Rubensiein 1990


Joseph Rubenstein Department of Anthropology Stockton State College Pomona, NJ 08240 SUMMARY No city in the world prides itself more on its unchanging character than Venice. It is a place both larger and smaller than civilized life, and the stories it tells serve to bind citizen and visitor alike to a myth of fairytale serenity. This paper will describe the performance of Venetian carnival as observed in 1987. It will illustrate how decreasing popular participation in the festival is due to an increasing manipulation of carnival through an alliance of political and touristic interests.

The people of Venice have always loved feste, and they have also always suffered from the pull and tug of competing interests. In the heyday of the Republic it was the ability of the elites to control ritual and popular performance that secured Serenissima, or serenity. Today, in a revived and transformed carnival, that class still dominates and determines the festival's character, as well as its role in defining civic identity. Carnival in Venice had never been simple performance. The festival was always political and sometimes dangerous. Its nature demanded legal regulation; authorities realized early on that while in one venue carnival could preserve the social order it could, in another, unleash a violence that threatened the civic foundation. This fact became obvious by the Middle Ages and authentic local rituals were reconstructed by authorities as expressions of civic identity and control. Muir writes, 'These communal festivals informed strangers and inhabitants alike of the town's power, grandeur and well-being, and they disappeared only when the process of political centralization made them appear embarrassing" (1989, 59). What was embarrassing was carnival's spirit: "A carnevale ogni scherzo vale" "In carnival all jokes are acceptable". Power and grandeur might be one thing, joking was another. Renaissance writers

themselves argued about the danger of carnivals: Were the jokes "safety valves" and actually defenders of the status quo; were they unconscious and therefore true artistic statements; or were they thinly veiled political threats that required control and manipulation? The answer, in 16th century Venice at least, was that while "rites of violence" were to be genuinely feared, patrician efforts to curb the uprisings were muted by the equal desire to play along. Muir notes, "[They] . . . tippled from the carnival cup themselves by sponsoring the most stupendous and entertaining shows. . . . [There was violence and excess] . . . but none of these incidents had distinctly political overtones: The Venetian Carnival never became the Venetian Revolution" (1989, 63) Carnival in Venice was not guerilla theater. It maintained continuity and a serene image of the Republic through a symbolic redress of grievances that offered no real threat to class privilege. Much of Serenissima was achieved through stateritualand when, like other Italian city-stakes, Venice set aside large portions of public squares to recount historic triumphs or to ceremonially mark the entrance of royalty, it was decidedly propagandistic and "civic" with the purpose of stabilizing the mercantile environment. Four hundred years later, in Piazza San Marco, the re-bom carnival is a pale imitation of the original festival. Venetian citizens have all but absented themselves from the performances and are content to watch highlights on the television news. This is not an isolated outcome. In this, for example, the locals are like their counterparts in Trinidad. Stewart




