THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FIRST-GENERATION AMERICAN-BORN ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS AND IMMIGRATED ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS

ON MEASURES OF ACCULTURATION, SELF-CONCEPT, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD COUNSELING: A MIXED METHODS STUDY

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A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Educational Leadership and Counseling Sam Houston State University

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In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _____________ by Bipin Sharma

July, 2010

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THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FIRST-GENERATION AMERICAN-BORN ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS AND IMMIGRATED ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS ON MEASURES OF ACCULTURATION, SELF-CONCEPT, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD COUNSELING: A MIXED METHODS STUDY by Bipin Sharma ____________ APPROVED: ___________________________________ _ Dr. Mary Nichter Dissertation Chair ___________________________________ _ Dr. Rick Bruhn Dissertation Committee Member ___________________________________ _ Dr. Yvonne Garza Dissertation Committee Member ___________________________________ _ Dr. Melinda Miller Holt Dissertation Committee Member ___________________________________ _ Dr. William Kritsonis Dissertation Committee Member Approved: _____________________________ Dr. Genevieve H. Brown Dean, College of Education

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This dissertation follows the format and style of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, Sixth Edition except where superseded by the directions from the Office of Graduate Studies at Sam Houston State University.

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DEDICATION First and foremost this dissertation is dedicated to my deceased grandparents Krishna and Hira Nand Sharma and Diwan Chand and Shanti Gandotra. At some point in my childhood they instilled in me the importance of education. This dissertation is dedicated to the following people: My parents, Dr. Primla and Bansi Dhar Sharma, without their support and effort I would never have been able to make it this far. My mother committed herself to seeking out the best for me in my life and without her I would never have had the commitment or patience to complete this task. This dissertation is dedicated to my sister Dr. Kavita Sharma and my brothers Dr. Bhanoo Sharma and Bikram Sharma for their continued support and ability to listen. This dissertation is dedicated to my friends for listening to me and continually encouraging me Dwight Ekstrom, Brett Chinski, and Matt Beutler. Most importantly this dissertation is dedicated to my wife Elsa, son Dev Raj, and mother-in-law Maria Del Carmen Vega-Bhandari who supported me day-to-day in my endeavor to obtain my goals and lighten the load of everyday life. Last but not least this dissertation is dedicated to my community, family, and my faith as a Hindu. Throughout my life when I needed it most, I relied on my community, family, and faith for support and this achievement is another indication of my commitment to positively promoting Asian Indian Hindus.

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ABSTRACT Sharma, B. S. (2010). The differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling: A mixed methods study. Doctor of Philosophy (Counselor Education), July 2010 Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas. Purpose This study, examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. Method Following an extensive review of the literature, 108 participants were assessed using a sequential quantitative-qualitative analysis mixed-method design using nested samples. Of the 108 participants, 52 belonged to the first generation American born Asian Indian sample group and 56 belonged to the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu sample. One hundred and eight participants completed instruments for acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling help. Further, of the 108 participants, 32 completed a semi-structured interview. Twenty members were of the first generation American born Asian Indian Hindu sample and 12 members were from the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu sample. Results Quantitative data alone failed to find any differences between these two groups; however, acculturation levels were different, a finding that was expected indicating higher acculturation levels for the first generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus. The quantitative data revealed no significant differences between groups in terms of their attitudes toward seeking counseling and their self-concepts.The qualitative data obtained vi

from the semi-structured interviews suggested differences, similarities, and clarification of the quantitative results for the three constructs. Implications for Counseling Implications based on the results suggest that going to counseling is a last resort and is expressive of desperation even with the stigma, and if the counseling practitioner is unaware of the seriousness of these issues, the client might experience a lack of hope in ever getting help. First generation American born group members reported higher rates of alienation and feelings of dual membership. These results indicate that first-generation American-born Asian Indians recognize that they are not completely American or Indian. Several members of both groups indicate the positive influence that Hinduism has on their lives and the involvement they have with Hindu rituals, functions, and social occasions. Having this knowledge base is vital to avoid disrespecting or overstepping boundaries when entering into a counseling relationship with a Hindu client. Finally participants report seeking counseling or knowing of a friend or family member who has sought counseling. This knowledge is helpful for counselors because it indicates that there is a willingness to use counseling services even though there is a high degree of stigma and view that counseling is a last resort. KEY WORDS: Asian Indian, Asian Indian Hindu, Acculturation Self-Concept, and Attitudes toward seeking counseling, Religion and Cultural Affiliation. APPROVED: ___________________________________ _ Dr. Mary Nichter Dissertation Chair

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank and acknowledge Dr. Mary Nichter for continually making sure that I stayed on task and even when frustrated did not lose focus of my goal. Thank you for your dedication and support. Thank you Dr. Bruhn, Dr. Garza, Dr. Holt, and Dr. Kristsonis. Without your support I would never have been able to reach this stage of my life. The unconditional support that I received from these people was unwavering throughout my academic career. I would like to acknowledge Dr. Holt for being very patient and supportive while trying to teach me statistics. She was always available and extremely patient with me. My sincere appreciation is given to Cohort V. The support that I received from the members throughout the academic process was by far the pillars that kept my world in place. I would like to specifically acknowledge cohort member Rebecca Frels, you managed to find time to listen to me and encourage me through this process even though you were going through the process yourself. I sincerely appreciate your friendship and am eternally grateful. I would also like to thank John Holland Robinson for your assistance in teaching me technology to make my life easier. I would like to thank my professors Dr. Richard Henriksen, Dr. Richard Watts, Dr. Rick Bruhn, Dr. Mary Nichter, Dr. Kate Walker, Dr. John Slate, and Dr. Anthony Onwuegbuzie. I would never have developed the skills and understanding necessary for me to function at this level if it were not for the expert tutelage and constant support of the most dedicated educators I have ever known. My sincerest regards rest with all of you for your integrity and commitment for higher education.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page DEDICATION..................................................................................................................v ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...........................................................................................viii TABLE OF CONTENTS.................................................................................................ix LIST OF TABLES..........................................................................................................xii I INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................................1

Statement of the Problem..................................................................................................4 Purpose of the Study..........................................................................................................5 Significance of the Study...................................................................................................5 Definitions.........................................................................................................................6 Conceptual Framework.....................................................................................................7 Research Questions.........................................................................................................10 Limitations.......................................................................................................................11 Delimitations...................................................................................................................12 Assumptions....................................................................................................................12 Summary and Overview..................................................................................................12 II LITERATURE REVIEW..........................................................................................14 Generalization of Cultural Affiliation ............................................................................15 Foundations of Hinduism................................................................................................16 Counseling With Asian Indian Hindus............................................................................22 Acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States.......................................................24

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Self-Concept....................................................................................................................29 Attitudes Toward Counseling..........................................................................................33 Summary..........................................................................................................................37 III METHODOLOGY....................................................................................................40 Selection of Participants..................................................................................................41 Research Design..............................................................................................................41 Instrumentation................................................................................................................44 Data Collection................................................................................................................52 Data Analysis...................................................................................................................61 Summary..........................................................................................................................65 IV RESULTS..................................................................................................................67 Research Questions.........................................................................................................67 Demographic Data...........................................................................................................68 Results for Research Questions 3 and 4..........................................................................80 Summary..........................................................................................................................95 V DISCUSSION OF RESULTS...................................................................................97 Overview of the Purpose and Structure...........................................................................97 Discussion of Quantitative Results..................................................................................98 Discussion of Qualitative Results..................................................................................101 Discussion of Combined Results...................................................................................107 Conclusions...................................................................................................................111 Summary........................................................................................................................116 REFERENCES..............................................................................................................118

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APPENDIX A...............................................................................................................134 APPENDIX B................................................................................................................137 APPENDIX C................................................................................................................141 APPENDIX D...............................................................................................................143 APPENDIX F................................................................................................................149 APPENDIX G...............................................................................................................161 APPENDIX H...............................................................................................................162

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LIST OF TABLES Table Page

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Ethnic, racial, and cultural diversity have defined the idea of the American melting pot (Farver, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Mathur, Guiry, & Tikoo, 2008; Sundar, 2008; Smith, 2002; Tewary, 2005). Increasing immigrant populations from several cultural groups from various regions of the world have reshaped the American landscape in respect to race and ethnicity. It is the contention of several authors (Farver et al., 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Mathur et al., 2008; Smith, 2002; Sundar, 2008; Tewary, 2005) that many immigrated populations maintained their attachment to their culture of origin; whereas, the first generation born in the United States has been raised in both a culture of origin (e.g, Asian Indian) and a larger mainstream culture (Farver et al., 2002; Kurien, 2005; Sundar, 2008). Researchers (Hall, 1976; Hoftsede, 1983, 2001) suggested that the recognition of groups is essential for understanding the cross-cultural issues that any given population encounters when acculturating.Several researchers (Gudykunst, 2004; Hofstede, 2001; Samovar, Porter, & Stefani, 1998) have noted that cultural affiliation incorporates several areas such as thoughts, communication, actions, customs, beliefs, values, race, and religion. Asian Indians define themselves culturally largely based on their religious affiliation (Juthani, 2001). Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus that migrated to the United States in 1965 established themselves in a foreign country by building temples, and small Indian communities that included shops and restaurants in order to maintain a connection with both their spiritual and cultural roots (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Navsaria &

2 Peterson, 2007; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993). Asian Indian Hindu immigrants sought to preserve their culture through social interaction with other Asian Indian Hindus hence delaying the acculturation process in the immigrated Asian Indian population. Tewary (2005) found that many immigrants isolated themselves due to unfamiliarity with the dominant cultural groups’ values and norms, and hypothesized that the isolation led to Asian Indians becoming more socially active within their group in an effort to remain connected to their culture of origin (Ghuman, 1997; Mathur, Guiry, & Tikoo, 2008; Sundar, 2008; Tewary, 2005). As a result of the migration and subsequent isolation, immigrated Asian Indians focused their efforts in re-creating the familiar surroundings they left behind in India. One of the largest socializing agents for Asian Indians is religion (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002). Religious activity is among the leading factors that contribute to an Asian Indian’s sense of social acceptance and cultural identity, as well as providing social and psychological support. Asian Indian Religious Diversity India is an ethnically and religiously diverse subcontinent, and social identity is largely influenced by affiliation to an organized religion (Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). Asian Indians are affiliated with various religious groups such as Islam, Buddhist, Sikhism, Christian, and Hindu (Das & Kemp, 1997; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007). Hinduism is the largest Asian Indian religious group in India with 83% of the population identified as Hindu. Other religious groups comprise the remaining 17% with 11% Islam, 3% Christian, Sikh 2%, and 1% Buddhist and other religions (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005). According Lugo et al. (2008) in

3 their survey on religious diversity of Asians in the United States, 14% were Hindu, 9% were Buddhists, and 4% were Muslim. Hindus comprise a significant population in the United States among other Asian Indian religious groups (Das & Kemp, 1997; Hodge, 2004; Lugo et al. 2008; Smith, 2002). According to Juthani (2001), Hinduism is not just a religious affiliation for a Hindu, but a way of life thereby, creating a distinct and unique cultural group. As a unique cultural group, Hindus have been described by some researchers (Coogan, 2005; Firth, 2005; “Hindu Arrival in America,” 2006; Moodley, 1999) as a self-contained or closed group, and may not be comfortable seeking help from a secular source outside of the Hindu religion (Hanna & Green, 2004; “Hindu Arrival in America,” 2006; Hodge, 2004; “The Swamis,” 2003). The strong influence of religion on lifestyle is not unique to Hindus. According to Chandras (1997) and Das and Kemp (1997), the culture, view of the world, and day-today living of Asian Indian people is strongly influenced by their religious affiliation. With a growing population in America, research specific to the Asian Indian population has increased; however, there is a need for more research addressing the diversity of the religious and spiritual communities of Asian Indian population. According to several authors, limited information exists in the literature to understand an Asian Indian Hindus’ level of acculturation, self-concept, and their attitudes toward seeking counseling (Chandras, 1997; Das & Kemp, 1997; Hanna & Green, 2004; Hodge, 2004; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu; Ramisety-Mikler, 1993).

4 Statement of the Problem The population of Asian Indians in the United States is rapidly increasing (Hodge, 2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). According to the latest census conducted in 2000, the Asian Indian population has doubled to nearly 0.6% in the United States equating roughly 2,570,000 people (Hodge, 2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Asian Indians are the fastest growing ethnic minority group in the U.S. among the Asian population, and it is estimated that by the year 2050 the total population of Asian Indians could exceed 4 million (Chandras, 1997; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007). Misperceptions are often presented as a result of insensitive and inaccurate description of persons from an Asian Indian background, and broad assumptions are made by not recognizing the uniqueness and differences between people of Asian Indian descent and people from other Asian countries (Chandras, 1997; Dorland & Kepford, 2005; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). As a result of migration and the population increase within the United States, the population of the various religious groups (e.g. Hindu, Sikh, Muslim, Christian, and Buddhist) has increased. Several researchers have included various groups such as Chinese, Taiwanese, Japanese, Korean, Indian, and Pakistani under the broad term Asian (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; Khan-Lodhi, 2005; Zhang & Dixon, 2003). Asian Indians need to be considered separately from these other groups as their experiences, culture, and religious affiliation vary significantly (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; KhanLodhi, 2005; Zhang & Dixon, 2003).

5 Purpose of the Study In my study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling. My goal was to increase the literature that specifically pertains to Asian Indian Hindus, and contribute to the literature available for mental health practitioners that work with Asian Indian Hindus. Significance of the Study Previous research pertaining to the complexity and diversity of the Hindu culture in relation to the topics of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling has yielded limited information (Chandras, 1997; Das & Kemp, 1997; Ibrahim, Ohnishi & Sandhu, 1997; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993). By conducting the study I increased the literature that specifically addressed the Asian Indian Hindu people. Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus and Asian Indian Hindus in general, rely heavily on the Hindu religion as their definition of culture. Birthdays, weddings, seasonal changes, birth, and death ceremonies are only some aspects of the culture that have roots in the Hindu religious doctrine (Chandras, 1997; Dorland & Kepford, 2005; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). The counseling community of professionals might benefit from the findings of my study as a result of having acquired knowledge through the collection and analysis of my data for the purposes of counseling Asian Indian Hindus by being better informed about the influence of Hinduism in all areas of life for members of this religious group. Because the Asian Indian Hindu population is increasing in America, recognizing Asian

6 Indian Hindus as a unique cultural and religious group will help counselors work more effectively with Asian Indian Hindus clients. Definitions For the purposes of my study, the following definitions were offered: Acculturation Acculturation is a process that can occur when two or more cultures interact. Possible outcomes include assimilation (host culture absorbs immigrant culture), multiculturalism (both cultures exist with one another), resistance to assimilation, or adoption of qualities of both cultures (host culture & parent culture) (Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). Asian Indian Asian Indian is a broad and generic term commonly found in research literature that describes the diverse population of individuals of Asian Indian descent without taking into account religious affiliations. Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS) The ATSPPHS is an instrument developed by Fischer and Turner (1970) for the purposes of assessing a person’s attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help. For the purposes of my study, I used attitudes toward seeking counseling in place of attitudes toward seeking psychological help. First generation American born Asian Indian Hindus In my study, first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus are Asian Indian Hindu persons that are born in the United States, or immigrated to the United States between the ages of 0-9 years.

7 Asian Indian Hindu In my study, an Asian Indian Hindu is a person that has lineage traceable to the Indian subcontinent and represents a religious and cultural affiliation. Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus Asian Indian Hindus that have immigrated to America, are born in India, and are 18 years or older. Self-Concept According to the authors of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2), selfconcept incorporates physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work beliefs one has about oneself (Fitts & Warren, 1996). Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA) An instrument with psychometric properties specifically designed to examine and report the acculturation levels of the Asian Indian population (Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil 1987; Suinn, Khoo, Ahuna 1995). Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2). An instrument used to measure self-concept with established psychometric properties that uses 82 questions, and has 15 subscales that include validity scores, summary scores, self-concept scales, and supplementary scores (Fitts & Warren, 2003). Conceptual Framework In the following section, I discussed the conceptual framework for my study. According to Lester (2005), conceptual frameworks are derived from previous research, but provide the basis for choosing constructs in an investigation and any relationship that might exist between them. Further, the justification for the use of certain constructs and

8 the relationship between must be appropriate and useful for examining the research problem (Lester). I related the importance of examining the levels of acculturation, selfconcept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling for Asian Indian Hindus. Acculturation Acculturation is regarded as a multidimensional process, and several models have been developed to examine the impact of acculturation on minority populations that enter a host or dominant culture (Berry, 1980; Berry 2001; Berry, Trimble, & Olmeda, 1986; Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995; Setty, 2006). The acculturation process has been examined by researchers (Berry, 1980; Phinney, 1990) and the commonalities between definitions of acculturation vary. For example, Phinney (1990) defined acculturation as the relationship between the host culture and the minority culture with emphasis on the knowledge of the cultures. However, several researchers (Balasubramanayam, 2005; Ghosh, 2007; Moideen, 1995; Setty) have found that Berry’s definition of acculturation is useful because it does not view acculturation as linear; rather, acculturation is seen as a process with high and low levels of minority group member commitment to the dominant culture also known as the bi-dimensional perspective (Balasubramanyam; Berry; Ghosh; Moideen; Setty). Berry (1980/2001) argued that acculturation has consequences for both of the cultural groups (i.e., host and minority), and that acculturation includes both the minority groups membership to the mainstream and their culture of origin. Suinn, Khoo and Ahuna (1995) defined acculturation as a process that can occur when two or more cultures interact. Possible outcomes included assimilation (host culture absorbs immigrant culture), multiculturalism (both cultures exist with one another), resistance to assimilation, or adoption of qualities of both cultures (host culture & parent

9 culture). These researchers created an instrument that has been widely used with Asian populations to examine the process of acculturation in order to gain a better understanding of the difficulties faced by the Asian populations. This instrument has been used with the Asian Indian population by several researchers (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002; Ghosh, 2007; Ghuman, 1997; Rao 2007), who concluded that the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; 1987) who concluded that the instrument adequately measure the level of acculturation of Asian Indians. Self-Concept Self-concept has been examined in several studies alongside ethnic identity (Balasubramanayam, 2005; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney, 1990). These researchers found that irregardless of the population they were studying (e.g., Asain, Asian Indian, Hispanic, Caucasian, and African) a person’s ethnic identity and self-concept were related, and that those who identified strongly with their ethnicity had higher levels of self-concept. Self-concept has been defined by Fitts and Warren (1996) to incorporate a person’s physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work attitudes along with their identity, satisfaction, and behavior. Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Kwok (2004) examined the relationship between acculturation level and attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help. She found that acculturation and utilization of mental health services were related. Further, authors Kurien (1999) and Mukkamala (2009) have stated that religion and spirituality serve as a source of support for illness (physical and mental). It is necessary to explore the spirituality of a client

10 before beginning a counseling relationship, and also being aware of one’s own spiritual convictions in order to enhance the counseling relationship (Watts, 2001). These constructs (e.g., acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling) have been examined independently with the Asian Indian population; however, these constructs had not been examined together with a specific religious group. Given that the largest Asian Indian religious group in the U.S. is Hindu (14% Hindu, 9% Buddhists, and 4% Muslim); (Pew Forum, 2008), and the fact that the above mentioned variables had never been examined specifically with Hindus, it appeared logical to examine the differences between first generation born American Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling. Research Questions I answered the following research questions using Fitts and Warren’s (1996) Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (2nd ed.), Attitude Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (Fischer & Turner, 1970) and Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA) (Suinn, Richard-Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 1987, 1992). Further, a qualitative interview was used to investigate the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling. 1) What are the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward seeking counseling?

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2) What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus? 3) What are the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? 4) What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? Limitations The current research was only generalizable to the Asian Indian Hindu population living in the Houston, Texas and Chicago, Illinois, and cannot be generalized to every Hindu living in the United States of America. I could not ensure that all participants responded truthfully. Parts of my research relied heavily on self report measures, and as a result, I could not ensure that all participants were in fact practicing Asian Indian Hindus. Participants may have presented themselves in a more favorable manner once they were informed about the purpose of the current research by exaggerating their commitment to their Hindu faith, and also as a result of knowing that I am a member of the same religious and cultural group. Also, I am not taking into consideration the age or socioeconomic status of the participants. Hinduism promotes the idea of worshipping several various reincarnations of the supreme Lord. This study did not address the issue of the various reincarnations worshipped by the participants, nor did this consideration factor into the original definition of a Hindu, however, I inquired as to which deity the participants primarily worship for demographic data.

12 Delimitations The study was delimited to persons that are born and raised in the Hindu religion and of Asian Indian descent. People who converted to the Hindu religion were not incorporated. I did not include other religious groups in the study. The results are intended to be representative of the Asian Indian Hindu population only. The sample used in my study was a religiously homogenous sample; all participants were of Asian Indian descent who practiced the Hindu religion at the time of data collection. Assumptions As the researcher, I assumed that all participants responded truthfully and honestly. I also assumed that all participants understood the content of the questions asked. This study specifically focused on a subset of the Asian Indian population and including members from other religious groups would have compromised the results of the study. I assumed that I was adequately trained to conduct the research, competent and capable to administer the instrument protocols, and analyze the results. Summary and Overview Asian Indian Hindus are a growing population in U.S. and need to be recognized as a unique cultural group separate of other Asian Indian religious groups (Chandras, 1997; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Ramisety-Mikler, 1993). Ethnic and religious differences, which are important to cultural identity (Gudykunst, 2004; Hofstede, 2001; Samovar, Porter, & Stefani, 1998), go largely unnoticed in the current research literature. India is a diverse subcontinent, where cultural identity is largely defined by affiliation to an organized religion (Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). The Asian Indian population is representative of numerous

13 religious groups such as Islam, Buddhist, Sikh, Christians, and Hindus (Das & Kemp, 1997; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007). Due to unfamiliarity with the religious diversity of the Asian Indian population, researchers often presented an insensitive and inaccurate description of persons from an Asian Indian background, and made very broad assumptions by defining Asians as having common characteristics due mainly to geographic location (Chandras, 1997; Dorland & Kepford, 2005; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). I examined the differences between first-generation Americanborn Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling. In the following chapter, an overview of the literature pertaining to cultural affiliation, counseling with Asian Indian Hindus, acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States, self-concept, and studies examining the attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help scale of people from various ethnic groups is presented.

