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1919 THE MATRI LINEAL COMPLEX BY ROBERT H. 2. 29-45 March 29. pp. No.UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 16. LOWIE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY .
f'si C\5 .
Leona Cope 119-17(5 Yurok Geography. Lucile Hooper The Autobiography of a 177-314 315-380 . 5. 487-491 . Waterman The Cahuilla Indians. 3. 8. 1-28 29-45 Kroeber 4. Kroeber 381-473 475-485 . Lowie Linguistic Families of California. L.Bancroft Library CONTENTS PAGES NUMBER NUMBER NUMBER NUMBER NUMBER NUMBER NUMBER NUMBER INDEX . Paul Radin Lower Colorado. T.. 47-118 Calendars of the Indians North of Mexico. Roland B. Dixon and A. Robert H.. Myths of the Southern Sierra Miwok. Yuman Tribes' of the Winnebago Indian. 6.. 7.. L. 1. Samuel Alfred Barrett The Matrilineal Complex. T. 2... A.
1-27. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University of California Press. Editor. The Phonology of the Hupa Language. Kroeber. by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. Kroeber. from original documents preserved in Spain and Japan. 1-20. Pp. Sinclair.50 5. 1904 The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco. April. 381-384.00 Hupa Texts. The Morphology of the Hupa Language. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California. by A. September. Dixon. Kroeber. Volume 1. L. by Roland B. 65-166.25 2. 29-80. based on collections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California. map 3. 1907 The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada. by S. with 5 tables. 239-292. Berkeley. Volume 12 and following. 25 1904 Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California. Vol. 293-380. 1908 The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. Prayers and Songs. 1905 The Yokuts Language of South Central California. 49-64.50 75 1.6. A. 4. 1-332. by Pliny Earle Goddard. 1910 Index. and in the U. and for journals devoted to general They are for sale at the prices stated. plates 1-30. $3. Vol. by A. Publ. S. December. Kroeber. with a map. by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. Kroeber. pp. L. September. 60 Kroeber. by A. Pp. May. edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. 369-380. by Samuel Alfred Barrett. 1907 Index. 6. National Museum^ by Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 50 Index. University Library. 3. 1907 '. Pp. 251-318. 1907 The Religion of the Indians of California. pp. 1908 75 75 50 35 75 2. 1909 The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southern Oregon. June. 65-238. 381-400. 1-47. Vol. 3. 2. Part I.5. April. Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan. The 50 75 1. plates 1-8. and map. 1907 Navaho Myths. 2. Pp. plates 10-25. L. 1907 Kato Texts. Pp. 319-356.25 September. L. by Zelia Nuttall. Pp. Pp. 369-378. 89-368. Am. February. Pp. Life and Culture of the Hupa. by William J. Pp. L. Pp. Kroeber. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok Indians. Prices. March. August. inclusive. The Individual Sounds. Kroeber. 1906 2.00 Vol. January. 1. Volumes 2 to 11. Pp. 3. Index. June.50 A. by A. 1906 3. with Texts and Translations. June. each. 5. U. 1-88. Pp. 1907 Indian Myths from South Central California. L. February. 2. 1. by A. Pp. L. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians.UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued under the direction of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological departments and museums. anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. pp. 4. plates 1-10. 105-164. plates 15-21. 75 Kroeber. Arch. by Pliny Earle Goddard. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Department.25 165-377. maps 1-2. 167250. 2. 2. A. Pp. 357-374. pp. June. Pp. by Samuel Alfred Barrett. 40 plates 1-14. by A. Vol. 5. AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave. Calif. S. California. 1904 Types of Indian Culture in California. Nos. 379-392. March. September. L. by Pliny Earle Goddard.50 4. 1910 The Chimariko Indians and Language.00 each. 81-103. Kroeber. Pp. 1.1. 2 and 3 in one cover. L. 3. 3. . Vol. Ethn. 1903 3. L. $5. by Washington Matthews. 344 pp.25. by A. by A. June. 1904 Index. 4. $-1. 3. January. The Shoshonean Dialects of California. Price Cited as Univ. 1905 1. pp. Barrett. 333-368. 21-63. plate 9. Pp. by A. Pp. $1. February.
cerned solely with the second of Dr. Morgan's use of gens in the generic sense. only" (p. 29-45 March 29. S. 1919 THE MATRILINEAL COMPLEX BY ROBERT H. Anthr. Hartland defends two important propositions. singularly ill-founded. but on his inadmissible method of The main objection to Dr. place. inasmuch . and the generic use of clan firmly established i Am. 16. such usage conflicts both mode of descent. I unilateral mode of reckoning kinship.is we find almost uniformly that the tribes on the lowest level of civilization. pp. lack the these contentions seems to me However." patrilineal groups of a generic term for a unilateral group regardless of Moreover. he contends that descent through the The first of mollicr regularly preceded descent through the father. or Plateau Shoshoneans. must deal with a matter of terminology. whether Andaman Islanders. 2. LOWIE Dr. Matrilineal Kinship and the Question of its Priority. Mem. Sakai. lint before entering into a discussion of his method of proof. and a challenge to accepted theories often leads to a remarkable illumination of basic principles. . E. 1-90. 1 the relative priority of matrilineal and patrilineal instito time the It is always desirable to reexamine from time fundamental conceptions of a science. Hartland. Hartland 's essay on "Matrilineal Kinship iii id the Question of Its Priority" must rest not on his refusal to bow to the established American view. with Lewis H. No. Dr. IV. In America it has been customary of late to refer to matrilineal social units as "clans" and This involves the unfortunate lack as to "gentes. he believes that ''normally In the first that seem well established. sid. Hartland has recently reopened discussion of a question which has for a number of years been regarded as closed by American ethnologists tutions. at present I am conHartland 's propositions..UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. Assoc.- and apart from a few exceptions kinship was originally reckoned on one Secondly. 24). approach. 1917.
