L'Europa dopo la caduta di Costantinopoli: 29 maggio 1453. Spoleto, 2008.

Rustam sHuKuROV

The Byzantine Turks: An Approach to the Study of Late Byzantine Demography

the turkic presence in the Byzantine Empire during the Palaiolo� gan period has been attracting scholarly interest for a long time. there can no longer be any doubt about the existence of turkish settlers in Late Byzantium. However, until now the turks in Byzantine context have been generally regarded as mercenary soldiers who stayed tempo� rarily in the territory of the Empire; the subsequent fate of the turks who, in one way or another, settled in Byzantium has scarcely been analysed. until now we have had no comprehensive and generalising study on the place of the turks in the ethnic composition of Late By� zantium: whether they constituted compact ethnic groups, where they lived, what their religious and cultural affiliations were, etc. the absence of general studies on the Byzantine turks is quite un� derstandable since demographic and ethnic analysis comes up against almost insurmountable difficulties of methodology. It is obvious that the ethnic structure of the region was extremely complex: at least four 

the present research was made possible with the support of the RGNF Foundation (project no. 07�0�00547a). my special thanks are due to Dr. Oya Pancaroğlu (Boğaziçi uni� versity, Department of History, Istanbul) for her help in preparation of this piece for publica� tion.  P. Charanis, The Formation of the Greek People, in The ‘Past’ in Medieval and Modern Greek Culture, ed. sp. Vryonis, malibu, 978, p. 97; P. Charanis, The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no., p. 48ff; s. Vryonis, Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower, in Studies on Byzantium, Seljuks, and Ottomans: Reprinted Studies [Byzantina kai metabyzantina vol. ] malibu. Calif., 98, no. III, p. 5�40; C. asdracha, La région des Rhodopes aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles: étude de géographie historique, athens, 976, p. 75–84.

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large ethnic groups – that is Greeks, Bulgarians, serbians, and al� banians – lived side by side there. the presence of west European, turkic, armenian, Vlach, Gypsy and Jewish settlers made the virtual ethnic map of the Byzantine territories even more complex and obscu� re. moreover, the turbulent political history of the Byzantine Empi� re and neighbouring countries, frequent and drastic shifts of political borders, rapid conquests and retreats put in motion large groups of people who, as one may expect, were repeatedly rearranging pre�exi� sting ethnic maps. From this point of view, surviving sources are often insufficient for a credible reconstruction of ethnic changes in particular areas of the Byzantine Empire at that time. We can produce so far only a general and, what is most disappointing, mainly a static picture of the region’s ethnic composition. at the present stage, only a synchro� nic description can be given; developing a detailed diachronic analysis of ethnic processes often proves to be unfeasible because of the insuffi� ciency of the surviving sources. the initial point of the present study is an onomastic research based on personal and place names preserved in the contemporary sources. It is ono� mastics that makes it possible to evaluate the ethnic features of a region with relatively high precision. However, generally, it must be noted that onomastic study still occupies a modest place in modern Byzantinistics, compared, for example, with Classical and medieval studies3. meanwhile,

3 see for instance a general survey with a helpful bibliographical section for medieval Europe: Personal Names Studies of Medieval Europe. Social Identity and Family Structures, ed. G.t. Beech, m. Bourin, P. Chareille, Kalamazoo, 00. see also a recent study of ancient , Greek anthroponymics: Greek Personal Names. Their Value as Evidence ed. simon Hornblow� . Evidence, er & Elaine matthews, Oxford, 000. For studies of Byzantine onomastics see, for instan� ce: a.E. Laiou Peasant Names in Fourteenth-century Macedonia, in Byzantine and Modern Greek Laiou, Studies, vol. , 975, p. 7–95; a.E. Laiou, Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. �� Social and Demographic Study, Princeton, 977, see esp., Chapter IV “Names” ; J. Lefort, ��nthroponymie et société villageoise (Xe-XIVe siècle), in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. Tome II: VIIIe-XVe siècle, éd. par V. Kravari, J. Lefort et C. morrisson, Paris, 99, p. 5–38; J. Lefort, Toponymie et anthroponymie: le contact entre Grecs et Slaves en Macédoine, in Castrum 4, Frontière et peuplement dans le monde méditerranéen au Moyen Âge, éd. J.�m. Poisson, Rome � madrid, 99, p. 6�7; F. Brunet, Sur l’ Hellénisaton des toponymes slaves en Macedoine Byzantine, in Travaux et Mémoires, t. 9, 985. p. 35–65 ; V. Kravari, L’hellénisation des Slaves de Macédoine orientale, au témoignage des anthroponymes, in ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ, Mélanges offerts à Hélène ��hrweiler, vol. II, Paris, 998, p. 387�397 ; D. Dželebdžić,

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

75

in some cases, onomastics is able to fill some gaps in the traditional sources. toponymics provides ample material about the distribu� tion of the Franks in the Peloponnese.4 In the case of the Empire of trebizond, personal and place names are sometimes the only in� dication of the factual ethnic diversity in the particular regions of the Pontos.5 In the present piece, an attempt will be made to fill that gap at least partially and to propose new ways of describing ethnic minorities in the population of the Byzantine Empire. the present study focu� . ses on the fate of the Byzantine turkic groups under the Palaiologoi. Geographically, it is limited to the Balkan territories of the Byzantine Empire from serres to Ochrid and the Vardar valley, including the territories approximately matching the present Greek province of ma� cedonia and the Republic of macedonia. Our task is facilitated by several recent studies. It is worth men� tioning an article of the Russian scholar Piotr Zhavoronkov on the Late Byzantine turkic aristocracy, which analyzes mainly Byzantine narrative sources.6 the study of Zoritsa Đoković is the first synthe�

Slavic ��nthroponyms in the Judicial Decisions of the Demetrios Chomatenos, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol 43, 006, p. 483–498 (in serbian) ; Z. Đoković, Étude de ) l’anthroponymie slave dans les praktika du XIIe et XIIIe siècle, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol 43, 006, p. 499–56 (in serbian). additional relevant references see also ). below. 4 H. & R. Kahane, The Western Impact on Byzantium: The Linguistic Evidence, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 36, 98, p. 7–53; H. & R. Kahane, Italienische Ortsnamen in Griechenland, athen, 940; H. & R. Kahane, abendland und Byzanz, in : Reallexikon der Byzantinistik, ed. P. Wirth, amsterdam 970, s. 345–634 (sprache); O. markl, Ortsnamen Griechenlands in frankischer Zeit, [Byzantina Vindobonensia, I], Graz, Köln, 966; a. Bon, La Morée franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d'��chaia, 1204-1430, vol. , Paris, 969. 5 R. shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos, in Mésogeios, t. 6, 999, p. 7–47. On the shukurov, Kartvelian minority in trebizond see also: E. Zhordania, Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v �III–�V vv. Chast’ I: Lazy, in: Byzantinoslavica, vol. 58, 997, 5–39; E. Zhordania, III–�V �V , Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v �III–�V vv. i nekotorye voprosy toponimiki Ponta. III–�V �V Chast’ II: Chany, in: Byzantinoslavica, vol. 60, 999, p. 7–86; E. Zhordania, Kartvel’skoe , naselenie Ponta v XIII-XV vv. : dissertatsiia ... kandidata nauk: 07.00.03, moscow, 00. 6 P. Zhavoronkov, Tiurki v Vizantii (XIII–seredina XIV v.) Chast’ 1: tiurkskaia aristokratiia (The Turks in Byzantium (13th-mid-14th c.). Part 1: The Turkish aristocracy), in Vizantiiskii vremennik, 006, vol. 65, p. 68–69.

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tic research analyzing the Late Byzantine anthroponymics of Eastern macedonia as a source for the ethnic history of the region.7 the most valuable part of the latter study concerns slavic names in Byzantine documental sources. Zoritsa Đoković has made an attempt to describe albanian, Vlach and turkic ethnic groups as well. However, the turk� ish section of the study appears to be relatively weak and incomplete, which once again confirms the urgent necessity of the proper examina� tion of turkic elements in the macedonian population. However, before proceeding to the description of the macedonian turks in the Palaiologan period, it is necessary to say a few words about the basic principles of the proposed approach to the study of the ethnic composition of the Byzantine population. . the Database of Personal Names For the first stage of the research, I chose Byzantine personal and place names containing roots of Oriental origin and gave them etymo� logical interpretation. By “Oriental” I am referring conventionally to names derived from arabic, Persian and turkic roots. In the case of Oriental names, the most valuable and ample infor� mation is provided by anthroponymics that constitutes the main bulk of evidence underlying the present study. these names are preserved in a great variety of sources of different genres: historiography, court poetry, documentary sources, emperor’s chrysobulls, marginal notes and obits, signatures of manuscripts’ copyists, etc. Collection of the anthroponymic material and compilation of the database have been considerably facilitated by Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit8 that registered approximately 30,000 names of persons living in the Palaiologan period as found in Greek sources. the initial list of the Oriental names has been formed by means of the analysis of PLP’s
7 Z. Đoković, Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije u prvoj polovini XIV veka, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol. 40, 003, p. 97–44. . 8 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E. trapp et al. Bd. –, Wien, 976–995 (CD�Rome version: Wien, 00) (hearafter – PLP).

employing traditional methods of prosopo� graphical study. vol. R. 8) Primary sources. However. shukurov. 3) Baptismal name. here I present preliminary results of the study. Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). 6) Floruit. the database has been supplemented by evidence from con� temporary Persian. 93–07. west European. Names of Oriental origin have been organized into a digital data� base. 66 (9). shukurov. the proper analysis of their lingui� stic provenance is a matter for future investigations. It must be stressed that the database does not include the names of fo� reigners. the 9 see also the already published and commented parts of the database: R. ) Etymological interpretation. Outside the database there remain a comparatively huge number of non�Greek names of unknown origin. ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). by re�examining the primary sources. saint Petersburg.9 the next stage of the research consists in placing the chosen names into historical context. Oriental names of the residents of the Balkans. subjects of muslim states such as the seljuq sultanate. turkic. 9) secondary sources. these unidentified names may have been of slavic. anatolia and the Black sea region. which disregards the information in non�Greek sources. I have included in the database only those names the Oriental derivation of which are irrefutable.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 77 data. 007. However. 4) Occupation and social status. the basic list of Oriental names may thus increase in the course of further etymological work. p. albanian or other origin. p. 5) Location. who were subjects of the Byzantine Empire. were extracted. 006. some additions and corrections have been made to the PLP records including the recovery of missed family links and the addition of individuals overseen in PLP. the aegean and Ionian islands. . In addition to PLP. Each entry of the database represents a prosopographi� cal questionnaire containing the following rubrics: ) Family name or sobriquet. armenian. in Vizantiiskie ocherki. From the names listed in PLP. 05–9. 7) Family links.’ in Vizantiiskii vremennik. Later. these additions are not numerous. the chosen personal names number around 470. turkish and west European sources that occasio� nally mention individuals living in Byzantine lands.

