Byzantine Turks 2008 | Ottoman Empire | Anatolia

L'Europa dopo la caduta di Costantinopoli: 29 maggio 1453. Spoleto, 2008.

Rustam sHuKuROV

The Byzantine Turks: An Approach to the Study of Late Byzantine Demography

the turkic presence in the Byzantine Empire during the Palaiolo� gan period has been attracting scholarly interest for a long time. there can no longer be any doubt about the existence of turkish settlers in Late Byzantium. However, until now the turks in Byzantine context have been generally regarded as mercenary soldiers who stayed tempo� rarily in the territory of the Empire; the subsequent fate of the turks who, in one way or another, settled in Byzantium has scarcely been analysed. until now we have had no comprehensive and generalising study on the place of the turks in the ethnic composition of Late By� zantium: whether they constituted compact ethnic groups, where they lived, what their religious and cultural affiliations were, etc. the absence of general studies on the Byzantine turks is quite un� derstandable since demographic and ethnic analysis comes up against almost insurmountable difficulties of methodology. It is obvious that the ethnic structure of the region was extremely complex: at least four 

the present research was made possible with the support of the RGNF Foundation (project no. 07�0�00547a). my special thanks are due to Dr. Oya Pancaroğlu (Boğaziçi uni� versity, Department of History, Istanbul) for her help in preparation of this piece for publica� tion.  P. Charanis, The Formation of the Greek People, in The ‘Past’ in Medieval and Modern Greek Culture, ed. sp. Vryonis, malibu, 978, p. 97; P. Charanis, The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no., p. 48ff; s. Vryonis, Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower, in Studies on Byzantium, Seljuks, and Ottomans: Reprinted Studies [Byzantina kai metabyzantina vol. ] malibu. Calif., 98, no. III, p. 5�40; C. asdracha, La région des Rhodopes aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles: étude de géographie historique, athens, 976, p. 75–84.


Rustam sHuKuROV

large ethnic groups – that is Greeks, Bulgarians, serbians, and al� banians – lived side by side there. the presence of west European, turkic, armenian, Vlach, Gypsy and Jewish settlers made the virtual ethnic map of the Byzantine territories even more complex and obscu� re. moreover, the turbulent political history of the Byzantine Empi� re and neighbouring countries, frequent and drastic shifts of political borders, rapid conquests and retreats put in motion large groups of people who, as one may expect, were repeatedly rearranging pre�exi� sting ethnic maps. From this point of view, surviving sources are often insufficient for a credible reconstruction of ethnic changes in particular areas of the Byzantine Empire at that time. We can produce so far only a general and, what is most disappointing, mainly a static picture of the region’s ethnic composition. at the present stage, only a synchro� nic description can be given; developing a detailed diachronic analysis of ethnic processes often proves to be unfeasible because of the insuffi� ciency of the surviving sources. the initial point of the present study is an onomastic research based on personal and place names preserved in the contemporary sources. It is ono� mastics that makes it possible to evaluate the ethnic features of a region with relatively high precision. However, generally, it must be noted that onomastic study still occupies a modest place in modern Byzantinistics, compared, for example, with Classical and medieval studies3. meanwhile,

3 see for instance a general survey with a helpful bibliographical section for medieval Europe: Personal Names Studies of Medieval Europe. Social Identity and Family Structures, ed. G.t. Beech, m. Bourin, P. Chareille, Kalamazoo, 00. see also a recent study of ancient , Greek anthroponymics: Greek Personal Names. Their Value as Evidence ed. simon Hornblow� . Evidence, er & Elaine matthews, Oxford, 000. For studies of Byzantine onomastics see, for instan� ce: a.E. Laiou Peasant Names in Fourteenth-century Macedonia, in Byzantine and Modern Greek Laiou, Studies, vol. , 975, p. 7–95; a.E. Laiou, Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. �� Social and Demographic Study, Princeton, 977, see esp., Chapter IV “Names” ; J. Lefort, ��nthroponymie et société villageoise (Xe-XIVe siècle), in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. Tome II: VIIIe-XVe siècle, éd. par V. Kravari, J. Lefort et C. morrisson, Paris, 99, p. 5–38; J. Lefort, Toponymie et anthroponymie: le contact entre Grecs et Slaves en Macédoine, in Castrum 4, Frontière et peuplement dans le monde méditerranéen au Moyen Âge, éd. J.�m. Poisson, Rome � madrid, 99, p. 6�7; F. Brunet, Sur l’ Hellénisaton des toponymes slaves en Macedoine Byzantine, in Travaux et Mémoires, t. 9, 985. p. 35–65 ; V. Kravari, L’hellénisation des Slaves de Macédoine orientale, au témoignage des anthroponymes, in ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ, Mélanges offerts à Hélène ��hrweiler, vol. II, Paris, 998, p. 387�397 ; D. Dželebdžić,



in some cases, onomastics is able to fill some gaps in the traditional sources. toponymics provides ample material about the distribu� tion of the Franks in the Peloponnese.4 In the case of the Empire of trebizond, personal and place names are sometimes the only in� dication of the factual ethnic diversity in the particular regions of the Pontos.5 In the present piece, an attempt will be made to fill that gap at least partially and to propose new ways of describing ethnic minorities in the population of the Byzantine Empire. the present study focu� . ses on the fate of the Byzantine turkic groups under the Palaiologoi. Geographically, it is limited to the Balkan territories of the Byzantine Empire from serres to Ochrid and the Vardar valley, including the territories approximately matching the present Greek province of ma� cedonia and the Republic of macedonia. Our task is facilitated by several recent studies. It is worth men� tioning an article of the Russian scholar Piotr Zhavoronkov on the Late Byzantine turkic aristocracy, which analyzes mainly Byzantine narrative sources.6 the study of Zoritsa Đoković is the first synthe�

Slavic ��nthroponyms in the Judicial Decisions of the Demetrios Chomatenos, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol 43, 006, p. 483–498 (in serbian) ; Z. Đoković, Étude de ) l’anthroponymie slave dans les praktika du XIIe et XIIIe siècle, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol 43, 006, p. 499–56 (in serbian). additional relevant references see also ). below. 4 H. & R. Kahane, The Western Impact on Byzantium: The Linguistic Evidence, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 36, 98, p. 7–53; H. & R. Kahane, Italienische Ortsnamen in Griechenland, athen, 940; H. & R. Kahane, abendland und Byzanz, in : Reallexikon der Byzantinistik, ed. P. Wirth, amsterdam 970, s. 345–634 (sprache); O. markl, Ortsnamen Griechenlands in frankischer Zeit, [Byzantina Vindobonensia, I], Graz, Köln, 966; a. Bon, La Morée franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d'��chaia, 1204-1430, vol. , Paris, 969. 5 R. shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos, in Mésogeios, t. 6, 999, p. 7–47. On the shukurov, Kartvelian minority in trebizond see also: E. Zhordania, Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v �III–�V vv. Chast’ I: Lazy, in: Byzantinoslavica, vol. 58, 997, 5–39; E. Zhordania, III–�V �V , Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v �III–�V vv. i nekotorye voprosy toponimiki Ponta. III–�V �V Chast’ II: Chany, in: Byzantinoslavica, vol. 60, 999, p. 7–86; E. Zhordania, Kartvel’skoe , naselenie Ponta v XIII-XV vv. : dissertatsiia ... kandidata nauk: 07.00.03, moscow, 00. 6 P. Zhavoronkov, Tiurki v Vizantii (XIII–seredina XIV v.) Chast’ 1: tiurkskaia aristokratiia (The Turks in Byzantium (13th-mid-14th c.). Part 1: The Turkish aristocracy), in Vizantiiskii vremennik, 006, vol. 65, p. 68–69.


Rustam sHuKuROV

tic research analyzing the Late Byzantine anthroponymics of Eastern macedonia as a source for the ethnic history of the region.7 the most valuable part of the latter study concerns slavic names in Byzantine documental sources. Zoritsa Đoković has made an attempt to describe albanian, Vlach and turkic ethnic groups as well. However, the turk� ish section of the study appears to be relatively weak and incomplete, which once again confirms the urgent necessity of the proper examina� tion of turkic elements in the macedonian population. However, before proceeding to the description of the macedonian turks in the Palaiologan period, it is necessary to say a few words about the basic principles of the proposed approach to the study of the ethnic composition of the Byzantine population. . the Database of Personal Names For the first stage of the research, I chose Byzantine personal and place names containing roots of Oriental origin and gave them etymo� logical interpretation. By “Oriental” I am referring conventionally to names derived from arabic, Persian and turkic roots. In the case of Oriental names, the most valuable and ample infor� mation is provided by anthroponymics that constitutes the main bulk of evidence underlying the present study. these names are preserved in a great variety of sources of different genres: historiography, court poetry, documentary sources, emperor’s chrysobulls, marginal notes and obits, signatures of manuscripts’ copyists, etc. Collection of the anthroponymic material and compilation of the database have been considerably facilitated by Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit8 that registered approximately 30,000 names of persons living in the Palaiologan period as found in Greek sources. the initial list of the Oriental names has been formed by means of the analysis of PLP’s
7 Z. Đoković, Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije u prvoj polovini XIV veka, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol. 40, 003, p. 97–44. . 8 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E. trapp et al. Bd. –, Wien, 976–995 (CD�Rome version: Wien, 00) (hearafter – PLP).