Hartland has rational- istically constructed an organization such as might logically follow from matrilineal descent and then finds a few concrete illustrations traits of the mother-sib. subsequently such features are encountered in combination with patrilineal descent they are interpreted as "survivals of matrilineal polity" (p. I will substitute the old term "sib. defined by matrilineal . 2 to both writers. from which in turn he deduces the The task of the critical ethnologist is very Starting from the one pivotal feature of maternal descent. He determines "what are the chief characteristics of the matrilineal organization of society" (p. . different. [Vol. Now what enumeration are the traits which Dr. xvni. is further distinguished by matrilocal residence the inherit- Jour. Enthr. the very different concept of a matrilineal complex. Dr. I eliminated these difficulties by con- employing the term "kin" generically. Inst. Accordingly. This is is accomplished "by taking a people in which its that organization exhibited in the full strength and noting peculiarities" (ibid. When The land is logical error involved in this procedure is patent. Arch.30 University of California Publications in Am. 1889. Hart- obliged to introduce in the place of mere matrilineal descent. does Dr. 10) (p. How. of the term kin Goddard and Kroeber have pointed out the misleading connotations when technically restricted to the unilateral (and normally exogamous) group. of this purely a priori conception. 23). the mother-sib. Hartland deduces as symp- tomatic of the typical matrilineal organizations? Essentially his 2 coincides with Tylor's earlier statement.. and that complex he establishes not by empirical observation but by selecting a people in which it is supposed to be exhibited in its full strength. about which the discussion revolves. Dr. This is the only possibility of establishing the facts in the case. and "mother-kin" or "father-kin" by way of specification. According descent. however." which has recently been resuscitated in Professor Philbrick's translation of Huebner's History of Germanic Private Law.). he must establish by empirical observation what other features appear in combination with the mother-sib. In an elementary course on anthropology at the University of California. and Ethn. 7). then. Hartland establish the conclusion that existing father-sibs have grown out of mother-sibs. Drs. 16 among English sistently writers. 252. Since then. thus converting an observed ? simultaneity into a chronological sequence His own statements leave no doubt whatsoever as first to his method of procedure. This estimate as to the vigor of matrilineal organization is clearly arbitrary.
1904. Dr. G. The Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb. League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee. Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians. Reise in das innere Nord. her mother-in-law as proof of her domestic accomplishments. according from other to the same authority. 4 Louisiana. Bur. Speck. Among the Yuchi there was no obligatory rule. and Crow. matrilocal residence. p. though in the beginning the 6 quently a new hut was constructed. 1909. the husband acting as their servant L. Am. n. while the husband's mother returns some venison to the girl's mother "as an earnest of his ability to provide for his household. 1839. A woman normally left her home and the husband built a house for the new couple. 313.1919] Loicie: The Matrilineal Complex 31 ance of property within the sib particularly in the discuss first . we find four regions with an appreciable part of the Atlantic population . sponding two institutions which are best considered in conjunction. Maximilian. the Southeastern tribes obviously practiced matrilocal residence to some degree. 95. The Mandan youth often remained in his father-in-law's lodge. 3 On the other ' ' hand. 4 B s F. (embracing notably the Iroquois and the Southeastern tribes) three Northern Plains tribes. p. seems to have prevailed likewise among the Timucua of Florida. I. but freSimilarly the Hidatsa had no absolute rule. Bull. the houses of women of the same clan being built in immediate proximity to one another." 6 For the three Plains tribes the data are fairly definite. Louisiana. This scheme. St. Italics inserted by the 6 author. and some of the Northwest Coast Indians. I. Tammany Parish. Hidatsa. Lloyd ed. and shall supplement this inquiry with a correexamination of the avunculate and matrilineal inheritance. D.. Ethn. ascertainable facts with reference to residence? What are the Morgan's statements are hardly sufficiently but they suggest that the bride took up her abode with the groom's relatives. young couple generally remained with the wife's parents. but "sometimes the man goes to live with his wife's parents until he is able to start for himself. and matrilineal authority vested more In the present paper I shall the alleged correlation between matrilineal descent and mother's brother.. Our author represents the bride as conducted to the home of her intended husband. Similarly. the Mandan. lived in their wives' villages. the Pueblo Indians. the Choctaw men of Bayou Lacomb. where she presents some bread to explicit. Morgan. matrilineal descent Starting our survey with North America.America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834. As to the Iroquois. 128. Swanton informs me that among the Creek the women stayed in one place and their husbands came there localities. John R. H. 48. 1909. . 27. Bushnell.
