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III. LIBERTY AND UNION Walt Whitman's Idea of the Nation
SAMUEL H. BEER Harvard University
HE FOUNDERS of the American Republic sought to establish a regime of republican liberty, that is, a government that would protect the individual rights of person and property and that would be founded ori the consent of the governed. Such a regime suffered from a central weakness. History and theory warned that republican liberty could destroy itself by reason of the very diversity that liberty must breed. The task of government was to concert the powers of the people in defense of their liberties. But as their interests multiplied and their opinions divided, how could a government responsive to these interests and opinions achieve such a concert? By what dialectic could the regime of liberty generate the union necessary for its own survival? The new regime had dispensed with the props that governments had previously found in hierarchy and class, dynastic right, and aristocratic tradition. It could hope to enjoy the solidarity that came from giving individuals a say in how they were governed and a chance to better themselves by their own efforts. The fragility of an order based largely on the satisfactions of self-interest and commitment to impersonal ideals, however, was widely felt. Thoughtful people recognized that the young republic would have to enlist in its support the hearts of its citizens as well as their good sense and conscience. Vaguely, but earnestly, they spoke of the need for "attachment" to its institutions and "affection" among its people, for "veneration" and for "sympathy."' These doubts about the new regime did not arise from some circumstance, material or ideal, peculiar to Amerca. In the West generally the
A UTHOR 'S NOTE: I wish to thank Dr. Francis P Glosser, apoet and Whitmanscholar, who first directed my attention to the importance of Whitman's ideas about society and who has expertly criticized earlier versions of this article. POLITICAL Vol. 12 No. 3, August1984361-386 THEORY, ? 1984Sage Publications, Inc. 361
could have long endured?The answer is that it became something more than the liberal state. combined with manners. economic. On the principles of this mechanic philosophy our institutions can never be embodied. Today the forces of self-defeating pluralism. sometimes with less. a new form of political community with a power to generate public affections and mobilize solidarity beyond anything of which the old regime had been capable. and by the concern which each individual may find in them from his own private speculations. To see in this premise a prescriptionfor pluralistic disorder was a reasonable fear. He wrote: On the scheme of this barbarous philosophy laws are to be supported only by their own terrors. always as aids to law. although the effort to liberalize the French state was still in its moderate phase. In the light of it one must ask how the liberal state. I take that for granted. in persons. Nothing is left which engages the affections of the commonwealth. sectional. My quest is to understand the nature of the ties among the millions of individuals composing a nation-state. In the background is a public policy question. make that criterion as relevant as ever. In 1790. it also became the nation-state.362 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 great liberating movement of the age put the sovereign. "consolidation of the union"-an expression already used by George Washlngton3-has been a criterion of public policy. was well-founded. specifically. veneration. admiration or attachment. that have enabled them to display such solidarity in feeling and behavior. or by thoughtful friends of republicanism in America. These public affections. so as to create in us love. If that criterion is to serve as a guide for government action. if it had been so conceived and so constituted. or can spare them from his own private interests. sometimes with more. From the earliest days of the Republic. and ethnic. sometimes as correctives. rational indivldual at the center of its theorizing. if I may use the expression. a more fundamental question must first be answered: What is the Union that American nationalists have sought to consolidate?4 Or to put the question in the language of contemporary problems: What do we mean by integration? . whether voiced by the archenemy of French republicanism. emphasis.2 Such fear for the fragility of the modern liberal state. Edmund Burke exposed its self-destructive potential in a fierce but prescient polemic against the rationalism of the philosophes. are required sometimes as supplements. It is not my task to prove the power of nationhood. the American Republic. But that sort of reason which banishes the affections is incapable of filling their place.
In the history of Western thought. I will examine in a brief preface a work that treats the same matters explicitly as questions of social inquiry. political. Yet his concern with the Union was passionate and pervasive. of course.5 From fairly early in the nineteenth century. . hierarchical and egalitarian. economic. It should serve "national education. In 1887 at the start of his scholarly career after a year of study in Germany. we will find a bold and positive. This was pretty clearly. In Whitman's rich utterance. however. My purpose. is not to trace its sources or its influence. he wrote an article on the rationale for teaching philosophy. transformed and transmitted by the romantic movement. called organic by analogy with a living body." he said: We wish above all to know the raisons d'etre of national sentiment and patriotic faith. as is maintained. In order to sharpen that focus and to bring out Whitman's insights. the "[s]upreme American inheritor of Romanticism. one can find levels of meaning other than the political and social. parts bring and hold together the whole is as old as Plato. Writing from the austere heights of positive social science. because they complete or perfect one another. That means taking Whitman seriously as a social scientist. in France. but complementary. In this model. religious and secular. Their union is a natural social or political whole. make the many into one.6A powerful version."7during the climactic years of the great effort to subvert the Union. as he now conceived it. And what he said is still instructive today. explanation in Durkhelm's famous book. therefore. was set forth by Walt Whitman. variations on this model have appeared in many contexts. whether they are founded in the nature of things or whether. his preoccupation. although not always entirely lucid. the organic model. but to explore its descriptive and explanatory power. he did not in so many words say that he was concerned with the solidarity of nations and the solidarity of the French nation. found expression in American politics and literature. adapted to our new democratic circumstances. the various parts or functions or virtues. Emile Durkheim's classic Division of Labor in Society 8 DURKHEIM'S MODEL OF SOCIAL SOLIDARITY If we are concerned to know how diversity might be an agent of unity.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 363 An ancient and honored line of thought holds that in certain circumstances diversity itself can be a source of unity The idea of a social aggregate in which diverse. and sociological.