14 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW An extensive search of the interdisciplinary academic literature on counseling the Hindu population in the United States revealed a dearth of empirical studies. Overall, limited research has been conducted with Asian Indians in the U.S. even though this population has increased exponentially (Hodge, 2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Several authors have argued that it is a mistake to define such unique religious cultures such as Hindus, Sikhs, Muslims, Buddhists, and several others under a broad and generic term such as Asian Indian (Hodge, 2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Previous research on the topic of Hinduism and counseling has yielded limited information pertaining to the complexity and diversity of the Hindu culture (Chandras, 1997; Das & Kemp, 1997; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; RamisetyMikler, 1993). The literature often presents an insensitive and inaccurate description of persons from an Asian Indian background, and some researchers make very broad assumptions by not recognizing the uniqueness and vast differences between these groups ethnic and religious groups (Chandras, 1997; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007). I reviewed the following literature: (a) the Generalization of cultural affiliation; (b) the foundations of Hinduism; (c) counseling with Asian Indian Hindus; (d) acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States; (e) self-concept; (f) attitudes toward counseling; and (f) the summary.

15 Generalization of Cultural Affiliation Kim, Ng, and Ahn (2009) asserted that there are common cultural values among diverse cultural groups such as worldview, conflict resolution, spirituality, adherence to family values, respect of elders, and several others. The researchers overlooked the complexity of various cultural and religious groups such as Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Asian Indian, Taiwanese, multi-racial (no definition was provided), Vietnamese, Indonesian, Pakistani, and other ethnic backgrounds (no definition was provided). Zhang and Dixon (2003) examined the relationship between the attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help and acculturation. The researchers used a sample from two universities in the Midwestern United States which consisted of 170 Asians including Chinese (those from Hong Kong), Japanese, Koreans, Taiwanese, people from Thailand, Malaysians, and Indians. Again, several distinct cultural groups were used to create a sample of Asians. Moreover, in order to determine the presenting concerns of racial and ethnic minorities seeking counseling in a university center, Constantine, Chen, and Ceesay (1997) examined the presenting issues identified by minority students as the reason for seeking counseling. The researchers reviewed 157 minority students representing different ethnic groups including Hispanic Americans, African American, Asian American, and Native American. In this study, minority was used to represent one group which actually comprised several different cultural groups. In several of the studies that I reviewed researchers did not describe their population accurately and made assumptions that cultural groups such as Koreans, Chinese, people from Thailand, Taiwanese, Indian and Pakistani were all Asian (Kim,

16 Ng, & Ahn, 2009; Zhang & Dixon, 2003), while other researchers labeled different ethnic groups collectively under the label of minority (Constantine, Chen, & Cessay, 1997). In a similar way, Asian Indians have been classified as one group without consideration given to the distinctive differences within the group based on religion. In the following section, important foundational concepts of Hinduism are presented, followed by research studies that recognize the importance of religious affiliation for Asian Indians Foundations of Hinduism The Hindu religion originated between 2500 BC and 1500 BC (Coogan, 2005, Hanna & Green, 2004, Juthani, 2001). Specific to the religion are several beliefs that are extremely important and fundamental for understanding how practicing Hindus view their world. For example, Hindus believe in a trinity; (a) Brahma the creator, (b) Vishnu the maintainer, and (c) Mahesh (Lord Shiva) the destroyer (Firth, 2005: Hanna & Green, 2004; Juthani, 2001; Sullivan 2001). Hindus primarily pray to Vishnu and Mahesh and to reincarnations of these Gods (Flood, 1996; Juthani; Sullivan). Gods and Goddesses The Hindu faith has numerous Gods and Goddesses and the following represent several reincarnations of Lord Vishnu and Lord Shiva also known as Mahesh: (a) Saraswati the Goddess of knowledge; (b) Lakshmi, the Goddess of prosperity; (c) Durga, the Goddess of strength; (d) Krishna, the God of love and destroyer of evil; (e) Gauri, the Goddess of purity, and (f) Hanuman, the God courage and devotion. Hindu Gods and Goddesses can manifest or be represented in both human and animal form. For instance, Lord Ganesh and Lord Hanuman are represented as having human bodies but the face of

17 an elephant and monkey respectively (Flood, 1996; Kinsley, 1998; Sullivan, 2001; The Hindu Universe, 2008). Hindu people, with the help of a priest, perform several rituals to pay homage to the God or Goddess they choose to worship. For example, if a family was experiencing financial problems, the family would request that a priest perform ceremonies and rituals to the Goddess Luxmi, also known as the Goddess of good fortune and prosperity. In essence, Hindu people can worship several Gods and Goddesses based on the circumstances that they may encounter in their everyday lives (Flood, 1996; Kinsley, 1998; Sullivan, 2001; The Hindu Universe, 2008). Hindus who worship and perform rituals often maintain an inner-connectedness with their spirituality in all facets of their lives. For instance, at major events such as a wedding, or birth of a child, the Hindu person will ask for the blessing of Lord Ganesh also known as the God of good beginnings. Also, if the Hindu person feels a lack of courage and desires to feel empowered, Hindu people will worship and give offerings to Lord Hanuman, also known as the God of courage. Other reincarnations of Vishnu and Mahesh serve different functions and most likely are prayed to when such circumstances present themselves. Teaching of Hinduism Hinduism is taught through oral and written history. For example, the Vedas, containing the major scriptures of the Hindu religion, are written in the ancient language of Sanskrit, and are divided into four parts (Sharma, 2005). The four parts are: Rigveda, Samaveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda. The Rigveda and Samaveda are a collection of ancient hymns and chants used in ceremonies to praise God, while the Yajurveda contains the language needed to perform the rituals and ceremonies for the Gods.

18 Finally, the Atharvaveda is the ancient text that contains the ritual spells and poems used for vedic recitation of Hindu scripture (Flood, 1996; Juthani, 2001; Sullivan, 2001). There is also a belief that the Vedas, or scriptures, are the word of God as is the Bible and the Koran (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Sharma, 2005). However, the common belief is that the four ancient texts of scriptures create the philosophical foundation of practicing Hindus. The Vedas are used by priests to perform ceremonies and rituals that help alleviate the problems experienced by the Hindu person (Juthani; Sullivan). Finally, two major texts that outline and provide a discussion of the Vedas as they pertain to decisions one must make in everyday life are the Bhagavad Gita and the Ramayana (Hiltebeitel, 2003; Juthani, 2001; Sullivan, 2001). The Bhagavad Gita was created from the epic story called the Mahabharat that describes the interaction of a mortal man Arjuna and Lord Krishna (Hiltebeitel; Sullivan). The Gita has become one of the most prominent texts of the Hindu religion, and is regarded as the word of God. On the other hand, the Ramayana is an epic that details the history of an exiled prince that is forced to encounter situations that test his social, familial, and religious obligations (Flood, 1996). Many scholars have described the Ramayana as an example of how one should live a life that adheres to the principals and foundations set forth in Hinduism (Flood; Rinehart, 2004; Sullivan). Bhagavad Gita The story of the Bhagavad Gita describes a conversation that took place between Lord Krishna and Arjuna before the battle began in the epic story called the Mahabharat. Arjuna asked Lord Krishna, who had decided to be Arjuna’s chariot driver for the

19 duration of the battle, to take him to view the enemy. The enemy he observed were also Arjuna’s kin such as cousins, uncles, and spiritual elders. As Arjuna observed his family, knowing that he would kill them all especially since Lord Krishna was his chariot driver, he asked Lord Krishna how he could live in accordance with Hindu principles when he knew that he was going to kill so many people. What ensued was a discussion of reincarnation, spirituality, the difference between right and wrong, and what tasks one had to fulfill throughout his or her life. Lord Krishna informed Arjuna about the spirit and explicitly stated that the spirit of man is reborn, giving prominence to the principal of reincarnation (Sullivan, 2001). Krishna again revealed to Arjuna that accumulating karma causes rebirth, and his enemies will have the opportunity to be reborn and live a life that is acceptable and in alignment to the principles of dharma (the social, spiritual, and familial obligations) in order to achieve moksa (to break free of the reincarnation cycle) and to become one with the trinity (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Rinehart, 2004; Sullivan). Further, each chapter of the book is recited in hymn format, and each chapter describes various points of conversation that occurred between Arjuna and Lord Krishna. Ramayana In the epic story the Ramayana, Lord Rama has to balance many aspects of his life while keeping in mind his obligations to society, his family, and his spirituality (Rinehart, 2004). Lord Rama is exiled as a result of his father’s decision regarding who would be heir to his kingdom. Lord Rama was the eldest and the rightful heir, but instead of fighting for his birthright, he followed his father’s instructions and spent several years wandering in the jungles. Lord Rama’s wife Sita and younger brother Luxman felt a

20 familial and societal obligation to support and be present with Lord Rama and therefore decided to follow Lord Rama into the jungles versus living a life of comfort (Flood, 1996; Hiltebeitel, 2003; Sullivan, 2001). During his journey Lord Rama was faced with many trials and tribulations, and had to balance his personal faith and his obligations to his family and society. The Ramayana is an epic story that embodying the basic values and concerns many Hindus may face in their everyday lives (Rinehert; Sullivan; Juthani, 2001). Several of the topics discussed above outline the complexities of the Hindu religion. For example, the various texts, ideas such as reincarnation, and specific stories of various Gods and Goddesses highlight the often overlooked differences of people of Indian origin. Hinduism is a complex religion with an ancient history, and the preceding information should be viewed as a brief introduction to the religion. In the following sections, research studies are presented that examine the Asian Indian Hindu population as an independent religious and cultural group. Specifically, I found research studies that highlighted the importance of knowing foundational Hindu religious concepts before working with Hindu clients. In the next section studies discussing foundational concepts related to reincarnation and freedom from the rebirthing cycle (moksa) are presented. Hindu Concepts of Death and Reincarnation Reincarnation is another important philosophical foundation for a Hindu. Critical in the Hindu belief structure, is the belief that the Hindu person must observe the laws of karma and adhere to the principles of dharma, in order to stop the rebirth cycle (Sullivan, 2001; Flood, 1996; Rinehart, 2004). The ultimate goal of a Hindu is to achieve moksa which is defined as the freedom from the rebirth cycle through death (Sullivan; Flood). If

21 a person is able to live a good life, according to dharmic principles, then he or she will be granted the liberation from the rebirth cycle and be united with the trinity (Flood; Juthani, Sullivan; Sharma, 2005). Death is a fundamental concept essential for conducting counselingwith Hindu clients because the practices and beliefs regarding death are different when compared to other religious groups. Firth (2005) presented end of life concerns that were of importance to Hindu clients. The author summarized important religious, social, gender, and class issues he claimed were often overlooked when working with Hindu persons that are at the end-oflife. Presented in the article were several important concepts and a discussion about the caste system, beliefs about life and death such as: (a) atman (spirit), moksha (freedom), the Bhagavad Gita, and karma; (b) the importance and differences between good and bad deaths; (c) disclosure and last rites; and (d) euthanasia. The author presented case studies of interviews with Asian Indian Hindus that had experienced a family members’ death as being good and bad. Further, the investigation discussed the implications and provided suggestions for counselors working with Hindu clients in their last phase of life. Deshpande, Reid, and Rao (2005) discussed attitudes of Asian Indian Hindus toward the end of life care. The researchers in this study discussed the impact of karmic theory on end of life care, the familial decision making process as opposed to the western individual decision making process, interference by family members in a persons’ individual karmic duty, and finally, the rituals that need to be performed when a person is at the end-of-life phase. Deshpande, Reid, and Rao presented and discussed several aspects of each of the above mentioned topics, provided a case scenario, and presented relevant questions that should be asked of Asian Indian Hindus when dealing with end-

22 of–life care. The authors described the Hindu population as being an individual and unique group with a set of beliefs that need to be recognized. Kamal & Loewenthal (2002) conducted a study designed to determine the impact of religious-cultural beliefs regarding suicide. The research involved two religiouscultural groups. The researchers used 100 Hindu and Muslim participants between the ages of 15 and 46 originating from the Indian subcontinent. Researchers administered a 47 item questionnaire that examined reasons for living. Kamal and Loewenthal concluded that the Hindu participant’s religious-cultural values were more accepting of suicide when compared to their Muslim counterparts. Once again, several authors (Firth, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002) recognized the differences between Hindus and other religious groups regarding death and attitudes toward death. These studies emphasized the unique qualities of the Hindu religion that appeared to be overlooked in studies of Asian Indian Hindus. When counseling people of Asian Indian descent it is required to understand the importance given to religion by the person. Counseling With Asian Indian Hindus Several authors (Coogan, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Juthani, 2001; Moodley, 1999) have described foundational concepts that are necessary to know before working with Hindu clients. The common theme among these studies was that each exemplified the Hindu population as being distinct and separate from other religious groups found on the Indian subcontinent, and the importance of having prior knowledge of the religion before undertaking counseling. It is the belief of several authors that Hindus identify themselves by their religious affiliation (Firth, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005;

23 Coogan, 2005; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Juthani, 2001; Moodley, 1999; Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994). Coogan (2005) discussed the growth of the Hindu population in America, and several Hindu concepts such as illness, death, karma, femininity, common conflicts, and theories of identity. The author primarily discussed the theories of identity and found that spirituality is the key concept in identity formation for people of Asian Indian descent. Also, Coogan presented cultural notes for counselors, results of oppression such as invasions by Islamic and British people, the division into the caste system, and the need for cultural sensitivity in counseling. Similarly, Juthani (2001) presented the importance of understanding the Hindu religion before undertaking counseling with Hindu clients. Juthani postulated that the Hindu client values his or her religion as being a way of life. He continued to discuss concepts such as reincarnation, karma, and ancestor worship, that are important in understanding the Hindu people and emphasized the importance of religion as it pertains to the cultural identity of Hindu people. This study acknowledged counseling with Hindu clients as being different from other cultural groups found on the Indian subcontinent. Moodley (1999) described his experiences with a Hindu client named Shiva. In this article, the author described his interaction from several different views, and discussed how untrained he was to work with his client from a Hindu background. The author discussed the client’s lack of willingness to participate, and the fact that the client would constantly arrive late for sessions. Also, the author described a two month absence from counseling by the client who was receiving guidance from a spiritual healer or a vaid. Moodley suggested that future treatment of minorities that proscribe to spiritual

24 healers should be incorporated into counseling practices by examining the value of the spiritual healer in the client’s life. The noted author stated that current models for counseling clients from different backgrounds do not take into account clients from other diverse cultural and religious backgrounds such as Hindus. In a qualitative study Holaday, Leach, and Davidson (1994) presented a case study of a Hindu client that had been raped. In the case study, the Hindu client was not willing to receive medical treatment because of the shame that her family would have to deal with as a result of her being raped. Instead of seeking treatment for rape, the client in question denied being raped and instead chose to lie. The authors provided very specific details describing the counselor’s frustration when working with the mother of the child that had been raped. As a result of their experience with this family, the authors discussed the importance of being culturally aware of the values and beliefs of people from different ethnic, religious, and minority backgrounds for counselors. In the above mentioned studies, several authors (Coogan, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Moodley, 1999) discussed the need to understand the Hindu faith before working with clients that are practicing Hindus. Further, authors (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Kaipa, 2008; Rao, 2007; Sundar, 2008) have stated that when counseling Asian Indians an important variable for counselors to take into account is their level of acculturation into the host culture. In the following section acculturation of Asian Indians is discussed. Acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States Several researches have examined the impact of acculturation on first generation Asian Indians (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997;

25 Kaipa, 2008; Rao, 2007; Sundar, 2008) and have found differences between acculturation levels of immigrant parents and children (first generation born). Moreover, several of the aforementioned research studies have examined the difficulties experienced by immigrant Asian Indians when acculturating to the dominant culture. In the following sections, several of the research studies discussed the impact of acculturation within the Asian Indian Population, and my review of the literature also revealed a disproportionate amount of research (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002) that disregarded religious affiliation while examining acculturation. However, several researchers (Ghuman, 1997; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Rao, 2007) examined the impact of religious affiliation, and cited religious affiliation as a predictor for acculturation issues faced by immigrant Asian Indians and first generation born Asian Indians. For the purposes of my study, I defined acculturation as a process that can occur when two or more cultures interact (Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). According to Suinn et al., possible outcomes may include assimilation (e.g., host culture absorbs immigrant culture), multiculturalism (e.g., both cultures exist with one another), resistance to assimilation, or the individual adopts qualities of both cultures (e.g., host culture & parent culture). Examination of Acculturation Without Religious Affiliation Several of the following studies erroneously identified their sample populations and the researchers (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002; Sundar, 2008) overlooked the religious affiliation of their Asian Indian sample. Asian Indian religions have foundational concepts and beliefs that differentiate these groups from each

26 other, and any person undertaking research with the Asian Indian population must consider their religious affiliation (Coogan, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Moodley, 1999). In the following studies, the researchers (Abrahams; Balasubramanyam; Reddy; Sundar) assessed acculturation among other concepts, but did not identify the religious affiliation of their sample population. In order to fill this gap in the research literature, in my study I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling. Sundar (2008) conducted a study with first generation Canadian Asian Indian adolescents. Her intent was to examine how the adolescents identify themselves and how they use their defined identities with other people in their social environments. Sundar found that the adolescents felt isolated and a part of the mainstream culture, but remained unsure of their affiliation. However, this author did not examine the role of religious affiliation and the impact it had on acculturation. In another study, Abrahams (2007) examined acculturation and personality for Asian Indians in the United States. In the study, 91 participants were given two instruments, one to determine the level of acculturation and one to assess personality development. An analysis of the findings from her study revealed that Asian Indian Americans view personality from Asian Indian values and culture as opposed to western cultural beliefs. Juthani (2001) emphasized that religious affiliation must be examined when conducting research with Asian Indians. Similarly, Balasubramanyam (2005) examined the relationship between selfconcept, ethnic identity, and acculturation in Asian Indian adolescents. The researcher

27 used a sample of 100 adolescents aged 13 to 19, and gave each participant three instruments to examine the role of acculturation in self-concept and ethnic identity. Results indicated that acculturation did not impact the relationship between self-concept and ethnic identity. Finally, Reddy (2002) studied the relationship of ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological adjustment among the Asian Indian immigrants. In his study, 132 participants were instructed to complete five instruments to measure the adjustment of Asian Indian immigrant’s to the mainstream American culture. Reddy found that ethnic identity and acculturation did not have a significant influence in Asian Indian psychological well being. As mentioned previously, religious identification is among the leading factors that contribute to an Asian Indian’s sense of social and cultural identity, as well as providing social and psychological support (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002). In the next section, studies that addressed acculturation and religious affiliation are presented. Examination of Acculturation With Religious Affiliation In my review of the literature regarding acculturation, I found several researchers that examined the impact of religious affiliation and acculturation in different contexts. Religious affiliation was discussed in order to explain some complications that may cause obstructions in the abilities of Asian Indian Hindus to acculturate. Rao (2007) articulated difficulties faced by foreign Asian Indian psychiatric interns as a result of several issues. For example, Rao discussed difficulties that immigrated Asian Indian medical graduates face when trying to understand the norms and values of the American culture and therefore increasing feelings of isolation. The author also discussed language, norms and values, and problems with the differences in

28 world-views. This researcher described the complexity that immigrated Asian Indian medical graduates face when compared with first generation American born medical students. Rao’s main purpose was to educate people in charge of medical psychiatric programs about these differences. Religious implications were discussed suggesting that core foundational principles of Hinduism may in fact complicate the work the immigrated Asian Indian medical graduate interns conduct with clients hence adding stress to acculturation. Farvar, Bhadha, and Narang (2002) conducted a study the incorporated Asian Indian parents and their children. All of the parents were born in India and immigrated to the United States. The participants were given a demographics questionnaire and were asked to self-identify to the open-ended statement “I consider myself to be __________.” Researchers were able to conclude based on an analysis of the participants’ responses that the parents were more likely to identify themselves based on their religious affiliation whereas the children were more likely to identify themselves based on ethnic identity, American Indian. The researchers found that if Asian Indian adolescents were to retain their heritage, there was a possibility that they would encounter alienation from the dominant culture, and at the same time if they rejected their heritage they would face alienation in their Asian Indian social group. Results of findings also suggested that those who identified with their religion were inclined to separate themselves from the dominant culture. In another study, Ghuman (1997) examined the impact of acculturation on sixth grade students of Asian Indian descent. The researcher presented his sample with an acculturation scale. Ghuman found that religious affiliation led to variations within the

29 sample. For example, the researcher found that various religious groups of Asian Indian descent scored differently. Further, the results displayed that the youths were aware of cultural differences and a majority of the sample acknowledged experiencing racism. According to Ghuman, the experience of racism influenced the students’ willingness to adopt the dominant culture values. Once again religious affiliation was presented as an important contributor to the variation of results within the sample, and differences were found among the religious groups. Self-Concept Fitts and Warren defined self-concept as the quest for a person to answer the question, “who am I?” The authors differentiate self-concept and self-esteem by stating that self-esteem mainly addresses how a person values him or herself (Fitts & Warren, 1996). These researchers developed the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2, an instrument to measure self-concept with various ethnic, cultural, and religious groups. On the TSCS-2 the total self-concept score is a combination of six subscales (i.e., the physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work). Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2) Specifically, the physical self-concept scale identifies issues that people may have with their physical attributes, sexuality, health, and view of one’s body. The moral selfconcept subscale refers to the examination of oneself from a moral or ethical stance. This subscale accounts for feelings typically associated with moral worth, feeling like a good or bad person, and one’s religious satisfaction. Next, the personal self-concept subscale analyzes the overall self-worth a person believes about him or herself, by addressing how adequate one feels. The family self-concept subscale addresses the attitudes and beliefs

30 that one has regarding the importance of family, the support one feels one has regarding family, and if one perceives themselves as being valued as a family member. The social self-concept subscale addresses the idea of the value a person places on the interaction one has with others. The subscale also incorporates personal feelings of worth and adequacy of the social interaction with others. Finally, the academic/work self-concept subscale is defined by a person’s beliefs about himself or herself in the environment of school or work. This subscale accounts for how a person views himself or herself in the school and work environment, and the beliefs one has about how others perceive them (Fitts & Warren, 1996). . All of the subscales take into account the individual view a person has of him or herself, the idea of social relationships, familial relationships, ideas of self worth and feelings of adequacy, the importance of engaging in work that represents something meaningful, spirituality, and the idea of morality. Fitts and Warren (1996) stated that a person’s sense of adequacy or lack of adequacy in the physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work areas define their total self-concept. The TSCS-2 has been used to asses self-concept for various ethnic groups. Marsh and Hattie (1996) stated that the TSCS-2 as a measure of self-concept has no equivalent, and he further acknowledged that using the instrument with another would allow researchers to maximize the chances to find relationships between self-concept and other areas. Taher (2007) conducted a study in which she analyzed the relationship of selfconcept and the masculinity/femininity scale on the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory second edition (MMPI-2). She used a sample of 102 students from the Kuwait

