Augustine's on Christian Teaching | Rhetoric | Augustine Of Hippo

Augustine·s On Christian Teaching, Scripture and the Classical Education Abstract Augustine had a high view of scripture, seeing

it as the foundation of life for the individual and for society, and as the origin of morality, philosophy, eloquence, rhetoric and teaching. As such, Augustine urged his followers to undertake study of the scripture for understanding. ´There are two things on which all interpretation of scripture depends: the process of discovering what we need to learn, and the process of presenting what we have learntµ ² Augustine, On Christian Teaching, preface. On Christian Teaching is a four volume work exploring the substance of Christian belief, the methods of understanding Scripture, and then finally an examination of the methods of proclaiming such beliefs. Augustine was influenced by notions of education and proclamation of his time ² there are many philosophical factors underpinning his doctrine, educational philosophy and rhetorical approach. While studies of On Christian Doctrine in the light of Augustine·s battles with heretics, his Platonic background, or his time in the Manichean sect would doubtless prove beneficial, this work will examine the role the classical Liberal Arts education, and Cicero·s rhetorical approach shaped the work. This exploration demonstrates that there is much the modern church, and modern teacher of the scriptures, can learn from this fourth century churchman. ´He who reads to an audience pronounces aloud the words he sees before him: he who teaches reading, does it that others may be able to read for themselves. Just so, the ma n who explains to an audience the passages of Scripture he understands is like one who reads aloud the words before him. On the other hand, the man who lays down rules for interpretation is like one who teaches reading, that is, shows others how to read for themselves.µ ´For what a person learns independently of scripture is condemned there if it is harmful, but found there if it is useful. And when one has found there all the useful knowledge that can be learnt anywhere else, one will also find there, in much greater abundance, things which are learnt nowhere else at all, but solely in the remarkable humility of the scriptures.µ ² Augustine, On Christian Teaching

Introduction Augustine of Hippo was a master of destroying arguments and lofty opinions against God, and tak ing them captive to Christ (2 Corinthians 10:5), this philosophy underpinned much of his work. In On Christian Teaching he cites a variety of thinkers, Christian and secular, demonstrating a conversance with their work,1 and encourages a model of interaction with such work predicated on plundering intellectual gold wherever it can be found, and realigning it with the work of the gospel. Augustine was passionate about the Bible, seeing life under God as the chief end of man, and mankind as God·s means of achieving this purpose. All things on earth were useful only insofar as they furthered this end, and thus Christians were called to be conversant with the people around them, and to be in a position to discern the gold to be plundered from secular ideas and philosophies. Augustine, like Origen before him,2 urged believers to study the liberal arts in order to unlock the mysteries of scripture. In this manner Augustine followed not just Origen, but Cicero, one of the fathers of the rhetoric, who was a profound intellectual, and spiritual, influence on Augustine.3 His methodology for the reading and teaching of scripture borrowed heavily from Cicero·s educational framework, and laid the groundwork for Christian and secular education in the sciences, arts and humanities for future generations. 4 Augustine flipped Cicero·s paradigm ² where his hero desired eloquence above wisdom, the churchman pursued wisdom and saw eloquence as a tool in the educator·s armoury, rather than the end goal of education. 5 Many passages within Augustine·s work are products of his time and personal experience, including his unique exegetical and allegorical approach to certain passages of scripture, his own statement about dealing with the works of others, holds true for interactions with his work: ´A person who is a good and true Christian should realise that truth belongs to his Lord, wherever it is found, gathering and acknowledging it even in pagan literature, but rejecting superstitious vanities.µ6

1 At a quick glance his work interacts with Cicero, Varro, Plato, Aristotle, Virgil, Pythagoras, Cyprian the martyr, Lactantius, Vic torinus of Optatus, Hilary, Eusebius, Jerome, and his friend Ambrose. 2 Origen, Letter to Gregory, New Advent Church Fathers, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0415.htm, ´But I am anxious that you should devote all the strength of your natural good parts to Christianity for your end; and in order to this, I wish to ask you to extractfrom the philosophy of the Greeks what may serve as a course of study or a preparation for Christianity, and from geometry and astronomy what will serve to explain the sacred Scriptures, in order that all that the sons of the philosophers are wont to say about geometry and music, grammar, rhetoric, and astronomy, as fellow-helpers to philosophy, we may say about philosophy itself, in relation to Christianity.µ 3 Augustine, Confessions, Book III, Chapter Four, New Advent Church Fathers, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/110103.htm, Augustine attributes his eagerness to be an eminent rhetor, and his turning to the God of the Bible to reading Cicero·s Hortensius. 4 D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,·Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30, 27 5 ibid 6 Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, Book Two, 27

While his work contains certain ´superstitious vanitiesµ that should be rejected, there is much truth to be explored and adopted. This essay will explore Augustine·s framework for reading and teaching the scriptures, making observations about how his approach to reading the scripture is influenced by his classical education, and his approach to teaching by his training as an orator. While there is much to be gleaned by interpreting Augustine through his pre-Christian philosophical and theological convictions (namely his Platonism and Manicheaism), these observations are ancillary to this essay, and will only be mentioned as they relate to the topic. We will examine, in a broad treatment, his approach to the study and teaching of scripture, concluding that while some elements are chronosyncratic much of this treatise stands the test of time and provides succor for those seeking to live lives according to scripture, and to teach it to others.