1904. 1912. on the other hand. 127." say our most trustworthy authori- The "the mother pays her daughter an occasional visit. Tsimshian Mythology. wedlock generally 8 began with patrilocal residence. 15 J.32 University of California Publications in Am. Among the Hopi the house belongs to woman. yet without conforming to the Pueblo Apache The young man lived with his father-in-law for some time and hunted for the support of the family. 26th Ann. 50. 1885. Bur. working for them until his marriage. and she departs with her husband to his village. 7 Among the Crow. An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Lan- p. where they live. 1913. p. Am. p. p. Boas. Kep. 1908. 1916. Social Life of the Crow Indians. P. Krause. Hough. p. 10 11 12 M. Haida data are unusually illuminating. and Crow Indians. 428. 22. s Lowie. The Sia. p. Notes on the Social Organization and Customs Hidatsa. E. 220. 9 ~ W. 162. Arch." 12 custom differs from this. 532. i* A. the couple often stay with the girl's parents. The Franciscan Fathers. and bears on its face the of the Mandan. 1910. 1917. Ethn. E. 449." 13 There remain the Pacific Coast people. ' ' practice. Indians of the Southwest. p. [Vol. is 1905." 16 North America are readily summarized. while Swanton 's 14 The account strongly suggests the preponderance of the latter. 1915. the absence of the husband. According to Krause. p.. Stevenson. 9 under her mother's Zuili 10 The this is identical scheme prevails among the : and the Sia. 46. The Zuni Indians. adding that "he knew that her future mother-in-law would take care of her. he was glad that his daughter was going to live with 15 For the Tsimshian we have recent the young man's sisters. the Tlingit had both matrilocal and patrilocal unions. The Pueblo Indians of Arizona and New Mexico form the classical the example of matrilocal abode. The Hopi Indians. guage. 305. If the groom belongs to the same village. 223. Goddard. C. 11 But not the usage of the nomadic Navaho "In ties. Swanton. p. Swanton. Elsewhere The facts for such practice is confined either to the earliest period of wedlock or the clearest preceding condition of betrothal. Lowie. Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida. at the information to the effect that "the bride is carried down to the canoe. 51. C. and Ethn. p. 16 and hunter. Matrilocal residence in an unequivocal form exists only in two matronymic centers among the Pueblo Indians and among the Creek. Die Tlinkit-Indianer. . pp." etc. A boy became engaged between fifteen and eighteen and during the period of betrothal he lived with his fiancee's family. and the daughter after marriage lives with her husband roof. Stevenson. 1894. is F. But wedding ceremony the father of the girl politely disparaged her abilities. M.
- 1911. Everyman's Library ed. Franklin. without actual matrilocal residence. 17 Similarly. 22 S. S. 205. The North American Indian. 579. local residence as a normal usage of the Eastern Cree is vouched for 23 Finally may be cited some though by some of the early travelers. The H. vi. 1911. patrilocal residence occurs among tribes with mother-si bs. . our survey establishes the indisputable fact that many matrilineal tribes practice patrilocal residence. We. Curtis. are concerned here with ascertaining the empirical encumbering our statement with any questionable assumption. exist and in a number of instances both modes of residence is side by side without any suggestion that either deemed preferable. C. which could undoubtedly be materially increased. especially the latter. and accordingly. A. Fletcher and F. 12. while on the other hand. in. pp. Kroeber. Lowie. and Ethnology. will of course be greeted by adherents of the good old school as so many symptoms of a former mother-sib scheme. An auxiliary hypothesis can always be framed to account for disconcerting facts. some form of matrilocal residence father-sibs. 66. The Central Eskimo. Riggs. p. 1888. Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea. p. The Eastern Dakota practiced both customs with apparently 22 Matriequal frequency. IT C. 324.Moreover. 23 A. 2* Boas. 57. A. Ethnology of the Gros Ventre. where house- 19 the lodge of the bride's father. La Flesche. 1908. Texts. 1902. but it is pitched by 20 Cheyenne usage seems to be strictly parallel to that of the Arapaho. howdata without ever. 180. the Omaha tent husband labors on behalf of two years. p. p. 1911. Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux. a patrilineal scheme or loose organization often appears with matrilocal residence or indications thereof. 157. p. is 10 is frequently linked with 20 21 The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians. L. It is very interesting to note that while mother-sibs are not in- frequently consistent with patrilocal residence. and the same applies to the Assiniboine. Dakota Grammar. 10. 24 keeping regularly begins with the bride's family. The Arapaho.. 40. Thus the Blackfoot felt that the father-in-law was for a time entitled to part of the spoils of the chase and war. by no means all of the Central Eskimo communities. . Wissler. 1893. p. 1909. Kroeber. 18 his father-in-law for the period of one or With the Arapaho the new couple occupy indeed a of their own. Assiniboine. The Omaha Tribe. p. Skinner. p. 41.1919] Lowie: The Mutriliitrul Complex 33 evidence of association with a rendering of services by way of compciisjitinM. E. 1911. This list. Among the Gros Ventre a bridegroom often settled with his father21 in-law.
