Hugh Kennedy (St. Andrews) Paul Magdalino (St. Andrews) David Abulafia (Cambridge) Benjamin Arbel (Tel Aviv) Mark Meyerson (Toronto) Larry J. Simon (Western Michigan University)


Texts and Translations dedicated to the Memory of Nicolas Oikonomides




This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Byzanthine authors : texts and translations dedicated to the memory of Nicolas Oikonomides / edited by John W. Nesbitt. p. cm. – (The Medieval Mediterranean ; v. 49) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 90-04-12975-8 1. Byzantine prose literature–Translations into English. I. Oikonomides, Nicolas. II. Nesbitt, John W. III. Series. PA5196.E54B98 2003 888’.020808–dc21 2003045164


0928–5520 90 04 12975 8

© Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 John W. . . . . Miller Chapter Three—Alexander the Monk’s Text of Helena’s Discovery of the Cross (BHG 410) . . . . . . . . .TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Timothy S. . . . . . . The Life of an Eighth-Century Syrian Christian Saint . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . Menas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . English Translation and Annotations . . . . . . An Ekphrasis by Christopher of Mitylene (Poem 42) . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Paul Magdalino Chapter Two—Two Teaching Texts from the Twelfth-Century Orphanotropheion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dennis Chapter Five—Five Miracles of St. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nesbitt Chapter Four—Elias the Monk. . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Denis Sullivan Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Stamatina McGrath Chapter Seven—Two Military Orations of Constantine VII. . . . . . . . vii Chapter One—Cosmological Confectionary and Equal opportunity in the Eleventh Century. . . . . . . . . . . 279 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Friend of Psellos . . . 65 John Duffy/Emmanuel Bourbouhakis Chapter Six—Elias of Heliopolis. . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Eric McGeer Chapter Eight—A Byzantine Instructional Manual on Siege Defense: The De Obsidione toleranda. . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 George T. . . . . . . . .

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In contrast with defensive tactics. Nesbitt’s text (chapter 3) on Helena’s discovery of the cross is offered as a contribution to the history of pilgrimage. McGrath in resolving computer-related problems. and his wife Carla. is a military manual. . the De obsidione toleranda (chapter eight). Menas. Miller’s texts (chapter 2) provide a valuable insight into the educational activities of the Orphanotropheion of St. Sullivan’s translation provides the opportunity to reprint the (Brill) Greek text of 1947. for help with proofreading. Paul and the teaching techniques in vogue among instructors at this orphanage. Prof. In a much lighter vein are Prof. Magdalino’s translation of an ekphrasis (chapter one) celebrating the merits of a cake decorated with signs of the zodiac and Prof. The authors were free to choose their texts and as a result the contributions are of varying length and content. The longest. He also wishes to thank Dr. Karen Rasmussen for her patience in formatting this book and preparing the Adobe Acrobat version from which it is printed. Thanks are also expressed to Dr. Dennis’s translations of letters of Psellos (chapter 4) describing the ribald doings of a monk named Elias. McGeer has translated reflect on imperial military policy and the outward expansion of Byzantium into Moslem territories. The volume presents a wide spectrum of literary genres and topics which claimed the attention of Byzantine writers and their reading public. From this wish evolved the idea of publishing a group of texts and translations. the two orations (chapter seven) which Dr. Dr. Dr. The editor gratefully acknowledges the help of Dr. St. The publication of Prof. an instruction booklet on techniques of countering the investment of a town or fort. McGrath (chapter 6) has translated a text which offers a glimpse of the precarious nature of the practice of Christianity within the borders of Islam. McGrath.PREFACE This volume was born from a wish to honor the memory of a man who was for many of the contributors both a mentor and a friend. Duffy and his student have contributed a hagiographical text relating some five miracles of the popular Egyptian saint. Prof.

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Sun and Jupiter. Kurtz (1903) no. it is singular in three ways: in describing a piece of confectionery. in a circle the Zodiac in dough. Mars and Saturn too. or rhetorical description. Aries is wisely chosen. and Scorpio to all stinging slanderous tongues. Kurtz (1903) from MS Grottaferrata Z. 23-6.COSMOLOGICAL CONFECTIONERY AND EQUAL OPPORTUNITY IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. which you have put forward as symbols of the virtues and passions.1 A short article by Nikos Oikonomides remains the best introduction to this material. Psalm 103: 2. Moon. Capricorn is for those whose bed has been dishonoured. Two trios of duck eggs keep the exact shape of the Pleiades. Gemini for fornicators5 and Virgo for the continent. Venus. for though 1 2 3 4 5 Ed. . .. Libra for the just. and in attesting to a type of representation which is hardly ever encountered in Byzantine art of the medieval period. Aquarius is appropriate to the dropsical. Taurus for the savage.42. in celebrating a work of art by a woman. a. speechless Pisces to all quiet types.2 It therefore seems fitting that a collection of translations dedicated to Nikos’ memory should include one of Christopher’s least known and more unusual pieces. This is presumably an allusion to the use of the word ‘twins’ (d¤dumoi) to mean testicles. while for the senseless. and Sagittarius for the malevolent. Italian translation with short introduction by Milazzo (1983). most vividly for all people: Leo for the manly.29 Oikonomides (1990).3 As an ekphrasis. the poems of Christopher of Mitylene deserve to be better known for their rich information on the realities and mentalities of Byzantine secular society. Cancer for the twisted. Ed.. Mercury. By houses I mean the double sextet of the Zodiac. while the hens’ eggs you may understand as the planets. These are the houses of the wandering stars. you have stretched out the heavens for us like a curtain.4 and you have adorned it with houses of the stars. to his cousin I saw the heavens as works of your fingers. AN EKPHRASIS BY CHRISTOPHER OF MITYLENE (POEM 42) Paul Magdalino Although published a century ago. For from modest but smooth dough. most fittingly.

7 Iliad V. for Scorpio aspects him diametrically. even if explanation falls silent. the northern quarter. The eggs themselves signify the foursome of winds. 8 Cf. what. the seasons dwell at the gates of heaven. the very name shows whence it blows. according to which the the goddess killed the huntsman. amen I say unto thee. 38-9) tells a version of the myth of Artemis and Orion. nothing any more. I wish to address you yourself: if you make these things out of flour and dough. and women of Lesbos too. O glory of virgin women. of the setting. in revenge for violating her. Polygnotos the actually unknown. Job 38: 36. and every aspect of the science of embroidery?’8 Not wishing to go in for mass generalization.6 But the other four acquire a novel significance. for it is fashioned and is present here. So wise and resourceful in her mind is the creator of this new sky. What then of the quartet of pastry finials which cap the eggs? This is the quartet of seasons in the sky. who has skilfully given me such a work to behold.7 For Zephyr comes out of the west. and the anti-meridian. ‘Who gave to female nature a consummate knowledge of textiles. even the resourceful hands of Daidalos: it is all trash and bombast. that is mid-day. that is dusky evening. what minds you implant in them too! Others may talk of men like Pheidias. blowing from the four points of heaven. For the four positions of the four eggs are a most exact fourfold fixation of the four cardinal points. for as the wise rhapsody bears witness.749. Apeliotes from the eastern parts. and as for the Arctic wind. O all wise Providence of God the Word. The poem evokes a loaf or cake sculpted with representations of the twelve signs of the Zodiac. while Notos proceeds from the south. the middle one is to be taken as the star of Orion. you would indeed in the art of weaving also surpass all Penelopes and Helens.2 PAUL MAGDALINO they may be fixed and established. but is not seen: that is its nature. pp. by setting a scorpion on him. saying. But you. I would even have seen here what the starless sphere of heaven looks like. of the ascendant.. But let the script admire the novel art-works of all women. that is the east. Polykleitos who rather is inglorious. Phaenomena 634-46 (Martin ed. from differ6 Aratos. Of the five larger eggs. this explains why the constellation of Orion sets when that of Scorpio rises. I would rather marvel at the art of one woman. . I want to know. and studded with eighteen eggs. of the meridian. signifying the ancient wound just as it happened. and Aglaophon of the murky intellect. were it not completely invisible to mortal men. Zeuxis indeed and Parrasios. what arts you bestow even upon women. will you make with warp and woof? But as one can learn from what you have crafted. they are still seven in number.

continues to elude satisfactory explanation. the sun. for the diagram. with braiding the most elaborate form of ornamentation. the diagram has a precise astronomical significance. 2v of the same manuscript is a miniature representing the northern celestial hemisphere with half the zodiac (Aries to Virgo). coming to the parish church after vespers and presenting the priest with gifts of food which included “birds’ eggs set together in bread dough” (metå Ùrniye¤vn »«n §n zÊm˙ êrtou sunhnvm°nvn).9 Such loaves are still baked as part of traditional Easter fare in Modern Greece.10 The other representation is depicted on the opus sectile floor of the katholikon of the Pantokrator Ed. In recent practice. which. though more associated with weddings than with Easter. Cancer. and with different types of dough. one is part of a complex celestial diagram illustrating an eighth-century manuscript of Ptolemy’s Handy Tables (Vat. On fol. see Tihon (1993) 194-200. surviving examples are very rare. he observed the local peasants. II (1852) 355. Mercury. Venus. and this makes the confection somewhat difficult to visualise in detail. Another traditional practice. symbolising the Pleiades. Of the two extant zodiacal cycles earlier than the thirteenth century. It is not clear that all the symbolism expounded by the poet was intended by the confectioner. vol. Koukoules (1955) 161. Jupiter and Saturn).gr. Although the artistic representation of the Zodiac was well established in the secular culture which Byzantium inherited from antiquity. both men and women. these eggs were surmounted with crusts. since the representations of the Zodiac appear to be unambiguous. is the confection of ornamental loaves encrusted with finely-wrought figures. and the four cardinal points. Libra and Capricorn. at a village in Thrace. whereas the wedding bread is baked hard almost to the consistency of plaster of Paris. with eggs set before the figures of Aries. the star of Orion. however. cf. Balsamon records that one Easter. and Christopher of Mitylene’s poem is the only literary attestation.COSMOLOGICAL CONFECTIONERY 3 ent birds and of different sizes. 9 10 . For the date. baked to a different finish in each case. being made for different occasions. Rallis and Potlis. Bread decorated with eggs is attested in Byzantium by the twelfthcentury canonist Theodore Balsamon. Nevertheless. which were probably fashioned in the form of personifications of the four seasons. in his commentary on canon 23 of the Council in Trullo. Almost as unusual as the medium of representation is the design itself. The Easter bread tends to be simply shaped. the two types of confection are not combined.1291). Mars. foliage and other designs. and it is soft enough to eat. see Wright (1985) 355-62. the seven planets known to the ancient and medieval world (the moon. it is reasonable to suppose that they formed a band around the rim of a circle of baked dough.

One should be wary of reading feminist sentiment into a piece of stylish rhetorical inversion by a male author of the eleventh century. 5. esp.4 PAUL MAGDALINO monastery. although the Zodiac had been thoroughly tamed for Judaeo-Christian use. hot and cold. 144-6. diurnal and nocturnal.12 and representation of it did not necessarily serve an astrological agenda. and by a woman. Bouché-Leclercq (1899). The rarity of the zodiacal cycle in Byzantine art is possibly to be explained by the church’s condemnation of astrology. he likens the stars to angels praising God. it is closer to the work described in our ekphrasis not only in date. and while he alludes to their zodiacal houses. It is evidently in this non-astrological sense that Christopher of Mitylene chooses to interpret his cousin’s handiwork.11 Executed c. The point of his poem is to praise a novel work of art. Christopher does not confine his attention to one domestic example or to the domain of home baking. The point is emphasised by the rhetorical synkrisis with famous ancient artists — a topos of ekphrasis which Christopher here puts to doubly subversive use. where Christopher praises the beauty of the night sky. Hübner (1983). The author seems less concerned with the cosmological significance than with the artistry of the work he describes. . he derides and dismisses them. He ignores the astrologers’ classification of signs into male and female. and he does not even specify the locations of the eggs representing the planets on the loaf. but also in its inclusion of the four seasons. He assigns no qualities or influences to the planets. yet the contrast which Christopher draws is not between the outdated absurdities of pagan mythology and the revealed truth of Christianity. but between the inflated reputations of dead males and the unsung but tangible achievements of living women. ch. he does not comment on the association between planetary positions and zodiacal signs which was the essence of astrology. 1130. whose works also include a poem celebrating the artistic genius of the spider. 92). but uses 11 12 13 Ousterhout (2001) 133-50.13 and he does not imply that people are born under the signs whose qualities they exhibit. novel because it is fashioned from everyday foodstuffs. depicted in personification at the four cardinal points. complete with an ekphrasis of the spider’s web (no. it could signify the solar year or stand as a two-dimensional symbol of the heavenly spheres. Instead of citing the great exempla from antiquity as models to be emulated. However. In another poem (no. 122). The moral attributes which he attaches to the zodiacal signs are based on a facile and obvious symbolism that has nothing to do with astrological doctrine. This was a common device of Christian homiletic. in itself.

Sathas. On Byzantine silk and other textile production. and that it was not possible for her to converse fearlessly with letters”. or to the more commercial and guild-based manufacture which is implied in the description by his contemporary. see in general the chapters by A. 75-7. The eleventh century was a time when imperial women were especially important on the political scene. the science (§pistÆmh) of embroidery. Sathas 7. which provides a unique aperçu of a public event organised by and for women. who both in their different ways clearly found it remarkable. Unfortunately. 18 Ed. Choniates 74. the art (t°xnh) of weaving – would seem appropriate to artefacts at the top of the range. Psellos’ view of women’s place in society shows a condescension which we do not find in Christopher of Mitylene. one must not imagine that because she was literate. Styliane. Yet for all his insight and interest. she neglected her “womens’ work” of weaving Ed. 19 Ed.15 The elevated terminology which he uses to describe female expertise – the knowledge (gn«siw) of textiles.2 (Koder ed. when the women involved in the carding. but had little time for it. Kaplan (1998) 313-27. 81. The tenth-century Book of the Eparch mentions women engaged in the silk industry. John Tzetzes. 66-7. of the festival of Agathe: the yearly occasion. on 12 May. 61. Laiou (1986) 111-22. cf. 14 15 . he says.. Liber Praefecti 7. 70. Michael Psellos. either in the ekphrasis we have examined or in his other poems concerning women (nos.17 Psellos also wrote three gender-specific works which are key sources for the role and image of women in Byzantine society: his funeral orations on his mother and adopted daughter. 62-87. and women were prominent among the silkweavers of Thebes in the twelfth century. Leroy-Molinghen (1969) 155-63. A cautiously feminist reading of the ekphrasis is appropriate to both the period and the author. and their prominence was recorded by two historians. spinning.14 It is also unclear whether he is thinking only of wool and linen textiles. 57. and weaving of wool and linen gathered for a religious ceremony followed by dancing. Jacoby (1991-2) 452-500.COSMOLOGICAL CONFECTIONERY 5 the art of one woman to exemplify the skill of all women as producers of finely woven and embroidered textiles. Smythe (1994) 215-29. Hill (1999). 17 See in general Hill. Dagron in Laiou (2002). James. Muthesius and G. “she was terribly annoyed that she did not have a male nature. 5 (1876) 527-31. 100). 98. vol. or also envisages the manufacture of the high-quality silks for which Byzantium was famous. Psellos says that his mother was second to none at weaving. 52. p. Epistulae 101-2. Michael Psellos and Anna Comnena. it is not clear from his brief allusions whether he he is referring to domestic production. 140). Sathas (1876) 3-61.19 As for Styliane. 16 Leo VI.18 and the text on the festival of Agathe.

He does not need to relativise the artistic achievements of contemporary women. 66. and a recent study argues that they are basic to his writing of history: Kaldellis (1999). Although his poems are educated and elegant commentaries on everyday life. 20 21 . material reality for its own sake and on its own terms.20 Unlike Psellos. because it is enough for him to reflect the real value their products were accorded in the home. the market-place and the ceremonial magnificence of the court. Christopher of Mitylene is not writing from the lofty perspective of the philosopher.6 PAUL MAGDALINO and embroidery. Ibid. they draw simple morals and do not strain to relate their subject-matter to higher levels of meaning or of being.21 but approaches mundane. Psellos makes his philosophical priorities clear in all the minor works cited above.


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beginning on folio 122v. organized its administration. and syntax. one of the capital’s leading educational centers.4 Vaticanus Palatinus gr. As Carlo Gallavotti has demonstrated. “Monodie” 1-14. (1983) 21-30. Miller (1994) 83-104.TWO TEACHING TEXTS FROM THE TWELFTH-CENTURY ORPHANOTROPHEION Timothy S. and churches which formed part of this complex institution. 3. 92. Gallavotti.1 Although the Orphanotropheion outranked all other charitable institutions of the Byzantine Empire. Alexiad. see Gallavotti (1983) 21-30. 92 is unusual among these instructional codices in that. See also Browning (1976) 21-34. Gallavotti (1983) 24-30. It belongs to a large group of manuscripts. while others were composed by Byzantine teachers to illustrate difficult grammar rules or to introduce unfamiliar vocabulary. Miller Vaticanus Palatinus gr. from the laws of the emperor Leo I (45774) to twelfth-century literary works such as Anna Komnena’s Alexiad.2 To understand how the Orphanotropheion educated its children. 92 contains a short poem (folios 145v-46) and a prose essay (folios 207-08) which offer valuable information concerning the Orphanotropheion of Saint Paul.3 The two texts. and financed its operations.7. 15.5 This manuscript iden1 2 3 4 5 For a detailed description of Vat. no typikon has survived which outlines how the orphanage functioned. Vaticanus Palatinus gr. one must analyze a wide variey of sources. nor do any extant hagiographical sources describe the buildings. information which supplements what scholars have gleaned from published sources. it identifies the Byzantine instructors who composed the original poems and prose essays. monasteries. gr. . 92 was copied in the last decades of the thirteenth century in Southern Italy.214-18). during the twelfth century.3-9 (Leib ed. which preserve short poems and prose texts used to teach Classical Greek grammar. provide new information concerning both the teaching methods used at the orphanage as well as its administrative organization. the premier philanthropic institution of Constantinople and. many of these author/instructors taught in Constantinopolitan schools of the twelfth century. Prodromos. published here for the first time. Anna Komnena. Pal. vocabulary. orthography. Some of these short works were extracted from Classical Greek literature.

to receive a promotion to an important see such as Rhodes. contain many short iambic dodecasyllabic poems such as Leo’s first text. 9 Ibid.7. associated with Theodore Prodromos and Stephen Skylitzes. Students used such poems to learn both Classical meters based on vowel length and the more recent stress rhythms used in Byzantine dodecasyllabic poetry. The emperor John II (1118-43) confirmed Stephen Skylitzes. both gramHierarchia (1988) 1. 20-22. exercises she considered to be innovations of her generation. like Vaticanus Palatinus gr. Alexiad 15.9 (Leib ed.218). Basil Pediadites taught grammar at the orphan school and then advanced to shepherd the metropolitan church of Kerkyra. Anna was probably referring to a new type of schedos. Since the manuscript identifies no other author as “of Rhodes”.10 Leo wrote both of these texts for teaching.10 TIMOTHY S. like Leo. the patriarch of Constantinople and the emperor often selected metropolitan bishops from among prominent teachers at the Orphanotropheion. The ancient Greek word schedos meant a riddle or puzzle. The poem and the prose work prove that Leo of Rhodes taught at the Orphanotropheion of Saint Paul in Constantinople. 10 Browning (1976) 25. “Monodie” 9-10. as metropolitan of Trebizond. a short essay that provided examples of difficult words or confusing grammatical constructions from ancient Greek. not be unusual for a teacher at the Orphanotropheion. Michael Psellos used the word to describe a teaching exercise.6 During the twelfth century. and both of these texts refer to exactly the same issue. therefore. we can safely assume that Leo of Rhodes wrote both texts. 3. Greek grammar manuscripts. In the eleventh century. 11 Anna Komnena.9 It would.7 At the end of the twelfth century. 92. Anna Komnena described students at the Orphanotropheion hard at work recopying schede. Browning (1963) 26-32. where Browning assumes that the attribution toË ÑRÒdou refers to the bishop of Rhodes. 6 7 8 . In the Alexiad. This Leo is most likely the same man who became metropolitan of Rhodes sometime before 1166. Leo’s second text belongs to a category of teaching tools called schede.8 During the same years. Prodromos.11 In claiming that schede were a recent innovation.203. one of the leading teachers and eventually director of the orphan school (not the orphanotrophos). Constantine Stilbes attained the metropolitan see of Kyzikos after beginning his career as a catechism teacher at the Orphanotropheion. MILLER tifies the author of the poem on folios 145v-46 as “Leo of Rhodes” and that of the prose work on folios 207-08 as “of Rhodes”.

Anna Komnena condemned them as a confusing intertwining of words (plokÆ). 1-14). and changes in pronunciation of both vowels and consonants to give their compositions two or more possible meanings. on folio 207v. students had to rewrite the schede following the strict rules of Classical Greek pronunciation. such as Prodromos.12 It is also possible to classify Leo’s poem as a schedos exercise since it too contains what appears to be a deliberate misspelling.9 (Leib ed. as ‡svw which in the context makes better sense “so in the same way”. To determine the correct meaning of such texts. Ioannis Vassis has shown that authors of twelfth-century schede. or should the modern editor recast the text as the students were supposed to recopy it?13 As Vassis has shown. I have reproduced both the poem and the prose schedos. however. passive of ¥domai. the verb becomes the third-person. 16 Anna Komnena. found in Vaticanus Palatinus gr.TWO TEACHING TEXTS 11 mar teachers at the Orphanotropheion. Vassis (1993-94) 14-19. On line 12 the manuscript reads efiw Œw. which would mean “into the ear”. such as eÈfrÒsunon. 3. section VII (pp. Prodromos prepared difficult schede. The prose schedos edited below has only two passages where strange orthography and elisions make the meaning unclear. 14 For example.7. 92. ploke. and grammar. singular. Both John Tzetzes and Theodore Balsamon used the same term. the schedos text has the reading ≥syh eÈfrÒsunon. 15. In a recent article. 15 Vassis (1993-94) 9-10. see Garzya (1974). For additional information concerning schede. and notes 33 and 34. Fortunately. to describe the useless complexity of the schedos exercises. orthography. 12 13 . echoing the prÚw Œta of line 11. Because of many deliberate misspellings in schede exercises. however.15 In place of such schede. I have included in the Vassis (1993-94) 1-19. where he resolves the problem by presenting the schedos first as transmitted by the manuscript (überlieferte Fassung) and then written out with the errors and contradictions eliminated (entschüsselte Fassung). aorist. shows that ≥syh does not exist. but if the readerchanges the breathing mark to ¥syh (a change which would not alter the pronunciation of the word). Should it be presented in its form as a puzzle. Leo of Rhodes wrote easier exercises. A review of the forms of afisyãnomai. deliberately used misspellings.14 Some twelfth-century intellectuals attacked the use of schede.16 In preparing this edition. It could also be recast. as designed by Prodromos and Skylitzes. Anna Komnena recommended a return to reading the original works of the ancient Greeks. Leo seems to have written this schedos primarily to teach his students to observe proper rules of accentuation and to check carefully for proper breathing marks. Alexiad.218). a verb which occasionally appears in a construction with a neuter substantive adjective. it is extremely difficult to provide an accurate printed text of such prose compositions. tricky elisions.

scr. in most cases. scr. 5 10 15 20 4 ékhd¤an] yl¤cin supr. || 7 prof°rv] prosp°mpv supr. THE POEM Fol. 145v ToË ÑRÒdou kuroË L°ontow NËn oÈ prÚw Ímçw toÁw §n èm¤ll˙ n°ouw oÈd¢ prÚw Ímçw toÁw sunelyÒntaw f¤louw. scr. MILLER apparatus criticus the words that have been written above the line in smaller letters. k°kmhka ka‹ går proslal«n brefull¤oiw pl°kvn épe›pon toÁw èmillhthr¤ouw. ékoÊsetai s«n fllar«w prosfyegmãtvn. éllå prÚw aÈtÚn t∞w sxol∞w tÚn prostãthn §jagoreÊv tØn §mØn ékhd¤an. || 12 ‡svw] efiw Œw ms . scr. || 11 didaskãlƒ] XrusostÒmƒ supr. …w oÔn §fãnhw.12 TIMOTHY S. scr. The same hand which copied the body of the text appears to have added these superscripted words. prosd°jetai sou toÁw lÒgouw éspas¤vw. the superscriptions offer a common synonym for a more obscure Greek word in the text. scr. oÈk ¶xvn ˘ ka‹ drãsv. d¤dajon aÈtÚn toÁw makroÁw §moÁw pÒnouw ˜souw én°tlhn s∞w xãrin klhroux¤aw. || 6 pr°sbin] parãklhton supr. | aÈtÒn] ka‹ prostãthn supr. tÚn går ımo›on o‰da file›n toÁw trÒpouw ka‹ =Êseta¤ me t∞w pikrçw plinyourg¤aw. The copyist probably included these words to assist students in understanding the text since. ka‹ tØn ÙdÊnhn §kf°rv t∞w kard¤aw ka‹ pr°sbin aÈtÒn. scr. §nde¤jetai tÚ f¤ltron ˘ prÒw se tr°fei. PaËle. kur¤ou stÒma | l°gvn prÚw Œta t“ sof“ didaskãlƒ. || 8 k°kmhka] épe›pon supr. oÏtv per ‡svw tlhpayoÁw éndrÚw xãrin t“ patriãrx˙ frãze t∞w ofikoum°nhw. || 10 …w] kayÉ supr. t“ pammeg¤stƒ poimenãrx˙ prof°rv.

Teach him my long painful labors. Paul. just as you appeared as the mouth of the Lord. He will listen joyfully to your utterances. and having no <other> course of action. For I know that a similar person loves these ways. nor to you. on behalf of a wretched man speak to the ecumenical patriarch. the patron of the school. And he will rescue me from this bitter brick making. my assembled friends. neither to you. I confess my apathy. so. I present him as my ambassador to the exceedingly great patriarch. but to him.TWO TEACHING TEXTS 13 TRANSLATION Now. the youths in the contest. and I set forth the pain of my heart. as many as I have endured on behalf of your inheritance. Therefore. For I am worn out in addressing the tribes of young children. and I renounce my weaving contentious words. He will show the affection which he nourishes toward you. . He will readily accept your words. when you spoke into the ear of the wise teacher [John Chrysostom]. in the same way.

toËto neËra mØ eÈtux«n. || 8 êskhnow] ka‹ és≈matow supr. ìw efi ka‹ y°lv t“ lÒgƒ perilabe›n. || 10 o‰syÉ] ka‹ gin≈skeiw supr. mØ går oÈk ênyrvpÒw tiw §gΔ ·nÉ §park« tosoËton xrÒnon prÚw tÚ mustagvge›n. scr. scr. | tr‹w] ka‹ §k tritÒw supr. || 11-12 Œsmai ms] ka‹ §mb¤blhmai supr. | meg¤stvn érx«n] ka‹ §jousi«n supr. t«n épay«n. scr. e‡kosi talaipvr¤& §ntaËya d¢ ¶th §st¤—tå d¢ t∞w Ífedr¤aw pare¤syvsan. ka‹ tolmhr«w §rvt∞sai tosaÊthn [ka‹ dÊnamin] ¶xein §m°. || 14 o‰sya] gin≈skeiw supr scr. tel« gÉ. efi går mÆ. scr. scr. dikaiodÒta ka‹ ÙrfanotrÒfe lamprÒtate. scr. | êr˙w. scr. ÉEpe‹ oÔn Íp¢r pãntaw o‰syÉ ¶rgon ≥dh §m°. kr¤nv går =ipØn pãlin §n lo|gism“ sunet“ tÚ efikÚw ka‹ énagka›on t«n lÒgvn moi prÚw s¢ épote¤nasyai. scr. efi fulãttei tØn ofike¤an fÊsin. tØn ékmØn ˘w ±nãlvsÉ efiw tÚ leitoÊrghmÉ éteir∞. MILLER THE PROSE Schedos Fol. scr. Efiw o‰kton kamfye¤w.14 TIMOTHY S. o‰sya går ka‹ aÈtÚw tØn ≤m«n §fore¤an √ diempisteuye‹w metå ka‹ êllvn meg¤stvn érx«n. || 7 éteir∞] éblabØ supr. | √ ] ka‹ kayÉ supr. filoiktÒtate. scr. ˜ti mãlista dejiÚn ¶krinaw metå toË thnikaËta sofoË érxipoim°now. scr. | t“] ka‹ t¤ni supr. || 2 épofÆn˙] épofπn˙ ms || 3 ˘ pçn] ˜p ín ms et ka‹ fvnØn supr. scr. polÁ pl°on d¢ paidodidaskal¤a. ≥dh dÉ êskhnow êggelow. scr. | de›] pr°pei supr. sumpay°stat°. || 18 él°jei] ka‹ boÆyei supr. || 12 mãlista] ka‹ l¤an supr. §pikoÊrei ta›w sa›w prÚw tÚn patriãrxhn eÈprosd°ktoiw fvna›w. scr. || 15 §fore¤an] ka‹ tØn §pitÆrhsin supr. ˜ti ka¤ soi. yesp°sie. ıpo›ow êra kaÉgΔ kayå ka‹ sÁ épofÆn˙ per‹ §moË: ˘ pçn êr˙w. scr. scr. tel« gÉ] ka‹ épçr˙w ka‹ Ípãrxv supr. §kkakÆsonti t“ mustagvge›n. Œsmai efiw taÊthn. ka‹ 1 ÉEpaxy¢w ¶rgon] fortikÚn prçgma supr. to›w d¢ trighrãsasin efis°ti pl°on. || 16 ne›mai] ka‹ parasxe›n supr. | efiste›nai] ka‹ stena‹ supr. scr. dialanyãnei tÚ makroxrÒnion taÊthw mÉ.] dunatÚn ·nÉ ms | ±nãlvsÉ ms] ka‹ kathnãlvsa supr. Œ ka‹ m°litow ≤d¤vn tª frãsei. ne›mai tr‹w §k kair«n t«n nËn énast°llomai. scr. miÉ ≤ §mØ oÈs¤a m«n. scr. moi él°jei. tÚ §paxy¢w t∞w mustagvg¤aw §p‹ xrÒnoiw makro›w §nergÆsanta. 207 ToË ÑRÒdou ÉEpaxy¢w ¶rgon pçsa didaskal¤a. scr. || 6 [ka‹ dÊnamin] supr. | ≤d°vn] ka‹ glukÁw supr. scr. scr. || 9 m«n] ka‹ îra supr. | efi] ka‹ §peidÉ supr. || . scr. || 20 e‰ar] ka‹ ¶ar supr. polloË ge ka‹ de›.

For I am not such a man that I am strong enough to serve so long in this mystagogia. I judge it reasonable and necessary for me to let my words rush forth to reach you. that I have performed beyond all others in the arduous work of the mystagogia for a long period of years. and even more difficult for those who are very old. Although I want to include these in the speech. you have judged me especially acceptable. as even you make known concerning me. a man who expended the strength of his prime in this unyielding service. If my being guards its own nature. reverent one. I finish.TWO TEACHING TEXTS 15 TRANSLATION All teaching is difficult work. and that I have exerted myself to such an extent in your interest. it is not one of those who suffer no changes. even daring to ask that I have so much strength. sweeter than honey in your diction. For you yourself know our supervisory position with which I was entrusted along with all the other offices. protect me. is it? Not at all! Because you already know. o chief justice (dikaiodotes). bent down in supplication. a man not fortunate in physical strength. most merciful one. after wise deliberation. together with the wise arch-shepherd [serving] at that time. Everything you happen to take up. such as I am. I restrain myself from reciting them most especially at the present moment. omitting the years in subordinate service. already an incorporeal angel. lead me from the oppressions of winter to reach the spring air. and most illustrious orphanotrophos. May your meeting with him. For. Most sympathetic one. He has . If not. then I receive no credit for this long service—at this time twenty years of drudgery. since I am exhausted by this mystagogia. Give help with your acceptable appeals to the patriarch. o honorable one. but especially teaching children.

scr. scr. |ka‹ tª makrò mou talaipvr¤& ·levn ı f¤loiktow §nidΔn lÊtron ofl mogÆsanti d≈sei moi.16 TIMOTHY S. ka‹ går ˜sow moi PaËlow §n to›w èg¤oiw. prÚw aÈtÚn ¶nteujiw sØ diagãg˙ me. éllÉ ín eÔrow efiw svthr¤an ényr≈pou mçllon §kte¤non. [Œ] pan°time. || 23 nuxyÆsonta¤] ka‹ diegeryÆsontai supr. ˜ti oÈ fa¤nontai kekleism°nai tis‹n afl pÊlai t∞w eÈsplagxn¤aw aÈtoË. ¥syh eÈfrÒsunon. . scr. scr. tosoËton aÈtÚw §n broto›w ¶rrei fyÒnow. | tis‹n] tÉ efis‹n ms || 22 eÔrow] ka‹ plãtow supr. 21 ¥syh] ≥syh ms et ka‹ §l°xyh supr. yarr« goËn …w ín nuxyÆsonta¤ soi ka‹ énapetasyÆsontai. || 24 mogÆsanti] ka‹ kakopayÆsanti supr. tØn tÒlman bl°peiw: toÊtƒ d¢ ka‹ s¢ sÆmeron suneisf°rv. MILLER §k xeim«now yl¤cevn efiw e‰ar efiste›nai. tÚn PaËlon ßjeiw tÚn m°gan sunergãthn ˘n pr°sbin aÈtÚn égaya›w §pÉ §lp¤si pros∞ja t“ =hy°nti. éndrÚw tÚ loipÚn tlhpayoËw Íperlãlei.

he addresses his appeal to the heavenly patron of the school. Vie de St. Leo mentions only Paul the apostle as the patron of the school where he was teaching. see Miller (1994) 99-104. I am confident that [these gates] will be stirred by you and spread wide. speak on behalf of a long-suffering man. Saint Paul. Leo’s poem opens by describing youths in a contest (toÁw §n èm¤ll˙ n°ouw). Today I commission you [ to go] to him. so also in the prose schedos. and by the twelfth century sources often connected the Orphanotropheion with Saint Paul.19 As in the poem.18 In the prose schedos. Seeing my long suffering. and Guilland (1965) 205-21. and notes 33 and 34. 20-22. See also Basil Pediadites identified as a teacher sxol∞w grammatik«n toË PaÊlou. Leo refers directly to the supervisor of his school. line 8). the director of the Orphanotropheion of Constantinople. 17 18 . For the rest. I have added as an ambassador to the one under discussion.TWO TEACHING TEXTS 17 rejoiced in what is gracious so that the gates of his mercy appear not to be closed to some.244. COMMENTARY REGARDING THE ORPHANOTROPHEION Both Leo’s poem and his schedos describe how his teaching duties have wearied him and how he longs for the patriarch of Constantinople to relieve him from his labors among “the tribes of young children” (poem. in Browning (1963). Cyrille le Philéote. 20 Vassis (1993-94) 9-10. line 9 refers to weaving contentious words. For as much as Paul [is my ambassador] among the saints. an expression which clearly refers to Leo’s work in writing schede. on the other hand. chap. These two instructional texts. the compassionate one will give his merciful release to me struggling on his behalf. 47. In the poem. with good hopes. but that the emperor Justin II rededicated the institution to Saints Peter and Paul in the late sixth century when he built a splendid church for the Orphanotropheion. 229-31). probably in the fourth century. but rather he is stretching wide for the salvation of man. You will have Paul as your great colleague whom. thus.17 Peter gradually receded in importance. 19 For the office of orphanotrophos. provide additional evidence that by the twelfth century Paul had emerged as the sole patron saint of the Orphanotropheion.20 Why were schede contentious and the children of the orphanage involved in contests? Theophanes 1.4-6 (pp. so much does this jealousy among mortals disappear. From earlier sources we know that Saint Zotikos founded the orphanage of the capital city. You appear bold.

We know from the frank letters of a thirteenth-century metropolitan of Naupaktos. which invoked heavenly assistance for two children participating in a schedos contest. 85-86) and ep. Paul to reward the victor in a grammar and schedos competition. note 21 (John Mauropous). Prodromos also described the patriarch as involved in deciding promotions on the teaching staff of the Orphanotropheion. Browning (1976) 32 (verses reproduced from Marcianus gr. this schedos contest surely took place in the orphanage of Constantinople. 27 (pp. Robert Browning cited a nine-line verse composition in Marcianus graecus XI. a post he attained after having served in other important offices. his schedos clearly reveals that there were several ranks of instructors at the Orphanotropheion. Since Paul was the sole patron of the Orphanotropheion. Leo compares his duties to the slavery of the Hebrews in Egypt when they labored in making bricks for Pharoah (Exod. he held some sort of supervisory position (§fore¤an). ep. 100 (pp. 21 22 23 24 Schirò (1949) 13 (Christopher of Mytilene) and 18. demonstrate that grammar schools of Constantinople held some form of student contests in connection with schede. Although Leo did not mention specific offices. Leo claims to have worked at the school for more than twenty years. He began his cursus honorum in humble positions. In the prose schedos. In two eleventh-century poems. also from the eleventh century.23 In view of such references to schede contests at grammar schools in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.21 Moreover.18 TIMOTHY S. Ibid. John Apokaukos. the orphanotrophos. MILLER Several instructional poems. some were difficult to control. that among the orphans at his episcopal school. Leo pleads with the director to obtain a promotion from the patriarch of Constantinople. XI. 1:14). folio 277v.24 Leo’s schedos also offers some new information regarding the Orphanotropheion’s staff organization. 27-28. referred to students engaged in schede competitions. Christopher of Mytilene and John Mauropous. 150-52). In both his poem and his prose schedos. similar to Leo’s poem presented here. . In his funeral oration in honor of Stephen Skylitzes.31 which called on St. Leo addresses his appeal that he be assigned a post outside the Orphanotropheion to the institution’s director. Apokaukos. Leo emphasizes how difficult he found working with the children at the orphanage. Perhaps he had discipline problems. but at the time of writing this schedos.).22 More recently. Giuseppe Schirò published an anonymous poem. we can safely assume that Leo’s arduous duties included training students to contend in such events.31. later metropolitan of Euchaita. It is not clear why Leo considered his work with the children so difficult.

See also Criscuolo (1975) 378-79 and 387 note 37.29 Leo’s schedos. the patriarch confirmed Stephen Skylitzes’ promotion to a high teaching post at the Orphanotropheion by anointing Stephen with holy chrism.151. in the case of Constantinople. Leo specifically mentions that he is not addressing the children who were participating in the competition nor his colleagues who were either spectators or coaching other young contestants.25 In both the poem and the prose schedos. the orphanotrophos John Belissariotes had excelled in the study of law. but the speech stresses Aristenos’ role as magistrate. from the patriarch.TWO TEACHING TEXTS 19 although he also mentioned that the emperor had made the final decision to appoint Skylitzes head of the teaching faculty at the orphan school. the orphanage director. Although he implores Saint Paul to present his plea to the patriarch. 29 Choniates 1. the flattering references to the Prodromos. even though we know from many lists of state officials that the orphanage director was ranked as a member of the imperial bureaucracy. cols. he is offering a verse prayer to the school’s patron. the dikaiodotes had evolved into one of the leading judges of the imperial bureaucracy. From other sources. 133. however. Prodromos. 25 26 . In neither text does the author refer to the emperor. Leo addresses his immediate superior. “Monodie” 9. An oration of Theodore Prodromos addressed Alexios Aristenos as both orphan director and nomophylax. according to Theodore Prodromos.27 Several other sources of the twelfth century reveal that orphanotrophoi also held important judicial posts. Both these teaching texts offer internal evidence that Leo wrote them for the students to present in public schede contests. Leo viewed the patriarch as playing the key role in personnel decisions at the Orphanotropheion. received their right to teach from the local bishop. Rather. Thus. thus. 27 ODB 624. provides additional evidence that the men who served as directors of the Orphanotropheion of Saint Paul had extensive legal training in Roman/Byzantine law and often filled high-ranking judicial posts at the same time they supervised the orphan home and school. Saint Paul. During the twelfth century. 28 Prodromos. as dikaiodotes and orphanotrophos. In his poem. a post which by the twelfth century included judicial duties. 1268-74) not only mentions Alexios Aristenos as holding the office of nomophylax and orphanotrophos. it appears that the orphanotrophos dealt primarily with financial and legal issues and functioned as an imperial magistrate. “Eisiterios” (PG.28 According to a speech by Niketas Choniates.26 In the prose schedos. The teachers of the orphanage school. “Monodie” 9. on the other hand.

as Leo’s poem suggests. . Manasses also taught in the grammar schools of Constantinople and composed a number of extant schede. on the other hand.20 TIMOTHY S. MILLER head of the church in Constantinople suggest that in fact the patriarch was present at this academic contest. In the case of the prose schedos.30 Like Leo and Theodore Prodromos. it is not surprising that the patriarch also attended grammar competitions held in the Byzantine capital. Another twelfth-century source reveals that high officials sometimes attended these student contests. Constantine Manasses described a contest for grammar students which took place in the presence of the orphanotrophos and the emperor Manuel I (114380). Browning (1976) 26-27. In one of his orations. 30 31 Mannases 181.31 If the emperor presided over some of these events. it seems that only the orphanotrophos attended the event.


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Crypt.ALEXANDER THE MONK’S TEXT OF HELENA’S DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS (BHG 410) John W. is LÒgow flstorikÚw per‹ t∞w eÍr°sevw toË tim¤ou ka‹ zvopoioË StauroË. II (Regensburg:1734) cols.”. and the Grottaferrata text is now lost. 5 H. The latter was the source of the text reprinted in PG 87. The edition to which he refers is the one printed in PG.”2 Borgehammar’s assessment is just. II (Ingolstadt: 1600) 1-52. Andreas Schott. gr. leaving room for hesitation about individual phrases. Accordingly he was led to consider whether Alexander the Monk’s Historical Treatise on the Finding of the Cross might contain.”. 271.5 Such is the state of research on the text after some 400 years. In the notes to his edition Gretser distinguishes between “Cod. Opitz (1934) 539. eadem editio Opera Omnia. “Cod. C.”. cols. In the end he concluded his objective was beyond reach because “the edition is very unsatisfactory.1 Borgehammar was interested in reconstructing Gelasius of Caesarea’s account.3 Gretser’s edition is based (as I understand matters) upon: a) a Munich manuscript of the 16th century. G. Nesbitt In 1991 Stephan Borgehammar published a well-researched. the Schott manuscript has never been identified.”. of Helena’s discovery of the cross at Jerusalem. Borgehammar (1991) 25. 1-30 (notes cols. in the section dealing with Helena and her travels to Jerusalem. and “Cod. some traces of Gelasius’s text. 31-6). Ferr. and c) a manuscript of Grottaferrata. The Munich manuscript used by Gretser is of the 16th century and has the shelf number ms. a text originally edited and published by J. The Historical Treatise occupies some 31 columns in the PG edition and may be fairly described as a “World Chronicle”. as it appears regularly in manuscripts. 3 J. cols. 4016-76 (Helena’s recovery of the cross is found at cols. Gretser. The PG also prints a condensed version. It commences with a discussion of the Divine Logos and proceeds to a listing of the occa- Borgehammar (1991). The full title of Alexander Monachus’s Treatise. but he was unsuccessful. Bav.3. in his lost Church History. “Sch. Opitz tried to locate the Grottaferrata manuscript which Gretser mentions. 4077-88. Gretser in his De cruce Christi of 1600. The “edition” published in 1913 by P.4 The Munich manuscript is corrupt. 4061-64). stimulating book entitled How the Holy Cross Was Found. De cruce Christi. Pennacchini is simply a re-publication of Gretser’s text: see Pennacchini’s Discorso storico dell’invenzione della Croce del monaco Alessandro (Grottaferrata: 1913) 7-75. 1 2 . 4 Schott collated the manuscript in his possession with the manuscript preserved at Grottaferrata. Sch. b) a manuscript owned by the humanist and Jesuit.

because of their age and general reliability. Our goal here is fairly modest. col. line 25 Pennacchini. The author continues with a narration of Christ’s life and historical events beyond Christ’s death (in particular.3. 6 (12th century) Vatican. 595 (13th century) Athos. such as the date of the Treatise’s composition. line 27 Georgii Hamartoli Chronicon in: PG 110.6 (12th century) Paris.24 JOHN W. It is our intention to offer an edition of the section of the Historical Treatise’s account dealing with Helena’s discovery of the cross. line 19-col. Coislin 306 (16th century) Bucharest. Vlatadon gr. Then follows: a) Cyril of Jerusalem’s “Letter to Constantius” of 350/351 regarding an appearance of the cross over Jerusalem. for the most part. gr. Ambrosiana Library. 1454 (10th-11th century) Paris. 431 (11th century) Patmos. A 63 inf. 620. Auctarium E. Lavra D 78 (11th century) Monte Cassino. line 12col. The edition incorporates prior editions and adds ten more manuscripts that have been selected. 4061. NESBITT sions on which the cross is pre-figured in the Old Testament. a new editio princeps would involve (either in whole or in part) some forty manuscripts. Bibliothèque nationale. the author’s intent and his anticipated audience. line 25 . 4064. Bibliothèque nationale. line 6-61. PG 87.2. LIST OF MANUSCRIPTS. col. GH Milan. 504 (1105) EDITIONS. Ancien gr. gr. 257 (12th century) Thessalonica. gr. 621. We have included later manuscripts in order to give an idea of the range of variations within the manuscript tradition. 59. Am B BN1 BN3 Bu L M P T V Gr Penn. persecutions of Christians) to the end of the reign of Constantine I. gr. After presenting our edition of what might be considered the culminating section of the Historical Treatise. (11th century) Oxford. and b) a lengthy eulogy of the cross. Bodleian Library. we shall then turn to larger questions. gr. The Historical Treatise was a popular text.

éfyon¤aw] éfyon¤an BN1 | fer≈numon] om. §p‹ énazhtÆsei toË §ndÒjou 5 stauroË ka‹ ofikodomª t«n èg¤vn tÒpvn. BN1 | toË tÒpou] toÊtou GH || 13-14. VGH | ép°steilen] ép°stilen M aneteilen T | tØn] om. AmBuGr post ye¤an trsp.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 25 TEXT Metå taËta ép°steilen ı basileÁw tØn •autoË mht°ra El°nh n tØn éji°painon ka‹ yeofil∞ efiw ÑIerosÒluma metå grammãtvn ka‹ xrhmãtvn éfyon¤aw prÚw tÚn fer≈numon Makãrion. xvsy°ntaw] xosy°ntaw M | énÒmvn] paranÒmvn M nom«n T || 9. aÈt∞w] toËto add. éfikom°nhn] éfhkom°nhn BLT BN3 | basil¤da] basile¤da M || 10-11. EÈy°vw d¢ parek°leuse to›w §piskÒpoiw tØn zÆthsin toË poyoum°nou jÊlou poiÆsasyai. dihgoum°nvn] dihgoum°nou GH | pÒlevw] pÒleow M || 15. BN1BN3 | •vrak°nai] •orakenai M || 7. toË §ndÒjou stauroË] toË tim¤ou stauroË B toË zvopoioË jÊlou toË §ndÒjou stauroË BN1 BN3P toË zvopoioË jÊlou Gr || 5. BuGr || 4. poiÆsasyai] §p°trecen add. basil¤dow] basile›dow M ka‹ add. faskoÊshw Ùptas¤an tinå ye¤an •vrak°nai. tØn éji°painon ka‹ yeofil∞] om. parek°leuse] parek°leusen B parekeleÊsato BuBN1Gr pareskeÊasen MT pareskeÊase V | to›w §piskÒpoiw] toÁw §piskÒpouw BVGH | poyoum°nou] pepoyhm°nou BN1 poyeinoË GH || 13. tÚn t∞w Afil¤aw §p¤skopon. metå t∞w deoÊshw tim∞w] om. Metå] d¢ add. ÉAporoÊntvn d¢ pãntvn per‹ toË tÒpou ka‹ êllvn êllvw §j Ípoc¤aw dihgoum°nvn. parekãlei] para¤nh M | êgein] aghn T | spoudaiÒteron] spoudaivt°rvn B spoudeot°ran BN3MPTV spoudaiot°ran GH || . BN1 BN3PGH toË add. ı t∞w pÒlevw §p¤skopow pãntaw 15 parekãlei ≤sux¤an êgein ka‹ spoudaiÒteron eÈxØn Íp¢r toÊtou 1. tÚn t∞w Afil¤aw §p¤skopon] tÚn t∞w pÒlevw §p¤skopon BN1 ÑIerosolÊmvn MGr tÚn t∞w èg¤ou pÒlevw V || 4-5. MayΔn d¢ ı §p¤skopow 10 éfikom°nhn tØn basil¤da. sunagagΔn toÁw t∞w §parx¤aw §p¤skopouw metå t∞w deoÊshw tim∞w épÆnthsen aÈtª. êllvn êllvw] êllon êllo B êllou êllow M êllou êllo PTV êllou êlla GH | êllvn êllvw §j Ípoc¤aw] êllow éllaxØ ÍpÚ c¤aw BN1 || 14. Gr | épÆnthsen] épÆnthsan M épÆnthse Gr ÍpÆnthsen GH | aÈtª] tª basil¤di BuBN1VGr | EÈy°vw] Euyeow T || 12. aÈt∞w afithsam°nhw t∞w basil¤dow. aÈtª] aÈtØn AmGH | katalabe›n] katå labe›n BN1 || 8. BuGr | •autoË] aÈtoË V || 2. sunagagΔn toÁw t∞w §parx¤aw §p¤skopouw] sÁn t∞w §parx¤aw §piskÒpoiw Gr | §parx¤aw] §parxe¤aw TV || 11. T | afithsam°nhw] §thsam°nhw M traithsamenhw T || 6. keleÊousan aÈtª tå ÑIerosÒluma katalabe›n ka‹ toÁw èg¤ouw tÒpouw efiw f«w égage›n xvsy°ntaw ÍpÚ t«n énÒmvn ka‹ éfane›w genÒmenouw. GH | éji°painon] ajiepenon T | yeofil∞] yeofile› AmT yeofhl∞ M yeÒsepton BN1 || 3. V | faskoÊshw] fãskousan M | tinå] om. §p‹ tosoÊtouw xrÒnouw. genÒmenouw] genãmenouw M | §p‹ tosoÊtouw xrÒnouw] §p‹ tosoÊtou xrÒnou GH || 10.