31 University and used a sample of 102 students that were being treated for gender identity disorder. The researcher gave both samples the MMPI-2 and specifically wanted to obtain scores on the masculinity and femininity subscales. She also gave the same sample the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale 2, in order to determine if there was a difference between the two groups. The researcher found that in fact the self-concept of the sample that had the diagnosis of gender identity disorder were significantly different from those who did not. Clinical subscale scores were also elevated for the sample that was diagnosed for gender identity disorder. In this study, the researcher used the TSCS-2 in conjunction with the MMPI-2 in order to determine self-concept with an immigrant religious group. A study conducted by Dickie, Ajega, Kobylak, and Nixon (2006) looked at the relationship between attachment style, religion, and self-concept. The researchers conducted a mixed methods study in which they administered the TSCS-2, a religiosity scale, and conducted interviews with 132 members of a church. They were interested in understanding the perceptions the participants had of God. Researchers found that men viewed God as being more punishing, and women viewed God as being more nurturing. The perceptions the participants held of God was in direct relation to the perceptions they had of their parents. Obtaining self-concept scores allowed the researchers to understand the physical, moral, personal, family, social, academic, and overall self-concept of each participant. In this study, the researchers used the TSCS-2 with a religious group in order to examine the relationship of self-concept and religiosity. Brown (2004) conducted a study that investigated the self-concept and cultural awareness of pre-service teachers. The researcher was interested specifically in teachers

32 that were going to begin working in urban school districts. One hundred European American teachers were given the TSCS-2 and also a cultural diversity awareness inventory. A pre-test/post-test was conducted that included a course in multi-cultural awareness as the experimental component, and the same participants were given the TSCS-2 and the cultural diversity awareness inventory again and scores were analyzed. Findings suggested that self-concept and cultural awareness were in direct relation to each other. The six subscales of the TSCS-2 were useful in understanding how culturally aware the pre-service urban teachers were. In this study, the TSCS-2 was used to understand multicultural awareness. Heine (2001) conducted a review of the literature pertaining to East Asian selfconcept. The author described several important concepts that were necessary for understanding the views that East Asians hold of themselves. In the review he found that East Asians view themselves as changing across situations, finding explanations to behavior externally, to establishing relationships with other people similar to their own culture, distancing themselves from people that are not of their cultural origin, and viewing self-criticism as a method of motivation. The author suggested that in order to fully understand a person of East Asian descent, one must have a strong understanding of the culture of origin. In the studies presented above, the TSCS-2 was used with various groups. The instrument has broad applicability for the use of determining self-concept. It has been used with several ethnic and cultural groups, and has been used in the medical and psychological fields, and in conjunction with other instruments to determine self-concept. I gave the TSCS-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996) to participants in order to determine the

33 differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on the measure of self-concept. Attitudes Toward Counseling The literature that specifically addressed the Asian Indian Hindu population yielded limited results. A majority of the literature that was available described counseling with Asian Indians without defining the religious affiliation of the sample in the study (Kim, Ng, & Ahn, 2009; Zhang & Dixon, 2003). Several researchers have expressed the need to examine the religious affiliation of clients of Asian Indian descent due to the fact that one of the largest socializing and bonding facets for Asian Indians is religion (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002). Attitude Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale In the following studies, researchers assessed the attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help for a number of immigrant groups. The research studies propose the importance of studying various cultural groups, and provide precedent for the current proposed study. Also, each of the investigations used the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS), or the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale Short Form (ATS-SF). In several of the studies that I examined the researchers assessed the attitudes to seeking psychological help for various cultural groups and religious groups. Panova (2007) was interested in determining the attitudes of immigrants from the former Soviet Union regarding counseling. The researcher also wanted to determine the levels of acculturation, immigrant generational status, and gender differences (Panova). There were 179 participants of Russian descent. All were administered the Attitude

34 Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale Short Form (ATS-SF) a language and demographics instrument created by Fischer and Farina (1995). The researcher found that there were gender differences in the attitude toward seeking professional help, and that American Russians were more likely to rate counseling as positive. Further, prior experience with counseling was a strong predictor of current attitudes toward psychotherapy. Mori, Panova, and Zelida (2007) administered the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale, created by Fischer and Turner (1970), to Asian and Hispanic populations. They administered this assessment and others to determine perceptions the participants had of mental illness to 1143 participants. These researchers reported that Asians and Hispanics had a negative view of the mentally ill and were less likely to seek therapy. Also, they found that Hispanic and Asian males were more likely to refute counseling when compared to females. Chang (2007) conducted a study in which 961 Chinese students were assessed using measures of depression, anxiety, and attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help. In this investigation, the students were given the Beck Depression Inventory II, the Beck Anxiety Inventory, and the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale. The results indicated that Chinese females were more likely to seek professional psychological help. However, it was also found that elevated levels of depression had an inverse relationship with seeking professional help. There were gender differences found, in that, Chinese` males were less likely to seek professional help when compared to their Chinese female counterparts.

35 The instrument has been used widely and found to have good predictive validity when determining the attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help of several cultural groups. In the following section, the ATSPPHS and religious affiliation is presented. Khan (2006) conducted a study that sought to provide information about the attitudes of Muslims towards seeking professional psychological help. In her study she gave 459 Muslims from various parts of the world such as South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, the Attitude Towards Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (Fischer & Farina, 1995). It was found in her sample of Muslim participants that Muslim females were more likely than Muslim males to view counseling as favorable. Also, her findings revealed that age also had an effect in that the older Muslims had a favorable view of counseling. In this study, the ATSPPHS was used with Muslims from several regions of the world. Al-Darmaki (2003), conducted a study that observed the relationship of the attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help of students from the United Arab Emirates. The study also focused on the self-esteem and depression. The researcher used a sample of student that included both males and females from a university in the UAE. Specifically, the sample contained 273 females and only 53 males of the Islamic faith. Moreover, 90% of the sample had never received psychological services. The study concluded that attitudes toward seeking mental help may in fact be culturally related. It was found that several factors such as education, family values, and cultural beliefs impact the attitudes toward psychological help. Al-Darmaki noted that most of the

36 participants in the study would seek help from a medical doctor rather than psychological services. Al-Rowaie (2001) conducted a study to determine predictors of attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help for Kuwait college students. In this study, the researcher gave 529 subjects five instruments to determine certain characteristics. The Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (1970) by Fischer and Turner and four others were administered to the subjects in the study. The instruments were designed to measure family and social support, willingness to use community resources, and stress levels. The researcher utilized these instruments to determine if Kuwait University students were inclined to seek professional counseling, and the results revealed that the students were less likely to seek professional psychological help due to the stigma associated with receiving outside intervention. Women were more likely to seek professional help, and those subjects who had experience with counseling before were more likely to have a positive attitude regarding counseling and seeking professional help. In the studies described above, the authors were able to use the ATSPPHS with the Muslim religious population from different countries. The instrument was modified by changing the English language of the instrument into the native language of the participants. Further, the ATSPPHS was given to them in conjunction with other instruments. Several of the studies mentioned above incorporated the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (Fischer & Farina, 1995; Fischer & Turner, 1970), with other instruments in order to determine attitudes toward seeking help.

37 Various constructs were tested in association with the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale such as demographics, emotional openness, psychological distress, gender, the stigma associated with receiving help, and ethnic membership. The instrument was recognized to yield results pertaining to the attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help of several different populations so that counseling services could be tailored to incorporate the needs of the ethnic minority groups. Summary The studies mentioned above presented misconceptions in the literature regarding the Hindu population and support the need to conduct research that pertains specifically to the Hindu population. Also, examples of research that addressed the attitudes of immigrant populations towards counseling were presented. The first section of the literature review described various studies that defined their sample populations as Asians without recognizing cultural and religious affiliation (Kim, Ng, & Ahn, 2009; Zhang & Dixon, 2003; Constantine, Chen, & Cessay, 1997). In the next section, Counseling Asian Indian Hindus, important foundational concepts were presented, studies examining death and reincarnation were reviewed, and research studies that specifically examined counseling strategies with Hindu clients were presented (Coogan, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Moodley, 1999; Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994). Also, the acculturation section presented several studies (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Kaipa, 2008; Sundar, 2008) that explored acculturation with the Asian Indian population while failing to examine religious affiliation of the

38 participants. Several studies were examined (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Rao 2007) that addressed acculturation and the importance of religious affiliation of people that were practicing Hindus. Moreover, the review outlined the varied uses of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (Fitts & Warren, 2003). This scale has been used in conjunction with various cultural groups to determine levels of self-concept, and the instrument has also been used in conjunction with multiple instruments such as personality measures, depression inventories, and numerous other instruments that measure various constructs to determine differences between groups (Brown, 2004; Dickie, Ajega, Kobylak, & Nixon 2006; Heine, 2001; Taher, 2007). The TSCS-2 has varied uses and the subscales cover several aspects of total self-concept considered important to understanding human functioning. Finally, studies were reviewed that were related to the utilization of the ATSPPHS created by Fischer and Turner (1970) with a variety of immigrant groups for the purposes of determining the attitudes towards counseling. The scale has been modified for people from different cultural groups such as Dubai, UAE, Kuwait, and others (Al-Darmaki, 2003; Chang, 2007; Elhai, Schweinle, & Anderson, 2008; Khan, 2006; Panova, 2007; Panova & Zelida, 2007; Robb et. al, 2003; Vogel et. al, 2005; Wrigley, 2005). This scale has been translated into different languages, and used to assess attitudes toward seeking counseling for various cultural groups. In chapter III, I described the reliability and validity of each instrument that I used with my population, as well as other items in the instrument protocol. Further, I discussed both qualitative and quantitative methods for data collection as well as analysis. Finally,

39 I discussed aspects pertaining to my population and where I retrieved the population for my study.

40 CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY Chapter III contains a description of participants, setting for the study, instruments, research design, data collection, and data analysis. In my study I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling. The study was conducted at Hindu Temples in Houston, Texas and Chicago, Illinois in order to obtain a sample of Hindus from different regions of the United States. As indicated in the literature review, research with the Hindu population in the United States is limited. While acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling has been measured with various cultural groups, there is a paucity of research examining the acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling with the Hindu population. In my study, I explored the following research questions: 1) What are the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self- concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling? 2) What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus? 3) What are the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? 4) What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling?

41

Permission to conduct research was obtained from the Sam Houston State University Department of Research and Special Programs Internal Review Board for the Protection of Human Subjects. I obtained permission to seek participants and carry out my research project at the various temples sites. Finally, I obtained written consent from participants prior to implementing the instrument protocol and interviews (Appendix A). In the written consent, participants were asked to sign a form that outlines the purpose of the study, ensures confidentiality of findings, and explains voluntary participation. Participants were also given the contact information (i.e., phone number and email address) of my dissertation chair in case they had any questions regarding the study. Forms and permissions obtained were included in the appendix. Selection of Participants Participant inclusion in the current study was based on a specific set of criteria. Therefore, the sampling scheme for my study was criterion based. The specific criteria included that all participants: (a) were 18 years of age or older at the time of the study; (b) were of Asian Indian descent (i.e., with verifiable ancestry in India as self-reported by participants); (c) were practicing Hindus; and (d) were immigrated Asian Indian Hindu or a first generation American born Asian Indian Hindu. Research Design Creswell (2003) stated that mixed methods research is a relatively new field and employs obtaining both forms of data (i.e., quantitative and qualitative). Further, according to Creswell researchers have to be aware of the subtle implications of conducting mixed methods research and must ask themselves questions such as: (a) What strategy will be employed for gathering data? (b) how will the data be obtained (order)?

42 and (c) which form of data has priority? Along with these questions, Creswell explained that one should have a theoretical perspective when conducting mixed methods. For the purposes of my study, I chose to use a mixed methods sequential nested samples design with priority given to the quantitative portion. Therefore, I gathered data in a sequential order (i.e., quantitative data before qualitative). Further, I utilized the mixed methods approach because the quantitative instruments that I used allowed me to examine specific constructs (acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling) while the qualitative portion (semi-structured interview) allowed me to ask more in-depth questions about perceptions that Asian Indian Hindus have toward counseling. The qualitative component in essence informed the quantitative component and clarified any remaining questions I had once I obtained the data. I gave priority to the quantitative portion because most of my research questions were answered by a comparison of the results on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling. However, I obtained rich thick data by conducting interviews in order to further understand the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus toward counseling. Quantitative Research Component My participants were first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus who are at least 18 years or older. In order to participate in the study, the subjects, both male and female, were practicing Hindus of Asian Indian descent with verifiable ancestry in India as self-reported by participants. All documentation to participate in the study was obtained on site. Participants for the study were obtained through a variety of methods. I found participants by accessing Hindu

43 temples in Houston, Texas, Chicago, Illinois, and other Hindu community organizations in Texas and Illinois. Further, I obtained a mailing list with addresses of Hindus active in temple organizations. Using G Power statistical software (Faul, 2008) I calculated a moderate effect size of 0.25 with a power level of 0.8, and found that I needed a sample size of 48 for each group. My goal was to obtain 100 participants for each group, and obtaining a sample of 100 would yield a power level of 0.9 with an effect size of 0.15. However, I obtained 52 participants for the first generation American born Asian Indian Hindu group that consisted of an equal amount of males and females. Also, I obtained 56 participants for the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group which was comprised of 32 males and 24 females. Qualitative Research Component I utilized a criterion-convenient sampling scheme for gathering data (Creswell, 2007; Onwuegbuzie & Collins, 2007). This type of sampling allowed me to choose specific individuals who defined the essence of the research problem, question, or study, and met the criteria necessary to be participants in the study (Creswell, 2007; Miles & Huberman, 1994). I was familiar with the participants as a result of administering the quantitative instruments (i.e., interview participants will have already taken the SL-ASIA, TSCS-2, and the ATSPPHS), and I sought an equal number of volunteers from both groups to participate in the interview (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007a). In my study, I was a participant observer, due mainly to the fact that I am practicing Hindu, the data is being gathered at a temple that I have attended in the past, and because I was asking questions as well as observing the volunteering participant’s

44 non-verbal gestures. During the interview, I asked clarification questions. One of my goals was to avoid biasing the responses of the participant through the use of non-verbal gestures. Therefore, I attempted to remain as neutral as possible in regards to my questioning style; however, there were several commonalities between myself and both the groups regarding religion, societal, and cultural. During the course of the study, I ensured that the identification of the participants were protected. Confidentiality was ensured by assigning codes to the participant’s identity instead of using the participant’s names (Creswell, 2007; Lipson, 1994). I revealed the purpose of the study, did not engage in any form of deception, and informed the participants that they do not need to respond to any questions that made them feel uncomfortable (Creswell; Lipson). The use of multiple participants was sufficient for addressing the research questions, and allowed me to use 20 members of one group and 12 members of the other group (first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus) to gather responses (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007b). Further, the participants were members of a Hindu temple, practicing Hindus, and of Asian Indian descent. Demographic information is provided in chapter 4. Instrumentation In my study, I had participants complete an instrument protocol that consisted of four items. All participants completed a demographics questionnaire (Appendix B), the Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA);(Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 1987) to assess acculturation (Appendix C), the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2); (Fitts & Warren, 1996) to assess self-concept (Appendix D), and the Attitude

45 Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS); (Fischer and Turner, 1970), (Appendix E) in order to assess their attitudes toward counseling. In addition to the instrument protocol Appendix F), I conducted 32 total semi-structured interviews (20 and 12), in order to assess the perceptions of individuals regarding counseling. Demographics Questionnaire This written form specifically asked the current age, marital status, which Hindu deity participants primarily worship, birthplace, age at time of immigration, gender, length of time (in years) living in the United States, and highest level of education achieved. Some questions had multiple choice answers, while others prompted participants to specify their response in a write-in blank space. The Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA) The questionnaire that I used to assess the acculturation level of participants in my study was a modified version of the questionnaire used by Kaipa (2008) and Abrahams (2007) originally developed by Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa, Lew, and Vigil (1987). I modified the latest version and incorporated the change in questions regarding immigrated versus first generation. The versions used by Kaipa and Abrahams described first generation Asian Indians as immigrants, whereas in my study I referred to Asian Indians born in the United States as first generation. Also, the original version was not created for Asian Indians, but several researchers have used this instrument with Asian Indians, and found it to be valid and reliable given a few modifications to the questions in order to specifically address Asian Indians (Abrahams; Kaipa).

46 This instrument has valid and reliable psychometric properties, and has been reported to be effective for determining acculturation among the Asian population (Abrahams, 2007; Kapia, 2008, Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). The creators of the instrument reported Cronbach’s alpha of 0.88 (Suinn et. al, 1995). Abrahams (2007) reported that other researchers (Choi & Harachi, 2002; Ownbey & Horridge, 1998, Suinn et. al) used this instrument and reported alpha coefficients which ranged from 0.86 to 0.91. In another study, Suinn et. al reported that after administering the instrument to 324 university students, they were able to obtain a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.79. The original instrument has 21 questions using a five point Likert scale for responses. In this instrument, the higher the score a respondent assigns a question, the greater the likelihood the respondent identifies with the western culture. A score of 3 is depictive of a person that is bicultural (i.e., adopts qualities from host and parent culture). Finally, a score of 1 on any question is indicative of a person that identifies with his or her parent culture (Suinn-Lew, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). In my study, I used the original 21 item instrument with modifications to question that incorporated questions that specifically addressed the Asian Indian population similar to the instrument used by Kaipa (2008). The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale 2 The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) was originally developed in the 1960s by Fitts and Warren (1965). He was working with the Tennessee Department of Mental Health, and decided to develop a self-concept scale that would allow researchers to examine the relationship of a person’s self-concept to interpersonal competence, psychopathology, delinquency and self actualization (Fitts & Warren, 1996).

47 The TSCS has been modified since its creation. In 1988, a new edition of the measure was created. Basic analysis was done to validate the claims of the original instrument. In 1993, the TSCS-2 was restructured to accommodate the diversity of the population that it served and to extend the usage of the test to a broader age range. As a result, the test was modified using the original normative data (Fitts & Warren, 1996). After administering the TSCS-2, researchers obtain four sets of validity scores (inconsistent responding, self-criticism, faking good, and response distribution), six selfconcept scores (physical, moral, personal, family, social, academic/work), three supplementary scores (identity, satisfaction, and behavior), and summary scores (total self-concept and conflict) (Fitts & Warren, 1996). As in previous versions, these nine scores (i.e., self-concept sores & supplementary scores) render a score for the total selfconcept scale, which is used to assess a persons’ overall self-concept. Fitts and Warren (1996) revisions of the TSCS-2 accounted for variables such as race, sex, age, education and socioeconomic status. Fitts and Warren found that as a person’s age increased their self-concept scores increased as well. Scores differed between people 18 and above and ages 13 through 17; that is, people ages 18 and above typically had higher self-concept scores when compared to the age group of adolescents 13 through 17. The TSCS-2 used a larger sample of African Americans and Hispanics as compared to the original normative data. In the analysis, it was found that overall the difference, when compared to Caucasian people, was not significant. Fitts and Warren (1996) clarified that other ethnic groups were not largely represented in the standardization sample, and that analysis of these groups scores did differ, but they

48 attributed, this to the fact that the sample was relatively small. It was suggested that further research be conducted to determine if there is a difference in self-concept scores for various ethnic groups other than African Americans and Hispanics. Also, these researchers analyzed the effect of education and socio-economic status and found that there was no significant difference in the responses of high and low socio-economic status (SES) people. They looked at the education level of the people in this sample and concluded that those with less than 12 years of education would make up the sample. According to Fitts and Warren (1996), the TSCS-2 has acceptable reliability and validity psychometric properties. Internal consistency was determined using the Cronbach’s alpha. The internal consistency for the adult form respondents varied between 0.73 to 0.95 which was considered appropriate. The second type of reliability described by Fitts and Warren (1996) was test-retest reliability. Researchers gave 135 high school students the adult. The adult participants were given a re-test within one to two weeks of the original. The adult population reported 0.70 and above on all the self-concept scales with a 0.82 test-retest reliability for the overall total self-concept. The researchers presented the standard error of measurement (SEM) ranging between 4.1 and 7.2. The values derived from the test-retest reliabilities were deemed satisfactory for measuring self-concept (Fitts & Warren, 1996). The authors of the TSCS-2 reported concurrent validity, construct validity, and discriminant validity. According to Fitts & Warren (1996), the TSCS-2 has concurrent validity with several instruments that measure self-concept such as: a) the Wehmer and Izard (1962) Self Rating Positive Affect Scale (r = 0.68); b) Self-Description Questionnaire III developed by Marsh and O’Neill (1984), r = 0.71; and c) Piers-Harris

49 Children’s Self-Concept Scale, r = 0.80 (PHCSCS; Piers, 1991). In regards to concurrent validity, the researchers found that the items on the instrument are useful in measuring self-concept. Several studies have been conducted using a factor analysis to establish the construct validity of the TSCS-2 (Bolton, 1976; Fitts & Warren, 1996; McGuire & Tinsley, 1981). McGuire and Tinsley (1981) conducted research that used a sample population of 678 students and 341 male juvenile offenders. After conducting a multiple group factor analysis the researchers were able to conclude that 80% of the items were appropriate for determining the several categories of self-concept (i.e., physical, moral, personal, family, social, academic/work). The authors of the TSCS-2 believe that the instrument has appropriate construct validity. Finally, discriminant validity refers to the ability of items that are on a measure to distinguish different people on certain traits or behaviors. The authors contended that the items on the TSCS-2 identify differences in the self-concepts of participants. For instance, Fitts and Warren (1996) compared the TSCS responses of 363 psychiatric patients with those of non-patients and found that the groups differed significantly on every TSCS-2 scale. Fitts and Warren (1996) identified several strengths and a weakness they felt warranted further exploration before drawing any conclusions. For instance, one of the strengths is that the test has been in use for forty years and still is being utilized in various settings. The test is used primarily in clinical, counseling, and research settings to determine self-concept. Overall, the scale is easy to understand and complete. Further, it

50 is inexpensive, and easy to obtain. Moreover, researchers have restructured the scale recently to account for diversity. There is a lack of minority representation in the samples. Roughly 65% of the sample used was Caucasian, 20% was Black, and 8 % was Hispanic. The remaining ethnic groups such as Asians and Native Americans were a small portion of the normed population. They were 2% and 0.6%, respectively (Fitts & Warren). Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS). The ATSPPHS is used to determine the attitudes of people towards mental health professionals (Al-Rowaie, 2001). Several researchers have utilized this instrument to determine the readiness of individuals to seek counseling. This instrument specifically measures an individual’s perceptions regarding the mental health profession (Al-Rowaie, 2001; Komiya & Eells, 2001; Panova, 2007; Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007). This instrument consists of 29 items, and the instrument was developed by Fischer and Turner (1970). The questionnaire is used to measure an individual’s perception of mental health professionals (Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007). There are two forms of the instrument, a shortened 10 item version created by Fischer and Farina (1995) and the original 29 item version. I will use the 29 item version in my study. Of the 29 items, 11 items are worded positively and 18 are stated negatively (AlRowaie, 2001). The questionnaire design utilizes a four point Likert scale with choices ranging from (0) strongly disagree, (1) disagree, (2) agree, and (3) strongly agree (Komiya & Eells, 2001). This instrument has been utilized in numerous studies with different immigrant groups (Al-Rowaie, 2001; Komiya & Eells, 2001; Panova, 2007; Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007). Responses from the 29 items are grouped into four

51 subscales that determine: (a) the recognition of personal need for psychological help; (b) tolerance of the stigma associated with psychological help; (c) interpersonal openness; and, (d) confidence in mental health professionals (Al-Rowaie, 2001; Panova, 2007; Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007) The subscale scores, as well as the total scores, are computed to determine the attitudes of the participants that have completed the instrument. Further, positive attitudes are represented by higher scores on the subscales and the total score. The internal reliability of the measure is reported to be 0.83 and the test-retest reliability ranges from 0.89 administered five days later to 0.73 administered two months later (Mori, Panova, & Zelida 2007). Al-Rowaie (2001) reported the reliability of the four subscales to be: (a) Recognition for personal need for professional help (r = 0.67), (b) tolerance of stigma associated with psychological help (r = 0.70), (c) interpersonal openness (r = 0.62), and (d) confidence in the mental health professional (r = 0.74). These findings were presented in numerous (e.g., Al-Rowaie, 2001; Komiya & Eells, 2001) studies that used the Fischer and Turner (1970) 29 item instrument, and also in a more recent study by Fischer and Farina (1995). The attitude scale has been found to discriminate between those who favor psychological intervention and those who do not. According to several authors (Ang, Lau, Tan, & Lim, 2007; Fischer & Farina, 1970; Khan, 2006; Masuda et al., 2005), higher scores are indicative of positive attitudes toward seeking professional counseling versus lower scores indicating negative attitudes toward seeking professional counseling.