In that Ewe with patrilocal abode. The History of Melanesian Society. The Ovambo differ from their neighbors inasmuch as female descent is here associated with a preliminary matrilocal residence during which the wife's parents are masters of the situation. cit.. Hartland is constrained to admit "the practically universal cusis "What tom of taking the wife to reside with her husband. 1890. [Vol. . 31 Finally. 163. Ellis.more favorable but by no means warrant the dictum that matrilocal residence is a symptom of matronymy. 172. II. 126. 29 so W. A. I may cite the Makonde case from East Africa. H. 1891. there is no association of matrilocal marriage with matrilineal descent. and residence and am obliged portion of the to present random findings. in Ostafrika. 28 nation visited by Ellis matronymy was coupled Of the Bantu the Bakongo are likewise 29 matronymic and patrilocal. 304. 32 K. There is thus evidence that even in the part of Melanesia which has social institutions of the most archaic kind. At least I have failed to gain a comprehensive picture of rules of descent Finally. silbtd. Weeks. true for Melanesia holds so generally in Australia that Dr. and this applies also to the Herero. where a young man marries his maternal uncle's daughter and lives near her father. is little doubt it is usual throughout Melanesia for a married with the husband's people. Schinz. Codrington. E.34 University of California Publications in Am.. 26 there couple to live . We may now maternal descent summarize our The Australian and Melanesian facts lend no support whatsoever to the theory that is regularly accompanied by the matrilocal factor. Eivers. 1909. Negerleben . 25 26 27 28 W. we find that in the groups investigated by Codrington the his own or to his father's house. 1914. pp. 32 total results. Rivers' Oceanian researches : we . 16 The conclusions reached for North America must be tested by data from other divisions of the globe. 1914. 145-147. 25 young man regularly takes his wife to To Dr. pp. 311. 238ff. p. ." 27 Unfortunately remains for sociological purposes the Dark Continent. E. pp. 157. 1891. The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa. pp. The African and American data are slightly. The Melanesians.. 207. Turning next to Melanesia as one of the best studied regions of Oceania. and Etlin. but when the young husband is about thirty he establishes a settlement of his own 30 and gains his independence. op. Arch. 65. H. this still we may consider the data from Africa. 383. A. Among the Primitive Bakongo. B. pp. Weule. p. Deutsch-Sudwest-Afrika. . Hartland. are indebted for a quite general statement on the subject .
Let us next ' ' turn to the customs is it embraced under the term " avunculate. Anthr. which his own father would neither ask more the head of his sister 's family than his Amongst the Choctas. or other personal property. initial But since that retention wedlock. 1871. among the Winnebagoes.. guess I should say that the coefficient. practically. seems to be of limited Perhaps it would be better to divide sharply cases of applicability. Inst. An uncle.1919] Lowie: The Matrilineal Complex 35 This conclusion does not oblige us to abandon altogether Tylor's 83 suggestion that mode of residence is connected with rules of descent. H. in many Indian nations. an uncle may approhis nephew's horse or his gun. for example. at school his uncle. There is so much difficulty in weighting our geographical units and the distinction between temporary and permanent matrilocal residence that I will But as a refrain from venturing on a mathematical computation. p. Possibly in a after the number Hopi and of instances the retention of a girl by her family Zufii fashion led to reckoning her children as members is of the group of the house owner. 3 * 33 s* Jour. Morgan. 158. But in what part of the world except America and possibly the Khasi of Assam does permanent matrilocal residence occur? At present it therefore seems best to lump together all our cases under a single heading and make associated with the southwest of North some estimate of the strength of the tested correlation. or nearly so. In what sense possible to treat these as symp- tomatic of the matrilineal complex? That is. takes him to the mission and makes In like manner with the lowas and Otoes. matronymy. husband. priate to his own use founded upon a consideration in the nature of presents. which. But over his nieces this same authority is more significant. We might then find that the former category is uniformly. . instead of approximating one hundred per cent would be much nearer to ten per cent on the most favorable view of the case. may require services of a nephew. Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity. to what extent are mother-sibs connected with avuncular authority or an altogether distinctive relationship between mother's brother and sister's son? The avunculate significant passage: in North America is described by Morgan in a He sister 's is. which his own father would have no recognized right to do. 1889. without being questioned. the arrangement. the hypothesis. 258. rather . from his participation in their marriage contracts. if a boy is to be placed instead of his father. so rarely protracted beyond the stage of permanent and of temporary abode with the woman's kindred. with all its seductive plausibility. L. . xvill. . are nor attempt. or administer correction.
