L'Europa dopo la caduta di Costantinopoli: 29 maggio 1453. Spoleto, 2008.

Rustam sHuKuROV

The Byzantine Turks: An Approach to the Study of Late Byzantine Demography

the turkic presence in the Byzantine Empire during the Palaiolo� gan period has been attracting scholarly interest for a long time. there can no longer be any doubt about the existence of turkish settlers in Late Byzantium. However, until now the turks in Byzantine context have been generally regarded as mercenary soldiers who stayed tempo� rarily in the territory of the Empire; the subsequent fate of the turks who, in one way or another, settled in Byzantium has scarcely been analysed. until now we have had no comprehensive and generalising study on the place of the turks in the ethnic composition of Late By� zantium: whether they constituted compact ethnic groups, where they lived, what their religious and cultural affiliations were, etc. the absence of general studies on the Byzantine turks is quite un� derstandable since demographic and ethnic analysis comes up against almost insurmountable difficulties of methodology. It is obvious that the ethnic structure of the region was extremely complex: at least four 

the present research was made possible with the support of the RGNF Foundation (project no. 07�0�00547a). my special thanks are due to Dr. Oya Pancaroğlu (Boğaziçi uni� versity, Department of History, Istanbul) for her help in preparation of this piece for publica� tion.  P. Charanis, The Formation of the Greek People, in The ‘Past’ in Medieval and Modern Greek Culture, ed. sp. Vryonis, malibu, 978, p. 97; P. Charanis, The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no., p. 48ff; s. Vryonis, Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower, in Studies on Byzantium, Seljuks, and Ottomans: Reprinted Studies [Byzantina kai metabyzantina vol. ] malibu. Calif., 98, no. III, p. 5�40; C. asdracha, La région des Rhodopes aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles: étude de géographie historique, athens, 976, p. 75–84.

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large ethnic groups – that is Greeks, Bulgarians, serbians, and al� banians – lived side by side there. the presence of west European, turkic, armenian, Vlach, Gypsy and Jewish settlers made the virtual ethnic map of the Byzantine territories even more complex and obscu� re. moreover, the turbulent political history of the Byzantine Empi� re and neighbouring countries, frequent and drastic shifts of political borders, rapid conquests and retreats put in motion large groups of people who, as one may expect, were repeatedly rearranging pre�exi� sting ethnic maps. From this point of view, surviving sources are often insufficient for a credible reconstruction of ethnic changes in particular areas of the Byzantine Empire at that time. We can produce so far only a general and, what is most disappointing, mainly a static picture of the region’s ethnic composition. at the present stage, only a synchro� nic description can be given; developing a detailed diachronic analysis of ethnic processes often proves to be unfeasible because of the insuffi� ciency of the surviving sources. the initial point of the present study is an onomastic research based on personal and place names preserved in the contemporary sources. It is ono� mastics that makes it possible to evaluate the ethnic features of a region with relatively high precision. However, generally, it must be noted that onomastic study still occupies a modest place in modern Byzantinistics, compared, for example, with Classical and medieval studies3. meanwhile,

3 see for instance a general survey with a helpful bibliographical section for medieval Europe: Personal Names Studies of Medieval Europe. Social Identity and Family Structures, ed. G.t. Beech, m. Bourin, P. Chareille, Kalamazoo, 00. see also a recent study of ancient , Greek anthroponymics: Greek Personal Names. Their Value as Evidence ed. simon Hornblow� . Evidence, er & Elaine matthews, Oxford, 000. For studies of Byzantine onomastics see, for instan� ce: a.E. Laiou Peasant Names in Fourteenth-century Macedonia, in Byzantine and Modern Greek Laiou, Studies, vol. , 975, p. 7–95; a.E. Laiou, Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. �� Social and Demographic Study, Princeton, 977, see esp., Chapter IV “Names” ; J. Lefort, ��nthroponymie et société villageoise (Xe-XIVe siècle), in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. Tome II: VIIIe-XVe siècle, éd. par V. Kravari, J. Lefort et C. morrisson, Paris, 99, p. 5–38; J. Lefort, Toponymie et anthroponymie: le contact entre Grecs et Slaves en Macédoine, in Castrum 4, Frontière et peuplement dans le monde méditerranéen au Moyen Âge, éd. J.�m. Poisson, Rome � madrid, 99, p. 6�7; F. Brunet, Sur l’ Hellénisaton des toponymes slaves en Macedoine Byzantine, in Travaux et Mémoires, t. 9, 985. p. 35–65 ; V. Kravari, L’hellénisation des Slaves de Macédoine orientale, au témoignage des anthroponymes, in ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ, Mélanges offerts à Hélène ��hrweiler, vol. II, Paris, 998, p. 387�397 ; D. Dželebdžić,

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

75

in some cases, onomastics is able to fill some gaps in the traditional sources. toponymics provides ample material about the distribu� tion of the Franks in the Peloponnese.4 In the case of the Empire of trebizond, personal and place names are sometimes the only in� dication of the factual ethnic diversity in the particular regions of the Pontos.5 In the present piece, an attempt will be made to fill that gap at least partially and to propose new ways of describing ethnic minorities in the population of the Byzantine Empire. the present study focu� . ses on the fate of the Byzantine turkic groups under the Palaiologoi. Geographically, it is limited to the Balkan territories of the Byzantine Empire from serres to Ochrid and the Vardar valley, including the territories approximately matching the present Greek province of ma� cedonia and the Republic of macedonia. Our task is facilitated by several recent studies. It is worth men� tioning an article of the Russian scholar Piotr Zhavoronkov on the Late Byzantine turkic aristocracy, which analyzes mainly Byzantine narrative sources.6 the study of Zoritsa Đoković is the first synthe�

Slavic ��nthroponyms in the Judicial Decisions of the Demetrios Chomatenos, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol 43, 006, p. 483–498 (in serbian) ; Z. Đoković, Étude de ) l’anthroponymie slave dans les praktika du XIIe et XIIIe siècle, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol 43, 006, p. 499–56 (in serbian). additional relevant references see also ). below. 4 H. & R. Kahane, The Western Impact on Byzantium: The Linguistic Evidence, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 36, 98, p. 7–53; H. & R. Kahane, Italienische Ortsnamen in Griechenland, athen, 940; H. & R. Kahane, abendland und Byzanz, in : Reallexikon der Byzantinistik, ed. P. Wirth, amsterdam 970, s. 345–634 (sprache); O. markl, Ortsnamen Griechenlands in frankischer Zeit, [Byzantina Vindobonensia, I], Graz, Köln, 966; a. Bon, La Morée franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d'��chaia, 1204-1430, vol. , Paris, 969. 5 R. shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos, in Mésogeios, t. 6, 999, p. 7–47. On the shukurov, Kartvelian minority in trebizond see also: E. Zhordania, Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v �III–�V vv. Chast’ I: Lazy, in: Byzantinoslavica, vol. 58, 997, 5–39; E. Zhordania, III–�V �V , Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v �III–�V vv. i nekotorye voprosy toponimiki Ponta. III–�V �V Chast’ II: Chany, in: Byzantinoslavica, vol. 60, 999, p. 7–86; E. Zhordania, Kartvel’skoe , naselenie Ponta v XIII-XV vv. : dissertatsiia ... kandidata nauk: 07.00.03, moscow, 00. 6 P. Zhavoronkov, Tiurki v Vizantii (XIII–seredina XIV v.) Chast’ 1: tiurkskaia aristokratiia (The Turks in Byzantium (13th-mid-14th c.). Part 1: The Turkish aristocracy), in Vizantiiskii vremennik, 006, vol. 65, p. 68–69.

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tic research analyzing the Late Byzantine anthroponymics of Eastern macedonia as a source for the ethnic history of the region.7 the most valuable part of the latter study concerns slavic names in Byzantine documental sources. Zoritsa Đoković has made an attempt to describe albanian, Vlach and turkic ethnic groups as well. However, the turk� ish section of the study appears to be relatively weak and incomplete, which once again confirms the urgent necessity of the proper examina� tion of turkic elements in the macedonian population. However, before proceeding to the description of the macedonian turks in the Palaiologan period, it is necessary to say a few words about the basic principles of the proposed approach to the study of the ethnic composition of the Byzantine population. . the Database of Personal Names For the first stage of the research, I chose Byzantine personal and place names containing roots of Oriental origin and gave them etymo� logical interpretation. By “Oriental” I am referring conventionally to names derived from arabic, Persian and turkic roots. In the case of Oriental names, the most valuable and ample infor� mation is provided by anthroponymics that constitutes the main bulk of evidence underlying the present study. these names are preserved in a great variety of sources of different genres: historiography, court poetry, documentary sources, emperor’s chrysobulls, marginal notes and obits, signatures of manuscripts’ copyists, etc. Collection of the anthroponymic material and compilation of the database have been considerably facilitated by Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit8 that registered approximately 30,000 names of persons living in the Palaiologan period as found in Greek sources. the initial list of the Oriental names has been formed by means of the analysis of PLP’s
7 Z. Đoković, Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije u prvoj polovini XIV veka, in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol. 40, 003, p. 97–44. . 8 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E. trapp et al. Bd. –, Wien, 976–995 (CD�Rome version: Wien, 00) (hearafter – PLP).