How to Read The Bible Augustine believed that scripture should be read for understanding, and that such understanding would always encourage believers towards acts of charity and away from acts of crime and vice. 7 His hermeneutical key used Jesus· statement that all the Law and the Prophets hung on the commandment to love God, and your neighbour as yourself, (Matthew 22:38-40), this was his key for unlocking the whole Scriptures, any interpretation that failed to meet his criteria was incorrect and should be discarded.8 If a passage was unable to produce such a meaning then it was to be interpreted as figurative in a way that did.9 He suggested readers start by familiarising themselves with the text, reading for knowledge and memory, then move to examining the plain doctrinal truths, before moving to interpret the less clear passages. 10

How to Read the Bible - A Hermeneutic of Love For Augustine, Love truly conquered all, at least all alternative readings of scripture, his philosophical commitments and intellectual background meshed with his underlying Biblical hermeneutic and exegetical model to produce an approach to more difficult passages of scripture that is akin to a contortionist performing acrobatics. Augustine·s interpretive principles are essentially sound, coupled with an exegetical commitment to let clear passages of scripture guide interpretation of more difficult passages, and a desire not to interpret figurative passages as literal. But his views on what passages were to be taken figuratively, and what to take literally, were broader than necessary.
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Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book III, Chapter 10 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Whoever, then, thinks that he understands the Holy Scriptures, or any part of them, but puts such an interpretation upon them as does not tend to build up this twofold love of God and our neighbor, does not yet understand them as he ought. 9 Augstine, On Christian Teaching, Chapter 10 10 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 9, Book III, Chapters 26-28

Augustine·s approach to the issue of loving your neighbour, by first loving yourself, adopts a Platonic view of identity, and an Aristotelian approach to the question of self-love.11 He suggests that in order to love others one must first love oneself, and that man needs no command to do so. 12 Augustine·s hermeneutic of love allowed interpretive flexibility, or license, for those seeking to understand the Scriptures. Wrong interpretations with loving conclusions were fair game, and errors of this nature, were simply a detour, 13 though worthy of correction, in case the incorrect thinker might ´get into a habit of going astray,µ 14 such errors were not pernicious or deceptive. 15

How to Read the Bible ² An Exegetical Model Augustine struggled to intellectually reconcile the God of the Old Testament with his convictions about the nature of God,16 and part of his conversion involved a commitment to interpret those passages with in his hermeneutic of love, and an allegorical approach that made much of his exegesis, particularly of the Old Testament, unreliable. 17 He advocated the perspicuity of Scripture, suggesting that even the most difficult passages could be understood using a simple array of tools. He relied on clear doctrine from unambiguous passages when it came to interpreting ambiguous doctrine in less clear passages.18 There were certain strengths to the exegetical model laid out in On Christian Teaching. After explaining the difference between ´signsµ and ´things,µ19 Augustine turns to genre recognition as vital to understanding the scriptures, with all passages either to be understood as literal or figurative,20 some signs were included in order to evoke figurative interpretations,21 but passages were to be considered literal unless they could not be brought into line with his

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Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book IX, Chapter 8, from Sacred Texts, http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/ari/nico/nico103.htm, ´Therefore the good man should be a lover of self (for he will both himself profit by doing noble acts, and will benefit his fellows), but the wicked man should not; for he will hurt both himself and his neighbours,µ Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book I, Chapter 5, ´Man, therefore, ought to be taught the due measure of loving, that is, in what measure he may love himself so as to be of service to himself.µ 12 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book I, Chapter 5 13 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book I, Chapter 36, ´Whoever takes another meaning out of Scripture than the writer intended, goes astray, but not through any falsehood in Scripture. Nevertheless, as I was going to say, if his mistaken interpretation tends to buil up love, which is the d end of the commandment, he goes astray in much the same way as a man who by mistake quits the high road, but yet reaches through the fields the same place to which the road leads. He is to be corrected, however, and to be shown how much better it is not to quit thestraight road, lest, if he get into a habit of going astray, he may sometimes take cross roads, or even go in the wrong direction altogether.µ 14 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book I, Chapter 36 15 ibid, ´If, on the other hand, a man draws a meaning from them that may be used for the building up of love, eventhough he does not happen upon the precise meaning which the author whom he reads intended to express in that place, his error is not pernicious, and he is wholly clear from the charge of deception.µ 16 Augustine, Confessions, 5.14.24, Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book III, Chapters 11-12 17 Augustine, Confessions, 5.14.25, describes his movement from the Manicheans ´overly literalµ interpretation of the Old Testament to Amrbose·s allegorical approach, and character, and approach he continues to advocate in On Christian Teaching, e.g Book III, Chapters 11- 12 18 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 9, 19 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapters 1-4 20 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapters 6, 16, Book III, Chapter 10 21 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 10

hermeneutic.22 If this was the case the passage was to be treated as figurative, and thus became fertile ground for allegory.

