You are on page 1of 17

Speech before Congress by US Senator Ernest

Lundeen, (Farmer-Labor, Minnesota)

Senator Lundeen gave this speech detailing the history of the
Minnesota Farmer Labor Party on August 15, 1940

Lundeen served in the United States Army during the Spanish-American War. He served as
a Republican from Minnesota in the United States House of Representatives, from March 4, 1917
to March 3, 1919 in the 65th congress. As representative, he was one of 50 Congressman to vote
against the declaration of war against Germany on April 6, 1917.v He served as a Party member in
the House from March 4, 1933 to January 3, 1937 in the 73rd and 74th congresses. He was
elected to the Senate in 1936 as a member of the Farmer-Labor Party. He served from January 3,
1937 in the 75th and 76th congresses, until his death. On the afternoon of August 31, 1940,
Lundeen was a passenger on Flight 19 of Pennsylvania Central Airlines, flying from Washington to
Detroit. The plane, a Douglas DC-3, flew into turbulence from a thunderstorm. The plane crashed
near Lovettsville, Virginia and all 25 persons on board were killed, including Senator Lundeen.

Mr. LUNDEEN. Mr. President, we have listened to Demo-

cratic and Republican doctrines. We have heard the plat-
forms and programs of both parties. The national conven-
tions and the speeches delivered there have found a place in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Yet unemployment continues.
The crisis is still with us. It seems to me that at this time
a few words about the Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota are
timely and proper.
Let me say in that connection that at the present time I
happen to be the only representative of the Farmer-Labor
Party in the United States Senate. I therefore feel that I
should present its creed, its program, and its platform for the
information of the Senate and the Nation. - - -
GROUPS '" .^...

The Farmer-Labor Party is the answer of the' common

people to the challenge of monopoly and special privilege.
Although there are political efforts recorded in the history
of this country of movements similar- to that" which took . ,
place in the Northwest, these were feeble and sporadic; and
lacked "staying" powers. But they were straws in the wind
and pointed toward the formation of a great liberal party. = - "
a party destined to see its birth in Minnesota Our party,
represents the first successful political- venture of its kind.-`.
It is no longer an 'experiment-4t has cone of age and-,
points the way to the political future of America. a'
protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)
Notice: This material may l


tHZ AxEer -A- Wiz The Grange was developed by a'Mfnnesota farmer with a
Ae Farmer-Labor Party is the most truly American party genius for organization-- Oliver H. Kelley, of Elk River.
in the political arena today. It combats the forces which- From his Sherburne County farm Kelley caroused his fellow
are destroying the American way of life--the way of life as farmers into taking the lead against the growing monopolies,
the fathers expressed it in the Declaration of. Independ- of which the railways were the worst offenders against the . .
ence--the -right :of the people to "life, liberty, and the pur- public interest in the West. The Grange .-farmers demanded-
suit of happiness," and the guaranti es contained in the readjustment of the tax burden soy that the trusts and cor-
Bill of Rights-the way of life as the immortal I.incoln con- porations would pay their share; regulation of freight rates,
ceid it, "government of the people, by the people, and and an increase in the currenc y su pply rt
.W _ -

LMI ICAN WAT OF LL°E CU Ar • ENGM The Grange went directly into politics with its own State
Only one deliberately blind-one who does not want to party, and was successful in securing the balance of power in
see the truth-Rill dispute that the American way of life the legislatures of the early seventies. These bodies passed
is- gravely challenged today, not only by foreign ideologies, the first State laws regulating the railroads, and the debates
but by powerful forces within our own land. - on this legislation did much to acquaint the public with the
The fact that there are more than 10,000,000 able-bodied true facts concerning railway stock watering and land grab-
men and women in America today, anxious and willing to do bing. - -
useful work but unable to obtain employment, is evidence The lasting effect of the Grange agitation was assured when
of how serious this challenge is. The fact that those who the State supreme court ruled, in 1876, that the legislature
till the soil and raise the foodstuffs to feed our Nation are had the right to regulate rates and fares. In this outcome
unable to attain even a semblance of economic security is the Grangers could hail a real victory, because the railroads
evidence of the same thing. If we seek for further proof, it .had defied regulation. -
is to be found in the lack of opportunities afforded our -_ - - - / EEASQN POE GRANGE PAII.IIEZ
youth; in the slow economic strangulation of the inde- But because of the rather restricted views of the Grangers
pendent merchant in unfair competition with chains and and the uncertain fortunes of their political parties on the .
monopolies, and in our inability to create a standard of national field, this early farmers' movement faded away, until
living even remotely commensurate with the vast wealth there were no locals left. Today the Grange has again found
we are able to produce. its place among the rural organizations, but in no way com-
OLD PASTIES HAVE rAII.ID - parable to the early years.
Neither of the old political parties has shown either the The chief lessons of the Granger years were that farmers,
willingness or the ability to meet this challenge--to tackle combined in their own political organization, could be the
the problem in any but a superficial way. This is principally controlling factor in a State, and that they voiced the de-
so because the forces depriving the people of opportunity mands of all the common people against the oppression of
exercise positions of power within these parties. Wall Street. -
jere is an old proverb which says, "He who pays the These lessons formed the basis for broad, political action.
piper calls the tune.". Wall Street has been paying the FAST.^?FC ONITIa _. .
piper of both the old political parties most of the time, and Thus we find that liberal leaders such as Ignatius Donnelly
the tune that Wall Street calls is not sweet music-to the wisely refused to let the farmers disperse. More action, more
ears of the common people. reforms, more demands for a proper share in the fruits,},pf
life, should be the aim, Donnelly insisted.
It is true that occasionally the progressive forces in one With new oppressors in the form of grain gamblers funnel-
of the old parties may gain the ascendency, but the control ing off the living of growers, and the great employers resisting
they exercise during such periods is neither absolute nor all efforts by workingmen to make a decent living for their
is it over any great period of time. .4 families, it was only natural that the people turned to inde-
The progressive program cannot be carried out in full. pendent politics again. The records of the two major political
Compromises with the conservatives and reactionaries in- parties made it plain enough that nothing was to be gained by
variably result. Ultimately, the latter gain the upper hand. supporting the politicians in those camps-politicians who
It is only when the common people obtain control through were already in the camp of the enemy.
a political movement of their own that their aspirations will LABOR JOINS MILITANT PAF-MZ S
be advanced in accordance with he finest traditions and The eighties therefore found the farmers back in the politi-
ideals of our American democracy. That is the mission of cal field, and this time they were joined by the workers in the
the Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota. factory, foundry, mine, forest, and upon the boats and rail-
roads. The farmers organized themselves into the Farmers'
The tradition of joint farmer and worker political action- Alliance. The workers formed great industrial unions and the
the Minnesota tradition-Ls of long duration. pioneer national federation of labor, the knights of labor.
Ignatius Donnelly-that leader of so many of the people's These two great groups, who produce virtually all our
struggles of the last century-persistently urged farmers and wealth, discovered that they were both being ground down by
city toilers to join hands in independent political action. identical forces, and that these forces had pretty much to say
Though he made his most fiery appeals for joint action in about how the Government should be conducted and for
1893, the tradition of the bond between these two groups of whose special benefit it should be operated. Whether it was
the producing classes in Minnesota had already had a digni- tlle railroad speculators or the grain gamblers who fleeced the
fied history. farmers, or the open-shoppers who fought unionism, they were
in 1892 James B. Weaver, leading the Peoples' Party, polled part and parcel of the same group who manipulated Govern-
more than 1,000,000 votes for President, there being no woman ment to keep the people down.
suffrage and only one-half of our present population. At first the two groups of producers backed whoever pledged
rL=T zZnV f ST GRAN= himself to the farmer-worker program of change, and in this
This Minnesota tradition goes back to the days of the way came to control the legislature of 1891. But so many of
Orange, the great farmers' reform movement of the seventies, the legislators thus supported betrayed those who elected them
. afti3ich was directed against the excessive rates and the un- that the farmers and workers had to form their own State
regulated piracy of the railroad speculators. This movement party in 1892
IX rArurrc' AL.zIL:CS l
was begun by small farmers , eager to reach their markets
without having to turn over their prdlts to the powerful rail- In those Congressional Districts, mainly ru; al, the F'armers'
road combination in the fora of freight charges. Alliance was the chief political factor, In the cities the labor
No. rf4 ^'
Notice: This material may protected by copyright law (Title 11 U.S. Cone)


unions became powerful forces to -reckon with. Thus the 'Period of the muckrake writer, exposing-malpractices of busi-
fa ers of western Minnesota sent the Norwegian immigrant ness and politics alike. It was the period of. the revolt of the
farmer, Kittel Halvorson, to Congress as their own candidate, small-business and professional -man against,=-his powerful
and the farmers of southwestern behind an- competitors. Among the workers it was even-more-it was a
other Scandinavian tiller of the soil, Haldor -Boen, sending time for seriously considering the doctrines of a new collective
him to C3ongress also social order.-. . t. - =
'In-the city districts, many reactionary Republicans were 4 PROGRESSIVES IN corsou ^. a ;
turned out of office and replaced by liberal Democrats. - - ` - - The progressive era in Minnesota was marked by the liberal
FFInally, in 1896, there arose from the ranks of the progres- administrations of the popular Democrat, John A. Johnson,
sives a great liberal; and one of Minnesota's foremost men, - who. was elected for three successive terms for Governor by the
John Lind. Lind made the race for the governorship on the reform forces. If he had live, Johnson would almost cer-
Democratic ticket, with the support of the Peoples Party. He tainly have been the Democratic candidate for President in
lost by a scant handful of votes against the old guard Repub- 1912, and most certainly would have been elected. He had the
lican machine, and sent a thrill of hope throughout the State. enthusiastic support of Grover Cleveland and other powerful
In 1898 he again made the race and this time carried all political leaders.
before him.- In that-election Governor Lind received the He might have sat in the White House instead of Woodrow
enthusiastic support of the veterans of the Spanish-American Wilson. It was the period of trust-busting, and Minnesota
War in whose Army he so ably. served. This was a great sent many sons to Washington because they were anti-
victory for the populist movement, the farmer-labor move- monopolists.
went of our fathers, and the boys in blue. LaDBEeGH-SFNBOL of NEW REVOLT
CAMPAIGNS EEPBE SEN-M CAUSES Most prominent of these was the late Congressman, Charles
Political campaigns during those years were more than A. Lindbergh, father of the colonel who was to be the first
simply contests between personalities. Person to fly the Atlantic Ocean alone. A small-town lawyer,
The people were thoroughly aroused to the menace of im- a Progressive Republican who believed passionately in the
mensely wealthy trusts controlled by a few bankers, which, in rights of the common man, a thoughtful student and search-
turn, controlled the affairs not only of cities and States but ing critic of our economic system, an expert in the matters
even of the Nation's greatest deliberative bodies, as well as the of currency and banking, a whole-hearted peace advocate
living conditions of millions of Americans. - when most of his fellow-Americans cried hysterically for war,
The Grangers and the Peoples Party were the true predeces- Congressman Lindbergh became Minnesota's symbol of the
sors of the Farmer-Labor Party of our time. They knew that new revolt.
they were fighting a financial machine that threatened to Another Minnesotan who contributed the best years of his
gain a stranglehold on the Nation. They were opposed to life to the progressive cause was Senator Moses Clapp, a keen
rule by a financial oligarchy; they wanted a different mode of lawyer, a liberal whom no party clique could dominate, and
life, in which there was employment and security for all. It a friend of the masses. He was one of La Follette's admirers
was the-early phase of a struggle that is still continuing today; and close associates during the days when big business was a
It is surprising that they saw so clearly. Power which few public men could withstand. But Mid
WOBSFD FOR POPULIST cevs: sota had faith in these men, because they carried forward the
who worked to make the cause of the Progressives.
Among the prominent Minnesotans -
Populist movement an instrument of change were the late "'"
Sydney M. Owen, farm journal publisher;, the late Thomas At home the workers had rallied from the first great open-
Meighan; Sylvanus A. Stockwell, that grand old man of Min- shop campaign and their trade unions pushed the good work
nesota liberalism; and the other veteran. of 50 years on the into many towns and cities in Minnesota. The railroad
firing line, Victor E; Lawson, Willmar publisher, workers especially became strong. With their increased
The chief objective of the Populist revolt failed, however. strength they also became progressive and forward-looking.
The trusts, under the watchful care of the McKinley- Hanna The trade unions possessed a militancy and social vision -
Republican machine, grew even more immense . The turn of which made them a prominent force in the community.
the century saw the speculators and profiteers firmly in the Among the farmers, who had been so completely crushed
saddle,--the people's movement crushed. It was crushed by by the defeat of the Populist uprising, the spirit of insurgency
fusion with the Democratic Party in 1896 and 1900, and the developed more slowly. Not until the cooperative movement
Illusion of following a silver tongue into the wilderness of old had caught its second wind in the late nineties did the farm-
party promises. They were swamped and submerged, never to err become fully aroused. Then, in Minnesota, appeared cer-
rise again. tain signs that the farmer was once more preparing to go on
The new attack of the reactionaries was upon the trade- the march against big business and Its paid politicians.
union movement , which had re-formed into the American ISAGA'US JOHNSON , FARM LEADER -
Federation of Labor. Several leaders were responsible for reawakening the tillers,
The big industrialists threw open their immense reserves
and among them must first be mentioned Magnus Johnson,
to finance a great open-shop campaign, which had for its a dirt farmer who also in his youth was a city worker. He
object the complete destruction of the trade unions. They
became interested in both worker and farmer movements, and
had the effrontery to call this the campaign for "the American
later was to become one of the founders of the Farmer-Labor
plan." - Party and recipient of the highest honors within the gift of
the voters of Minnesota--a seat in the United States Senate.
The farmers' organizations were already routed, and nothing Although Johnson saw clearly that it was necessary for the
seemed to stand between the big financiers and industrialists survival of farmers to elect honest progressives to office, he
and absolute domination of the Nation's life but the labor also realized that farmers could do much for themselves by
unions. The arrogance of Wall Street was so great that the cooperatJ' n. Accordingly he spent such time as he could
people again began to stir angrily. In the West new voices spare from his own farm to organize . cooperatives--cream-
took up the cry for economic freedom. eries, elevators, telephone companies, insurance companies,
Leading this new movement was the late great "Fighting and shipping associations., He and fellow farmers devel-
Bob" La Follette, of Wisconsin. As Governor of his State, oped the first of hundreds of livestock-shipping associations
La Follette pushed for regulation of railroads and the great in the Litchfield neighborhood in 1910.
corporations, which was more urgently needed than ever
By the time -Fighting Bob" took his seat In the 'United Important, also, as a progressive farm leader-although
States Senate in 1907 the whole West--arid many parts of the he was not a farmer himself but an independent business-
East as well -were again ready to take up arms. It was the man-was the late George S. Loftus, of St. Paul.
Notice: This material may t^- protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


