“I Teach Them Correct Principles and They Govern Themselves” – joseph

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Mormon
Issue 3
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THE

Worker
September 2007

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Don’t Torture in My Name
By Josh Madson

■ Don’t Torture in My Name By Josh Madson ■ Racism, Violence, and the United States, Part 1: The Prison System By Spencer Kingman ■ Space Technology or Social Progress? By Bruce K. Gagnon ■ The Unattained Enlightenment By Gregory VanWagenen ■ Palestinian / Israeli Conflict: A Cooperative Effort
By Abdullah Mulhimone

■ The Zion/Babylon Dualism in Mormonism and Anarchism By Jason Brown ■ The Fascist Roots of Corporate America (And the Bush Family) By Stephen Wellington ■ The Iraqi Resistance, Al-Qaeda, and US Propaganda
By William Van Wagenen

■ Wendell Berry’s “Gift of a Good Life” By Ron Madson ■ Lakotah Indians Declare Independence from the United States of America By Jason Brown ■ Peter Chelčický (c. 1390 – c. 1460)
By Kristen Kinjo-Bushman

■ Commonwealth By Matthew Thomas ■ A Love Poem from Iraq By Jack Dawkins ■ Contributors ■ Navigation

On September 13, 2003, Alyssa Peterson tragically ended her life. The third female soldier to die in Iraq since the invasion, Alyssa was a devout Mormon who had served a mission in the Netherlands. Shortly after her religious service, Alyssa volunteered to serve in the military. She was adept at learning languages and was sent to Arabic training school. Alyssa later volunteered to go to Iraq in place of another who did not want to go. It was about this time in a conference room at the Pentagon that Donald Rumsfeld, frustrated from a lack of good intel, ordered the military to “gitmo-ize the situation" in Abu Ghraib and Iraq. Results of which we have all seen in the photos and videos that emerged from Abu Ghraib. It was in this situation that Alyssa Peterson, then serving in Tal-Afar, Iraq, found herself shortly before her death. We know that “Peterson objected to the interrogation techINDEX FULL SCREEN

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A Note to Our Readers
The Mormon Worker is an independent newspaper/journal devoted to Mormonism and radical politics. It is published by members of the LDS Church. The paper is modeled after the legendary Catholic Worker which has been in publication for over seventy years. The primary objective of The Mormon Worker is to meaningfully connect core ideas of Mormon theology with a host of political, economic, ecological, philosophical, and social topics. Although most contributors of The Mormon Worker are members of the LDS church, some are not, and we accept submissions from people of varying secular and religious backgrounds. The opinions in The Mormon Worker are not the official view of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. In solidarity, The Mormon Worker

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niques used on prisoners. She refused to participate after only two nights working in the unit known as the cage. Army spokespersons for her unit have refused to describe the interrogation techniques Alyssa objected to. They say all records of those techniques have now been destroyed. ..." After a confrontation with superiors, she was put on suicide watch and assigned to guard a gate. Alyssa “avoided eating with her interrogation team and spent time reading at her desk when she did not have other assignments.” Shortly thereafter, Alyssa was found dead in a field with her service rifle in the grass next to her. “The reactions to the suicide were that she was having a difficult time separating her personal feelings from her professional duties. That was the consistent point in the testimonies, that she objected to the interrogation techniques, without describing what those techniques were.” We may never know the specific reasons Alyssa ended her life because the government is yet to release her suicide note. What we do know however is that Alyssa who had spent 18 months of her life preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ to complete strangers, seeing them as children of God was later placed into a situation where she was asked to treat human beings as objects and torture them. Perhaps she felt as Kayla Williams, a fellow soldier who talked to Alyssa one week before her death and also protested the techniques used at Tal-Afar, when she stated the real problem with such techniques is that it, “made me question my humanity and the humanity of all Americans. It was difficult and to this day, I can no longer think I am a
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really good person and will do the right thing in the right bombarded him with noise and lights, and deprived him of sleep. At one point, the CIA had even began construction situation.” In perhaps an even stranger irony, these techniques she on a coffin to bury Zubaydah alive. It is no surprise that was asked to perform were in part reverse engineered by Dr. R. Scott Shumate, then chief operational psychologist two Mormons known in the CIA as the “Mormon mafia.” for the C.I.A.’s counterterrorism center, packed his bags James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen were part of a classified and left in disgust after witnessing Mitchell and Jessen’s group known as SERE that trained US soldiers to withstand techniques. interrogation techniques. Mitchell and JesUnder these conditions, Zubaydah sen were handpicked to reverse engineer began to “speak of plots of every vari“The people who kill communist interrogation techniques and ety–against shopping malls, banks, superand torture and tell lies teach them to CIA interrogators. These markets, water systems, nuclear plants, in the name of their techniques included waterboarding, stress apartment buildings, the Brooklyn Bridge, sacred causes...these are positions, sleep deprivation, and others. It the Statue of Liberty.” Never mind that never the publicans and was with the capture of Abu Zubaydah in Zubaydah was in fact mentally ill and not the sinners. No, they’re March of 2002 that Mitchell and Jesse had the pivotal figure they believed him to their first chance to use their “enhanced” be. Zubaydah’s diary he kept for more the virtuous, respectthan a decade had three separate voices: interrogation techniques. able men, who have the Zubaydah was a mess when he was a boy, a young man and a middle-aged finest feelings, the best captured. Unable to eat, drink, sit, or conalter ego. Dan Coleman, the FBI’s top albrains, the noblest trol his bowels, the FBI began the proQaeda analyst, stated, “This guy is insane, ideals.” cess of nursing his wounds. At one point, certifiable, split personality,” and refer—Aldous Huxley ring to the CIA stated, “They all knew he Zubaydah turned septic and nearly died. While Zubaydah was being treated huwas crazy.” Newsweek reported that one manely by the FBI, he revealed one key intelligence detail: FBI agent “was so offended he threatened to arrest the CIA the identity of Khaled Sheikh Mohammed. Shortly thereaf- interrogators.” ter, the CIA interrogation team arrived and began the techMore revealing is the testimony of John Kiriakou, the niques designed by Mitchell and Jessen. Ronald Suskind CIA interrogator of Zubaydah, who when asked whether reported that they strapped Abu Zubaydah to a water-board, he had legal authority for his actions in an ABC news threatened him with certain death, withheld medication, interview stated, “Absolutely. Absolutely. I remember - I
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remember being told when - the President signed the - the is whether it is better to suffer a nuclear attack than save authorities that they had been approved - not just by the human life through morally compromised methods. At National Security Counsel, but by the - but by the Justice what point are we justified in not only killing but torturing Department as well, I remember people being surprised that another human being for the chance that they might know the authorities were granted.” Zubaydah’s interrogation something that might save lives? went on for months and we now know that the hundreds Torture has been used by a variety of unsavory groups of hours of videotapes of his treatment were destroyed in and governments in history including our own. From the November, 2005. In the case of Zubaydah we have direct tormenta de toca (water cure) used during the Spanish involvement of top government officials, including the Inquisition to elicit confessions, sleep deprivation used by president, barbaric forms of torture, and meaningless intel- Stalin to elicit confessions, the “VerschärfteVernehmung”or ligence from an already mentally ill man. As Suskind writes, “enhanced interrogation” used by Nazis, and the Khmer “the United States would torture a mentally disturbed man Rouge’s use of waterboarding on dissidents. The former and then leap, screaming, at every word he uttered.” Prime Minister of Israel Menachim Begin described his Soon these same techniques; first used in CIA blacks sleep deprivation torture by the KGB as “In the head of sites and then used in Guantanamo found their way to Iraq the interrogated prisoner, a haze begins to form. His spirit resulting in the atrocities of Abu Ghraib and in the crisis is wearied to death, his legs are unsteady, and he has one Alyssa Peterson found herself leading to her death. Mean- sole desire: to sleep... Anyone who has experienced this while, Mitchell and Jessen got paid more than $1,000 per desire knows that not even hunger and thirst are compaday plus expenses, tax free, for their overseas work and rable with it.” One individual who voluntarily submitted to Mitchell finally purchased his dream house in Florida. It a waterboarding experiment described the complete loss was Aldous Huxley who remarked that “the people who of control and willpower. It was not pain he remarked but kill and torture and tell lies in the name of their sacred “at the time my lungs emptied and I began to draw water, causes... these are never the publicans and the sinners. No, I would have sold my children to escape. There was no they’re the virtuous, respectable men, who have the finest choice, or chance, and willpower was not involved.” feelings, the best brains, the noblest ideals.” In our own history, US soldiers used a primitive form Often the discussion surrounding torture concerns its of waterboarding in the Phillipine-American war, “water is effectiveness. However, there is a much more fundamental poured onto his face, down his throat and nose ... until the discussion that is needed when we address torture. If we man gives some sign of giving in or becomes unconscious assume that torture works, then the decision we must face ... His suffering must be that of a man who is drowning, but
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who cannot drown.” This is the same technique Japanese soldiers used on US soldiers in WWII and were tried as war criminals and one Japanese soldier was sentenced to 15 years of hard labor. This same technique later found it’s way into police stations and military prisons particularly in the south. In 1926 Mississippi’s highest court, in Fisher v. State, 110 So. 361, 362 (Miss. 1926), ruled a murderer’s confession be overturned because of “the water cure, a specie of torture well known to the bench and bar of the country.” This was based upon an earlier case, White v. State, 182, 91 So. 903, 904 (Miss. 1922), that overturned a murder conviction of a young black man whose hands “were tied behind him, he was laid upon the floor upon his back, and, while some of the men stood upon his feet, Gilbert, a very heavy man,

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stood with one foot entirely upon appellant’s breast, and the other foot entirely upon his neck. While in that position what is described as the “water cure” was administered to him in an effort to extort a confession as to where the money was hidden which was supposed to have been taken from the dead man. The “water cure” appears to have consisted of pouring water from a dipper into the nose of appellant, so as to strangle him, thus causing pain and horror, for the purpose of forcing a confession. Under these barbarous circumstances the appellant readily confessed.” We should never forget that in the years from the civil war to civil rights, thousands of people were tortured and many killed by our own citizens. In one infamous lynching in Paris, Texas, a crowd of 10,000 men, women, and children took photos, ate popcorn, all the while a black man was tortured and burned alive. Torture does what the Russian writer Aleksander Solzhenitsyn described in The Gulag Archipelago, it “befogs the reason, undermines the will, and the human being ceases to be himself, to be his own ‘I.’” All of these techniques and methods share the same goal: to break the human will. How should we react as Christians and Mormons to torture? One of the fundamental values of Mormonism is the idea that God believes in free will and respects each individual soul. Mormons also believe that there was a decision made that free will was more important than using compulsion to prevent countless tragedies whether it was genocide, rape, child abuse, or even the salvation of our
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eternal souls. If free will is so sacred to God, how can we every justify doing what even God himself will not do: robbing a human soul of its will, its “I am.” It is a basic Christian tenet that we are to love our enemies and do good unto those who hate us. It is not just in the generalities that we are Christian, but in the particularities of turning the other cheek and enemy love. Christ is clear that this is how we become Sons of God. How we treat our enemies is an indicator of our level of discipleship. This says more about our Christianity than any professed creeds or ideas. There are things more important than saving human life. This is not a question of self-righteous victimhood but an issue of self-preservation. Torture is ultimately about our own personal and national soul. When Peter learned of Christ’s future suffering and death on the cross, he rebuked the Lord and tried to prevent it. It is wise to remember the Savior’s words in response. He reminded Peter that we are to take up his cross and that if there are not boundaries we will not cross even to save our lives, we may lose our very soul. The real question is what will we exchange for our own soul, for our national soul? If we are willing to torture and break another’s will, we may be as worthy of Christ’s rebuke as Peter was, “Get behind me, Satan: you are a scandal to me: for you do not understand the things God, but those of men.” Before Christ left he promised he would send us the comforter (parakletos). Satan is the accuser. The parakletos is the defender of the accused (Greek for defense attorney, the defender of victims). Jesus was tortured and crucified

so that no one else would have to be a victim again. When we torture and when we kill victims, we deny the parakletos, the spirit. This is how we crucify Christ again and deny the holy spirit (the parakletos), the call to defend the accused. Stalin tortured men in the name of Russia, the Inquisition in the name of the church, Hitler in the name of German Nationalism, and our own government tortures in the name of freedom and liberty. At the end of the day, if we torture we are torturers and we deny the power and meaning of the cross.

Racism, Violence, and the United States, Part 1: The Prison System
By Spencer Kingman

Many Latter-Day Saints, while believing racism to be a great evil and a sin, assume that violent racism and racism as government policy are things of the past. In this article, and others forthcoming, I will explore the U.S. prison system, the practice of torture, and the wall at the nation’s southern border as three particular projects that bely such an assumption. I intend to show that, far from fading away or becoming superficial, racism remains a vicious and violent a force in this country. It is appropriate to start with the prison system. Though less controversial than torture or the border wall, the prisINDEX FULL SCREEN

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ons lay the foundation for these projects. In practice and in language, they provide a laboratory for what happened at Abu Ghraib, a blueprint for the deadly architecture of our border zones, and a business model for “Homeland Security.” In our lifetimes, the prison system has exploded in size and scope, swallowing up people, homes, and whole sections of our cities. This rapid growth has little to do with crime, and a lot to do with economics, racism, and social control. Unable to address and alleviate its savage inequalities, the United States has instead found a way,through imprisonment, to make them into a perverted junk-growth industry. As a country, we are feeding on our own dysfunction, relying on human misery as a profit center, and stripping for parts those people for which we find no other use. How can one talk of public safety when huge chunks of that public are being absorbed into such a dangerous and violent system? How can “criminal justice” have any meaning when the nation is so invested in criminality? Many are unaware of the rapacious growth of the prison system since the early 1970s, and it is difficult to fathom. The number of Americans who are currently in jail or prison is over 2.2 million people, one fourth of the prison population of the entire world. This population has expanded from just 300,000 in 1972 and 1,000,000 in 1990. The United States also incarcerates people at a higher rate than any other nation (with the possible exception of North Korea). Increases for youth and females are even more dramatic. 1 There has been no corresponding increase in

