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2, 145± 157, 2001
Closed Spaces, Restricted Places: Marginalisation of Roma in Europe
[Paper ® rst received, April 2001; in ® nal form, August 2001]
Abstract. Roma and Gypsy-travellers are amongst the most marginalised groups in modern European society. This paper uses the experience of Czech Roma in order to examine issues of spatial regulation and exclusion. It seeks to determine the processes by which they are pushed to the edges of society and how these processes are changing as their circumstances, and those of European society as a whole, are altered by processes of globalisation and the dominance of `common sense’ rationality. It examines the spatial forms of regulation that affect them, in the context of the creation of a division between mobile and restricted subjects. Speci® c examples used are: ghettoisation ; racist violence; and restrictions on migration in the form of regional zoning practised by the European Union. The division between mobile and restricted subjects is important in understanding how and why groups that violate the spatial order of modernity and post-modernity are rejected and marginalised. These processes of spatial regulation and exclusion affect other marginalised groups in Europe such as refugees, asylum-seekers and low-wage labour migrants. In the former Communist countries of Europe, Roma are excluded from the labour market and are frequently the object of racist or populist violence supported by police indifference (Barany, 1994, 1998; European Union, 1997). The following paper examines some aspects of the social exclusion of Roma and Gypsy-travellers within Europe.1 It attempts to construct a theoretical framework with which to investigate their position and to understand recent social changes affecting other marginalised and excluded social groups in Europe. Using research conducted in Britain and the Czech Republic, it locates the exclusion of Roma and Gypsy-travellers within the context of the globalisation± localisation processes, and the on-going revaluation of space that have been a part of these developments. It examines the way these processes have modi® ed some of the forms, if not the fact, of the exclusions applied to Roma and Gypsy-travellers. The research which was used for this paper consisted of interviews with key informants and ethnographic observation in the Czech Republic and Britain. It was supported by an investigation of contemporary newspaper and wire service
Angus Bancroft is in the Department of Community Health, Medical School, University of Edinburgh, EH8 9AG, UK. Fax: 0131 650 6909. E-mail: angus.Bancroft@ed.ac.uk.
1356± 2576 Print/1470-123 5 Online/01/020145-1 3 Ó DOI: 10.1080/1356257012010445 4 2001 Taylor & Francis Ltd
She’d say. Left on the Doorstep: Europe’s `Gypsies’ FREDO: You know MAMA used to tease me. Jurova. in which they have to go away and be Roma and travellers in a different place. Currently in central and eastern Europe. and I will quote two. society. At many times throughout European history. They often go together. uhÐ ª You don’t belong to me. MICHAEL: You’re no Gypsy. Roma retain a strong cultural and linguistic identity and intragroup identi® cation. Sometimes I think it’s true. like Scottish and Irish Travellers. physical exclusion is combined with populist violence. 1993). In Britain. Fredo. They can be divided. against them. in which Roma and travellers have to stop being Roma and travellers. gauje. (The Godfather Part II). Europe is at one of these points when Roma and Gypsy-travellers are at the focus of attempts at cultural suppression and forced removal. anthropological (Lee. 1997) and some genetic (Bernasovsky et al. There have been two broad types of action on the part of settled. during the late 1990s. like English Romanichels. It sought to ask whether anything connected the exclusionary practices in these two countriesÐ racial violence. there have been periods when persecution of Roma and Gypsy-travellers has become acute.2 There are estimated to be around 9 or 10 million people in Europe called or calling themselves a variation of `Gypsy’ or traveller. In addition to the Roma. The Roma speak various dialects of the Romani language. making ghettoisation and forced migration features of Roma life in the Czech Republic. The theoretical perspective that was adopted for this paper emerged from the following understanding. some of whom emerged at some point in the past from sedentary European society. are Romani in origin. you were left on the doorstep by gypsiesº . 1991. criminalisation of their way of lifeÐ apart from the fact that they happen to people who are labelled `Gypsies’ in different regions of Europe. some of whom.. There has been cultural suppression. There are many instances of this. that is worthy of investigation. spatial segregation.146 Angus Bancroft reports and discussions with contacts around Europe via e-mail and electronic newsgroups. there are many groups of Gypsytravellers in western Europe. Currently. this is because of government policies of forced settlement introduced this century. there was popular anger and a harsh political response to perceived abuse of the asylum process by Roma from the Czech Republic and other central and eastern European countries. each involving a form of spatial regulation. and have largely ceased to be nomadic. and there has been forced removal. Gypsy-travellers in Britain have over the years been able to maintain their nomadic life with some . into two broad groups. to peoples who are labelled and represented in startlingly similar terms in their respective countries. Linguistic (Hancock. discrimination. 1994) evidence indicates that they are descended from nomadic groups who were displaced from India in the 10th Century. such as those which affected most of the Czech Roma under Communism (McCagg. A partial answer is that it is precisely the fact that these developments are happening in different areas of Europe. rather arti® cially. The majority of Roma live in central and eastern Europe. 1997). In some cases.