52 Semi-Structured Interview Protocol I used a single instrument consisting of seven open-ended questions (Appendix F) for the qualitative portion of my study, and used the interview method as opposed to conducting survey research. In order to obtain rich thick data, I gathered as much information as possible that would adequately describe the topic (Creswell, 2007; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). A goal of mine was to obtain information from the participants without placing too many constraints on the ability of the participants to respond freely and, therefore, closed-ended questions were not used (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Also, the semi-structured nature of the interview and the use of pre-designed open-ended questions allowed me the flexibility to guide the focus of my study (Miles & Huberman). According to Adler and Adler (1987), in this current study I was an active member. An active member participates in the core activities but does not commit to the goals and values of the participants (Adler & Adler). The interviews occurred at Hindu temples in Houston, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois. Information mailing addresses and email addresses of congregation members were obtained through the temple organizations. The settings of the interviews were informal and lasted approximately 7 to 13 minutes. Moreover, the participants were asked a single question, given time to respond, and then presented with another question until all the questions were answered. During the interview, I asked clarification questions in order to obtain richer data (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007a) Data Collection For my study, I used a sequential mixed method design using nested samples (Collins, Qnwuegbuzie, & Jiao, 2006). The sequential mixed method design is defined as

53 the mixing of both quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques in a single research study that allows the researcher to strengthen his or her findings for quantitative component over the qualitative component or vice-versa (Collins, Onwuegbuzie, & Sutton, 2006; Johnson Onwuegbuzie, 2004; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2004; Walker, 2007). There are two aspects that a person must take into account when deciding to use mixed methods. The first is time orientation (i.e., at what phases will the quantitative and qualitative data collection occur). The second is the relationship between the samples used for both phases of the study (Collins, Onwuegbuzie, & Jiao, 2006; Onwuegbuzie & Johnson, 2006). In the second phase, the researcher must determine if the samples for both phases of the study are identical, parallel, nested or multilevel (Collins, Onwuegbuzie, & Jiao). In my study I used a sequential mixed method design with a nested sample. A nested sample includes administration of the quantitative phase of the research study, and then conducting interviews with participants that completed the quantitative phase of the study (Collins, Onwuegbuzie, & Jiao). For the qualitative phase of my study, I conducted semistructured interviews with participants that had completed the quantitative portion (i.e., SL-ASIA, TSCS-2, and ATSPPHS) and that voluntarily agreed to participate in the semistructured interview. For my sample, 20 participants from the first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus group were interviewed and 12 participants from the Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus group were interviewed. Further, this research design was useful when collecting data because it allowed the researcher to establish a sequence in the collection of data and basically one form of data (quantitative) informs the other (qualitative); (Collins, Onwuegbuzie, & Jiao, 2006;

54 Walker, 2007). For example, a researcher can collect quantitative data prior to conducting interviews. This process allowed me to further enhance and validate the findings from the quantitative portion of my study, commonly referred to as triangulation (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2006). Triangulation is defined as the process of validating findings based on various forms of data (i.e., observation, instruments administered) and data collection (Creswell, 2005; Creswell 2007, Onwuegbuzie & Leech; Walker). I used multiple forms of data and data collection by administration of the instruments, conducting the semi-structured interview, using the member-checking procedure, conducting a peer debriefing interview with a member from a previous doctoral cohort that conducted a similar study, and by using statistical software for both phases of the study (i.e., QSR NVIVO Version 7 and SPSS Version 16.0); (QSR International Pty. Ltd, 2006; SPSS, Inc, 2007). By utilizing several different strategies for data and data collection, I was able to achieve triangulation of the data, which is also an important essential component of mixed-method research (Creswell 2005/2007; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2006; Walker, 2007). Quantitative Data Collection I gathered data in person from a religiously homogenous sample at Hindu temple locations across Houston, Texas and Chicago Illinois. I sought approval from Sam Houston State University’s IRB, and all procedures were followed that are set forth in the APA ethical guidelines for conducting research with human subjects. When administering the quantitative portion of my study, I read a scripted introduction, participant rights information sheet, and a scripted explanation of the purpose of the study. Also, I distributed informed consent forms and had the forms

55 signed, dated, and returned. I read the informed consent portion to the participants in my study. The protocol was only given to the participants once I had collected the informed consent signed and dated by the participants. The protocol included a demographic information questionnaire, the Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn et. al, 1987), the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996), and the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Help Scale (Fischer & Turner, 1970). Qualitative Data Collection Following the quantitative portion of the study, I conducted several interviews with participants that had completed the quantitative portion of my study. I requested that members from each group voluntary participate in the semi-structured interview. My goal was to obtain 10 members from each group for a total of 20 interviews. However, I surpassed these numbers by conducting 20 first generation and 12 immigrated interviews. Data was gathered using the interview process. The interview was recorded and transcribed. An Olympus digital voice recorder was used to record and transcribe the interview. Interviewing and observing was critical and important aspects in gathering data for the study (Creswell, 2007; Spradley, 1980). The research paradigm I chose for my study was social constructionism for the qualitative portion of the study. This paradigm emphasizes the view of the individual in constructing his or her own reality. I conducted the study with the intent to gain an understanding of a concept (e.g., differences among two groups on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling) from the participants’ views, and I was able to create a narrative from the experiences of the participants (Stake, 2005). Further, the open-ended format for the questions allowed the participants the flexibility to

56 respond freely and openly. I used a qualitative form of analysis (i.e., constant comparison analysis, and classical content analysis), and I used legitimation techniques (Creswell, 2007). I conducted a member checking procedure to ensure that the comments made by the participants were accurate. I also conducted a debriefing interview with a member of a previous doctoral cohort that conducted a similar study and these findings are presented in the legitimation section. Transcripts are provided in appendix L. Legitimation Strategies. Legitimation strategies involved peer review regarding the data collected and a debriefing interview with a researcher that conducted a similar study. I employed methods such as member checking to legitimize the transcriptions of the interview, and finally the data collection process involved not only the words and contexts but also multiple types of observations (i.e., proxemic, paralinguistic, chronemic, kinesic); (Fontana & Frey, 2005). Observational data such as the kinesic, proxemic, chronemic, and paralinguistic demeanors of the participant was gathered during the interview by observing the participants facial features and body language during the interview process (Fontana & Frey, 2005). The proxemic refers to the position of the participants. Speech patterns were observed and recorded such as the pacing of the speech, the pitch, volume, and consistency. The body movements and other non-verbal communication such as eye-contact were observed as well. Finally, the interviewee’s paralinguistic demeanors were noted. Themes that emerged as a result of data analysis were accomplished iterative (Constas, 1992). Threats to legitimacy and justification were assessed during the course of the study (Miles & Huberman, 1994). I analyzed internal and external threats to the legitimation of the findings. In the following paragraphs, internal and external credibility

57 threats to legitimation are discussed, followed by techniques I utilized to increase legitimation. Internal credibility refers to how credible the findings are of a study, and is similar to internal replication in quantitative research (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). Also, external credibility refers to how generalizable the findings of a study are to a different population (Onwuegbuzie & Leech). Threats to Internal Credibility. Internal credibility threats such as, authenticity, credibility, neutrality, descriptive validity, researcher bias and voluptuous legitimation of the findings were investigated (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). Analyzing threats such as credibility and authenticity provided a basis to determine if the findings of the research are legitimate, credible, and authentic (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The issue of truth in the findings, credibility of reported data, and importance of the data were important to research, and therefore required attention. Further, researcher bias was another threat to internal credibility that emphasizes the role of the researcher (Miles & Huberman). Neutrality was of utmost importance when reporting results, conducting interviews, and presenting material without bias. In this study, neutrality was maintained by the researcher and steps were taken to ensure limited researcher bias. For instance, the questions were designed by professors in the counselor education field, and the same professors chose the ordering of the questions. Moreover, the interview procedure occurred as follows: (a) I asked a question; (b) I allotted the participants time to answer the question completely; and (c) finally, I asked clarification questions based on the participant’s answers. Descriptive validity was another threat to internal credibility that addresses the issue of accuracy in the transcription (Onwuegbuzie & Leech). Member checking was conducted to increase

58 legitimation. Researcher bias was another threat to internal credibility that occurs when the researcher has personal biases and unconsciously transfers them to the participant (Onwuegbuzie & Leech). For example, the researcher of the current study is of the same cultural and religious background of the participants that were interviewed. As a result, in my study, the participants could have possibly biased their responses to show themselves in a favorable manner. However, I conducted a member checking procedure, after conducting a constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis, for the qualitative portion of the study to ensure that such threats were limited (Sharma, 2008). Threats to External Credibility. The external credibility threats to legitimation of transferability, interpretive validity, reactivity, and order bias were investigated during the course of the study (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). Transferability of the findings represented the ability to generalize the findings of a study to other contexts (Miles & Huberman, 1994). In my study, the participants were Hindus of Asian Indian descent; therefore, their experiences and findings of the study only apply to the Hindus of Asian Indian descent. Interpretive validity was another threat to external credibility which referred to the extent that the interpretations of the findings were representative of the group in a study (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). I conducted two forms of member checking to ascertain that the interpretations were correct and increased interpretive validity. The original member checking procedure was performed following the initial interview to assess the transcription for accuracy. A follow-up member checking was conducted after the constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis had been conducted (Sharma, 2008). The member checking procedure occurred over the phone and via e mail.

59 I sent the participants their transcriptions asked them to review them to ensure that the transcriptions were accurate. Further, I contacted each participant via telephone and explained to them the findings from my constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis. In our meeting, I presented the participants with the analysis, the list of themes, and provided an explanation of the themes and sub-themes. Once the participants approved of the themes and sub-themes, the participants and I discussed the significance of each theme and sub-theme as it pertained to the participant’s group membership. This procedure of member checking increased the interpretive validity by validating the interpretations made by the researcher in regard to the participants in the study (Sharma, 2008). Reactivity was another threat to external credibility as a result of the novelty effect (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). For example, during the interview, the participants responses were recorded; and as a result, the participants may not have wanted to reveal as much detail about their life as they may have without the presence of the digital voice recorder (i.e., novelty item). To ensure that the external credibility threat of reactivity did not influence the participant’s responses, I conducted a member checking to increase legitimation which was not recorded. Finally, order bias was another threat to external credibility that was taken into account to ensure that the orders in which the questions are asked do not influence the confirmability of the findings (Onwuegbuzie & Leech). I discussed possible bias as a result of the order the questions were asked with my dissertation chair as well as committee members. Authenticity and credibility was established by conducting an interview of multiple participants, conducting member checking, and by conducting a debriefing

60 interview with a member of a previous doctoral cohort that had conducted a similar study. Credibility of the findings was established when the researcher conducted the process of member checking. The researcher allowed the participants in the study to analyze the transcribed interview and provide feedback. Feedback consisted of authenticating the meaning of phrases in the transcription and allowing the participant to verify the accuracy of the statements (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Verification procedures such as leaving an audit trail and using rich thick descriptions were also used for transferability purposes. These procedures involved taking extensive field notes. In particular, the thick descriptions increased the ability of others to replicate the study (Creswell, 2007; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). I conducted a peer debriefing interview. A peer researcher from a previous doctoral cohort who conducted a similar study interviewed me. The peer debriefing technique allowed me to asses my personal bias towards the participants, and also to understand the effects the participants had on me (Leech, Onwuegbuzie, & Collins, 2008). By conducting the peer interview, I was able to discuss openly my expectations of the interview process, and also the feelings that I had during the process (Leech et al.). In effect, the peer debriefing is a cathartic release for the researcher (Leech et al.). The peer debriefing interview revealed that I assumed to know many of the responses prior to conducting the interview because of the shared cultural and religious group membership, but it also allowed me to discuss how I tried to remain neutral and as ethical as possible during and after the interview were conducted.

61 Data Analysis There were two types of data analysis used in my study. For the quantitative phase data obtained from the participants involved tabulating scores by hand for the Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA), and by inputting the results of the instruments for each question into SPSS, Version 16.0 statistical software (SPSS, Inc, 2007) for the Attitude Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale. Further, the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Score Sheets were tabulated electronically through software provided by the creator of the instrument. A Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) was conducted in order to determine the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus for three variables (acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling). For research question 2, I used correlational inferential statistics (Grinnell, 2008), which allowed me to determine if a relationship existed between the length of time in the United States and the three constructs (acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling) within the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu population. In the second phase, I conducted semi-structured interviews and obtained other forms of data in order to validate the claims and assertions that I made after conducting a constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis. Quantitative Data Analysis SPSS, Version 16.0 statistical software was used in order to analyze the data (SPSS, Inc, 2007). This software allowed me to analyze the data and answer the following research questions:

62

1) What are the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self- concept and attitudes toward seeking counseling? and 2) What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus? Research Question 1. A MANOVA was used to determine if a difference existed between American Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward seeking counseling. The MANOVA allowed me to obtain score means and standard deviations in order to make comparisons between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of: (a) acculturation; (b) self-concept; and (c) attitudes toward seeking professional counseling. Research Question 2. I used correlational inferential statistics (Grinnell, 2008), and elected to conduct the Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient (i.e., the Pearson r). The Pearson r value can suggest a statistically significant or insignificant relationship between the length of time in the United States and the three constructs. Based on the results of the Pearson r correlation, I was able to determine whether there was a small, moderate or large effect size. In each of the correlations that I conducted, the Pearson r results indicated whether there was statistically significant relationship (positive or negative) between the length of time in the United States and the three

63 constructs (i.e., acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling). The results of the Pearson r are presented in Chapter IV, as well as descriptive statistics such as the mean, frequency, standard deviation, and the total number of participants. Qualitative Data Analysis Participants were also interviewed using a semi-structured interview questionnaire. The instrument protocol included seven questions that allowed me to determine the perceptions of the attitudes toward counseling for both American Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. Analysis of the responses involved a constant comparison analysis followed by a classical content analysis. Software that was used for analysis was QSR NVIVO Version 7 (QSR International Pty. Ltd., 2006). I gathered data in several ways. For example, the origination component that I used for the development of the categories was investigative (Constas, 1992). Due to the nature of the study, I developed categories as a result of the findings from the interviews only (Constas). A single verification procedure was applied. The participative verification procedure was conducted by allowing the participants to review, alter, or agree with the findings of the study and was accomplished a posteriori (Constas). Finally, I nominated the categories after the research had begun and the nomination was accomplished iterative (Constas). I conducted a constant comparative analysis in order to develop the themes and sub- themes (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007), and I analyzed the context in which the words were used for the development of themes. All categories will be identified iterative. I established the categories after conducting the constant comparative analysis. This analysis can be used for this study because it has been modified for multiple case participant studies that only conduct a

64 single round of interviews (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). I used a computer software program to develop the themes and sub-themes QSR NVIVO Version 7 (QSR International Pty. Ltd., 2006). During the analysis, I read through the transcript and highlighted the main phrases that had importance and meaningful significance in order to answer or clarify my research questions. In order to select the phrases, I looked for contextual clues of importance and phrases that had significant meaning to the participants. Next, the data were chunked into phrases, and meaningful codes were used for the identification of the phrases (Leech & Onwuegbuzie). Finally, a comparison of all coded phrases was conducted to look for similarities in codes to develop themes. Once the themes and sub-themes were established, I had my findings reviewed by the participants (e.g., member checking). The participants approved of the themes and sub-themes and agreed with the researcher’s assertions and findings (Janesick, 2000; Leech & Onwuegbuzie). Member checking of the themes and sub-themes allowed me to make inferences about the participant’s comments with more confidence. Further, the process increased legitimation by reducing incorrect interpretations, thereby reducing researcher bias. Classic content analysis was also used to identify codes. All codes were identified a posteriori. I established the codes before conducting the classical content analysis by conducting the constant comparison analysis. This analysis was used for the current study to determine the number of times a particular code was used, and as a result, the researcher was able to determine codes and concepts that were important to the participants, and provided numerical information as to the number and percentage of the sample that made statements pertaining to the categories (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007).

65 During the analysis, and after conducting the constant comparison analysis, I used QSR NVIVO Version 7 (QSR International Pty. Ltd, 2006) and determined the number of times a code was used and presented these findings in percentage form in Chapter 4. To select and code the information in the transcript, I searched for contextual clues and the frequency of important terms (Leech & Onwuegbuzie,). Finally, I counted the number of times statements defined certain codes and provided percentage equivalents for a comparison between both groups (i.e., immigrant Asian Indian Hindus andfirst generation American born Asian Indian Hindus). I triangulated data by utilizing multiple forms of data analysis, conducting two member checking procedures, and a debriefing interview (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). These analyses allowed me to answer the following research questions: 3) What are the perceptions of first generation born American born Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? 4) What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? Summary Specifically, in my study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling. My goal was to increase the literature that specifically pertains to Asian Indian Hindus, and contribute to the literature available for mental health practitioners that work with Asian Indian Hindus. In this section, the procedures were described that allowed me to collect the data. I chose the sequential quantitative-qualitative analysis mixed-method design. Also, with

66 respect to the design in my study, I used a nested sample. Furthermore, areas such as participants, instrumentation, data collection, data analysis, and the design of the study were discussed in- depth. Other areas that were discussed in detail included the demographics of the sample, the sampling scheme for both phases of the research study, the order in which the study was carried out, validity and reliability properties of the instruments, the questions and administration of the semi-structured interviews, and legitimation strategies.

67 CHAPTER IV RESULTS In this study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. This study was conducted using a mixedmethods approach (i.e., quantitative followed by qualitative). Quantitative data was obtained from 108 participants, and 32 interviews were conducted to obtain the qualitative data. In order to answer my research questions, I used a sequential mixed-methods design using nested samples (Collins et al., 2006). The sequential mixed-methods design is defined as the combination of both quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques in a single research study so as to strengthen the breadth and explanatory power of the findings (Collins et al., 2006; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2004; Walker, 2007). Research Questions The following research questions were addressed in my study: 1. What are the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, selfconcept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling? 2. What is the relationship between length of time in the U.S. and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus?

68 3. What are the perceptions of first-generation American born-Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? 4. What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? In the following sections, I provide demographic data and analysis of the data for each group of participants. Next, I present the results of the responses offered by participants on the three instruments (SL-ASIA, TSCS-2, and ATSPPHS) used to collect data for research questions 1 and 2. The presentation of these findings is followed by the results of the statistical analyses used to evaluate participant responses. Finally, I provide the results for research questions 3 and 4. The sections are divided according to the type of analyses used (i.e., quantitative and qualitative). Demographic Data The sample population in this study consisted of two groups: first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. In this section, I describe each group according to gender, age range, marital status, primary reincarnations, primary languages, and education level. Demographic Data for First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindu Group and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindu Group The first generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group contained 52 participants, including 26 males and 26 females ranging in age from 18 to 47. Of the 52 participants, 37 participants had never been married, 14 participants were currently married, one person reported being separated, and none of the participants reported being divorced. The immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group was composed of 56 participants,

69 with 32 males and 24 females ranging in age from 19 to 69. The individuals in this group included 18 participants who had never been married, 34 participants who were currently married, one participant who was separated, and one participant who was divorced. With regard to the primary reincarnation that the participants worshipped, the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group identified the following: (a) All, (b) Krishna, (c) Shiva, (d) Vishnu, (e) Luxmi, (f) Ganesh, (g) Durga, (h) Hanuman, (i) Ram, and (j) Swami Narayan. For the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group, members worshipped the following primary reincarnations: (a) All, (b) Krishna, (c) Shiva, (d) Vishnu, (e) Ganesh, (f) Durga, (g) Hanuman; (h) Ram, (i) Sai-Baba, (j) Venkateshwara, and (k) Budha 9th Avatar (Table 1).