they are only prejudices and survivals of barbarism To answer these questions one must teach students to appreciate the nature of sympathy and sociability."0'It would be fair to think of him as a father of the Welfare State. in time he became "a socialist of sorts. as in Herbert Spencer's system. While not fundamentally critical. had imagined that social harmony could be founded solely on self-interest. The faith in progress pervades it. To open this book at almost any page is to be struck by its optimism. in his view. To be sure. as well as good reasons. in which the liberal order emerges from the traditional order and automatically moves ever forward to greater prosperity. and get them to see their reality and usefulness to show them that sympathy is only It is necessary exercised within groups that are unequally extensive but always confined and closed." defined as the "totality of . by so many doctrnaire persons. One consists of the resemblances among the members of a society and the other of the differences. His reformulation of liberal theory therefore had a twofold task: to identify the social bonds in the liberal order that at once transcend self-interest and engage the emotions. The basic structure is that scheme of evolutionary development." He did not find that task beyond the competence of the liberal state.9 In the same year he began the course of lectures that led to the publication of the Division of Labor in 1893. like Burke.364 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 openly or not. In his analysis of the strength of the liberal order. leading. For he saw around him a society whose normal processes. maintained the bonds of social solidarity and provided a stable basis for the real but limited interventions needed to cope with anomie. His principal worry was the emergence of anomie. also entertained by many of his Victorian contemporaries. In his study he found two sources of solidanty. As a remedy he offered the usual liberal prescription of equality of opportunity. recognizing that no order could survive unless supported by public affections. of which the main example was the conflict of labor and capital. he nevertheless rejected the reactionary view that only a society ordered by tradition could enjoy this advantage. higher culture. Moreover. Durkheim was greatly concerned with the disorders of industrial society and found in them cause for wider intervention by the state. Durkheim tellingly criticized the weaknesses of individualist theory which. and more freedom. and to indicate the place of the nation among these groups. respectively. each of which performs this dual function. to what he calls "mechanical"and "organic"solidarity The resemblances are "the collective or common conscience.
In Durkheim's scheme of evolutionary sociology.'7 Moreover. According to Durkheim. As the economic division of labor progresses. related to one another by few and insubstantial ties." "That is why. more interdependent in its parts and more solidary in sentiment and behavior. If a society depends for its solidarity largely upon this source. such an increasingly differentiated society will be ever larger in scale. in consequence. however. identical among the members of a society. the self-subsistent member units will necessarily be small and. How does he defend it? The key is his use of the term "division of labor" to refer to two different. simple and similar. While the consensual element continues to contribute to solidarity. it will be "segmented"-a series of villages.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 365 beliefs and sentiments common to average citizens of the same society. Durkheim does not confine this process to the money . the collective conscience of the liberal order of his time drew its substance from the advancing ideals of the Enlightenment-individual responsibility. Much of the time he is talking about the division of labor in the straight economic sense of occupational specialization. Yet as conceived in his system. exchange among them grows. for instance. It takes something more than a culture of common beliefs and values to produce the solidarity enjoyed by what Durkhelm calls the "higher societies. but related. their power to unify is limited. which pertains to its personal temperament. social justice.14 Since differentiation is low."'2 According to Durkheim."'3The Frenchness of French liberalism was not being overlooked. For "everypeople. each small. aspects of a single process-the economic and the social."'5 In these societies the diversities of the division of labor are the source of that greater solidarity. the specialized parts become more interdependent. call forth a passionate response in support of the norms they embody."'6 Such is his basic thesis.. equality of opportunity. In modern society the diversities of the division of labor are "the principal source of cohesion. "each nation has its own school of moral philosophy conforming to its character. and the total output of material goods and services rises.. all in good Smlthian fashion. Such public affections. the society as a whole will lack the cohesive impetus that comes from interdependence." he observed. this ideal does not perpetrate the errors of the old abstract rationalism. gives a specific form to these liberal universals in "some particular conception ." he continued. it becomes less and less important compared with growing differentiation.
he says. but like public choice theorists today. but the difference in the natures" may unite two people. That is why we seek in our friends the qualities that we lack. he uses sexual attraction to show how not "the resemblance. he says. the other a doer. and other realms. His illustrations are drawn from common face-to-face relations. he claims.366 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 economy. recognizes the economic aspect of nonmonetary relations in politics. they neither penetrate each other. but particularly because it is the . 9 To the rescue of liberal society from the disintegrative dangers of the economic division of labor. Durkheim summons the integrative powers of the social division of labor. Consciences are only superficially in contact.. Where interest is the only rulingforce each individual finds himself in a state of war with every other since nothing comes to mollify the egos. but "differences which require each other for their mutual fruition" that bring about this passionate union. In a striking passage he describes the solidarity that results: The image of the one who completes us becomes inseparable from ours. that small friendly associations are formed "wherein each one plays a role conformable to his character. we always lack something." In the fact of exchange. In an analogy as old as Plato's Symposium. In Spencer's system. governments. one urges on. where there is a true exchange of services. can only create "an external link. not only because it is frequently associated with ours. Moreover. however.2' So it is.22 Such are the complementary services that are exchanged in the social division of labor. such as Herbert Spencer.18 For the laissez-faire liberals. since in joining with them. "the various agents remain outside of each other. a system of purely economic relations on these lines would suffice to produce social harmony In his critique of this school. another consoles." he continues. we participate in some measure in their nature and thus feel less incomplete.20 And similarly in wider social relations: As richly endowed as we may be. marriage. Durkheim develops the familiar case against rationalist individualism and also elucidates the social forces that can offset its self-destructive tendencies. and the best of us realize our own insufficiency." One is a thinker."Interest. nor do they adhere. it is not merely diversity. "[s]ocial solidarity would then be nothing else than the spontaneous accord of individual interests.
but in his scheme. With a hint of his later corporatism. economic exchange is transformed. Social exchange is the key concept. One thinks of the occupational specialties that man the various sectors of the economy. But of what? For a moment one might suppose that the "natural complements" of social exchange consist of the interdependent crafts. it calls up a mechanism of images which functions with a continuity that exchange does not possess. This internal relation involves communication. Social exchange. Nor does Durkheim say they are. . however. become focused on the larger groupings. is obviously narrowly limited.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION natural complement of it. he writes. As solidarity extends from individual face-to-face relations."26With this growing diversity goes an increase in scale and the boundaries of the culture and of the economy are extended."27 in solidarity The nation-states-the "great political societies"-derive their remarkable cohesion from the same affectual sources as the more intimate groups. these bodies of specialized knowledge remain incommunicable "mysteries" to those outside the respective guilds. The "natural . In the modern as in the premodern world. scale is no bar to the efficacy of social interdependence. producing the goods and services that are exchanged. "great political societies can maintain themselves in The thrust for self-fulfillment can lead the way in social equilibrium. The external differentiation of the economy and the internal differentiation of culture evolve together: "our intelligence and sensibility" increase and "humanity" receives "a more intense and varied culture."25 as powerfully as the compulsions of the struggle for development existence. That entails no loss Durkhelm calls these groupings "social functions. the social sentiments. while retaining their national particularity. In the case of the economic division of labor the notion of exchange is clear. It thus becomes an integral and permanent part of our conscience. thanks to which. but with an internal relation between minds.23 367 Under these circumstances.24 Durkheim's illustrations are taken from small groups. .28 This possibility. Economic interdependence becomes "only the superficial expression of an internal and very deep state. however. They cannot be the bond among diverse occupational groups. and techniques that give form to the economic division of labor. Precisely because this state is constant. One might go on to imagine some expanding social process in which individuals gain access to an ever wider world of practical and theoretical knowledge. to such a point that we can no longer separate ourselves from it and seek to increase its force. skills. is not identified with this external relation.