How to Read the Bible ² An Exegetical Toolkit To better enable one to understand the more difficult passages in scripture he encouraged the study of Greek and Hebrew,23 familiarity with conventions of language,24 punctuation and grammar,25 but only so far as they enabled the better understanding of scripture, and of other people. Augustine calls for readers and teachers to elucidate potential hidden meanings in scripture by understanding those terms and phrases (or signs) the writers of the Bible employ.26 He bemoans the clunky translation of idioms into Latin, 27 and advocates developing a familiarity with common idioms by repetition, or seeking out a speaker of that tongue.28 Other signs, and biblical analogies can be understood through the study of plants, minerals, sport, the mechanical arts, and geography. 29 Augustine essentially advocates a Roman ´Liberal Artsµ education,30 the kind he himself had received,31 and the kind he represents as a desirable trait in the possibly auto-biographically fictive person of Trygetius in the Cassiciacum Dialogues.32 While some argue that Augustine grew disillusioned on the value of such an education as he grew older,33 Topping (2010) suggests Augustine maintained a middle of the road, ´guardedly optimistic,µ view of such an education throughout his life. 34 Knowledge gleaned in study in any of these areas is pursued only to enhance the understanding of God·s word. On the question of music, which some suspected were daughters of Jupiter and Mercury, Augustine highlights the interpretive benefits of familiarity with music, interacting with the work of Varro:
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ibid Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapters 11, 13 24 Particularly the original languages in order to not attempt clunky translations of idioms, Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 13, 14 25 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book III, Chapters 2-3 26 T. Williams, ¶Biblical Interpretation,· The Cambridge Companion to Augustine, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 68-70 contains an overview of Augustine·s approach to becoming an intelligent reader of Scriptures. 27 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 13, 14 28 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 14 ² this notion of repeating idioms in order to own them is similar to Cicero·s practice of translating and rewriting great works of Greek oratory in order to become familiar with their turn of phrase, Cicero, De Oratore, I. xxxiv. 155 29 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 31 30 Augustine, Retractions, I.6 Augustine suggests the disciplines of use for Christian interpretation included grammar, dialectic, rhetoric, arithmetic, music, geometry, and philosophy 31 J.J O·Donnell, ¶De Doctrina Christiana,· Augustine Through The Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. A. Fitzgerald & J.C Cavadini, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 280, Augustine, ¶Letter 104: Augustine to Nectarius,· in Augustine: Political Writings, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought, ed. E.M Atkins, & R.J Dodaro, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 12-13, In this letter to Nectarius, Augustine claims to have read the classical literature of Nectarius (identified as Plato·s Republic in an earlier missive), from his earliest youth, bemoaning that he was a late starter to applying his mind to Christian literature. His conversance with Roman literature allows him to make the case for Christianity to Nectarius, a non Christian. 32 J. McWilliam, ¶Cassiciacum Dialogues· Augustine Through The Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. A. Fitzgerald & J.C Cavadini, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 140-142 33 S. MacCormack, ¶Classical Influences on Augustine,· Augustine Through The Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. A. Fitzgerald & J.C Cavadini, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 207, cites Augustine·s Retractions 1.3.2, ´many holy persons are deeply ignorant of these disciplines, and many who know them are not holy.µ 34 Some scholars have suggested that Augustine was initially a defender of such an education but was later ´defensive,µ perceiving education as a threat to Christian belief. Topping advocates a third view ² that Augustine was always cautiously optimistic regarding such an education, R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education: Defender and Defensive,· The Heythrop Journal, LI (2010), pp. 377²387

´Many passages are also made inaccessible and opaque by an ignorance of music. It has been elegantly demonstrated that there are some figurative meanings of things based on the difference between the psaltry and the lyre« ´But whether Varro·s story is true or not, we should not avoid music because of the associated pagan superstitions if there is a possibility of gleaning of it something of value for understanding Holy Scripture.µ 35 On the question of original languages, Augustine may not have entirely practiced what he preached, while deeply and vehemently committed to the Bible he engaged in a long running debate with Jerome on efforts to translate the Hebrew Old Testament,36 rather than the Septuagint, a translation Augustine held in high esteem on account of its divine provenance.37 After a series of heated missives between the two patriarchs,38 where in one case Augustine recounted the plight of a fellow bishop narrowly avoided a riot, and expulsion from his parish, over a new translation of a single word in Jonah,39 Augustine eventually welcomed the translation from Hebrew,40 but was more excited by Jerome·s attempts to translate the Greek text.41 Augustine argued that the Septuagint had been widely distributed, used by the apostles,42 and alternate translations would undermine confidence in the word for those aware of such debates. 43 Some scholars have suggested Augustine·s own language skills fell short of the standard he advocates in On Christian Teaching,44 a passage from Confessions seems to imply that he found Hebrew unintelligible,45 though he regularly
Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapters 17-18 Augustine, ¶Letter to Jerome,· Letters of St Augustine, Letter 28, 394 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102028.htm, ´For my own part, I cannot sufficiently express my wonder that anything should at this date be found in the Hebrew manuscripts which escaped so many translators perfectly acquainted with the language. I say nothing of the LXX., regarding whose harmony in mind and spirit, surpassing that which is found in even one man, I dare not in any way pronounce a decided opinion, except that in my judgment, beyond question, very high authority mustin this work of translation be conceded to them...µ Jerome, ¶Letter to Augustine,· Letters of St. Augustine, Letter 75, 404 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102075.htm, ´«in my attempt to translate into Latin, for the benefit of those who speak the same language with myself, the corrected Greek version of the Scriptures, I have laboured not to supersede what has been long esteemed, but only to bring prominently forward those things which have been either omitted or tampered with by the Jews, in order that Latin readers mig know what is ht found in the original Hebrew.µ 37 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 15, Augustine, City of God, XVIII chap 43, Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 71, Chapter 2, 403 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102071.htm, 38 Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 71, Chapter 2 ´For my part, I would much rather that you would furnish us with a translation of the Greek version of the canonical Scriptures known as the work of the Seventy translators.µ 39 Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 71, Chapter 3, tells a story of a bishop who introduced Jerome·s new version of Jonah to the church where they discovered an unfamiliar word, a translation that almost sparked a riot, ´thereupon arose such a tumult in the congregation, especially among the Greeks, correcting what had been read, and denouncing the translation as false, that the bishop was compelled to ask the testimony of the Jewish residents« suggesting this bishop had to correct Jerome ´«as he desired not to be left without a congregation³a calamity which he narrowly escaped,µ Augustine highlighted the dangers of working with unpopular languages. Jerome responds, Jerome to Augustus, Letter 75. Chapter 7, Jerome enquires what this tumultuous word might have been, observing that Augustine failed to tell him ´thus taking away the possibility of my saying anything in my own vindication, lest my reply should be fatal to your objectio further n,µ speculating that the issue revolves around the translation of a plant genus (gourd or ivy). 40 Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 82, Chapter 5.34, 405 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102082.htm 41 Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 82, Chapter 5.35 42 Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 71, Chapter 4 43 Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 71, Chapter 2, ´For if your translation begins to be more generally read in many churches, it will be a grievous thing that, in the reading of Scripture, differences must arise between the Latin Churches an the Greek Churches, d especially seeing that the discrepancy is easily condemned in a Latin version by the production of the original in Greek, which is a language very widely known; whereas, if any one has been disturbed by the occurrence of something to which he was not accustomed in the translation taken from the Hebrew, and alleges that the new translation is wrong, it will be found difficult, if not impossible, to get at the Hebrew documents by which the version to which exception is taken may be defended.µ 44 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 11, Many have suggested Augustine had ´no Hebrew, and little Greek,µ for example T. Williams, ¶Biblical Interpretation,· The Cambridge Companion to Augustine, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 70, at footnote 8.
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undertakes Hebrew word studies in his exegesis.46 Augustine·s grasp of Hebrew in these studies is rudimentary at best, and his Greek became more fluent with age. He may not have been as capable in either as Jerome, but he was certainly able to wield them in order to develop the sort of interpretive conclusions that would make Nicholas Cage·s character in National Treasure proud. That is to say the basis for such conclusions was often s haky, 47 and the conclusions themselves subject to a vivid imagination, and an exegetical commitment to fanciful allegory. 48