crime over these boom years. Many of the incarcerations fueling the rise of the prison industry result from either drug offenses or mandatory minimum sentence requirements legislated in the context of the “wars” on drugs and crime. Both of these so-called wars have ravaged communities of color, especially Black communities. In some cities, over one half of young Black men are under some criminal supervision, be it parole, probation, or incarceration. 2 Approximately 44% of all prisoners are Black, though they comprise only 12% of the U.S. population. 3 The ease with which we ignore this cataclysm is remarkable. It is commonly believed that the system works well, that we see high rates of Blacks and Latinos in the criminal justice system because Blacks and Latinos commit most of the crimes in the United States. In some cases this is factually wrong, for instance when it comes to drugs. Drug use is equally common among Blacks, Latinos, and Whites. Blacks constitute 13% of all monthly drug users, but 35% of arrests for drug possession, 53% of convictions, and 58% of prison sentences, and these drug convictions comprise a very large part of all prisoners. 4 In fact, more Blacks are sent to state prison for drug offenses than for crimes of violence. 5 The assumption that people of color commit more crimes than Whites is sometimes factually correct, but this phenomenon is impossible to understand outside the context of persistent and widening discrimination, economic exclusion, or the predations of police.
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For people who have already been locked up, the barriers to re-entering civil society after their prison terms are so numerous and extreme that many return to crime. With some variation from state to state, the average person convicted of a felony will likely find themselves barred from politics and voting, barred from gun ownership, have their drivers license suspended, prohibited by law from several occupations, and refused employment in most others. Additionally they are “permanently barred from receiving public assistance such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, Medicaid, food stamps, Supplemental Security Income,” as well as federal financial aid for education. They are permanently barred from admittance to public housing and Section 8. The list goes on and on, including just about anything a person might need to get back on their feet. A shocking 6% of Americans have felony records. 6 Needless to say, incarceration also rips apart families and psyches, and the cumulative effect is crushing. In California, which imprisons more people than any other state, the recidivism rate is 70 percent; for children in the juvenile system it is 90 percent (recidivism is a word to describe the return to prison or criminality of an inmate who has ‘served their time’ and been released). 7 Crime rates generally have dropped since the beginning of the prison boom, but the meaning of this fact is contested. During the 1990s crime rates declined less dramatically in states with high incarceration rates. A detailed 2005 study by The Sentencing Project suggested that only about 25% of the drop in crime rates should be attributed to

increased incarceration, with the other 75% perhaps resulting from a growing economy, changing drug markets, community policing models, and other community responses to crime. Also, a decrease in the crime rate concurrent with mass imprisonment says little about what couldhave been achieved with non-violent approaches. Numerous studies have shown drug treatment, interventions with at-risk families, and school completion programs are far more effective at reducing crime than incarceration, and of course, far less costly.8 However, the high costs of imprisonment mean large profits for some. They represent a grotesque development opportunity for states and small towns, and the jobs they create are well-paying. The average salary for a member of the California Correctional Peace Officers Union is $73,000 dollars per year, far higher than, for instance, a teacher’s salary. 9 Private prisons, of which there are currently about 300 nation wide, are often payed directly from tax revenue on a per-inmate, per-day basis. States or private prisons can generate large amounts of revenue by contracting with large corporations to provide prison labor, usually at sweatshop wages. All of these various strategem for generating wealth have one thing in common: an absolute reliance on the maintenance of high levels of incarceration and a steady stream of inmates. In the case of prison labor, the continuities with slavery are chilling. At the end of the U.S. Civil War, the 13th amendment to the Constitution abolished slavery “except as a punishment for crime.” In the post-Reconstruction
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South this loophole was used to reassert White supremacy and exploitation of Black agricultural labor through the chain gang. 10 The largest prison in the United States, the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, resides on 18,000 acres of antebellum plantation land purchased by the state in 1905. It was called Angola because most of the ex-slaves in that area came from that African Country. Still today, the inmates, 75 percent of whom are Black, perform the same labor as slaves did 200 years ago: harvesting cotton and sugar cane. It is estimated that 85 percent of the inmates at Angola now will die there. 11 In the post-Civil Rights Era, convict labor has reached full industrial blossom. All over the United States, inmates are assembling air conditioning parts, computer motherboards, and clothing for companies like Microsoft, J.C. Penny, Eddie Bauer, Victoria’s Secret, and Honda. They are answering telephones for TWA and Best Western. 12 In the summer of 2007, Colorado started sending female inmates to harvest onions, corn, and melons on farms. 13 For many years, the Federal Bureau of Prisons has provided inmate labor to the Army, but in 2005 a new regulation authorized the Army to create prison labor camps within military installations. 14 Needless to say the wages for prisoners are deplorable. The average hourly rate at a prison camp in Nevada is a mere $0.13 cents an hour. The pay rates for federal prisoners are between $0.23 and $1.15 per hour. 15 In Angola Prison in 1997, inmates were reportedly de-boning chickens for $0.04 cents an hour. 16 The prison system is becoming a primary mechanism

for maintaining de facto segregation and mass exploitation of Black people in the U.S., performing the same functions as the ghetto, Jim Crow, and slavery before it. Globalization and technological change have wiped out millions of jobs that used to be somewhat available to Black people living in the cities. The prisons provide a way for the state to control these unemployed or “surplus” people and exploit them in a way that is competitive with overseas sweatshops. It also provides a way for the country to absorb the Post World War II/Civil Rights activism without really upending the racial caste system. Just as Jim Crow undermined political rights granted after the Civil War, the “felonization” of Black America undermines the civil rights victories of the 1960’s (and not without effect, as seen in Florida during the 2000 Presidential Election). The racialization of incarceration is not simply a reflection of a racism planted in some other arena of society. On the contrary, the prisons, like racist institutions before them, insidiously create and disseminate ideas about what it means to be “Black” and “White” in the U.S. White supremacy has long required that Blackness be associated with criminality and violence, but the mass incarceration of Black people (a recent phenomenon) solidifies this association and lends it the appearance of social fact. In the words of Randall Kennedy it supplies a powerful commonsense warrant for “using color as a proxy for dangerousness.” Hence “driving while Black” 17 or simply hanging-out with other Blacks in public provokes regular harassment by police. As Black people are shut in to prisons and ghetINDEX FULL SCREEN

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8. The Sentencing Project. (2005). Incarceration and Crime: A Complex Relationship. http://www.sentencingproject.org/Admin%5CDocuments%5Cpublications%5Ci nc_iandc_complex.pdf (13 January 2008). 9. David Matlin, PRISONS: Inside the New America, (Berkeley, California: North Atlantic Books, 2005). p. xxii. 10. David M. Oshinsky. Worse Than Slavery: Parchman 1. International Centre For Prison Studies at King’s Farm and the Ordeal of Jim Crow Justice, (New York: Free College London. Prison Brief – Highest to Lowest Rates. Press Paperbacks, 1996). 11. Free the Angola 3 (2000) Lockdown at Angola: A http://www.prisonstudies.org (10 January 2008); Rose M. Brewer and Nancy A. Heitzeg, “The Racialization of Crime History of the Angola 3 Case. http://www.angola3.org/ (13 and Punishment: Criminal Justice, Colorblind Racism, and January 2008). the Political Economy of the Prison-Industrial Complex,” 12. Kelly Patricia O’Meara, “Prison Labor is a Growth Industry,” Insight on the News. Washington: May 24, 1999. American Behavioral Scientist 51 (2008); 628. . 2. David Matlin, PRISONS: Inside the New America, Vol. 15, Iss. 19; pg. 14, 2 pgs. (Berkeley, California: North Atlantic Books, 2005), pp. xxiii, 13. Nicole Hill, “U.S. Farmers Using Prison Labor,” xxviii.. Christian Science Monitor, August 22, 2007. pg. 14. 3. Human Rights Watch. (2003). Incarcerated America. 14. U.S. Army. (14 February 2005). Army Regulation http://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/usa/incarcera- 210-35: Civilian Inmate Labor Program. http://www.army. tion/us042903.pdf (April 2003). mil/usapa/epubs/pdf/r210_35.pdf (13 January 2008). 4. The Sentencing Project. (2001). Drug Policy and the 15. Peter Wagner. (2003) The Prison Index: Taking Criminal Justice System. http://www.sentencingproject. the Pulse of the Crime Control Industries. http://www. org/Admin/Documents/publications/dp_drugpolicy_cjprisonpolicy.org/prisonindex/prisonlabor.html (13 January 2008). system.pdf (13 January 2008). 5. Human Rights Watch. (April 2003). Incarcerated 16. Peter Gilmore, “Made in the USA... by Convicts.” America.http://hrw.org/backgrounder/usa/incarceration/ Labor Party Press, July 1997, Vol. 2, Num. 4. us042903.pdf (13 January 2008).. 17. Loüc Wacquant, “From Slavery to Mass Incarcera6. Ibid.David Matlin, PRISONS: Inside the New Amer- tion,” New Left Review, 13, January 2002. ica, (Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books, 2005). p. xxii..

tos, they are shut out of politics and jobs. Incarceration helps do the symbolic work of mixing up cause and effect here, hardening racist myths about the suburban world of hard-work, self-control, and political responsibility as well as myths about its counterpart: a ghetto/prison world of indolence, addiction, parasitism, and cruelty.

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ing space technologies in order to give the U.S. “control and domination” of space and the ability to “deny” other countries access to space. It is important to remember that Space Technology or Social Progress? when the U.S. and the UK launched the 2003 shock and awe By Bruce K. Gagnon invasion of Iraq, 70% of the weapons used in the initial atAs criticisms of U.S. “missile defense” (MD) technology tack were directed to their targets by space technology. So increase around the world, it is interesting that the reac- whoever controls space militarily also controls the Earth. tion of the Bush administration is to accelerate efforts to The Pentagon has also long maintained that Star Wars deploy the system in as many countries will be “the largest industrial project” in hisas possible. tory. Therefore huge infusions of tax dolWe have learned At the present time the Bush adminlars must be moved into military budgets to fly the air like istration is attempting to convince the in order for the aerospace industry to make birds and swim the governments of Poland and the Czech Rethe kinds of profits they expect from a new sea like fish, but we public to allow the Pentagon to establish arms race. (In 2008 the Pentagon budget have not learned the new MD bases in their countries despite is well over $650 billion.) Star Wars will strong opposition from the people of both simple art of living be so expensive that the U.S. can’t afford nations to the plan. Poland would host mistogether as brothers. to pay for it on its own – even after they sile defense interceptors while the Czech move funds from our few remaining social —martin luther king, jr. Republic would have a Star Wars radar programs into the Pentagon budget. Thus facility placed near Prague. it becomes crucial to get allies like the UK, Missile defense has never been about protecting the Canada, Australia, Japan, and Italy to help pay for it. public from attack by the “rogue” nations. As it turned But how can you convince people around the world out Iraq had no WMD. Iran has none today. North Korea to help pay for MD unless you continually develop new has no WMD capable of hitting the continental U.S. Even enemies? Why would the U.S. want new Star Wars radar China has only 20 WMD’s capable of hitting the west coast facilities in the Czech Republic and MD bases in Poland of the U.S. The U.S. now has over 7,000 WMD’s in our own unless the intent was to surround and provoke a new arms “arsenal of hypocrisy.” race with Russia and China? Is it a coincidence that Russia Star Wars has always been about offensive warfare has the world’s largest supply of natural gas? in space. The Pentagon has long talked about developThe Pentagon has been saying that under corporate
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globalization every country is going to have a different role. They say that in the U.S. we won’t make cars, clothes, or other consumer goods anymore. It’s cheaper to do that in China. The Pentagon says that America’s role will be “security export.” Today the number one industrial export product of the U.S. is weapons. And when weapons production is a nation’s #1 export, what is your global marketing strategy for that product line? Endless war! The Pentagon also says that parts of the world are not now properly submitting to corporate globalization. They call it the “non-integrating gap”. They identify this gap as the Middle East, Central Asia, Africa, and parts of Latin America like Venezuela. (Note these also are places with huge deposits of oil and natural gas.) The military says that our role will be to go into this “gap” and get them to submit to corporate domination. So Star Wars becomes the eyes, ears, and target direction mechanism of this new high-tech military that will fight endless war. The allies, like the UK, will be asked to help fund the program and to give it political cover. National health care in the UK, Canada, and other allied nations will have to be cut back in order to provide funds so that the aerospace industry in those countries can get a piece of the Star Wars action too. The peace movement must begin to connect all the dots. The occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan is about oil. The Republicans and Democrats alike believe in the U.S. Empire to benefit the corporate elite. Space technology will be used to tie this program of endless war together.

We must call for an end to the militarization of American culture and instead work hard to keep social progress from being defunded as our human and physical infrastructure in the country decline. ◆ www.space4peace.com ◆

The Unattained Enlightenment
By Gregory VanWagenen

Introduction Calling oneself a socialist has always been a challenge, and it seems especially challenging to adopt that description at this particular time and place. Advocating the empowerment of a working class which seems profoundly conservative puts the socialist in one of two positions. Either she is an inconsequential pretender, taking a place on a stage that is watched by only a few other fellow travelers, or she is forced to subsume the conservatism of the working class in an attempt to reach the subject of her concern. Max Horkheimer is credited with the maxim: Truth takes refuge in small groups of admirable individuals. If the socialists of the 21st century are to achieve anything substantive, barring the sudden and tragic impoverishment of the average worker, it will surely begin with those same admirable individuals chipping away at the false consciousness of capital.
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In order to effect meaningful social change, we must know what our own values are, and how they differ from the status quo. We must be able to communicate these values honestly to our peers, acknowledging the inevitable questions and proposing the means to answer them. Defining Socialism What is socialism? Most of us think we know, but find a concise definition difficult to draw. In spite of this deficiency, the word itself is incredibly popular, and the concept itself remains popularly unpopular. Talk show hosts and satirists daily label their ideological opponents as socialists, using the word as though it were self-evident and obviously insulting. Socialism is a complex phenomenon that defies a simple definition. It encompasses science and philosophy, politics and economics. Sweden is a socialist country, and so is Vietnam. Marxist-Leninists are socialists, and so are many anarchists. Jack London was a socialist, and so was Leon Trotsky. Socialism is a broad movement with many competing theories. Some of these theories overlap and some conflict. There is even disagreement about the disagreement, with some socialists seeing the broad range of socialist interests as a fractious and confusing hindrance, while others accept them as a rich diversity which enhances socialism as a whole. The idea of socialism is rooted in a romantic egalitari-

anism, where every individual assumes an opportunity to shape the future of his or her society. Socialism seems handicapped by the very aspect which makes it so popular. Socialism must be many things, and not one, because socialists are many, and not one. Social Justice Social justice can be described as an extension of the common American tradition of legal justice to other facets of social life. Most Americans have an instinctive, if limited, view of justice. If it is proper to see individuals as equal before the law, the argument for social justice contends that it is also proper to see them as equals in other social relationships also. Social justice entails a freedom to think the thoughts we want to think, a freedom to indulge in religion or to agitate against it, and a freedom to peacefully organize. These are all conservative American ideals. Social justice goes further, and also entails a freedom from hunger, a freedom from reasonable fear, and a freedom from oppression. Social justice advocates a view of human beings as inherently equal despite their inequalities. Every individual is afforded an equal opportunity to partake in the process of shaping their society, and an equal share of the wealth which that society produces. Ultimately then, socialists unite in the idea of an egalitarian society. There is much disagreement among socialists as to the extent to which a society can abolish domiINDEX FULL SCREEN

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nation or eradicate inequality, but this is the one unifying idea which every socialist shares. Socialism, Science And History

witness today the product of a lifetime of conditioning by the demands and pressures of capital? Socialism And Democracy

