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History 3373 Professor Johnson November 29, 2010
Foote 2 The Anglo-Germanic Dynamic: Politics and Trade from Charlemagne to Carta Mercatoria Cannon Street Station, on the north side of the Thames and less than a mile west of the London Bridge, is a terminal for above-ground rail transit in London. (See Appendix: Figure1)The exits out of the west side of the station are on a small street called Dowgate Hill which, going south towards the Thames, passes under Upper Thames Street and becomes Cousin Lane. The street ends with some steps up to the river bank, but to the left, east, is a walkway that passes under the station to the next street, Allhallows Lane. This walkway is called the Steelyard Passage. This walkway is part of the Riverside Walk, a scenic section along the banks of the Thames through London. The next section eastward towards the London Bridge was recently renamed the Hanseatic Walk. However, turning north immediately after coming out of the Steelyard Passage and walking along the east side of the Cannon Street Station, one comes to a plaque on the wall of the station,1 at the top of which is a crest with a double-headed eagle surrounded by the words ³SI:MERCAT:HANSE:THEUTONIS:LOND:IN:REGNO:ANG:RESIDEN.´2 The rest of the plaque reads: To celebrate sixty years of peace between the peoples of Britain and Germany & To commemorate six hundred years during which some 400 Hanseatic merchants inhabited peaceably in the City of London from the XIIIth to XIXth Centuries a German self-governing enclave on this site known as the Steelyard, Stilliarde or Stalhof [«] this plaque was unveiled [«] on 26th September 2005 [«]3
Alison Gowman. ³News - June 2009 update´ Alison Gowman, Alderman of Dowgate Ward, City of London, UK, http://www.alisongowman.org.uk/News%20jun09.htm (accessed November 20, 2010); Alison Gowman. ³Dowgate Ward - then and now,´ Vintry and Dowgate Wards Club, http://www.vintryanddowgate.org.uk/Dowgate%20History.htm (accessed November 20, 2010); Alison Gowman. ³News - June 2010 update,´ Alison Gowman, Alderman of Dowgate Ward, City of London, UK, http://www.alisongowman.org.uk/News%20jun10.htm, ; Riverside Walk Enhancement Strategy, December 2005. Corporation of London, Department of Planning & Transportation, http://www.cityoflondon.gov.uk/NR/rdonlyres/9EDC9E6F-BD01-4FE5-9FCB5D2BA45AFCC4/0/DP_PL_SS_CoLriversidewalkstrategyPart2.pdf 2 See Appendix: Figure 2. 3 http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/6/61/IMG_3412.jpg
Foote 3 Those 600 years were actually less a time of peaceable inhabitance than they were of frequent bickering, but this small plot along the Thames witnessed the long and substantial presence of German merchants in England. The evolution of Anglo-Germanic commerce, from the moment that merchants from various Germanic lands appeared on British shores to the time when England would conduct diplomacy not with one German nation nor a group of nations but with a confederation of Northern European cities as a single political entity, is exemplified in the status of such merchants residing in England throughout history. The trajectory of German merchants in England parallels, reflects, and is interconnected with the trajectory of English commerce and politics both foreign and domestic, as well as the trajectory of the German Hanse. The direction of the English path would by turns align with the crown, the nobles, parliament, or merchants, while that of the Hanseatic League would align with the various cities and regions. The term µHanseatic League¶ is a modern and English term. Rather, µGerman Hanse¶ would be the proper translation of the phrases used by the group and those they had business with.4 The Germanic word hanse originally had a general meaning denoting a merchant guild, occasionally narrowed to one that travelled, or the entry fee or periodic dues paid to such a guild.5 This meaning was used in England, referring to guilds of English merchants in various towns, from about 1130 to 1200 and then lost use at the same time that the word became exclusive to the association of cities and merchants of Northern Europe around 1250.6 T. H. Lloyd has placed the beginning of the German Hanse in the Baltic Sea trade.7 However, it was the German towns on the North Sea coast, in the Rhineland or Westphalia, which first gained official recognition and privileges in England.
³Hansa Teutonicorum, dudesche Hense.´ T.H. Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 1157-1611: A Study of Their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy (Cambrige, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 1. 5 Ibid., 1; Helen Zimmern mentions its use by Ulfila in his Gothic Bible as the armed group of men sent to arrest Jesus; cf., Helen Zimmern, The Hansa Towns (New York: G. P. Putnam¶s Sons, 1889), 46; cf. ³Hansa,´ Dictionary.com. Collins English Dictionary - Complete & Unabridged 10th Edition. HarperCollins Publishers. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/Hansa (accessed: November 27, 2010): ³compare Old High German hansa, Old English h s troop,´ and ³Hanseatic,´ Dictionary.com. Online Etymology Dictionary. Douglas Harper, Historian. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/Hanseatic (accessed: November 27, 2010): ³from M.L.G. hanse "fellowship, merchants' guild," from O.H.G. hansa "military troop, band, company." M.E. borrowed hanse from O.Fr. hanse, M.L. hansa (both from O.H.G.) in sense of "a company of merchants" (1199).´ 6 Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 1-2. 7 Ibid., 3.
Foote 4 By the late seventh century England exported cloth, which was called µFrisian¶ by those who bought it, because it was sold by Frisians. Evidence of English cloth exports, and of somewhat robust level of interaction between the island and the continent, are found in a letter8 from Charlemagne to King Offa of Mercia (r. 757-796), in which Charlemagne comments on the poor quality of English cloth in his soldiers¶ uniforms. However, Charlemagne agrees to reciprocal protection of merchants and pilgrims in each other¶s realm. Offa is also alleged to have proposed an embargo on English commerce because of Charlemagne¶s failure to carry out a dynastic marriage. Most active in the trade from the sixth to eighth centuries were the Frisians, who are reported in London and York. 9 Frisian dominance in English trade came to an end with the Scandinavian invasions and Danes and other Scandinavians are mentioned in England in the tenth century. 10 Specific and concrete evidence of Germanic merchants in England only appear around the year 1000 in a collection of laws and codes, called the ³Institutes of London´, attributed to King Aethelred II (The Unready). These codes set the tolls merchants had to pay when docking at Billingsgate (see Appendix: Figures 3, 9 & 10).11 Along with merchants from Flanders, Poitou, Normandy, France, Huy, Liege, and Nivelles,12 there are ³homines imperatoris qui veniebant in navibus suis,´ i.e. ³men of the Emperor who came in their ships.´ Most scholars mention at least Cologne as their origin, along with other cities.13 From the wording of the document, these merchants enjoyed rights as if they were English subjects.