In Minnesota before the war there was-lust one iarm ar
ganization which had influence. The farmers were,-of course, furious.;-They.were more than
This 'as the American Society'of Equity, which preached ready to listen to a young man who drove into-their barnyards
cooperation for every phase of the farmers life. Magnus with a plan for a p9liticaiTleague of the farmers and for the r
Johnson was State president of this. pioneer group., It or- farmer& _ The man;-was Arthur C. Townley. a native Minne-
ganizd in, 1911 the now' famous Equity Cooperative Ex- sotan who had been ruined as a farmer. Shortly the Non-
change-the first grain-marketing -cooperatives to appear in i Partisan league had thousands of members. -In 1916 it swept
this country. :its offices were in Minneapolis; but -mt. until { the elections in North Dakota, electing a dirt farmer as Gov
the`-armers:hired George 'Loftus to manage : the. exchange ernor,_LYNN J. FaAzE m Active in the league with Townley
did it .develop into a formidable rival to the private grain was the Present Congressman, Wrr.T.TFM F_ L r 4 '
t x
concerns. In' the summer of 1916, league organizers began to-
AT rZ KPr TO DL4'EOT CoOFERATZVFS Minnesota farmers, who saw in the new plan a means of
The grain gamblers did everything possible to destroy the, salvation- - The league national office was established in St.
farmers' marketing organization . But due chiefly to the Paul the next year, 1917, and the Minnesota farmers looked
energy and intelligence of George Loftus and faithful farm- forward to a similar victory in 1918.
ers like Magnus Johnson, A. F. Teigen, Anthony C. Welch, Official league data reveal that league membership in
Bert Cole, John Bosch, Sr_, Mike Foley, Nels Peterson, Ole Minnesota in June 1917 was only 10,133, while that of North
Dale, P. O. Pierce, and others, the Equity Cooperative Ex- Dakota was 43,184. This figure, of course, does not show the
change lived and grew until it was getting 20 percent and actual league influence in Minnesota- For every farmer, there
more of the Twin City grain business. - were 10 ardent sympathizers who were prevented by extreme
Chief among Loftus' assistants were James Manahan and poverty or by fear from joining the league.
Benjamin Drake, liberal lawyers, and M. W. Thatcher, auditor. By June of 1918, however, the Minnesota league had at least
The exchange stood as a bulwark for the entire cooperative 42,000 members. It is safe to say that these thousands were
movement which was developing so rapidly in Minnesota the most active, courageous, and influential farmers in the
and the other States of the Northwest. , State. -

It was in these organizations that the farmers rallied for The first State committee of the league was headed by resi-
a new try at political and economic emancipation. The dent farmers appointed-by President Townley and included
workers' movement, while developing independently, retained Herman F. Sprung, David Paquin, and L. E. Samuelson.
its traditional friendship for the farmers. At the same time George W. Griffith, of North Dakota, was named the first State
the independent small-business and professional people-in manager. He served the league in this capacity for several
whose name the progressives spoke-also felt tied to the years. As the league swung into full activity the cooperators
great producing groups, in their fight against a common and farmers of the equity group-including Magnus Johnson,
enemy. About it all there was an air of crusade. Men and James Manahan, Ferdinand Teigen, and others-joined in
women acted in the'name of a cause which was very real to the efforts to make the farmers' movement a success.
them. - - The league plan,for Minnesota was slightly different than
It is also significant to note that in the election of 1912 that for the other States, and included- demands for State-
more than 25 percent of the people of Minnesota voted owned packing plants, elevators, and flour - mills; State rural
against both the two conservative parties and for protest credits, a tonnage tax on iron are, and State-owned pulp-paper
candidates in the campaign for Governor . - In that year the mills. This program remained much the same during the life
Bull Moose Progressives, led by ambition and selfishness, of the league in Minnesota.
proved abortive and futile. - The voters had steadily become TSE FIRST WOE= WAR - ,. .
more independent of the two parties during the period of the Of the other event of this period, the World War, little can
insurgency, and now 1 voter in 4 refused to tag along with be said that is not familiar to everyone who lived through
either of the two major camps. The time for independent those days of dreadful hysteria. How the European war be-
action was near. gan in 1914 as a clash of economic rivalries , how the tension
THZ NOATAETLSAX LZAGVF aA9MM3 FAEMZR - LABOR DECZ.OP]SENT was so keyed that when. two rivals decided to fight, all the
Two events at this time hastened the development of the empires had to fight in order to preserve their fields of ex-
progressive movement in Minnesota which was to find its ploitation, and how slowly and surely the United States was
fruition in the Farmer-Labor Party. drawn into that camp which carried on the most cunning war
The first of these events was the sudden, almost miraculous propaganda. These are now matters of recorded history.
rise of the farmers' Nonpartisan League in the neighboring
State of North Dakota during 1915 and 1916 . The other was In Minnesota, the peace sentiment was so intense that the
the overwhelming blight of everything progressive and decent war bowlers soon singled out the State as being one of these
in the war hysteria which culminated in our being dragged distinctly favorable to Germany. The more accurate fact is
into the European battlefields in April 1917. These two that Minnesota early made its stand for peace and neutrality.
events, plus the insurgent spirit of the masses, produced the The people of that State adhered to the Lindbergh-Lundeen
Farmer-Labor Party. policy, America first-absolute neutrality.
In North Da kotajhe wheat farmer had been suffering from The Minnesota peace and neutrality societies had many
a combination of low, uncertain prices in a speculators' mar- thousands of members, and there were other groups almost
het, high-debt charges, and adverse weather. By 1915 the as influential. The trade-unions and other liberal groups
grain farmers of the Northwest were generally in desperate with whom they were closely allied demanded-through their
straits. Added to his production and marketing problems press, their official spokesmen, by means of rank and file
was the oppression of a railroad -dominated political tyranny declarations--that America keep free of the quarrels and
practiced by the two old parties. Although the North Da- boundary disputes of Europe and the .Old World.' -
kota farmers had voted overwhelmingly for State- owned ele- The Non Partisan League farmers felt the same way They
vators and other measures designed to protect him In a gam- knew that they had nothing to gain from this country becom-
blers' and lenders ' world, the State had Ignored their man- ing involved in war. Peace sentiment ran strong in Minne-
date. - sota, both In the cities and In the country districts. -
6-_AND A¢AMEr 'WAR = =rz1L
Equity societies and their cooperatives were a strong ln- 1
fiuence in North Dakota, and the campaign for State elevators But the war spirit was fanned to a fever pitch throughout
came to a head at a meeting of the State equity farmers in the Nation, and many liberals, swept off their feet, deserted
February 1915 . The legislators were told that the elevators to the warmongers ... --,
must be built, and in reply these gentleman told the farmer to - In the IZationls Capital In Cangre s, "Fighting Bob" Le,
"go home and slop your hogst" Follette, our beloved George Norris, Lane of Oregon, Gronna
Notice: This material may t^ protected by copyright law (title 17 U.S. Code)
of NortfiMakota, Vardaman, and Stone in the.United States can Federation of Labor, union's : central body, was the
Senate and 50 Members of the House of Representattves, m fPAhrrrri Fncnkpr - 11 .1
cluding ,^indbergh, Clapp, and Lundeen of IAlnnesata, stood I.fl DBERCH HEADS S'rASE AJT7[
)out zgainst the rising tide of few and the The slate of candidates offered in the Republican primaries
great, voiceless mass of the,people.; by-the farmers was headed by Charles A- Lindbergh for Gov- '
C,.: weracoNGEKIN^ seas enMnv-MTR&-ma
emor. The rest of the ticket, as agreed upon finally, was:
In Minnesota the first to take up the cry for war was the H. K Crane, a farmer, for Lieutenant Governor; Thomas-V.-
shameful"R publican State administration. War was hardly Sullivan, a Progressive lawyer, for attorney general; S. O.
- a fact for America' in ,Aprit- 1917 when this administration Tjosvold, a farmer, for auditor; Albert H. Fasel, a Progressive.',
was able to wring -from-- the legislature grant of powers for State treasurer, Fred K T511quist,-• a railroad labor leader.
ex heeding even those given the. Preside_n_ t. P - for 'railroad and warehouse commissioner,- and Herman
The notorious Commission of Public ..Safety was organ- Mueller, a Progr,----_
essi _ -
f vor
e supreme court clerkttuelier;ZVas--
ized. Its objective was declared to be coordination of war elected and served 4 years. - -
activities in Minnesota. Lindbergh received 150,626 votes; his opponent, J. A A.
But what was obvious to everyone was this: The com- Burnquist, 199,325. Many reactionary Democrats threw their
mission was much more interested in smashing the militant weight behind Burnquist in order to stop the farmers. But
farmers' movement, the trade-unions, and the peace and it can be seen that the league had become a power. At the
neutrality advocates than in any other purpose. Union men time of the election, there were 42,000 Leaguers in the State.
were forbidden even to wear their union buttons. Farmers In the teeth of the war mania it had grown to 4 times its
were refused protection against mobsters at their rallies. size of the year before. It further attracted many thousands
Those who denounced the war for what it was- a war to to vote for its candidates.
rescue American 'dollars in Europe-were stoned and beaten, LABOR BECOME
tarred, and shot at.
But with the defeat of Lindbergh and nearly the whole,
slate, what was to be done now? While the farmers debated
The houses of liberal leaders who had opposed the war
their next move, labor took a ,very significant step forward.
were painted yellow and even riddled with bullets. The labor
For the first time since the days of the Knights of Labor, or-
mayor of Minneapolis was threatened with impeachment.
ganized labor deliberately stepped upon the political stage.
Speakers of the league were stoned and abused. Any pro-,
Labor had watched the farmers organize with great interest,
gressive who raised his voice for a decent cause-whether
It was well known that the farmers' administration in North
concerned with the war or not-was harassed, framed, even
Dakota had shown its true people's character by passing every
Jailed. law that labor requested, putting that State far ahead of the
Thus men like James Manahan and Charles A. Lindbergh
others in the matter of pro-labor legislation. Organized labor
emerged from the war years with broken health and haunted
was stronger in Minnesota than it had ever been before.
minds, results of their suffering at the hands of the so-called
public safety commission. Any man, any group which de- LABOR STRENC PH AT Pr _&X
nounced the money-mad war profiteers and their political Not including the unions represented in the mining, lake
parties met with immediate punishment-all in the name of shipping, and timber cutting industries, the workers had at
patriotism. Public decency took a vacation. - this time 497 unions located in 52 towns and cities of the
The members of that infamous committee-were: Charles H. State.' In the American Federation of Labor and the railroad
March, C. W. Ames, John Lind, John F. McGee, and A. C. brotherhoods alone there were 52,000 workers. With the mili-
Weiss. But olh honest John Lind found the committee so tant and the unorganized workers who were union-minded,
bad that he finally resigned in utter disgust. this was a formidable force to throw into the political scales
rRoCr.ESSICES BROE BUT NOT CRIISHID But it must be granted -that the terrible campaign of the -
The war, like a great boulder; had broken the wave of the reactionaries had cowed and silenced many of the workers.
mild Progressive era. Beneath this foaming wave there now At the 1918 convention of the American Federation of Labor
was seen a determined flood of militancy. The forces of Minnesota unions, two progressive labor figures crystallized
finance capital expected by the war to destroy the people's the workers' political sentiments into a plan which would put
movement. the unions directly behind their own candidates. It was a
The people, on the other hand, saw a chance to strike back startling departure from the-traditional nonpartisan attitude
with the same weapon. It was they whose hands produced of this important labor group.
the weapons of this war and they determined to make their These two men were William Mahoney and Charles Isaac-
power felt. son, both of the St. Paul Printing Pressmen's Union. They
What was going on in Minnesota between these two con- asked for an- all-labor conference to put candidates in the
tenders repeated Itself everywhere in America. The people field for State office. The suggestion was enthusiastically
were deI whined to ccme into their own, politically and received by a majority of the delegates, and on August 25 of
economically. that year ( 1918 ) President Ed G. Hall and Secretary George
W. Lawson, of the State federation of labor, convened the
parley. Ninety local unions sent delegates.
The cru= h-rg reign of war hysteria and conservatism formed
the i:r z _ ci:s:e background for the birth of the Farmer-Labor
Par 7. A committee of seven labor men was named to meet with
Tl:e f^^ ers, the workers, the peace and neutrality advo- a like committee of the Farmers' League to select candidates
cates. the progressives had no place to go. Their training for the November elections. On this labor committee were:
trryssh trot' years of the Progressive period had been to act -William Mahoney, chairman; J. A. Watkins, Fred Kreuger,
indh;y-ndcntly. speaking generally, as voters. They were tied J. J. Robbers, J. L. Tinkham, Clark Greenless, and Henry
to no poi '-teal party. With the approach of the elections of,, Gassing, representing all parts of the State. Some of these
1918 it w-as s=ear that Minnesota was ripe for a political men were important officers of the State federation of labor.
revolu don. Out of their committee conferences gred the endorsement
The tactics of the Non-Partisan League in other States by labor of three men for State office: The late David H.
had been to Capture the primaries of the leading party and Evans, of Tracy, for Governor; Tom Davis, of Minneapolis,
thus put their own candidates upon the ballot under the very for attorney general; and the late Fred E. TT1lquist, of St.
noses off then opponents. Paul, for railroad and warehouse commissioner. Dave Evans -
The primary of 1918 in Minnesota was preceded by a great was a hardware merchant and had been a liberal Democrat.
State conventinne of league farmers, held in St. Paul, March Davis was a veteran labor lawyer. •T llquist was a prominent
18 and 19 . From the fast the tie between farmer and worker railroad labor official, a member of the Locomotive Firemen
was evident- J nes Clsnccy, president of the St. Paul Ameri- and Enginemen Brotherhood.