) Etymological interpretation. Outside the database there remain a comparatively huge number of non�Greek names of unknown origin. Each entry of the database represents a prosopographi� cal questionnaire containing the following rubrics: ) Family name or sobriquet. It must be stressed that the database does not include the names of fo� reigners. 05–9. shukurov. turkish and west European sources that occasio� nally mention individuals living in Byzantine lands. these additions are not numerous. 006. the database has been supplemented by evidence from con� temporary Persian. armenian. by re�examining the primary sources. From the names listed in PLP. 8) Primary sources. 9) secondary sources. here I present preliminary results of the study. However.’ in Vizantiiskii vremennik. anatolia and the Black sea region. 3) Baptismal name. the aegean and Ionian islands. 93–07. ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). 6) Floruit. p. the proper analysis of their lingui� stic provenance is a matter for future investigations. 66 (9). turkic. 7) Family links. the 9 see also the already published and commented parts of the database: R. which disregards the information in non�Greek sources. . in Vizantiiskie ocherki. albanian or other origin. 5) Location. Later. subjects of muslim states such as the seljuq sultanate.9 the next stage of the research consists in placing the chosen names into historical context.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 77 data. 007. some additions and corrections have been made to the PLP records including the recovery of missed family links and the addition of individuals overseen in PLP. employing traditional methods of prosopo� graphical study. Names of Oriental origin have been organized into a digital data� base. these unidentified names may have been of slavic. In addition to PLP. I have included in the database only those names the Oriental derivation of which are irrefutable. west European. were extracted. vol. shukurov. who were subjects of the Byzantine Empire. p. Oriental names of the residents of the Balkans. the chosen personal names number around 470. However. saint Petersburg. R. Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). 4) Occupation and social status. the basic list of Oriental names may thus increase in the course of further etymological work.

thus. p. Kephallenia. Peloponnesus. of its southern and southwestern parts (Chalkidike. Khvostova K. some dozens of names at the present stage of research cannot be identified geographically or their geographic affiliation is questiona� ble. Credibility of anthroponymic Data as it has been said. finally. economy and demographics of the region.78 Rustam sHuKuROV Ottomans. the geography. and. Sechs byzantinische Praktika des 14. the database focuses exclusively on the Byzantine population. etc. principalities of western anatolia. ��us den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges. the remaining 80 or so names are geographically linked to the northern and southwestern shores of the Black sea (5). 954. Osobennosti agrarno�pravovykh otnoshenii v Pozdnei Vizantii . Here are given preliminary calculations that may be revised in the result of further investigations.0 0 see for instance: Fr. Pour l’histoire de la féodalité byzantine. the Golden Horde. Dölger. however. G. the general picture described here and the numerical proportions between these groups will hardly change. macedonia. 948. the mamluk sultanate. 949. münchen. Fr. and south Italy. thessaly.V. the states of Iran and the Near East. in particular. these 470 or so Oriental names can be divided into three major agglomerations by geographical criteria thus indicating the major centers of “Oriental” presence in the Byzantine territories: a) Con� stantinople and neighbouring areas including thrace (56 names). Epiros. the present study explores the problem of the turkic population in one of the above�mentioned areas macedonia extending from serres to Kastoria and Ochrid. anato� lia. the aegean sea (including Lemnos and Crete). münchen. Ostrogorsky. ) the Empire of trebizond (0). . Cyprus. a densely populated province of late Byzantium. Bruxelles. Jahrhunderts für das ��thoskloster Iberon. 59–368 . was the only Byzantine area supplied with the demographic data sufficient for a rough statistical approximation. 3) macedonia from ser� res to skopje and Kastoria (4). macedonia is probably the most studied region of Late Byzantium. Dölger. the lower flow of the strymon) have been described in great detail. and.

44�63 . Lefort. 965. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike. 004. in addition. Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale. founded by Gabriel millet et Paul Lemerle. p. 05–07. Lyon. in Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 99. whi� ch is found in the acts of the monasteries of mount athos. I. Laiou. Radolibos: population et paysage. Karayannopoulos & G. monastic documents include imperial chrysobulls and private acts of donation. 7. but they briefly reap� peared in the beginning of the fifteenth century. in Travaux et Mémoires. � . t. 0�7. in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. t. 977. J. Lefort. N.). some sporadic assessments occurred in some of the intervening years. Sechs byzantinische Praktika. s. s. 7–9. 63�8. in Byzantion. a. Jacoby. 3–55 . 57. Die demographisch-wirtschaftliche Gastalt eines Dorfes aus dem Gebiet des unteren Strymon von ��nfang des 14. Jacoby. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire cit. p. 5. 450. 338–34 and. containing abundant anthroponymical data. deeds of purchase. Bd. p. although. delineations of lands etc. vol. 985. 96. 36–38. such assessments took place in macedonia in 300–30. 85–3. Habitats fortifiés en Macédoine orientale au Moyen �IV–�V –�V �V Âge. P. Bryer et H. in : Études Balkaniques. –. 9–0. Weiss. 9. Bd. 5�6. 3. Jahrhunderts.E. Demographische Notizien über die Landbevölkerung aus die Gebiet des Unteren Strymon in der erstern Halften des XIV Jahrhunderts.. s. p. a. 99–03. s. Quellenkunde zur Geschichte von Byzanz (324-1453). vol. J. court decisions on the disputes over contested lands. Karlin�Hayter. Kondov. vol. D. ca.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 79 the basis for these studies is the profuse documental material. in Études rurales. Lowry. t. so far  volumes have come out. . vol.  French Byzantinists have been publishing the main bulk of the acts of the monasteries of mount athos in the series: ��rchives de l'��thos (Paris. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire . 50–ca. N. beyond the published volumes there still remains a considerable number of formerly published and unpublished monastic documents. J. Les Catalans et les Villages de la Chalcidique. 95�34 . 983. vol. moscow. Population and Landscape in Eastern Macedonia during the Middle ��ges: The Example of Radolibos. Wiesbaden. p. Kondov Das Dorf Gradec. 937–). p. D. . after the middle of the fourteenth century. Lefort. J. is praktikon. �3. 986. 30–3. in Études balkaniques.  Fr. 97. 968. there were no assessments. Lefort. an inventory containing fiscal information on monastic possessions and listing taxes and households of parokoi present on the land. the last known praktikon dates to 40. E. 98. p. s. in Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society. of course. in Habitats fortifiés et organisation de l'espace en Méditerranée médiévale. the most informative type of monastic document. 98. 5–3. Dölger. Birmingham�Washington. p. (�IV–�V vv. . ed. Phénomènes de démographie rurale à Byzance aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles. 63�86. Laiou. IXe–XVe siècle. Paris.

as they are most detailed for the first half of the fourteenth century (). however. which survived only because these areas were incorporated into monastic estates later. the next important limitation of the research ensues from a rather complex problem of the adequacy of anthroponymic material proper. Other sources such as Imperial and Patriarchal documentation. was absolutely indistinguishable from the indigenous population. account books. is unable to improve the deficiency of the main bulk of sources. provide some additional information which. demographic. and territorial limitations of the present study: the chro� nological elucidation of the macedonian population from the available documents is very much irregular. available sources scarcely reflect the activity of merchants. cover only a portion of existing indi� viduals () and only concern those areas which were in the possession of monasteries (3). the surviving monastic documen� tation has one significant limitation for my purposes: it mostly deals with monastic properties. the second generation of the newcomers. Hence. thus. this meant that on adop� ting Christianity and changing his first name to a standard Christian one. In the case of an individual of low social standing. at least by their names. immigrants adopting Christianity had to change their muslim names to Christian ones. marginal notes.80 Rustam sHuKuROV the vast majority of Oriental names of macedonia are contained in monastic documents. etc. Only a few documents such as account books directly concern trade and provide us with a few names of merchants. Only a few noble families of the newcomers retained references to their asian lineage in the subsequent generations. only few documents concern laymen. he made his asian roots absolutely untraceable for official records . the nature of primary sources defines the principal chronological. who had no family name. the majority of asian incomers registered in the databa� se were first�generation asian immigrants. it seems. apparently. a considerable portion of settlements and their respective population remain outside the scope of the primary sources. moreover. histo� riography. In most cases. losing even those scant indications of origin which their fathers’ names had. Furthermore. the low percentage of merchants in the database of Oriental names is partly due to the inadequacy of sources. However.

consequently. are exceptionally rare. slavic or albanian nickname or sobriquet. such ca� ses. for whatever reason. these two . completely assimilated to the Greek Christian majority. For instance.. some asians changing their names to standard Greek or slavic ones. and the last but not the least observation: Indeed. it is not impossible that a Greek could acquire. as well as second generation asians switching to Greek of slavic names. However. . being theoretically probable. had become persons of “concealed identity”. the overall number of baptized asians exceeded .tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 8 and therefore for us. noted limitations lead us to suggest that only a lesser part of immi� grants acquired such turkic nicknames and. 30. In this sense. Only those asian immigrants of low social standing. to sum up. the database reflects only the tip of the iceberg the much larger part of which is under the surface of the water. However. 86–87. by their names. Consequently. For instance. the real number of asian immigrants in the Byzantine lands was considerably higher than the figures given by the present database. who for some reason were nicknamed by an original turkic sobriquet. theoretically.3 Judging by my database. it is difficult to assess the numerical ratio between known and unknown asian immigrants from the standpoint of the chosen methodology. a doubt is always present that a foreign sobriquet was given to a person becau� se of some reason other than his race. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike cit. although it is clear that in real life unrecognizable asians conside� rably outnumbered those whose names or biographic data reveal for us their asian origin. are traceable as this sobriquet had become an indi� spensable element of their personal identification. a turkish. p.0 percent of the Byzantine population. Βαμβακοράβδης� “having a cotton rod” was the mocking sobriquet of 3 a discussion of similar problems see in: Jacoby. one may assume that some purely Christian Byzantine names might well be concealing asian (as well as any other) immigrants who.

