works, under guarantees
for

from the Apostolic Chamber,

purposes of copying,

or,

Pope greatly

preferred, to purchase the originals.

In Heitmers' letters of introduction,!
stress

Leo

laid the greatest

on his intention so to advance the reviving know-

ledge of ancient literature, that the most remarkable productions of antiquity should be preserved and their
increased, both in the present time
;

number
time to

and

for the

come at the same time he emphasized his plans for making the newly-acquired classics of Greece and Rome With this end generally accessible by means of printing. in view a general investigation was to be made of the
* Of these
to
in

{a) letters, three by Sadoleto have been printed, namely King Christian of Denmark, dated November 8, I5i7,first pubhshed Nova Litt. maris Balthici, IV., Lubecae, 1697, 347 then by ROSCOE:

;

Bossi

X.,

249-250 (instead of 1518, read 1517);

[b) to

Archbishop

Albert of Mayence, dated
(awaiting identification
;

November

26, 15 17;

(0

to

an anonymous

cf.

Philologus, XL\'., 377

.JtY^.)

owner of

all

the decades of Livy, dated

December

i,

1517.

These two

letters, first

by Bavle,

Diet.,

art.

Leon X.; then by SCHMIDT, Einleitung
seq.^

zur

brandenburg, Kirchcnund Ref.-Historic, Berlin, 1740, 244

2^6seq.,
Bib!.,

and ROSCOE-Bossr,
35-37, and
(with

X.,

245-249
II.,

;

that to Albert, also

by MUNTZ,

SCHULTE,
1863,

188-189.
of
10),

The

letter of
in

December
Anz.
fiir

1,

1517

the address to Albert

Mayence, also
is
;

Kunde

deutsch. Vorzeit,
F.

\o.

questioned,

without grounds, by
I.

RiTTER

(Philologus, XVII., 665)

see Uri.ichs, Eos,

(1864), 244,

and

SCH.'\NZ, Gesch. der rom. Lit.,

II.,

2nd

ed. (1901), 249; see also

Weidlung, Schwedische Reformationsgeschichte, 65. + This hitherto unknown document is taken from an
Wolfenbiittel Library, in Appendix, No.
8.

MS

in

the

268
libraries

HISTORY OF THE TOPES.
of

Germany and

Scandinavia.

Privileges
;

and
those

special

favours would

be held out to the owners

who opposed
assistant

the scheme were threatened with the greater

excommunication.

Heitmers had also authority to appoint

commissioners.

The

first

point

of

capital

importance was to find a perfect copy of the History of
Livy,

a

search

which Nicholas V. had promoted with

eagerness.

Heitmers had boasted of his knowledge of

the existence of such a manuscript, and

Leo had promised
Fresh hope of a

him a

large reward for the discovery.
issue

successful

of his

mission

was encouraged by the

circumstance that Leo X. had come into possession of a

manuscript of the

first

six

books of the Annals of Tacitus,*
in 15 15

which had already been printed and published
Filippo

by

Beroaldo.
to

This manuscript of Tacitus belonged

originally

the

monastery of Corvey, whence

it

was

abstracted.

In his passion for promoting classical studies,

Leo had

so few scruples with regard to this

method of

procuring his spoils, that in one of the letters entrusted to

Heitmers, he speaks quite openly of the abstraction of the
manuscript, which had passed through
had, at length,

many

hands, and
for the

come
:

into his possession,
"

and adds

Abbot's consolation

We

have sent a copy of the revised
binding to the Abbot and
in
it.

and printed books
his

in a beautiful
it

monks, that they may

place

their library as a

substitute for the

one taken from

But

in

order that

they
far

may understand

that this purloining has

done them
for their

more good than harm, we have granted them

Church a plenary indulgence."!
*

Now

in the

IL, 831 seqq.\
authorities.

Laurent. Library, Plut., XLVIIL, i cf. Bandinius, Paquier, Vita Beroaldi, 59 seqq., where see the special We may add Philologus, XLV., 376 seq. Eos, L, 243, 1 1 L,
;
:

;

223

;

and Huffer, Corveier Studien, Miinster,

1898.

t Leo's

attempt to obtain manuscripts from Melk was unsuccessful

LEO

X.

ON THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. 269
of Beroaldo's edition of Tacitus*

At the end
the

we

see

Pope's
of

arms, and

under them

the

words: "In the

name

Leo X. great rewards

are promised to those

send him ancient writings which have not yet been

who made
this

known."
against

The

edition

also

contains

a

Papal

privilege

unauthorized impressions of the work.

In

Leo

justifies, in

eloquent language, the warmth with which
:

he pursues the advancement of heathen literature

"

Since

God

called

us to the high dignity of the Pontificate

we

have devoted ourselves to the government and extension
of the Church, and,

we have conand for, from our earliest youth we have been the fine arts thoroughly convinced that, next to the knowledge and true worship of the Creator, nothing is better or more useful for mankind than such studies, which are not only an adornment and a standard of human life, but are also of
other objects,
ceived
it

among

to be our duty to foster especially literature
:

service in every circumstance
us, in

;

in

misfortune they console

prosperity they confer joy and honour, and without them man would be robbed of all social grace and culture. The security and the extension of these studies seem to demand two conditions on the one hand, they require a sufficient number of learned and scholarly men, and, on With the other, an unlimited supply of first-rate books.
:

regard to the

first,
it

we hope, through God's
it

help, to

have

already
firm

made

evident that
to

is

our warmest desire and
their deserts,

determination

honour and reward

(see Kkh'.lingkr,

I.,

718)

;

from Monte Cassino, on the other hand,

he acquired some codices (see
64.1 se(/.).

Ehrhard
Rome,
c/.,

in

the Hist. PoUt.

131.,

CV.,

* Although printed
259, also

in 15 15 in
;

there no longer exists a copy

of this edition in the city

on

this

besides
sei^.

Paquier, Vita Beroaldi, 32
remarkably
fine

MORENI, S. Lorenzo, L, The National Library,

Paris, possesses a

copy.

270

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

which has indeed ever been our greatest joy.
the acquisition of books,

As

regards

we

give

God thanks

that in the

present instance

we have

a further opportunity of rendering

useful service to our fellow-men."*

Certainly no
appreciation
of
fully

Pope had given stronger marks
the

of his
classics.

importance

of

the

ancient

But while

recognizing
it

Leo's

enthusiasm

for

the
in

authors of antiquity,

ought not to be passed over

silence that his interest in

them was sometimes

carried

too

far, as, for
first

example, when he accepted the dedication

of the

edition of a

poem by

Rutilius Namatianus, unthis fervent

concerned by the circumstance that

worshipper

of the gods described the teaching of the Christian Church
as worse than the poison of Circe, in so far as the latter

only transformed the bodies, but the former the minds of

men.f
in

Nor was

it

without significance also that Reuchlin

15 17

ventured to dedicate his "Kabbala" to Leo X.

Certainly,
his

two years

later,

Hochstraten was able to publish

"Destruction of the Kabbala," with a dedication to the

same Pontiff/J: In fact, the number of writings dedicated to Leo was so great that a complete enumeration of them
is

impossible in the space at our disposal.
*

The

letter,

of which

Roscoe-Henkk,

II.,

157 scq., gives a transin

lation,

was written by Sadoleto Strauss,

Hutten saw

Leo's reservation of

the right of printing a sign of envy of the intellectual culture of the

German people
t

!

Cf.

II., 36.

See Itacius Lemniacus, Des Claudius
25, 31.
Cf.
CI.

Rutilius

Namatianus
edit,

Heimkehr., Berlin, 1872,
crit.

Rutilius

Namatianus,

p.

Vessereau, Paris, 1904.
seq.,

1

Geiger, 199

237 seq.;
writing

Paulus, Dominkaner,

98.

Hutten's

dedication of Valla's

on the donation of Constantine was
it

naturally pure scorn, which, as
II., 70.

would seem, Leo ignored

;

STRAUSS,

§

Besides the instances already mentioned,
:

I

confine myself to the
Bibl.

following indications

Bandinius,

Cat.

Cod.

Laurent,

I.,

725

THE VATICAN LIBRARY.

7-7

I

In spite of the Pope's extraordinary efforts, the additions
to the Vatican

Library were not so large as might have

been
the
as
for

expected.
total

From
of

the

inventories

we

find

that

number

volumes

did

not

exceed

4070

against

The golden age 3650 under Sixtus IV. acquirement of new manuscripts was over the the
;

competition of the printers proved an obstacle.*
over, the low state of the Papal finances

More-

must have acted

detrimentally. respect to the
seqq.,
50,

Without doubt such was the case with

Roman
'39

University ;t Leo certainly showed
Fantuzzi,
148,
I.,

II.,

3'

*"'7i'-)

-f'Y?-;

II.,

226; M.^zzuchelli,
IV.,
II.,

I.,

380; GlULlARI, Lett. Vcron,
III., 2
;

242; M.\ZZATINTI,
;

203;
477.

BUDIK,
into

Civiltk Catt., 1899,

407

Dcr Katholik,

1900,

Numerous manuscripts
account.
Marcelli

besides, in the Vatican Library,

must be taken
Christoph.

We may
de

mention

Cod.

\'at.,

*3447,

Dialogus

animae

sanitate

ad

Leonem

X.

;

*3646,

Christoph. Marcelli oratio ad
ortu
et

Leonem

X.; *3726, Franc. Syragatti de

occasu siderum

libri.

duo ad Leonem X.;

*3732, Joannis
X.; ^3745, Con-

Poggii Florentini de veri pastoris munere ad
stantii

Leonem

Felicis

de Castro Durantii historia de conjuratione Catilinae

with praefatio

ad Leonem X.; *3844,
For
the
.X.

.Sebastiani

Compagni

Ferrarriens.

Geographia ad Leonem X.; *5794, Petri Martyris Navigat. Indicae

ad Leonem X.
* Cf. MUN'TZ,
t

very numerous
of this work.
d. Ictt.

dedications

likewise

to

Cardinal Medici, see Vol.
Bibl., 43,

and Giorn.

Ital.,

IX., 453.

The

I'ope did not confine his interest to the
{cf.

Roman

University.

The

Universities also of Bologna, Pisa

Raph.

\''olaterr.,*

Brevis

histor. in

Cod. Vat., 5875,
f.

f.

44 [Vatican Library], and Ioanninensis,

Pentatheucus,

102/-'),

Avignon, Louvain, Frankfurt, Ingolstadt, Cracow,
with.
Cf. Regest.

and Vienna were generously dealt

Leonis

.\., n.

5466,

5686,6794, 7037, 7555, 4557, 4558, 6086, 1898, 1899, 4629, 3589. In a *Brief dated January 4, 151 5, Leo X. confirmed the measures taken

by Cardinal Antonio del Monte, Legate
October
25, 1514, for the
in

in

Perugia, by an *edict of
city.
It

support of the ".Stuilio" in that

Both

documents are
previously

the
that

Communal
Leo
f.

Library,

Perugia.

was not

known

also supported the Florentine 213, there
is

Academy.

In the *Introit. et Exit., 558,

the following entry under

272

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in his

no lack of zeal

endeavours to prop up

this institution.

A

new era seemed
15 13,

to

open before
Papal

it

when, on the 5th of

November,

a

Constitution

was

published
of

enjoining several wholesome reforms.*
these consisted
in

The

principal

a re-enactment

of the regulations of

Eugenius IV.

;

important privileges and adequate revenues

were to ensure the prosperity of the University.
regard to the professors,
it

With

was prescribed that they should
addition to the

devote themselves exclusively to their professional duties

and deliver
latter,

their lectures punctually

;

in

they were from time to time to give oral instruction
the subjects
treated in their courses
first
;

to their pupils on

thus a sort of seminary was formed, perhaps the
its

of

kind

known

in

the

history of universities.
14,

On

the

20th of September, 15
of a private chapel
in

Leo X. sanctioned

the erection

the

University buildings and

the

foundation of a
the

Provostship with
;

two chaplains under
the
chapel, moreover,

patronage of the Medici

in

were to be held the academic ceremonies, such as the
conferring of doctors'
degrees,
public
disputations, and

other functions.-]-

The teaching

strength of the University
to

was extended by invitations

scholars

outside.

The

most distinguished among the teachers secured by the
January
29 Maii
30, 15 19: preteriti

*Dicta die

solvit due. 75 similes

de mand. sub die

dom.

Antonio

Dolphino Benintendi, praesidenti

Academic
scientie
preteriti.

Florentin.,

pro

pensione

domus conducte pro
et octo
finitos die

exercitio

academice per menses decern
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
siiavissinios

22 Martii

* The Constitution Duin

is

given

in

a mutilated and

in-

accurate form in Bull. V., 568, correctly in the Regest. Leonis X.,
5265.
Cf.

n.

Renazzi,

II.,

25 seq.\ Ratti, Lettera, 14
1881, 23.

;

and Morpurgo,

Roma
t

e la Sapienza,

Roma,
Fil.

The Provost was

Beroaldo, the Chaplains were Camillo Porzio

(see.yz/;/rrt,p.

X., n. 11,820.

227)and Giov. Gazoldo(see«/';?5rrt,p. 153 n.); Regest. Leonis Cf. Marini, Lettera, 44 seqq.\ Fantazzi, II., 137 seqq.

THE PROFESSORS OF THE UNIVERSITY.
Pope were
of

2^1

the

philosopher

Agostino Nifo, the doctor
tlie

medicine

Christoforo
the

Aretino,

jurist

Girolamo

Botticella,

and

liumanists
first

Giampaolo

Parisio

and

Basilio

Calcondila, the

of

whom was

Professor of
chair of

Rhetoric and the second of Greek.