How to Read the Bible ² Plundering the gold of others Prior to his conversion, Augustine was deeply committed to Neo-Platonism, and an adherent of Manicheaism, a Persian Gnostic religion.49 His experience with, and conversion from, these beliefs profoundly shaped his Christianity, his worldview, and his approach to understanding the Bible. But it is perhaps his admiration of Cicero, his classical education, and his background as an orator, that most profoundly shaped his ministry and philosophy. His conversion to Christianity was fundamentally rational, and the result of a long process of thought, and powerful rhetoric. He describes the process in Confessions,50 but the value he placed on his study of alternate philosophies is found in his approach to secular knowledge in On Christian Teaching. His engaging with secular thoughts followed an established practice, traced through the works of the apostles, early church fathers like Clement, Origen, and his contemporary, Jerome.51 While others were content to interact with the

Augustine, Confessions, Book XI, Chapter Three, New Advent Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/110111.htm, Augustine asks to speak to Moses regarding the creation of the world and says ´And should he speak in the Hebrew tongue, in vain would it beat on my senses, nor would anything touch my mind; but if in Latin, I should know what he said. But whence should I know whetherhe said what was true?µ- This seems possible to interpret as a rhetorical emphasis on Moses· origins in a foreign time and place, and the witness Augustine expected he could still have to his soul (because the Spirit would confirm what was true:´But whence should I know whether he said what was true? But if I knew this even, should I know it from him? Verily within me, within in the chamber of my thought, Truth, neither Hebrew, nor Greek, nor Latin, nor barbarian, without the organs of voice and tongue, without the sound of syllables, would say, "He speaks the truth," and I, immediately assured of it, confidently would say unto that man of Yours, "You speak the truth." 46 Augustine, Exposition on Psalm 133, from New Advent Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1801133.htm contains a study of the word ´hermon,µ a light set on a high place, his word study says: ´The word is Hebrew, and we learn its meaning from them who know that language,µ it leads to an allegorical link to Christ, his Exposition on Psalm 132 from New Advent Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1801132.htm, contains a similar study of the word Ephrata, with reference to the Latin equivalent, Speculum, from the ´translators of Hebrew words in the Scripturesµ who have ´handed down to us that we might understand themµ ² this word study also leads to an allegorical interpretation of the Psalm. 47 Augustine was, by his own admission in his cited works on Psalms, relying on the testimony of others when it came to his use of Hebrew rather than seeking out Hebrew instruction from the Jewish community. 48 A commitment grounded in his conversion under Ambrose as recorded in Confessions ² ´This was especially clear after I had heard one or two parts of the Old Testament explained allegorically--whereas before this, when I had interpreted them literally, they had "killed" me spiritually.µ Augustine, Confessions, 5.14.24 49 Augustine, Confessions, 5.14.25 50 Augustine, Confessions, 5.14.25, from New Advent Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/110105.htm - Still, concerning the body of this world, nature as a whole - now that I was able to consider and compare such things more and more - I now decided that the majority of the philosophers held the more probable views. So, in what I thought was the method of the Academics- doubting everything and fluctuating between all the options - I came to the conclusion that the Manicheans were to be abandoned. For I judged, even in that period of doubt, that I could not remain in a sect to which I preferred some of the philosophers. But I refused to commit the cure of my faintng soul to the i philosophers, because they were without the saving name of Christ. I resolved, therefore, to become a catechumen in the Catholic Church - which my parents had so much urged upon me - until something certain shone forth by which I might guide mycourse.µ 51 D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,·Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30, 27