Places where Charlemagne¶s letter can be found are indicated in A. Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse Between England and Germany.´ Economica 5 (1922): 127n1. http://www.jstor.org. 9 M. M. Postan, The Medieval Economy and Society: An Economic History of Britain, 1100-1500. (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), 186. Huffman includes pilgrims, 9n1. 10 Postan, Medieval Economy and Society,188. 11 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 127. 12 Norman Scott Brien Gras, The Early English Customs System: A Documentary Study of the Institutional and Economic History of the Customs From the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1918), 154, GoogleBooks, http://books.google.com/books?id=RUHkq8jvZ7AC. 13 As Joseph Huffman relates, ³with others from the Westphalian cities of Dortmund, Soest, and Münster,´ or with ³Itel, Deventer, and Utrecht,´ or with ³Tiel, and Bremen.´ Cf. Joseph P. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion in London and Cologne: Anglo-German emigrants, c. 1000-1300 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 9-10.
Foote 5 Archaeology has proved that the Dowgate dock (see Appendix: Figure3) was occupied by Rouen wine merchants before the Norman Conquest,14 and trade with Bremen appears to have occurred both before and after.15 Much later, merchants from Cologne would claim privileges dating to William the Conqueror who, according to tradition, was assisted by the Archbishop of Cologne, Anno II (1056-75). 16 The Norman Conquest reoriented trade southwards and westwards.17 One result was that Flanders rose in prominence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Another factor was that their population had outgrown the available agricultural occupations and so industrial occupations grew, particularly in cloth-making. England was close and was a major producer of wool.18 William of Malmesbury, in his De gestis pontificum Anglorum of 1125, reports German merchants as the majority of foreign merchants in London and York at that time, but gives no indication of the cities they came from, nor does another contemporary source, the Ley as Lorengs or Law of the Lorrainers, from about 1130. However, Lower Lorraine included a region near Cologne, 19 and the Ley appears to be based on Aethelred, as it refers to Lorrainers as µmen of the emperor¶.20 It¶s no coincidence that the continental locations so far hinted at include Flanders and Cologne or Bremen, as the first two are along the Rhine river, and Bremen on the Weser only about 100 miles to the east. But the Rhineland was most favorably oriented for trade with Britain. The mouths of the Rhine and the Thames are nearly the same latitude, allowing a simple and straight east-west route. And the men of the Emperor had not only the ambition, but also the ships and capital, which Britain lacked. 21 At this time Cologne supplied ³Rhenish wine, weaponry and metalwork, luxury cloth and linen, precious gold and
Ibid., 12. Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 127. 16 Ibid., 133. 17 Ibid.,127; Postan, Medieval Economy and Society,190. 18 Ibid.,190. 19 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 12; original Latin passage, 12n21. 20 Ibid., 13; translation of relevant paragraph, 13n25. 21 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse, 127; Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 11-12.
Foote 6 silver objects, spices, wax, fustian, and grain in exchange for wool, raw metals like tin, and commodities like lard and bacon.´22 It is the city of Cologne which first dominates the German trade with England. In addition to its favorable geographical location, the politics and government of the area developed a friendly disposition toward England. One powerful role was played by the Cologne archbishops, many of whom were also lords and imperial chancellors who performed the function of crowing the German king-elect at Aachen. They would eventually develop strong connections to the English royalty and were often the diplomatic mediators between England and the Empire.23 The period following William the Conqueror would see two relatively nondescript reigns, but these were followed by a contested reign that saw armed conflict in both England and Normandy and was handled incompetently. Henry II, the product of the Anglo-Norman line and the County of Anjou, took the throne in 1154 as the first of the House of Plantagenet.24 It is now that the development of AngloGermanic commerce begins apace, and the historical record blooms as well. The Great Schism of the Catholic Church occurred at this time, and the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick Barbarossa,25 with the encouragement of the Archbishop of Cologne, took the side against Pope Alexander, and sought to be joined by Henry II of England, who had his own conflict with the Pope regarding Archbishop Becket of Canterbury.26 In 1157 Henry II sent a letter to the emperor, declining to return a relic Henry¶s mother had brought to England and the Emperor wanted back, but, more importantly, Henry indicates the mutual desire and importance of safe trade between Germany and England.27 Most of the trading privileges granted by England that follow are in the context of Anglo-German diplomacy. This context helps explain
Ibid., 12. Ibid., 1-4. 24 C. Warren Holister, Robert C. Stacey and Robin Chapman Stacey. The Making of England to 1399, 8th Ed. (Boston/New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.: 2001), 154-178. 25 He had been crowned by the Germans as King of the Romans in 1152, then Emperor by the Pope in 1155. 26 Travers Twiss. ³On the Early Charters Granted by the Kings of England to the Merchants of Cologne.´ Report of the Ninth Annual Conference, held at Cologne, August 16th ± 19th, 1881. London: William Cowes and Sons, Ltd, 1882. GoogleBooks, 15. 27 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 15; original quoted 15n36. ³Frederick Barbarossa[µs] political difficulties compelled him to maintain a close friendship with Henry II,´ Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´129; Henry¶s so-called µsubmissive letter¶ quoted 129n4.