A

special

Hebrew was
in

also erected.*

If the

professors

whom

he

in-

vited were otherwise under engagements,

Leo endeavoured

"the public interest" to free them, since the
as
far

Roman

University,

as

possible,

was

to

have the most

illustrious staff of teachers.f

A

highly-interesting glimpse of the position of higher
is

education at the beginning of Leo's reign
official register

afforded by an

of professors belonging to the year 1514.+

The number
Almost
eleven.
all

of

names does not

fall

short of eighty-eight.

divisions were

under more than one professor.

Philosophy and Theology number seventeen, Canon
Civil

Law
and

Law

twenty.

Medicine

fifteen.

Rhetoric

eighteen, § Greek three, Mathematics two. Astrology

Botany have one
* Cf.

each.ji
II.,

The

salaries of the professors vary
p.

Renazzi,

77-78.

For Nifo, see supra,

250;

for

G.

Parisio (Aulus Janus Parrhasius), see Jannf.lli, Vita Auli Jani Parrhasii,

Neapoli, 1844
Giorn.
d.
lett.

;

Amati, 229
Ital.,

;

F.

LO Parco, A. G. Leo X.
Rknazzi,
see

Parrasio, Vasto, 1899
to

;

XXV.,
2,

132 seq.
;

also wished
II.,

attach

Filippo Decio to his University
t

32.
19,

See Appendix, No.

the *Bricf to

Bologna of Feb.

15 14.

State Archives, Bologna.
\

Published with explanatory notes
Abb., G.
1797.

in

the rare pamjihlct, Lettera

deir

Marini
Cf. also

Roma,

Mons. G. Muti Papazurri giii Casali, Renazzi, II., 33 seq., 38 seq. For the Professor
al

ch.

of Greek, Agosto Valdo, see Rev. d. Biblioth., V., 14 seq.
%,

See La Retorica corrispondcva

in

qualche

modo

alia Facoltii di

Icttcrc.
II

GnOLI, Pasquino,
chair of botany in

62.

The

Rome was

the

first

founded

in Italy

;

see

Marini,

Marzi,
mento,

Lettera, 75 seq., ibid., 45, for Leo's fondness for astrology. Cf. }fiseq., " Lucha stoligho del Papa'' is mentioned in the Censir

81, published

by ArnieUini,

VOL.

VIII.

l8

274

HISTORY or THE POPES.
florins
;

from 50 to 530 gold
florins,

the highest, 530 and 5CXD gold

were paid to the doctors of medicine, Arcangelo of

Siena and Scipione de' Lancelloti.

The famous Paolo

Giovio received, as Professor of Ethics, 130; the jurist, Mario

Salomoni, 150; the philosopher, Agostino Nifo, 300; the

master of perspective, Luca Paciolo di Borgo San Sepolcro,
a Minorite, 120 gold florins.

Of

the humanists, Inghirami
florins at

and the Greek professors each received 300 gold
the utmost
;

Beroaldo and Raffaello Brandolini Lippi had
Porzio 150 gold
florins.

250, Parisio 200, Camillo
total

The

expenditure for professors' salaries amounted
florins.

in 15 14

to

14,490 gold

The Pope was

not backward in

making
that the

sacrifices

for

his darling

scheme,* and his hope
first in

Roman

University might become the

Italy

does not seem to have been groundless.
great aim was not realized
;

Nevertheless his

different circumstances

worked
death

together to bring this about.

In

the

first

place,
;

caused vacancies which could not be

filled

up

soon after

the compilation of the register just mentioned Calcondila

and

Botticella
in

died,

Inghirami

followed

in

1516 and

Beroaldo

15 18.

Even more

serious than these losses

was the
and the

rivalry of Pisa, whither Nifo, Christoforo Aretino,
jurists

Giambattista Ferreri and Pier Paolo Parisi

betook themselves. f
probably, in the
first

The cause

of their defection

was

place, the Pope's financial difficulties,

which disastrously affected the position of the University,
as the\' did, indeed,
all

his undertakings.

Besides,

many
others

secured chairs by favour and not by merit, in consequence
of the widespread encroachments
of patronage
;;|:

sought to oust
*
t
1
i$

rivals
I.,

from their chairs by intrigue

S

Cf.

Brosch,

332.
II.,

Gnoli, Secolo,
Cf.

634.

Brosch, loc
in

cit.

As

the case of Matteo Ercolano, although he

had written an

FATE OF THE UNIVERSITY. At
pass
"

275

the time of Leo's death tilings had
that
is

come

to such a

a
a

Professor

of

Jurisprudence

could

write:

There

crowd
:

of professors

who have been appointed
are not
sufficient

without selection

the
all,

salaries

to live
it

upon, and, worst of

are paid so irregularly that

costs

more trouble

to raise

the

money
Leo's

than

to

give a whole
interest
in

course of instruction."*

personal
it

the

University, + undeniably great as
the approaching downfall.
It

was, could not avert

was, moreover, unfortunate

that this state of things almost coincided with a decline of
literary pursuits in the

Roman

Curia.;!:

The
typical

fate

of

the

University

may

be looked upon as

of

the
fair

literary

age of which

Leo X. was the

Maecenas; a

beginning, awakening wide expectations,
to grievous disappointment.

most of which were doomed

The

critical

observer encounters this picture more or less

distinctly

at

every step.

The

causes

why

such

com-

paratively small results were obtained are to be found, on

the one hand, in the calamitous state of the finances, and,

on the other,

in

the often irresponsible

way

in

which Leo X.
support.

distributed his too open-handed

patronage and

"Encomium
p. 227).

in

laudem Leonis X."

(see F.A.NTUZZI,

1 1 1.,

275,

and supra,

M. Ercolano, who taught

classics in the University after the
in a letter,

death of BrandoHni Lippi, swore to the Pope
not deprive the former of his chair, although

*that he would
to

some wished him
par
I

do

so.

He

wrote,

among

other things

:

*ad

tc

vero pertinet nc tua decreta

resolvens a teque ipse dissentiens ct plus
tatibus permittens in
letter in

quam

sit

aliorum volunthis

numerum
f.

cogi judiceris.

found

undated

Cod. Rcgin., 2023,
II.,

196-199, Vatican Library.
;

* Gnoli, Secolo,

637 scqq.

regarding the appointment of
p.

unfit

persons, he recalls Gazoldo (see sitpra^

153

n.), Ciiulio

Simonc, and

Querno
+
\

(see supra, p. 153).

Cf.

Sanuto, XXVI.,

195.
I.,

See Denifle, Universitaten,
fall

315.

MorpurgO

{Joe. cit.,

24)

erroneously ascribes the

of the

Roman

University to Adrian VI.

2/6

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
first

At the
towards

glance

we
and

are

dazzled

by Leo's
so

attitude

knowledge
linked
his

literature,

many famous
overpowering.

names
praise

are

with his

memory, and the chorus of
is

from

contemporaries
posterity
has,
in

so

The
in
it

verdict

largely influenced

most by the famous biography of Giovio the able Medici Pope is depicted in strong conthe
II.,

of

main, been

trast

to the warlike Julius

and the name of Leo

is

given

as

the watchword

of

the

golden age which he

inaugurated.*

Henceforth he
brilliant that
it

is

its

Maecenas, surrounded by a halo so

has cast a glamour over the eyes even of

the keen and bitter enemies of
closer review of details
facts

Rome.f
critical

It

is

onh' after a

and a
is

inquiry into actual

that another picture
in

evolved, less flattering, but

more

agreement with the
its staff

truth.

The splendour

of the

University, with
* The
titles to

of eighty-eight professors, as well

fame, which Giovio adduces for the literary patronage

of his hero in the third

Book

of his Vita, are

:

(i)

Bembo and
Beroaldo
to

Sadoleto as Papal secretaries.

(2)

the librarianship of the Vatican.

tinguished professors to the
accitis

Roman
vel

University

The appointments of The appointment of (3) The call of dis" Gymnasium vero
:

undique gravissimarum artium professoribus

ita instauravit,

ut

neque Bononiensi neque Patavino

doctorum praestantia
(4)

vel audi-

torum concursu concedere videretur."

The patronage

of poets

:

" Singulos vero vel mediocris etiam nominis poetas et exquisitis nobili-

oribusque artibus instructos tanta benignitate suscipiebat ut omnes
excitatis

jam

animis ad excolenda literarum studia vehementer accender-

entur, qiium ab tafito

armorum

strepitu,

quo neglectis Uteris Julii aures
esse videretur.

magnopere gaudebant^ tandem virtuti locus patefactus
. .
.

Florebat enim turn

Roma

praestantibus ingeniis copia incredibili

rerum omnium

et a clementiore coelo inusitata aeris salubritate, ita ut

Leo tantae
t Cf.
195.

virtutis ac amplitudinis pontifex,

auream aetatem post multa
Nordlingen, 1889, 194-

saecula condidisse diceretur."

Dollinger's judgment, Vortrage,

II.,

INSIGNIFICANT RESULTS.
as that of the

277
its

Greek College,

loses

somewhat of
its

lustre,

and the mental and

intellectual

worth of the whole swarm
true significance.

of poets and poetasters shrivels up into

The support which Leo X. gave

to

men

of letters and to

scholars turns out, on nearer scrutiny, to have been only

too often misapplied, and, moreover, to have been narrower
in its scope

than contemporary and later panegyrists have
it

represented
influence

to be.

The
X.

direct

results

of the

literary

of

Leo
of
his

were,

despite

the

high-pitched
insignificant.

encomiums
There
is

admirers,

practically
in

more legend than

truth

the

view, so

often

presented, in

which he presides over an era of

literar\'

progress and productiveness.*
to give his

He

has usurped the right

name

to an

epoch of which the foundations
his predecessors.

had been

laid

and the ways opened by
GNOLI
(51

* Of recent
insisted

writers, besides

se(/(/.),

on this; see Giorn.

stor.

d. lett. Ital,

Cian especially has XXIX., 439; XXXVI.,
c/.

215.

How
Cf.

exaggerated former estimates were,

RUDIK,

I.,

xxxiv.

+

Gnoli, Secolo,

II.,

629

seg.

For Julius

II.'s

services to the

literature of the Renaissance, see Vol. VI. of this work,
se^.

457

The
2,

first,

who

quite arbitrarily extended the Leonine

seg., 459 epoch from

1500 to 1550, was

Orelli

(Beitriige zur Geschichte d.

ital.

Poesie,

Heft

Zurich,

1810, 98);

Flaminius und

seine

Schluter (M. A. Frcunde. Dichterproben aus dem Zcitalter
he was followed by

Leos X., Mainz, 1847).

Leo X. as patron of
(in

letters is celebrated in
life

an

exaggerated and uncritical way by ROSCOE, whose

of

Leo the

Tenth appeared
Leipzig,

in in

Liverpool in 1805
Italian,

(^icrman

first

by \"on Henkc,

1806;

with
(II.,

many
i

valuable additions, by Bossi,
15 seg^.);
II.

Milano, 1816-17).
al sig. C.

Ren.\zzi

sr^g.,

Ratti (Lettera

Fea

sul di lui paralello di Giulio

con Leon X., Roma,

1822);

Dresden, 1872) as well as
Paris,

1844)

Der Miicenas des christlichen Rom, (Hist, de Leon X. at de son siecle, and BlECHV (Tableau du siecle de Leon X., Limoges, 1852) in their utterly worthless paneg\rics, while Andres and
(Leo
X.,

Hakerkorn

AUDIN

Dandolo

are devoid of any literary merit

;

others, as

Cantu and

278

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cannot be considered the leader of an age of
in
\\

He
was

hich he

every particular the offspring, swayed hither and

thither

by

its

most varying tendencies, by the noble and

the ignoble,

by the

lofty

and the base.*

The unique

reputation which his

have conferred upon him must give way before the sober verdict of critical expartisans
;

amination

his actual services,

which cannot be denied,

fall

far short of his

renown.
inspired

The

love of science and literature which

the

son of Lorenzo the Magnificent often took
literary dilettantism. f

the

form of

Like most of

his contemporaries,

he

overvalued

in

a remarkable
as

way

the

poets
as

of that

day,

whose compositions were
only by elegance of
style.

often

not distinguished

In his quick
It

enthusiasm he

was much too
if

easily satisfied.

was

sufficient for
;

him
he

a

letter,

a speech, or a

poem was

gracefully turned

very often overlooked the contents for the form.
distribution of his favours he

In the

had by no means a happy
in real

hand

;

he lavished his rewards without method and with-

out discrimination.
improvisatori,

He

took equal pleasure
class

poets,

and the
the

of persons

who cannot be

included

among

men

of letters, but can only find a
only paganism in
lett. Ital.,

Reichensperger
against which view
404).

(Fingerzeige, 4 seq.)^ see

Leo,

ClAN

rightly protests (Giorn. d.

XXIX.,

Much more moderate and sounder

are the later judgments of

Reumont and Gregorovius. Janssen (II., i8th ed., 67), and more strongly still Gnoli (Secolo di Leon X., 1897-98), turns the
Burckhardt,
reverse side of the medal.
reservations,
is

In agreement with the latter, yet with
in

Kraus (Mediccan Rome
1904,
11

History,
tries to

II.,

Cambridge,

seqq.,

i^ seqq.).

The Cambridge Modern Masi (142 seq.)
sufificiently into detail.

take a middle course, but does not go
il

G.