They rip up the ¯ oorboards and make bon® res. The ordering of space . European Roma Rights Centre. gives some idea of the way that Gypsies are viewed in European culture. despite the introduction of legislation throughout the 20th century aimed at encouraging them to adopt a sedentary existence. The quote above. Modernity and post-modernity bring with them speci® c ways of managing and de® ning space and inserting meaning into place. They are imputed to have strange powers over others. giving them away. Those on the outside edges of society usually ® nd themselves restricted in their ability to use and manage space. Tales of them stealing children and then selling them or. Their experience. Anti-Roma violence has been on the rise throughout Europe during the 1990s. as incorrigibles and `social unadaptables’ . there were several stories in the Russian press concerning gypsies who had hypnotised passers-by in the street. They all sit out on the road (Resident of Margate. 1998). They throw all their rubbish out (into the street). Being thought of as utterly outside European society. from the ® lm The Godfather Part II. The discourses applied to very different groups of `gypsies’ in separate parts of Europe use surprisingly similar stereotypes of their behaviour. 1997. They are also represented as being outside time. of being accorded the lowest social status. are still common in many parts of Europe. the actions of local councils and the implementation of the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act (Bancroft. It is not an exaggeration to say that anti-Gypsy feeling permeates the consciousness of every European society. 1996. as represented in these two quotes from Britain and the Czech Republic: Gypsies have moved in next door [to us]. This paper places the exclusion of Roma and Gypsy-travellers in the context of the construction and regulation of space and place within Europe. It is argued that the social order relies upon and recreates itself through a spatial order. with Roma in central and eastern Europe being the object of racist mobilisation (Commission on Security and Co-operation in Europe Digest 4/98. Vladimir Meciar (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. In every part of Europe they are reviled as scroungers and parasites.Closed Spaces. Throughout their existence in Europe. spans the differences both between separate groups of `Gypsies’ and between the countries they live in. UK quoted in The Guardian. 2000). They had then ordered their hypnotised victims to empty their bank accounts and give the money to them. they go in the bushes instead (Resident of Moravia. During 1998 and 1999. 1996. of enduring persecution. Restricted Places 147 success. 4 October 1998). bureaucratic surveillance. as evidenced by the wave of racial violence against them that has spread since the revolutions of 1989 and the resurgence of nationalism in Europe. However. Project on Ethnic Relations. in the words of former Slovakian Premier. they are seen as being almost supernaturally disruptive to the social order. as a people without history (Trumpener. Czech Republic. 1995). They don’t use the toilet. in the ® lm quoted. to move freely through it or to remain in it. racialisation and nation state building. Roma and Gypsy-travellers have been at the sharp end of processes and structures of legal control. nomadic Gypsy-travellers have been prevented from pursuing their way of life by planning laws. Czech ® eldwork notes June. 31 June 1998). 2000). 1997. They [Czech Roma] can’t live in houses.