Foote 7 the support and allegiance Cologne gave to Otto IV, of the Welf (Guelph) House, nephew to Henry II¶s children, and who sought and obtained the imperial throne for a time, as well as the support for Otto¶s successor and rival of the Hohenstaufen line, Frederick II, who would marry Isabella, daughter of King John, in 1235.28 During the years 1173 to 1175, Henry II issued two charters to the merchants of Cologne in England, and in July of 1175 extended their protection to the continental lands of his jurisdiction. 29 Even though by this time Henry II had gotten past the major consequences of Thomas Becket¶s murder and had reconciled with Pope Alexander III, he was also facing a French threat that would spark family troubles. Henry¶s marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine had increased the Angevin lands, which now dwarfed the Kingdom of France, but French nobles in and out of his jurisdiction, encouraged by their King Louis VII, were resentful and increasingly disregarded the over-extended English throne. One factor undoubtedly was that Eleanor had been Louis¶ wife before divorcing. Added to this was the fact that he was joining with Emperor Frederick Barbarossa in efforts to end the papal schism, and had a part in stirring up the rebellion of Henry¶s sons who, as teenagers, were probably led by Eleanor herself.30 Thus, good relations with someone would help, and these included the marriage of his daughter Matilda in 1168 to Duke Henry the Lion of Saxony, of the House of Guelph, and the creation of more robust ties with the merchants of Cologne. 31 Of course, the Cologne charters don¶t explicitly recognize the political contexts, and are obviously aimed at encouraging trade between the England and Cologne. 32 One of the charters, both of which are dated to around 1173 to 1175, orders the bailiffs and sheriffs of London, and all other royal officers in England, to give perpetual protection to the ³men and citizens of Cologne, just like men of my
Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 13-14. Ibid., 14; former charter quoted in full, 14n29, the latter, 14n30. These charters have been the subject of an interesting dating debate. Although Huffman and Twiss discuss the first two in different order, there is no indication of their specific chronology, nor that either order has any significance; cf. Huffman, 14-18 and Twiss, 17. 30 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 179-197. 31 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 16. 32 Ibid., 16-17.
Foote 8 own and friends,´ and to their property and merchandise. As long as these merchants pay the traditional dues, no new taxes or fees can be required of them without their consent.33 More importantly, there is the first mention, in terms that don¶t suggest a new development, of Cologners having some type of building of their own in London (domo sua Londonensi),34 which, along with their property, shall not suffer ³any injury or insult.´35 The next charter is shorter and, besides the standard statement of protection, permits the Cologne merchants to sell their wine at the same place as the French Rouen merchants and for the same price. 36 Very near the time these two charters were issued, Henry expanded their application to all areas ³owing fealty to the King, both French and English.´37 Louis VII of France died in 1180, and his son, Philipp II ³Augustus´ would conspire with Richard and John to rebel against their father, Henry II. They invaded Henry¶s lands in Anjou in 1189 and defeated him. Henry was already old and ill and died almost immediately afterwards, and Richard was crowned, only to leave in 1190 on a Crusade to the Holy Land, along with Philipp II and Frederick Barbarossa. Richard¶s adventure was very unlucky. On the way, Frederick Barbarossa drowned crossing a river and Richard and Philip butted heads so much that Philip went home forming plots against the Angevins. Richard was unable to take back Jerusalem and left for home, only to be captured in January 1192 by the Duke of Austria and handed over to the Frederick Barbarossa¶s heir, Emperor Henry VI.38 The next development of Anglo-Cologne commercial relations was a result of the outcome of Richard¶s ordeal. The Emperor demanded that he receive overlordship of England, by which Richard would hold the kingdom as a fief of the Empire, and an enormous ransom of 150,000 Cologne marks (£ 100,000), which was ultimately raised through harsh taxation on the English.39 Interestingly, this ransom sum was calculated according to a levy on 50,000 sacks of wool, and paid in English sterling silver and
³homines et cives Colonienses sicut homines meos et amicos,´ ibid., 17 glossed by a later hand as gildhalla sua, Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 15. 35 Twiss, ³Early Charters,´ 17, has an excellent paraphrase of the charter. 36 Twiss: ³a sextary for three pennies;´ Huffman: ³3 pence for a pint.´ Twiss, ³Early Charters,´ 15, also well paraphrased; Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion,18. 37 Twiss, ³Early Charters,´ 20, with good paraphrase. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 19; full quote of original, 19n45. 38 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 197-200. 39 Ibid., 199-200; Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 55.
Foote 9 bullion, a major source of English coinage circulating in northern Germany and the Low Countries in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 40 The negotiations and final release of Richard by the Emperor involved the Archbishops of Mainz and Cologne as well as other Archbishops and German princes, among them Duke Henry the Warrior of Louvain, Richard¶s cousin, to all of whom Richard had promised feudal rents in England as reward for their help. The Archbishop of Cologne accompanied Richard until his departure from the Continent and performed a mass in Cologne celebrating Richard¶s release. Then, at Louvain, Richard issued the most favorable charter yet to Cologne. By this charter, the merchants of Cologne were exempted from their yearly payment of 2 shillings for their guildhall (de Gildhalla sua Londoniensi), from paying any other local fees wherever they went in England, given the right to attend all fairs, buy and sell anywhere, and exercise their traditional customs. 41 This charter of Richard¶s is the first time that the residence of the Cologne merchants in London is officially called a guildhall. This guildhall soon became the headquarters of the German merchants, although monopolized by Cologne for over a century. Merchants from Westphalia and the Rhineland joined in order to enjoy the same privileges, but the Cologners had the right to charge the guild entrance fee. The guildhall was unique in England, recognized by the Crown as a legal organization in itself. As a guild, they had their own alderman, whose external role was to be the merchants¶ representative in negotiations with London or higher courts.42 As mentioned earlier, the guildhall of the Cologners was on the Thames, on the east side of Dowgate. (See Appendix: Figure 3) This must have been an appropriate place, perhaps tracing back to Colonge¶s trade in wine, as the wine merchants of Rouen were on the west side of Dowgate, an area which would soon be called the Vintry. (See Appendix: Figures 12 & 13) Archaeological excavations provide a picture of what this building was like. 10.3 meters wide, east to west, and roughly 30 meters north to south, the guildhall¶s interior was divided into a section 3 meters wide and one 6.4 by an arcade situated north to south. This arcade was supported by ³square bases with a
Ibid., 55; Postan, Medieval Economy and Society, 190. Twiss, ³Early Charters,´ 23; charter of Richard Lionheart translated in full, 21-22. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 19-20; full quote of original, 20n47. 42 Ibid., 17.