Notice: This material may tT, protected by copyright law (Title 17
U.S. Code)

194x__:_ .,..•.____CO-NTGRF.QNALEC08D-IATE_ I5911__ ___._

The-T ors' committee which helped work out this slate,-. pie's Party-had met the forces of entrenched wealth head-on-
included: Magnus Johnson, Anthony C. Welch,•Sarl Knutson, and had been smashed; out of represasions of the war years;
o. ), Teuye, a E. Crane, and - Arne- Grundysen. Although from the desires of the common people'for peace, neutrality,
the farmers at first favored Johnson for. Governor, they and progress, economic and political.-freedom`. The name
willingly accepted Evans as a good choice "Farmer-Labor,- which was placed on the ballot In that elec..
a : . PEO JZ3 SaNAE GROUPS secs xova lion was destined to appear on the ballots of every
. Minnesota °
There was a third group behind the efforts of the farmers' _ election thereafter. It meant that a new party- had. arisen
and workers-to - form their own independent ticket in 1918 : on, the political horizon of America to bring -hope in the,
professional men. These men 'had been active -fn the cam • . learts of the oppressed and the underprivileged as well -as al1 .
pans of the progressives-of the preceding years=and in the who believe in social and economic -justue
main had been _opposed to 'the--World War and `had" been.` ='- The end of the war found the -people all'oyes the .world
marked for punishment by the Minnesota public safety mobs arising in revolt against former masters -
because of it. These liberals were not organized except in In the United States the tide of insurgent feeling ran high. _
such groups as the Saturday Lunch Club, of Minneapolis In many States and cities labor followed the lead which Min-
a forum where just such ideas as independent policies had nesota workers had provided. Parmer-labor and labor parties
long been centers of discussion. sprung up in many places
A committee ' of the professional men approached the The farmers' Non-Partisan League continued to grow,
farmers and workers with an urgent plea for a new party reaching out into new States until from Texas to Washington
which would represent peace, progress, and security. This the sound of the organizer's model T could be heard along the
group, because of its long training in politics under George country roads., Minnesota's league added more members and
Loftus and the other progressive Republicans, was of real use proved it couldgrow ;, -
to the people's representatives, most of whom were untrained ' unhRPPiLF
But the reactionaries didby
not sitand silo noth-
in the tactics of electioneering. These men were the most ing. Now that labor was no longer needed to help steer the
prominent of the professionals : Attorneys Fred A. Pike, Vince war machine, the national administration turned upon it
A. Day, Roy C. Smelker, Thomas L. Fraser, S. A- Stockwell, savagely. Liberal and .radical organizations were " made to
Julius J. Better, then mayor of Rochester ; Drs. William E. feel the sting of the-Federal Government 's wrath. .Various
Leonard and Henrik Shipstead • and others such as Carl Iewls, ' departments of that a ministration once thought as liberal -
Benjamin Drake, Prof. William A. Schaper, and George SiegeL became the open .aids of financial forces in order to crush the
reaMta-ANn LABOR ncsEr Pos^m advancing people 's movement.
The decision was that there should be an independent RE"GTDONAans MARE NEW DRIVE -LABOR. EFPZET'q TO EN t1
ticket in the final elections of 1918 . What to call the new . Organized labor had demonstrated what it could do in the -
ticket? The candidates had to run under some name. The political field in Minnesota , and now hastened to consolidate
progressives' candidates led by Lindbergh in the spring had its gains. At the State Federation of Labor convention of
commonly been called the farmer and labor or simply the 1919 a p ermanent organization through which the labor
farmer labor candidates. There was the name for the inde - unions would express themselves politically was ratified This
pendent ticket. And so , at a final meeting of the conferees was called the Working People's Non-Partisan Political
at the old Merchant Hotel in St. Paul, it was decided to run League-
Evans. Davis, and Tillquist under , the Farmer -Labor banner. To this new organization could belong not only individuals
Of course , it was not the intention of everyone to form a' but also entire unions and central bodies . It became the
permanent new party-not then. Many of the farmers were counterpart of the farmers ' league . The two worked side by
not convinced that a new party would win their demands for. side .- The Labor League 's first executive board included Wil-.
them quicker than their nonpartisan political tactics hith - Liam Mahoney , chairman ; Thomas Van Lear, - secretary; and
erto pursued. The labor officials were somewhat bound to C. Z . Nelson; Louis Frank ; J. A. Watkins ; A. E. Smith; and
the old nonpartisan principles of "elect your friends, defeat E. G. Whitney . All of them were from the Twin Cities.. -
your enemies." The professional men, however , saw clearly ' During 1919 and the early part of 1920 the two leagues -
that a return to the old parties would be an admission of worked unceasingly to perfect their organizations and prepare
defeat. And there also were many in both the farmer and the farmers and toilers for the contest of 1920.
the worker camps who had faith in a new party. The approach of this campaign found the progressives still
EENTIKLNT ON PERMANENT PAarr DIVIDED of divided mind concerning a farmer-labor party. Some-
A victory in the 1918 fall campaign would unquestionably such as Henry G. Teigan and William Mahoney-desired to
have settled the matter in favor of those who wanted anew see the two leagues merge into a strong , democratic,' ass
political party. But the Farmer-Labor candidates were not party. Townley and several of the Non-Partisan League lead-
victorious. Evans polled about 112,000 votes-Lindbergh had ers opposed this and urged, instead, that the farmers and
received 150.000-in the primaries. It looked as though workers remain nonpartisan so that they could exercise "a
many pccple were in favor of progressives in office but could balance of power" between the two conservative parties.
not shake themselves free of their old party ties to help them. 1920 n. ECno c-Ae& i TET TO CArrcaE G. 0. P.
But it w as realized that the campaign had not been a test Thus is was that the leading candidates in 1920 did not file
of third-party sentiment among the voters, since it was as Farmer-Labor. Instead they' ried against to capture the
fought in the face of fresh waves of terrorism on the part of Republican primary, and again without success. The fear of
the State administration. The Republican machine, en- the candidates was that they could'not draw supporters away
hanced by the pcwers given it at the outbreak of the war, from the Republican Party, and the election laws of the time
held the State in the grip of a tyrant, refusing or permitting prevented voters from crossing party lines to select whom
any opposition at will. The league had scheduled 250 meet- they pleased. At the same time the Farmer-Labor Party was
ings to discuss election problems but was forced by hoodlums kept on the ballot by the filing of a number of candidates
and other lawless forces at the beck and call of the notorious under that banner.
Public Safety Commission and its governor, J. A. A. Burnquist, The leading candidates in 1920 were Hzsarg SznpsrEAD for
to cancel nearly a third of them. It was not safe in those days Governor , George Mallon for Lieutenant Governor, and
to engage in politics on a people's ticket. Imaginary flu co- Thomas V_ Sullivan for Attorney General Smpsrtn, who
demics were used to cancel the meetings of Congressman later was to become United Stales Senator, was a professional
Exrcrsr LvxDirn in both Dawson and Madison, Mina- This man and a former progressive Republican candidate for Con-
occurred under the direction of Theodore Christianson, the gress in 1918 In the Seventh District. He had served one
State administrator, and his political associates .' .. • term in the Minnesota Legislature during the t»ar In 1917.' '
ssss or nss cci-Ex ra or zsr saesrs -I * Peers ; Mallon, who was politically active among the vess
Nevertheless, it was in this fall campaign that the Minne- was a veteran of the World War; had received the Congres
sota Farmer -Labor Party was born, 20 years after the Poo- zlonal Medal of Honor, and was the only Minnesotan on Geo-
Notice: This material may t^, protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)
eraf Per.*ing' s list of One Hundred Heroes -of the -World war.-.q -was up-for-.reelection,--_and-against him..-the Fier-
Sullivi,'an ardent liberal and excellent platform man, was a Labor---Party Pitted Hsxaix SrrrPsTxAn . For Governor that color
popular St. Paul attorney , a law partner of James Manahan.:',; ful farmer, Magnus Johnson, was selected.'.;.: Othercandidates
Ep came within a mere handful of votes of capturing were: Arthur A. Siegler -for Lieutenant Governor; Susie -W
th publican nomination. = W ari :, "_" Stageberg for secretary-of state; Elizabeth :Deming fora
Filing on the Farmer-Labor ticket and unopposed in the auditor; .Frank H. Keyes for treasurer Roy-C., -.Smelker for _
primaries were Cyrus Ki ng for Governor, fitly Anderson for attorney general; W. W. Royster for railroad and warehouse
secretary of state,-John P. Wagner for treasurer,-and Emil commissioner; and Howard Van Lear for supreme court clerk_
C. 2 acKebzie for-railroad and warehouse -commissioner. ,^ -In addition-` several congressional candidates had filed i
Y > %'R PARIR marS ALIVE the State's 10 districts with party endorsement
Aft the primaries King withdrew in behalf of SHn STEAD The Farmer-Labor Party in that campaign advocated work
wllo r ith Mallon and Sullivan ;: then filed by petition for the relief for the unemployed; an increased - iron. ore , tonnage'
same offices they sought in the Republican primary, but this tai; a-Sta'te-owned-and 'operated'cement-plant- and
time as independents with Farmer-Labor endorsement. creased capacity for the State flour mill which had been in
These rather clumsy arrangements were the best that could operation for a year. -This mill is now in danger of being
be done while-the Progressives were still undecided whether dismantled under the present Republican regime. Opposi-
or not to keep the Farmer-Labor Party alive. The votes for tion to the use of the injunction in labor disputes and to a
regular Farmer-Labor candidates who made. no campaign State constabulary were other demands made by the Farmer-
whatever ran close to 200,000 and convinced many that the Labor Party. It is interesting to note that much of this
new party was here to stay. program has subsequently been-enacted into law.- -
The final elections also revealed greatly increased strength. LEAGUES WORE AS PEBFE:.T TEAM