ésyenoÊs˙] yanoÊs˙ BuGr | eÈyÁw] eÈy°vw BN1MTV om. 25 §pizhtoËsan po›ow êra e‡h ı DespotikÚw staurÒw. ToÊtou d¢ genom°nou. sunagagoËsa pl∞yow polÁ texnit«n ka‹ §rgat«n §k°leusen §k 20 bãyrvn énatrap∞nai tÚ musarÚn ofikodÒmhma ka‹ tÚn xoËn pÒrrv pou éporrif∞nai.26 JOHN W. GH post §piskÒpƒ trsp. pou] poË BMBN1 | éporrif∞nai] épÚ rifÆnai BN1 ka‹ add. AmGr | genom°nou] genam°nou TGH | ye›on] ye›oon BN3 || 22. Gunaik‹ går érrvstoÊs˙ t«n §mfan«n ka‹ épegnvsm°n˙ ÍpÚ pãntvn ka‹ tå teleuta›a pneuoÊs˙ prosagagΔn •kãteron t«n staur«n. tÚ musarÚn-éporrif∞nai] tÚn t∞w da¤monow naÚn Gr | musarÚn] mussarÚn V | ofikodÒmhma] ”kodÒmhma BN1 || 21. kexvsm°noi] kexosm°noi M kaixvsmenoi T §xvsm°noi GH | ÉEpimel«w] §pimelow T §p‹ mel«w BN1 | §reunÆsantew] diereunÆsantew GH | eron] hron BMT | ¥louw] ilouw T || 24. DespotikÚw] basilikÚw Am || 26. ÉEke›yen loipÚn émhxan¤a ka‹ yl¤ciw kat°labe tØn bas¤lissan. §ke›yen] PrÚw oÂw BN1V | loipÚn] om. AmB post émhxan¤a trsp. oÈ] mØ BuGr | mÆkoyen] mÆkon M || 23. BN1 | émhxan¤a] pollØ add. BuGr | går] post ≥ggisen trsp. t“ §pikÒpƒ] t«n §piskÒpvn M | Âdruto] ∏druto BL ¥druto BN3 | da¤monow] ÉAfrod¤thw add. TÒte ≤ bas¤lissa tª basilikª aÈyent¤& xrvm°nh. BuGr || 30. diå] metå GH | diãkrisin] émfibol¤an BuGr diãfisin V | ¶lusen] ¶luse AmBuBN3LTGr | Gunaik‹] GunaikØ T | érrvstoÊsª] arrvstousi T || 27. eren] ere AmBN3PGH hren MT | mÒnon] …w add. BuGr | dunãmei] =vsye›sa add. prosf°rein] prÚw f°rein BN1 | genom°nou] genam°nou MT | eÈy°vw] om. M || . énefãnh tÚ ye›on mn∞ma ka‹ ı tÒpow toË Kran¤ou ka‹ oÈ mÆkoyen tre›w stauro‹ kexvsm°noi. ÉEpimel«w d¢ §reunÆsantew eron ka‹ toÁw ¥louw. NESBITT t“ Ye“ prosf°rein. tÚn zhtoÊmenon eren: mÒnon går ≥ggisen ≤ skiå toË svthr¤ou stauroË tª 30 ésyenoÊs˙. ı tÒpow] ante yeÒyen trsp. Am texnhtvn T || 20. pl∞yow] pliyow T | polÁ] poll«n BuGr t«n add. bas¤lissa] bas¤leissa M | basilikª] basileike› M basilhkh T | aÈyent¤&] aÈyente¤& AmBBN1 | xrvm°nh] maxom°nh P || 19. prosagagΔn] prÚw agagΔn BN1 | •kãteron] ßkaston Bu V Gr •kãtervn M | t«n staur«n] tÚn staurÚn M | staur«n] staurÒn P | tÚn] tÚ BN3PVGH || 29. MV || 1617. §n ⁄ Âdruto t∞w ékayãrtou da¤monow ı naÚw ka‹ tÚ êgalma. énatrap∞nai] katå straf∞nai BN1 anatrapinai T énaskaf∞nai V || 20-21. ÑO d¢ §p¤skopow diå p¤stevw tØn diãkrisin ¶lusen. ToÊtou d¢ genom°nou eÈy°vw §de¤xyh yeÒyen ı tÒpow t“ §pikÒpƒ. §mfan«n] §pifan«n AmBuGrGH | épegnvsm°n˙] apegnvsmen˙ T | teleuta›a] teleutea T || 28. VGH || 18. M | texnit«n] te add. BN1MV || 17. GH | kat°labe] kat°laben B BN1MT | bas¤lissan] basil¤da BuMGr bas¤lleissan M | êra e‡h] ín e‡h AmB BN1 ara hei T | e‡h] ∑n BuBN3Gr || 25. BBuBN3Gr | d¢] om. eÈyÁw ≤ êpnouw ka‹ ék¤nhtow ye¤& dunãmei 16. BuGr | ≥ggisen] ≥ggise BuGr | stauroË] om.

§n] om. perikefala¤an] per‹ kefala¤an BN1 perikefalhan T | énexãlkeuse] §xãlkeuse AmBGH énexãlkeusen BN1 MPV exalkeusen T | én°mije] én°mijen BBN1 MTV || 46. ÑO d¢ metå xarçw aÈtØn Ípodejãmenow.: §niausia›aiw) B §niausi°aiw BN3L eneausieaiw T | mnÆmaiw] mnhmew T || 44. BuVGr || 41. m°row m°ntoi sÁn to›w ¥loiw énekÒmise prÚw tÚn pa›da: tÚ d¢ loipÚn glvssÒkomon érguroËn 35 poiÆsasa. §niausia¤saiw mnÆmaiw •ortãzein tØn énãdeijin toË stauroË prostãjaw. Íp°meine] Íp°meinen B BN1 BN3MPV upeminen T | §t°xyh BuGr | ˆrei] ˆri M | ÑElai«n] Ele«n T || 40. 31. AmBuGr | ka‹] om. ÑEn tª ≤m°r& §ke¤n˙] om. t“] to T | Golgoyò] Golgoyã M | tª] èg¤& add. paraxr∞ma énepÆdhse] énepÆdhsen paraxr∞ma BN1V | énepÆdhse] énepÆdhsen BMP anephdeisen T | tª] ti T om. Am Bu || 33. BuGr || 39. tÚn] om. B || 32. ¶nya ı KÊriow ≤m«n ÉIhsoËw XristÚw tØn katå sãrka g°nnhsin Íp°meine. Ka‹ yesp¤sasa §kklhs¤aw gen°syai §n t“ zvopoi“ mnÆmati ka‹ §n t“ èg¤ƒ Golgoyò ka‹ §n tª Bhyle¢m §n t“ sphla¤ƒ. toÁw d¢ én°mije t“ salibar¤ƒ toË ·ppou aÈtoË. ÑH d¢ bas¤lissa ÑEl°nh metå xarçw megãlhw ka‹ fÒbou énelom°nh tÚn zvopoiÚn staurÒn. ·na plhrvyª tÚ =hy¢n ÍpÚ toË Kur¤ou diå toË profÆtou l°gontow ÑEn tª ≤m°r& §ke¤n˙ ¶stai tÚ §p‹ tÚn xalinÚn toË ·ppou ëgion t“ kur¤ƒ Pantokrãtori (Zacharias 14: 20). salibar¤ƒ] silibariv T xalin“ V salbar¤ƒ GH || 46-47. bas¤lissa] bas¤leissa M | ÑEl°nh] om. par°dvke t“ §piskÒpƒ t∞w pÒlevw efiw mnhmÒsunon pãsaiw genea›w.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 27 paraxr∞ma énepÆdhse megãl˙ tª f≈n˙ bo«sa ka‹ dojãzousa tÚn YeÒn. T | §p‹] ÍpÚ M || 48. énekÒmise] énekÒmhsen BM anekomisen T énekom¤sato GH | tÚ d¢ loipÒn] t“ d¢ loip“ Am tv d¢ lupon T | érguroËn] érgÊreon Am BN1MV érgurÚn BLT | par°dvke] par°dvken BBN1T par°doken M || 36. én°strece] én°strecen BMTV | tÚn] •aut∞w add. GH | bo«sa ka‹] om. BuGr || 38. AmM | §kklhs¤an] §kklhs¤aw BN1 || 37. ka‹ §n t“ ˆrei t«n ÑElai«n ¶nya ı KÊriow eÈlogÆsaw toÁw 40 mayhtåw énelÆfyh. ≤m«n ÉIhsoËw XristÚw] om. énelom°nh] énelvm°nh M | zvopoiÚn] om. pãsaiw] ta›w add. Ka‹ êlla pollå poiÆsasa §n ÑIerosolÊmoiw én°strece prÚw tÚn pa›da. énelÆfyh] énele¤fyh B | pollå] ple›sta A | pollå kalå] katory≈mata BN1 | §n ÑIerosolÊmoiw] om. BuGr | tÚn xalinÚn] tÚn xalin«n M t“ xalin“ GH | Pantokrãtori] Pantokrãtvri BM . énãdeijin] anadijin T || 45. tØn m¢n toË tim¤ou stauroË mer¤da §n xrusª yÆkh époy°menow par°dvke t“ §piskÒpƒ efiw tÆrhsin. BuGr | megãlhw] om. BN1 | Bhyle¢m] Biyle¢m MT | §n t“ sphla¤ƒ] en to sphlev V om. GH | époy°menow] yemenow T || 43. =hy¢n-profÆtou] ÍpÚ toË profÆtou Zaxar¤ou diå toË Kur¤ou GH || 47. GH | m°ntoi] m°n ti AmV men ti T menti BN1 BN3 | ¥loiw] hluw T || 34. T«n d¢ ¥lvn 45 toÁw m¢n efiw tØn fid¤an perikefala¤an énexãlkeuse. par°dvke] par°dvken BBN1MV | §niausia¤saiw] §niausia›sew (corr. B | Ípodejãmenow] épodejãmenow BN1 || 42.

NESBITT TRANSLATION Afterwards the emperor [Constantine] despatched his praiseworthy and God-beloved mother Helena to Jerusalem with letters and money in abundance for the bishop of Ailia. Diligently searching they also found the nails. She had made for the remainder a silver casket that she gave to the bishop of the city for a remembrance to all generations. found the answer. by name Makarios. Since all were at a loss concerning the place [of its burial] and from feelings of uneasiness began describing an array of different things. The bishop through faith resolved the problem. asserting that some divine vision appeared. For it required only the shadow of the salvific cross to approach the sickly woman for the motionless and limp patient at once through divine power to jump up. using imperial authority. ordered the foul building to be overthrown to its foundations and to cast away the dust far off from there. At once she ordered the bishops to make a search for the longed-for wood. the empress herself having made the request. For there was a woman (one of the leading citizens) in ill-health and all despaired of her chances. The bishop. bringing each of the crosses. And so after doing many other good things in Jerusalem she returned to her son. Having received her with joy. learning of the coming of the empress. in order to search for the glorious cross and erect buildings upon the holy sites. Upon this being done. commanding her to go to Jerusalem and to bring to light the holy places buried by the impious and become hidden from sight. Upon doing so the place by the will of God was revealed to the bishop. in which was situated a temple and cult statue of the unclean daimon. From whence therefore despair and anxiety gripped the empress. And she decreed that churches be built in the form of lifegiving remembrances on Holy Golgotha and in Bethlehem in the cave where our lord Jesus Christ submitted to a birth according to the flesh. assembling the bishops of his province. gathering together a very great quantity of builders and workers. the bishop of the city ordered all to affect silence and in earnest offer prayer to God on behalf of this. he placed the piece of the precious cross in a . who demanded which was the cross of the Lord. there came to light the divine monument and the place of Golgotha and not far off three buried crosses. crying with a great voice and glorifying God. and on the Mount of Olives where the Lord upon blessing his disciples ascended. up to her own day.28 JOHN W. And while she was breathing her last [the bishop]. met her with due honor. Then the empress. Empress Helena with great joy and fear having taken up the lifegiving cross carried off a portion with the nails for her son.

Such a pre-condition is lacking. the Treatise is difficult to date. I am alluding to opening statements.6 We begin by noting that Alexander the Monk may have authored two extant texts: the Historical Treatise and an Encomium of the Apostle Barnabas.” He asks. Barnabas during the reign of Zeno (474-491) and the Treatise with the discovery of the wood and nails of the cross during the reign of Constantine the Great. The editor of the latter work. but one may do so only if there is compelling evidence that the two texts derive from the hand of the same author. In contrast Alexander is of very humble origins (“the poorest of men”) and must balance his want of education against the proposal that he compose a panegyric of Barnabas. “shrinking from this duty. in order that he might fulfill what was said by the Lord through his prophet. observes that in the manuscripts the text “is attributed to a certain Alexander. observes that the priest who asked him to write the Encomium was the scion of a well-educated family. whereas others he had added as studs to his horse bridle.”7 It was written at the urging of the priest and “keeper-of-the-keys” of the saint’s sanctuary and was read out in the presence of the metropolitan of Salamis. we must first try to fix the date at which Alexander the Monk was active. 8 Laudatio Barnabae apostoli 21.8 The Encomium is relatively easy to date. For this reason he has been inclined to request exemption from obedience. this he gave to the bishop for safekeeping. Peter van Deun. 7 Laudatio Barnabae apostoli 15. Before we can set this text into an historical context. Barnabas near Salamis. to wit “On that day shall there be holiness upon the horse bridle unto the all-powerful Lord” (Zachariah 14: 20). Some of the nails he had forged for his helmet. is to be understand in the sense of “countless illnesses”. In van Deun’s opinion. which I have translated as “by countless afflictions” (ÑÍpÚ mur¤vn pay«n). but it is nonetheless worthwhile to note one parallel. In the introduction to the Encomium. swim across the apostolic sea?”9 Let us now compare these statements with the proem of the 6 For a discussion of the various dates proposed for Alexander’s career see the Introduction to Peter van Deun’s edition of Laudatio Barnabae apostoli 16. rhetorically. drowned by countless afflictions. 9 In my opinion the phrase. based upon internal references. the Encomium was written sometime about the middle of the sixth century. I do not refer to the obvious fact that both works detail the invention of relics: the Encomium with the invention of the remains of St. Alexander the Monk. “How can such a sorry wretch as I. the author. And so one would like to use the Encomium to date the Treatise.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 29 gold box. monk at the monastery of St. decreeing that the appearance of the cross be celebrated with annual commemorations. .

The text of the anathema.. In his Introduction the author states that it is his intention “to compose a historical narrative on the finding of the life-giving cross. whereby he destroyed the power of the devil and the tyranny of death and bestowed on those believing in Him unknowable salvation.30 JOHN W. The text of the Treatise. Cyril of Scythopolis’s Life of Euthymios (E. muy≈dh.” . the writer has received a request from an ecclesiastical superior to write a composition. Alexander the Monk plagiarized himself.. and with ridicule. one can not point to another passage and say that here is the terminus ante quem. A number of manuscripts have. Truthfully we are ignorant not only in language but also in knowledge on account of the lengthy hold on us of diseases (pay«n). Upon receipt of the request the author “was exceedingly agitated.. Schwartz. reads: E‡ tiw tØn muy≈dh proÊparjin t«n cux«n ka‹ tØn taÊt˙ •pom°nhn terat≈dh épokatãstasin presbeÊei. in this case an historical essay on the finding of the life-giving cross. énãyema ¶stv. such a work is better realized through others than through me. one finds a terminus post quem in a passage where the author castigates Origen in terms which reproduce virtually word for word the first of fifteen anathemas pronounced against Origen slightly before the council of 553 concerning belief in the pre-existence of souls.I shrank from the undertaking as it is way beyond my ability. reads: .” Although Byzantine authors were fond of self-deprecation. I am suggesting that.” I accept the 10 Esbroeck (1979) 107. the all-holy and all-revered cross on which our lord Jesus Christ allowed himself to be stretched out. Cf. For we do not possess the educational grounding and lack experience of such pursuits from our training.. it seems to me that the similarity of phraseology in the two introductory statements is too close to be a matter of coincidence and may be an indication that the author of the Encomium and the author of the Treatise were one and the same person.. which deals with Cyril’s struggles with a group of Origenists in the region of Caesarea. NESBITT Treatise. Price (1991) 36 has translated this section..10 In all honesty. It is doubtful that someone else plagiarized him.. like Mozart. In order to establish an upper date one needs to begin by examining the whole of the text which Gretser printed and determining which parts are to be attributed to Alexander’s pen. as follows: “he [Cyril] combated courageously their myth of a preexistence of minds. for who would want to appear as an ignorant hypochondriac? Are there any references in the Treatise which either support or contradict a sixth-century date? As Father M. As in the case of the Encomium.mani≈dhw ÉVrig°nhw §blasfÆmhsen oÈsi≈dh tinå proÊparjin cux«n ka‹ tØn taÊt˙ •pom°nhn terat≈dh épokatãstasin gravd«w. van Esbroeck has pointed out. published by Diekamp (1899) 90. Kyrillos von Skythopolis [Leipzig: 1939] 39-40: diemãxeto genna¤vw tØn parÉ aÈto›w muyeuom°nhn t«n no«n proÊparjin ka‹ tØn taÊt˙ •pom°nhn terat≈dh épokatãstasin diasÊrvn panto¤vw én°trepen). as published by Gretser (4020A). the consequent monstrosity of a general restoration. instead of oÈsi≈dh. he completely refuted.

Alexander was not concerned with the post-Constantinian history of the cross and indeed the opening lines of Cyril’s narration (at 3. To fix the date of Alexander’s text we must rely solely on the materials which extend from the Introduction to Constantine’s demise.1-4) totally contradict portions of Alexander’s story of Helena’s adventures in Jerusalem..” Were we to assume that Alexander wrote the Encomium of the Cross. Kazhdan (1987) 229 has written: “Were we to assume that Alexander the Monk wrote around 800..matches well the trends of this time. On the other hand its presence suggests that the period when the festal dossier was compiled might be as early as circa 800. For the Greek text see Bihain (1973) 287. can be said of the concluding portion of the text which Gretser printed. the Encomium of the Cross. with minor modifications.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 31 author at his word and therefore reject the notion that he copied out and appended to his composition Cyril of Jerusalem’s letter to Constantius about the appearance of the cross over Jerusalem. there is no mention of the identity of the person who found the cross. again.. one would have reasonable grounds for advancing a date of circa 800. As in the case of Cyril’s letter.. He was an historian. but it is specified that the person who discovered “the long hidden holy places” was a man. the translation of McCauley and Stephenson (1970) 232. I think.. The same.. but he told his story in his own way and for this reason I submit that Cyril’s letter represents nothing more than a later addition to Alexander’s original text.his panegyric of the life-giving cross and of its cosmic ubiquity.. the saving wood of the cross was found in Jerusalem (divine grace granting the finding of the long hidden holy places to the one who nobly aspired to piety). and the Encomium) is a festal the days of your Imperial Father. we must assume that Alexander’s Treatise properly ends with Constantine’s death. He was not a great historian. The relevant section of Cyril’s letter reads as follows: ÉEp‹ m¢n går toË yeofilestãtou ka‹ t∞w makar¤aw mnÆmhw Kvnstant¤nou toË soË patrÚw. t∞w ye¤aw xãritow t“ kal«w zhtoËnti tØn eÈs°beian t«n épokekrumm°nvn èg¤vn tÒpvn parasxoÊshw tØn eÏresin: “For. 11 I quote here.”11 In Cyril’s account. the Encomium is a later addition and I submit that what Gretser’s text represents (the Treatise. tÚ svtÆrion toË stauroË jÊlon §n ÑIerosolÊmoiw hÏrhtai.. Additionally. Without it the best evidence for a ninth-century date of composition falls away. At some date. ...interest in the cross... if we take the author at his word. The author does not say in his opening statement that he includes an Encomium and. 12 A. Constantine of blessed memory.. a cleric or monk brought the three pieces together in order to have available a small library of pertinent sources for quotation in sermons delivered on the feastday of the Elevation of the Cross and the feastday of Saints Constantine and Helen. Alexander was not a mere copyist. the Encomium plays no role in the task of determining the date at which Alexander was active.his opuscule would be a natural culmination of. the Letter.12 In sum.

but since he is writing an historical treatise. there is good reason to believe that the author lived in a period before the rise of Islam..”16 The author interweaves into his account of biblical history events of a political order.37. Alexander’s overall theme is Salvation and accordingly some of the specific topics which he takes up are of a theological bent. there being two natures in Him.13-14 I have read the Greek somewhat differently. it nonethless allows us to form an idea of the author’s intention and audience. and Christ’s baptism by John. 16 Here at Gr 4036B.. His readers (or listeners) are. Archelaus and Cleopatra. For their sake the author has incorporated into his Treatise materials which provide a brief regarding the history of Palestine and the theology of the crucifixion. 13 14 . He speaks of Antipater. Herod the Great.the Word became flesh and made his dwelling among us. For on the cross and in the grave the economy of the two natures remained undivided. the main focus is on historical events. and not make-believe. then it would seem to me quite reasonable to propose as terminus ante quem the occupation of the Holy Land Gr 4025C. particularly events which unfolded in the Holy Land. If this view is correct.”15 He further states that “the Lord died truthfully for us and he was crucified in the flesh.. and Hyrcanus II. 15 Gr 4034D.. “For our Lord Jesus Christ willingly suffered for us. true God and true man. I suggest. Although Alexander’s discussion of theology and history is admittedly banal.. There is nothing in this text which involves arguments for or against Iconoclasm.and dwelling in the womb of the holy.32 JOHN W. The passage seems to depend on Cyril of Jerusalem’s Catechesis XIII. in which is known our one and only Lord Jesus Christ. admitting of no separation or division. On the contrary.. glorious and ever-virgin Mary. There is nothing which leads one to suspect that the Arabs have seized the Christian East.”13 The author then commences to narrate the events of Christ’s life on earth: His birth in Bethlehem. the only begotten Son and Word of the living god. He alludes to Pompey the Great and discusses the careers of two members of the Hasmonean Dynasty: Aristobolus II. “For us and for our Salvation Christ made the heavens slope and he descended. the journey of the Magi. does the author develop topics which better reflect a sixth-century milieu than a later one? I would say most emphatically “yes”..14 Passing over Christ’s miracles the narrator proceeds directly to the crucifixion. the flight of the Holy Family into Egypt. humble pilgrims. the return to Nazareth. Gr 4032B-4033B. In this manner he supplies the background necessary for a full appreciation of the holy sites at Jerusalem.30-35 (and John 1: 14). NESBITT Within these confines.

p. No mention of cross. but are poorly attested . 291-292. The Spirit inspires her to search for the wood of the cross. to see in what ways it is similar or varies and. INTRODUCTION: THE IMPETUS FOR FINDING THE CROSS. Helena travels to Jerusalem (“in order to lay hold of the holy places and seek out the venerable wood of the Cross”). Constantine sends his mother to Jerusalem to identify the location of the cross and build churches. Helena is inspired to the same task by a divine vision. 55.13-14. see his De obitu Theodosii. 137..25 and at III. .DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 33 by the Persians and Arabs during the reign of Heraclius (610-641). p. 63. p.18 Gelasius of Caesarea (reconstruction): (Spurred by divine visions). For the text see Rufinus. 969. 20 The translation is from Amidon (1997) 16. Kirchengeschichte. 19 Under the rubric Gelasius of Caesarea I either paraphrase or directly quote Borgehammar’s own paraphrase of Gelasius’s narration. Alexander the Monk: Constantine and Helena share joint responsiblity for initiative. Hierusolyma petit). following that. a conclusion which accords quite well with the dates proposed for the composition of the Encomium of Barnabas. travels to Jerusalem with letters for Bishop Makarios from Constantine.17 Ambrose of Milan: Helena goes to Jerusalem and visits. See the translation and remarks of Cameron and Hall (1999) 132. 40-51.20-21. Helena visits the Holy Land and initiates construction of various churches.22 In these letters Constantine 17 Eusebius. Gelasius of Cyzicus’s Church History. The parentheses are Borgehammar’s (see Borgehammar. now aged..19 Rufinus: “Helena.13-14. The purpose here is to compare Alexander’s narration with prior accounts.21 Theodoret: Helena. and Theodoret’s Church History. to suggest what purpose Alexander had in mind in writing his specific version of Helena’s invention. Socrates’s Church History.” Borgehammar’s reconstruction rests on Rufinus’s Church History.was alerted by divine visions and traveled to Jerusalem (divinis admonita visionibus.. 18 For Ambrose’s account... summoned by dreams. V(ita) C(onstantini): Constantine orders the construction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. 53) and indicate places “which may derive from Gelasius. We have quoted Amidon’s translations throughout. 22 Theodoret. as set forth on pages 54-55. 21 Sokrates Kirchengeschichte. Let us now conclude by examining in some detail Alexander’s narrative regarding Helena’s finding of the cross.”20 Socrates: Helena.42-3. goes off to Jerusalem. De vita Constantini at III. We shall proceed with the first task by summarizing each section of the Treatise’s version and listing within the section the versions of earlier writers regarding the same events. cap. SECTION 1.

26 Theodoret: “When [Helena] saw the area where the passion had occurred. THE DISCOVERY. he arose. Alexander the Monk: Helena. ab incolis perquirit).18-21. 969. where she asked the inhabitants where the place was where the sacred body of Christ had hung fastened to the gibbet (atque ibi locum. p.15-16.1-7. in a jumble. The situation becomes clear to Helena. Rufinus: “[Helena] traveled to Jerusalem. workmen topple “the polluted structures” and. Theodoret. 64. p. and the titulus composed by Pilate. she immediately commanded that the abominable temple be knocked down and the statue be carted off”. 55.3-6. p. met by Makarios. Sokrates Kirchengeschichte. Amidon (1997) 16. beneath a statue of Venus set there (simulcrum in eo Veneris fuerat defixum) are uncovered. No mention of the titulus. Gelasius of Caesarea (reconstruction): the location is revealed. 969. three crosses and the titulus. . a place where there was a statue of Venus.24 SECTION 3. NESBITT directs Makarios to clear the area of Christ’s tomb and to erect on the spot a church. orders the bishops to search for the wood. The cross is uncovered in the tomb. 56.34 JOHN W. SECTION 2. p. along with the crosses of the two thieves.16-22. Three crosses are found and the nails. Gelasius of Caesarea (reconstruction): Helena inquires of inhabitants of the town where Christ was crucified.”23 Socrates: Helena searches zealously for the tomb of Christ. Sokrates Kirchengeschichte. Amidon (1997) 16. the nails and the titulus. bring to light three crosses. p. Rufinus. 55. THE INQUIRY. She has the statue toppled and the earth cleared. Rufinus: the location is “indicated to her by a sign from heaven (locum caelisti sibi indicio designatum)”. Alexander the Monk: God reveals the place to dig. upon excavating. in quo sacrosanctum corpus Christi patibulo adfixum pependerat. Ambrose: Helena goes to Golgotha and has the ground opened where three gibbets are found.25 Socrates: those opposed to Christianity had covered with earth the site of Christ’s passion and established a temple there with a cult statue. where buried. an area where there was situated a pagan temple and cult statue.27 23 24 25 26 27 Rufinus. and p. She gathers workmen and they clear the site. Kirchengeschichte.14-15.

THE CROSS FRAGMENTS AND THE NAILS. He brings all three crosses. Kirchengeschichte. Makarios. Rufinus: the titulus is of no help. . ordering the day of the cross’s discovery to be annually commemorated. Alexander the Monk: Helena reserves a portion of the true cross and the nails for Constantine. Constantine places the piece of cross in a gold box and gives the box to the bishop. 56. He has a woman who is near death touched by the three crosses: it requires only the approach of the true cross and the lady is cured. bringing along all three crosses. Makarios seeks a sign from God and God sends one. Theodoret. Accompanied by the empress. Ambrose: the identity of the true cross is guaranteed by the presence of the titulus attached to it. She has a silver casket made for the remainder and gives it to Makarios. He approachesa lady of rank who is close to death. Socrates: the titulus plays no role.29 SECTION 5: AFTERMATH. She has churches built on Golgotha. in Bethlehem. He touches her with all three crosses. p. Makarios solves the problem. 64. 28 29 Sokrates Kirchengeschichte. As soon as the shadow of the third draws near she is cured. but only the true cross cures her. Makarios visits a noble lady who is gravely ill. hoping that at the least his shadow will fall upon them). Alexander the Monk: confronted by three crosses Helena wonders which cross was the one on which Christ was crucified. Gelasius of Caesarea (reconstruction): With the empress. When touched by the first two she shows no improvement but when she receives the touch of the third cross. THE CONUNDRUM AND THE SOLUTION. she is healed. visits a woman of distinguished position who is near death. “And the sign was such”.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 35 SECTION 4. It requires only the shadow of one (the true) cross to fall near the woman and at once she is cured (see Acts 5: 15: the sick await Peter. Some of the nails are added to his helmet and others to his bridle.10-18. A certain woman of the district was near death. Makarios arranges that she receive the touch of all three crosses. p. He prays and then touches the woman in vain with two crosses.12-17. Ambrose: Helena finds the nails: from one she has made a bridle and from the other a diadem.28 Theodoret: confusion reigns over the identity of the true cross. Makarios solves the problem. and on Olivet.

. We have been following only one. 970. p. the beginning of the fifth century saw the emergence of two new versions of the finding of the cross. She has churches of great workmanship constructed. 56. She left behind there a portion of the cross enclosed in a silver casket (yÆk˙ érgurò) as a memorial for those wishing to observe [it] (to›w flstore›n boulom°noiw). the remainder she had made into a horse bridle in order to fulfill the ancient prophecy of Zacharias. She has a portion of the cross sent on to Constantinople and the rest placed in a silver casket which is given to the bishop of the city. Theodoret. the remainder she despatched to the emperor. She returns with a portion of the cross for Constantine. it is still kept there as a memorial with unflagging devotion (ligni vero ipsius salutaris partem detulit filio. “As for the healing wood itself. The nails still adhered and these she brought to Constantine. NESBITT Gelasius of Caesarea (reconstruction): Helena builds a church at the findspot of the cross. Both are of Syrian origin and are reworkings of the 30 31 32 Rufinus.19-23.18-23. As Drijvers observes. partem vero thecis argenteis conditam dereliquit in loco.1-9. Kirchengeschichte.32 The invention of the cross involves three different traditions.24-25. p. 57.” Helena also finds the nails and sends them to Constantine. He has them fashioned into bridlebits (plural: xalinoÊw) and a helmet.”30 Socrates: “The mother of the emperor had a splendid house of prayer built on the site of the sepulchre (called “New Jerusalem”). Helena has some nails placed in the imperial helmet. which is placed in a silver casket and given to Makarios. Rufinus: Helena has a church built at the site of the discovery of the cross. quae etiam nunc ad memoriam sollicita veneratione servatur). p. but leaves behind the remainder. From some he has made a bridle and with othershe outfitted himself with a helmet. we might take a moment and reflect upon the other two.31 Theodoret: mention of the nails and their disposition. p. part of it she presented to her son. and part she put in silver reliquaries and left in the place. and so before we proceed.36 JOHN W. Sokrates Kirchengeschichte. and others are smelted and mixed with metal of his bridle. p. 65. She searches for the nails and finding them she has several inserted into Constantine’s helmet..1-15. 64. Amidon (1997) 17.. requesting that he watch over these “memorials of salvation”. Helena has other churches built: one at Bethlehem and another on the mount of the ascension. .

We may reasonably assume that Alexander the Monk had knowledge of this legend.5-9.34 The fifth-century Byzantine historian. This version was known at first only in Syriac. He asks God to show him the place where the cross is buried. Judas. He relied on Rufinus’s Church History and for this reason we have not listed his work in the summaries above. Alexander rejected the Judas Cyriacus tradition. the earliest versions of which are in Syriac. 33 34 . hands it over to James. Hymn 39. This retelling. In the Introduction he has Constantine send his mother to Makarios with letters J. The word salibãrion also occurs in Romanos the Melode’s Cantica.17. Recently Feiertag (2000) has affirmed the Syrian origin (Antioch?) of the Judas Cyriacus legend. Sozomen wrote about the middle of the 5th century. W.”35 Sozomen rejects the legend.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 37 older Helena version. and b) salibãrion (the bridle fashioned from the nails of the cross). Drijvers (1992) 147... Nestle (1895) p. 331. p. She builds a church on Golgotha and Judas converts. and builds a church over the tomb. Among them is a certain Judas who is brought before her and interrogated. Both these words are found in a Greek manuscript of Sinai relating the legend of Judas Cyriacus. Greek. finds the nails for her. than through records of the past.. For the Greek text see E. then later in Armenian. was read in many languages. For the latest edition in Syriac of the Judas Cyriacus legend and translation into English. see Drijvers and Drijvers (1997). she has bridles made from them. now Cyriacus. The second is the“Judas Cyriacus” legend: a version in which Helena goes to Jerusalem and orders an assembly of the Jews. God gives him a sign and he uncovers three crosses. 48.18 and p. and Latin.33 One is the “Protonike” legend: a story in which the central character. Sozomen. one of which restores a dead man.36 Like Sozomen. converts to Christianity and visits Jerusalem where she discovers the true cross in the sepulchre. 35 Sozomenus. declaring it more likely that divine matters are revealed through “signs and dreams”. We see this in the way Alexander has crafted his narration. knew of the Judas Cyriacus legend: “Some say that a certain Hebrew who lived in the East had prior knowledge [of the location of the cross] from paternal records. Helena provides the cross with a mount and encases it in a casket. 330. Kirchengeschichte. 36 Borgehammar (1991) 24 and note 56. popular in the Middle Ages because of its antiJewish flavor. It is not difficult to understand why: one of his objectives is to give full and sole credit for the discovery of the cross to Constantine and his mother. section 22. line 5. said to be the wife of emperor Claudius (41-54). based upon its anti-Jewish elements. Protonike. Borgehammar has observed that two unusual words are to be found in Alexander’s text: a) glvssÒkomon (the silver casket in which Helena has the cross encased).

On the other hand. in Bethlehem. commanding her to go to Jerusalem. touch the holy Wood first with their forehead and then with their eyes. Constantine decrees that the appearance of the cross be celebrated with annual commemorations. Helena occupies center stage. p. Alexander has borrowed the phrase “with letters” (metå grammãtvn [Alexander]. 137: “Thus all the people go past one by one.” . It became hidden after Christ’s death. related in the various accounts of Helena’s discovery.. asserting that some divine vision appeared.. 37 I briefly touch here on aspects of pilgrimage which have been well and fully exploited by others: see e. They stoop down.. All that is required is for Helena to go to Jerusalem and seek it. beginning with Ambrose (395). having made the request.. Constantine reappears in an interesting context.38 But the miracle of the infirm woman.38 JOHN W. it can be seen. aroused to action by dreams.. Upon placing it in a gold box and giving the relic to the bishop of the city. Constantine knows where Christ’s tomb is located and hence. observe it directly. In other words.37 The cross exists. crucifixion. Helena returns to her son and Constantinople bearing a piece of the true cross. ToÊtoiw grãmmasin [Theodoret]) from Theodoret (p. and then kiss it. and ascension—they need only visit Jerusalem and its environs. there was a strong tradition. If anyone doubts the validity of Scriptures—of Christ’s birth. as well as the notion of Constantine’s participation in the cross’s discovery. including Alexander the Monk’s. Hunt (1982) 83-106. It was prefigured in the Old Testament. where the cross is to be found. by implication. if not touched. See Egeria. and on Olivet. NESBITT and money for the purpose of uncovering the cross and erecting churches on holy places.20). traveled to Jerusalem on her own initiative.. g. 38 In the days of the pilgrim Egeria (381-384).” From this point until almost the very end. All the important sites connected with the unfolding of salvation are marked by holy structures. 63. Since the geographical setting of Alexander’s remark is Constantinople. To accommodate this version. it was possible on Good Friday to approach the cross. In a second letter he speaks of the financial arrangements for the construction. through the efforts of Constantine and Helena. that Helena. At base Alexander’s Treatise is a work of pilgrimage literature. Alexander simply grafted it on (though awkwardly) to his initial statement: “the queen herself. and kiss it. But now. we may reasonably infer that Alexander is attesting that in his own day (the sixth century) the feast of the Cross was being celebrated at the capital. Pagan rulers came and went. She finds and identifies the cross and is reponsible for the building of churches on Golgotha. The latter states that Constantine had a letter composed in which he directs Makarios to clear the area where Christ was entombed and to build on the site a church.

one of Alexander’s goals was to promote the cult of Saints Constantine and Helena and it was for this reason that he joins the two together and emphasizes their equal credit for the discovery of the cross. Propinquity is sufficient. In the same visit the infirm might find physical.39 The seal indicates that by at least the late seventh century Constantine had become a saint. as well as spiritual. In my opinion. Some thirty years ago Laurent published a seal (poorly known) of the seventh century depicting on the obverse a representation of a saint holding a globus cruciger who is identified on the reverse as St. 1922. In concluding I would observe that Alexander’s Treatise differs from previous accounts of Helena’s discovery of the True Cross in length.DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS 39 makes it clear that one may expect benefits (a cure of physical affliction?) from “only the shadow of the salvific cross”. I would say it is reasonable to postulate that the Treatise was written before the reign of Heraclius and the disruptions to pilgrimage traffic which his rule witnessed. Constantine. comfort. 39 Laurent (1972). It is clearly meant to entice people to undertake a trip to Jerusalem and to explore the sites where the drama of Salvation occurred and where testimony in Gospel accounts can be visually affirmed. Since it is pilgrimage-driven. no. Alexander’s emphasis on the joint responsibility of Constantine and Helena for the discovery of the cross raises an interesting possibility about the date of their sainthood. . Nevertheless the Treatise is a coherent example of pilgrim propoganda.

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we should read more than their religious. but I am still uncertain about several passages. I think it important. 1 In the course of our conversation I referred to some letters of Michael Psellos which featured a wandering monk named Elias and which. Magdalino for their helpful suggestions concerning the translation. can be daunting. very earthy and very amusing. He strongly encouraged me to translate and publish them. were also very earthy and amusing. written in the eleventh century of our era but in an idiom dating to fifteen hundred years before that. directed against an individual whose name was downgraded from Katablattas to Skatablattas. 1 2 . albeit under a more pedantic veneer. as Canivet and Oikonomidès (1982-3). if we are to understand the Byzantine people. We should find out what made them angry and. see Papaioannou (1998). perhaps more important. literary. together with a French translation and commentary. the tenth portrays an unnamed friend who so resembles the wandering monk that it seems reasonable to include it. In the meantime. Since older editions of the Letters are still available and a new. About a projected new edition. with the exception of Letter 10. a scurrilous bit of writing. Professor Oikonomides believed that. although I regret that it is in a memorial volume rather than a living Festschrift. 2 Limitations of space also had to be considered. And so. 3 I am indebted to Professors E. minor changes. Dennis Some years ago Nikos Oikonomides showed me an early fifteenth century Greek text he was preparing for publication. Papaioannou and P.3 I have appended some notes to aid the reader in understanding the letters. critical edition is in the first stages of preparation.ELIAS THE MONK. reprinted the Greek text here. I have not. what made them laugh. nine mention the monk Elias by name. or legal writings. though. to be noted suo loco. Still. FRIEND OF PSELLOS George T. I think I have more or less correctly rendered his often convoluted thought and expression into presentable English. I have read through the manuscripts again and have made a few. And that is exactly what I present in these pages. but I have left a more extended commentary to a future publication of his entire correspondence. the slanderous little pamphlet was published. Of the letters of Psellos presented below. Translating these letters.

we must. of course. DENNIS did Professor Oikonomides. particularly several thematic judges.4 In reading any work of Psellos. his mother. whereas this Elias cannot get off the ground. especially chastity. probably his monastic name. as well as the streets of Constantinople. Psellos cannot resist comparing this Elias with his biblical namesake. This is obviously the case with his presentation of Elias. from the hands of Elias himself. so strong are his earthly ties. was to raise money to support himself. His surname seems to have been Kroustalas (Krystalas). those to whom he addressed these letters. but there is no connection with our Elias: Karpozilos (1980). simply put. 6 1 Kings: 17 . Elias. The purpose of his journeys. . comedian. so Psellos assures them. we must always be aware of his love of hyperbole and his subordination of fact to literary effect. Nonetheless. so it seems. All that we know about him is contained in these letters. He wandered. if any. presumably. to Syria. through Asia Minor and down into Greece and the Peloponnesos. Psellos also wrote to a protonotary named Elias. of which there were not a few in Byzantium. He was. The central figure in these letters is a monk. as the family name of another monk. It is found.2 Kings: 2. Psellos does not name the monastery. In fact. greatly amuse Psellos and. and mimic with a very broad and diversified repertoire. To assist him Psellos wrote letters of introduction commending him to important personages. a wandering monk with no fixed abode. as it were. It has been pointed out that the prime characteristic of Elias is earthiness and 4 Gautier (1980-82). a popular public reader for whom Psellos has the highest praise. that these few letters be made available to scholars and to everyone interested in the civilization we refer to as Byzantine. they will. but there is no indication that the two were related. stand next to the addresees as they received these letters. so these letters tell us. coincidentally. John Kroustalas. which is rare in the extant sources. in which Elias was tonsured and to which community he belonged. a talented musician. he does not seem to be imitating the prophet at all. be greatly entertained by this gifted monk. In exchange for a financial contribution. this monk is not a fictitious character. 5 Ljubarskij (1978) 74-79. 5 He is clearly a real person for whom Psellos has a great deal of affection and whose company he genuinely enjoys. 6 The fiery chariot conveyed the prophet to heaven.44 GEORGE T. presumably. This Elias does not appear to be running away from some Jezabel and he dines more bountifully than the widow with her oil and barley meal. The letters must be read with that in mind. Moreover. his understanding and practice of the monastic virtues. and a large number of relatives.

7 8 9 10 Ljubarskij (1978) 79. 147. ODB 1078. had he not received some education.10. 69.7 How much of what Psellos wrote about Elias is based on fact and how much on talk is not clear. Letter 1 is addressed to the judge of Thrakesion. also addressed to the judge of Thrakesion. 32. 135.v. 66. 70. but that is about all we can assert. 10 Other letters sent to that official are Sathas 26. well educated members of the civil aristocracy. 51) the name of the judge is recorded as Xeros. 248. apparently it was concerned with civilian matters. with their classical allusions and literary affectations. The Lower or Southern Themes (tå Katvtikã) included the themes of the Peloponnesos and Hellas. Eustathii Thess. Our knowledge of the men to whom these letters were addressed is also limited. 4). 316. in Letter 9. much less understood them. who held the high dignity of sebastophoros. named after a body of troops from Thrace settled there. but it does make for an interesting and. Still. The dating of these letters can only be approximate. and one ed. by Karpozilos (see n. 86. credible story. he could write rapidly and beautifully as well as correctly. but who cannot be identified any more closely. Letter 5. 93. although no name is given. to have been well educated. One would expect him. 74. Psellos valued his scribal skills. like all known friends of Psellos. Elias. however. 154. In the eleventh century the chief administrative officer of a theme (province) was the judge. 34. like himself.. 33. s.ELIAS THE MONK 45 he has been called a Rabelaisian monk. was much more than a convivial extrovert and connoisseur of bordellos. K-D 55. residence of the judge may have been Chonai. Letter 1 gives Sergios as the name of the judge. 151. 8 The judges to whom Psellos wrote were. as is clear from other letters (Sathas 32. presumably. does not give a name. perhaps Ephesus. 141. but the extent of his authority is not clear. 9 Its capital and. More thorough research on all the letters and their addressees is needed before we can propose any dates. we can assert that the monk was well into his wandering career at that time. 134. If Letter 1 was written about 1067 or soon thereafter. In two letters (Sathas 47. ODB 2080. De Thematibus 124-6. He could hardly have copied the letters. despite some exaggeration. 150. K-D 154). not military. Other letters sent to that official. Letter 4 was addressed to Nikephoros. LBG (2001). . Psellos recalls that he employed circumlocutions in dictating the letter so that Elias would not understand what he was saying. are K-D 61. Thrakesion was a very prosperous theme in Western Asia Minor.

13 Constantine held a number of influential offices as well as prestigious titles: droungarios. 83-86. Vat. 157. megas droungarios. 142-144. 107. Kurtz and Drexl (1941) = K-D: Letters 4. The anonymous addressee of Letter 10 was obviously a close friend of Psellos who entertains him with an account of the conversation. 8. 184. 186. 214. the Greek text is presented in an Appendix. See Polemis (1968) 34-41. 116-120. 211. See Ljubarskij (1978) 62-69. Two versions of Letter 9 are preserved in the Barberini manuscript (cod. gr. Gautier (1986) = Gautier: Letter 1. Westerink (1951) 43-5 = Westerink: Letter 1. 155. 10. 100. Opsikion. Sathas (1876) = Sathas: Letters 2. 11 12 13 De Thematibus 127-30. perhaps the monk Elias. Other letters sent to the judge of Opsikion are: Sathas 29. 6. so it seems. 240). 99. 190) give the name of the judge as Zoma (Zvmç. personally handed it to the sebastos Constantine. 258. epi ton kriseon. 117. protoproedros. Since the vocabulary may be of some interest. 77.v. brother of the emperor Constantine X Doukas (1059-67). but subsequently limited to the northwestern area with its capital at Nicaea. The first is addressed to a frequent correspondent of Psellos. s. K-D 81. 200. 12 The second was dictated by Psellos and written down by Elias who. Zvm∞). K-D 31. or monologue. was one of the four original themes set up in Asia Minor. 140. magistros. 3.46 GEORGE T. 187. 190. ODB. . the Caesar John Doukas. 5. 46. sakellarios. 243. Barb. sebastos. EDITIONS. 45. 9. 43. 7. genikos. proedros. provided by a mutual friend. DENNIS The judge of Opsikion was the recipient of Letters 7 and 8. Letters addressed to him are: Sathas 1. 108. the nephew of the patriarch (Michael Keroularios) and a close friend and correspondent of Psellos. 11 Two letters (Sathas 29. 174. whose name is derived from Latin obsequium.

very pure. is not being sent on a journey up to heaven. If. It is not so much your Eden that he loves as you who cultivate and protect it. not yet under siege. even though he may himself be cheerfully consumed by another sort of fire. Do not be afraid of this Elias. then open up your golden soul to him. you in turn would not be wrong in accommodating yourself to his grave demeanor. It is indeed pure gold and has never sounded a false note as if mixed with baser metal. he paid no heed to whatever stood in his way. he did not get there without a struggle. he maintains his self respect. meadows. 3 This much I enjoin upon you — a teacher has the right to give orders to his student — do not accord him special reverential treatment because of his habit. 2 Kings 1: 10. See 1 Kings 18: 31-38.Chron. then show the crop to the man so he might reap his beloved harvest. 7. it has been rubbed alongside many gold testing stones and has always been proven pure. . and deserts. He cannot call down fire from heaven or. Still.6-7.67.1. since he did not feel comfortable there. Even here he had to pass over the wooded glens and first descend into deep chasms but. my most illustrious and beloved brother. which barbarian hands had plundered. after pouring on water. for the man is not a lover of graceful objects but of those made of gold. But. can he miraculously ignite a fire.10. This new Elias. But if he should change his behavior. The rest contains groves. pleasant gardens. Neither is it the beauty and gracefulness of Thrakesion that he prizes. 7.ELIAS THE MONK 47 TRANSLATION 1. He has left behind the villages cowering in fear after experiencing the weapons of the enemy or. To Lord Sergios. ‘Repose’ recalls Matthew 1: 29 and 12: 43. But if this cannot be done. caves. This probably refers to Turkish raids in eastern Asia Minor in 1067: Psell. he moved to the other half. For he is not so reckless as to try the fiery chariots.Eud. If the summer were somehow suddenly to sprout gold. He first tried out the first half. half of it consists of mountains. See Herodotus 7. however. rather. Judge of Thrakesion. By his reckoning. then you should change your tune. and open spaces for riding horses. with his eyes fixed upon his goal. 4 1 2 3 4 Elias is said to have been taken up to heaven in a fiery chariot: 2 Kings 2: 11.2 He makes his way to Thrakesion. but he does travel around every place under heaven in hopes of finding repose for his soul.1 He has divided the whole inhabited world into two parts.

Gautier (1986) 27. but it requires some cheer and playfulness. For my sake get to know this multifaceted man. 7 The Sphinx asked travelers: What creature first uses four feet. At one moment he is a lion who has relaxed his shaggy frown. when you feel the need to come down to this level. This great good fortune. then three feet? Oedipus gave the correct answer: man.9 And. 6 The songs of David are the Psalms. but on the flip side he may suddenly take up the flute of Timothy. [Ed. The legendary Proteus was noted for his ability to change shape. 8 Typhon was the hundred-headed giant struck by a thunder bolt from Zeus: Iliad 2. But he gives the impression of being both. a real gentleman and. . Timothy. you will find anchorage for the ship of your soul and.782.48 GEORGE T. is yours.5 He can be Greek and barbarian. Indeed. He is not totally sunny nor is he totally cloudy. a favorite of Alexander the Great. then two feet. 7 He is a creature who assumes every kind of form.8 He is an enchanting melody. more complicated than Typhon. you may once again put out to sea. If you pay a little something as a harbor fee. after a nice rest. then.6 He speaks with every voice. was a famous flutist and composer of secular songs. He is a man with two faces. from cod. Laur. 9 Heraclitus despised the body and human activity. At one time he will cast his eyes down like Heraclitus and bewail human vanity. adapting himself to the times and the events. DENNIS I swear by your holy soul that he is very clever and can do anything. in keeping with the riddle of the Sphinx. diatonic and enharmonic. quite indecorous. if you ask him. at another he dances off with the apes. at the same time. but before all else enjoy this multiform man. more noble deeds as well as worse ones. 209v-210]. he will alter the appearance of his garments and transform himself into any shape at all. Right now he chants the songs of David. Democritus was noted for laughing at human frivolity. and he changes into every shape as did Proteus the Pharian. 5 Dorian and Phrygian were types of flute music. you ought not to cast about for the players of the lyre or the flute. f. San Marco 303. which monks were obliged to recite daily.Human nature is not unrelenting and untiring in facing every trial. From one to the other was a proverbial expression for change of tone. at another he will pretend to laugh like Democritus. The man for whom you would have gone about hunting and searching has invited himself and you now have him with you. Westerink (1951) 8. He can be Dorian and Phrygian at the same time.