Foote 10 plain chamfer [«] built out of skillfully cut stone from Caen and Surrey, and measured 0.9 meters on each side.´ Stone from Caen had been imported and used since the eleventh century for royal buildings, an indication of the value of the residence and the wealth of its members. The outer walls were chalk and gravel, except for the upper portion, made from stone brought in from Kent. There were places for storage, as well as residential and general living areas on the first floor.43 Around this period, some general statements can be made about the direction and content of Anglo-German trade. Grain imports by Germans were significant, especially during times of famine or scarcity,44 and the Germans supplied fish as well. From the Slavic and Nordic lands farther east, the Germans imported hardwoods and especially softwoods, which were scarce in England after the period of internal agricultural land conversion: ³Much of the timber arrived already made up into boards, beams, rafters; masts, spars, oars; barrel staves, dishes and trenchers; and increasingly, as time went on, wainscoting and furniture of all kinds.´45 Also provided by the eastern forests were materials such as ³potash, [«] needed, especially for dyeing, pitch and tar, especially for shipbuilding, and wax for the candle makers.´ From the Baltic came hemp for ropes and canvas for sails, both sometimes ready-made. Previously brought by Norwegians before the late 13th century were furs of sable, ermine and the Arctic squirrel, sold to London skinners who had monopoly on supplying the royal household. Arctic squirrels seem to have been particularly popular with the royal households. Edward I purchased an average of 120,000 skins a year, while Richard II purchased 350,000 in one year. Even local figures indulged in luxury clothing, such as a fourteenth century Mayor of London who had 18 robes.46 The relationship between Cologne and England would play a large role from 1198 to 1215 in the competition for the German throne between candidates of the Houses of Welf and Staufen as well as the attempt to keep Angevin territory out of French hands. The Welf candidate, Otto IV, was the son of Welf
Ibid., 18. Eleanora Carus-Wilson, ³The Medieval Trade of the Ports of the Wash.´ Medieval Archaeology. 6-7, (196263):14, http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/adsdata/arch-769-1/ahds/dissemination/pdf/vol06-07/6_182_201.pdf. 45 Ibid., 15. 46 Ibid., 15-16.
Foote 11 Duke Henry the Lion, married to Richard¶s sister, Matilda. Richard also allied himself with Count Baldwin IX of Flanders and others against Phillip Augustus. Count Baldwin¶s son-in-law, the succeeding Count of Flanders, Ferdinand, would continue the fight against France with John.47 Richard, together with Archbishop Adolf of Cologne, was able to secure Otto¶s election in 1198, and after Richard died fighting for the Angevin lands, John continued this policy. At first, John hesitated to support Otto because of treaties, but when the war with Philip II flared up again in 1202 over Aquitaine, he wholeheartedly gave his support to Otto, who was having success defending his title. John hoped his aid would encourage Otto to reciprocate and help England against France, and he sent the town of Cologne a letter thanking them for supporting Otto and exhorting them to continue.48 By 1204, however, Otto had lost support of the archbishop and others. John then sought to improve the situation by confirming Cologne¶s privileges in England, although not renewing the exemption from customary dues. A complete royal charter of confirmation was issued later that year, still requiring customary dues, but all privileges were contingent on continued support of Otto.49 Another supporter of Otto was the Count of Flanders who was also aiding John against Philip in France. Pope Innocent III had attempted to have the Welf and Staufen Houses make peace, but Otto refused Philip¶s demands. The struggle was about to start again when Philip was murdered in 1208, and Otto married Philip¶s daughter. By promising not to attempt hereditary succession if he were Holy Roman Emperor, Otto was also reconciled with the Pope, who finally crowned Otto at Rome in 1209. However, a quarrel broke out yet again with the Pope, who then gave his support to the Hohenstaufen line, in the person of Frederick II. Strengthened by such support, Frederick went to Germany and was crowned King of the Germans at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1212.50 Not until 1213, when Frederick II Hohenstaufen had been made Emperor in Mainz and John and Otto were under Papal interdict for their opposition, did John fully
Huffman. Family, Commerce and Religion, 20., 20n49. Ibid., 21. 49 Ibid., 21. Full quote of original Latin.21n51. 50 Twiss, ³Early Charters, 26-27. Full Latin text of the five charters reproduced 28-30, based on previous publication by others.
Foote 12 confirm Richard¶s charter as long as its privileges did not contradict those of London. At this point, France was still threatening invasion and Otto was now trying to at least hold on to his ancestral lands in Lüneburg and Brunswick. Support of Cologne for both was crucial.51 Bremen had also remained loyal to Otto, though not so steadfastly as Cologne, and John issued privileges in 1213 to Bremen merchants who had supported Otto. 52 Although the alliances of Henry II and, later, his sons with their Brunswick relatives would suffer utter defeat at Bouvines in 1214, the merchants of Cologne reaped enormous benefits.53 John¶s defeat, the losses of all the French lands, and the toll of heavy taxes raised to fund such a defeat led to the insurrection of barons against John. John was quickly forced to accept the terms of that well-known Great Charter54, but when John obtained Papal absolution from his oath to the barons, the barons appealed to Philip II, who sent his son, Prince Louis. This was the beginning of what would be called the 1st Baron¶s War. After John died of dysentery trying to flee to safety and his nine-year-old son, Henry III was crowned, and when Prince Louis occupied London and claimed the right to the throne, the barons quickly ended their rebellion and threw their support to their English king. 55 The individuals in charge of Henry III¶s regency understandably sought a safe and conciliatory trade policy. Less than three months after Prince Louis agreed to peace in 1217, letters of safe-conduct were issued to some Bremen merchants. Later, during the occasional disputes with Flanders or France, English ports that had been closed were specifically told to keep on good terms with German merchants.56 Increasingly, more charters and letters were for protection at inland fairs. English embargoes on French and Poitevin vessels gave an advantage to the vessels from central and northern Europe. 57
Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 21-22; full quote of 1213 charter in original Latin, 22n52. Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse ,´134. 53 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 22. 54 Even England¶s barons recognized Richard and John¶s development of trade relations as essential for the nation, and included demands for merchant protection in their Magna Carta. Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 133. 55 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 208-212, 259 56 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 134. 57 Ibid., 135.