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ideas of foreign teaching, Augustine follows Origen, whose Letter to Gregory urges his Christian reader to read widely, looking for truth wherever possible, with a view to incorporating it into sound Christian belief. 52 «in order that, by spoiling the Egyptians, they might have material for the preparation of the things which pertained to the service of God. ² Origen, Letter to Gregory ´These treasures« must be removed by Christians as they separate themselves in spirit from the wretched company of pagans, and applied to their true function, that of preaching the gospel.µ ² Augustine, On Christian Teaching Jerome urges a similar approach as he observes the Biblical writers engaging with contemporary poets and philosophers, though he closes with a slightly less elegant analogy, David beheading Goliath with his own sword, to describe the Apostle Paul·s approach.53 Augustine recognised truth in many systems of thought, expecting a harmonious relationship between special and general revelation,54 he suggested all pagan learning either concerned human institutions (philosophy) or described divinely instituted order (natural law),55 and that truth therein belonged to God and should be used for his purposes. He has a particular soft spot for Platonism, suggesting a large correlation with Christianity. 56 He attempts to explain this overlap, speculating that during the philosopher·s pilgrimage to Egypt, he must have discovered Jewish monotheism, speculation he later adapted in City of God.57 Regardless of the source of Plato·s divine inspiration, Augustine was happy to adopt a redemptive approach to secular thought, bringing such truth as could be found elsewhere under the banner of Christianity in order to better understand and teach the gospel.

Knowledge, Wisdom and Eloquence: The Nexus of ´faith seeking understanding,µ and teaching, and Augustine·s contribution to education Wisdom and eloquence, or eloquence and wisdom? This was a defining question for classical philosophers and orators.58
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Origen, Letter to Gregory, New Advent Church Fathers, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0415.htm D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,·Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30, 26, Jerome, Letter to Magnus, an Orator of Rome, Letters of St Jerome, Letter 70, New Advent Church Fathers, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3001070.htm 54 D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,· Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30, 28 55 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, ´There are two kinds of learning pursued even in pagan society. One consists of things which have been instituted by humans, the other consists of things already developed or divinely instituted, which have been observed by them.µ 56 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, ´Any statements by those which are called philosophers, especially the Platonists, which happen to be true and consistent with our own faith should not cause alarm, but be claimed for our own use, as it were from owners who have no right to them.Like the treasures of the Ancient Egyptians.µ 57 Augustine, City of God, Book VIII, Chapter 11, from New Advents Church Fathers Collection,http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/120108.htm, by the time he wrote City of God Augustine has recalculated the dates of Plato·s pilgrimage, ruling out a coincidence with the translators of the Septuagint under Ptolmey, but suggesting Plato·s insatiable curiosity must have brought him in contact with Jewish ideas citi immutability as a ng key doctrinal point of Judaism that Plato must only have found there. 58 C.E Quillen, ¶Reading Augustine, Augustine on Reading,· Rereading the Renaissance: Petrarch, Augustine, and the Language of Humanism, (Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 23-24
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Plato, in Phaedrus, had suggested rhetoric should merge with philosophy and serve as background for a dialectic approach to wisdom,59 he distrusted written communication and preferred oratory as a means for developing wisdom,60 Plato also advocated understanding the ´soulµ of your audience in order to speak their language of persuasion,61 in the right language for the occasion, 62 a concept Augustine promotes for those looking to teach the church,63 though he was much more favourably disposed to the written word. 64 Aristotle believed that dialectic and rhetoric were two sides of the same coin, useful for instruction 65 and that there were three types of persuasion: logos, pathos and ethos, 66 and three varieties of rhetoric: political, forensic, and ceremonial.67 The end of man, and thus the end of rhetoric, was happiness: ´Whatever creates or increases happiness or some part of happiness, we ought to do; whatever destroys or hampers happiness, or gives rise to its opposite, we ought not to do.µ 68 Augustine had no trouble reconciling happiness as man·s chief end, or the supreme good, with declaring God also our supreme good. 69 They were one and the same. 70 Cicero argued that rhetoric and reason, or wisdom and eloquence, were together the basis for civilised society. 71 He believed that oratory depended on knowledge, and conversely knowledge depended on oratory, 72 for without it nobody would learn, his work De Oratore bears a certain resemblance to Augustine·s teaching in On Christian Teaching, in its

Plato, Phaedrus, 276e, from Perseus, http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0174%3Atext%3DPhaedrus%3Apage%3D275 , Plato suggests dialetic discourse that ´plants and sowsµ an intelligent word in a fitting soul is ´far noblerµ than writing one·s thoughts or posterity. f 60 Plato, Phaedrus, 275a-e 61 Plato, Phaedrus, 271.d 62 Plato, Phaedrus, 272.a, 277 63 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book IV, Chapters 14, 22-23 64 P.R.L Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography, (Berkeley, California University Press, 1967), 300-306 documents the care Augustine took when composing his Magnum Opus, City of God, R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education,· notes we have more than five million extant words written by Augustine. 65 Aristotle, Aristotle·s Rhetoric, Book 1, Chapter 1, from http://www2.iastate.edu/~honeyl/Rhetoric/rhet1-1.html 66 Aristotle, Aristotle·s Rhetoric, Book 1, Chapter 2, http://www2.iastate.edu/~honeyl/Rhetoric/rhet1-2.html ² or reason, emotional manipulation, and personal character or credibility. 67 Aristotle, Aristotle·s Rhetoric, Book 1, Chapter 3, http://www2.iastate.edu/~honeyl/Rhetoric/rhet1-3.html 68 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book 1, Chapter 5 69 J.L O·Donovan, ¶The Political Thought of the City of God,· Bonds of Imperfection: Christian Politics, Past and Present, O. O·Donovan and J.L O·Donovan, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 49-50, 54, suggests Augustine shared a classical understanding that a ´thing·sµ end is its perfection, and for humanity the final good is eternal life, which is the only true source of happiness, he suggests it is possible to enjoy a qualified happiness now ´It is the hope of the eternal that makes us relatively happy, for only in hope can we enjoy the true good of the mind, whichis to contemplate the eternal.µ 70 B. Kent, ¶Augustine·s Ethics,· The Cambridge Companion to Augustine, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 216 71 J. May, ¶Cicero's Ideal Orator and the Saint Olaf Graduate: The Tradition Continues?· Mellby Lecture, Founders Day, 1996, St. Olaf College, http://www.stolaf.edu/offices/doc/PublicRemarks/MellbyLecture1996.html 72 Cicero, De Oratore, I. ii. 5-8, http://www.archive.org/stream/cicerodeoratore01ciceuoft/cicerodeoratore01ciceuoft_djvu.txt Cicero held that oratory depended on the trained skill of highly educated people, rather than natural talent.