CONFORTI (Leon X. ed
* Reumont,
t Cf.
III., 2, 335.

suo Secolo, Torino,

1896)

is

without

value.

Gnoli, Secolo,

III., 39.

TIIK
place

LKONINK

ACIK.

279

among

jesters

and entertainers.*

He

too often took
representa-

everything merely as a pastime or theatrical
tion ;+ tlie patron of a Baraballo

and a Fra Mariano was

wanting
taste

in

seriousness and force of character, as well as in

and judgment.
of the Leonine age, so often and so
respects

The splendour
belauded,
is

much
real.

in

many

more apparent than
it

Like a
behind

brilliant display of fireworks,
it

leaves nothing
in

more

than the recollection.

Not only

the sphere

of pure science do

we look

in

vain for really great works;

even

in

that of polite literature the conventional tributes
;|:

of praise must be largely discounted.

There

is

nothing

really of first-rate excellence except the

poems of Vida and
he
he
in

Sannazaro.

Leo's importance
all

is

limited to this, that
;

was before

else a stimulating force

this respect

undoubtedly rendered manifold

services.

We

must not
to create

depreciate the general impulse which he gave to artistic as
also to literary
in

and

scientific

life.

It

was

his

work

Rome

an intellectual atmosphere,

a " milieu "

without

which even Raphael would not have reached such ripe
maturity.

To him

also
its

it

was due,

to a great extent, that

humanism spread

influence over such

an appreciably

large portion of Europe. §
*

This was of no small importhas

BURCKHARDT's quick

perception

drawn
(I.,

attention,

in

a

passage which has generally been overlooked
capriciousness of Leo's patronage, which w as
t
I

3rd

ed., 232), to the

somewhat

of a lottery.

Gnoli, Secolo, Gnoli, Secolo,

III., 40. III.,

52

Si'^t/.

^

Masi has
I.,

recently

called

attention

to

this

(I.,

211)

strongly.

HURCKHARDT
Renaissance,

long before had already given his opinion (Kultur der
3rd ed., 266):

"What

the humanists have effected in
entirely by the

Europe since 1520 or thereabouts, has been conditioned
impulse given to them by Leo."
in

GeiGER speaks
Lit.
I.,

in the

same sense

the Zeitschr.

f.

Renaissance,

147, of

"the permanent place

which Leo has won

for himself in the historv of the

human mind."

28o
ance
in

HISTORY Of THE POPES.
the
history

of

the

development

of

Western
felicitous

civilization; the

Renaissance literature of Italy pointed out
nations, in which,

the

way

to the

Romance

by a
less

combination of antique and national elements, they should

produce works of

classical perfection.*
in the

Not

important

was the advance made
of antiquity.f favour

knowledge and appreciation

All this was

more
given

or less affected

by the
the

and

encouragement
literature.

by

Leo

X. to

Renaissance of

Therefore, undoubtedly a certain

share in the renown of the Papacy, as one of the foremost

educators of the world, belongs to the son of Lorenzo the
Magnificent.

Much more must
gratitude

history greet

his

name
the

with

honour and

when
first

she

reflects

on

protection given to art

by the

Pope of the House of

Medici.
*

Baumgartner,

IV., 637.

t Cf.

JOLY, Sadolet, 64 seqq.

CHAPTER
Leo X.
AS

VII.

the Patron of the Arts.

— The

Stanze,

Tapestries and Loggie of Raphael.

Among
to

the artistic creations which

owed

their existence

the
in

Medici

Pope,

works of

painting

hold

the

first

rank

point of number, as well as on account of their

intrinsic value

and of the subjects they portray.

Among

these

the

wonderful achievements of Raphael are pre-

eminent.

With the

reign of

Leo X.

a

career of this master begins.

new epoch Heavy and
Pope

in

the artistic
as

varied

the

tasks might be with which the

plied him, the lovable
his great

and gifted painter of Urbino knew how to adapt
talents to

human
up

capacity.

demands which multiplied almost in excess of Wondrous was the devotion with which,
he gave himself to the
unflagging advance of
task
to

to the hour of his early death,

work he had
his
artistic

do

;

astonishing was his zeal for study, his

inexhaustible productiveness, the

power.

Besides

the obvious

of finishX., in the

ing the
first

monumental

frescoes in the Stanze,

Leo
tiian

year of his pontificate, laid upon him simultaneously a
less difficult

second task not

and extensive

the

first,

namely, the cartoons

for the tapestries of the Sixtine

Chapel.
itself

Along with these undertakings, each of which
was of a nature
were yet
to exhaust
all

b\-

the artist's resources, there

many

other commissions of greater or less im-

portance to execute at the instance of the Pope and his

282
artistic
in
circle.
all

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Raphael, whose creative genius delighted
its

exerting

powers
in

to

meet

these

increasing

demands,
historians

found

himself,

a
his

proportionate
aid.

degree,
the

forced to call in his pupils to

Vasari and

of art

who have

followed

him have greatly
at
first

exaggerated their number.
painters

There were

only two

who

stood on a level with their master, Giovanni
Giulio

Francesco Penni and
favourites,

Romano.

On

those

two

who alone

are entitled to be called his disciples

in the fullest sense of the

word, Raphael bestowed a

life-

long affection and trust.*

Traces of other hands are already discernible
fresco of the

in

the
in

Meeting of Attila and Leo the Great.f
d'Eliodoro,
the

the

Stanza

completion

of which
II.

was

interrupted by the illness and death of Julius

The
the
ruins

composition and
this

drawing, as well
defects

as

the colouring of

picture,

disclose

incompatible

with

master-touch of Raphael.^
of

The landscape with
characteristics

Rome

bears

all

the

of

Giovanni
it

Francesco Penni; Giovanni da Udine, to
formerly
fresco

whom
in

was
this

attributed,

is

out

of

the

question. §

In

a
I.;

marked
in

alteration

was
of

made

the

figure

of

Leo

Raphael's original sketch,
the
features

this
II.;
is

great Pope

appears

with

Julius

the

warlike

Rovere, recognizable by his long beard,
in his litter,

here carried

wearing an expression of perfect tranquillity,

to

meet the savage and boisterous Hunnish king and
horsemen, while the princes of the Apostles,

his troop of

Peter and Paul, sweep
*

down from heaven with

threaten-

t Cf.

DOLLMAYR, 231-237. WiCKHOFF'S Review
WoLFFLiN, 104 seq. DOLLMAYR, 231 seq.., 237.
Cf.

of Pastor's

"

Leo X.

"

in

the

Kunst-

geschichtl. Anzeigen, 1906, 54.
I

^

THE STANZE OF RAPHAEL.
ing; 'fc>

283
it

crestures.*
fc)

The
II.,

fresco

as

we now

see

shows.

in

place of Julius
in
full

his beardless successor

pontifical

vestments and
in

Leo X., clothed mounted on the white
his

charger which carried him

the battle of Ravenna, and, a

year

later, in

the magnificent procession on

way

to

take possession of the Lateran.f

There
to

is

no doubt that

the artist effected this metamorphosis at the special wish

of the

new Pope, who sought thus

hand down

to

posterity an enduring portrait of himself

and a memorial,

as well, of his deliverance from French captivity.;!:
inscriptions on the
St.

Two

window beneath
in

the

Deliverance of

Peter attest that the works
in

the Stanza d'Eliodoro

were finished

the

summer

of I5i4.§

The order
uncle,
for

to decorate the third
ist

Stanza followed without

delay, for on the

of July, 15 14, Raphael informed his

Simone

Ciarla, that he

had begun to paint another

hall

His Holiness, for which he was to receive one thousand
ducats.|[
in

two hundred gold
Diirer at

In the following year he sent to

Nuremburg,

order "to show his

hand"

to the

German
June,

master, the red crayon sketch,

now

preserved at

Vienna, of two figures
1

in the sea-fight at Ostia.

Not
;

until

5 17,

was the painting of this
II.,

hall

completed

so states

* Klaczko, Jules
t

392, 407.

Cf.

Crowe-Cav.\lc.\selle,

II.,

152.

Beside the Pope stands his Master of the Ceremonies.

Thus we
That the
.\'.,
I

have here a portrait of Paris de Grassis.
+

The

last

seems probable from the poem of
II.

(liraldi.

deliverance of Peter refers to Julius

and not

to

Leo
is

have

shown

in Vol.

VI. of this work,

p.

605.

Steinm.^nn

of the

same
II.

opinion
S

in the Zeitschr. fiir bild.
-X.

Kunst., N. F., X., 177.
||

Leo

Pont.

II

Max. Ann. Christ
II

MDXI III.

||

Pontificat. .Sui
19,

The second year
March
August
II

of his Pontificate dates from

March

15 14, to

19, 1515.

That the work was
i/ifra, p.

finished in the

summer, appears
ot

from the

letter
I,
1

quoted
in

284

n.,

and from the Ijalance-shcet

5 14,

Fea, Notizie,
;

9.

PUNGILEONI, 157

GUHL,

I.,

93

se(j.

284

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the Ferrarese Envoy,* and the inscription on the
in

agreement with

this.f

window is The extraordinary delay in the
is

completion of the third Stanza

explained by Raphael's
1514.+

nomination as architect of
This additional burden was

St.

Peter's as early as
all

made

the heavier by the
it.

ardour with which Raphael applied himself to
absorption
in architectural

His

matters led him to a thorough
is

study of the antique, the influence of which
clearly in the frescoes of the third Stanza. §

to be seen

But, on the

other hand, the imperative claims of the

— the

building of St. Peter's

— forced

new undertaking him to allow his
hand with
of
his

pupils, to a
pictures,

much

larger

extent, a

free

and

to enlarge

continually

the scope of their
the

co-operation,

A

merely superficial inspection

frescoes in the third Stanza
is

the

shows that not one of them work of Raphael's hand alone; more recent inhas proved
that

vestigation

even

in

their

composition
extent,

Raphael's influence has
ordinate.

become, to

some

sub-

The
closely

idea of the fresco decoration in the third Stanza

is

connected with that

in

the

Stanza d'Eliodoro

here also the greatness and power of the Papacy, as the
central

point of

the

Church,

is

to

be celebrated

with

reference to the actual sovereignty of the exalted patron of

the work.

The purely

personal references to the reigning
in

Pontiff, which,

only lightly touched on

the

first

Stanza,

are brought out
*

much more
Envoy
in

clearly in the second, receive

The

letter of the
I.,

Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, 1863,
letter to

i,

351,
19,

and

Atti Mod.,

115.

Cf.

Bembo's

Bibbiena of July

1517,

Opere
+

III., 14.

Leo X. Pont. Max. ||Anno
See infra,

Christ.

||

MCCCCCXVII.

||

Pontificatus
||

SuiAnno||IIIl.
% §
p.

362

seq.
seq.

See StrzyGOWSKI, 56

THE STANZE OF RAPHAEL.
in

285

the third so stronf^ an emphasis that the continuity of

subject runs a risk of being

broken

;

and the intention
a

thus intrusively forced on the notice of the beholder has a
disturbing effect.

The

idea

of restoring

combination
in

with the subjects on the ceiling, where the Christ

Glory,

painted by Perugino for Julius

II.,

retained

its

place,
their
is

was

abandoned

:

the great frescoes on the walls

tell

own
the

story, but the only link

which holds them together

name

of Leo.

The
III.

fitting

designation for the chamber

would thus be "the Leonine Hall."*
histories of

From

the respective

Leo

and Leo

IV.,

whom
the

the Church has

raised to her altars,

two important incidents have been
suggesting
identity

chosen

which,

besides

of

the

Papal names, were at the same time capable of application to events in the glorious present.

And,
and

as

if

someare

thing

still

were wanting, Leo

III.

Leo IV.

invariably portra\'ed with the

Medici Pope.

uncomely features of the In thus displaying pictures which were

mere

offerings of

homage

to

Leo

X., the

fact

was over-

looked that

paintings of this sort produce

only a diswell conceive

agreeable and chilling impression.
that Raphael took
little

One can

pleasure in a task so uncongenial

to the natural bent of his genius,

and delegated, as much
pupils.

as possible,

its

fulfilment to his

At

the utmost,

by means of sketches and

studies, he supplied the

ground-

work of the "Fire

in the

Borgo," f which, as the master-

piece of the series, has given to the apartment the

name

of the "Stanza del Inccndio."

The
a
fire

"

Liber Pontificalis" relates how Leo IV., by making

the sign of the Cross, quenched with marvellous quickness

which was ravaging the Borgo

di

San

Pietro,

the

suburb which he had founded and
* Springer, 317.
t

fortified.

The

difficult)'

The name

.Stanza di

tone Borgia

is

now almost

forgotten.

286
of treating

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
such an
occurrence pictorially need
not be

insisted upon, since the wonderful

power of the

pontifical

blessing does not admit of perceptible expression.

The

person of the Pope
the picture which to

in the act

of blessing

— the

feature of

Leo X. was of

capital importance

has been thrown boldly into the background by the artist;
here he appears on a loggia of the Vatican, near to which
the

facade of the then existing Church of St. Peter's

is

visible,

while in the foreground the threatened victims of

the raging flames are depicted with broad and
strokes, running,
in
flight.
its

powerful
or

amid

cries of

distress, to the rescue
fire,

The

frightful
is

power of

when

"it breaks

through

fetters,"

here represented in a "genre picture

of masterful

style"* with such extraordinary actuality

that one understands

why

this particular fresco in the

was such
academic
palatial
dis-

an object of admiration and imitation
epoch.