of course. he declares: "The United States themselves are essentially the greatest poem. His employment as a journalist in a day when newspapers were highly partisan reflected his political interests. announcing his purpose. As the crisis of the Union deepened..368 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 complements" he refers to are not economic and technical. as "a poet of . In the prose in which he explained what he meant to do and had done in his poetry. the minds of Walt Whitman and Abraham Lincoln converged. an ardent Jacksonlan Democrat. WHITMAN'S NA TION-CENTERED PURPOSE Both his personal and his professional life stimulated a lively interest in politics. the other from the elitism of the Whigs. his nation-centered purpose predominates. We ask: In the social division of labor what is exchanged and how is it possessed? What is the process and what is the connection? For a voluminously empirical response informed by penetrating sociological insight let us turn to Walt Whitman. In 1856 he voted for the first candidate of the Republic Party for President and. the party's second candidate became his political idol and later on the subject of his matchless elegy. In 1848 he was a delegate to the national convention of the Free Soil Party. after fiercely attacking the vices of the day. Democratic Vistas. at least rivalling the amative love hitherto possessing imaginative literature. one moving from the negativism of the Jacksonians.."32In the next year. awaits the gigantic and generous treatment worthy of it. unrhymed poetry . if not going beyond it. from his first preface for Leaves of Grass to "A Backward Glance O'er Travel'd Roads" in 1888.. but social and moral." that "adhesive love. In these same years the genius of Whitman suddenly crystalized into the unique mold that produced Leaves of Grass. because he had taken up the Free Soilers' opposition to the extension of slavery. In the same year he was fired as editor of the Brooklyn Eagle.. What are they? Durkheim's suggestive generalizations cry out to be clarified and illustrated.30 In the 1855 preface. he calls on the literature of the future to express that "intense and loving comradeship. [which]." which is "the most substantial hope and safety of the future of these States. toward the democratic nationalism of the new party and toward deeply similar conceptions of the Union and what had to be done to preserve and consolidate it.29Like his father. at an early age he became a Tammany regular and stump speaker."3'In his long prose work of 1871..
are to be most effectually welded together. Whitman suggests this creative. electric Democratic nationality. of which we are inseparable parts. It comes at the end of one of his prodigious panoramas of "these States. he looks to the future and how it will arise. In a striking passage in the 1855 preface. moralist. " 33At the time of the first Centennial. Shelley's poet-legislator." Having inventoried the present.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 369 America." The creative function is . Only by virtue of his participation in the productive life of his social moment does this poet realize his visionary capability. seething multitudes around us. he wanted to influence events. he declares that "the ambitious thought of my song is to help the forming of a great aggregate Nation . We see its significance if we contrast it with other conceptions of the poet as the archetypal "maker"whose gift enables him or her to generate new forms and impose them on the world. intercalated. draws from his solitary imagination new values and species of possibility. their passions. and returned the fruits of it to. yet representative and repertoral." he promises to run through his "chants""the thread-voice . "and plans with decision and science and sees the solid and beautiful forms of the future where there are now no solid forms. vast. his society.36 Whitman did prescribe and moralize. of an aggregated. "Here comes one among the well-beloved stonecutters. . he says that in Leaves of Grass he has sought to express "this never satisfied appetite for sympathy. But for him the democratic poet drew his inspiration from.. modern." 35 This view of the function of the poet makes him or her more an observer and reporter than a teacher." he concludes. role. unprecedented. or prophet. composite. through the forming of myriads of fully develop'd and enclosing individuals." 34 Finally in "A Backward Glance"only four years before his death. Giving his view of the origins of his work." He stays with his original position that before the national poet comes the poetry of the nation itself. eternal yet ever-new interchange of adhesiveness. so fitly emblematic of America" by which "the United States of the future . and this boundless offering of sympathy-this universal democratic comradeship-this old. inseparable. anneal'd into a Living Union. is an exceptional figure who. Accordingly. he says that Leaves of Grass presupposed: The United States today-the facts of these thirty-elght or forty empires solder'd into one-sixty or seventy millions of equals. enjoying privileged inspiration. with their lives. he concludes with Herder's comment to the young Goethe "that really great poetry is always the result of a national spirit and not the privilege of a polish'd and select few. American. for instance. their future-these incalculable.
Startingfrom Paumanok: Starting from fish-shape Paumanok where I was born. Thus the many become one in the celebrated opening lines of the first of the longer poems. What I tell I tell for precisely what it is. Whitman observes and approves. What I experience or portray shall go from my composition without a shred of my composition.3 Whitman was not an intellectual in the sense of being a system-builder or academic philosopher and his efforts to express a world view in his prose are not notably interesting.. are "the lessons of variety and freedom.370 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 acknowledged. "I resist anything better than my diversity . Well-begotten. "THE LESSONS OF VARIETY AND FREEDOM" At the start of Leaves of Grass he states the problem of liberty and union in this paradoxical couplet: One's-Self I sing. Yet utter the word Democratic. But Whitman's use of the familiar analogy of the sculptor who finds the angel in the marble is a way of saying that like the sculptor "the American poet" when chanting "the great psalm of the republic" will find the future form of "these States" in them. He was. The members of this "En-Masse" are diverse. except for the fact that they were made by a great poet. "The greatest lessons in New World politics and progress. individual and separate. a penetrating observer." he says.4' His portrait of the "En Masse" embraces all the pluralisms. economic. The data of social interaction cannot always be expressed in conceptual terms and what Whitman observed he most fully and accurately reported in his verse. You shall stand by my side and look in the mirror with 38 me.39 In the American Republic. . persons. and rais'd by a perfect mother. and ethnic of America at mid century. heterogeneous. as he observed it. a simple. he exclaims. not impose it upon them."40 Singing the praises of his own composite self. 37 He drives home this idea of the poet as reporter when writing about the art of "the greatest poet": He swears to his art. however. I will not be meddlesome. were yet united with one another En Masse. sectional. separate person. variegated. the word En-Masse.