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dealings with virtue and vice,73 and the call for orators to be familiar with a wide range of disciplines. The notion of wisdom without eloquence was a foreign one. Cicero argued that a ´mute and voiceless wisdomµ had no hope of persuading or changing lives.74 While modern scholarship has been dismissive of Cicero·s place in the canon of philosophers and orators ² he had a profound impact on Augustine·s life and teaching. 75 Foley (1999) suggests many of Augustine·s written works were a tribute or response to Cicero·s writings. 76 In this manner Augustine·s On Christian Teaching takes its place amongst the volumes of works that pioneered a classical ´liberal artsµ education.77 While some have suggested describing Augustine as a philosopher in the modern age is a misnomer as he essentially ceased to be a philosopher when he was converted,78 and it is true that his conversion led him to distance himself from certain aspects of his previous philosophical beliefs.79 Augustine·s model for learning and understanding the scriptures through broad knowledge of other disciplines borrows heavily on philosophy, and the classical education championed by Plato·s Republic,80 Varro·s encyclopedic Libri Novem Disciplinarum,81 and Cicero·s De Oratore,82 the end goal of such an education was oratory,83 this was the final step in a classical education and the ticket to social mobility. 84 Jeffery (2007) suggests Augustine appropriated Cicero·s educational philosophy ´to a biblical order of reasoning about language and truth.µ85

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Cicero, De Oratore, II. I. xxxv, 349 Cicero, De Inventione, Book I, Chapter 2, http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/On_invention/Book_1?match=la ´And it certainly seems to me that no wisdom which was silent and destitute of skill in speaking could have had such power as to turn men on a sudden from their pr vious customs, e and to lead them to the adoption of a different system of life« how c men possibly have been induced to learn to cultivate integrity and to ould maintain justice, and to be accustomed willingly to obey others, and to think it right not only to encounter toil for the sak of the general e advantage, but even to run the risk of losing their lives, if men had not been able to persuade them by eloquence of the truth of those principles which they had discovered by philosophy?µ 75 M.P Foley, ¶Cicero, Augustine, and the Philosophical Roots of the Cassiciacum Dialogues,· Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 45 (1999), 51-77, 5153 76 M.P Foley, op. cit. 62 77 C.E Quillen, ¶Reading Augustine, Augustine on Reading,· 23-25 78 J. Rist, ¶Faith and Reason,· The Cambridge Guide to Augustine, ed. E. Stump and N. Kretzmann, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 27 79 A.W Matthews, The Development of St. Augustine from Neoplatonism to Christianity. 386-391 A.D (Washington: University Press of America, 1980), 261. Augustine was happy to relinquish elements of his platonic, and neo-platonic, way of viewing the world in order to conform to Christian thinking and beliefs. 80 Plato, Republic, Book VII, 521c-531c, from Perseus http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0168%3Abook%3D7%3Asection%3D522d , Plato outlines five disciplines ² geometry, astronomy, music, arithmetic, and dialetic, see R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education: Defender and Defen sive,· The Heythrop Journal, LI (2010), 379, regarding the desirability of a liberal arts education. 81 A.F West, ¶The Seven Liberal Arts,· Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools, (New York: Scribner, 1892, reprinted by BiblioLife Reproductions, 2009), 6-7, identifies Varro as the Roman father of the Liberal Arts movement, with Cicero a strong supporter. Varro identified nine a ² rts grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, musical theory, medicine and architecture, the last two were omited by subsequent t writers, and Cicero helped popularise this style of education in Rome see D.C Lindberg, The Beginnings of Western Science: The European Scientific Tradition in Philosophical, Religious and Institutional Context, 600 B.C to 1450 AD,(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 138-141 82 Cicero, De Oratore, Book 1, XLII promotes music, geometry, astronomy, literature, and oratory as the ´contents of the arts.µ 83 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapters 29-40, advocates knowledge of natural science, the mechanical arts, logic, dialectics, eloquence and rhetoric. 84 C.E Quillen, ¶Reading Augustine, Augustine on Reading,· 24 85 D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,·Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30, 26

Some scholars suggest Augustine·s view of the Liberal Arts changed from a romantic notion of a liberal arts Christian curriculum designed to introduce students to God,86 to a position based solely on understanding the scriptures, 87 with only God as a teacher. 88 A more tenable position is to see Augustine·s position on the arts developing into that expressed in On Christian Teaching, namely that the liberal arts are of subordinate use in helping one understand the Bible.89 Topping (2010) identifies five occasions where Augustine lists the elements of Plato·s educational model. 90 For Augustine, such an education is only useful so far as it aids in the understanding and teaching of Scripture,91 though he thought those with a liberal education worth engaging with intellectually,92 and his writings carried references to literature and poetry common for somebody educated that way. Augustine saw the path to wisdom as a seven-step process ² fear, piety, knowledge, resolution, counsel, purification of heart, and finally wisdom.93 Such an education was valuable in stage three, but of only limited value to finding true Christian wisdom. Scripture was to be read seeking understanding,94 in order that one might no longer need the scriptures except to instruct others. 95 Knowledge of the arts was an important basis for rhetoric, and thus for instructing others.