On

both sides of the
fire
is

picture

ancient

buildings, in which the

raging, are purposely

played.

On

the one on the right hand
;

men

are busy try-

ing to quench the flames

two female

figures, the

modelling

of which

has hardly a counterpart in painting, and has
full

made

the group famous, hold out vessels

of water to

the stout-hearted rescuers, f On the left hand the flames have got the mastery, and have driven the inmates to head-

long

flight.

Only

one, a mother,
infant

is

forgetful of her
in

own

safety,

and holds out her

swaddling clothes

to the father

a

stalwart youth,

who has roused himself in terror. Close by who has jumped naked from his bed,

slides

down

the wall.

On

the extreme

left

a son, in the

strength of youth, carries his father, scantily clothed, into
the open, like .^neas bearing Anchises
;

behind him runs

a

spirited

boy, likewise

clad

with only a few scraps of

* BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, 670.
t

Strzygowski,

13.

THE STAN/.E or RAPHAEL.
clothing.

287
recall

Amid

these

incidents,

which

Virgil's
in

description of burning Tro>-, the group of

women

the

centre must

not be overlooked, since

it

not only connects

the foreground with the t^vo sides of the picture, but also
carries the

eye back again to the figure of the Pope,
(;f

in

the

background, as he makes the sign
terror-blricken

blessing.

One

of the

women who have congregated
;

here

has

thrown herself on the ground and, with outstretched arms,
cries to the Pontiff for help

on him also

is

turned the gaze

of a mother whose child has sunk upon

its

knees

in

prayer

— a touching
and
fear
!

idyll in the

midst of this world of distraction
of the Church, as to a place of

To
also

the the

Head

refuge, fly

groups of people on the steps of
of extraordinary beauty, and
is

the Papal palace

— figures
;

portrayed with a thorough grasp of what

true in nature.*

All these beautiful details are certainly to be attributed to

Raphael's invention

but
is

he

is

not responsible for their
defective,

combination, which

in

parts
It is

nor

for

the

discrepancies in proportion. f
tion of the

certain that the executo
his

fresco
is

was

left

entirely

pupils

;

the

foreground

the

work of Giulio Romano and the back-

ground that of Penni.

The same
second

considerations hold good in the case of the

fresco,

which represents the victory of Leo IV.
;

in

the sea-fight of Ostia
Giulio

only with this difference, that here

Romano

has, to a very considerable extent, influenced

the composition

as

a

whole.;]:

Leo

IV.,

who

faces the
left,

spectator in the person of
far

Leo
him

X., appears

on the

not

from the shore, enthroned on a
of Ostia
;

fallen pedestal

from the
his
tlic

ruins

behind

are

seen

two of

chief
l)eauty

* MUNTZ, 444
t
\

seq.^

has rightly called special attention to

of this portion of the picture,

DOLLMAVR,

250.
se<j.

DOI.I.MAVR, 251

288

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Bibbiena
itself fills
;

advisers, Cardinals Medici

the Pope, with

uplifted eyes, gives thanks to heaven for his victory on

the sea.
front of

The

naval action

the background.

In

him captive Saracens are already landing, who are represented as gagged and roughly handled among them
;

is

conspicuous the splendid form of a warrior

;

the design of

this figure

was included

in the

sketch sent by Raphael to
in

Diirer.*

Many

of the

subjects

this

clearly as those in the

Conflagration in

show as the Borgo how
fresco

intent at this time Raphael

and

his school

were on the

study of ancient models.f

The two other

frescoes

in

the

Stanza
III.:

del
is

Incendio
the

represent scenes from the

life

of

Leo

one

Oath

of Purgation against False Accusations, which this Pope
"

voluntarily and at no man's instigation

"

took on the 23rd
;

of December, 800, in the Church of St. Peter

the other
in

is

the Coronation

of Charlemagne, previously held

the

same

place, in
I.

which he assumes the bodily presence of
sketches by Raphael, for these ceremonial
all

Francis
pictures,

No

which display

the

pomp

of the Leonine era,

are

extant.

Everything indicates that
also
their

not

only their

execution, but

composition, was

the

work of

* The authenticity of

this

drawing, also preserved

in the Albertina,

has recently been questioned, but incorrectly.

See

Dollmayr

against

FiSCHEL

(Raffael's Zeichnungen, Strassburg, 1898) in the

Deutschen

Lit.-Ztg., 1899, 875,
57-

and WiCKHOFF

in

Anz. der Wiener Akad., 1903,

+

For Raphael and the antique,
also
in

cj.^

besides the special works of

Gruyer and Pulsky,
Thode, Die Antiken

Muntz

in Gaz.

des

Beaux-Arts, 1880
1881

;

den Stichen Marcantons, Leipzig,
Arte,
1896, 241 seqq.

;

LOEWY
are also

in

Arch.
I'art

st.

dell'

and Nolhac,

Petites

notes sur

Italien, Paris,
in

1887.

Traces of Donatello's influence
in

discernible

the

"Fire

the Borgo";

Voce

(Rafifael

und Donatello, Strassburg, 1896)
strongly.

lays stress on this,

somewhat too

THE STANZE OF RAPHAEL.
Raphael's pupils.

289

The hard

outlines and feeble colouring

point to the conclusion that these frescoes

come from
Leo
III.

the

hand of Giovanni Francesco Penni.*

The
Leo
was,

choice of the events

in

the reigns of
in

and

IV.,

which are represented

the Stanza del Incendio,

we may be
by

pretty sure, determined

ness to the historical career of

by an appropriateLeo X. which was more easily
it

perceived

his

contemporaries than
order to

is

by us

at the

present

day.

In

discover in

each fresco the

circumstance to which

it corresponds, we must carefully examine the administration of the Medici Pope previous

to the

year 15

17,

instead of losing ourselves

among

far-

fetched surmises and generalities.-}clearest kind
is

An

indication of the

afforded by the fresco of the victory over

the

Saracens

in the

naval battle of Ostia.

In the pre-

vious course of this history

we have shown how preoccupied
At the time when
the

Leo X. had been, from
of the frescoes was

the beginning of his Pontificate,

with the plan of a Crusade.

scheme

decided upon, the
height.

Pope's crusading

enthusiasm was at

its

The
which
from

success of the Christian
for,

arms, which the Portuguese envoys had vouched
the

and

continuous danger

to

the

seaboard of the

Papal

States was exposed

the piratical attacks of

the Moslem, from whose hand

Leo X. had on one occasion
raised the

escaped at Ostia, as

if

by a miracle, must have

interest of his contemporaries in this fresco to the highest
pitch.;!;

Moreover, the arrival of unbelievers as captives,
is

which
for the

seen

in

the very forefront of the picture, was,
of Leo's days, a
scq.
is

Romans

by no means unusual

* DoLLMAVR, 267
t

Hettnkk

(225 seq.)

an example of
but

this.

His explanations are

useful

on points of

detail,

he introduces arbitrary and forced

meanings
X

into the frescoes,

which they are incapable of bearing.
213
sa/.

Cf. Vol. \'1I. of this work, pp. 45, 74 seqq., 158,

VOL. VIH.

19

290
spectacle.*
X.'s action

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

What
in

far-reaching hopes were based on

Leo

this question of a

Crusade by an earnest
Augustinian
History, in

man, Egidio Canisio, the General of the
Order,

may

be seen from a passage

in

his

which he represents the overthrow of Islam as already
assured,
since
it

is

written

in

the

Apocalypse of

St.

John that victory belongs to the Lion (Leo) of the tribe
of Juda.f
his
in

At

a later day,

when Leo X. was engaged

in

great

attempt to unite the Princes of Christendom
in

an armed league against the unbelievers, the fresco

his

chamber

in

the Vatican

may have

arisen before his

eyes with even greater force of appeal than this sentence
of holy writ.

The Coronation
features of Francis

of Charlemagne,
I.,

contains, according to the

who appears with the commonly

accepted explanation, a reference to the Papal approval of
the French monarch's efforts to secure the Imperial crown

during the electoral conflict of 1519 t But this interpretaThe fresco was tion is in the highest degree doubtful.
finished in 15 17,

when

the vaguest rumours concerning the

projects of Francis were current

rumours which sprang up on the occasion of the Conference at Bologna, but had
no substantial basis of fact. §
of a
Still less

apposite

is

the view

more recent

investigator,
"

who

sees in the picture the

expression of the
*
Cy.,

absolute supremacy of the Church over
195, the

besides

Sanuto, XXVI.,
8,

*day-book

in

Cod. Barb.,

lat.

3552, under date June
t

1516, Vatican Library.

Hettner, 227, has called attention to this. I BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, 669, has established this to a certainty, and many have followed him. When Forster, II., 74, sees in the fresco, along with the flattering memento of the Conference at Bologna, a hint
of Francis
is
I.'s

aspirations after the imperial

title,

the latter suggestion
this

in direct contradiction to the
p.

Pope's behaviour in

question

;

see

Vol. VII. of this work,
§
Cf. Vol.

258.
p.

VII. of this work,

141.

THE STANZE OF RAPHAEL.
the secular power." *
the
ecclesiastical

29I

Of

course,

it

is

correct to say that
is

character of the

Mediaeval Empire

forcibly brought out.

But the

really essential significance

of the picture must be found
the duty of supporting the

in

the strong accentuation of
See, which was

Holy

bound up

with the Imperial dignity.

To

this points the inscription

beneath the fresco
of the

:

"

Charles the Great, support and shield

Now, if Charlemagne bears the we learn from this what meaning was attached by members of the Roman Curia to the treaty made in October, 1515, with the King of France. By that treaty Francis had pledged himself expressly to
Church."
I.,

Roman

likeness of Francis

protect the States
is

of the

Church

in their entircty.f

It

who now appears and not the weak and
he
the Imperial
If
title.
;J:

as the

champion of the Church,

vacillating prince

who

then bore

these

two

frescoes in

the Stanza del Incendio thus

contain clear allusions to the political activity of
the two others may likewise bear
distinctively
ecclesiastical
first

Leo
to

X., his

a

reference

government.

Two

events

occupied the

place in point of interest at

the

time

when

the arrangements for the fresco decoration
:

of the

third Stanza were settled

the close of the Schism and the

Council of the

Lateran.
III.
is,

With the

latter

the

Oath of
a

Purgation of Leo

without doubt, closely connected.

The explanation
* Hettner, 227.

of this fresco also has for long been

+ Cf. Vol. VII. of this work, p. 126 scq.
\

As

the political situation
:

had altogether changed
III.

in 1521,

a public

speaker wrote

"Acsicuti Leo

cum Carolo

ita

nunc Leo X. cum

Carolo V. ... ad recipiendas
156).

ecclesiae

urbes adnititur" (Vp:nuti,

This passage shows

in

what general use such comparisons were

at that time.

Cf. also lo. liAPT.

Mantua Nus, De

sacris diebus,

1.

4

;

De

Sanctis Lconibus.

with Allila,

llie

Here the incidents brought forward arc the meeting battle of Ostia, and the coronation of the Emperor.

292

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

matter of hazardous and forced conjecture.
simple and yet sound
interpretation
is

Once

again, a

afforded

by the
is

inscription under the picture:

"God, and not Man,

the

Judge of Bishops."
15 16,

This principle was laid

down

in the

eleventh session of the Council, on the 19th of December,

and

in

the Bull

Unain sanctum, which had again
highest spiritual
authority,

been promulgated simultaneously with the repeal of the
Pragmatic Sanction.
is

The

it

here declared, must be judged by

God

alone,

and not by

men.*

The connection between
presents an

the fresco of the quelling of

the conflagration in the Borgo and the history of

Leo X.
is,

enigma of great

difficulty.

The

allusion

probably, to the close of the Schism, whereby the Pope

was
this

able, with

unexpected promptitude, to extinguish a
fire
is

perilous intestine

within the Church. f

But along with
be
mistaken.
St.

motive there

another which cannot

The

representation of the facade of the

old

Peter's,

* While

EURCKHARDT,

Cicerone, 669, and SPRlNorCR, 325, find the

choice of the Oath of Purgation unintelligible,
correctly

upon the reference

to the Bull of Boniface

Hettner, 230, has hit VI II., although

his exceedingly arbitrary suppositions deprive his explanation of half
its force.

t The meaning here brought forward for the first time has more to recommend it than that of Hettner, who (226) sees in the " Incendio "

an allusion

to the indefectibility of miraculous

power

in the

Church

as

involved in the conception of the Church's sanctity, and recalls to mind
the Conciliar decree against Pomponazzi.

FORSTER, II., 69, gives the "Incendio" a symbolical meaning with reference to the marvellous
diplomatic
skill

of Leo, whereby, in the negotiations at Bologna,

he
I.

averted the

dangers

which

threatened

Italy

through

Francis
in

Likewise

Gruyer, Chambres,

272, as against

Liliencron,

his

essays on the pictures in the Stanze (Aiig. Zig., 1883, No. 310) sees in
this destruction of a
sin "

second Troy " the world consumed by the fire of and without hope of salvation save at the hands of the Vicar of

Christ.

THE LEONINE HALL.
wliich
in

293

was doomed

to destruction, the architectural details

the foreground so obviously intended for

display and

which have nothing to do with the
intended to suggest the

Borgo, might

be
first,

zeal with which,

from the

Leo had applied himself

to the construction of the

new

basilica of the Prince of the Apostles.

Thus

the transfer-

ence of the real subject of the picture to the background
explains
itself.

Raphael, as the architect of

St.