Foote 13 Cologne¶s privileged position gradually eroded during Henry III¶s reign. The rising development of the ³Easterlings´ in the Baltic Sea, beginning in the early 1200s primarily from Lübeck, soon overshadowed Cologne by 1300. Lübeck had only been founded in 1159 by Germans from the west, and initially the Baltic towns, which included Visby, Rostock, Stralsund, Elbing, and Riga and led de facto by Lübeck, did not sail around the peninsula of Jutland. Instead, they would crossed the area of Schleswig west to Hamburg and then to Flanders or England.58 But around 1250 a new type of ship called a cog was developed that was superior to the Scandinavian or Slavic ships, more stable, and could carry two to three times as much weight (200-300 tons).59 The Hanse merchants soon dominated the route through the Sound between Denmark and Sweden, around Denmark and back down to the North Sea coastal towns.60 To return, the privileges of the Cologners already seem to be vulnerable in 1220. A Pipe Roll entry for this year shows that they paid a fee in order to retain seisin of their guildhall in London. 61 It seems that the Cologners were mistreating the new Baltic merchants, as Lübeck obtained a charter from Emperor Frederick II to stop the Cologne merchants from charging them their own fees.62 The Cologners must have felt the need to reassert their exclusive privileges in the face of this threat, and were promised royal protection from Henry III in 1231.63 Interestingly, a year before, English favor toward the Germanic lands further expanded when Henry II extended his royal protection to the merchants subject to Duke Otto of Brunswick, which included Lübeck, as well as those subject to the County of Flanders.64 There was family history behind this action. Duke Otto was the grandson of Duke Henry the Lion of Saxony, the husband of Henry III¶s
Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 23. David Gaimster, ³A Parallel History: The Archaeology of Hanseatic Urban Culture in the Baltic c. 1200-1600,´ World Archaeology 37, no. 3, Historical Archaeology (2005):412. http://www.jstor.org. 60 Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 4. For a good description of the development in the Baltic, cf. Lloyd 3-4. 61 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 24. Full quote of original Latin, 24n3. 62 Ibid., 24. Original Latin quoted in full, 24n2. 63 Ibid., original Latin quoted in full, 24n6. 64 Ibid., 24.
Foote 14 aunt, Matilda, and the nephew of Otto IV. 65 At the time, Ferdinand, son of the King of Portugal, had just been released by the King of France. He had joined the side of Otto IV and John at the Battle of Bouvines in 1214, only to be wounded and caught by the French while trying to flee. Countess Joan, whose mother was a niece of Richard I and John, ruled alone until 1226, but in the meantime had become friendly with John¶s enemies, Philip Augustus and Louis VIII. 66 In 1235, another international connection was made through the marriage of Henry¶s sister, Isabella, to Emperor Frederick II. Henry III renewed Cologne¶s charters of Richard I and John, freeing them from paying a fee for their guildhall, probably as a reward to the Cologne Archbishop for escorting Isabella to Germany, and on the same day declared the Cologne privileges at Hoyland market. 67 In the 1230s, Henry prepared to assert himself on the continent and fight France for the lands John had lost. The ports were closed to French vessels and the Eastern German merchants, as German merchants did in the previous reign, took the place of intermediaries between the King of England and his allies on the continent, as well as assisting in financing his efforts.68 In 1234, the German merchants were still identified by England as two distinct groups, those of the land of the German king and those subject to the Archbishop of Cologne. The guildhall in London was still identified with the Cologners in 1244. But in 1237, the German merchants of Visby, Gotland, received their own charter of privileges, and there is evidence that the traditional privileges of the western Germans were extended to the Easterlings. In 1252, Hamburg received its own privileges and protection from the king. 69 During the 1240s and 50s, novel commodities appeared and larger amounts of money were involved. The King was possibly the best
Charles Cawley, ³Brunswick,´ Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/BRUNSWICK.htm#_Toc121385850 (accessed November 28, 2010). 66 Charles Cawley, ³BAUDOUIN de Hainaut,´ Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/FLANDERS,%20HAINAUT.htm#BaudouinIXdied1205B 67 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 25, both in full original Latin, 25nn7 and 8. Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 137. 68 Ibid. 69 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 26-27.
Foote 15 customer, and interceded when his officials overstepped their boundaries. This is evidenced by the many orders sent to the bailiffs and sheriffs of the ports to release ships, goods, and even merchants.70 The next two decades were a major turning point in the emergence of a league of Hanseatic cities. In 1241, Lübeck and Hamburg formed a confederation to protect the territory between the Elbe and Rave rivers from bandits. 71 Some scholars have taken this policing treaty, added it to the trading privileges they both had, and deemed the product the ³nucleus´ of the Hanseatic League.72 However, in 1250 is the first record of the three principal cities acting together, in this instance on behalf of a London accusation against Lübeck, and the first mention of their alderman in 1251.73 In 1258, Cologne formed a treaty with Bremen, 74 and in 1259, a treaty was formed between Hamburg and Bremen, 75 and between Lübeck, Rostock, and Wismar in order to unite against piracy.76 In the middle of these moves towards confederation, the first mention of an ³alderman of the Germans´ occurs in 1251. This was an Arnold fitz Tedmar (Arnaldo Thedmar).77 This alderman was involved when the Hanse would extend their property, purchasing an adjacent plot called the Steelyard (Stalhof), a name which would eventually be applied to the whole complex. 78 (See Appendix: Figures 4, 5 & 6) Around this time, there are also records describing the nature of the Steelyard society. The walled and gated complex had a curfew of 8 P.M. in the winter and 9 in the summer. By the river was their wharf, fully equipped with a crane. The younger Germans, µfactors¶ and apprentices of home-based firms had to abide by a strict system of discipline, including no fighting, fencing, ball-playing, or µloose
Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 140-141. Weiner confuses the documents and leaves one out, 140. Certification by Hamburg of promise to recognize the outlawry of Lübeckers, Hansisches Urkundenbuch, I, ed. Konstantin Höhlbaum (Halle: Weisenhauses, 1876), I, no. 303, http://books.google.com/books?id=r-8OAAAAYAAJ (accessed November 28, 2010), hereafter HUB, followed by volume and item number.; Certification by Lübeck vice versa, HUB, I, 304; actual treaty is HUB, I, 305. 72 Cf. Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 140. 73 Ibid., 141-142; Weiner¶s date of1260 must be a typo. 74 Ending a conflict, and setting conditions for which a Cologner can arrest a Bremener, HUB, I, 515. 75 Each will not protect debtors of the other, HUB, I, 524. 76 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 27. 77 Ibid., 27. 78 Carus-Wislon, ³Medieval Trade,´ 16.