70 Table 1 Primary Reincarnations Worshipped by First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG) and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG) FGG, n = Reincarnation worshipped All Krishna Shiva Vishnu Luxmi Ganesh Durga Hanuman Ram Swami Naryaan Sai-Baba Venkateshwara Budha 9th Avatar 52 5 20 3 9 1 3 6 3 1 1 0 0 0 7 14 7 2 0 8 5 2 5 0 1 4 1 IG, n = 56

Participants in the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group were asked to identify their native languages. Responses included the following: (a) English, (b) Hindi, (c) Nepali, (d) Gujrati, (e) Punjabi, (f) Maharati, and (g) Marwadi. The immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group members reported the following languages: (a) Hindi, (b) Tamil, (c) Nepali, (d) Kanada, (e) Malyalum, (f) Gujarati, (g) Punjabi, (h)

71 Maharati, (i) Telugu, and (j) Oriya (Table 3). The immigrated group spoke a slightly wider range of different languages when compared with the first-generation Americanborn Asian Indian Hindus; however, English was not listed as a native language. Table 2 Primary Language of First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG) and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG) Languages English Hindi Nepali Gujarati Punjabi Maharati Marwadi Tamil Kanada Malyalum Telugu Oriya FGG, n = 52 21 8 1 17 2 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 IG, n = 56 0 12 8 5 1 8 0 5 1 2 13 1

Finally, the participants of both groups were asked to identify their level of education. They could select one of the following choices: high school, some college, college, postgraduate degree, or other. Their answers are summarized in Table 3.

72 Table 3 Education Level of First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG) and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG) Postgraduate degree

Group membership Firstgeneration Americanborn Hindu Immigrated Hindu

n

High school

Some college

College

Other

52 56

3 2

12 2

24 17

13 35

0 0

From the information obtained from the demographics questionnaire, I determined that the participants found value in education, spoke at least two languages (i.e., a native language and English), and worshipped a diverse number of reincarnations. In the next section, I discuss the results of my study and describe the differences between the two groups on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitude toward seeking counseling. Further, I describe my findings as they pertain to the relationship between length of time spent in the U.S. and the level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling for the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group. Results for Quantitative Analysis
Results for Research Question 1: What are the differences between first-

generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling? For research question 1, I elected to conduct a 2 x 3 multiple analysis of
variance (MANOVA) to determine the differences between two groups (i.e., first-generation

73
Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus) on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling. In order to meet the assumptions of the MANOVA I had to verify that (a) the data were normally distributed; (b) variances and covariances were equal; and (c) the constructs that I was examining were related. Therefore, prior to conducting the MANOVA, I conducted a Kolomogrov-Smrinov test of normality, Levene’s and Box’s tests of equality, and Bartlett’s test of sphericity. The Kolomogrov-Smrinov test of normality revealed that all constructs had p > 0.05, with the exception of the immigrated group’s attitude toward seeking counseling. Therefore, I assumed that the data were normally distributed. The acculturation and self-concept results were normally distributed, but attitudes toward seeking counseling were not normally distributed; however, since I had obtained a large sample size I was able to use the MANOVA. After conducting the Kolomogrov-Smrinov test of normality, I conducted Levene’s test and Box’s test in order to examine the homogeneity of variance and covariance. I determined that all values were statistically significant at p > 0.05, indicating that variances were normally distributed. Therefore, I concluded that there was equal variance and covariance among the data.

Finally, I conducted Bartlett’s test of sphericity in order to examine the relationship between the constructs I had chosen to examine. I found that the constructs of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling had p < 0.05. Therefore I was able to reject the assumption of using separate tests and utilize a 2 x 3 MANOVA.

74
Because each of the assumptions was met, I conducted a 2 x 3 MANOVA instead of an independent T-test or other non-parametric procedures in order to determine the

differences between the two groups with regard to the three constructs (acculturation, selfconcept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling). A MANOVA was warranted because (a) data were normally distributed; (b) the variance and covariance were equal for each group; (c) a sufficiently large sample size had been obtained; (d) the MANOVA increases the

ability to find significance and increases power. Means and standard deviations are
provided in Tables 4, 5, and 6, accordingly, for each instrument (i.e., SL-ASIA, TSCS-2, and ATSPPHS) for both groups of participants.

Table 4 Means and Standard Deviations for Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA) Group Membership First-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus n 52 56 M 3.00 2.22 SD 0.31 0.34

Table 5 Means and Standard Deviations for Tennessee Self Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2) Group membership First-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus n 52 56 M 49.71 52.78 SD 10.00 7.68

75 Table 6 Means and Standard Deviations for Attitudes Toward Seeking Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS) Group membership First-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus n 52 56 M 53.17 53.35 SD 8.74 9.96

Overall, the results of the MANOVA revealed a difference between the two groups on at least one construct. Upon further investigation, I discovered a statistically significant difference between the groups on the construct of acculturation (Hotelling’s
trace F (3, 104) = 153.19, p = .0001) with a large effect size according to Cohen’s (1998) criteria (η2 = .59). Further, the MANOVA test revealed no statistically significant

difference between the two groups on the constructs of self-concept (Hotelling’s trace F
(3, 104) = 3.24, p = .075) and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling (Hotelling’s trace F (3, 104) = .010, p = 0.919). Table 7 illustrates results for the MANOVA.

Table 7 Results for the MANOVA Comparing Acculturation, Self-Concept, and Attitudes Toward Counseling

Constructs Acculturation Self-Concept Attitude Toward Counseling
** p < .0001

F 153.19 3.23 .01

p .0001** .075 .919

76 Results for Research Question 2: What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus? Prior tests of normality (i.e., Kolomogrov-Smirnov, Levene’s and Box’s tests, and Bartlett’s test of sphericity) conducted at the outset of the MANOVA analysis indicated that the data were distributed normally, that variances and covariances were roughly equal for each group, and that assumptions for sphericity were met. Therefore, I calculated the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient (i.e., the Pearson r) to determine whether the constructs (i.e., acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling) were correlated with the participants’ length of time in the United States. I performed the Bonferroni adjustment to counterbalance and maintain statistical significance (.05 / 3 = .02) due to the multiple correlations I conducted. The Pearson r values indicated no statistically significant relationship between the length of time in the United States and the three constructs (acculturation, r (56) = 0.25, p = 0.06; self-concept, r (56) = 0.10, p = 0.43; and attitude toward seeking counseling, r (56) = 0.15, p = 0.25) among my sample population of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. In my study, I found no relationship between any of the three constructs and the length of time spent in the United States for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. Acculturation. Suinn et al. (1987) created a scale to measure acculturation. These authors defined acculturation levels as low (1), bi-cultural (2), or high (3). The instrument included 21 items with five answer choices (ranging from 1 to 5). Participants circled the statement that they agreed with the most. For example, question 13, “Where were you raised?” was followed by five answer choices: (1) In India only; (2) Mostly in India,

77 some in U.S.; (3) Equally in India and U.S.; (4) Mostly in U.S., some in India; and (5) In U.S. only. After participants completed all 21 items of the instrument, I added the numerical values of the circled answer choices and then divided this number by 21 in order to obtain a mean score that correlated with the pre-determined levels of acculturation (i.e., 1 = 0 – 1.99 M; 2 = 2.00 – 4.00 M; 3 ≥ 4.00 M). Table 8 presents the data that revealed the level of acculturation for both groups. Seventy-seven percent of the immigrated group participants were identified as being bicultural and 23% as having low acculturation. For the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group, all of the respondents were found to be bicultural. Table 8 Acculturation (SL-ASIA) Scores and Percent Distribution Immigrant group n = 56 13 (23%) 43 (77%) 0 (0%) 1st-generation n = 52 0 (0%) 52 (100%) 0 (0%)

SL-ASIA 1 – Low acculturation 2 – Bicultural 3- High acculturation

Self-Concept. The TSCS-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996) instrument was analyzed using computer software. This process required that I input response selections for all 108 participants on all 82 items of the instrument. The findings indicated that the majority of the respondents from both groups (i.e., first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus) scored within the average range for their self-concept (i.e., Average = T 41-59); specifically, 77% and 75%, respectively, of the groups had average self-concept. Furthermore, 14% of the immigrated group and 7% of the first-generation group had high self-concept scores (i.e., High = T 60-69). In the

78 immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group, 4% of the participants obtained very high selfconcept scores (i.e., High = T 60-69) as compared to 2% of the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group. Finally, 4% of the first-generation participants reported very low self-concept scores (i.e. Very Low ≤ T 30), while none of the immigrated participants feel into this category (see Table 9). Table 9 Self-Concept (TSCS-2) Scores and Percent Distribution Immigrant group n = 56 0 (0%) 4 (7%) 42 (75%) 8 (14%) 2 (4%) 1st-generation n = 52 2 (4%) 5 (10%) 40 (77%) 4 (7%) 1 (2%)

TSCS-2 T Scores Very Low <30 Low 31-40 Average 41-59 High 60-69 Very High >70

ATSPPHS. In order to explain the results of the ATSPPHS, I created groups of scores and assigned a range of categories. Higher scores are indicative of more positive attitudes toward seeking counseling (Fischer & Farina, 1995; Al-Darmaki, 2003; Chang, 2007; Elhai et al., 2008; Khan, 2006; Panova, 2007; Panova & Zelida, 2007; Robb et al., 2003; Vogel et. al, 2005; Wrigley, 2005). To analyze the results of this instrument, the researcher must reverse the scoring of the 18 negatively worded items. Total scores can

79 range from 0 to 87. Table 10 shows the percentage differences between the two groups regarding their attitudes toward seeking counseling, based on the range of scores. The participant responses for both groups indicated generally negative attitudes toward professional counseling. Sixty-six percent of the immigrated Asian Hindu participants and 48% of the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu participants scored between 0 and 52 on this instrument. On the other hand, 20% of the immigrated Asian Hindu participants and 18% of the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu participants had favorable attitudes toward seeking counseling, as reflected by scores of 61 or higher. Several participants in both groups scored in the range of 53 to 60, indicating neither a positive nor a negative outlook toward seeking counseling. Overall, the first-generation group had a more favorable outlook regarding counseling than the immigrated group, and the immigrated group had a significantly higher percentage of scores indicating negative attitudes. Finally, the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group had more participants with neither a positive nor a negative attitude toward seeking counseling.

80 Table 10 Attitudes Toward Seeking Psychological Help (ATSPPHS) Scores and Percent Distribution 1st-generation group n = 52 6 (12%) 19 (36%) 18 (34%) 6 (12%) 3 (6%)

Range of scores 0-43 44-52 53-60 61-69 70-87

Immigrant group n = 56 6 (11%) 31 (55%) 8 (14%) 4 (7%) 7 (13%)

In the next section I describe the procedure for analyzing the qualitative questions and the results yielded by the two analyses that I conducted in order to understand the perceptions of the participants toward counseling. Results for Research Questions 3 and 4 For the qualitative portion of my study, I interviewed a religiously homogenous sample of participants after they completed the three instruments. The sample that I obtained included 20 first-generation American-born and 12 immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. In the following section, I will provide demographic data for each group. For the duration of the interviews, I was present with the participants inside a private room. They completed the three instruments at a table inside an auditorium. Once the instruments were completed, I inquired whether they would be willing to participate in the interview portion of my research. Those who participated sat across from me while I asked them the questions. Prior to asking any questions, I explained the purpose of my research and allowed my participants to review the questions for any clarifications. I

81 recorded these interviews using a digital recorder. The length of interviews ranged from 7 to 15 minutes. Upon completion of each interview, I thanked the interviewee for participating. First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindu Group Among the interviewed participants from the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group, there were 8 males and 12 females. The ages of these participants ranged from 20 to 47, with a mean age of 26.8 years. All participants reported that they were actively practicing Hindus, and all had verifiable ancestry in India. Most of the participants reported that they were born in the United States. However, four people reported being born in India and migrating to the United States as infants; they were included in the sample of first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus because they had spent their developmental years in the United States. . A proxemic position of three feet was maintained by participants from this group throughout the interviews. Speech patterns remained consistent throughout the interviews with little or no change in pitch, elevation, or volume. The male participants maintained eye contact, and the pace of their speech was normal. Similarly, the female participants appeared to be comfortable and had little difficulty answering the questions, but they were more inclined to convey personal stories about their lives and how counseling or other issues had impacted them than were the male participants. The pace of their speech decreased as they spoke of difficulties with acculturating and experiences with counseling, but increased when they spoke of family and friends and the pivotal roles they played in their lives.

82 Furthermore, the participants did not display excessive body movements. Several of the participants, both male and female, would turn their heads slightly when they wanted to think about a response before actually giving it. Also, the participants’ paralinguistic features remained consistent throughout the interview, and they did not change their volume, pitch, voice quality. However, when serious topics were raised in the interview, the volume of their voices tended to diminish for both male and female participants. I found all members to be open and honest during the interviews. Immigrated Asian Indian Hindu Group Of the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group, 12 participants agreed to be interviewed: 4 male and 8 female. All participants had immigrated to the United States from India, and 5 of the 12 participants reported that they had come within the last five years. The remaining 7 participants reported having immigrated to the United States between 10 and 31 years earlier. While interviewing participants in this group, I noted observational data, such as the kinesic, proxemic, chronemic, and paralinguistic demeanors of participants, and recorded these data after completing the interview (Fontana & Frey, 2005). The proxemic position of participants remained the same throughout the interview, as they sat three feet across the table from the researcher. Speech patterns were inconsistent at times throughout the interview, and the pacing of their speech tended to decrease at times. I found that the males tended to give more direct responses, and I had to repeatedly engage them to get more thorough answers. In contrast, the female participants revealed more personal stories and did not require repeated requests for clarification. Frequently, the immigrated group spoke of feeling displaced and, at times, missing living in India. It was

83 apparent that very few of the participants had gone to counseling, but those who had received counseling spoke about it openly. This group of participants did not display excessive body movements. However, at times their facial gestures changed, and they would either close their eyes to think about their responses or look away before answering. Several of the participants had a difficult time maintaining eye contact with me. Also, the participants’ paralinguistic features were inconsistent at times. Some participants, when they emphasized a point, significantly increased the volume of their voice. The pitch and quality of voice tended to be consistent throughout. During the analysis of the transcribed data, I conducted two forms of analysis (i.e., constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis) in order to answer research questions 3 and 4. I chose to analyze three questions from the interview protocol: question 4, concerning how their self-concept has been influenced by being an American-born Asian Indian Hindu or an immigrated Hindu; question 5, concerning the degree to which participants see themselves as part of the dominant culture or consider themselves to be outsiders; and question 7, concerning how they view professional counseling. I chose these questions because they directly addressed my research constructs of attitude toward seeking professional counseling, self-concept, and acculturation. The data that I analyzed yielded several themes that were applicable to both groups. In the following sections, I discuss results based on each of the questions that I analyzed. The participants’ identities are coded (i.e., FGGF = first-generation female, FGGM = first-generation male, IGM = immigrated group male, and IGF = immigrated group female), and numbers have been assigned to each participant.

84 Interview Protocol Question 4: How has your self-concept (“who am I”) been influenced by being an American-born Asian Indian Hindu or an immigrated Hindu? The results from the constant comparison analysis for the question regarding self-concept and the influence of Hinduism yielded a total of five themes: (a) eclectic, picking and choosing what applies from the Hindu religion or believing that all gods are equal; (b) negative, implying a negative impact on self-concept as a result of being a Hindu; (c) non-influential, meaning no significant impact; (d) positive, indicating an enhancement in the quality of life as a result of being a Hindu; and (e) regaining importance, meaning establishing a reconnection with the Hindu faith. Members of both groups made statements about being eclectic, i.e., picking and choosing their gods. For example, Participant FGGM1 stated, “I am religious in the sense where I do believe in God and there’s a lot that I follow.” Likewise, Participant FGGF6 stated, “We’re all the same in that we’re all human, but we’re all different in the sense that we are different colors, different backgrounds, different childhoods.” Similarly, Participant IGF3 said, “They’re good. There’s one God and I believe in all religions.” Members of both groups overwhelmingly stated that Hinduism was a positive force in their lives. For example, Participant IGF4 stated, “I’ve never felt that I’ve lost touch with my country and I still believe in my religion,” and Participant IGF6 stated, “I would say that I have more faith in God, you know?” In addition, Participant FGGF11 stated, “I’m pretty self-controlled in everything I do and I have a feeling it’s a lot to do with living –being a Hindu.”

85 A classic content analysis (summarized in Table 11) found that 85% (17 participants) of interviewees from the first-generation group and 92% (11 participants) of those in the immigrated group indicated the positive influence of Hinduism in their lives. Further, while only 8% (1 participant) of the immigrated group participants reported holding an eclectic view, 30% (6 participants) of the first-generation participants had an eclectic view. These results are suggestive of subtle differences amidst strong similarities. Thirty-three percent (4 participants) of the immigrated group members made statements that would indicate that Hinduism was relatively non-influential in their lives, whereas only 15% (3 participants) of the first-generation group members made any such statement.

86 Table 11 Results from Classic Content Analysis—Importance of Hinduism Number of times used Theme Eclectic FGG Eclectic IG Negative FGG Negative IG Non influential FGG Non-influential IG Positive FGG Positive-IG Regaining importance FGG Regaining importance IG FGG, n = 20; IG, n = 12 6 1 1 0 3 4 17 11 1 3 References made 11 2 2 0 7 4 33 23 1 3

Percent of sample population 30% 8% 5% 0% 15% 33% 85% 92% 5% 8%

To conclude, the first-generation group was more likely to be eclectic in their view of religion, picking and choosing what they found attractive in various religious worldviews and not holding a negative view of other religions. Also, they viewed Hinduism as being a positive influence in their lives and in how they define who they are. Only one member of the first-generation group indicated a negative influence as a result of being Hindu, although a larger number of participants indicated that Hinduism was non-influential in their lives. Immigrated group members were less eclectic when compared to FGG members, and IG members had an overwhelmingly positive view of

87 Hinduism; however, they also had a greater tendency to classify Hinduism as being noninfluential. Interview Protocol Question 5: To what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you are an outsider? Discuss your response. Again, constant comparison analysis and classic content analysis were conducted to determine whether first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Hindus identified themselves as part of the dominant culture or more as outsiders (i.e., minority, Indian). On this topic, four themes emerged from the data: (a) adapting process (i.e., statements made by group members indicating a transitional process); (b) dual membership (i.e., participants indicating that they belonged to both cultures); (c) member of dominant group (i.e., statements indicating strong affiliation with the American culture); and (d) non-member of dominant group (i.e., indicating that they felt as though they were outsiders and not a part of the dominant culture). As an example of the first theme, Participant FGGF3 stated, “I don’t believe I’m an outsider, just because I have adapted to the culture of America.” Similarly, Participant FGGF1 said, “I feel like I fit in pretty easily, pretty well.” From the immigrated group participant, IGF8 stated “this is what you want to do, so you come here, so you have to adapt,” and Participant IGM4 described her situation as “steadily acclimatizing myself and acculturation will take time.” Another theme present with both groups was a sense of affiliation with the dominant group. For example, Participant FGGF9 found that “as I get older, I see myself as part of the dominant culture,” and FGGM1 believed, “I’m part of the dominant culture ’cause I’m an American.” Participant IGF3 indicated, “I mean I feel very comfortable in

88 this country, better than my country.” Participant IGM3 voiced a similar sentiment: “the people I know, mostly they’re not Hindus, but they respect where I’m coming from.” On the other hand, some participants voiced the experience of being a nonmember of the dominant group. For example, Participant IGF1 stated, “I feel that the American dream is nothing but a fantasy, ’cause when you come here and start living the real life then you go, ‘Oh my God, I think I was better off back home.’ ” Participant IGM2 found that “certain aspects of my life, yeah, I could consider myself an outsider.” Again, Participant IGF2 stated, “Not American, I don’t feel like I am an American.” In the first-generation group, Participant FGGF10 suggested that other people’s reactions to her reinforced her sense of being an outside, while Participant FGGF7 indicated, “I never say I’m an American citizen. I always say I’m Indian.” Finally, members from both groups made statements that represented the theme of dual membership. For instance, Participant FGGF11 stated, “I don’t believe I’m an outsider. I don’t think I’m a part of the dominant culture either,” and Participant FGGF6 shared an almost identical comment. In the immigrated group, Participant IGF3 stated, “I’m proud to be American citizen, proud to be Indian citizen, and I will, you know, move from Indian society to American,” and Participant IGM2 stated, “Certain aspects of my life, I think, you know, I’m part of the dominant culture, for example my professional life.” Results revealed that, overwhelmingly, the immigrated group members were adapting to the dominant culture. Further, they were more likely to feel a sense of dual membership, especially if they had been in the U.S. for many years. Finally, even though they had immigrated, they felt more like members of the dominant group. On the other

89 hand, the first-generation group members indicated that they felt they were adapting and were part of the dominant culture; however, they also had more frequent thoughts about not belonging to the dominant culture. Classic content analysis yielded notable differences and similarities in the responses offered by participants to interview question 5 (see Table 12). For example, whereas 15% (3 participants) of the first-generation group made statements that were indicative of the adapting process, 33% (4 participants) of respondents in the immigrated group made such statements. Also, both groups equally (10 FGG participants and 6 IG participants, or 50% of each group) made statements suggesting that they viewed themselves as having a dual membership. A majority of participants in the firstgeneration group also made statements indicating that they did not feel as though they were part of the dominant culture (60% or 12 participants), as did members of the immigrated group (58% or 7 participants). Further, 58% (7 participants) of the immigrated group members also indicated that they felt they were part of the dominant culture, whereas only 40% (8 participants) of respondents from the first-generation group made comments suggesting that they identified with the dominant group.