March 25. He then recited the benediction and the ceremony ended. 1989. workmen were putting the finishing touches to the display—in this case a red carpet extending from the base of the statue to the Grand Canal to receive arriving dignitaries. did not nearly bring forth. One such example took place on March 25. In order to understand the re-defined place of carnival in the lives of Venetians. 421. In Venice. and oblivious to its technology shout. but then abandoned—or ignored altogether—with no profound engagement of self in the process" (1986)."* or "March 25. The Madonna was already adorned with great wreathes of flowers from various parishes and businesses throughout the city and would wear more as the day went on. rather than violence. Further. government control. It seemed that almost everyone present was there because they had been brought (the schoolchildren). it may be helpful to look at participation in other popular festivals. had been brought to the site by the nuns who were their teachers. it is the tourists that require management. there was the religious primacy of a public event ostensibly celebrating the birth of the city. and the day ended at the Scuola Grande di San Rocco. a better example of civic and liturgical concurrence could not be found." Venetians accept the chronicle of a Paduan doctor named Dondi (writing between 1328 and 1339) whose story recounts the founding of the city at about noon on March 25. The birthday of the city had. with bright sprigs of flowers in their hands. First. The rites at Madonna delta Salute galva- . 'The birthday of Venice. In a brief homily addressed specifically to the Mayor. On this score it would be well to briefly contrast the celebration at the church of Santa Maria delta Salute. but to Nature and to Rome. True to Renaissance form carnival remains under the sway of centralized. but the Mayor and the other officials entered and exited so quietly they might have been mistaken for commoners but for their business suits and military uniforms. visitors are ushered into the vast array of hotels and pensiones alongside the mock procession of actorambassadors disembarking from their trompe l'eoil gondolas. much beloved by Venetians. and how it relates to civic identity. the civic power of Venice was also in evidence. but in this case provoked an enormous outpouring by Venetians. A gathering was waiting for the Patriarch (il Patriarca) of Venice who was to deliver his benediction at the ceremonial hour of noon. Prefect of Police. in modem times at least. staged five months earlier in November since it involved the same official cortege and also spoke to the health and welfare of the city. with Monsignor Antonio Niero's discussion of the event and its relation to the Annunciation. the founding of the city. On March 25.'" In addition to the schoolchildren.M. too. or because they had just come out of or were going into the railroad station. however. Then. often arrived to a celebration by public water bus (yaporetto). On this day Venice is tied not only to God. Especially the exit when it took him several minutes to wade through an adoring crowd of children and adults alike intent upon receiving his blessing. flower in hand. Several things impressed the ethnographic observer. Today. the statue of the Madonna was just outside the entrance to the railroad station. they asked the children questions about the celebration. While waiting. On the other hand. Holy Mary of Health. the moment in which Christ's spirit entered Mary's womb and became incarnate. It was obvious that many in this latter group were unaware of the cause for the celebration by the puzzled questions they asked one another. perhaps. and various heads of the armed forces were in the crowd and also waiting for the Patriarch. the nuns had the children sing religious songs beginning with Ave Maria. The Mayor. the Great School of San Rocco. the public participation that July 4th would in the United States. for example. the Patriarch recounted the history of the founding of Venice and neatly tied it to theological themes. Now. That date was filled with mythological significance. Admittedly the civic myth specifically gained its power through its association with things religious. The Patriarch. he arrived in the considerably more expensive private taxi (motoscafo) and was greeted with great enthusiasm by the approximately 100 schoolchilren who. however. They arrived with little fanfare and would eventually form a semi-circle in front of the Patriarch whose back was to the statue of the Madonna. its association with the Christian celebration of the Annunciation. A child.54 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HUMANISM QUARTERLY fc(2/3) writes. Chief of Police. 