How To Teach The Bible: Augustine·s non-Guide to Rhetoric Augustine described his conversion from orator to bishop as moving from being a ´vendor of wordsµ to being a ´preacher of the word.µ96 For Augustine, as for Cicero, true eloquence was not found in the ability to speak, but also in knowing how to speak to one·s audience, understanding a variety of philosophies and spheres of knowledge, 97 and how they related to ones teaching. 98 Both men believed eloquence was better caught than taught, 99 both advocated
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Augustine, Retractions, I. 5, recounts his beginning of five textbooks on dialectic, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic and philosophy, which he later abandoned when he took up his position in Hippo, see C. Kirwan, ¶Augustine·s Philosophy of Language,· Cambridge Companion to Augustine, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 188 87 P.R.L Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 262-269, R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education: Defender and Defensive,· The Heythrop Journal, LI (2010), 381, 383 identifies three phases of Augustinian thought on a Liberal education ² enthusiasm (Cassiciacum), repudiation (in Confessions), and finally adaptation, which came in the guiseof On Christian Teaching. It is this final stage we are most interested in. 88 C. Kirwan, ¶Augustine·s Philosophy of Language,· Cambridge Companion to Augustine, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 190, Augustine, Retractions, I.II, says ´there is no teacher who teaches man knowledge except God,µ Kirwan argues that Augustine is not precluding human transfer of information in this statement, but rather writing against a Platonic conception of knowledge. 89 There are two scholarly views on the issue ² the first, as outlined by Topping (see above), the second suggests Augustine sought to dissolve the arts education completely. R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education: Defender and Defensive,· The Heythrop Journal, LI (2010), 383 90 R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education: Defender and Defensive,· The Heythrop Journal, LI (2010), 379 identifies ord. 2.12.35²47, 2.4.13² 14; quant. 23.72; retr. 1.6; conf. 4.16.30. 91 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapters 29-42 92 Augustine, ¶Letter 87: Augustine to Emeritus,· in Augustine: Political Writings, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought, ed. E.M Atkins, & R.J Dodaro, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 136 93 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 7 94 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, Chapter 9 95 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book One, ´Therefore a person strengthened by faith, hope and love, and who steadfastly holds on to them, has no need of the scriptures except to instruct others.µ ² 96 R. Lueke, ¶The Rhetoric of Faith,· Word and World, Volume VI, Number 3, 1986, 304-312, 309 97 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book II, 29-42, as earlier mentioned advocated ´plundering gold from the Egyptians,µ but also the study of various disciplines so long as they added to one·s understanding of scripture, Cicero, De Oratore, I. xv. 65-66 suggests technical knowledge improves teaching, and xxxiv. 158-159 that knowledge of philosophy, poetry, the arts, politics and humour give presentations a ´seasoning of salt.µ 98 Cicero, De Oratore, I. xxi. 95, Cicero looked forward to discovering one whose speaking ability was matched by wide reading and knowledge, that man could be actually called eloquent, not ´merely accomplished.µ

employing three styles (the elevated, moderate, and plain), with Augustine differing from Cicero in his desire to choose the best style for the majority of the audience, 100 both thought oratory served to teach, please, and persuade. 101 Augustine·s approach to teaching mirrors his own conversion experience under rhetorical power of his mentor Ambrose, which he recounts in Confessions.102 This experience, and his professional background as a master of the art of rhetoric, shaped his approach to Christian teaching and preaching. Volume four of On Christian Teaching represents Augustine·s ´plunderµ of Cicero·s rhetorical method, and includes some guidelines by which the Bible should be presented. While not providing a comprehensive handbook to the rhetoric Augustine once taught, 103 he presents rhetoric as a morally neutral activity of benefit to the proclamation of the gospel, 104 his view of rhetoric was Aristotelian. Wrong use did not negate right use. 105 Augustine developed a Christian position on the relationship between sapientia (wisdom) and eloquentia (eloquence). Wisdom was to be more desired than eloquence. 106 For Augustine eloquence followed understanding, as teaching followed reading. Understanding came first, as it was only once one understood that one could teach (a seemingly obvious, but somewhat foreign concept to certain advocates of eloquence). Augustine realigned educational theory with the Bible as the foundation for all learning, and then plunders the art of rhetoric as the basis for teaching this system. He outlines the three styles of voice and when to employ them, 107 and demonstrates that eloquence is not just a good tool, but also used by biblical writers, 108 he calls for Christian teachers to live lives consistent with their teaching, 109 to pray before they preach, 110 and in a move consistent with his views on Egyptian gold, he also advocates the borrowing of sermons from brilliant writers. 111