7) Family links. 05–9. shukurov. Names of Oriental origin have been organized into a digital data� base. 8) Primary sources.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 77 data. 5) Location. 4) Occupation and social status. in Vizantiiskie ocherki. who were subjects of the Byzantine Empire. ) Etymological interpretation. R. I have included in the database only those names the Oriental derivation of which are irrefutable. the 9 see also the already published and commented parts of the database: R. 66 (9). by re�examining the primary sources. However. In addition to PLP. here I present preliminary results of the study. armenian. 006.9 the next stage of the research consists in placing the chosen names into historical context. Oriental names of the residents of the Balkans. albanian or other origin. west European. the proper analysis of their lingui� stic provenance is a matter for future investigations. 3) Baptismal name. p. some additions and corrections have been made to the PLP records including the recovery of missed family links and the addition of individuals overseen in PLP. the basic list of Oriental names may thus increase in the course of further etymological work. Later. However. From the names listed in PLP. 6) Floruit. employing traditional methods of prosopo� graphical study. Each entry of the database represents a prosopographi� cal questionnaire containing the following rubrics: ) Family name or sobriquet. subjects of muslim states such as the seljuq sultanate. 9) secondary sources. Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). the chosen personal names number around 470. saint Petersburg. It must be stressed that the database does not include the names of fo� reigners. turkish and west European sources that occasio� nally mention individuals living in Byzantine lands. turkic. anatolia and the Black sea region. were extracted. shukurov.’ in Vizantiiskii vremennik. Outside the database there remain a comparatively huge number of non�Greek names of unknown origin. p. the database has been supplemented by evidence from con� temporary Persian. which disregards the information in non�Greek sources. ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). 93–07. the aegean and Ionian islands. these additions are not numerous. these unidentified names may have been of slavic. vol. 007. .

in particular. the general picture described here and the numerical proportions between these groups will hardly change. ) the Empire of trebizond (0). the geography. the states of Iran and the Near East. etc. Sechs byzantinische Praktika des 14. and. 948. thus. the Golden Horde.78 Rustam sHuKuROV Ottomans. a densely populated province of late Byzantium. the present study explores the problem of the turkic population in one of the above�mentioned areas macedonia extending from serres to Kastoria and Ochrid. . economy and demographics of the region. Dölger. Peloponnesus. was the only Byzantine area supplied with the demographic data sufficient for a rough statistical approximation. Kephallenia. thessaly. macedonia. Fr. some dozens of names at the present stage of research cannot be identified geographically or their geographic affiliation is questiona� ble. 949. G. Jahrhunderts für das ��thoskloster Iberon. anato� lia. the lower flow of the strymon) have been described in great detail. Epiros. however. Bruxelles. Pour l’histoire de la féodalité byzantine. Ostrogorsky. 3) macedonia from ser� res to skopje and Kastoria (4). p. the remaining 80 or so names are geographically linked to the northern and southwestern shores of the Black sea (5).V. and. and south Italy. Here are given preliminary calculations that may be revised in the result of further investigations. Cyprus. the aegean sea (including Lemnos and Crete).0 0 see for instance: Fr. these 470 or so Oriental names can be divided into three major agglomerations by geographical criteria thus indicating the major centers of “Oriental” presence in the Byzantine territories: a) Con� stantinople and neighbouring areas including thrace (56 names). of its southern and southwestern parts (Chalkidike. 954. the mamluk sultanate. münchen. 59–368 . Dölger. Credibility of anthroponymic Data as it has been said. münchen. ��us den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges. the database focuses exclusively on the Byzantine population. finally. Osobennosti agrarno�pravovykh otnoshenii v Pozdnei Vizantii . Khvostova K. principalities of western anatolia. macedonia is probably the most studied region of Late Byzantium.

Dölger. moscow. IXe–XVe siècle.E. 5�6. 7–9. in Byzantion. 450. p. s. t. there were no assessments. p. 36–38. vol. ed. 977. 985. N. whi� ch is found in the acts of the monasteries of mount athos. J. D. s. Die demographisch-wirtschaftliche Gastalt eines Dorfes aus dem Gebiet des unteren Strymon von ��nfang des 14. vol. Quellenkunde zur Geschichte von Byzanz (324-1453). a. in Travaux et Mémoires. 98. s. Les Catalans et les Villages de la Chalcidique. 3–55 . 99–03. Kondov. in Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society. 7. Radolibos: population et paysage. the most informative type of monastic document. Birmingham�Washington. in Études balkaniques. Bryer et H.). in : Études Balkaniques. t. Karayannopoulos & G. s. 9. 004. in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. . D. Phénomènes de démographie rurale à Byzance aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles. 0�7. Lefort. Laiou. vol. is praktikon. 99. Lyon. 05–07. p. delineations of lands etc. in Dumbarton Oaks Papers. in Études rurales. 5–3. vol. Lefort. Weiss. founded by Gabriel millet et Paul Lemerle. 57. an inventory containing fiscal information on monastic possessions and listing taxes and households of parokoi present on the land.  Fr. p. Lefort. Bd. of course. in Habitats fortifiés et organisation de l'espace en Méditerranée médiévale. vol. 338–34 and. N. in addition. Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale. Jahrhunderts. –. 968. 937–). some sporadic assessments occurred in some of the intervening years. J. p. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire . 965. Kondov Das Dorf Gradec. . p. Habitats fortifiés en Macédoine orientale au Moyen �IV–�V –�V �V Âge. Demographische Notizien über die Landbevölkerung aus die Gebiet des Unteren Strymon in der erstern Halften des XIV Jahrhunderts. the last known praktikon dates to 40. E. Lowry. 85–3. Jacoby. Sechs byzantinische Praktika. J. 5. . Paris. (�IV–�V vv. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire cit. 96. after the middle of the fourteenth century. 98. 44�63 . 9–0. monastic documents include imperial chrysobulls and private acts of donation. Bd. deeds of purchase. Wiesbaden. 63�8. Lefort. p.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 79 the basis for these studies is the profuse documental material. 50–ca. P. Population and Landscape in Eastern Macedonia during the Middle ��ges: The Example of Radolibos. ca. 95�34 . 63�86. such assessments took place in macedonia in 300–30. containing abundant anthroponymical data.. 30–3. 983. � . 3. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike. beyond the published volumes there still remains a considerable number of formerly published and unpublished monastic documents. Laiou. s. Karlin�Hayter. so far  volumes have come out. but they briefly reap� peared in the beginning of the fifteenth century. 97. �3. a. p. I. J. t.  French Byzantinists have been publishing the main bulk of the acts of the monasteries of mount athos in the series: ��rchives de l'��thos (Paris. court decisions on the disputes over contested lands. Jacoby. 986. although.

the surviving monastic documen� tation has one significant limitation for my purposes: it mostly deals with monastic properties. Only a few noble families of the newcomers retained references to their asian lineage in the subsequent generations. was absolutely indistinguishable from the indigenous population. Furthermore. it seems. the low percentage of merchants in the database of Oriental names is partly due to the inadequacy of sources. at least by their names. marginal notes. is unable to improve the deficiency of the main bulk of sources. thus. However. cover only a portion of existing indi� viduals () and only concern those areas which were in the possession of monasteries (3). a considerable portion of settlements and their respective population remain outside the scope of the primary sources. available sources scarcely reflect the activity of merchants. the nature of primary sources defines the principal chronological.80 Rustam sHuKuROV the vast majority of Oriental names of macedonia are contained in monastic documents. this meant that on adop� ting Christianity and changing his first name to a standard Christian one. only few documents concern laymen. provide some additional information which. moreover. the next important limitation of the research ensues from a rather complex problem of the adequacy of anthroponymic material proper. account books. and territorial limitations of the present study: the chro� nological elucidation of the macedonian population from the available documents is very much irregular. demographic. the majority of asian incomers registered in the databa� se were first�generation asian immigrants. losing even those scant indications of origin which their fathers’ names had. In most cases. apparently. the second generation of the newcomers. who had no family name. Hence. etc. histo� riography. as they are most detailed for the first half of the fourteenth century (). however. he made his asian roots absolutely untraceable for official records . Only a few documents such as account books directly concern trade and provide us with a few names of merchants. which survived only because these areas were incorporated into monastic estates later. In the case of an individual of low social standing. immigrants adopting Christianity had to change their muslim names to Christian ones. Other sources such as Imperial and Patriarchal documentation.

theoretically. to sum up. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike cit. noted limitations lead us to suggest that only a lesser part of immi� grants acquired such turkic nicknames and. the overall number of baptized asians exceeded . . the real number of asian immigrants in the Byzantine lands was considerably higher than the figures given by the present database.. a turkish. In this sense. However.3 Judging by my database. had become persons of “concealed identity”. who for some reason were nicknamed by an original turkic sobriquet. For instance. these two . being theoretically probable. for whatever reason. although it is clear that in real life unrecognizable asians conside� rably outnumbered those whose names or biographic data reveal for us their asian origin.0 percent of the Byzantine population. Βαμβακοράβδης� “having a cotton rod” was the mocking sobriquet of 3 a discussion of similar problems see in: Jacoby. one may assume that some purely Christian Byzantine names might well be concealing asian (as well as any other) immigrants who. However. are traceable as this sobriquet had become an indi� spensable element of their personal identification. slavic or albanian nickname or sobriquet. Consequently. consequently. it is not impossible that a Greek could acquire. it is difficult to assess the numerical ratio between known and unknown asian immigrants from the standpoint of the chosen methodology.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 8 and therefore for us. as well as second generation asians switching to Greek of slavic names. and the last but not the least observation: Indeed. such ca� ses. For instance. p. the database reflects only the tip of the iceberg the much larger part of which is under the surface of the water. a doubt is always present that a foreign sobriquet was given to a person becau� se of some reason other than his race. completely assimilated to the Greek Christian majority. are exceptionally rare. Only those asian immigrants of low social standing. 30. some asians changing their names to standard Greek or slavic ones. by their names. 86–87.