whose next move was to ensure that they were no longer able to live a nomadic life. The development of a speci® c topology of exclusion can be seen in the recent history of Czech Roma and their position in the labour market. the government’s actions had reinforced that prejudice by forcing many Roma into low-wage and low-status occupations. so the Communist government moved Slovak Roma in to be `shock workers’ (Kalvoda. However they had failed to do anything about the anti-Roma prejudice that pervaded Czechoslovak society. The Roma faced a two-pronged attack. 55). which was seen as threatening to the Communist social and state order. Indeed. This created a demand for labour in these areas.148 Angus Bancroft at European. the level of unemployment among Roma is around 80 per cent. Their basis for independent economic activity was much reduced (Mirga. 1993). Nomadic Roma were subject to a policy of forced settlement. The Communists hoped to solve two problems at once. `Work-shy Vagabonds’: Roma and the Czech Labour Market Under Communism. the Sudeten Germans were expelled from the Sudetenland. To them. Under the policy of forced settlement. In 1956 the Act on Permanent Settlement of Nomadic People was passed. As a result. they were able to avoid many of the restrictions imposed by the government. further reducing their status position in the eyes of the majority. national and local levels functions to exclude Roma and Gypsytravellers and other `out of place’ groups. The government’s action was mirrored in other Communist European states. As many of them were still nomadic. Their positions were ® lled not by other Czechs but by unskilled labourers from Romania. 1991). the Roma were normalised and had become a part of the socialist labour force. which also had a very repressive set of policies towards Roma (Mirga. low-status jobs . the Czech Roma were subject to severe state-directed policies designed to end their nomadic way of life. and putting them to work would ensure that they conformed to the Communist social order. Roma were simply thrown out of their jobs and became unemployed. p. in a society with a relatively low unemployment rate and which has largely bene® ted from the transition to capitalism. The Czechoslovakian government represented this as a success. The government introduced harsh measures to control `Gypsies and other work-shy vagabonds’ (Crowe. After 1945. Their nomadism was dangerous to the totalitarian political system and their lack of regard for formal labour was offensive to its workerist ideology. Hungary and other parts of eastern Europe that have suffered badly in the transition. 1992) and many had no choice but to take up the low-paid posts on offer. horses belonging to the Czechoslovakian Roma were killed and their caravans destroyed. This began with the government’s attempt to make them into model workers in the socialist labour force. The Roma would ® ll the demand for labour created by the expulsion of the Sudetenlanders. 1995. When the labour market was opened up after the Velvet Revolution. racial mobilisation against them and spatial segregation. The government sought forcibly to make them give up nomadism and take up formal waged labour. Many Roma resisted the attempts of the government to enforce them to adopt `social and labour conformity’. particularly Poland. Roma in the Czech Republic were forced into mainly low-skill. Almost all of the substantial Roma population of the Czech lands had been killed in the Holocaust.
City of® cials were to spend around £7000 on erecting a 4-metre high wall around the apartment block. they were left without work of any sort. In Usti. The non-Roma residents of the street complain of low-key anti-social behaviour. In response. it appears that the wall was intended to limit severely the Roma’s movement and. Further ghettoisation is another move in the cycle of repression and exclusion of Roma.Closed Spaces. When the Communist system collapsed. They can work. What was sought was not . it combines run down 19thand early 20th-Century buildings with Stalinist concrete monstrosities. After 18 months of controversy. to integrate them forcibly into the labour force. Instead of being forced to conform to a state ideology and be forcibly incorporated into the labour force. 27 May 1998) In contrast to the assertions of Usti city council. 27 May 1998). Restricted Places 149 under Communism. Mayor of Usti nad Labem quoted by Reuters. but they don’t. Usti is a classically Soviet industrial town. concretising the social divide into a physical one. Usti city council spokesperson quoted in The Independent. It will not be a ghetto enclosed on four sides. was asked about possible violations of Roma civil rights if this project went ahead and replied: Rights? Are you serious? What civil rights? They can vote. to ensure that the `problem’ would be hidden from the neighbours. more importantly. but they don’t (quoted in The Independent. they are spatially separated from society. heat. The deputy Mayor of Usti. Lying in a gorge of the Elbe. Events during the 1990s in the Czech Republic indicated the development of a different approach to marginalised groups. but didn’t. showers or baths. the intention was to con® rm what was an already-existing ghettoisation. The Communists used the state to make Roma conform to their ideology. Race and Space: Ethnicity. The Roma complain that the council does not bother to collect their rubbish and say that their apartments are without hot water. in order `to separate the decent people’ from the Roma. but they don’t. The wall will not stop [the Roma] from moving about. mainly noise and rubbish being left around the apartment block. In one of these apartment blocks on Maticni Street 30 or 40 Roma families live. They can pay rent. Sovietera apartment blocks are stacked up the sides of the gorge. Jan Kocourek. This is the case with ghettoisation of some Roma communities and in the attempts made on the part of some local councils to encourage them to leave the Czech Republic altogether. Employers took advantage of labour migration from other former Communist countries to replace their Roma workers. With the exception of a recently repainted Baroque church. Racialisation and Ghettoisation We simply want to separate the decent people from those who are not (Ladislav Hruska. (Milan Knotek. The fence will separate this problematic community from those people who have private houses on the road [Maticni Street]. 31 June 1998). the wall was ® nally built in October 1999. Roma representatives pointed out that the city council could provide them with services.