90 Table 12 Results from Classical Content Analysis of Acculturation Percent of sample population 15% 33% 50% 50% 40% 58% 60% 58%

Code FGG, n = 20; IG, n = 12 Adapting process FGG Adapting process IG Dual membership FGG Dual membership IG Member of dominant group FGG Member of dominant group IG Non-member of dominant group FGG Non-member of dominant group IG

Number of times used 3 4 10 6 8 7 12 7

References made 3 5 16 10 13 12 26 21

Interview Protocol Question 7: How do you view professional counseling? After completion of the constant comparison analysis, the themes that emerged from the data were used to categorize the statements made by members of both groups. The themes were as follows: (a) negative unnecessary (i.e., there was no need and participants were apprehensive); (b) neutral-no experience (i.e., participants had no opinion on the matter); (c) positive-prior experience (i.e., participants were more likely to have a positive view because of their personal experience with counseling); (d) positive view from family members’ or friends’ personal experiences (i.e., the participants knew of friends or family who had benefited but they had not gone to counseling themselves); (e) positive view-no personal experience (i.e., participants had a positive view without any type of experience with counseling and without knowing someone who had gone to

91 counseling); (f) resolve with family and friends (i.e., participants were more inclined to resolve their personal issues by talking to friends and family); (g) stigma (i.e., participants felt there was a stigma associated with going to counseling); and (h) last resort (i.e., counseling would be an option if all other avenues failed). The classic content analysis, conducted after the constant comparison analysis, revealed some prevalent attitudes in participants’ views of counseling. For example, several members of both groups perceived a stigma associated with being in counseling. Participant FGGF1 stated, “My aunts and my mom didn’t want my aunts or anyone to know, because they would gossip and say, ‘Oh, look, something’s wrong.’ ” Similarly, Participant IGM4 stated, “It’s still going to a psychologist, big taboo like in India and you don’t—yeah.” Many members of both groups expressed a positive view as a result of a prior experience. Participant IGM3 stated that counseling “changed my life because I really feel there are certain things, you know, uh, in your life where your family, your God, cannot help you.” Similar sentiments were conveyed by the first-generation participants as well. For example, Participant FGGF1 stated, “I personally knew that I kinda needed to get help, so, like, I made an appointment with my doctor and, like, I mean, I’m pretty open about it now,” as did Participant FGGF3: “Uh, but then I went through a life crisis of my own, in which I did resort to counseling, and I felt like the people around me, even my friends or my family couldn’t truly understand what it was that I was feeling.” Finally, many participants indicated that they considered counseling acceptable, but only as a last resort. FGGM1 stated, “To me, it’s a last resort, like I said before, and as that being a last resort, I probably would let them (family) know if I do go see a counselor.” Participant FGGF3 also indicated, “I can’t solve it that, that way, if I just,

92 there’s not, like, if I’m not just with what I’ve seen or heard, then I would go to a counselor, but that wouldn’t be my first resort.” Similarly, the immigrated group also indicated that counseling was a last resort. For example, Participant IGF4 stated, “Um, professional counseling is the last resort. Especially that’s how I feel,” and Participant IGM1 stated, “I mean definitely if I have to I will go to an Indian counselor with the same values.” By conducting a classic content analysis, I was able to determine how often each theme was mentioned. Based on that information, I made inferences about the groups. For example, the theme of stigma was common in the responses from members of both groups. The classic content analysis revealed that 65% (13 participants) of the first-generation group and 50% (6 participants) of the immigrated group made statements that connected a stigma with seeking counseling. Further, 50% (6 participants) of the members of the immigrated group and 35% (7 participants) of the first-generation group viewed counseling as a last resort. Also, whereas just 5% (1 participant) of the firstgeneration group viewed counseling as negative and unnecessary, 25% (3 participants) of the immigrated group viewed it in this way. Finally, 50% (6 participants) of the immigrated group members made statements that they would resolve issues with their family and friends; in the first-generation group, only 15% (3 participants) of the participants made such statements. The immigrated group participants, in general, were more likely to indicate that counseling was unnecessary and that issues should be resolved within the family, that a stigma is associated with going to counseling, and that, if they had to go, it would be as a last resort. The first-generation group had a much more positive view of counseling, but still frequently expressed a sense that a stigma was attached to seeking counseling or that

93 they would pursue it only as a last resort. Members of the first-generation group were more likely to have had prior experiences with counseling and less likely to resolve personal issues with family and friends. A detailed analysis is provided in Table 13.

94 Table 13 Results from Classic Content Analysis View of Counseling Number of participants Theme Last resort-FGGG Last resort-IG Negative unnecessary-FGG Negative unnecessary-IG Neutral–no experience-FGG Neutral–no experience-IG Positive prior experience-FGG Positive prior experience-IG Positive view family or friends’ personal experience-FGG Positive view family or friends’ personal experience-IG Positive view–no personal experience-FGG Positive view–no personal experience-IG Resolve with Family and FriendsFGG Resolve with family and friends-IG Stigma-FGG Stigma-IG FGG, n = 20; IG, n = 12 7 6 1 3 2 0 10 3 4 2 9 6 3 6 13 6 References made 9 10 2 9 2 0 24 8 4 3 21 13 5 9 27 10

Percent of sample population 35% 50% 5% 25% 10% 0% 50% 25% 20% 17% 45% 50% 15% 50% 65% 50%

95

Summary In this chapter I presented the results of both the quantitative and the qualitative analyses. The data from the quantitative analyses indicated that there were no statistically significant mean differences between the two groups concerning self-concept and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling, based on the results of the TSCS-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996) and the ATSPPHS (Fischer and Turner, 1970). However, I did find a statistically significant difference between these two groups concerning their levels of acculturation as measured by the SL-ASIA; specifically, immigrated Asian Indian Hindus had lower levels of acculturation when compared to first-generation Americanborn Asian Indian Hindus. Moreover, there was no correlation between the length of time spent in the United States and the three constructs (i.e., acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling). The qualitative data revealed certain differences between these two groups on the three main questions that I analyzed. There were minor differences in the groups’ views toward seeking professional counseling, the role of Hinduism in defining who they are, and the extent to which they felt acculturated to the dominant culture around them. There were also many similarities between the two groups’ comments; for example, both groups tended to view counseling positively but believed there was a stigma associated with going to counseling, and both groups saw counseling as a last resort. Further, both groups identified strongly with Hinduism and stated that it has had a positive impact on their lives in defining who they are. Finally, with regards to acculturation, several of the sentiments expressed were similar, as the two groups expressed feelings of being part of

96 the dominant culture, retaining dual cultural membership and trying to adapt to the dominant culture with approximately equal frequency. In Chapter V, I discuss the implications of my results and how they pertain to my research questions. Further, I will include suggestions for future research and implications for the counseling profession.

97 CHAPTER V DISCUSSION OF RESULTS Chapter V begins with an overview of the purpose of the study and the structural design that I used. Next, I discuss the quantitative and qualitative data in depth, followed by a discussion of the combined results. Finally, I present recommendations for the counseling practice and future research. Overview of the Purpose and Structure In my study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. The purpose of my study was to enhance understanding of the experience of Asian Indian Hindus in the United States and to contribute to the literature available for mental health practitioners who work with this population. To accomplish the study’s purpose, I administered quantitative instruments to the study sample and then conducted interviews with a portion of the sample population. The interviews further explored results of the quantitative portion of the study and obtained added insight into participants’ views with regard to professional counseling, their selfconcept, and their acculturation. For my study, I applied a sequential mixed-methods design using nested samples (Collins et al., 2006). The sequential mixed-methods design is defined as the combination of both quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques in a single research study. This design allowed me to confirm study results and strengthen the study’s explanatory power (Collins et al., 2006; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004; Onwuegbuzie & Leech,

98 2004; Walker, 2007). The mixed-methods design was used to address the following four research questions: 1. What are the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, selfconcept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling? 2. What is the relationship between length of time in the U.S. and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus? 3. What are the perceptions of first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? 4. What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling? Discussion of Quantitative Results Research Question 1 It was my intention to explore whether there was a significant difference between these two groups on the three constructs that I was analyzing. To analyze the data for question 1 I conducted a multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA). The results of the acculturation scale (SL-ASIA) showed a statistically significant difference. Analysis of the results from the other two instruments (TSCS-2 & ATSPPHS) did not yield any significant mean differences between these two groups. These findings did not meet my expectations, and I noted the lack of differentiation between the two groups in terms of their attitudes toward seeking professional counseling and their level of self-concept. The statistically significant finding for the acculturation construct was in the direction

99 expected, as first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus had higher mean scores indicating higher acculturation when compared to immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. Regarding acculturation, 77% (43 participants) of the IG gave answers indicating that they were bicultural and 23% (13 participants) had low acculturation, whereas 100% (52 participants) of the FGG qualified as bicultural. I expected to find a difference in acculturation, and several previous authors had found similar results (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002). However, it was surprising that 43 out of 56 IG group members were bicultural. Similarly, I did not expect the entire FGG to be bicultural; however, these findings are consistent with previous literature that examined acculturation in Asian Indians (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 2007). Moreover, I speculated that, because the FGG members had been born and raised in the U.S., they would be more likely to go to counseling and to have a positive view of counseling. Again, with regard to seeking professional counseling, both groups were very similar, and overall, the majority of the respondents from each group were not inclined to seek psychological help. Specifically, 48% (25 participants) and 66% (37 participants) of the FGG and IG, respectively, had negative views of counseling. Eighteen percent (9 participants) of the FGG and 20% (11 participants) of the IG had a positive view of counseling, whereas 34% (18 participants) and 14% (8 participants), respectively, had a mixed attitude toward receiving counseling. Previous studies conducted with different immigrated groups as well as Asian Indian groups reported similar results when they compared their immigrated sample to their American-born sample (Panova, 2007; Pangamala & Plummer, 1998). However, even though the majority of both groups had negative attitudes, some persons in each group had very positive attitudes.

100 Finally, I postulated that there would be a difference between these groups with regard to self-concept. I expected that the IG group would have a higher self-concept while the FGG would be impacted by trying to balance both cultures and, hence, would have a lower self-concept. The research data indicated that 77% (40 participants) of the FGG and 75% (42 participants) of the IG fell within the average range; only 9% (5 participants) of the FGG and 18% (10 participants) of the IG scored in the high to very high range, and 14% (7 participants) of the FGG and 7% (4 participants) of the IG fell within the low to very low range. Even though there was no statistically significant difference, my assumption was mildly supported by the percentages. For example, 18% (10 participants) of IG respondents had a high or very high self-concept as compared to only 9% (5 participants) of the FGG respondents. Similarly, only 7% (4 participants) of IG respondents had a low self-concept as compared to 14% (7 participants) of the FGG respondents. Research Question 2 I examined the same three constructs (acculturation, self-concept, and attitude toward seeking counseling) for the immigrated Asian Indian group (IG), taking into consideration the factor of length of time spent in the U.S. Previous research on acculturation and self-concept had yielded results indicating that acculturation had no impact on self-concept and ethnic identity, or on psychological adjustment and selfconcept (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002). The results from my study yielded similar findings. The variable of length of time spent in the U.S. had no relation to the constructs of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling.

101 Discussion of Qualitative Results Using qualitative analyses procedures, I analyzed the responses of the participants who agreed to be interviewed. I attempted to triangulate my data by conducting the following procedures: (a) multiple forms of analysis, including a constant comparison analysis and a classic content analysis; (b) member-checking procedure, allowing the participants to review their transcripts and make any changes that they deemed necessary, so as to ensure accuracy; (c) a debriefing interview, allowing myself to be interviewed to uncover any possible bias or reactions that I may have had; and (d) the use of software for analysis purposes. By triangulating my data collection and analysis, I was able to achieve saturation of data, leave an audit trail so that others could replicate my steps, and thereby increase rigor (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). The interview questions were reviewed by a panel of counselor educators, and their suggestions were incorporated into the final version. I analyzed three research questions in order to obtain a deeper understanding of the results from the quantitative portion of the study. Results related to each question are discussed below. Interview Protocol Question 4: How has your self-concept (“who am I”) been influenced by being an American-born Asian Indian Hindu or Immigrated Hindu? Shah (2009) found that, among Asian Indian clients (a non-religious sample), attitudes toward seeking counseling were impacted by adherence to Asian values, and Heine (2001) found that, when working with people of East Asian descent, the helper must have an intimate knowledge of the culture of origin. Self-concept, it seems, has been associated with ethnic identity for Asian Indians (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Phinney & Alipuria, 1990). I wished to examine the importance of religion as the basis for ethnic

102 identity for Asian Indians, based on the results of several previous researchers (Coogan, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Moodley, 1999). For this reason, I used Hindu participants in my study. I postulated that religious affiliation should be examined as a variable in my study, so I used a homogeneous sample of Hindu participants to examine the importance of Hinduism to their self-concept. I asked the participants in the study to define what role Hinduism plays in their life and found that 92% (11 participants) of the IG members and 85% (17 participants) of the FGG group viewed their religion as having a positive influence in their lives. Conversely, only 5% (1 participant) of FGG members and none of the IG members believed that their religion had a negative influence on their lives. The IG identified more strongly with their religious affiliation, but both groups gave similar responses. However, a notable difference existed with regard to group members’ strict adherence to the religion. Thirty percent (6 participants) of the FGG members, compared to only 8% (1 participant) of the IG members, defined their practice of the faith as being eclectic, including picking and choosing what applies to them, believing in a higher power but being Hindu because that was all they knew, or believing that all religions are good. Overall, group members expressed the importance of their Hindu affiliation to their self-concept, worldview, and day-to-day living. Balasubramanayam (2005) found that ethnic identity was a strong predicting factor in self-concept; similarly, I found that religious affiliation impacted the self-concept of the participants in my study. These results suggest that, when working with Asian Indian Hindu clients, one must take into

103 account the influence and value of the religion. Further, the transmission of religious values from one generation to the next is indicated in the fact that FGG members maintained a strong connection with their culture of origin. Interview Protocol Question 5: To what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you are an outsider? Discuss your response. I postulated that there would be a difference in how group members viewed themselves in respect to cultural affiliation. I then examined the extent to which the participants felt as though they were a part of the dominant culture. An analysis of participant responses revealed that 50% (10 participants) of the FGG members believed that they had dual membership status (i.e., Asian Indian Hindu culture and American culture) and that 15% (3 participants) saw themselves as in the adapting process. Forty percent (8 participants) of the FGG members saw themselves as members of the dominant group, but 60% (12 participants) saw themselves as non-members. Similarly, 50% (6 participants) of the IG members indicated that they had dual cultural membership, and 33% (4 participants) believed that they were in the adapting process. Finally, 58% (7 participants) of the IG members saw themselves as part of the dominant group, but 58% (7 participants) made statements indicating that they also viewed themselves as nonmembers of the dominant group, reinforcing the ambiguous status of these newly immigrated residents. The analysis indicated that 50% of the IG members (6 participants) and FGG members (10 participants) indicated dual cultural membership. I expected the IG participants to have a sense of dual membership resulting from being immigrants; however, I was surprised to find that the majority of the FGG members also believed that they had a dual membership. These results differ from those of previous studies, which

104 suggested that American-born Asian Indians do not feel connected to the dominant culture. Likewise, Ghuman (1997) found that Asian Indian adolescents were aware of the differences between themselves and the dominant culture and had experienced racism. Further, the extent of the racism experienced affected subjects’ willingness to adopt the dominant culture’s values. Addressing the experience of racism was outside the scope of my study, but could be considered an explanation as to why the FGG members believed that they had dual membership status. Another explanation could be that FGG members had held to their family values even while entering a new culture. Moreover, I expected that IG members would see themselves as adapting to the dominant culture more than the FGG members due to their effort to preserve their Indian Hindu culture. Both FGG and IG Asian Indian Hindus maintained an innerconnectedness with their religion in all aspects of their lives. Juthani (2001) recognized that Hinduism is not just a religion but a way of life; Abrahams (2007) found that Asian Indians view personality from their homeland’s distinctive value and cultural perspective. The fact that Asian Indians have a different worldview was also highlighted by Rao (2007) in his discussion of the difficulties encountered by foreign medical graduates working in the psychiatric field as a result of the differences in worldviews. Results of my study also suggest that membership in the dominant cultural group was strikingly higher for the IG, again highlighting a willingness to adapt. Interestingly, the FGG members did not perceive themselves as part of the dominant culture and reported, at an even higher rate than the IG, that they saw themselves as outsiders or non-members. Farvar, Bhadha, and Narang (2002) found that Asian Indian adolescents who retained their heritage encountered alienation from the

105 dominant cultural group, and, if they identified with their religion strongly, they tended to separate themselves from the dominant culture. Participants in my study recognized the influence of Hinduism in their lives and overwhelmingly rated the influence as positive; valuing this Eastern religious influence could increase these persons’ sense of distinctness from the dominant culture. Similarly, Sundar (2008) found that Asian Indian adolescents felt isolated from the mainstream culture and remained unsure about their affiliation. The theme of not being a part of the dominant culture was voiced repeatedly by the FGG in the present study. In summation, the lived experiences of both groups were indicative of their beliefs about cultural membership. Members of both groups indicated that they were adapting to the dominant culture, believed that they shared membership with both cultures, and made comments suggesting that, in various ways, they were both members and non-members of the dominant culture. Interview Protocol Question 7: How do you view professional counseling? Results of my study suggested differences between the two groups in their views of professional counseling; however, there were similarities in some group members’ negative perceptions of counseling. Shah (2009) found that when working with Asian Indian clients (a non-religious sample), attitudes toward seeking counseling were impacted by adherence to Asian values. He found that, as adherence increased, positive attitudes toward seeking counseling decreased for both groups (American-born and Indian immigrant). I noted a difference in the findings between the participants in my study and those in the studies conducted by Shah (2009) and Pangamala and Plummer (1998). For

106 example, in my sample, the overall view of the majority of participants toward seeking professional counseling was positive, whereas other researchers found a negative attitude toward professional counseling, or only a slightly positive attitude (Pangamala & Plummer, 1998; Shah, 2009). Even though 50% (10 participants) of the FGG group viewed counseling as positive based on prior experience, as compared to 25% (3 participants) of the IG, the rate of responses concerning stigma was high for both groups—65% (13 participants) among the FGG and 50% (6 participants) of the IG. Further, 50% (6 participants) of the IG members viewed counseling as a last resort as compared to 35% (7 participants) of the FGG members, indicating that FGG members would be somewhat more likely to seek counseling services. Also, only 5% (1 participant) of the FGG members viewed counseling as negative and unnecessary, but 25% (3 participants) of the IG members viewed counseling in this way. Once again, these results indicate the relative unwillingness of IG members to seek counseling. With regard to resolving personal issues with family and friends rather than through counseling, 50% (6 participants) of the IG members indicated that they were more likely to do so as compared to 15% (3 participants) of the FGG members. This finding supports the other results because IG members were unwilling to seek out counseling whereas FGG members were more willing. Finally, even though 45% (9 participants) of the FGG had no prior experience with counseling, FGG members viewed it as something positive, as did 50% (6 participants) of the IG members. FGG group members who admitted to seeking counseling found it to be positive and preferred not to resolve personal issues simply with family and friends. Further,

107 based on the results of the classic content analysis, the FGG members believed that there was a stigma associated with counseling and viewed it as a last resort. On the other hand, IG members had positive views of counseling also, but preferred to resolve issues with family or friends. Also, half of the IG members indicated that seeking psychological help was associated with a stigma and that it would be a last resort. I found it interesting that members of both groups had had positive prior experiences with counseling, yet a majority of group members from both groups believed there was a stigma attached. These results were not expected. I anticipated that there would be differences, such as the FGG members having a more positive view of counseling, but, for this group, the belief of stigma and use of counseling as a last resort were very high and similar to the IG members. Further, I expected to find that IG members would prefer to resolve personal issues with family and FGG members would not. I also found that negative attitudes resulted due to the stigma (i.e., weakness, shame, inability to take control of one’s life) associated with counseling. Finally, even where positive attitudes toward counseling are present, actually seeking outside help remains a last resort. This result suggests that Asian Indians, when they eventually agree to seek counseling, may already be in a state of desperation after exhausting all other possible avenues to resolve the issue. Discussion of Combined Results In this section, I discuss the results of both the quantitative and qualitative research. I conducted a MANOVA to examine the mean differences between the groups on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling, and I conducted semi-structured interviews to understand participants’ perceptions of

108 counseling, cultural group membership, and the influence of Hinduism on their selfconcept. With regard to participants’ views of counseling, the ATSPPHS results indicated an overall negative attitude toward seeking professional counseling for both groups. Eighteen percent of the FGG members indicated having a positive attitude toward counseling as compared to 28% of the IG members. Even though some participants had positive attitudes toward counseling, most of the members of both groups had negative attitudes. Similarly, previous researchers have reported similar results when comparing Indian-born and American-born participants (Pangamala & Plummer, 1998; Shah, 2009). In contrast, the results of the classic content analysis revealed that most IG participants in my sample had a positive view of counseling, even with no personal experience (50%), as compared to FGG members (45%). However, most participants indicated their belief that a stigma is associated with receiving counseling (50% of the IG and 65% of the FGG), and many IG members reported viewing counseling as a last resort (50%), as did the FGG members (35%). When I compared both forms of data, I found that the qualitative results did not support the results obtained from participants’ responses on the ATSPPHS instrument, which elicited fewer negative replies. However, the high percentage of participants who had negative attitudes could be explained by the stigma associated with seeking counseling, along with the tendency among members of both groups to resolve their personal issues with family and friends (50% of the IG and 15% of the FGG). Further, half of FGG members reported having had a prior positive experience with counseling; however, the strong stigma associated with counseling could

109 lead them to make more negative comments about counseling in personal interviews.