butcherboy. Or a soldier camp'd or carrying my knapsack and gun. economic structure is less important as the basis for differentiation than in Durkheim's model. Dweller in Mannahatta. to which Whitman in 1855 gave the title. my drink from the spring And so on across the continent to that culminating. they sometimes read more like a gazetteer or census tract. I strike up for a New World. shingle-dressing. and drayman. Song of Myself. in order at the conclusion to inform "workman! whoever you are" that there will be found "In them the realities for you and me. in them poems for you and me. clamdiggers. my diet meat. Or rude in my home in Dakota's woods. coopering. blacksmiths. slave. food-yielding lands! Land of coal and iron! land of gold! land of cotton. glass-blowing. a little further along in the same poem: Interlink'd. than literature or social science. For example.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 371 After roaming many lands. trapper. annunciatory line. Generally. And so on line after line to enumerate what may well have been all the main occupations of American manufacture in his day. or a miner in California. boatman. the exquisite parable of the 29th bather. pork! land of wool and hemp! land of the apple and the grape!43 The list continues setting forth at length and in detail the variety of American economic geography The diversity he records is usually connected with work. beef. or on southern savannas. rice! Land of wheat. skipper. only because Whitman includes other bases. Solitary."44 . sawing the boards. measuring. lover of populous pavements. sugar. singing in the West. nail-making. In the vignettes of American life in sections 10 to 13 of his great inaugural. the principal figures include: hunter. tin-roofing. in Whitman's vision of America. but less satisWorkwomen of These States. my city. such as sectionalism and ethnicity In the second poem of the first edition. Black-smithing."-and sets forth a list that starts the Occupations"-he factory "A Song for House-building. "Poem of the Daily Work of The Workmen and later the simpler. There is only one scene of leisure.42 Whitman's exclamatory enumerations do not always have the enchantment of those lines.
Not so this romantic who welcomes "steamers steaming through my poems. comradeship." "the electric telegraph stretching across the continent. inland." then at the "interchange." "cities. the next lines are an abrupt stop: To elaborate no avail. This erotic force is the medium and the motive of the "old. always sex Always a knit of identity.372 THEORY / POLITICAL AUGUST1984 In their love of nature. In his terminology. along with the industrial society they produce." The tie that really binds. romantics often reject civilization. well entretied. sex. he writes: Urge and urge and urge Always the procreant urge of the world. he recognized the erotic nature of the social bond and the continuity of sexual attraction with motivation toward the wider ties of social life." the faculty of sexual passion." For Whitman's reenchantment of the bourgeois world arises from his perception of both process and connection. commerce. foodyielding lands. and "amativeness. is not the economic and instrumental. with paved streets. especially its modern branches of science and technology. blowing the steam-whistle. eternal." "the strong and quick locomotive as it departs. plumb in the uprights. but that erotic and consummatory bond to which he gives many names: love. . ceaseless vehicles." the faculty of friendship or fraternity. Whitman adopted the distinction drawn by the phrenologlsts between "adhesiveness. He does not deny the material bonds of those "interlink'd. yet ever-new interchange of adhesiveness. solid. always a breed of life.47 Yet as fully as Freud and Plato and far more explicitly than Durkheim. panting." "the many-cylinder'd steam printing-press. and Out of the dimnessoppositeequalsadvance. vast. touch (the red marauder)." a term he took from phrenology. always distinction. To anyone who wishes to push the analysis deeper. with iron and stone edifices. Laying down the premises of his outlook near the start of Song of Myself." 45Like Durkheim. and commerce. Whitman starts from industry. braded in the beams.learn'd unlearn'd that is and feel it is so. fraternity. Sure as the most certain sure." 46Let us look at the "adhesiveness.alwayssubstance increase. and especially "adhesiveness. and agriculture to display the diversity that produces union. however.
into one great unity.50It has a rationale. Eros binds because of what it does and seeks to do. usually in verbs and adverbs indicating action. The mate standsbracedin the whale-boat.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 373 Stout as a horse. not merely an undisciplined impulse of gregariousness. always distinction. Here are five typical lines: The pilot seizesthe king-pin. What are the items that are given and received in this process? THE HEROIC GIFTS OF AMERICAN PLURALISM One function of those recurring enumerations is to answer that question. would not hold them 49 together. These masses of men must be bound to one another libidinally. as in Durkheim's account. As we might expect of a disciple of Emerson.affectionate. attached to nouns denoting an occupation or activity.he heavesdown with a strongarm. then tribes. Eros. but humane." 52 In the enumeration of representative American activities in Section 15 of the same poem. he asserts in Song of Myself "there is no trade or employment but the young man following it may become a hero. the advantages of common work. there is more than a suggestion of the Platonic Eros that moves souls toward perfection by a rebirthin beauty. As we have just heard him declare: "opposite equals advance.electncal. "we do not know. haughty.48 Freud makes much the same reply to this question. nations. Although usually associated with crafts and skills. races." A true romantic in this respect. he identifies these heroic traits." For Whitman." he continues. lanceand harpoon are ready. he says. that of humanity. Always a knit of identity. In them Whitman identifies the particular things that the poet absorbs from his diverse American experience. Whitman calls them "heroic. I and this mysteryherewe stand. then families. it is simply the work of Eros. necessity alone. are not technical.""Why this has to be done. At times Whitman explicitly uses the language of the idealist logic of identity." The process of interchange is the rationale of the connection of adhesiveness." 51Accordingly. Eros is not merely an urge. . . however. these items of exchange. he had announced in Starting from Paumanok that he would "report all heroism from an American point of view. "aims at binding together single human individuals.
as he repeatedly emphasizes. He that by me spreadsa widerbreastthan my own provesthe width . however./Who touches this touches a man.I do not give lecturesor a littlecharity WhenI give I give myself. One cannot acquire from lectures the courage of the harpooner or the piety of the deacons.55 And as a person who did write a book that might be suspected of sermonizing. the graceful rhythm of the spinning girl?But. the prudence of the duck-shooter. of course. The speaker says he gives not lectures.54 Or more to the point: Behold. as the items of social exchange. but himself. The deacons are ordan'd with cross'd hands at the altar.374 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 The duck-shooter walks by silent and cautious stretches. this is no book. And what is the effect? I am the teacherof athletes.53 How would one conceptualize these heroic gifts in a scientific typology? The decisiveness of the pilot. but it does take decisiveness to make a pilot. But one may be encouraged or elevated by actual examples of brave or pious men and women. the piety of the deacons. The technology of pilotage does not include the gift of firm decisions."56 The gifts that are exchanged are not merely exemplary.it takes gracefulness to make a spinning girl. no abstraction can equal the veracity of Whitman's particularzation. The spinning-girl retreats and advances to the hum of the big wheel. they also. they are. is not of abstractions but of persons. these gifts not only empower those who possess them. they have power. Moreover. The dampof the nightdrivesdeeperinto my soul. he reassures us that "Camerado. the alert courage of the mate. Logicand sermonsneverconvince. empower others. Although the science of spinning is not the gift of rhythmic grace. the humane powers that enable individuals to acquire and exercise skills and knowledge. The interchange that he is reporting. They are not the skill or science or technique that individuals put to work in their occupations.