1987 when the city celebrated its "birthday. would proudly walk up to the microphone. been reduced in meaning for Venetians. or because they were required (civic and religious officials). Nowhere did civic officials make public statements about the birth of the city. or that Bastille Day might in France. During carnival. the ordinary Venetian citizen was absent. Political leaders did not use the day to make speeches and extend their influence. the entrance and leave taking of Patriarch was an occasion. and in a quiz game. since the time of Ovid it marked the founding of Rome and the onset of spring. "They treat it as a series of happenings to be enjoyed. strengthened the birth and renewal motif. By II A. 421" or "We are waiting for Patriarch.

After school. as well as the historical Venetian carnivals of the Renaissance. This time the proceedings lasted almost an hour and the Patriarch's message spoke of the necessity of safeguarding the city so wonderfully spared that day in 1631. held their first carnival in 1980. ran a special page on the history of the ceremony with the headline "Grande Festa di Popolo" 'The Grand Festival of the People. and Venetian commerciante. they would throw eggs at passersby and pelt them with chalkfilled stockings. the neighboring island of Burano sponsored a successful carnival week. and it was played out publicly and often riotously. MassesSwere held the night before and throughout the day of November 21. The common theme was transition. he held up the revival of the city after the disastrous floods of 1966 as another example of God's continued vigilance. and while he would not live to see its completion fifty years later. quick to see the potential. Venetian students began playing with the idea of reviving carnival fifteen years earlier (it had been banned with demise of the Republic as an expression of decadence). A commission for a church to memorialize the Madonna's intervention was won in that year by Longhena. Unlike Venice's birthday. Although popular participation varied. What they had in common was a desire to celebrate the original carnival spirit as they understood it. there was a twining of religious and civic symbolism that served to maintain a healthy image of the city. it was hard to find a Venetian. but the goal remained to represent the city. or the Carnival for that matter. The Patriarch presided over a packed and emotional service attended again by the same civic grouping mentioned above. but who this time were accompanied by their wives. So much associated with health and thanksgiving is this holiday that Gazzettino also printed a recipe for the traditional Venetian dish. civic and liturgical themes moved in opposing directions. and restaurants throughout the city were overflowing. The high mass in the Salute attracted leaders and ordinary citizens from every quarter in the city. In the 1987 carnival. The early efforts were strictly ad-hoc affairs dominated by students. a magnificent basilica now stands at the mouth of the Grand Canal. and after the service a second group sold traditional sweets and pastries (fritelle). More recently. In this case. and in addition. to the left in an impressive phalanx of black were priests from all the parishes. there was no question of primacy. for example. make the pilgrimage (pellegrinaggio) to Madonna delta Salute. since the ritual occasion was well understood. a number of them M///M////////////////m\m\\\\\m\\\\ started dressing up. // Gazzettino. This meant some tie to the Roman saturanalias and Greek Dionysian festivals. Outside the church vendors did a brisk business in votive candles. . In 1979. "castradina con le verze" (a dish consisting mainly of lamb). The crowds became so dense that a special bridge was constructed across the Grand Canal to facilitate traffic. theater groups. hardboiled as some might be. and local quartieri (barrio) associations. all of whom sat en masse to the right of the altar. and in anticipation newspapers began writing about the event days before its celebration on November 21. who did not." The festival commemorates the miraculous ending of a plague in the city in the year 1631.Rubens tern 1990 55 nized Venice. in both the birthday of Venice and the miracle of Madonna delta Salute. by noon the church filled for each one even though there was an uninviting rainstorm. at some point in the day. artists.