948. the mamluk sultanate. Sechs byzantinische Praktika des 14. ) the Empire of trebizond (0). and. thessaly. . ��us den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges. Epiros. the Golden Horde. Credibility of anthroponymic Data as it has been said. and. the database focuses exclusively on the Byzantine population. the states of Iran and the Near East. finally. was the only Byzantine area supplied with the demographic data sufficient for a rough statistical approximation. etc. a densely populated province of late Byzantium. G.78 Rustam sHuKuROV Ottomans. p. and south Italy. Dölger. Fr. Peloponnesus. Pour l’histoire de la féodalité byzantine. however. the lower flow of the strymon) have been described in great detail. thus.V. 3) macedonia from ser� res to skopje and Kastoria (4). Kephallenia. münchen. the general picture described here and the numerical proportions between these groups will hardly change.0 0 see for instance: Fr. the remaining 80 or so names are geographically linked to the northern and southwestern shores of the Black sea (5). the geography. Here are given preliminary calculations that may be revised in the result of further investigations. principalities of western anatolia. 59–368 . Bruxelles. in particular. economy and demographics of the region. some dozens of names at the present stage of research cannot be identified geographically or their geographic affiliation is questiona� ble. 949. macedonia. 954. these 470 or so Oriental names can be divided into three major agglomerations by geographical criteria thus indicating the major centers of “Oriental” presence in the Byzantine territories: a) Con� stantinople and neighbouring areas including thrace (56 names). of its southern and southwestern parts (Chalkidike. the aegean sea (including Lemnos and Crete). the present study explores the problem of the turkic population in one of the above�mentioned areas macedonia extending from serres to Kastoria and Ochrid. Osobennosti agrarno�pravovykh otnoshenii v Pozdnei Vizantii . macedonia is probably the most studied region of Late Byzantium. münchen. Cyprus. Ostrogorsky. Dölger. Jahrhunderts für das ��thoskloster Iberon. Khvostova K. anato� lia.

Population and Landscape in Eastern Macedonia during the Middle ��ges: The Example of Radolibos. 9. Bd. 3–55 . 99. E. p. . an inventory containing fiscal information on monastic possessions and listing taxes and households of parokoi present on the land. in Études balkaniques. 338–34 and. Die demographisch-wirtschaftliche Gastalt eines Dorfes aus dem Gebiet des unteren Strymon von ��nfang des 14. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike.E. IXe–XVe siècle. 968. Dölger. is praktikon. 57.. t.  French Byzantinists have been publishing the main bulk of the acts of the monasteries of mount athos in the series: ��rchives de l'��thos (Paris. I. p. 985. . Quellenkunde zur Geschichte von Byzanz (324-1453). Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale. p. delineations of lands etc. 36–38. Wiesbaden. Lefort. J. ca. the most informative type of monastic document. monastic documents include imperial chrysobulls and private acts of donation. Paris. 0�7. 450. Jacoby. 977. in Byzantion. Sechs byzantinische Praktika. 983. ed. vol. Les Catalans et les Villages de la Chalcidique. 004. s. 7. so far  volumes have come out. t. N. 05–07. . Demographische Notizien über die Landbevölkerung aus die Gebiet des Unteren Strymon in der erstern Halften des XIV Jahrhunderts. N. Jahrhunderts. Lowry. Birmingham�Washington. � . J. but they briefly reap� peared in the beginning of the fifteenth century. �3. –. founded by Gabriel millet et Paul Lemerle. s. 63�86. court decisions on the disputes over contested lands. Kondov. such assessments took place in macedonia in 300–30. Weiss. 9–0. Karayannopoulos & G. 97. p. Lefort. 98. 98. 44�63 . J. Lefort. 30–3. 5�6.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 79 the basis for these studies is the profuse documental material. 95�34 . a. beyond the published volumes there still remains a considerable number of formerly published and unpublished monastic documents. in Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 3.). Laiou. 85–3. 96. vol. deeds of purchase. in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. although. 7–9. Karlin�Hayter. after the middle of the fourteenth century. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire .  Fr. s. there were no assessments. vol. 63�8. in Travaux et Mémoires. J. 50–ca. vol. in : Études Balkaniques. s. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire cit. p. t. Habitats fortifiés en Macédoine orientale au Moyen �IV–�V –�V �V Âge. Bd. 986. D. 99–03. Bryer et H. Lyon. containing abundant anthroponymical data. Phénomènes de démographie rurale à Byzance aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Radolibos: population et paysage. 965. in addition. Kondov Das Dorf Gradec. Jacoby. a. in Habitats fortifiés et organisation de l'espace en Méditerranée médiévale. whi� ch is found in the acts of the monasteries of mount athos. moscow. of course. some sporadic assessments occurred in some of the intervening years. Lefort. the last known praktikon dates to 40. D. vol. in Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society. 5. P. 937–). 5–3. p. Laiou. p. s. (�IV–�V vv. in Études rurales. p.

Hence. the majority of asian incomers registered in the databa� se were first�generation asian immigrants. In the case of an individual of low social standing. the surviving monastic documen� tation has one significant limitation for my purposes: it mostly deals with monastic properties. Other sources such as Imperial and Patriarchal documentation. who had no family name. Only a few noble families of the newcomers retained references to their asian lineage in the subsequent generations. etc. only few documents concern laymen. the next important limitation of the research ensues from a rather complex problem of the adequacy of anthroponymic material proper. at least by their names. immigrants adopting Christianity had to change their muslim names to Christian ones. which survived only because these areas were incorporated into monastic estates later. histo� riography. Only a few documents such as account books directly concern trade and provide us with a few names of merchants. however. this meant that on adop� ting Christianity and changing his first name to a standard Christian one. cover only a portion of existing indi� viduals () and only concern those areas which were in the possession of monasteries (3).80 Rustam sHuKuROV the vast majority of Oriental names of macedonia are contained in monastic documents. a considerable portion of settlements and their respective population remain outside the scope of the primary sources. marginal notes. account books. was absolutely indistinguishable from the indigenous population. provide some additional information which. it seems. thus. moreover. However. the nature of primary sources defines the principal chronological. apparently. the low percentage of merchants in the database of Oriental names is partly due to the inadequacy of sources. In most cases. he made his asian roots absolutely untraceable for official records . Furthermore. losing even those scant indications of origin which their fathers’ names had. available sources scarcely reflect the activity of merchants. as they are most detailed for the first half of the fourteenth century (). and territorial limitations of the present study: the chro� nological elucidation of the macedonian population from the available documents is very much irregular. the second generation of the newcomers. is unable to improve the deficiency of the main bulk of sources. demographic.

are traceable as this sobriquet had become an indi� spensable element of their personal identification. are exceptionally rare. these two . However. the real number of asian immigrants in the Byzantine lands was considerably higher than the figures given by the present database. consequently. the overall number of baptized asians exceeded . a doubt is always present that a foreign sobriquet was given to a person becau� se of some reason other than his race. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike cit. noted limitations lead us to suggest that only a lesser part of immi� grants acquired such turkic nicknames and. 86–87. although it is clear that in real life unrecognizable asians conside� rably outnumbered those whose names or biographic data reveal for us their asian origin. Only those asian immigrants of low social standing. by their names. . Consequently. as well as second generation asians switching to Greek of slavic names. the database reflects only the tip of the iceberg the much larger part of which is under the surface of the water. For instance. who for some reason were nicknamed by an original turkic sobriquet. some asians changing their names to standard Greek or slavic ones. had become persons of “concealed identity”.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 8 and therefore for us. being theoretically probable. it is not impossible that a Greek could acquire. completely assimilated to the Greek Christian majority. such ca� ses. Βαμβακοράβδης� “having a cotton rod” was the mocking sobriquet of 3 a discussion of similar problems see in: Jacoby. theoretically. for whatever reason. it is difficult to assess the numerical ratio between known and unknown asian immigrants from the standpoint of the chosen methodology. one may assume that some purely Christian Byzantine names might well be concealing asian (as well as any other) immigrants who. slavic or albanian nickname or sobriquet.3 Judging by my database. However. For instance. 30. to sum up. and the last but not the least observation: Indeed.0 percent of the Byzantine population. a turkish. In this sense. p..