Socialism can be seen as economic and political theories, The existence of Sweden as a contemporary example of supported by empirical research, dedicated to the creation democratic socialism at first suggests that socialist democand maintenance of an egalitarian society. racies can be formed and endure. At the same time, the Socialism can also be defined by its approach to history. idea of competing political parties suggests the possibility In contemporary terms, a socialist would describe history of a group taking power and instituting inequality within as interactive. Put simply: Socialists believe that human a socialist society. The United Kingdom is probably the beings have the inherent capacity to shape their own fate, best example of a social democracy which has increased political and economic inequality through and thus they become the subject of history, democratic means in recent history, though rather than objects which are manipulated by there are others. forces like “luck” or “fortune”. My country is In some circumstances, it is theorized that the world. My establishing inequality may lead to a greater Cooperation And Central Planning countrymen are standard of living for people on the bottom all mankind. One of the topics that socialists argue about tier of a society than could be reached in a is whether a society could evolve without the —william lloyd more egalitarian society. Is it commensurate need for any structural authority. Some sogarrison with socialism to call for the eradication of cialists believe that a truly egalitarian society inequality if this lowers the standard of living can only be established with the guidance of for even the least fortunate? Is it appropria central party, to oversee the maintenance of the society ate to abandon egalitarianism if everyone benefits from as a whole. Others believe that a party is not necessary and inequality? that people will achieve socialism simply by removing the These are questions with no easy answers, but they authority structures inherent in a capitalist system. represent the questions socialists are commonly asked We can deconstruct these arguments and conclude that by their intellectual opponents and they deserve to be this is actually a question about human nature. Are human pondered. beings inherently selfish, or is the universal narcissism we
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The Relevance Of Socialism History illustrates many scenarios in which various parties and groups seized power in the name of socialism, only to function as a new incarnation of the ruling class in an even more repressive totalitarian state. Recent history has demonstrated a disturbing trend toward greater concentrations of wealth in the hands of the few, particularly in Europe and North America. It is common to find socialism impugned as the worn out utopia of yesteryear, rather than a vibrant idea which holds the promise of a more equitable distribution of wealth and responsibility in the here and now. Religion And Socialism Can any individual reconcile God with dialectical materialism? We have already seen that socialism, in theory, is based upon the application of the scientific method. Both science and religion are vehicles which have great potential for the elevation of humankind, and yet they are so different as to defy any meaningful comparison. Science is a method by which men and women have the potential to test their physical surroundings and approach an objective observation of how the natural world works. Science is also a body of knowledge compiled by people who have used this method and arrived at conclusions which can be tested and repeated. Science serves to apply this knowledge to manipulate the environment, ideally for

the benefit of humankind. Religion, in contrast, concerns itself with faith and purpose. This is neither the domain of socialism, nor of any other scientific pursuit. While science reveals how, religion tells us why. In this respect, socialism and faith do not contradict one another, nor should they compete with one another. Both ought to act in symbiosis, as complimentary agents toward the achievement of a just and peaceful society. Those who see one as inherently threatening to the other do so from a shallow understanding of either or both, or as a reaction to specific historical circumstances in which one or both of these vehicles were cynically used to tyrannize or manipulate human beings. Conclusion It was in Provo Utah that I first encountered Karl Marx. My grandparents had a large and well-stocked library which included Capital. I found it to be pretty heady stuff as a 12-year old, which is why I kept coming back to it over the years. By 16 I was discussing commodity fetishism in that same library, with the same grandparents, who probably had some regrets that they had put such a book on the shelf. One of the most beautiful gifts that Mormonism gave to me (aside from grandparents smart enough to argue such esoterica) was the knowledge of my own history and genealogy. Marx was certainly challenging from a literary

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standpoint, but viewed from a Mormon perspective, Uncle Karl didn’t seem as radical as my teachers made him out to be. I had been raised with stories of Orderville, of cotton cooperatives in St. George, and had read journal entries describing collective farms (probably built on Mennonite, rather than Marxist models) in Southern Alberta. All of these progressive endeavors were initiated by people with whom I shared immediate family bonds. Socialism, it seemed, was in the blood of my people and was the foundational theory behind the society I enjoyed. While historical experiments give socialists (Mormon and otherwise) much to be proud of, they also reveal disturbing examples of brutality and excess. The implementation of a socialist model, inasmuch as it relies on the centralization of power, has at times ended in disaster. It is heartening to find Mormon socialists honestly acknowledging the failures of the past, while lending their unique perspectives toward the search for solutions. In spite of the fact that the enlightenment remains unfinished, and despite the unanswered questions, I remain convinced that socialism is a necessary requirement for achieving a true and lasting measure of equality and justice between individuals, and I believe it stands as a prerequisite to any significant human progress. The realization of socialism entails the end of fratricidal wars for profit, the end of exploitation, and the beginning of a new era in human history. This is why I am a socialist, and why I’m proud to join in spirit with the readers of The Mormon Worker as we labor toward this common goal.

Palestinian/Israeli Conflict: A Cooperative Effort
by Abdullah Mulhimone

As the year 2008 begins and a new hope has emerged in the Middle East peace process, one stands wondering which party, the Israelis or Palestinians, wants peace more, or if any of them want peace. Over the years it has become clear to any one observing the peace process and the situation in the Middle East that Israel is more interested in its security than in peace with its neighbors. This raises the question which one is more important peace or security? Is it possible to achieve both? And if so which one comes first? The Israelis have echoed for years that they are committed to peace but that security must be established first; that the attacks targeting Israel must be stopped by creating a method of punishment that will give Israel a sense of revenge. This punishment must put fear in the attackers’ minds that future threats will be prevented. It is assumed that doing so will establish security for Israel and peace in the region. These methods of punishment are directed not only at the attackers, but also at their family members and the whole town that the attacker came from. For example the self-bombers punishment will be directed at the self-bomber’s family, by raiding their house in the middle of the night and then moving them out of the house and
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forcing them to watch their house get destroyed. This punishment is also directed at the whole town that the self bomber came from: because no Israeli soldier should be sent into an unknown situation, the first thing that needs to be done is prevent any possible attacks on the soldiers as they enter the town. So you first conduct an air strike, and follow that with a full tank assault, killing dozens of people. This is justified because, let’s face it, these now dead Palestinians would anyway have turned out to be self-bombers themselves eventually (according to Israeli logic). The final step is to take the land that the house was on and build a Jewish settlement in its place. By acting this way to every self-bomber attack that happens inside Israel, security will be achieved and then peace will follow. Then there is the issue of Palestinian rocket attacks hitting the illegal Jewish settlements that have been built on Palestinian land taken by force by the Israelis, and which continue to grow. The answer is simple: attack fire by fire. But instead of attacking with the same small amount, start with months of daily air strikes around the neighborhood that the rocket came from, then follow that with a massive military invasion of the neighborhood that destroys and levels every house to the ground, leaving almost everyone homeless and forcing them to flee far from the borders. Then kill everyone suspected of having any knowledge of the attack, because the cost of detaining them is more expensive than the cost of a bullet that you don’t have to answer why to.

By acting this way to every rocket attack that happens to a Jewish settlement, security will be achieved and then peace will follow. And if those measures are not enough in achieving that long dream of peace lets go ahead and build a fence around the West Bank. That is, if we could call it a fence. It is not a small fence like the one the US is trying to build along the borders of Mexico it is more like a WALL. That is, if we could call it a WALL. It is not like the Berlin Wall that divided not only a nation but the world. It is more like the Great Wall of China; but let’s make it even more humiliating. Let’s not build it on the borders, but inside the West bank in order to confiscate as much Palestinian land and water as a possible, because that is our real goal anyway; Let’s build it all around the West Bank to give Palestinians the feeling they are living in a massive prison. By building this WALL security will be achieved and then peace to be followed. These are by all means not the only answers Israel has to achieve peace. There is also the measure of not allowing more development projects in the Arab side of Jerusalem. There are the road blocks between every city in the West Bank, the denial of freedom of religion to the Muslims and the Christians in Jerusalem and many more security measures that help in establishing peace. Israel has followed these policies and implemented them so well since the Six Day War that it had the world fooled into thinking that achieving security first will definitely be followed by peace. The world thought this, instead
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of realizing that those actions and measures have simply left the Palestinian economy so crippled that more than 70% of the population is under the poverty line. They have left Palestinian social life in absence of the most basic elements of a warm feeling of a stable home and family. They have left the political scene so derailed that you can’t find true leaders for the Palestinian nation. For Israel, peace in the Middle East does not need partners all. What it needs is the right action to secure Israeli sovereignty in the region with by any means, even if it leaves the other side, the Arab side, weak. It does not need any type of political or economic partnership with the Arab world as long as the Arab nations recognize the existence of Israel and cooperate in providing the necessary security for the State of Israel. These actions maybe effective for a short period of time; they may bring with them some security for the state of Israel and maybe they will bring with them a short period of peace, a fake peace. But because it will leave the Arab side socially damaged with no dreams or hope for a better tomorrow as long as they are oppressed and humiliated, it will be just a matter of time before this ticking bomb explodes. For a true and lasting peace Israel has to recognize its existence in a region full of other nations. It has to look at the future for all of the Middle East. It has to recognize that security must be the entire region, including for both parties, the Israelis and the Arabs. Israel must realize that security is second to peace, that it is the oppressor and

the occupier, and that it has to show some good faith to its neighbors.

The Zion/Babylon Dualism in Mormonism and Anarchism
By Jason Brown

What sets the anarchist critique of society apart from other political projects is the view that, because the state is as an inherently hierarchical, and therefore oppressive institution, the project of human liberation must necessarily do away with all forms of economic and political oppression, not simply attempt to reform them or mitigate their damage. This critique of society can be easily compared to the Zion/Babylon dualism found in Mormon scripture and as elaborated by Hugh Nibley in his seminal and radical work Approaching Zion. The Dualisms of State I have often wondered, as the Mormon folk-belief goes, that if communism is Satan’s counterfeit for the United Order, what is capitalism? Hugh Nibley believed that Satan’s greatest trick was to take us down the wrong road and then present us with a fork—it doesn’t matter which way we go from there, we are still going down the wrong road. Indeed, the 20th century has been marked by a battle between the
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false choice of state communism and “free market” capitalism; both of which are rejected by anarchism (and in my opinion should also be rejected by Mormonism). In their book Working toward Zion, LDS authors James Lucas and Warner Woodworth outline the struggle between these two narrow economic ideologies and argue that those of us who are truly working toward a Zion society will seek the total liberation and dignity of all of humanity through cooperative principles such as unity, equality, and participatory democracy. Though they are not advocating an anarchist revolution, they state that: United order principles encourage equality by entrusting economic resources and

possibilities to the people, not to the state or a wealthy elite. It gives ‘the little man,’ not a state bureaucrat or wealthy capitalist, the freedom to control his destiny. It gives to every child of God the freedom to make his or her own freely chosen contribution to the work of God. In Approaching Zion, Nibley’s scathing critique of capitalism, communism and “Babylonian” economics could, without much exaggeration, be considered anarchist. In a series of essays delivered at Brigham Young University, Nibley eloquently fleshes out the scriptural concepts of Zion and Babylon, their place in biblical history and Mormon theology. He draws numerous parallels with contemporary North American society and harshly renounces our fixation with wealth, competition, property, and the ecological destruction these obsessions produce. Zion Zion is most commonly referred to in contemporary Mormonism as “the pure in heart” (D & C 97: 21). We rarely speak of it in terms of a movement, or a community that functions outside the world’s economy. The Zion of scripture was a type for the city of God, a place of refuge, equality, and peace; it is “any community in which the celestial order prevails” “the order of Zion is such as will leave the earth as near its primordial, paradisiacal condition as possible,” suggesting that it has little to do with the capitalist techno-industrial worldview we have hailed as being God-sent. Zion is a blueprint for a truly Christ-like society
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and has rarely been achieved. In one such rare occasion, the city of Enoch, described in the Book of Moses, there “was no poor among them” (Moses 7:18). In the communities established after Christ’s resurrection and assent to heaven in both the New Testament and the Book of Mormon, believers attempted to separate themselves from the world by establishing communities in which residents had “all things in common” and where there were no divisions by class or race (Acts 2:44-45, Fourth Nephi). So, although Zion was and is symbolic of righteousness and purity, it was also a very real socio-economic order, one which the Saints attempted to establish in Utah in the 19th century. Anarchists have also attempted to put their ideas into practice, the Paris commune, Civil War era Catalonia Spain, and the Zapatistas in Chiapas Mexico, are but a few examples of communities that have attempted to live without hierarchy and class. In Catalonia, peasant communities lived for three years outside of formal state jurisdictions and implemented cooperative factories, farming, and free health care and education.