6 Georges Pachymérès. 49–57. éd. Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis. p.  vols. 5 Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität besonders des 9. Fraser. van Dieten. Their Value as Evidence . One cannot 4 Nicetas Choniates. Further on. However. foreign sobriquets did reflect the ethnic origin of its holder. 367. Failler. t. J. 4–4. 6 It is evident that the nickname mocked the ethnic origin of Germanos III. p. Evidence. 5. he explains that this epithet of opprobrium was applied to the patriarch because of his “Laz” origin. Berlin. Of course. vol. IV. –. 688. . Du Cange. a. turkic) word. who undoubtedly was considered to be of pure Greek blood. 975. 6. 7 there is no evidence of any radical change in this sense in the Byzantine time. trapp. it entered Greek in the eleventh k century at the latest and. Germanos III was not Laz but belonged to the renowned Gabras family. Bd. . –5. Ethnics as Personal Names. 993.e. E. ed. Balivet menteşe dit “sâğlâm Bey” et Germain alias “mârpûç”: deux surnoms turcs dans la chronique byzantine de Georges Pachymère. s. by the end of the twelfth century. 7–73. which Pachymeres qualified as a Persian (i. ed. in the majority of known cases foreign sobriquets refer to the foreign origin of its holder. p. Jahrhunderts.a. . 479. Paris. Historia.. this mocking nickname had nothing to do with the ethnic origin of alexios III. Vryonis. Lyon. in : Turcica. p. 40. βάμβα� lost its foreign sound. ‫ ﭙﻧﺑﮏ‬pambak “cotton”. 453.44 app.4). vol.m. m. the foreign name is not an indication of ethnic origin but rather of the dissemination of foreign linguistic elements in the spoken Greek language. the mocking sobriquet of the patriarch Germanos III was Μαρκούτζης�. however. in Greek Personal Names. 7 P. Relations Historiques. Byzantine and turkish societies and their sour� ces of manpower. app. ancient Greek culture recognized ethnic na� mes and there usually was a certain link between the ethnic origin and the origin of the name. col. 3 (p. though Constanti� nopolitans were wrong identifying him as “Laz” and “Persian”. In most cases. traditionally. 00–.–12. 984– 000. For instance.4 the name derives from βάμβα��� βαμβάκ�ο�15 �� ← dialectal Pers. New York. seemingly. p. In this and similar cases.8 Rustam sHuKuROV the Emperor alexios III. long ago Hel� lenized armenians or syrians. Wien.

B. brothers. Oriental Names From among a total of approximately 0.8 some asians came to macedonia from Dasht-i Qipchaq (the sou� th Russian steppes and the Crimea) as numerous names with the 8 On Qipchaqs and Cumans see the condensed summary of P. Tarihleri. Golden. Istanbul. . among the holders of the Oriental names I conventionally distinguish Qipchaq and anatolian turks. and this may affect the accuracy of the results. –47. it would be hard to draw here any linguistic watershed. Boy teşkilatı. F. to my mind.) of the holders of these 4 na� mes. p. the proposed division is not ac� curate. sümer. children. comprising both Oghuz and Qipchaq elements. Codex Cumanicus. in Selçuklu araştırmaları dergisi. sometimes the sources contain information about blood relatives (parents. However. 99. the majority of names certainly reflect the ethnic affiliation of their holders and are an effective tool for the reconstruction of the ethnic composition of Late Byzantine population. From a linguistic perspective. H. grandchildren. Istanbul. vol. etc.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 83 exclude that some Oriental names of the database in fact belon� ged to Greeks. uncles. Oğuzlar (Türkmenler). especially because of the extremely complicated ethnic composition of thirteenth� and fourteenth�century anatolia. Paksoy. 33–63. in Central ��sian Monuments. p. this division concerns the place of origin of a name bearer or of his ancestors rather than linguistic provenance of the name. slavs.% of the total number of names registered in PLP for that region. constituting about . 3. ed. Destanları.000 names relating to macedonia and registered in PLP. . 99. at the same time. etc. 969. the overall number of the individuals covered by the selected names is 68. some impression of eth� no�linguistic composition of turkic anatolia in the twelfth–fourteenth centuries may be derived from: F. anadolu’da moğollar. I have selected by means of etymo� logical analysis 4 Oriental names. sümer.

3 (p. 997– 998. 27 Nicephori Gregorae byzantina historia. 37). invaded Bulgaria and then thrace. some Cumans were transferred to anatolia. 978. we do not know where exactly in macedonia John III PLP. Vásáry.6 there were two massive waves of the Qipchaq immigration to the Balkans in the first half of the thirteenth century. 3064. who had been compelled to move westwards from Dasht-i Qipchaq by the mongols. thrace and macedonia on their way from Hungary. 008. p..000. asdracha. nos. karaca “dark. 005. 89–830. philosophisch-historische Klasse. vol. p. blackish”)4 might well have been of Cuman origin. Bekker. invaded Bulgaria. see now: I. Georgii ��cropolitae opera. yakşı “good”)3 and Χαρατζᾶς� (← Tk. PLP. 5 (p. I. to the Byzantine�saljuq border. moscow. 4 PLP. Vásáry.3).. p. ed. 93830–93831. vol. p. 5 For ample examples consult an old work: F. 7. nos.). the settlements of Qipchaqs had been ap� pearing here from the eleventh through the fifteenth century. showing slavic ethnic and linguistic influen� ces. 1185–1365. . 97). vol. Sotsial’nyi sostav gospodstvuiuscheo klassa Vizantii XI–XII v. Cambridge. no. P. 3 PLP. Kazhdan. –. 6 a. 6. 0. Relations Historiques. 5.P. 53–54. ed. vol. s. 006. In 4 one more group of Cumans.  PLP. nos. Pachymérès. What is curious in the names Κοµα�ίτζης� and Κοµά�κα is that one may distinguish the slavic masculine suffix ~ицъ and slavic feminine suffix ~ка respectively. around 4/4 John III Vatatzes brought the Balkan Cumans over by ne� gotiations and gifts and enlisted them in the Byzantine army.5 the Qipchaqs constituted one of the earliest layers of the turkic population in the Balkans. schopen. while others were given lands for habitation in thrace and macedo� nia. miklosich. a. Bonn. 860–874 (repr. 004. Wien. stuttgart. Heidelberg. II. no. the turkic names Γ�άκσσα (← tk. 9383. 8.84 Rustam sHuKuROV stem Cuman indicate: Κόµα�ος���9 Κοµά�α (fem. L. in Denkschriften der ��kademie der Wissenschaften. 007. 005. 974. p. Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans. 64–68. 93833.)��20 Κοµα�ίτζης��� and Κοµά�κα (fem. Heisenberg. Cumans and Tatars cit. Die Bildung der Slavischen Personen. . In 37 a large group of Cumans. 0. I. 9 0 . 22 PLP�� nos. 455. 999– 00. La région des Rhodopes cit. .7 However. 65.und Ortsnamen. Wirth. Cumans and Tatars. who numbered at least 0.

savvides.33 Μυσούρης� (ar. ‫  ﺻﻼح اﻟدﻳن‬alāh al-dīn “righteou� s  sness of religion”)35 etc. m. most Cumans still kept to a nomadic way of life. ed. 33 PLP. Philadel� phia. 975. Cumans were probably settled in colo� nies. vol. 3444. 9 Bartusis. 7539. 6–7. ‫ اﻠﻳﺎس‬Ilyās Bibl. in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers. hero. Due to the fact that the Qipchaqs of the Northern Black sea step� pes were Islamized to a lesser extent as compared to anatolian turks. angold. undoubtedly. 1204–1453. p. 3 PLP. 34 PLP. p. 3. Oxford. 8 Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri iv. schopen. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. Bartusis. p.000) in the Byzantine armed forces relate to the 30s: in 37 andronikos III. 345. p. 88–83. Bartusis. suspecting the Cuman detachments of a lack of loyalty. . elect”). 8. 99. vol. Οι� ������ι� ��������ι��� ��ι� �� ������ι�� �11�ς–13�ς �ι��� ���Χ���� �������ι� � �� ��Χ���� Χ���� ������ in: ������ι����� vol. L. 9898. 985. 59. m. “Elijah”). m. salahaddin/salaheddin ← Ar. The Late Byzantine ��rmy: ��rms and Society. 44. Bonn. p. no. 30 PLP. ‫ ﻣﻧﺻور‬mans “victor”)��34 Σαλαχατη�ός� ūr (← tk.3 Μαχµούτης� (← Ar. passed to tk. no. 654. 8. some of them. 3 PLP.. On the Problem of smallholding soldiers in Late Byzantium. ‫ ﻣﺻطﻔﻰ‬musafā “cho�  t sen. . 3450. gazi through Persian mediation). p.9 although. 35 PLP. ‫ ﻏﺎزى‬ghāzī “conqueror. ordered them to move to Lemnos.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 85 Vatatzes distributed lands to them. no. in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. most of the standard muslim names referred to the in� comers from anatolia: ᾿Αλ�άζης� (← Ar. .30 Γαζῆς� (← Ar. no. . –3. the Cuman detachments of the Byzantine army operating in the Balkans were referred to in the sources for the next several decades. especially. 949–953. 05. �� Byzantine Government in Exile. One more reference to a massi� ve group of Cumans (around .. they as a rule bore purely turkic names and nicknames. asdracha. as my list testifies. p. 9399. had adopted sedentary life and become peasants. La région des Rhodopes cit. 4747. nos. 94. 990. combating infidels”. seemingly. vol. thasos and Lesbos. ‫ ﻣﺣﻣود‬mahmūd “praised”)��32 Μουσταφάς� (← Ar. no.8 In the Byzantine Empire. 58–59. a.