Peter's,

wished, by means of this fresco, to convey to his patron,

who had nominated him the successor of Bramante, delicate compliment of homage and thanks.*
there yet remained, for the completion of the

a

After the works in the Stanza del Incendio were finished,

adornment of
of the

the Pope's state apartments, the mural

painting

great hall next the Stanza d'Eliodoro, which immediately
adjoins the Loggie.

The

choice of subjects for treatment

presented
in

difficulties, for

a continuation of the line adopted

Even to question. Leo X. did not refuse to recognize that, by confining Raphael's work to pictures of a merely ceremonial and official character, he was turning his talent into a narrowing groove that his tasks must again have a wider scope and higher aim, if there was not to be too great an incongruity
the

Leonine chamber was open

;

between the

first

and the

last
it

paintings in

the

Stanzc.f

Under

these circumstances

was a very happy conception
on

of the Pope's

when he
life

fixed, as his choice of subject,

the events in the

of the

Emperor Constantine

— events
Rome,

belonging to the history of the world, and of a prince under

whom
and
to

Christianity

made

its

victorious entr)' into

whom

tradition

had ascribed the donation of the

States of the Church.
* Strzygowski, with
opinion that this
t
is

To Raphael
I

also

was entrusted the
in

whom

discussed the subject

Rome, was

of

the only correct interpretation,

BURCKHARDT,

Ciceronc, 670.

294

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

task of settling the beautiful general arrangement of this
hall.

Of

the frescoes, that of Constantine's victory at the
is,

Milvian Bridge

in all certainty,

drawn from a

detailed

sketch by the master himself.

The grandeur

of style which

runs through this whole fresco, executed by Giulio Romano, shows the touch of a master of the first rank. If we turn

our eyes from the cold grey colouring of the fresco, and,
with
alone,

the

aid

of an

engraving, scrutinize
that
this,

the

drawing
noblest

we

receive

the impression

the

battle-piece in the world, can have

come from

the hand

of Raphael alone.*

While Raphael's pupils were painting the Leonine hall, their master was engaged on the designs for the tapestries, which on Church festivals were to adorn the lower walls of
the Sixtine Chapel in place

of the

older

hangings now

worn out and shabby. This work must have come to an end about Christmas, 15 16, after several years' application.
It

consisted of ten lightly-tinted cartoons, of the exact size

and shape which were to be reproduced in the looms, on which the chief events in the lives of St. Peter and St. Paul were painted in distem.per. For each cartoon the Pope paid one hundred gold ducats.

At that time the execution of the
carried out in Flanders.

tapestries could only be
for the

The former headquarters

fabrication of such articles in that country, Arras,

whence

from an early period the Italians had given the name
* DOLLMAYR, 348, attributes the whole with certainty to Giulio Romano, while Wickhoff adheres to his belief that there previously
existed a fairly detailed sketch
Zeitalter der Renaissance,
II.,

by Raphael
484.

;

so also

Zimmermann,
233,

Cf. also

Minghetti,

and

Rosenberg,
+

Raffael (1904), 25.
in

Marcantonio Michiel

CicOGNA,

406.

Two

accounts of June

15,

1515 (300 ducats), and
7-8.

December

20, 1516 (134 ducats), in

Fea, Notizie,

THE TAPESTRIES.
"

295
weaver's
skill,*

Arazzi

"

to the
its

productions of

tlie

had,

ever since

capture by Louis XI. in 1477, been unable
Brussels
|

to maintain so important a manufacture.^
for a long

had
of

time become the centre for this industry, and

thither accordingly

Leo X.

also turned. §

The despatch

the cartoons to Brussels must have followed without delay,
since

already, at

the

end of July,

15 17, Cardinal Luigi
in

d'Aragona was
the
first

able,

during his stay

that city, to admire

of the designs, the Committal of the

Keys

to Peter.

The

Cardinal,
in

who was
person
;

a
in

man

of artistic tastes, visited the

workshops
tapestries

his opinion the

whole

series of

would be reckoned among the most wonderful
||

achievements of Christian Art.
silk,

The execution

in

wool,

and gold thread was, under the supervision of Raphael's
of Court Purveyor to His Holiness,
1

pupil Bernhard van Orley,"^ in the hands of Peter van Aelst,

who, besides the

title

received for each piece of tapestry
total of 15,000.**

500 ducats, making a

*"

Cf.

MiJNTZ, Hist, de

la tapisserie, 5,

and GERSPACHJn

the Rev. de

I'Art chret., 1901, 94.

t See the transactions as given
\

by MuNTZ, Tapiss. de Raphael,
dans
les

4, n. I.

See PiNCHART, Hist, de

la tapisserie

Flandres, Paris, 1878-

1885, 118 seq.
%

MuNTZ, Chronique dcs
draws
this
p.

Arts,

1876, 346 scq.^

and

Hist,

dc

la

tapisserie, 20,
27,

conclusion correctly from the contract of June

1520 (given on
is

25), in

which Brussels

is

not mentioned.
Beatis.

All

doubt

removed by the express testimony of Antonio de

See

following note.
II

Cf.

P.XSTOR, Reise des Kardinal's Luigi d'Aragona, 65, 117.
is

This

source of information
raised

also of importance for

removing the doubt
Orlcy,

by Gerspach
in

in

the Rev. de I'Art chret., 1901, 106.
;

H Again

the Netherlands about 1515

see

WaUTERS,

B.

v.

Paris, 1893, 14.

** Marcantonio Michiel

in

Cicocina, 406.

The higher amounts
;

given by Paris de Grassis, Panvinius, and Vasari are exaggerations
see MiJNTZ, Raphael, 482.

296

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the beginning of July, 15 19, three of the hangings

By

Ambassador writes in workmanship and of their value.* Four more must have come to hand in the autumn for it is on record that the Pope ordered seven of these new
had reached
:

Rome

the Venetian

admiration of their

fine

;

tapestries, as beautiful as they

were costly, to be hung
Stephen's
day,

in

the

Sixtine

Chapel

on

St.

below

the

frescoes

on the walls.f

Although here and there the voice
criticism, yet

of envy found expression in unfavourable

the general impression was one of unmixed admiration.
"

All present in the Chapel," relates the Papal Master of Ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, " were struck at the sight of

these noble tapestries, which, with universal consent, were

adjudged to be among the things of beauty which cannot
be
surpassed
in
all

the world. J

The Venetian Marcin

antonio Michiel bears witness that

the general opinion

these tapestries are the most beautiful productions of their

kind that have ever yet been wrought
the antechamber of Julius
*
II.

;

they excel those

in

as

much

as the latter surpass
fa fare in
stati
el

De

moliti pezzi di arazzi che'l Pontefice

Fiandra per
stimano

fornire le

camere

et capella finora

ne sono

portati tre di tanta

perfectione et pretio che vagliono cento ducati
cari.

brazo ne
470.

si

Letter of July

4,

15 19,

in

Sanuto, XXVII.,
it

This has

escaped Miintz's notice
directed against

in

a strange way, but

confirms his conclusions

PassAVANT (Chronique des

arts, 1876, 254,

and

Hist,

de

la tapisserie, 20).

t Cf.
in

PASSAVANT,

CiCOGNA, Marcantonio Michiel, 405-406, and Paris de Grassis See also Minghetti, 161. Leo X. also lived II., 232.

to see the arrival of the three cartoons

now

wanting.

This

is

gathered
in

with certainty from the Appendix to the *Inventarium
foraria Leonis X. of
1

bonorum
(fol.

518 (State Archives,

Rome)

in

which

30) the

ten tapestries are described as " Panni pretiosissimi de la S"* di papa

Leone ad uso
and
Hist,

della capella."

MuNTZ, Chronique

des Arts, 1876, 247,

de

la tapisserie, 19, n. 3,

has given the passages bearing on

the point.
\

Passavant,

II.,

232.

THE TAPESTRIES.

297

those of the Marcjuis of Mantua, or those in the palace of the King of Naples.*
of-fact,

The

latest criticism is

more matterto

and

discovers

technical

faults

due

defective

execution.!
later

^^t only Raphael's own contemporaries but
have
overlooked
these
defects.
"

generations

A
it

marvellous and astonishing work," writes Vasari,
passes

" for

human

wit to understand

how

it

is

possible for the
in

interweaving of threads so to represent
hairs of the

the woof the

head and beard or so

to

reproduce the con-

sistency of

human

flesh,

and the impression made by the

whole
skill.

is

rather that of a miracle than of a

work of human
in

Water, animals, and buildings are represented

such perfection that they appear not to have been woven

on the loom, but to have been painted with the brush."

:|:

The
the

best evidence both of the extent

and the continuity
is

of this great admiration of the tapestries

afforded by

numerous

plates §

which were struck, and by the
a certain quantity, before the close

copies, in

the form of hand-worked carpets, which were
in

already forthcoming,
of the
1

6th century.

Of

the latter,

some of the

finest

specimens adorn, at the present day, the art collections
of
Berlin,

Dresden, Madrid, and Vienna, and
originals have

also

the

Cathedral of Loreto.||

The Vatican
which

undergone many vicissitudes

reflect in

a remarkable

way

the changing fortunes

of the Papal power.

After the death of Leo X. they were

* CiCOGN.A, Marcantonio Michiel, 405-406.
t Cf.
\

Gerspach, Rev. de

Tart clirct., 1901, \o<^ seq.

§

Vasari, VIII., 47-48. Cf. Passavant, 1 1., 256
;

stu].
;

;

RULAND, Works

of Raphael, London,

1876
II

Farabulini, 33 seq. MiJNTZ, Tapiss. de Raphael, 21 seq. Waagen, Die Kartons von Raffael, Cf. Passavant, II., 273 seq.
;

Berlin, i860;

Farabulini, 28; MuNTZ, Tapiss. dc Raphael, 24
II.,

seq.^

Jahrb.
also

Sammlungen d. Kaiserhaiises, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, XXIV. (1900), 224.
d. kiinsthistor.

10Z

seq.

See

298

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

pawned, on account of the then existing financial distress,* but were afterwards redeemed and again restored to the
Sixtine Chapel.
in

They were

still

conspicuous there when,

May, 1527, the corpse of the Constable de Bourbon
in that sanctuary.f

found a shelter

Soon, however, the

gold threads in their tissue aroused the love of plunder in
the mercenaries.

Since an attempt to extract them by

melting, which was tried on the lower part of the hanging

representing the Blinding of Elymas, led to

little result, at

any
sale.

rate several of the pieces,

if

not

all,

were put up

for

Already

in

1530 negotiations were pending

for the

repurchase of a piece of tapestry stolen during the sack
of the
city.:|:

In an inventory of 1544, seven hangings

are enumerated

among

the contents of the Papal palace.

two more pieces were restored which had been carried away from Venice to Constantinople.§ Henceforward they were used not only in the decoration
Julius
III.

Under

of the Sixtine Chapel, but also of the Piazza of St. Peter's

on Corpus Christi Day.ij

Goethe,

who saw them, with

admiration, on the latter occasion, in 1787, thought that

they were the only works of Raphael which did not appear
insignificant after looking at the frescoes of Michael
in

Angelo During the storm of the French Revolution the tapestries were once more removed from
the Sixtine Chapel.T
* See the note of

December

17,

1521,

to

the above-mentioned

*Inventarium, printed by Miintz
247,
t

in

the Chronique
i.

des Arts,

1876,

and

Hist, de la tapisserie, 21,

N.

This statement of Sanuto, XLV., 418, has hitherto been passed
all

over by

inquirers into the history of the tapestries

;

cf.

Sanuto,

XLII., 700.
X

Cf.

Gave,

II.,

222.
la tapisserie,

§
21.
II

MiJNTZ, Chronique des Arts, 1876, 254, and Hist, de Cf. Lanciani, II., 29.

TORRIGI, Grotte,
Cf.

142.
ital.

IT

Schuchardt, Goethes

Reise,

I.,

^00

seq.

FATE OF THE TArESTRIES.
Rome,

299

In the beginning of 1798 they were, along with

the furniture of the Pope, put up to auction and bought

by French dealers in old furniture. The latter conveyed them to Genoa and then to Paris, where for a considerable time they were exposed to view in the courts of the
Louvre.

Their purchase by the French Government

fell

through on financial grounds.*

At length
In

Pius VII., just

before his journey into France, secured the restoration of
these treasures to his palace.

1814 they were placed,

by order of the Pope,

in the so-called

chamber of Pius V.

;

hence they were transferred by Gregory XVI. to
then has been called the Galleria degli Arazzi.f
It is

the

corridor adjoining the Galleria dei Candclabri, which since

owing
a

to these mischances that the tapestries to-day
faint

show only

reflection

of their

former splendour.
the
flesh

The
tints,

bright

and delicate
;

colours, especially in

have become faded
;

many

places have been coarsely

restored

from one tapestry the under half has been taken
impossible not to recognize,

away, to others the wrong borders have been attached.
In spite of this
it is

still

under-

lying

all,

one of the ripest creations of the great master.
impression of Raphael's genius can indeed only
to

The

full

be given back

us

by the cartoons which were
original
in

left

behind at Brussels and were not reclaimed by the successors
of Leo
X.;J:

Seven of these

drawings,

which

Rubens discovered simultaneously
art collection of the

1630, belong to the

English Crown, and form to-day one

MUNT/, Hist, de la tapisscne, 21 scq. They are here mixed w ith the other tapestries which are not by Rapliael and are not exhibited to advantage. The restoration l^cgun under Pius IX. was completed by his successor Leo XIII. Cf. Gentili, Memoria sulla conservazione degli arazzi, Roma, 1886, and Arazzi antichi e moderni, Roma, 1897, 12.
t
X

* Cf.