"polemicamente. Especially runny was a puppet show for the children in which Li Strazzacassi engaged a debate over whom to bum. "The Burning of the Old Woman" (La Sagra de la Vecia. in their flowing blue velvet robes. "Addio Carnevale" picked up hundreds of followers along the way and ended up in the city's fish market where everyone was treated to bread (shaped like penises) and wine and traditional music. More recently. The different activities of the two new companies would be illustrative of the "image control" throughout carnival. in the Venetian springtime. They organized rock conceits in the evening (and children's costume contests in the daytime) as a strategy to lure i giovanni. but less well . ordinarily staged at the close of the carnival. although one suspects not with the same prospect of toil as rank and file. In addition. Rogo della Vecchia). In the Christian era the ceremony was performed halfway through Lent (La Festa di Mezzo) as a respite to abstinence and a reminder. The Old Woman was bumed in a public square. in some later versions. Carnevale. and was to demonstrate to the gathered media who would report it to the community. and the birth of goodness. although this name does not survive. and as a closing act unofficially organized and re-staged 'The Burning of the Old Woman." This group embodied the "anything goes" spirit of carnival and were identified as 'Tricksters" to be ignored or controlled." to the death of carnival as currently organized by the Department of Tourism. Critical stories about the fearsome and much maligned Assessore were related to the delight of the mothers in attendance. in order to repair this latter defection. the day before the official opening of Carnevale. which referred to the different colored hose adopted to identify themselves. were always joyful and frankly sexual. in the form of a procession through the streets entitled "Addio Carnevale. the festivities were marked by singing. More than safety. rogue Carnival company called Li Strazzacassi.'* First performed during the day for children and later that evening for adults. was at stake. and in this one act was observed the death of evil. It was obvious that Li Strazzacassi was / AntichVs satiric. revived a third. Le Compagnie delle Calze. The first salvo in 1987 was fired on February 21. 1987 "The Burning of the Old Woman" ceremony was performed by a newly formed. nobles would repair to the nearby Lido to exercise and restore muscles little used but for drinking and eating. a season's end was effected and a time of hard work was ushered in. On March 26. were formed in the 16th century by young nobles whose task was to plan parties and pageants during the season. Up to this year only two remained active—/ Nuovi Cortesi and I Antichi. however. the Council passed an ordinance outlawing young backpackers (saccopelisti) from camping out in public squares or train stations. dancing. lAccesi.56 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HUMANISM QUARTERLY l$(2/3) Carnival was soon wrested from the locals by the wealthier commerciante by invoking claims of public safety. Quickly. laws were passed in the City Council forbidding the throwing of foreign objects." and when translated in this context signified "rubbing the city the wrong way" or "breaking balls. / Accesi were given the prestigious Campo San Stefano (formally / Antichi's) as their own. defunct carnival company. An example of this tension between local and tourism interests was demonstrated in the 1987 performance of the renewal ceremony called. Li Strazzacassi for their part. but after a vote by the children (happily ignorant of the politics of carnival and preferring to maintain their myths) a smaller version of the vecia was bumed and thrown into a canal. as the carnival grew in popularity with students throughout Europe. This group was composed of thirty or so wealthy sons and daughters of Venice. scarcity. with the burning of Carnevale (the Old Woman). mat the carnival "helping" spirit (as opposed to its destructive side) was alive and well. away from the Piazza San Marco and the middle class. / Accesi formed a noble backdrop to the variety of activities introduced by the Assessore or his Artistic Director. It was also the good name and image of the city. Such are the new controversies of carnival that the Assessore and his Artistic Director. As the Carnival period wound down. Commenced as a wild march through the streets of Venice. abundance and spring. Li Strazzacasi had no formal ties with the official civic carnival organization (housed in the Department of Tourism) although they were able to make an alliance with / Antichi who had just this year finally broken with the official Carnival Director (Assessore di Turismo) over financial and artistic conflicts carried over from the 1986 carnival. and winter. it was this joking spirit that aroused the ire of the Assessore in 1986 and was partly responsible for the break in 1987. of the fulsome possibilities of Jesus. interestingly. The original carnival companies. Later in the week an hilarious." and dedicated. along with / Antichi. Finally. or teenagers. Strazzacassi is a word play in Venetian that is a corruption of the Italian/Venetian words for "rag" and "penis. The performances of Li Strazzacassi and / Antichi. offshoot reminder of other times. in addition to the season. In its traditional celebration all that was old and evil was symbolically shouldered by this scapegoat/puppet named. and food and drink for all. carried out a number of guerilla performances during carnival.