the individualistic, profit seeking, laizze-faire ideologies of capitalism which promise perpetual growth and accumulation and an endless supply of goods and services. Both Babylon and capitalism thrive on the stratification of society into economic classes. The earth and its riches are seen as raw materials for the generation of cash, or as one author puts it, “for economic growth to continue there must be a constant conversion of things that have no money value into things that do. Human labor and land are commoditized, money becomes the universal standard of value and nothing escapes its potential appraisal. Although state communism was an attempt to mitigate the inequalities created by such a mind set, it did not stray far from the basic premise of capitalist production as a conversion of raw materials into wealth. The difference was, that in the former case the means of production was owned by a capitalist elite, and in the latter, a government bureaucracy. Zion and Babylon are thus irreconcilable entities and economies. God warned the prophets of old and Joseph Smith in the Doctrine in Covenants that “Zion cannot be built up unless it is by the principles of the law of the celestial kingdom” (D & C 105:5). In other words, Zion is to be built Babylon according to the purest of Christian principles and cannot Beyond the Old Testament Empire, Babylon is a symbol tolerate even the slightest corruption. As Nibley observes, in the scriptures for the dark center of Satan’s power, the “when we try to mix Zion and Babylon, Babylon has already culmination of political might, a filthy place of dog-eat-dog won the game.” This uncompromising purity resembles the survival of the fittest where everything is for sale and inanarchist rejection of political reform, which is tantamount trigue and corruption flourish. Babylon has two objectives: to mixing Zion with Babylon. Anarchism has consistently power and gain. It is not a far leap, to connect Babylon to broken rank with progressive movements as soon as they
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became too comfortable in the halls of power. Such was because the people wish it to be so, but because a certain the case with state Communism in the USSR, and the labor set of men, the landowners, have appropriated the right of movement in the United States. This uncompromising com- giving or refusing admittance to the land to the laborers.” D mitment to virtue has necessarily alienated both anarchists & C 49:20 proclaims that “But it is not given that one man and religious communities. The Essenes of Christ’s time, should possess that which is above another, wherefore the the Mormon pioneers, the Amish and other utopian com- world lieth in sin,” and as Nibley writes “the old Jewish teaching that Adam had a right only to munities of the 18th and 19th centuries refused to participate in “the world” and that portion of the earth that he “quickseparated themselves from it, literally ened” on which he labored by the sweat The Mormon Church was fleeing from Babylon. of his brow” in other words, money has born from revelation, nothing to do with our rights to the land resistance and dissent. Labor and Property and its produce. Again from Tolstoy, Its mutual assistance “The laborer of today would not cease to It would seem then, that both the ancommitment to poor or suffer even if his toil were much lighter... archist and Mormon view of the world, otherwise needy Mormons [f]or he is working at the manufacture of though framed in different terms, would remains a marvel of things which he will not enjoy,...working espouse similar values. Leo Tolstoy, the organization and to satisfy the desires of luxurious and Christian anarchist was adamant that steadfastness. idle people...for the profit of a single rich “living off the labor of others” was not —ralph nader man, the owner of a factory or workshop justified by Christian doctrines. D & C (alternative in particular.” In Nibley’s practically an42:42 states that, “He that is idle shall not commencement archist critique of capitalist exploitation, 2007) eat the bread...of the laborer” to which his essay ‘Work we Must, but the Lunch Nibley comments, “hailed as the franis Free’ is a heretical idea in capitalist chise of unbridled capitalism, is rather a rebuke to that system which has allowed idlers to live in ideology. In this essay, Nibley gives the example of a man luxury and laborers in want throughout the whole course who gains control of the earth’s bounty or “lunch” by hard of history.” Tolstoy states, “If the laborer has no land, if he work. He then considers himself benevolent for allowing cannot use the natural right of every man to derive subsis- those he has denied access to this bounty to work for him tence for himself and his family out of the land, that is not to get it back (and to make him money in the process). According to Nibley, the bounty of the earth is a free gift,
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and each of us has a right to “lunch” regardless of class, property, or classes; a world where the human family holds race, or disposition. This analogy is squarely in line with all things in common. anarchist and radical environmental critiques of capitalist notions of private property, means of production, and commoditized labor. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the famous French anarchist, famously wrote that “property is theft,” referring not to property in a general sense, but to capi- The Fascist Roots of Corporate talist ownership of the means of production. This idea is America (And the Bush Family) mirrored by Nibley’s assertion that the root of the words Stephen Wellington “private” and “property” have the same meaning “what is “The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not privatum or proprium is therefore peculiar to one person safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to alone (not a corporation),” and refer instead to things es- a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic sential for one’s survival. “One may not accumulate prop- state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism--ownership of erty, for then it ceases to be property and falls into the government by an individual, by a group, or by any other forbidden category of power and gain. Oil under arctic seas controlling private power...Among us today a concentraor mahogany in unexplored jungles can be neither private tion of private power without equal in history is growing.” nor property, save by a theory of possession cultivated in Franklin D. Roosevelt another quarter” i.e. Babylonian economics. From the above citations, it would seem that Hugh The White House Coup of 1933 Nibley, Leo Tolstoy, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and Joseph Smith were reading from the same celestial cliff notes. The introductory words by FDR are extremely profound Humans have no right to exploit one another just because given the history of his term in office. On November 24th, of the artificial power of capital. And though I make no 1934, Marine Corp Major General Smedley Butler testified claim that the similarities between anarchist and Mormon to the McCormack-Dickstein Committee that from July 1933 thinkers overlap in all areas of theoretical discourse, the to September of 1934 he was petitioned by Jerald McGuire, above statements illustrate that to a remarkable degree, a New York City Broker, to lead a private army of World we are all working toward the same society: one where War 1 veterans to overthrow American democratic rule and there would be no wage labor (living off the labor of oth- establish a fascist government in the White House. The ers), hierarchical economic or political institutions, private New York Times Headline on Nov 24th 1934 read:
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“Gen. Butler Bares ‘Fascist Plot’ To Seize Government by Force; Says Bond Salesman, as Representative of Wall St. Group, Asked Him to Lead Army of 500,000 in March on Capital—Those Named Make Angry Denials” Jerald McGuire, was not alone in his desire to be a part of a fascist Coup d’Etat. McGuire was backed by some of the wealthiest capitalists in America at the time. John Buchanan, a specialist on right-wing movements in the 1930’s said, “These super wealthy capitalists wanted to pose such a threat to Roosevelt that he would step aside and if he would not they would execute him.” When petitioning General Butler to become a part of this ‘superorganization’ McGuire said, “Did it ever occur to you that the President is overworked? We might have an Assistant President, somebody to take the blame; and if things do not work out, we can drop him ...You know the American people will swallow it. We have got the newspapers. We will start a campaign that the President’s health is failing. Everybody can tell that by looking at him, and the dumb American people will fall for it in a second.” The funding would come from bankers and businessmen who would step out of tenebrous Wall Street politics and into a crypto-fascist quasi-american lobby group called the ‘American Liberty League’. “We need a Fascist government in this country to save the Nation from the communists who want to tear it down and wreck all that we have built in America,” said Mcguire. However, the fascist overthrow of government was primarily seen by private power as a way of solving the mass

unemployment problems during the great depression and a way to deal with the growing power of the unions that were pressuring the Wall Street Bankers to relinquish their hold on wealth.“He [McGuire] had a very brilliant solution of the unemployment situation...He [Mcguire] had seen it in Europe. It was a plan that Hitler had used in putting all of the unemployed in labor camps or barracks-enforced labor. That would solve it overnight, and he[McGuire] said that when they got into power, that is what they would do; that that was the ideal plan” Just as Mcguire said, the American Liberty League was formed a few weeks later, and was on the front page of most New York and Washington D.C. papers. The American Liberty League read like a who’s who of corporate America. Some prominent capitalists that backed the American Liberty League were J.P. Morgan, The Warburg banking family , General Motors President John J. Rascob, President of Heinz inc. Howard Heinz, Irenee Du Pont, Nathan Miller from US Steel and many others. The plot was to receive financial backing particularly from J.P. Morgan banking. Now this is where the Bush Family comes in. Later in the McCormack-Dickstein Committee Hearings the Hamburg-American Line was accused and found guilty of providing free passage to Germany of U.S. Journalists to write favourable reports on Nazism and is alleged to have brought Nazi spies and fascist sympathizers to the United States. Interestingly, the executive manager of the Hamburg-American line was none other than Prescott Bush, the grandfather of George W. Bush.
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After hearing the McCormack-Dickstein Committee Press Release on November 24th of 1934, General Butler accused the committee of editing out the names of the business people he had linked to the plot in his testimonies. In a radio interview on the 17th of February, 1935 Butler said of the committee, “Like most committees it has slaughtered the little and allowed the big sharks to escape. The big sharks weren’t even called to testify. They were all mentioned in the testimony, why was all mention of these names suppressed from the testimony?” Of the American Liberty League, Roosevelt said, “They

Richard Nixon and Prescott Bush

steal the livery of great national ideals to serve discredited special interests....This minority in business and industry...engage in vast propaganda to spread fear and discord among the people. They would gang up against the people’s liberties....They seek the restoration of their selfish power... Our resplendent economic aristocracy does not want to return to that individualism of which they prate, even though the advantages under that system went to the ruthless and the strong. They realize that in 34 months we have built up new instruments of public power. In the hands of a people’s government this power is wholesome and proper. But in the hands of political puppets of an economic aristocracy, such power would provide shackles for the liberties of the people. Give them their way and they will take the course of every aristocracy of the past – power for themselves, enslavement for the public.” Scholars, economists, & politicians (i.e. Ronald Reagan being a good example) believe that even though FDR voiced opposition to the American Liberty League, elements of fascism were incorporated into The New Deal as a form of ‘soft’ fascism. Herbert Hoover also acknowledged the influence of corporations on Roosevelt as he tried to cooperate with big businesses in an attempt to bring the country out of economic depression. Regarding Roosevelt’s attempts to assuage the business community Hoover stated, “Among the early Roosevelt fascist measures was the National Industry Recovery Act (NRA) of June 16, 1933...this stuff was pure fascism; that it was the remaking of Mussolini’s ‘corporate state...” In this case, the NRA was part of
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FDR’s New Deal reforms, that on a critical note, not only ended regulation of Wall Street at this crucial time but it allowed heads of industry greater political and economic monopoly which was contingent on providing workers with suitable work conditions and wages. The McCormack-Dickstein Committee agreed that there was indeed a real threat of a corporate fascist coup, however the newspapers downplayed the findings of the committee and unbelievably, no legal proceedings were taken. It is interesting that Hoover feels that Roosevelt acquiesced with the conspiratorial corporate elite. This shows that FDR’s definition of fascism comes from political experience. Interestingly, Historians believe that deals were made around this time between Roosevelt and the economic establishment so that they would cooperate with his New Deal reforms and in return FDR would turn a blind eye to their foiled coup. In summary John Spivak states, “The class basis of social forces is nowhere more clearly revealed then in this situation [the white house plot] – capitalists, including Jews, making common cause with anti-Semitic fascist and potentially fascist organizations, in an effort to crush labour.” The Bush Family as Part of Corporate Fascism The story of Prescott Bush’s involvement with the Nazi’s goes much deeper than the Hamburg-American Line. The Guardian newspaper in London has recently corroborated that “a firm of which Prescott Bush was a director was

involved with the financial architects of Nazism. By the late 1930s, Brown Brothers Harriman, which claimed to be the world’s largest private investment bank, and UBC had bought and shipped millions of dollars of gold, fuel, steel, coal and US treasury bonds to Germany, both feeding and financing Hitler’s build-up to war.” Trading with the Nazi’s during the 1930’s was not illegal although it began to defy the economic provisions of the Treaty of Versailles due to Hitler’s remilitarization. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil and the DuPonts were responsible for a “marriage” cartel with I.G. Farben, a major Nazi conglomerate in the 1930’s. Interestingly, the DuPont family were also at the centre of the fascist plot as was J.P. Morgan who was linked with the Rockefeller family by marriage and business. Six days after Pearl Harbour was attacked by the Japanese, FDR signed the Trading With the Enemies Act (TWEA) making any economic trade with the Nazi’s illegal. In the fall of 1942 all of Prescott’s business assets with Brown Brothers Harriman & Co. were seized by the American government under the TWEA. A conversation between John Buchanan and John Loftus, a former Justice Department War Crimes Prosecutor is as follows: Buchanan: Should Prescott Bush, George Herbert Walker and the Harrimans have been tried for treason? Loftus: Yes, because they continued to support Hitler after the U.S. entered the war. As a former prosecutor, I could have made that case.
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Buchanan: What were they most guilty of after the U.S. entered the war? Loftus: They shipped gold through axis countries after the U.S. entered the war. That certainly was treason, because it gave aid and comfort to the enemy, and assisted them economically. Naomi Wolf, the author of “The End of America: Letter of Warning To A Young Patriot” and “Fascist America: 10 Easy Steps” and Amy Goodman, the radio host of Democracy Now recently hinted to the reasons why Prescott Bush was not convicted in the Nuremberg Trials: Namoi Wolf: Prescott Bush, Bush’s grandfather, was making millions in consolidation with Krupp, Thyssen, and it’s very interesting to me, because in the Nuremberg trials they went after these industrialists like Krupp, and so there was a moment at which the Nuremberg trial was about to identify supporters of these war crimes who were US collaborators. Amy Goodman: But they didn’t. Naomi Wolf: But they didn’t. But I think it’s interesting that there is that historical memory in the family. Amy Goodman: It’s the question of who controlled the trials, right? It’s the question of who controlled the trials and not wanting their own people to be involved. Prescott and his business associates were never tried for war crimes. This, along with The White House Coup, is firstly, a demonstration to the American people that the true threat to their liberty and justice comes from within. And secondly, it also shows that financial and economic

class considerations are more important than the rule of law, justice and every other kind of consideration, including racial and religious ones.” Prescott Bush was eventually given his holdings back (~$1.5m) and was elected to the Senate. He has had an influence upon the development of the modern “corporate-state” model that is seen today. He has not only influenced pre and post-WW2 Presidents but has had two Sons who have carried his legacy of war criminality and insidious corporate crypto-fascism into the 21st century. Noam Chomsky has said, “If the Nuremberg laws were applied, then every post-war American president would have been hanged.” In this case Chomsky justifies the inclusion of George H. W. Bush, due to his “unlawful use of force” as Vice President in Nicaragua and the invasion of Panama with the verdict coming from the International Court of Justice. George Monbiot, a journalist with the London Guardian, in an article on October 17th 2006 entitled, “The Courts Are Starting To Accept that the War in Iraq is a Crime” (citing recent British court cases) has said that,” These cases cannot reverse the hideous consequences of the crime of aggression (the “supreme international crime”, according to the Nuremberg tribunals) that Blair and Bush committed in Iraq.” On September 16, 2004 the then Secretary General of the United Nations Kofi Annan said, “I have indicated it [the Iraq invasion] was not in conformity with the UN charter. From our point of view, from the charter point of view, it was illegal.” Even Benjamin Ferenccz, a former chief prosecutor of the Nuremberg Trials and expert in
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international law and war crimes has said that “a prima facie case can be made that the United States is guilty of the supreme crime against humanity, that being an illegal war of aggression against a sovereign nation.” The point here is that a very good case can be made for the last 3 key Bush figures being guilty of war crimes with George W. Bush being tried for the supreme crime against humanity. There are striking similarities between Hitler’s invasion of Poland and Bush’s invasion of Iraq (both pre-emptive wars for the sake of National Security) bringing us to the realization that good American patriots like General Smedley Butler are needed to bring balance when its leaders and financial elites are quick to use jingoism and warmongering to prey on the good will and money generating capabilities of its own people. Major General Smedley Butler, back in 1935, wrote of American foreign policy and war, “It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes... it is dressed up into speeches about patriotism, love of country...This [WW1] was the “war to end all wars.” This was the “war to make the world safe for democracy.” No one mentioned to them, as they marched away, that their going and their dying would mean huge war profits. No one told these American soldiers that they might be shot down by bullets made by their own brothers here. No one told them that the ships on which they were going to cross might be torpedoed by submarines built with U.S. patents.... but the profits jump and leap and skyrocket and are safely pocketed...Who provides the profits...we all pay them in

taxation. At least 21,000 new millionaires and billionaires were made in the U.S. during the [First] World War.” Has the tactic and reasoning to get America into “entangling alliances” changed much since 1935? Fascism appealed to some nations of the 1930’s because of the increased security it promised in a time of poverty and depression. If the people of the Great Depression would be willing to sacrifice their liberty for security, could it also be possible for that to occur in our day? Benjamin Franklin reportedly said, “Those who would give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.” This maxim was paraphrased much during the American Revolution where the right to battle against tyranny is embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Herbert Hoover noted how a loss of security and liberty might happen, “Every collectivist revolution rides in on a Trojan horse of ‘emergency’. It was the tactic of Lenin, Hitler, and Mussolini...This technique of creating emergency is the greatest achievement that demagoguery attains.” There are echoes here of the ‘emergency’ rescinding of Habeas Corpus and other human rights since September 11, 2001 in the form of the Patriot Act. Considering the unethical and alleged illegality of Bush family business practice and political conduct one must ponder on how they have come to dominate American politics over the last 60 years. Mike Gravel, a U.S. democratic presidential candidate for 2008 has said in regards to the new President’s role in restraining ‘corporate America’,
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“Congress could do a good job, theoretically, but it can’t. Why? It’s owned lock, stock, and barrel by corporate America. So you think you’re going to become president and you’re going to turn to the Congress and say, “Let’s really straighten out corporate America.” This is foolishness. It’s fantasy.” One must reflect on Gravel’s words and ponder back on Roosevelt’s definition of fascism. Could it be possible, that although the Corporate Fascist White House Coup was foiled in 1933, that the more subtle parts of the plans of the economic elites have somehow succeeded in the long-term? I propose that they have and that it poses a real and treacherous threat to the sovereignty of constitutional government. The possibility for democratically changing the insidious fascism of corporatism, as premised by Roosevelt’s definition of fascism, within the current United States political climate is all but impossible. If there is any civil unrest or major socio-political protest about the current hegemonic corporate rule then the Federal Emergency Management Agency (F.E.M.A.) internment/detainment camps and the REX-84 program can be used along with the “suspension” of the U.S. Constitution. It will be at this time that the U.S. populous, and most likely the Western World, realizes that the rope on which the U.S. Constitution hangs has been surreptitiously frayed by the elites who stupefied them into being content with fast food, lifestyles of leisure, and cheap Chinese commodities.