His life is that of a rover. This is what our Elias wanted and he struggled very hard for it. Now he heads down south. To the Judge of the Lower Themes. Odyssey 5. f. Vita Apollonii 1. just as his namesake also owned nothing. or which Ethiopians dwell to the east and which ones are off to the west.86 and 3. When he flew up they forced him down again. Laur. 57-40. many times in fact. 2 Kings 1: 5 et alibi. 223 v (P). Let me also add a philosophical note. He not only purchased nothing with his philosophy. His purpose is not to learn how far Thule is from the British Isles or how the fabled Ocean flows around the earth.There was the weight he was dragging. Twice he attempted it. Homer. 1182. Philostratus.20. There was his earthly tabernacle. No matter how many times he started up. When he jumped up they dragged him back down. See Strabo. but the same constraints pulled him down. but the title of the addressee is found in L. 5 May he return bearing in his hands guarantees from your hand so his mother may be brought back to life and the throng of his relatives may join in the festive dance.5-7. But neither is he able to maintain himself on earth. This is what motivates him to undertake long journeys. Now he heads up north. This monk Elias had no desire to possess any earthly thing or to be concerned about such. not in P].2 But his goal is to find safe anchorage in your harbor and there perhaps to obtain some provisions. from cod.35 ff. [Ed. Sathas 153. Plato is reported to have taken the measure of Charybdis three times and to have sailed that many times through the narrow strait of Sicily. For he does not have only himself to support — that would be a simple enough problem for him — but he has his mother who relies on him and a whole tribe of relatives.6. 1 This Elias wanted to liberate himself from the practical virtues.35. to pass through the whole rational universe and to journey through the air to God and to find anchorage in the ineffable harbors. Geographica 1.ELIAS THE MONK 49 2. But there was the body he was tied to. 1 2 3 4 5 Cf. Vitae philosophorum 2. He is split between the rising of the sun and its setting.2. Paris. f. gr. Diogenes Laertius. Cf. gr. 44 v-45 (L).3 But Plato ended up encountering the Dionysiuses. There was his heavy burden. they held him down.4 May our wanderer not meet up with that sort of hospitality but with such as Odysseus received among the Phaeacians. but barely escaped being sold himself and was ransomed by Annikeris of Aegina. His ascent to heaven is not easy. . a shorter and less reliable version is found in cod.4.

Only he would know whether he might be running away from some Jezabel. <Untitled. his hands will be gently folded on his chest. 1 2 . Odyssey 10. has taken the middle road. n.20-26. The addressee of this letter may well be the Caesar. The first is characterized by the monastic life. 6 See Letter 1. John Doukas. 1 Kings 18: 20. Once again. Then he will change and join you in a dance. DENNIS 3.6 If you should be angered at such a transformation. as Aeolus did to the man from Ithaca. 5. At the other extreme — please do not reproach me for what I say — is the way of life associated with taverns. so as not to leave any part of these extremes untouched. 4 Coele-Syria designated the Roman province in northwest Syria with its capital at Antioch. At the same time. you need some relaxation such as he provides. 2 At any rate.5 Then. rough and ready. Because you are busy with very serious tasks. Let me describe the man to you in a more philosophical vein. He will arise early in the morning with you and sing the sacred songs. as the tides change in the Euripus. 7 The narrow strait between Boeotia and Attica where the current was reported to change direction seven times a day. but from a stage prop. hold on to him. His eyes will remain fixed. There are two extremes of virtue and of wickedness. in the late 10th and 11th centuries it was a Byzantine province under a duke. As long as you have the man with you. 5 Homer. wearing the tunic of a rower or a slave. he will start going against the current. he will immediately shift back to the first mode. Polemis (1968) 34-39. From the Dorian melody his voice will change to the Phrygian. 7 His ambition is 2 Kings 2: 11.50 GEORGE T.42. 1 He does not come to you from Mount Carmel. 4 You know what you will do. send him off to Libya or Asia. Whichever of the two he wishes that is what he is. Ljubarskij (1978) 69-74. I mean the monastic life which is the solitary life at its best. And so he comes to you. up to now he has given the impression of fleeing from some horrible Erinys and heading for the furthest reaches of the earth. You will observe that his feet are not moving back and forth but stay together. Cf. he will see Coele-Syria and indeed your holy self governing it. who held authority in Antioch for several years: see Laurent (1962) 252-53).3 He took my advice about which people he should visit first and what guides he should follow to the ends of the earth. He undergoes a complete transformation from both sides. after sewing up the western winds in a bag and presenting them to him. This man. 3 The Erinys were fearsome female demons.> Our Elias does not come down from the sky or go up to the sky.

you will find refuge in his harbor. Therefore. 1182. 9 Just as Aeschylus. it will not crush the ship. [Ed. Here is a riddle.. May this declaration now. Epistle 6. f. in turn... 8 Gently. when your ship is just about to sink. to Philip of Macedon. But if he should step outside the bounds. I set the man before you. While it is not completely free of the sea’s swells. then.. while the leaping about. therefore. be made public and not be made public.. he is taken over by lower creatures. Sathas 154. securely joined together nor anything short . how his thoughts are very focused and how long beforehand he prepares to repel assaults and lets nothing get in his way. the ship’s timbers and .. so to speak. . I declare that he is the one who has written this letter. 223 v-224]. of the monkeys is part of his inborn nature. Instead. What an imitation he can do of the roaring of the lion. gr.ELIAS THE MONK 51 to be able to change shapes like the legendary Proteus. But if . 8 9 The manuscript has several small blank spaces. Paris. Aristotle. in accord with Aristotle’s dictum. may this man compose a drama with many new elements and. then it will be up to you to bring him back within them. from cod. you will find even more that is new. I have shown you his serious side and clued you in on his less serious one. since we are downcast by nature and need something to soothe our spirits.

Sounion. [Ed.1. gr. Schoinous. Strabo 9. for that matter. for your total gratification. Not only is he under the regular signs of the zodiac but also the very unusual ones and. not Ionia” or the contrary. may you have a pleasant laugh and may you come to love the man. to have inscribed everywhere. in whatever direction you may prefer.6. 1 While he may not know how to explain the names to you. but he would be content. with those at the solstice”. f.7. from cod. 73-73v]. DENNIS 4. 2 He may indeed not know how to compose epigrams. To the Sebastophoros Nikephoros. the rocks of the Skeironides. 1 2 Most of these names occur in Strabo. Rion. toward the rising sun and toward evening.52 GEORGE T. If your spirits are lifted up by the mere mention of the famous names of Greece: the Piraeeus. Antirrion. instead of on a public monument: “He is turned in both directions. Only. such as those of Archilochus or Simonides. the Gardens of the Philosophers. Vat. Get to know him. 712. going to Phaleron and returning from Phaleron and — there is no need to list any more — it means nothing to you that this earthbound Elias has been elevated to such great distances. the Thriasian Plain. other places and. Let him personify that famous epigram for you: “Here is the Peloponnesus. Krommyonia. if someone might wish to do this. . Geographica. he can convey the reality. K-D 8. therefore.

acclaimed for his virtue and not unknown to you. 5 Think of him simply as an ogler of maidens. Heidelberg. 4 He does not try to avoid the forty-day journey and he does not need a widow to take him in. Iliad 11. Luke 4: 25-26. but the preceding letter is inscribed: ‘to the Judge of the Boukellarioi’ (t« krit∞ t«n Boukellar¤vn). 3 Elias was called the Thesbite (Tishbite): 1 Kings 17: 1. K-D 270. which K-D conjecture as a reference to the Judge of the Lower Themes. He is even anxious to prowl about your Thrakesion and to become acquainted with your illustrious and most excellent self and to receive something from you as well as to give something. This man will provide you with an abundance of occasions for such things and he will do so while clad in the venerable habit of a monk. that you are refraining from laughing. he would receive something from your keen mind or. Still. but bravely stands up to her and. 5 1 Kings 17: 9-16. . but this Elias is just the opposite of that one who was ‘taken up’. Palatin. counterattacks with his own sallies. at least his hair if not his beard. f. cf. 19: 8. and that your soul is unmoved. He would contribute a glib tongue. <To a thematic Judge. as the old saying goes. has set for himself the goal of traveling about the entire inhabited world. In exchange. 46 v] 6. I am well aware that there is a frown on your face. People like yourself who are preoccupied about very weighty matters frequently need some humor and relaxation. 6 Homer.ELIAS THE MONK 53 5. 4 1 Kings 19: 3.385. [Ed. if you will. 2 This one is attached to the earth and incapable of flying up above it. and the service he knows how to render. a pleasant disposition. But the chariot of the Thesbite still runs behind the Lydian and offers absolutely no competition.>1 There is a certain Elias here with us. also from your hand. This monk. from cod. he often kept pace with the charioteers in the spectacles and was bold enough to climb up in the same chariot with them so he could himself learn exactly how to maneuver it and to fly up in the air. 2 See 2 Kings 2: 11. To the Judge of Thrakesion. with magnificent hair after the fashion of Priam’s son Alexander.3 This Elias has no fear at all of Jezabel. Comparison with the Lydian chariot was a proverbial expression for falling far behind. for he knows how to get along with married couples. 6 1 In the manuscript this letter is addressed ‘To the same’(t« aÈt«). 356. But may this man make you feel completely relaxed and make you laugh and fill you with every pleasure and delight.

7 8 . 8 Even more marvelous! Because he is not concerned about closing and opening heaven. he quickly crawls down into them and just as quickly comes up again. 7 It is not a mere flask of oil which pours for him. 10 To sum it up. he searches out the remote corners of the earth. K-D 93. 45-45v]. gr.54 GEORGE T. 9 The giants were fierce monsters born from the union of Tartarus and Earth. Anna Komnene alludes to the same myth: Alexiad 12. f. sic in the ms. 1 Kings 17: 12-16. he dines on barley cakes at a bountiful table. Laur.). 10 Monastic profession was regarded as putting one’s worldly nature to death.5. the scribe has added: mikrÚn ÍpolÆnion. 57-40. this Elias is quite earthbound and not at all ‘taken up’. 18: 45. but he very generously draws from a barrel. in the manner of those giants who were originally planted there. rather. DENNIS The bread which nourishes this man is not a small measure of roasted barley meal baked in the ashes. Above the word for barrel (piynãkhw. ‘a small vat’(for wine or oil). from cod.1.2. [Ed.9 Not once but many times he raises up that nature which he had put to death.

especially when he went through the names of the courtesans at some length and ran his tongue glibly through the catalogue. but all the brothels in the city. 1 Kings 18: 42. in fact. his heart was throbbing and. the oarsmen from Syke were just about worshipping him and so were many of the passengers. He did. we sailed along the mountainous promontory and sailing with us was the great ascetic Elias. for he would not spit him out again. to put it mildly. 5 Jonah 1: 3-15. 2 He recalled how many courtesans were exercising their craft in a professional manner and how many were not so professionally qualified. At that moment. Most people found this discourse of his to be marvelous. See Janin (1975) 185-87. . Laur. offer a good solution to my problem and solved the riddle by stating that his fornication was limited to words and he denied that it ever went as far as deeds. 46v-47].ELIAS THE MONK 55 7. Because of him the sea refrained from becoming rough. f. his soul was swelling with rushing passions. 3 Courtesan: the Greek text has ‘female companion’. If. the sea flowed smoothly under the ship and all was full of calm. it was not Mount Carmel that he recalled or some other place of retreat. however. 4 As for myself. [Ed. may the sea monster not swallow him. At that moment. from cod. I was greatly amazed that a terrible tempest did not fall upon the sea or that it did not become stirred up. K-D 97. When Jonah disregarded a small call of Providence. To the Judge of Opsikion. all the taverns. he would be evil only half way. 3 He was also commenting about whether a certain barmaid might not also be making her debut on the street or a courtesan might not also be pandering or a pimp might not also want to act as a consort. 4 Syke (Syge) must refer to a location on the Bithynian coast near Trigleia: see Janin (1975) 183. 2 Cf. 1 Trigleia (modern Tirilye) is on the Bithynian (Asiatic) coast of the Sea of Marmara. But if he should be lying. He also compiled a catalogue of how many might be campaigning out in the open and how many were secretly lying in ambush. 5 But nothing at all terrible confronted this man even when he was so outrageous in what he was thinking and saying. 1 For this reason. the water rose up and the wild beasts of the sea opened their jaws wide before him. After putting out from Trigleia. 57-40. gr. at the same time. he is telling the truth. But he rode the crest of many waves. therefore.

but he has donated a fitting portion to both. let him stand between paradise and the river of fire. He does not simply give to God what belongs to God or to Mammon what belongs to Mammon. And so it is that while singing songs to God he fornicates in his thoughts. Otherwise. truly a suitable place for him. 47-47v]. Then he will turn to acts of deep piety. This is just how he has been accustomed to behave here. on one day absolutely delightful but on the next all chains and scourging. this would be neither the kingdom of heaven or gehenna. Luke 16: 13. Going from the former to the latter he seems like Philoktetes. our holy anchor.56 GEORGE T.21 et passim. Laur. and to Mammon he gives the powers of his soul and the organs of his body. however. if God were actually to apportion a third lot to humans. To the Same Person. has recently invented one. behaving outrageously all day long. To God he gives the monastic habit.2 This monk Elias. the division could be on alternate days. but it would be something else beside these. During the day he gives himself to God but he allots the night to Satan. 1 To the first belong pure spirits and to the second natures full of passion. soothed on the other. f. but the scribe has erased two words before that which may well have read: toË nËn. He knows only two residences.718-725. ‘now’. gr. And up to the present there has not been any third class. the brothel and the monastery. K-D 98. he weeps and straightway repents of his passion. 1. Iliad 2. But if no such place exists. 57-40. 1 2 . 3 Now. From the latter to the former he becomes another Achilles. [Ed. scorched on one side. Then he changes place again. 3 Homer. ‘The present’: the ms. A certain portion belongs to God and another to Mammon. The first has his legs incapacitated while the second is described by the poet as swift footed. DENNIS 8. See Matthew 6: 24. has ‘a certain point’ (tinÒw). quite distinct and independent. from cod.

sing hymns to their father Zeus. 2 Hesiod. and anyone else of the same status. you are interested in the Muses. In either manifestation of both lives. he appears more distinguished than anyone else. ‘concerning’. 6 There are so many facets to the man that he is not inferior to Proteus in his changes. 3 t∞ kayÉ ≤mçw geneç ı yaumasi≈tatow B2 to›w kayÉ ≤mçw ı yaumãsiow B. B 2 is addressed: toË aÈtoË t« sebast« kvnstant¤nv ka‹ énec¤v toË patriãrxou diå tÚn monaxÚn ±l¤an tÚn krustalçn. the nature of the Muses as well as that of the Graces. singing a great deal and delighting in rhythms and melodies. the Nephew of the Patriarch. Gorgias 518b. if a person were to possess the distinctive features of both. The Greek. and the Graces inasmuch as they are the cause of joy and pleasure for men.1 The Greeks marvel at the Muses and at the Graces. that is. i. If. He will set up his tragic stage and for hours on end will transform himself. I mean that of the Muses and that of the Graces. 138v another hand has added: diå tÚn monaxÚn ±l¤an tÚn krustalãn. the bishop. Works and Days 2. 5 Xenocrates 70-71. Theogonia 1-7. the evangelist. now as Mithaikos and Pataikos or the tavern keeper Sarambos. then you will marvel at this man. 4 Pieria in Thessaly and Helicon in Boeotia were sites sacred to the Muses. followed by some illegible writing. usually means ‘by’. Such a person in our own generation is this most admirable monk. 1 B is addressed: ‘To the same’. ‘His favorite place’and the unnamed people in the next sentence must be some sort of private joke. a pleasant laugh. 4 He both bubbles over with the qualities of the Graces and showers fountains of pleasure on those people he cares for — neither should they be mentioned by name in a letter. he will immediately assume a solemn mien. ‘with the help of’. with the accusative. Now. At the bottom of f.6. dia.ELIAS THE MONK 57 To the Sebastos Constantine. . that individual would be the most perfect and advanced in virtue. and take the lead in the veneration and the love of wisdom. only not in Pieria and Helicon but in his favorite place — for now let it remain without a name. in accord with the images of Xenocrates. I myself have often stood in admiration of the man and I swear by your holy soul that I have greatly loved him. 6 See Plato. ‘for’. It can also convey the idea of ‘about’. then. some game playing. How else would you 9. Now he appears as Ajax the Telemonian. by the Monk Elias Krystalas. 5 But if you sacrifice to the Graces and are in the mood for something witty. and will play the role of the most dignified personages. as here.e. to the Caesar John Doukas. which best seems to fit the context.3 He displays sublime musical talent. 2 For these reasons they likened the more venerable men to the Muses and those more attuned to pleasure to the Graces. the former because they dance in chorus around Helicon.

DENNIS phrase it? He has just now performed a much needed service for me with his exquisite and rapid handwriting. 7 Euripides. noting only the more important variant readings]. are omitted in B. Allow yourself to be transformed. 9 In antiquity the Cretans had a reputation for telling lies. f. For my part.7 He will serve you not only in the most exalted matters but just as readily in lowly and base ones. By your holy soul. this man will present himself to you in the guise suitable for every shape and circumstance of life. 8 I have been speaking in a veiled manner. For since human life takes so many forms and. since it seems closer to the archetype. but he will also bathe you. B has ‘mythical’. 138 v-139 (B). 9 [Ed. from cod. He then turned about and switched to songs and harmonious tunes. Hippias 701. 185v-186 (B2). Instead of ‘In mind’. saddle your horse and bring it to you. but I have still made clear what I had in mind. March straight ahead when he marches straight ahead. I have followed the second version in my translation. thus this proverbial expression. The words. Barb. at the same time employing intricate circumlocution. do not wonder. K-D 212. Go off to the side when he goes off to the side. gather up your bedding. I spoke like a Cretan to Cretans. Another version is found on f.58 GEORGE T. gr. though. and he will do all the other chores which may please his lord. B has ‘on my tongue’. he will right away display such dejection of soul as to rival yours. 240. . we are moved and preoccupied according to our fortunes. Vat. If my words strike you as mysterious and very imaginative. this man is fully deserving of your attention and favor. But if he finds you laughing and joking. changing your personality the way he changes his. along with this individual. then. Such is the man who comes to you. he will laugh and joke with you. Not only will he be prepared to write. as Euripides reminds us. And next — how could I not be amazed at this?— he clothed himself in a tunic and other garments and assumed a great variety of roles with his posturing and mimicry. For he was listening with both ears while I was dictating this letter. 8 Instead of ‘You as mysterious’. If he should find you in a gloomy mood. ‘We are moved’ and ‘This man will present’. so that on some days we are downcast and on others more cheerful.

1. How it drinks from marvelous fountains. This is how he diverts himself. having left these behind and having stood me by the pillars of Hercules and Dionysius. if he has filled your ears with such urbane discourse. But he describes them in admiring detail as though they were far off. On the Herakleian mouth of the Nile. what the air above your head is like.21.1. the twofold Alps. 4 And so. the vast fields of wheat. he has completely sated my soul with all his tales. 2 Byridoi (tå Bur¤dou. the rivers flowing into it.What the women are like. everything in the place. 3 Herakleia (modern Eregli) was a city on the Sea of Marmara not far from Constantinople. 1 His travels have taken him to every city. how it is divided. he inundated me with a stream of words. the vapors arising from them.1.> Our good friend has arrived here. he learned all about it. 6 The straits of Gibraltar and Sicily. The ‘friend’gives the appearance of having journeyed to distant lands whereas. tå Bur¤dvn) was a small port a few kilometers southwest of Constantinople: Janin (1964) 444. every language. though. 3 How the fortress has been relocated and about the metropolis in it. how the village is adjoined. Instead of a large shipment of merchandise he arrived with a full cargo of emotion and high spirits. Then. he moved his discourse around to you. He crossed verbally over the Adriatic itself to the land of the Italians. the plains of Campania. Which ones twist the wool and which ones use the shuttle on the loom. . How it is soothed by the westerly wind more than by the others. as though from India itself. I pretended to fall asleep. 5 See Strabo. How he found lodging in the village of Byridoi. 4 Rhaidestos (modern Tekirdag) was a small city on the north shore of the Sea of Marmara. But all of a sudden he thundered from the earth. For me. the vineyards. the Apennine mountains. He would not let me miss hearing even about Rhaidestos. Unable to deal with this torrent of words. the Ligurian Sea. <Untitled.1. as though from Ethiopia. What the men are like. in fact. he goes on to discuss the personality and even the kitchen utensils of the addressee. 2 How. he has merely been visiting places very close to Constantinople. 6 1 The ‘good friend’is not named but the remarks about his travels and incessant talking remind one of Elias. as though contemplating the Heraklean mouth of the Nile. As if that were not boring enough. every country. see Heliodorus. everything surrounding it. instead of a lot of baggage he brought his tongue brimming over with amazing tales. settling in the place for a few days. you may deal with it. Geographica 4. as I was just barely applying the brakes to his tongue. my most beloved and illustrious brother. He took me on a tour throughout the west.5 Then. he slipped away and moved off to Herakleia and. as though coming from Egypt. exotic cities.ELIAS THE MONK 59 10. Aethiopica 1.

And so. See also Psell. I feigned a deep sleep and in that way got rid of the man. 73 v-74 (K)] 7 8 9 10 On the cataracts and falls of the Nile. DENNIS As amazing as the thundering. 8 How the servant mixing the bowl pours your cup and gently places it in your hands. 712. what kind of platter. your behavior. Your nobility of mind. Vat. the one with finger-like handles. And the wines! How you decline the Phalerian because it stuffs the head and you prefer the Chian which sets the liver on fire. the so-called adolescent. Or. min. And for you.143. Luke 12: 18-20. your generosity and upright way of life. from cod.54. 10 [Ed. Cf. as the crashing falls. 16. even many times. Among your cups one finds the beaker. he did not leave one detail about you unrecorded.60 GEORGE T. he was all set to provide more details about the activities which followed it. K-D 9. But may he show up again.14. the soup ladle. the rustic wooden one. what kind of goblet. Matthew 6: 3. the one fashioned of horn. Then he stepped down and described your table. and in Appendix below. Cf. But do not extend your right hand so far that your left hand is not aware of it. may all else be well. the ivory one. your laughter. and say more than he has already said. f. the cube shaped one. Your manner of drinking and toasting your friends. .17. What kind of large pot you have. as the cataracts of the Nile may be.7 How your right hand was completely immune to bribes. I realized what a swarm of words that would produce. 9 Do not harvest in a way so fruitless that you cannot have some barley grains left over for yourself. gr. After he furnished me with a minute account of your drinking party. the pot stand. the pitcher shaped one. see Herodotus 2. your manners.

˜p˙ 10 mem°ristai. éf¤keto g°mvn yumoË ka‹ fronÆmatow ént‹ 5 megãlhw fort¤dow. ≤ §tnÆrusiw. oÈd°n soi t«n èpãntvn katal°loipen émnhmÒneuton: tØn dejiån …w pantãpasin édvrÒlhptow. dØ K-D d¢ K || 22. ı xutrÒpouw. 9. …w éne›tai zefÊrƒ mçllon dØ t«n én°mvn t«n êllvn ka¤ §stin aÈt“ paidikã. f¤ltate ka‹ per¤blepte édelf°. …w kat°luse m¢n efiw tÚ xvr¤on Burid«n. t«n toË Ne¤lou katarrakt«n. potapÚw m°n soi ı fipnol°bhw. tå ÉAp°nnina ˆrh. tÚ d¢ kuboeid°w. tåw §ke›yen énapnoãw. …w t«n pothr¤vn sou tÚ m¢n ¶kpvma. p«w ±r°ma to›w daktÊloiw §nt¤yhsin. daktulvtÚn K-D daktulvgÒn K || 34. ıpo›ow ı pinak¤skow. …w gel–hw. tåw émp°louw. ¥tiw 15 ≤ §n toÊtƒ mhtrÒpliw. ıpo›on d° soi tÚ 30 kupell¤on. <énep¤grafow> ÉAf¤keto ≤m›n ı kalÒw. tØn t∞w gn≈mhw eÈg°neian. toËw efisbãllontaw potamoÊw. ı add. p«w §pixe› soi tÚ 35 kÊpellon ı tÚn krat∞ra kirn«n. eÈyÁw §jolisyÆsaw aÈtomole› prÚw ÑHrãkleian. ˜sa p°rij. Efi m¢n oÔn ka‹ tØn sØn ékoØn t«n éstik«n dihghmãtvn peplÆrvken. ÑVw dÉ oÔn mÒliw aÈt“ tØn gl«ttan §p°sxomen. ¥tiw t«n gunaik«n. …w §j Afiyiop¤aw. kat°kluse K-D kat°luse K || 16. tÚ d¢ kãlpiw. tØn genna¤an proa¤resin. tÚ d¢ daktulvtÒn. tå Kampan«n ped¤a. tÚn d¢ X›on proairª tÚ ∏par §pixeil¢w poioËnta purÒw. toÊtvn éf°menow ka‹ prÚw ta›w stÆlaiw me stÆsaw ta›w ÑHhrakl°ow ka‹ Dionus¤ou. tå purofÒra ped¤a. tåw dittåw ÖAlpeiw. Kurtz || 14. tÚ d¢ kissuboeid°w. t¤new d¢ afl tª kerk¤di xr≈menai prÚw fistÒn. aÈtÚw 20 ín efide¤hw: §mo‹ d¢ tØn cuxØn proskor∞ pantÚw épe¤rgastai dihgÆmatow. tÚ LigustikÚn p°lagow. …w diait–hw.ELIAS THE MONK 61 APPENDIX 10. tØn ÉItal«n x«ran. tÚ filÒtimon. ¥tiw t«n éndr«n ≤ fÊsiw. 25 Baba‹ t«n bront«n. …w §j ÉInd¤aw aÈt∞w. §pe‹ d° me pantax∞ periÆgage t∞w •sp°raw. ˜sa §n toÊtƒ. …w prop¤noiw to›w f¤loiw ka‹ …w t«n o‡nvn tÚn m°n Faler›non paraitª plhroËnta tØn kefalÆn. §gΔ d¢ mØ f°rvn tØn =Êmhn t«n lÒgvn Ípn≈ttein prosepoihsãmhn: ı d¢ brontÆsaw éyrÒon épÚ t∞w g∞w oÈd¢ t∞w ÑRaidestoË me éf∞ken énÆkoon. …w p¤nei yaumas¤vn phg«n. tÚ d¢ §l°faw. …w §j AfigÊptou. pãsaw d¢ gl≈ssaw §mporeusãmenow. pãsaw d¢ x≈raw. ˜p˙ tÚ xvr¤on sun∞ptai. ka‹ Àsper tÚ ÑHraklevtikÚn stÒma toË Ne¤lou fidΔn kat°klus° me t«n lÒgvn t“ =eÊmati. pãsaw m¢n pÒleiw. …w én–kistai tÚ pol¤xnion. ıpo›ow Íp¢r kefalØn <ı> éÆr. …w p¤noiw. tÚ d¢ =utÒn. kampan«n K-D kapan«n K | ép°nnina K-D ép°nina K || 31. t«n KatadoÊpvn. …w ≤m°raw tinåw t“ tÒpƒ §naulisãmenow ±kr¤bvse pãnta. §p‹ s¢ tÚn lÒgon perikuklo›. soi K-D s‹ K || . tÚ t∞w dia¤thw e‰dow. t¤new m¢n afl tÚ ¶rion pl°kousai. e‰ta dØ kataba¤nvn §j°fras° soi tØn trãpezan. diabibãsaw t“ lÒgƒ tÚn ÉAdr¤an aÈtÒn. tÚ d¢ ¶fhbow. ént‹ poll«n égvg¤mvn tØn gl«ttan aÈtoË kom¤zvn plÆrh yaumas¤vn dihghmãtvn.

Aeth. Plato. 40.1. sm∞now §gΔ lÒgvn §nteËyen ır«n bayÁn Ïpnon ÍpokrinÒmenow oÏtvw éphllãghn toË éndrÒw. DENNIS 40 ÉEpe‹ d° soi §leptolÒghse tÚ sumpÒsion. §boÊleto d¢ ka‹ tØn metå taËta §jakrib«sai diatribÆn. éllÉ otow m¢n ka‹ aÔyiw ≤m›n parag°noito ka‹ pollãkiw toËto. 1. 411c.17. tØn d° ge dejiån mÆte tosoËton §kte¤noiw Àste mØ laye›n tØn éristerån mÆyÉ oÏtvw sunagãg˙w Àste mãthn mØ dÊnasyai kénteËyen §pilipe›n soi tå êlfita. cf. ka‹ e‡poi ple¤ona œn efirÆkei: so‹ d¢ tå m¢n êlla ¶xoi kal«w. §kte¤noiw K-D §nte¤noiw K 4 13 25 cf.1. Resp. . Herod. Heliod.62 GEORGE T.6. 2.


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namely that published in 1900 on the basis of a single Moscow manuscript by the Russian scholar I.” R. have been found throughout the territories of the Byzantine Empire and further afield.1 Sophronius of Jerusalem in the early seventh century described the saint’s shrine as “the pride of all Libya”. and it hardly deserves to be taken seriously. It was located in the Egyptian desert southwest of Alexandria and Lake Mareotis and consisted of a large complex of buildings whose full extent was brought to light by the excavations of C. Menas. rather strange. an Egyptian martyr whose feastday is celebrated on November 11. Miedema (1918) 212-21 provides from Vaticanus gr. 3 See the article “Menas Flasks” in vol. 1 2 . The transcription does help us. image-bearing clay ampullae for carrying blessed water from the shrine. 2 of the ODB 1340. Delehaye in an article of considerable importance for Menas studies: Delehaye (1910) 117-150 (present point 127-8). 379 dated to the eleventh century. printing of the first five miracles from a different Greek manuscript of similar date. 5 Zhitie prepodobnago Paisija Velikago i Timofeja patriarkha Aleksandrijskago povestvo vanie o chudesakh Sv. 46: TÚ Mhnç toË mãrturow t°menow ka‹ tÚ prÚ toË tem°nouw domãtion pãshw LibÊhw kay°sthke frÊagma. In the edition of N. 3 In addition to the physical traces of the cult we have a collection of miracle accounts. Menas flasks. attributed in part of the Greek tradition to Patriarch Timothy of Alexandria (380-384). there is essentially only one serviceable printed version of thirteen miracles. though there is not a shred of evidence to support the ascription apart from a manuscript title. however.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. 4 A sentiment expressed long ago by H. MENAS John Duffy and Emmanuel Bourbouhakis The cult of St. the miracles of Menas survive in one form or another in various other languages including Coptic. thus bearing witness to the far-flung fame of the saint and his influence. Kaufmann in the opening decade of the last century. 351. velikomuchenika Miny (St. We should also mention another. Petersburg: 1900) 62-89. 866 a transcription that not only omits accents entirely but also reproduces the myriad orthographical peculiarities of the copyist. As far as the Greek text is concerned. In the Miracles of Cyrus and John. F. The manuscript in question is Moscow Sinod. and Slavic. 20. Pomjalovskij. Ethiopian. In “De Wonderverhalen van den Heiligen Menas. Marcos (1975). 2 Many examples of St. gr. 5 Writing some ten years Kaufmann (1910). see below n. no. in one place. 4 Alongside Greek. the text is on p. M. led to the development of one of the most popular pilgrimage centers of the early Middle Ages.

After the lapse of a century. It is now in the Houghton Library at Harvard University and carries the designation Ms. 6 7 . therefore.66 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS later Delehaye remarked how that Russian edition continued to remain unnoticed. Delehaye (1910) 128. On the other hand. the beneficial tale. For by the tenth century much of it was being gathered. translation and notes. however. Menas found in the Harvard copy are a representative selection of one of the oldest and most popular genres of Christian literature.6 He also drew attention to the fact that there were quite a few other manuscripts in existence which would be worth examining. having suffered the loss of its first eleven quires. 8 See John Duffy (forthcoming). of one of these abridged versions that were specially tailored for use in liturgical books. Delehaye himself had looked at a sufficient number of the manuscripts to determine that not all offered the same number of miracles. 7 It is our purpose here to publish the first account. Typ 243H. This was also the case. These versions are interesting examples of the final installment of the story of such beneficial tales and religious literature of this type more generally. The five miracles of St. consisting of text. in the menaia for November 11.8 The text of this six-month synaxarion. is severely truncated in its present state. The manuscript witness is a little-known synaxarion of the 12th century. but occasionally down) to more canonical forms and vocabulary. For a very brief and incomplete description see also Bond and Faye (1962) 26. covering the feastdays of saints from September to February. imposes limits on the ongoing discussion of these documents. whose texts were “notablement abrégés”. The surviving part begins with the commemorations for November 11. but purchased by an American bibliophile from a dealer in New York in 1947 and bequeathed to Harvard College in 1984. formerly housed in the monastery of St. noting that in some the collection was confined to the first five. i. Menas. One need only compare the miracle of the crippled man and the mute woman (no. followed by the short collection of miracles. and having its language adjusted (usually up. 4) with the longer. John the Theologian on the island of Lesbos. earlier version that we have reprinted from Pomjalovskij’s edition and translated here for the Delehaye (1910) 128. abridged.e. with a brief account of the martyrdom of St. he added. the groundwork of collecting and comparing all the surviving witnesses has still not been carried out and the absence of much basic information. In the process the original verve was often dampened and even extinguished.

The stories published here represent the continued efforts to ensure the recognition of that role and the consequences for those who failed to heed its lessons. they are still quite revealing. 4 drew comments from modern scholars. reflects the role which an immanent spiritual world was believed to play in the daily lives of Byzantine Christians.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. in a short review of Pomjalovskij’s work ( BZ 10 [1901] 343-4) must sure ly have had it uppermost in his mind when he referred to the “zum Teil sehr sonderbaren und zur Lektüre von Comtessen wenig geeigneten Wunder des hl. with its servants. since it tells us something about what was deemed appropriate for the audience of a twelfth-century commemorative service. and purses of gold. Theft and trickery amongst this class must not have been so foreign as to render the stories implausible. both for the changes they have undergone and for what they preserve. Menas”! . MENAS 67 first time into English. horses. Finally. The mercantile community of lower Egypt portrayed here. Indeed a significant core of motives and values survives from the longer into the abridged versions. 9 It is no surprise that the eye-catching original version of no. but the extreme distillation of this and the other stories into their most salient elements has put them on the margins of narrative. Delehaye (1910) 131 characterizes it as a “plaisante et peu édifiante histoire” and Karl Krumbacher. remained familiar to a middle Byzantine audience. Not only has a kind of Byzantine bowdlerization taken place. resulting in one story at least in a sizeable donation to his shrine. 9 Nevertheless. they appear less and less as vivid accounts of singular events and rather more as illustrations of important lessons. at least not in the eyes of some. the intervention of the saint in such situations. a fact quite significant in itself.

ka‹ katagagΔn tØn spur¤da ka‹ t“ fone› blosurÚn §mbl°caw.” fhs¤n. toË ·ppou §pibåw ép°pth épÚ t«n Ùfyalm«n aÈtoË. énaståw §n m°sƒ t∞w nuktÚw fone¤& xeir‹ toÊtƒ §p°yeto: ka‹ melhdÚn katakÒcaw efiw spur¤da §n°bale ka‹ éph≈rhse. Ka‹ …w §n toÊtoiw ∑n ≤ mel°th. ka‹ Íp¢r §ke¤nou proseujãmenow. §d°xyh parã tinow efiw monÆn.” ı d¢ …w §j Ïpnou énaståw ka‹ katanoÆsaw ˜sa ka‹ oÂa pãyoi parå toË Ípodejam°nou §dÒjase tÚn yeÒn. . ı d¢ Àsper ¶kplhktow genÒmenow ÍpÚ d°ouw to›w pos‹ toË èg¤ou pt«ma deinÚn •autÚn kat°bale. toË d¢ fon°vw mhd¢n gin≈skein diabebaioum°nou. Tå goËn katatmhy°nta m°lh ı ëgiow sunarmologÆsaw ka‹ proseujãmenow én°sthse tÚn nekrÚn efipΔn “dÚw dÒjan t“ ye“.68 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS TEXT. tØn ßv §kdexÒmenow. toË ·ppou épobåw efis∞lyen §n t“ §ndot°rƒ ofikÆmati. ka‹ tØn êfesin toË §gklÆmatow xarisãmenow. ı ëgiow toË XristoË mãrtuw ¶fippow …w §n tãjei strati≈tou énafane‹w per‹ toË §ke›se katalÊsantow ±reÊna j°nou.” tÚn d¢ fon°a §pistrafe‹w tÊcaw …w efikÚw ka‹ kathxÆsaw pros°ti. ka‹ §pe‹ ı ÍpodoxeÁw ¶gnv tÚn Ípodexy°nta §gkÒlpion f°rein xrusÒn. ka‹ ∑n loipÚn §nag≈niow …w pÒte ka‹ poË épagãgoi §n éfane› tÒpƒ katakrËcai boulÒmenow. I Pot¢ d° tiw éperxÒmenow proseÊjasyai §n t“ na“ aÈtoË. énastãntow te toË fon°vw ı ëgiow tÚn xrusÚn épÚ toÊtou labΔn doÁw aÈt“ ¶fh “tØn ıdÒn sou poreÊou. ka‹ t“ fainom°nƒ strathlãt˙ eÈxaristÆsaw tØn proskÊnhsin §d¤dou. “t¤ §sti toËto.

” And turning to the murderer he chastised him as was fitting and lectured him as well. MENAS 69 TRANSLATIONS. and waited for morning. And when the murderer got up from the ground. And then he was filled with anxiety about when and where he might take (the remains) to hide them in some remote place. However.” While he. Now while his mind was preoccupied with these things. cast himself at the feet of the saint like a wretched corpse. The saint then reassembled the severed limbs and.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. Menas as horserider fits into a general pattern for Egyptian saints. . And cutting his body into pieces he put him in a basket. Beyond that Delehaye (1910) 135 draws attention to the fact that St. And because the man who received him realized that the guest was carrying gold on his person. And although the murderer assured him he knew nothing. later in the story we are told that the saint returned “the gold” to its owner. saying “Give glory to God. Then he offered a prayer on the man’s behalf.10 he got up in the middle of the night and set upon him with a murderous hand. got on his horse and disappeared from his sight. granting him pardon for the crime. suspended it. the saint took the gold from him and gave it to the other saying “Continue your journey. and that also agrees with the longer version published by Pomjalovskij (1900) 63-5. 11 This may be a reflection of some accounts of the saint’s earlier career which make him a soldier. Christ’s saintly martyr appeared on horseback dressed as a military man11 and began to inquire about the stranger who had spent the night there. rising as if from sleep and realizing the extent of his sufferings at the hands of the man who had given him lodging. having prayed. he raised up the dead man. in which the coveted object was money carried in a purse or money-bag (balãntion). going into a state of shock from fright. 10 The Greek phrase §gkÒlpion f°rein could possibly be interpreted to mean that the man was wearing a gold cross or some other type of phylactery. the saint dismounted from his horse. and thanking the person dressed as a military officer he made obeisance to him. went into the inner part of the building and bringing down the basket and fixing a fearsome stare on the murderer. praised God. he said “What is this?” And the man. I There was a man once who having gone to pray at the saint’s church was given a place to stay by a certain individual.

70 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS II ÜEterow d° tiw d¤skon §j érgÊrou t“ èg¤ƒ §paggeilãmenow paralabΔn t“ texn¤t˙ dÊo toÊtƒ d¤skouw kataskeuçsai Íp°yeto ka‹ §pigrãcai §n m¢n t“ •n‹ tÚ toË èg¤ou ˆnoma. éllå so‹ kÊrie ı yeÒw mou tØn §paggel¤an taÊthn pepo¤hmai. d¤dvmi t“ yerãpont¤ sou èg¤ƒ Mhnò ka‹ toËton tÚn d¤skon ka‹ tØn toË épolesy°ntow diat¤mhsin. kataskeuasy°ntvn oÔn t«n d¤skvn. §n d¢ t“ •t°rƒ tÚ •autoË. t∞w §pigraf∞w mhdÉ ıpvsoËn melÆsaw •aut“ toËton prosÆrmose. ı goËn doËlow sÊntromow genÒmenow ka‹ deil¤& susxeye‹w ¶ti d¢ katanarkvye‹w Ípoxaun≈saw •autÚn éperr¤fh ka‹ aÈtÚw katapÒdaw §n tª yalãss˙.” ka‹ §jelyΔn épÚ . ˜ti §ån tÚ le¤canon ka‹ mÒnon toË paidÚw eÍrÆsv. §n tª yalãss˙ éperr¤fh. ToËto fidΔn ı kÊriow aÈtoË §leeinologoÊmenow ¶legen. <ToÊtou> to¤nun ka‹ katå yãlattan diå toË ploÚw tØn pore¤an poioum°nou ka‹ §n tª nh˛ toË de¤pnou diå toË §juphretoËntow aÈt“ eÈtrepisy°ntow tå paratey°nta §n t“ toË èg¤ou d¤skƒ énupostÒlvw ≥syie. “oÈa¤ moi t“ éyl¤ƒ ˜ti zhl≈saw tÚn toË èg¤ou d¤skon prosap≈lesa sÁn aÈt“ ka‹ tÚn doËlon. metå taËta t∞w trap°zhw §k m°sou genom°nhw ı §juphret«n aÈt“ doËlow labΔn tÚn d¤skon prÚw tÚ §kplËnai toËton §n tª yalãtt˙ §bÊyizen. §pe‹ xari°sterÒw te ka‹ lamprÒterow ı toË èg¤ou §de¤knuto. Íposure‹w dÉ ı d¤skow §k t«n xeir«n aÈtoË. p«w ên tiw e‡poi.

namely. “I am going to a craftsman”. 6. 1. That verb would provide a good reason for the dative and give the sense “having gone to a craftsman”. describes the system of ports and boat travel which would have ferried most pilgrims to the shrine of Abu Mina. “The lake” and similar references to Alexandria. And the plate. seized by fear and reduced moreover to numbness. Still. In the original form of the story the lake is without question Lake Mareotis which lies between Alexandria and the nearby desert region in which the shrine of St. in using the term metaphrasis above. He became a saint that the faithful could call upon at any time or place. the removal or replacement of locally significant references in a bid to produce more universal and less specifically rooted contexts. the servant took the plate and dipped it in the sea in order to wash it. which. he slackened his grip a little and he. 14 Although the Havard version has katå yãlattan. Menas whose shrines proliferated around Christendom. we have translated in the sense of “ to hire”. anytime. for in coveting the plate belonging to the saint I have lost not only it but my servant as well. The change from “lake” in the older version to “sea” in the synaxarion illustrates an interesting element of metaphrasis. it could well be the case that the participle has undergone an easy corruption from parabal≈n. so the man kept it for himself. toÊtou. which would have the added benefit of more closely approximating the Pomjalovskij text. deprive the account of local color but on the other hand enhance the sense that the saint may intervene anywhere. A generic reference to a “journey by sea” would have been familiar to most Byzantine pilgrims of the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. my God. Whereupon the servant became terrified and. But to you Lord. Further research. meaning no. employed the services of the silversmith 12 and commissioned him to make two plates for him and to engrave the saint’s name on the one and his own on the other. in the Greek. . This in turn would be in tune with the ecumenical cult of St. Lampe’s Lexicon. too. in the first instance into the whole of the Greek manuscript tradition of these Menas stories. the longer Greek version refers not to any sea but to a lake. cf. having promised a silver plate to St. when taken out of the synaxarion text. fell immediately into the sea. in spite of the unexpected use of the dative. ép°rxomai efiw texn¤thn. I make the following promise: if I should only find the remains of the boy. And while <he> 13 was making the journey by sea 14 his dinner was prepared for him aboard ship by his servant and he ate the food placed on the plate of the saint without misgivings. 144-6. we are not claiming any association with the specific rewriting activity of Symeon Metaphrastes. the servant’s master said in a piteous voice. It should be noted that. totally disregarding the inscription. I shall give your servant St. Later. MENAS 71 II Another man. fell into the sea. when the meal had been cleared away. When the plates had been made.” And disembarking from the ship onto 12 The Greek reads paralabΔn t“ texn¤t˙. Menas both this plate and the value of the one that has been lost. snatched one might say out of his hands. “Woe to me the wretch. the one dedicated to the saint turned out to be more elegant and dazzling. Seeing this.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. 13 We have restored a missing subject. Menas. Menas was located. would need to be conducted before any such connection could be confidently proposed. Fraser (1972).

pl∞yow laoË §ke›se sun°trexen. éneruyriãstvw §n≈pion pãntvn §sthl¤teuse tÚ •autoË énÒmhma. tÚn ·ppon te §p‹ ple›on égrioÊmenon ka‹ •autÚn ÍpÚ mhdenÚw bohyoÊmenon.72 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS toË plo¤ou §p‹ tØn jhrån ép°blepe prÚw tØn parãlion karadok«n ka‹ Ífor≈menow §n Ùfyalmo›w e‰nai tÚ zhtoÊmenon.” III ÉAllå ka‹ gunÆ tiw éperxom°nh efiw tÚn ëgion ka‹ biasye›sa parã tinow efiw afisxrån m¤jin tÚn ëgion efiw boÆyeian afithsam°nh. ka‹ diå toËto égvni«n e‡pvw dunhye¤h yeãsasyai tÚ toË paidÚw le¤canon. ka‹ krãjaw megãl˙ tª fvnª §j∞lyon ëpantew épÚ toË plo¤ou. aÈt¤ka går megãla ka‹ puknå §pixremet¤saw. Punyanom°nvn d¢ toÊtvn maye›n tÚn trÒpon t∞w svthr¤aw aÈtoË. ptohye‹w mÆpote Ùleyri≈terÒn ti Íposta¤h ÍpÚ toË fid¤ou ·ppou. . DÆsaw går tÚn ·ppon ı énØr efiw tÚn dejiÚn aÈtoË pÒda ±sxole›to prÚw tØn guna›ka. flkanoÁw §jÆgage prÚw yevr¤an: •ort∞w går égom°nhw. ka‹ luye‹w ı §pibãthw efis∞lye prÚw tÚn ëgion. ÑO d¢ toËto peponyΔw fidΔn tØn toË laoË sun°leusin. éllå ka‹ toËton ßlkvn katå g∞w êxriw ín tÚn toË èg¤ou naÚn kat°laben oÈk ¶sth. ka‹ …w e‰don tÚn doËlon kat°xonta tÚn d¤skon §j°sthsan ëpantew dojãzontew ka‹ eÈlogoËntew tÚn yeÒn. diesãfhsen ı doËlow l°gvn ˜ti. “ëma t“ §naporrif∞na¤ me tª yalãss˙. ka‹ …w prose›xen §pimel«w e‰de tÚn doËlon §rxÒmenon épÚ t∞w yalãsshw metå toË d¤skou ka‹ ¶frije. ka‹ prospesΔn §d°eto toË èg¤ou mØ peirasy∞nai ¶ti. Àdeusan sÁn §mo‹ xy¢w ka‹ sÆmeron m°xri t«n œde. ka‹ eÈy°vw ı ·ppow pausãmenow ¶sth §n ≤merÒthti. éllå tÚn biastØn paradeigmat¤saw éblab∞ taÊthn diefÊlaje. énØr eÈeidØw mey’ •t°rvn dÊo kratÆsant°w me. oÈ pare›den aÈtÆn. ı d¢ ·ppow égrivye‹w katå toË fid¤ou despÒtou oÈ mÒnon efiw perikopØn t∞w afisxrçw m¤jevw §gegÒnei.

And when they asked him to find out how he was saved. And the man. while she was on her way to the saint. he looked off toward the shore with hope and trepidation to see the thing he had asked for. MENAS 73 dry land. “As soon as I fell into the sea a handsome man together with two others took hold of me and they journeyed with me yesterday and today until we arrived here. drawing a crowd of onlookers. he pleaded with him not to be subjected to further tribulation. the rider approached the saint and.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. Once untied. For the man had tied his horse to his right foot while he was busy with the woman. was forcibly seized by a man who wanted shameful intercourse with her. he denounced without a blush before all his unlawful deed. prostrating himself. and for this reason agonized whether he might somehow catch sight of the boy’s corpse. while the horse grew wilder and no one was coming to his aid. And when they saw the servant with the plate in his hands they all were amazed and gave praise and glory to God. but dragged the man along the ground and did not stop until he reached the shrine of the saint. the servant explained. having gone through this ordeal and seeing the crowd of people who had gathered. And straightaway he began to whinny loudly and without interruption. . there were many people on hand. And as he looked carefully he saw the servant coming from the sea with the plate and he was filled with dread. but making an example of the rapist he kept her unharmed. saying. But the horse grew enraged at his own master and thus not only interrupted the disgraceful act. She asked the saint for help and he did not ignore her. fearing that his horse might do him greater harm. everyone came from the ship. And crying out with a loud voice. for since it happened to be a feastday.” III But a certain woman as well. And the horse immediately stopped and stood calm.

m°shw nuktÚw pãntvn §n t“ Ïpnƒ ésxoloum°nvn. §mel°ta §n tª kard¤& aÈtoË érnÆsasyai tØn parakatayÆkhn. efiw •autÚn §lyΔn fhs‹ prÚw tÚn XristianÚn “•t°rou mØ bl°pontow. oÈk §d¤dou aÈt“ l°gvn “mhd¢n paray°menÒw moi tª forò taÊt˙ ì §pizhte›w. ka‹ fiãyh luye¤shw t∞w gl≈tthw: ı d¢ xvlÚw afidesye¤w. ÉElyΔn går ı ÑEbra›ow ka‹ zhtÆsaw katå tÚ efivyÒw. §ke¤nh spasye›sa én°kraje kategkaloËsa d∞yen toË xvloË. katel¤mpanen aÈt“ xrus¤on flkanÒn. §dÒjasan tÚn yeÒn.” ka‹ §zÆtei diå toË èg¤ou §legxy∞nai tÚn mØ élhyeÊonta.” ı d¢ ÑEbra›ow éprosdokÆtvw toËto ékoÊsaw êllow §j êllou g°gonen. ka‹ §pignÒntew émfÒteroi tØn §k toË èg¤ou efiw aÈtoÁw genom°nhn yaumatopoi˝an. toÊtƒ pot¢ paray°menow balãntion pentakos¤vn nomismãtvn. §fãnh ı ëgiow ka¤ fhsi t“ xvl“. V ÑEbra›ow d° tiw ¶xvn XristianÚn prosfil∞.74 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS IV Ka‹ xvloË pote ka‹ •t°raw gunaikÚw élãlou paramenÒntvn §n t“ na“ toË èg¤ou meyÉ •t°rvn poll«n prÚw tÚ yerapeuy∞nai. ˜rkow dialÊsei tÚ zhtoÊmenon. épodhm«n efiw x≈ran makrån pollãkiw. eÈy°vw én°sth fugª m°llvn xrÆsasyai.” toË d¢ épelyÒntow ka‹ kratÆsantow aÈtÒ. “êpelye ¶ti ±rem¤aw oÎshw krãthson tÚ pall¤on t∞w élãlou ka‹ yerapeuyÆs˙. ˘ ka‹ pepo¤hken. .

FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. are likely to have interfered with the edifying or cautionary message of the tale. he would leave behind considerable amounts of gold with him. Thus. cried out blaming to all appearances the cripple. here as in other places. and the Christian plotted in his heart to deny that it had been left in his care. MENAS 75 IV Once a crippled man and a mute woman were staying in the shrine of the saint with many others waiting to be cured. which he in fact did. sometimes leaves behind traces of the fuller account which then become irrelevant once removed from their narrative stream. On one occasion he entrusted to him a money-bag containing five hundred nomismata. 16 The somewhat obscure “without any witnesses” may be the result of too much abridgement. gr. 15 In the middle of the night. In other versions.”16 And he asked that the one who was lying be refuted by the saint. Greek. she. the servant’s abrupt reference to his master’s order (kayΔw pros°tajaw)is the result of another such elision. see Delehaye (1910) 131. thus further demonstrating his good faith. on the other hand. But the forced narrative elision. while all were busy sleeping. without any witnesses. V There was once a Jew who was close friends with a Christian and. bereft of her covering. 17 The protection of oaths was a feature of the cult of St. 17 15 This is the classic type of incubation in which the invalid pilgrim spends the night inside the shrine. which the Jew in the story accepts without question. XI. was beside himself. And the woman was cured when her tongue became untied. hoping to encounter the saint in a dream and to obtain a cure. as he travelled often to distant lands. He includes also a Greek version based on two manuscripts of the eleventh century. In “Le Juif et le Chrétien: un miracle de Saint Ménas”. saying “You did not leave with me this time what you are asking for. feeling ashamed. Menas. None of these obscurities. immediately got up with the intention of fleeing. the saint appeared to the cripple and said. they gave glory to God.” And having gone over and taken hold of it. When he regained his composure he said to the Christian. the Christian did not hand it over. Florence Laur. below. Devos (1960) 275-308 has published both the Coptic and Ethiopian versions of the story together with a French translation. And when they both realized the miracle which had been brought about for them by the saint. . 9 and Athos Lavra D 50. For when the Jew came and asked (for the money) in the usual manner. not expecting to hear this. “Go while it is still quiet and take hold of the mute woman’s cloak and you will be cured. some reference is made to the prohibition against Jews entering Christian churches. “An oath will resolve the issue.” The Jew. while the crippled man. in the longer version the saint plays the role of a messenger who relays the Christian’s instructions to his wife. Coptic and Ethiopian.

émfÒteroi oÔn labÒntew kayΔw ±tÆsanto. ·na mØ ı énÆr sou k i n d u n e Ê s ˙ . …w d¢ toË ˜rkou épartisy°ntow §jelyÒntew toË naoË ka‹ émfÒteroi t«n ofike¤vn ·ppvn §pibãntew.’ ka‹ fidoÁ labΔn toËto ∑lyon prÚw s¢ kayΔw pros°tajaw. “§pe‹ ka‹ ı tÒpow §pitÆdeiÒw §stin. ka‹ tÚn xalinÚn §ndak≈n. “§lyΔn efiw tØn kur¤an mou ka‹ §pidoÁw aÈtª tÚ kleid¤on metå toË §gxeir¤ou sou prÚw aÈtØn e‡rhken. §n d¢ tª •t°r& tØn épolesye›san kle›da sÁn t“ §gxeir¤ƒ. mÒnou toË §gxeir¤ou aÈtoË épolesy°ntow sÁn kleid¤ƒ ka‹ boullvthr¤ƒ xrus°ƒ •n¤. E‰yÉ oÏtvw ka‹ aÔyiw §pibåw §poreÊeto sunÒntow aÈt“ ka‹ toË ÑEbra¤ou stugnãzontow ka‹ §k bãyouw st°nontow ka‹ tØn zhm¤an mØ f°rontow. . pikrÚn ±pe¤lei t“ §pibãt˙ tÚn yãnaton. diethrÆyh d¢ ésinÆw. ı d¢ tØn sumpãyeian. ‘§n spoudª pollª épÒsteilon tÚ toË ÑEbra¤ou balãntion. ı m¢n tÚ ëgion bãptisma. ka‹ pareuyÁ ı XristianÚw mhd¢n melÆsaw diÉ ˜rkou tØn ofike¤an ¶nstasin §beba¤vsen. Íp°strecan ka‹ émfÒteroi efiw tå ‡dia xa¤rontew. e‰de tÚn •autoË doËlon •st«ta kat°xonta §n m¢n tª xeir‹ tª miò tÚ toË ÑEbra¤ou balãntion. ı d¢ sugx≈rhsin ≥tei labe›n Íp¢r o tÚ ye›on par≈rgisen.” épekr¤nato. “foberÒw tiw ¶fippow.” ÑO ÑEbra›ow perixarØw genÒmenow Íp°strece metå toË XristianoË prÚw tÚn ëgion.” ka‹ érjam°nvn aÈt«n §sy¤ein. ka‹ “t¤ toËto. ka‹ fidΔn §jeplãgh. §pistrafe‹w d¢ l°gei prÚw aÈtÒn. ka‹ t°vw m¢n ¶rrice katå g∞w. ı d°.76 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS ÉAf¤konto oÔn …w §k sunyÆmatow efiw tÚn naÚn toË èg¤ou Mhnç. ı toË XristianoË ·ppow katå toË fid¤ou aÈy°ntou étakt«n ∑n. metå mikrÚn éten¤saw ı XristianÒw. ka‹ otow m¢n ±ntibÒlei baptisy∞nai …w toioÊtou yaÊmatow aÈtÒpthw genÒmenow. épobãntew t«n ·ppvn épolãbvmen trof∞w.” prÚw tÚn doËlon fhs¤n. Œ f¤ltate.

upon being handed over to the Christian’s care. Menas. at the shrine of St. losing only his kerchief together with a key and a gold sealing device. So both obtained their requests. and they went off rejoicing each to his own home. Unlike the key it does not figure again in our story. despite the fact that it is not worn on the man’s finger and is not attested in this exact sense. he said to her ‘Send the bag of the Jew with all haste. and biting the reins it threatened its rider with a bitter death. But the horse of the Christian became unruly against its master.” A little while after they had started to eat. overjoyed. is sealed (balãntion beboulvm°non). the Christian looked up and saw his servant standing there holding the money-bag of the Jew in one hand.” The Jew. the one holy baptism. And the Jew prayed to be baptized. 18 Then. . my good friend.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. since he had witnessed such a great miracle. And turning towards him. getting right back on his horse. returned with the Christian to the saint. “What is this?”And the servant answered. by agreement. The “elided” element will have been its use by the messenger/saint to convince the woman that the instructions were truly coming from her husband. he set off accompanied by the Jew. 18 The “sealing device” is a bit of an anomaly. who was quite joyless and groaned deeply since he could not bear the wrong done to him. And seeing this he was stunned and said to the servant. “A formidable looking man on horseback came to my mistress and. We thank John Nesbitt whom we profitably consulted on this point. is nothing other than a signet ring. the other compassion. In the longer Greek version the money-bag. while the Christian asked forgiveness for having provoked God. let us dismount from our horses and have some food. MENAS 77 And so they arrived. he in turn locks it in his “safe” (skeÊrion) and takes the key with him. This leads us to suggest that the gold boullvtÆrion here. lest your husband meet with danger. “Since this location is suitable. giving her the key together with your kerchief. And though the horse threw him to the ground. the Christian says. In the Coptic version (Devos [1960] 276-7) the object lost by the Christian is not a key. he remained unharmed. the two men exited from the shrine and each mounted his own horse.’ And so taking it I came to you according to your instructions. And without giving it any thought the Christian immediately confirmed his original claim. And when he had sworn his oath. and the lost key together with the kerchief in the other. but a gold ring that he wears on his finger.

” < . . efi mØ poiÆs˙w ˘ l°gv soi. “t¤ poiÆsv oÈk o‰da: ∑lyon zht«n tØn ‡asin toË s≈matÒw mou ka¤. “diå t¤ ±ganãkthsaw katÉ §moË. e‰pen aÈt“. pãnta ì ≥kousa per¤ sou ceud∞ efisi ka‹ oÈk élhy∞. mãlista efiw tÚn naÚn aÈtoË. efiw porne¤an me §laÊnei ı ëgiow. >.” Diupnisye‹w d¢ ı kulÚw §yaÊmasen. foboËmai mØ xe›rÒn ti g°nhta¤ moi. ékoÊsaw d¢ ka‹ aÈtÚw parå pantÚw ényr≈pou tåw yaumatourg¤aw toË èg¤ou Mhnç. oÈ mØ fiayªw efiw tÚn afi«na. ka‹ e‰pen §n •aut“. “ëgie toË yeoË. “˘ l°gv soi toËto po¤hson. ÉIdÒntew aÈtÚn ı ˆxlow §yaÊmasan.” tª nukt‹ d¢ §ke¤n˙ parefãn˙ t“ kul“ ı ëgiow ka‹ l°gei aÈt“. ±ganãkthsen katå toË èg¤ou l°gvn. l°gei aÈt“ ı ëgiow. efiw porne¤an me §pitr°peiw •autÚn §mbale›n: toiaËta¤ efisin afl t«n èg¤vn didaxa¤. μ §mpa¤zeiw moi. xron¤saw d¢ ı ênyrvpow ka‹ mØ fiaye¤w. dokÆsaw ˜ti §mpa¤zei μ peirãzei aÈtÚn ı ëgiow. Œ ênyrvpe. êpelye mØ nooËntÒw tinow ka‹ fyãson tÚ str«ma t∞w gunaikÚw t∞w bvb∞w ka‹ koimoË met’ aÈt∞w. ka‹ tÒte lambãneiw tØn ‡asin. parekãlesen ka‹ épÆgagon aÈtÚn §ke›se.” éganaktÆsaw d¢ ı kulÚw e‰pen prÚw tÚn ëgion. t¤ se kakÚn §po¤hsa. par°menon d¢ émfÒteroi §ke› afitoËntew tØn ‡asin.78 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS Per‹ toË kuloË ka‹ t∞w bvb∞w âHn tiw kulÚw §k paidÒyen ka‹ oÈk ±dÊnato oÎte to›w pos‹ peripat∞sai oÎte ta›w xers‹ kamãtou §pixeir∞sai mÆte ÍpÚ fiatroË μ épÚ ofloudÆpote ényr≈pou ¶xvn boÆyeian. eren d¢ §ke› ka‹ guna›ka bvbØn mØ lalÆsasãn pote. .” ı d¢ diupnisye‹w .” Pãlin d¢ kay’ Ïpnouw §mfanisye‹w e‰pen aÈt“ ı ëgiow. éll’ §pe¤per …w l°geiw édunat« se fiãsasyai. ka‹ §ån toËto <poiÆsv>. mØ dunãmenÒw me fiãsasyai. …w fa¤netai.” ÉEk deut°rou d¢ fane‹w aÈt“ ı ëgiow. “…w yevr«. ëgie toË yeoË. “efi y°l˙w ÍgiØw gen°syai. ka‹ lambãneiw tØn ‡asin. “˜per e‰pÒn soi po¤hson.

And he said to himself. I fear something worse may happen to me. “kÊrie. I came looking for a cure for my body and. “I do not know what I should do. the crowd marvelled. and there was no help to be had from doctors or anyone else. the man lost his patience with the saint and said. And seeing him. MENAS 79 [Longer version of no.” <. as it appears. suggests that the required verb is poiÆsv.” And taking it badly. I am unable to cure you.> 20 The saint said to him. Are these the teachings of the saints.” When he woke up the cripple was amazed. ka‹ t¤ poiÆsv. “Do what I have told you and then you will have your cure. . 24 (pp.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST. as already indicated by Pomjalovskij on the basis of the Slavic version that he cites (Pomjalovskij [1900] 74). for he had the impression the saint was having fun with him or tempting him. It is no. and that in his very shrine! And if I should <do> 21 this. And both of them stayed there seeking a cure. you will remain uncured forever. when no one is watching go to the mute woman’s bed and sleep with her and you will have your cure. . too.” And waking. the cripple said to him. or are you toying with me?” Appearing once again to the man in his sleep the saint said. IV] 19 THE MIRACLE OF THE CRIPPLED MAN AND THE MUTE WOMAN There was once a man. according to you. And there he also found a mute woman who had never uttered a sound. 20 The man’s response has fallen out. man? What harm have I done you? But since. holy man of God. “As I see. hearing from everyone about the miracles of St. And he. the saint is forcing me into fornication. As Delehaye (1910) 132 pointed out. 866 published by Miedema (1918) 221 supplies the missing part: l°gei aÈt“ ı kulÒw. The Greek text from the Vaticanus gr. Deubner (1907).” 21 The Slavic version. “Why are you upset with me. a version of the cripple and the mute story is found also in the miracle collection of Saints Cosmas and Damian. asked (some people) and they brought him there. “If you wish to be whole.” So that night the saint appeared to the cripple and said to him. the saint said to him. as reported by Pomjalovskij (1900) 74. everything I heard about you is a lie and untrue. And after having spent some time there and receiving no cure. who could neither walk on his feet nor undertake any task with his hands. . 162-4) in the edition of L. crippled from childhood. “Holy man of God. if you do not do what I tell you.” So appearing a second time. 19 Pomjalovskij (1900) 73-5. because you are not able to cure me you encourage me to cast myself into sexual depravity. “Do what I tell you. Menas.

én°sth §n tª Àr& §ke¤n˙ …w pãlij droma›ow. ka‹ piãsaw tÚ pãlion ¶suren ka‹ §gÊmnasen aÈtÆn. “ëgie toË yeoË.” ÉEke›now épÚ toË fÒbou ka‹ t∞w §ntrop∞w y°lvn kremn∞sai •autÚn épÚ toË str≈matow ka‹ fuge›n. . ka‹ …w keleÊei ı yeÚw ka‹ ≤ boÆyeiã sou. “Ã b¤a.” e‰ta bigleÊsaw ˜pou ¶keito ≤ bvbÆ.80 JOHN DUFFY AND EMMANUEL BOURBOUHAKIS e‰pen. ˜ti ka‹ ı kulÚw én°sth dihgoÊmenow aÈto›w ëper e‰den §n Ùne¤rƒ. yaumãsantew d¢ ofl pãntew tÚ gegonÒw. diupn¤syh ka‹ épÚ toË fÒbou tarassom°nh ≤ bvbØ §lãlhsen. énØr ∑lyen §pãnv mou. ˜per §pitr°peiw poi∞sai ¶xv. én°meinen ßvw o Ïpnvsan pãntew ofl §n t“ na“ ˆxloi. ka‹ oÏtvw ép∞lyon émfÒteroi afinoËntew ka‹ dojãzontew tÚn yeÚn ka‹ tÚn ëgion Mhnçn. ka‹ énaståw surÒmenow §p’ ˆcesin ¶fyasen tÚ str«ma t∞w bvb∞w. §dÒjasan tÚn yeÚn ëpantew tÚn par°xonta diå t«n èg¤vn aÈtoË tØn ‡asin to›w pçsin.

he waited until all those in the church had fallen asleep.We could expect the text to describe the manner in which the cripple physically made his way along the ground. may be right when he suggests to us that the meaning might be “on the face”. Paul Magdalino. Menas. face down or prostrate. therefore. kremn¤sai (from earlier krhmn¤sai). i. 22 We cannot make sense here of the phrase §pÉ ˆcesin. shaken by fear.” And observing where the mute woman was lying. The mute awoke and. MENAS 81 the man said. “Holy man of God.. I will do what you instruct me to do. out of fear and shame wishing to throw23 himself off the bed and to flee. And they both left praising and glorifying God and St. . and they glorified God who provides cures for all through his saints. got up at that moment like a sprightly youth. meanwhile. And everyone there marvelled at this event. 23 I. as God and your beneficence bid.FIVE MIRACLES OF ST.e. cried out “Rape! A man has come on top of me!” He. And taking hold of her covering he pulled it off and stripped her. then got up and dragged himself (ep’opsesin?) 22 until he reached the mute woman’s bed. since the cripple stood up and told them what he saw in his dream.e.

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Elias’ cult seems to have remained localized in Damascus and the surrounding areas as there is scant evidence of this saint in martyrologies of the region and no entry for him in the Synaxarion of Constantinople. not out of fervent desire to witness his religion. The reader of this vita is left to ponder the choice and motivations of the author in regards to his selection of saint. If indeed the vita is an eleventh-century composition the use of Greek may coincide with the resurgence of the Byzantine presence in the general region. most certainly in Syria-Palestine at a time when Christianity was challenged by the Islamic faith and an increasingly dominating Arab culture. Le Muséon 98 fasc. It seems likely that the general audience for this didactic story would be a lay community. Griffith. “The Arabic account of ‘Abd al-Mas¬Ω an-Na™r®n¬ al-Ghass®n¬”. but because of professional jealousy and soured relations with his former employer.ELIAS OF HELIOPOLIS THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT Stamatina McGrath INTRODUCTION The vita of Elias of Heliopolis is a unique Life among those we find in hagiographical collections and synaxaria. saint and setting to communicate his moral lesson. The author may have chosen to write Elias’ story in Greek. . as in the case of a number of accounts from this period1. persecution by the Arab/Muslim authorities and martyrdom are common enough in the hagiography of eighth to eleventh century Syria-Palestine. 1 See S. It is unique not because of the various elements comprising the Life itself—the themes of apostasis. hoping to prove that this language was still an integral part of his community’s history and culture (although this does not explain how he intended his audience to understand it unless he relied on the active mediation of a knowledgeable priest or reader). Hoyland (1997) 384. What is striking is the author’s choice of language. In the story Elias suffered martyrdom defending his Christian faith. The author chose to write in Greek—even substituting terms for Arab officials with anachronistic Byzantine terms—at a time when that language was increasingly displaced by Arabic among the communities of the region. 3-4 (1985) 334.

It is most likely that Elias’ vita appears in both traditions because it was particularly pertinent to the experiences of the Christian community in the region. See G. appears in a tenth-century Palestino-Georgian ecclesiastical calendar as February 4 and the thirteenth century martyrology of Rabban Sliba as February 1. Pravoslavnyj Palestinskij Sbornik XIX. “Stephen of Ramlah and the Christian Kerygma in Arabic in Ninth-century Palestine. Garitte.1 (1985) 23. Subsidia Hagiographica 30 (Brussels: 1958) 151. Papadopoulos-Kerameus.86 STAMATINA MCGRATH The version of Christianity that Elias may have subscribed to is also a problematic issue. rather than because it championed the monophysite or orthodox cause. Evidence to this fact would be his inclusion in the thirteenth-century Martyrologion of Rabban Sliba. this evidence is not solid since the lines between orthodox and monophysite were frequently blurred and one could occasionally see crossovers between the two. when he first moved to Damascus. In Damascus the saint was employed in the service of a Syrian5 carpenter. born in Heliopolis/Baalbek to a pious Christian family of very modest means.2 However. Elias. Griffith. 4 The vita states that he was trained in the use of “medium-sized pieces of wood”. a profession that was well suited for the forested area in which he lived. commemorated on February 4 and February 1 respectively. SullogØ palaist¤nhw ka‹ suriak∞w ègiolog¤aw. There is no internal evidence within the Life of Elias to support either his identification as an orthodox or monophysite Christian. The vita paints the picture of a vital community in which professional mobility was possible between geographic. A. S. cultural and religious boundaries and relations 2 Elias’ feast day. Born in a small Syrian community it is possible that he was a monophysite. (Petersberg 1907) 45. was trained in carpentry from an early age. 5 What the anonymous author means by “Syrian” here is probably a member of the native population of Syria-Palestine who spoke Aramaic and was apt to adopt Arabic after the seventh century conquest. 3 (=57).3 The collection of texts within which Elias’ Life was preserved is orthodox. the mother remains a shadowy background figure with no direct voice of her own. Le Calendrier PalestinoGéorgien du Sinaiticus 34 (Xe Siècle). Peeters (1908) 174. apostatized from Christianity and became a Muslim. and P. only his mother and two brothers with whom ten-year-old Elias traveled from Baalbek to Damascus in search of a better life. identified by scholars as a monophysite document. The Life is a valuable source of social history for eighth-century Syria. Later it is specified that he made packsaddles for camels in Damascus and that he repaired the wooden tools of the farmers in Baalbek. 3 Peeters (1908) 134. I. who with the aid of his Arab patron. not in large-scale wood construction.” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36. The decision-making authority in Elias’ family seems to have been shared between his mother and older brother. although.4 There is no mention of his father in the vita. . a fact that reveals little about Elias’ specific religious preference. His training appears to have begun before the age of ten.

and there were reports of visions of the saint in and around Damascus. Elias returned to Baalbek where he stayed for eight years. Fearing that these reports would inflame the faith of the Christians who might attempt to venerate Elias as a saint. the corpse was dismembered and thrown into 6 One can see this family-like intimacy in the behavior of the Syrian the day after the birthday party. Miracles immediately followed the death of the saint. By family decision. Elias’ carpentry tasks must not have included service at a feast. Ayoub. Israel Oriental Studies 10 (1980) 36-48 and M. After refusing numerous opportunities to recant Elias was executed. This appears to have been an extension of Elias’ duties as an apprentice/assistant. . Regardless of enticements. As Christians were required by law to wear their belts in a distinctive manner the removal of Elias’ zunn®r was taken as a sign of apostasis and conversion to Islam and the youth was later accused by the partygoers of having recanted his newly acquired Islamic faith—a capital crime under Islamic law. When Elias attempted to open his own shop eight years later. Kraemer. but the youth’s services were called upon by his employer. but when Elias’ family attempted to remove the boy from his service out of fear of the Muslim community and redeem his pending wages the Syrian refused payment and threatened to report the youth’s ‘conversion’ to the Islamic authorities. his former Syrian master tried to restore the relationship and employ Elias once more and it was only when he was rejected that he brought charges against the saint. 7 See. suggesting a very close relationship between employer and employee that extended to the social realm. Although he refused. torture and imprisonment. After that time it was deemed safe for him to return to Damascus and open his own business. Still. who offered Elias protection from the pressures of his Arab friends on the understanding that Elias continued to work efficiently. the Islamic ruler ordered the incineration of Elias’ remains. Translation.6 While serving at the birthday celebration Elias came in contact with Muslims who sought to convince him to join their religion. similar to those among the members of an extended family group. Elias remained before the authorities steadfast in his Christian faith. the boy was tricked into removing his belt or zunn®r7 during a dance. As further evidence of Elias’ sanctity.8 Elias’ Syrian employer initially offered protection. but his old employer recognized him and asked him to join his workshop. his body remained unharmed by the fire. 8 J. A bright star shone at the place where his dead body was crucified. Rebels and Brigands”. When Elias declined. “Religious Freedom and the Law of Apostasy in Islam”. “Apostates. the Syrian with the aid of his Arab patron’s son brought charges against him.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 87 between employer and employee were casual. footnotes 42 and 43. The accusation by Elias’ family that the youth had not received wages for a whole year further exemplifies the lax relations and presumed trust between the Syrian employer and Elias. Islamochristiana [Journal of the Vatican Secretariat for Non-Christians] 20 (1994) 75-91.

al-LaytΩ would have been not only the supreme authority on judicial matters. “Elia il Giovane.‘As®kir (1990) 21: 246-55) al-LaytΩ visited Damascus in the year 777/78. 14 On the title of eparch and for bibliography. Introduction. Vizantinskij vremennik 19 (1912) 36-40. Mukhtasar T®r¬kh Dimashq. see also EI 2. The chronology of the saint can be reasonably determined based on the internal evidence of the vita. La Chronologie (Paris: 1958) 249-250. V. see ODB 705. while the saint continued his miracles through healings and intercessions on behalf of the faithful. “Constantinople Viewed from the Eastern Provinces in the Middle Byzantine Period. santo. as eparch. Grumel.13 He may be identified with al-LaytΩ ibn ‘Abd al-RaΩm®n al-FaΩm¬. whose emirate covers both possible martyrdom dates. The anonymous author states that the saint was martyred in the year 6287.9 This would coincide with the year 779 of the Byzantine era or the year 795 of the Alexandrian era. and regulator of the city’s commercial and industrial activities. 11 Among others Ch. Bibliotheca Sanctorum. V. Harvard Ukranian Studies 3/4. al-LaytΩ could have been the judge of Elias’ case. 5:711-12 A. In this case.10 The scholarly opinion on the matter is divided with valid arguments presented on both sides. Most likely MuΩammad. Sak¬na al-SΩiΩ®b¬ (Damascus: 1990) 21: 340-42. However.‘As®kir (Ibn.-M. a relative of al-MaΩd¬. pt. “Al-LaytΩ ibn ‘Abd al-RaΩm®n al-FaΩm¬. A.14 These duties would be beyond the scope of the responsibilities of a visiting legal authority in eighth-century Damascus. “Vizantijskie zitija svjatych VIII-IX vekov”. but also commander of the police force and prisons. Grumel. Strictly speaking. Papadopoulos-Kerameus (1907) 55. Talbot. the text mentions al-MaΩd¬ only to identify the emir of Damascus. vol. MuΩammad. “Elias of Heliopolis” (Washington. DC: 1998) 68-69 for the year 779. Parts of his corpse were recovered by pious Christians and venerated in secret. but the title of eparch does not fit based on our knowledge of the jurist’s career. the emir of Damascus. 13 According to the history of Ibn. Dumbarton Oaks Hagiography Database Project (DOHP). The Arab caliph identified in the vita is al-MaΩd¬ (775-85). Sevcenko. not to state that the events in the saint’s life took place during his caliphate.‘As®kir. art. was MuΩammad ibn-Ibr®Ω¬m (739/740-801). Kazhdan and A. a renowned Islamic jurist who journeyed to Damascus in the years 777/78 and may have stayed for a year or so in the city. I. 12 Ibn. 9 10 .12 Another figure identified in the vita is al-LaytΩ (Leithi). Irfan Shahid who provided the references for MuΩammad and al-LaytΩ for the DOHP in 1998.4 (Rome: 1964) 1046. Merad. Abu’l H®ritΩ”. edd. I wish to acknowledge Prof.11 The evidence in favor of the year 779 is in my opinion more convincing but not entirely secure. martire a Damasco”. 2 (1979/80) 712-747 argue for the year 795 and Hoyland (1997) 365.88 STAMATINA MCGRATH the river Barad®. Loparev. who appears in the role of eparch and judge. and the years of his rule fit well with the year of Elias’ execution. ed.

the author took pains to remove any such evidence from his text. the two Arab officials and the caliph. Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (Cambridge. Christi martyrum lecta trias (Paris: 1666) 155-206.15 Several references in the text suggest that this vita was not an original composition of the author but was rewritten. The author’s concern over spiritual issues regarding the faithful in general implies that his responsibilities may have centered on a secular community rather than a monastic establishment. MA: 1950) 45-8. 18 Schick (1995) 159-178. There are no rhetorical figures or classical allusions in this vita.18 Christian converts to Islam were released from the obligation to pay poll tax according to ‘Abd al-Malik’s tax reform of 685. and he does not provide statements indicating he was an eyewitness or had spoken personally to eyewitnesses regarding the saint and his life. 37 and 52. Dennett. The author does not seem to be writing close to the date of Elias’ execution. it is likely the author was a native of Syria-Palestine. The overall evidence suggests a date of composition between the beginning of the eighth and the end of the eleventh-century AD. Combefis. it is probable that these other narratives also dealt with martyrdoms of Christian saints. There are no indications as to his ethnicity or origin. 17 See also Devreesse (1945) 286-88 and DOHP Introduction (1998) 69. and expanded to include a number of episodes emphasizing demonstrations of Elias’ faith before his Muslim captors and the saint’s posthumous miracles.19 In the seventh cen- 15 For the Vita of Elias of Heliopolis. By his own admission he has written two other saints’ lives. with partial edition by F. 19 D. see Devreesse (1945) 303 (10th c. perhaps from a shorter narrative. Based on the author’s remarks in the introduction of Elias’ Life. Elias. 16 See Translation. leaving a nicely flowing Greek narrative. Palestine and Syria as well as some ascetic writings. but based on the limited geographic circulation of information regarding the Life of St. There are no individuals identified by name in the vita beyond Elias. .17 The author of the vita of Elias is anonymous. and complete edition by Papadopoulos-Kerameus (1907) 42-59. 238-249. notes 30.16 If the original shorter version of the Life was written in Syriac or Arabic. The Christian communities in Syria-Palestine no doubt felt the pressures of adjusting to a well-established and powerful Islamic rule that expanded its authority by the growing use of the Arabic language in the administration and the increasing appeal of Islamic religion and culture.) ff.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 89 The date of composition of the vita is more difficult to discern than the precise chronology of the martyrdom. The vita itself survives in a tenth/eleventh-century manuscript containing a collection of saints’ lives from Egypt.

. D.J. “Pseudo-Methodius und die Legende vom römischen Endkaiser”.J. 21 Hoyland (1997) 343. and A. in Av. edd. Problems in the Literary Source Material (Princeton. Verhelst. Welkenhuysen. NJ: 1992).-Methodius: A Concept of History in Response to the Rise of Islam”. Reinink.21 Without a doubt the combination of economic and social pressures made apostasy from Christianity an attractive alternative for many members of the community.Conrad. 20 G. The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages (Leuven: 1988). 186-7. Reinink. The Byzantine and Islamic Near East I. Cameron and L. edd. . “Ps.90 STAMATINA MCGRATH tury apocalyptic text of Pseudo-Methodius there was great concern with voluntary Christian conversions to Islam.Verbeke. in W. 104.. 159. The vita of Elias belongs to the literature produced in the region for the purpose of shoring up the faith of the Christian community and instructing its members of the dangers of close association with Christian apostates and Muslims. Elias’ story offers a unique glimpse of the social pressures experienced by Christians and their efforts to maintain their culture and religion under Islamic rule. also G. 178.20 The same sentiment is echoed in other contemporary sources.

Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies [http://syrcom. We have already refuted the arguments or disbelief of the many regarding the holy great martyrs. Robinson. footnote 2. footnote 15. 24 Heliopolis/Baalbek. he would know who and what sort of woman this is who is touching him. Brock. she stood behind him at his feet weeping and began to bathe his feet with her tears. Oriens Christianus 72 (1988) 21-62. the third one after the others. a city in Syria between the mountains of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon. Downside Review (April 1997) 99-111. Talbot and P. “The Sinful Woman and Satan: Two Syriac Dialogue Poems”. 27 The long quotation that follows is from Luke 7: 36-50.1.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 91 TRANSLATION February 1.cua. Hunt. and H.P. that she is a sinner’. Then she wiped them with her hair. see the Introduction. 1. “The Anointing by Mary of Bethany”. and anointed them with the ointment. Bringing an alabaster container of ointment. ODB 580.22 Memorial regarding the account of the martyrdom of the holy great martyr Elias the Younger23. ‘If this man were a prophet. Magdalino for making valuable comments on the present translation.-M. and he entered the Pharisee’s house and reclined at table. in this one as well. a city in southern Syria and metropolitan bishopric of Phoenicia Libanensis. was held by the Persians between 612 and 628 and then fell to the Arabs in 635. For complete analysis of this theme in the works of Ephraim see. I wish to thank A. having cleansed the faithful from impiety in our two previous accounts26. 25 Damascus. When the Pharisee who had invited him saw this he said to himself. see the bibliography listed in the Introduction. there was a sinful woman in the city who learned that he was at table in the house of the Pharisee. kissed them.2 (1998) par. who came from Helioupolis24 and suffered martyrdom in Damascus25. See also BHG 578-9. 1-38. . Jesus said to 22 Concerning the saint’s feast] vol. we start by announcing to all those who have even a small hope of salvation as comfort and encouragement the forgiveness that is always bestowed upon sinners. was captured by the Arabs in 637. B. 2. 23 For the manuscript and editions of Elias’ vita. The selection of this text in the context of the anonymous author’s didactic scope of forgiveness of sins and salvation is not by chance and follows a long tradition in Syriac theological writings beginning with the works of Ephaim the Syrian (4th century). no. Ephraim and His Followers”. “The Tears of the Sinful Woman: a Theology of Redemption in the Homilies of St. Now. S. 26 Beyond what is stated here nothing is known of these two previous accounts mentioned by the anonymous author. ODB 909-10. Now. For it is written in the gospel of Luke27 that “A Pharisee invited” our Lord Jesus Christ “to dine with him.

‘Your faith has saved you. whose larger debt was forgiven.’ ‘Tell me. he forgave it for both. Der Latmos [Berlin: 1913) 105 and the Life of Loukas the Younger of Stiris in D. but he himself rose up on his own when he anointed his very own blood like ointment on His body. You did not give me a kiss. This focus is consistent with the author’s didactic message regarding apostasy and forgiveness of sins stated in the opening paragraphs of the Life. teacher.92 STAMATINA MCGRATH him in reply. Since they were unable to repay the debt.’ he said. You did not anoint my head with oil. ‘Two people were in debt to a certain creditor. as you heard. a term usually reserved for readings delivered on the feast day of a saint [see the Life of Paul of Latros in T. but she has not ceased kissing my feet since the time I entered. for the burial of our great God 28 By emphasizing the term “neomartyr” in place of “martyr” the author seems to focus on the praise of those who have suffered for their faith at more recent times rather than the martyrs of the early Christian era. 29 Cf. her many sins have been forgiven.’” For even though the woman was a sinner. but she anointed my feet with ointment. and most clearly in [the gospel] by Matthew29. ‘Simon. one owed five hundred denarii. for they know that she performed a good deed. I have something to say to you. Which of them will love him more?’ Simon said in reply. sharing in their sufferings through good deeds. But the one to whom little is forgiven. hence. she has shown great love.’ He said to her. ‘Do you see this woman? When I entered your house. and the other owed fifty. We know according to the other evangelists. but the inclusion of this term may suggest this is a trace from another text containing Elias’ vita copied by the anonymous author of the present text. 3. you did not give me water for my feet. I suppose. ÑO b¤ow toË ıs¤ou Loukç toË Steiri≈tou [Athens: 1989] 159). ÜOsiow Loukçw . So I tell you. Wiegand. did not act like we do to the poor among the saints. 1.. . And indeed this great neomartyr before us30. but she has bathed them with her tears and wiped them with her hair. ‘You have judged rightly.’ Then he turned to the woman and said to Simon. It is not clear from the introduction to this Life that it was written on the occasion of the saint’s feast. Milet 3. Sophianos. 30 ı proke¤menow ≤m›n m°gaw neomãrtuw. loves little. if neomartyrs will be forgiven their sins. Matthew 26: 10.. go in peace. if the benevolent Jesus forgave her her many sins because of those tears and the anointing with ointment do you not believe that the sins great or small of these neomartyrs28 would be forgiven because of their many afflictions and the sacrifice of their own blood? You judge.. ‘Your sins are forgiven.’ The others at table said to themselves.’ He said to him. ‘The one. it is not fitting to create troubles for our soul that is now like that woman. those of you who calculate like Pharisees. ‘Who is this who even forgives sins?’ But he said to the woman.



and Savior Jesus Christ31. For this reason Christ will say now, as he did then, “Amen, I say to you, wherever this gospel is proclaimed in the entire world, what he has done, just like her, will be said in his witness”32. But let us in no way be reproached like that Pharisee when we invite Christ, or rather when Christ invites us [to His feast] to eat bread in His Church, His all holy and life giving body, and says [to us] as if speaking to him [Pharisee], “And you did not give a drink, ‘a cup of cold water’33 as it is written, to him who stood upon the road of martyrdom in the name of my disciple. While these, the neomartyrs, wiped down together with the feet the entire flesh with tears and streams of blood. You did not give me the kiss of love of one another, while they even laid down their souls on behalf of their faith. You did not anoint my head with the oil of benevolence and charity for those who are of the same descent, while their heads were cut off with swords for me34. For this reason it is said, ‘Their sins are forgiven, although they are a great many, for they have loved much, rather than yours who in vain boast to love through words only’”35. 4. That which he did in his witness will be proclaimed to the entire world. I will write down at once what he did, calling upon his [Elias’] grace and drawing inspiration from the most Holy Spirit as I open my mouth.36 I intend to narrate his story, for many desire to hear it in its fullness37 with eager attention, without preference for intricate inferences and eulogistic re-workings, but rather the events as they happened in simple phrases38, so that through its persuasiveness and hopefulness the present story may cause every pious and god-loving soul to rejoice and to delight with the gladness with which it ought be glad, for this one, the son of our homeland, was not dead and came to life again, but was living and died for the hope laid up in store in the heavens. For this reason, having made the distinction, I will start from the

Cf. Matthew 26: 12. Cf. Matthew 26: 13. 33 Matthew 10: 42. 34 Cf. the section from “And you did not give...” to “... their heads were cut off with swords for me” and Luke 7: 44-6. 35 Cf. Luke 7: 47. 36 Cf. Ephesians 6: 19. 37 §ntel°steron, a further suggestion that a shorter Life of the saint may have been available prior to the composition of the present text. 38 The intent to write a hagiographical account in simple language for the benefit of a wider audience is a theme attested in other Lives of saints as well, see the Life of Blasios of Amorion in AASS , Nov. IV, 658, and the Life of Theodore of Studios in PG 99: 236.
31 32



beginning and from thence I will narrate all his shifts of fortune with all truthfulness. 5. This holy neomartyr and contender of Christ, Elias, descended from the most pious native born citizens of Helioupolis of Second Phoenicia39 near mount Lebanon40, from Christian upbringing and lowly means, and pursued a craft which they call carpentry, working with medium-sized pieces of wood. He, along with his poor mother and two brothers, leaving Helioupolis, his homeland, migrated to Damascus that was a great metropolis, in which he hoped to live an easier life. When he arrived there he hired himself out to a certain man, who was Syrian in descent, but a client and attached to one of the Arabs. Thereupon he continued in his service two years, making his living in the same craft. By the influence of the devil and the consent of the Arab, the client Syrian renounced the faith of Christ, but persevered making his livelihood in his craft.41 Being a child, Elias, the one who is now a great martyr, ignoring the designs of the Devil, remained hired out in his trade to the apostate. 6. A short time later the Arab, the patron of the apostate, died after engaging his son in marriage. Thereafter his son had a male child and with the exhortation of his fellows he celebrated the birthday of his son, preparing a feast. While the feast was taking place and the apostate was feasting, they called upon Elias, the great martyr, for service. Elias was about twelve years old. He served them, joking and rejoicing with them at the feast, inasmuch as he was an innocent child. The dinner guests, along with the patron of the apostate, turned to the martyr and said, “Where are you from child? For we see you to be clever and willing to share our joy.” The apostate responded taking on the reply, “He is hired out to me in my craft, and as you can see he is good.” Laying hold of him separately they said to the saint, “If you want child, you too can renounce your Christian faith and can become just like us, continuing with your master no longer as a hired servant, but as a son.” Immediately the saint replied, “You have gathered here

39 Probably Phoenicia Libanensis, administrative district from the time of Diocletian to the Arab conquest. After the Arab it was incorporated into the much larger province of Damascus. 40 Mountain range between western Syria and the Mediterranean coast. 41 The client-patron relationship appears as a particularly dangerous one for Christians who aligned themselves with Muslim masters [Hoyland (1997) 339]. Conversion to Islam among the Christian population was an increasingly greater problem in Christian communities after the Arab conquest, especially in the second part of the eighth century [Hoyland (1997) 342-7].



to feast, not to offer public speeches. Stop saying these things to me.” They responded, “Meanwhile, come eat with us.” Approaching with guilelessness and eating the saint continued to serve them, when some stood up from the dinner and began dancing, and taking hold of the saint they persuaded him to dance with them. What is more, banding together they loosened the saint’s belt42 and threw it to the side at that time so that it would not prevent the body from easily being drawn to dance. Then the dinner of evil preparation came to an end. 7. After the night passed, the holy great martyr Elias got up in the morning. Since all the dinner guests had slept together at the house, he girded his own belt according to the custom of the Christian community43, and after washing his face he departed the house and was on his way to pray to God. One of those still under the influence of the evening’s intoxication, called out and said, “Elias, where are you going?” The saint responded, “I am going to pray.” Taking up the conversation another one said to the saint, “And did you not deny your faith late last night?” The saint disdained these words, and without even turning around to the speaker went to prayer; and then returning from there he arrived at the workshop and there found the apostate. And the apostate said to him, “Indeed, Elias, if I had not prevented our companions, they would have caused you grief today because they say you denied Christ last night. But work and be without fear.” The saint was amazed to hear these things, and kept quiet for a short while, then during the time of the mid-day meal, leaving the workshop he went to his brothers, and narrated to them what had happened to him. By decision of his older brother along with his mother they went to the apostate and said to him, “Man, behold our brother has been working for you for a year and has not received any portion of his wages from you. Give us our fair portion and our brother will depart from
42 Removing one’s belt appears as a symbol of apostasy in a story about a deacon from Edessa who renounced Christianity by proclaiming his faith in MuΩammad and removing his zunn®r in public. This account appears in the Chronicle of pseudo-Dionysios of Tell MaΩr∂ (also known as the Chronicon Zuqn¬n): see Hoyland (1997) 337-8. For another example of removal of the zunn®r as an indication of change of faith see Tritton (1970) 118-9. 43 The custom of wearing the zunn®r in a distinct Christian fashion is recorded in the socalled “Covenant of ‘Umar I” attributed to caliph ‘Umar ibn al-KΩattab (634-44). An expansion of ‘Umar’s covenant in the Kit®b ul Umm specified “You <Christians>shall wear the zunn®r above all your clothes, cloaks and others, so that it is not hidden”: Tritton (1970) 12-4. See also Hoyland (1997) 364 and C.E. Bosworth, “The ‘Protected Peoples’ (Christians and Jews) in Medieval Egypt and Syria”, in Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 62.1 (1979) 16 (rp. Variorum Reprints in C. E. Bosworth, The Arabs, Byzantium and Iran [Brookfield: 1996]).



your service, for we have decided to send him back to Helioupolis, our homeland.” The apostate said in response, “You are not due outstanding wages from hiring out the child. But neither will I release the child to leave my service, as he has apostatized from your Christian faith, and I have witnesses against him.” 8. Thereupon, a disputation took place between the two, with the saint narrating those things that were said during the evil dinner on the one hand, and the apostate asserting obstinately that he would lead away the saint to the ruler, on the other. At that time, the saint’s brothers gave up his wages they had been demanding, and having apparently appeased the apostate, and taking the saint with them his brothers said, “Brother, we agree that you should return to Helioupolis, our homeland, and live there working to make a living as best as you can for some time, until this conversation is forgotten. For we are fearful lest seeing you here the apostate might again be stirred up and cause trouble. He has turned to such behavior since he desires to have you as his slave.” Having pacified [the apostate], the saint then returned to Helioupolis, and made a living working in his own homeland for eight years. After considering these years [to be sufficient time] he journeyed down to Damascus. When his brothers being in agreement with each other on the matter said to the saint, “By this time a period of eight years has passed and has caused the apostate to forget the thoughts he had about you. For since you left his service we have encountered and met him by chance many times and he has said nothing to us about you. Now, we are in agreement that you should not be separated from us, especially since this causes our mother sorrow. But though you are young in age, for you have just completed your twentieth year and you have only begun growing a beard, rely on your craft like a man. Open a workshop and live in Damascus with us.” 9. The saint was persuaded, and the thought becoming deed, he devoted himself in his workshop to producing and selling packsaddles for camels. When the apostate leaned this and harboring envy against the saint, for he lived nearby the workshop, he came to the saint and said to him, “Friend, where have you been these years? Why do you censure me when I have come to you today? But come now and work with me again becoming my partner.” The saint replied smiling, “You have wronged me [in the past], having deprived me of my wages, do you wish to wrong me again?” The apostate was vexed by these words and said to the saint, “Indeed, I have wronged you allowing you to remain in your faith after you renounced it.” Addressing the son of the



deceased Arab, his patron, whose evil banquet has already been described, he [apostate] said to him, “Do you not witness that this Elias apostatized, denying Christ that evening?” He replied, “Yes.” The apostate then said to the saint “Let us take him before the eparch.”44 10. Dragging the saint by the hand he brought him before a certain Leithi45 by name, with the young man [son of the deceased Arab patron] supporting his testimony that events had occurred thus. The eparch questioned the saint if those things said about him were true. He replied, “In no way, may it never be that I would renounce the faith in which I was born. But I confess Christ and venerate him as being the God of heaven and earth and sea.” The eparch said, “Let it be conceded that you had never renounced [your faith], but because you were presented [before the court], we encourage you to apostatize and come to the religion of the Arabs, and you will enjoy every honor from us.” The saint responded, “May it never be that I would do such a thing. For I am a Christian, descended from Christian ancestors, and I am ready to die for my faith.” The eparch said, “As the witnesses have brought charges against you, I accept the testimony against you and insist that you renounce [Christianity] because it is not at all possible to permit those who once and for all have accepted our religion [to return to their former faith].”46 The saint replied, “You are the judge and may accept however you like my accusers, but I tell you more fervently that I am a Christian and I will deliver my body to you (if it is necessary), so as to show that my faith is not forced but voluntary.” 11. The judge commanded that the saint be stripped and flogged, until (he said) through force he should admit the denial of which he was accused. Stripping the holy great martyr and stretching him out with ropes they beat him with thin rawhide whips, until his blood streamed down. He [saint] implored the judge to stop those who were beating him, letting out a small cry of entreaty, submissively begging for the
44 The Byzantine term “eparch” is inappropriate for a Muslim official, but suggests someone who had supreme judicial and perhaps administrative duties in the city of Damascus. 45 Possibly al-LaytΩ ibn-Sa’d ibn- ‘Abd al-RaΩm®n (712/713-791/792), celebrated Egyptian jurist. For references see the Introduction, notes nos. 12 and 13. According to the history of Ibn- ‘As®kir, al-LaytΩ visited Damascus in the year 777/78. It is possible that he was still in Damascus in 779 and may have been the highest judicial authority examining the case of Elias. 46 Apostasy from Islam could be punishable by death. For bibliography on Muslim views of this matter see the Introduction, footnote no. 8.

III.” The saint said. in E. I will narrate to you now that which I saw in a vision during the preceding night. 865. I also confess to you about one statement that I uttered to the judge calling upon his benevolence that I shall never again appeal to him. See ODB 733. “What is it. the Life of Elias Spelaiotes in AASS. our true God. “I did not call upon your benevolence for this. Turning around I saw a black Ethiopian47 standing near me showing me a cross and threaten- 47 The association of black Ethiopians with demonic visions is commonplace in Byzantine hagiography. Sept. while another chamber was prepared for me interwoven with different flowers and wreaths were hanging for me. but so that you may take pity upon my tender youth and human nature and release me allowing me to remain steadfast in my faith.98 STAMATINA MCGRATH mercy of the judge. Petersburg: 1898) 11. looking up to the heavens said consoling his brothers.” The judge said. . The report announcing the events about the contender spread out quickly throughout the entire city. Noret. and placing him in irons he ordered that he [Elias] be dragged by his feet to prison. but to no other than my Lord Jesus Christ. added many more floggings to his [sentence]. because of his youth. I saw myself sitting in a bridal chamber. I am presenting myself to you having become as hard as a diamond. “Do not think you will be released from this trial if first you do not deny the Christ in whom you believe.” These were the great martyr’s very own words to the judge. and the saint’s brothers went to him weeping and exhorting him to submit to the sufferings for Christ’s sake. my brothers. that I have practiced and inherited from my ancestors. Behold. and as the ground beneath him met the wounds he had acquired from the flogging extending from head to waist. the Life of Theophano. nor shall Christ’s faith be insulted through me. Theophano. Shut in [prison] he lay in pain because of his wounds. for me the enduring [of the lashes]. in a place of honor. Nov. Zwei griechische Texte über die hl.” The saint responded. Vitae duae antiquae sancti Athanasii Athonitae (Turnhout: 1982) 59 and 169. the two versions of the Life of Athanasios of Athos in J. But I shall endure whatever else I must suffer. Elias. the Life of Constantine the Jew in AASS. IV. die Gemahlin Kaisers Leo VI (St. I will call upon him and he will be my aid. at the same time. deny Christ and walk away. For some specific examples see. Kurtz. The great martyr of Christ. The judge replied.” 12. “Have faith. so that I may renounce [my faith]. “From you the giving [of the beatings]. “It remains then for you to command the beating and for me to be beaten. 641. young man? If you wish. Then the judge being enraged with the saint’s response. Then the holy martyr was dragged. it tore the flesh that was soft. that I will not shame you.

but only if he renounces [his faith] he will be released. “Previously when he was tortured a little he called upon our mercy. if you die and descend into Hades?” The saint responded with confidence and said. nevertheless. since you are being questioned. and see myself in great joy and fervent faith. you should renounce Christ and walk away. and he did not let out a single sound to the judge. it was filled with secretions and poured forth a great deal of pus. and from me [comes the endurance] to be beaten. which I have in Christ. The judge. he ruled against him that he [Elias] should be dragged again to prison. and [for this reason] I am pained little and suffer [little] from these lashings. but having done a good deed go in peace. or if I had to suffer everything at the same time. Now I say to you. now. neither is he allowed to have any sort of care. “I have been commanded not to let anyone visit the saint. because the flesh was rotten. What will be your profit.” Indeed. my brothers. 14. I laughed at him. and to be beaten with rods from his lower back to his feet on both sides. unable to bear the sight of the rotting flesh. Therefore. commanded that the saint be thrown upon the ground on his face. for he [Leithi] said that. and also worms fell out and a foul smell spread around. Looking upon the saint he said. hoping either to prevail over the brave contender or to kill him. And now do not weep for my sake.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 99 ing me with death. for the sake of peace. there is nothing more steadfast than he who is prepared to suffer everything.” Then he [Leithi] commanded again that he [Elias] be beaten by strong men with rawhide whips. that whether they crucify me.” The prison guard approached them rebuking the brothers of the saint and he cast everyone out of the prison saying. After a few days they brought forth saint Elias bound in irons to the judge Leithi. [while being tortured] in a greater degree he did not even turn our way. or burn me with fire. while the saint was being dragged. He [Elias] amazed the judge. or will continue to suffer torture if he remains steadfast. I proclaim to you that I prefer to suffer everything on behalf of that hope. “I am a Christian and I have told you: From you [come] the beatings. but rather he strengthened himself calling upon our Lord Jesus Christ. while swords and fire and many other terrors were roaring against me. “Young man. I was rejoicing (as it seemed to me) sitting and delighting in the flowers of the wreaths.” 13. the crowd of people from the market gathered and some trampled on him while . Then. The saint was beaten for a long time. And as soon as the beatings commenced.