The efforts of the "outlaw" companies of / Antichi and Li Strazzacassi notwithstanding. Lavenda describes the carnival of Caracas in 1873 as having undergone drastics changes. on Giovedi Grasso. and political centralization" (1979). Before 1873. Turning carnival into an entertainment rather than a popular ritual is not unknown historically. it became an epitome of progress. modernization. Venetian style: it heightened and commented on class antagonisms. public relations performance. entitled "Omaggio a Vespasiano" or "Homage to the Toilet" This event was a wry dig at the lack of facilities in Venice and historic "lost" public toilets were searched out and commemorated in brief candle lighting ceremonies. carnival in Caracas resembled the classic. Venice's 1987 carnival evolved into a cleansed. acted out for tourists. civilization. Finally. nearby / Antichi held its own ceremony for "La Maschera Piu Bruta" or 'The Ugliest Mask" of carnival.Rubensiein 1990 57 attended procession took place. largely by professional performers and invited non-local participants. in the Piazza San Marco when the Assessore was handing out a prize for the "Most Beautiful Mask" of Carnival. occasionally grew . Leaving its rowdy past.

and its deliberations in the City Council were always confrontational and. in the Caracas carnival. paint.58 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HUMANISM QUARTERLY violent. the takeover of carnival by the Assesorato di Turismo was also a repetition of history. local improvisation disappeared. in the process of consolidating power and ensuring economic prosperity for the business class. the net outcome has led to a "feeling of encroaching emptiness in the festival. in recent times it has become more openly an extension of a moderating (modernizing) process central to the overall objectives of current political leadership" (1986. wanted to be near the Rialto or Piazza San Marco. and it is hard to see a solution to this problem: Either carnivale catered to the masses or it did not. Carnival in Trinidad underwent many transformations in the succeeding one hundred years but. Stewart's discussion of carnival in Trinidad displays many of the same features. without defending the excesses. Most Venetians railed at the chaos created at the center of the city. the Assessore di Turismo unapologetically stated that it was his mandate to promote carnival as a "product" to increase a faltering winter tourist trade. since the mid 19th century when the local. Lavenda describes Antonio Guzman Blanco as a "progressive. at times. In Venice. 306-310). and the singing of obscene songs) were finally controlled and banned in order that the streets be made safe for middle and upper class participants. and as a result. too. and Venetian commerciante all went off in their own directions. and the special difficulties of Venice's topography combined . had to jump over and then back again. So. as Stewart concludes. and permitted role reversals. This was eventually forbidden by the Caracas government. not unlike Venice. organization emanated from the top down. The responses turned out to be overwhelmingly against They were summarized. modern Venetians invariably described the character of early carnival as "piu spontaneita" "more spontaneous. . "Local culture was conceptualized as both industry and commodity within the entertainmentfield. political infighting that could bring down a giunta. Finally. where intense criticism is more the rule than the exception." In what could have been a model for modem Venice. The Assessore's staged performances in Venice's 1987 carnival came under intense criticism at the close of the festival. Every tourist. grain and eggs at passersby. 19th century caraquenos too threw. The popular forum for the discussion of the fate of carnival. or giunta (junta). This was nothing new in Italian governing. there was a parting of the ways between former carnival allies whose combined effect was to leave the Department of Tourism isolated. bars. . where tourism is an overwhelming presence (between 1976 and 1986 tourist related stores increased by 91%. Such are the fences the many participants. while food stores decreased by 19%). In addition. // Gazzettino and Nuova Venezia. whereas in the past the festival construed an alternate context with reflexive and rebellious potentials. were the two newspapers." implicitly criticizing the canned new form. many of the disruptive elements of camboulay (such as stick fighting. Carnival was such a cause. In Venice there was a coalition government. fetid water. it seemed. had very little money to organize events for children and the elderly. "the national festival has evolved into a series of staged. in the last twenty five years. Today. modernizing dictator" who ended sixty years of rebellion when he took control of Venezuela. He writes. urine. did the Venetian City Council have its precedent. and a tightly drawn schedule of events was strictly enforced. in addition to that going on in the squares. or local advising groups." Government policy was designed to cultivate both a national identity and a tourist trade. . and cafes. In addition to the loss of / Antic hi. and the normal opposition in the council. to purge carnival of the practices he associated with "Patagonian tribes. 291)."The carnival was handed over to a carnival development committee (CDC). with conflicting allegiances and interests. the playing of noisy instruments. laboring class street festival known as camboulay was incorporated into the upper class carnival. Although the Venetian students were unaware that their rowdy revival of carnival had precedent. This year of 1987 a serene carnival seemed out of the question almost from the start. While it was expected in the latter case—Nuova was a "leftwing" paper—Gazzettino stole some of the critical thunder by sponsoring both a debate and a reader's write-in referendum on carnival. the best theater in town. Guzman Blanco was tightly linked to the commercial bourgeoisie of Europe. no less. the Fenice and Goldoni Theaters. the press and certain political figures. among other things. when the opposition had a cause. by a reporter (and my key informant) who had taken a leave of absence to work with the Department of Tourism on the organization of the festival. He writes. The Hotels Owners Association. competitive performances for both adults and children" (1986. the Consiglieri di Quartieri. In Trinidad. steps have been taken to reduce its violent undercurrent Again. Modem examples are also available that confirm the Venetian case. in the case at hand. he also saw as his mission the "civilizing" of Venezuela which meant. In Caracas the unruly carnival came under attack by the gente decente. ". and provided a focus for long-standing.