foreign sobriquets did reflect the ethnic origin of its holder. though Constanti� nopolitans were wrong identifying him as “Laz” and “Persian”. Of course. a. Du Cange. 479. p.4 the name derives from βάμβα��� βαμβάκ�ο�15 �� ← dialectal Pers. 7–73. Failler. Fraser. However. 367. however.–12. 6. For instance. E. s. In this and similar cases. Further on. . Paris. 993. Wien. ed. ‫ ﭙﻧﺑﮏ‬pambak “cotton”. p. in the majority of known cases foreign sobriquets refer to the foreign origin of its holder. 49–57. app.. IV. seemingly. éd. he explains that this epithet of opprobrium was applied to the patriarch because of his “Laz” origin. 5 Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität besonders des 9. 453. 7 P.a. Vryonis. van Dieten. Bd. trapp. 3 (p. long ago Hel� lenized armenians or syrians.8 Rustam sHuKuROV the Emperor alexios III. which Pachymeres qualified as a Persian (i. .  vols. vol. it entered Greek in the eleventh k century at the latest and. ed. t. 40. Byzantine and turkish societies and their sour� ces of manpower. col. J. m. Berlin. 6 It is evident that the nickname mocked the ethnic origin of Germanos III. who undoubtedly was considered to be of pure Greek blood. turkic) word. –5.e. p. Balivet menteşe dit “sâğlâm Bey” et Germain alias “mârpûç”: deux surnoms turcs dans la chronique byzantine de Georges Pachymère. 6 Georges Pachymérès. ancient Greek culture recognized ethnic na� mes and there usually was a certain link between the ethnic origin and the origin of the name.44 app. 5. Germanos III was not Laz but belonged to the renowned Gabras family. Jahrhunderts. Evidence. p. 975. βάμβα� lost its foreign sound. 4–4.4). the foreign name is not an indication of ethnic origin but rather of the dissemination of foreign linguistic elements in the spoken Greek language. –. . Lyon. Historia. In most cases. One cannot 4 Nicetas Choniates. 7 there is no evidence of any radical change in this sense in the Byzantine time. Ethnics as Personal Names. p. vol. traditionally. by the end of the twelfth century. this mocking nickname had nothing to do with the ethnic origin of alexios III. Their Value as Evidence . Relations Historiques. the mocking sobriquet of the patriarch Germanos III was Μαρκούτζης�. 688. Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis. 00–. 984– 000. in Greek Personal Names. New York. in : Turcica.m.

99. this division concerns the place of origin of a name bearer or of his ancestors rather than linguistic provenance of the name. the majority of names certainly reflect the ethnic affiliation of their holders and are an effective tool for the reconstruction of the ethnic composition of Late Byzantine population. constituting about . H.% of the total number of names registered in PLP for that region. 969. p. However. ed. . Destanları. especially because of the extremely complicated ethnic composition of thirteenth� and fourteenth�century anatolia. Oriental Names From among a total of approximately 0. slavs. F. Istanbul. From a linguistic perspective. 99.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 83 exclude that some Oriental names of the database in fact belon� ged to Greeks. among the holders of the Oriental names I conventionally distinguish Qipchaq and anatolian turks.000 names relating to macedonia and registered in PLP. it would be hard to draw here any linguistic watershed. sümer. Istanbul. Codex Cumanicus. children. I have selected by means of etymo� logical analysis 4 Oriental names. Oğuzlar (Türkmenler). in Selçuklu araştırmaları dergisi. in Central ��sian Monuments. . –47. 33–63. vol. 3. sümer. Paksoy. Boy teşkilatı. at the same time. and this may affect the accuracy of the results. sometimes the sources contain information about blood relatives (parents. anadolu’da moğollar. grandchildren.B.8 some asians came to macedonia from Dasht-i Qipchaq (the sou� th Russian steppes and the Crimea) as numerous names with the 8 On Qipchaqs and Cumans see the condensed summary of P. etc. p.) of the holders of these 4 na� mes. Tarihleri. the proposed division is not ac� curate. comprising both Oghuz and Qipchaq elements. some impression of eth� no�linguistic composition of turkic anatolia in the twelfth–fourteenth centuries may be derived from: F. the overall number of the individuals covered by the selected names is 68. etc. to my mind. brothers. Golden. uncles.

vol. In 37 a large group of Cumans. nos. 65. 9383. 999– 00. stuttgart.P. nos. 005. invaded Bulgaria and then thrace. p. karaca “dark. the settlements of Qipchaqs had been ap� pearing here from the eleventh through the fifteenth century. philosophisch-historische Klasse. Vásáry. p. to the Byzantine�saljuq border. moscow. 93830–93831. Heidelberg. 89–830. 455. I. thrace and macedonia on their way from Hungary. Heisenberg. Cumans and Tatars. In 4 one more group of Cumans. Pachymérès. . Cambridge.84 Rustam sHuKuROV stem Cuman indicate: Κόµα�ος���9 Κοµά�α (fem.5 the Qipchaqs constituted one of the earliest layers of the turkic population in the Balkans. 860–874 (repr. 93833. schopen. .7 However. L. 5. vol. Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans. invaded Bulgaria. 22 PLP�� nos. ed. 27 Nicephori Gregorae byzantina historia. p. 6. 64–68. Georgii ��cropolitae opera. 6 a. La région des Rhodopes cit.3). asdracha. miklosich. Kazhdan.6 there were two massive waves of the Qipchaq immigration to the Balkans in the first half of the thirteenth century.). see now: I. Bekker. showing slavic ethnic and linguistic influen� ces. p. no. Vásáry. 3064. II. 004. . blackish”)4 might well have been of Cuman origin. around 4/4 John III Vatatzes brought the Balkan Cumans over by ne� gotiations and gifts and enlisted them in the Byzantine army. 0.und Ortsnamen.. Bonn. Relations Historiques. Wien. Wirth. 005. 1185–1365.  PLP. 974. 4 PLP.)��20 Κοµα�ίτζης��� and Κοµά�κα (fem. 5 For ample examples consult an old work: F. 007. ed. Die Bildung der Slavischen Personen. who had been compelled to move westwards from Dasht-i Qipchaq by the mongols. 8. some Cumans were transferred to anatolia. What is curious in the names Κοµα�ίτζης� and Κοµά�κα is that one may distinguish the slavic masculine suffix ~ицъ and slavic feminine suffix ~ка respectively. vol. no. 3 PLP. 9 0 . 006. s. in Denkschriften der ��kademie der Wissenschaften. 53–54.. 008. Sotsial’nyi sostav gospodstvuiuscheo klassa Vizantii XI–XII v. P. Cumans and Tatars cit. 97). 997– 998. yakşı “good”)3 and Χαρατζᾶς� (← Tk.000. 3 (p. 978. I. who numbered at least 0. we do not know where exactly in macedonia John III PLP. 0. –. 5 (p. PLP. while others were given lands for habitation in thrace and macedo� nia. a. 7. 37). vol. the turkic names Γ�άκσσα (← tk. p. nos.

7539. p. 949–953. 345. ordered them to move to Lemnos. ‫ ﻏﺎزى‬ghāzī “conqueror. passed to tk. m. Cumans were probably settled in colo� nies. elect”).9 although. La région des Rhodopes cit. 88–83. . in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. m. ‫  ﺻﻼح اﻟدﻳن‬alāh al-dīn “righteou� s  sness of religion”)35 etc. L. . no. angold.000) in the Byzantine armed forces relate to the 30s: in 37 andronikos III.8 In the Byzantine Empire. “Elijah”). savvides. 44. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. 8 Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri iv. especially. no. Due to the fact that the Qipchaqs of the Northern Black sea step� pes were Islamized to a lesser extent as compared to anatolian turks. Bartusis. �� Byzantine Government in Exile. p. 3 PLP. undoubtedly. 3444. 59. seemingly. 58–59. p. Οι� ������ι� ��������ι��� ��ι� �� ������ι�� �11�ς–13�ς �ι��� ���Χ���� �������ι� � �� ��Χ���� Χ���� ������ in: ������ι����� vol. p. On the Problem of smallholding soldiers in Late Byzantium. Philadel� phia.30 Γαζῆς� (← Ar. most of the standard muslim names referred to the in� comers from anatolia: ᾿Αλ�άζης� (← Ar. ‫ ﻣﻧﺻور‬mans “victor”)��34 Σαλαχατη�ός� ūr (← tk. 05.3 Μαχµούτης� (← Ar. most Cumans still kept to a nomadic way of life. vol. Bonn. suspecting the Cuman detachments of a lack of loyalty.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 85 Vatatzes distributed lands to them. p. as my list testifies. asdracha. combating infidels”. the Cuman detachments of the Byzantine army operating in the Balkans were referred to in the sources for the next several decades. . 94. in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers. had adopted sedentary life and become peasants. they as a rule bore purely turkic names and nicknames. some of them. Oxford. salahaddin/salaheddin ← Ar. . 654. 975. 4747. vol. no. 985. 35 PLP. vol. a. 34 PLP. The Late Byzantine ��rmy: ��rms and Society.. p. ‫ ﻣﺻطﻔﻰ‬musafā “cho�  t sen. 990. One more reference to a massi� ve group of Cumans (around . ‫ ﻣﺣﻣود‬mahmūd “praised”)��32 Μουσταφάς� (← Ar. 33 PLP. p. 99. –3. 9399. 3. Bartusis. gazi through Persian mediation). 8.33 Μυσούρης� (ar. 3 PLP. no. 30 PLP. 6–7. schopen. ed. no.. 8. 1204–1453. m. thasos and Lesbos. ‫ اﻠﻳﺎس‬Ilyās Bibl. hero. 9 Bartusis. 3450. 9898. nos.