Lefort��Villages de Macédoine: notices historiques et topographiques sur la Macédoine orientale au Moyen Âge�� 1�� La Chalcidique occidentale�� Paris�� 1982�� p. 4 PLP.000 alans who moved to the Empire ca. and Τουρκίτζη37 might have designated both Qipchaq and Oğuz turks.47 the numerical expression of the ethnic affiliation of the names PLP. the Iranian tribe of the alans)46 refers probably to those 6. M. 201–202�� see also Index. nos. 47 Georges Pachymérès. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit.36 belonging to several individuals. 36 37 . 40 PLP. 360ff . no. nos. 6–6. Leon� taria. 5043. st. 336ff). Few individuals might well have been asians of non�turkish origin as Δαµασκη�ός�4 (that is originated from Damascus) and Βαβυλω�ίτης�4 (that is originated from Baghdad). 4 PLP. 969. a company of mercenaries. 30–30 fleeing from the Golden Hord. 43 PLP. no. Oikonomidès�� À propos des armées des premiers Paléologues et des compagnies de soldats�� in Travaux et mémoires�� t. Τουρκόπουλος� had several meanings being a designation of turkic troops. PLP. 92�� 116�� 139�� 146. 39 PLP.38 the names Σαρακη�ός�39 and Σαρακη�όπουλος�40 might well have belon� ged to any of the newcomers from the muslim Orient and in this case most likely indicate anatolian turks as well. 65. ethnic name barbar ?. no. however. no. 946. mamas and possibly Barbarikion (see map  and also below). Patrikona. 99. J. p. 66.. 6 (p. 546 (before 34).86 Rustam sHuKuROV the names Τοῦρκος�. of turkish captives and of the descendants of both former groups. 986. �. Bartusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p. 38 Bartusis. 44 PLP. Barbarenoi were collective pronoia holders between ca. 4860– 4864. 37 through the late 340s in Kalamarian localities of Rousaiou. Βαρβαρη�ός�43 might have been one of the Βαρβαρη�οί (← ar. the Berbers call themselves amazigh)44.45 the name ᾿Αλα�ός� (from ethnic name ᾿Αλα�ός�. who probably came from North africa and were in Byzantine service as light cavalry troops. 4856. no. 45 N. 8 [Hommage à Monsieur Paul Lemerle]�� 1981�� p. it was applied to anatolian turks mostly but not exclusively. no. 46 PLP. no. 990.

76. although we do not have even rough figures for the numbers of the turkish immigrants in the beginning of the 60s. 79/80) who fled to the court of michael VIII Palaiologos (59–8) in 6 and stayed in By� zantium until 64. it might have been a consequence of the massive emigration of anatolian turks. it seems that they were numerous enough to influence noticeably the ethnic situation in the Balkans. the sultan was followed by his courtiers. (b. Charanis. Wittek. Yazijioghlu ‘��li on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja. in BSO��S. 95. . both sedentary and nomadic. troops loyal to him and nomadic turks from Western anatolia who did not accept the mongol domination. It is very probable that most asians listed in the database or their 48 P. 934. t. The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 87 listed is represented in the following charts (percentage figures are rounded off): table 1: Origin anatolian Qipchaq Other total Names 87  5 4 Percentage 75% 9% 6% 00% the prevalence of muslim names indicates the increasing role of anatolian turkish influx in the Balkans. 37–d. Wittek. 95–95. �IV/3. No.48 Civil wars in the Empire in the fourteenth century and the growth of the turkish military presence in the Balkans entailed further repeating injections of anatolian settlers into the macedonian population. P. La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine // Échos d’Orient. �VII. 50. 639–668 . P. Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus. In particular. accompanying the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al� Dīn Kay Kāwus II. p. Wittek. –4 . vol. in Rocznik Orientalistyczny. p. p.. It seems that the move of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus’ partisans to the Byzantine Empire continued for some time after the settling of the sultan there. P. 409–4 .

. Paris. 467–468. Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale.54 the second group of names is plausibly a vestige of the presence in macedonia of the anatolian turks: Γ��ῆς (← ar. toponymic Evidence the evidence of macedonian place names matches well the data given by personal names.5 Kumaničevo�� 37–375.53 Kumanova. northeast of Berroia. First. in the valley of the Vardar. 35�338. 76�78 . often it is not clear when these pla� ce names appeared. ghāzī see above). 48. p. near skopje. 989. 3 km southeast of skopje. Western macedonia.5 Kumanci Spanci. 999. 57–58. 33. late thirteenth–early fourteenth cen� 49 50 Bartusis. George Gorgo in the vicinity of skopje. 132.88 Rustam sHuKuROV immediate ancestors were initially in the military service either as im� migrants or as mercenaries hired by the government. contemporary name Gumalevo. the group of Qipchaq place�names: K�µ��ί��ης. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. the available narrative sources for that time do not provide any other ex� planation for the resettlement of asians in the Byzantine territories.�� p. 330. In any case. p.49 4.50 Kuman'ski Brod. 300. the place name deri� ved from the former owner’s name. no. the southern part of the valley of the Vardar. Ibid. V. PLP. However. Ibidem Ibidem Ibid. p. 5 5 53 54 . Both anatolian and Qipchaq troops performed the function of light cavalry and light horse archers. Kravari. the turkic toponymics may be divided into two groups by origin.. microtoponymics in spanci (today Phanos 0 km southeast of Phlorina). mentioned in the documents of the monastery of st. location unidentified.

3). G. 6. vol. by 37. –4. Oikonomidès. Its localization is not clear. cf. it is important that the chrysobull con� cerns the region of Kalamaria exclusively. Lemerle.?. p.. Clauson. P.. 40. Lefort localizes it west of thessalonike. N.Villages de Macédoine. probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. Çirkoviç. the late thirteenth–early fourteenth century?. 984. 5. Guillou.6 Τουρκοχώρ�ο� has been localized in Kalamaria also by the editors of the acts of Lavra. Lefort.. 4).῾Ισ��ρί� �ῆς �ερ�ί�ς�� �ῆς ��λε�ς ���� �ερι��χῆς�� thessalonike. ��n Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish. N.58 the following place names could initially designate both Qipchaq and anatolian turks: Τ��ρ��χώρι���/Tjurki Hor (“turkish village”). theocharides. 9.57 �ελί�ι� (← Ar. ‫ ﻣﻟﮏ‬malik “king”. p. Villages de Macédoine cit. 5 km north�northwest of Berroia in the foothills of Bermion.55 K��µ�����ύλ���� K��µ������ύλ�� (? ← Τκ. 03. 4. 6 ��ctes de Lavra. 8. Ott. where kümcü ← kümüncü “a buried treasure”56. Paris. 57 Lefort. east of Berroia. a. gömü “a buried treasure”) 30–mid�5th c. no. Chionides. probably near Gabriane in Kalamaria. Papachryssanthou. p. 970. 0 6 ��ctes de Lavra. . p. probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. it was occupied by a company of Barbarenoi soldiers. 56. 56 G. passed to tk. 39.59 Τ��ρ��χώρι����� ca.Villages de Macédoine cit. 98. p. p. 9�9. no. 60 Lefort.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 89 tury?.6 I join the editors of the acts in localizing it somewhere near Gabriane. . 68 (map). p. svoronos.3 (p. D. J. contemporary ish sh Patris.. 94.60 however a document of the Laura monastery (chrysoboullon sigillion of andronikos II Palaiologos) referred to it together with Gabriane (τὴ� Γαβρία�η� καὶ τὸ Τουρκοχώρ�ο�). Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale cit. �ί� �ι�����η ���� �ί� �ί�η ������ι����� �Α������� �����ε�ι���� ���ρ����� �� �� ���ρ��� thessalonike. vol. ed. 7. melik through Per� sian mediation). 59 Kravari.3 (p. p. a place near Rousaiou in Kalamaria. kümcülü “having a buried treasure”. Oxford. s. �� �ερι��χῆς 6. 6 note . 4th c. 97. Paris. 96. 58 G. éd. 30. p. vol. Texte. in Kalamaria near Neocho� rakion. 970–98. 83–84. mentioning no places out� side the region. 55 ��ctes de Docheiariou.

However. Villages de Macédoine cit.63 which. 5. In most cases.P. (On ��ristocratisation of Byzantine Society in the Eighth-Twelfth Centuries). Kazhdan. vol. the fourteenth century. that is an ancestor’s name (or names) used as a common identifier for a group of relatives.64 under the aristocracy 63 ��ctes de Lavra. ��ρβ�ρί�ι���. 90. etc. p. 64 On nicknames and patronyms in Byzantine anthroponymics see. my list contains three types of personal names: first names. there is one essential exception: aristocratic families with high social status did possess a kind of fami� ly name. the possession of a patronymic by itself was a clear indication of high status and noble ancestry. for instance: a. nicknames existed within a single ge� neration. In most cases it is impossible to distinguish sobriquets from family names. We shall return to this observation later. 0).). p. while anatolian turkic place names are found exclusively in macedonia’s southern regions. the term “family name” in its proper sense should not be applied to the material under discussion for its substantial ambiguity in the Byzantine context. 98 .90 Rustam sHuKuROV Finally. “son�in�law of”. and especially around Berroia and in Kalamaria. the Byzantine peasants and middle classes were commonly identified either by a baptismal name or by a sobriquet that was usually a professional name or a nick� name indicating a specific feature of character or physical appearance. Ob aristokratizatsii vizantiiskogo obschestva VIII–XII vv. Common people often were identified by their family relations (like “father of”. a microtoponymic in the village of Krya Pegadia in Kalamaria. Peasants. 4. sobriquets and family names. probably derived its name from Βαρβαρη�οί soldiers (see above).485 (p. Lefort. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloshkog instituta. the second names of aristocracy were a sort of patronymic. no. It is remarkable that the place names derived from “Cuman” are mostly located in the northern and western parts of macedonia. . vol.. . 08. . vol. Intellectuals and aristocracy Generally speaking. a name might also have been the combination of a baptismal name and other means of identification like a nickname.