984– 000. Ethnics as Personal Names. p. Of course. long ago Hel� lenized armenians or syrians. Their Value as Evidence . Balivet menteşe dit “sâğlâm Bey” et Germain alias “mârpûç”: deux surnoms turcs dans la chronique byzantine de Georges Pachymère. though Constanti� nopolitans were wrong identifying him as “Laz” and “Persian”.4). app.e. For instance. E. Evidence.4 the name derives from βάμβα��� βαμβάκ�ο�15 �� ← dialectal Pers. 993. Further on. One cannot 4 Nicetas Choniates. 453. 49–57. IV. J. p. the mocking sobriquet of the patriarch Germanos III was Μαρκούτζης�. In this and similar cases. Fraser. Byzantine and turkish societies and their sour� ces of manpower. it entered Greek in the eleventh k century at the latest and. 688.44 app. in : Turcica. 7 P.–12. ed. col. 367. who undoubtedly was considered to be of pure Greek blood. Failler.a. βάμβα� lost its foreign sound. ‫ ﭙﻧﺑﮏ‬pambak “cotton”. 40.8 Rustam sHuKuROV the Emperor alexios III.m. 4–4. New York. 7–73. . 6 It is evident that the nickname mocked the ethnic origin of Germanos III. 6. Paris. trapp. turkic) word. Wien. 5 Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität besonders des 9. 975. however. this mocking nickname had nothing to do with the ethnic origin of alexios III. –. . Berlin. vol. Bd. by the end of the twelfth century. t. Vryonis. vol. p. éd. in the majority of known cases foreign sobriquets refer to the foreign origin of its holder. van Dieten.. a. However. seemingly. Du Cange. –5. 479. p. in Greek Personal Names. Germanos III was not Laz but belonged to the renowned Gabras family. Relations Historiques. Lyon. 3 (p. Historia. 5. the foreign name is not an indication of ethnic origin but rather of the dissemination of foreign linguistic elements in the spoken Greek language. 7 there is no evidence of any radical change in this sense in the Byzantine time. m. which Pachymeres qualified as a Persian (i. foreign sobriquets did reflect the ethnic origin of its holder. 6 Georges Pachymérès. In most cases. p. s. ed. traditionally. ancient Greek culture recognized ethnic na� mes and there usually was a certain link between the ethnic origin and the origin of the name. Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis. .  vols. Jahrhunderts. he explains that this epithet of opprobrium was applied to the patriarch because of his “Laz” origin. 00–.

000 names relating to macedonia and registered in PLP. Paksoy. Golden. –47.8 some asians came to macedonia from Dasht-i Qipchaq (the sou� th Russian steppes and the Crimea) as numerous names with the 8 On Qipchaqs and Cumans see the condensed summary of P. . H. However. ed. slavs. I have selected by means of etymo� logical analysis 4 Oriental names. and this may affect the accuracy of the results.% of the total number of names registered in PLP for that region. Tarihleri. p. to my mind. p. at the same time. 99. Istanbul. the overall number of the individuals covered by the selected names is 68. in Central ��sian Monuments.B. F. sümer. the majority of names certainly reflect the ethnic affiliation of their holders and are an effective tool for the reconstruction of the ethnic composition of Late Byzantine population. anadolu’da moğollar. the proposed division is not ac� curate. 99. sometimes the sources contain information about blood relatives (parents. Boy teşkilatı. 33–63. some impression of eth� no�linguistic composition of turkic anatolia in the twelfth–fourteenth centuries may be derived from: F. this division concerns the place of origin of a name bearer or of his ancestors rather than linguistic provenance of the name. etc. . Destanları. vol. Istanbul. it would be hard to draw here any linguistic watershed. sümer. children. grandchildren. comprising both Oghuz and Qipchaq elements. Oriental Names From among a total of approximately 0. constituting about . etc. especially because of the extremely complicated ethnic composition of thirteenth� and fourteenth�century anatolia. 3. Codex Cumanicus. among the holders of the Oriental names I conventionally distinguish Qipchaq and anatolian turks. uncles.) of the holders of these 4 na� mes. in Selçuklu araştırmaları dergisi. 969. Oğuzlar (Türkmenler).tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 83 exclude that some Oriental names of the database in fact belon� ged to Greeks. brothers. From a linguistic perspective.

thrace and macedonia on their way from Hungary. 22 PLP�� nos. karaca “dark. II. P. schopen. 005. the settlements of Qipchaqs had been ap� pearing here from the eleventh through the fifteenth century. to the Byzantine�saljuq border. 6. asdracha. no. 974. who numbered at least 0. around 4/4 John III Vatatzes brought the Balkan Cumans over by ne� gotiations and gifts and enlisted them in the Byzantine army. In 37 a large group of Cumans. 3064.und Ortsnamen. 5. 860–874 (repr. 0. showing slavic ethnic and linguistic influen� ces. invaded Bulgaria. vol. miklosich. . Vásáry. we do not know where exactly in macedonia John III PLP.. 006. –. philosophisch-historische Klasse. 3 (p. PLP.)��20 Κοµα�ίτζης��� and Κοµά�κα (fem. . I. . 27 Nicephori Gregorae byzantina historia. nos. 93833. while others were given lands for habitation in thrace and macedo� nia. ed.. 008. no. see now: I.3). Relations Historiques. s. 455. p. Heisenberg. L. 0. Kazhdan. a. 9383. 007. who had been compelled to move westwards from Dasht-i Qipchaq by the mongols. 4 PLP. the turkic names Γ�άκσσα (← tk. p.6 there were two massive waves of the Qipchaq immigration to the Balkans in the first half of the thirteenth century. Wien.). 9 0 . Bekker. stuttgart. nos. Heidelberg. p. vol. nos. Bonn. In 4 one more group of Cumans. 7. moscow. p. Die Bildung der Slavischen Personen. blackish”)4 might well have been of Cuman origin. 997– 998.P. 3 PLP. Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans. 53–54. 978. 93830–93831. 1185–1365. 005.5 the Qipchaqs constituted one of the earliest layers of the turkic population in the Balkans. 6 a. ed. 5 (p. Pachymérès.  PLP. 37). yakşı “good”)3 and Χαρατζᾶς� (← Tk.7 However. I. vol. Cumans and Tatars cit. Cumans and Tatars. 004. 5 For ample examples consult an old work: F. in Denkschriften der ��kademie der Wissenschaften. Cambridge. Sotsial’nyi sostav gospodstvuiuscheo klassa Vizantii XI–XII v. 65. vol. La région des Rhodopes cit.000. p. 97). 8. invaded Bulgaria and then thrace. 89–830.84 Rustam sHuKuROV stem Cuman indicate: Κόµα�ος���9 Κοµά�α (fem. some Cumans were transferred to anatolia. Vásáry. 999– 00. Georgii ��cropolitae opera. Wirth. 64–68. What is curious in the names Κοµα�ίτζης� and Κοµά�κα is that one may distinguish the slavic masculine suffix ~ицъ and slavic feminine suffix ~ка respectively.

8 In the Byzantine Empire. m. undoubtedly. Bartusis. 94. 3 PLP. no. 33 PLP.3 Μαχµούτης� (← Ar. 35 PLP. as my list testifies. Bartusis. . 99. angold.9 although. m. p. suspecting the Cuman detachments of a lack of loyalty. most of the standard muslim names referred to the in� comers from anatolia: ᾿Αλ�άζης� (← Ar. especially. Due to the fact that the Qipchaqs of the Northern Black sea step� pes were Islamized to a lesser extent as compared to anatolian turks. salahaddin/salaheddin ← Ar. 58–59. the Cuman detachments of the Byzantine army operating in the Balkans were referred to in the sources for the next several decades. 975. gazi through Persian mediation). no. The Late Byzantine ��rmy: ��rms and Society. .33 Μυσούρης� (ar.30 Γαζῆς� (← Ar. Οι� ������ι� ��������ι��� ��ι� �� ������ι�� �11�ς–13�ς �ι��� ���Χ���� �������ι� � �� ��Χ���� Χ���� ������ in: ������ι����� vol. some of them. 59. 88–83. ‫ ﻣﻧﺻور‬mans “victor”)��34 Σαλαχατη�ός� ūr (← tk. 9898. 654. 345. 9 Bartusis. in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Philadel� phia. 8. savvides. combating infidels”. 3444. ordered them to move to Lemnos. p. Oxford. 8 Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri iv. La région des Rhodopes cit. p. “Elijah”). no. 8. thasos and Lesbos. 3 PLP. asdracha. p. �� Byzantine Government in Exile. they as a rule bore purely turkic names and nicknames. a. in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. passed to tk. had adopted sedentary life and become peasants. 1204–1453.. 3.. ‫  ﺻﻼح اﻟدﻳن‬alāh al-dīn “righteou� s  sness of religion”)35 etc. no. Bonn. ‫ ﻣﺻطﻔﻰ‬musafā “cho�  t sen. no. ed. hero. 9399. 6–7. vol.000) in the Byzantine armed forces relate to the 30s: in 37 andronikos III. 990. Cumans were probably settled in colo� nies. L. p. . vol. 985. vol. 05. On the Problem of smallholding soldiers in Late Byzantium. p. most Cumans still kept to a nomadic way of life. p. ‫ ﻏﺎزى‬ghāzī “conqueror. . 44. 34 PLP. ‫ اﻠﻳﺎس‬Ilyās Bibl. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. One more reference to a massi� ve group of Cumans (around . 30 PLP.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 85 Vatatzes distributed lands to them. 3450. elect”). m. 7539. schopen. 949–953. seemingly. nos. ‫ ﻣﺣﻣود‬mahmūd “praised”)��32 Μουσταφάς� (← Ar. 4747. –3.

however. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. 65. 44 PLP. 38 Bartusis. a company of mercenaries.45 the name ᾿Αλα�ός� (from ethnic name ᾿Αλα�ός�. no. �. PLP. 8 [Hommage à Monsieur Paul Lemerle]�� 1981�� p. 99. 45 N. 5043. of turkish captives and of the descendants of both former groups. 66. 546 (before 34). 39 PLP. 969. 6–6. Leon� taria. 4 PLP. Lefort��Villages de Macédoine: notices historiques et topographiques sur la Macédoine orientale au Moyen Âge�� 1�� La Chalcidique occidentale�� Paris�� 1982�� p. 986. p. no. 990.. 46 PLP. 4 PLP.86 Rustam sHuKuROV the names Τοῦρκος�. 4860– 4864. 43 PLP. ethnic name barbar ?.000 alans who moved to the Empire ca. no. 40 PLP. the Iranian tribe of the alans)46 refers probably to those 6. no. who probably came from North africa and were in Byzantine service as light cavalry troops. Barbarenoi were collective pronoia holders between ca. 6 (p. M. no. 360ff . mamas and possibly Barbarikion (see map  and also below). 201–202�� see also Index. st. 37 through the late 340s in Kalamarian localities of Rousaiou. Few individuals might well have been asians of non�turkish origin as Δαµασκη�ός�4 (that is originated from Damascus) and Βαβυλω�ίτης�4 (that is originated from Baghdad). and Τουρκίτζη37 might have designated both Qipchaq and Oğuz turks. 36 37 . 336ff). J. no. 47 Georges Pachymérès. 92�� 116�� 139�� 146. Βαρβαρη�ός�43 might have been one of the Βαρβαρη�οί (← ar.38 the names Σαρακη�ός�39 and Σαρακη�όπουλος�40 might well have belon� ged to any of the newcomers from the muslim Orient and in this case most likely indicate anatolian turks as well. Bartusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p. Patrikona. no. 946.36 belonging to several individuals. nos. 4856. nos. Oikonomidès�� À propos des armées des premiers Paléologues et des compagnies de soldats�� in Travaux et mémoires�� t. Τουρκόπουλος� had several meanings being a designation of turkic troops. the Berbers call themselves amazigh)44. it was applied to anatolian turks mostly but not exclusively. 30–30 fleeing from the Golden Hord.47 the numerical expression of the ethnic affiliation of the names PLP.

accompanying the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al� Dīn Kay Kāwus II. p. No. 50. La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine // Échos d’Orient. It is very probable that most asians listed in the database or their 48 P.48 Civil wars in the Empire in the fourteenth century and the growth of the turkish military presence in the Balkans entailed further repeating injections of anatolian settlers into the macedonian population. P. It seems that the move of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus’ partisans to the Byzantine Empire continued for some time after the settling of the sultan there. p. 76. 639–668 . In particular. vol. 95. t. although we do not have even rough figures for the numbers of the turkish immigrants in the beginning of the 60s. Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus. �VII. P. –4 . P. 95–95. in Rocznik Orientalistyczny. in BSO��S. (b. troops loyal to him and nomadic turks from Western anatolia who did not accept the mongol domination. it seems that they were numerous enough to influence noticeably the ethnic situation in the Balkans. Charanis. the sultan was followed by his courtiers. both sedentary and nomadic. 934. 79/80) who fled to the court of michael VIII Palaiologos (59–8) in 6 and stayed in By� zantium until 64. Wittek. 409–4 . 37–d. �IV/3. Wittek. Wittek.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 87 listed is represented in the following charts (percentage figures are rounded off): table 1: Origin anatolian Qipchaq Other total Names 87  5 4 Percentage 75% 9% 6% 00% the prevalence of muslim names indicates the increasing role of anatolian turkish influx in the Balkans. . The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit.. p. it might have been a consequence of the massive emigration of anatolian turks. Yazijioghlu ‘��li on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja.

76�78 . p. the southern part of the valley of the Vardar. 35�338. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. However. Paris. mentioned in the documents of the monastery of st. northeast of Berroia. Western macedonia. PLP. ghāzī see above). the turkic toponymics may be divided into two groups by origin. 330. 33. 132..53 Kumanova. 999. 989. 48. 57–58. microtoponymics in spanci (today Phanos 0 km southeast of Phlorina).88 Rustam sHuKuROV immediate ancestors were initially in the military service either as im� migrants or as mercenaries hired by the government.�� p.5 Kumanci Spanci. the group of Qipchaq place�names: K�µ��ί��ης. location unidentified. late thirteenth–early fourteenth cen� 49 50 Bartusis. contemporary name Gumalevo. the place name deri� ved from the former owner’s name. Ibidem Ibidem Ibid.54 the second group of names is plausibly a vestige of the presence in macedonia of the anatolian turks: Γ��ῆς (← ar. 467–468.50 Kuman'ski Brod. toponymic Evidence the evidence of macedonian place names matches well the data given by personal names. p.5 Kumaničevo�� 37–375.. Both anatolian and Qipchaq troops performed the function of light cavalry and light horse archers. 300.49 4. p. the available narrative sources for that time do not provide any other ex� planation for the resettlement of asians in the Byzantine territories. V. George Gorgo in the vicinity of skopje. no. in the valley of the Vardar. In any case. 3 km southeast of skopje. 5 5 53 54 . Kravari. Ibid. often it is not clear when these pla� ce names appeared. Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale. near skopje. First.

Its localization is not clear.. a. 98. 4. p. mentioning no places out� side the region. 970.. Ott. . 03.6 I join the editors of the acts in localizing it somewhere near Gabriane. Oxford. Oikonomidès. 55 ��ctes de Docheiariou. 9�9. Lefort. ��n Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish. a place near Rousaiou in Kalamaria. 984. 40. Chionides. Paris. Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale cit.Villages de Macédoine cit. ed. 6.Villages de Macédoine. p. Çirkoviç. 9. 39. 57 Lefort. 68 (map). probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. 8. no. D. 83–84. �� �ερι��χῆς 6. kümcülü “having a buried treasure”. probably near Gabriane in Kalamaria. theocharides.3 (p. vol.?. ‫ ﻣﻟﮏ‬malik “king”. Paris. p. 56. gömü “a buried treasure”) 30–mid�5th c. �ί� �ι�����η ���� �ί� �ί�η ������ι����� �Α������� �����ε�ι���� ���ρ����� �� �� ���ρ��� thessalonike..55 K��µ�����ύλ���� K��µ������ύλ�� (? ← Τκ. it was occupied by a company of Barbarenoi soldiers. contemporary ish sh Patris.. probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. in Kalamaria near Neocho� rakion. east of Berroia. p. 96. 5. Clauson. 97. p. 58 G. 0 6 ��ctes de Lavra. Guillou. P.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 89 tury?. Lefort localizes it west of thessalonike. Papachryssanthou. J. Villages de Macédoine cit.6 Τουρκοχώρ�ο� has been localized in Kalamaria also by the editors of the acts of Lavra. éd. 30. it is important that the chrysobull con� cerns the region of Kalamaria exclusively. G. 6 note . N. 4th c. where kümcü ← kümüncü “a buried treasure”56. 56 G. passed to tk. –4. no. p. vol. 94. 60 Lefort.60 however a document of the Laura monastery (chrysoboullon sigillion of andronikos II Palaiologos) referred to it together with Gabriane (τὴ� Γαβρία�η� καὶ τὸ Τουρκοχώρ�ο�).57 �ελί�ι� (← Ar. p.59 Τ��ρ��χώρι����� ca. svoronos.58 the following place names could initially designate both Qipchaq and anatolian turks: Τ��ρ��χώρι���/Tjurki Hor (“turkish village”). by 37. melik through Per� sian mediation). 7. Lemerle. 3).῾Ισ��ρί� �ῆς �ερ�ί�ς�� �ῆς ��λε�ς ���� �ερι��χῆς�� thessalonike. N.3 (p. Texte. 5 km north�northwest of Berroia in the foothills of Bermion. p. . the late thirteenth–early fourteenth century?. 970–98. cf. 6 ��ctes de Lavra. 4). vol. s. 59 Kravari. p.

However. a microtoponymic in the village of Krya Pegadia in Kalamaria. Peasants.63 which. ��ρβ�ρί�ι���. 0). In most cases it is impossible to distinguish sobriquets from family names. . the second names of aristocracy were a sort of patronymic. the Byzantine peasants and middle classes were commonly identified either by a baptismal name or by a sobriquet that was usually a professional name or a nick� name indicating a specific feature of character or physical appearance.). 98 . sobriquets and family names. (On ��ristocratisation of Byzantine Society in the Eighth-Twelfth Centuries). my list contains three types of personal names: first names. In most cases. Villages de Macédoine cit. “son�in�law of”. a name might also have been the combination of a baptismal name and other means of identification like a nickname. p.. probably derived its name from Βαρβαρη�οί soldiers (see above). It is remarkable that the place names derived from “Cuman” are mostly located in the northern and western parts of macedonia. 5. the fourteenth century. etc. vol. We shall return to this observation later.485 (p. p. Intellectuals and aristocracy Generally speaking. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloshkog instituta. there is one essential exception: aristocratic families with high social status did possess a kind of fami� ly name. the possession of a patronymic by itself was a clear indication of high status and noble ancestry. nicknames existed within a single ge� neration. 90. for instance: a. 08. while anatolian turkic place names are found exclusively in macedonia’s southern regions. Lefort. and especially around Berroia and in Kalamaria. that is an ancestor’s name (or names) used as a common identifier for a group of relatives. 4. vol.90 Rustam sHuKuROV Finally. no. Common people often were identified by their family relations (like “father of”. . Kazhdan. . Ob aristokratizatsii vizantiiskogo obschestva VIII–XII vv. the term “family name” in its proper sense should not be applied to the material under discussion for its substantial ambiguity in the Byzantine context. 64 On nicknames and patronyms in Byzantine anthroponymics see.P.64 under the aristocracy 63 ��ctes de Lavra. vol.