SI esvEAD received 281,000 votes to his Republican-machine, In this crucial campaign of 1922 the two leagues worked
opponent's 415 ,000. But the Smx;svzin vote was more than harder and more harmoniously than ever before. Their .
twice Evans' vote of 2 years before. - As the Working People's members sensed that victory was at hand and they set forth.
League secretary, Van IP_ af declared: - every ounce of effort and energy they possessed. The rail-
The opposition claim we lost. , I 'disagree "with them because we road brotherhoods continued their splendid support, sending
did not have anything to lose . The tact is we made substantial Into the State several fine speakers, and providing to-a gen-
erous degree that rarest of all commodities of progressive
.politics-hard cash! "Fighting Bob" TA Follette ' aided the
The false slogan of the Republicans in the 1920 campaign campaigners with several speeches before tremendous *crowds
was "Save the State from socialism": This slogan was sup-
in the Twin Cities and several southern citi
posed to be potent because of the current "red-scares; being
When election day arrived it was apparent that Dr. Ssrp-
conducted all over. America in order to discredit the labor sTEAn had defeated Frank B. Kellogg for 'United States Sen-
and progressive movements. In Minnesota the Sound Gov- ator; while Magnus Johnson's exciting campaign made it
ernment Association was .formed, and through this fake outfit
appear that he, too, would win. Final results showed that
the big open-shop industrialists and the bankers poured hun-
SmPSrs.n had become America's first Farmer-Labor Sen-
dreds of thousands of dollars in order to defeat the Farmer- ator, by 80 ,000 plurality. Johnson came within 15,000 votes
Labor forces. The State was plastered with huge billboards of becoming Governor. In addition, Farmer-Labor Knud
screaming confusing and-misleading slogans. An expensive Wefaid and O. J. Kvale went to Congress. -
publication called Minnesota Issues covered the. State like a
blanket of snow in a desperate attempt to smear the popular
Nor-was this all.-, The election struggles had resulted in
victories in many legislative districts . In 1920 , for. example,
It was in the face of this that the Progressives made their
astonishing gains in voter strength. the Farmer-Labor Party could claim successes in 46 districts.
It must be remembered that the Minnesota Legislature is
elected on a non -partisan basis. In 1922 the influence In
Between the campaigns of 1920 and 1922 the farmers' de- the legislature of Farmer-Labor people increased even more.
pression set in-and it has lasted to this very day. Those who MAGNUS JOHNSON GOES TO SENATE - - -
labored on the land from sunrise until sunset were the first A surprise victory was still in store for the new party. A
to be ground down by the heartless deflation ordered by our few months after the elections, word came that Minnesota's
captains of industry. The farmer was crushed under a elder Republican statesman, Senator Knute Nelson, had died.
heavy debt load incurred during a period of inflation-a It was announced that a special election would be held to fill
debt load which is impossible for him to pay off even during out the nearly 2 years' balance of his term.
periods of relative normalcy. The Farmer-Labor people had found Magnus Johnson an
Suddenly there was an organized contraction of bank excellent campaigner and he proved to be the favored candi-
credits, prices began to tumble, the great war boom collapsed. date in the Farmer-Labor primary held in June 1923. His
This situation helped the Progressives. It gave the people opponent was the same machine Republican who bad squeezed
one more great incentive to fight. • past him to win the governorship only a few months before.
MOVE FOR INDEPENDENT POLrI2CAL ACTION But this time the farmers and workers were ready for him.
Also between the campaigns of 1920 and 1922 the Farmers They knew their strength and they knew that the people
Non-Partisan League underwent- important changes. Its were behind their program.
founder. Townley, stepped out. Thus was removed one of Magnus ran on the slogan, "Is a farmer good enough for the
the most influential opponents of independent political action 'United States Senate?"
of farmers and workers. • The way rapidly cleared to get His Republican rivals foolishly countered this with "Send
behind the Farmer-Labor Party and make it the winner. Magnus back to the pasture." It proved to be as foolish as
From the first, the workers and farmers displaced the it sounded. It was resented by the city workers as well as
Democratic Party as the leading opposition. Now the farm the farmers. The campaign was short and sweet. When It
depression, the continued attacks upon workers' wages, and was over, Magnus had won by almost 100,000 votes.
the general distrust in which the people held the corrupt Minnesota thus sent a second Farmer-Labor man to the
Republican Party gave the new party reasons to think in United States Senate. The Republican wailing wall was now
terms of victory. well established.
FUZ COMFLLTE SLATE 07 CANDD)ATES - It was in a spirit of triumph and confidence that the toilers -
The liberals filed a complete slate of candidates in the looked toward 1924. Meanwhile the agitation had gone on
1922 election under Its own banner. It was the final warning for clarification of the status of the Farmers' League, the
that the Farmer-Labor people were In the field to stay, and Labor League, and the Farmer-Labor Party itself. A series ;
to be reckoned with. United States Senator Frank B. Kellogg - - of conferences were nela tnraugnout cue winter am spring -
Notice: i'his material may t' protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)

of 1923-24 'looking toward the formation of -a new. organiza- a program and select candidates for the coming campaign.=
tion hick 'would combine the two leagues and carry. -on The program demanded start of the,St. Lawrence Waterway,
the ci vities of the Farmer-labor Party between elections. Public ownership of all public utilities and natural resources,
Many new adherents came when Robert hL Ia Follette, .8r.. guaranty of labor's right to organize, adequate soldiers' bonus,
in 1923 answered that he was through with the old parties cooperative banks, and the McNary-Haugenpla.n of aid to
and would enter a new alinement with the forces of progress farmers. How much of this is now accepted law others may
_TNTER PAL O -LABOR CLV . Because of the rapid change to the new basis of the Firmer-
In Snarly parts of the in the. Twin Cities Labor Federation, and for the sake of preserving harmony„it
and! the Brainerd area--there had developed; s' new type of was decided to make no endorsements for-office but to, allow
political organization. It was called the Farmer-Labor-Club. the primary vote to decide the slate. Whethee that choice
Unlike the clubs familiar to eastern city politics, the members was a' wise one or whether injury was done to the party re-
of -these groups paid fiegular.dues, carried on -their own edu- mains a question to this day . Some of the candidates turned
cational campaigns for progressive principles, and in the case their attacks away from the common enemy and directed
of the Sixth- Congressional District even maintained their their fire on their primary rivals. The future must determine
own newspaper, the Farmer-Labor Record. - that question.
The club rooted the new Farmer-Labor Party in the locali-
ties as even the leagues could not do. It was smaller than However, from the tangle of primary candidates and the,
the leagues' units, and hence more mobile and more sensitive heated primary campaign, there did emerge a man not only
to local needs. To some of the Progressives it appeared to eminently fitted to hold high public office but also with the
be the answer to -the problem of how best to conduct the necessary qualities to become the leader of this new party.
work of education, organization, and political, effort. He was a talented young man, tall and graceful, with a
LEAGUES MEBGE INTO FEDESATTON winning smile and a persuasive voice; a man who did not
In March of 1924 the two leagues met in Minneapolis at hesitate to take his-position on the side of the people, whose
the same time and In nearby halls. There were 150 farmer principles had been forged on the anvil of hard labor in the
delegates from 42 counties. On the labor side were repre- mine, railroad yard, and harvest field, and whose honesty-
sentatives of no less than 100,000'workers from every section and courage already had been amply demonstrated in public
of the State. These people had already founded their own office. -
daily newspaper, of which they were very proud, the Minne- This man was Floyd B. -Olson, the son of Norwegian and
sota Daily Star. Swedish immigrants. He was then county attorney of the
There remained a strong sentiment among the league farm- State's largest county, Hennepin, and already was recognized'
ers to keep intact their old organization, which, however, was as one of the foremost men holding office -in Minnesota. As
suffering depletion in the ranks. But a majority of the a prosecutor, he showed that he was primarily interested in
farmers preferred entering the proposed Farmer-Labor Fed- the dispensation of elementary justice. He filed as candidate
eration. When word came that the workers' convention had for Governor on the Farmer-Labor ticket and ws the nomi-
dissolved their league in favor of the new federation, the nation in a spirited campaign. - -
farmers began to debate. It was an exciting moment in Up for relection in 1924 was Senator Magnus Johnson. His
Farmer-Labor history. - progressive record in Washington seemed to assure him a
POLITICAL HISTORY MADE return to office. The entire-slate of candidates which emerged
Delegate Carl R. Carlgren, who had been on the labor com- from the primary prepared for victory in the fall, despite the
mittee visiting the farmers' convention, returned to the confusion -and ill feeling which had been features of the
workers' hall finally with word of the results. As the Farmer- elimination contests.

For a moment there was a pause and silence. Then a great shout However, another element entered the situation This was
went up: delegates sprang to their feet; some climbed on chairs the candidacy on the national scene of the fighting Progres-
and tables; bats were thrown In the air; and labor men began to
shout, "Hurrah for the farmers 1" sives, Senators LA Fou.Errs and WHEELER.- To the detriment
Beres of men grasped the hands of delegates to whom they had of all, the national campaign and the campaigns of the
never spoken before and congratulated them. All were eager to Farmer-Labor candidates did not mesh until very late in the
learn whether the leaguers were coming over. Yes; they were
coming. Soon they began to appear by dozens, by half dozens, by
year. Had there been a planned campaign of the national
scores: and as they shouldered their way to their seats, the Federa- and State Progressives from the start, the ultimate results
tio nis`s arose shouting their welcome, extending their hands and in all likelihood would have been different.
vacating seats for the farmers' comfort, while the hubbub was All the time the reactionaries continued their attacks upon
punctuated every few minutes by fresh outbursts as new groups
appeared at the crowded doorways and sought their places in the the liberals. Workers and businessmen were threatened with
council chamber with the workers. dire consequences if they did not return Coolidge to the White
rARYLR - LASOL FEDERATION EORN House. Hard times, panic, riots, bread lines--these terrible
Thus was born the Farmer-Labor Federation. Its first things would be the result of taking Lam, POLL= and WHEELER
officers were William Mahoney, chairman, representing labor; and the Farmer-Labor people seriously. A subtle change was
Ralph Harmon, secretary, representing the farmers. The coming over large sections of the American people by 1924;
first executive board included the following district repre- the people were being lulled to sleep by a false prosperity.
sentatives: First, J. C. Placek and Walter J. Kennedy; second, THL G . O. F. PROSPEsITI CA.IPAIGN
John J. Johnson and W. C. Sprague; third, Fred E. Osborne The Republican newspapers thoroughly dinned into the
and A. C. Welch; fourth, Frank Fisher and Frank Starkey; public ear that good times had arrived forever. They need
fifth, Robley D. Cramer and J. O. Johnson; sixth, A- H. Hen- do nothing but vote Republican to keep the beautiful picture
dricks-on and P. W. Anderson; seventh, Harold Baker and of boundless prosperity hanging on the parlor wall.
Hemming Nelson; eighth, George H. Webster and H. W. Dart; Because the masses lacked a voice to match this blare of
ninth, Louis Enstrom and J. C. Pratt; tenth, C. R. Hedltrrid publicity, it was difficult to make It known that the farmers
and Gus Lundberg. Joseph Baldus later replaced Mr. Welch. still had to labor from sunup to sundown merely to keep the
This central body of authority was composed entirely, of dirt sheriff from seizing their stock and tools; that in many in-
farmers, workers who had left lathes or scaffolds to attend dustries wages were slowly declining while hours were going
the convention, and progressive 'business and professional up; that machines were being introduced at a very rapid rate--
machines which were throwing workingmen permanently out
oN meagre AI7oz r s rao=AaC A rxE r F=xdz- w=vz T ncxssmccr= of their foils; that women workers were still getting less for
The ^day following the.,s`e-stirring events there was a the same work that men did ; that prosperity was an actuality"`- -..
convention of r armer- Lobo adherents In St Cloud to adopt mainly for those with sufficient funds to play, the stock mar-
15914 Notice: This mat I rotected b y copyri nt law (Title
/^ TT stocksandliond&.9f.J QR ealth^^ STEAD EE^ TO SMA=