I also examined the construct of self-concept and how participants’ experience of the Hindu religion affected their self-concept. Each participant in the study completed the TSCS-2, and again I interviewed participants from each group to understand the relationship between religion and their self-concept. Overall, no differences between the groups were indicated by the results of the TSCS-2. Even though the majority of both group samples (75% of the IG and 77% of the FGG) fell within the average range (i.e., T = 41 – 59) with regard to level of self-concept, 14% of the FGG members scored either low or very low, as compared to only 7% of the IG members. Further, 18% of the IG members fell within the range of high or very high for self-concept as compared to only 9% of the FGG members. These differences were not large enough to be statistically significant in view of the modest sample size, but I believe that, if I had had a larger sample, I would have found significant differences in self-concept. I contended that religious affiliation should be taken into consideration when working with clients of Asian Indian descent. Therefore, I examined the influence that the Hindu religion had on the self-concept of the sample members who participated in the interview portion of the study. Interview results showed that religious affiliation and participation were considered a positive force in defining oneself (FGG = 85% and IG = 92%). Just one respondent reported negative repercussions due to affiliation with the Hindu religion (FGG = 5% and IG = 0%). Thus, I found that self-concept and religious affiliation were important in defining oneself, as emphasized by previous researchers (Coogan, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004;

110 Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Moodley, 1999). Further, previous research has indicated that cultural values impact the views of Asian Indians (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Heine, 2001; Phinney & Alipuria, 1990). Based on the responses offered by participants, it is clear that Asian Indians who continue to practice Hinduism value their cultural and religious beliefs and rely on these factors strongly when defining themselves. Finally, I examined the construct of acculturation. Participants completed the SLASIA, and the results indicated a significant difference between the groups. Most of the IG members reported bicultural membership (77%) and a smaller percentage reflected low acculturation (23%). In contrast, all FGG members had a bicultural membership. I expected a higher prevalence of acculturation for the FGG. Unlike the acculturation instrument results, the qualitative interviews revealed that participants in both groups believed with approximately equal frequency that they were not members of the dominant group (FGG= 60% and IG = 58%), that they had dual membership (FGG = 50% and IG = 50%), or that they were strictly members of the dominant group (FGG= 40% and IG = 58%). The results of the interviews support the findings both of the quantitative SL-ASIA instrument and of previous researchers who examined the impact of acculturation on Asian Indians born in the U.S. (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, and Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Sundar, 2008). Members of both groups overwhelmingly reported being bicultural, and the findings from the classic content analysis found that a high percentage of participants believed that they had dual membership. Members of neither group tended to identify fully with the dominant culture, hence the bicultural affiliation. Moreover, 23% of IG

111 members reported low acculturation, and the interview analyses suggested that 33% were in the adapting process and that 58% did not identify with the dominant culture. Again, an examination of the results indicated that there was no difference between FGG and IG members on the measure of acculturation; the qualitative interview findings thus supported the results of the quantitative analyses. As stated earlier, non-membership in the dominant culture is to be expected of this IG and FGG cause of the members’ values and the importance they place on their religion. Conclusions In this study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. The quantitative data reveals no significant differences between the groups, except with regard to their extent of acculturation, as the first-generation group was more fully acculturated.Interview data found that FGG members were more likely to view themselves as non-members of the dominant group. Further, dual membership status was found to be equally common in both groups, and, finally, IG members were more likely to view themselves as members of the dominant group when compared with their counterparts. Also, Hinduism was viewed by most of the members of both groups as having a very positive impact on their self-concept and how the participants defined themselves. Finally, the group members’ views of counseling varied. FGG members were more likely to have counseling experience, were less likely to resolve problems with family and friends, had higher rates indicating a stigma associated with receiving counseling, and viewed counseling as an option more than as a last resort when compared to the IG members.

112 The qualitative data suggested differences in views of counseling, and FGG members had a more positive view. The two groups had some similarities and some differences in terms of acculturation. Both groups equally indicated a status of dual membership and of non-membership in the dominant culture. Differences included more IG members perceiving themselves as in the adapting process and more IG members identifying with the dominant culture. Finally, the impact of religion on self-concept was explored. Most of the participants in both groups believe that religious affiliation is an influential factor in defining who they are. Implications for Counseling Practice This research has several implications for the counseling profession. I will address three relevant factors here: (a) the stigma and reluctance attached to seeking counseling, (b) acculturation concerns and the influence of Hinduism in an Asian Indian person’s life, and (c) prior experience with counseling as a positive indicator. The perception of stigma associated with seeking counseling was a recurring theme through the research interviews. Counseling is often viewed as a taboo and accompanied with considerable shame. Members of both groups indicated that they would prefer to solve their problems with their family or friends, or that they would be concerned that others in their circle of family and friends would discover that they had gone for counseling. Furthermore, members of both groups overtly emphasized that they would pursue counseling only as a last resort, because seeking counseling, in their cultural context, indicates a complete inability to deal with the problems in their lives. Understanding this cultural dynamic is crucial for effective treatment planning, because it suggests that Asian Indians who seek counseling are expressing a very high degree of

113 desperation and face further social stigma for their decision. The counseling practitioner must be aware of the seriousness of these issues and stress that the purposes of counseling include restoring hope and quality of life not just for the client, but for the client’s family and friends. Also, members of both groups indicated that they did not feel included in the dominant culture, and FGG members reported especially high rates of alienation and feelings of dual membership. These results indicate that first-generation American-born Asian Indians recognize that they are not completely American or Indian. This generation is trying to adjust or fit in to their new culture. Similarly, the IG members reported adapting to the dominant culture and revealed several common struggles, such as racism, feelings of alienation, and lack of social support. FGG members identify with their native culture more strongly and define themselves with this cultural identity more than by their lived experiences in the United States. These findings suggest that FGG Hindus adhere to the traditional worldview of their family of origin, and that this worldview continues to be transmitted across generations. The common experience between these groups was the influence of religion. Many members of both groups indicated the positive influence that Hinduism had on their lives and their ongoing involvement with Hindu rituals, functions, and social occasions. Knowledge of the basic tenets of the religion and the meaning given to it by potential clients should be of value to practitioners as they seek to deliver effective treatment. Several researchers have recognized the need to incorporate cultural and religious understanding when working with Asian Indian clients (Coogan, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Holaday, Leach, &

114 Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Moodley, 1999). Having this knowledge base is vital in order to avoid disrespecting or overstepping boundaries when one enters into a counseling relationship with a Hindu client. Finally, despite the existence of stigma, many participants reported that they had sought counseling or knew a friend or family member who had sought counseling. Fifty percent of the FGG and 25% of the IG reported having used counseling services. These results contradict the research that finds Asian Indians reluctant to use mental health services (Mukkamala, 2009; Shah, 2009). This knowledge is helpful for counselors because it reinforces the fact that Asian Indians may come to them for assistance—albeit reluctantly in many cases—and that counselors should be equipped to deal sensitively with this population. Asay and Lambert (1999) suggested that client factors and relationship factors are essential when a counselor is working with clients to induce change. Client factors include strengths, interests, values, social supports, and other resources, while relationship factors include respect, validation, and collaboration. Effective practitioners might learn to recognize and encourage client factors and relationship factors. Orlinsky, Ronnestad, and Willutzki (2004) reported that clients’ tendency to view their relationship with their as between equals was influential in predicting outcomes. They also reported that counseling was more successful when the counselor engaged and collaborated with the client. Recommendations for Future Research Literature in the counseling profession as it relates to Asian Indian Hindus is limited. Thus, my research examined the differences between first-generation American-

115 born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. In the following paragraphs, I discuss the limitations of my study, followed by recommendations for future research. The current research is generalizable only to the Asian Indian Hindu population living in the Houston, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois areas, where I obtained my sample. I assumed that all participants responded truthfully. Parts of my research relied heavily on self-reporting. Participants might have presented themselves in a more favorable manner once they were informed about the purpose of the current research; for example, some may have exaggerated their commitment to their Hindu faith. However, I observed that the participants responded openly and the consistency of participant responses indicated that the findings were accurate and representative. Also, knowing that I was a member of the same religious and cultural group, participants might have adjusted their responses so as to present themselves in a favorable light. I did not take into consideration the age or socioeconomic status of the participants. Future research is needed to examine the impact of differences in age, gender, socioeconomic status, and region of origin (within India). Further, future studies should examine the differences within the immigrated group resulting from the impact of globalization. The westernization of India, especially in its major cities, could be a possible explanation of the lack of differences found within the immigrated group in terms of length of time in the U.S. Further research on reasons for the stigmatization of counseling within this population would be beneficial, as would an exploration of methods to improve the reputation of counseling services so that they would not be considered a last resort. Finally, future research is needed to explore the counselor

116 preferences of Asian Indian Hindu clients—for example, whether they prefer Indian or non-Indian, immigrant or American-born, male or female, or older or younger counselors. Summary India is an ethnically and religiously diverse subcontinent, and social identity in India is largely influenced by affiliation with an organized religion (Ibrahim et al., 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). Hinduism is the largest Asian Indian religious group in India, with 83% of the population identified as Hindu (Deshpande et al., 2005). Hindus, most of them immigrants from India, now represent a significant population in the U.S. (Das & Kemp, 1997; Hodge, 2004; Lugo et al., 2008; Smith, 2002). According to Juthani (2001), Hinduism is not just a religious affiliation for a Hindu, but a way of life that creates a distinct and unique cultural group. As a unique cultural group, Hindus have been described by some researchers (Coogan, 2005; Firth, 2005; “Hindu Arrival in America,” 2006; Moodley, 1999) as a self-contained or closed group. Therefore Hindus may not be comfortable seeking help from a secular source outside the Hindu religion (Hanna & Green, 2004; “Hindu Arrival in America,” 2006; Hodge, 2004; “The Swamis,” 2003). I sought to examine the differences between immigrated Asian Indian Hindus and first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, selfconcept, and attitudes toward counseling. Quantitative results indicated no significant differences between group members for the constructs of attitudes toward seeking counseling and self-concept. However, a difference was found in acculturation. Qualitative data obtained from semi-structured interviews allowed me to explore the

117 differences and similarities between the two groups and to obtain clarification of the responses for the three constructs. As cultural and religious diversity increases in the U.S., mental health practitioners must become trained to counsel these diverse groups of people. I believe that treatment for Asian Indians must take into account religious affiliation in order to adequately understand and address possible scenarios or mental health issues that might arise. Mental health practitioners should expand their knowledge base by continually challenging themselves to meet the demands of the changing population in the U.S. Specifically, the population of Hindus is growing exponentially, and mental health practitioners must be aware of the religious influence in these clients’ lives; their family support; their social involvement; and the challenges they face, such as stigmas associated with seeking counseling and feelings of hopelessness. This knowledge will assist counselors in delivering effective treatment in accordance with their clients’ worldviews.

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128 Miles, M. & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Moideen, Y. (1995). Family functioning and acculturation in Asian Indian families. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, DePaul University. Moodley, R. (1999). Challenges and transformations: Counseling in a multicultural context. International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling, 21, 139-152. Mori, L., Panova, A., & Zelida, S. K. (2007). Perceptions of mental illness and psychotherapy in a sample of Asian, Hispanic, and white American college students. Journal of Psychiatry, Psychology, and Mental Health, 1, 1-13. Mukkamala, S. (2009). Enculturation, spirituality, and attitudes towards psychotherapy among Asian Indians in the United States. Unpublished master’s thesis, California State University. Navsaria, N. & Peterson, S. (2007). Finding a voice in shakti: A therapeutic approach for Hindu Indian women. Women and Therapy, 30, 161-175. Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Collins, K. M. T. (2007). A typology of mixed methods sampling Designs in social science research. The Qualitative Report, 12, 281-316. Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Daniel, L. G. (2002). Uses and misuses of the correlation coefficient. Research in the Schools, 9(1), 73-90. Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Johnson, R. B. (2006). The validity issue in mixed research. Research in the Schools, 13, 48-63. Onwuegbuzie, A. J. & Leech, N. L. (2004). Enhancing the interpretation of significant findings: The role of mixed-methods research. The Qualitative Report, 9, 770 792.

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130 Phinney, J. S. & Alipuria, L. (1990). Ethnic identity in college students from four ethnic groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 13, 171-183. Piers, E. V. (1991). Piers-Harris children’s self-concept scale: Revised manual. Los Angeles, CA: Western Psychological Services. QSR International Pty Ltd. (2006). NVIVO: Version 7. Reference Guide. Doncaster Victoria, Australia: Author. Ramisetty-Mikler, S. (1993). Asian Indian immigrants in America and sociocultural issues in counseling. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 21, 36-49.

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132 Suinn, R. M., Khoo, G., & Ahuna, C. (1995). The Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale: Cross-cultural information. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 23, 139-150. Suinn, R. M., Rikard-Figueora, K., Lew, S., & Vigil, P. (1987). The Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale: An initial report. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 47, 401-407. Sullivan, M. B. (2001). The a to z of Hinduism. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Sundar, P. (2008). To brown it up or to bring down the brown: Identity and strategy in second generation, south Asian Canadian youth. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 17, 251-278.

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133 Vogel, D. L., Wester, S. R., Wei, M., & Boysen, G. A. (2005). The role of outcome expectations and attitudes on decisions to seek professional psychological help. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 459-470. Walker-McLellan, K. R. (2007). Perceived early childhood family influence, perceived pain self-efficacy, and chronic pain disability: An exploratory study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Sam Houston State University. Watts, R. E. (2001). Addressing spiritual issues in secular counseling and psychotherapy. Counseling and Values, 45, 207-217. Wehmer, G., & Izard, C. E. (1962). The effect of self-esteem and induced affect on interpersonal perception and intellective functioning (Technical Report No. 10, University. Wrigley, S., Jackson, H., Judd, F., & Komiti, A., (2005). Role of stigma and attitudes toward help-seeking from a general practitioner for mental health problems in a rural town. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 39, 514-521. Zhang, N., & Dixon, N.D. (2003). Acculturation and attitudes of Asian international students toward seeking professional psychological help. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 31, 205-222. NONR-2149-03, Office of Naval Research). Nashville: Vanderbilt

134 APPENDIX A Consent Form
Sam Houston State University CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Bipin Sharma from the department of Educational Leadership and Counsellor Education at Sam Houston State University. The information obtained will be used to write a dissertation and articles for publication. I plan to use the information obtained by the interview for a paper which I plan to submit for publication in a journal. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of my study is to increase the literature that pertains to the Hindu population and recognizes the Hindu population as a unique group amongst the Asian Indian population in America. Specifically, my study will examine the differences in acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling between immigrated Asian Indian Hindus and first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus. PROCEDURES If you volunteer to participate in this study you will complete a quantitative component for the study which will require you to fill out the following instrument protocol which may take 40-50 minutes: The protocol will include a (a) demographic information questionnaire; (b) the Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn et. al, 1987); (c) the Tennessee SelfConcept Scale-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996); and (d) the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Help Scale (Fischer & Turner, 1970). Once you have completed the instrument protocol, I will ask for you to voluntarily complete an interview that will be recorded and will take approximately 40 minutes. I would ask that you respond openly and honestly when answering the following questions: The following seven questions in the instrument will be used to obtain the experience of the participants: (1) How do you identify yourself to people outside of your community? Can you give me a few examples? (2) Whom do you turn to when you need help in your personal life? (3) How do you take care of yourself when you encounter a crisis? (4) How has your self-concept (who am I) been influenced by being an American Born Asian Indian Hindu or an Immigrated Hindu? (5) To what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you are an outsider? Discuss your response. (6) How do you identify yourself to people within your community? Can you give me a few examples? (7) How do you view professional counseling? POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS This is voluntary participation. You do not have to answer any questions that you feel are too intrusive. Further, if you feel that discussing your past may cause you psychological pain, again you do not have to reveal any information at all. There is the possible risk of psychological discomfort because during the process of the interview we may discuss your past or your experiences.

135

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY The benefit of this research is that the importance of recognizing Hindus due to the increase in the population of Hindus living in the United States. This information may be helpful in trying to understand the levels of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help. Further, the information obtained from this study will inform mental health practitioners that work with Asian Indian Hindus in a counseling setting. PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION This is voluntary interview for research that may or may not be used, and there will no payment for participation. CONFIDENTIALITY Every effort will be made to ensure confidentiality of any identifying information that is obtained in connection with this study. During the interview phase names will not be used. Participants will be given codes, and a description of the participants will be used only. For the purposes of this interview, an audio recorder will be used to gather data. AUDIO RECORDING For the purposes of the interview, an audio recorder will be used to gather data and data will be destroyed upon completion. PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may exercise the option of removing your data from the study. You may also refuse to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise that warrant doing so. RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a research participant, contact: Bipin Sharma Telephone: 708-250-0520 E-mail: bipin23@hotmail.com Dr. Mary Nichter Telephone: 936-294-4148 E-mail: edu_msn@shsu.edu

136
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT/LEGAL REPRESENTATIVE I have read the information provided for the study as described herein. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this form. ________________________________________ Name of Participant (please print) _________________________________________ Signature of Participant ______________ Date

137 APPENDIX B IRB Approval Notice Office of Research and Special Programs Sam Houston State University 903 Bowers Blvd, PS Box 2448 Huntsville, TX 77341 Phone: 936.294.3621 Fax: 936.294.3622

Approval Notice
Initial Review
23-Dec-2009 Bipin Sharma Box 2027 Huntsville, TX 77341 RE: Protocol # 2009-11-053 "THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FIRST GENERATION AMERICAN BORN ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS AND IMMIGRATED ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS ON MEASURES OF ACCULTURATION, SELF-CONCEPT, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD COUNSELING: A MIXED METHODS STUDY" Dear Bipin Sharma, Your Initial Review submission was reviewed and approved under Expedited procedures by PHSC-IRB on 23-Dec-2009. Please note the following information about your approved research protocol: Provisions: Protocol Approval period: 23-Dec-2009 - 23-Dec-2010 Sponsor: Drug(s): Investigational Device: Device Risk Determination: N

138

Exemption Categories: Expedited Categories: Please remember to use your protocol number (2009-11-053) on any documents or correspondence with the IRB concerning your research protocol. Please note that the IRB has the prerogative and authority to ask further questions, seek additional information, require further modifications, or monitor the conduct of your research and the consent process. We wish you the best as you conduct your research. If you have any questions or need further help, please contact the PHSC-IRB office at (936) 294-3621. Sincerely, Glen Kercher IRB Chair PHSC-IRB

Investigator Responsibilities
Protection of Human Research Subjects
The Institutional Review Board (IRB) recently reviewed and approved your research. The IRB reviews research to ensure that the federal regulations for protecting human research subjects outlined in the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) regulations (45 CFR 46) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) regulations (21 CFR Parts 50 & 56) as well as other requirements are met. The Federalwide Assurance (FWA) (FWA# 00000000) awarded by the Office for Human Research Protections (OHRP) at DHHS, is a written pledge to follow federal guidelines for protecting human research subjects in accordance with the principles of the Belmont Report. All investigators must read both the Belmont Report and institution's FWA to understand their responsibilities in conducting human subject research. Some of the responsibilities investigators have when conducting research involving human subjects are listed below: 1. Conducting the Research. You are responsible for making sure that the research is conducted according to the IRB approved research protocol. You are also responsible for the actions of all your co-investigators and research staff involved with this research. 2. Subject Enrollment. You may not recruit or enroll subjects prior to the IRB approval date or after the expiration date of IRB approval. All recruitment materials for any form of media must be approved by the IRB prior to their use. If you need to recruit more subjects than was noted in your IRB approval letter, you must submit an amendment requesting an increase in the number of subjects.

139 3. Informed Consent. You are responsible for obtaining and documenting effective informed consent using only the IRB-approved consent documents, and for ensuring that no human subjects are involved in research prior to obtaining their informed consent. Please give all subjects copies of the signed informed consent documents. Keep the originals in your secured research files for at least five (5) years. When appropriate, you should place a copy of the informed consent document in the subject's medical record. 4. Continuing Review. The IRB must review and approve all IRB-approved research protocols at intervals appropriate to the degree of risk but not less than once per year. There is no grace period. Prior to the date on which the IRB approval of the research expires, the IRB office will send you a reminder to submit a Continuing Review Application. Although the IRB office sends reminders, it is ultimately your responsibility to submit the continuing review report in a timely fashion to ensure a lapse in IRB approval does not occur. If IRB approval of your research lapses, you must stop new subject enrollment, and contact the IRB office immediately. 5. Amendments and Changes. If you wish to amend or change any aspect of your research (such as research design, interventions or procedures, number of subjects, subject population, informed consent document, instruments, surveys or recruiting material), you must submit the amendment to the IRB for review using the current Amendment Form. You may not initiate any amendments or changes to your research without first obtaining written IRB review and approval. The only exception is when it is necessary to eliminate apparent immediate hazards to subjects and the IRB should be immediately informed of this necessity. 6. Adverse or Unanticipated Events. Any serious adverse events, subject complaints, and all unanticipated problems that involve risks to subjects or others, as well as any research related injuries, occurring at this institution or at other performance sites must be reported to the IRB within five (5) days of discovery of the incident. You must also report any instances of serious or continuing problems, or non-compliance with the IRB's requirements for protecting human research subjects. The only exception to this policy is that the death of a research subject must be reported within 24-48 hours of discovery. All reportable events should be submitted to the IRB using the Adverse Event/Unanticipated Problem Report Form. 7. Research Record Keeping. You must keep the following research related records, at a minimum, in a secure location for a minimum of five years: the IRB approved research protocol and all amendments; all informed consent documents; recruiting materials; continuing review reports; adverse or unanticipated events; and all correspondence from the IRB. 8. Reports to FDA and Sponsor. When you submit the required annual report to the FDA or you submit required reports to your sponsor, you must provide a copy of that report to the IRB. You may submit the report at the time of continuing IRB review. 9. Provision of Emergency Medical Care. When a physician provides emergency medical care to a subject without prior IRB review and approval, to the extent

140 permitted by law, such activities will not be recognized as research nor the data used in support of research. 10. Final reports. When you have completed (no further subject enrollment, interactions, interventions or data analysis) or stopped work on your research, you must submit a Final Report to the IRB. 11. On-Site Evaluations, FDA Inspections, or Audits. If you are notified that your research will be reviewed or audited by the FDA, the sponsor, any other external agency or any internal group, you must inform the IRB immediately of the impending audit/evaluation.

141 APPENDIX C Demographics Questionnaire I.D. # ____________ Date: ____________

Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability. If you have any questions, please direct them to your facilitator. 1. 2. My current age is _________________ I am currently a. b. c. d. e. 3. Married Widowed Divorced Separated Never Married

I consider myself a member of the following racial/ethnic group: a. Specify:__________________________

4.

I have lived in the United States for (number of years): a. (Specify):__________________________

5.

Of all reincarnations of the Hindu Religion I mainly worship a. (Specify):__________________________

6.

I was born in a. The United States b. India

7.

I immigrated to the United States when I was: a. Specify (Age):__________________________

142 8. In regards to gender I classify myself as: a. Specify:__________________________ 9. My native language is: a. Specify:__________________________ 10. The highest level of education that I have completed is: a. b. c. d. e. f. Grade school High school Some college College degree Post-graduate degree Other (specify):__________________________

143 APPENDIX D Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale

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148 APPENDIX E Semi-Structured Interview Protocol Semi-Structured Interview The following seven questions in the instrument will be used to obtain the experience of the participants: (1) How do you identify yourself to people outside of your community? Can you give me a few examples? (2) Whom do you turn to when you need help in your personal life? (3) How do you take care of yourself when you encounter a crisis? (4) How has your self-concept (who am I) been influenced by being an American Born Asian Indian Hindu or an Immigrated Hindu? (5) To what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you are an outsider? Discuss your response. (6) How do you identify yourself to people within your community? Can you give me a few examples? (7) How do you view professional counseling?