�� Social and Demographic Study. monks and Intellectuals merchants small�holders and Paroikoi Names 36 6 3 64 Percentage 3% 5% 3% 56% a major part of the owners of Oriental names were engaged in what may be called the material sphere of life: in administration. p. 3–4. Outward adoption of Christia� nity was not sufficient here. Cheynet. N. Here follow some numerical expressions of the social standing of the holders of Oriental names (percentage figures are rounded off): table 2: social standing Status aristocracy and Pronoiars Clerics. Du prénom au Cheynet patronyme: les étrangers à Byzance (Xe–XIIe siècles). 8–0. high�ranking military and civilian offi� cials.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 9 here I mean. 57–66. rather than in intellectual activity which presupposes deep immersion into the local culture. E. p. J. the practice of allotting 968. 984. . ed. 47–53. Washington. p. the persons included in my list belonged to different strata of By� zantine social hierarchy and were of different property status. this social affiliation of the newcomers is quite expecta� ble. monks and intellectuals is rather low. the holders of patronyms. which conti� nued existing through several generations. p. ed. Patlagean. the percentage of clerics. warfare and rural economy. on the one hand. in Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Les débuts d’une aristocratie byzantine et le témoignage de l’historiographie : système des noms et liens de parenté aux IXe–Xe siècles. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. angold.�Cl. and. Laiou. m. the predominance of aristocracy and pronoiars probably indicates that many of the newcomers were or initially had been soldiers. most likely mercenaries. Oxford. 987. in The Byzantine ��ristocracy (XI to XIII Centuries). on the other hand. Oikonomidès. For a newcomer it was easier to find a social niche for himself in ordinary affairs.

. the youngest son of the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus. 956. at least three of them (two sons and a dau� 65 Bartusis. 57–90.65 the percentage of small�holding peasants and paroikoi (56%) is rather high and considerably differs from the general figures of PLP: PLP.7 some of the children of the sultan. 94097. p. nos. Laurent. for instance.. or the second generation of immigrants settled on the lands. the progenitor of the melikai was probably melik Constantine. nos. sultān “sovereign. malik “king”. ‘��yn al-Dawla. Only in one case do we know a family’s ancestor: as V. It is curious that�� under certain conditions�� Asian family names could become quite prestigious in Byzantine society�� and their holders might have preserved them for many generations. s. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. 68 PLP. 94096. It may be an indication of the fact that the turkic settlers filled up mostly the lower classes of the society.. Bd. 7784. masjīd “mosque”). 49. ar.66 ᾿Ιαγούπης� (← ar. 78. 76– 74. lists only 7% paroikoi from the total number of Byzantine residents. Laurent has shown. see also above).69 Σουλτᾶ�ος� (← ar. 786. 70 PLP. “the Eye of the state”). Bartusis. –6. μασγίδ�ο� ← ar. 9055. honorary ti� tle “the source of Power”. 66 PLP. nos. nos. 349–368. Yacqūb Biblical “Jacob”). Une famille turque au service de Byzance : les Mélikès. .67 Μασγ�δᾶς� (← Gk. nos. in Byzantinische Zeitschrift. king”). 868–87. 69 PLP. p.68 Μελίκης� (←ar. the database includes the patronyms of at least five noble families: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (← tk. aynadawla ← ar. 784. 6334–6340.9 Rustam sHuKuROV to mercenaries pronoia as payment for their service was widespread in Byzantium at the end of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 67 PLP. the peasants and paroikoi of my list might also have been either Qipchaq and anatolian émigrés accompanying their compatriots who were enlisted as mercenaries.70 some of these noble families have already been described in the scholarly literature. 7787. while the present database contains 3% paroikoi. 7 V. On the Problem of Smallholding Soldiers cit.

In such a case. ���ε���ι���. Ch. Kravari. 00. . . married theodoros sarantinos. 55 note 6. In this case. the question of the origin of the soultanoi family is rather com� plicated. no. thanks to his noble lineage. 6. Bompaire. Eudokia. theocharides first suggested that he was a brother or a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II and had married an unknown sister of michael Palaiologos. 336. J. p. p. around 79. p. � 75 G. is mentioned in two acts of Vatopedi monastery and appears to be the founder of the Byzantine lineage. he could not have been the son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus 7 ��ctes de Vatopedi. no. J. In such a case. Οἱ� χ�ι�σ�ι������ �������ι� ���� �Ι��ε���� ��ι�����ς ����� σ��� ��ρ�ι�� in �� ��� � ��ρ�ι��. the family name is a direct reference to the royal blood of the family’s ancestor. the editors of the acts of Vatopedi referred to Zachariadou’s identification but have withheld judgement on it. 73 theocharides. who. 970. Paris. 964–965. Chioni� des. p. 6–74.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 93 ghter). 334. 64. vol. It means that athanasios himself must have belonged to the highest aristocratic strata of the Empire.75 But the editors of PLP have questioned this identification. athanasios was born no later than 50�5 to reach reproductive age (6�7 years) by the time of the birth of his daughter. the earliest known member of the family of the soultanoi. it means that she was born not later than 67 but most likely much earlier since it was exceptionally rare for Byzantine girls to be married at that young age. Reasons to doubt this identification are rather serious. a high�ranking Byzantine official. thessalonike.. settled in the Empire. 74 E. If athana� sios soultanos’ daughter Eudokia reached marriageable age (at least  years old) and was married at the latest by 79. V. vol.73 E. ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος�. �� . Zacha� riadou later identified athanasios soultanos as one of the sons of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II who remained in Byzantium after the escape of his father. Chionides. 344–36.7–7. éd.7 He had a dau� ghter. Lefort. �ί� �ι�����η ���� �ί� �ί�η ������ι��� cit. Zachariadou. the wife of athanasios soultanos was a noble lady whose family name included the most renowned aristocra� tic patronyms of the Empire: Doukaina angelina Komnene.74 this hypothesis has been accepted as proven by G. ῾Ισ��ρί� �ῆς �ερ�ί�ς�� �ῆς ��λε�ς ���� �ερι��χῆς. Giros. p. �� �ερι��χῆς 5–7. 6. G.

se� cond are viziers. Bosworth�� Lakab�� in The Encyclopaedia of Islam�� New Edition�� Leiden�� 2004.77 In the saljuqid period. Nizam al� mulk. 008. shukurov.”78 Howe� ver. fourth are amīrs. islām suit four grades of persons: first are rulers. 63a. Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa II v Vizantii (The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus II in Byzantium). it is known that the eldest son of ‘Izz al�Dīn was mas‘ūd. he was a member of the saljuqid ruling house and came to Byzantium with ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II. therefore. we do not yet have any plausible hypothesis to explain athanasios family name and his high position in the social hierarchy of Byzantine society. tehran.  5. third are ‘ulamā.a. laqabs with the com� ponent dawla belonged to highest muslim court officials and military commanders. p. It is most likely that. CD Version. since the ninth century. Lakab.  . however it is obvious that he must have been quite a prominent per� son. p. I have at hand only a Russian edition of Nizam al�mulk’s book. or perhaps even a governor. Bosworth. the identification of athana� sios soultanos as a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II is chronologically impossible. in VV. Zakhoder. Kniga ob upravlenii gosudarstvom.79 Hence. he originated from anatolia as the titles with the element dawla do not seem to have been 76 more details see: R. judging by his family name and status. t. 79 C. 000. Dushanbe. P. However. 998.N. according to the saljuqid great vizier Nizām al�mulk��  “…the titles dīn. 77 C. sultans). the muslim progenitor of the Byzantine family of the anataulai probably was a senior military officer.A. who are constantly engaged in holy war and contribute to the victory of Islam. Nothing is known about the asian progenitor of the anataulai. since the twelfth century. the question of the degree of his kinship to the latter remains open76. 67 (9) (forthcoming). Vol. 621b�� 622b. as well as to supreme rulers (viziers. 78 see the entry “Laqab” in: Dehkhodâ aliakbar. the prestige of the titles with the com� ponent dawla had been declining. However. Very likely. B. 7.94 Rustam sHuKuROV II for the latter was born in 37 (or 35). and in 50�5 he was only 3�4 (or 5–6). transl. at the same time. the honorary title (laqab) ‘ayn al-dawla was well�known at the courts of muslim rulers. Loghatnâme (Dictionary).

. because the name was very common in the muslim world and could belong to both commoners and noble per� sons. aristocrats were si� gnificantly fewer when compared with the middle and lower classes. shukurov. serres.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 95 widespread in the Golden Horde. It is also probable that he came to the Balkans with the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II. as the descendants of the Byzantine Iagoupai jealously preserved the patronym for the next eight generations. the valleys of the rivers Vardar and strymon. the Nucleus areas of the turkic Ethnic Presence in By� zantine macedonia Quite remarkable is the fact that if one places the holders of Orien� tal names on the geographical map. some considerations in favour of this sugge� stion have been published elsewhere. Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). 8 R.8 In conclusion. 6. these regions represent the nucleus areas of the turkic ethic presence in macedonia: the lower strymon. here again it is difficult to judge the status of the family’s progenitor. It is not impossible that the turkic ancestor belonged to the ruling family of the emirate of Germiyan. the places of residence marked on the map outline rather compact areas. it must be noted that the exceedingly high percen� tage of aristocracy in the database (about ¼) is hardly justifiable and can be explained by the nature of the available sources. By kee� ping their patronym.80 as to the Iagoupai. 80 R. ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). shukurov. Despite the high percentage of aristocracy in the list. However. it becomes obvious that their di� stribution in macedonia was not at all even. descendants appealed to the glory and nobility of their ancestor. a turkmen state with the capital in Kütahya. It is quite remarka� ble that the names marked on the map aggregate into several con� glomerations. of course. their muslim progenitor must have been a person of prominence and rank. Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (swamps).