Cf.

Farabulini,

29.

300

HISTORY OF TPIE POPES.

of the most noteworthy objects in the South Kensington

Museum, London.
According to Vasari, Penni gave
ance
in

his

master great

assist-

painting the cartoons for the tapestries in

the

Papal Chapel.*

On

the strength of this information and

from personal observation the older biographers of Raphael

assume that only the principal work
that
in
all

in the

Miraculous Draught of Fishes
only

is

the

to be attributed to his remaining London cartoons

own hand, and
the

drawing and certain single portions, especially the heads,
belong to him.j-

More

recently even this latter claim has

been

gainsaid.

An

experienced art student has main-

tained,

with great acuteness and learning, but without
in

having seen the originals
the composition as
it

London, the hypothesis that
is

stands

the

that Raphael had only thrown off the

work of Penni, and first and often very
fast,

hasty sketches.

;|:

This view

is,

however, an untenable one.
with

Art

critics

of eminence, before and since, hold

perfect justice, to the opinion that Raphael's participation
in

the cartoons taken
Apostles, cannot

from scenes from the history of
be narrowed

the

down
St.

to this extent.

Certainly an authentic drawing of the master's exists only
for

the

one cartoon of the Call of

Peter,§

but, for

the others also, sketches, corresponding more or

less,

from
"

Raphael's

own hand, must have been
individual figures in
is

forthcoming.

The

perfection of the

form, dress, gesture,

and expression
substitute for

so thoroughly impressed with the

stamp
all

of the master's
it

own hand,

that

it

seems impossible to
||

the hand of a disciple."

If not in

* Vasari, VIII., 242.
t
X
s5

Passavant,

II.,

253

seq.

Cj. his "

Reise nach England,"

39.

DOLLMAYR,
In the

255

seq., 266.

Windsor

Collection.

II

In agreement are

Weese

in Repert. f

Kunstwissensch., XIX., 371

THE CARTOONS.
the seven, yet certainly in four of the

3OI

London

cartoons,

all

the essential traits can be assigned to Raphael and to
onl\-.*

him
the

The

figures, in their

organic structure and

in

convincing force of their expression, reveal the great and

immediate influence of the presiding genius which not only
threw out the general design of the composition, but,
almost

down

to the least detail, controlled

its

arrangement.

This does not exclude the certainty that Penni had a more
seq.;

MuNTZ

in

Athenaeum,

1896, July, 71 scq.;
;

AUgem.

Zeitung, 1897, Bcil. No. 215

Fabriczv in the Steinmann, Rom, 205 V. BiLDT,
;

Nineteenth Century, 1904, LVI., 999.
that Dollmayr's chief

Miintz points out especially
is

ground of support
latter

a hypothetical picture, the
first to

Madonna
field,

di

Montelucc, which the

was the

bring into the

and

for which, as

an original work of Penni's, he himself stood
Kunst,
105 seq.\ who, as
well

sponsor.

WoLFFLiN (Klassische Berenson (The Central Italian

as

Painters of the Renaissance,

New
cf.
:

York, 1897) and FiSCHEL (Raffaels Zeichnungen, Strassburg, 1898,

Repert., XXI., 494 j'^i/.), is in favour of Dollmayr's theory, yet declares " Some of the cartoons, however, are so perfect that it is impossible

not to perceive the immediate presence of Raphael's genius."
finally,

Wickhoft",

who

is

the

best connoisseur

of

Raphael's hand drawings,
In the

modifies Dollmayr's hypothesis substantially.

Committal of the
figures
It

Keys

to Peter,

Raphael

first

drew the whole group of

from

models, leaving the execution of the cartoon to Penni.

must not
would
forth,

be assumed, however, that Penni henceforward had an entirely free
hand.

Raphael,

who was

constantly in

and out of

the studio,

naturally outline the drapery, arrange the background,

and so

with broad strokes of his pencil, although he had not time at
disposal to carry out the grouping, which

his

was

left

over to Penni.

But
effect

even, granted that the latter placed the figures
of the

in relief, the

whole

work

is

instinct with the great
I

and ever-widening creative power
J.

of Penni's master.

may
witii

here mention that

Hurckhardt

also, in

a conversation

1

had

him

in

1895, said

most decisively that
the
at

Dollmayr had carried his theory much too far. * I am in agreement with Strzvgonvski (62
Lystra,

scq.)

that

in

Draught of Fishes, the Healing of the Lame Man, the

Sacrifice

and the

St.

Paul at Athens,

all

the

essential

features

are

Raphael's.

302

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

or less extensive share in the colouring of the cartoons,

but against the assumption that the pupil had worked in

almost entire independence of his master, strong grounds can be adduced
in

addition

to

those already
if

brought

forward on internal evidence.
is

Even

too

much weight

not attached to the circumstance that, in the accounts,

as well as in the estimation of all his contemporaries, the

cartoons were adjudged to be the work of Raphael, there
is

yet another consideration which has a most important

bearing on the balance of evidence, namely, that Penni, at
the time of their execution, had only just entered on his

twentieth year.*

This

fact gives

substantial
its

support to
entirety

the supposition that his workmanship in

was
It

under the direction and guidance of a superior hand.
is,

at

any

rate, in the highest

degree unlikely that so young

a

man

should have produced, almost unaided, so great a

work.

On
very

the other hand, Penni's contribution

to

the

colouring of the cartoons was certainly an important one.
It
is

difficult to assign

with certainty the extent of

Raphael's co-operation
here
is

in

details.

also unmistakable

But that his influence must be admitted by anyone
of studying the originals in

who has had an opportunity the effect of the London
;

colours

is

so

remarkable,

especially in forming a

judgment on the whole, that not

even the best photograph can give a true reproduction of
the pictures.

How
seven
as

great Raphael's influence must have been on the
is

London cartoons
tapestries f

best

shown by comparing them,
execution,
first

regards composition

and
of the

with

the three

remaining

series,

of which the

* According to MiJNTZ,
1496.
t

loc.

cif.,

Penni was born not earlier than

' Arazzi della scuola vecchia," as distinguished

from the "Arazzi

della scuola nuova."

THE TAPESTRIES.
drawings have been
lost.

3O3
of spontantity, the
the latter strike the
(the

The want
which
in

pettiness, the exaggeration,

beholder,
St.

show

that,

in

these

pictures

Stoning of

Stephen, the Conversion of St. Paul and the imprisonlatter) the pupils
is

ment of the

were

left

to themselves.
series

Still less successful

the second
life

of tapestries,

representing scenes

in

the

of Christ,* set on foot

by

Leo Leo
by

X.,

but only finished
for

under

Clement VII.
tapestries,

The
which

drawings

a third scries of

wrought

X., in his love of

sumptuous adornment, had ordered
in

Peter van Aelst to prepare

Brussels, contained a sketch

Tommaso

Vincidor,

that

of

the

Children
pupil
of

at

Play

(Giuochi di

Putti).

This last-named

Raphael,

who had been

sent

by the Pope

to Brussels for the special
his master, in

purpose of superintending the work, informs

a letter of the 20th of July, 1521, that he had completed the

cartoon of the Giuochi di Putti, the most beautiful
the most costly hanging that had ever yet been seen.f

and

The

tapestries of the

first

series are of

such high im-

portance that they are entitled to something more than a
cursory notice
in

this

work.

They

depict with

incom-

parable

skill
;

and great dramatic

effect the infancy of the

Church
St.

one half represents events from the history of
from that of
St.
I

Peter, the other, those
in

Paul.

Their

arrangement

the

Sixtine

Chapel

was

probably

* Fabriczv correctly emphasizes
t

this, /oc. cit.

47

seq.

MuNTZ, The

Hist,

de

la tapiss.,

26

seq.^

49

sei]

;

Tapisseries do Raphael,
in

text of T. Vincidor's letter
loc.
cit.,

has been yiven by Miintz

the

Athenaeum,

73;

cf.

Grimm, Essays N.F.,

Berlin, 1875,

94

seq.
\

Cf.

Steinmann, Die Anordnung dor Teppichc
in

Rafiaels

in

der

Sixtinischen Kapelle, in Jahrb. d. preuss. Kunstsamml.,

XXIII, 186-195.

This needs to be supplemented
(II.,

only one particular, that

Forster
2,

81

scq.\

had already pronounced against the hitherto almost

generally accepted arrangement of

Bunsen-Platnkr

(II.,

410).

304

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

determined with regard to the circumstance that to the
right

and

left

of the entrance, galleries had been erected

from which ladies could witness the ceremonies on greater
festivals, a

permission which had never been granted

in

the

case of the Sixtine Chapel previous to

Leo X.*

Where

the galleries ended the tapestries began, two on each side

of the space allotted to the laity and three on each side
of the sanctuary.

On
;

the

left,

or Gospel side of the wall

the Call of St. Peter

hung below the Destruction of Core

and

his

Company

under the Giving of the

Law

on Sinai,

the Healing of the

Lame Man
St.

;

under the Passage of the
under the Circumcision

Red

Sea, the

Death of Ananias; under the Infancy of
Stephen
;

Moses, the Stoning of

of Moses, the Miraculous Draught of Fishes.
or Epistle side,

On

the right,

under the Baptism of Christ was hung the
St.

Conversion of the Apostle

Paul

;

under the Purification

Offerings of the Lepers, the Blinding of Elymas; under the
Call of the
first

Disciples, the Sacrifice at Lystra;

under the

Sermon on
Prison
St.
;

the Mount, the Deliverance of St. Paul from

under the Committal of the Keys, the Preaching of
This arrangement clearly shows the
skill

Paul at Athens.

and care with which the choice of subjects had been made.
far as the galleries,

for the tapestries

They cover
and narrate

the walls of the Chapel as
in close chronological

order

the deeds of the Apostles, simply continuing the series set
forth in the wall paintings.

The only

deviation from the

chronological sequence

is

in the introduction of St. Peter's

Forster's attempt at a better

arrangement was bound

to

fail,

since he

was unaware

of the alterations in the
Sixt.

Cancellata under Gregory XIII.

(Steinmann,

Kapelle,

I.,

158

seq.).

Against Bunsen, see also
seq.
J.

Gerspach

in

Rev. de I'Art chret., 1901, 96

VON SCHMIDT

(Ueber Anordnung und Komposition der Teppiche Raffaels, in Der Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst., 1904, 285 seq.) agrees with Steinmann.
* Paris de Grassis,
ed.

Armellini,

81,

THE TAPESTRIES.

305

Miraculous Draught of Fishes between the Papal throne and
the altar wall

— an arrangement which
which
his throne

is

accounted

for

by

the Pope's wish to decorate the beginning and end of the
wall, against

was placed, with subjects
the
central

illustrative of the

Papal primacy*
in

The
all

large compositions

panels of the

tapestries were surrounded

by broad, ornamental borders,

of which

have certainly not been preserved. f

The

perpendicular borders, corresponding to the pillars of the

Chapel, display grotesque patterns in colour on a white or
gold

ground

;

allegorical

figures

of

great

beauty

are

grouped together at
work.

intervals,

between vases and branch

This treatment of the borders was also partly

intended to form a contrast to the main subjects portrayed,

and thus

to

throw the

latter into strong relief.

Thus

it

is

not a mere accident that the Fates and' the Hours form the

framework

for the

appointment of

St.

Peter to the office

of Chief Shepherd, for here the

contrast

implied

is

that

between the power of time and

fate over the

bodies of

men, and the power of the keys of
souls.
:J:

Christ's Vicar over their

The

transverse strips contain small pictures in a
in a sort of frieze.

gold-bronze colour arranged
subjects taken from the
life

Under the

of St. Paul, these miniature

designs have reference to the leading picture above them,

and develop the narrative which
those taken

it

illustrates

;

but under

from the

life

of St.

Peter, certainly at the

special wish of the Pope, incidents from the career of the

*
t

Strinmann
j^Y-,

in Jalirb. d. prcuss.

Kunstsamml., XXIII., 194-195.
is

For the borders the
Miintz

fullest

treatment
seq.

in

MiJNTZ, Tapiss. de

Raphael, 29
cit.^

and Gkrspach, 112
gives

Cf. also

Stkinmann,
Cf.

/^f.

195.

photographs

of

the

borders

collectively.

Hitherto only Volpato's pieces had been reproduced.
in Atti d.

Gkrspach

congresso
VIII.

stor. internaz. di

Roma,

VII., 315 scq.
II.,

X Piper, Mythologie der

christl.

Kunst.,

340.

VOL.

20

306
latter,

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
previous to his election, appear,

among them being
from

some

even of the less glorious, such as his flight
in

Florence

disguise
"

and
child

his

capture at the battle of
fortune,

Ravenna.
befell

To

this

of

everything that

him

in

the course of his experience appeared not
fit

only worthy of note, but

subject for memorial."*

By

the side of this prentice work the chief pictures stand out
all

the

more impressively; and yet
their full
textile skill

it is

only the cartoons

which can impart

impression, for not even the

most perfect

was capable of reproducing the
in

original purity of the designs.f

The

series of cartoons
left

preservation, on which time
its

has certainly

traces of

passage,^ begins with the

Miraculous Draught of Fishes.§
*

The

artist

has closely
et

BURCKHARDT,

Cicerone, 675.

Cf.

RiO, Michel-Ange

Raphael,
brackets,

192-193.