149 APPENDIX F Sample Transcription Interviewer: Uh, thank you for participating in my research. I have seven questions that I wanna ask you. This is question number one. How do you identify yourself to people outside of your community, and can you give me a few examples? I identify myself as an Indian and I’m proud of that and, uh, in American society I’m still friendly with them and I, you know, I’m fine. I can adapt with anything. In the beginning when I came to this country I was finding, you know, difficult, but later I adapted very fast. One of my daughters is married to an American and I, you know, have very good relations with him and his parents, so, um, I can say I, you know, I have a good experience, good learning experience. Okay. Question number two is whom do you turn to when you need help in your personal life? Well, uh, now I turn to my friends, one of my friend, and then I also confide help in one of my aunts who understands me and she’s of my same age as me. Why I do that because, you know, she, um, because I have family problems with my husband and she knows my husband as well as me, and uh, she won’t tell my mom and my sisters, so that’s why that, but only I used to do counseling at University of Chicago for many years, but that didn’t work because the counselor wanted my husband to come and he’s just opposite me. He won’t like and he refused to go, so it didn’t work. So for you it’s good to have, you know, you would go to counseling, but you also have some good family members that you can talk to? Yes. Yes. Exactly. And your friends, are they of Indian descent, Asian Indian also? Yes. Mostly I have Indians and the people who understand me more because it’s a cultural issue. Okay. So, you know, I have friends who are Indian, you know?

Participant IGF3:

Interviewer: Participant IGF3:

Interviewer:

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Interviewer:

So it’s good that way. Okay. Uh, question number three probably is similar to question two, but how do you take care of yourself when you encounter a crisis? Uh, I would say again I talk to my friend and my aunt, and if I need to or when I’m alone I also depend on reading books, positive thinking, and this is the way I’ve become better relationship with my husband, thinking he has very good points also, and, uh, what can I do, you know? So he will never change, so I’ve got to change myself. So reading is good, talking to your friends is helpful. It’s good. Yeah. And some type of influence. Yeah. Yes. Okay. Good. Definitely. Question number for is how has your self-concept, the idea of “Who am I?” been influenced by being an immigrated Hindu? Um, with that I’m just, um, normal. I didn’t have any no problems. I am a Hindu. I tell everybody I’m an Indian, and I don’t think I have any problem. Do you think having that religious component in your life though is – does it help you being immigrated, having that Hindu thinking and Hindu beliefs, Hindu religious beliefs? Do you think it helps you kind of deal with -? I am actually to be honest with you, I’m not, um, ‘cause I’ve been brought up in Kuwait and there was no temples. My mother didn’t even go to a temple. I never was brought up going to temples although I was a Hindu, and I’ve been brought up to be a nice person, to be a good person, means, you know, do unto others as you would like others to do to you. Be a nice person, and I believe in one God and all religious are same. They’re good.

Participant IGF3:

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Interviewer:

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151 Participant IGF3: Interviewer: They’re good. There’s one God and I believe in all religions. Okay. Question number five is to what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you’re an outsider? No. I know I felt that I’ve been _____, you know, _____ make me feel that I’m outsider. No. I mean I feel very comfortable in this country, better than my country, and I’m proud to be American citizen, proud to be Indian citizen, and I will, you know, move from Indian society to American Easily? Yeah. Easily. I worked in Chicago with American people. That was fine. I have a social life with Indian people. That’s fine. So yeah. Okay. Question number six is how do you identify yourself to people within your community? As a Hindu, as an Indian. Okay, and question number seven is how do you view professional counseling? Very nice. I would say I had, you know, I believe I go to a psychiatrist now also ‘cause I have health problems like I get seizes and anxiety attacks sometimes, so I believe in this, but, um, unfortunately I couldn’t continue and another problem with me is because I’m on medicines I’m not allowed to drive and that is a hindrance in my life and I, you know, don’t even walk around wherever _____ myself because if I fall I fall, you know, sometimes, and end up in the emergency room. So my family is also concerned. Whenever I go I call them and I _____ I call them, things like that. Sure, but overall you think counseling is helpful? Yes. Yes I agree. Okay. Um, do you have any other questions for me or do you want to elaborate on any of your responses?

Participant IGF3:

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Interviewer: Participant IGF3: Interviewer: Participant IGF3:

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152 Participant IGF3: No. I think I elaborated enough and you’re very nice and _____ _____, you know, good to do, and if it helps, um, it’s good for, you know, if it can help in any way. All right. Thank you very much for your time.

Interviewer: [End of Audio]

153 Interviewer: I want to thank you for participating in my research. I want to ask you the following seven questions. Question No. 1 is how do you identify yourself to people outside of your community and can you give me a few examples?

Participant FGGF10: Um, I generally keep race out of it unless it’s asked. Um, I’ll tell them where I grew up or things like that or, um, I steer away from race. I think it’s a sensitive topic, so. Interviewer: Okay. If they do ask, what do you say?

Participant FGGF10: I say I’m Indian and, um, and then they usually say, “Oh, well, you know, were you born here?” or something of that sort and I say, “No, I was born there and I immigrated here when I was just a kid.” Interviewer: Okay. Um, who do you turn to when you need help in your personal life?

Participant FGGF10: Um, family and friends. Interviewer: Are most of your friends Asian-Indian, as well?

Participant FGGF10: No. I don’t have any Indian friends. Interviewer: At all?

Participant FGGF10: No. Interviewer: Okay. Would you turn to family first and then friends or would it be friends and then family?

Participant FGGF10: Uh, that would depend on the problem. Interviewer: Okay.

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. If, I don’t know, if it was something like school or work, most problems I come to my family with, but if I was like – I guess not even my own problem. If I was upset ‘cause, you know, something happened to a friend and I thought that it’s something that my family wouldn’t understand, I would go to another friend for advice or just to vent. Interviewer: Okay. Um, Question No. 3 is how do you take care of yourself when you encounter a crisis?

154 Participant FGGF10: Um, I don’t know. I – I internalize a lot. I don’t really – I don’t talk about things unless I have to. I’d say I’m the quietest out of the bunch in this house. Interviewer: Okay. Um, Question No. 4 is how has your self-concept been influenced by being an American-born Asian-Indian Hindu or an immigrated Hindu?

Participant FGGF10: Um, I don’t know. I think we were instilled with a lot of like having pride in yourself or, you know, even if we were born here, even if we were white, we would all still be different so you might as well just embrace yourself the way you are, and, um, I don’t know. We were always kind of, at least my parents were, kind of always told me that if people really care about you, they care about the person you are inside and that stuff doesn’t matter. So well, I don’t know. I think that’s probably the biggest thing is that and some of the values, family values we have. Interviewer: Hm.

Participant FGGF10: That’s probably the biggest way I was influenced. I mean I’m 24 and I still live at home and I don’t see a problem with that. Interviewer: Hm.

Participant FGGF10: So and I don’t – I’m not gonna move out until I’m married or, you know, I get into school out of state. That’s the only time I’d probably move out. Interviewer: So being an Indian Hindu has obviously been a significant part – part of defining yourself?

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I think I always do quote-unquote “the Indian thing” – Interviewer: Okay.

Participant FGGF10: – to do. Interviewer: All right. Um, Question No. 5 is to what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture or do you believe that you’re an outsider?

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I’d say I’m, yeah, I’m an outsider, I’d say, in this country. Interviewer: _____ you feel that.

155 Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I mean, well, you can tell by the way people – people’s initial reactions with you. I work in an office where I’m the only non-white person and I think almost – I don’t take offense to it, but there’s lots of questions about like, “Oh, well, what do your people do?” Interviewer: Hm.

Participant FGGF10: Or, you know, you guys don’t eat meat so what do you guys eat? Do you just eat vegetables all day? “Well, no (laughs). There’s other foods you can eat.” Interviewer: You did say earlier that, you know, you were talking about it’s kind of sensitive when you identify yourself. Is – is that somehow related to this feeling of being an outsider?

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I think, I don’t know, I just – I feel like if I bring up race first then it automatically sets up a wall. Interviewer: Hm.

Participant FGGF10: That, you know, I’m – I feel like I always have to be, um, the more understanding person. If I’m talking to someone that’s – that’s mainly white, I have to be the more understanding or the more embracing of other – Interviewer: Of their –

Participant FGGF10: – of what they’ve been through. Um, and then I always I feel like I kinda have to defend myself. So if I bring up race and I say, “Oh, well, I’m – I’m Indian American.” then it’s like, oh, well, that’s – I bring – I put race on the table and then it opens up the door for all this other stuff, so. Interviewer: Okay. Um, how do you identify yourself to people within your community?

Participant FGGF10: Like the Indian community? Interviewer: Um-hum.

Participant FGGF10: Um, I mean, well, I’m not really exposed to people outside my family, um, I think, and that’s intentionally. I don’t hang out with other Indians outside of the family, um, so I don’t really have the opportunity to identify myself, you know.

156 Interviewer: Okay.

Participant FGGF10: ‘Cause my family knows who I am. I don’t – Interviewer: Right.

Participant FGGF10: I wouldn’t have to justify anything to them. Interviewer: Obviously. Um, Question No. 7 is how do you view professional counseling?

Participant FGGF10: Um, I think that it’s something that some people need. It’s not for everybody. I think it’s something that you have to have the will to do. It – it’s not something someone can say, “Go to this and do it.” Unless you really want the help, it’s not gonna work. Interviewer: Would you ever consider – would counseling – I know you said that you would talk to your family and friends based on the issue.

Participant FGGF10: Right. Interviewer: Um, would counseling be sort of like a last resort if you ever thought about attending _____?

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I’d say it’d be a last resort if it was just something that I felt – an issue I felt wasn’t being resolved by talking to the people that were close to me or wasn’t getting – I don’t know. I wasn’t getting that reassurance from – from the people that I’m closest to, then I would go somewhere else to get it or if it – if I felt like I had some serious – Interviewer: Hm.

Participant FGGF10: – emotional or psychiatric issue. Interviewer: Do you think there’s a stigma associated with that?

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. Interviewer: Do you think it’s more predominant in the Indian culture?

Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I think family matters are kept within the family and if you have a family, why go to someone else? I think that’s what we’re taught. Interviewer: Um-hum.

157

Participant FGGF10: It’s keep everything with the family. Don’t trust anybody else ‘cause they’re not family. Interviewer: Okay. Um, uh, I guess at this time, would you want to elaborate on any of the responses that you gave or do you have any questions for me specifically?

Participant FGGF10: Um, yeah. Well, I, just the whole why – why I’m not part of other Indian, outside of my family, other groups. I don’t think that it’s – the what I’ve been exposed to from college, I didn’t grow up – I grew up in – in mainly black neighborhood or Hispanic neighborhood, but in college is when I was exposed to other Indians and I viewed them as not Indian. Interviewer: Hm.

Participant FGGF10: I – I mean it sounds kind of mean, but I thought, “I’m Indian. You’re not.” Interviewer: Um-hum.

Participant FGGF10: We don’t – Indians don’t do that, especially the girls. That’s how I felt. Interviewer: Okay.

Participant FGGF10: And so I kind of steered way away from it ‘cause I felt like I think because of the way I was raised, I was smart enough to say if I surround myself with that, there’s a chance that I might become there. Interviewer: Um-hum.

Participant FGGF10: So I intentionally didn’t. Interviewer: Okay.

Participant FGGF10: So, okay, that’s it. Interviewer: [End of Audio] Okay. All right. Thank you. I appreciate it.

158 Interviewer: Uh, thank you for participating in my research. I’m gonna ask you the following seven questions. Question one is how do you identify yourself to people outside of your community, and can you give me a few examples? Sure. Hmm, usually I identify myself as an Indian to people outside my community. Um, usually I go to interviews most of the times, conferences with most of the people around me are Americans, so I identify myself as Indian, so yeah. Okay. Um, question number two is whom do you turn to when you need help in your personal life? Um, my family comes first and my family, my mom. Yeah. Okay. Um, question three is how do you take care of yourself when you encounter a crisis? Again go back to family and friends, and usually my go-to man will always be my mom first. Okay. Uh, question number four is how has your self-concept been influenced by being an immigrated Hindu? Um, well I haven’t been here for much long, so the concept of being an Indian is still there. Okay. Um, question number five is to what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you’re an outsider? I still think I’m an outsider that hasn’t been – it’s been just six months for me staying here so I still think I’m an outsider, but I’m slowly and steadily acclimatizing myself and acculturation will take time, but yeah. Okay. Question number six is how do you identify yourself to people within your own community, and can you give a few examples? You know when I’m with people of my community, in the sense people from my own native place; I identify myself as a Punjabi. With other Indians from different states of India I identify myself as a North Indian.

Participant IGM4:

Interviewer: Participant IGM4: Interviewer: Participant IGM4: Interviewer: Participant IGM4: Interviewer:

Participant IGM4:

Interviewer:

Participant IGM4:

159 Interviewer: Participant IGM4: Okay. Question number seven is how do you view professional counseling? I think it’s pretty good move. I think people who need it should take it and it’s not something, which you should be ashamed of. These people are here to help you out and they are trained to do that, and I think you should – it should be a part of your thing in the sense that you shouldn’t be afraid of going to professional people for counseling because they really help you a lot. In my, in my experience yes they have helped me a lot as well as my friends. Yes. So in India you had actually gone to a counselor or psychologist or something along those lines? We had a social counselor in our school. Yes we did. You’re saying like high school, right? In high school. Yes. Okay. What was like, what were some of the reasons that people went to the counselor? Usually it would be relationships and hard to deal with this, breakups and all. Very few had the juvenile delinquent thing. They were – yeah, for that, that purpose. Okay. Um, would you ever go to a counselor? Well I guess are you, would you be more inclined to go to a counselor here on your own in the United States or would you still say like in India you would go to a counselor if you had a problem? I think more so in America. Okay. Why would we – the problem in India? What do you think the __________ is? It’s still going to a psychologist, big taboo like in India and you don’t – yeah. You have most of your family too as a backup, so usually you don’t, and you solve everything within the family with your parents, so you don’t actually require a psychologist, psychiatrist’s help there, but here I mean I think the _____ structure isn’t that well defined or well structured, so that is the reason why people go to professional counseling.

Interviewer: Participant IGM4: Interviewer: Participant IGM4: Interviewer: Participant IGM4:

Interviewer:

Participant IGM4: Interviewer: Participant IGM4:

160 Interviewer: Okay. Um, do you have anything else that you wanted to clarify for anything that you’ve, any answers that you’ve given, or do you have any questions for me? No thanks. Okay. Thank you for participating. You’re welcome.

Participant IGM4: Interviewer: Participant IGM4: [End of Audio]

161 APPENDIX G Debriefing Interview Protocol Debriefing Interview 1. Which participant responses did you feel were the most helpful in terms of richness in information? 2. In what ways did you think they were the most helpful? 3. How did these feelings that you have described influence your perception of the interview process as a whole?

4. To what degree do you think the pacing of the conversation (e.g., length of time between question asked and answered? impacted the dynamics of the interview(s)? 5. To what degree were the findings similar or dissimilar to your thoughts prior to conducting the interview(s)? 6. Which part of the interview(s), if any, impacted you? 7. In the future, how will you conduct interviews based on what you learned during the interview(s)? 8. In what ways, if any, do you feel your gender/race/culture/class/hierarchy/status/age influenced participant A's responses/comments during the interview(s)?

9. What types of ethical issues did you encounter during the interview(s), if any?

162 APPENDIX H Debriefing Interview Transcription Interviewer: Interviewee: Interviewer: Interviewee: Do you wanna do a check or are you No, it’s good. Okay. All right, which participant responses did you feel were the most helpful in terms of richness and information? I think the most interesting responses I received were from the immigrated group, and I think the reason that was, was because it gave me a lot of insight into their mindset into what they were thinking. Um, as far as the foreign group, I – I’m sorry. As far as the first generation group, some of the responses were typical. Some of them did surprise me to a certain extent. Um, you know, but, but it was, I felt, I felt people answered honestly throughout the interview process that I conducted. In what ways did you think they were the most helpful? Technically, they were just like, specific, specific, uh, statements that were made that just kind of showed peoples’ thinking process when it came down to how they balanced their religion versus the culture that they were raised in, um, and, actually, their home culture, so, you know, it, it’s back and forth a little bit. And that was, that was very insightful for me to see – not only how people have balanced it well, um, but how they also struggle with it. How did these feelings that you have described influence your perception of the interview process as a whole? I think, you know, being a member of that, of that group, um, and interviewing, like, people my age was one thing, but interviewing people that were elder to me – because these questions that I asked were somewhat personal, and, uh, that was kind of a challenge for me, because I didn’t know what the older, the older people would say or respond to or, you know, if they would be honest. But I think that most of them were not very defensive. They, they were very helpful, because they knew that I was doing my dissertation work and so on and so they were, they were actually, you know, welcoming, which was nice.

Interviewer: Interviewee:

Interviewer: Interviewee:

163 Interviewer: To, uh, to what degree do you think the pacing of the conversation, uh, the length of time between questions asked and answered, impacted the dynamics of the interviews? Even though I asked seven open-ended questions, I found that the response times varied. Um, some of them were, I think the earlier on interviews were a little bit shorter than what I expected and that was probably also for me to gain some practice, um, conducting the interviews as well. And later on, I was able to kind of use what my participants said and, uh, and, you know, lengthen the interview. And it was, it was fine, because, you know, I would ask follow up questions that were, uh, based off of their information that they gave. So, you know, it, do I think it impacted the dynamic? I don’t think it, it was hurtful in any way. I think it was just what it is, you know, the conversation was finished. Interviewer: Interviewee: To what degree were the findings similar or dissimilar to your thoughts prior to conducting the interviews? Um, prior to conducting the interviews, I thought that the American-born Hindus, that first, that group, would have been more open-minded – not so much open-minded, but I thought they would score definitely higher on, uh, issues related to their attitudes towards seeking psychological help. And I was kind of surprised to find that several people were very hesitant and a common theme that emerged from that group was the fact that it was going to counseling would be more of a last resort than anything else. And with the immigrant group, I was surprised to find that there were several people that had been to counseling and that they also had a, they had a positive view of it, but then again, it, it was, I think it reaffirmed my belief that, you know, most immigrated population people that come over from India, they’re not very, um, keen for outside help, like they’d like to resolve things on their own. Interviewer: Interviewee: Mm-hmm. But they, you know, both groups had overwhelming positive things to say about counseling and mental health issues and things like that. Which part of the interviews, if any, impacted you?

Interviewee:

Interviewer:

164

Interviewee:

Um, I don’t think I was impacted by what was said. Um, I think for the most part, it was expected what they were gonna say and I didn’t really, I tried to remain as neutral as possible, so that, you know, I wasn’t impacted by some of the stories, because some people did share their experiences and the problems that they’ve had, um, and what they were going through, so I tried to just be a very professional interviewer. So I don’t think I really let anything impact me in that sense. In the future, how will you conduct interviews based on what you learned during the interviews? I think I mentioned this a little bit before, but for the most part, it’s, uh, it’s just being comfortable interviewing people. I think that takes a little bit of practice and, like I said, the first few interviews, I was a little nervous myself, but, you know, once I got more relaxed and more comfortable, I was able to, um, really, you know, be con-, be confident in myself and, and I wasn’t worried about the questions that I was asking as much, you know, that it wasn’t something that was so scripted it was just, you know, that I could, I could free flow with the conversation and that, that was probably the one thing that I learned and then continued to work on. In what ways, if any, do you feel your gender, race, culture, class, hierarchy, status, age influenced participants’ responses, comments during the interviews? With the immigrant group, I kind of felt that there was more of a closed-off, or standoffish kind of response pattern at first. And I think that a lot of that has to do with the fact that most of the people I interviewed were a lot older than me. Some of them were older than me. Some of them were in, you know, a few years in my, senior to me, but I think the, I think my age, because the culture, itself, promotes, like, a lot of respect for the elders and, you know, you don’t, you’re not supposed to be asking these kind of questions. So I mean, maybe to a certain extent that’s what was impacting me. As far as my gender, um, or my, I, I don’t think there was really a gender issue there, because I equally interviewed males and females and it was, it was fine. I mean, they, they answered honestly. They answered as truthfully as they could and we, I don’t think we felt that kind of, um, distancing based on that issue. I’m part of that race. I’m also part of that culture. Class or hierarchy in my status, I mean, I think the only status that impacted

Interviewer: Interviewee:

Interviewer:

Interviewee:

165 was that I was a student and that they were willing to help me out because of that. I think if maybe I was more, let’s say, just a professional coming in to do interviews, that might have been more of an issue, because they might have seen it as a difference, but since they knew that I was a student completing my dissertation, I think that overwhelming need to reach out and help. So, you know, if it was one person doing an interview, when someone else would say, “Oh, yeah, you know, this person will do it, too, if you want.” And, you know, so it just kept kind of, uh, helping, which was nice. Interviewer: Interviewee: What types of ethical issues did you encounter during the interviews, if any? Several of the people knew, like, you know, I went to these organ-, organizations to actually carry out the interviews and, and conduct the survey research. Um, so people knew that I was there, and then the people that sat down with me or, you know, we went off to another room, I mean, I think, the only, the only unethical thing that would probably arise is that other people knew that they were being interviewed and other people knew who were participating, because of just the facility that I was in. Like for example, if a Husband participated in the interview ahh his wife knew that he was in their doing the interview and maybe his kids and some others. So I mean I could keep everything as confidential as I would have liked to. Also, at times others that saw me sitting there would come over and once they completed their portion of the survey, they would bring someone else over. As much as I wanted to ensure confidentiality, it was a little complicated because of the facility I was in. But, I mean, there’s not names revealed. There wasn’t anything like that, so, I mean, I, other than that, I don’t really think there was, um, any real ethical issues or concerns, because it was, you know, voluntary research and people knew where it was happening and they volunteered to come and meet with me or talk to me and that was fine. Um, other ethical things, the only thing, I mean, confidentiality, for the most part, is kept intact and that’s the most important issue, I think, than anything else, so that was it. Interviewer: Interviewee: Interviewer: All right. Thank you. You’re welcome. [End of Audio]