90 PLP. the localities with Oriental settlers are marked on map . 86). sulejman Efendi. seemingly Σουλ�µᾶς� ← Ar. nos. 000–00. likely Kazania is the fem. Kalamaria in the Chalkidike. 7787. Budapest.7% of the total number of the names registered in PLP for the regions of strymon and serres. Sulaymān “solomon” (G.” (G. Τουρµπασᾶς� ← tk. 79. turum or turun “resembling a stallion” (see: G. no. s. from the tur� kmen tribal name Qajar (see: sulejman Efendi. s. s. fleeing”. Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch.89 Σουλ�µᾶς� (Doxompus). 84 PLP. 54). 997. ��n Etymological Dictionary. kaçar/qajar “moving swiftly.1. Κατζάρ�ος� ← tk. 994. mora� µᾶς� ᾶς� vcsik. Byzantinoturcica. no.9 In the historical work of Yazıcı�oğlu ali PLP. 85 PLP. The lower Strymon and Serres (Map 1) although we have no reliable statistical figures. 005. 97) + tk. pāshā contracted form of ‫ �ﭘﺎدﺷﺎه‬pādshāh “king”)? 8 83 . no. 90. 87 PLP.84 probably to the same group belongs Καζα�ία (Loukobikeia). 60. Both Qipchaq and anatolian inco� mers are represented there with some preponderance of the latter: the ratio between Qipchaq and anatolian turks is :. this seems to have been one of the most populated areas of Late Byzantium. 549. Clau� µπασᾶς� πασᾶς� son. no. p.8 Κοµα�ίτζης� (Radolibos). Kúnos.85 the names of ᾿Αβραµπάκης� (serres). 86 PLP. 9 PLP. a brief description of the most remarkable regions will be given below. Bd. no. Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch. bearbeitet von I. Prodromos. 7. no. kazan “cauldron”).86 Κατζάρ�ος� (melitziani). 76. moravcsik. . 49. s. Bd. the concen� tration of turkic settlers appears to be one of the highest in macedo� nia: 30% of Oriental names are located there. no. among Qipchaq names should be noted Κόµα�ος� (Radolibos. . these asians constitute about . Kotzakion. 983. nos.88 Μελίκης� (Kamenikeia). malouka).83 Κοµά�α (melitziani). 6. ‫ اﺑراﻫﻳم‬ibrāhīm “abraham” + tk. chief� tain etc. bek “ruler. st. 007 PLP. Leiden. form of Kazanes (← tk. ᾿Αβραµπάκης� ← ar. 94097.90 Τουρµπασᾶς� (Radolibus) be� longed to anatolian turks. )? 88 PLP. Lai� min). pasha “leader. nos. and finally Hierissos and Lake Bolbe. 89 PLP. commander” (← Per. 004.87 Μασγ�δᾶς� (serres. 7. 06. 639–6330.96 Rustam sHuKuROV thessalonike.

. was one of the Barbarenoi soldiers (see also above). Wittek. Zichna and Drama and settled closer to the sea. 95 PLP. 9 Wittek. as noted above. these   were residents of Zichna after 387 and had blood links with the Ly� zikoi family (Λυζ�κοί). 0. It is not impossible that the turkic mercenaries and Barbarenoi were assigned lands for their service in that region. a remarkable feature can be observed: it is not impossible that turkic rural settlers were kept far from the main centres of the region such as the cities of serres. Δαµασκη�ός� (Drama)95 might well have been an asian of non�tu� rkic origin. 94 PLP. Oriental residents constitute as little as % of the number of the persons referred to by PLP for Kalamaria. approximately 6% of the total Oriental names for macedonia. .97 It is interesting to note that paroikos Γεώργ�ος� Βαρβαρη�ός� who.. 486.2. 66. p. the Lower strymon is known as a region where Byzantine mer� cenaries were settled as was the case of the Prosalentai. Les gagaouzes. 4860. Đoković�� stanovništvo istočne makedonije. Βαρβαρη�ός� (Prinarion/aeidarokastron). no.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 97 the names of two members of the aristocratic family of the Σουλτά�ο� Δηµήτρ�ος� and Μ�χαήλ (dīmitri sultān�� mīkhū sultān) are found. no. 9ff. 650–65.96 probably. 4863. Kalamaria represents a rather high level of the concentration of Oriental names. the progenitor of the Lyzikoi was slav: Z. . might have been a member of the Barbarenoi soldier company. p. Probably. 4864. p. Yazijioghlu ��li cit. 5043. serres)93 and Σαρακη�όπουλος� (Chrysoupolis)94 were most probably of anatolian turkic origin as well. P. Kalamaria in Western Chalkidike (Map 2). 4856. Imperial navy rowers who were assigned land in the area east of the mouth of the strymon.9 Σαρακη�ός� (melitziani. nos. Eunouchou. 96 PLP. lived in the coastal location of Prinarion close to the mouth of the strymon. In connection with the resettlement of the turks. 97 Bartusis. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit.. no. 6. 48–49. 93 PLP.

93833. as it is seen from the map. no. the turkic settlers occupied the southwestern part of Kalamaria closer to coastal areas.00 ᾽Ιαούπης� (sarantarea)0.05 Τουρκόπουλος� (Pinsson)06 are equally applicable to Qipchaq and anatolian turks. PLP. aphetos. 784. Paramonos). 786. PLP. the same logic as in the case of the Lower strymon: the Byzantine authori� ties intentionally kept turkic settlers away from thessalonike. being a de� rivation form the name of a landowner and located northeast of Berroia (see above). the city being second in importance to Constantinople. 969. 998. Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (Map 3) this area divides into two sub�areas: the first one centres on Berroia and the second one gravitates towards marches and swamps of Joannit� sa. 0. indicates the presence of Qipchaqs here. nos. no. the place name Kοµα�ίτζης�. We see here. the high level of the concentration of turkic names is represented by the region of Berroia. was a resident of Kοµα�ίτζης� 98 99 00 0 0 03 04 05 06 PLP. nos.0 Μασοῦρος� (Paschalia). Panagia)98 and Κοµά�α (stomion). 87.04 Τουρκίτζη (Drymosita). no. 98. the paroikos Ν�κόλαος� Τοῦρκος�. this area was probably occupied by both Qipchaq and anatolian turks. 6. . PLP. PLP. ᾿Ιαγούπης� (st.03 the names Τοῦρκος� (Hagia . no. 73. 990. It is curious that an asian. PLP.98 Rustam sHuKuROV The Qipchaq presence in Kalamaria is attested by the names Κόµα�ος� (Belona. these places belong to the same area where the Oriental settlers were located. Kato Bolbos). anthroponymic data is supported here by the local Oriental pla� ce names that are of both Qipchaq and Oghuz origin: Τουρκοχώρ�ο��� Kουµουτζούλου�� Γαζῆς��� and Βαρβαρίκ�ο� (see also above). trias. PLP. no.99 anatolian turks are more numerous: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (Portarea). PLP. probably. 869.3. no. 986. nos. PLP.

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 99 in 338. 3 PLP. However. rov�� Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa v Vizantii �The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus in Byzantium��. Shuku. nos. possessed land in Κομα�ίτζη�� a location named after its former Cuman owner. 9898. no. pos� sibly his wife. 07 108 . 6338. 7784 and 966.07 If it is not a coincidence. no. 0 PLP. PLP. no. More details on the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay Kāwus II see also: R. 6336.6 Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Berroia).3 ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος� (Κομα�ίτζη). this instance demonstrates that the sobriquet Τοῦρκος� was probably applicable to Cumans. there were lands belonging to the family of the soultanoi who were very likely linked with the saljuq ruling house (see above): Θεοδώρα Μο�οµαχί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Berroia). 634. 6335. Ξέ�η Παλα�ολογί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Nesion�� Resaine). being undoubtedly of anatolian turkish blood. 6337. 597.. most of the Oriental residents were probably incomers from anatolia. sister. 6340.08 It is not impossible that other asian residents of Berroia (Μυσούρης�. 6 PLP. 99.5 ∆ηµήτρ�ος� Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Resaine).  PLP. Wittek�� Yazijioghlu ‘Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja cit. Wittek�� La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine cit. no. 09 PLP.4 ᾿Αλέ��ος� Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Nesion). no. In the region of Berroia and the swamps near Lake Joannitsa. E. 4 PLP.09 Μελίκ0 and ᾿Αστραπύρης� Μελίκης�) were ana� tolian turks or their descendants. in a Persian source bardūliya). no. no. no. P. 5 PLP. no. P. Wittek�� Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus. 7 PLP. some members of the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay Kāwus II were settled by Byzantine authorities in the region of Berroia: his mother Προδουλία (?. If this place belonged initially to a slavicized Cuman..7 It is worth noting that ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος�. Zachariadou�� Οἱ χρ�στ�α�ο�� �πόγο�ο� τοῦ ᾽Ιζζεδ��� Κα�καο�ς� Β�� στὴ �� ��� � �� Βέρο�α. the local villages of Τουρκοχώρ�ο� and Μελίκ� most likely obtained their names from turks of anatolian descent.  PLP. daughter and his son Constantine melik were residents of Berroia.