�� Social and Demographic Study. 57–66. Patlagean. 987. 8–0. For a newcomer it was easier to find a social niche for himself in ordinary affairs. in Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Here follow some numerical expressions of the social standing of the holders of Oriental names (percentage figures are rounded off): table 2: social standing Status aristocracy and Pronoiars Clerics. N. Oikonomidès. m. the predominance of aristocracy and pronoiars probably indicates that many of the newcomers were or initially had been soldiers. Du prénom au Cheynet patronyme: les étrangers à Byzance (Xe–XIIe siècles). on the other hand. the practice of allotting 968.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 9 here I mean. J. on the one hand. p. high�ranking military and civilian offi� cials. . rather than in intellectual activity which presupposes deep immersion into the local culture. p. most likely mercenaries. and. Cheynet. the holders of patronyms. E. ed. in The Byzantine ��ristocracy (XI to XIII Centuries). Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. monks and intellectuals is rather low. p. ed. which conti� nued existing through several generations. Outward adoption of Christia� nity was not sufficient here. Washington. the percentage of clerics. angold. Oxford. Les débuts d’une aristocratie byzantine et le témoignage de l’historiographie : système des noms et liens de parenté aux IXe–Xe siècles. 47–53. 984. the persons included in my list belonged to different strata of By� zantine social hierarchy and were of different property status. Laiou. monks and Intellectuals merchants small�holders and Paroikoi Names 36 6 3 64 Percentage 3% 5% 3% 56% a major part of the owners of Oriental names were engaged in what may be called the material sphere of life: in administration. warfare and rural economy.�Cl. p. 3–4. this social affiliation of the newcomers is quite expecta� ble.

masjīd “mosque”). for instance. 67 PLP. the peasants and paroikoi of my list might also have been either Qipchaq and anatolian émigrés accompanying their compatriots who were enlisted as mercenaries. aynadawla ← ar. 349–368. Une famille turque au service de Byzance : les Mélikès. 66 PLP. malik “king”. ar. . 9055. the youngest son of the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus. king”).. 784.68 Μελίκης� (←ar.69 Σουλτᾶ�ος� (← ar. On the Problem of Smallholding Soldiers cit.. nos. 786. at least three of them (two sons and a dau� 65 Bartusis. lists only 7% paroikoi from the total number of Byzantine residents.66 ᾿Ιαγούπης� (← ar. sultān “sovereign. or the second generation of immigrants settled on the lands. Yacqūb Biblical “Jacob”). Laurent. 49. Only in one case do we know a family’s ancestor: as V.9 Rustam sHuKuROV to mercenaries pronoia as payment for their service was widespread in Byzantium at the end of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. nos. 70 PLP. 78.67 Μασγ�δᾶς� (← Gk. p. honorary ti� tle “the source of Power”. It is curious that�� under certain conditions�� Asian family names could become quite prestigious in Byzantine society�� and their holders might have preserved them for many generations. “the Eye of the state”).65 the percentage of small�holding peasants and paroikoi (56%) is rather high and considerably differs from the general figures of PLP: PLP. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. Bd. while the present database contains 3% paroikoi. 69 PLP. 7 V. 94096. Laurent has shown. . 868–87. 94097. the database includes the patronyms of at least five noble families: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (← tk. nos. 68 PLP. nos. p.70 some of these noble families have already been described in the scholarly literature. It may be an indication of the fact that the turkic settlers filled up mostly the lower classes of the society.7 some of the children of the sultan. 7784. μασγίδ�ο� ← ar. ‘��yn al-Dawla. –6. nos. 6334–6340. s. 956. Bartusis. see also above). 76– 74. in Byzantinische Zeitschrift. the progenitor of the melikai was probably melik Constantine. 7787. 57–90.

It means that athanasios himself must have belonged to the highest aristocratic strata of the Empire. 00. In this case.7–7. �ί� �ι�����η ���� �ί� �ί�η ������ι��� cit. married theodoros sarantinos.7 He had a dau� ghter. vol. 964–965. 73 theocharides.73 E. .74 this hypothesis has been accepted as proven by G. If athana� sios soultanos’ daughter Eudokia reached marriageable age (at least  years old) and was married at the latest by 79. thessalonike. he could not have been the son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus 7 ��ctes de Vatopedi. G. 6–74. 64. Giros. Zachariadou. athanasios was born no later than 50�5 to reach reproductive age (6�7 years) by the time of the birth of his daughter. V. 336. p. 6. In such a case. ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος�. it means that she was born not later than 67 but most likely much earlier since it was exceptionally rare for Byzantine girls to be married at that young age. 344–36. 334. p. no. Paris. a high�ranking Byzantine official. In such a case. p. �� . the question of the origin of the soultanoi family is rather com� plicated. is mentioned in two acts of Vatopedi monastery and appears to be the founder of the Byzantine lineage. J. the family name is a direct reference to the royal blood of the family’s ancestor. Zacha� riadou later identified athanasios soultanos as one of the sons of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II who remained in Byzantium after the escape of his father. Οἱ� χ�ι�σ�ι������ �������ι� ���� �Ι��ε���� ��ι�����ς ����� σ��� ��ρ�ι�� in �� ��� � ��ρ�ι��. the earliest known member of the family of the soultanoi. . Bompaire. éd. settled in the Empire. thanks to his noble lineage. Lefort. around 79. p. theocharides first suggested that he was a brother or a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II and had married an unknown sister of michael Palaiologos. � 75 G. the wife of athanasios soultanos was a noble lady whose family name included the most renowned aristocra� tic patronyms of the Empire: Doukaina angelina Komnene.. 6. p. ῾Ισ��ρί� �ῆς �ερ�ί�ς�� �ῆς ��λε�ς ���� �ερι��χῆς. no. who.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 93 ghter). Reasons to doubt this identification are rather serious. Kravari. �� �ερι��χῆς 5–7. Eudokia. 55 note 6. 74 E. ���ε���ι���. 970. Chioni� des. Ch. Chionides. vol. J. the editors of the acts of Vatopedi referred to Zachariadou’s identification but have withheld judgement on it.75 But the editors of PLP have questioned this identification.

94 Rustam sHuKuROV II for the latter was born in 37 (or 35). 008. in VV. who are constantly engaged in holy war and contribute to the victory of Islam. since the ninth century. as well as to supreme rulers (viziers.”78 Howe� ver. Very likely. he originated from anatolia as the titles with the element dawla do not seem to have been 76 more details see: R. 998. se� cond are viziers. tehran.a.N. we do not yet have any plausible hypothesis to explain athanasios family name and his high position in the social hierarchy of Byzantine society. CD Version. Dushanbe.79 Hence. judging by his family name and status. he was a member of the saljuqid ruling house and came to Byzantium with ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II. 7. however it is obvious that he must have been quite a prominent per� son. 621b�� 622b. sultans). Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa II v Vizantii (The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus II in Byzantium). Loghatnâme (Dictionary). Nothing is known about the asian progenitor of the anataulai. 67 (9) (forthcoming). 78 see the entry “Laqab” in: Dehkhodâ aliakbar. third are ‘ulamā. 79 C. 77 C. However. Lakab. However. P. shukurov. It is most likely that. therefore. Zakhoder. the honorary title (laqab) ‘ayn al-dawla was well�known at the courts of muslim rulers. B. at the same time. the muslim progenitor of the Byzantine family of the anataulai probably was a senior military officer.  5. laqabs with the com� ponent dawla belonged to highest muslim court officials and military commanders. it is known that the eldest son of ‘Izz al�Dīn was mas‘ūd. 000. or perhaps even a governor. the question of the degree of his kinship to the latter remains open76. Nizam al� mulk. p. I have at hand only a Russian edition of Nizam al�mulk’s book. Vol. p. transl. Bosworth�� Lakab�� in The Encyclopaedia of Islam�� New Edition�� Leiden�� 2004. Bosworth. the identification of athana� sios soultanos as a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II is chronologically impossible. islām suit four grades of persons: first are rulers. Kniga ob upravlenii gosudarstvom. the prestige of the titles with the com� ponent dawla had been declining. and in 50�5 he was only 3�4 (or 5–6).A. 63a. t. since the twelfth century.77 In the saljuqid period.  . according to the saljuqid great vizier Nizām al�mulk��  “…the titles dīn. fourth are amīrs.

of course. as the descendants of the Byzantine Iagoupai jealously preserved the patronym for the next eight generations. shukurov. .80 as to the Iagoupai. By kee� ping their patronym. here again it is difficult to judge the status of the family’s progenitor. 8 R. these regions represent the nucleus areas of the turkic ethic presence in macedonia: the lower strymon. It is not impossible that the turkic ancestor belonged to the ruling family of the emirate of Germiyan. Despite the high percentage of aristocracy in the list. ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). 80 R. a turkmen state with the capital in Kütahya. the places of residence marked on the map outline rather compact areas. Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (swamps). aristocrats were si� gnificantly fewer when compared with the middle and lower classes. shukurov. It is also probable that he came to the Balkans with the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 95 widespread in the Golden Horde. it must be noted that the exceedingly high percen� tage of aristocracy in the database (about ¼) is hardly justifiable and can be explained by the nature of the available sources. because the name was very common in the muslim world and could belong to both commoners and noble per� sons.8 In conclusion. it becomes obvious that their di� stribution in macedonia was not at all even. the valleys of the rivers Vardar and strymon. their muslim progenitor must have been a person of prominence and rank. It is quite remarka� ble that the names marked on the map aggregate into several con� glomerations. serres. descendants appealed to the glory and nobility of their ancestor. 6. However. some considerations in favour of this sugge� stion have been published elsewhere. Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service). the Nucleus areas of the turkic Ethnic Presence in By� zantine macedonia Quite remarkable is the fact that if one places the holders of Orien� tal names on the geographical map.