The Iraqi Resistance, Al-Qaeda and US Propaganda
By William Van Wagenen

In reporting on the violence in Iraq, most news organizations tend to focus on attacks carried out by the Al-Qaeda in Iraq organization (AQI), which largely consist of suicide bombings targeting Shiite civilians. Similarly, when briefing the press on its military activities, US army spokespersons focus almost exclusively on operations directed at AQI. One thus gets the impression that the war in Iraq today consists of largely two sides: the US-led coalition forces and the Iraqi security forces on the one hand, and AQI militants on the other. Because Americans view AQI as the primary armed group resisting the US presence in Iraq, we easily assume that the US Army must remain in Iraq until the AQI threat is eliminated. A US withdrawal from Iraq would allow AQI to take over a resource-rich country, and use it as a staging ground for further attacks against American personnel and interests in the region, if not further attacks on the American homeland itself. Additionally, the US Army remains in Iraq at the request of and in order to help the “Iraqi people,” who overwhelmingly desire a long term American military presence in their country to protect them from AQI and the outbreak of full-blown civil war. Such a view further suggests that the primary goal of the American military in Iraq is fighting
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terrorism and establishing a sovereign, democratic Iraqi government. These ideas were reinforced in the western media in the late summer of 2007, as US officials lauded the success of the “surge” in reducing sectarian violence and the formation of “Awakening Councils” among members of Sunni tribes in Anbar province, which began to cooperate with US forces in fighting AQI. The US military asserted that the entire Sunni population in Iraq was now firmly supportive of the US military presence in the country. President Bush and Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki’s recent attempts to sign a long term US-Iraqi security agreement, which will authorize the presence of US troops in Iraq for the next decade, are supposedly based on the above assumptions. 1 Such a view of the conflict in Iraq diverges from reality on several grounds, however. First, most Iraqis do not support the US military presence in their country. According to polls conducted by BBC news in august 2007, the majority of Iraqis (some 57%) continue to support attacks on US troops (including 90% of Iraqi Sunnis), while 79% of Iraqis either somewhat or strongly oppose the presence of coalition forces in Iraq (26% and 53% respectively). This does not mean that Iraqis support AQI, since the same poll indicates that 0% of Iraqis support AQI attacks on civilians, and that only 2% of Iraqis support AQI efforts to take control of local areas. 2 Secondly, the US presence is not preventing civil war and sectarian conflict. The Washington Post reported in December 2007 that “Iraqis of all sectarian and ethnic

groups believe that the U.S. military invasion is the primary root of the violent differences among them, and see the departure of “occupying forces” as the key to national reconciliation, according to focus groups conducted for the U.S. military last month.” 3 Thirdly, there have been, since the first year of the US occupation, a variety of groups who have engaged in armed struggle against American forces who strongly condemn the tactics used by AQI, such as kidnappings, killing hostages, and targeting civilians generally. Some, though not most, even condemn the killing of any Iraqi, even if he/ she is a collaborator with the foreign occupier, namely the Iraqi Army and Police. An example of such a group is the Islamic Front for Iraqi Resistance (JAMI). According to the foreign policy think tank Global Policy.org, JAMI, “first announced its existence on May 30, 2004. JAMI is believed to have been formed by a number of smaller Sunni resistance groups brought together by common political goals. The groups’ activities and attacks on coalition forces are primarily centered in the Ninawa and Diyala governorates. Statements issued by the group have claimed responsibility for dozens of attacks carried out by the military wing of JAMI. The Salah-al-Din and Sayf-Allah al-Maslul Brigades of JAMI are also believed to be responsible for shelling coalition command operations headquarters and the Mosul and Al-Faris airports. JAMI has also targeted U.S. Intelligence members in Mosul and have killed at least one U.S. soldier in the Diyala governorate.” 4 In early March 2005, JAMI stated
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country. The Islamic Army in Iraq, the Mujahideen Army and Ansar al-Sunna (Sharia Council), an offshoot of the established Ansar al-Sunna group, said they would avoid spilling civilian blood, according to an Internet statement. ‘The Jihad and Reform Front ... pledges to continue with Another prominent Iraqi insurgent group that targets the duty of jihad in Iraq until all objectives, including the US forces while also condemning attacks on Iraqi civil- complete withdrawal of the occupiers in all their guises ians is the 1920 Revolution Brigades (also known as Iraqi- and the establishment of God’s religion .... are met,’ it said. Hamas), their name being a reference to the Iraqi uprising ‘The military actions of the mujahideen will target the against British colonial rule in 1920. The 1920 Revolution occupiers and their collaborators and will not target the Brigades describes itself as a “nationalist Jihadist move- innocents whom jihad aims to lead to victory.’” 7 ment” which first appeared in June 2003, roughly three In October 2007, these three main insurgent groups, the months after the US invasion. According to the MIPT Ter- Front for Jihad and Reform, Iraqi Hamas, and JAMI, anrorism Knowledge Base, “the group employs tactics com- nounced the formation of a new “political council” for the mon to other Iraqi insurgency groups such as roadside “liberation of Iraq.” According to the International Herald improvised explosive device (IED) attacks on military Tribune, “the council appeared to be a new attempt to orvehicles, suicide bombings, and mortar and rocket attacks. ganize and assert the leadership of the multiple insurgent Unlike some Jihadist organizations, the group has stated groups, which have moved to distance themselves from that it prohibits the targeting of public areas and oil facili- another coalition of insurgent factions led by al-Qaida in ties and generally forbids the killing of Muslims. . . . The Iraq.” The council’s spokesperson stated that, “the occupa1920 Revolution Brigades continues to target U.S. troops in tion is an oppression and aggression, rejected by Islamic Iraq. In a statement issued on 13 February 2006, the group Sharia law and tradition. Resistance of occupation is a right vowed to ‘carry on jihad until the liberation and victory or guaranteed by all religions and laws.” 8 In addition to fighting US forces, these nationalist, [until they are] martyred.’” 6 Another major Sunni insurgent group is the Front for Jihad and Reform, which according to Reuters news agency, is itself a coalition of three Sunni Islamist groups that work “to expel U.S.-led forces from Iraq and appeared to distance itself from al Qaeda-linked organizations in the Iraqi insurgent groups have often fought against AQI as well. In an interview with a Qatari newspaper, Ibrahim Al-Shammari, a spokesperson for the Islamic Army in Iraq referred to Al-Qaeda actions as “sins and crimes,” and mentioned that Al-Qaeda operatives had assassinated many
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that “We prohibit targeting civilians, slaying hostages and spilling the blood of Iraqis whether civilians or members of police and national guard forces, under any pretext,” while urging its fighters to “avoid fighting the occupiers inside the cities,” to avoid jeopardizing the lives of civilians. 5

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well-known members of the Islamic Army. Al-Shammari stated that the Islamic Army’s previous policy of patience toward AQI had ended, and that that the Islamic Army was now replying “in-kind” to AQI attacks. 9 That the US government narrative focuses almost solely on AQI, while ignoring the more prominent resistance groups that do not use terrorism (targeting civilians) as a tactic, suggests that this blurring of distinctions between terrorist groups and legitimate resistance groups is a deliberate misrepresentation of the conflict, promoted by the US government as part of its psychological operations activities. So while Al-Qaeda in Iraq and Abu Musab AlZarqawi are household names in the US, virtually no one knows even the names of the other Sunni armed groups in Iraq, which carry out the majority of the attacks against US soldiers. In my view, the US government is attempting to misrepresent the nature of the conflict in Iraq in order to discredit the legitimate Iraqi resistance groups, in an effort to justify a prolonged US presence in the country. And why is the US trying to maintain a long-term presence in Iraq? Rather than keeping Americans and Iraqis safe from terror, promoting democracy, or preventing civil war, US planners are trying to de-nationalize Iraq’s oil industry and bring it under US corporate control, establish permanent bases in Iraq to project US military power in a region deemed important to US economic and strategic interests, eliminate regimes which provide assistance to Palestinian armed groups resisting Israeli colonization of the West Bank. 10

All of these goals must be accomplished against the wishes of the majority of Iraqis, particularly the privatization of the country’s oil industry, which is opposed by 66% of Iraqis and could lead to hundreds of billions of dollars of lost oil revenue for this already impoverished country. 11 To overcome this opposition the excuse of fighting terrorism must be used. However, if the US were to withdraw from Iraq, any justification Al-Qaeda might have for remaining in Iraq will be gone. The Sunni armed groups in Iraq will no longer tolerate an Al-Qaeda presence, and there will be little motivation for Arab recruits to leave their homelands and come fight in Iraq. For an end to the war in Iraq to take place, all foreign forces need to leave the country, whether American, Iranian, or Al-Qaeda. As Americans it is important for us to see through US government misinformation, and press our elected representatives for a complete US military withdrawal from Iraq.

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1. Bush, Maliki Sign Pact on Iraq’s Future. Washington Post, November 27, 2007., http://www.globalpolicy.org/ security/issues/iraq/resist/2007/09bbciraqipoll.pdf 2. All Iraqi Groups Blame US Invasion for Discord, Study Shows. Washington Post, December 19, 2007. 3. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/ iraqi-resistance-islamic-front.htm 4. http://www.infowars.com/articles/iraq/resistance_ distances_itself_from_civilian_blood.htm, http://www. prisonplanet.tv/articles/march2005/080305civilianblood. htm
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5. http://db.mipt.org/Group.jsp?groupID=4438 6. http://www.reuters.com/article/topNews/ idUSL0335362520070503 7. http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/10/11/africa/ ME-GEN-Iraq-Insurgents.php 8. http://arablinks.blogspot.com/, January 1, 2008. 9. http://www.icasualties.org/oif/default.aspx, http:// www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2008-01-10-iraqthursday_N.htm?POE=click-refer 10. The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy, Walt and Mearsheimer, 2007. see the chapters on “The Lobby and the Iraq War.” 11. Mission not yet Accomplished: How Iraq Figures in Big Oil’s Dreams. By Linda McQuaig, The Walrus, January 4, 2008. http://www.zmag.org/

Wendell Berry’s “Gift of a Good Life”
By Ron Madson

“What I stand for is what I stand on” As vividly portrayed in Walden’s Pond, Henry Thoreau was engaged in an epic struggle with his “bean field.” Needing strength he called upon the gods: “They (the beans) attached me to the earth, and so I got strength like Antaeus.” Like the Greek god Antaeus, son of Poseidon and Gaea, the

Goddess of Earth, he found that the more his body was attached to the soil the greater his strength, and as Hercules discovered, Antaeus’ strength could only be rendered powerless by removing Antaeus from the soil. This essay is a tribute to a latter-day literary Antaeus , Wendell Berry, who was born in Henry County, Kentucky in 1934. He was raised on a five-generation family farm. After receiving his BA and MA in English at the University of Kentucky, he attended Stanford University’s creative writing program under a Wallace Stegner Fellowship Program. He began teaching creative writing at the University of Kentucky in 1964. Just one year later he purchased and moved onto a farm that eventually grew into a 125 acre homestead. He began writing for Organic Gardening and Farming and The New Farm. Drawn to the land he resigned from teaching in 1977 and returned to teach a decade later for a brief time before withdrawing permanently to his land. From his native soil he continued his prolific writing that now has reached twenty-five books of poems, sixteen volumes of essays, and eleven novels and short story collections. His writing are firmly rooted to his family and community and the land upon which they are planted. Wendell Berry’s writing skills are unmatched. He writes with a primal force that resonates the deepest cords that tie us to our family and the earth. A sample of a few titles of his collected essays are revealing: “The Gift of Good Land,” “Home Economics,” “What are People For?” “Citizenship Papers,” “Sex, Economy, Freedom and Community” and perhaps my favorite is his personal biography of his
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and his wife’s love affair with their home and land found in “The Long-Legged House.” He combines the simple and persuasive eloquence of CS Lewis; the zion-like passion and discipleship of his friend, Hugh Nibley; and the wit of Henry Thoreau. But his real power of expression is rooted in his living the fullness of his words. He is, in my opinion, a Thoreau with a family and a Hugh Nibley with an actual farm. All of his writings, philosophy and theology springs out of his devotion to his family, his land, and his community which are for him inextricably intertwined to each other and from which grows his perfectly demonstrated loyalty—“that if you make a commitment and hang on until death, there are rewards.” Wendell Berry has been called the “prophet of rural America” and preaches the virtue of loyalty to family, land, community and growing out of that loyalty and passion some basic fundamentals thread through all his writings which can summarized into first, the constant weighing of the siren call of progress and technology against the negative effects on the land, the family and the community; second, the denunciation of all violence or wars that destroy families and communities; and third, the generational preservation of one’s land, family and community; To tackle all these themes with any depth in this review would be overly ambitious. However, here are a few samples of his writings on these three themes:

Weighing the effects of any technology on one’s family and community: Wendell drives a car, uses a chainsaw and flies in airplanes, but as to him, his family and community he carefully considers what effect each tool, equipment or latest technology has on his family and community. When he started faming again he was faced with the choice—a team of horses or a tractor? In his essay “Horse drawn Tools; and the Doctrine of Labor Saving” he does not reflexively chose the tractor before carefully weighing the costs in every respect: “How large can a machine be before it ceases to serve people and begins to subjugate them?” “As farmers became more and more dependent on fossil fuel energy, a radical change occurred in their minds. Once focused on biology, the life and health of living things, their thinking now began to focus on technology and economics. Credit for example, became as pressing an issue as the weather, for farmers had begun to climb the one-way ladder of survival by debt. Bigger machines required more land, and more land required yet bigger machines, which required yet more land, and on and on—the survivors climbing to precarious and often temporary success by way of machines and mortgages and the ruin of their neighbors. And so the farm became a factory where speed, efficiency, and profitability were the main standards of performance. These standards, of course, are industrial, not agricultural.” (Gift of Good Land, page 131).