no. 65. 43 PLP. no. 38 Bartusis. 4 PLP. nos.38 the names Σαρακη�ός�39 and Σαρακη�όπουλος�40 might well have belon� ged to any of the newcomers from the muslim Orient and in this case most likely indicate anatolian turks as well. who probably came from North africa and were in Byzantine service as light cavalry troops. 336ff). �. 44 PLP. 45 N. 546 (before 34). J. 37 through the late 340s in Kalamarian localities of Rousaiou.86 Rustam sHuKuROV the names Τοῦρκος�. 946. 6–6. 40 PLP. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. 201–202�� see also Index. it was applied to anatolian turks mostly but not exclusively. however. the Berbers call themselves amazigh)44.45 the name ᾿Αλα�ός� (from ethnic name ᾿Αλα�ός�. 990. Leon� taria. 46 PLP. nos. mamas and possibly Barbarikion (see map  and also below). 47 Georges Pachymérès. 99. ethnic name barbar ?. Τουρκόπουλος� had several meanings being a designation of turkic troops. Patrikona. p. 8 [Hommage à Monsieur Paul Lemerle]�� 1981�� p. Lefort��Villages de Macédoine: notices historiques et topographiques sur la Macédoine orientale au Moyen Âge�� 1�� La Chalcidique occidentale�� Paris�� 1982�� p. 39 PLP. Barbarenoi were collective pronoia holders between ca. Few individuals might well have been asians of non�turkish origin as Δαµασκη�ός�4 (that is originated from Damascus) and Βαβυλω�ίτης�4 (that is originated from Baghdad). 5043. 6 (p. no. 66. and Τουρκίτζη37 might have designated both Qipchaq and Oğuz turks. Bartusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p. Βαρβαρη�ός�43 might have been one of the Βαρβαρη�οί (← ar. 4 PLP. no. no. the Iranian tribe of the alans)46 refers probably to those 6. st. no. PLP. M. 92�� 116�� 139�� 146. 4860– 4864. 986. 30–30 fleeing from the Golden Hord. 4856.000 alans who moved to the Empire ca. 360ff . Oikonomidès�� À propos des armées des premiers Paléologues et des compagnies de soldats�� in Travaux et mémoires�� t. no.36 belonging to several individuals.47 the numerical expression of the ethnic affiliation of the names PLP. 969.. a company of mercenaries. of turkish captives and of the descendants of both former groups. 36 37 .

p. accompanying the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al� Dīn Kay Kāwus II. in Rocznik Orientalistyczny. 95–95. P. Yazijioghlu ‘��li on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja. P. in BSO��S. �VII.. Wittek. La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine // Échos d’Orient. p. 37–d. although we do not have even rough figures for the numbers of the turkish immigrants in the beginning of the 60s. It seems that the move of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus’ partisans to the Byzantine Empire continued for some time after the settling of the sultan there. It is very probable that most asians listed in the database or their 48 P. troops loyal to him and nomadic turks from Western anatolia who did not accept the mongol domination. Wittek. No.48 Civil wars in the Empire in the fourteenth century and the growth of the turkish military presence in the Balkans entailed further repeating injections of anatolian settlers into the macedonian population. �IV/3. –4 . . In particular. 95. Charanis. t. The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit. Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus. it seems that they were numerous enough to influence noticeably the ethnic situation in the Balkans. both sedentary and nomadic. 409–4 . it might have been a consequence of the massive emigration of anatolian turks. vol. 934. (b. 79/80) who fled to the court of michael VIII Palaiologos (59–8) in 6 and stayed in By� zantium until 64. 50. 76. 639–668 . the sultan was followed by his courtiers.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 87 listed is represented in the following charts (percentage figures are rounded off): table 1: Origin anatolian Qipchaq Other total Names 87  5 4 Percentage 75% 9% 6% 00% the prevalence of muslim names indicates the increasing role of anatolian turkish influx in the Balkans. P. p. Wittek.

Western macedonia. p. 132..54 the second group of names is plausibly a vestige of the presence in macedonia of the anatolian turks: Γ��ῆς (← ar. 300. 76�78 . 5 5 53 54 . the turkic toponymics may be divided into two groups by origin. p.5 Kumanci Spanci. no. the southern part of the valley of the Vardar. 3 km southeast of skopje. 35�338. in the valley of the Vardar.�� p.5 Kumaničevo�� 37–375. contemporary name Gumalevo. 989. Paris. late thirteenth–early fourteenth cen� 49 50 Bartusis. However. location unidentified. Kravari. the available narrative sources for that time do not provide any other ex� planation for the resettlement of asians in the Byzantine territories. 999. First. Ibid. Ibidem Ibidem Ibid. northeast of Berroia. 467–468. PLP.49 4. Both anatolian and Qipchaq troops performed the function of light cavalry and light horse archers. toponymic Evidence the evidence of macedonian place names matches well the data given by personal names. 57–58.50 Kuman'ski Brod. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. near skopje. ghāzī see above). p.. 33. mentioned in the documents of the monastery of st. George Gorgo in the vicinity of skopje. V. the group of Qipchaq place�names: K�µ��ί��ης.53 Kumanova. 330. often it is not clear when these pla� ce names appeared. 48. the place name deri� ved from the former owner’s name. In any case. Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale. microtoponymics in spanci (today Phanos 0 km southeast of Phlorina).88 Rustam sHuKuROV immediate ancestors were initially in the military service either as im� migrants or as mercenaries hired by the government.

the late thirteenth–early fourteenth century?. p. 7. it was occupied by a company of Barbarenoi soldiers. Paris. 96.55 K��µ�����ύλ���� K��µ������ύλ�� (? ← Τκ.. vol. . 68 (map). p. 984. Villages de Macédoine cit. kümcülü “having a buried treasure”. Paris. p. 94. vol. a place near Rousaiou in Kalamaria. 40. p. 98. 60 Lefort. P.6 I join the editors of the acts in localizing it somewhere near Gabriane. Ott. gömü “a buried treasure”) 30–mid�5th c. G. 9.. N. p. 57 Lefort. passed to tk. mentioning no places out� side the region. 97.57 �ελί�ι� (← Ar. 970–98. s. D. –4. probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. . Oikonomidès. 5. contemporary ish sh Patris. 8. �� �ερι��χῆς 6. where kümcü ← kümüncü “a buried treasure”56. 30. in Kalamaria near Neocho� rakion. Lefort localizes it west of thessalonike. 9�9. p. 5 km north�northwest of Berroia in the foothills of Bermion. Oxford. 6 ��ctes de Lavra. Its localization is not clear.. Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale cit. 3). Texte. Lemerle. ed. J. N. cf. 970.59 Τ��ρ��χώρι����� ca. 39.6 Τουρκοχώρ�ο� has been localized in Kalamaria also by the editors of the acts of Lavra. ‫ ﻣﻟﮏ‬malik “king”.. Çirkoviç. p. Clauson. melik through Per� sian mediation). theocharides. Chionides. 6 note .3 (p. Lefort. east of Berroia. no. it is important that the chrysobull con� cerns the region of Kalamaria exclusively. 4th c.Villages de Macédoine. 56 G.58 the following place names could initially designate both Qipchaq and anatolian turks: Τ��ρ��χώρι���/Tjurki Hor (“turkish village”). éd. 4).tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 89 tury?. p.῾Ισ��ρί� �ῆς �ερ�ί�ς�� �ῆς ��λε�ς ���� �ερι��χῆς�� thessalonike. 58 G. svoronos. �ί� �ι�����η ���� �ί� �ί�η ������ι����� �Α������� �����ε�ι���� ���ρ����� �� �� ���ρ��� thessalonike. 59 Kravari. probably near Gabriane in Kalamaria. 6. vol. Guillou.?. p. a. 56. 4. ��n Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish. 0 6 ��ctes de Lavra. Papachryssanthou. 55 ��ctes de Docheiariou.60 however a document of the Laura monastery (chrysoboullon sigillion of andronikos II Palaiologos) referred to it together with Gabriane (τὴ� Γαβρία�η� καὶ τὸ Τουρκοχώρ�ο�). by 37.Villages de Macédoine cit. 83–84. probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. no.3 (p. 03.

. In most cases. vol. and especially around Berroia and in Kalamaria. 08. vol. 4. Lefort. Ob aristokratizatsii vizantiiskogo obschestva VIII–XII vv. probably derived its name from Βαρβαρη�οί soldiers (see above).63 which.. the second names of aristocracy were a sort of patronymic. In most cases it is impossible to distinguish sobriquets from family names. the fourteenth century. vol. ��ρβ�ρί�ι���. there is one essential exception: aristocratic families with high social status did possess a kind of fami� ly name. the possession of a patronymic by itself was a clear indication of high status and noble ancestry.485 (p. p. a microtoponymic in the village of Krya Pegadia in Kalamaria. However. my list contains three types of personal names: first names. the term “family name” in its proper sense should not be applied to the material under discussion for its substantial ambiguity in the Byzantine context. that is an ancestor’s name (or names) used as a common identifier for a group of relatives. (On ��ristocratisation of Byzantine Society in the Eighth-Twelfth Centuries). etc. sobriquets and family names. for instance: a. nicknames existed within a single ge� neration. Peasants. Intellectuals and aristocracy Generally speaking. . 90. a name might also have been the combination of a baptismal name and other means of identification like a nickname. while anatolian turkic place names are found exclusively in macedonia’s southern regions. We shall return to this observation later. Common people often were identified by their family relations (like “father of”. . 0).P. Villages de Macédoine cit. no. 98 . 64 On nicknames and patronyms in Byzantine anthroponymics see. p. the Byzantine peasants and middle classes were commonly identified either by a baptismal name or by a sobriquet that was usually a professional name or a nick� name indicating a specific feature of character or physical appearance.). in Zbornik radova Vizantoloshkog instituta.64 under the aristocracy 63 ��ctes de Lavra.90 Rustam sHuKuROV Finally. 5. Kazhdan. “son�in�law of”. It is remarkable that the place names derived from “Cuman” are mostly located in the northern and western parts of macedonia.

in Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. 57–66. high�ranking military and civilian offi� cials. 47–53. the holders of patronyms. in The Byzantine ��ristocracy (XI to XIII Centuries).�Cl.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 9 here I mean. p. Oikonomidès. E. For a newcomer it was easier to find a social niche for himself in ordinary affairs. . on the other hand. �� Social and Demographic Study. Laiou. Cheynet. Washington. 984. this social affiliation of the newcomers is quite expecta� ble. 8–0. p. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. 3–4. p. m. the practice of allotting 968. Du prénom au Cheynet patronyme: les étrangers à Byzance (Xe–XIIe siècles). monks and Intellectuals merchants small�holders and Paroikoi Names 36 6 3 64 Percentage 3% 5% 3% 56% a major part of the owners of Oriental names were engaged in what may be called the material sphere of life: in administration. ed. ed. N. rather than in intellectual activity which presupposes deep immersion into the local culture. Patlagean. J. Outward adoption of Christia� nity was not sufficient here. warfare and rural economy. most likely mercenaries. p. the predominance of aristocracy and pronoiars probably indicates that many of the newcomers were or initially had been soldiers. the percentage of clerics. Les débuts d’une aristocratie byzantine et le témoignage de l’historiographie : système des noms et liens de parenté aux IXe–Xe siècles. the persons included in my list belonged to different strata of By� zantine social hierarchy and were of different property status. Here follow some numerical expressions of the social standing of the holders of Oriental names (percentage figures are rounded off): table 2: social standing Status aristocracy and Pronoiars Clerics. Oxford. which conti� nued existing through several generations. on the one hand. and. 987. monks and intellectuals is rather low. angold.

94096. Bd. 78. 76– 74. 70 PLP. the youngest son of the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus.69 Σουλτᾶ�ος� (← ar. It may be an indication of the fact that the turkic settlers filled up mostly the lower classes of the society. Yacqūb Biblical “Jacob”). Bartusis.68 Μελίκης� (←ar. king”). The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. 66 PLP. 7784. the peasants and paroikoi of my list might also have been either Qipchaq and anatolian émigrés accompanying their compatriots who were enlisted as mercenaries. . see also above).70 some of these noble families have already been described in the scholarly literature.. 868–87. 57–90. malik “king”. masjīd “mosque”). nos. sultān “sovereign. “the Eye of the state”). nos. On the Problem of Smallholding Soldiers cit. ‘��yn al-Dawla. 67 PLP.9 Rustam sHuKuROV to mercenaries pronoia as payment for their service was widespread in Byzantium at the end of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is curious that�� under certain conditions�� Asian family names could become quite prestigious in Byzantine society�� and their holders might have preserved them for many generations. 7 V. while the present database contains 3% paroikoi. Laurent has shown. 784. nos. Laurent. Only in one case do we know a family’s ancestor: as V.66 ᾿Ιαγούπης� (← ar. lists only 7% paroikoi from the total number of Byzantine residents.65 the percentage of small�holding peasants and paroikoi (56%) is rather high and considerably differs from the general figures of PLP: PLP. p. in Byzantinische Zeitschrift. aynadawla ← ar. 956.67 Μασγ�δᾶς� (← Gk. s. 69 PLP. nos. 94097. honorary ti� tle “the source of Power”. 349–368. 786. 49. 6334–6340. .7 some of the children of the sultan. p. at least three of them (two sons and a dau� 65 Bartusis.. –6. the database includes the patronyms of at least five noble families: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (← tk. ar. 7787. the progenitor of the melikai was probably melik Constantine. 68 PLP. 9055. nos. Une famille turque au service de Byzance : les Mélikès. μασγίδ�ο� ← ar. or the second generation of immigrants settled on the lands. for instance.

Chionides. J. it means that she was born not later than 67 but most likely much earlier since it was exceptionally rare for Byzantine girls to be married at that young age. the editors of the acts of Vatopedi referred to Zachariadou’s identification but have withheld judgement on it.7 He had a dau� ghter. thessalonike. 6. �ί� �ι�����η ���� �ί� �ί�η ������ι��� cit. If athana� sios soultanos’ daughter Eudokia reached marriageable age (at least  years old) and was married at the latest by 79. settled in the Empire. éd. ῾Ισ��ρί� �ῆς �ερ�ί�ς�� �ῆς ��λε�ς ���� �ερι��χῆς. Zachariadou. 336. Lefort. It means that athanasios himself must have belonged to the highest aristocratic strata of the Empire. Bompaire. 74 E. In such a case. .75 But the editors of PLP have questioned this identification. no. ���ε���ι���. 73 theocharides.73 E. 970. no. . vol. In this case. the family name is a direct reference to the royal blood of the family’s ancestor. is mentioned in two acts of Vatopedi monastery and appears to be the founder of the Byzantine lineage. 344–36. Paris. p. 6. p. V. Kravari.74 this hypothesis has been accepted as proven by G. Zacha� riadou later identified athanasios soultanos as one of the sons of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II who remained in Byzantium after the escape of his father. he could not have been the son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus 7 ��ctes de Vatopedi. Ch. Chioni� des. the wife of athanasios soultanos was a noble lady whose family name included the most renowned aristocra� tic patronyms of the Empire: Doukaina angelina Komnene. ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος�. 55 note 6. a high�ranking Byzantine official. p.7–7.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 93 ghter). In such a case. who. 334. theocharides first suggested that he was a brother or a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II and had married an unknown sister of michael Palaiologos. the earliest known member of the family of the soultanoi. �� �ερι��χῆς 5–7. Οἱ� χ�ι�σ�ι������ �������ι� ���� �Ι��ε���� ��ι�����ς ����� σ��� ��ρ�ι�� in �� ��� � ��ρ�ι��. 6–74.. �� . married theodoros sarantinos. Reasons to doubt this identification are rather serious. vol. G. around 79. � 75 G. p. 964–965. Giros. 00. athanasios was born no later than 50�5 to reach reproductive age (6�7 years) by the time of the birth of his daughter. 64. Eudokia. the question of the origin of the soultanoi family is rather com� plicated. p. J. thanks to his noble lineage.

he was a member of the saljuqid ruling house and came to Byzantium with ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II. the muslim progenitor of the Byzantine family of the anataulai probably was a senior military officer. transl. tehran. judging by his family name and status.A. or perhaps even a governor. laqabs with the com� ponent dawla belonged to highest muslim court officials and military commanders. 78 see the entry “Laqab” in: Dehkhodâ aliakbar. islām suit four grades of persons: first are rulers.79 Hence. 008. Kniga ob upravlenii gosudarstvom. however it is obvious that he must have been quite a prominent per� son. Nothing is known about the asian progenitor of the anataulai. it is known that the eldest son of ‘Izz al�Dīn was mas‘ūd. Nizam al� mulk.94 Rustam sHuKuROV II for the latter was born in 37 (or 35). and in 50�5 he was only 3�4 (or 5–6). 63a. the honorary title (laqab) ‘ayn al-dawla was well�known at the courts of muslim rulers.N. However. se� cond are viziers. Dushanbe. 77 C. 000. third are ‘ulamā. since the twelfth century. who are constantly engaged in holy war and contribute to the victory of Islam. Bosworth. as well as to supreme rulers (viziers.  5. the prestige of the titles with the com� ponent dawla had been declining. fourth are amīrs. in VV. Very likely. at the same time.”78 Howe� ver. p. Bosworth�� Lakab�� in The Encyclopaedia of Islam�� New Edition�� Leiden�� 2004. since the ninth century. However. Zakhoder. 79 C. I have at hand only a Russian edition of Nizam al�mulk’s book. CD Version. P. Lakab. he originated from anatolia as the titles with the element dawla do not seem to have been 76 more details see: R. the identification of athana� sios soultanos as a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II is chronologically impossible. sultans).77 In the saljuqid period. 998. t. p. according to the saljuqid great vizier Nizām al�mulk��  “…the titles dīn. It is most likely that. B. Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa II v Vizantii (The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus II in Byzantium).a. shukurov. we do not yet have any plausible hypothesis to explain athanasios family name and his high position in the social hierarchy of Byzantine society. 621b�� 622b. Vol. therefore. 67 (9) (forthcoming). the question of the degree of his kinship to the latter remains open76. Loghatnâme (Dictionary).  . 7.

the places of residence marked on the map outline rather compact areas. . because the name was very common in the muslim world and could belong to both commoners and noble per� sons. Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (swamps). the valleys of the rivers Vardar and strymon. here again it is difficult to judge the status of the family’s progenitor. Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). However.8 In conclusion.80 as to the Iagoupai. Despite the high percentage of aristocracy in the list. 80 R. 6. these regions represent the nucleus areas of the turkic ethic presence in macedonia: the lower strymon. descendants appealed to the glory and nobility of their ancestor. It is also probable that he came to the Balkans with the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 95 widespread in the Golden Horde. shukurov. It is quite remarka� ble that the names marked on the map aggregate into several con� glomerations. as the descendants of the Byzantine Iagoupai jealously preserved the patronym for the next eight generations. shukurov. it must be noted that the exceedingly high percen� tage of aristocracy in the database (about ¼) is hardly justifiable and can be explained by the nature of the available sources. the Nucleus areas of the turkic Ethnic Presence in By� zantine macedonia Quite remarkable is the fact that if one places the holders of Orien� tal names on the geographical map. serres. By kee� ping their patronym. of course. a turkmen state with the capital in Kütahya. their muslim progenitor must have been a person of prominence and rank. It is not impossible that the turkic ancestor belonged to the ruling family of the emirate of Germiyan. 8 R. aristocrats were si� gnificantly fewer when compared with the middle and lower classes. it becomes obvious that their di� stribution in macedonia was not at all even. some considerations in favour of this sugge� stion have been published elsewhere. ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service).