PLP. it seems.4. 978.8 the Oriental names for that area make up 5% of the list of Orien� tal names for macedonia. 6. 9383. no.00 Rustam sHuKuROV and then was transferred to an anatolian turk. PLP. nos. it is quite possible that it was that area and especially the localities adjoining the swamps near Lake Jan� nitsa that were extensively used for the resettling of turkic incomers. 596. It is the highest percentage of asian settlers among all the macedonian regions. no. However. The Vardar valley. no. . 93830–9383. Ly� zikoi) who were mentioned disproportionately frequently as compared with common people. the Vardar valley was most likely resettled by Hungarian 8 9 0  PLP. in the valley of the Vardar. there could have been one important exception. the asians of Palaiokastron in the strumiza region were of Qipchaq descent as well: Κόµα�ος� (strumitza/Palaiokastron). In the tenth century. the toponymics in the neighbourhood of skopje and the Vardar river imply exclusively Cumans: Kuman'ski Brod near skopje. one may see here cer� tain continuity: one may wonder whether traditionally this area was intended for allotting turkic migrants with arable land? Near Lake Jannitsa were located the lands of the aristocratic fami� ly of the Lyzikoi who apparently had blood links with the soultanoi. the high percentage of asians here may also be explained by the fact that the most frequently mentioned Oriental names in the area belonged to renowned aristocratic families (the soultanoi. melikai. . were predominantly Qipchaqs. the Strumiza (Map 4) the asians in this area.9 Κοµά�κα (Strumitza/Palaiokastron)��120 and very likely Τουρκόπουλος� (strumitza/Pa� laiokastron). However. Kumanova southeast of skopje (for these place names see above). Kumaničevo in the southern part of the valley of the Var� dar. Berrhoia was the native land of Γεώργ�ος� Λυζ�κός�. Skopje. and 0% of the total number of region’s re� sidents in PLP. PLP. Of course.

Oikonomidès�� Vardariotes—W. R. 124 Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit. in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.n. 87�� 322.3). Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd. 148. in the fourteenth century. judging by the discussed onomastics of the region. who traditionally were enlisted into the palace guard detachment. 32�� p. 1�� p. Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes�� in Écho d��Orient�� t. 131. 123 Acropolites�� p.: Idem�� Documents et études sur les institutions de Byzance �VIIe-XVe s������ [Variorum Reprints]�� London�� 1976). during the Christmas celebrations. Laurent�� ‘Ὁ� ��ρ��ρι����� ���ι� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης�� Τ�ύρ����� Perses�� Turcs asiatiques ou Turcs hongrois� in Сборникъ �ъ �а���ъ на �ро��� ���ъръ �� �� Нико�ъ�� Sofia�� 1940�� p. as late as the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.�� p. the Vardariot guards were still ethnically Hun� garian or were the descendants of the initial Hungarian settlers. A. had purely territorial meaning and implied a group of settlers of mixed origin.�� p. One may suggest. G. G. Pachymérès�� IV�� 29 (t. however. 125 Charanis�� The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit.r: Hongrois installés dans la vallée du Vardar en 934��" in Südost-Forschungen�� 1973�� Bd. the Var� dariotai acclaimed the Emperor “in the tongue of their ancient ho� 122 R. 3�� 1939�� p. now it is impossible to give an exact location. 1–8 (repr.I. Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower cit. the Vardariotai ethnically were either Qipchaq or anatolian turks who replaced the Hungarians but retained the traditional denomination of Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�. 1.5 there exists an argument in favour of the anatolian origin of the fourteenth� century Vardariot turks.4 the Vardariotai seem to have occupied the Lower Var� dar closer to thessalonike. V. Leiden�� 1983�� S. Amsterdam�� 1967�� t. S. 437–449. 417. by that time. 138 . 87–94�� 236–238. 2153. Pseu� do�Kodinos relates that. 275–288. Kazhdan�� Vardariotai�� in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium�� Oxford�� 1991�� p.nd. it would seem improbable that.l. Byzantine narrative sources still referred to the detachment of the palace guard recruited from the Vardariot turks.nd. 29�� 1930�� p. In the fourteenth century. 23�� 1952�� p. 447.�� p. 513–520. 304 .tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 0 mercenaries who were enlisted in a special detachment of the Imperial bodyguards called Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�.26–28. Kyriakides�� �� αχρ�δώ καί η επ�σκοπή της� ο� Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα��� in Ε�ι�σ�η���ι���ς Ε�ε�η�ί�ες �ι�λ�σ��ι���ς �� Σχ�λ�ς ���ε�ι�σ�η�ί�� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης vol. r—V. 2�� p. N. Konidares�� Η �ρώ�η ��εί� �ης ε�ι�σ����ς ��ρ��ρι���ώ� Τ�ύρ��� ��� ��� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης�� in �ε�λ��ί��� vol. Guilland�� Recherches sur les institutions byzantines�� Berlin. It is also not impossible that the notion “Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�”. that.3 If one takes into consideration the available information about the eth� nic composition of the region.

One may find the relevant references. 210. the descendants of the saljuq immigrants resettling in the Vardar valley in the second half of the thirteenth century. that is in Persian” (κατὰ� τὴ� πάλα� πάτρ�ο� καὶ τούτω� φω�ή��� �� 6 ἤτο� περσ�στί το� περσ�στί).6–10. G. the Emperor [space for a name left vacant].�� texte et traduc. 132 It is not impossible that the first layers of Anatolian Turkish element had appeared at the Vardar as early as the twelfth century as Laurent has suggested (V. 252ff. at least partly. 129 Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica cit. Laurent�� ‘�� Βαρδαρ�ωτ�� �� ἤτο� Τούρκω��� p.�� Bd. identified a turkish phrase as Persian.�� p. this is why they are called Vardariotai. 128 Ibid.�� p.0 Rustam sHuKuROV meland. 322.7–8. It suffices to say that John tzetzes. relocating them from there [i. 2�� S. Pseudo�Kodinos explains that “long ago they were Persians by race. par J. 440–445.3 as we have seen. in moravcsik’s Byzantinoturcica. “Persia” – ��uthor]. . 302–307. 127 Ibid.”8 Byzantine literature of the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries nor� mally employed the terms “Persians” and “Persian language” in re� ference to the subjects of the saljuqs of anatolia and their turkish language. ana� 126 Pseudo-Kodinos�� Traité des offices�� introduc. ly. 285–286).26–28. Hunger�� Zum Epilog des Johannes Tzetzes�� in Byzantinische Zeitschrift�� Bd. 2�� S. 181. called aggouroton” (περσ�κὸ� φόρεμα�� ���ουρωτὸ� ��ομαζόμε�ο� 7 Final� �� ��ομαζόμε�ο�). these were the anatolian turks from whom the Vardariots inherited their “Persian tongue”. which are abundant.e. settled them at the Vardar river. in his well�known passage on greetings in foreign languages. 131 But surely not Theophilos�� as Janin and Moravcsik has suggested: Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit.30 One can suggest that John III Vatatzes (–54). 182. �� ).�� p.9 this appears to have been not sim� ply an “archaizing” gesture of Byzantine authors but rather a common delusion that the saljuqs were Persian and spoke Persian. 46�� 1953�� S. Verpeaux�� Paris�� 1966�� p. 130 E. Elsewhere Pseudo�Kodinos associates the Vardariot turks with “Persia” again noting that they wore “Persian headgear. Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd. theodore II Laskaris (54–58) or more likely michael VIII3 may have been implied in the Psedo�Kodinos for the emperor who relocated “the Persians” from their homeland. and that Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα� of the fourteenth century were.

37 some Oriental population probably lived between Hierissos and Lake Bolbe (map ). Hillenbrand�� Ravandi�� the Seljuk Court at Konya and the Persianisation of Anatolian Cities�� in Mésogeios�� vol. 4155. G.39 Μουσταφάς� (anatolian turk?). 92115.  34 35 36 Isaac). 92115.4 Γ�άκσσα (Qipchaq). A. 148ff. sığırcık (Qipchaq). 94212. 140 PLP�� no. which was common at the saljuqid court. 25–26�� 2005�� p. If so. Soulis�� The Gypsies in the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages�� in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol. (XII–XIV. 141 PLP�� no. 144 PLP�� nos. 139 PLP�� no. VII–VIII/2�� 1945�� p. 143 PLP�� no. 5047. name��s etymology see above. 12008. Z. Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας�). a mountainous area: Δαµασκὼ (from Damascus?). Here again we have the com� 133 On the use of the Persian language in Anatolia at the time of Saljuqs see: C.44 Oriental names in Hierissos constitute as little as 0.40 Κόµα�ος�. Ateş�� Hicri VI–VIII. ‫ اﺳﺣﺎق‬Ishāq Bibl. 136 PLP�� no. 546.C. Grebena (Σαρτζάπεϊς�). 438�� 91095. Ott. �agataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch�� S.38 Αλα�ός�.5. for the Qipchaq word consult: Sulejman Efendi.�� p.) asırlarda Anadolu��da Farsça eserler�� in: Türkiyat Mecmuası�� vol.43 It should be noted that two documents record in the region of Hierissos two paroikoi with the nickname Αἰγύπτ�ος�. Vardariot guards might well have pronounced their acclamations at the Imperial court in one of the anatolian turkic dialects or in Persian. 24862. .tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 03 tolian turks were in the majority in the neighbouring areas of mace� donia due to the population transfers of the second half of the thir� teenth century.% of the total names for the region registered in PLP. Other Localities single Oriental names are found in different regions of Western and Central macedonia: Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας� ← Ar. 135 PLP�� no. Đoković�� Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije cit. 137 PLP�� no.33 6. 24942. 94–135. 167. 138 PLP�� no. Kastoria (Σαρακη�ός�). 142 PLP�� no. 134 PLP�� no. which indicates the presence of the Gypsies in the area. 24941. 157–169. 15�� 1961�� p. sarsac “starling”�� cf. 177.4 Σάρσστζα ← Tk.