spite of this freedom a man and his maternal uncle stand in particularly close On the relationship. Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians. while Skinner's observations indicate that the Menomini have it somewhat similar all to the Winnebago. war-path. O. 36 wrong done them. xn. xv. Arch. 20. La Am.. Am. B. 35 . 282. the former always acting in the capacity of a servant. Anthr.s. 325. Kep.. we correlate mother-sibs and the avunculate we get the following results. Morgan's statement has since been verified and supplemented.36 University of California Publications in Am. lack a definite sib system. be slain or captured. particularly. role. Southwestern tribes vary in their practices. . this relationship is shown in its strongest phase. 281. the Winnebago nephew may appropriate any part of his uncle's property. Among the Iroquois there is peoples we have Morgan's statement no evidence of the avunculate. The writer's observations. n. Eep. . Dorsey. I can find no indications this Navaho or even the The one perfect illustration of the avunculate in connection is with maternal descent in North America ss P. If. 37 Now should be noted that of the examples of the avunculate is cited above.. 1909. 27th Ann. Among the Omaha the nephew was permitted to jest familiarly with his uncle on the other hand the maternal uncle had full control of the children after the parents' death and even during their lifetime was "as alert as their father to defend the children or to avenge a . 1913.. Bur. ss p. A man can take liberties with his maternal uncle which are expressly Yet in prohibited with his paternal uncle and aunt and his maternal aunt... while for the southeastern as to the Choctaw. All the other tribes mentioned are either patrilineally organized or." Unpublished data by Murie indicate a usage like usages among the neighboring Pawnee. 214. instead of looking for evidences of peculiar avuncular relations. 1910. n. 37 Skinner. Ethn. 3d Ann. 270. 213. the only one to the point that of the Choctaw. For another Siouan tribe we likewise possess corroborative data. remark applies equally to the Tewa the other hand. Freire-Marreco. as in the Pawnee case. 16 With reference to the Winnebago. Am. 1914. pp. In the Hopi household the mother's brother certainly plays an important to ceremonial matters..s. According to a remark of Tom Bear to the present writer. especially with reference and enclave in Hopiland. [Vol.. W. In the Northern Plains group traces of the custom are lacking. 1884. for then the nephew must accompany him as a sort of esquire and suffer himself to be slain should his maternal uncle . Fletcher and Flesche. . p. and Ethn. furnished by the North 36 J. Anthr. ibid. Eadin. 38 On that corresponding customs are shared by the Zuiii. 265.
works for him. at one time he was. where the nephew it lives with his uncle. 31st Ann. to Fiji. marries his daughter (or. It would. 39 may be. 291. our knowledge of tribal relations suggests an interpretation very different survivalist dogmatism. When we discover a hardly less traces of the custom pronounced avunculate among the Polynesian Tongans and distinct among the Samoans. from that of current If Fiji forms one center of diffusion for the Tonga and Samoa is precisely what we should expect on the theory of borrowing. Ethn. the legitimate heir of his possessions and was even Islands the entitled to appropriate whatever he desired of such property during his uncle's lifetime. when other members of the same 3 Boas. p. 155- 160. of Melanesian Society. then its relative strength in ever passed through a matrilinear stage but because they have been in contact with a people where the avunculate flourished to an exces- sive degree. . and they even Since we are interested in an empirical appear with father-sibs. In short. 425.. we find that in the Banks Turning from America to Melanesia. However. the popular theory of survivals as to the last mentioned group of cases is inapplicable as it was in our parallel findings with reference to residence. I. may even apply though this seems more problematical. nephew obeys his maternal uncle more readily than his father and treats him altogether with greater reverence. Eep. 366. we have abundant evidence of the avunculate among those natives of this region who have been most thoroughly studied. the Tongans and Samoans display avuncular features not because they practice. I think. indeed. his widow) and is regarded Some tendency is for avuncular customs to appear with matronymy thus apparent. determination of the facts. 18. but not a is 40 development of relevant usages remarkable that the highest represented by the vasu institutions little non-matronymic Fijians. Bur. but in other cases they are lacking. 1916. n. his successor. Similar customs are noted in the it is New Hebrides and Torres of the Islands. In Melanesia we find definitely matrilineal peoples practicing avuncular customs in logical consonance with their social organization. it is worth while to contrast survivalist logic as applied to the Melanesian and the North American field. be rash to deny categorically that in certain parts This of Melanesia where mother-sibs are not observable avuncular practices are survivals of a one-time matrilineal system. Consequently. Rivers.1919] Lowie: The Matrilineal Complex 37 West Coast jis tribes. For example. 204. <o The History Am. 37.