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Then turning to the domestic front, there came a time when he was faced with choosing to own and use a computer or continue doing his writing with pencil and pad of paper? Given his prolific amount of writing one would assume he chose the computer, but he did not and has continued for decades to take with him his pencil and some paper in the woods and write. His reasons are many, but here are two stated reasons why he did not buy a computer and still has not: “A computer I am told...will help you write faster, easier, and more....Do I, then, want to write faster, easier, and more? No, my standards are not speed, ease, and quantity,. I have already left behind much evidence of that...I have written too fast, too easily, and too much...Going off to the woods I take my pencil and some paper....and I am as well equipped for my work as the president of IBM.” (What are People For ?, page 190) And then applying the most important principle of “how does this affect my relationships at home he considers the long practice in his home of his wife and him carefully reviewing and editing together his handwritten notes and organizing the same it a very intellectually intimate dialogue: “It is very well understood that technological innovations always requires the discarding of the ‘old model’—the ‘old model’ being not just our own old Royal standard, but my wife, my critic, my closest reader, my fellow worker....In order to be technologically up-to-date as a writer, I would have to sacrifice an association that I am dependent upon and that

I treasure.” (What are People For ?, page 171) Then Wendell slyly adds: “If the use of a computer is a new idea, then a newer idea is not to use one.” The Denunciation of Wars that destroy families and communities: In February of 1968 Wendell Berry spoke at a Kentucky conference and commenced his address by recognizing that he was perhaps only one of four people in the entire state of Kentucky that believed he should give his speech denouncing our nation’s involvement in the Viet Nam Conflict. Founded on his Christian faith and the logic that grows out of it, he professed a stance from which he has consistently argued from Viet Nam to the present:“I have come to the realization that I can no longer imagine a war that I would believe to be either useful or necessary” and that every conflict is by definition a “failure of imagination.” He then argues: “That is why it sickens me to see us so willing to fight in order to influence the conduct of other nations. Why should we, who have splendid ideals and powerful arguments, rely primarily on violence rather than persuasion and example?” (The Long-Legged House, pg 68). Then in his inimitable style Wendell then turns the argument back on the reader by answering intimate questions that we are compelled to also introspectively ask ourselves: “Here is the other question that the predicament of modern
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warfare forces upon us: How many deaths of other people’s Preservation of land, communities and families: children by bombing or starvation are we willing to accept One cannot read several of Wendell Berry’s essays within order that we may be free, affluent, and (supposedly) at out coming to understand that the nurturing, preserving, peace? To that question, I answer pretty quickly: None. And I and retention of one’s own native soil is directly linked know that I am not the only one who would give that answer: to preserving one’s community and family. The land also Please, No children. Don’t kill any children for ‘my’ benefit.” becomes holy as an individual and family participate in (Citizenship Papers, pg. 29). creation and self-sufficiency: And to drive the point to our own front porch: “As a father, I must look at my son, and I must ask if there “To live we must daily break the body and shed the blood is anything I possess—any right, any piece of property, any of Creation. When we do this knowingly, lovingly, skillfully, comfort, any joy—that I would ask HIM to die to permit me reverently, it is a sacrament.” (Gift of Good Land, pg. 281) In his collected essays in his book, “The Gift of Good to keep. I must ask if I believe that it would be meaningful— after his mother and I have loved each other and begotten Land” Wendell travels to, lives with and learn from culhim and loved him—for him to die in a lump with a number tures as far away as the mountain of Peru and as close as hanging around his neck. I must ask if his life would have the nearby Amish farms. Practical and applied charity is come to meaning or nobility or any usefulness if he should found in these communities: “Charity is a theological virtue and is prompted, no doubt, sit—with his human hands and head and eyes—in the cockpit of a bomber, dealing out pain and grief and death to people by a theological emotion, but it is also a practical virtue beunknown to him. And my answers to all these questions is cause it must be practiced...Real charity calls for the study one that I must attempt to live by: No.” (The Long-Legged of agriculture, soil husbandry, ...making of monuments, and pictures and songs, and stories. ...How can you love your House, page 75). Wendell uses many voices in his writings to persuade: neighbor if you don’t know how to build or mend a fence, how Christian moralist; philosopher; statesman and pragmatist. to keep your filth out of his water supply and poison out of But it is his voice as a member of his community and most his air; or if you do not produce anything and so have nothimportantly, as a father, brother and individual that gives ing to offer, or do not take care of yourself and so become a burden?” (Gift of Good Land, pages 274 &275). rise to his greatest persuasion. It is in the self-sufficiency and nurturing of one’s own land that the family unit coalesces in a way that modern culture cannot easily replicate. In his essay “What are
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People For?” Wendell considers the many consequences of industrialization and agri-business replacing the family farms: “The ecological damage of centralization and waste is thus inextricably involved with human damage. For we have, as a result, not only a desecrated, ugly, and dangerous country in which to live until we are in some manner poisoned by it, and a constant and now generally accepted problem of unemployed or unemployable workers, but also classrooms full of children who lack the experience and discipline of fundamental human tasks, and various institutions full of still capable old people who are useless and lonely.” (What are People For?, page 128). Ex-secretary of Agriculture Earl Butz repeatedly spoke of his own Darwinistic approach to the farmers of the United States in his “Butz’s law of Economics” based on his oft-repeated mantra: “Adapt or die.” And so decades of dying occurred. Impeaching that philosophy Wendell counters with another law: “The practice of Christianity, which instructs that one’s neighbors are to be loved as oneself. To farmers who give priority to the maintenance of their community, the economy of scale (that is the economy of large scale growth) can make

no sense, for it requires the ruination and displacement of neighbors. A farm cannot be increased except by the decrease of a neighborhood.” In conclusion if there were two books of Wendell Berry that I would recommend reading first it would be “Sex, Economy, Freedom and Community” in that it provides a comprehensive survey of his thoughts on family, community and the implications for our nation and world, but my favorite to date is “The Long-Legged House” which reveals Berry’s love of his wife, his family, and his land in an intimate and personal way. He describes the bond he has with his native soil. The memories of family and community he finds everywhere indelibly etched in the landscape. Through the land He is more profoundly bound to his mother, father, grandparents, uncles, aunts, cousins and neighbors who cultivated and were succored by the same land, and he is equally wed to the lives of present and future generations to which he feels an unspoken affinity. A journalist interviewing Wendell on his land was struck by this comment from Wendell as they surveyed his homestead: “What I am going to do here is grow an old growth forest. It will take about two hundred years, and I won’t live to see it, but there will be some nice trees here, if somebody does
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not cut them down.” (Interview Jordan Fisher-Smith, Autumn brings on the grass. 1993, Orion) In the labor of the fields Wendell Berry has the long view in both directions and Longer than a man’s life his land is the prism through which he sees more clearly I am at home. Don’t come with me both the past, present and future. All of his philosophy You stay home too.” and religion is channeled to more perfectly loving and preserving his family, community. His land becomes the instrument through which this is most effectively realized, thereby, cementing his loving loyalty to preserving all healthy and virtuous expressions that flow from it. Though Lakotah Indians Declare Independence having traveled some, Wendell’s only desire now is to be from the United States of America By Jason Brown home and savor each moment from his land: “It seems to me that our people are suffering terribly from “After 150 years of colonial enforcement, when you back people a sort of spiritual nomadism, a loss of meaningful contact into a corner there is only one alternative. That alternative is with the earth and the earth’s cycles of birth, growth, and to bring freedom back into existence by taking it back - back to death. They lack the vital morality and spirituality that can the love of freedom, to our lifeway.” Canupa Gluha Mani come only from such contact; the sense, for instance, of their On December 19th 2007, delegates from the Lakotah Nadependence on earth, and the sense of external mystery sur- tion held a press conference to announce that “the Lakotah rounding life on earth, which is its ultimate and most disci- formally and unilaterally withdraws from all agreements plining context.” (The Long-Legged House, pg. 86). and treaties imposed by the United States Government Wendell’s love of family, home, land and community on the Lakotah People.” Representatives stated that they gives him an eloquence that moves those that have hearing were now a sovereign nation, and, bolstered by the recent ears and understanding hearts to also go home, attach to UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, have some land and give their heart and mind to it. Wendell has sought recognition from the governments of Venezuela, returned home, and he invites us in his poem “Stay Home” Bolivia and others. to do the same in every sense of the word: Russell Means, the Native American actor/activist “I will wait here in the fields stated that “we are no longer citizens of the United States to see how well the rain of America and all those who live in the five-state area that
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encompasses our country are free to join us.’’ The Lakota Sioux are the tribe of famous chiefs Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, and are spread throughout the states of Wyoming, North and South Dakota, Nebraska and Montana. They do not intend to force Anglo residents to leave the vast

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swath of claimed territory, but said they would begin to issue liens on properties that they dub illegal, because, according to Lakotah spokespersons, the U.S. government has encouraged illegal homesteading on Lakotah lands in recent years. The Lakotah cite numerous injustices committed against them after what Means calls the “U.S. invasion and occupation of Indian lands,” beginning in 1803 when the U.S. made the 828,000 square miles Louisiana Purchase from France, which included Lakotah territory. In subsequent years, Native populations were subjected to Homestead Acts, which allow whites to settle on their lands; Allotment Acts, which forced private property ownership; and the Citizenship Act, which effectively made all Native Americans citizens of the United States, but according to Means, without the same rights. Means compares actions by the U.S. government to those of Israel against Palestinians, Nazi Germany, and apartheid South Africa, suffering forced relocations and a reservation system that resemble labor camps. The new Nation of Lakotah will issue its own passports, driver’s licenses, and will allow anyone to live there tax free provided they renounce their citizenship to the United States. Means describes the new Republic as designed to save the rural lifestyle of America, one that will emphasize “individual liberty though community control.” Each community will be a mini-state, ruled by consensus and public assembly, linking rural and urban communities in a federation. The Lakotah declaration comes with robust legal supINDEX FULL SCREEN

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port. The Vienna Convention of Treaties and Article Sixth of the US Constitution, makes treaties binding law of the land. The Lakotah entered into treaties with the United States government after several violent skirmishes over Lakotah territory. The Treaty of 1851 and the Treaty of 1868 at Fort Laramie which sought to build a road through Lakotah territory, expressly recognized the Lakotah as an independent nation, and promised to treat them as such. These treaties were repeatedly violated, and when gold was found in the Black Hills, billions of dollars in gold have since been mined from Lakotah territory. The Lakotah have been waiting since the treaties were signed for the U.S. to comply with their stipulations and have grown tired of waiting, said Means. It remains unknown what form this newly declared autonomy will take, but since the declaration, millions of people have visited their website to express concern, outrage, and solidarity. Here are some shocking facts about the Lakota available at the website wwww.republicoflakotah.com: • Lakota men have a life expectancy of less than 44 years, lowest of any country in the World (excluding AIDS) including Haiti. • Lakota death rate is the highest in the United States. • The Lakota infant mortality rate is 300% more than the U.S. Average. • More than half the Reservation’s adults battle addiction and disease. • The Tuberculosis rate on Lakota reservations is approx

800% higher than the U.S. national average. • Alcoholism affects 8 in 10 families. • Median income is about $2,600 to $3,500 per year. • 1/3 of the homes lack basic clean water and sewage while 40% lack electricity. • 60% of housing is infected with potentially fatal black molds. • 97% of Lakota people live below the poverty line. • Unemployment rates on our reservations is 85% or higher. • Federal Commodity Food Program provides high sugar foods that kill Native people through diabetes and heart disease. • Teenage suicide rate is 150% higher than the U.S. national average for this group. • Our Lakota language is an Endangered Language, on the verge of extinction.

Sioux Chiefs Edward R. Curtis, photographer circa 1905 Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division

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Peter Chelčický (c. 1390 – c.1460)
By Kristen Kinjo-Bushman

As the Protestant Reformation swept through Europe, John Wyclif’s teachings inspired Jan Hus, a Czechoslovakian, to initiate reform in his own country. During the years of 1415-1419, Jan Hus organized the Czechoslovakians in a movement that would be known as the Hussite Revolution. Hus, in turn, inspired several others including Martin Luther and Peter Chelčický to question the Catholic Church’s deviation from Christ’s teachings. The Hussites published the heretical Four Articles of Prague, which were a kind of forerunner to Luther’s 95 theses. The four articles included: 1) Freedom to preach the Word of God, 2) Celebration of the Lord’s Supper (bread and wine to priests and laypersons alike), 3) No secular power for the clergy, and 4) Punishment for the mortal sins. After the martyrdom of Jan Hus, the Protestant Reformation movement splintered and quickly became violent. In this turbulent social and political context, Peter Chelčický was born. Most specifics surrounding the life of Peter Chelčický remain disputed –everything from his exact date and place

of birth to the manner in which he earned a living. Although his works have made him the most famous Czech philosopher of the medieval period, events surrounding his personal life have sadly been confined to historical obscurity. Scholars do agree, however, that he was born no later (though perhaps earlier) than the year 1390 during the reign of King Václav IV of the Luxembourg Dynasty. Most believe that he was raised in Chelčice, a village near Vodniany, though all agree that he lived most of his later life there. He proclaimed that he was a peasant, though that has also been disputed; several believe that his identification with the lower class was ideological rather than literal. Others have suggested that he was everything from a priest to a cobbler, a squire or a nobleman. Chelčický’s limited understanding of Latin implies that he lacked formal education, and taught himself to read and write simply because he desperately desired to express his convictions. His opponents tried to dismiss Peter’s radical thoughts by scoffing at his humble academic background; but frankly, they could not ignore his persistent passion for history and the issues of the day, which proved him a formidable, though unconventional, agitator. One scholar has written, “Though he was not a master of the seven arts, he certainly was a practitioner of the eight beatitudes and of all the divine commandments, and was
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therefore a real Czech Doctor, versed in the law of the Lord without aberration from the truth.” Brief Descriptions of Chelčický’s Major Ideas Born with a deep desire to reconcile his religious life and beliefs with his understanding of the political and ANARCHISM ethical turmoil of Bohemia, he eagerly read John Wyclif, “He who obeys God needs no other authority.” As the quote Jan Hus, Thomas of Stitny, and others of the Waldensian mentioned in the brief biographical sketch illustrated (retradition. However, Chelčický’s more radical reading of the garding the pope and the emperor –taken from The Net New Testament compelled him to renounce the reformist of Faith), Chelčický believed that Christ’s kingdom had views of his predecessors and proclaim that, “You cannot deteriorated from the power and majesty of its humble improve society without first destroying the foundations beginnings to a self-righteous secular empire that ruled naof the existing social order.” In his most famous work, Sieť tions with Christianity as a false banner. Chelčický believed viery, or The Net of Faith he denounced the pope and the that Christ’s authority and His laws were preeminent and emperor as, “whales who have torn the true net of faith.” sufficient to rule true believers. Supporting state authority Claiming that both the church and the state had corrupted only weakened man’s connection to Christ and deferred Christ’s teachings, he became a medieval Christian anarto manmade artifices of political and economic ranks. He chist who would be revered years later by Leo Tolstoy. asserted that even taking part in the government was sinChelčický had many radical and interesting views about ful –as one was then complicit to the wars and injustices pacifism, economics and any kind of church authority. He of which the state was guilty. As far as criminal justice unabashedly wrote, “This Net of Faith was written by me, was concerned, Chelčický believed that no man or earthly Peter, amid the confusions of Bohemia and Europe, at the power was qualified to judge another, and that God would time prophesied in the Second Woe of the Apocalypse, judge righteous judgment of sinners –for us, it was given when Satan, whose one horn is Protestant and the other to simply forgive. Most of his opinions regarding governCatholic, shall be loosed upon the earth.” He chose to ment agree with fellow Christian anarchist Leo Tolstoy. break from both the traditional orthodox church as well as In fact, Tolstoy venerated Chelčický and referenced his the oftentimes violent rebellion of the reformed churches. works in his book The Kingdom of God is Within You, and Perhaps for this very reason, of his 56 known works, very admitted that he was very much influenced by his writings. few have been translated into English.