15. 48 49 . Then the ruler said. and yet when presented [at the tribunal] saint Elias confessed having seen Christ anointing him and strengthening him for the contest. and if then. namely those who convert to the faith of the Arabs and then immediately convert back again to Christianity. honoring you for the dishonor you have suffered. I will provide you with a horse and chariot and gold and a beautiful maiden for your wife. “You have both agreed to contrive to my destruction. in spite of exhortations. The ruler said. and (as the prison guard related to some individuals) voices of chanters resounded from the light. ‘Abbasid caliph and father of H®r‚n al-RasΩ¬d.100 STAMATINA MCGRATH others spat at him. In amazement the ruler commanded the saint to be presented and this was done. 12. For one offers torture and threats. Cf. note no. The Early Abbasid Caliphate (London: 1981) 95-110.49 and expounded in its entirety the sudden change of the saint’s fortune and those things that he [Leithi] showed him [Elias] in his desire to prevail over him. But I will speak on your behalf. Leithi recounted to me your story and I reproached him. a relative of al-MaΩd¬ by virtue of his descent from the Hashimite House from which the Abbasid rulers also claimed descent. Only be persuaded by me today and become a co-religionist with us.” The saint responded. listen now: I am a Christian and I do not accept the honors which you put forth. for subjecting you to so much. and take off my clothes and dress you in them. must be imprisoned. MuΩammad was emir of Damascus under both al-MaΩd¬ and H®r‚n al-RasΩ¬d and also called imam (religious leader). While confined [in prison] that night. Then Leithi went to Mouchamad. This is most likely MuΩammad ibn-Ibr®Ω¬m (739/740-801). Kennedy. Concerning al-MaΩd¬ (775-85). Therefore. and for this reason you remain steadfast? Know then that a command has come down from Maadi that all accused of this crime. see H. the Introduction. “Young man. Then he witnessed around him what appeared as a flood of light. and others still threw at him the garbage they found discarded in the marketplace. that I might receive only once I have been deceived and have denied Christ”. ruler. he was suffering all over his body. For no one conversed with him [Elias] at any time after he was imprisoned for the second time. who was tetrarch and ruler48 being the nephew of Maadi (the king of the Arabs). while the other offers flattery and distinctions. “Do you perchance think that after the beatings you will be released. Only during his presentation at the tribunal and at times when he was being taken [out of prison] one of the neighbors who happened to be there might speak to the martyr. they do not apos- The use of the term “tetrarch” in place of the Arabic term “caliph” is anachronistic.

to take the saint and return him to the same tortures. Jonathan M. Therefore. Prasinã was most likely the Umayyad palace known as al-KΩadr®’ (“the Green One”) built in the seventh century by Mu ‘awiya (661-680) and used as a prison by the Abbasids. do what you command and begin whence you wish. 46.” The holy Elias said in response. “La Dolce Vita in Early Islamic Syria: The Evidence of Later Umayyad Palaces” in Early Islamic Art and Architecture.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 101 tatize from the faith of Christ. he thought further about him. See R. He [Elias] stood without trembling. he [Leithi] took him to a place called Prasina51.50 Now. and being informed of the reason for the confining irons and the lashings and turning around to the saint with sympathy and mercy. until he either was released having apostatized or was put to death if he remained unchanged. Then. Bloom [The Formation of the Classical Islamic World. as you have already been charged. I was decapitated and crucified and burned. “Dimashk”: 2:280 N. vol. His belly was chilled by the cold and became ill with dysentery and the great See note no. Hillenbrand. Then.” 16. while the saint was standing there. ed. EI 2 art. they should be put to death. Thrusting him away from the ruler’s presence. the ruler commanded Leithi. and to also register his name in their kingly books. two of the ruler’s sons entered at that place. If only he would deny the name of Christ. and I have prepared myself to suffer all this willingly so that I might sit in the bridal chamber and the chambers may be interwoven with flowers and that I may be crowned with unsullied wreaths. Then. that is well. and there having no comfort or warmth. know that we will put you to death with many tortures. he said. which those who take a solemn oath in the religion of Moameth [MuΩammad] exchange among themselves. It was the season of winter. since his [Elias’] constitution was not able to withstand the icy cold suffering. 23] (Burlington: 2002) 335. Elisseéf. sneering at them. and as already after the violence of nakedness he was led away to prison again in the same manner as before. “I saw all these things of which you speak in a night vision.Truly. by way of flattery they spoke to the saint swearing terrible oaths. the eparch. if on the one hand we convince you. and he commanded him to stand naked before the tribunal until. but if we do not. 50 51 . there the saint suffered in turn and a great affliction overcame him as part of his martyrdom. 17. they promised to receive him as their own brother and to hold him in very high honor and campaign together with him. and the month of January.

They demonstrated nothing else other than to prove the martyr even braver in his suffering. walking in irons. as if to terrify the martyr. to the tribunal. and seeming to want to strike him and cut him down. but it seems it must have been some type of senior adviser. While the saint was still in prison and exhausted with terrible sufferings. and in a sudden turn of events by the almighty God. A man seeing the saint with a fresh face said to Leithi. that having died upon that day he went to the Lord. The emissaries were from the ranks of the most persuasive Arabs.52 19. Carrying him as if he were dead they tossed him upon any beast of burden they could per chance get hold of. intending to deceive him. For his constitution acted against him and he was outwardly swollen. but was stretched out to forty days. and the duration [of his anguish] was neither quick nor short. he girded his own belt and washing his face he sat in prison as though having suffered nothing. But putting off [the narration of] the day of his death. and none of the faithful dared approach him. At this point arrived a certain great old logothete53 sent by the ruler. took him to the courthouse and threw him down as though he were a loathsome unburied corpse. that on the first of February. abandoned him to be submerged into the very same misery. certain individuals were sent by the ruler to prison to the martyr. While he was in this state. that is one day before the feast of the Presentation of the Lord. . Those around him took no heed. who induced the great martyr with rhetoric and flattery. By an incredible miracle the contender rose up. A claim is made about him [Elias]. being entirely fresh in the face and rejoicing in his soul.” Then Leithi commanded that after the saint was stripped twelve swords be presented in the hands of soldiers to surround the contender and the soldiers to swing them around. the prison guards arrived and brought the saint. honored by the entire nation of the Arabs for his facility in debate.102 STAMATINA MCGRATH endurance of the saint was seen in all things. “This one has received food and for this reason he did not take notice of the tortures. 18. we will fill in the remaining [events of his life]. And then the very same prison guards. possibly the end of a shorter version of the Life upon which the anonymous author expanded to include a more extensive trial and posthumous miracles of the saint. 53 It is unclear which exact Arab official title is inferred here for the Byzantine office of “logothete”. returning the saint back to prison again. Approaching the saint he encour- 52 It seems that there is a natural end to the events of Elias’ Life.

he stretched out his neck. The soldier attacked him with demonic boldness. we have been commanded to cut you down. exhorting him to say only one word and then to be released to go wherever he pleased. the soldier made contact with the saint’s shoulder striking him hard. One of the Persian [soldiers] taking this sword with both hands struck at the saint on the neck and cut him through with the third strike. Learning that he was killed for his faith. until I see you breathing your last breath. angered by the willingness of the saint commanded that he be beheaded. Then the saint turned to the East. I will not cease beating you with the clubs and striking you with the swords.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 103 aged him.” He [Elias] bent his head forward and striking [it] with his hand and greatly reviling and blaming the foolish old man he sent him away. Leithi then said to the saint. and finally. As the saint lay slaughtered like a lamb.” The saint said nothing. after burning you with fire I will throw [your corpse] into the river’s current so that there will be no remembrance of you upon the earth. and when the eparch called upon them to strike him [Elias] down. but only through a hand gesture he assented to be cut to pieces. and then cutting your head off I will hang you upon a cross. the anonymous author includes the burning of the saint’s body as part of the original punishment. 54 Later. Say the word and save yourself. Bringing forth a moneybag filled with much gold he showed it to the holy martyr saying. The eparch. and said. in paragraph 25.”54 Leaning toward the ear of one of the soldiers he commanded him to strike with his sword and to slice at the shoulder of the saint. behold I have placed around you clubs and swords surround you. as if gazing at Christ his judge and bending his knees and resting both hands upon the earth. 21. “Wretch. raising up his sword. Here. unwilling to behead the saint because of his faith. so that (he said) becoming fearful he [Elias] would be cleared [of the charges] by renouncing his faith. Bringing down the sword. one of the notables came by who had not yet been informed about the holy neomartyr Elias. Take it and go. and inquired about the execution. the reason given for burning Elias’ body is the fear that stories of his miraculous appearances would spread through the city. “Wretch. Then the sensible ones among the soldiers withdrew their swords. “We will provide you with this as compensation for the maltreatment and tortures which you suffered. however. they arranged payment [among themselves] twenty silver coins for him who would cut down the saint. . 20.

the holy neomartyr Elias continued to hang from the cross from the first of February of the year six thousand two hundred and eighty seven56 for fourteen days. See our comments in the Introduction. 58 Psalm. Sighing he said. which had never before appeared. While he was still hanging from the cross. known to the holy great martyr. At the same time the executioners washed the place where he was beheaded and gathering up the soil they threw it in the great current of the nearby Chrysorrhoes river55. but glorified him with many manifestations proclaiming his death honorable. 56 The year 6287 corresponds with the year 779 of the Byzantine era and the year 795 of the Alexandrian era. went down to Damascus for business purposes. but lives. Behold. EI 2 art. And another native of Helioupolis.104 STAMATINA MCGRATH he was amazed. demonstrating and reminding us that “the death of his saints is honorable before the Lord”58. This one did not die. Elisseéf. “Barad®”: 1:1029-1030 N. a perennial river flowing from the eastern slopes of Anti-Lebanon through the northern section of Damascus. and wanting to see what appearance he might have had. As some others relate. And many narrated afterward the things they witnessed. he bent down and taking hold of the saint’s hair he raised the saint’s face and turned it toward himself. greatest in relation to the circle of the moon. while others [said they saw] a most brilliant star. . 23.” Then the judge commanded that the body be dragged and hung outside the gates in the garden. some said they saw a radiant lamp shining brightly over his head. 22. 115: 6. 57 The statement that a star appeared annually at the place of Elias’ “burial” is problematic. He ordered that the gate of the garden be closed so that the saint’s body would be guarded securely. so that none of the Christians would be able to approach and take from it some kind of blessing. except since the time when the holy body of the young neomartyr was hung at that place. “It is a great thing to die for your faith. even until now this same star appears at that place during the same time of the year. Nevertheless.. as there was no official resting place for the saint—after being subjected to fire his remains were thrown into the river Barad® and recovered only in part by some faithful Christians. While on the road near or little more than fifteen markers from the metropolis he saw the holy great 55 Chrysorrhoas/Barad®. who had not yet learned of the fate that befell the saint. at the very place of the holy burial of the saint57. Nor did the Lord abandon his contender un-rewarded. he saw the saint’s face as though he were still alive and it was very radiant.

narrated that.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 105 martyr Elias coming before him. and after having suffered many things for Christ for days he was executed and hung as you see.” The countryman said. One of them arriving there and learning about the countryman’s experience. At any rate. For I see you are in a different station and position from the one I knew in the past. reaching the gate outside Damascus. is this not Elias from Helioupolis. alone. “Yes. “I. ‘Get up and see what these Christians are doing to the executed and crucified one.’ Then while the Arab was narrating these . He asked some locals whom he encountered there leaving the city.” Then the countryman shouted out with amazement. two hours ago. “Indeed. But I also saw Elias himself chanting with the choirs of children and addressing them.” 24. “Brothers. I am a neighbor of a certain Arab. dressed in white clothing and illuminated by radiant glory and riding on a white horse. and said. “Master Elias?” The saint responded. ‘I had been looking out of the window for some time and I saw that the Christians had hung a great lighted chandelier above the head of the crucified one. but [was accomplished by] the power of God. and how he had immediately disappeared. “By God. The saint said to his fellow countryman. and during the night I heard my neighbor calling upon his household and saying in the language of the Arabs. “Enter Damascus and there you will be told about my affairs. who is showing us that this executed one has achieved great glory having been killed for his faith. “It is I. This is not a trick of the Christians. While the conversation was still taking place he saw some of the faithful passing by and bowing down their heads before the saint’s cross. will tell you what God has revealed yesterday.” And immediately the saint disappeared. “Greetings. I would not have recognized you. the carpenter?” They responded. And he said. too. Will you then come to us at the village as was your habit to make our ploughs in accordance with your profession as a carpenter?” Then the saint said. he turned toward the cross of the saint and recognized him hanging. Astounded the countryman went away amazed at how he saw the saint. it is he. and sealing their faces with the sign of the cross.” Turning. the countryman said. today. who sanctified him [Elias]. I encountered him face to face sitting on a horse draped in white clothing and he said these words to me. glorifying his young holy great martyr. dear friend. And the executed one chanted along with the choirs as if he were living. had you not addressed me first. and after gathering up their priests and monks they have assembled choirs around his cross and they were chanting singing hymns of his trials.’ And raising up his household made inquiries to learn what had happened.

upon hearing the story commanded. since the surrounding guards prevent any man from approaching day or night. ‘Verily. that before the story of these visions spread. “S. as David says. sinning badly. placed another heap of firewood. Then the Arab went to Leithi. it is not possible these were deceits of men. he leaned out to see and could no longer see anything. “The just shouted out and the Lord listened to them”59. while on the other hand the body was preserved as were the bodies of the three holy children in the furnace (for neither did this one venerate an outdoor phantom). 59 60 . see the Introduction. note 1. I think because of the saying written by David. 33: 18. Then the guards took down the body of the saint and splitting the wood of his cross and laying it underneath. Antoine le néomartyr”. and the flame on the one hand rising up to the sky was enveloped in the conflagration. Abuladze. Monuments de la Littérature Hagiographique Géorgienne Ancienne I et II . Romain le néomartyr (+ 1 mai 780) d’apres un document géorgien”. Coming to his senses he said. 61 cf. He. growing weary and cutting the body in pieces they threw it in the great current of the nearby river. Analecta Bollandiana 30 (1911) 393-427. And the flame rose up to a great height in the sky. but accomplished nothing new by doing these things but burning the body only slightly. see P. Anthony RuwaΩ and Romanos the neomartyr that would be worth exploring further. not one of them will be shattered. 3: 1-23. he said. For the vita of ‘Abd-al Mas¬Ω. The Vita of Abo of Tiflis is found in I. vol. ‘Abd-al Mas¬Ω.”60 But the shameless ones. and you have taken us out to recover. 1 (Tbilisi: 1963-67) 46-81. especially in determining the hagiographical tradition to which all these stories belong. Later. that Christians may not take it and build churches and perform feasts celebrating his memory. Peeters. Psalm. 33: 21.’” 25. so that in this too the martyr could join in chanting. 62 Psalm. so. the eparch of the city. then placing the body upon it. and placing above it other flammable wood they set it on fire. as they did not bend their knee to the Persian images. but the most sacred body remained unburned. and “The Lord guards all their bones. 63 There are some parallels between the martyrdom of Elias and those of Abo of Tiflis.106 STAMATINA MCGRATH things to his household. and narrated [the events] secretly.63 Psalm. Peeters.”62 Then the guards were in amazement. “S. Analecta Bollandiana 31 (1912) 410-450 and for the life of Romanos see P. 65: 12. “We have been through fire and rain.. ed. I wish to thank Beate Zielke for the references to Abo of Tiflis and Anthony RuwaΩ. greater than the first. Concerning Anthony RuwaΩ. the saint’s body should be taken down from the cross and burned with fire.61 Again for the third time the guards threw more than thirty loads of vine branches in the conflagration. Dan.

And thereafter the saint exhibited the great strength of his spiritual energy. so that the saint’s relics may not be consigned again to obliteration by being recognized. After this the holy and great martyr appeared to many of the Christ loving brethren in Damascus revealing to them where some of his scattered holy limbs. speaking and disseminating grace. in Jesus Christ our Lord. they took them and keep them not openly. Like each of the saints enumerated in chapters in the bible faithfully. 11: 4. And accordingly.THE LIFE OF AN EIGHT-CENTURY SYRIAN SAINT 107 26. we too calling upon him with faith. through tortures and death and fire and water. . through which it was witnessed that he is just. Hebr. but anointing them with perfumed ointment they honor them in secrecy. And the lord rejoiced with his service through visions and appearances. and interceding constantly on the behalf of his Christian co-religionists and fellow servants. having the grace of the Holy Spirit embedded in his relics and providing cures. Looking carefully for them. that Christ had preserved. 64 There appears to be a corruption in the transmission of the text at this point based on the content and structure of this sentence. Amen. and appearing to those who appeal to this saint. to whom [is due] glory and power along with the eternal Father and the most Holy Spirit unto eternity. For he fixes his gaze [Elias?] upon his master and the angel and has the keenest ministering spirit in heaven sent out for service64. [Elias] “by faith offered” himself to God as “a greater sacrifice”65 like Abel over Cain. with God himself also witnessing in His gifts that having died in faith he [Elias] still speaks. were carried by the current. 65 cf. will find him an aid in every sorrow.

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Constantine rewarded his allies by elevating them to the high command and placing the resources of the empire at their disposal. and his reign as sole emperor (945-59) stands out as the pivotal stage in the wars against the Arabs during the tenth century. ou écrire sur la guerre. tactics and equipment. the changes in the military administration. and the increased recruitment of foreign mercenaries combine with the renewed interest in military theory to demonstrate the intensification of the Byzantine military effort during the reign of Constantine VII. Byzantine supremacy along the eastern frontiers did not come about easily or automatically. however.1 The sting of this disaster. Although Constantine was never to realise his ambition to accompany his soldiers in the field. the conquest of Cilicia. the improvements in training. in the pattern of his grandfather and founder of his dynasty. comme Léon VI” — so wrote Paul Lemerle in his essay on the military encyclopedias produced during the reign of Constantine VII. and the capture of Antioch — which would establish them as the dominant power in the eastern Mediterranean for the next century. the Byzantines stood poised to achieve a series of landmark victories — the recovery of Crete. At the time of the emperor’s death in November 959. painful to an emperor who had staked the prestige and divine sanction of his dynasty on the success of this venture. through much of Constantine’s reign the Byzantines lurched from one defeat to another. . True to the example of his father. The regulation of the soldiers’ properties. Constantine saw it as his duty to promote the revival of military science by collecting and copying treatises on warfare in its various aspects. After ousting his Lekapenid co-rulers with the support of military aristocrats whose fortunes were intertwined with his own. principally the members of the Phokas family. his place in the history of Byzantine military literature is assured. comme Basile Ier. was compounded by the humiliations visited upon the Byzantines by a new adversary whose rise to power coincided almost exactly with Constantine’s 1 The lists recording the mobilisation and rates of pay for this expedition have now been edited by Haldon (2000) 201-352. none more glaring than the failure of the expedition sent to take Crete in 949.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS OF CONSTANTINE VII Eric McGeer “Un empereur doit faire la guerre. yet he also aspired to lead his armies on campaign in person. In fact.

published by Hélène Ahrweiler. Vasiliev (1935-1968) II. published by Rudolf Vári. 6 Vári (1908) 75-85 (Greek text on pp. This was Sayf al-Dawla.M. 5 Ahrweiler (1967) 393-404 (Greek text on pp. Hamdanid emir of Aleppo from 944 until his death in 967. reviled in the Greek chronicles as the ‘foul’ or ‘impious Hamdan. and the corresponding damage to Constantine’s image as the divinely appointed defender of the Christian realm. Both were composed as circulars to be read out to the soldiers of the eastern armies. one of the major collections of military works assembled during the tenth and early eleventh centuries.5 The second. 310-16.4 and bolstering the morale of the ‘host beloved by Christ’ sent forth to fight against a foe singled out as the archenemy of the Christian faith. The élan and skill of Sayf’s leadership were at their best in the 956 campaign: HowardJohnston (1983). The two speeches are preserved in a single codex. spiritual and worldly.2 Much more significant than the material gains and losses resulting from these campaigns were the reputation and propaganda value which the Muslim emir acquired from his exploits against the infidel.3 The Byzantine response to the challenge posed by Sayf al-Dawla was therefore not confined to the battlefield. .112 ERIC MCGEER assumption of sole authority. the Ambrosianus B 119 sup. 7 Dain (1967).1 311-80. 78-84).6 What follows is a translation and discussion of the two harangues which will set them in their historical context and explore them as sources for the study of military policy and ideology during the reign of Constantine VII.’ who in the spirit of the djihad led yearly raids into Byzantine territory. Two harangues attributed to Constantine VII record the appeals and the incentives. was composed at the moment when the tide had turned decisively in favour of the Byzantines. 8 Mazzucchi (1978) 276-92. The first. 3 The poems of Mutanabbi memorably convey the drama and spirit of Sayf’s campaigns: see Canard (1973). seizing booty and prisoners and scoring some notable successes against the foremost Byzantine commanders of the time.8 From the dedication extolling the military 2 The course of these wars is traced by Canard (1951) 715-863. comes from the early stages of the ByzantineHamdanid conflict when Sayf’s reputation was on the rise. 397-9).. 4 McCormick (1986) 159-78. it also involved staging triumphs and ceremonies to promote the aura of imperial victory. and both refer directly to Sayf al-Dawla as the enemy they must confront.7 The Ambrosianus has been studied in detail by C. by which the emperor sought to rouse the martial ardour of his men. Mazzucchi whose analysis clarified a number of points relating to the origin of the manuscript and the chronology of Constantine’s speeches.

Basil’s interest in the documents pertaining to the 949 expedition is noted by Haldon (2000) 236-8. The first is a sixth-century manual known as the Rhetorica militaris10. variation of tone and emotion. or exhortations. 302-3.12 putting us at one remove (at least) from the oration as composed by Constantine or drafted for him by an official. the Rhetorica militaris in fact forms part of a larger work attributed to Syrianus Magister: see Zuckerman (1990) 209-24 (in which a forthcoming edition of Syrianus’s text is announced). note 79. and Hunger (1978) II 327-8.14 The ability to rouse the courage of their soldiers with the spoken word ranked high among the desirable attributes of Byzantine generals. 11 Dain (1967) 364. with its dramatic effects of timing. and the power of oratory to inspire soldiers could be used to great effect by ancient commanders. esp. see Brokkaar (1972). Herodian). the full text is found in the Laurentianus LV. 13 It is possible that Theodore Daphnopates had a hand in the composition of the second speech. is discussed by Keegan (1987) 54-9. Flavius Josephus. outlined in the Rhetorica militaris.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 113 achievements of Basil the parakoimomenos and from the presence of several works on naval warfare. 14 Alexander the Great’s use of oratory. and performance. Mazzucchi (1978) 303-4. Only a portion of the text is preserved in the Ambrosianus. Once thought to be anonymous. Köchly (1856). 4. an expedition which the ambitious Basil had apparently hoped to lead. see also Dain (1967) 343-4. when the large force under Nikephoros Phokas set sail for Crete.9 An inventory of the manuscript’s contents shows that the parakoimomenos had reserved a section for works of military oratory. 12 Cf. which Daphnopates is thought to have written. It is evident that they were included as contemporary models of the protreptikoi logoi. suggest. the great military manuscript copied during the reign of Constantine VII. note 110. and therefore underwent slight revisions to give them the faceless character proper to literary exemplars. In three places in the second speech. as the parallels between this work and the final portion of Theophanes continuatus. and the two harangues of Constantine VII.13 The art of inciting men to battle is as old as the Iliad. Mazzucchi concluded that the manuscript was commissioned by the eunuch and courtier Basil Lekapenos sometime between his return from his successful eastern campaign in the autumn of 958 and June of 960. 10 Ed. Bouras (1989). particularly the second. . the copyist replaced the name of a Byzantine commander with the elliptic ı de›na (‘so and so’) or a generic plural. as shown by an Alexander or a Caesar. see below.11 The attachment of the imperial harangues to this small anthology of military rhetoric has some bearing on the study of the two speeches. On Basil’s life and career. who could pad their repertoires with the pithy sayings and beaux gestes of illustrious 9 Mazzucchi (1978) 292-5. which is followed by a collection of military speeches (Conciones militares) drawn from the ancients (Xenophon.

12-23. however. the orations read out to the army also formed. should be taken in connection with our two harangues: Haldon (1990) Text C. 5456 . The officers select those men who are eloquent and capable of addressing the army.12. 72.20-31. chapter XXIII. 17 Dagron. Sylloge tacticorum. VII A. offering advice.15 On a more formal level. 600) records brief instructions on the ‘useful role’ of the cantatores. Mihaescu (1986). and the ideals for which it fought. an integral part of the imperial propaganda which affirmed the army’s special status. The formulaic nature of these set pieces. by men from among the soldiers themselves or their officers.12. De Creta capta I. 448.7-18). heralds ‘who before the clash of arms should say a few words of encouragement [tina . and commentary 284-6. These are the men who incite the army with speeches. along with acclamations. sections 76-102.23-74. Such a task should be performed.45-52.5-13. The Strategikon of Maurice (ca. for E. to which the Rhetorica militaris belonged. as recorded in Byzantine sources. 21.17 and in his second harangue Constantine himself praises a commander who made effective use of ‘inspiring speeches’ (logois protreptikois) as he led his forces on a successful raid into the regions of Tarsos. with comments on 284-6.114 ERIC MCGEER commanders recorded in the military handbooks.12. IV. should not obscure the valuable function ascribed to them by Byzantine tacticians.140-166.10. be included in the imperial campaign baggage: Haldon (1990) Text C. 441. a work he certainly knew.19 A reading of Constantine’s speeches reveals the influence of the Rhetorica militaris. protreptika] reminding the soldiers of previous victories. as with other branches of rhetoric.. 20 Constantine recommends that the text of Syrianus Magister.59-70. 19 Koutrakou (1993) 350-86. Speeches of Arab leaders to their men. and daily religious rituals. repeating their message. if possible. 442-3. 18 The speeches put in the mouths of emperors or commanders lend dramatic effect to the narratives of campaigns and battles: see Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 436.. and commentary 210-12. its loyalty to the emperor. 130. Strategikon II.19. make an interesting contrast: Karapli (1993). The salutation recited by the emperor to his soldiers.g. recorded in the third of the three campaign treatises prepared by Constantine. official salutations. 70.196-204. following the design and examples laid out in the aforementioned Rhetorica militaris. Leonis Tactica II. 73-100.20 and of his father Leo VI’s Taktika (extensively reworked during Constantine’s reign). 439 (recycled in Theophanes continuatus 478. and summoning it to battle. Leo the Deacon 12. in which the contents suitable to an address to soldiers are summarised as follows: XII. the technique of composing and delivering military orations was well established.4.19-131.466-473. We think that the role of the so-called cantatores is appropriate at the time of battle.’16 The author of the De velitatione (ca. 970) instructs the commander to deliver a speech ‘sweet as honey’ to his men to stir their courage before they close with the enemy. 15 16 .18 In a broader sense. II.

that it is for their brethren of the same faith and. they should remind them of the reward of faith in God. 284-6.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 115 the sharing of hardship and the toils of war make the listeners more receptive to fellow soldiers who accompany them. have Him set against them. delivered at the right moment. These themes all appear. that the memory of those who earn distinction in wars for the freedom of their brethren remains eternal.21 Yet despite the derivative character of the two harangues. Dagron. and by Sevcenko (1992) 187 note 49 (who also lists corrections to Vári’s edition of the second harangue). in greater or lesser measure. as unbelievers. they are more than mere rhetorical exercises or a pastiche of clichés. We come now to the translations of the texts themselves. that this struggle is against the enemies of God. Most importantly. Mihaescu (1986) 161-2. XII.22 The first harangue can be divided into five main sections: 21 On these and other passages of the Taktika. 224-32.71 The cantatores should say such words of encouragement as these to the army facing battle: first. of the emperor’s benefactions. [the cantatores] should stimulate morale. He was also the heir to the distinction his father had drawn half a century earlier between the Christian empire and the realm of Islam. Who holds the power to decide the outcome. and they shed light on the question of morale and motivation in the armies of the time. moreover. they bear witness to the changes in Byzantine military policy during the 950s. 22 I have taken into account the (minor) corrections made to Ahrweiler’s Greek text by Mazzucchi (1978) 296 note 83. see Dagron (1983). and how he hoped to translate military success into confirmation of the divinely sanctioned legitimacy of his dynasty. for their wives and children and their fatherland. and that we have God as our ally. and of previous successes. can rouse spirits mightily. that the battle is for the sake of God and for the love of Him and for the whole nation. and thinking of anything else in a similar vein. and Leo VI’s reaction to the Arabs. They refer to contemporary events. shaped to the circumstances of the moment. in both of Constantine’s circulars. they display the image which Constantine VII — an emperor ever mindful of the precariousness of imperial power and succession — sought to promote among his soldiers. . now manifest in the struggle between the heroic defenders of Christian Byzantium and the forces of Sayf al-Dawla along the eastern frontiers. I wish to thank Alice-Mary Talbot and Paul Magdalino for reviewing the translations and suggesting a number of improvements. This sort of address. whereas the enemy. as it may be. more than any amount of money can. esp.

1 341-6.25 This truculent rejection of terms. emboldened by their victories and by their faith in Christ. 23 24 . to fight even more eagerly against the enemies of God. was defiantly refused by Sayf. strategos of Cappadocia.4. 5) administration of an oath to imperial officials to submit accurate reports of the army’s actions and to identify the soldiers and officers deserving of rewards. which follows the appeals to his soldiers in section 2 to return to the struggle against the enemy with the confidence derived from their victory and their hope in Christ.55-6 (Basil I). during the spring and summer of that year.2 308-14. the second. Canard (1951) 763-70. among the truly virtuous and worthy. The first was his assault on the small fortress of Buqa when he succeeded in taking Nasir al-Dawla prisoner and inflicting heavy losses on the enemy. 26 Theophanes continuatus 271. This offer.116 ERIC MCGEER 1) introduction praising the army’s recent victories which have won fame throughout the empire. Skylitzes 137. Mazzucchi (1978) 296-8.23 The recent (pr≈hn) triumphs over the Hamdanids which the emperor lauds in section 1 are without question those achieved by Leo Phokas. 25 Mutanabbi’s poems recounting the 950 disaster are replete with Sayf’s promises of revenge: Vasiliev (1935-68) II. lies behind Constantine’s lengthy disparagement of the Hamdanid emir’s bluster and theatrics in section 3 (roughly a quarter of the speech). but for our purposes it is significant to note that the Byzantines initially chose to exploit their success not with military action but with the prompt offer of a truce and exchange of prisoners. Leo the Deacon 53. but Mazzucchi’s arguments for an earlier dating must be accepted.19-54. 4) expression of the emperor’s longing to be with his soldiers in person. Vasiliev (1935-68) II. came in October 950 when Phokas’s forces ambushed Sayf al-Dawla’s army as it returned laden with plunder from a raid into Byzantine territory.1-2. raising the prospect of further defensive campaigns against Sayf. Mihaescu (1986) 301-6. The correspondence between this sequence of events and the contents of the speech places its composition and delivery late in the year 950. Ahrweiler proposed that the speech should be dated to the years 952-3. 2) exhortation to the soldiers. however. 3) dismissal of Sayf’s boasts and posturing as a bluff concealing his fear and weakness in the wake of his defeat. who vowed instead to avenge his defeat by resuming his raids into the realm of the infidel with even greater zeal. and more spectacular feat of arms.24 These achievements were all the more praiseworthy since they offset the failure of the expedition to Crete the year before. Dagron.

and what great tidings have been brought back to me through the reports of my faithful servants. equipment unmatched in craftsmanship. like grass after the mower. And so. McGeer (1995) 238-42. Nikephoros Phokas brought his army back to Cappadocia and dismissed the soldiers with gifts and rewards. and to confer promotion and rewards for valour. the amount of courage. the amount of zeal. and lacked nothing at all of those things which bring security and cause astonishment. even though they were mounted on horses whose speed made them impossible to overtake. for they have given me accurate information.28 even though they were protected by equipment unmatched in strength. as the soldiers disbanded for the winter and received instructions on their mobilisation for the campaign the following spring. As I receive word of the surpassing renown of your exploits. [MILITARY ORATION OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE]27 1. which have reached every corner of the world. saith the Lord. they have given me a true account of your valour. and the historian Leo the Deacon records that at the end of the 964 campaign. and how you were embroiled in combat not as if against men but as if triumphing over feeble women. to apportion plunder. you have set up such trophies as these against the enemy. But since they were without the one paramount advantage. but rather dealing with them as though it were child’s play. I do not know what words of praise from the emperor’s tongue I shall now fashion for you. 29 Jeremiah 9: 22 .TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 117 Commanders returning from campaign held reviews before disbanding their armies to take stock of their manpower and equipment. and there was none to gather them29. the amount of spirit you have displayed against the enemy. Basil I had conducted such ceremonies. all of their advantages were reduced to nothing and were in vain. you have striven for such victories as these. succeeding not as in battle or in war. 28 The great speed of the horses ridden by the Bedouin was frequently remarked upon by Byzantine observers: cf. and have made you famous not only in your native lands but also in 27 The title and first letter are missing in the manuscript. bidding them return in the spring with their weapons and horses in good condition. by which I mean hope in Christ.26 We may assume that Constantine’s speech was read out in a similar scene. for reasons explained by Mazzucchi (1978) 303-4. and after entrusting your souls to it. What great things I have heard about you. men. their carcasses were for an example on the face of the field. With confidence in this hope.

Who brings low the eyes of the overweening37 and teaches the hands of those who hope in Him to war38. 30 31 . he goes to the attack with great boldness against an opponent now clearly perceived for what he is. emboldened by this faith. men. for the very nature of affairs teaches me. my strength and my indomitable might. All the more so with regard to the enemy — we know that they will not come back with the same zeal now that they have sampled your bravery. Therefore have no fear. like the Egyptians long ago. have no fear. What then? Do men know that those who fight on their behalf are rewarded. I still want you men. 34 (LXX) 39 Psalm 17: 34-35 (LXX) 40 The accounts of the 950 campaign record that the last phase of the battle took place along the shores of Lake al-Hadat. once having dispelled all the fear31 which troubled him before the trial. my peculiar people30. Who alone is strong and mighty in battle32. and gives to them the shield of His salvation39. Whose sword is sharpened like lightning33. Whose weapons are drunk with the blood34 of those set against Him. makes their arms as a brazen bow. Be the avengers and champions not only of Christians but of Christ Himself. and instead of our whole panoply let us arm ourselves with His cross. and will Christ not stretch forth His hand to those girded for battle against His foes? He is our ally. 2. but will hold back and look warily. and they will guard against suffering the same fate as before. The man who has engaged his adversary and won does not afterwards regard him as he did before but. 32 Psalm 23: 8 (LXX) 33 Deuteronomy 32: 41 34 Deuteronomy 32: 42 35 Psalm 75: 3 (LXX) 36 Isaiah 25: 2 37 Isaiah 5: 15 38 Psalm 17: 30. And so let us put all our hope in Him. Exodus 19: 5 Reading ëpan tÚ d°ow ˜ prÚ t∞w pe¤raw. to fight against the enemy more eagerly than before. Now your wondrous deeds are on every tongue. fill your souls with zeal and show the enemy who rely on the help of Beliar or Muhammad what those who put their faith in Christ can accomplish. Who breaks bows35 and makes strong cities a heap36. Whom they wickedly deny. I know without a doubt that you will fight more eagerly. and every ear is roused to hear of them. What now inspires courage in you assuredly drives fear into them.118 ERIC MCGEER every city. you consigned to the waters40. and the others whom. equipped with which you have lately made the fierce soldiers of the Hamdanid the victims of your swords. my men.

even though he is putting up a bold and confident front. hunts with craft. We have heard that the men whom the foul Hamdanid had. what great desire inflames my soul. how much fear oppresses it. I dream of those days. but with confidence in Christ rise up against the foe. for if he were truly confident he would not resort to these tricks and ruses. I am now consumed by the matter. And so do not let these actions trouble you43. he knows not what will become of him and where to turn. the lion. In truth. pay no heed to his theatrics. he is trying to put fear in your minds with ruses and deceptions. he says41. Do you not see how the king of beasts. I would much prefer to don my breastplate and put my helmet on my head. Reading pantÚw ploÊtou kerdale≈teron. my people. the Hamdanid has no power. All of this is the product of a deeply frightened mind. 4. and how much glory the man who does so achieves for himself. he is falling back on artful devices. or that from another quarter a vast sum of money has been sent to him. were his whole arm and might. and cowardly creatures like him who lack true strength. Were it possible to look into the mind of the Hamdanid. while at other times he has exaggerated rumours spread about for the consternation of his listeners. .TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 119 3. and with craft tries to escape being hunted. You know how virtuous it is to fight on behalf of Christians. One moment he proclaims that another force is on its way to him and that allies have been despatched from elsewhere. by contrast. Reading mØ taËta oÔn Ímçw. he goes straight for his adversary. Do not believe in his skills and wiles — he is afraid42. seeks refuge in cunning. Now that he is at a loss for real strength. The fox. they that are left shall be as a fleeing fawn. then you would see how much cowardice. You who have so easily routed those so brave. knows no ruses nor devises tricks? Laying aside such worthless trifles. to brandish my spear in my right hand and to hear the trumpet 41 42 43 44 Isaiah 13: 11. how will you appear to the ones left behind who are unfit for war. and without a reliable force. he is devious. on account of his innate superiority. and as a stray sheep. and confident in his natural strength. and how as he hears of your power and regards your onslaught with apprehension. the ones in whom he invested his hopes. in mortal fear of your onslaught and driven back headlong by it. more praiseworthy that all other honour. What great yearning possesses me. This is more profitable than all wealth44. not of a confident one. Reading deilÒw for deinÒw. who are utterly terrified and intimidated? The words of the holy Isaiah are not inappropriate to them.

while the strategoi of larger themes will be honoured with gifts and other recompense.502-511. promotions. but also the rest. On this new distinction between “large” and “small” themes. . before goodness and truth. you will keep written records. whereas the former are for those only who love virtue. and it appears to have been exploited for 45 In other words. but that you will inform Our Majesty about all events. but because I wanted to use them as my eyes. I therefore administer this oath to you in the name of God and upon our person and life. and to hear the imperial acclamations. For the latter are given by God in the ways that He knows. we will ourselves present awards to the combatants47. to wield the sceptre. long established themes lying to the interior. others kleisourarchs or topoteretai. 47 The gifts bestowed by the emperor and the protocol of such an occasion can be inferred from a passage in the third of Constantine’s three campaign treatises: Haldon (1990) Text C. members of the common soldiery who display the traits of valour. whereas the commanders of the tagmata and other units who fight courageously will be rewarded in proportion to their deeds. But we who now receive information through you about each soldier will soon not have you or any other witness to these men. 46 The novel of Nikephoros Phokas dealing with the Armenian themes refers to abandoned military lands being given as rewards to soldiers who had distinguished themselves in battle: McGeer (2000) 86-9. and when we are present in person and beholding for ourselves the valour of each man. for those only who esteem glory before pleasure. Not only these men. will be promoted to command of the larger. see Oikonomides (1972) 345-6. Better yet. just as each of you has the virtue and will to do. 5. in order that we will look with favour upon the men and deem them worthy of our praises and rewards. so that when you come here you may tell us. and often to those who are not worthy. I shall now bind them with an oath and turn my address to them. gifts. will receive their due reward46. The strategoi who command the smaller themes will be transferred to larger ones45. and note 1016. It is not for no reason that I have sent out my officials to these places. Haldon (1990) 251. The victory which prompted Constantine’s harangue had restored much needed prestige to his régime. that you will esteem nothing before our love. some to become tourmarchs. known as the “Armenian themes” (first attested during Constantine’s reign). and the division of spoils: Haldon (1984) 307-18. 328-37. the commanders of the small frontier zones. but our eyes alone. or to say it better. than to put on the crown and the purple.120 ERIC MCGEER calling us to battle. Other rewards will have included cash donatives.

As we shall see. the nearly unbroken string of triumphs won by Sayf during the early 950s proved to be his undoing. 91-2. however. and 48 Cf. Where the first was addressed to a local theme commander and his men in recognition of a successful defensive action. the second is to an army rigorously selected and trained for offensive operations. 50 Canard (1951) 770-93. from a policy of containment to one of outright conquest. A recent paper by Jonathan Shepard has shown how the aims and methods of Byzantine policy along the eastern frontiers shifted during the reign of Constantine VII. as he declares in the concluding portion of his address. Only when the raids of Sayf al-Dawla proved too much for local Byzantine defensive forces to handle. Ironically enough. . is reflected in our two speeches. and the comments of Sevcenko (1992) 170 note 8.51 The emperor initially pursued a policy that was defensive in purpose. reinforced by units transferred from the western provinces of the empire and by contingents of foreign mercenaries. in light of Leo Phokas’s recent victories: Odorico (1987) 68-9. and thus to emulate his grandfather Basil I who had led his armies to victory against the Paulicians and Arabs in the campaigns recounted in the Vita Basilii.48 It also kindled the emperor’s desire to take part in a military expedition. 76-80.49 Subsequent events were to conspire against the emperor’s reprise of dynastic glory. for the promise of Leo Phokas’s victory soon evaporated as Sayf al-Dawla made good his threats and went on to enjoy his greatest period of success between 951 and 956.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 121 its propaganda value far out of proportion to its actual gains. 49 It was at about this time that Constantine began to assemble the materials for his second treatise on imperial expeditions to the east: Haldon (1990) 52-3. Commentators have tended to take Constantine’s declaration as more wishful than realistic. and designed to deny passage to Arab raiders seeking to break into central Anatolia.50 Yet Constantine did not renounce his ambition to accompany his army on campaign. but one purpose of this paper will be to demonstrate that he fully intended to go on a campaign when the right opportunity presented itself. and when his intransigence ruled out a diplomatic rapprochement. did Constantine decide to turn the full might of his armies against the Hamdanids and their bases along the southeastern frontiers. the triumphant note struck in the poem composed for Romanos II in 950. The transition which Shepard traces. see also idem (2002). directed primarily towards the regions of the Caucasus and the Armenian principalities controlling strategic areas along the upper Euphrates. he would revive this project in his second harangue. 51 Shepard (2001).

Skylitzes 241. in contrast to its dismal performance under the incompetent Bardas. as should a series of recent successes against the Hamdanids and their allies.4-18. 2) his appointment of loyal. 6) the soldiers are urged to show their courage and martial prowess to the foreign contingents present in the ranks. Zonaras III 492. his despatch of holy water sanctified by contact with the True Cross and relics of the Passion. 3) the emperor’s joy that the army is now ready for battle. The Greek chronicles all record the swift revitalisation of the army under Nikephoros’s direction. The following summary will help to establish the background of the second harangue and its points of interest: 1) introduction expressing the emperor’s desire to address and inspire his soldiers. . 8) the emperor’s love for his soldiers.12. 4) earlier successes owed more to chance than to courage. which brought a series of impressive victories during the late 950s.122 ERIC MCGEER succoured from on high through the prayers of holy men and the miracleworking power of the most sacred relics. 4. and 5. competent commanders to select and train the most courageous soldiers for the coming expedition. The events leading up to the occasion for which the speech was composed can be retraced from a number of allusions in sections 2.13. It displays the full deployment of the empire’s military strength for a war in which the aims were no less than the subjugation and annexation of the Muslim territories in Cilicia and northern Syria. 5) the emperor’s readiness to bring his son on a future campaign should inspire the soldiers. see also Dagron.52 The painstaking 52 Theophanes continuatus 459. 7) the emperor encourages a spirit of comradeship between the soldiers of the eastern and western armies brought together for this campaign.15-493.13-460. but this select body of men is urged to display its valour to the imperial officials accompanying the army. and his solicitation of prayers from monks and holy men for the soldiers’ welfare. and his prayers for the army’s safe conduct and return. Mihaescu (1986) 275-80. The remarks on the undeserved successes of earlier years and the purge of the army’s ranks noted in section 4 hearken back to Constantine’s dismissal of Bardas Phokas after the rout of the Byzantine army at the battle of Hadat in October 954 and his promotion of Nikephoros Phokas to supreme command in 955. his children with whom he is united in body and soul.

55 reference to a more recent campaign clarifies the date and occasion of the speech.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 123 process of selection and training of the soldiers to which Constantine refers throughout sections 2 to 4 is fully in keeping with the methods employed by Nikephoros to develop battleworthy armies. follows the pattern of a homily and presents the emperor in a more exalted relation to his soldiers. took place in the year 956. in section 2) is a generic plural masking the original reference to Basil Lekapenos.1 362-4.4. notes 102 and 110. for the sense that the decisive moment is now at hand pervades the speech and lends the emperor’s appeals an urgency and anticipation not found in the first harangue. The discussion follows Mazzucchi (1978) 299-303. At the end of section 5. It was upon receiving word of Tzimiskes’s successful operations in June. note 81.57 As Mazzucchi noted. Constantine extols ‘the host despatched a short while ago to Mesopotamia with the patrikios so-and-so’ which inflicted a crushing defeat on the Hamdanid force sent to oppose it. note 83. Theophanes continuatus 461.53 References in sections 5 and 7 to recent military activities can be collated with contemporary sources to bring the background of the harangue into sharper focus. The setting of the second harangue does much to account for its impassioned tone. a feature noted by contemporary Greek and Arab observers alike.9-462. . Where in the first harangue Constantine had addressed his 53 54 55 56 57 See below. Canard (1951) 793-6. who as patrikios and strategos of Mesopotamia took an army into the area of Amida in June of 958 and routed an enemy force commanded by Sayf al-Dawla’s lieutenant Naja al-Kasaki. This combined army took the town in less than a day. Vasiliev (1935-68) II. that Constantine sent his address to be read to the soldiers under the command of the parakoimomenos. esp. and concluding doxology. The commander in question was John Tzimiskes. and went on to annihilate another Hamdanid force. the emperor’s commendation of his ‘most worthy servants’ (yerãpontew. a foray into the region of Tarsos led by Basil Hexamilites and an expedition to southern Italy led by Marianos Argyros. selection and elaboration of Scriptural passages. See below. and as Lekapenos’s forces prepared to embark on the second phase of the campaign in August or September. near the fortress of Raban in October or November of 958. with its introductory greeting. as is the increasingly conspicuous presence of foreign soldiers in the the army’s ranks.56 Later that summer.54 Two of the campaigns mentioned. led this time by Sayf himself. a second Byzantine army under the command of the parakoimomenos Basil Lekapenos joined Tzimiskes’s forces for an assault on Samosata. The contrast begins with the structure of the piece which.

and every one members of another’). as the situation is presented in Symeon’s letter. Romans 12: 4-5 (‘for as we have many members in one body .453-454. His efforts. and enjoining the army as an aggregate of different parts to strive as one body for the same goal. such as the following letter attributed to Symeon the magistros and addressed to the monastic communities of Olympos. Constantine frames his address in terms emphasizing the parallel between Christ and Christians. and the lengthier passage in I Corinthians 12: 12-27 which portrays Christ as one body whose parts are all the Christians. His appeal to the soldiers as his ‘beloved children’ echoes the words of Paul. Imperial requests for prayers are are found in official correspondence.. His words recall a number of passages in the New Testament. 58 59 . Constantine is at pains to assure his men that he has done all humanly possible to secure their success on the battlefield. and considers his body and soul one with theirs.. it must surely date from Constantine’s reign.’) Constantine goes on to declare that out of love for his soldiers he gives to them his whole being. note 83.59 The letter solicits the monks’ prayers for the armies gathering for battle against Sayf alDawla. have not been restricted to earthly measures. being many. Darrouzès (1960) 146-7. see also Haldon (1990) Text C. Beginning with a citation from John 3: 16 (‘for God so loved the world. who addressed the Corinthians in the same way. such as Ephesians 5: 30 (‘for we are members of His body. to reassure them of his concern for their welfare. In his role as sovereign and father. By 963 the Byzantines were pounding at Sayf’s gates.58 he forges closer bonds of unity and kinship between army and emperor in the second. Another letter seeking prayers for a force on its way to Calabria (idem 148) may refer to Marianos Argyros’s expedition in 956: see below. Kyminas. are one body in Christ.. emperor and army. and reinforces the image of the soldiers being the emperor’s flesh and blood. and Athos. although the editor puts this letter between 963 and 967. and that his officials have faithfully carried out his instructions to prepare a select force made up of proven soldiers and officers. Latros.. and commentary 242-3. of His flesh.124 ERIC MCGEER men as ‘my peculiar people’ (Exodus 19: 5). and to expect their obedience. for his solicitude has also led him to invoke the aid of higher tutelary powers through the prayers of monks and holy men. and of His bones’). but it also confers upon him the paternal authority to admonish them as his sons. an appellation likening the special status of the army with the covenant between God and the people of Israel. not the other way around. however. mixes his flesh and blood with theirs. and is worth presenting in full: Koutrakou (1993) 416. so we. Speaking as Christ’s regent on earth. and expresses the unity of the parts acting in harmony for the good of the whole.

are now communicated physically to the soldiers by the emperor’s despatch of holy water sanctified by contact with the fragments of the True Cross and the relics of the Passion. on the rituals of purification before battle. The combination is significant. in other words. But when this labour is for the safety of Christians. my most honoured fathers. On the translation and use of relics in this period. 60 61 . abstract in the first speech. In his first harangue Constantine had called upon his soldiers to place their hope in Christ and ‘to arm themselves with His cross’. we call upon your piety to raise your holy hands to God with greater earnest and to entreat His goodness not to turn His eyes away from His people nor on account of our sins to allow the impious to defile His holy name. Kalavrezou (1994). of course. the pre-eminent symbol of salvation and victory. James (2001). Thierry (1981).61 Cheynet (1993). Luzzi (1991). with the help of God. the stavros nikopoios long cherished by Byzantine armies. since the symbol of imperial victory was now accompanied by the symbols of the triumph over death and the redemption from sin. I am sure that it is not an unwelcome task but one you perform with pleasure.60 But the power of the cross and the presence of Christ. The soldiers were to be anointed with the holy water to ‘invest them with divine power from on high’ and to ‘furnish them with confidence and might and domination against the enemy’. for they are from everlasting and to strengthen his chosen people.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 125 I know that I have become a provider of toils and troubles to you. We have at the same time written to the most holy and divinely beloved metropolitan of Kyzikos so that he too may direct you to offer your devout prayers and entreaties on behalf of Christians. but to remember his compassions. See also McCormick (1986) 237-52. and it had particular relevance for Constantine VII whose dynastic propaganda emphasized his association with Constantine the Great. Flusin (1999). see Mergiali-Sahas (2001). Since we have once again been informed that an expedition of the impious Hamdan is now at our gates and that our armies. are about to confront him in battle. to strengthen them in body and soul and to protect them in battle. Markopoulos (1994). and Barker (1993). The supplication of divine intercession through the prayers of monks and holy men is but one aspect of the spiritual comforts the emperor sought to provide for his army. The cross was. so that again He may be glorified upon the rash and hostile soul of Pharaoh and we may sing a hymn of victory and a song of thanksgiving to thy name glorified for eternity. writing continually and enjoining you to offer prayers and entreaties to the Lord.