monop bbes. ti Despite the din of sell-Praise in the Republican press,

FAB^ CAMPAIGN SITCCEEDS nesota's Farmer-Labor Senator "THENRIK
,, S=s-,E" was re-
ese were disagreeable facts; the fine picture of good times . elected by a smas hing majority.` ;the slate o11928 was: =
..osier to'take. The militancy .of the war years,-the cra- Eiimsx Lmrnmi,, for Governor ;... omas J. - Meighen, for
sading spirit of the progressive era, were being sapped away. Lieutenant Governor ; Mrs- Susie "W -Stageberg,^retary
Until' the house of cards :would fall the' Progressives could of' state; Peter J. Seberger, I ortreasurer;-=C -F.- G-aaren=-
do " `:tittle but - walt-for the - majority 'sentiment .to ' net n to stroom,-for attorney general; and J.I,. Peterson, for railroad
their side. The1. 1924 election, which the.farmer `and workers and warehouse commission =Only Congressman Kyale, in
were- convinced they would wln,ended in heartbreaking the southwestern fa'rmdistrict.was returned to Congress with-
Senator Sz^STEAD. LINDE v ran-ahead of t1ie-Btate ticket
'rue, the Farmer-Laborcandidates ran ahead of the Na- to poll 227,000 votes^'agaanst-the Republican rival's 54.9,060'-*,
tional Independent Progressive ticket" `T `ght:ng -Bob" lost =an sums FOR
Minnesota by 80 ,000. Olson lost the governorship by 40,000. These were the years of `modest, poverty-stricken cam-'
Worst of all, Magnus Johnson was defeated for reelection, paigns for. the Farmer-Labor candidates. While the Repub-
but only by 8,000 votes in a total vote which approached a licans continued to collect huge sums for campaign purposes,
million. and to have as well an obedient State machine , the pro-
gressives conducted their campaigns with the _ nickels - and
On the credit side the western farmers returned Congress- dimes of the working people. It is cause for high praise
men Wefald and Kvale to Washington, and a third Farmer- that the party held its ranks.. -
Laborite, William L. Carss, of Duluth, was also sent to Throughout the 20's the Farmer-Labor Party was the
Congress. chief opposition party in a Minnesota saddled with a do-
An outcome of the disastrous 1924 contest was revamp- nothing Republican Party. The progressives' campaigns were
ing of the Farmer-Labor Federation. New -conferences ini- primarily educational in order to acquaint the people with
tiated in 1925 by the present Farmer-Labor Congressman, the facts. In these campaigns the program which the New
.ICHARn T. BucEI.Ea, resulted in the federation adopting a Deal later promised won power and was firmly laid . Social
new constitution and a new name. security, work for the unemployed, labor protective- legisla
The constitution forbade membership 1 to revolutionists: tion, debt -relief- and cost of production for the farmers , -old-'
The new name was the Farmer-Labor Association. This is age pensions, Government power and transportation projects,
the organizational structure which has housed the Farmer- tax adjustment=these attainments and objectives which are
Labor Party to this day. common coin today were long ago given full discussion in the
STRUCTURE OF F,EMER-LABOR ASSOCIATION .. . clubs and circles of the Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota.
A word about the association- It would be hard to find The best traditions of the early grangers-the People's
its counterpart in American political history. It is com- Party, the Progressives, the labor parties-the militants of
posed of hundreds of ward and township clubs, some of which the war years, -were handed down without a break to the
have 400 and Iiiore active members. It also consists of trade present day.
unions, cooperatives, and farmers ' economic organizations. FARIEM -LABOR PARTY ANSWERS U :..SAS. DEMAND
Until recently it likewise included cultural and language so- Some of our national historians, born and bred in theSEast,
cieties and the units of unemployed organizations. have failed to discover in 'the Minne_sot$, farmer-labor move-
The members of the association pay dues and support a ment the wider lessons with which it is'studded. To many
newspaper, the Minnesota Leader, probably the most influ- of them it was, and still seems to be, a matter of-local moment,
ential weekly in the State. Their club meetings are enlivened a passing fancy of the American political scene. ' ^ -
by debates on the issues of -the day and on party policy. Once Nothing could be further from the truth. What-the Min-
a year, conventions are held at which officers are chosen. In nesota farmers and wage workers and independent business
addition, there is a central committee of 18 chosen by mem- and professional groups desire, through independent political
bers themselves at district conventions. action, is exactly the same as these groups everywhere in
CONVZZMONS-MEcnNGS OF RANG AND FILE America desire. The Farmer-Labor Party stands for more
The 1926 and 1928 conventions of the association were than local discontent. It voices the demands of these great
actually then meetings of the delegate representatives of the groups of our citizens to keep America free and restore
party rank and file. At these conventions full slates of can- economic opportunity for all. This is a universal demand.
didates were endorsed for the primaries. During the glittering years of the stock-market prosperity
In 1926 this slate was Magnus Johnson, a farmer, for the Farmer-1 abor Party-remained the symbol of the largely
Governor; Emil Holmes, a professional man, for Lieutenant unfulfilled needs of the common man for a better, fuller, freer
Governor; Charles Olson, a Progressive, for secretary of life. We were determined that our party should live, because
state; S. O. Tjosvold, a farmer, for auditor; Thomas J. it had, and still has, a destiny to meet.
Meighen, a small-town banker, for treasurer; Frank E.
McAllister, a lawyer, for attorney general; Thomas Vollom, a
farmer, for railroad and warehouse commissioner; and Mrs. And yet, while It is true that this conviction burned like a
Minnie Cederhoim, a rural housewife, for supreme court live coal, it must be recognized that by itself it would not have
clerk. kept the party alive. What accomplished this during • the
JOHNSON LE l$ HIS TICKET period of so-called good times (which was.-really the hidden
Johnson received the best support in the finals , winning depression of the farmers) was the hard and unselfish work
266.000 votes to his Republican opponent 's .395,000. Re- of a few men and women. Henry G. Teigan, for example,
elected were Congressmen Cara .and Kvale , but Congress- continued the work of publicizing the program and aims of
man Wef ald was nosed out by a few votes . The program the party through the columns of the Farmer-Labor Advocate
remained much the same as that of 1924. and the Minnesota Union Advocate. The latter paper, under
The situation in 1928 remained unchanged . The Repub- the able editorship of Bill Mahoney, became the leading organ
licans made much of the so-called golden prosperity with of the movement. - -
which they had blessed the country. Only the Progressives Other editors also carried on the educational campaign
seemed We to discern that this good-time platform wag which has made the Farmer-Labor Party so much more than
like a rotten plank over a deep pit of collapse . The Re- a mere party. These included the labor editors, R. D. Cramer,
publican candidate for President, Herbert Hoover, felt con- of Minneapolis; the late William Billy) McEwen, of Duluth;
fident enough of the future to offer Americans two can in and Oscar Widstrand, of the Ribbing independent; the rural
every garage, a chicken in every pot -or was it two chickens? editors, Fay Cravens, of Milaca ; Edward Barsness, of Glen-
That giddy era of stock-market wood; Charles Coy, of Alexandria; Archie Whaley. of Moar '
s timillionaires is largely for-,
^n head; farmer Congressman Francis. Shoemaker, then of Red
gotten now.
Notice: This material may hr protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


Wing, t;e^tainly the veteran publisher of the Willmar Daily causes. Reelected also was Paul J. Kvale as party candidate
Tribune, Victor E. Lawson; and many others. for Congress from a western prairie district. The Democratic
In dition were other leaders who had began in the ranks, Party almost disappeared in-Minnesota and there developed
and'uPhbse strength remained there, such as Magnus John- the rush of the liberals to the Farmer=Labor banner. The up-
son, Kiiud' Wefald, O. J. Kvale, Louis Ostrom, Mrs. Susie surge of Progressives was evident in congressional elections all
Stageberg. Mrs.'s. K. Moore, Frank Starkey, Fred'Ihllquist, over the country, which sent to Washington a Congress com-
Lawience Arland, Judge -William A`Anderson, Otto Goetsch, posed of many Democrats in opposition to Hoover's do-
gnd Tom Vollum.. And there were dozens df ethers.- 'These no'thing policies.
men and women should take pride that they steered the Party The rest of the State offices were filled in 1930-by conserva-
through its times of trial `^ _ - tive Republicans. Likewise, the two houses of the legislature,
?G.'0. P. PASE Pam rEASE=_.-..._ ..-. _ , . while Nonpartisan, were very conservative. Olson's fight was
The Fanner-Labor Party, late in 1929, -observed with the' thus clearly outlined:"Sts enemies surrounded him. While
rest of the country the spectacular collapse by which pros- he would be made responsible for every act, he had little con-
perity's house of cards came down. The bottom fell out of the trol over more than the affairs of the Governor's office itself.
fake Republican prosperity. Republican rule was now ex- He knew, however, how to call public opinion to his aid and
posed for what it was---government of special privilege, by thus compel the reactionaries to support measures in the
special privilege, for special privilege. Progressives had often public interest to which they were opposed. _
predicted just such a disastrous result for the people, of the A SAGA OF PEOGRES4FE POLrrICA L mSTOz-

frenzied finance of the Coolidge-Hoover period. But the ma- Floyd B. Olson w _ as' to be Minnesota's Governor for three
jority of the Nation needed time to see that the end of an age consecutive terms.- At no time during these three terms did
had come. By election day, 1930, the people of Minnesota he have the supportof. a legislature sympathetic to the pro-
were already prepared to act - gram of the Farmer-Labor-Party. And yet the achievements
PLOTD OLSON CO]CES TO THE FORE of his administration are one of the sagas of American pro-
There was one man in the State at that time about whom gressive political history and offer us proof that the common
most people thought first in considering the best man for people can ultimately achieve social and economic emancipa-
Governor. This was Floyd B. Olson . He had just concluded tion through a political party of their own over which they
a hard-hitting campaign against the racketeer elements in exercise control. The Farmer-Labor Party is a party of truly
Minneapolis, In his capacity as county attorney. He was democratic rank and file control
hailed throughout the State for his courage and ability. ACT= eEMEI,' 15 OF THE OZSON ADMIIGISTRATION ^;-..
The party convention was held in March. The executive A review of the achievements of the Olson administration,
committee of the association at that time consisted of Frank which cannot be undertaken in full here, shows not only in-
Starkey, Carl R. Carigren, Anthony C. Welch, Henry G. estimable benefits accruing to the people of his-own State, but
Teigan, S. A. Stockwell, and, Thomas Meighen. It was ap- the blazing of new trails extending far beyond the State's
parent from the first that Olson could have either the nomi- borders. Minnesota's new deal clearly foreshadowed the New
nation for Governor-or United States Senator. He chose the Deal of a later day. His administration, for example, under-
Governorship, and the party gladly gave }dim its endorsement. took a public-works program to combat unemployment before
On the ticket to make the campaign with him were Ernest the New Deal came into power. He recommended unemploy-
Lundeen. for United States Senator; Henry Arens, for Lieu- ment-insurance compensation to the State legislature before -
tenant Governor; Judge J. B. Himsl, for attorney general; the national administration proposed this advanced measure.
Anna O. Determan, for secretary of State; William Mahoney, He undertook a youth program for Minnesota upon which the
for auditor; Thomas J. Jackson, for treasurer; and Elmer E. National Youth Administration was later modeled. He fought
Johnson, and Caries E. Berquist, for railroad and warehouse for the right of labor to organize and to bargain collectively,
commissioners. helping greatly to pave the way for passage by the Federal
FL.FX.Z'ED FIRST FAE -L.ADOB GOVERNOR Government of the Wagner National Labor Relations Act and
Olson made a hard- campaign, covering the State thor- other social legislation. ..
oughly before the election. He leveled a merciless barrage He interceded with the national administration In behalf of
against what he called the corrupt Republican hierarchy. the farmer and was largely responsible for the Federal Gov-
His Republican opponent had the use of an expensive sound ernment's seed and feed loan policy and leniency in collec-
truck and trailer equipped with loudspeakers, but Olson tion of farm debts. He obtained passage of the Mortgage
shunned fancy campaigning. Moratorium Act, the first act of its kind passed in the country.
When he stepped upon a soap box or a wagon tail gate he which saved thousands of city homes and farms from mort-
needed no microphones. He pledged himself to the party gage foreclosure, and which was followed by passage of simi-
program. which called for farm-mortgage relief, a State old- lar legislation by other progressive States. This was one of
age-pension system, chain-store taxation, and general tax re- the most significant progressive achievements of recent years,
lief by taxation in accordance with ability to pay, and many and Introduced into our body of law an altogether new con-
other progressive demands since enacted either by the State cept of property rights-namely, that the property rights of
or by the Federal Government. In this contest the Olson those who own their homes and their farms is even more
brilliance as a speaker made itself manifest. sacred in times of economic crisis, over which the people have
In the final elections Floyd Olson, champion of the under- no control and for the making of which they are not responsi-
pri ileged. defeated both his Republican and Democratic op- ble, than are the property rights of the mortgage holders.
ponents by a plurality of nearly 200.000 votes. He became SL2:1Cx TO I.iaOa AN D rAaXM
the first Farmer-Labor Governor in American history- It was no mere accident that the first time troops were
marking the beginning of a new and bright era for the called out in this country during a labor dispute to protect
Farmer-Labor Party and a new hope for all who labor by the civil rights of the strikers and the public, rather than to
brawn and brain. It was obvious to all that this great cru- browbeat and shoot the workers down, occurred during the
sading movement had found Its champion to proclaim its Farmer-Labor a inistration-the administration of Gover-
message throughout the length and breadth of the land. nor Olson. The Governor sought to preserve labor standards
The Farmer-Labor Party. had truly arrived to become an and, during the clamor for wage reductions, he Insisted that
Increasingly vital political force in this State and Nation. the State set the example as a model employer by payment of
AEL\'S •'T W T1 1.LLLr AXT 00S829OS living wages. He obtained passage of a law prohibiting issu-
Elected with Olson was Henry Arens, Lieutenant Governor. ance of Injunctions in labor disputes. '
Arens was a vice president of the State's largest cooperative, Floyd Olson caaled on the battle for the farmer, both
a dirt farmer, and a fighter for both farmer and progressive within the State of Minnesota and in the Nation's Capital.
Notice: This material may t protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