patrilineal ones that exhibit. Of the altogether unique avuncular relationship among the Tlingit. I find no trace of matrilineal inheritance or succession to and the only suggestion of avuncular authority reported from matronymic groups lies in the right of betrothal exercised by the mother's brother over his niece among the Dieri and two or three even less recorded. I The logic of the two cases may register my opinion that Melanesia thus very different. R. Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia. if it is differs toto coelo from this. while Howitt's work is for the most part a pioneer's compilation. In the Siouan family. but hardly more. Avill in West the ultimately known and would do well it is to wait for the field worker's garnering of not possible to give a comprehensive view of That in various the maternal uncle's place in Australian society. nothing tribes. office. Accordingly. commendable as a first skimming of the ground. Thonga. this However may be. [Vol. for precisely the matrilineal groups that lack. But altogether Australia is remarkably little theorizer facts. 22. from the Siouan stock is to the Plains culture area. the Banks Islanders. But the North American case example. avuncular features and the same we shift the comparison. p. W. Brown's researches Australia give promise of what trained inquirers achieve. and on the other hand similar functions go with entirely different relation- communities definite . ships. 1906. social functions belong to him. In theoretical discussions of social organization. 4i known 41 N. it mation on two or at most three tribes. Arch. and Ethn. . Thomas. . data from Australia play a ludicrously disproportionate part. is certainly true but these are not limited by any means to matrilineal groups. Spencer and Gillen give us satisfactory inforlargely to blame. for example. No doubt the psychological effect wrought by a thick as compared with a moderately sized volume and by books issued from the press of commercial publishers as contrasted with the monographs due to scientific institutions is cannot be too vehemently or too often stated that our knowledge of the island continent is extremely inadequate. 16 linguistic and cultural group show these customs without the fre- quently associated type of organization it is not improbable that that type once existed where it is no longer observed. and the applies.38 University of California Publications in Am. Altogether is the one part of the globe where the substitution of a patrilineal for a matrilineal system has been fairly well established. and the seems to be known in Australia. Roth's studies on Queensland are excellent and A. To be sure.
p. her calf. 58. the technique of weaving. cit. The boy must accordingly accompany the uncle on his travels. op. 303.. 43. f. but the uncle at liberty to appropriate any of his nephew's damaged property. 46 L. 44 to the uncle's property and. 96. cowrie shells and objects for barter. Schultze. 1906. 42 Schinz.. Here we are again confronted. 178. which had defective hoofs. to his as to children to the maternal uncle than to the father. 97. 44 43 43 Weeks. and other useful accomplishments. Here the mother's brother lays claim to a portion of the bride price and plays an important part in ceremonial activities. while the nephews exercise vasu-\ike privileges. Aus Namaland und Kalahari. example. . brothers failing. however. p. while the regard sister's son becomes heir in the absence of brothers. Incidentally he acquires the art of trading. To be than any except those obtaining between parents and sure. pp. nephews succeed office. 1908.1919] Lowie: The Matrilineal Complex 39 Finally we may turn to Africa. 107. Weule. 124. a woman's eldest brother as master of her children. the For two of the With the Yao inheritance is from uncle to sister's son. xxxvin. while the sister's son indemnifies himself For by freely seizing perfectly uninjured possessions of his uncle. while a man had taken his nephew's horse. unique position of the malume in Thonga society has become familiar through Junod's fascinating account. Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse meiner ethnographischen Forschungsreise in den Sudosten Deutsch-Ostafrikas. and ten goats. cit. op. carrying provisions. 1907. Ethn. the young man coolly appropriated by way of com- 46 The altogether pensation a milch cow. closer Thus. Zeitschr. eastern tribes we have very specific data. the relations between mother's brother and sister's son are peculiarly intimate in the Hottentot country children. while among the Makonde we find in addition that the mother's brother must grant his consent to a girl's 43 The Bakongo marriage and is entitled to a portion of the bride price. there has not been observed any matrilineal is inheritance rule. G. Hartter. with the sibless or fact that insti- tutions identical or very similar flourish in equal measure among patronymic groups. Sitten und Gebrauche der Angloer. p. 45 In Upper Guinea the Anglo-Ewe grant greater prerogatives Since the the heir apparent his uncle expects in return adequate nephew is work during his lifetime. Of Bantu the Herero have matrilineal inheritance in such is form that while the brother of the deceased the first 42 claimant. Avuncular institutions have been recorded from various parts of this continent and doubtless from many a tribes besides those for the Southern which I have found definite data..
The second alternative has been suggested by Dr. Rivers. 212. they are far too frequently combined with a patrilineal scheme. 94. 85-89. i. The Kai are not divided sibs of exogamous that maternal uncles are entitled to the bride price exercise control over their niece . not difficult understand that a very special bond would unite a boy with the This explanation is naturally of restricted but merges into an interpretation of generalized type. I have already illustrated example into is An additional this assumption with Melanesian data. the sister's son takes office chieftainship is from father 49 when issue is lacking. 48 Summing up the facts relating to the avunculate. 47 H. 262. boy is subjected to circumcision or other bodily mutilations he normally receives a cow when his nephew has undertaken a successful raid and his curse is believed to have the . any kind. 44. no less than three distinct alternatives to the survival theory suggest themselves with reference to the avuncular customs when imbedded in a patrilineal complex. application father of his future wife. we are again driven to the conclusion that a ten per cent correlation probably is all For an empirical that can be demonstrated on empirical grounds. 47 may even inherit one of With the presumably Hamitic Nandi the maternal uncle must give his consent before the . Junod. 16 being permitted to appropriate his food. the avuncular institutions are too frequently lacking in matronymic communities. Keysser in Neuhauss. proof of Dr. 255. 1911. 226.. Matronymic tribes possessing the characteristic features found occur in such close proximity to the Kai that trans- mission readily' accounts for the phenomena. Arch. furnished by a Papuan tribe. The most terrible thing that can ' ' happen * to a Nandi is to displease his maternal uncle. It is only by assuming beforehand the theory that is to be proved. In the first place. most deadly ' ' effect. yet a keen missionary observer notes and continue to that. As a matter of fact. p. the question relationship between uncle arises whether the altogether peculiar and nephew does not simply result from It is that between a to man and his prospective son-in-law. Hartland 's contentions. Deutsch-Neu-Guinea. A. Life of a South African Tribe. 100. C. . 253. 1909. 49 C. instead of pointing to a pristine matrilineal society they may merely represent borrowed elements dissociated from the particular matrilineal context that occurs in a neighboring group. while succession to to son. A. and his wives. Hollis. m. and Ethn. E.40 University of California Publications in Am. The Nandi. Where the avunculate is linked with cross-cousin marriage of the more common type. 1912. that the latter group of data can be construed into the opposite of their face value. [Vol. moreover.