Roma activist quoted in European Roma Rights Centre. who would be mostly Roma. 7). p. The police often do not acknowledge attacks on Roma as being racist. A warden will supervise the area and will Have the right to enter any room [in the compound] whether the resident agrees or not. but the government tries hard to present it well for tourists (`Lana’. Australia and other countries. In doing so. The worst are in the country towns that have been most industrialised. including Ostrava and Rokycany (European Roma Rights Centre. local of® cials put forward a proposal to create a monitored ghetto. Many leave. Czech Journalist. The Czech police have been accused of being indifferent to the violent actions of racist mobs (Bancroft. Things are not as bad in Prague. interview. (Petr Cekal. some without a job. 1999). Plzen city council quoyed in Mlada Fronta Dnes. (Erika Godlova. several hundred people from public housing are to be placed in a series of prefabricated houses akin to portakabins. It is common knowledge that the sons of some police of® cers are members of the skinhead movement. They are considered to . many of their leaders come from the ranks of `good’ families. they are working with the general desire of a large part of the population that the Roma `simply disappear’ and are reinforced by the actions of local authorities which segregate Roma or encourage them to leave the country. 1999). Under the plan. It is sad how their brilliant parents are educating them in this way. The violent actions of skinhead groups in the Czech Republic do appear to be having the desired effect of rendering some areas `gypsy-free’. In Plzen.150 Angus Bancroft the reform of the `recalcitrant community’Ð as under CommunismÐ but only its physical separation from the rest. but there are skinheads everywhere. harassment and the threat of violence. The zone is to have a single entrance. 1997. claiming asylum abroad. While the old socialist housing blocks are breeding grounds for skinheads. which would be monitored by the on-site police station. Czech Roma are seen neither as Czech nor as Slovak. Racial violence has had a de® nite effect on the Roma population. When individuals are convicted of violent attacks on Roma. 2000). 24 May 1998). skinhead organisations actively contribute to socio-spatial segregation by violence. in Britain. The councils of Usti and Plzen are creating and applying post-modern methods of spatial exclusion. In many parts of the Czech Republic. walling off and monitoring a particular unwanted group. The most recent reports indicate that several Czech municipalities are following the example of Usti in making efforts to segregate Roma. Anti-Roma Violence and Police Indifference The skinheads are mainly young people. February. The plan was close to the classic Panopticon concept of having a monitored population held within a sharply de® ned spatial zone. they tend to receive fairly light sentences from the courts. An area on the edge of the city is to be set aside and used by `low-income residents’. Anti-Roma violence also plays a role in con® ning Roma to ghettoised areas. Canada.