Foote 16 women.¶ The Steelyard elected its own alderman, who sometimes had to be a citizen of London, and had his own house within the Steelyard.79 More significant, however, is the entrance of King Henry III¶s brother, Richard of Cornwall, into the story. In 1257, Henry III granted a charter to the merchants of Lübeck at the request of his brother, who had recently been elected King of the Romans and was in Germany for the first time. According to this charter, similar privileges had been given to merchants of Brunswick and Denmark, contingent on support of Richard,80 and Groningen received one in 1258 at Richard¶s request as well.81 The charter of 126082 is also at the request of his brother King Richard of Germany but its language reveals an extremely significant change. The privileges that were once given only to the merchants of Cologne and their colleagues of Westphalia now apply to all merchants of the Kingdom of Germany (regni Allemannie). Furthermore, the guildhall in London is no longer referred to as that of the Cologne merchants, the gildhalla Teutonicorum.83 (See Appendix: Figure 4) A much later copy of this document possessed by Cologne inserts phrasing that hints towards resentment of losing sole possession of the guildhall, but the situation has definitely changed. In 1260, the alderman Arnold fitz Tedmar, along with the members of the German merchants, purchased a rent from some land immediately to the east of the guildhall, a sign of plans for expansion.84 In 1254, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, regent of England while Henry III was in France, ordered the bailiffs of Yarmouth to seize the goods of merchants from Zealand and Holland after other men from these areas had robbed merchants of Yarmouth.85 Although Henry III had suffered financial and political setbacks, he still purchased the throne of Sicily for his second son, Edmund, and worked towards getting
Ibid., 17. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 28; full quote in original Latin, 28n20. 81 HUB, I, 507. 82 Huffman. Family, Commerce and Religion, 28; full quote in original Latin, 28n21. 83 Ibid., 29. Cornelius Walford, ³An Outline History of the Hanseatic League, More Particularly in its Bearings upon English Commerce.´ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (1881): 82-136. http://www.jstor.org, 88, describes the contents, yet under the very wrong date of 1232. Cf. HUB, I, 552. 84 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 29; HUB, I, 540. 85 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 142. Weiner describes the Germanic pirates as ³certain men of the King of Germany,´ failing to specify that they were from Zealand and Holland. These areas were on the frontier of such a king¶s jurisdiction, and retaliation against merchants from the same area is thus not arbitrary; cf. HUB, I, 173.
Foote 17 Richard elected Holy Roman Emperor. Richard was elected in early 1257 and left for Germany in May. Within a couple of weeks Henry issued his charter for Lübeck, which was contingent on their support of Richard. The next year, the bishop of Lübeck announced to his city that Richard¶s kingship was everywhere recognized and he had been crowned at Aachen. Thus, the citizens of Lübeck should continue to support him. That they did so is perhaps a strong reason why Henry issued his charter of 1260 that encompassed all German merchants.86 However, all foreigners faced difficulty going about their business when the barons, soon under the leadership of Simon de Montfort, began their campaign against foreigners.87 This was during what would be called the 2nd Barons¶ War, beginning in 1263 as discontent over ³foreigners´ who were favored by the king and soon developed into military conflict against king Henry himself. This uprising ended when the barons were defeated in 1265 at the Battle of Evesham, where Simon was killed, and was formally ended by the October 31, 1266, Dictum of Kenilworth. 88 Already at the end of 1260, the officials of King Richard of Germany went before King Henry complaining that one Robert de Beauchamp had been interfering in the Southampton market.89 During the end of 1264 and the beginning of 1265, Henry received numerous reports of grievances from Margaret of Flanders and the towns of Cologne and Hamburg. 90 These were reports of damages done to their merchants in the towns of the Cinque Ports, who were all on the side of the anti-foreign de Montfort. After de Monfort¶s death, his loyal barons only submitted to Henry when Prince Edward promised fair terms of punishment.91 Very soon after, foreigners were receiving new privileges. From Kenilworth, only nine days after issuing the Dictum, Henry III granted Hamburg an independent Hansa.92 In the last week of the year, he
Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 143. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 29. 88 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 274-279. 89 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 144. Weiner¶s citation of the HUB is a typo, and should be HUB, I, 556. 90 HUB, I, 603, 604, 605, 606, 608, 612; apparently, Countess Margaret of Flanders had allowed retaliation in her land, HUB, I, 625. 91 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 144-145. 92 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 31, grant quoted in full, 31n29.
Foote 18 exempted Lübeck merchants from arrest for debts and the royal prise93 and at the beginning of January they were also granted their own Hansa.94 Lübeck may have received these by still supporting Richard,95 but it seems that Duke Albrecht of Brunswick had the bigger role. All three actions by Henry had been at the request of the Duke, son of Duke Otto previously mentioned, and thus a relative. More interestingly, the day after the Dictum of Kenilworth, November 1, at Windsor, Duke Albrecht was married to Adelheid, daughter of the Margrave Bonifacius of Montferrat, who was a relative of Henry III¶s wife, Eleanor.96 Eleanor also had a role to play in the Anglo-Hanseatic trade, particularly when these previous royal privileges did not prevent some conflicts outside of London. Around 1267, there was a prohibition on exporting wool, particularly to Flanders,97 which many German merchants were disregarding.98 In 1270, difficulties were reported to Hamburg by Germans in London, and Margaret of Flanders was again appealing to the King for release of Flemish goods.99 Then, at the end of 1271 and beginning of 1272, the merchants in Lynn reported threats to the rights of Lübeck merchants.100 It was at the request of Eleanor that, just a few months before he died in 1272, Henry released merchants from Brunswick, Lübeck, and Dortmund who had been arrested and had appealed to the queen. The statement of release definitely refers
Ibid.,, 31, quoted 31n30. The royal prise can be understood as a tax on commerce, but one that is placed on sellers when they sell to royal officials for the royal household, court, etc. Additionally, there is evidence of officials taking advantage of being the middlemen, such as delinquency of payment, purchasing at extreme discounts, which hurt the merchant, or sometimes purchasing more than the king needed and then selling the extra for a profit, which obviously benefited their own pocket. cf. Meir Kohn , ³Organized Markets in Pre-Industrial Europe,´ Working paper, Dartmouth College Department of Economics, 2003, 7, http://www.dartmouth.edu/~mkohn/Papers/17.%20Markets.pdf 94 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 31, quoted 31n31. 95 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 145-146. 96 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion , 31; Latin quoted, 31n32; Spehr, ³Albrecht I., Herzog von Braunschweig,³ Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 1 (1875), 257-261, http://www.deutschebiographie.de/artikelADB_pnd122098919.html, which states that there was some sort of long-distance, proxy marriage of the two in 1262. 97 Interestingly, in 1262, Henry granted some shipping privileges to Aardenburg (Rodenburgh) in Zeeland and Ardenaarde in Flanders, HUB, I, 576 & 576. Apparently, these were based on the charter given to Brugges in 1260, HUB, I, 547, which in turn was based on one for Ghent the previous year, HUB, I, 528. 98 Weiner, ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 147. HUB 99 HUB, I, 673, 684. 100 HUB, I, 700 & 701.