are not kings. This passion came down from what he called "the good old cause. the store. to supplement. as Burke demanded. Come to us on equal terms.58 In capturing the process the metaphor of exchange is helpful only to a point. the club. teaching through the hidden curriculum of the work place. What we enclose. therefore. he concludes simply' And thesetend inwardto me. the American paideia.60 Whitman's rendition of the social experience of the poet in Song of Myself is a paradigm for the life of every citizen. or any hierarchical authority. And of theseone and all I weavethe song of myself. The messages of great poets to each man and woman are. making . A fierce egalitaranlsm pervades Whitman's utterance. Social exchange is not fully analogous to economic exchange. After that brief encounter. as it did the Jacksonian world from which he sprang. being embodied in persons. The parties do not have something more. you may enjoy. We are no better than you. they have become something else. veneration. And such as it is to be of these moreor less I am. and other arenas of the common life. admiration. you enclose. as Durkheim pointed out. Only then can you understand us. the parties are again as separate as before. the bar. the "interchange of adhesiveness" links all members of the democratic republic. and to correct the law. The outcome of the "interchange of adhesiveness" is not renewed separation but closer connection. aristocrats. In Song of Myself at the end of that long and variegated survey of heroic gifts in section 15. and attachment-those public affections needed to support.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION of my own.59 "Myself" is the poet. Whitman rejects hierarchy in art as in politics. what I give I no longer have and what I receive you give up. arouse love." the creed of liberty that denied natural authority to anyone and claimed that each person is capable of individuality-that is. but rather the free and equal citizens of the American nation. however. But that does not make him a different species of humanity.57 Such is the process of social exchange. The Union so constituted. can. the street corner. Ideally. The persons to whom these affections are directed. 375 He most honors my style who learns it to destroy the teacher. In social exchange what they give to one another they also keep. and I tend outwardto them. In economic exchange. What we enjoy.
or valued. Lincoln granted that "the great variety of the local institutions in the States. proclaiming that "our Government was founded on the principle of diversity. social and political evil" had no place in those "varieties"that "bind together the different parts of the Union.and the is egg of the wren."held that slavery was included in that diversity "Why.61 And the running blackberry As in Durkheim's system." Slavery. more subtle than this gross contrast. adherenceto the creed of liberty was a massive uniformity in his perception of the nation. In those famous debates of 1858. Whitman sometimes dwelt on these exclusions as in his enumeration in Democratic Vistas of the "models" of heroic individuality "adjusted to other standards than America's" that have been produced by other cultures. The hierarchies of the great chain of being were no longer acknowledged. for is And the tree-toad a chef-d'oeuvre the highest. his encomium upon "the common people" in the 1855 Preface. springing from differences in soil. people the common life. and in the climate. "cannot this Government endure. are bonds of Union. however. of course. As standards they define what will and will not fit into the common life. Whitman embodied this attitude in some of his most characteristic lines: I believea leaf of grassis no less thanthejourneywork of the stars. but a distinctive specification of the universals of modern liberty. so to speak." he therefore asked.376 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 something of himself. wouldadornthe parlorsof heaven. On the other hand are the identities of the American liberal tradition. Consider. divided into Free and Slave States?" In reply. American liberalism is not British or German or French liberalism."62Slave labor and free labor were not the sorts of diversities that make a complementary national whole. differences in the face of the country. This collective conscience is at once cognitive and normative.and a grainof sand. a language of political and social communication and a system of ethical standards. And the pismire equallyperfect. his portrait of the "pure American . or desired. for instance. for instance. On the one hand are the diversities that. For all the diversity that Whitman perceived and celebrated. as "a moral.63In his prose and poetry. even more revealing. moreover.64Or. The exclusions effected by American liberalism are. the bonds of union for Whitman are twofold. Stephen Douglas. he captured the nuances of the American tradition.
Flood-tide below me! I see you face to face! Clouds of the west-sun there half an hour high-I see you also face to face Crowds of men and women attired in the usual costumes. not the solution. Sprouting alike in broad zones and narrow zones. but their ambiguities also evoke peculiarly Amercan vices: Where the men and women think lightly of the laws. its sense of both limits and possibilities. Growing among black folks as among white 67 states the problem. returning home. how cunous you are to me! On the ferry boats the hundreds and hundreds that cross. Where the slave ceases. Some poems. and more in my meditations." a uniform hieroglyphic. "leaves of grass.65 THE UNION AS SHIP OF STA TE66 Whitman gives us no single figure of speech in which he expresses his vision of the Union and so the essential nature of social integration in America. Where the populace rise at once against the never-ending audacity of elected persons.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 377 breed" in Song of the Broad-Axe. In this poem the action is the crossing of one person and of "hundreds and hundreds" of others in the present and in the future. again confirm Whitman as a master of the sociological imagination. another of his mid-fifties works. Those verses seem intended to praise. however. but does not say how their multiplicity is made one.68 Its balance and subtlety. Where fierce men and women pour forth as the sea to the whistle of death pours its sweeping and unrpt waves. and the master of slaves ceases. His most memorable metaphor. than you suppose. . And you that shall cross from shore to shore years hence are more to me. present an image that can be taken as a summary of his vision. One of the most suggestive is Crossing Brooklyn Ferry. It affirms the radical equality of all persons. are more cunous to me than you suppose.
Passage to India-does examine and affirm a transition to such a realm from the world of appearances. 1789. Our ship of state is the U.70 years. a living generation can bind itself only" Jefferson set this period first at 34. and it availsnot. declaring: Whatever is. entirely in harmony with his belief in the need for frequent revolutions to liberate each generation from the burden of the past. What is the connection between the generations?To that question political thought has returned various answers. Its only completion is a round trip back to where it started from. not to the dead. The well-known Jeffersonian reply is: "none. But not Crossing Brooklyn Ferry. perhaps also ushered in by revolution. that: "As the Earth belongs to the living." In a letter to James Madison of September 6. It goes nowhere.69 Jefferson asked "whether one generation of men has a right to bind another" and returnedthe answer he found "self-evident."72In other perspectives.378 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 The poet looks at this crossing in a long framework of time. The boat takes people over to Manhattan then returns to Brooklyn." Although he was using it to illustrate "the vast world of . S. later at 19 (Madison's paraphrase). it availsnot-distance availsnot. where the long-denied potential of human nature is fully realized and." namely. William James commented on this poem in an essay written to open the eyes of his readers to "the feelings of creatures and people different from ourselves. asking the central question of the work: Whatis it then betweenus? Whatis the count of the scoresor hundreds yearsbetweenus? of And in reply asserts connection and continuity. "the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. place This question states the problem of the Union over time. S.7' Utopians of a different persuasion have foreseen a future society. Brooklyn Ferry. The ferry of that poem plies neither the river Lethe of Jeffersonian revolution. in the words of Marx and Engels. nor the river Jordan of a passage to some heavenly city. idealist or religious. human completion can be achieved only in a transcendent reality Some of Whitman's poetic utterance-for instance. The very image of a ferry-crossing warns us not to expect too much. but the East River of our imperfect Union.