Dover quoted in The Independent on Sunday. 9 April 1998).Closed Spaces. 26 October 1997). the ever-present outsider. Something which was ignored by the British press was the fact that Czech local councils were actually paying Roma to leave. 1998). These included fear of violence. Those who travel without documents are de® ned as criminal. A similar documentary a month or so earlier had caused 500 or so to apply for asylum in Canada. They are seen as belonging in no place. maintained and regulated. Gypsies Go to Heaven: Regional Zoning and the European Union I was born and bred in the Czech Republic but as a gypsy felt I could never really be accepted. within Europe. 1994b. It showed Czech Roma enjoying the good life in Britain. The British government was quite clear that it thought that the asylum-seekers in Dover were `abusive asylum-seekers’ and had no chance of gaining entry: We have reports that Czech and Slovak Roma are on the move in Eastern Europe. such as the supposed generosity of the British welfare system. As present. Innovations such as criminalising illegal departure tipped the balance towards a presumption that the refugee is a false claimant. p. The Roma refugee panics of the late 1990s emerged after a sustained crisis in the approach taken to refugees and asylum-seekers (Landgren. giving them one-way tickets to Britain (and also to Canada). Restricted Places 151 be neither foreign nor part of the nation. Several informants pointed out that there were strong `push’ factors in the Roma’s decision to leave. There is the assimilation of the liberal project that destroys the Stranger’s strangeness and the exclusion of the racist-national project that excises him/her altogether. Britain is taking a ® rm line and will not be a soft touch for illegal immigrants with no right to asylum. they are what Simmel called `the Stranger’. It encouraged several hundred Roma to apply for political asylum in Britain in the space of a month. rather than asÐ potentiallyÐ persecuted. The British government chose to portray their decisions as being motivated by `pull’ factors. The British seem more welcoming and tolerant (Czech Roma asylum-seeker. `Do not think you will get through’ (Jack Straw. It was especially ironic that it was from the Czech Republic that large numbers of Roma left for Britain in order to claim asylum status. Zygmunt Bauman (1995) de® nes two approaches to the Stranger. The Czech Republic’s position on the border (Mendras. 12). as well as the general intolerance shown towards them. Both these approaches have historically been deployed against Roma in the Czech Republic. European Union countries encouraged . Simmel says that ª the distance of a being from us signi® es in everything the psychological unity of that beingº (Simmel. but not accepted. My message is. `Gypsies go to heaven’ was a documentary broadcast by Czech TV Nova in 1997. 1994)Ð or buffer zone (Wallace et al.. Western European states throughout the 1980s and 1990s remoulded their refugee policies to create a much harsher regime. on the condition that they signed away the leases to their ¯ ats. Home Secretary quoted in The Guardian. 1996)Ð between the two symbolic halves of Europe makes it especially illuminating of processes by which spatial order is established. free from racist violence or discrimination.
Indeed. The attempts of European Union states to exclude migrants from the south and the east derive from a number of imperatives (European Commission. records indicate that `Egyptians’. Time± space compression af- . as amended by the Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act 1993. sometimes violating it. Robinson. The socio-spatial ordering system plays a central role in reproducing the problematic relationship between Roma and gauje communities. Roma and Gypsy-travellers have been the focus of such panics and have been subject to different forms of exclusion as a result. as well as constructing and mapping their difference and deviance. sometimes con® rming this mapping. were transported from 17th-century Scotland to the Caribbean. Czech Roma as a whole are unlikely to hold valid passports. preventing those who have inadequate documentation from ever being considered by the system.152 Angus Bancroft refugees to stay in the region where they came from. Amnesty International (1991) has reported that airlines are now being used as a policing agent. Such approaches to regulating space and the subjects within it are visible in the division between mobile objects and restricted subjects. 1994. Vagabonds and the Post-nation State The use of space is a central feature of any form of social organisation. 1997). Hamilton. 1995). the immigration ministers of the then European Community collectively proposed the concept of Safe Country of Origin lists. Forms of spatial regulation are developed in the context of globalised processes. What is novel. 1998). p. Action on a European-wide level has been taken to make this extremely dif® cult. European Union (EU) states are strongly oriented against people who appear and then disappear into the background. as they were then called. In the UK. of economics and social change. 1996. The bordering practices of nations. The experience of Czech Roma asylum-seekers in Britain highlights the salience of unregulated movement of individuals to the emerging spatial order in Europe. For them. the Immigration (Carriers’ Liability) Act 1987. however. and neither are ¯ ows of migrants. Tourists. 74). SCOs are countries that are considered to have adequate human rights records (Martenson and McCarthy. The ® rst barrier a refugee faces to have any chance of being successful is that of removing him/herself from the country of origin. 1997). resistance to them or panic about them. throughout history. For instance. communities and individuals also have an important role. ensures that carriersÐ ship and aircraftÐ are now ® ned if they deliver people to the UK without the correct documentation. In 1992. One can point to the intense spatial management and control that go into state formation in European modernity. Spatial exclusion itself is not an exclusive feature of the present day. is that these ¯ ows of people and panics about unwanted population movement are taking place in the context of the rapid revaluation of space and the emergence of a European-Union-wide regime which sorts individuals into categories of mobile and restricted subjects. 1997. Zygmunt Bauman called this the division between tourists and vagabonds. This provision was the direct result of an EC-wide initiative of the TREVI group (Tuitt. not having the correct documentation is a normal part of life. many having been deprived of citizenship rights by the 1993 Citizenship Law (Beck. There is in place across the EU a complex of restrictive policies aimed at protecting resources and also keeping out those who may represent a threat (Stasiulis.