commander” (← Per. 86 PLP. Byzantinoturcica.96 Rustam sHuKuROV thessalonike. 49. 90 PLP. Kúnos. ��n Etymological Dictionary. st. nos. no. among Qipchaq names should be noted Κόµα�ος� (Radolibos. form of Kazanes (← tk. the concen� tration of turkic settlers appears to be one of the highest in macedo� nia: 30% of Oriental names are located there. this seems to have been one of the most populated areas of Late Byzantium. no. 97) + tk. .83 Κοµά�α (melitziani). 54). Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch. Bd. 06. these asians constitute about . bek “ruler.89 Σουλ�µᾶς� (Doxompus). 6. a brief description of the most remarkable regions will be given below. Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch. the localities with Oriental settlers are marked on map . Both Qipchaq and anatolian inco� mers are represented there with some preponderance of the latter: the ratio between Qipchaq and anatolian turks is :. malouka). 005. no.” (G. s. 60. 9 PLP. seemingly Σουλ�µᾶς� ← Ar. no.9 In the historical work of Yazıcı�oğlu ali PLP. likely Kazania is the fem. 997. s. Budapest. p. . no. 90. 000–00. pāshā contracted form of ‫ �ﭘﺎدﺷﺎه‬pādshāh “king”)? 8 83 . pasha “leader. kazan “cauldron”). 76.90 Τουρµπασᾶς� (Radolibus) be� longed to anatolian turks. 007 PLP. 983. 994. kaçar/qajar “moving swiftly. and finally Hierissos and Lake Bolbe. s.85 the names of ᾿Αβραµπάκης� (serres). nos. from the tur� kmen tribal name Qajar (see: sulejman Efendi. Bd.86 Κατζάρ�ος� (melitziani). Lai� min). Clau� µπασᾶς� πασᾶς� son. nos.84 probably to the same group belongs Καζα�ία (Loukobikeia). Κατζάρ�ος� ← tk. 639–6330.7% of the total number of the names registered in PLP for the regions of strymon and serres. no. bearbeitet von I.8 Κοµα�ίτζης� (Radolibos). no. turum or turun “resembling a stallion” (see: G. 94097. Prodromos. 004. sulejman Efendi. mora� µᾶς� ᾶς� vcsik. fleeing”. 87 PLP. moravcsik. The lower Strymon and Serres (Map 1) although we have no reliable statistical figures.1. Kalamaria in the Chalkidike. 84 PLP. 7. 7. 79. Leiden. s. 86). chief� tain etc. 7787. Τουρµπασᾶς� ← tk. Kotzakion.88 Μελίκης� (Kamenikeia). )? 88 PLP. 89 PLP.87 Μασγ�δᾶς� (serres. ‫ اﺑراﻫﻳم‬ibrāhīm “abraham” + tk. 549. Sulaymān “solomon” (G. 85 PLP. ᾿Αβραµπάκης� ← ar.

no. 93 PLP. the progenitor of the Lyzikoi was slav: Z. 4863. Imperial navy rowers who were assigned land in the area east of the mouth of the strymon. no. as noted above. Βαρβαρη�ός� (Prinarion/aeidarokastron). the Lower strymon is known as a region where Byzantine mer� cenaries were settled as was the case of the Prosalentai.97 It is interesting to note that paroikos Γεώργ�ος� Βαρβαρη�ός� who.9 Σαρακη�ός� (melitziani. 9ff. 9 Wittek. might have been a member of the Barbarenoi soldier company. a remarkable feature can be observed: it is not impossible that turkic rural settlers were kept far from the main centres of the region such as the cities of serres. these   were residents of Zichna after 387 and had blood links with the Ly� zikoi family (Λυζ�κοί). Kalamaria represents a rather high level of the concentration of Oriental names.2. 48–49. . Probably.96 probably. . It is not impossible that the turkic mercenaries and Barbarenoi were assigned lands for their service in that region. . lived in the coastal location of Prinarion close to the mouth of the strymon. Δαµασκη�ός� (Drama)95 might well have been an asian of non�tu� rkic origin. Đoković�� stanovništvo istočne makedonije. 97 Bartusis. 0. approximately 6% of the total Oriental names for macedonia. In connection with the resettlement of the turks. Zichna and Drama and settled closer to the sea. 486. 95 PLP. Eunouchou.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 97 the names of two members of the aristocratic family of the Σουλτά�ο� Δηµήτρ�ος� and Μ�χαήλ (dīmitri sultān�� mīkhū sultān) are found. p. Yazijioghlu ��li cit. no. Les gagaouzes. p. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. 4860. 5043. nos. was one of the Barbarenoi soldiers (see also above). 4856. 650–65. 66. Oriental residents constitute as little as % of the number of the persons referred to by PLP for Kalamaria. P. Wittek.. p. 6.. serres)93 and Σαρακη�όπουλος� (Chrysoupolis)94 were most probably of anatolian turkic origin as well. 94 PLP. 4864. 96 PLP. Kalamaria in Western Chalkidike (Map 2).

03 the names Τοῦρκος� (Hagia . We see here. nos. PLP.04 Τουρκίτζη (Drymosita). 986. no.05 Τουρκόπουλος� (Pinsson)06 are equally applicable to Qipchaq and anatolian turks. 869.00 ᾽Ιαούπης� (sarantarea)0. probably. 87.98 Rustam sHuKuROV The Qipchaq presence in Kalamaria is attested by the names Κόµα�ος� (Belona. the city being second in importance to Constantinople. aphetos. this area was probably occupied by both Qipchaq and anatolian turks. 784. PLP. the place name Kοµα�ίτζης�. Paramonos). Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (Map 3) this area divides into two sub�areas: the first one centres on Berroia and the second one gravitates towards marches and swamps of Joannit� sa. 73. the paroikos Ν�κόλαος� Τοῦρκος�.3. Panagia)98 and Κοµά�α (stomion). 998. the same logic as in the case of the Lower strymon: the Byzantine authori� ties intentionally kept turkic settlers away from thessalonike. PLP. the turkic settlers occupied the southwestern part of Kalamaria closer to coastal areas. no. PLP. 969. trias. no. being a de� rivation form the name of a landowner and located northeast of Berroia (see above). PLP. nos. nos.99 anatolian turks are more numerous: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (Portarea). anthroponymic data is supported here by the local Oriental pla� ce names that are of both Qipchaq and Oghuz origin: Τουρκοχώρ�ο��� Kουµουτζούλου�� Γαζῆς��� and Βαρβαρίκ�ο� (see also above). It is curious that an asian. Kato Bolbos). no. 98. as it is seen from the map. 0. ᾿Ιαγούπης� (st. PLP. indicates the presence of Qipchaqs here. 990. no. these places belong to the same area where the Oriental settlers were located. . PLP. PLP.0 Μασοῦρος� (Paschalia). 6. was a resident of Kοµα�ίτζης� 98 99 00 0 0 03 04 05 06 PLP. no. 93833. the high level of the concentration of turkic names is represented by the region of Berroia. 786.

some members of the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay Kāwus II were settled by Byzantine authorities in the region of Berroia: his mother Προδουλία (?. 99.  PLP. 6336. More details on the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay Kāwus II see also: R. However. Zachariadou�� Οἱ χρ�στ�α�ο�� �πόγο�ο� τοῦ ᾽Ιζζεδ��� Κα�καο�ς� Β�� στὴ �� ��� � �� Βέρο�α. Shuku. Ξέ�η Παλα�ολογί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Nesion�� Resaine). in a Persian source bardūliya). there were lands belonging to the family of the soultanoi who were very likely linked with the saljuq ruling house (see above): Θεοδώρα Μο�οµαχί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Berroia). rov�� Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa v Vizantii �The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus in Byzantium��. 3 PLP.3 ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος� (Κομα�ίτζη). In the region of Berroia and the swamps near Lake Joannitsa. this instance demonstrates that the sobriquet Τοῦρκος� was probably applicable to Cumans. possessed land in Κομα�ίτζη�� a location named after its former Cuman owner. 6 PLP. 4 PLP. daughter and his son Constantine melik were residents of Berroia.7 It is worth noting that ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος�. no. 634. Wittek�� La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine cit. 6338. 6340.6 Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Berroia). no.07 If it is not a coincidence. most of the Oriental residents were probably incomers from anatolia. nos. no.5 ∆ηµήτρ�ος� Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Resaine).09 Μελίκ0 and ᾿Αστραπύρης� Μελίκης�) were ana� tolian turks or their descendants.08 It is not impossible that other asian residents of Berroia (Μυσούρης�. 9898.  PLP. no. 09 PLP.. 7 PLP.. no. 6335. 597. P. Wittek�� Yazijioghlu ‘Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja cit. 0 PLP. sister. no. PLP. no.4 ᾿Αλέ��ος� Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Nesion). 7784 and 966. being undoubtedly of anatolian turkish blood.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 99 in 338. no. 6337. If this place belonged initially to a slavicized Cuman. pos� sibly his wife. 5 PLP. Wittek�� Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus. E. 07 108 . P. the local villages of Τουρκοχώρ�ο� and Μελίκ� most likely obtained their names from turks of anatolian descent. no.