"[T]his world. Whitman yet finds an integrating "scheme"in the flow of social time. however. The currentrushingso swiftlyand swimming with me far away. 1861. referring to the panorama of the poem. There is the old human struggle and its fruits together. And insofar as this is the case. was not a man of simple hopes." he wrote. "never did anywhere or at any time contain more of essential divinity. stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land" would "yet swell the chorus of the Union. Those scores of years "avail not. There is the text and the sermon. on the walk in the streetand the passageover the river."74 AMBIVALENCE OF THE COMMON LIFE Whitman. love. men and women of a generation. His sense of the redemptive possibilities of social experience is balanced by an awareness of limits and complexities. is fused with another and pours its meaning into it. or of eternal There is the only meaning. The certainty of others. sight.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 379 inner life" that lies beyond the concerns of one's "single specialized vocation. the piece was originally titled Sundown Poem." What is the connection? In words that might seem to echo Emerson or Durkheim he says. to appeal to these same similitudes in the hope that "the mystic chords of memory. the life." Yet these similitudes are not the reflections of a transcendent reality. the real and the ideal in one. Thanks to this "scheme. as one generation in Whitman's words." the diversities of time are abridged and the nation is sustained. The othersthat are to follow me. nor the norms of the national tradition. no more than Lincoln. When we look more closely at the substance of the common life . than is embodied in [these] fields of vision. kind of beauty that ever was. hearing of others. In Crossing Brooklyn Ferry he is boldly hypothesizing continuity and connection.7 Although not looking to otherworldly redemption. They are rather the particularities of the common life: The gloriesstrunglike beadson my smallestsightsand hearings. Yet the time of day is twilight. or ever so many generations hence. "the similitudes of the past and those of the future." "I am with you." he emphasized its strictly earthbound reference. Lincoln was right on March 4. the ties betweenme and them.
at the table. Whitman did not deny these realities. the classic vices of "the wolf. in steamboats. is busy themselves acquiring from . Rather. Song of the Open Road. Home to the houses of men and women. he reveals that Eros may fail. polite and bland in the parlors. the same old laughter. In the cars of railroads. everywhere. excellencies. Abruptly near the end of his most buoyant summons to social adventure. His major prose work. depravity. were they not in reality meagre? They include outright evil. In this twilight. hell under the skull bones. in the bedroom. Formless and wordless through the streets of the cities. he explored them with clear-eyed empiricism. in the public assembly. a duplicate of everyone. contains a corrosive denunciation of the hollowness. Democratic Vistas. confessing that he too: Saw many I loved in the street or ferry-boat or public assembly. living without love and only for external things." Not least among these deficiencies of social life is a withdrawal of love which the speaker here takes on himself. The same old role Unlike some romantics. we must be struck by the mixture of success and failure. however. Play'd the part that still looks back on the actor or actress. skulking and hiding it goes. the "glories strung like beads"are blotched by "darkpatches"that are Danteesque in their variety. They include the failures of finltude: The best I had done seem'd to me blank and suspicious. good and evil. the hog." Another self.75 Eros endows mankind with the propensity to exchange heroic gifts. death under the breast-bones. gnawing. form up-right. and virtues. the snake. Lived the same life with the rest. The great thoughts as I supposed them. yet never told them a word. leaving a self that. countenance smiling. Smartly attired. is burdened with "a secret silent loathing and despair. sleeping. adequacy and inadequacy. What the actual citizens of the actual republic do a good deal of the time. and corruption of the Gilded Age. materialism.380 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST1984 portrayed in it.
and corrupt democrats. determln'd and in the majority. deficiencies. The common life in any generation is a patchy achievement. According to the liberal outlook. and breaking out like an earthquake. The very "agonies" (Whitman's word)77that call forth our best efforts for their relief are embedded in the common life and remain on in the memory of it.78 In Whitman's mind the course and outcome of the Civil War confirmed that hypothesis. If no sickness. Obviously his thoughts cannot provide us with a program. no grace. . As social science. villanies. The paradoxical argument of this American romantic is that diversity itself holds out the promise of a common life that may mobilize more consent among the citizenry for the protection of diversity than is accomplished by the calculations of interest or the compulsion of right. no loving care. these deficiencies are intrinsic to the bonds of national identification in time and space. Heroic gifts come into play only if there is need for them. the unyielding captain-emerge from a context of disaster. and all manner of vices."80 Today the regime of republican liberty displays the same ambivalence. The task of its consolidation remains as urgent in its third as in its first century. the dying general. the victory vindicated his "Down in the abysms of New World humanity. diversity is a right and must be protected. Indeed. reminding us that the peculiaritiesof our own person and group may also need that protection some day. confronting all emergencies. the matchless rangers. refusing to be tamper'd with or argued against. Its diversity is a source of union. Alongside this principle. reflecting on the test that the outbreak of the war thrust on America. What is ironic. reportage." he wrote. he asked rhetorically: "For who except myself has yet conceiv'd what your In children en masse really are?"79 his eyes. "there had form'd and harden'd a primal hard-pan of national Union will. He had seen the great "EnMasse" that embraced those millions of domineenng individualists. If no obstacles.76If there were no danger. Yet the Union cannot be taken for granted. and capable at any time of bursting all surface bonds.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 381 one another the capacity for follies. Whitman-by the time he turned to the party of Lincoln-believed that there was a major role for government. they do suggest a strategy. grasping egalitarans. especially the federal government. Leaves of Grass is an hypothesis about the nature of the American Union. The common life can be a dangerous place to raise a child. The vignettes of courage in Song of Myself-the faithful skipper. interest points in the same direction. Leaves of grass may blossom as fleurs du mal. there could be no prudence. but no less true to empirical fact.