A Crow treated his father's brothers and other clansmen with respect and regularly an occasion arose for giving away presents. survival of some earlier patrilineal society subsequently superseded by present conditions through some Amazonian coup d'etat? We might easily contribute to the stock of anthropological romance by developing this hypothesis in some detail and should only be employing the type of logic popular among advocates of matrilineal priority. When a man returned from a successful raid. while in the series of graded societies individuals purchased regalia from a father's clan-mate. The father's clansmen rejoiced over a young man's success in war and would chant laudatory songs. and so might be also names of honor. Nicknames were derived from the actions of a father's clansman. Or are we perchance face to face with a transitional condition through No which the Hopi are beginning to grope towards f ather. Thus we find that is among the "typically" matrilineal Hopi the naming Is this a of a child a prerogative of the father's female relatives. quite different. Morgan pointed out the misleading " Every kinship through females only. Lewis H. The sons and daughters of a father's clansman were the joking-relatives possessed of altogether distinctive privileges. Similar facts may be cited for the Hidatsa and Crow. addition to practically all the above mentioned usages we find the father's clan-mates conducting the funeral and bestowing new names. invited them to feasts. Among the closely related In Hidatsa the number of patrilineal functions is even greater.1919] Loicie: The Matrtiineal Complex 41 studied In almost every case where primitive tribes have been exhaustively it has been found that various relationships are associated with definite rights and duties. The emphasis on the father's side of the might plausibly be exploited on behalf of the hypothesis that the Crow and Hidatsa were once organized into father-sibs.right ? The Hopi are as could be less founded in reason. The real explanation is. the father's brothers and sisters were considered as recipients before every one else. When he gave away some of his horses to a father's clansman. strictly matronymic peoples the paternal relatives nevertheless play a perfectly definite part in the individual's social life. of course. In his discusfamily is so strong among these two tribes that it sion with McLennan." implications of the phrase . only one of a whole series The avuncular relationship forms of more or less analogous relationships its and must be so viewed lest importance be grossly exaggerated. With these . assumption matronymic and avuncular as they ever were and the chances are that the naming custom is as old as any of these other institutions.
who were at first exclusively regarded. . while various patronymic tribes assign peculiar functions to the mother's brother. as their nomenclature clearly demonstrates. accounts in that there is a slightly greater probability for the avunculate to be coupled with matronymy than with patronymy. but they further assign duties and privileges to both sides of the family. the protection of the wife as against her husband. Now this tribe. . the special honor of the maternal-uncle may have been merely a consequence of the fact that the maternal kindred came. 50 My comment on this would simply be that it is unnecessary to assume : the sequence from agnatic to cognatic institutions matronymy is perfectly consistent with the assignment of definite functions to the father 's group and This point of patronymy is equally consistent with the avunculate. . Germanic law writes: . might be favorable for a higher degree of correlation if we could disengage instances of borrowing from those where the custom has sprung up GO E. combined with transmission and the influence of my opinion. . recognizes kinship in both lines. as the representative of the maternal sib. Huebner. tion. In this appearance of the idea of cognatie which transformed in the same manner the family and the sib the maternal uncle naturally played the most important role: he was the link between the families of the father and the mother. Arch. and he was primarily the person upon whom was incumbent. . to be considered along with the paternal. paternal side. purely terminological contention of Morgan 's admits of wider applicaNot only do people uniformly recognize the existence of bilateral relationships definite by an appropriate nomenclature. more thoroughgoing investiga- A tion in the field will reveal innumerable social functions dependent on a special type of relationship. view. Huebner in rejecting the survivalist theory of the avunculate for . 1918. p. in time. a consequence of the fact that the family's purely agnatic structure was replaced by a cognatic organization. Thus. patrilineal or matrilineal. relationship. regardless of the mode of descent. for the vast majority of recorded avuncular institutions.42 University of California Publications in Am. and Ethn. History of Germanic Private Law. Thus. in other words. The case. 590. though I am quite willing to admit cross-cousin marriage. 16 he showed. by blood or The avunculate cannot be appraised rightly except as a special case of a very general tendency to associate definite social relations with definite forms of kinship regardless of maternal or by marriage. . The explanation here offered may be supplemented by discussing one that seems to have commended itself to some legal historians. it happens that the matrilineal Crow show a peculiar regard for the father's clan-mates. [Vol.