no. However. nos. PLP. PLP. Skopje. It is the highest percentage of asian settlers among all the macedonian regions. it is quite possible that it was that area and especially the localities adjoining the swamps near Lake Jan� nitsa that were extensively used for the resettling of turkic incomers. the Strumiza (Map 4) the asians in this area. the toponymics in the neighbourhood of skopje and the Vardar river imply exclusively Cumans: Kuman'ski Brod near skopje. it seems. Kumanova southeast of skopje (for these place names see above). the high percentage of asians here may also be explained by the fact that the most frequently mentioned Oriental names in the area belonged to renowned aristocratic families (the soultanoi.8 the Oriental names for that area make up 5% of the list of Orien� tal names for macedonia. 93830–9383. Berrhoia was the native land of Γεώργ�ος� Λυζ�κός�. Of course. in the valley of the Vardar. and 0% of the total number of region’s re� sidents in PLP.9 Κοµά�κα (Strumitza/Palaiokastron)��120 and very likely Τουρκόπουλος� (strumitza/Pa� laiokastron). no. the asians of Palaiokastron in the strumiza region were of Qipchaq descent as well: Κόµα�ος� (strumitza/Palaiokastron). 6. there could have been one important exception.00 Rustam sHuKuROV and then was transferred to an anatolian turk. the Vardar valley was most likely resettled by Hungarian 8 9 0  PLP. . However.4. . In the tenth century. 978. no. one may see here cer� tain continuity: one may wonder whether traditionally this area was intended for allotting turkic migrants with arable land? Near Lake Jannitsa were located the lands of the aristocratic fami� ly of the Lyzikoi who apparently had blood links with the soultanoi. 9383. were predominantly Qipchaqs. PLP. Ly� zikoi) who were mentioned disproportionately frequently as compared with common people. Kumaničevo in the southern part of the valley of the Var� dar. 596. The Vardar valley. melikai.

447.nd.5 there exists an argument in favour of the anatolian origin of the fourteenth� century Vardariot turks. 23�� 1952�� p. Kyriakides�� �� αχρ�δώ καί η επ�σκοπή της� ο� Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα��� in Ε�ι�σ�η���ι���ς Ε�ε�η�ί�ες �ι�λ�σ��ι���ς �� Σχ�λ�ς ���ε�ι�σ�η�ί�� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης vol.3). Byzantine narrative sources still referred to the detachment of the palace guard recruited from the Vardariot turks.�� p. 148. in the fourteenth century. judging by the discussed onomastics of the region. 87–94�� 236–238. 304 . 125 Charanis�� The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit. Kazhdan�� Vardariotai�� in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium�� Oxford�� 1991�� p. 124 Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit. who traditionally were enlisted into the palace guard detachment. 1. as late as the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 0 mercenaries who were enlisted in a special detachment of the Imperial bodyguards called Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�. Pachymérès�� IV�� 29 (t.I. 2�� p. V. Oikonomidès�� Vardariotes—W.�� p. A. Konidares�� Η �ρώ�η ��εί� �ης ε�ι�σ����ς ��ρ��ρι���ώ� Τ�ύρ��� ��� ��� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης�� in �ε�λ��ί��� vol. One may suggest. It is also not impossible that the notion “Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�”. 437–449.26–28. G. 1–8 (repr. Amsterdam�� 1967�� t. it would seem improbable that.: Idem�� Documents et études sur les institutions de Byzance �VIIe-XVe s������ [Variorum Reprints]�� London�� 1976). Guilland�� Recherches sur les institutions byzantines�� Berlin. 3�� 1939�� p. now it is impossible to give an exact location.nd. S.4 the Vardariotai seem to have occupied the Lower Var� dar closer to thessalonike. R.r: Hongrois installés dans la vallée du Vardar en 934��" in Südost-Forschungen�� 1973�� Bd. Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd.l.�� p. 2153. Laurent�� ‘Ὁ� ��ρ��ρι����� ���ι� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης�� Τ�ύρ����� Perses�� Turcs asiatiques ou Turcs hongrois� in Сборникъ �ъ �а���ъ на �ро��� ���ъръ �� �� Нико�ъ�� Sofia�� 1940�� p. Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes�� in Écho d��Orient�� t. r—V. 87�� 322. Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower cit. had purely territorial meaning and implied a group of settlers of mixed origin. 123 Acropolites�� p. Pseu� do�Kodinos relates that. the Var� dariotai acclaimed the Emperor “in the tongue of their ancient ho� 122 R. 513–520.3 If one takes into consideration the available information about the eth� nic composition of the region. In the fourteenth century. 275–288. 1�� p. that. N. the Vardariot guards were still ethnically Hun� garian or were the descendants of the initial Hungarian settlers. G. however. 417. 29�� 1930�� p. 131. during the Christmas celebrations. Leiden�� 1983�� S. 138 .n. in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. by that time. the Vardariotai ethnically were either Qipchaq or anatolian turks who replaced the Hungarians but retained the traditional denomination of Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�. 32�� p.

181. G.�� texte et traduc. �� ). par J. which are abundant. in his well�known passage on greetings in foreign languages. 132 It is not impossible that the first layers of Anatolian Turkish element had appeared at the Vardar as early as the twelfth century as Laurent has suggested (V. relocating them from there [i. 182. theodore II Laskaris (54–58) or more likely michael VIII3 may have been implied in the Psedo�Kodinos for the emperor who relocated “the Persians” from their homeland. at least partly. settled them at the Vardar river.�� p. It suffices to say that John tzetzes. . Pseudo�Kodinos explains that “long ago they were Persians by race.�� p. identified a turkish phrase as Persian. 129 Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica cit. these were the anatolian turks from whom the Vardariots inherited their “Persian tongue”. 131 But surely not Theophilos�� as Janin and Moravcsik has suggested: Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit. that is in Persian” (κατὰ� τὴ� πάλα� πάτρ�ο� καὶ τούτω� φω�ή��� �� 6 ἤτο� περσ�στί το� περσ�στί). 285–286). Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd.9 this appears to have been not sim� ply an “archaizing” gesture of Byzantine authors but rather a common delusion that the saljuqs were Persian and spoke Persian.26–28.6–10. 128 Ibid. Laurent�� ‘�� Βαρδαρ�ωτ�� �� ἤτο� Τούρκω��� p. 2�� S. One may find the relevant references.e. 440–445. and that Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα� of the fourteenth century were. ly. “Persia” – ��uthor]. 210.”8 Byzantine literature of the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries nor� mally employed the terms “Persians” and “Persian language” in re� ference to the subjects of the saljuqs of anatolia and their turkish language. 2�� S. the Emperor [space for a name left vacant]. Verpeaux�� Paris�� 1966�� p. called aggouroton” (περσ�κὸ� φόρεμα�� ���ουρωτὸ� ��ομαζόμε�ο� 7 Final� �� ��ομαζόμε�ο�). Elsewhere Pseudo�Kodinos associates the Vardariot turks with “Persia” again noting that they wore “Persian headgear. 322. ana� 126 Pseudo-Kodinos�� Traité des offices�� introduc. in moravcsik’s Byzantinoturcica. 130 E. 46�� 1953�� S. 127 Ibid. the descendants of the saljuq immigrants resettling in the Vardar valley in the second half of the thirteenth century. Hunger�� Zum Epilog des Johannes Tzetzes�� in Byzantinische Zeitschrift�� Bd.0 Rustam sHuKuROV meland.7–8. 252ff.�� p.�� Bd. this is why they are called Vardariotai. 302–307.3 as we have seen.30 One can suggest that John III Vatatzes (–54).

4 Γ�άκσσα (Qipchaq). 25–26�� 2005�� p. 92115. 94–135. name��s etymology see above. a mountainous area: Δαµασκὼ (from Damascus?). A. Here again we have the com� 133 On the use of the Persian language in Anatolia at the time of Saljuqs see: C. Soulis�� The Gypsies in the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages�� in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol. Kastoria (Σαρακη�ός�). 12008. 141 PLP�� no. If so. 135 PLP�� no. 140 PLP�� no. 15�� 1961�� p. 138 PLP�� no. ‫ اﺳﺣﺎق‬Ishāq Bibl. 136 PLP�� no. sığırcık (Qipchaq). Ott.33 6. which indicates the presence of the Gypsies in the area. 546. 144 PLP�� nos. 139 PLP�� no.39 Μουσταφάς� (anatolian turk?). (XII–XIV. G.  34 35 36 Isaac). Đoković�� Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije cit.4 Σάρσστζα ← Tk. 438�� 91095.�� p. 157–169.38 Αλα�ός�. 142 PLP�� no. 94212.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 03 tolian turks were in the majority in the neighbouring areas of mace� donia due to the population transfers of the second half of the thir� teenth century. 148ff.) asırlarda Anadolu��da Farsça eserler�� in: Türkiyat Mecmuası�� vol. Hillenbrand�� Ravandi�� the Seljuk Court at Konya and the Persianisation of Anatolian Cities�� in Mésogeios�� vol.% of the total names for the region registered in PLP.44 Oriental names in Hierissos constitute as little as 0. 167.C.37 some Oriental population probably lived between Hierissos and Lake Bolbe (map ). 4155. Other Localities single Oriental names are found in different regions of Western and Central macedonia: Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας� ← Ar. 137 PLP�� no. 92115. for the Qipchaq word consult: Sulejman Efendi.5. sarsac “starling”�� cf. �agataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch�� S. 134 PLP�� no. which was common at the saljuqid court. 177. VII–VIII/2�� 1945�� p. . Ateş�� Hicri VI–VIII. 24942. Z. Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας�). 24941.40 Κόµα�ος�. 24862. Grebena (Σαρτζάπεϊς�). 5047. Vardariot guards might well have pronounced their acclamations at the Imperial court in one of the anatolian turkic dialects or in Persian. 143 PLP�� no.43 It should be noted that two documents record in the region of Hierissos two paroikoi with the nickname Αἰγύπτ�ος�.