p. commander” (← Per. Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch.83 Κοµά�α (melitziani). 007 PLP. Bd. . 639–6330. the concen� tration of turkic settlers appears to be one of the highest in macedo� nia: 30% of Oriental names are located there. 86 PLP. 549. Prodromos. 9 PLP. 76. Sulaymān “solomon” (G. 7.89 Σουλ�µᾶς� (Doxompus). 54). moravcsik.1. 000–00. Budapest. Leiden.90 Τουρµπασᾶς� (Radolibus) be� longed to anatolian turks. sulejman Efendi. bearbeitet von I. 997. 06. s. 983. and finally Hierissos and Lake Bolbe. s. 005. Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch. no. 994. bek “ruler. 7. 6.96 Rustam sHuKuROV thessalonike. Byzantinoturcica. 7787. ��n Etymological Dictionary. no. .87 Μασγ�δᾶς� (serres. Kotzakion. seemingly Σουλ�µᾶς� ← Ar. 79. Kalamaria in the Chalkidike. kaçar/qajar “moving swiftly. pāshā contracted form of ‫ �ﭘﺎدﺷﺎه‬pādshāh “king”)? 8 83 . Lai� min). kazan “cauldron”). chief� tain etc. Clau� µπασᾶς� πασᾶς� son. 004. Both Qipchaq and anatolian inco� mers are represented there with some preponderance of the latter: the ratio between Qipchaq and anatolian turks is :.85 the names of ᾿Αβραµπάκης� (serres). this seems to have been one of the most populated areas of Late Byzantium. 90 PLP. likely Kazania is the fem. 49. malouka).” (G. 86). ‫ اﺑراﻫﻳم‬ibrāhīm “abraham” + tk. 94097. st. 89 PLP. ᾿Αβραµπάκης� ← ar. Kúnos. nos. no.8 Κοµα�ίτζης� (Radolibos). Bd.9 In the historical work of Yazıcı�oğlu ali PLP. 60. no.84 probably to the same group belongs Καζα�ία (Loukobikeia).7% of the total number of the names registered in PLP for the regions of strymon and serres. )? 88 PLP. no. form of Kazanes (← tk. nos. these asians constitute about . 87 PLP. pasha “leader. from the tur� kmen tribal name Qajar (see: sulejman Efendi. 85 PLP. s. s. a brief description of the most remarkable regions will be given below. 90. The lower Strymon and Serres (Map 1) although we have no reliable statistical figures. fleeing”. 84 PLP. nos. no. Κατζάρ�ος� ← tk. no. mora� µᾶς� ᾶς� vcsik. the localities with Oriental settlers are marked on map . 97) + tk. among Qipchaq names should be noted Κόµα�ος� (Radolibos. turum or turun “resembling a stallion” (see: G.88 Μελίκης� (Kamenikeia).86 Κατζάρ�ος� (melitziani). Τουρµπασᾶς� ← tk.

Les gagaouzes. as noted above. Oriental residents constitute as little as % of the number of the persons referred to by PLP for Kalamaria. a remarkable feature can be observed: it is not impossible that turkic rural settlers were kept far from the main centres of the region such as the cities of serres. p. 6. In connection with the resettlement of the turks. 9 Wittek. 4863. Zichna and Drama and settled closer to the sea.9 Σαρακη�ός� (melitziani. 66. no. 650–65. P. these   were residents of Zichna after 387 and had blood links with the Ly� zikoi family (Λυζ�κοί). approximately 6% of the total Oriental names for macedonia. Đoković�� stanovništvo istočne makedonije. Βαρβαρη�ός� (Prinarion/aeidarokastron).. Imperial navy rowers who were assigned land in the area east of the mouth of the strymon. was one of the Barbarenoi soldiers (see also above). nos. 4864. p. lived in the coastal location of Prinarion close to the mouth of the strymon. serres)93 and Σαρακη�όπουλος� (Chrysoupolis)94 were most probably of anatolian turkic origin as well.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 97 the names of two members of the aristocratic family of the Σουλτά�ο� Δηµήτρ�ος� and Μ�χαήλ (dīmitri sultān�� mīkhū sultān) are found. Yazijioghlu ��li cit. 97 Bartusis. the Lower strymon is known as a region where Byzantine mer� cenaries were settled as was the case of the Prosalentai. 96 PLP. . 486. Kalamaria represents a rather high level of the concentration of Oriental names.96 probably. 9ff. might have been a member of the Barbarenoi soldier company. 94 PLP. 95 PLP.97 It is interesting to note that paroikos Γεώργ�ος� Βαρβαρη�ός� who.2. 4860. 48–49. Eunouchou. Kalamaria in Western Chalkidike (Map 2). Δαµασκη�ός� (Drama)95 might well have been an asian of non�tu� rkic origin. The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit. It is not impossible that the turkic mercenaries and Barbarenoi were assigned lands for their service in that region. 4856.. 93 PLP. Probably. . . no. the progenitor of the Lyzikoi was slav: Z. Wittek. 5043. no. p. 0.

998. nos. no. 969. the high level of the concentration of turkic names is represented by the region of Berroia. We see here. nos. PLP. It is curious that an asian.05 Τουρκόπουλος� (Pinsson)06 are equally applicable to Qipchaq and anatolian turks.99 anatolian turks are more numerous: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (Portarea). indicates the presence of Qipchaqs here. PLP. as it is seen from the map. the paroikos Ν�κόλαος� Τοῦρκος�. PLP. 93833.03 the names Τοῦρκος� (Hagia . Kato Bolbos). aphetos. Paramonos). nos. the place name Kοµα�ίτζης�. trias. PLP.3. the same logic as in the case of the Lower strymon: the Byzantine authori� ties intentionally kept turkic settlers away from thessalonike. 869. 6. this area was probably occupied by both Qipchaq and anatolian turks. 73. no.0 Μασοῦρος� (Paschalia). anthroponymic data is supported here by the local Oriental pla� ce names that are of both Qipchaq and Oghuz origin: Τουρκοχώρ�ο��� Kουµουτζούλου�� Γαζῆς��� and Βαρβαρίκ�ο� (see also above). PLP. Panagia)98 and Κοµά�α (stomion). PLP. probably. no.98 Rustam sHuKuROV The Qipchaq presence in Kalamaria is attested by the names Κόµα�ος� (Belona. 786. being a de� rivation form the name of a landowner and located northeast of Berroia (see above). these places belong to the same area where the Oriental settlers were located. ᾿Ιαγούπης� (st. 98. 990. the turkic settlers occupied the southwestern part of Kalamaria closer to coastal areas. . 986.04 Τουρκίτζη (Drymosita). PLP. no. was a resident of Kοµα�ίτζης� 98 99 00 0 0 03 04 05 06 PLP.00 ᾽Ιαούπης� (sarantarea)0. 784. 0. no. 87. Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (Map 3) this area divides into two sub�areas: the first one centres on Berroia and the second one gravitates towards marches and swamps of Joannit� sa. PLP. no. the city being second in importance to Constantinople.

0 PLP. nos. in a Persian source bardūliya). no. some members of the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay Kāwus II were settled by Byzantine authorities in the region of Berroia: his mother Προδουλία (?. no..4 ᾿Αλέ��ος� Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Nesion)..6 Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Berroia). Wittek�� Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus. 6 PLP. 7784 and 966. no. Ξέ�η Παλα�ολογί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Nesion�� Resaine). no. 09 PLP.08 It is not impossible that other asian residents of Berroia (Μυσούρης�. E. 634.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 99 in 338.3 ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος� (Κομα�ίτζη). 4 PLP. no. sister. 3 PLP. 5 PLP. Shuku. most of the Oriental residents were probably incomers from anatolia. 07 108 . 99. no. being undoubtedly of anatolian turkish blood. P. 6337. If this place belonged initially to a slavicized Cuman. Wittek�� Yazijioghlu ‘Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja cit.09 Μελίκ0 and ᾿Αστραπύρης� Μελίκης�) were ana� tolian turks or their descendants.  PLP.07 If it is not a coincidence. no. 6336. possessed land in Κομα�ίτζη�� a location named after its former Cuman owner. P. 9898. More details on the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay Kāwus II see also: R. PLP. this instance demonstrates that the sobriquet Τοῦρκος� was probably applicable to Cumans. rov�� Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa v Vizantii �The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus in Byzantium��.7 It is worth noting that ᾿Αθα�άσ�ος� Σουλτά�ος�. daughter and his son Constantine melik were residents of Berroia. Wittek�� La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine cit. pos� sibly his wife. 597. In the region of Berroia and the swamps near Lake Joannitsa. there were lands belonging to the family of the soultanoi who were very likely linked with the saljuq ruling house (see above): Θεοδώρα Μο�οµαχί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Berroia).5 ∆ηµήτρ�ος� Σουλτά�ος� Παλα�ολόγος� (Resaine). 6340. the local villages of Τουρκοχώρ�ο� and Μελίκ� most likely obtained their names from turks of anatolian descent. no. 6335.  PLP. 7 PLP. Zachariadou�� Οἱ χρ�στ�α�ο�� �πόγο�ο� τοῦ ᾽Ιζζεδ��� Κα�καο�ς� Β�� στὴ �� ��� � �� Βέρο�α. However. no. 6338.