there have been no grand moral projects to be allied with. such as summary arrest. 1998. Exclusion or inclusion is not tied to place of origin. The nation-state in particular is increasingly lost within the global system. rather. so is the meaning of the space marked `Europe’. By way of contrast. The human being who ® rst erected a hut ¼ revealed the speci® cally human capacity over against nature. from the constraints of spatiality. in some cases. which can be called `common-sense rationality’. Globalisation is the supreme achievement of capitalism. Since the end of the Cold War. but also that space is being revalued in the context of a speci® c form of rationality. 1973). the most on offer being a technocratic economic convergence within the EU (Pelagidis. to the ability to be freed from space. Just as the meaning of local spaces is contested. a myth which was only sustainable when the continent was divided between two far larger powers and which collapsed along with that system. 1996). The members of the ® rst class are universally present and the members of the second are universally foreign. I suggest that space is closely entwined with meaning and identity. attempts to assert or reassert identity and. 1981) and have least access to high-value informational spaces (Kitchin.Closed Spaces. unseaworthy boat than others pay for businessclass gilded luxuriesº (Bauman. I have been interested in how to theorise the spatial aspects of social exclusion and marginalisation. sometimes paying more for the crowded steerage of a stinking. that it is the most civilised and peaceful part of the world. 1997). often illegally. but it also marks the decline of what were some of the most important institutions of capitalism and modernity (Albrow. Roma and Gypsy-travellers have throughout history been the object of attempts to control their spatial subjectivity. but to the ability to manipulate spaceÐ or. The ® rst ª travel at will. p. none more so than Roma. On arrival. Bauman identi® es two classes of mobile individuals within the global order. get much fun from their travel ¼ are cajoled and bribed to travel and welcomed with open arms when they doº . the second ª travel surreptitiously. The fact that there is a great deal of historical continuity to anti-Gypsy feeling in Europe should not distract us from the new forms of exclusion that have emerged during the 1990s. to create it anew. insofar as he or she cut a portion . the role of the nation-state has been reduced to servicing the global economy and regulating the movement of individuals within the global system. Europe has since 1945 generated a myth about itself. Doreen Massey (1993. Along with globalisation comes localisation. the latter can face a battery of carceral measures. 1998). The regulation of spatial subjectivity is an ever more important aspect of exclusion in many areas of life modern Europe. In this paper. which affect excluded and marginalised populations. 89). detention and deportation. The establishment of the nation often involves the exclusion of non-national groups. It has been said that the Roma were Europe’s ® rst `blacks’ (Puxon. 1999) calls this the power-geometry of social life. European societies are undergoing horizontal and vertical fragmentation while at the same time they develop a functional unity within the global economy. Restricted Places 153 fects different societies and different groups within society in varying ways. To a large extent. especially through suppression of their nomadic lifestyle and culture. The excluded are subject to the greatest control over their subjectivity and physical movement (Sibley. Globalisation has meant the challenging of this myth.