Foote 19 to a prohibition on trading with Flanders.101 Eleanor was part of a family of international connections. Besides being related to the Duke of Brunswick through her mother, and being Queen of England, one of her sisters, Margaret, was Queen to Louis IX of France, another, Sanchia, Queen to Earl Richard of Cornwall, King of the Romans,102 and another, Beatrice, Queen to Charles I, brother of Louis IX, at first Count of Anjou and Provence, and eventually King of Sicily, Naples, and Albania, among other titles.103 Prior to 1260, it seems that three Hansas existed within the same guildhall, and Lübeck might have actually had one in Lynn.104 According to the various meanings of the term hanse, scholars have understood that all three cities now had their own group to which fees were paid for the formation and for maintenance and funding, and served as a concrete identification of their rights in England.105 But three separate recognitions soon became a cause of confusion. In 1275, an investigation into who held responsibility for maintaining and defending Bishopsgate (See Appendix: Figure 3, 9 & 10) produced attributions of responsibility to Teutonici [the Germans], or Danorum [the Danes] of the Dennishemanneshalle [the hall of the Danes]. There is evidence that Danish traders had previously been responsible for Bishopsgate, and were replaced by Germans, but there is also the idea that the ³Easterlings´ (of Lübeck or Hamburg) passed through the territory of Denmark on the way to England. The confusion led to a second investigation into the dispute in 1279, where there is no longer mention of any Danes, but the verdict placed responsibility on the Germans in general. The merchants of Cologne would not have accepted this, as they had been exempted from any fees regarding upkeep of the city walls, of which Bishopsgate was a part. Before the case was decided, Edward I, in November 1281, confirmed Henry III¶s charter of 1260 without distinction between the groups. Seven months later, the mayor and merchants of London still claimed the Germans owed the duty, which they disputed, and at the suggestion of the London group, in the presence of the Barons of the Exchequer, King Edward threatened
HUB, I, 705, 707. Luigi Tosti, History of Pope Boniface VIII and His Times. Eugene Donnelley, trans. (New York: Christian Press Association Publishing, 1911), 40, http://books.google.com/books?id=i0oQAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA40 103 Encyclopedia Britannica 11th ed., s.v. "Charles I [Naples]." 104 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 31-32. 105 Ibid., 31-32; Weiner ³Early Commercial Intercourse,´ 145.
Foote 20 revocation of privileges. The Germans gave in and the negotiated settlement required them to maintain and defend Bishopsgate with an initial repair fee, to pay one-third of the future cost for such expenses, and reconfirmed their privileges in the city. Significantly, the German merchants were represented by men from Dortmund, Hamburg, Münster, and Cologne. Thus, this event has been identified as the moment when one Hanse emerged out of three. The Cologne merchants tried once more in 1290 to assert their older particular privileges, but this only resulted in a reconfirmation of Henry III¶s 1235 charter.106 Edward issued a special invitation to German merchants in 1293, while he was trying to build a coalition with German princes against the French. 107 In 1299, after resolving a dispute that had ensued between the Hanse and the sheriffs and mayor of London, Edward I renewed Henry III¶s privileges, given now for the gilda Teutonicorm and the haunca Alemannie. Although merchants from Cologne would be among the leaders in London, the final seal of a single, unified Hansa of German merchants was made by Edward¶s Carta Mercatoria of 1303, which pertained to all merchants, foreign or native. 108
Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 32-37. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 38, quoted in full, 38n55. 108 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 38-39.
Foote 21 Bibliography Carus-Wilson, Eleanora. ³The German Hanse in the Economy of Medieval England,´ in Aspekte der deutsch-britischen Beziehungen im Laufe der Jahrhunderte : Ansprachen u. Vortrage zur Eroffnung d. Dt. Histor. Inst. London = Aspects of Anglo-German relations through the centuries. Edited by Paul Kluke and Peter Alter, 14-23. Stuttgart : Klett-Cotta, 1978. Carus-Wilson, Eleanora. ³The Medieval Trade of the Ports of the Wash.´ Medieval Archaeology. 6-7, (1962-63): 182-201. http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/adsdata/arch-7691/ahds/dissemination/pdf/vol06-07/6_182_201.pdf Cawley, Charles. ³Brunswick,´ Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/BRUNSWICK.htm#_Toc121385850 (accessed November 28, 2010). Cawley, Charles. ³BAUDOUIN de Hainaut,´ Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/FLANDERS,%20HAINAUT.htm#BaudouinIXdied1205B, (accessed November 28, 2010). Gaimster, David. ³A Parallel History: The Archaeology of Hanseatic Urban Culture in the Baltic c. 12001600,´ World Archaeology 37, no. 3, Historical Archaeology, 2005: 408-423. . http://www.jstor.org. Gowman, Alison. ³News - June 2009 update´ Alison Gowman, Alderman of Dowgate Ward, City of London, UK, http://www.alisongowman.org.uk/News%20jun09.htm . (accessed November 20, 2010). Gowman, Alison. ³Dowgate Ward - then and now,´ Vintry and Dowgate Wards Club, http://www.vintryanddowgate.org.uk/Dowgate%20History.htm (accessed November 20, 2010). Gras, Norman Scott Brien. The Early English Customs System: A Documentary Study of the Institutional and Economic History of the Customs From the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1918), GoogleBooks, http://books.google.com/books?id=RUHkq8jvZ7AC. Hansisches Urkundenbuch, I, ed. Konstantin Höhlbaum (Halle: Weisenhauses, 1876), http://books.google.com/books?id=r-8OAAAAYAAJ (accessed November 28, 2010). Holister, C. Warren, Robert C. Stacey and Robin Chapman Stacey. The Making of England to 1399, 8th Ed. Boston/New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.: 2001. Huffman, Joseph P. Family, Commerce, and Religion in London and Cologne: Anglo-German emigrants, c. 1000-c. 1300. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Kohn, Meir. ³Organized Markets in Pre-Industrial Europe,´ Working paper, Dartmouth College Department of Economics, 2003, http://www.dartmouth.edu/~mkohn/Papers/17.%20Markets.pdf Lloyd, T.H. England and the German Hanse, 1157-1611: A Study of Their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