See also for remarks on the pictures on

the

Steinmann, loc. cit. 188 seq. The t Cf. Springer, 290.
composing
tion of
in

objection often made, that Raphael, in

his cartoons, did not
is,

pay

sufficient attention to the
;

technique

of the looms,

generally speaking, incorrect
II.,

see the

good explana-

ZiMMERMANN,

485

seq.

But

it

is

not incorrect to say that

some

of the cartoons, through inattention to the process of weaving,

the reverse side does not g'ive the picture correctly.

The

Sacrifice at
;

Lystra and the Blinding of

Elymas

lose

on being turned round
critic,
is
I

see

WoLFFLiN,

114.

In disagreement with the last-named
St.

do not

think that, as regards the

Paul at Athens, this point

immaterial.
the

The Apostle
reverse side.
%

especially

gains very remarkably

when seen on

The Blinding
following
the

of

Elymas and the Healing

of the

Man lame
I

from

his birth have suffered most.
§ The down in

descriptions are

based on notes which

jotted

autumn

of 1900, during a stay in
Cf.

of

studying
seq.;

the cartoons.

also

London for the purpose Passavant, I., 272, and II.,
England,
RiO,
I.,

253

Waagen, Kunstwerke und
II.,

Kiinstlcr in
seq.
;

367 seq.

;

FORSTER,

83 seq.
;

;

SPRINGER, 270
numerous

;

Michel-Angeet
seq.
;

Raphael, 189

seq.

MuNTZ, Raphael, 486
All the

seq.

Strzygowsk.1, 62
{cf.

WoLFFLIN,

105 seq.

early copies

PaSSAVANT,

THE CARTOONS.
followed the narrative in the
gospel.
fifth

307

chapter of St. Luke's
to the

In the early

morning Jesus had preached
the
latter, at his

multitudes from the ship on the lake of Genesareth, and

had then put out with Peter
bidding, had once

:

Lord's

more

let

down

his

nets.

Peter had
toiled all the

obeyed the Master's word, although he had
night and had caught nothing.

And

lo

!

his

obedience

is

wondrously rewarded
they begin
to
is

;

the nets cannot contain the fishes,
a second boat, in which are John
;

break

;

and James,
All
are
;

signalled to bring help

but so great

is

the

load of fishes that

both the boats are

in

danger of sinking.
at

overpowered with
but

amazement
"

the

mighty

wonder
sinful

Peter flings himself at Jesus' feet under a

deep sense of unworthiness.
man."
Tiie

Depart from me,
"

for

I

am

a

Lord answers gently,
which the
artist

Fear not, from

henceforth thou shalt catch men."
It
is

this incident

has portrayed.

In

front are

two boats sunk deep
fishes,

in the

water through the

overdraught of
size

and purposely depicted of so small a
of those

that

the

figures

they carry stand
little

out

in

commanding
are John

proportions.

In one of the two

vessels

and James, rough, downright fishermen, busily engaged in securing the overabundant haul, while beside

them the steersman does
other
boat,
in

all

he can to keep the balance

of the too heavily freighted craft.

At
our

the prow of the

majestic

calm,

sits

Lord, wearing a

bright blue

garment with a white mantle, and seemingly
;

alight with a sheen of glor\-

His hand

is

uplifted,

and

Me

loc.cit.\
1

RULAN'IJ,

Works

of Kai)liael, London, 1876; MiJNTZ, Historiens the shade by the photographs of the originals

12 seq.)y

have been put

in

by Braun of Dornach.

Miintz too (Tapiss. de Raphael) has reproduced

the cartoons in fine copper plates from original photographs.

He

also

gives a collection of photographic copies in facsimile of the sketches

from which the cartoons were taken.

3o8

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

has just spoken the momentous words to Peter.
face of the chief Apostle,

On

the

who

entreats his
art,

Master with
the humblest

folded hands,
faith,

is

displayed, with inimitable

the utmost devotion,
is

and the deepest happiness.
out-

Behind Peter, who
in

clad in blue, stands a second disciple

green, probably

Andrew, with bent breast and

stretched arms.

This picture of unbounded devotion to

Christ emphasizes in the most skilful

way

the impression

made by

the figure of Peter.

A
is

still

more

striking instance
in the

of Raphael's artistic mastery

disclosed
in the

way

in

which he brings the group of figures
line,

boats into one

which, starting from that of the steersman, culminates

in

Andrew, sinks again to a lower level in Peter, and once more finds its point of elevation in Christ. "To Him all
;

leads

the action of the picture finds
in size

its

centre in

Him, and

although small

and placed

at the

utmost edge of
all."*

the composition, the figure of Jesus dominates

The mysterious charm which
is

rests over the

whole scene
of

heightened by the highly poetical character
:

the

landscape
stirs

it

is

the fresh early morning, a light breeze

the garments and hair of the fishermen, the waters of
bright and clear, reflecting the figures.

the lake sparkle

In the near distance appears the city of Capharnaum, with

the crowds
in the

still

excited by the teaching of the Lord

;

while

foreground on the shore are
bills,

shells, crab-fish,

and a

group of herons, with gaping

eager to be fed.

The next
mission.
earth,

picture

has the closest connection with the
fishes,

miraculous draught of

the symbol of Peter's apostolic

Before the Lord appoints him as His vicar on
again blesses his draught of fishes
;

He

but this time

the nets do not break.

After the threefold avowal of his

love, the Saviour, with the thrice repeated words, "

Feed

* WoLFFLiN, band of man."

105

:

"

No

such composition ever came before from the

THE CARTOONS.

309

my
the

lambs, feed
all

my

sheep,"

ordained

him

to

the chief

Pastorate over

the redeemed on earth, nor excluding

Apostles themselves.

The scene

of this

event,

as

described by St. John (xxi. 11-17) was also the lake of

Genesareth, which the artist has introduced
i^round.

in

the back-

The

principal
is

personage,

next to the supreme

figure of the Saviour,

the kneeling chief of the Apostles.

In

the foreground

appears the glorified form of the

risen Jesus, with the

and

feet.

He

is

marks of the wounds in His hands covered with a white garment sown with
free.

golden

stars,

which leaves the breast and. one arm
is

As though He were passing them by He
love

half turned

towards His disciples with an expression of unspeakable

and sublimity;
to Peter

for the

words, "Feed

my

lambs, feed

my
by

sheep," have been spoken already.

Pointing with one

hand

and with the other

to the lambs,

He

gives

this

double gesture the most emphatic expression to His
In sharpest contrast to the supernatural calm
is

command.

on the countenance of the risen Lord

the
is

excited

demeanour of the

disciples.

Peter,

who
in

clothed in

orange-coloured vesture, overpowered
mitted to him, has sunk upon his knees
tion,

by the task comardent supplica-

and gazes upwards on

his

Master with a look of
on earth shall wrest

overflowing gratitude.

No power

from him the keys committed to him, and he presses the

symbols of
heart.
in

his

new

authority eagerly against his beating

The

rest of the disciples

have drawn close together

deep agitation.
the

Some,

like John,

may wear
is

a look of

joyous entreaty, but on the faces of the others

stamped
Master
set

amazement

at

sudden appearance

of

their
is

among them.*

The whole composition

again

amidst harmonious landscape scenery.
* Cf. Grimm, Lcben Raphaels, 397 seq., where the carHcr explanation by Dubos of the astonislunent of the disciples is, with justice, rejected.

I
310

HISTORY OF THE POPES,

The subject illustrated in these first two picturesisthe most momentous event in the Church's history, the institution of
the Primacy.

While Raphael here follows the Gospels,
and adheres
to

in

the succeeding cartoons he takes the Acts of the Apostles
as his guide

them with great
the

fidelity.

It

was with deliberate intention that
theological adviser discarded

painter

or

his

any attempt

to portray the
St.

numerous instances
in

in

which the history of

Peter

came

touch with that of the Eternal City and which had been

so often depicted already.*

The "Book

of

Books" was
;

the only source from which he drew his inspiration

herein

with deep insight he

made

his choice of incidents, at

once

dramatic and symbolical, whereby to convey unique and
striking illustrations of the Church's
bless, to

power

to heal

and

judge and punish, and to be the apostolic teacher of mankind.

How
from

the Church blesses and heals

is

set forth in the

miracle wrought by Peter on the beggar
his birth.
iii),

who was lame

In accordance with the book of the Acts
is

(chap,

the scene of the miracle
at

the " Beautiful Gate

of the

Temple"

Jerusalem.

Three twisted columns,
like those

entwined with clusters of grapes,

which stood

in

the old Church of St. Peter and were said to have

come
three

from Solomon's Temple, divide the picture into
clearly-marked groups.
place
;

In the centre the miracle takes

Peter,

with an expression of great dignity and

penetrated by faith in the power of the Divine Word, raises
the lame man,
to nature, " in

who is represented the name of Jesus of
full
;

with wonderful fidelity
Nazareth," and bids him
to the

walk, while John,

of love

and compassion, points

victim of misfortune

on both sides are men and women

whose countenances
sympathy,
joy,

reflect the

most varied expressions of
fear.
seq.

curiosity,

and

Another misshapen

* See MuNTZ, Tapiss. de Raphael, 6

THE CARTOONS.
creature, leaning

3II

on a crutch,

is

already dragging himself

forward,

filled

with hope.

Children run to and fro heed-

less of all that is

going on, lovely figures which efface the

revolting impression
It is

made by

the cripple's deformity.

the task of the Church, however, not only to heal

and

bless,

but to judge and
;

punish.

This truth
in

is

the

subject of the fourth cartoon

on a platform,

the centre,

stands the assembly of the Apostles, earnest and solemn
figures:

on one side the

faithful

are bringing their gifts,

which, on

the other, are being distributed to the needy.

In the foreground, Ananias, to the consternation of those

around him, has sunk dying on the ground,
very

for at that

moment
Holy

Peter, stepping forth from the ranks of his

colleagues, has

pronounced with power, as the organ of
the

the

Spirit,

doom on
"

the

deceiver, which

has

straightway been carried out.

Ananias,

why hath Satan
lie

tempted thy
Ghost, and

heart,

that

thou shouldst
part
to

to the

Holy
the

by fraud
hast

keep

of

the

price

of

land?

Thou
lifted
;

not lied

men, but to God."

At

Peter's side

stands

another

majestic

Apostle with his

hand

up

to

heaven, from

proceeds
near on

he glances
the
right

whence the judgment towards Sapphira, as she draws

hand.

Her look
in

is

cunning, and

while she holds the

money
with

one hand, she withdraws

some of the
is

coins

the other, unconscious of the

vengeance which has swiftly overtaken her husband and

now

to overtake her.*

Only three cartoons
brating the
life

are preserved from the series celePaul.

of St.

The

first,

the Blinding of
see

* Goethe was especially struck by this picture
I.,

;

Schuchardt,
judgment of
its

404.

Grimm, Leben Raphaels,
in

407, instances
is

the
in

Ananias,

whicli

the dramatic

element

seen

purest ex-

pression, as his highest
I.,

achievement

in composition.

Cf. also

WaageN,

367.

312
the

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a

The Apostle of the Gentiles and the impostor who was bent on thwarting the Proconsul
Sergius Paulus in his search for the true
fronted face to face.
Paul,
full

sorcerer Elymas, is Punishment of Ananias.

worthy counterpart

to

the

faith, are

con-

of lofty calm, in

which the

power of
to

faith reveals itself,

only stretches out one hand

punish.
"

Filled

with the Holy Ghost, he speaks the

words,

Thou
is

shalt be blind," and, at the
"

Elymas
someone

stricken.

There

fell

a mist and darkness

same moment, upon
1

him," as the Scripture says, " and going about, he sought
to lead

him by the hand

"

(Acts

xiii.

1).

Raphael
is

has brought this out admirably.
the picture of misery.

The wretched Elymas

He

is

distorted with terror at the
his

sudden

loss of sight,
its

and with half-opened mouth, and
if in

head with

sightless eyes bent forward, as

quest of

something, with uncertain steps he gropes forward, stretching out the finger-tips of both hands.

Raphael has here
enthroned
the

produced
ness."
centre,

"

an insurpassable picture of the state of blindterrified

The
and

Proconsul,

who

is

in

his
less

companions, dumbfounded with astonishsuccessful.

ment, are

The
his

opinion

is

justified

that

Raphael had withdrawn
of the picture.*

attention from this portion

To

him, however, the two next cartoons must certainly

be attributed.

The

sixth depicts the excitement
St.

of the

people of Lystra at the miracle worked by
readiness to offer sacrifice to

Paul, their
as gods,
;

him and Barnabas

and the strenuous

efforts of the latter to
in grief at

prevent them

Paul rends his garments

the infatuation of these
painter, with wise dis-

heathen people (Acts

xiv.).

The

crimination, has transferred the figures of the Apostles to

an elevated standpoint apart from the other
incident of the sacrifice, freely
* WOLFFLIN,
113.

figures.

The

adapted from an ancient

THE CARTOONS.
bas-relief,
is

313
noble

treated

in

an

extremely

manner.
in

Magnificent also are the bold architectural details

the

background, where the figure of the ancient deity by the
side of Paul
is

suggestively conspicuous.

The
the

figure

of

the

Apostle,

under the influence of the most varying
priests

emotions,
sacrifice,

the

busily

intent

on

rites

of

and the uncouth features of the healed
with
thankfulness,
are
all

cripple,

beaming

represented

with

incomparable

skill.

In the seventh cartoon, St. Paul Preaching at Athens,

the genius of Raphael reveals itself in a quite inimitable

manner.