He talc -great headway toward revision of the tax system Olson administration was again faced with the same handful
in conformity with the Farmer-Labor principle of taxation -of die-hard Tories in the upper body , which attempted- to
andlin accordance with ability to gay by obtaining passage stay the wheel of progress
of a'i-g> tduated -income-tax law;- a homestead tax which` SSVEEE IIFSEXSSIoz HIIS YARSCFR-L R ALS ORRCA2nZELOWER HOIISE
granted preferential tax treatment to modest city homes and It was a time of severe depression on the farm.'- Rural
farms; a graduated chain-store tax which aided the small„ newspapers carried page after page of mortgage-foreclosure
independent . merchant; increased taxes upon wealth. _By ve notices. The average farm debt was $4,800.:; The average
toes he defeated the efforts of the reactionaries to Impose-a`.' annual interest payment was $260. Worst of an, it now re-,
sales tax on the state. `quired 740 bushels of wheat to pay this interest charge if the
MADE GREAT SOCIAL HrZn farm was not to be wrested away from the farmer. ; In 1919
In- ll fields of social endeavor, the admistration of Floyd the same interest charge had been met with only 116 bushels.
Olson made great forward strides. Educational standards of In-1925 it would have required ten 250-pound hogs to pay such-_
the State were raised by State aid to school districts which interest, but in 1933-with hogs at 3 cents a pound-it
were unable to levy -sufficient tax money to support decent required 33 hogs to do the same.
schools; by opposing, in the face of violent opposition, cuts In Minnesota 60 percent of the farms were mortgaged.
in teachers' salaries; by strengthening laws relating to teach- Farmers were losing them as fast as the insurance companies
ers' tenure; and by a vigorous fight for academic freedom in and other mortgage holders foreclosed, in brutal efforts to get
our schools and colleges. For the -aged he obtained passage their money back. City people, also were losing their homes
of the first State-wide old-age-pension law. with the same rapidity.
By displaying great resourcefulness, he forced a reactionary Into this situation Olson boldly thrust his famous proc-
legislature to pass adequate relief appropriations, threatening lamation declaring a moratorium on foreclosures. A legisla-
to declare martial law to feed the hungry if the legislators tive act was then in preparation by Attorney General Peter-
failed to heed the people's demands. He brought to an end a son. It was enacted into law. The tone of the Olson admin-
period of exploitation of the State's natural resources through istrations was always one of progress through legislation.
creation of a unified Department of Conservation, and formu- The fact that liberals never controlled both houses of the
lation of. a long-time, forward-looking program of conserva- legislature prevented the passage of most liberal demands-
tion to assure that the natural resources would be developed RE! CTIONARY ASSAULT BLATEN OFF MOSTGAGE MORATORIUM LAW PASSED
and utilized in the interest of all the people rather than for
the few_ ,As the 1934 election approached, the. conservatives laid
This was a common people's government at work. It was careful plans to wipe out Olson and all he and the Farmer-
government which carried out the finest traditions of Amer- Labor Party stood for. This time the Farmer-Labor conven-
ice-democracy at work. tion brought forward a program pointing to the cooperative
movement as a superior form of economic structure. Olson
praised it as offering a constitutional means to win human
The March 1932 convention of the Farmer-Labor Associa- equality and security.
tion met in an atmosphere of a tense national election which
had repercussions in Minnesota. Olson was, of course, en- The candidates on the State ticket at this time included:
thusiastically indorsed for reelection. The Farmer-Labor Henrik Shipstead for United States Senator; Hjalmar Peter-
ticket included: K. K. Solberg for Lieutenant Governor; sen for Lieutenant Governor; John T. Lyons for auditor;
Harry H. Peterson for attorney general; A. H. Kleffmarh,
Harry H. Peterson for attorney general; John T. Lyons for
secretary of state; A. H. Kleffman for treasurer; Saud Wefald treasurer; K. K. Solberg, secretary of state; Laura Naplin,
supreme court clerk; and Charles Munn for railroad and
for railroad and warehouse commissioner.
warehouse commissioner.
During the campaign there came to the aid of the Farmer-
The Republican dailies In the State, conducted a post-card
Labor ticket several out-of-State Progressives, including sen-
poll which, strangely enough, revealed that the Republican
ators NY E and FRuzzxa of North Dakota and Senator IA For.-
candidate would defeat Olson. Olson later proved it to be
Lx= of Wisconsin. As might be expected. Olson's campaign
the laughing stock of the election. The conservative Demo-
was a bold and relentless attack upon toryism and economic
crats also were determined to defeat the liberals. The clos-
special privilege. ing days of the campaign found Emil Hurja, an employee of
The returns in November revealed that a clear majority of
the Democratic national chairman, denouncing Olson over a
th• voters agreed with their Governor. His plurality was
Minnesota radio network.
188,000 in one of the most strenuous campaigns which the
Word soon came that the President had called this gentle-
State had witnessed to that time.
man upon the carpet. for a severe dressing down because of
the attempt to make it appear that the national adminis-
This time the party had greatly improved its position. tration desired the defeat of Olson.
Elected with Olson were K- K- Solberg, a farmer legislator, These were merely examples of the savage campaign con-
Lieutenant Governor; Harry H. Peterson, now a member of ducted. Every conceivable form of hysterical propaganda,
the State supreme court, attorney genera]; and Knud Wefald, every slander and scheme to frighten the voters, had been
an independent businessman, railroad and warehouse com- tried.
Because of a veto by Governor Olson of a vicious gerry- But when It came the voters' turn to speak, the Farmer-
mander bill in 1931, the congressional elections of 1932 were Labor Party triumphed again. Every candidate on the ticket
all at I age. In this contest the rapidly increasing strength was elected or made a strong showing. The party had been
of the Parnmer-Lai or Party was seen. Of the 9 Congressmen unified as never before by the attacks upon it and it had
el'-cted. 5 were of the Farmer-Labor Party. These had won grown wonderfully in strength and force. People thought
through a primary contest involving 35 candidates. The vic- more seriously than ever about the complex problems of
tors were Magnus Johnson, Ernest Lundeen, Henry Arens, government and of economic security.
Paul J. Kvale, and Francis Shoemaker. Johnson led the Elected with Governor Olson, were Hjalmar Petersen, Lieu-
entire delegation , receiving the highest number of votes. It tenant Governor, who, as chairman of the house tax commit-
was the high-water mark for Farmer-Labor representation tee, had steered the graduated income tax through the State
in Congress. legislature; Harry H. Peterson, attorney general; Charles
Nor does this tell the whole story of the 1832 victory. When Munn , railroad and warehouse commissioner. Munn joined
the lower house of the State legislature came to vote for Wefald on the commission to win control of it for th e Parner-
speaker, it was seen that the Farmer-Labor choice, Charles Labor Party.
Munn, a farmer, was elected by a vote of 74 to 56 . However, It is hard to understand how, with. this victory, the l_•gisla-
the senate seats had not been up for reelection, and thus the tare could be conservative in composition. Yet this is what s
Notice: This material may tr protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


ocCUired. Perhaps the reason can be found in the non Mayo Clinic, from which he never left alive. He died August
partisan character of the legislature, enabling. conservatives 22, 1936, thus bringing an abrupt end to- a brilliant career
to seek-office as liberals. which was about to place him in the united States senate and
P Despite the fact that the depression had deepened, the con- herd out for him the strong possibility of election as the first
servative legislators decided that their chief work would be Farmer-Labor President of the United States.
an investigation of all Farmer-Labor departments. The re- EJAI. A PL-IErSKc s=ores GOVTXXOA
lief _situation had become so acute that Federal funds to the , The Lieutenant Governor, Hjalrnar Petersen, was sworn In
State had to be suspended.. In order .to support the Gov- as Governor and continued to serve in that ca until the
^ or'r,
following ^W appropriations a.Governor
demands for sufficientJanuary. mass Petersen .Pin his short
erm ad-.
meeting . of farmers was held at the capital It demanded hexed to and
Principles Farmer-Labor the
s special session of t
#Eegislation that would meet the needs of. the common a legislature called by him passed an unemployment insurance ce
At this mass meeting a leading figure in the militant Farmers
act. Minnesota workers were thus assured of the benefits of
Union declared that Floyd Olson would be the next President the National Unemployment Insurance Act the first day the
of the United States. - With a great shout, the crowd showed law was put into operation. - -
ozzw egT--as as O_°PO2.-E lMs
The conservatives tried persistently to Put over a sales tax. The election campaign from that point had a different
as pec t . aTh
e ost l ead er was as great a f ac t or to
Th e Governo r stood fi rm i n his o pp osition to it. "T will not
approve a tax upon poverty-upon bread and shoes" he in- reckon with as his personality had been. The progressives
sisted. Despite the attitude of the legislature, much of the deeply felt the need to keep faith with the man who had led
Governor's program was forced through them so well and with whom they had worked so long:.
-Chosen to take his place on the ticket by the unanimous
The struggle between the Governor and his opponents was action of the central committee was Congressman ERI.-rsr
far from ended, however. By winter, matters had become Lui DEEM of the Third Congressional District, then preparing
so acute that Olson called it special session: He asked for for reelection to Congress. To Ltrr DEiaes place on the ticket
passage of a bet ter ol d-age Pension I_; l bas e d upon pay me n ts fn,, rn„ -, - ^ mor f u.,,, r- ^;-.. - -
regulated by need ' increases in the income tax for more
school aid ; increases is the money and credits tax and upon - T-sI .ALS UN-= FOR VICTORY
wealth to pay the costs of social legislation; the unemploy- The campaign was again being conducted during a national
ment compensation financed by employees. The conserva- election. This time the national administration threw its
tives granted only increased old-age pensions , blind pensions, whole weight behind the Farmer-Labor Party. The leading
and arranged to have delinquent taxes collected. candidates of the Democratic ticket withdrew and the fusion -
About this time it first became evident that all was not well of the two parties on the Farmer-Labor ticket resulted in a
with the Governor's health. On the last day of 1935 he smashing blow at the Republicans. Final result revealed that
underwent an operation to determine the cause of a gastric ERxEsr Lmcarn had won by a majority of 260 ,959 votes for
disorder he had been suffering. He never fully recovered his the Senate and Elmer Benson by a majority of 248,502 for
vigor. Governor,
i^csox ^^'Tm CNZTID STATES SENATOR A majority of the congressional delegation again became
Also at this time the death of a United States Senator Farmer-Labor.
opened the way for Minnesota once more to claim two: Elected were Richard T. Buckler, Henry G. Teigan, John
Farmer-Labor Senators simultaneously. T. Bernard, Dewey W. Johnson, and Paul J. Kvale. These
This had not happened since 1923-24. Senator Thomas D. men represented the entire farming districts of western
Schall. Republican, struck down in a traffic accident , died in Minnesota, the iron range country, and the city of
Washington. There was a forthcoming session of Congress, Minneapolis. ` .
and Governor Olson announced he would appoint a successor, LIDXTArnoNS Or STATE ADMtNISU.ATION
and in the fall make the rare^Ior Senate himself. Although Let consider
for a moment the limitations of a State
he could have realized a life ambition to become Senator at administration
. Its operations in social and economic
that time, he said that he did not want to reach that office spheres
have gradually been curtailed through the years,
except by a vote of the people. Elmerm A as Benson, State fill
the - the result of the desire of big business to gather all control
lug comm issioner, was nam ed by hi Senator to
vacancy caused by the death of Senator Schall. at a central point and then to take charge of that center.
This has been going on in America since the days of