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Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book IV, Chapters 6-8, suggested eloquence was best learned reading the works of eloquent teachers, Cicero advocated translating speeches from eminent orators from Greek to Latin in order to discover fresh idioms and to make their words his, Cicero, De Oratore, I. xxxiv. 155 100 Curley, A, ¶Marcus Tullius Cicero,· Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. A. Fitzgerald & J. Cavadini, 191 101 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book IV, Chapters 4, 12 Curley, A, ¶Marcus Tullius Cicero,· Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. A. Fitzgerald & J. Cavadini, 192 102 Augustine, Confessions, 5.14.24, where he recounts how he sat under Ambrose teaching to marvel at his oratory ability, and found himself swayed by the power of his content, and eventually persuaded ´For, although I took no trouble to learn what he said, but only to hear how he said it--for this empty concern remained foremost with me as long as I despaired of finding a clear path from man to thee --yet, along with the eloquence I prized, there also came into my mind the ideas which I ignored; for I could not separate them. And, w I opened my heart to hile acknowledge how skillfully he spoke, there also came an awareness of how truly he spoke--but only gradually.µ 103 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book IV, Chapter 1 104 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book IV, Chapter 2 105 Aristotle, Aristotle·s Rhetoric, Book 1, Chapter 1, ´And if it be objected that one who uses such power of speech unjustly might do great harm, that is a charge which may be made in common against all good things except virtue, and above all against the hings that are most useful, as t strength, health, wealth, generalship. A man can confer the greatest of benefits by a right use of these, and inflict the gre test of injuries by using a them wrongly.µ 106 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book IV, Chapter 5 107 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book Four, Chapters 9-26 108 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book Four, Chapter 7 109 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book Four, Chapter 27 110 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book Four, Chapters 15, 30 111 Augustine, On Christian Teaching, Book Four, 29

Conclusion Augustine·s framework for becoming a wise reader and teacher of the Bible had an incredi ble, long-term, wide-ranging impact. Not just on the teaching of the church, and a Christian approach of ´faith seeking understandingµ but in the system of secular education as well. Augustine·s Christian approach to the liberal arts styled education of the Romans, with scripture as a foundation for learning, laid the platform for education systems throughout the western world. While some have bemoaned is subordination of scholarship as a handmaiden of faith as a setback in the development of education,112 Jeffery (2007) suggests his pedagogical stratagems for reading Scripture became the ´procedural and methodological basis of nearly all scholarship in the humanities.µ113 His interpretive model, which suffers somewhat as a product of its time, lays the groun dwork for solid exegesis and provides a useful hermeneutical framework when reading Scripture for meaning. If it is not promoting love of God, and love of one·s neighbour, or is not steering one away from acts of crime and vice towards acts of love, then it·s not right. His model for preaching and teaching, based on engaging and persuading as many people as possible with the truth of the gospel is an ancient handbook for modern missiology, and many of today·s preachers and teachers would benefit from the exercise of considering Augustine·s approach to understanding the Bible, and passing that understanding on to your neighbours with the tools available.

112 113

D.C Lindberg,The Beginnings of Western Science, 150-151 D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,·Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30, 27

Bibliography Ancient Texts
Augustine Confessions http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1101.htm On Christian Teaching http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1202.htm Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 71, Chapter 2, 403 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102071.htm Augustine, Letter to Jerome, Letters of St Augustine, Letter 82, Chapter 5.35, 405 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102082.htm
Letter 87: Augustine to Emeritus, in Augustine: Political Writings, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought, ed. E.M Atkins, & R.J Dodaro, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Exposition on Psalm 133, from New Advent Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1801133.htm Exposition on Psalm 132 from New Advent Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1801132.htm

City of God, New Advents Church Fathers Collection, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/120108.htm

Jerome

Letter to Augustine,· Letters of St. Augustine, Letter 75, 404 AD, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/1102075.htm
Letter to Magnus, an Orator of Rome, Letters of St Jerome, Letter 70, New Advent Church Fathers, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3001070.htm Origen Letter to Gregory, New Advent Church Fathers, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0415.htm Cicero De Oratore from http://www.archive.org/stream/cicerodeoratore01ciceuoft/cicerodeoratore01ciceuoft_djvu.txt De Inventione, from http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/On_invention/Book_1?match=la Plato Phaedrus, from Perseus, http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0174%3Atext%3DPhaedrus%3Apage%3D275 Republic, from Perseus http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0168%3Abook%3D7%3Asection%3D522d Aristotle Aristotle·s Rhetoric, http://www2.iastate.edu/~honeyl/Rhetoric/index.html

Modern Authors
P.R.L Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967) H. Chadwick, Augustine, A Very Short Introduction, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001)

M.P Foley, ¶Cicero, Augustine, and the Philosophical Roots of the Cassiciacum Dialogues,· Revue des Études Augustiniennes , 45 (1999), 51-77 D.L Jeffery, ¶The Pearl of Great Wisdom: The Deep and Abiding Biblical Roots of Western Liberal Education,· Touchstone, October 2007, 25-30 D.C Lindberg, The Beginnings of Western Science: The European Scientific Tradition in Philosophical, Religious and Institutional Context, 600 B.C to 1450 AD, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992)

R. Lueke, ¶The Rhetoric of Faith,· Word and World, Volume VI, Number 3, 1986, 304-312
A.W Matthews, The Development of St. Augustine from Neoplatonism to Christianity. 386-391 A.D (Washington: University Press of America, 1980) J. May, ¶Cicero's Ideal Orator and the Saint Olaf Graduate: The Tradition Continues?· Mellby Lecture, Founders Day, 1996, St. Olaf College, http://www.stolaf.edu/offices/doc/PublicRemarks/MellbyLecture1996.html J. O·Donovan, ¶The Political Thought of the City of God,· Bonds of Imperfection: Christian Politics, Past and Present, O. O·Donovan and J.L O·Donovan, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) C.E Quillen, ¶Reading Augustine, Augustine on Reading,· Rereading the Renaissance: Petrarch, Augustine, and the Language of Humanism, (Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1998) R.N.S Topping, ¶Augustine on Liberal Education: Defender and Defensive,· The Heythrop Journal, LI (2010), pp. 377²387 A.F West, ¶The Seven Liberal Arts,· Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools, (New York: Scribner, 1892, reprinted by BiblioLife Reproductions, 2009) The Cambridge Guide to Augustine, ed. E. Stump and N. Kretzmann, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001)

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