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PACIFISM Chelčický was a strict pacifist –preaching forgiveness rather than retaliation. He denounced a standing government military, offensive and defensive war, capital punishment, and violence of any kind. He stated, “God never revoked His commandment ‘You shall not kill’.” He believed that Christians should refuse to serve in the military, arguing that if the poor refused to fight the king’s wars, noblemen would have no one to go to war for them. Refusing to condone murders committed in wartime, Chelčický asserted that soldiers were just as guilty for shedding blood as any common criminal. His decision to follow the Prince of Peace entailed personal pacifism as well as the desire to spread his convictions. “Our faith obliges us to bind wounds, not to make blood run.” ECONOMICS Taking Christ’s teachings (regarding service and charity) absolutely literally, Chelčický was a Christian communist; he believed in complete economic equality. He believed that true Christians would never consent to live in wealth while their brothers and sisters lived in poverty. He maintained that social stratifications were a tool used by the State to subjugate the poor and create status among the noblemen. Any artificial divisions among God’s children were merely products of pride and selfishness. He also denounced war as an economic device merely meant to

manipulate borders and increase property. “Wars and other kinds of murder have their beginning in the hatred of the enemy and in the unwillingness to be patient with evil. Their root is in intemperate self-love and in immoderate affection for temporal possessions. These conflicts are brought into this world because men do not trust the Son of God enough to abide by his commandments.”

Commonwealth
Matthew Thomas

Modern democratic republicanism, in all its varieties, theoretical or realized, be they liberal, social democratic, or even anarchistic 1, took root in the events surrounding the English Revolution (1642-1652), and the establishment of that short-lived republic, the Commonwealth of England. The precedent set by this revolution was of great importance to the subsequent American and French revolutions because the absolutism of monarchial authority was not only questioned, but challenged, and ultimately overthrown. Aside from religious strife and political revolution in England, 17th Century Europe was in the midst of a larger social transformation, politically and commercially, which might be reckoned the early emergence of “bourgeois society.” Additionally, many philosophers were challenging the belief systems which had prevailed, and finding expression

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in schools of thought called “rationalism,” and “empiricism.” embracing as they do a certain legal principle known as This era was known as the Age of Reason. And the politi- imperium, that is, the right to “use force in maintaining cal philosophies which emerged from this age, and from law,” 2 all laws. The liberal democratic state is merely Lethe subsequent Enlightenment, form the basis of modern viathan’s refined and oftentimes mild-mannered brother, Behemoth. It is this observation which is central to the political thought and practice. Following the English Civil Wars, two dominant world- anarchist’s critique of political life. views came into being; one, from the modern perspective, True, the English Revolution had no self-styled anarradically conservative, and the other, radically liberal. Po- chists of any significance 3, but Gerrard Winstanley (1609 litical parties emerged from these, the Tories and the Whigs. - 1676) was a forerunner of Christian communism, and The first, that of radical conservatism, was expressed by the True Levellers (associates of Winstanley), in their acThomas Hobbes (1588 - 1689). Fully aware of the bloodshed tions, behaved in a manner very much befitting anarchists and grief engendered by civil strife, Hobbes believed that — these “squatters” reclaimed the commons and planted in a state of nature, man’s life was “brutish” and “short.” vegetables on the lands of the English gentry, declaring the He believed that in order for men to live they needed to free use of the Earth was man’s natural inheritance. For form a social contract, under which they would surrender this, they became known as the “Diggers.” themselves to a terrible sovereign, an absolute authority, the allegorical “Leviathan.” John Locke (1632 - 1704), how- The Roundheads and Cavaliers ever, championed “natural law,” believing that in a state The English Revolution has frequently been referred to as of nature, human beings acted freely and rationally, and the Puritan Revolution, and with good reason. The Puritans only chose to form a social contract to complement existfeared the “High Anglicanism” of King Charles I was merely ing order. In this one sees liberalism’s roots. the platform upon which Catholicism would be restored in Liberalism is the cornerstone upon which modern conEngland. Their fears were heightened by the fact that his stitutional regimes are built. Liberal democracy — despite Queen, Maria Henrietta, was a French Catholic. And the its rhetorical concern for individual rights and freedoms, its English did not want to see an absolute Catholic monarchy programs instituted by progressive and socialist legislators established in England as existed elsewhere in Europe. to ameliorate the evils of poverty, and so forth — despite Charles I, like his father, James I, was a proponent of all these — retains an unfortunate family resemblance with the notion that kings ruled by divine right. Charles I had, its near relative, “Leviathan.” All states, regardless of their after all, ruled without an assembled Parliament for eleven constitutional peculiarities, are fundamentally the same,
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years (“The Eleven Years’ Tyranny”). Parliament 4 was, therefore, justifiably distrustful of Charles I; they feared his arbitrary rule. They also worried he would unite the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, apply High Anglicanism throughout the Realm, and forever change the character of the English monarchy. But his religious reforms in Scotland, and the introduction of the Book of Common Prayer there, led to outright rebellion, the Bishops’ War. In 1640, Charles I had no choice but to call for the assembly of Parliament, for it was only they who could raise the taxes necessary to end the Scottish rebellion. John Pym 5, the leader of Parliament, used this opportunity to address grievances against the Crown. Charles I took great umbrage at being challenged and had Parliament dissolved three weeks after it was called. The dissolution of the so-called “Short Parliament” proved a disaster for Charles I, however. Without the support of Parliament and lacking funds, the king’s war was lost, and the Scots occupied Durham and Northumberland. In November, 1640, Charles I was again forced to call upon Parliament. His relationship with the “Long Parliament” was more difficult yet. Above voicing grievances, Parliament acted, according to its own authority, declaring that it must meet at least once every three years and the Crown could not dissolve it without its consent. Ireland then rebelled against English rule and, as a result, antiCatholic sentiments flared again in England. Charles I came to believe his wife, the Queen, would be impeached by

Parliament. And so, with these acts — seen as Parliament’s usurpation of the Crown’s royal prerogative — Charles I sought to arrest John Pym and four others. The attempt to arrest the leaders of Parliament caused a schism in the government which could not be bridged. Parliament sent Charles I a list of nineteen demands which effectively would have left the Sovereign powerless. Parliament demanded the Crown relinquish command of the army and its right to appoint judges and ministers. It proposed the abolition of the Catholic Church, too. In response, Charles I raised an army. Parliament raised its own. On October 24, 1642, at Edgehill, the two armies met on the battlefield, and the First English Civil War began. “Indeed the government of kings is a breeder of wars,” wrote Gerrard Winstanley to Oliver Cromwell nearly ten years later, “because men being put into the straits of poverty are moved to fight for liberty, and to take one another’s estates from them, and to obtain mastery. Look into all armies, and see what they do more, but make some poor, some rich; put some into freedom, and others into bondage. And is not this a plague among mankind?” The struggle was not simply between Parliament and the Crown over issues of governmental prerogative, of course, but one which embroiled all of society, just as Winstanley had stated. There was turmoil not only in England, but in Scotland, Wales, and Ireland as well; it was a struggle of nations. Conflict between Catholics and Protestants (and between Protestant sects) divided the country. And there was a class struggle, too. A small merchant class sought
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to extend its political power. The peasants, landless, and impoverished desired better lives and greater freedom. And the aristocracy and gentry feared both these. The Royalists lost the First Civil war and Charles I was surrendered to Parliament by the Scots in 1647. But the king found refuge in exile on the Isle of Wight. There he managed to negotiate with both the Parliamentarians and Scots. He reached an agreement with the Scots in December, 1647, and exploited rebellions in Kent and Wales. The Second English Civil War started in the Spring of 1648. This time when Oliver Cromwell’s Parliamentary “Roundheads” defeated the Royalist “Cavaliers,” further negotiations were futile. That faction within Parliament which did not fully support the army was expelled, leaving a “Rump Parliament” to govern. Charles I was charged with treason and executed (Jan. 30, 1649). The Commonwealth On May 19, 1649, Parliament established the English Commonwealth: “Be it declared and enacted by this present Parliament and by the Authoritie of the same That the People of England and of all the Dominions and Territoryes thereunto belonging are and shall be and are hereby constituted, made, established, and confirmed to be a Commonwealth and free State And shall from henceforth be Governed as a Commonwealth and Free State by the supreame Authoritie of this Nation, the Representatives of the People in Parliament and by such as they shall appoint and constitute

as Officers and Ministers under them for the good of the People and that without any King or House of Lords.” Despite the proclamation of the Commonwealth, Royalists fought on. The Third English Civil War effectively started and ended with the defeat of Charles II (who had been crowned King of the Scots) at the Battle of Worcester in September, 1651. Charles II then fled to France, and the Commonwealth went, more or less, unchallenged. The government of the Commonwealth was riddled with problems, however, not the least of which was divisions between the classes. There were major and minor factions, including, among others: The Grandees, the landed gentry, and seniors officers in Cromwell’s New Model Army, which desired suffrage be granted only those men owning significant property; the Levellers, a faction which desired suffrage be expanded either to freemen or to men owning at least some property; various conservatives and remaining monarchists; the Presbyterians; the Fifth Monarchy Men, who believed the Fifth Monarchy, following allusions made in the Book of Daniel (Danl 2:31-45), would be the eternal kingdom of Jesus Christ on Earth established in the year 1666; and the True Levellers, a radical Christian faction, who pronounced and elaborated a proto-democratic-communist platform in the interest of “universal liberty.” In April 1653, Cromwell expelled the Rump Parliament and created the “Barebones Parliament,” or Nominated Assembly, modeled, roughly, on the ancient Judæan Sanhedrin at the request of the Fifth Monarchist Thomas HarINDEX FULL SCREEN

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rison (1606 - 1660). Harrison suggested the assembly have seventy members, but the Council of Officers raised its number to 140, allowing for representatives from Scotland and Ireland as well. This Parliament was not well respected, being one of men of lowly social station and lacking political expertise and experience. When the “Barebones Parliament” was dissolved, Oliver Cromwell governed as Lord Protector until he died in 1658. This Protectorate resembled a military dictatorship in many respects, despite the occasional meetings of a Parliament. Thereafter, his son Richard ruled briefly as Lord Protector, but resigned in May, 1659. The government passed then to the Rump Parliament again. Gerrard Winstanley and the “Diggers” Because political life in England had been disrupted and the old social hierarchy upended, many Englishmen sought to reorder society upon a more level foundation. Perhaps the True Levellers were those with the greatest foresight. The True Levellers settled on the commons of St. George’s Hill, Weybridge, Surrey in April, 1649, and there began to plant vegetables and to build common buildings. They issued a proclamation inviting peasants to join them in the reclamation of the commons and pull down all enclosures, not only at St. George’s Hill, but, ultimately, throughout England. The lord of the manor was alarmed by their activity, had them harassed and beaten, and finally called upon the New Model Army to intervene on his be-

half. Thomas Fairfax, commander of the army, spoke to Gerrard Winstanley, and believing the “Diggers” posed no substantial threat, ordered the matter be settled in the courts. The Diggers were not permitted to speak in their own defense before the court, and were ordered to vacate the land upon which they were squatting. Broken, they did so in August, 1649. Other Digger communities were established at Little Heath, Cobham, Surrey; Willingborough, Northamptonshire; and Iver, Buckinghamshire. In all these places they were harassed and forced to abandon the communities they established. By 1651 the movement was undone, having no more than two hundred members at any one time. Nevertheless, on November 5, 1651, Gerard Winstanley wrote to Oliver Cromwell, imploring him to consider the reorganization of the Commonwealth according to principles which might be called today “Christian socialism.” The Law of Freedom in a Platform was written in 1650, but it was not for another two years, when matters had settled some, that Winstanley believed the government might look favorably upon his proposal. The egalitarian political program Winstanley advanced was justified by his belief that all of humanity was of a single essence, “members of one Family,” which “looking upon each other, as equals in the Creation,” were the sons and daughters of a benevolent “Maker.” This “great Creator Reason” was “no respecter of Persons, but equally loves his whole Creation, and hates nothing but the Serpent, which
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is Covetousness, branching forth into selvish Imagination, while a king, had the power of life and death in them?” — Pride, Envie, Hypocrisie, Uncleanness.” And he believed, he failed to make a deeper criticism of state power, and a from his reading of the Bible, a commonwealth such as condemnation of this “power of life and death.” Much less the one he envisioned for England had existed in the land did he suggest imperium, the death penalty, and the state of Canaan before the Children of Israel had the prophet itself should go the way of the Charles I and his “Norman” Samuel anoint a king, namely Saul, to lead them. The Isra- tyranny. He stated simply: “Government is a wise and elites only “began to complain of oppression [when] kingly free ordering of the earth and the manners of mankind by government rose up, which is the power of covetousness observation of particular laws or rules, so that all the inand pride.” And so it was in England under the reign of habitants may live peaceably in plenty and freedom in the “that Norman power.” land where they are born and bred.” Even so, he believed Belief that the English labored under the “Norman Yoke” the laws of a commonwealth should be “short and pithy” prevailed among many peasants and freeholders, and this so as to be readily understood by the public. Tyranny was, notion figured prominently in Winstanley’s writings. The he reasoned, facilitated by the public’s general ignorance revolution against Charles I was, therefore, a revolution of law. “Kingly law” was often written in French or Latin to free England from the legacy of William the Conqueror. for precisely this reason, to maintain ignorance, to incite For “[w]hen William Duke of Normandy had conquered contention amongst the commoners, and thus protect the England, he took possession of the earth for his freedom privilege of the gentry and nobility. “But now if the laws and disposed of our English ground to his friends as he were few and short, and often read, it would prevent those pleased, and made the conquered English his servants, to evils;” Winstanley wrote, “and everyone, knowing when plant the earth for him and his friends.” In order to rectify they did well and when ill, would be very cautious of their this ancient wrong, Winstanley argued the English people words and actions; and this would escape the lawyers’ should “recover the freedom of our land again, from under craft.” that yoke and power,” because “[t]rue commonwealth’s The legal regimen was to step away from English Comfreedom lies in the free enjoyment of the earth.” Free oc- mon Law and establish Civil and Statute Law in its place. cupancy, the land held in common, was the birthright of Common law was arbitrary, literally and figuratively, and all English, to work, to use, to enjoy — the Earth was, in “in many courts and cases of law the will of a judge and short, “a Common Treasury.” lawyer rules above the letter of the law.” But Statute Law And while state authority was rightly perceived by was entirely just because it was enacted with the public’s Winstanley — “[f]or do we not see that the laws of a king,
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consent and according to their understanding. “The bare letter of the law established by act of Parliament shall be the rule for officer and people, and the chief judge of all actions.” It was thus not subject to, and dependent upon, a judge’s interpretation, or precedents set in a similar fashion. The second pillar upon which monarchial authority rested, following the judicial system, lawyers, judges, and all those officers who advanced “kingly law,” was the church and clergy, who advanced “divinity.” While Gerrard Winstanley’s desire was to see the “Spirit of Christ, which is the Spirit of universal Community and Freedom is risen” until “the Well Springs of Life and Liberty to the whole Creation, do over-run” and “drown those banks of Bondage, Curse and Slavery,” and his philosophy was firmly grounded in Christian sentiments, the clergy were viewed with particular distrust. “[T]heir work was to persuade the multitude of people to let [the heirs of] William the Conqueror alone with a quiet possession and government of the earth, and to call it his and not theirs, and so not to rebel against him” by means of “divine doctrine” which is “not to advance knowledge, but to destroy the true knowledge of God.” He believed the clergy were guilty of contriving such abstractions which merely “blind the reason of man.” Invariably one who loses himself in the clergy’s sophistry while he “strives and stretches his brains to find out the depth of that doctrine and cannot attain to it: for indeed it is not knowledge but imagination.” Winstanley continued, “For my own part, my spirit hath waded deep to find the