The summer found Olson somewhat recovered in health. If the Farmer-Labor Part won
His plans for the fall campaign were shaping up rapidly. The Party partial control oiMine
government-and for 8 consecutive
issue upon which he would make his fight, he said, was reform yearsa found
State that all Deeded it did
reforms, a with the possible
of the Supreme Court. That body had just invalidated the exception of one, generally had run
first A. A A and the N. R. A. Olson determined to seek a con- courts s clear to Lh,e
highest bench in
h ingauntlet ofitthe
the land. There was
stitutional amendment to make appointments to the Supreme nip and tuck whether the reformers could save their ]egis-
Court not for life but for a definite number of years. lation. The Cory traditions of the high courts are known
He also demanded strict neutrality legislation during for- to everyone.
eign wars and pledged a hard fight to that end. TI=E FICIIT TOR JUST TAXATION
TAE-16-ES-LABOR COMMN-TION UENONN RATION FOR OLSON The one possible exception to this was taxation, where
The 1936 convention of the Farmer-Labor A
ssociation, the State still retains some responsibility.
held in St. Paul, was one of the most enthusiastic in the his- Tax relief is a crying need in Minnesota, where even the
tory of the party. Several thousand persons attended, and basic constitution names the railroads as
at the appearance of the beloved Governor staged
escape but aasmall
all ed
link wild specially
share privileged
their proper tax load- Tax
demonstration. The party had now been in a dominant Pte- relief is closely with the need of the farmer. the
tion in State politics for 6 years and could point to a list of worker, and the independent businessman to win security.
reforms which, though battered by the die-hard reactionaries, In the case of the farmer especially, it was a fact that he
was notable even in an age of reform. paid twice as much taxes as any other group of citizens in
• GREAT rr•DS pti5= relation to income.
Following the convention, Olson was again taken very 'a The Farmer-Labor Party tried desperately to make a real
and a second corrective operation was needed. This slowed accomplishment of tax relief in Minnesota . Governor Olson
his campaign. He left the hospital early in August, intending fought until he had wrung from an opposition legislatu
o rest a few weeks before beginning the fall drive.. However, an income- tax law. But he did not ask for this law without":
on the 16th he suffered a severe relapse and returned to the at the same time demanding reductions in taxes on farm and
Notice: This material may Lt protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


city homes: Thus, it never was a mere matter of more ators and Representatives. No other party in Congress can
taxes; It was a reasoned adjustment of the tax burden so claim so perfect a record for support of legislation beneficial
that L O e_^th ability to pay were required to -do so. to labor, the farmer, and the general welfare of the people.
. BENSON CONTtNUM TAE MGRS - The Farmer-Labor Party in the Halls of Congress fought for
This was. the background of the' fight carried on by Gov. these--causes when they were unpopular, they manned their
Elmer. A. Benson and the lower house in 1937against a tory guns through the fury ,of every storm. They never deserted
senate. Olson had- been able to take tax relief part way; their post`s
Benson was determined to finish the job Olson started. His 6IGwn iI _&NC3 OF TEE FARME -L&BOS MOVEME rr

objectwas an entirely new tax structure which would relieve I have tried to indicate at various places in this account the
general Property of its load In the end he was forced to significance of the farmer-labor movement. It sprang from'
can tspecial session before he could f orce' concessions from the militancy of the farmers and workersin the years just
the conservatives pre cedingand during the first world War. Its basis was
It was a long, bitter struggle. The reactionaries, as had economic discontent. The people wanted more of the good
been their practice for years, sat doing nothing. Of course, things of life, they wanted an end to war, to depressions, and
Benson and the other progressives did not allow them to con- to corruption in government.
tinue this attitude. The Governor was a man of determina- They were weary of the two old parties which had amply
tion. When he made pledges he intended to stick by them proved their -inability to improve conditions. A party of their
He had been elected by a vote which was- a 'mandate from own had been a dream of many years' standing. In 1918
the people to enact his reform program. -Tax relief headed they formed it. It has lived to this day. It will grow beyond
that program. Its other "must's features were: A State the borders of Minnesota in the near future--of that I am
housing act; sufficient relief funds to cover all needs; full certain. It is destined to lead a great new national party- -
coverage for unemployment compensation ; a fair trades and its objective the economic freedom of the common man. ` •'
practices act in behalf of independent merchants; reduction SECURITT, PEACE, FREEDOM
of rural credits interest rates to farmers; and a State labor
During the 18 years that Farmer-Labor Representatives
relations act based upon the Wagner Act.
and Senators have worked in the Congress, and during the 8
years when the party ruled in Minnesota., great masses of
It was clear- throught all that fight that the people were people have come to realize that in Minnesota the farmers
on the side of the liberals. But that made the result 'no and workers were actually proving that their own party was
more certain. ` The conservative State senate would have 'possible. These masses looked then-and they, look now-
gone to its grave fighting rather than expose the wealthy to the Farmer-Labor movement to lead them forward to
and special interests groups to any reform. In the end, security, peace, and freedom. Our party is a living, burning
however, the general property tax was reduced substantially. symbol of this desire. It could not be crushed, not by
Taxes on Steel Trust, telephone and telegraph companies, money, not by treachery, not by dissension, not by slander
express and freight lines, and on incomes and chain stores or abuse. We have shown the people a way to the future.
were increased. Down the years the party, to consider its work at home,
While the objective of complete tax revision was not--could has educated the people to think in terms of social and eco-
not--be achieved because of the senate, at least the main nomic change. No man in Minnesota can win an election
features were. on his voice, his face, or even his party label. The people
The Benson administration attempted to carry out the have been taught to look behind these things and find the
liberal traditions of the Farmer-Labor Party and to follow program upon which he stands. Thus It was that in 1938
the examples set by the great Floyd B. Olson. a Republican candidate stood no chance unless he pledged
Whenever the administration interceded to bring about himself-no matter how hypocritical-to the Farmer-Labor
peace in labor disputes, the rights of the workers were never program. He found it necessary to pose as something which
compromised, particularly the right of collective bargaining. he was not-a liberal.
The administration refused to renew the licenses of two na- FARMER-LABOR SUFFERS A SE1 BACK IN 1939
tional detective agencies to do business in Minnesota because
The 1938 campaign unfortunately found the Farmer-La-
of the antilabor activities of these agencies as revealed before
bor Party a house divided against itself. It is not for me
the La Follette Senate Civil Liberties Committee. Academic
here to point out the reasons for this disunion; recrimina-
freedom in our schools and colleges was stoutly defended and
tions will serve no purpose. We learned a bitter lesson-
a dark b:ot upon the University of Minnesota's record, placed
and one which, I am sure, will In the future result in a
there by the discharge during the period of the first World
greater unity than ever before. Individual differences will
War hysteria of the head of the department of political
be forgotten in rallying around a program which we need
science, Dr. William Schaper, was removed.
and which we all can support.
In the face of strong opposition, the administration suc-
ceeded in maintaining decent relief standards. There is no denying that the Farmer-Labor Party suffered
The farmer-labor tax program, with the aid of a liberal a severe set-back at the polls. We lost the governorship,
lower house, was further advanced through passage of the and the other State officers. Liberal representation in both
homestead exemption act, increased taxes upon iron ore and the upper and lower houses of the State legislature was
upon wc:ath, and reduction in real-property taxes. A law was drastically reduced. The party returned but one Congress-
pas c-d fix ng a minimum royalty of 50 cents per ton on all man to Washington. We were caught during one of the
iron ore removed from State-owned lands for all new leases, temporary reactionary waves which swept the country, and
..^ cs_npared to a at 25 cents per ton royalty contained in the party's disunity made it impossible for liberals to hold
tine lea-_s transacted during Republican administrations. A back the sweep of reaction.
fair trades practices act also was passed and rural credits The people, however, now see the fraudulent nature of the
interest rates were lowered. Republican campaign. They have been educated in Minne-
sota to distinguish between genuine liberalism and fake lib-
eralism. They may be fooled once, but they cannot be fooled
The record of the Farmer-Labor Senators and Congressmen
a second time, even when conservatism comes to them
t rc-uzhout has been one of unwavering support for every
streamlined and sugar-coated. They know it for the bitter
form of social legislation, and legislation designed to better
pill that it is, and will not continue with that kind of medi-
the conditions of the people, socially and economically, re-
cation. It does not agree with them.
gardless of who the sponsors were. It is also a consistent
record of bitter and uncompromising opposition to reaction
of every form. What we have been experiencing in this country - under
'Ihe great body of social legislation enacted in recent years the old political parties has been periods of recurrent de---
e- -
by C*ngress was done with the aid of the Farmer-Labor Sea- pressions, interspersed with periods of so-called prosperity;`.'
Notice: This material may t^- protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


and ?these periods of so-called prosperity.- have been -pros- Ing at less than 60 percent of capacity-in some years much
perity in -,a relative sense only. :At'no time 'have the ,great -mouse we -confessedly did- not know how , to get the
maser a tY3e People.- the gr eat masses of-ou citizens whose wealth that these factories could produce to the people who
labor produces all our social wealth-=felt a real Bence of eco.- need this wealth badly. Where is there moral :justification
namic security. At no time have they been able to accumulate for such an economy ?
during, periods of, prosperity sufficient - The present national emergency brought home to many:,--
money, if you please-to take care of themselves.and their people a fact that liberals and Progressives ofthis country.,.
families during the trying periods of depressions and for, have known right along-that an economy based upon scar- . _.
thelr-old age. _ --In fact, the, standard of living of the masses city contributes neither to our strength as ; a nation nor, t
has ^ been high nly in contrast- with some other countries, the happiness and prosperity of the average citizen. It is
butt has beeno`very low indeed when the natural resources axiomatic . that. we cannot, became wealthier as a nation bp`,.
of our country and its ability to produce great wealth are producing less wealth. There is something drastically wrong-..
taken Into consideration. , ". with it am
What have been. the reasons for these recurrent depres- - - sPENDn o ONLT am-zrDr .DX%' -NATIONAL n .-S -
sions? When the Democratic Party is in power the allegr- Thus far, Government spending is the only way we have
tion has been that it is because business has no confidence. been able to devise to give the macs greater purchasing
This, of course, Is just so much dust thrown into the eyes power ; but vast as this spending has been, it has been woe-
of the people. It contains no element of truth whatever. fully insufficient, even though it has brought food, shelter,
Who ever heard of an automobile manufac^ refusing to and clothing of a kind to the needy, which many have be=
manufacture automobiles that he could sell at - a profit be-. grudged them. -
cause he did not like the politics of the party in power? And the only effort of Government in recent years to reduce
Who ever heard of a radio manufacturer refusing to manu- spending and balance the Budget brought about an immedi-.
facture radios he could sell at a profit for the same reason? ate business recession from which we have not yet` recovered.
Or the Power Trust refusing to generate as much electricity That was when Wall Street wrote the ticket. Obviously, Wall
as its customers wanted to consume? - The claim of "lack ,Street medicine is not good medicine for the people. ..
of confidence" Js -a preposterous one. Now . we are going in for Government spending in a really
Ac$ or col.FmFaa(s" FARE - big way, not ostensibly to relieve unemployment and. to bring
. Were such claims legitimate, we would have enjoyed per- about presumed.-prosperity but to prepare for national de-
manent prosperity under Republican administrations , and- -fense -I am not opposed to spending money . for common-
the people never would have had occasion to turn their Gov - sense national defense. I believe that our Nation should
ernment over to the Democratic Party. Could big business become so strong that no other nation or group of nations'
have had any mare confidence than It did when the " great can ever successfully attack us.
engineer," Herbert Hoover, sat in the White House? Hoover NEW PROSPER=IT IN OF'FIN'G-MORE NATIONAL DEFENSE
was the apostle of big business; and yet it was under Mr. But I am not talking about Government spending in terms
Hoover that the country went into its deepest depression of of national defense but rather In terms of our national econ-
all times. omy. While conservatives were opposed to Government
The trouble is that neither the Republican Party nor the spending when it meant saving of homes and keeping our
Democratic Party has had the courage-I will not say intelli- people alive, they are not opposed to spending for national
gence, since the best economic brains of the country have been defense, because they think they, are merely paying high
at their disposal-to attempt to solve the fundamentals of insurance premiums to keep the war-profiteering §ystem
our economic problem. The reason Is that their solution under which they have, accumulated millions alive. - Inci-
would mean treading an the toes of the mighty. The Farmer- dentally, they think that they can pass a large share of the
Labor Party has no "sacred cows" to protect. increased taxes for national defense on to the common
The only legitimate reason there can be for a 'depression people.
is when nature fails and there is not enough food to go Of course, the results of this kind of spending from an eco-
around, like the famines of old. That has never been the nomic point of view will be almost identical with the other
case here. Neither overproduction nor lack of confidence kind of spending we have been used to. We can look forward
can be accepted as valid reasons why people should go to a so-called prosperity spurt. But when the spending is
hungry. over, and the millions put to work thereby will again be
ECONOMT OF SCARCrrT LADS pushed out on the streets, making the rounds daily at facto-
The fact that we have been compelled to resort to an econ-' ries with, signs on the doors, "No help wanted," we will find
omy of scarcity rather than to an economy of plenty is proof ourselves In an even sadder predicament than we are in
that neither of the old parties has found a real solution to today, unless in the meantime we go about the task of tack-
the problem. ling our economic problem from its fundamental aspects.
An economy of scarcity violates every moral concept-every ECONOMIC SOLUTION BEIN G DELATED
rule of man and God. What of the aftermath if we do not find now the perma-
From an economic standpoint, it is based on fallacy. It nent answer to the problem? We must not forget the results
benefits not the great mass of the producers of wealth but of the last war economy-the flare of presumed prosperity,
rather the few individuals who already enjoy special benefits with its stock-market boom, the mad gamble, and then the
and special considerations under our Government. day of reckoning, with its blasted homes, destroyed firesides,
When the Republicans were in power, we dumped food- broken hearts, suicides, a bankrupt agriculture, an army of
stuffs by the hundreds of thousands of tons into the ocean to unemployed of such staggering proportions that we believed
keep these foodstuffs from the hungry. On the basis of a impossible, business failures, bank crashes--a nation fast
presumed surplus, the grain dealers, who really have been losing its faith in democracy, because democracy had failed
the price fixers for the farmers, beat down the price to the to give the people the substance of life.
level where the farmers did not even receive cost of produe- Economists know that what we are doing now is only a
tion for their labors. Then, on the basis of primed scar- makeshift arrangement--supplying merely a sedative to the
city. the grain gamblers invariably shot the prices up after patient, but fiat a real cure for the disease . We must develop
the farmer had nothing left to sell. an economy based on plenty, able to distribute to the people
sCAE(:rr A rM SZ W 031T the vast wealth which our tremendous resources and our
In recent years, we have been telling our farmers to produce gigantic industrial and agricultural plant is able to produce.
less foodstuffs. not because there are not enough consumers To bring about that kind of an economy Is the. chief airn of
to absorb these products but because the people did not have the Farmer-Labor Party,
enough money with which to buy essentialsLclothes , food. anti' A country's greatness is measured not by the number of its
housing. At the same time, our factories have been operat- . great masses of its citizens, The nation' emergency has
Notice: This material may t,, protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)