Postan, M. M. Medieval Trade and Finance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973. Postan, M. M. The Medieval Economy and Society: An Economic History of Britain, 1100-1500. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972. Riverside Walk Enhancement Strategy, December 2005. Corporation of London, Department of Planning & Transportation. http://www.cityoflondon.gov.uk/NR/rdonlyres/9EDC9E6F-BD01-4FE59FCB-5D2BA45AFCC4/0/DP_PL_SS_CoLriversidewalkstrategyPart2.pdf Schäfer, Dietrich. Die Hanse. Bielefeld & Leipzig: Velhagen & Klasing, 1903. Spehr, ³Albrecht I., Herzog von Braunschweig,³ Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 1 (1875), 257-261, http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/artikelADB_pnd122098919.html (accessed November 28, 2010). Tosti, Luigi, History of Pope Boniface VIII and His Times. Eugene Donnelley, trans. (New York: Christian Press Association Publishing, 1911), http://books.google.com/books?id=i0oQAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA40 (accessed November 28, 2010). Twiss, Travers. ³On the Early Charters Granted by the Kings of England to the Merchants of Cologne.´ Report of the Ninth Annual Conference, held at Cologne, August 16th ± 19th, 1881. London: William Cowes and Sons, Ltd, 1882. GoogleBooks. Walford, Cornelius. ³An Outline History of the Hanseatic League, More Particularly in its Bearings upon English Commerce.´ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (1881): 82-136. http://www.jstor.org. Weiner, A. ³Early Commercial Intercourse Between England and Germany.´ Economica 5 (1922): 127148. http://www.jstor.org. Zimmern, Helen. The Hansa Towns. New York: G. P. Putnam¶s Sons, 1889.
Foote 23 Appendix
Figure 1 Adapted from screen shot of Google Maps. <http://maps.google.com/maps?q=51.511475,-0.090387&z=15>.
Figure 2 Ditchfield, Peter Hampson. Memorials of old London, Volume 1. Bemrose & sons, limited, 1908. 226. GoogleBooks. http://books.google.com/books?id=RG4LAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA226#v=onepage&q&f=false
Figure 3 ³Plan of London about 1300,´ "Historical Atlas" by William R. Shepherd, New York, Henry Holt and Company: 1926, 75.
³Detail of area about Poultry Street and Dowgate Hill,´ Map of London and Westminster during the Reign of Henry VIII, Before the Dissolution of the Monasteries (pre 1530s). Compiled from Ancient Documents and Other Authentic Sources by William Newton in 1855. 134 Guilda Aula Theutonicorum 133 Steelyard http://www.oldlondonmaps.com/oldenmappages/olden10d.html
London, 1653. ³A guide for Cuntrey men In the famous Cittey of LONDON by the helpe of wich plot they shall be able to know how farr it is to any Street. As also to go unto the same without forder troble. Anno 1653.´ Detail, showing ³The Stilliarde´ http://www.bl.uk/learning/langlit/changlang/writtenword/london/londonmap.html
³A MAP of GROVNDPLOT of the Citty of London and the Suburbes thereof, that is to say, all which is within the Iurisdiction of the Lord Mayor or properlie calld¶t Londo[n] by which is exactly demonstrated the present condition thereof, since the last sad accident of fire. The blanke space signifeing the burnt part & where the houses are exprest, those places yet standi[n]g. Sould by Iohn Overton at the White horse in little Britteine, next doore to little S. Bartholomew gate. 1660.´ ³i. Stiliard.´ <http://megapolislife.files.wordpress.com/2007/02/hollar_london_166 6.jpg>.
[Plattegrond van de stad Londen] It is not clear where this town plan of London was published. Judging by the double portrait at the top, the map was published after the accession to the English throne by William III and Mary Stuart. The map was composed by the famous designer and engraver from Prague Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677). He adopted, and excelled in, a style best suited to chorography or delineation of cities. He received instructions from Mattheus Merian (1593-1650) in Frankfurt and was active in several European towns. From 1652 until his death Hollar lived and worked in London. http://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/zoom/index/&language=en&i=http%3A%2F%2Fresolver.kb.nl% 2Fresolve%3Furn%3Durn%3Agvn%3AKONB01%3A1049B11_020%26size%3Dlarge
Figure 8 Key for Holler Map, ³This text explains the town plan of London by Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677).´ 1049B11_020_1 (boekdruk, tekst ), Atlas Beudeker, British Library, Londen. Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague http://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/en/items/KONB01:135/&p=2&i=18&st=Londen&sc=%28Londe n%29%20AND%20%28isPartOf%20any%20%22KONB01%22%20%29/
Figure 9 Bishopsgate Detail, Holler Map, late 1600s
Figure 10 Ditchfield, Peter Hampson. Memorials of old London, Volume 1.Bemrose & sons, ltd, 1908. 20. GoogleBooks. <http://books.google.com/books?id=RG4LAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA20#v=onepage&q&f=false>.
Figure 11 "The Steel Yard and Neighbourhood in 1540" wood engraved print published in Old and New London, about 1878. Size 22 x 15 cms plus margins. Ref G352 <http://www.ancestryimages.com/proddetail.php?prod=g0352>.
Figure 12 George Unwin, The gilds and companies of London, London, Methuen & Co.: 1908, 185. <http://books.google.com/books?&id=wOkJAAAAIAAJ#v=onepage&q&f=false>.
George Unwin, The gilds and companies of London, London, Methuen & Co.: 1908, 120. <http://books.google.com/books?&id=wOkJAAAAIAAJ#v=onepage&q&f=false>.