totalising ideologies has not created a society in which `difference’ or `the other’ can reside undisturbed. 1993). is the triumph of common-sense rationality (Fevre. such as asylum-seekers and economic migrants. are devalued in these terms also. European states are constructing a landscape in which certain categories of subject are mobile and others. this identity. The radical uncertainty of the times has for many con® rmed the existence of a great divide between a controlling. 12). of politics. if anything. an identity of place. ethnic and regional differences moot. a market rationality in which the morality of an action is equated entirely with its economic bene® t. which has been a characteristic of postmodernity: in part. many other groups. Simmel identi® ed it as part of the universal human condition. Yet. but I have tried to situate it more speci® cally as a feature of European modernity. Roma and Gypsy-travellers have found themselves in an ambivalent relationship to the formation of a European identity. The period of time since the collapse of Communism in Europe in 1989 has been one of limits and a discourse of limitsÐ limits of state. Roma have become . Identity is formed through the bordering of space. `Common sense’ is used here to mean a form of limited economic rationality. 2000) and its extension to every area of social life. In part. of humanity’s ability to dominate nature or to control itself (Latour. of progress. IndividualsÐ nomadic groups. something that is perhaps fundamental to its make-up. it is one of the reasons for that devaluation having come about. however. One of the paradoxes of European life during the 1990s has been that the collapse of universalising. excluded or simply kept out. Familiar processes of capital accumulation are contributing to a renewed intense period of time± space compression (Harvey. As the experiences of Roma and Gypsy-travellers illustrate. 1998). national. Globalised conditions of consumption and production were supposed to have rendered racial. 1989). ideology and metanarrative. the triumph of common-sense rationality is due to the devaluation of all other forms of tradition. In many ways. fragmented post-modernity. ethnic minorities. asylum-seekersÐ who are out of place threaten this meaning. exclusion is not a new phenomenon. `guest workers’.154 Angus Bancroft out of the continuity and in® nity of space and arranged this into a particular unity in accordance with a single meaning (Simmel. They create a topology that makes movement dif® cult and uncomfortable for these restricted subjects and the EU is conducting this on a supranational level (Bhabha. The EU has become concerned with spatial population management as part of the process of nascent state formation that it is undergoing. The space within these borders is then attributed a single meaning. p. 1994a. are restricted. I suggest that increasingly they are excluded not just for being `other’ in terms of identity or ideology. This highlights some criticisms of the assumption that we are living in a period of post-modernity that is qualitatively different from the preceding time of modernity. these phenomena do not represent the coming of a society which is qualitatively different. nor has there been a great rupture in history. Individuals who are worthless according to this rationality may be discarded. the opposite has happened. but rather that they are also devalued according to this common-sense rationality. Something that is new. such as asylum-seekers. de® nite modernity and a confused. Likewise.
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org Project on Ethnic Relations http:/ /www.nbc. Restricted Places Appendix.ips.co.com Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe http:/ /www.errc.u k Inter Press Service http:/ /www.house.ap.cz Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty http:/ /www.co m Forced Migration Alert http:/ /www.co.com 157 Monitoring Organisations Commission on Security and Co-operation in Europe http:/ /www.ca Central Europe Online http:/ /www.org BBC News On-Line http:/ /news.co m CTK (Czech News Agency) http:/ /www.com /hcaroma European Roma Rights Centre http:/ /www.reuters.uk Canadian Broadcasting Corporation http:/ /www.guardianunlimited.respekt.html Nasa Borba http:/ /www.czechia.itar-tass.org ltar-Tass (Russian News Agency) http:/ /www. Other Media and Monitoring Organisations Newspapers and Other Media Associated Press http:/ /www.gov/csce Czech Helsinki Citizens’ Association.yu NBC http:/ /www.inway.bbc.soros.praguepost.com Prague Post http:/ /www.cbc.html .org/fmp2/html/force migration altert.Closed Spaces.cz Respekt http:/ /www.com RomNews Network http:/ /www.co.org Radio Prague http:/ /www.radio.cz The Guardian http:/ /www.com/ . ethnic/new/per.romnews. Roma Section http:/ /www.osce.cz Reuters http:/ /www.nasa-borba.rferl.ctknews.centraleurope. Newspapers.websp.
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