Of course. it is quite possible that it was that area and especially the localities adjoining the swamps near Lake Jan� nitsa that were extensively used for the resettling of turkic incomers. It is the highest percentage of asian settlers among all the macedonian regions. no. Berrhoia was the native land of Γεώργ�ος� Λυζ�κός�. in the valley of the Vardar. Skopje.8 the Oriental names for that area make up 5% of the list of Orien� tal names for macedonia. melikai. Kumaničevo in the southern part of the valley of the Var� dar. the toponymics in the neighbourhood of skopje and the Vardar river imply exclusively Cumans: Kuman'ski Brod near skopje. PLP. the high percentage of asians here may also be explained by the fact that the most frequently mentioned Oriental names in the area belonged to renowned aristocratic families (the soultanoi. .4. . In the tenth century. The Vardar valley. were predominantly Qipchaqs. However. Ly� zikoi) who were mentioned disproportionately frequently as compared with common people. the Vardar valley was most likely resettled by Hungarian 8 9 0  PLP. nos. it seems. 978. 596. the asians of Palaiokastron in the strumiza region were of Qipchaq descent as well: Κόµα�ος� (strumitza/Palaiokastron). However. no. one may see here cer� tain continuity: one may wonder whether traditionally this area was intended for allotting turkic migrants with arable land? Near Lake Jannitsa were located the lands of the aristocratic fami� ly of the Lyzikoi who apparently had blood links with the soultanoi.9 Κοµά�κα (Strumitza/Palaiokastron)��120 and very likely Τουρκόπουλος� (strumitza/Pa� laiokastron). PLP. 6. PLP. 93830–9383.00 Rustam sHuKuROV and then was transferred to an anatolian turk. Kumanova southeast of skopje (for these place names see above). no. there could have been one important exception. 9383. the Strumiza (Map 4) the asians in this area. and 0% of the total number of region’s re� sidents in PLP.

1–8 (repr.4 the Vardariotai seem to have occupied the Lower Var� dar closer to thessalonike. Pachymérès�� IV�� 29 (t. Laurent�� ‘Ὁ� ��ρ��ρι����� ���ι� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης�� Τ�ύρ����� Perses�� Turcs asiatiques ou Turcs hongrois� in Сборникъ �ъ �а���ъ на �ро��� ���ъръ �� �� Нико�ъ�� Sofia�� 1940�� p. Kyriakides�� �� αχρ�δώ καί η επ�σκοπή της� ο� Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα��� in Ε�ι�σ�η���ι���ς Ε�ε�η�ί�ες �ι�λ�σ��ι���ς �� Σχ�λ�ς ���ε�ι�σ�η�ί�� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης vol.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 0 mercenaries who were enlisted in a special detachment of the Imperial bodyguards called Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�. 29�� 1930�� p.I. by that time. It is also not impossible that the notion “Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�”. Guilland�� Recherches sur les institutions byzantines�� Berlin. Oikonomidès�� Vardariotes—W. Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd. 2153. 275–288. 447. r—V. One may suggest. the Vardariotai ethnically were either Qipchaq or anatolian turks who replaced the Hungarians but retained the traditional denomination of Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�.3). 2�� p. who traditionally were enlisted into the palace guard detachment.nd.�� p.�� p. now it is impossible to give an exact location. A. 417. the Vardariot guards were still ethnically Hun� garian or were the descendants of the initial Hungarian settlers. S. 124 Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit. R. in the fourteenth century. judging by the discussed onomastics of the region.: Idem�� Documents et études sur les institutions de Byzance �VIIe-XVe s������ [Variorum Reprints]�� London�� 1976). Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower cit. 3�� 1939�� p.26–28.3 If one takes into consideration the available information about the eth� nic composition of the region. 513–520. 123 Acropolites�� p. 125 Charanis�� The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit. 23�� 1952�� p. 437–449. in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 1.nd. V. Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes�� in Écho d��Orient�� t.�� p.n. 148.l. Konidares�� Η �ρώ�η ��εί� �ης ε�ι�σ����ς ��ρ��ρι���ώ� Τ�ύρ��� ��� ��� �εσσ�λ��ί�ης�� in �ε�λ��ί��� vol. In the fourteenth century. 87–94�� 236–238. N.5 there exists an argument in favour of the anatolian origin of the fourteenth� century Vardariot turks. 87�� 322. it would seem improbable that. Byzantine narrative sources still referred to the detachment of the palace guard recruited from the Vardariot turks. however. Pseu� do�Kodinos relates that. 1�� p. the Var� dariotai acclaimed the Emperor “in the tongue of their ancient ho� 122 R. Kazhdan�� Vardariotai�� in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium�� Oxford�� 1991�� p. 131. 32�� p.r: Hongrois installés dans la vallée du Vardar en 934��" in Südost-Forschungen�� 1973�� Bd. that. 138 . during the Christmas celebrations. Leiden�� 1983�� S. G. G. 304 . as late as the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. had purely territorial meaning and implied a group of settlers of mixed origin. Amsterdam�� 1967�� t.

ly.�� Bd. G. Pseudo�Kodinos explains that “long ago they were Persians by race. 285–286). the Emperor [space for a name left vacant]. “Persia” – ��uthor]. Elsewhere Pseudo�Kodinos associates the Vardariot turks with “Persia” again noting that they wore “Persian headgear. 132 It is not impossible that the first layers of Anatolian Turkish element had appeared at the Vardar as early as the twelfth century as Laurent has suggested (V. 127 Ibid. at least partly. that is in Persian” (κατὰ� τὴ� πάλα� πάτρ�ο� καὶ τούτω� φω�ή��� �� 6 ἤτο� περσ�στί το� περσ�στί).26–28. theodore II Laskaris (54–58) or more likely michael VIII3 may have been implied in the Psedo�Kodinos for the emperor who relocated “the Persians” from their homeland. 129 Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica cit. . 2�� S. which are abundant.�� p.3 as we have seen. relocating them from there [i. 302–307. One may find the relevant references. It suffices to say that John tzetzes.�� p. identified a turkish phrase as Persian. Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd. and that Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα� of the fourteenth century were. ana� 126 Pseudo-Kodinos�� Traité des offices�� introduc. Hunger�� Zum Epilog des Johannes Tzetzes�� in Byzantinische Zeitschrift�� Bd. 440–445.�� texte et traduc. 2�� S. called aggouroton” (περσ�κὸ� φόρεμα�� ���ουρωτὸ� ��ομαζόμε�ο� 7 Final� �� ��ομαζόμε�ο�). 128 Ibid.e. these were the anatolian turks from whom the Vardariots inherited their “Persian tongue”. settled them at the Vardar river. the descendants of the saljuq immigrants resettling in the Vardar valley in the second half of the thirteenth century. this is why they are called Vardariotai. 130 E. 131 But surely not Theophilos�� as Janin and Moravcsik has suggested: Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit. 181. �� ).�� p.”8 Byzantine literature of the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries nor� mally employed the terms “Persians” and “Persian language” in re� ference to the subjects of the saljuqs of anatolia and their turkish language. 46�� 1953�� S.6–10.9 this appears to have been not sim� ply an “archaizing” gesture of Byzantine authors but rather a common delusion that the saljuqs were Persian and spoke Persian. 252ff.30 One can suggest that John III Vatatzes (–54).7–8. in his well�known passage on greetings in foreign languages. in moravcsik’s Byzantinoturcica. 322. Verpeaux�� Paris�� 1966�� p. Laurent�� ‘�� Βαρδαρ�ωτ�� �� ἤτο� Τούρκω��� p. par J. 182.0 Rustam sHuKuROV meland. 210.

Soulis�� The Gypsies in the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages�� in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol.43 It should be noted that two documents record in the region of Hierissos two paroikoi with the nickname Αἰγύπτ�ος�. 140 PLP�� no.37 some Oriental population probably lived between Hierissos and Lake Bolbe (map ).  34 35 36 Isaac). 12008.44 Oriental names in Hierissos constitute as little as 0. If so. 143 PLP�� no. Kastoria (Σαρακη�ός�). 177. 142 PLP�� no. 438�� 91095. Ateş�� Hicri VI–VIII.% of the total names for the region registered in PLP. sarsac “starling”�� cf. 138 PLP�� no. 141 PLP�� no.) asırlarda Anadolu��da Farsça eserler�� in: Türkiyat Mecmuası�� vol. Đoković�� Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije cit. 136 PLP�� no. . 92115.4 Γ�άκσσα (Qipchaq). Ott. VII–VIII/2�� 1945�� p. which indicates the presence of the Gypsies in the area. 546. name��s etymology see above. 137 PLP�� no. for the Qipchaq word consult: Sulejman Efendi. 144 PLP�� nos. A.40 Κόµα�ος�. 94212. Hillenbrand�� Ravandi�� the Seljuk Court at Konya and the Persianisation of Anatolian Cities�� in Mésogeios�� vol. Other Localities single Oriental names are found in different regions of Western and Central macedonia: Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας� ← Ar. 5047. Z. �agataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch�� S. sığırcık (Qipchaq). 24941.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 03 tolian turks were in the majority in the neighbouring areas of mace� donia due to the population transfers of the second half of the thir� teenth century. 92115.33 6. a mountainous area: Δαµασκὼ (from Damascus?). 148ff. 94–135.5. 24942. (XII–XIV. 157–169. 139 PLP�� no.4 Σάρσστζα ← Tk. ‫ اﺳﺣﺎق‬Ishāq Bibl.C. 135 PLP�� no.�� p. 167. 25–26�� 2005�� p. G. Here again we have the com� 133 On the use of the Persian language in Anatolia at the time of Saljuqs see: C. 134 PLP�� no. Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας�).39 Μουσταφάς� (anatolian turk?). Vardariot guards might well have pronounced their acclamations at the Imperial court in one of the anatolian turkic dialects or in Persian. Grebena (Σαρτζάπεϊς�). 24862. 4155. which was common at the saljuqid court. 15�� 1961�� p.38 Αλα�ός�.