62 and it is the first list to identify a set of relics which at an unknown time. As a final incentive to his men. and Koder (1989). Mango (1956). but as the Mandylion was deposited in the chapel of the Pharos upon its arrival in Constantinople in 944.64 This triumph is described at length in the third treatise on imperial expeditions. 52-3 for the date of the treatise. 65 Haldon (1990) Text C.18-279. Janin (1969) 232-6. 64 Theophanes continuatus 277. The first triumph held in Constantinople 62 Cf. but I would argue that the favourable military situation and the accompaniment of his son. were grouped with the True Cross and the Lance. now of an age to go on campaign. see Jenkins. and appears to have furnished the script which Constantine wished to follow upon returning with his son from a tour of the frontier in his grandfather’s footsteps.13. The Vita Basilii records that Basil I took his eldest son and heir Constantine with him on the expedition to Syria in 878 so as to instruct the young man in the art of war and to inure him to the hardships of campaigning.63 Where the other relics were kept at this time is not stated. see also Gould (1981) 336-41. Kalavrezou (1994) 55-7. and in unknown circumstances. and concludes with the triumph celebrated by Basil and Constantine upon their return to the City. it is most likely that the Passion relics were stored there. with comments on the protocol for display of the True Cross in military processions. and comrades in arms. however.126 ERIC MCGEER The list of Passion relics which Constantine gives in his harangue is of particular interest. As to the location of the relics mentioned in the speech. both known to have been transferred to Constantinople in the early seventh century. see ibid. composed about the year 95865. coemperor. . see also Lemerle (1973) 104-10. and heir Romanos. 245-7 (with further references). set the stage for the realisation of a grander purpose. Lafitte (Paris: 2001) 20-36.724-807. fellow infantrymen. we know from the De cerimoniis that by the mid-tenth century three fragments of the True Cross were kept in the palatine chapel of the Theotokos tou Pharou. The problem of legitimation was not unknown to Basil I: see McCormick (1986) 152-7. 63 Haldon (1990) Text C. The most recent survey of the relics of the True Cross and of the Passion in Constantinople is in Durand. with commentary 268-85. The account of the campaign goes on to list the towns and fortresses brought under imperial control. Bouras (1989). It comes nearly two centuries before the inventories of relics in pilgrim itineraries and other sources begin to appear.’ He thus reiterates the promise made in his first harangue. on the Theotokou tou Pharou.487. The gift of holy water is also offered in compensation for the emperor’s absence. the studies of the contemporary Limburg Staurothek by Sevcenko (1994). Constantine announces that success in the coming expedition will prepare the way for him and his son to accompany the army on a future campaign ‘as fellow cavalrymen.

The sacred words of the holy Gospel. to make those so inclined more brave. ‘I set my foot upon strange ground . and right away I must begin an even stranger journey’ — death intervened on 9 November 959. a host assembled by God.66-247. John 3: 16. is my heart’s desire and dear to me. For I do not so love and cherish my soldiers and deem you worthy of every address and salutation as not to carry out this very act in writing to you.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 127 during Constantine’s reign was staged largely to prop up the sagging reputation of his dynasty. another celebrated the combined achievements of Tzimiskes and Lekapenos in 958. is supported by evidence from three sources.66 but a triumphal entry of his own would have made manifest the divine sanction of his rule and. Sevcenko (1969-70) 213. and to inspire the more sluggish and to rouse them to boldness and hardiness is familiar to me and has become more pleasing than all enjoyment and all delight. and. The spectre of assassination. and his plans to lead his armies on campaign came to nothing. as to courage. usurpation. just as to be deprived of conversing with you is in my judgement distressing and painful. To speak to you often. and palace coups which hung over his dynasty could hardly have set his mind at ease as he contemplated the prospects for his own son’s uncontested accession to power.67 But as the dirge composed for the emperor laments. ADDRESS OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE VII TO THE STRATEGOI OF THE EAST 1. and the most excellent share of the lordly inheritance. an intention which the victories won by Tzimiskes and Lekapenos could only have affirmed. and as events were to prove. Skylitzes 246. Constantine was old and infirm by 958. 214. not long for this world. helped to secure the succession of Romanos. on the brink of success against the Muslim archenemy. . 221. much more importantly.83. wishing to express the greatness of God the Father’s love for mankind.. regency. say For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son68 unto 66 67 68 McCormick (1986) 159-67.. whom the sole eternal and immortal sovereign has in His boundless compassion granted to me as my legacy. while to teach and instruct you in the art of war through my words. That Constantine did in fact intend to go to Syria in 959. McGeer (2000) 82-5. Now. the opportunity beckoned to go to war at the head of his army and to embody the legitimating principle of imperial victory. but to exhort your good will and obedience with my tongue is most pleasing of all to me and eagerly sought. even without a proper occasion.

we do not take this moment lightly. the most worthy. Why is that? In our wish to present the zeal and ardour and warmth of our yearning for you. I distribute and divide among all of you. selection. distinguished by wisdom and experience. and I link and mix my flesh with your flesh and my bones with your bones. 69 70 71 72 73 . whom I have begotten through the Gospel69 and implanted in the inheritance of God70.73 Their first task is to pick out the most courageous and valiant among you and to separate these men from the others so that your virtue will not remain unnoticed and unremarked because the cowardice of the latter has overshadowed and obscured your courage. For my heart and my flesh. toil. let them bring our Christ-loving tagcf. 2. such a courageous and valiant host. and held by us in greater esteem than the others. and my very soul. How indeed could one not exult and rejoice and be gladdened when God has bestowed upon His inheritance such armies. so that you can see that after wrenching them away from the seat of our affections and our heart we have set them over you as your leaders and commanders. such champions and defenders of the Byzantines? Many times through written memoranda have we roused you to courage. cf. Psalm 54: 6 (LXX) Generic plurals covering the original reference to Basil Lekapenos. I Corinthians 4: 14-15. and painstaking effort. cf. With this kind of preparation. Children. whom we have come to regard as the more excellent of our servants. yet we have no surfeit of communication with you. hath rejoiced exceedingly71 in you. and I want my host assembled to be made animate and to be brought alive by me in the part that is mine.128 ERIC MCGEER death. Now. the most obedient. and they will replace them with the men whom they choose. very often have we given you our guidance. Exodus 15: 17. as not to take up the wings of a dove and to come to rest72 among you. accept the present exhortation issued to you from the very depth of my soul and the hidden chambers of my heart. and I consider each one of my limbs united with and of common origin with you. the most loyal. as if unsatisfied with our previous endeavours and judging them meagre in comparison to the fiery heat of our love for you. one though it is. in the words of the psalmist David among the prophets. and to display our affection for you. Psalm 15: 9 (LXX) cf. whereas I give not my only begotten son but my whole being. in body and soul. whom God has raised to maturity and brought to the full measure of youthful vigour. we have despatched to you these men.

army sacred and assembled by God. or rather in accordance with the inclination and influence of God.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 129 mata and themata to a stronger and better state. we have considered ourselves unworthy of offering prayers of supplication to God. we have appointed them to pray incessantly and unstintingly on your behalf. our joy has been increased a thousand-fold. so that as the entreaty of all those holy men rises up to the ears of the Lord God of hosts and is blended and united with your fervour and trust in us. to embark on campaign and to set out against the enemy in the areas where they have been assigned by Our Majesty. since we take courage from the providence and help of our benevolent God. some of these exploits were accomplished by accident and by unstable and capricious chance. and unceasing toil. The deeds of the brave were not clearly remarked. while the valiant and serviceable element that bears the brunt of battle they have selected and set aside for combat. Children faithful and beloved. Reading p¤stei for p¤ptei. 3. and after appealing to the most venerable and saintly fathers who dwell in mountains. if ever. accept our exhortation as though from an affectionate father who has ardent affection for you and is occupied every day with his innumerable cares for your welfare. but we have also directed those in the churches of the City guarded by God and the pious monasteries to perform the same task. Suffused with tears and delight at the same time. and in dens and in caves of the earth74 and enjoining them to offer prayers of supplication. and éprÒskoptow for éprÒskopow. they have already rejected all that is useless and unsuited to war. and from your praiseworthy bravery and audacity. Since we have learned through despatches from the same most illustrious men and our most worthy attendants that in accordance with my command. with regard to your battle order and worthiness. 4. that they have exercised all their diligence and care. 74 75 Hebrews 11: 38. for your audacity to be made known. And so. the route before you may be easy and smooth75. and that these servants of Our Majesty are about to take you. For even if many times in past years you fought bravely against the enemy and prevailed against them. nor were those of the cowardly discerned. . now that you are equipped and prepared. from the sacred prayers of the holy and hallowed fathers. others by design and skill decorated by the name of courage but recognised as cowardice in fact. now. so that by their repute alone they will intimidate their adversary. for your praiseworthy courage to become clear to all. the time has come for your bravery to be displayed.

whereas the others. confirm this longing now by your very deeds. indulged in pleasures. show your irresistible onslaught against the enemy and your hardihood. I have prepared and readied myself to accompany you on campaign and to be convinced by my own eyes of what in times past I used to learn and hear by report. nor turned in flight. For earlier. so that.. your victories and dominance against the enemy. For wholly devoted to you. wherefore out of terror and weakness you avoided engaging them in combat.13-460. invigorated and emboldened by your heroism. and the courage. You have them to arouse your zeal with their words and deeds. but this is not now the case. Since the process of selection which has now taken place through our most faithful servants and genuine attendants has made manifest the courage and valour of each one of you. just as the tares grown with the wheat76. and by your unconquerable monuments of triumph. as one entering and dwelling in your hearts. there is any longing in you to see us and our son as your fellow cavalrymen. some time ago so-and- Matthew 13: 29-30. Let them see your sturdy arms fighting against the enemy. while those men previously hidden and ignored because of envy (I cannot speak other than truthfully) can come forward into the light. a moonless night. fellow infantrymen. so greatly have I been moved and stirred by love and yearning for you that. for as you yourselves know. but drawn up in the front ranks. the audacity. as had been their habit beforehand. or a battle in the dark. have been cast away and let loose. not skulking and withdrawing to the rear. I may become more eager to embrace the idea of taking part with you on campaign. and you have been picked out for selection like pure wheat. Perhaps echoing Theophanes continuatus 459.’. 76 77 .. with God’s approval and sanction. then.130 ERIC MCGEER but your actions were dimmed and hidden as though in a welter of confusion. strengthen the love in your hearts for us by your exploits. and comrades in arms. Advance against them. 5.12. Show them the most noble and steadfast determination innate in you. let them marvel. especially where the chronicler relates that the reformed armies of Nikephoros Phokas ‘neither hid themselves. and the endurance of each one of you have been acknowledged.77 You have as witnesses of your courage the representatives of Our Majesty who are taking my place. and let them glorify God for it. to the effect that they are brave and have acquired a host invincible in war. If. some rumour concerning the most impious Hamdanid and the Christ-hating Tarsiots was going around. and advance without wavering.

19. Let your heroic deeds be spoken of in foreign lands. as the man who takes this thought into his mind will soon give up his own life. strengthen your arms. Sophocles and Du Cange (ka˝tow). will no doubt convince your souls to become more bold and more confident in combat with the enemy.1 360. John Tzimiskes. and after arming his host with the utmost zeal and inspiring speeches. Moreover. The great and widespread report of your courage has reached foreign ears. during which he defeated an Arab fleet and ravaged the environs of Tarsos. let them now be astonished at your audacity. which descended on the valiant and unbeatable — as was thought — corps of the Hamdanid’s army and effortlessly subdued it. this otherwise minor success was celebrated with a triumph in Constantinople: McCormick (1986) 165-6. let the foreign contingents accompanying you be amazed at your discipline. which also appears in the account of Hexamilites’s raid in Theophanes continuatus 17 (453. the commentary preceding the poem states that in preparation for the campaign Constantine sought soldiers from the Bulgars. the host despatched a short while ago to Mesopotamia with the patrikios so-and-so80 and the others. Vasiliev (1935-68) II.e...TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 131 so78 was sent out with the rest of the strategoi against the lands and fortresses of the accursed Tarsos and penetrated deep within their territory. ka˝taw: ka˝thw is an Arabic word. On the unresolved question of Theodore Daphnopates’s authorship of the last book of Theophanes continuatus. that you display a proud spirit in battle. let no one attempt to turn his back to the enemy. sharpen your teeth like wild boars. When several contingents of these foreign peoples recently joined you on campaign.81 Be for me the wonder and amazement of the nations. see Darrouzès. listed by E. Brace your souls.20-453. they were amazed to see with their own eyes the courage and valour of the other soldiers who performed heroically in earlier expeditions. patrikios and strategos of the Kibyrrhaiotai. Westerink (1978) 6-10. the kind of campaign he conducted and the number of officers79 and the huge host of Tarsiots he took prisoner has not escaped the notice of any of you. the parallel passages noted by Mazzucchi (1978) 300 note 102.A. and Franks: Vasiliev (193568) II. to the effect that you have an irresistible onslaught. in September/October 956. 80 i. A ray of light after a series of demoralising defeats at the hands of Sayf. 6. taking many prisoners: Theophanes continuatus 452. see also McGeer (1995) 200-201. . Russians (Rhos). let them marvel at your invincible and unsurpassable might against the barbarians. Mazzucchi (1978) 299-301. Turks (Hungarians). see note 56 above. let them be messengers to their compatri- 78 Constantine refers to the naval battle and raid conducted by Basil Hexamilites. 81 The presence of foreign soldiers in Lekapenos’s army is confirmed by a poem of Abu Firas who records his encounter with a Khazar warrior during the battle at Raban.2 368-70. that you possess incomparable courage. and the might and strength of our people. 79 ıpÒsouw . ): cf.

see Vannier (1975) 30-2. and they have become your partners in dangers and heroic exploits. We say this both to the Christ-loving and divinely assembled armies of the East and to the forces from Macedonia and Thrace which have joined you on campaign.132 ERIC MCGEER ots of your triumphs and symbols which bring victory. that you will not extinguish my hopes. as to my vitals and my limbs. 7. as servants and soldiers of one realm and emperor. On Argyros’s career. and they have demonstrated their valour in war on many occasions. but because as true and most faithful servants and subjects of Our Majesty. anthypatos patrikios and strategos of Calabria and Longobardia. and speaking to you through the present letter. 82 83 . Vasiliev (1935-68) II. disposed towards them as brothers and tending like fathers to their safety. they won victories against the enemy — take our word for it that they mastered and subdued those who opposed Our Majesty. Argyros succeeded in regaining control of Naples and Salerno in 956 and campaigned against the Arabs until a truce was arranged in 958: Theophanes continuatus 453. Referring to the expedition (which included contingents from Thrace and Macedonia) sent to southern Italy in 956 under the command of Marianos Argyros. that you will not dull my consideration. When82 they were sent to Longobardia. I have placed my trust in Christ the true God. and I am bolstered by the hope that you will not dishonour my expectation of you. receiving a blessing from them’: Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 36. We will kiss your bodies wounded for the sake of Christ in veneration as the limbs of martyrs84. so that they may see the deeds you have performed. In addressing this to you all. eagerly undertake the present campaign with them. as sturdy and invincible champions of the Byzantine people. we will be glorified in you and your valorous accomplishments and struggles. This we declare and make known: these men too have been your comrades in arms and companions.83 And so. 84 In kissing the wounds of his soldiers Constantine is perhaps recasting himself as Constantine the Great. They have been sent to share your labours. 83-4. So that you may know how much I am on fire in my soul for you. 132. 8. who ‘kissed Paphnoutios and other confessors on their eyes that had been gouged out and their limbs that had been mutilated in the persecution.21. that I burn all over as I devote my exertions to your salvation and to pros- Reading ≤n¤ka for ≤l¤ka. that I am completely consumed. that you will not debase your service.1 371-8.20-454. von Falkenhausen (1978) 39. we will embrace you as victors appearing as triumphant conquerors against the enemy and receive you with joyful acclamations as you return. the sole immortal king. you have now shown this kind and this degree of courage and all manner of audacity and valour. we will pride ourselves in the defilement of blood.

and no. John 19: 34): known to have been in Constantinople since 614. and the rod used by the Roman soldiers to beat Christ (Mark 15: 19). this extract was called myron. Lafitte (2001) 55-60. Who sits upon the cherubs97 and looks upon low things98. the wonder-working Reed90. John 19: 23-24.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 133 pering you85. the most sacred Tunic92. 2. Who alone is lofty and master. on these relics. see Durand. 88 t∞w éxrãntou lÒgxhw (cf. 89 toË tim¤ou t¤tlou (cf. behold. the creator of the ages and upholder of all creation. Mark 15: 36). see Durand. Who strengthens feebleness and invigorates the lowly. Luke 2: 7. our true God. Psalm 137: 6 (LXX) 99 Psalm 44: 3 (LXX) 85 86 . so will He through the sprinkling of this holy water quicken and restore you and furnish you with confidence and might and domination against the enemy. 87. 94 t∞w yeofÒrou sindÒnow (cf. 95 Conspicuous by their absence from the list are the Crown of Thorns and the Sponge. vol. see Sevcenko (1994) 290-1. or holy oil. 96 cf. 92 toË pans°ptou xit«now: Christ’s tunic for which the Roman soldiers cast lots. for you to be anointed by it and to garb yourselves with the divine power from on high. that after drawing holy water from the immaculate and most sacred relics of the Passion of Christ our true God86 — from the precious wooden fragments [of the True Cross]87 and the undefiled Lance88. and the other relics of His undefiled Passion95 — we have sent it to be sprinkled upon you. the holy swaddling clothes93. Lafitte (2001) 24. the life-giving blood which flowed from His precious rib91. Lafitte (2001) 68. Who engulfed the army of Pharaoh in the depths of the sea and saved the lowly people96. see Vogt (1935/40) vol. 87 t«n te tim¤vn jÊlvn: on the history of the True Cross in Constantinople. but note that kalamos is also the word used for the mock sceptre put in Christ’s hands by the Roman soldiers (cf. 238. Matthew 27: 59. part 1. 143. that just as He restored and endowed the human race with life through the blood and water which flowed from His precious rib. Durand. Christ. Durand. and Durand. the condensation was rubbed from the relics (or the reliquaries) with a cloth. 61-6. Lafitte (2001) 67-8. Who is worshipped and glorified with His eternal Father and with the life-giving Spirit of the same nature. 93 t«n fler«n spargãnvn (cf. John 19: 19): a rare attestation of the Titulus. the God-bearing winding sheet94. Lafitte (2001) 20-4. 91 John 19: 34. 11. the precious Titulus89. Durand. and from the inventories in Gould (1981) 335-41. which is absent from the table of relics in Durand. 61. Matthew 27: 29). Psalm 112: 6. Who girds the sword99 for the Psalm 67: 19 (LXX) épomur¤santew: in other words. For I trust in my true God and Saviour Christ. 1. see Frolow (1961) 73-94. Psalm 98: 1 (LXX) 98 cf. 90 toË yaumatourgoË kalãmou: the reed by which the sponge was held up to Christ on the cross (cf. Cf. 12): kept in the High Altar in Hagia Sophia according to the De cerimoniis. Luke 23: 53): not to be confused with the Mandylion. Lafitte (2001) 32-3. Psalm 17: 27 (LXX) 97 Psalm 79: 1. Lafitte (2001) 87. cf.

Who makes the arms of them who hope in Him as a brazen bow103. remaining indelible and spoken of from generation to generation. They cast further light on a cf. beating them small as dust before the wind108. and the saints who have served Him from eternity and been martyred for His sake. so that through His power and might you may have upon your return to us in victory and triumph praise everlasting in memory of men.134 ERIC MCGEER mighty in war and provides help from on high to those who call upon Him. but these acquire an added significance when viewed against the insecurity of Constantine’s reign and the problem of dynastic legitimacy he had to contend with. Amen. Psalm 146: 6 (LXX) 102 Psalm 17: 34 (LXX) 103 Conflating Psalm 17: 30. Who instructs hands to war102. and to be embellished by your heroic deeds through the intercession of the immaculate Mother of God. One is that Constantine’s two speeches are of greater historical interest than has usually been supposed. It remains to offer some thoughts by way of conclusion. so that you may cause Our Majesty to be joyful and to rejoice in your achievements. They present the time-honoured images and themes of imperial propaganda. 35 (LXX) 104 Psalm 17: 35 (LXX) 105 Psalm 17: 37 (LXX) 106 Psalm 17: 39 (LXX) 107 Psalm 17: 40 (LXX) 108 Psalm 17: 42 (LXX) 109 John Tzimiskes likewise called for ‘an angel to be given to him who would go ahead of the army and guides its way’ as he prepared to go to war against Svendoslav in 971: Leo the Deacon 129. may He in His infinite and ineffable goodness and in His immeasurable and incomprehensible compassion watch over you with mercy and favour. Who girds strength for war106.6-7. 100 101 . Who has given the shield of salvation104 to pursue the impious enemies until they are consumed105. Who resists the proud100. Who beats down all that rose107 against those who fight for Him. His mother. may He look upon you from above with a kindly eye. and all the incorporeal angelic powers. nevertheless have an immediacy and intensity which set them apart from most Byzantine orations. They are rare examples of formal imperial military rhetoric which. He Himself will send His angel and He will guide your journey109. cf. Who brings sinners down to the ground101. and may He help to surround you with hosts of angels and to keep you safe from harm at the hands of the enemy. Proverbs 3: 34. May He prepare your route before you. although based on long established models.

111 110 Kolia-Dermitzaki (1989). . not a basically different approach”. but this would be a difference in intensity. Laiou (1993). and Haldon (1999) 13-33. but it would now appear that his efforts to compile military manuals and treatises on imperial expeditions were more than just didactic or antiquarian in purpose. but as Nicolas Oikonomides observed. (1991). The wars are fought in defence of the Christian realm. the arguments and the propaganda would change accordingly.TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 135 little known project which Constantine ultimately did not achieve. cf. The two harangues also present valuable evidence on the subject of religion and morale in the Byzantine wars against the Hamdanids. and there is no word in the speeches that the goal of the wars is the recovery of a sacred place or object. it must be acknowledged that her work has led Byzantinists to examine the question of war in Byzantium in greater depth and detail. Kolbaba (1998). The need to match their Muslim foes on the level of ideology as well as in the physical contest of battle certainly escalated the religious motivation of Byzantine armies during the tenth century. There can be no doubting the force of the emperor’s appeals to his soldiers to fight against the infidel with the conviction that they were fighting on behalf of Christ’s people. not to propagate the Christian faith. “when religious differences were at stake. 111 Oikonomides (1995) 86. For an examination of popular attitudes to war.110 Nowhere does the emperor proclaim that these wars are fought at God’s command or at the behest of the Church. but we should take into account what the harangues do not say before we adduce them as evidence for the concept of holy war in tenth-century Byzantium. see the interesting study of Trombley (1998). or that death in battle confers instant spiritual reward to the fallen soldier. whether one agrees or disagrees with her conclusions.

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Byzantine invention 8. The text was next fully edited only more than 250 years after Thévenot from the best manuscript witnesses by Hilda van den Berg 6. Sullivan with a reprint of the Greek text edited by Hilda van den Berg DATE AND AUTHOR The Byzantine military treatise known under the Latin title De obsidione toleranda provides an instructional handbook. Heronis. The anonymous author refers (64:8) 7 to the xeiros¤ fvnon a device mentioned by Leo VI (886-912) as a recent . 74:18) for a siege shed (testudo). his edition was translated into French by E. 3 Veterum Mathematicorum Athenaei. Her text is reproduced here with an annotated English translation. 8 Leo VI. Rochas d’Aiglun (1872) 200 comments: “Le texte tel que l’ont publié Thévenot et Lahire est extrêmement incorrect”.ABYZANTINE INSTRUCTIONALMANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE: THE DE OBSIDIONE TOLERANDA1. he also employs the term la›sa (50:6. . 4 van den Berg 34: “e codicibus deterioribus”. using a precept and historical precedent approach. It is with a profound sense of sadness that I find this piece published in a memorial volume to him and not in a birthday Festschrift. Philonis et aliorum Opera (Paris: 1693) 317-30. INTRODUCTION. 7 References are to van den Berg’s page and line numbers. de La Hire) in 16933 from inferior manuscripts 4. ENGLISH TRANSLATION2 AND ANNOTATIONS Denis F. Caillemer5. Apollodori. A terminus ante quem for the composition of the treatise. 5 Caillemer (1872) 199-253. Taktika XIX:57. 2 I am most grateful to Professor Elizabeth Fisher who has read the Introduction and sections of the translation and offered a number of valuable suggestions. Bitonis. is provided by its inclusion in two manuscripts. 9 E. for a general officer in command of a city under siege. Vaticanus graecus 1164 and Barberinianus 276. Anonymous mentions (78:9-10) an Arab siege of 1 For many years the highlight of the summer in Washington. the latter to the early 11th century. the former dated to the early 11th century or possibly late tenth.C. It was first edited by Melchisédech Thévenot (with Ph. 6 Anonymus de obsidione toleranda (Leiden: 1947). D. Internal references in the treatise place the terminus post quem as the early 10th century. McGeer (1991) 129-40. 57:3. as van den Berg noted in her introduction. was the presence of Nikos Oikonomides at Dumbarton Oaks. a usage which Eric McGeer has shown to be 10th-century 9.

The traditional nature of such texts and the continuity of both offensive and defensive siege techniques further complicates identification of 10 11 12 13 14 Martin (1854) 327-28. 12. Dain (1967) 350. that the Persians entered the city through a tunnel under the walls). a discussion of various means of defending against a siege. and a series of historical accounts of famous sieges. Thus a date of composition in the first half of the tenth century is probable. called by A. the author’s characterization of the Bulgarians suggests recent and perhaps personal experience. 16.140 DENIS F. presumably still memorable and close to the date of composition. He dated13 this Antipoliorceticum in a wide range between Theodosius II (408-450) or his immediate successors and Constantine VII (913-959). Dain the Antipoliorceticum11. and 26 contain the material not found in the De obsidione toleranda. van den Berg 3. 139). The situation is. (Gr. however. in an article apparently unknown to van den Berg. Dain edited 12. complicated by the fact that the anonymous 10th-century author is presumably drawing on a lost source. others may be less so. Based on the two extant texts Dain suggested that this lost source consisted of two main sections. almost certainly that of 904 and. seems likely though not certain. One might add that the De obsid ione toleranda contains a reference (50:16-21) to the Persian siege of Caesarea in 611.14 some of these are clear. SULLIVAN Thessalonike. which. but with differences which led Dain to conclude that the two texts derive independently from a lost source. but inserted personal remarks. Dain (1967) 349-50 and 366-67. van den Berg also plausibly dates the reference to the capture of Kitros by the “most cruel Bulgarians” (52:8-11) during the period 913-924 when they frequently invaded Byzantine territory. Dain commented that the 10th-century author did not simply paraphrase an older model. given the date 611 and the unique information on the siege the notice provides (i. This situation. which he called Mémorandum inédit sur la défense des places and whose compilation he dated to the second half of the tenth century. Following Martin 10. given the author’s lack of any further comment on it. 23. If this notice was in the Antipoliorceticum.e. a short untitled text found in Ambrosianus B119-Sup. Dain (1967) 359. as noted above. . items 11. Dain (1940)124-27. then. 13. it would bring the lower limit for that text to the early seventh century. It consists of brief extracts which closely parallel in sequence and content the De obsidione toleranda. I provide an English translation of the Mémorandum as an appendix to this Introduction. leaves the date of many statements in the De obsidione toleranda uncertain.

the translation is italicized. We know virtually nothing of the 10th-century author or of the author of the Antipoliorceticum. Barberinianus 276 (P) and Escorialensis Y-III-11 (E). I have benefited here from P. and W. but which author. She noted in her introduction scholarly consensus on these three as the source of all other copies and considered V and P independent witnesses. R. van den Berg also provided an extensive register of Byzantine and classical fontes and parallel passages. Josephus. J. Vaticanus graecus 1164 (V). The De obsidione toleranda refers (61:9-10) to another treatise which the author claims to have written “On Torch [Signals]” (Per‹ fan«n). St. with an English translation (Cambridge. . Her suppletions have been translated here in angle brackets with indication of the source. The Jewish War with an English translation (Cambridge. the Greek title has “How a general .15 CONDITION OF THE TEXT van den Berg edited the text from three manuscripts. V and P in microfilm and I consider the printed edition carefully done. . With two exceptions (noted with “DS”) all suppletions and emendations are taken from her apparatus or appendix. . is responsible is not clear. the reader should keep an open mind. Thus in the absence of a verifiable tenth-century date for specific material. . must withstand the siege . Brunt’s translation of Arrian16. Histories (Cambridge. The manuscripts are plagued by numerous lacunae and van den Berg often suppleted the text from parallel sources or logically from the context. 98:14). ORGANIZATION The treatise is written to a “general” (strathgÒ w). H. MA: 1927-28). who is directly addressed in the vocative (“o general”) on two occasions (45:14. and thus used E only in the final sections where V has lost folios (from 92:1).” Two other instances indicate specifically that “the general” must take 15 16 17 18 So Dain (1967) 350. MA: 1976-1983). I have in general noted fontes only when not included in her exhaustive list. Arrian. although I have generally attempted a more literal rendering as well as adjusting to differences in the text of the De obsid ione toleranda. Paton’s translation of Polybius 18. Through the kindness of Fr.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 141 specifically 10th-century practice and innovation. . MA: 1922-27). . but E as copied from V. if either. George Dennis I have been able to examine mss. Where the text is virtually a verbatim quotation from an earlier source. Polybius. Thackeray’s translation of Josephus 17. A.

55:6). ambushing the enemy if they are proceeding in disarray. The author begins with generic encouragement not to capitulate when a siege threatens. a usage found in ten instances in the M é m o r a n d u m. again citing conditions of abundance and recommending provision of various commodities and raw materials. setting fire to enemy siege machines. The text is not focused on a single city. organization of army units and their leaders. and continuing with possible evacuation of noncombatants. There are two references to the Bulgarians. securing the “brachiolion” (a kind of defensive jetty) if on the coast. He then deals with the issue of providing immediate necessities. organization of craftsmen. while not tightly compartmentalized. there are some basic categories. using clear signals to allow friendly forces back in while excluding the enemy. training in weapons use. securing tunnels. and the importance of inventiveness20. He then considers fortification issues: repair and raising of walls. since the enemy is only human and susceptible to various problems. the presence or absence of terrain useful for ambushing the enemy. cities with and without tunnels under the walls. caltrops and warning bells. securing them with palisades and filling them with water. SULLIVAN certain actions (54:10.’s particular concern with the Balkans. reaping the fields and bringing in livestock and people. training for enemy attacks by simulation. He then considers action in the face of the imminent arrival and subsequent presence of the enemy: securing flocks and herds or if necessary slaughtering them for the meat. coordinating ambushes with friendly forces inside as well as outside the city and carefully estimating the time of such an ambush. destroying nonessential animals which would deplete supplies. etc. but considers various alternatives: the presence or absence of islands to provide food. and concern for the water supplies.142 DENIS F. constructing bridges over the ditches. . lakes and wine containers. specific needs of cities on the sea. capital punishment for deserters. attacking enemy foragers. This is perhaps overly pessimistic. poisoning rivers. then in cases of scarcity. indicating that this approach was in the Antipoliorceticum. adding loopholes to walls. digging ditches. waging pitched battles and attacking the enemy’s homeland. their capture of Kitros mentioned above and one on enemy ambush techniques (“The Bulgarians customarily do this” 62:17) suggesting the 10th-century Anon. He then examines “personnel” issues: oversight of the watch. providing defenses against battering rams and siege 19 See Dain (1967) 359. fighting in relays when the enemy does so. and positioning chevaux de frise. Dain described the organization of the treatise as “malheureusement vague”19. first if food supplies are abundant.

Then. and using mats. 78:3. who did the same at Jotapata.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 143 sheds. as noted above. the text continues: “But then this has often ruined many. At 84:10-17 the author notes as encouragement that no contemporary enemy forces could mount the kind of sieges brought by Alexander at Tyre and Gaza and Titus at Jerusalem. The proposal to secure any tunnels in the walls (50:14) is followed by three examples of the negative consequences of failing to so. after suggesting an attack on the enemy’s home territory to force them to lift a siege. to a general officer.” The example of the failure of Hannibal’s attack on Rome in an attempt to lift the siege of Capua is cited with additional historical parallels. In some instances this is accompanied by an explanation introduced by “in order that” (· na or “for” (gã ). In at least one case examples are used to show the weakness of a tentative recommendation. In two instances a rationale for the examples is specifically stated. At 98:4ff he indicates that he uses the examples to show that even the most clever enemies can be resisted by those under siege and that contemporary enemies are weaker than those of the past. with emphasis on inventiveness. The first advocates the use of counter stratagems against overt enemy operations. At 65:3. advocating the necessity of carefully guarding against 20 The treatise mentions “inventiveness” (§ p¤ noia again at 48:1. The second deals with covert enemy operations. the text ending abruptly in the midst of that example. Another ) r major feature of the treatise is citation of historical examples to support the recommendations. citing Alexander’s capture of the rocks of Sogdiana and Chorienes. Two final sections are dominated by use of lengthy historical examples. new walls and ditches to defend breached portions of walls. 21 As these are addressed. HISTORICAL EXAMPLES The precepts in the treatise are generally presented in the form “it is necessary” (de› or xrÆ) followed by an infinitive or simply by an infinitive with de› or xrÆ in ellipsis 21. . the proposal (50:11-13) to raise the height of the walls even while under enemy fire is given credence by citing Josephus. For example. followed by lengthy citations of those sieges. 84:11 and perhaps at ) 98:19. to create them and adds encouraging comments on the weakness of contemporary enemies who could not do what Alexander did at Tyre and Gaza or Titus at Jerusalem. one might speculate that the author is also one himself or a compiler writing with the support of a general or emperor. as exemplified by Archimedes. In the first half these are usually brief and serve to reinforce a suggestion either positively or negatively.

for English translation see Dennis (1984). hanging heavy mats from the battlements. includes similar recommendations regarding provisions of supplies. etc. etc. concern for supplies for the estimated time of the siege. While that treatise. Garlan. covers considerably more than siege defense. despite its traditional title. The late 6thcentury Strategikon of Maurice 25 (Book X:3) provides brief but detailed instructions for siege defense which are largely repeated with some additions in Leo VI’s (early 10th-century) Taktika26 XVI:46-66. Chapter 53 (“What the besieged general must do”). Recherches de poliorcétique grecque (Paris: 1974) and for partial English translation. The contemporary 10th-century anonymous Sylloge tacticorum. detecting and thwarting sappers. dividing the army into units. etc.g. and with recommendations on preparations for and defensive actions while under siege. with an opposing view in van den Berg 21-22. evacuation of those useless for siege defense in cases of scarcity. see Dain (1967) 349. and mattresses and sacks filled with chaff or sand to defend against rams. A new edition and translation is in preparation by Fr. he cites at length Alexander’s unexpected method of capturing the rocks of Sogdiana and Chorienes 22. RELATION TO OTHER MILITARY MANUALS The treatise is in the tradition of didactic military manuals stretching back to Aineias Tacticus’ (4th-century BC) How to Survive under Siege. drawing in part on Leo’s Taktika. 23 See Whitehead (1990). He estimates (38) that historical precedents constitute one-third of Aineias’ treatise. 24 For the text with French translation see Y. The 3rd-century BC compendium (MhxanikØ sÊ ntajiw ) of Philo of Byzantium 24 includes a Poliorkhtikã with detailed instructions on constructing city defenses. Greek Aims in Fortification (Oxford: 1979) 89-99. Some of these find parallels in the De obsidione toleranda. using xeiros¤ fvna digging counter exca. George Dennis.g. . vations against sappers with subsequent use of fire and smoke in an 22 On the possible source of these siege descriptions. using sacks of chaff or sand against rams. already present in the Antipoliorceticum. it does provide specific advice on protecting walls and gates. A. evacuation of the noncombatants. dealing with incendiary devices. SULLIVAN covert enemy operations. W. and does so with frequent use of historical examples to corroborate its recommendations 23.144 DENIS F. lists of commodities. e.. in an earlier compilation of historical extracts.). 25 For the text see Maurice Strategikon. use of heavy mats hung over the battlements to defend against stones from enemy stone throwers.. including some similar to ones found in the De obsidione toleranda (e. 26 For the complete text see PG 107. Lawrence. fighting in relays. digging three defensive ditches.

ed. 27 28 . Bury. APPENDIX Mémorandum inédit sur la défense des places. 29 See J. The De velitatione27 (ca. 2. Chapter 21 (“The siege of a fortified town”). See Dennis (1984) 223-27. Bury. presumably the abbreviated version of ÉIst° on ˜ti (“Be aware that”) found frequently in the De administrando imperio 28 and the De cerimoniis 29. 975). [Be aware] that it is necessary to suspend [regular] commerce in wheat and other foodstuffs in time of siege. in the De obsidione toleranda these include use of human excrement against siege sheds and use of sacks filled with beans to absorb ram blows. often used in marginal notes and as a formula of transition. Strategmata (Paris: 1949) 110-120. specifically 223 with n. “The Ceremonial Book of Constantine Porphyrogennetos”. The precise relationships of these common and unique elements awaits further scholarly inquiry. [Be aware] <that it is necessary> especially in this situation to call upon the invincible power of God. insure that there is water in the cisterns. 30 J. Foucault. employ coordinated night attacks. English Historical Review. and to use diversions to get supplies into the besieged city. specifically 538-39. while indicating that the topic has been covered in greater detail by previous writers on tactics and strategy. 209-27 and 417-439. 1.B. “The treatise De administrando imperio”. etc. B. A. BZ 15 (1906) 517-77. This brief text begins virtually each item with ˜ti . The same formula is also found in the “table of contents” and a number of chapter headings in the Sylloge tacticorum and in the so-called Strathgikå paragg° lmata30. keeping for themselves only what they need for a specified time. Dain (1940) 124-27. Yet at the same time each of these seven treatises contains seemingly unique items. 41 and 428 and Haldon (1990) 42-43. See J. square brackets my own additions for clarity.-A. etc.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 145 earthen jar. destroy anything outside which might be useful to the enemy. and that the general order those who have them to sell all at a moderate price. Angle brackets indicate Dain’s additions to the text. instructs a general to provide food supplies for four months or more.

siege machine operators. 4. [Be aware] that when the enemy are present nothing prevents increasing the height of the wall during the night. [Be aware] that it is necessary to search out the tunnels and secure them. and to attach these to the wall and by means of these to blockade ships approaching the wall.146 DENIS F. 5. 10. 9. for through these many cities have been captured. On the term see footnote 48 of the text. w 7. Likewise it is also necessary to dig ditches and make them deep. namely engineers. SULLIVAN 3. 31 32 On the term see footnote 34 of the text. . 11. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the general in a timely manner to train the workmen who are useful to a besieged city. rope makers and the others <and> to gather and support them with promises of payment and make them quite eager. [Be aware] that it is necessary to hang bells on the battlements so that should the guards be negligent [the bells will] give warning of the secret attack of the enemy. builders. [Be aware] that <it is necessary> if the city is by the sea to bind together masts of large ships and large poles. [Be aware] that it is necessary to put in place numerous bow-ballistas and to ward off the enemy with them. [Be aware] that it is necessary to provide many arrows and to cut notches in them and thus to shoot them at the enemy. [Be aware] that it is necessary to close the taverns lest through drunkenness the troops be enervated in time of battle. 12. arms manufacturers. [Be aware] that it is necessary to prepare cheiromaggana31 and projecting beams <able> to throw heavy stones from the battlements. and devising laisai32 (laÛ ssã ) to intercept the missiles of the enemy. 6. 8. [Be aware] that it is necessary at night for the watches to be closely arrayed and to rouse one another with trumpets.

they are not thrown into confusion during actual [assaults]. 15. so the soldiers can ward off machines being advanced. however. 14. . 22. especially where an attack is expected. It is necessary. 19. [Be aware] that it is necessary to have bells and at their sound for the troops to arm themselves as if on [a verbal] signal. [Be aware] that it is necessary for there to be officers on each part of the wall and for elite troops to be distributed everywhere. 18. in order that being trained in simulated attacks.[Be aware] that it is necessary for the general to tour the wall with valiant soldiers and to give aid to a section in difficulty. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the general to train the archers and the javeliners and the other engineers so that when necessity calls they are ready to perform their duties. For there is fear lest somehow the enemy escape notice entering together with our own troops who are being pursued. 16. dividing up his forces. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the gates to be securely guarded and to give a password to the soldiers. [Be aware] that it is necessary to put large stone weights on the battlements and heavy poles. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the general. [Be aware] that it is necessary that a deserter in this situation be punished by the general. nor be fearful of sudden rumors coming from another part of the city which some cowards or traitors are spreading. which they might use when returning and be recognized by those at the gates.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 147 13. to also make sudden sallies against the enemy. 20. sharp at the end. 17. 21. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the general to order that no one abandon his section of the wall in time of war. to guard against enemy ambushes and ruses. [Be aware] that it is necessary to train the [troops] to control the fears that come at night. as if the enemy were present.

SULLIVAN 23. and this of iron. 24. . crouching down in the face of a multitude of missiles. tow. [Be aware] that it is necessary to lock the women in their homes and not allow their weeping to weaken the spirit of the fighting men. 26. but especially where the machines of the enemy are expected. however. pitch. [Be aware] that it is necessary to order those going out on sorties that no one proceed to seize spoils before the complete defeat of the enemy.148 DENIS F. brushwood. also to dig a large tunnel where the sap is. some for battle. [Be aware] that it is necessary to order [the troops]. and to bring this down vertically. It is necessary. 28. For they will echo the sound [of the digging] outside. to cover themselves with their shields and withdraw until <the [enemy’s] quivers> are empty. [Be aware] that when the wall is being sapped by the enemy. and to divide up the troops. 30. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the general to prepare in advance against enemy machines many pine torches. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the gates to have a gate hidden above vertically. 27. if the general should be ignorant of the location of the tunnel. in order that should the enemy burst in en masse they may be killed. 25. some for burning the machines. And so it is necessary to dig directly opposite and stationing men with axes to fight those within when they meet there. [Be aware] that it is necessary to order the troops not to lose heart at the shouting of the enemy. but to leap first against those putting up ladders to ward them off with their own instruments. [Be aware] that it is necessary that water be prepared in advance in large containers over the whole wall. in order that when the enemy are attacking and it is suddenly let down they may be killed. it is necessary for him to place on a continuous straight line bronze plates (let these be thin like pots and similar such things) over a long distance and to put his ear to these and listen. 29. for there is fear lest by using fire the enemy may destroy the planks on the battlements.

32. [Be aware] that it is necessary for the general to be concerned not only with the position in great difficulty. . After measuring inside the wall from the foundations to the height of a man he packed [this level] with holes a palm’s breadth in size on the outer facade. In proofreading the reset version I was able to correct a few minor typographical errors in the original. They say that Archimedes. devised the following among other practices. but also to secure that position where he does not fear the enemy. perhaps due to the strength of the place. Stationing archers at these and shooting through them he rendered the attacks of the enemy useless. when Syracuse was besieged. UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND COLLEGE PARK ENDNOTE: As the volume went to press the publisher concluded that the anticipated photographic reproduction of van den Berg’s text was not feasible. for example Sardis by Antiochus and the Sogdian rock by Alexander. E DITOR’S NOTE: Notice is hereby made that Brill alone is responsible for any and all typographical errors resulting from the reprinting of the van den Berg text.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 149 31. and the text was reset. For many cities have been taken at unexpected positions because they were not continuously secured by the general.

Leon Tact. ad.-Maur.l. μ ka‹ tÚn érxhgÚn toË stratoË ênyrvpon ˆnta ka‹ dunãmenon ÍpÚ poll«n ka‹ t«n 12 tuxÒntvn afiti«n édunat∞sai kayÒlou paye›n ti. Probl. 8. ˜son o‰de tÚn §xyrÚn §jarke›n (§jarxe›n Scheffer) xrÒnon §p‹ t∞i poliork¤ai: ka‹ efi m¢n eÈpore› tosaÊthw épotrof∞w. fere item Leo. 7 (Vari ad Leonis Tact. X. cf. proeutrep¤sai m¢n tØn érkoËsan dapãnhn † t∞w parastã6 V P1 1 tÚn om. ˜yen to¤nun sÁn Ye«i de› prÒ ge t«n êllvn èpãntvn ëma 3 t«i éggely∞na¤ soi. ≤ går spãniw ka‹ ¶ndeia t∞w dapãnhw ka‹ toÁw strati≈taw ka‹ toÁw ·ppouw §kluy∞nai paraskeuãsei. v. commeatus. II. 46.l. sed plura ex12 kay˜lou V. tØn t«n §xyr«n épok¤nhsin. 2 16 dapãnh—alimenta. kín xrÒnon polÁn épeil∞i ≤ poliork¤a: μ går oÈx ımonoÆsousin afl t«n §xyr«n dunãmeiw prÚw •autåw μ perispasmo¤ tinew perip°soien katå tØn t«n §xyr«n x≈ran ÍpÚ t«n ımÒrvn §xyr«n. P1 3 §pithdeÊmasin P1 7 possis suspicari perip°soien <ín> sed cf. (xron¤vw om. Urb.: spãnhn V P1 § 218 kayÒlou V P1 16 v. XI. 2 mhd¢ §p‹ pollåw §n to›w aÈto›w tÒpoiw diatr¤bein ≤m°raw tØn stratiån xrÆ. XII. . 10 loimik∞w diay°sevw §mpesoÊshw aÈto›w. Syll. Tact. p. indicavi. . 46. sed p. 22. e. v.Maur. 46. SULLIVAN TEXT 45 3 OPVS XRH TON THS POLIORKOUMENHS POLEVS STRATHGON PROS THN POLIORKIAN ANTITATTESYAI KAI OIOIS EPITHDEUMASI TAUTHN APOKROUESYAI ÜOti oÈ de› épagoreÊein tÚn poliorkoÊmenon. 3 cf.150 DENIS F.t.. . p. Plb. §n miçi ≤m°rai. g. 3. Tact. 47.t. 2. 9–10 cf. 1 poliorke›syai d¢ parå t«n polem¤vn ı strathgÚw Ífor≈menow trofåw prÚ pãntvn sugkomiz°tv prÚw xron¤an érkoÊsaw poliork¤an: trof«n d¢ mØ eÈpor«n k. 20–47. vox dÉ post gen°syai probat non solum „sperari potest” vel tale quid. diå tåw §k t∞w sÆcevw §pisumbainoÊsaw loim≈deiw nÒsouw 13–p. 1 (Scheffer) = Leon Probl. Tact. p. *** gen°syai dÉín 2 9 ka‹ s¤tou spãnin ka‹ loimikåw diay°seiw §fÉ •n‹ tÒpvi ple¤v xrÒnon poll«n dunãmevn §pimenous«n. Syll. ad. Urb. efi dunatÒn.) xrØ t«n énagka¤vn efiw épotrofØn front¤sai. ibidem . XX. append. 22. 15 e‡te diÉ aÈtomÒlvn e‡te diå kataskÒpvn. XV. 20–47. . praef. diå tÚ mØ loim≈ttein tÚn stratÒn. Œ strathg°. 10 p«w de› ént°xein tÚn poliorke›syai prosdok«nta xron¤vw. 63 ˜tan mØ to›w strateÊmasi tå §pitÆdeia ka‹ tåw énagka¤aw trofåw proeutrep¤shiw. 31) de› énÒsouw ka‹ kayaroÁw §pil°gesyai tÒpouw efiw êplhkta ka‹ mØ xrÒnon polÁn §ndiatr¤bein §n •n‹ xvr¤vi . 39 8 t«n §xyr«n] §xyr«n P1 || lac. 22 et cidisse 9 spãnin Thev. X. tÒte ka‹ polem¤vn xvr‹w ≤tthyÆshi. ¶peitã ge k. 51. 31. 53.

it is necessary above all else to prepare sufficient provisions for ~ the extent ~ [46] of the time of the siege. 5 épok¤ nhsiw. Literally “departure” (from their own territory). idem. with God. For either the enemy forces will have disagreements with one another or some distractions may occur against the enemy’s land from their hostile neighbors.). 3 van den Berg’s (hereafter vdB) suggested addition.: 1995) 123-31. The Medieval City under Siege (Woodbridge. she notes that it is likely even more has been lost. For this reason then. per- 1 For a brief summary in English see E. “Byzantine Siege Warfare in Theory and Practice”. see above in the appendix to the Introduction. when the movement 5 of the enemy is announced to you. Polybius VI:24:7: édÆlou går ˆntow ka‹ toË poi∞sai ka‹ toË paye›n ti tÚn ≤gemÒna (“it being unclear what the commander may do or what may happen to him”). [Be aware] that 2 there is no need for the besieged [general] to capitulate. Corfis and M. McGeer.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 151 TRANSLATION How the general of a city under siege must withstand the siege and with what sort of methods to defend against it1. <One may hope that 3> a scarcity of wheat and pestilential conditions may occur when large forces remain in one place for a long time. in I. or even that the leader of the army may always suffer some mishap. as he is human and subject to incapacitation due to multiple accidental causes 4. Wolfe (eds. in one day. Eng. . ODB I:611. [ÉIst° on] ˜ti . 4 Cf. either from deserters or spies. 126-27. if possible. spec. o general. even if the siege threatens to be a lengthy one. 2 On this formula.