problem in There are certainly very noteworthy resem- blances.75. that not matronymic tribes. it may also In short. connections would thus necessarily remain arbitrary. we may ultimately come to make the statement that the coefficient of correlation for the avunculargely involved.1919] Lome: The Matrilineal Complex 43 spontaneously. The absence of such customs among the Australians and their development in Africa. late with sedentary tribes that are both matrilineal and matrilocal is . but matronymic seem to form a favorable soil for the evolution of avuncular customs.05. It should be noted that the avunculate involves an interesting diffusion. and the If we assume with the extreme difis two distinct parts of the globe. between the Bantu forms of the practice. In this case an irrepressible logical instinct leads The us to posit like conditions as underlying like observed effects. and was thence transmitted to Africa and America and w herever r else its observed range of its distri- bution may extend. Melanesia. while for But nomadic patrilineal and patrilocal peoples these are merely suggestions thrown out it approximates zero. the Tlingit. That is to say. similarity of avuncular usages in Melanesia and North America then con- appears as the probable. for example. instead of saying that matrilineal societies tend to give rise to the avuncular usages. to stimulate further research. The matter stands very differently if we accept the view current in America that similar cultural features may arise independently in unconnected areas. Yet even we so. No matter what may have been them its its represents a unique phenomconcomitants we are in no position to manipulate so as to separate factors that helped from those which hindered able to evolution. In that case we should postulate that the avunculate developed once among the Banks Islanders. turn out that matrilocal residence is On the other hand. that unamen- any mode of verification. For all we could it tell origin would be an accidental occurrence since ex hypothesi enon. but this speculation. for instance. it is tribes of a particular type. consequence of like . if not inevitable. Any suggestion as to causal is. are unfortunately not able to do except by the correlation would prove more involved than if the avunculate were simply a corollary of the matronymic institution. that the coefficient for nomadic matrilineal tribes is . and the settled tribes of North multiple correlation with America indicate that possibly there is a matronymy and a settled mode of existence. fusionist school that no cultural feature can arise independently in Banks Islands. the matter very simple.
and to ascertain is. But avunculate when we find it among the Haida on negligible for the the one hand and the Hopi on the other. are always associated with thus. the Northwest Coast foci for the transmission of the avunculate without at the same time transmitting the correlated traits. and Ethn. it mathematically speaking. There is no possible way to account for the absence of the custom in the immense intervening area except to assume that late it never existed there. speculation. Arch. [Vol. 16 comitant circumstances. a function of a series of features including matronymy. and the enormous extent of borrowing. its occurrence in geographically and historically distinct communities ceases to puzzle. which accounts far more satisfactorily than the survival the absence of the supposed hypothesis for the occurrence of the avunculate amidst patrilineal institutions. one represents parallel another. but everything intricate points to the conclusion that the connection is a far more Here again discrimination is a The degree of prerequisite to a sane envisaging of the problem. Some degree of correlation between matronymy and matrilocalism or the avunculate may be accepted. The theory of a matrilineal society which by some necessity produces out of presence in turn of itself a series of features whose may be used to establish the existence of such a is society in the present or past untenable. To return to the general problem for a summary of results based on an empirical survey.44 University of California Puolications in Am. but with exclusive reference to the one trait under discussion. in a certain sense all of the this fact is New World forms a cultural unit. but are in geographical proximity to localities that have developed it. what are the becomes the duty of the ethnologist If the avunculate significant concomitants. it. tribution are likely to find the observed facts of dis- great resemblance between disconnected groups sharing certain features besides the avunculate. correlation need not be the same for all of the supposed constituents one than is commonly supposed. provided the same correlates Practically the matter would stand Independent development would be postulated for the disconnected areas of the globe. These would not be determined once and for all time by abstract geographical For example. nor by general cultural considerations. the Hopi avuncuevolution. When we independent such primary centers become In other words. and the occurrence of the avunculate in other localities which lack all the essential correlates for the independent evolution of the avunculate. . It ignores two vital groups frequent empirical phenomena symptoms among undoubtedly matrilineal peoples.
with matronymy The correlation of these comparatively meager privileges may possibly be expressed by a coefficient of . all probability is to the contrary. A priori reasonableness can accordingly not take the place of empirical facts. Let us study what sociological traits are actually linked together. in fact. and we shall then have something to contribute to the problem of the matrilineal complex. a brief historical The earliest theoretical treatise on still matronymy interpreted the feature as a sign of the matriarch ate. weighs heavily. question whether it though I seriously is nearly so strong. In proportion as supposedly matriarchal tribes have become better known. . the "mother.1919] Lottie: The Matrilineal Complex 45 of the matrilineal complex.rule" has shrunk into certain property rights held by women (Hopi.01. or certain social and political prerogatives (Iroquois). Nothing could have been more plausible. For those with whom the plex theory in retrospect is a priori plausibility of the matrilineal com- its classical form recommended. Khasi). for what more naturally accounts for matrilineal descent than female ascendancy ? Yet in the face of a truly overwhelming mass of negative evidence the followers of Bachofen have long ago abandoned the conception of the matriarchate as a necessary or even common correlate of matronymy.
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