It seems that the Byzantine authorities deliberately mixed up various groups of incomers in the same territories. Berlin. supporting our suggestion regarding the intentional keeping of the turks away from the main urban centres by the autho� rities. 9055. The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit. as a rule. no. it is not possible to point to any geographical area which would be populated by representatives of only one of those groups. no. no. Ethnische Ferschiebungen zwischen der Balkanhalbinsel und Kleinasien von Ende des 6. 78. no. It is not surprising because thessalonike was second to Constantinople as an urban and administrative centre.50 the figures for undoubtedly Qipchaq settlers are lower again than tho� se for the immigrants from anatolia. Jahrhunderts. a considerable portion of their holders belonged to aristocratic families and civic and military officials like the sebastos Γεώργ�ος� ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς�. 70. such as the kephale Μ�χαὴλ ᾿Αβραµπάκης�49 and Εἰρή�η ∆ούκα��α Μασγίδα��α. the low percentage of Orientals is ra� ther remarkable. this idea is possibly supported by the case of serres where one finds as few as 4 Orientals.5 PLP.  of whom belonged to the elite. 993. 60. and the concentration of officials and the elite there is understandable.04 Rustam sHuKuROV bination of Qipchaq and anatolian names. Ditten. the most interesting is the name Αλα�ός� possibly indicating that some alan immigrants after 30–30 were resettled in the area of Hierissos. no. Eve� rywhere (with the exception of the area of skopje and strumitza) Qipchaqs and anatolian turks lived side by side.45 the protohierakarios ᾿Ιαγούπης���46 the οἰκεῖος� of the Emperor and συγκλητ�κὸς� ἄρχω� Θεόδωρος� ᾿Ιαγούπης� (∆�αγούπης�)��47 the δοῦλος� of the Emperor ᾿Αλέ��ος� Κοµ�η�ὸς� Μασγ�δᾶς�48 etc. bis zur zweiten Hälfte des 9. 45 46 . H. 5 Charanis. 87. it would be in complete agreement with the Byzantine tradition of assimilation of foreign newcomers. no. PLP. 47 PLP. 50 PLP. 76. 49 PLP. some Oriental names are reported for the largest urban centres of the region.  names (% of the total names registered in PLP) are referred to for thessalonike. 48 PLP. If this was the result of a conscious policy of the Byzantine authorities.

thus.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 05 the prevalence of the anatolian turks indicates that the scale of their migration to the Balkans was considerable.5% for 400–mid�5th century. Qipchaq names are found in the sources from 300 to 445. especially due to the coming of the sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus with his retinue. probably. 7. moreover. although narrative sources scarcely give sufficient data to reconstruct the history of this relocation. different regions give different pictures. Constantinople provides a completely different picture where Oriental names are distributed in the following way: 3% for 63– 9. more than one half of the selected names date to the time between 300 and 346. 5% for 300–334. the case of Qipchaq names in macedonia is even more telling. troops. Generally speaking. a Note on Chronology of the Names the dates of the names discussed here cover the range from 6 to the mid�fifteenth century. they are distributed rather ir� regularly across this period of time: 8% of the names fall in the period 6–99. For in� stance. as many as 87% of Qipchaq names date to 300–348.5% for 350– 399. and only a few are seen after 348. however. with some of his sedentary and nomadic subjects. there could be one more explanation. but most likely the main body of the anatolian immigrants had appeared in the second half of the thir� teenth century. I suggest that the . However. However. and 8. 56% are registered for 300–348. Is it possible that the figures for macedonia reveal some specific tendency in demographic evolution in the region? One of the reasons for this irregularity could be the nature of the main sources for macedonian demography. such an abrupt reduction in the number of Cuman names seems somewhat puzzling. this is in keeping with the information of the narrative source about the waves of the Cu� man resettlements in macedonia (see above). % for 35–396. namely the acts of the athos monasteries containing the most detailed information just for the fourteenth century (see above). their settlement in the macedonian regions started not earlier than the twelfth century. 7. and. and finally % for 40–475. However. at the same time.

hav� ing no replenishment from the outside. did not. tides of the plague having flooded the region several times since 347 brought about a grave demographic crisis. the sharp decrease in the number of asians after the mid�four� teenth century may also imply that the height of both anatolian and Qipchaq migrations to macedonia occurred from the end of the thir� teenth centuries through the first decades of the fourteenth century and tapered off by the mid�fourteenth century. J. among those who are na� med only by their Oriental nickname (remaining 49%). the majo� rity can be identified as Christians on the basis of their occupation or family links (8%). the asians suffered from the plague on equal grounds as other ethnic groups. Laiou�� vol. 8. . The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century�� ed. 39]�� Washington�� 2002�� p.5 It seems that the Black Death changed to an extent the pre�existing ethnic structure of the region sweeping away the asians. 5% of names are accompanied with baptismal proper names which une� quivocally indicate religious affiliation. 2�� Paris�� 1991�� p. 47�� 1993�� p. it was a new phase in the turkification of the Balkans. 69–71 . 1�� [Dumbarton Oaks Studies�� vol. Lefort�� Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale�� IXe–XVe siècle�� in Hommes et richesses dans l��Empire byzantin�� vol. while asians. 104–106. Angeliki E. there are two Ottoman muslims only who 152 J. Christianization It appears that the overwhelming majority of the holders of Oriental names were Christians. Lefort�� Rural Economy and Social Relations in the Countryside�� in Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol. 48–49.06 Rustam sHuKuROV dramatic decrease in the number of asians after the mid�fourteenth century may in fact reflect the impact of the Black Death. however. as the pandemic sub� sided. this is clearly indicated by the fact that Oriental names play the role of family names or sobriquets and in most cases are associated with Christian first names. the Greek and slavic populations recovered. However. New waves of population transfers from anatolia and Dasht-i Qipchaq to the Balkans would once more increase due to the Ottoman conquests from the last decades of the fourteenth century onwards.

Ahrweiler�� A. all subjects of the Empire had to confess Orthodox Christianity. . R. because contradictory evi� dence is provided by other parts of the Byzantine world. Reinert�� The Muslim Presence in Constantinople�� 9th-15th Centuries: Some Preliminary Observations�� in Studies on the Internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire�� ed. this is quite a valuable observation. For instance. they had purely muslim names as subjects of the Emperor and remained as muslims. the Byzantine social system still preserved its assimilative power. undoubtedly. 135–158. traditionally. David Shankland�� Istanbul�� 2004�� vol. 154 Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower�� p. there is no such evidence in the Palaiologan Empire.tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs 07 probably settled in the region during the first Ottoman occupation in 386–403. the first step in the naturalisation of newcomers consisted in their adoption of the By� zantine state religion. Shukurov�� Crypto-Muslims of Anatolia�� in Anthropology�� Archeology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia or the Life and Times of F��W�� Hasluck �1878-1920��. 155 Shukurov�� The Byzantine Turks cit. In other words. the overwhelming majority of immigrants from both Dasht-i Qipchaq and muslim anatolia had adopted Christianity. 55 to my knowledge.54 the present case of the macedonian asians shows that the Byzantines were still successful in naturalising immigrants. the analogous Pontic anthroponymic material provides grounds to assume that.. Bartusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p. S.�� 2 vols�� ed. moreover.E. this was the result of deliberate state policy towards the immigrants settling in the Empire as subjects of the Palaiologan emperors. according to traditional Byzantine legislation. possibly some of the recently baptized asians continued to confess Islam secretly.�� p.53 Despite the rapid decline and deterioration of economic and social conditions. in the beginning of the fifteenth centu� ry. 125–150. 2�� p. the state religion of the Empire. and six persons whose religious affiliation is indefinable. 131ff. some asian newcomers in the Empire of trebizond retained their muslim faith. H. Laiou�� Washington�� 1998�� p. the anthroponymic material discussed 153 Asdracha�� La région des Rhodopes cit. 76f . one Jew. 27�� 62�� 197�� 244�� 374.

the height of the influx of both anatolian and Qipchaq turks took place at the end of the thirteenth century and the first decades of the fourteenth century. 9. the turks usually adopted Christianity and assimilated to the local economic habits and culture. in itself. . at the same time. rather dis� tant from the main strategic urban centres. anatolian and Qipchaq elements were inter� mixed and usually it is impossible to distinguish any ethnically homo� genous area populated exclusively by any single turkic sub�ethnos. especially because evidence from the narrative sources provide some supporting explanations for the concentration of turks in these particular regions. Cumans outnumbe� red the anatolian turks probably only in northwestern macedonia. most of them belonged to the lower classes of society.08 Rustam sHuKuROV here proves the contrary: the Palaiologan authorities succeeded in the Christianization of the Oriental migrants. it appears that turkic immigrants of both provenance were supposed to live in particular areas of the countryside. Ethnically. It is important to note that the assimilative aspect of Byzantine civilisation remained operative up to the very end of the Empire: ha� ving settled in the Empire. the existence of compact areas of turkic resettlement is. Conclusion Late Byzantine onomastics clearly shows the physical presence of the turks in the Byzantine Empire who settled there as the subjects of the Palaiologoi. most of the Byzantine turks were either immigrants or former and current mercenaries and the members of their families. throughout macedonia. a rather positive indication in favour of the reliability of the chosen method. most of the regis� tered turkic incomers originated from anatolia. the Black Death possibly affected the asian settlers dramatically and their numbers decreased abruptly in the second half of the fourteenth century.

The Lower Strymon. . SHUKUROV TAV.R. I Map 1 . Zichna. Drama. Serres.

SHUKUROV Map 2 .Chalkidike. II R.TAV. .

III Map 3 .R.Berroia and Lake Joannitsa. SHUKUROV TAV. .

TAV. SHUKUROV Map 4 . IV R. .Skopje and the valley of the Vardar.

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