bottom of this divining spiritual doctrine: and the more I searched, the more I was at a loss; and I never came to quiet rest, and to know God in my spirit, till I came to the knowledge of the things in this book [The Law of Freedom],” as knowledge was to be gained in the thoughtful observation of Creation itself. Tyranny had to be entirely uprooted; “kingly law” and the church, as a state institution, were to be disestablished, for if these remained, albeit behind a republican façade, monarchy would surely reemerge, and the people of England would find themselves no longer free, but subjects once more. In order to achieve “common freedom,“ it was necessary that the economy, and not just government, be reorganized. For it was all and good that the law should be remade, but man, being a material being, required material means in order to maintain and improve his existence. “True freedom lies where a man receives his nourishment and preservation, and that is in the use of the earth,” Winstanley wrote. “For as man is compounded of the four materials of the creation, fire, water, earth and air; so is he preserved by the compounded bodies of these four, which are the fruits of the earth; and he cannot live without them. For take away the free use of these and the body languishes, the spirit is brought into bondage and at length departs, and ceaseth his motional action in the body.” In order to combat the thralldom inherent in want, the True Levellers proposed that every unattached individual and every family had a common right to occupy the land, to use and work it in common, but that each should own
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their own home and have their own livestock and goods, though such goods be acquired from a “common storehouse.” The family, although patriarchal, was the basic social unit in the democratic community they envisioned; it was the essential working-group in the social production of goods. Winstanley believed in the fundamental equality of humanity, and between the sexes, stating it was unreasonable that “one branch of mankind should rule over another,” being that “[e]very single man, Male and Female, is a perfect Creature of himself; and the same Spirit that made the Globe, dwels in man to govern the Globe.” In education, marriage and in the enjoyment of the fruits of labor, men and women were held to be equals. “Every man and woman shall have the free liberty to marry whom they love, if they can obtain the love and liking of that party whom they would marry; and neither birth nor portion shall hinder the match, for we are all of one blood, mankind; and for portion, the common store-houses are every man and maid’s portion, as free to one as to another.” The common store-houses were to be open to all, to be supplied for by every member of the community, and in which there would be neither buying nor selling, but free trade as a kind of indirect barter. There were to be stores from which personal goods might be obtained: Foodstuffs, clothing, shoes, gloves, furniture, etc. And there were to be stores from which supplies might be taken for the producers themselves: Leather and awls for shoemakers; lathes and saws for carpenters; bolts of cloth for tailors; stores of

wood, hammers, and nails for builders; raw materials, etc. There were to be stores in every village, town, and shire, each for its given purpose, and finally national stores to facilitate trade between England and the other nations of the world. In this common right to occupy and use the earth, there was lacking any notion that the earth should be state property, or property of any kind for that matter, but only that its occupation should be established reasonably so as to see it well-used and not despoiled. Institutionally, if anything, this free use of the earth might be likened, loosely, to usufruct, for one had every right to enjoy the fruits of the earth and one’s labor. Such a formulation regarding common rights in occupancy, use, possession, and the in creation and maintenance of a community of goods, would be seen again in the writings of the Russian anarchist Petr Kropotkin as he expounded upon the values of “Free Communism” two-hundred-fifty years later. Gold and silver should be used primarily in the creation of ornaments, cups, utensils, etc., for it was not to be stamped coinage, except in the case of foreign trade where it was to be stamped with the Coat of Arms of the Commonwealth so that foreign traders might have access to English common stores, and the English to foreign markets, where direct barter was not feasible. It was never to be used traded domestically, for it was believed such buying and selling would signal the reintroduction of “kingly government,” tyranny, bondage, and class-rule. The Commonwealth was to be centralized in that ParINDEX FULL SCREEN

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liament would be vested with the authority to legislate all national laws, but that each community should be autonomous in the execution of the law, and particularly in the ordering of production. Further, each town and city should send “two or three” representative to Parliament. And each shire should have it own “senate.” Adult male suffrage was to be universal, but the franchise should be divided. The first half of that division was the right to choose officers and representatives. In this, all men over the age of twenty should have the right to choose. However, in the second portion of the political franchise, that of being eligible to run for office, it was extended to men over forty, because “youths” were deemed “wanton.” Nevertheless, a young man of noteworthy industriousness and/or moderation might be deemed worthy of office-holding should his fellows so agree to elect him. Of particular interest was the office which Winstanley called the “overseer.” The overseer was a village or town official who oversaw the various family industries for the sake of economic efficiency and proper land stewardship, to offer professional advice, and according to his own expertise. In each village there would be several overseers. The overseer was also to see to it that youths were well-employed and that their creative impulses should not be stifled, particularly with those showing genius. These overseers were also to act as a peacemakers, to arbitrate and resolve disputes, so as to avoid the courts whenever possible. All officers, from judges, overseers, and clergymen, to

members of parliament, were to hold office for only one year. “When public officers remain long in place of judicature,” wrote Winstanley, “they will degenerate from the bounds of humility, honesty and tender care of brethren, in regard the heart of man is so subject to be overspread with the clouds of covetousness, pride and vain-glory: for though at the first entrance into places of rule they be of public spirits, seeking the freedom of others as their own; yet continuing long in such a place where honours and greatness is coming in, they become selfish, seeking themselves and not common freedom; as experience proves it true in these days, according to this common proverb.” Above all, and in common with modern anarchists, the True Levellers valued self-government, democracy’s foundation, as can be seen when Winstanley wrote: “the flesh of man being subject to Reason, his Maker, hath him to be his Teacher and Ruler within himself, therefore needs not run abroad after any Teacher and Ruler without him”. In other words, Winstanley believed humanity had within itself certain innate moral and social instincts, each sufficient in reason, to allow for self-government and participation in public deliberation. Should the Law of Freedom in Platform be enacted, Winstanley believed that, in time, the English Commonwealth would be a “lily among the nations of the earth,” and the law of “perfect freedom” would “go forth from England to all the nations of the world,” so in the place of monarchies, commonwealths would arise, and peaceable

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relations between all peoples would flourish. Following the English Revolution, unfortunately, the Commonwealth was too unsteady and divided to fulfill its promise. To keep the conquests made its earlier kings, England invaded Scotland and Ireland. And the Commonwealth’s government degenerated into that of the Cromwell’s Protectorate. Under such circumstances, it can be no surprise that Winstanley’s proposal should go unheeded. Gerrard Winstanley became a Quaker in 1654, and he and his first wife, Susan, accepted a gift of land, near Cobham, from his father-in-law. Throughout, he remained a Christian universalist, believing all men would be saved, “though some at the last hour.”

James II. In a bloodless coup d’état, James II was displaced. In 1689, the English Bill of Rights was passed, thus consolidating anew many of the gains Parliament had earlier made under the republican Commonwealth government. Gerrard Winstanley had written to Oliver Cromwell, in preface of his The Law of Freedom: “There is no middle path between these two [republic and monarchy], for a man must either be a free and true commonwealth’s man, or a monarchical tyrannical royalist.” It is ironic perhaps then that the English got just that, a “middle path,” following the Glorious Revolution and the enactment of the Bill of Rights, in the creation of the quasi-democratic6 constitutional monarchy in existence today. Republicanism is not a dead letter in the United Kingdom, however. Laborite Tony Benn, an active socialist poliThe Restoration, Glorious Revolution, and Beyond tician, presented a bill before Parliament first in 1991, and In all, republicanism was short-lived in England, and the several times again until his retirement in 2001, called the monarchy was reinstituted with the ascension of Charles “Commonwealth of Britain Bill.” It would, in effect, create II in 1660. The Restoration saw the final suppression of the a democratic, federal, and secular republic in Britain, with revolutionists with the arrest and execution of the theoseparate parliaments for England, Wales, and Scotland, the cratic Fifth Monarchy Men, some of which they termed abolition of the monarchy, the creation of a presidential regicides, because Thomas Harrison, one of their number, office, the disestablishment of the Church of England, and signed the death warrant for Charles I. But the absolutism an end to British jurisdiction over Northern Ireland. of the English monarchy died with Charles I. For when the Gerrard Winstanley died in 1676; his ideals persist. avowed Catholic James II, the son of Charles II, took the throne, the English feared, once more, the rise of an absolute Catholic monarchy. In 1688, Parliamentarians of both parNotes: ties, the Whigs and Tories, sought out William III of Orange Republic, from Latin res publica, means the “public to sit upon the English throne with Mary II, daughter of
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matter.” In the larger sense an anarchy would still be a republic, but one of a peculiar sort — a stateless democratic and socialist republic. The Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin referred to anarchy in two ways: the “RepublicCommune” and “Republic-Federation,” depending on the scale of its influence. Webster’s New World College Dictionary, Fourth Edition, 2000, IDG Books Worldwide, Inc., Foster City, California. Sir Robert Filmer (1588 - 1653), a Royalist, expressed the idea in his writings that any check on the absolute authority of a monarch was to invite “anarchy.” In this way, Royalists regarded all “Commonwealth Men,” that is, republicans, simply anarchists. The “Ranters” were particularly regarded as such, and charged especially with being sexual libertines. Neveretheless, the Ranters — provided they were not a figment of that age’s conservative propaganda — were “anarchistic” only in the sense that they were antinomial, believing they communed with God directly, without any need to obey church authority or observe holy writ or law. Parliament legally consists of the Crown, House of Lords, and House of Commons, but common usage has left it to mean the House of Commons. John Pym (1584 - 1643), an English Puritan, was the leader of Parliament during its struggle with King Charles I. His shrewd management allowed Parliament to finance their war against the Royalists, and, ultimately, overcome

the Crown. I say quasi-democratic because the United Kingdom is a monarchial state, the Crown is legally sovereign, the people have very little say in the actual formulation of state policy, and the method by which representatives are elected yields skewed results where mere electoral pluralities lead to governing majorities.

Sources: The True Leveller’s Standard Advanced: Or, The State of Community Opened, and Presented to the Sons of Men. Gerrard Winstanley, 1649. http://marxists.org/reference/archive/winstanley/1649/levellers-standard.htm The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Gerrard Winstanley, 1651. http://marxists.org/reference/archive/winstanley/1652/law-freedom/index.htm Wikipedia — http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_civil_war; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diggers; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerrard_Winstanley; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_Commonwealth; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Levellers; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fifth_Monarchy_Men
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A Love Poem from Iraq
By Jack Dawkins

written somewhere south of Baghdad, September 2007 last we spoke on the phone you asked before the signal died why I haven’t written you a poem and I have thought and sought and sifted the reason from the remains coursed the grains of sand and roaring gravel to roam in unraveling battle through Babel to build it in a day to word this in a way that wont hurt: this desert has dried up all my ink before my heart could spill like wax upon the page and all my passion all my rage all my love all my hate evaporate

beneath a sun that rules the burnt horizon on a chariot of reeling winds peeling our skin laughing our wins to laugh our loses as no sum for everything it levels in the end how could I write home what would I write when the very stars have crossed and conspired to separate as sand and sea stand between when the meanest of men piece together the policies that rule me while sectarian strife is making civil hands to be unclean where cell phone signals are weak with fair Verizon where we lay our scene so when we speak our waves don’t meet but crash in static and defeat our time zones eight hours out of sync so calling me each evening wakes my whole platoon every 4:00 am the more I am here the less I adhere to the plan we set to steer us safely through the waters of this arid desolation this nation
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this cradle of still born civilization this rocking me listlessly to sleep listing to love less lest I give the mess I live to you, I wouldn’t dream yet I am weary in not writing you a poem

from land into the sea where they arrive on distant shores to find you the words are these: My dear,

too many reasons under the sun so I rise and steal the silence from the night to find my words walking barefoot through a wilderness dipped in drowsed sleep where dust and palm fronds sigh with ease beneath a pale and half-moon light that lays to earth so soft a yarn it paints a parchment white there I kneel weapon to side branch in hand to write your poem into the sand parting dust to mark the words to trace the thought grain by grain waiting for the winds to blow the words with sand into my eyes til I cry the tears that wash those words when you stand there on the beach facing east your eyes toward dawn know I am here (eight hours ahead) to brave each sunrise alone before you hoping someday one may hold just long enough for me to ride into the sky to rise and fall with it west landing me on the pillow where you rest your head that I may catch you in time to kiss your half-closed eyes in the early morning moments just before you rise when all dreams and waking all our wanting and waiting all combine and intertwine
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to find you and me together at last again. beneath reeling winds that subsume the noon sun from horizon to horizon laughing at our wins to laugh our loses as no sum for everything is leveled in the end. So I fall asleep in debt to no rest on dusty earth for dreams too feverish now to allow your image berth I stopped imagining your fair features weeks ago the memories of your slow kisses seem out of place amidst the sickness I now know

Contributors
Abdullah Mulhimone is a Palestinian from Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. He received a degree in Finance from Arizona State University. Jason Brown served an LDS mission in the Dominican Republic and graduated from BYU in anthropology. He hopes to dedicate his life to the principles of solidary, sustainability, and cooperation. He can be contacted at jasonbrown644@hotmail.com Tyler Bushman served an LDS mission in Pueblo, Mexico and is a welder by profession. He spent the summer of 2008 doing Human Rights monitoring in Chiapas, Mexico and is a distributor for the Zapatista Women’s Collective. Jack Dawkins is an active duty soldier in Iraq. Bruce Gagnon is the coordinator of the Global Network Against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space. He lives in Bath, Maine. www.space4peace.org Spencer Kingman is a member of the LDS church and an anti-war activist. He lives in Provo, Utah where he studies math education at Utah Valley State College and works with disabled people at a recreational program called RAH. Kristen Kinjo-Bushman served an LDS mission in Hungary. Kristen is currently a student of philosophy and an avid lover of the outdoors.

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Joshua Madson served an LDS misson to Marilia, Brazil. He has a bachelors degree in History from Brigham Young University and a Juris Doctorate from the J. Reuben Clark Law School. Joshua currently serves as an Elder’s Quorum Instructor. Ron Madson served an LDS mission to France-Switzerland. Ron received a bachelors degree in English from BYU and a Juris Doctorate from the J. Reuben Clark Law School in 1981 and has practiced law in Nevada and Utah for the past 27 years. Mathew Thomas lives and works in Salt Lake City. Gregory VanWagenen is a secular Mormon. In the past he organized for the Militant Labor Forum in Salt Lake City and Los Angeles. He has also worked as a campaign volunteer for the New Democratic Party in the BurnabyKingsway (British Columbia) riding. He has three children. Will Van Wagenen served an LDS mission to Frankfurt, Germany. He has a Bachelors Degree in German from Brigham Young University, and a Master’s degree in Theology from Harvard. Will spent seven months in Iraq doing human rights work. Stephen Wellington is from England. He served an LDS mission to Capetown, South Africa. He is currently studying Medicine at the University of East Anglia. Stephen grew up in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia and lived there during the First Gulf War.

Anarchism (from the Greek, contrary to authority), the name given to a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived without government—harmony in such a society being obtained, not by submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized being. Peter Kropotkin
“anarchism,” the encyclopaedia britannica, 1910

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Navigation

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Navigation
By Kevin Merrell

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