Hardly ever has a grander or nobler representa-

tion been given of the fiery-hearted

man who,

at the call

of God, de\'otcd the whole force of his mighty intellect and
soul to the

world-embracing task of Christianizing the

Gra^co- Roman civilization.

Raphael has applied
"

all

the

resources of his art to depict the
spiritual centre of his picture.

chosen

vessel " as the

great teacher in his

High above all stands the green robe and red mantle, almost in
faith,
is

the very forefront of the picture, like a pillar of the

on the Hill of Mars, which

indicated

by the temple

building * and the statue of Ares.

Fully possessed by his

apostolic calling, he proclaims "Jesus and the Resurrec-

tion" (Acts

xvii. 18 seqq.).

The

Apostle, whose attitude
in

and garb show clear traces of the Paul of Masaccio
has advanced to the very edge of the
stejis

the Brancacci Chapel, holds both arms up to heaven and

above which
a
in

he
*

stands.

This

{powerful

figure,

full

of

splendid
Montorio

One

is

a copy of Bramante's Tempietto

in

San Pietro

— a tribute of homage from Raphael to his friend and teacher.
GOWSKI
in the

Strzy-

(63)

is

quite right in remarking that,
St.

if

the architectural details
still

background were removed,

Paul would be

more imposing

:

"

Michael Angelo himself could not have surpassed the creator of

this

figure.'

314
apostolic

HISTORY OF THE POrES.
majesty,
;

when once seen can never again be
and weighty eloquence

forgotten

the deep earnestness

of this incomparable preacher radiate from

him through
all

the circle of his hearers.

Paul dominates
a

the
level,

rest,

not merely because
also

he stands on
are,

because his hearers
scale.

but without exception, drawn

higher

on a smaller

Finally, the
still

most thorough examina-

tion only increases
this lofty figure.
fast

further the impression produced

by

Like some unearthly apparition he holds

his

auditory,

who cannot shake

off the spell of his

inspiring words.

On
:

the faces of his hearers are reflected

manifold emotions

reluctant attention, quick interchange

of opinion, critical reflection, silent doubt.

Two
new

persons

only are fully convinced of the truth of the
a

doctrines,

man and

a

woman, who come quickly forward on
;

the

left

hand of the steps

especially in the burning glance

and outstretched hands of the former do we see the signs of ecstatic self-surrender to the God who, from henceforth,
shall

be no more

"

unknown," and a blessed rejoicing
life.

in

the promise of immortal

Here Raphael

follows with

exactitude the narrative of the Scripture, which states that

only a few persons adhered to the Apostle and believed,

among whom
Damaris.
of

were

Dionysius

and

a

woman named

In the Preaching of St. Paul the whole history
is

the Church

summed

up, as

if in

a few words

— the
great

apostolic message of the truth,

its

rejection

by

a

portion of mankind, and
elect.

its

faithful

acceptance by the
has

The

cartoons of Raphael

are,

it

been

said,

the

counterpart in modern art of the classic sculptures of the

Parthenon.*

Higher praise can hardly be given, and

in

* Springer, 284.

GHETTi, 156

seq.

appreciation of

Cf. also Woltmann, II., 658 seq., and MinEven RiO's (Michel-Ange et Raphael, 188 seq) Of the Preaching of St. the tapestries is unquaUfied.

SPIRIT

AND INFLUENCE OF THE TAPESTRIES.
St.

315

presence of the Draught of Fishes and of the
at

Paul
if

Athens, such an encomium
than
this
is

is

intclHgible.

But even
tliat

less

conceded,

it

must be admitted

these

compositions are worthy of a place beneath the ceiling of

Angelo;* genuine faith, and
Michael

they are penetrated
are a noble
offspring

by a
of the

spirit

of

Renais-

sance, unsurpassed in the startling fidelity with which they

portray the grand and simple narratives of Holy Scripture.f

They mark,

in

the

evolution
in

of Raphael's powers, the

beginning of the period

which his creative processes

reached their highest point, when, out of the depths of his
ripened experience and under the influence of antiquity

and of Michael Angelo, he achieved
able grandeur,
in

"

works of unapproach-

which

all

the elements of a grand style,

space, proportion, light,

and expression form an imposing
;|:

whole

in

harmonious combination."

In

many

respects

the tapestries

show Raphael

at

his

best;

taken as a

whole, the boldness, freedom, and grandeur of their traits

show how
of Eternal

closely the

master had assimilated the

spirit

Rome.
be
it

The
"

influence of the tapestries on later art cannot
;

estimated

has been

still

greater than that of the Stanze.

They were
he says
:

the treasure chambers from which were taken
"

J'aul,

On

ne pent ricn comparer a cettc dcrnicre composition

dans le domaine dc I'art chretien." * Goethe here insists on the parallel between Raphael and Michael

Angelo (see supra^ page

298).

The

tapestries hold a place beside the
this

Creation of Michael Angelo.

Raphael has achieved
in the field of

"by avoiding

any competition with Michael Angelo

dramatic pathos,

and by aiming
XXXI.).
t C/: E.
X

at greatness of style

the limits of a restful beauty."

and loftiness of expression within (Rosknberg, Raffael, Stuttgart, 1904,
I.,

v.

Steinle, Briefwechsel,

161.

scq.

;

Strzvgowski, 50 seq., 62 scq.^ 83 scq. Cf. also SCHADEN, 176 Springer, 288 seq. and Grimm, Leben Raphaels, 389.
;

3l6

HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the types of expression of

human

emotion, and Raphael's

reputation as a draughtsman rests mainly on these works.

Western

art has

had no other pattern

for the expressions of

wonder and
none more
treatment.

fear,

of anguish and dignity, on the

human

countenance." *

The

sublimity of the subjects, than which

befitting the private chapel of the

Pope could
artistic

have been chosen, corresponded to that of their
creation and primaeval history of

Michael Angelo had painted on the ceiling the

mankind up

to the Flood,

along with Prophets and Sibyls as heralds of the

New
Law

Covenant.

The masters

of the "Quattrocento" had dis-

played on the intermediate walls the period of the
as represented in the
life

of Moses, and the that of Christ.

grace as represented

in

kingdom of This kingdom
the history

was
fore,

to

endure to the end of the ages.

Raphael, there-

determined to continue

in his tapestries

of our salvation, which
world,

began with the creation of the
the
institution

by

portraying
of the

of

the

Primacy

and the

life

early

church as illustrated by the
spectator
in
is

Acts of the Apostles.

The
private

thus expressly
central

reminded that he
Christendom,
head.
in

is

standing

the

spot in

the

sanctuary of the
the
their

Church's
of

The wondrous deeds of Apostles, who hallowed Rome by
one
to

Princes

the

martyrdoms, the

call of the

be chief

ruler, of
is

the other to world-

wide apostolic labours
work.

— this

the theme of his immortal

Under Leo

X., in the

Papal Chapel, the

Roman

Church, as the

way

of salvation, in the persons of her
St.
St.

two most prominent representatives,
of the Apostle and the
* WoLFFLiN,
those given by
in the

Peter the Prince

first

Pope, and

Paul the Apostle
artists,

105.

Among

the opinions of
19.5-^^.),

modem
I.,

besides
(Letter
v.

Muntz

(Tapisseries,

those of

Overbeck
41 seq.)

Allgem. konservat. Monatschrift., 1888,
I.,

and E.

Steinle (Leben und Briefwechsel,

161, 208).

RAPHAELS LOGGIE.

317

of the Gentiles, has been glorified in the golden letters

of

consummate art. Along with the frescoes
for the

in the

Stanze and the tapestries,

ranks yet a third not

less

remarkable work, which Leo
stories of the

undertook
Lcggie.

adornment of the Vatican, namely, the
Vatican opens
of these in the

Each of the three

on to a row of arcades.
eastern

The middle one
It

wing has gained world-wide renown under the
rightly forms, along with

name

of Raphael's Loggie.

the Sixtine Chapel and the Stanze, one of the greatest
attractions
for all

travellers in

Rome.

The

building of

this beautiful

apartment was begun by Bramante, and con-

tinued, after his death,

by Raphael.

The
ended

date, 15 13, in the

twelfth arcade of the Loggie, indicates the beginning of a

work which,
lacking.*

at

the latest, was

in

15 18.

More
is

precise information about

the history of the
for

building

The Papal accounts
amount

August and September,

1518, afford a certain

of data as regards the laying

of the

floor.-f

This consisted of costly slabs of majolica

from the Florentine workshops of the Delia Robbia, whose

emblem was displayed upon them on
*

a carpet

pattern.

;[:

Cf.

Rkumont,
17).

III., 2,

402

;

Gkvmuller,

Raffacllo, 48 seq. (p. 49,

read 1518 for 15
t
X

Cf. Frojets primitifs, 75 seq.

Mi'NTZ, Raphael, 452.
Cf.

Napoli, 1891, and
Botli

TksORONE, L'antico pavinicnto delle Logge di Raffaello, Gnoli in Arch. stor. d. Arte, IV. (i8gi), 205 seq. students were unaware that an old and very good drawing of the
is

pavement
Vaticana
e spesc

to

be found

in the

*Disegni delhi prima e seconda loggia
1'

fatti

da Francesco La Vega Spagnolo,
em. nipotc

a° 1745, per ordine

deir em. sig. Card. Silvio Valenti Gonzaga, segret. di
di

stato

dcUa

S'-^

Benedetto XIV., e

dall,

di lui sig. card. Luigi,

Bibliolccario di S. C. e protcttore della biblioteca \'aticana donati a

questa

I'

a" 1802, nel giorno

med°

nel quale n'ebbe
I.,

il

solenne possesso
57.

(.Sala d.

stampe e

incis.

AMD,

X\'I.,

Vatican Library) on table

Of

the original

pavement here shown, some remains have been

pre-

I
318

HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the richly carved doors, ornamented

The execution
Barile of Siena.

with the arms of the Medici, was entrusted to Giovanni

We

are sadly in want of detailed information about the

origin of the decorations with which the walls, pillars,
ceilings of the

and

Loggie are

filled.

When

these works were

begun
tion

is

still

a matter of uncertainty.

One

thing only

is

certain, that the

completion of
all

this noble piece of decora-

was brought about
was

too soon.*
the

This, according
15 19.

to authentic sources,

in

account books mention, on the

summer of nth of June of

The

that year, a

sum

of twenty-five ducats paid to Raphael's assistants
in

who

had painted
Marchioness

the Loggie.f
19,

A
:

few days

later,

on the

i6th of June, 15

Isabella

Baldassare Castiglione wrote to the " The d'Este Pope takes more

pleasure than ever in music and architectural works.

He

continues to erect

new

buildings in the Vatican

;

a Loggia

has just been finished there, and painted and ornamented

with stucco after antique designs

;

it is

a

and

is

as beautiful as anything can well be,

work of Raphael, and is perhaps

a more perfect piece of work than anything that we can show at the present time."+ In agreement with this

served and set up in the Appartamento Borgia
rest

l)y

Professor Salts
it

;

the

was so injured by wear and tear that

in 1869

was replaced by
that the

a

new pavement made
is

of large marble slabs.
it is

Now

manu-

facture of majolica
flooring might be

restored,

to

be wished that a copy of the old

made

to take the place of the present

marble one,

which

is

not in keeping with the decoration of the walls and ceiling.
in a

For another drawing of the pavement
Library of Vienna, see infra,
p.

manuscript

in the

Court

324

n.

* Namely,
t
t

15 18.

So Gruyer,
stor. Ital.,

203,

and many
i,

others.
188.
in

Zahn
This

in

Arch.

3rd Series, VI.,

important

evidence was

published

the

periodical
is

II

Rafifaello,

from Sept. 20 to Sept.
I

30, 1876.
:

As
si

this

review

no longer

in circulation,

give the passage

" Dil resto

viva al consueto.

N

S"'"^

RAPHAEL'S LOGGIE.
account are various
Michiel.
letters

319

of the Venetian Marcantonio

On
has
is

the 4th

of

May,
the

15 19,

he
of

reports

that

Raphael

completed

painting

a very

long

making preparations for the work on two the 27th of December, Michiel returns to On others.* the subject again " The undermost Loggia of the Vatican,"
Loggia, and
:

he says in

a

despatch which

is

as

interesting

as

it

is

It is adorned with important, "has just been finished.-f the work stucco work, grotesques, and similar designs
;

has not been carried out with great

finish, for

not

much
is

money has been spent ui)on it The reason why this arcade has been
;

yet

it is

pleasing to the eye. sparingly treated
the

that

it

is

open to

all

the inmates of
it,

Palace
is

;

even

persons on horseback use
first
is

although this Loggia

on the
;

closed,

It

The one above is very differently treated it and can only be opened by the Pope's permission. contains pictures of high value and great charm, which
story.
finished,

have only just been
the

and

for

which Raphael drew

sketches. The Pope number of antique statues which were before kept in the private apartments, and were bought partly by himself and partly by Julius II. They are set up in niches between

besides

has brought hither a

the

windows, which face the

columns

of

the

gallery,

immediately alongside of the Papal apartments and the
Mall of the Consistory."
sta su la
;[:

musica

piii

die mai

et di varic sorti

si

diletta
in

ancor de archiet or

tettura e va
si

sempre facendo qualche cosa nova
una loggia dipinta

questo palazzo

c fornito

e lavorata de' stucchi alia antica, opera

di Raffaclo, hello al possibile e forse piu

che cosa che

si

vegga oggidi

de moderni."

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.