See Samuel H. 1933. by George Simpson. 14. Ibid. (ed. pp. As he observes (p. The widespread fear among the colonists for the fragility of the republican regime is richly documented in Gordon S. 7. no. The concern of both Federalists and Anti-Federalists with this question is a main theme of Herbert Storing's informed and penetrating analysis in What the Anti-Federalists Were For (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 233-234. The Division of Labor in Society. 50. 13. 87-88. (New York: The Free Press. Daniel Webster took up the theme when. 3. p. 256-263. pp. Contrast pp. Understandably. 23-29.. 1973). however. Wood. . 74). 11. p." The New Republic (July 19 and 26. 1980). 20. Justin Kaplan. Ibid. 546. 1982. 397. take up Whitman. 1973. One Nation Indivisible: The Union In American Thought. 200-201. III. Lovejoy did not take his study beyond the eighteenth century.. 1911-1937). "Reflections on the French Revolution". 15. 2. My referencesare to Durkheim. pp. Edmund Burke. Trans. 1964). 1776-1861 (New York: Oxford University Press. 56. (New Haven: Yale University Press. his own vision of the Union drew on the same cultural source. II.. 12. pp. 18. Brown. Ibid. Translated and quoted in Steven Lukes. 1933. however. 79. 91-97. Ibid. Anyone who has worked on the intellectual history of American nationalism must acknowledge his debt to Paul Nagel's indispensable study. p. throughout. 40. pp. p. chs. 4 vols.). Max Farrand.382 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 NOTES 1. 17761787 (New York: Norton. In the United States. Walt Whitman:A Life (New York: Simon & Schuster. Nagel does not. 3). The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of An Idea (Cambridge. Some of Webster's most telling rhetoric was echoed by Lincoln and. 16. much as Whitman detested the arch-Whig. 19. Lovejoy's classic history of the Platonic conception of unity in diversity. pp. 189.. as we shall see. Lukes. esp. 122-129. vol. but unfortunately. Ibid. The single most important work on this subject is Arthur O. Durkheim. Beer. 1972). 17. Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work (London: Penguin. 65-70. Chapter Two. Ibid. 4. The Works of Edmund Burke (Boston: Little. xiii. The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787. Ibid. II and III. it was examined "most profoundly" by Madison In Federalist. Ibid. 187.. Book Three.. pp. 99-100. 39. Vol. 9. 6.. 49. no. 8. 9 vols. Vol. 1839). MA: Harvard University Press. In his last two chapters. 1936). p. 667. pp. p. p. 1981). 107-114. 1933). 201. "The Idea of the Nation. 203-204. adapting the imagery of another romantic nationalist. 5.. 174-183. Durkheim. The Creation of the American Republic. 10. he set forth his organic conception of the Union. he sketched the use made of the Platonic conception by romantics of the idealist persuasion.
Ibid." he holds that "it meant little in concrete terms except the Constitution. 25." (Studies in Classic American Literature. p. 132. So I read Durkheim. 1975). they are inseparable. reviews some of the more extravagant possibilities conjured up by the early idealists. 273). In the higher societies.. however.. this impetus toward a more solidary society is also an impetus toward a higher culture. 24. the individual struggle for existence is an important motor of development. 266-270) and in this manner "without having desired it. Jr. 257). the traditional process and way" (p.. 1973) grants that Whitman "was devoted to the Union as an idea. Ibid. develop together. 22. 1933. ch. pp. 228. Trust the tale." concludes Durkheim. p. competition leads to differentiation (pp. 1936. 300. In his chapter on "The Realm of Whitman's Ideas" in The New Walt Whitman Handbook (New York: New York University Press. 23. pp. he is portrayed as the Poet of Democracy. but again the focus is on his democratic beliefs to the exclusion of his nationalism. A handy but scholarly edition of Leaves of Grass and relevant prose is James E. Gay Wilson Allen also emphasizes Whitman's faith in democracy and his hostility to slavery. "to try to find out which has determined the other." humanity receives "a more intense and more varied culture" (p.. p. Certainly. 13. Lawrence's dictum: "Never trust the artist. H. Ibid. Spencer's chapter on Whitman in The Questfor Nationality: An American Literary Campaign [1607-1892] (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. 55-56. The Historic Whitman (University Park. 30. but also suggests the political implications of his poetry. (ed. 1980). 223. I only wish there were more of it. believing fervently in the capacity of "the people" as individuals and citizens. for example. For what I say about Whitman's life I depend largely upon Justin Kaplan's superb biography. one does best to follow D." the culture and the economy. 61-62. Leaves of Grass: Comprehensive Reader's Edition (New York: New York University Press. 62.). the social not the individual impulse is primary (p. Walt Whitman: A Life (New York: Simon & Schuster. 1957) is based almost entirely on the prose. 26. p. See. Roger Asselineau is concerned not with Whitman's understanding of the nation. On the other hand. but says virtually nothing about his concern for the Union. Benjamin T. 419). 56. Lovejoy. New York: Doubleday. Generally in the literature on Whitman's political ideas. He not only documents Whitman's intense interest in politics. but little or no attention is paid to his poetic insight into the nature of the American Union. 1959).Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 383 21. Miller. The definitive text is Harold W Blodgett and Sculley Bradley. 29. PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. MA: Harvard University Press. Ibid. Ibid. I will refer to it as Blodgett and .). 1962). p. 61. 1973). 215-216. 407 28. p. In trying to grasp what Whitman said. Kaplan's criticism also seems right to me.] Whitman's upbringing and activity as a Jacksonian Democrat are detailed in Joseph Jay Rubin. 279). 27 Durkheim. 318. While Carey Wilson McWilliams in his Idea of Fraternity in America (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1951). "Moral density" and "material density.. finding that he rose from "a rather narrow Americanism to a very broad internationalism. 1965) which also includes the prefaces. When "density" (the volume of social interactions) increases in a homogeneous society." (p. x. but with his opinion of it. pp. Complete Poetry and Selected Prose by Walt Whitman (Boston: Houghton Mifflin." [The Evolution of Walt Whitman: The Creation of a Book (Cambridge. "It is useless. (eds.