taught-u. 16 Fars Commonwealth 'Party: ' Y ommrm Sense , -May -1935:---
pages 2 3 : .
of national weakness. -
17. Granite, M:" Coming: The United States Liberal Party. Na-
OCBACY ,nor AcITON WM L U=2= TUNE 27 0T FOR :7EOPSX'_- lion December -5,1934_ - ;
ve` 'said that the Farmer-labor--arty 7represents 18- t3roves, Harold M Radical Parties: The Wisconsin Progressive
Party. -.Common Sense,, May 1935, pages 19-22 ,
democracy in action-real democracy, under which govern- --19. Hangren, M. A. New Radicalism In America Contemporary ._.'
ment becomes the servant of all the people and not the hand- Review, January I932. :^ _- _.
maiden of the few. It is precisely because of the way that,- 20. 1Ialorer, M-:A T21ird Party'Fantasy _ Ame.riran mercury-_
democracy-,so-called. has been administered by the old par-
22 . Eu rhinann P We I1eed a 3 abor .Party Now. .Foram, May
ties it is in peril today Y 1932 a : m r 4 -
" us make democracy work.- let everyone under our: .
231 b'O Pt Wb?
Sorwnary, Wldmm
enor Toorrow, Septeber 21.'
den'Av racy have a genuine., stake. in 'that . democracy. . T:I,et - last aT w - F 9. _ ti
democracy give real economic security to our people; and this .24_Lalaler, W. Third Party Po lities: North American Re-
view, September 1932 -
country will become so strong and so powerful that it will be 25_ Lovett, R. M. Party in Embryo; Third Party Conference With
immune from attack, both from within" and from without. Editorial Comment. New Republic, January 24, 1935. ' -
This is even more essential than military preparedness, be- 26. Lucock, J. T. For a national Labor Party. New Republic,
August 7 , 1935.
,cause a happy and contented people will always be the 27. Lundeen, Ernest. A Farmer-Labor party for the Nation-
Nation's strongest defenders. Corn mon Sense, June 1935 , pages 6-8. -
FAEMER-ILABoB Parer POINTS WAY 28. A Map of Political America: Where the Chief Political Move-
meats in the United States Stand. Common Sense, July 1935,
The Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota points the way. It pages 16-17. -
has shown that a common people's government can be made 29. Miller, A. W. Canada's Challenge to America.- Common Sense,
to work, to win elections, to educate the people to approach July 1935. pages 13-16
30. Must o, A. J. New Labor Party. New Republic, February 17.
politics with clearness, and to formulate a definite program 1932.
possible of accomplishment. It has sent good men to the 37. Need For a New Party. New Republic, January 7, 193L-
statehouse, to the legislature, and to the Congress. It not 38. New Liberal Party? Nation, February 6, 1929.
only promises reforms but it produces them. It shows that a 39. New Party News. Common Sense, February . 31, 25,
40. New Party and the Unions. New Republic, January 10, 1935
national Farmer-Labor Party is not only possible but that it is 41. New Party Obstacles. Nation, February 4, 193L
absolutely necessary. The great masses of the people will in 42..pc,pr
New Party Prospects New Reubli Ail 1,
the not distant future win America back for themselves 43. New Party-Tale or Reality. Common - Sense.- August 1935,
pages 2- 3 . -7;1 -
:_ _ ...:
At the dinner of the famous Gridiron Club late in 1931, 44. New Party; the Program. New Republic May 29, 1935.
Floyd B. Olson, our distinguished Governor, predicted that a 45. 1936 Is the Time. Common Sense, April 1936 , page 2.
new national insurgent party would spring up to rescue the 46. No New Party Needed. World Tomorrow. August 31, 183,4.
47. Niebuhr, R. Making Radicalism Efi'ective. World Tomor-
people from the terrible pressure of economic collapse. That
row, December 21, 1933.
prediction will some day come true. 48. Olson, Floyd B. Why a New National Party? Common Sense,
Mr. President, I ask that the bibliography on the Farmer- January 1936, page 68.
Labor Party of Minnesota and references to magazine and 49. Oneal, J. Messiah vs. Messiah vs. Messiah, Third-Party Move-
ments American Mercury , October 1932.
newspaper articles regarding that party be printed in the. 50. Party for the People . Nation, January 28, 1931.
RECORD. - 51. Pfuetzo, P. E. Farmers Confront City Radicals. World To.-
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. GmsoN in the chair). Is morrow, November 23 , 1933.
52. Rhode Island Elections and New Party . New Republic, An
there objection?
gust 21, 1935.
There being no objection , the matters were ordered toe 53. Rodman, S. Insurgent Line-up For 1936 . American Mercury,
printed in the REcoRD, as follows: May 1936.
54. Sherman, N. Connecticut Forms a Labor Party. Nation,
January 31, 1930. -
BOOKS AND PAMPBT.EIS 55. Strachey. John. Against an American Third Party. Ameri-
1. Floyd B . Olson. A memorial volume by John McGrath and can Mercury, January 1934. - -
James Delmont . 1937. . 56. Tentatively Commonwealth Party; Draft of Platform. New
2. Fine, Nathan. Labor and Farmer Parties In the United States, Republic, May 8, 1935.
10^28-- 1928 , New York Rand School Press , 1928 . 445 pages. 57. Third Parties, Two Kinds. Christian Century. October 19,
3. League for Independent Political Action. Audacity! Audacityl 1932.
Always Audacity! The League , New York, 1933. - 58. Third Party . Commonweal , January 12, 1935. -
4_ Russell, Charles Edward . The Story of the Non -Partisan League. 59. Third Party Movement Tries Its Wings; American Common-
Harpers & Bro ., 1920. wealth Political Federation. Christian Century, January 17, 1935,
5_ Gaston, Herbert. The Non-Partisan League. -60. Third-Party Movement. Nation, April 4, 1934.
PERIODICAL ABTTCI.tS 61. Thomas, N. Why Not a New Party? North American Review,
February 1929.
1. Amite, Thomas R. The American Commonwealth Federation; 62. Toward a New Party. Nation. January 14 , 1931. -
What Chance in 1936? Common Sense. August 1935. pages 6-8. 63. Toward a New Party. New Republic. May 22, 1935.
2. Brown. Francis. The Power of Progressivism. Common Sense,
64. Van ffieeck, Mary. Do We Need a Labor Party? Social Work
November 1935, pages 12-15. Today, December 1935 . pages 8-11.
3. Build a New Party! World Tomorrow, December 1929. 65. Whitcomb, Robert. Floyd B . of Minnesota. Common Sense,
4. Christian, H. Wisconsin People's Front; Forme;-Labor 'Pro- February 1936, pages 18-22.
gressive Federation. Nation, December 18. 1935. 66. Williams, H. Y. Do Americans Want a New Party? World
5. Clear Call for New Third Party; Left-Wingers of Thirty States Tomorrow, March 1931.
Organize and Plan for National Convention. Literary Digest, Jan-
ua_-y 13. 1935.
6. Creel, C. Let's Have Another Party. World's Work, March From the New York Times:
1930. 1. March 6. 1938 , 7:2: Farmer-Labor party federation fear Long
7. Dewey, J. Future of Radical Political Action. Nation. January and Coughlin becoming leaders of a third-party movement.
4, 1933- 2. March 10, 1936 , 11:3: C . C. Lundeen Powers. Third party in
8. Dewey , J. Need for a New Party. New Republic, March 18- war prevention.
April 8. 1931. 3. March 26,1938 ,17:2: Third-party forum planned.
9. Dewey . J. Prospects for a Third Party . New Republic, Janu- 4, March 28 , 1938 .2:2: Governor Olson favors forming third party,
ary. 27. 1932. 5. May 16 , 1938 , 2:1: Coughlin rejects third-party move.
10. Dr . Dewey and the Insurgents . World Tomorrow, February 6_ May 19 . 1938 , 31:2: A. Lobkowitz urges establishment of inde-
1931. pendent labor. Labor party opposes.
11. Dowry's Third Party . Outlook, January 7, 1931. 7. June 28 , 1938. I :e: L. Waldman urges A. F. of L. to take lead
12 Doug as. H. H. State Farmer-labor Parties. World Tomor- in forming labor party.
row. September 28, 1933. June 1, 1935, 1:1: Amite urges federation of groups seeking social
13. Election and Third Parties. Christian. Century, December 7, change to form labor party.
1934. July 17. 1935 . 37:1: Hosiery workers urge labor party.
14. Fula, S. Pallure of Minor Parties- Current History, April August 23, 1935 . 2:8: Commonwealth federation meeting.
1930. October 4,1935,46:4: Metal-trades department, A. F. of L, opposes
15. Farmer Laborien Under Fire. Common Sense, February 1936, formation of farmer labor party.
- October 9, 1935, 5:1: Resolutions offered for labor party.
page 25. .
Notice: This material may ty protected by copyright law (Title 17 J.S. Code)


Octobet 34, 1935 : E recutfve committee iconoclastic party favors,
Jo'ninc farmer-labor party when demand for It grows..
7-1935, 24: 1 F J. Gorman holds labor party is hope of
Octxrb^r 2x
nniot> cU - _
October 13,:1933.~11:3: Review of moves to form labor party,-
November 14, 1935. 4:2: j.`P_:2at-ehild says :formation of
party; is vital issue; Olson says name Reference : N- 12 22 :4;
February 1;.1936,4:2: S. Hallman-ages United political
labor umans r
Pebruary.:9, 198 2: N. T4iomas'urges formation 'labor party.
Mar h ^ I. 1936_82:1 : Philadelphia textile workers favor . formation 1
of faT_:ner-labor patty. ^'

Beard, Mrs. Mary (Ritter) : A Short History of the American Labor

Movement:. New York, George II, Doran Oo. (1925 ). 206 pp. (The
Worker's Bookshelf . vol. v.)
Carroll, Millie Ray: labor and Politics; The Attitude of the
American Federation of Labor Toward Legislation and Politics.
(Boston and New York, 1923.)
Coming Labor Patty. Nation, April 15. 1936, V. 142 : 468-469.
Commons, John R., and others: History of -labor in the United
States, by J. R _ Commons, David J . Sapoos . Helen L.- Sumner,
K B. Mittelman, H. K Hoagland , John B. Andrews ( and) Selig
Perlman. New. York, 1926. -
Douglas. Paul H_: State Farmer-Labor Parties World Tomorrow.
September 28, 1922 , vol. 16; 544.
Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota ( in American Labor Yearbook.
1932 ). By the Labor Research P..eports , 1928 : 767-793. ..
A Labor Party for America. Modem Monthly . September. 1933
vol 7 : 491-495.
Hardman J. B- S.: Labor Parties: United States. " ' (In -
Encyclo-paedia of the Social Sciences, edited by Edwin R_ A. Seligman. var..
8.) New York. 1932, pp. 706-706.:
Hillgnist, Morris, and Matthew Woll: Should the American Workers
Form a Political Party of Their Own? A debate: M. M. Hillquist,
yes; M . Well, no. New York, 1932 . 31 pp. -
Rice, Stuart A.: Farmers and Workers in American Politics. New
York. Columbia University , 199L 231 pp . ( Studies in history, eco-
nomics, and public law.)
Rodman. Selden : Letter from Minnesota. New Republic , August
15, 1934, vol . 80: 10-12.
Ross, Anne : Minnesota Sets Some Precedents. New Republic,
September 12. 1934 , vol. 80 : 121-123. -
Warner. Arthur : Farmer-Labor Party's Birth. Socialist review.
September 1920 , voL 9 : 134-136.
Mr. SHEPPARD. Mr. President, I move that under the
order heretofore entered, the Senate stand in recess until
11 o'clock a. in. on Monday neat.,
The motion was agreed to; and the Senate ( at 6 o'clock
p. mJ took a recess , the recess being.. under the order pre-
viously entered, to Monday, August 19, 1940 , at 11 o'clock
a. m.