5–6: toÁw Thev. 45. 47. tÚn perileify°nta laÒn. memorat. 53. ad p. efi d¢ §ndeØw t«n énagka¤vn §st¤n. 13–16 20–p. Philon. tÚ? an tå? 10–11 lege t«n §mpÒrvn ka‹ t«n plous¤vn 11 an §n …r¤oiw? 13–15 v. g°rontaw. éllå ka‹ t∞w épomãxou ≤lik¤aw. fere item Leo. 3) trof«n d¢ mØ eÈpor«n flkan«n toÁw m¢n ésyene›w ka‹ g°rontaw pa›dãw te ka‹ guna›kaw prÚ t∞w t«n polem¤vn §fÒdou §n Ùxuro›w ka‹ énepibouleÊtoiw proekpemp°tv xvr¤oiw. v. 2 cf. 37–39 (agitur de alimentis. col. Tact. Berl. {t«i t∞w ofik¤aw despÒthi. Wochenschrift 36 (1916). 1 (Scheffer) = Leon. cf. ad p. ka‹ oÈd¢ ≤ §ktÚw x≈ra eÈyhne› to›w karpo›w oÈd¢ n∞soi parãkeintai dunãmenai tØn ¶ndeian paramuye›syai. oÂon guna›kaw. 49. 13–46. p. 49. purpol∞sai tåw x≈raw. 86. SULLIVAN 46 § 3–8 ( THEV. 95). Hanc vocem. Urb. append. prosaite›w in Strat. p. f. Tact. quae obsidionis tolerandae causa conservanda sunt) sunãgein d¢ taËta de› parå t«n mage¤rvn ka‹ t«n fidivt«n chf¤smati peribãllontaw 12–13 cf. ka‹ {to›w} mhd¢n sunteloËntaw to›w ¶ndon diå 10 tÚn] t«n P1 fort. Tact. oÂon g°rontaw. 14–30) 4 5 6 7 8 sevw † toË t∞w poliork¤aw xrÒnou. 13–16) ımo¤vw ka‹ §p‹ t∞w êllhw dapãnhw summ°trvw ëpanta g¤nesyai. ésyene›w ka‹ paid¤a (pa›daw Scheffer). XV. 47. oÈ t«n strativt«n mÒnon. 53. Syll. Phil. xrØ tÚn s›ton ka‹ tØn kriyØn ka‹ pçn e‰dow Ùspr¤ou tÚn §n ta›w époyÆkaiw ımoË to›w §mpÒroiw ka‹ to›w plous¤oiw épometre›n ka‹ …r¤oiw épotiy°nai ka‹ paradidÒnai tØn toÊtvn dianomØn t«i t∞w pÒlevw §piskÒpvi ka¤ tisin •t°roiw t«n xrhs¤mvn. Àsper e‡yistai to›w poliorke›n §y°lousi. X. 15 ofike¤aw V corr. svtÆrion oÔsan émfot°roiw ka‹ lusitel∞. ésyene›w. 13–46. 1 (v.} kÆrugmã te poie›n Àste toÁw mØ ¶xontaw t«n §gxvr¤vn ple›on ≤mer«n triãkonta s›ton épogrãfesyai prÚw aÈtÒn: e‰ta parakal°santa tå d°onta prÚw tÚn kairÚn tÚ pl∞yow. neque Du Cange neque Soph. toË dioike›n ßkaston mhnia¤an dapãnhn katå tÚn §kteyhsÒmenon tÊpon. Idem valet dapanÆmata 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 V P1 .-Maur. …w ofl m¢n tØn metoik¤an •to¤mvw ßlointo. „V” p. Leon. 157r E quoque invenitur || {to›w} delevi. 317. ad p. 47. 106 §xr«nto d¢ dapãnhi k°gxrvi. μ efis‹ m°n. p.152 DENIS F. ofl d¢ §xyro‹ yalassokrate›n §lp¤zontai ka‹ kvlÊein tØn parakomidÆn. XV. XVIII. efi ¶xoi éfyon¤an ı tÒpow ka‹ oÈd¢ ¶fyasan ofl §xyro‹ katå tÚn parelyÒnta §niautÒn. ofl d¢ tØn Íp¢r t∞w patr¤dow êmunan. guna›kaw. ·na to›w §n dunãmei oÔsin ≤ eÍriskom°nh dapãnh §jark°shi. V1 21 prosaite›w] incertum utrum haec forma pro prosa¤taw Anonymo attribuenda sit an librario (Roos. 3) ¶peitã ge tØn êxrhston ≤lik¤an §kbãlai §k toË Ùxur≈matow prÚ t∞w t«n §xyr«n parous¤aw. thnikaËta toÁw épomãxouw. ad. X. 3. Tact. paragg. quae eo sensu saepe legitur apud scriptores tacticos. Roos 10–11 cf. pa›daw. 10 (v. Probl. 63 (§ 62 de aquae distributione agitur. Syll. prosaite›w. 45. 4 v. •jamÆnou tuxÚn μ ka‹ §niautoË.

late August in the Byzantine calendar.” For a slightly different view see G. H. if the place should have an abundance and the enemy did not arrive at the end of the year6 to burn the fields7. The distinction here between “warehouse” and “granary” is perhaps between private and public storage. then to lead out of the city and to send to another location the noncombatants. If there is a lack of essentials. but notes an alternate ms. spec. Lampe. A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford: 1961) at ˜rion . but also for those who are noncombants due to age. not for the soldiers alone. or there are [such islands] but the enemy is expected to control the sea and hinder transport. so those within may be secure and those [leavI. À sper oÔn ka‹ tÚn s›ton She ). others defense of the fatherland. children. reading for initial article. 9 Here tÚ …r¤ on(Latin horreum). for the various spellings see G. accepting t«n . The phrase presumably refers in some sense to the preceding list of commodities and. namely old men. rendered “le functionnaire préposé aux entrepôts. then to encourage the populace as to what is necessary in the crisis so that one group may readily choose relocation as a salvation and benefit for both groups. Second vdB prints the dative to›w §mpÒroiw ka‹ to›w plous¤ oiw in the apparatus suggests reading a genitive . The text here presents two difficulties. I so translate. t«n. Millet. retaining only what they need for themselves. and the land outside is not abounding in fruits and there are no islands nearby which can alleviate the deficiency. women. deleted t“ t∞w ofik¤ aw despÒt˙ as a marginal gloss on dianomÆn in line 12 and suggested that tÚn perileify° nta laÒn might also be deleted. but (with époyÆkaiw ?). First vdB prints tÚn §n ta›w époyÆkaiw. qui in urbe relicti sunt. 2 indicates that the general should stop regular commerce in foodstuffs during the siege and encourage those who possess such supplies to sell at a moderate price. 10 I follow here vdB who translated (Appendix 103) “ut unusquisque eorum. BZ 30 (1930) 430-39. below 96:19) and presumably the owners (the merchants and the rich) are working personally with the general or his designate to record what has been taken for later reimbursement (cf. 11 These “beggars” appear to be an addition to the lists in the parallel sources cited by vdB. 435. below 49:2-6). Caillemer (1872) 202. The preceding ı moË would seem to require a dative (cf. below 59:1. the ill. beggars11. ipse victum unius mensis administret. in order that each of the people remaining may control provisions for a month 10 according to an edict to be made public and to make an announcement that those inhabitants who do not have more than thirty days of wheat should register with him. On measurements in granaries see also Sullivan (2000) 267 n.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 153 haps six months or a year. it is necessary to measure out together with the merchants and the wealthy wheat and barley and every type of legume from among the [items] in the warehouses 8 and to store [them] in granaries 9 and to entrust the distribution of these to the bishop of the city and to some other good citizens. as is customary for those wishing to conduct a siege.” noting the reference below (49:15) to distribution of water (memetrhm° nvw ka‹ toËto t“ la“ xorhge›n.e. while suggesting as possible conjectures tÚ and tã. however. 51. Dain’s (1940) Mémorandum inédit 124 no. 6 7 8 . W. and those who contribute nothing to those within on account of [47] their own needs. “Apothécarius”. Cf. see Teall (1977) 203-04 who paraphrases “cereals were to be taken from the apothecae of the merchants and the wealthy and placed in public granaries.” but in the absence of a specific title this seems unlikely. The text remains uncertain.




§ 8–13 (THEV. p. 317, 30–318, 10)







t∞w ofike¤aw xre¤aw §jãgein t∞w pÒlevw ka‹ efiw êllhn x≈ran §kp°mpein prÚw tÚ ka‹ toÁw ¶ndon perifulaxy∞nai ka‹ aÈtoÁw mØ épol°syai, ·na mØ t«n §xyr«n §pikeim°nvn énagkasy∞iw toÊtouw to›w §xyro›w prodoËnai, Àsper ka‹ ÉAxaiÚw ı basileÊw: toÁw d° ge êllvw §ndee›w m¢n ˆntaw, dunam°nouw d¢ tÚ koinÚn | »fele›n diå t«n ofike¤vn pÒnvn, oÂon érmatopoioÊw, mhxanopoioÊw, magganar¤ouw, fiatroÊw, xalke›w, selopoioÊw, xalinopoioÊw, tzaggar¤ouw, =ãptaw, sxoinopoioÊw, skalobãtaw, kvpopoioÊw, ofikodÒmouw, naÊtaw, kalafãtaw, érxit°ktonaw, muloxarãktaw, éstronÒmouw prÚw diãgnvsin sunteloËntaw Ídãtvn ka‹ én°mvn forãn, ka‹ toÊtvn toÁw gennaiot°rouw, proslambãnesyai ka‹ sugkrote›n mçllon ka‹ periyãlpein, ·na ofl m¢n érmatopoio‹ diÉ ˜lhw nuktÚw ka‹ ≤m°raw pon«si per‹ tå ¶rga, oÂon ésp¤daw, sag¤taw, spay¤a, kass¤daw, ofl d¢ xalke›w per‹ jifãria sagit«n ka‹ t«n kontar¤vn ka‹ =iptar¤vn ka‹ xe›raw sidhrçw èrpãzein dunam°naw ti t«n §ktÒw: ımo¤vw ka‹ êlla ßtera ka‹ ı kairÚw épaite› ka‹ ı lÒgow proÛΔn dhl≈sei: poik¤lhw går oÎshw ka‹ polueidoËw t∞w t«n polem¤vn §pino¤aw (≤ går xron¤a tribØ o‰den §fÉ •kãsthw ≤m°raw ka‹ Àraw ‡dia §pithdeÊmata ka‹ mhxanåw
F 4 cf. praef. p. 14

9 10 p. 318 Thev.

11 12 13

V P1

2 §kp°ptein P1 3 énagkasye‹w P1 5 lege êllouw || exspectaveris fort. épomãxouw vel tale quid pro §ndee›w, sed cf. Strat. paragg. (v. praef. p. 32 v. 10–13) toÁw d¢ épÒrouw ka‹ mhd¢n diå t∞w t°xnhw bohye›n dunam°nous épodi≈kein k.t.l. 6 érmatopoioÊw (fabros armorum) Meursius s.v. magganãriow: èrmatopoioÁw V értopoioÁw P1; item v. 12; cf. v. 12–14 et p. 49, 17 7 lege sellopoioÊw 8 skalobãtaw Meursius s.v.: skalvbãtaw V P1 11 malim forçw || paralambãnesyai P1; cf. p. 56, 14 12 èrmatopoio‹ V 14 sag¤taw] per unum t semper (v. 14; p. 49, 17; értopoio‹ P1; v. ad v. 6 p. 50, 2 et 4; p. 56, 2) V P1, ut nesciam an id ipsi Anonymo attribuendum sit 17 an 15 =iptar¤vn v. append. || sidhrçw Thev.: sidhråw P1 sidçw V épaitÆsei? cf. p. 48, 6, 8, et 10 17–p. 48 1 cf. Leon. Tact. Epilogum, 72 poik¤lhw oÎshw t∞w parå t«n §nant¤vn §gxeirÆsevw ka‹ diãforoi ofl trÒpoi t«n éntegxeirÆsevn Ùfe¤lousi g¤nesyai: 8 quid hic valeat skalobãthw, nescio; „funambulus” Du Cange s.v., quod non quadrat; „one who goes up a ladder, funambulus” L. and Sc. 9 kalafãthw — sartor navis vel picator; cf. verbum Batavum „kalefateren” 14 spay¤on = spãyh — gladius; in lingua, quae dicitur koinÆ, huius modi verba vim diminutivam saepe perdidisse monet Costas, p. 69; cf. Psaltes § 399 || jifãrion = lÒgxh — cuspis, spiculum



ing] not be harmed themselves, lest when the enemy presses you be compelled to surrender them to the enemy, as did Achaeus the king12. But as to those who are otherwise needy, but are able to provide common benefit through their own labors, namely arms manufacturers13, engineers14, siege machine operators 15, doctors, bronzesmiths, saddlemakers16, bridlemakers, shoemakers 17, tailors 18, ropemakers19, ladder climbers20, oarmakers21, builders, sailors, caulkers 22, architects23, mill stone cutters24, astronomers who contribute to discerning the movement25 of waters and winds 26, both take the more accomplished among them to help [you] and moreover organize and support them27, in order that the arms manufacturers may toil all day and night at their work, namely, shields, arrows, swords, helmets, but the bronzesmiths at points28 for arrows and spears and javelins 29, and grappling irons 30 which can seize things outside. Likewise the circumstances <will 31> demand other things as well and the treatise will make them clear as it proceeds. For since the inventiveness of the enemy is varied and many faceted (for prolonged experience knows for each day and hour how to invent appropriate methods and machines), [48] there is a need
12 Achaeus of Sardis in Lydia, besieged by Antiochus III, 215-14 BC. See Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Oxford: 1996) 6. The text appears to reflect a section of Polybius no longer extant; the siege is described by Polybius VII:15-18, but this aspect of it does not appear. The same siege is also mentioned briefly below at 98:22. 13 ı érmatopoiÒw. Here, in view of the list below, ‘arms manufacturers’generally; see LBG s.v., citing this passage. On such private approaches to arms manufacture see Haldon (1999) 131, 141 and 328 n. 8 and idem (2000) 291. 14 ı mhxanopoiÒw Translation of the term is difficult; Prokopios (De aed. I:1:50) and . Agathias (V:8) use it of Anthemios of Tralles the “chief expert” connected with the building of St. Sophia, whom Agathias (V:6:3) includes among those who “apply geometrical speculation to material objects and make models or imitations of the natural world” (see ODB 1:109). Just below (48:2-5; see the related note) the mhxanopoio‹ are associated with various types of artillery and cranes, but the corrupt text makes the nature of the relation uncertain; presumably fabrication rather than operation. The term appears in three instances below (87:3, 89:18, 94:24) in the citations from Arrian of the “engineers” who accompanied Alexander; on the latter see Bosworth (1980) 241. 15 ı magganã riow . Given the preceding mhxanopoio‹ and their role described just below (48:2-5), I take the magganarioi here to be operators rather than fabricators of the siege machines; cf. the term in the De cer. 310:19 and 312:11 of the operators of the starting gates in the Hippodrome. In other instances, however, the term appears to be also used of “engineers,” e.g. Leo VI, Taktika XV:35: diÉ § pino¤ aw t«n sunÒntvn soi magganar¤ vn ka‹ § pithde¤ vn éndr«n . . . . 16 ı sel( l)opoiÒw An apparent hapax, not on the TLG(E). . 17 ı tzaggã riow . Cf. De cer. 494:10: . . . · na •n‹ •kã stƒ bã ¶ xvsi tÚn komodrÒmon ntƒ aÈt«n, ı mo¤ vw ka‹ tzaggã rionand see ODB 3:1889-90 at “Shoemaker” and 3:2135 at “Tzangion”. 18 ı =ã pthw . On tailors see ODB 3:2007. 19 ı sxoinopoiÒw An apparent hapax, not on the TLG(E). Dain’s (1940) Mémorandum . inédit 124 no. 3 has sxoinoplÒkow which is attested elsewhere. 20 ı skalobã . Literally “ladder climber.” Du Cange, Glossarium, s.v. gives thw




§ 13–19 ( THEV. p. 318, 10–24)

15 16

17 18


§pinoe›n) poikilvt°raw de›tai ka‹ nhptikvt°raw éntikatastãsevw: ofl d¢ mhxanopoio‹ per‹ † tåw mhxanåw kinoËn tå ¶rga †, oÂon tetrar°aw, magganikå ka‹ tåw legom°naw ±lakãtaw ka‹ xeiromãggana, ¶ti d¢ ka‹ kera¤aw dunam°naw l¤youw bare›w prÚ toË te¤xouw épÚ t«n §pãljevn =¤ptein: ka‹ =ãptai per‹ §pil≈rika ka‹ kamalaÊkia pax°a, efi deÆsei, ént‹ kass¤dvn, ka‹ kvphlãtai per‹ tØn pleustikØn ka‹ naumax¤an, ka‹ ofikodÒmoi: toÊtvn går ka‹ mçllon ≤ t°xnh xrei≈dhw: §piskeuãsousi går tå kataponoÊmena m°rh t«n teix«n ÍpÚ toË t«n kri«n diaseismoË μ ka‹ ßtera ényÉ •t°rvn kataskeuãsousin: efi d¢ xre¤a toÊtvn e‡h, ka‹ èli°vn. efi d¢ ≤ pÒliw e‡te ka‹ ≤ §ktÚw x≈ra éfyon¤an ¶xei karp«n, ka‹ dunatÒn §stin prokatalabe›n tØn t«n §xyr«n ¶fodon ka‹ tå prÚw xre¤an efisagage›n, mØ §noxle›n tå ¶ndon mhd¢ t∞w pÒlevw tinåw metoik¤zein, ·na mØ dusxrhstÆsousin ofl f¤loi: éllÉ efi m¢n e‡h xrÆmata toË dhmos¤ou, lambãnein §j aÈt«n ka‹ §jvne›syai mØ mÒnon s›ton ka‹ kriyØn ka‹ o‰non ka‹ ˆspria ka‹ turÚn ka‹ kr°aw ka‹ ¶laion ka‹ k°gxron, éllå ka‹ s¤dhron ka‹ xãlkvma ka‹ êrmata ka‹ p¤ssan Ígrån ka‹ jhrån ka‹ ye›on êpuron ka‹







V P1

2 v. append. 3 tetrar°aw magganikå V, w exp. V1, tetrar°aw. magganikå P1, non liquet utrum punctum expungendi an interpungendi causa positum sit; v. append. || ±lakãtaw Meursius: efilakãtaw V P 1 per iotacismum; cf. Du Cange „±lakãth machina bellica versatilis: sic dicta forte, quod ±lakãthw seu coli speciem referret”, ubi nostrum locum affert, et L. and Sc. et Pape s.v. 5 =ipte›n V 6 kamalaÊkia] cf. Du dd Cange s.v. kamelaÊkion et locum infra allatum || kass¤dvn scripsi: kassi V kass¤daw P1 8 §piskeuãzousi P1; cf. v. 6 et 10 11 èli°vn v. append. 14 tå ¶ndon] toÁw ¶ndon mavult Roos || an <§k> t∞w pÒlevw? 19 êrmata scripsi: ërmata V P1; item p. 49, 17; v. ad p. 47, 6 4–5 cf. Philon. „V” p. 91, 34–35 épÚ kerai«n l¤youw meg¤stouw éfi°ntaw 17– p. 49, 1 praeter alia etiam o‰non, ¶laion, ˜pla, s¤dhron, xalkÒn, p¤ssan, ye›on, stupp¤on, dçidaw ad obsidionem tolerandam parata habere iubet Philo, „V” p. 89, 46 sqq.

1 nhptikÒw videtur hoc loco significare prudentem; cf. L and Sc. et Pape s.v. nÆfv et Leon. Tact. XV, 18 Ùl¤gon xrÒnon énapaÊou ka‹ sÊntomon, ·na nÆfhiw prÚw tå èrmÒzontã soi diatãgmata || éntikatãstasiw cf. Leon. Tact. XV, 11 xaun≈teroi . . . prÚw éntikatãstasin ka‹ kindÊnouw—ad resistendum periculaque obeunda omissiores (Migne) 5 §pil≈rikon—tunica loricae superiniecta 6 kamalaÊkion—capitis tegumentum; Hypoth. 14, 16 legitur p›lon ÉArkadikÚn §piy°menow, unde Parecbol. 12 (f 145 v E) factum est kamalaÊkion érkadikÚn periballÒmenow.



of a more varied and more prudent defensive response. And the engineers ~ <should toil at 32> their work33 ~, namely tetrareai, magganika, and the so-called elakatai and cheiromaggana34, and still more the projecting beams 35 which can cast heavy stones from the battlements in front of the wall. And the tailors [should toil at] making surcoats 36 and thick felt caps 37, if there is need, instead of helmets, and the oarsmen at seaworthiness and battles at sea. And the builders: for their skills are needed even more; for they will repair the parts of the wall destroyed by the shaking of the rams or even will build one thing to replace another. But if there is need of them, also fishermen. But if the city or even the land outside it has an abundance of fruits, and it is possible to anticipate the enemy’s incursion and to bring in what is needed, do not disturb internal arrangements or relocate anyone out of the city, in order that your friends not be troubled. But if there are state funds 38, take them and purchase not only wheat and barley and wine and legumes and cheese and meats and oil and millet, but also iron and bronze and arms and wet and dry pitch and native sulphur39 and [49] tow and flax and hemp, pine-wood torches,
“Funambulus,” i.e. a “tight-rope walker,” and cf. Sopater, Scholia ad Hermogenis status, ed. C. Walz, Rhetores Graeci, vol. 5 (1835; rp. Osnabrück: 1968) 22:25: oÂon ÙrxhstikÆ, skalobatikÆ: atai d° efisi ceudotexn¤ ai ˜ti t° low oÈd¢n § pã , gousin (? acrobatics). Teall (1977) 204, however, plausibly suggests that here these must be the equivalent of the modern “steeplejack”; perhaps also “roofers.” 21 ı kvpopoiÒw. An apparent hapax, not on the TLG(E). 22 ı kalafã . Teall (1977) 205 notes that the term for “ship’s caulker” is post classical thw and apparently an Arabic derivative. See also V. Christides. “Two Parallel Naval Guides of the Tenth Century,” Graeco-Arabica 1 (1982) 94: “kalafat¤ zv kalafã , thw (to caulk a ship, caulker) are loanwords from the Arabic qalafa” and ODB 2:1091. 23 ı érxit° ktvn. On the distinction between “architect” and “engineer” see Sullivan (2000) 154 n. 9 with further bibliography. 24 ı muloxarã kthw . See Du Cange, Glossarium, s.v. “Lapidum molarium caesores.” While the mill stones are presumably to be used for grinding grain, it is worth noting that Leo VI, Taktika XV:54 mentions mÊ l¤ yinoi among objects to be hung from the walls to smash ladloi ders put up by the besiegers. 25 Accepting forçw for forã . n 26 On weather prediction as an aspect of warfare in the tenth century see Haldon (1990) 211 n. (C)199 with reference to this passage and the so-called “Heron of Byzantium”, Geodesia 11:90ff (in Sullivan [2000]). 27 See Teall (1977) 205-06 who notes the remarkable range of specializations given here and suggests a possible connection to the formation of guilds. 28 tÚ jifã rion . For the term see McGeer (1995) 206 and Kolias (1988) 195. 29 tÚ =iptã rion . Also below (as tÚ =iktã rion ) 50:1 and 56:5 = tÚ ékÒntion. Cf. Leo VI, Taktika VI:7 and see Haldon (1975) 32 and Kolias (1988) 186-87. 30 ≤ xe›r sidhrç. Cf. Thucydides 4:25:4, 7:62:3, 7:65:1 and below 69:8, 82:14 and 18, and 83:19. 31 vdB’s tentative addition. 32 Supplying pon«si as above 47:13; so vdB (Appendix 104). 33 I seclude tåw mhxanåw kinoËn as a gloss, retaining per‹ tå ¶ rgaon the parallel of 47:13




§ 19–26 ( THEV. p. 318, 24–38)







stupe›on ka‹ linãrion ka‹ kanãbion, dçidaw, mallÒn, bambãkion, l¤na, xÒrton, êxuron: efi d¢ épe¤h m¢n toË dhmos¤ou xrÆmata, e‰en d° tinew §n eÈpor¤ai xrhmãtvn, éfaire›syai §j aÈt«n ka‹ poie›n tØn §j≈nhsin, ka‹ t«n brvs¤mvn pipraskom°nvn, ˜sa mØ efiw épotrofØn strativt«n dapançtai, épÚ t∞w toÊtvn sunagom°nhw tim∞w §kplhroËn tÚn éfairoÊmenon xrusÒn: t«n går strativt«n ı dhmÒsiow frontie› t∞w épotrof∞w ka‹ t∞w tim∞w ka‹ t∞w toÊtvn dapãnhw: …saÊtvw ka‹ toË sidÆrou ka‹ t«n êllvn efid«n. paragg°llein d¢ ka‹ pçsi toË efisãgein frÊgana, jÊlon tÚ érkoËn efiw m∞naw ©j e‡te ka‹ efiw §niautÒn. ka‹ §ggrãfouw ésfale¤aw toÊtvn ßneken ßkaston épaite›n, toË efiw kefalØn timvre›syai tÚn §ntÚw t∞w …rism°nhw proyesm¤aw §ndeç toÊtvn eÍriskÒmenon. …saÊtvw ka‹ front¤zein ka‹ t∞w toË Ïdatow éfyon¤aw ka‹ §mpiplçn toÁw Ùmbrod°ktaw ka‹ tå égge›a pãnta ka‹ memetrhm°nvw ka‹ toËto t«i la«i xorhge›n, Àsper oÔn ka‹ tÚn s›ton, efi span¤zei toËto. efisãgein d¢ ka‹ tå prÚw kataskeuØn érmãtvn, oÂon skoutar¤vn, menaul¤vn, sagit«n, san¤daw ka‹ neãkia ka‹ † kriãnh †, efi efis¤, ka‹ tosaËta, ˜sa dÊnatai §jar-

21 22 23 24



V P1

1 lege kannãbion; per unum n hab. V P1 etiam in Apollodori Poliorceticis (cf. praef. p. 13), p. 159, 5, ubi recte Paris. Suppl. gr. 607 || mallÚn V: primum l expunxit Vx malÚn P1 || linå V P1; malim l¤non; an gravius corruptum? linãrion enim iam memoratum est; sed fort. inter voces stupe›on et kanãbion linum (linãrion), post mallÚn et bambãkion linteum (l¤na) significatur 6 går om. P1 9 toË cf. § 110. 10–13 §ggrãfouw—eÍriskÒmenon cf. p. 55, 6–8 17 érmãtvn scripsi: èrmãtvn V P1 v. ad p. 48, 19 || menaul¤vn v. append. || sagit«n v. ad p. 47, 14 18 kriãnh] nusquam alibi inveni; Du Cange s.v.: „vide in neãkion”, ubi nostrum locum affert, de significatione autem tacet 13–16 cf. Urb.-Maur. X, 3 (p«w de› ént°xein tÚn poliorke›syai prosdok«nta xron¤vw) Scheffer . . . . . efi d¢ ka‹ épÚ kinst°rnaw §pid¤dotai tÚ pÒsimon Ïdvr μ épÚ pleyroË, m°trvi tin‹ ka‹ dioikÆsei g¤nesyai <tØn dianomØn> (ex Leon. Tact.supplevi), fere item Leo, Tact. XV, 62; Syll. Tact. 53, 4 . . . tam¤ai d¢ toË s¤tou ka‹ t«n énå tØn pÒlin brvs¤mvn pãntvn ka‹ aÈtoË dØ toË Ïdatow ¶stvsan, ín êra katå tØn pÒlin Ídãtvn μ ka‹ freãtvn mØ e‡h dac¤leia, doxe¤oiw d° tisi ka‹ kinst°rnaiw tÚ pÒton perikle¤oito: t∞w går poliork¤aw §p‹ ple›ston parataye¤shw §pimetre›syai de› tÚ Ïdvr 18 vneãkia Du Cange s.v. praeter locum nostrum affert Parecbol. (Strathg. paragg.) f 157 E, praef. p. 32, v. 17–18, et ibid. jÊla efiw magganik«n kataskeuØn ka‹ neãkia ple›sta proapot¤yesyai , de significatione tacet; Soph. non memorat; legitur etiam Paragg°lmata poliorkhtikã (Pseudo-Heron de machinis bellicis) p. 206, 7, ubi R. Schneider, Abhandl. d. Göttinger Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. N. F. XI (1908–9), reddit verbo „Äste”, Martin in calce p. 326 „troncs de jeunes arbres”

Greek and Roman Artillery: Technical Treatises (Oxford: 1971) 51 and Haldon (2000) 276. See on the term McGeer (1995) 64 and Sullivan (2000) 173 n. 37 tÚ kamalaÊ kion . fuel sufficient for six months or even for a year. An apparent hapax.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 159 wool. mag ganika 275 (“it remains unclear as to whether the term magganika refers simply to ‘other machines’. boards and saplings 44 and ~ cornel trees45 ~. Kolias (1988) 58-61. and McGeer (1995) 70. when the foodstuffs which are not expended for the support of the soldiers are sold. a framemounted tension weapon which could discharge both arrows and stones”) and cheiromaggana 275 (a “bow-ballista”) and 277. however. McGeer (1995) 62. 38 tÚ dhmÒsion. On its use for spears cf. Kolias (1988) 85-87 with notes 68-69. If monies are not available from state funds. the Praecepta militaria I:119-21 (in McGeer [1995]): tå d¢ m° naula . DuCange. menavlia43. see McGeer (1995) 210. likewise also wheat. épÚ neak¤ vn dru«n μ kranei«n and Kolias (1988) 193. 22. Cf. arrows). Likewise also have concern for abundant supply of water and fill the cisterns 42 and all the containers and by specified measure supply it as well to the people. Teall (1977) 204 notes that during the tenth century cotton “was put to military use in the fabrication of a pullover or “duffel” worn by both footsoldiers and cataphracts. W. a heavy thrusting spear. or to something more specific”). 6. but there are some individuals who are financially well off. see ODB 1:610. or kamelaÊ kion . 44 tÚ neã kion . See also below 56:8-9 and n. requisition from them and make the expenditure. 84. On the term as state treasury. . On this protective felt cap which covered the back of the neck and ears see Haldon (1975) 38. Glossarium. or trebuchet”). 40 tÚ bambã kion . 41 On linen production in Byzantium see ODB 2:1231 and Kolias (1988) 57. I. On the crane see E. linen41. 5. . 43 On the menavlion. Bring in also what is needed for fabrication of arms (namely shields. . Thurn [Berlin: 2000] 331:43ff) of the incendiary employed in 518 by Marinos against Vitalianos. Likewise also the iron and the other categories.” 34 On these obscure terms for specific types of artillery. s.” For additional references see his note 11 and add McGeer (1995) 61-62 and Kolias (1988) 56-57. below 74:9-10 and 82:3. etc. see Haldon (2000) tetrareai 273-74 (“The weapon appears to be a traction-powered counterweight device. 12. The latter passage (Archimedes’ defense of Syracuse. if above. 36 tÚ § pil≈rikon. and for illustrations Sullivan (2000) figs. chaff. gives “Aquae pluviae receptaculum” and cites Meursius for “cisterna”. and demand written assurances concerning these [items] regarding each person so that the one found lacking them within the defined time period will suffer the death penalty. For state funds will take care of the support of the soldiers and the price and their provisions. Marsden. cotton40. not on the TLG(E). 42 ≤ Ùmbrod° kthw. if this is scarce. The same phrase for native or elemental sulphur is used by John Malalas (Ioannis Malalae Chronographia. . 45 For kriã reading krã nh neiai (DS). 17. vdB (Appendix 104). from the price collected for these reimburse the money requisitioned. . cited from Polybius VIII:5) is the locus classicus for such devices.v. On this padded coat see Haldon (1975) 34. fodder. elakatai 276-77 (“most probably . ed. idem (1999) 136-37. 3. 39 tÚ ye›on êpuron. Also order everyone to bring in firewood. fisc. 13. suggests: “Fortasse <tå> tåw mhxanåw <tåw t«n § xyr«n épo> kinoËnta ¶ rga while noting Roos’suggestion of secluding kinoËn tå ¶ rga. 9. 35 ≤ kera¤ a. .

38–319. éyro¤zein d¢ ka‹ klhmat¤daw ka‹ b°rgaw fite˝naw μ murrin¤aw prÚw po¤hsin lais«n t«n Ùfeilous«n sk°pein toÁw §n ta›w mhxana›w §fest«taw..1.) . Àsper ÉI≈shpow §po¤hsen. „Schirme aus Flechtwerk”. 207. etiam voluit Ex 18 kunãrion scripsi: kunãr∂ i V kunãriow P1 nunãrion (sic) Thev. éllå ka‹ Neãpoliw ≤ §n ÉItal¤ai diå t«n ÍponÒmvn lhfy∞nai l°getai.g. . aÈtã 10 éporrÆseiw P1 || §poikodomoËn P1 12 propetãsaw scripsi: x propetãseiw V P1. ad p. (cf. 49 ad neãkia) p. 20 Àrmhse Ex. ad p. l°getai går tØn megãlhn Kaisãreian diå t«n ÍponÒmvn lhfy∞nai. III. quae Anon. 3) 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 k°sein Àste ¶xein ßkaston ékontistØn §fÉ •kãsthw ≤m°raw =iktãria d°ka ka‹ toÁw tojÒtaw énå pentÆkonta sagit«n toÁw d¢ kontarãtouw toÁw §k xeir«n maxom°nouw énå kontar¤vn p°nte: §gxarãttein te tåw sag¤taw …w ín mØ kataxr«ntai kayÉ ≤m«n taÊtaiw ofl pol°mioi. 15 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 V P1 1 =iktãria v.) „espèce de tortue de guerre” (Martin 1. 17–18 22–23 Neãpoliw – l°getai cf. 8 efl ka‹] lege ka‹ efi 9 malim Íchlå . Thev. p. toË går OÈespasianoË kukl≈santow tå ÉIvtãpata otow g°rra propetãsaw efiw Ïcow polÁ par°teine tÚ te›xow. praef. 318. t«n går Pers«n xron¤ai poliork¤ai per‹ aÈtØn §ktrib°ntvn ka‹ ≥dh énazeugnÊntvn kunãrion diå t«n ÍponÒmvn épÚ t∞w pÒlevw prÚw toÁw P°rsaw efis°frhsen. 47. in calce p. 14. 339. 5 b°rgai— virgae. 14 4 sag¤taw v. vim distributivam habet. append. cf. 6 la›sa—vinea. praef. poliork. Wesch. ad p. e‰ta §piskeuãzein tå te¤xh ka‹ §fistçn tåw mhxanãw. 47. ut vid. 199. sed incertum quid voluerit 15 lege gegÒnasi. SULLIVAN 50 § 26–37 (THEV. pollãkiw går ka‹ t«n polem¤vn poliorkoÊntvn oÈk éporÆseiw §poikodome›n ka‹ ÍcoËn tÚ te›xow. 51. s. p. efi ka‹ mØ ÍchlÚn e‡h. murrix¤aw V murix¤aw P1 || lais«n scripsi: laist«n V P1. praef. ubi narrantur. 10): T. E x 21 épole¤aw P1 24 §gÁw P1 2 énå cum gen. 47. la›sa e. 18 23–p. tåw d¢ SurakoÊsaw diå t«n ÍponÒmvn §ggÁw §lye›n toË prodoy∞na¤ fasi. 2 tåw d¢ SurakoÊsaw—ÑRvma¤oiw cf. F 10–13 §poikodome›n—te›xow cf. p. || <ka‹ oÏtvw> supplevi. multa exempla apud Soph.: Àrmise V P1 E. Ios.160 DENIS F. 3 et § 175. hic contracta et mutata suis verbis memorat 16–22 cf.v. quod fort. 7. 14 6 murrin¤aw scripsi: murrinn¤aw Thev. textum mutavit etiam E . . p. 57. etiam Paragg. ÍcoËn aÈtÒ. tin«n d¢ §pidivjãntvn aÈtÚ aÔyiw Àrmhse prÚw ∂n §jvrmÆkei ıdÚn <ka‹ oÏtvw> prÒjenon épvle¤aw t∞i pÒlei g°gonen: katÒpin | går aÈtoË §piporeuy°ntew ofl P°rsai e‡sv t∞w pÒlevw §n°peson. an ırm∞san pro Àrmhse? ka‹ suppl. ka‹ toÁw ÍponÒmouw d¢ énereunçn ka‹ ésfal¤zesyai: diÉ aÈt«n går ple›stai pÒleiw §pibouleuye›sai ÍpÚ tØn §jous¤an g°gone t«n §xyr«n. 15 2 sagit«n v. „Rollwände” (Schneider 1.1. ut vid. 171–174 (III. 4–14. 17 etc. p. p.

Then repair the walls and place machines [on them]. For when the Persians had become exhausted by a long siege around it and were already starting to decamp. Meineke (Bonn: 1836) 275:9-10: ≤ d¢ diå . It is also at variance with Sebeos (see R. [51] the traitors communicating I. 29. by P. 322-23). Caillemer (1872) 205 comments that the arrows would shatter on striking and thus not be reusable. Moreover Naples in Italy is said to have been taken through the tunnels55. For oftentimes when the enemy are besieging you will not be at a loss to build up and raise the wall. Stuttgart: 1978. “javelins”. Search out and secure the tunnels. as Josephus did. Chronographia 374:20-23 where Justinian II is said to have gained entry into Constantinople diå toË égvgoË and Leo the Deacon. And cut notches in the arrows 47 so that the enemy cannot use them against us. Theophanes. see above n. For when Vespasian encircled Jotapata Josephus by spreading out wicker barriers 50 extended the wall to a great height. raise them. The description of the discovery of the entrance through the mines is not found in other sources and suggests use of a source no longer extant. Vie de Théodore de Sykeon ed. 5: De› sag¤ ttaw •toimã zesyai pollåw ka‹ taÊ xarã taw ttein . 54 Also below at 58:11. Chronographia 299:31ff. Prokopios BG I:9-10. Hase (Bonn: 1828) 45:23 where Leo Phokas is said to escape from Constantinople diå t«n ÍponÒmvn toË te¤ xouw See also John Kinnamos. 55 Besieged by Belisarios in 536. [Leipzig: 1904. 46 47 . Chronicon (ed. t«n § j ¶ youw aÔyiw ÍponÒmvn § p‹ tØn pÒlin toËto pro˝hsin .. 51 Accepting gegÒnasi for g° gone. Historiae libri X. Epitome.e. and if49 they should not be high. 2 vols. a puppy came out of the city to the Persians through the tunnels.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 161 there are any. George the Monk. 49 Accepting ka‹ efifor efi ka¤. C. et al. spec. Gather also brushwood and willow branches or myrtle for making laisai48 which are useful for covering men standing at the siege-machines. W. BZ 66 [1973] 308-30. A-J. Cf. Thomson et al. These were to protect the workers building the stone extension of the wall from enemy fire. B. A. “New evidence on the early reign of Heraclius”. 50 The text here has g° rra (“wicker screens”) for Josephus’ drÊ faktoi “fences” which the latter describes as covered with raw oxhides. 2 and 20. and see W. and some of them pursued it as it ran back to the passage by which it exited <and so 53> it became the agent of destruction54 for the city. For great Caesarea is said to have been captured through the tunnels 52. Kaegi. On this and with other examples see Kolias (1988) 218 and n. The same recommendation is found in Dain’s (1940) Mémorandum inédit 124 no. de Boor. 53 vdB’s suggested addition. 153. The Armenian History attributed to Sebeos [Liverpool: 1999] 64) who says the Christians left the city and it was then surrendered by the Jews. C. ed. 52 vdB (17-18) connects with the Persian siege of Caesarea in Cappadocia in 611 (cf. 48 On the 10th-century laisa (la›sa). And they say the Syracusans came close to betrayal through the tunnels. for through them very many threatened cities have come 51 under the power of the enemy. 32. rp. but the spearmen who fight hand-to-hand 5 spears. a protective screen or shed and these woods see McGeer (1991) 135-38 and for illustrations Sullivan (2000) figs. Festugière [Brussels: 1970] cp. and whatever else can suffice [50] so that each javeliner has 10 riktaria46 each day and the archers 50 arrows. For other examples of such tunnels see Theophanes. ed. with corr. Wirth]) I:456:17.

diÉ œn ka‹ mçllon ı sof≈tatow ÉArximÆdhw perieg°neto t«n polem¤vn. 9 || kataskeuãzhn V 4–5 §piy∞nai P1 8–9 v. append. pl∞yow d¢ mçllon §xyr«n §lp¤zetai. 50. 4 suspicor fort. 8 tãfroi går ∑san tritta¤.162 DENIS F. 3–19) 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 t«n prodÒntvn tå t∞w pÒlevw diÉ aÈt«n ımiloÊntvn to›w ÑRvma¤oiw. ka‹ e‡pote ka‹ kl¤makaw §piye›nai peiraye›en. kín efiw bãyow §p‹ polÁ §pekte¤netai. v. efi d¢ yalãsshi diaz≈nnutai kayÒlou μ merik«w. éllå ka‹ tojÒtidaw puknåw kataskeuãzein. SULLIVAN 51 § 37–45 ( THEV. 23 excidisse ka‹ t∞w 23 braxiÒlion—propugnaculum . cf. quod fort. post braxiol¤ou v. efi ı tÒpow épaite›. eÍr¤skein F 6–9 diÉ œn—kayhm°nvn pertinere ad Plb. LXII. 14 et § 101 3 tojÒtidaw scripsi: toj¤tidaw V P1. 6 (7.. p. § 359. i. quod ante ka‹ oÈd¢ suppl. cod. VIII. etiam voluit Ex: diå t«n V P1. prÚw—te¤xei v. 5. 52. Thev. efiw plãtow ka‹ efiw bãyow …saÊtvw: efi d¢ ka‹ dÊo μ ka‹ tre›w §gxvre› g°nvntai.) (in Excerptis Ant. cf. † prÚw §p‹ toÊtoiw ka‹ tåw tãfrouw ÍporÊssein ka‹ eÈrut°raw poie›n lÄ pÆxevn. cf. cf. prÚ toË §panab∞nai t«n §pãljevn to›w justo›w katatrvy«si ka‹ épokrousy«si. Ex 22–p. 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 V P1 1 an prodidÒntvn? || diÉ aÈt«n Roos dubitanter. Plb.: toj¤ti V P1 1 10 ÍporrÊssein P1 V primum r expunxit V || tãfrouw ÍporÊssein cf. X. tojÒtisi katapukn≈saw tÚ te›xow † ka‹ éfan«w diÉ aÈt«n traumat¤zvn m°xri t∞w stereçw g∞w toÁw poliorkoËntaw ÍpÚ t«n §n ta›w tojÒtisi kayhm°nvn. 10 20 <¶xei> supplevi.. ¶xh post froÊrion supplevisse vid. † §pimele›syai de› toË braxiol¤ou. T et apud Anonymum § 221 servatum) iam vidit Müller 2 p. <taÊtaw ÙrÊssein> §mpiplçn te aÈtåw Ïdatow strathgik≈teron: §p‹ d¢ to›w xe¤lesin •kãsthw xarak/vmata poie›n ka‹ teleuta›on prote¤xisma dunatÚn {prÚw tÚ mØ eÈxer«w plhsiãzein toÁw §xyroÁw t«i te¤xei} prÚw tÚ mØ eÈx°reian ¶xein toÁw §xyroÁw plhsiãzein t«i te¤xei: efi går §p‹ polÁ bãyow ≤ tãfrow Íporuge¤h. 17 et § 176 12 g°nvntai] malim gen°syai. 6 Hultsch. ka‹ oÈd¢ flppe›w ≤ pÒliw μ tÚ froÊrion <¶xei> dunam°nouw •pit¤yesyai metå t«n pez«n. sed nescio an Anonymo attribuendum sit 12–13 <taÊtaw ÙrÊssein> supplevi 15–16 {prÚw—te¤xei} delevi. agitur enim apud Plb. dusxer«w ín kataxvsyÆsetai parå t«n Ípenant¤vn: ka‹ mãlista ˜tan oÈk ¶sti prosdÒkimow summax¤a. 31. Schw. Ex 16 plhsiãzhn V 17 tãfrow Íporuge¤h v. ad v. Errat autem Anon. v. 9 tojÒtisi Thev. ibi katepÊknvse trÆmasi tÚ te›xow. dicens hostes usque ad solum stabile repelli. 319. 7 et ad v. bãyow d¢ penteka¤deka: §p‹ d¢ to›w xe¤lesin •kãsthw §p°keito xarak≈mata diplç ka‹ teleuta›on prote¤xisma dunatÒn. 16–17 del. ·nÉ §j aÈt«n éorãtvw katatitr≈skvntai ofl Ípenant¤oi. plãtow m¢n oÈk ¶latton ¶xousai triãkonta phx«n. m. p. de oppugnatione e mari 10–15 tåw tãfrouw—dunatÚn cf.

62 tÚ prote¤ xisma On the “outwork” see A. For if the ditch is dug to a great depth. 22 and Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 494. if the terrain demands it. 61 vdB’s suggested addition. Greatrex. Claudius Marcellus in the Second Punic War (so vdB Introduction 15). but rather a multitude of enemy is expected. The most wise 59 Archimedes thereby was even more successful against the enemy. kayhm° nvn. having packed the wall thickly with loopholes ~ and invisibly wounded <and repelled 60> the besiegers right down to the solid ground through them with men positioned at the loopholes. . before they mount the ramparts they can be wounded and driven back with spear-shafts58. Let there be two or three if possible. Chronicon Paschale 284-628 AD (Liverpool: 1989) 173 n. the same in width and depth. 60 Translating one of vdB’s suggested additions (Appendix 105) ka‹ épokrouÒmenow. Byzantine Fortifications: an Introduction (Praetoria: 1986) 243 Fig. 104. On the term see Kolias (1988) 191 and n. 63 vdB’s suggested addition. and M. Do this especially whenever no allied aid is anticipated. Greek Aims in Fortification . 64 tÚ braxiÒlion or braxiã lion . 59 The same superlative is again used of Archimedes below at 78:16. Winfield. Literally “bracelet.tÚn égk«na toË te¤ xouw tÚn m° xri toË bã youw § ktetam° non in Agathias. . . even if the [sea] reaches a great depth. C.: 1990) 182 n. But also construct numerous loopholes 57 so that the enemy can be wounded invisibly from them and if they also attempt to put up ladders. Dagron (Aldershot: 1995) 125-29. ed. 3. For a similar wall defending the Thracian Chersonese . and the city or fortress <has63> no cavalry able to fight with the infantry. Keydell (Berlin: 1967) 192:16-17 . But if [the city] is completely or partially girded by the sea. .see G. On the banks of each construct palisades and finally an outwork 62 able to prevent the enemy from having an easy opportunity to approach the wall. Lawrence. G. t“ ¶ jvy° n te proteix¤ smati tÚ ésfal¢w pã ntoyen sunthroËn. R. it will be difficult for the enemy to fill it in. (Oxford: 1979) 276-79 and cf. ed. <dig them61> and fill them with water in military fashion. . W.C. see M. Nikephoros I: Short History (Washington D. 57 For illustrations of the development of the loophole in Byzantine fortifications see C. 464. Foss and D. De expugnatione Thessalonicae (ed. C. John Kaminiates. although the information given here is not preserved in the extant text of Polybius.” presumably a short wall projecting into the sea to prevent access to beaches at the junction of land and sea walls. Mango and G. 58 tÚ justÒn. Historiarum Libri Quinque. ~ Moreover in addition to these actions also dig ditches and make them wider than 50 cubits. although as she notes one might then have expected diå t«n . to find [52] beams and 56 Presumably the siege by M. “Procopius and Agathias on the defenses of the Thracian Chersonese”. Mango. Whitby. 65 vdB’s suggested addition. in Constantinople and Its Hinterland. Böhlig [Berlin: 1973]) 8:2:3: <tÚ te›xow> . ~ it is necessary to have concern for the brachiolion64 <and the sea beside it65>.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 163 the city’s situation to the Romans through them 56.