the low percentage of Orientals is ra� ther remarkable. 50 PLP. PLP. 47 PLP. bis zur zweiten Hälfte des 9. 60. as a rule. it would be in complete agreement with the Byzantine tradition of assimilation of foreign newcomers. no.50 the figures for undoubtedly Qipchaq settlers are lower again than tho� se for the immigrants from anatolia. Eve� rywhere (with the exception of the area of skopje and strumitza) Qipchaqs and anatolian turks lived side by side. supporting our suggestion regarding the intentional keeping of the turks away from the main urban centres by the autho� rities. this idea is possibly supported by the case of serres where one finds as few as 4 Orientals. 70. 993.  names (% of the total names registered in PLP) are referred to for thessalonike. Berlin.45 the protohierakarios ᾿Ιαγούπης���46 the οἰκεῖος� of the Emperor and συγκλητ�κὸς� ἄρχω� Θεόδωρος� ᾿Ιαγούπης� (∆�αγούπης�)��47 the δοῦλος� of the Emperor ᾿Αλέ��ος� Κοµ�η�ὸς� Μασγ�δᾶς�48 etc. Ditten. If this was the result of a conscious policy of the Byzantine authorities. and the concentration of officials and the elite there is understandable. Jahrhunderts. H. no. 78.  of whom belonged to the elite. 5 Charanis. 76. 49 PLP. such as the kephale Μ�χαὴλ ᾿Αβραµπάκης�49 and Εἰρή�η ∆ούκα��α Μασγίδα��α. it is not possible to point to any geographical area which would be populated by representatives of only one of those groups. The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit. some Oriental names are reported for the largest urban centres of the region.04 Rustam sHuKuROV bination of Qipchaq and anatolian names. Ethnische Ferschiebungen zwischen der Balkanhalbinsel und Kleinasien von Ende des 6. a considerable portion of their holders belonged to aristocratic families and civic and military officials like the sebastos Γεώργ�ος� ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς�. 45 46 . no. the most interesting is the name Αλα�ός� possibly indicating that some alan immigrants after 30–30 were resettled in the area of Hierissos. 87.5 PLP. 48 PLP. no. 9055. no. no. It is not surprising because thessalonike was second to Constantinople as an urban and administrative centre. It seems that the Byzantine authorities deliberately mixed up various groups of incomers in the same territories.

different regions give different pictures. moreover. Qipchaq names are found in the sources from 300 to 445. especially due to the coming of the sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus with his retinue. there could be one more explanation. a Note on Chronology of the Names the dates of the names discussed here cover the range from 6 to the mid�fifteenth century. 5% for 300–334. Constantinople provides a completely different picture where Oriental names are distributed in the following way: 3% for 63– 9.5% for 400–mid�5th century. 7. and. and 8. more than one half of the selected names date to the time between 300 and 346. the case of Qipchaq names in macedonia is even more telling. although narrative sources scarcely give sufficient data to reconstruct the history of this relocation. troops. and finally % for 40–475. Is it possible that the figures for macedonia reveal some specific tendency in demographic evolution in the region? One of the reasons for this irregularity could be the nature of the main sources for macedonian demography. I suggest that the . their settlement in the macedonian regions started not earlier than the twelfth century. % for 35–396. Generally speaking. 56% are registered for 300–348. For in� stance.5% for 350– 399. at the same time. but most likely the main body of the anatolian immigrants had appeared in the second half of the thir� teenth century.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 05 the prevalence of the anatolian turks indicates that the scale of their migration to the Balkans was considerable. and only a few are seen after 348. However. however. However. as many as 87% of Qipchaq names date to 300–348. this is in keeping with the information of the narrative source about the waves of the Cu� man resettlements in macedonia (see above). 7. thus. namely the acts of the athos monasteries containing the most detailed information just for the fourteenth century (see above). probably. such an abrupt reduction in the number of Cuman names seems somewhat puzzling. they are distributed rather ir� regularly across this period of time: 8% of the names fall in the period 6–99. However. with some of his sedentary and nomadic subjects.

tides of the plague having flooded the region several times since 347 brought about a grave demographic crisis. 2�� Paris�� 1991�� p. the asians suffered from the plague on equal grounds as other ethnic groups. the Greek and slavic populations recovered. it was a new phase in the turkification of the Balkans. 5% of names are accompanied with baptismal proper names which une� quivocally indicate religious affiliation. New waves of population transfers from anatolia and Dasht-i Qipchaq to the Balkans would once more increase due to the Ottoman conquests from the last decades of the fourteenth century onwards. there are two Ottoman muslims only who 152 J. however. Angeliki E. J. 48–49. 1�� [Dumbarton Oaks Studies�� vol. the majo� rity can be identified as Christians on the basis of their occupation or family links (8%). Lefort�� Rural Economy and Social Relations in the Countryside�� in Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol. 39]�� Washington�� 2002�� p. Laiou�� vol. The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century�� ed. the sharp decrease in the number of asians after the mid�four� teenth century may also imply that the height of both anatolian and Qipchaq migrations to macedonia occurred from the end of the thir� teenth centuries through the first decades of the fourteenth century and tapered off by the mid�fourteenth century. 104–106. among those who are na� med only by their Oriental nickname (remaining 49%). 8. 69–71 . while asians. Lefort�� Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale�� IXe–XVe siècle�� in Hommes et richesses dans l��Empire byzantin�� vol. Christianization It appears that the overwhelming majority of the holders of Oriental names were Christians. hav� ing no replenishment from the outside. . 47�� 1993�� p.06 Rustam sHuKuROV dramatic decrease in the number of asians after the mid�fourteenth century may in fact reflect the impact of the Black Death. However.5 It seems that the Black Death changed to an extent the pre�existing ethnic structure of the region sweeping away the asians. as the pandemic sub� sided. this is clearly indicated by the fact that Oriental names play the role of family names or sobriquets and in most cases are associated with Christian first names. did not.

this is quite a valuable observation. the overwhelming majority of immigrants from both Dasht-i Qipchaq and muslim anatolia had adopted Christianity. Bartusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p. and six persons whose religious affiliation is indefinable. 135–158. Laiou�� Washington�� 1998�� p. . one Jew. because contradictory evi� dence is provided by other parts of the Byzantine world. Ahrweiler�� A.53 Despite the rapid decline and deterioration of economic and social conditions. there is no such evidence in the Palaiologan Empire. R. in the beginning of the fifteenth centu� ry. the state religion of the Empire. In other words. 55 to my knowledge. some asian newcomers in the Empire of trebizond retained their muslim faith. moreover. 2�� p. H. 125–150. 76f . they had purely muslim names as subjects of the Emperor and remained as muslims. according to traditional Byzantine legislation. Shukurov�� Crypto-Muslims of Anatolia�� in Anthropology�� Archeology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia or the Life and Times of F��W�� Hasluck �1878-1920��.�� 2 vols�� ed. 131ff. the anthroponymic material discussed 153 Asdracha�� La région des Rhodopes cit. undoubtedly. S.�� p. the Byzantine social system still preserved its assimilative power. David Shankland�� Istanbul�� 2004�� vol.. For instance. this was the result of deliberate state policy towards the immigrants settling in the Empire as subjects of the Palaiologan emperors.54 the present case of the macedonian asians shows that the Byzantines were still successful in naturalising immigrants. traditionally.E. the analogous Pontic anthroponymic material provides grounds to assume that. 27�� 62�� 197�� 244�� 374. 155 Shukurov�� The Byzantine Turks cit. the first step in the naturalisation of newcomers consisted in their adoption of the By� zantine state religion. Reinert�� The Muslim Presence in Constantinople�� 9th-15th Centuries: Some Preliminary Observations�� in Studies on the Internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire�� ed.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 07 probably settled in the region during the first Ottoman occupation in 386–403. 154 Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower�� p. all subjects of the Empire had to confess Orthodox Christianity. possibly some of the recently baptized asians continued to confess Islam secretly.

Cumans outnumbe� red the anatolian turks probably only in northwestern macedonia.08 Rustam sHuKuROV here proves the contrary: the Palaiologan authorities succeeded in the Christianization of the Oriental migrants. the turks usually adopted Christianity and assimilated to the local economic habits and culture. most of the regis� tered turkic incomers originated from anatolia. it appears that turkic immigrants of both provenance were supposed to live in particular areas of the countryside. anatolian and Qipchaq elements were inter� mixed and usually it is impossible to distinguish any ethnically homo� genous area populated exclusively by any single turkic sub�ethnos. . Conclusion Late Byzantine onomastics clearly shows the physical presence of the turks in the Byzantine Empire who settled there as the subjects of the Palaiologoi. rather dis� tant from the main strategic urban centres. the height of the influx of both anatolian and Qipchaq turks took place at the end of the thirteenth century and the first decades of the fourteenth century. throughout macedonia. Ethnically. the Black Death possibly affected the asian settlers dramatically and their numbers decreased abruptly in the second half of the fourteenth century. at the same time. in itself. a rather positive indication in favour of the reliability of the chosen method. especially because evidence from the narrative sources provide some supporting explanations for the concentration of turks in these particular regions. most of the Byzantine turks were either immigrants or former and current mercenaries and the members of their families. It is important to note that the assimilative aspect of Byzantine civilisation remained operative up to the very end of the Empire: ha� ving settled in the Empire. most of them belonged to the lower classes of society. the existence of compact areas of turkic resettlement is. 9.

The Lower Strymon. Drama. Serres. Zichna. . I Map 1 . SHUKUROV TAV.R.

. II R. SHUKUROV Map 2 .Chalkidike.TAV.

Berroia and Lake Joannitsa. . III Map 3 . SHUKUROV TAV.R.

IV R.Skopje and the valley of the Vardar.TAV. . SHUKUROV Map 4 .

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