Democratic Vistas. pp. Blodgett and Bradley. Vol 7. 1965. Blodgett and Bradley. Ed. Blodgett and Bradley. Blodgett and Bradley. 1965. 37. 1965).). Ibid. 49. 744. follow Ivor Winters. p. 39. Blodgett and Bradley. The Complete Worksof Percy Bysshe Shelley (New York: Gordian Press. pp. Freud did indeed think that Eros supported social life. I do not. p. 24. 43. 53. p. 36. 34. p. Civilization and Its Discontents. 17.. Blodgett and Bradley. 38. 233.. Ibid.). 1855-1891 (New York: New York University Press. 1930). 454. p. Arthur Golden.). 709-710. War and Death (London: Hogarth Press and The Institute of Psychoanalysis. 47. 35. Ibid. "Poets. 1965. 51. p. 1965. (eds. 42. International Psycho-Analytical Library. pp.). 31. Floyd Stovall. (London: Hogarth Press.." a course of action that can "lead only to madness. The process from which this text emerged is documented in Sculley Bradley. See "Thoughts for the Times on War and Death"(1915) in John Rickman." he writes in the concluding lines of A Defence of Poetry. pp. 1980). Ibid. but moves. leading to neurosis and. Ibid. Ibid. 217. 31. 27 46. Blodgett and Bradley. 451. 86. but only insofar as its sexual aim was inhibited. 1. 40. p. and William White. pp. 1939).. Cited as Vanorum edition. p. p. p. 446. by Joan Riviere. 742. Song of Myself. Collect and Other Prose. 52. 50. 54. Ibid. p. Peck. p. produces resentment. Blodgett and Bradley. 414. 102. Trans. p." In Defense of Reason (Denver: Alan Swallow. 1947). (eds. 590. 1965. Walt Whitman: Prose Works 1892 (New York: New York University Press. (ed. 33. II. 1965. the influence which is moved not. 45. 1965.. by Ernest Jones. 712.. Leaves of Grass: A Textual Variorumof the Printed Poems. Starting from Paumanok. 48. p. One's-Self I Sing. 1965. 2 vols. conceivably. 1980. Blodgett. 751. Such aim-inhibition. Ibid. 216. 1965. 361. Vol.. 45. 41. (ed. pp. 19. 3 vols. 1964)... 17. the mirrors of the gigantic shadows which futurity casts upon the present. 32. Sigmund Freud. Kaplan. 717. 15-16. 140. 58. . 10 vols. p. Blodgett and Bradley.384 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 Bradley.. p. Ibid. I recognize that Freud's view of Eros is not as simple as this passage may suggest. for instance. Harold W. Sigmund Freud: Civilization. Poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world. "are the hierophants of an unapprehended inspiration. Song of Myself. p. p. violence and war. 44. Blodgett and Bradley. 1965. As Patrck Riley has reminded me. 40. however. 148-155. who believes that Whitman (and Emerson) preached that "the impulses" be "indulged systematically and passionately." Roger Ingpen and Walter E. No. 1965.
). 75. 64. p. 80. James D. 1965. p. 1965. Thomas Jefferson Randolph. "On a Certain Blindness in Human Beings. p. 717. VII. I consider 'Leaves of Grass' and its theory experimental-as. On the need for frequent revolutions. 56. Long. 66. 59.). 1908). 1917. Song of Myself. 158..). Prose Works. p.Dent. p. Vol 11.M. 312. Everyman's Library). 77 Ibid. Ibid. p.). (eds. (Springfield. (ed. pp. pp. 30. (ed. 188-189. Randolph. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858. 12. 104. 215-218. Writings. 65. all-embracing. 1829). Vol V. 710. See WernerJaeger. titled "Democratic Chants" No. 1. Illinois State Historical Library.. (ed. pp. 1950-71). Richardson. (New York: Oxford University Press. 74.). see Julian P Boyd et al. 71. Lincoln Series. So Long!. (London: J. . 505. 526. pp. pp. 356.. or hierarchic. Whitman wrote in 1888: "Behind all else that can be said. 84. Paidela: The Ideals of Greek Culture. 73. NJ: Pnnceton University Press. 1965. p. p. 29. On the use of the ship as a symbol of the Union not only by Longfellow in his famous poem. p. pp. pp.. Blodgett and Bradley. 76. vol. 302. it is not exclusive. 63.. 1965. p." "A Backward Glance O'er Travel'd Roads". (New York: Bureau of National Literature. 79.). 59. 393. 157. Vol. however. 20 vols. Unlike the Greekpaidela. 224. pp. Song of Myself.). 103. The Writings of James Madison (New York: Putnam's. p. 67. p. "The Building of the Ship" (1849). Prose Works 1892. 69. See Vanorum edition. Gaillard Hunt. I consider our American republic itself to be. fixed. 73. 78. Stovall. (ed. the American paldeia is a practical school for making the community more of a community. Blodgett and Bradley. p. Like the Greek paideta. including Lincoln. Blodgett and Bradley.). I. 8. Too Long America (1865). 25. 72. 159-165. p.. 1965. I. 62. p. 1965. 442. Blodgett and Bradley. 34. Vols. from the German by Gilbert Highet. see Paul Nagel.. Stovall. 57. p. Reflecting on the "value" that "time" would put on his work. pp. 60. 562. Erwln Earle Sparks. (ed. 1897-1917). Vol. One Nation. Blodgett and Bradley. 1939-1948). 2. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton. (ed. 438. 1965. Ibid. 44. Blodgett and Bradley.Beer / LIBERTY AND UNION 385 55. 15. Trans. 61. 3213. 68. Vol III. Blodgett and Bradley. Song of Myself. 174. The expression "pure American breed" occurs only in the 1860 version. 4 vols. 1965. 1965. 66-71. in the deepest sense. From the concluding sentence of Section II of The Communist Manifesto. Blodgett and Bradley. 353. Blodgett and Bradley. 9 vols. pp." in Selected Papers on Philosophy. with its theory. 1-18. 3 vols. 67. Preface 1855. 27-31. vol. The Writingsof ThomasJefferson (Charlottesville. 58. 32. as described by Jaeger. c. (ed. VA: F Carr Co. but also by politicians. 1900-1910). 189. 93. Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. 70. IL. pp. Blodgett and Bradley. Blodgett and Bradley. 1965. Vol. 1965. I. Ibid. II. 1842. Vol.
Michigan). at Bowling Green State University. Their commentators will be Donald Regan (Law. Michigan). please write to John Ahrens.386 POLITICAL THEORY / AUGUST 1984 Samuel H. At present he is working on a book to be called Federalism and the National Idea. Hal Varian (Economics. For information. and Amartya Sen (Oxford). . Bowling Green State University. Michigan). 1984. Original papers will be presented by Jules Coleman (Arizona). Social Philosophy and Policy Center. Beer is Eaton Professor of the Science of Government. Bowling Green. at Harvard University. emeritus. OH 43403. The Social Philosophy and Policy Center will hold a conference entitled "Morals and Markets" on September 21. His latest book is Britain Against Itself: The Political Contradictions of Collectivism (1982). and Allan Gibbard (Philosophy. of which this article on Whitmanis apart. Alexander Rosenberg (Syracuse).