Everything is full. visitors to the city made for pedestrian gridlock. in an interview in Gazzettino his wife said." "Venice in Crisis!" trumpeted Gazzettino. The Tenants Committee for Housing Rights (Comitato Inquilini per il Diritto alle Casa)." Assessore Salvadori was a particular target of the Tenants Committee since in addition to his official tourism post and law practice. But they continue to lose the Venetians." Nuova reported that the Communist Party "Wants His Head. the results of the Gassettino referendum were being tabulated by his former assistant The outcome was not likely to aid his recuperation. "Venezia e andata in crisi. the Mayor of Venice finally felt inclined to state his view of carnival. and of an organized one. however. This is indicated by the fact that while most were in favor of a carnival." says a musician. and if by way of illustration. His condition was not diagnosed as serious. there were over 100." "This can't go on any longer. literally." "We don't like this festival. The headline in Nuova summed up its sentiments: "Carnevale. in the council. The impression remains. "Basta carnevali cosi" "Enough with carnivals like this. Stop." What else bothered Venetians? First. and long debates ensued wherever the tables were located. Nuova wrote.Rubenslein 1990 59 with the strategy of bringing greater." the question of the loss of Venetian tradition and participation by the average citizen was raised over and over again. his law practice. the latter would have been found even more lacking. other voices began to be heard: Communist Party posters appeared on walls throughout the city with the caption. and space for comment about how the writer would like to see future carnivals. set up tables throughout the city asking citizens to sign a petition against "Salvadori's Carnival. people spoke of the disruption in their everyday life and the lack of connection with the carnival. the Assessore di Turismo suffered a mild heart attack and was taken to the hospital." referring to the Parry's denunciation of the Assessor?. Finally.33% or 231 people indicated satisfaction with the progression of carnival from 1980 through 1987." Towing a middle line. and an even more radical group. carnival. subtitled. which they felt were going to foreigners and not to the Venetians who needed them. si distrugge. Gazzettino received 1733 valid replies to their referendum. only 12% believed that public money should be spent on the festival. "Certainly. Grazie. in their comments." On March 10. There were four questions. the polemic . 2. and pleaded. 3.000 having attended over the two week period of February 22-March 3). the speaker for / Verdi denounced the "suicide" of the city. "Non c'e spazio per i piccioni" and lamented that even the beloved pigeons of Venice could not find a space to hunt for their kernels of com. Are you in favor of an organized carnival? Who should be entrusted with the organization? Should public money be spent on the organization? Are you satisfied with the way you have seen carnival from 1980 until today? In response to the last question. "La Citta Espropriata. only 64 people or 3. reminiscent of governors long gone. In addition to the newspaper debates. he declared. we are destroying ourselves. . March 1. the former Mayor and now Assessore di Cultura. spoke out. "Change the Formula. he also owned many apartments in the city. "Salvadori (the Assessore) has brought more people than any other year. And in summary declaration stated: It is the hour to save Venice from the degeneration of Carnival that no longer has roots in our traditions or history. the phrasing of the question served to mute even more severe criticism of the present carnival. After the discussion in the streets and the criticism in Nuova Venezia and // Gazzettino. 4. . He was afraid this would happen . The petition specifically objected to the loss of Venetian participation in the carnival and to the spending of so much public money in the midst of a housing crisis in Venice. Stop. Many thousands signed these petitions. and another 545 that arrived too late for the counting." "The City Expropriated. and true to their frugal natures. "He was very tired in these days. "Questa festa non ci piace. On the final Sunday.69% responded that the Department of Tourism should be responsible for the organization. that if asked to compare the 1980 carnival with the present one. nor any longer connections with the needs. since it made it a referendum on the last seven years. More dramatically. not fewer." On May 5. "the smiles") of the Venetian people. " While the Assessore was recovering. While that low figure is certainly negative. This was a direct criticism of the Assessore1 s carnival. "Cosi non si va lontano. Again. and with the happiness (/ sorrisi. he called for a scaling down of the event and.000 people in the city (500." They wrote that the environment of the city was incompatible with the phenomenon of mass tourism developing in the city. The questions were: 1. twenty-two important intellectuals and officials in the Venetian cultural world signed a petition against carnival entitled." "Carnival. in the debate of gli intellettuali in Gazzettino. made a plea for a more dignified carnival with a stronger cultural component that would reflect well on the . Thanks. . In an interview with Gazzettino on March 22. On March 8. and a strong opponent of the present Assessore di Turismo. . 13.

This defused much of the rancor at the meeting. officials from all the political parties. 1979. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. From festival of progress to masque of degradation: Carnival in Caracas as a changing metaphor for social reality. While the Mayor called for a change in the formula. except for a particularly vocal group of women from the housing committee who continually disrupted the Assessore1 s remarks and any other who spoke positively of the festival. 1986." "a semi-agreement with the Communist Party. eds." "The Festival Is Finished." and along with business leaders. The parties to this debate may not be ready to drink with one another. This conformed to the standard definition of a Venetian: Observe two gondolieri arguing midcanal. 19-29. Edward. in what may be held as an example of the Venetian way. 1989. New York: Leisure Press. Muir. 289-315. and further observe them sharing a glass of wine upon reaching the embankment. Robert. In Play and culture. in a room just below the offices of the Assessore. . It was billed as "La Festa e Finita. This served notice that without a compelling vision. Princeton: Princeton University Press." In a masterstroke attempt at bridgebuilding the Assessore opened his remarks by thanking the P Q for sending him messages of support during his stay in the hospital and held this as an example of the possibilities of further dialogue. that included Venetians. Patronage and control in the Trinidad Carnival. Bruner. carnival's identity was still highly debatable. the Communist Party held a debate in the Justinian House. the Assessore di Turismo was also invited. In The anthropology of experience. academics. John.60 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HUMANISM QUARTERLY 15(2/3) image of the city. Schwartzman. but a quieter and more reflective Assessore agreed that changes needed to be made. Nuova reported there was "quasi d accordo col PCI. Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice. REFERENCES CITED Lavenda. Helen B. ed. Victor W. Stewart. T\irner and Edward M.

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