Eve� rywhere (with the exception of the area of skopje and strumitza) Qipchaqs and anatolian turks lived side by side. Ditten. 9055. 50 PLP. 49 PLP. 78. 87. 70. 48 PLP. such as the kephale Μ�χαὴλ ᾿Αβραµπάκης�49 and Εἰρή�η ∆ούκα��α Μασγίδα��α. Ethnische Ferschiebungen zwischen der Balkanhalbinsel und Kleinasien von Ende des 6. no.04 Rustam sHuKuROV bination of Qipchaq and anatolian names.45 the protohierakarios ᾿Ιαγούπης���46 the οἰκεῖος� of the Emperor and συγκλητ�κὸς� ἄρχω� Θεόδωρος� ᾿Ιαγούπης� (∆�αγούπης�)��47 the δοῦλος� of the Emperor ᾿Αλέ��ος� Κοµ�η�ὸς� Μασγ�δᾶς�48 etc. it is not possible to point to any geographical area which would be populated by representatives of only one of those groups. no. the most interesting is the name Αλα�ός� possibly indicating that some alan immigrants after 30–30 were resettled in the area of Hierissos. It is not surprising because thessalonike was second to Constantinople as an urban and administrative centre. 5 Charanis. as a rule. 45 46 . 76. a considerable portion of their holders belonged to aristocratic families and civic and military officials like the sebastos Γεώργ�ος� ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς�. It seems that the Byzantine authorities deliberately mixed up various groups of incomers in the same territories. bis zur zweiten Hälfte des 9. no. H. 47 PLP. Berlin.  names (% of the total names registered in PLP) are referred to for thessalonike.50 the figures for undoubtedly Qipchaq settlers are lower again than tho� se for the immigrants from anatolia. supporting our suggestion regarding the intentional keeping of the turks away from the main urban centres by the autho� rities. Jahrhunderts. some Oriental names are reported for the largest urban centres of the region. 60. and the concentration of officials and the elite there is understandable. no. 993. PLP. no.5 PLP. this idea is possibly supported by the case of serres where one finds as few as 4 Orientals. the low percentage of Orientals is ra� ther remarkable. it would be in complete agreement with the Byzantine tradition of assimilation of foreign newcomers. no. The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit. If this was the result of a conscious policy of the Byzantine authorities.  of whom belonged to the elite.

and only a few are seen after 348. and finally % for 40–475. 7. different regions give different pictures. with some of his sedentary and nomadic subjects. I suggest that the . and 8. Generally speaking. they are distributed rather ir� regularly across this period of time: 8% of the names fall in the period 6–99. moreover. at the same time. For in� stance. thus. such an abrupt reduction in the number of Cuman names seems somewhat puzzling. but most likely the main body of the anatolian immigrants had appeared in the second half of the thir� teenth century. this is in keeping with the information of the narrative source about the waves of the Cu� man resettlements in macedonia (see above). probably. 56% are registered for 300–348. Qipchaq names are found in the sources from 300 to 445.5% for 350– 399. However. the case of Qipchaq names in macedonia is even more telling. 7. especially due to the coming of the sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus with his retinue. a Note on Chronology of the Names the dates of the names discussed here cover the range from 6 to the mid�fifteenth century. However. however. as many as 87% of Qipchaq names date to 300–348.5% for 400–mid�5th century. 5% for 300–334. % for 35–396. and. troops. more than one half of the selected names date to the time between 300 and 346. namely the acts of the athos monasteries containing the most detailed information just for the fourteenth century (see above). although narrative sources scarcely give sufficient data to reconstruct the history of this relocation.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 05 the prevalence of the anatolian turks indicates that the scale of their migration to the Balkans was considerable. Is it possible that the figures for macedonia reveal some specific tendency in demographic evolution in the region? One of the reasons for this irregularity could be the nature of the main sources for macedonian demography. Constantinople provides a completely different picture where Oriental names are distributed in the following way: 3% for 63– 9. there could be one more explanation. However. their settlement in the macedonian regions started not earlier than the twelfth century.

J.5 It seems that the Black Death changed to an extent the pre�existing ethnic structure of the region sweeping away the asians. The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century�� ed. it was a new phase in the turkification of the Balkans. the majo� rity can be identified as Christians on the basis of their occupation or family links (8%). 5% of names are accompanied with baptismal proper names which une� quivocally indicate religious affiliation. Lefort�� Rural Economy and Social Relations in the Countryside�� in Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol. However. the asians suffered from the plague on equal grounds as other ethnic groups. this is clearly indicated by the fact that Oriental names play the role of family names or sobriquets and in most cases are associated with Christian first names. hav� ing no replenishment from the outside. 104–106. 39]�� Washington�� 2002�� p. 48–49. as the pandemic sub� sided. 2�� Paris�� 1991�� p. 8. did not. 69–71 . Christianization It appears that the overwhelming majority of the holders of Oriental names were Christians. the Greek and slavic populations recovered. among those who are na� med only by their Oriental nickname (remaining 49%). 1�� [Dumbarton Oaks Studies�� vol. the sharp decrease in the number of asians after the mid�four� teenth century may also imply that the height of both anatolian and Qipchaq migrations to macedonia occurred from the end of the thir� teenth centuries through the first decades of the fourteenth century and tapered off by the mid�fourteenth century. Lefort�� Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale�� IXe–XVe siècle�� in Hommes et richesses dans l��Empire byzantin�� vol. Laiou�� vol. Angeliki E. 47�� 1993�� p. however. while asians. . there are two Ottoman muslims only who 152 J. New waves of population transfers from anatolia and Dasht-i Qipchaq to the Balkans would once more increase due to the Ottoman conquests from the last decades of the fourteenth century onwards. tides of the plague having flooded the region several times since 347 brought about a grave demographic crisis.06 Rustam sHuKuROV dramatic decrease in the number of asians after the mid�fourteenth century may in fact reflect the impact of the Black Death.

the analogous Pontic anthroponymic material provides grounds to assume that. 27�� 62�� 197�� 244�� 374. moreover. traditionally. the first step in the naturalisation of newcomers consisted in their adoption of the By� zantine state religion. they had purely muslim names as subjects of the Emperor and remained as muslims.�� p. the overwhelming majority of immigrants from both Dasht-i Qipchaq and muslim anatolia had adopted Christianity. For instance.�� 2 vols�� ed. 155 Shukurov�� The Byzantine Turks cit. 135–158. some asian newcomers in the Empire of trebizond retained their muslim faith.. the Byzantine social system still preserved its assimilative power. because contradictory evi� dence is provided by other parts of the Byzantine world. . 76f . Shukurov�� Crypto-Muslims of Anatolia�� in Anthropology�� Archeology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia or the Life and Times of F��W�� Hasluck �1878-1920��. possibly some of the recently baptized asians continued to confess Islam secretly. undoubtedly. 125–150. Laiou�� Washington�� 1998�� p. H. this is quite a valuable observation. one Jew. In other words. 55 to my knowledge. R. Ahrweiler�� A. 2�� p. and six persons whose religious affiliation is indefinable. all subjects of the Empire had to confess Orthodox Christianity. Bartusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 07 probably settled in the region during the first Ottoman occupation in 386–403.E. Reinert�� The Muslim Presence in Constantinople�� 9th-15th Centuries: Some Preliminary Observations�� in Studies on the Internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire�� ed. 154 Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower�� p. David Shankland�� Istanbul�� 2004�� vol.53 Despite the rapid decline and deterioration of economic and social conditions. 131ff. according to traditional Byzantine legislation. the state religion of the Empire. the anthroponymic material discussed 153 Asdracha�� La région des Rhodopes cit. in the beginning of the fifteenth centu� ry. this was the result of deliberate state policy towards the immigrants settling in the Empire as subjects of the Palaiologan emperors. there is no such evidence in the Palaiologan Empire.54 the present case of the macedonian asians shows that the Byzantines were still successful in naturalising immigrants. S.

throughout macedonia. anatolian and Qipchaq elements were inter� mixed and usually it is impossible to distinguish any ethnically homo� genous area populated exclusively by any single turkic sub�ethnos. it appears that turkic immigrants of both provenance were supposed to live in particular areas of the countryside. in itself. most of the Byzantine turks were either immigrants or former and current mercenaries and the members of their families. It is important to note that the assimilative aspect of Byzantine civilisation remained operative up to the very end of the Empire: ha� ving settled in the Empire. the Black Death possibly affected the asian settlers dramatically and their numbers decreased abruptly in the second half of the fourteenth century. Cumans outnumbe� red the anatolian turks probably only in northwestern macedonia. Ethnically. most of the regis� tered turkic incomers originated from anatolia. 9. the turks usually adopted Christianity and assimilated to the local economic habits and culture. a rather positive indication in favour of the reliability of the chosen method. Conclusion Late Byzantine onomastics clearly shows the physical presence of the turks in the Byzantine Empire who settled there as the subjects of the Palaiologoi. especially because evidence from the narrative sources provide some supporting explanations for the concentration of turks in these particular regions. the existence of compact areas of turkic resettlement is. the height of the influx of both anatolian and Qipchaq turks took place at the end of the thirteenth century and the first decades of the fourteenth century. rather dis� tant from the main strategic urban centres.08 Rustam sHuKuROV here proves the contrary: the Palaiologan authorities succeeded in the Christianization of the Oriental migrants. at the same time. . most of them belonged to the lower classes of society.

I Map 1 .The Lower Strymon. Serres. Drama. SHUKUROV TAV.R. . Zichna.

SHUKUROV Map 2 . II R.Chalkidike. .TAV.

R. . SHUKUROV TAV.Berroia and Lake Joannitsa. III Map 3 .

SHUKUROV Map 4 .Skopje and the valley of the Vardar. IV R. .TAV.

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