·na e‡pote ka‹ éponÆjasyai boulhye›en metå t«n ·ppvn. indicavi. Praeterea §ke›yen v. § 119. An DoÊlvn pÒlevw vel DoulopÒlevw? cf. V P 1. append. . mØ suntr¤bvntai ka‹ kindÊnou para¤tioi to›w strati≈taiw g¤nointo. append. an éponhjãmenoi? Id etiam coni. ipsi Anonymo attribuendum sit .v. 1 malim tåw êkraw (accus. 21 efi går ka‹ cf. I. 19. 3 v. † §peidØ ka‹ tÚ K¤trow §nteËyen •ãlv: •nÚw går t«n §gxvr¤vn §ktÚw t∞w pÒlevw §kkleisy°ntow kéke›yen efiselhluyÒtow ofl »mÒtatoi BoÊlgaroi oÈ xalep«w §ke›yen épopnijãmenoi efis°dusan §ntÚw † ka‹ pãntaw êrdhn éne›lon. plãtow §xoÊsaw sÊmmetron. ka‹ §p‹ toË prÚw tØn yãlassan m°rouw toË te¤xouw tojÒtaw suxnoÁw §fistçn ka‹ ékontiståw ka‹ sfendoniståw nuktÚw ka‹ ≤m°raw. . 60. signo corruptelae addito i. ut fort. Müller 1883–1901). semper per unum n hab. || suntribÆshw P1 18 sunpesÒntew P1 || lac.164 DENIS F. V P1 prÚw toÊtvi yalãsshw vel tale quid. kataskeuãzein d¢ ka‹ gefÊraw §n ta›w tãfroiw §k jÊlvn dru˝nvn fisxur«n ka‹ pax°vn sumblhtåw prÚw tÚ ént°xein t«i bãrei t«n flpp°vn. éfikÒmenoi? Sed veri simile non est id in épopnijãmenoi mutatum esse. Claudii Ptolemaei Geographiam (rec. 319. fort. 2 ÉAn¤baw—dÊnamin cf. partis) 2 plãgia ke›syai] plake›syai P1 8–11 épopnijãmenoi v. 5 cum annotatione Mülleri. p. pro ta›w êkraiw v. 19–34) 46 47 48 49 50 51 te dokoÁw μ katãrtia plo¤vn ka‹ desme›n taËta ta›w êkraiw ka‹ plãgia ke›syai poie›n épÚ toË braxiol¤ou …w §p‹ tÚ p°lagow §kteinÒmena. 58. Plb. 12–13 ÉAnn¤baw . V. 3 legendum esse épÚ <t«n ne«n prÚw tØn pÒlin (vel tÚ braxiÒlion)> nÆjasyai. ˜per toÁw ofikÆtoraw t∞w Do *pÒlevw paye›n sumb°bhke: t∞w går gefÊraw suntribe¤shw sumpesÒntew ofl f¤lioi ***. 20–p. DomitiopÒlevw? cf. 18 21–p. §gkleisy°ntow VP 1 11 êrdein P1 12 kataskeuãzhn V 16 g°nointo P1 17 d pÒlevw. V P1 (p. C.. proskroÊontew §n aÈto›w épopn¤gvntai. 9 et 10 satis definitum non vid.). Roos et hab. spatio 6 fere litt. Ex (nh in ras. ¶xvn tåw jenikåw dunãmeiw. v. SULLIVAN 52 § 45–51 ( THEV. ofl êlloi d¢ memenhkÒtew t∞w tãfrou §ktÚw Ípoxe¤rioi to›w §xyro›w §g°nonto ka‹ dusyum¤an to›w perilo¤poiw t«n polit«n efirgãsanto épogn«na¤ te t∞w svthr¤aw §nteËyen. 53. si pertinet ad mare. vacuo µ relicto. 135). ofl ≥dh §n aÈt∞i ˆntew épepn¤ghsan m°n vel tale quid excidisse vid. …w ín e‡rgvsi tåw t«n polem¤vn §fÒdouw. . || ênebaw V. Pape s. † ka‹ plo›a katãfrakta kataskeuãzein. praef. et pro éponÆjasyai v. efi går ka‹ ÉAn¤baw poliorkoÊmenow ÍpÚ ÑRvma¤vn ka‹ 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 F 8–11 §peidØ—éne›lon cf. ·nÉ ıpÒtan §n nukt‹ e‡te ka‹ ≤m°rai katå t«n polem¤vn §jorm«si. 5. fort. 53. 8 aliquid excidisse suspicer 9 §kkle¤syentow Thev. 10 absurdum est. p. m. p. 7. quo fit ut ante §peidØ v. 10 et § 118. x≈saw d¢ formo›w éxÊrvn sesagm°noiw tåw tãfrouw ¶laye toÁw polem¤ouw épagagΔn ésfal«w tØn dÊnamin . Àrmhse per‹ m°saw nÊktaw §k t∞w pÒlevw.

is no wood. 71 vdB’s suggested addition. Sovety i Rasskazy Kekavmena (Moscow: 1972)] 260:10). capable of withstanding the weight of the cavalry. DC: 1967) 21:53. it does not and perhaps something has dropped out. ed. ~ . noting particularly the frequent Bulgarian incursions 913-924. He further notes (116 n. For a contemporary reference to katã fraktai n∞ew (“decked ships”) see Constantine Porphyrogenitus De administrando imperio. it is necessary to use something else. by a leather screen which went around the ship. Her suggestions include inserting here after “§ nteËyen. G. in the reign of Constantine VII (912-59).” i. 69 Accepting éponhjã menoi for épopnijã menoi . tÚ plo›on katã frakton . the most savage Bulgarians. G. rev. 63) that Polybius uses the term for all warships larger than a trireme. Martin (1854) 327-28. Casson. the width appropriate to the length. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton: 1973) 88 explains these as “completely fenced in. ~ . for when a bridge was crushed some of their friends falling <in were already drowned 71>. made of strong and thick oak. bumping against these they will drown. presumably to station troops or siege machines on.” Efi d¢ mØ ¶ sti jÊ •t° roiw tis‹ kexr∞syai de› “But if there la. and prepare decked ships67. given the sentiment expressed in “most savage” (»mÒtatoi). Moravcsik. the [bridges] may not be crushed and become another cause of danger to the men. so that whenever by night or even day the soldiers sally forth against the enemy. Below at 90:9 the text has Arrian’s phrase naËw katafrã jantew where the reference is almost certainly specifically to the protective screen. . when Kitros 68 was taken in that way. R. given the decks. plausibly suggests that the otherwise unknown siege was recent (i. >polis 70 suffered. by a raised deck above and.” She suggests as one alternative inserting går at 53:3 before dunatÒn. slipped in ~ and totally slaughtered everyone.e. For72 if Hannibal when besieged by the Romans and [53] being vdB’s suggested addition. . Tå plo›a katã frakta occur at Thucydides I:10:4. Litavrin. 18) takes a similar view. . . this is what the inhabitants of Do< . The apparent lacuna here leaves the purpose of the ships unclear. (Washington. And on the portion of the wall toward the sea station numerous archers and javeliners and slingers night and day. 68 Byzantine Kitros was on the site of ancient Pydna (see ODB 2:1131-32 and add the reference in Kekaumenos [ed. followed by vdB (Introduction 3). so that they may ward off the enemy attacks. 70 The name of the city cannot be restored with any certainty. . . but. G.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 165 masts of ships and to bind these at the ends and to cause them to lie horizontally stretching from the brachiolion to the open ocean. L. swimming69 without difficulty from there. Construct as well bridges over the ditches. ed. at the sides. others avoiding the ditch came into enemy hands and brought despair upon the rest of the citizens who as a result lost hope of their salvation. trans.e. in order that if the [enemy] might intend to swim from <the ships to the city66> on their horses. . 66 67 . for when one of the inhabitants was shut out of the city and entered from there. vdB (Introduction 16. 72 vdB notes (Appendix 105) that while the following ought to pertain to the necessity of building bridges. Jenkins.

p. Leon. ·nÉ e‡pote 52 53 54 55 V P1 1 m°llon P1 || KarxhdÒnow] debet esse ÉAkrãgantow. De bello Gothico III. Syll. . I cap. ubi eadem obsidio memoratur 3–4 diå tÚ] dia V 4 épolÊein P1 6 §piskeuãzein v. . diå lept«n sfhkvmãtvn). tr¤boloi apud scriptores tacticos saepe memorantur. Leon. Tact. 3 sqq. Afric.g. si recte parojutÒnvw scriptum est) nusquam alibi inveni. 38. eÈxer«w éfairoËntai toÊtouw. Urb. 8. 6 (Vari) tribÒlouw énadedem°naw lepto›w sfhk≈masi ka‹ §n ¥lvi sidhr«i épokratoum°naw diå tÚ •to¤mvw sunãgesyai aÈtãw:.. prÚw §p‹ toÊtoiw §piskeuãzein ka‹ † tzipãta † §ktÚw t«n tãfrvn 6 ka‹ d∞la m¢n poie›n to›w ≤met°roiw. 3. Tact. sed quod ibi legitur „membrana. kremnçn d¢ ka‹ k≈dvnaw §ktÚw t«n promax≈nvn. in recensione Constantiniana Leonis Tact. .7. 1 (Vari) ¶jvyen tãfron poie›n. Syll.v.v. êgnvsta d¢ to›w §xyro›w. pellicula”. XIV. Du Cange s. Tact.Maur. musculus. ad p. 10 et § 98 7 poi∞n V 8 §pir¤ptein P1.. …w ín t«n §p‹ kataskop∞i toË stratop°dou pemfy°ntvn polem¤vn diå t«n efirhm°nvn tribÒlvn μ Ùrugmãtvn dielye›n fisxusãntvn ékrib∞ tØn toÊtvn gn«sin ofl k≈dvnew to›w toË stratop°dou par°jvntai fÊlajin. VI. item Leo. 45 §ãn tiw tribÒlouw sidhrçw ésumfan«w =¤chi prÚw Àran §n sfhk≈masin épodedem°naw efiw tÚ •to¤mvw sust°llesyai metå tØn xre¤an. XII. Syll. 22. XII. recte scriptum est p. 22. Leon. XII. . 8. scil. 2. IV.-Maur. Tact. 60. Probl.166 DENIS F. multa exempla apud Soph. vena. formo›w éxÊrvn sesagm°noiw tåw tãfrouw x≈saw ¶layen ésfal«w épagagΔn tØn dÊnamin. 8 et Leo. s. IV. Probl. 22. Iul. 3–4 diå tÚ cum inf. 6 et § 110. 27 (ubi . = ·na cum coniunct. item Leo. Tact. Tact. 41 et Leo. cf. 6 k≈dvnaw sxoin¤oiw éphvrhm°nouw. . XI. Probl. §pirr¤ptein d¢ ka‹ tribÒlouw kuklÒyen sxoin¤oiw §jhrthm°naw. 45 et 85. 56. . sed incertum est utrum is error Anonymo attribuendus sit an librario. XIV. 18 v. ¶jvyen d¢ taÊthw tribÒlouw.v. 54. vel opt. fere item Leo. XI. 10. 24 11–p. Urb. nostrum locum affert et videre iubet s. SULLIVAN 53 § 51–55 ( THEV. 8 et 15. Tact. 7 ex Urb.-Maur.) =ãbdouw mikråw §n t∞i g∞i phgnÊtvsan: ka‹ k≈dvnaw efiw sxoin¤a dedem°nouw t«n =ãbdvn épaivre¤tvsan kÊklvi pantÚw toË xãrakow. hoc loco non quadrat. ˜pvw ofl lanyãnontew pol°mioi μ katãskopoi tåw b¤glaw peritugxãnontew to›w toioÊtoiw eÈkÒlvw §pigin≈skvntai. Incert. tzÆpa. ·nÉ 9 ıpÒtan §jormçn m°llvsin ofl §ntÚw katå t«n Ípenant¤vn. script. eas describit Procopius. Ante hanc vocem signum aliquod (corruptelae?) supra versum posuit Ex. 52 sqq. 12 tribÒliã te sidhrç diå t«n legom°nvn sfhkvmãtvn épodedhm°na ¥loiw sidhro›w prÚw tÚ =aid¤vw aÈtå =¤ptesyai ka‹ aÔyiw sunãgesyai. ad § 165 || tz¤pa (vel tzipãton. 15. XII. Probl. 5 11 promaxÒnvn P1 8–10 cf. IV. §p‹ to‹w tz¤pasi (vel tzipãtoiw)? =¤ptein tribÒlouw legitur e. 3 ka‹ dunatÚn ka‹ toÊtoiw ént‹ gefÊraw kexr∞syai: éllÉ oÔn diå tÚ mØ épollÊein tÚ êxuron èrmÒzei front¤da y°syai t«n gefur«n. II (p. 34–41) m°llvn t∞w KarxhdÒnow Ípanaxvre›n. 4 cf. 319.

75 ı tr¤ bolow For this spiked implement for maiming horses and men see the description .INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 167 about to retire from Carthage 73. Throw all around also caltrops 75 tied on ropes. script. vdB cites parallels for this use of bells in the Sylloge tacticorum and Incert. by filling the ditches with baskets packed with chaff safely led away his forces undetected. On the term see McGeer (1995) 166 and Haldon (2000) 228-29 ton with n. in order that whenever those within are going to sortie out against the enemy. in Prokopios. Three Byzantine Military Treatises (Washington. DC: 1985) 262:27. For similar use to protect a military camp see the De velitatione. Also hang bells 76 on the outside of the battlements. II. 90. it is also possible to use these instead of a bridge. they easily remove these. apparently an error for Acragas. BG III:24:16-18. the same siege is mentioned below at 60:6 and 63:15. And so it is fitting to give thought to the bridges in order not to waste the chaff. . Dain’s (1940) Mémorandum inédit 124 no. so that if [54] 73 As vdB notes. but conceal them from the enemy. 74 tÚ tz¤ paor tÚ tzipã . 76 ı k≈dvn.10 makes the same recommendation. Moreover in addition prepare also barbed chevaux de frise 74 outside the ditches and make them known to our men. in George Dennis. Generally on bells see ODB 1:279.

p.-Maur. 2 anacolouthon. 13–328. 319. VIII. 37. . X. quae hic multis omissis et mutatis narrantur 15–p. . 13–16.v. 60. . •ortas¤moiw nuj‹n ésfalestãtaw ˜ti mãlista poie¤syv tåw fulakãw: 1 meletçn—conari. Ùl¤goiw? cf. quod propter longi1 tudinem sententiae non offendit 13 toË] tØn V corr.: surãkou V P1 15 diasafÆsantew T corr. 7 k°rketa—„circitationes. 14 15–16 pandhm‹] pãndhmon T B. XV. moliri. aÈtomÒlou toËto aÈto›w dia|safÆsantow ˜ti yus¤an êgousi pandhm‹ ofl katå tØn pÒlin §fÉ ≤m°raw tre›w ka‹ to›w m¢n sit¤oiw Ùl¤gon F 12–p. circae. fere item Leo. 326. Syll. êlla m¢n per‹ pr≈thn fulakØn t∞w nuktÒw. Suda || tre›w] ≥dh tre›w ÉArt°midi T B. 1 mãlista d¢ §n ta›w . 5 tåw går SurakoÊsaw—épokte¤nantew cf. ex quibus sumpta sunt. Lito›w. ka‹ ßtera per‹ tr¤thn. Plb. VII. aÈtÚn . mayΔn dÉ §j aÈtomÒlou diasafÆsantow—dacile›. émeloÊntvn ‡svw μ ka‹ prodidÒntvn μ ka‹ ÍpÚ toË skÒtouw mØ kayorçn sugxvroum°nou.: Suda s. metå d° tinaw ≤m°raw aÈtomÒlou diasafÆsantow k. SULLIVAN 54 § 55–58 (THEV. 55.-W. 57 ka‹ aÈtÚw d¢ diÉ aÍtoË ı strathgÚw §n ta›w •orta›w §forçn de› tåw b¤glaw. 41–320. . 15–17. ka‹ kayÉ •kãsthn nÊkta. 2) ka‹ layra¤vw §piy°syai meletÆsvsi ka‹ mØ yeaye›en parå t«n frour«n. 1 10–11 cf. Wesch. || m¢n om. V om. vigiliae” (Du Cange) „patrol” (Soph. 56 oÈd°pote går ëma pãntew ımonoÆsousi prÚw prodos¤an ofl fÊlakew. . 55. ibid. diå toË parÉ aÍt«n époteloum°nou ktÊpou a‡syhsin poi«si t∞w t«n polem¤vn §piy°sevw. Probl. rizÄ efi §mel°thsen §ke›now yanat«sa¤ se. T. e. fort. I. 3 (Scheffer) §k toÊtou går oÈd¢ eÈkairoËntew stãsin melet«sin. mÆ ti éme58 loÊmenon parÉ aÈt«n lãyoi. excubiae. Tact. Plb. Suda || s¤toiw T || Ùl¤gvn V lito›w T B. T || yusiai T •ortØn Suda. VIII. p. 53. l. . Tact.-W. P1 14 SurakoÊsioi 1 Thev. §poliÒrkei V P1 [T] 1 layr°vw P1 3 kayorçn scripsi: kayor«n V P1 || aÍt«n scripsi: aÈt«n V P1 [Suda] 10–11 aÈtÚw—de› cf. §pithrÆsantew ofl ÑRvma›oi kairÒn. non invenitur apud Du Cange et Soph. cf. êlla d¢ per‹ deÊteran. tÚn strathgÚn Ex (aÈtÚw . ˜te •ortØn ∑gon ofl SurakoÊsioi.Wesch. 37. XV. . 1) prÒ ge èpãntvn xrØ tåw parå t«n §xyr«n meletvm°naw §n°draw §reunçn. g. Urb. 2–10. . v. servata. 55. fere item Leo. item § 93. dacile› p. ˜tan ka‹ prosrÊesya¤ tinew to›w §xyro›w melet«si. cf. 55. Tact. parak°rketa—„excubiae post priores” (Du Cange) 11 b¤gla—vigilia 3 6 9 12 15 .-Maur. Leon.-Maur. oÈd¢ pãlin §n •n‹ ka‹ t«i aÈt«i kair«i prÚw bayÁn Ïpnon katenexy«si. 1 aÈtomÒlou—dacile›. nominativus ergo ipsi Anonymo deberi videtur. Cecaum. p. Urb. Suda.). 326. 60. t. 1 (ex Urb. 56. efi dunatÒn.-W. Suda 16 ofl katå—tre›w om.168 DENIS F. VII. 3. tåw går SurakoÊsaw mhd°pote lhfy∞nai dunam°naw diå tØn toË ÉArximÆdouw eÈmÆxanon sof¤an. 2. ı strathgÚw E) 10 aÍtoË scripsi: aÈtoË V P1 || §fodçn P1 11 nÊktan P1 12–p. in solo cod. p. ka‹ mãlista §ån k°rketa ka‹ parak°rketa §pinohy∞i.

and especially if patrols and counterpatrols 77 are planned. For never yet have all guards agreed on treason nor again at one and the same time have they fallen into a deep sleep. still others at the third. some at the first watch of night. On this term for a system of mobile surveillance see Dagron (1986) 215 n. others at the second. who are perchance careless or even traitors or also on account of darkness cannot see. And the general himself must personally oversee the watches during festivals. The compound (tÚ parak° rketon) I do not find on the TLG(E). and each night. . For the Syracusans were never able to be taken due to the ingenious wisdom of Archimedes.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 169 ever the [enemy] attempt to attack secretly and are not seen by the guards. but they were drinking wine 77 tÚ k° rketon. the Romans watched for an opportunity and when the Syracusans were celebrating a festival a deserter informed them that the entire population of the city was celebrating a sacrificial festival for three days and were eat ing little food [55] because it was scarce. [the bells] due to the noise they cause make one aware of the enemy’s attack. 1 and McGeer (1995) 78. lest any negligence on the part of the guards go undetected. if possible.

327. T B. §ndeç p. 328. 2 (Vari) §ån strati≈thw §n kair«i paratãjevw ka‹ pol°mou tØn tãjin μ tÚ bãndon aÈtoË §ãshi ka‹ μ fÊghi .-W. 49. 37. 2–3 efiw går ] ofl går §w T ofl går efiw B.: ßkaston V P1 E •kãsthn Ex || efiw tÚ ] e‡te V P1 || tojeÊein] tojeÊein pez∞i Urb. p. 4. 140–141. 2–15) 59 3 6 9 12 15 18 xr«ntai diå tØn spãnin. metå d¢ tÚ per‹ toÊtvn pãntvn kal«w front¤sai xrØ gumnãzein ëpantaw efiw •kãstou ¶rgou §pithdeiÒthta.-W. VII. VIII. d¢ de› etiam invenitur § 83. diÚ ka‹ ¶layon aÈtoÁw épokte¤nantew. efi går t«i toioÊtvi §pitim¤vi peridee›w e‰en ofl strati«tai. keleÊomen timvre›syai aÈtÚn kefalik«w. Suda || d¢ ofin«i T Suda || xr«ntai om. Suda 2 duo›n T due›n B. quod hab E x. . Plb. ı m¢n går tå n«ta de¤jaw t«i §xyr«i dusxer«w ín diafÊgoi tÚn yãnaton. item Leo. Plb. Tact. autem § 88.-W. 196 et ad 110.-Maur.-Maur. sed Anonymum haec ex ipso Urb. VIII. I. ofl dÉ §koim«nto pãlai meyuskÒmenoi.Maur. denuo memoratur. ı d¢ genna¤vw éntikataståw ka‹ §autÚn ¶svsen ka‹ gennaiÒthtow ka‹ éndre¤aw §karp≈sato dÒjan. o„ tÚn lipotãkthn t∞i §piyanat¤vi kated¤kazon cÆfvi ka‹ diå toËto pçsan tØn ofikoum°nhn Ípoxe¤rion pepoiÆkasin. cf. efiw kefalØn timvre›tai katå toÁw per‹ lipotaj¤ou nÒmouw parå t«n palai«n §kteyeim°nouw. scripsisse dunam°nouw contagione verbi épen°gkasyai. 3. autem praef. 56. 4 2–4 efiw går— meyuskÒmenoi. cf.. cf. 327. SULLIVAN 55 § 58–63 ( THEV. quia post narrationem denuo incipiunt praecepta et etiam subiectum accusativi cum inf. quod Leo non hab. || m¢n] §w m¢n T 4 d¢ T 6–8 cf. . quod caput inscribitur p«w de› gumnãzein tÚn kayÉ ßna êndra §n ta›w mel°taiw (Scheffer). 320. . 1 4–5 diÚ—épokte¤nantew cf. oÈk ín ßlointÒ pote ékleç yãnaton épen°gkasyai dunam°nouw eÎkleian to›w •aut«n pais‹ ka‹ épogÒnoiw katalipe›n μ ka‹ •auto›w tÚ z∞n peripoiÆsasyai diå t∞w §p‹ toË met≈pou épokatastãsevw. 8. 9. I. . . I. taxÁ d¢ klimãkvn dÊo sunteyeis«n. Wesch. ka‹ ésfãleian d¢ épaite›n tÚn strathgÚn ëpantaw. Tact. 1–3. Plb. Wesch. . efiw går toÁw pÊrgouw ±yroism°noi diå tØn yus¤an ofl m¢n ékmØn ¶pinon. p. 1 (Vari. VIII. § 80. 3 efiw tÚ—xrÆsimon: Urb. 113 7 le¤pe›n V 12 ékleç scripsi: ékle∞ Ex Thev. 100–102. . 37. sed cf. §g°nonto kÊrioi t«n pÊrgvn. 37. 20 60 61 62 63 P1 [T] [Suda] [Urb.-Mauricio sumpsisse vel ex eo intellegitur. 11. vid. 1. 11–13 14 katalip∞n V || •auto›w] aÈto›w P1 17 ¶svyen P1 20 •kãstou Thev. ·na e‡ tiw lipe›n peiraye¤h tØn tãjin plhg«n êneuyen μ êllhw eÈlÒgou afit¤aw. 49. t«i dÉ o‡nvi xr«ntai dacile›. VIII. 10–13 6 d¢] malim de› vel d¢ de› . p. p.-W. p. 22–328. 3 ±yroism°noi V P1 Ts: ≤yroism°noi B. verba e‡te =vmaÛst‹ e‡te persist¤ et hab. sed Anon. 6–10 cf. Scheffer). diÚ ka‹ . 12. ¶layon toÁw ple¤stouw aÈt«n épokte¤nantew 20–p.170 DENIS F. fere item Leo. p. Urb.-Maur. ékleoË V P1 13 exspectaveris dunãmenoi.] . Wesch. efiw tÚ tojeÊein sunF 1–2 taxÁ—sunteyeis«n: Plb. 10. 17. to›w §p‹ ·ppvn Ùxoum°noiw pro to›w §f¤ppoiw 1 tØn om. 175.

For if the soldiers should be very fearful of such a penalty. they would never choose to win an inglorious death when they could leave glory to their children and descendants nor even [choose] to secure their own life through turning tail at the front line. 1963) vol. B. and so the [Romans] killed them without being detected. ed. yet the one nobly standing firm has both saved himself and harvested the glory of nobility and courage. After giving careful thought to all these it is necessary to train everyone for fitness at each task . he will suffer capital punishment according to the laws regarding desertion established by the ancients 78. in order that if anyone tries to leave the ranks who is not wounded or has no other reasonable cause. who condemned the deserter to a sentence of death and for this reason conquered the whole world.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 171 in large quantities. Mommsen (Berlin: 1870. For some of those gathered in the towers for the sacrificial festival were still drinking. rp. 49:16:3-4 and generally J. T. no. The Emperor and the Roman Army 31 BC-AD 235 (Oxford: 1984) 303-05. And the general must demand assurance regarding everyone. . The [Romans] quickly assembled two ladders and took control of the towers.shooting the bow rapidly [56] in the 78 On the death penalty for desertion in the face of the enemy see Digesta Iustiniani Augusti. 2. Campbell. For the one who has shown his back to the enemy might escape death with difficulty. others were sleeping long since being drunk.

±lakãth. 5 =iktãria v. . quod E quoque hab. . supplevi). éllå ka‹ §k t«n gennaiot°rvn strativt«n §pil°ktouw proslambãnesyai de› tÚn érxhgÚn toË stratoË prÚw énalog¤an toË plÆyouw toË kÊklvi t∞w pÒlevw.. 3) 18 sthmonãrion. Tact. fere item Leo. colus. cf. ka‹ † érxhgoÁw ßkasta tãgmata † kayistçn katå tÚn tÊpon t«n xiliãrxvn.-Maur. e‡per mØ e‡hsan efiw fulakØn toË kãstrou xiliarx¤ai. . efi xre¤a g°nhtai. append. katamer¤sai d¢ tØn boÆyeian diÉ ˜lou toË te¤xouw.-Maur. 15 7 μ ka‹]μ P1 || §autÚn om. V P1 2 paraskeuãzei Ex: paraskeuãzein V P1 E || sag¤ttan Urb. cum apud Leonem non inveniantur) || taxutØw Ex: paxutØw V P1 || <ka‹> om. p. 271–273 (V. sed cf.). ka‹ éfor¤zein •kãstvi tãgmati tÚ ‡dion m°row katå tÚ §n aÈt«i ¶rgon. VI. ka‹ mikroÁw ka‹ bare›w. quod caput inscribitur p«w de› ént°xein tÚn poliorke›syai prosdok«nta xron¤vw. 6 supra versum posuit Ex 15 bohye› P1 12–16 cf. 47. Glossae Graecobarb. 3 10 fort. bohy∞i (bohy∞i ex Leonis Tact. stÆmvn—temo „beam. éyro¤zein d¢ ka‹ proapot¤yesyai §n to›w promax«si l¤youw m°lanaw.] verba praetermittit Vari. katå prÒsvpa toË ÍfantikoË jÊlou toË gunaikis¤mou. habere lekat«n. (Scheffer: haec [Urb.-Maur. Du Cange: „lekãth. 14 . 320. 47. 14 || énagka›on] t«n énagka¤vn Urb. ·na dfi aÈt«n bohy∞i t«i kataponoum°nvi. ka‹ ¶xein êllhn dÊnamin §k perittoË xrÆsimon. Urb. XV. quae annotavi ad spay¤on p. érxhgÚn •kãstou tãgmatow? ante ßkasta fere idem signum atque p. ˜per énagka›Òn §stin ka‹ to›w §f¤ppoiw xrÆsimon: ka‹ efiw tÚ bãllein eÈstÒxvw katå toË skopoË: oÈ mØn éllå ka‹ efiw tÚ ékont¤zein tå legÒmena =iktãria ka‹ efiw tÚ bãllein §k xeirÚw l¤youw katå t«n polem¤vn xr∞sya¤ te ka‹ ta›w sfendÒnaiw eÈfu«w ka‹ ta›w tojobol¤straiw ka‹ sk°pesyai ÍpÚ t∞w ésp¤dow μ ka‹ ßteron ka‹ •autÚn eÈlab∞ perifulãttein. (Scheffer) .-Maur.. 48. Ios. lectionem codicis melioris recepi.-Maur. meyÉ œn §pikoure›n to›w kãmnousi t∞w stratiçw dunÆsetai m°resi 18 m°lanaw cf. P 1 || lege eÈlab«w 8 petrar¤vn P1. ad p. p°mpein d¢ ka‹ diå t«n tetrar¤vn ka‹ t«n magganik«n ka‹ t«n lekat«n. p. ad p. ‡saw t∞w lekãthw. V. 47. I. ˜pouper ín kraugØ g°nhtai. ka‹ dokoÁw ka‹ sthmonãria F 3 bãllein eÈstÒxvw cf.-Maur. 15–28) 67 68 tÒmvw =vmaÛst‹ μ persist¤: ≤ går taxutØw <ka‹> §ktinãssesyai paraskeuãzei tØn sag¤tan ka‹ fisxur«w bãllesyai. 3 cum appendice 9 non plane liquet utrum V habeat lekat«n an lekast«n.-Maur. 55. Urb. 53. μ t∞w =Òkkaw” et ad p. Urb. 2 (Scheffer) §x°tv m¢n ée‹ per‹ aÈtÚn êndraw §pil°ktouw ı strathgÒw. VIII. lekan«n P1. X. ·na t«i deom°nvi m°rei.-Maur. 48. cf.172 DENIS F. . 3 §st‹ Urb. pole” (Soph. sed vid. . 1 (Scheffer) efi dÒjei ≤ sag¤tta eÈstÒxvw bãllesyai 3 6 9 12 15 18 V P1 1 =vmaÛst‹ μ persist¤] e‡te =vmaÛst‹ e‡te persist¤ Urb. SULLIVAN 56 64 65 66 § 63–68 ( THEV. 3. cf.

34 and th Dennis (1998) 100-102. Chronographia 384:11 (for the year 713/714). Taktika VI:27 indicates that the device with arrows could be carried in a wagon. Haldon (1999) 135. And appoint ~ leaders for each tagma85 ~ on the model of the chiliarchoi.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 173 Roman or Persian manner 79 (for speed causes the arrow to be released and discharged forcefully. The earliest use of tojobol¤ straappears to be Theophanes. Lexicon. and Sullivan (2000) 189-90 n. but the leader of the army must take picked men from the braver soldiers proportional to the numbers around the city. which is essential and suitable for cavalry)80.e. and beams and many thick poles88 [57] of oak. and shooting with good aim at the target. . whenever a cry is heard. 2 and A. 227 (line 134). “javelins”. Strategikon I:1:5-8. I.86 if there should be no chiliarchiai for guarding the citadel. and assign to each tagma its own portion of the work therein. 80 Maurice. see Dennis (1984) 11 n. see Haldon (1999) 115 and McGeer (1995) 203. Haldon (2000) 225 line 117. and throwing stones by hand against the enemy. Bivar. 137. . jai 86 ı xiliã rxhw . See Kolias (1988) 244-45. Sylloge tacticorum 54:2: TØn d¢ stratiån efiw éllãgia katamer¤ sai •kã te tã stƒ gmati tØn ofike¤ an épotã xre¤ an . “Cavalry Equipment and Tactics on the Euphrates Frontier”. 81 tÚ =iktã rion . 82 ≤ tojobol¤ stra The term ball¤ straappears in Maurice. On the term. in order that with them he may aid any [position] under attack. Cf. and using both slings and bow-ballistas 82 skilfully. it is found once on the TLG(E). 79 The Roman method was to use thumb and forefinger. see above n. 88 tÚ sthmonã rion . . pole”). . Gather and preposition on the battlements black 87 stones. firing with tetrariai and magganika and lekatai84. 85 On the tã gma see ODB 3:2007. 87 vdB cites here Josephus BJ 5:6:3 where the Romans are said to blacken the stones fired by their catapults to make them harder for the enemy to see and avoid. Leo VI. both small and heavy ones. DOP 26 (1972) 285. On this and the preceding terms here see above n. 20. 29. 84 ≤ lekã (literally “distaff. 21:13. The diminutive is not in LSJ or Sophocles. the Persian the lower three fingers. 83 Accepting eÈlab«w for eÈlab∞. and covering themselves with the shield or prudently83 guarding themselves and someone else. Strategikon XIIB: 6:9 and . See also ODB 3:2018 at “Taxiarchos”. apparently a reference to the same artillery device th mentioned earlier (48:3) as ±lakã . 271-72. and especially hurling the so-called riktaria81. apparently used as the equivalent of drouggarios or taxiarch es.

ad p. plØn e‡per mØ dÊnamin éjiÒxreon ofl §xyro‹ ¶xoien pezikØn μ flppikØn: tÒte går oÈ xrØ pisteÊein to›w Ùxur≈masin. ka‹ d°ndra kÒptein ka‹ plãgia tiy°nai efiw k≈lusin t∞w t«n §xyr«n efisÒdou. fere item Urb. 2. Tact. ka‹ oÈk §kplagÆsontai §ja¤fnhw toÊtvn ka‹ élhy«w ginom°nvn 10–11 cf. 6 4–5 v. fere item Leo. item Müller Kriegswesen p.-Maur. t«n dÉ §xyr«n ≥dh plhsiãzein §lpizom°nvn. Tact. oÂon ceudobohye¤aw m°rouw tinÚw §pelyoÊshw katå §t°rou. §ke›se pãnta tå yr°mmata ka‹ tå ktÆnh efisãgein metå dunãmevw époxr≈shw. §pitr°pein to›w ofike¤oiw despÒtaiw katasfãttein tå yr°mmata ka‹ tarixeÊein ka‹ piprãskein to›w toÊtvn §nde°sin. éllå ka‹ tåw la¤saw. potest e. efi dÉ oÔn. fÒnon §rgãzvntai ple›ston. X. pãlin ceudoprodos¤aw. 27. μ ceudoktÊpvn ka‹ ≥xvn. efiw •t°raw x≈raw §japost°llein ≥. 32. …w efikÒw. §n aÈta›w taËta §mbibãzein. † §y¤zein d¢ aÈtoÁw ka‹ fÒboiw nukterino›w. 50. 1. §n t∞i ≤met°rai x≈rai efisballÒntvn. ·nÉ ıpÒtan katarrify∞nai deÆseien. † ·nÉ Œsin §ggegumnasm°noi §n ta›w kayÉ ÍpÒkrisin §piy°sesin ka‹ §n ta›w élhyina›w xre¤aiw mØ diatarãttvntai. 2. Tact. efi m¢n ÙxuroÁw ka‹ dusbãtouw ¶xoi tÚ kãstron tÒpouw. polem¤vn. katalox¤zein d¢ ka‹ suntãttein tÆn te pezikØn stratiån ka‹ toÁw flpp°aw. 7 diatarãttontai P1 9 lac.g. t«n §xyr«n katepeigÒntvn ka‹ taxunÒntvn efiw tØn pÒlin katalabe›n. append. 195 épÚ t«n peplasm°nvw ginom°nvn katÉ aÈt«n prosbol«n ofl strati«tai §yizÒmenoi ékatãplhktoi g¤nontai prÚw tå élhy∞. μ ceudoautomÒlvn. §jÒdouw te sunexe›w t«n pez«n ka‹ *** tå §fÉ •kãsthi metabol∞i ¶rga <ka‹> sunyÆmata ka‹ tÚ épÚ sunyhmãtvn Ùj°vw ıpl¤zesyai ka‹ pãlin •to¤mvw diå toË énaklhtikoË Ípostr°fein. 128. 8 12–14 cf. 320. diarrhgnÊvsin d¢ oÈ mÒnon tåw ésp¤daw. éllÉ efl m¢n n∞soi parãkeintai t∞i x≈rai ka‹ oÈd°n ti pol°mion §ke›se prosdokçtai. Tact.174 DENIS F. an mØ deleatur? 18 §ke›sai P1 19 efi dÉ oÔn v. append. III.: katarify∞nai V P1 2 diarrhgnÊvsi Thev diarrugnÊvsin V diarrignÊousin P1 3 la¤saw scripsi: l°saw VP 1. Polyaen. 84 21 katalabe›n efiw—pervenire ad 69 70 71 72 73 V P1 . III. 26–27. Leon. XVII. 1–2 katarrify∞nai Thev. μ ceudoefÒdvn: oÏtvw går §yisyÆsontai. 4–7 cf. excidisse t«n flpp°vn poie›syai didãskein te aÈtoÁw || <ka‹> supplevi 13 §ke›sai P1 16 §xyro‹ lege ¶ndon. p. μ ceudoegkrÊmmata. 28–44) 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 pax°a ka‹ pollå drÊÛna katå tåw êkraw Ùj°a. quod caput inscribitur p«w de› èrmÒzesyai. (Scheffer) xrØ tå énagkaiÒtera pãnta §n to›w Ùxurvt°roiw frour¤oiw sull°gein. oÂa tÚ doke›n polem¤vn §pibainÒntvn §p‹ t«n §pãljevn. cf. SULLIVAN 57 § 68–73 ( THEV. fugadeÊein d¢ ka‹ tå êloga t∞w x≈raw. Urb. Arr. XX. indicavi. 9. fere item Hypoth.

~ Accustom them also to the causes of fear that come at night such as an apparent mounting of the battlements by the enemy. if the citadel has a strong position which is hard to approach. but also laisai 89. exposing those within. 96 For the Greek here. Sylloge . o 92 vdB’s suggested addition. cf. 93 ≤ metabolÆ. 89 Cf. J. la¤ saw sin ) which pierced the roofs of the sheds and overturned them. 94 On the use of such barricades by the Bulgarians against the Byzantines see McGeer (1995) 342 and n. 95 Cf. Lexicon at efi no. tacticorum 35:7: lÒxow går tÚ t«n deka¢j éndr«n sÊ sthma l° getai kur¤ vw. But if there are islands near the place and no enemy action is expected there. “armed bands” or “companies”. 90 On such training see McGeer (1995) 218-19. If not 96. ed.. Technically an “about-face”. Divide into lochoi91 and draw up the infantry and cavalry. Synopsis historiarum. H. i. dispatch them elsewhere or. bring all the flocks and herds there together with adequate forces. 91 Katalox¤ zein “to distribute into lÒxoi”. . 9 (cited by vdB [Appendix 106] with additional examples). Skylitzes. and cut down trees and place them horizontally to hinder the enemy’s approach 94. Tactica 25:2 and Sylloge tacticorum 41:4. kataxrhstik«w d¢ ka‹ tÚ m° xri t«n triã konta dÊ lÒxow kale›tai . When the enemy are expected to arrive imminently. Aelian. permit their owners to slaughter the flocks and salt and sell [the meat] to those who need it. Thucydides II:14:1. cf. for then there is no need to trust to strongholds. l¤ youw xeiroplhye›w) onto enemy plaited siege sheds (l° saw. in order that whenever it is necessary to throw them. [make] continuous sallies of infantry <and cavalry and instruct them 92> regarding the actions <and> the signals for each maneuver 93 and [regarding] rapidly arming on signal and again readily turning back at the [signal for] retreat.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 175 sharp at the ends. Given “each” here it appears to be used more generally. etc. Asclepiodotos. 15. Tactica X:1:6. See also below 58:7. unless the enemy has no significant infantry or cavalry force. On the passage see McGeer (1991) 137-38. Thurn (Berlin-New York: 1973) 463:83-87 and 92-97 who records that during a Turkish siege of Manzikert about 1050 the Byzantine defenders dropped long sharpened beams as well as hand-held stones ( dokoÁ meg¤ staw katå w tØn bã Ùje›w. if the enemy is pressing and hurrying to the city to capture it. efi dÉ oÔn = efi d¢ mØ see Sophocles.e. ship them to these95. ~ in order that they may be trained by simulated attacks90 and not thrown into confusion in real need. they will wreak the greatest slaughter and break not only shields.

kvlÊousi tåw §piy°seiw. 106–109. <§pispasye‹w> efiw Lammert. 1888 p. 12 15 18 V P1 4 lege §jasfal¤zontai. p. 36. t«n går ÑRvma¤vn poliorkoÊntvn Tãranta Borm¤klaw ı t«n Karxhdon¤vn naÊarxow *** efiw tÚ summaxÆsein metå dunãmevw ple¤sthw ka‹ mhd¢n dunhye‹w §pikour∞sai to›w ¶ndon diå tÚ toÁw ÑRvma¤ouw ésfal«w y°syai tå per‹ tØn stratopede¤an. 4 7 fort. Tom. 6) 75 76 77 78 (Plb. XV. 10 et Livio XXVII. 15. 7–11 cum Plb. §jasfal¤svntai Ex. Schw. cf. pollãkiw te puknoÁw lÒxouw prÚ t«n pul«n §fist«ntew. . B. §ån ka‹ parå tåw pÒrtaw μ efiw tå parapÒrtia t∞w pÒlevw .176 DENIS F. v.-W. SULLIVAN 58 74 § 74–79 (THEV. haec memoriter ex Plb. IX. 4–7. B. p. exscripsisse et duas res tempore disiunctas inter se composuisse coll. in ras. 320. 147–168. ka‹ metå paraklÆsevw prÒteron §fik°syai §kbiasye‹w ka‹ Íposx°sevn megãlvn. fort. cf.. ut vid. 119– 123. o·tinew tåw afifnid¤ouw katadromåw t«n polem¤vn épokvlËsai dÊnantai. ÍpozÊgia ka‹ peritto‹ ·ppoi ka‹ ênyrvpoi. Cf. 36. 16 3 6 9 p. X. descripsisse videtur. XXVI. 1. 20. . B. nuktÚw ka‹ ≤m°raw suxnÒteron toÁw prokekmhkÒtaw éme¤bontai. . μ ka‹ pÊrgouw ofikodomoËntew. §k t∞w? an §k t«n? cf.. tradita. etiam probat Anon. 321 Thev. 136–139. haec quoque non ad verbum ex Plb. 97–99. F 13–19 t«n går—éphnagkãsyh: Plb. 622 || summax¤sein P1 15 mhd¢n Schw. 59. efi går ka‹ summaxika‹ dunãmeiw poliorkoum°naiw pÒlesin épvle¤aw ge|gÒnasi prÒjenoi. Livio. p. ka‹ mãlista §n ta›w nuj‹ xrÆ se tØn toiaÊthn ¶xein ésfãleian: . Sed Anon. katanal≈sasai tå dapanÆmata poll«i pl°on. 9.-W. 11) 79 ÍpozÊgia d¢ ka‹ ·ppouw ka‹ ≤miÒnouw ka‹ ˜sa mØ énagka›a t«i strateÊmati diafye¤rein. 44–321. ¶layen énal≈saw tØn xre¤an.. aut ple¤sthw in pleÊsaw mutare vult. scriptae sunt) 5 lege aÍt∞w 6 μ tÚ §nde¢w fort.. por¤zein vel por¤sai? 9 lege émeibÒmenoi 10 efi går ka‹ v..: mhd¢ V mØ d¢ P1 17 xre¤an] xorhg¤an Schw. Schw. 4 (in praeceptis de urbe obsidenda) kre›tton d¢ poiÆseiw. poreuye‹w.7 || lege éfik°syai cum Schw. für class. Leon Tact. p. Philol. Hultsch 7–9 cf. 9. B. ad p.-W. 19 ±nagkãsyh Schw. ad § 58–59. p. Jahrb.: naÊmarxow V P1 || éfikÒmenow. V. B. ad locum et F. §ån xrÒniow ≤ poliork¤a ka‹ sunexØw prosdokçtai ka‹ tå kÊklvi toË kãstrou xãraki ka‹ tãfrvi ofl §xyro‹ §jasfal¤sasyai. kvlÊousi v.quam usui erant”? an .quam ipsi incolae”? 13 Bom¤lkaw Schw. cf. ka‹ tå ¶ndon? || §ktÚw t∞w] §ktÚw to›w V. 21 12 lacuna post pl°on? . 60. V. IX. 110–112. metapemfye‹w vel aliud simile ante efiw add. 9. incertum utrum error Anonymo an librario attribuendus sit 14 naÊarxow Thev. 11 apud solum Anon.-W. 2 et ad p. Tom. (litterae nt perspicuae sunt. B.-W. parakay¤seiw tinåw strati≈taw. 52. Ïsteron meyÉ flkethr¤aw t«n ¶ndon épopleËsai éphnagkãsyh.-W. † prÚw tÚ mÆte §k t«n ¶jvyen dÊnamin pareispese›n ka‹ dfi aÈt∞w katatrop≈sasyai toÁw Ípenant¤ouw μ tÚ §nde¢w énas≈sasyai mÆtÉ §ktÚw t∞w ¶jvyen §pixvriãsanta tå énagka›a porie›n †. sed de v dubito. praef.

i. “quam ipsi incolae. Accepting § jasfal¤ zontaifor § jasfal¤ sasyai . He had been constrained to come105 in the first place by an appeal and great promises. When the Romans were besieging Tarentum Bomilcar103. ~ by quite often stationing numerous lochoi99 before the gates. “companies. Livy concludes: “Tandem maiore gratia quam venerat classis dimissa est. 91. 106 This fragment is placed at Polybius IX:9:11. day and night quite continuously relieving100 those who are tired. and being unable to render any aid to those inside. source. the Carthaginian admiral. 104 Supplying éfikÒmenow . unless they had to make up any deficiencies? Livy XXVI:xx:7ff records that the Roman garrison was in the citadel of Tarentum and the Carthaginian had been called in to cut off their supplies. 101 See above n. since the Romans had secured their camp. if a long and continuous siege is expected and the enemy secures97 the area around the citadel with a palisade and ditch ~ to prevent any force from outside stealing in and by itself 98 putting the enemy to flight or rescuing those in need. but the Romans had adequate supplies inside and the crews of the Carthaginian fleet competed with the Tarentines for food.” Walbank (1967) 9 dates the event to 211 BC and 133 notes that the Anon. As vdB notes the De obsidione toleranda is the sole source preserving it. or even by building towers.beasts of burden and superfluous horses and men . how would Bomilcar’s shortage of supplies affect the besieged inhabitants. or furnishing from outside the common essentials. Accepting aÍt∞w for aÈt∞w. ut Polybii verba enucleari vix possint. 54.” See also above n. but does not follow Polybius verbatim. they hinder attacks.” 97 98 . 105 Accepting éfik° syai for § fik° syai . 99 The context and the use of § n° dra elsewhere in the treatise for “ambush” suggest that lÒxoi here are “armed bands”. For if [there are] also allied forces . <came104> with a very large force to provide assistance. or his .they have become agents of destruction101 for besieged cities. he consumed his supplies before he realized it.e.” 103 Accepting Bom¤ lkawfor Borm¤ klaw although the error may be due to the Anon. 100 Accepting émeibÒmenoi for éme¤ bontai. has misunderstood the situation.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 177 [58] Destroy beasts of burden and horses and mules and whatever is not essential for the army. using up the provisions far more <than the inhabitants themselves 102>. later he was compelled to sail away at the supplication of those inside 106. 102 Translating one of vdB’s suggested additions. See also Büttner-Wobst III:13 who comments: “sed est locus initio tam depravatus.

-Maur. signo corruptelae V P1 13 malim fossãtvn 14 eÍr¤skonta? an eÍriskÒntvn? 14–15 <tÚn potamÚn> supplevi 15 kÒpvi Thev. item Müller Kriegswesen p.-Maur. blãptein dunam°nhn toÁw Ípenant¤ouw ka‹ mØ d¢ sugxvroËsan aÈto›w xr∞syai éde«w t∞i poliork¤ai. §n°draw poie›n ka‹ traumat¤zein aÈtoÊw. Urb. quod caput inscribitur p«w de› èrmÒzesyai polem¤vn.. Iul.: summax¤an V P1 E 1–5 cf. 24. …w efikÒw. 103. add. fere item Leo.. ka‹ mãlista e‡ge summax¤a poy¢n §lp¤zetai. Probl. p. ·nÉ ˜tan ka‹ mØ paraxr∞ma yãnoien.V” p.: kÒpv Ex skop« V P1 E. Urb.. 7 (Scheffer) xrØ tÚn eÍriskÒmenon êrton μ o‰non (ita Leo. X. ka‹ proafan¤zein pçsan xre¤an prÚ dÊo μ tri«n ≤mer«n diastÆmatow. i. item Leo. …saÊtvw d¢ ka‹ tå Ïdata. cf. ibid. p. Probl. 68 13 fossçton—castra 81 82 83 84 V P1 . ka‹ p«w ıdoipore›n ésfal«w §pÉ aÈt∞i. 128. SULLIVAN 59 § 80–84 ( THEV.9 9–16 cf. éfan¤zein dapãnaw prokeim°naw aÈt«i. IX. Probl. P1 19 mØ d¢ lege mhd¢n. manyãnvn d¢ diå t«n kataskÒpvn tØn t«n polem¤vn diagvgØn efi m¢n gn«i aÈtoÁw t«i plÆyei yarroËntaw étãktvw poreuom°nouw. ka‹ toÁw §p‹ sullog∞i (sullogØn Scheffer) dapanhmãtvn pempom°nouw §nedreÊein. spoudãzein perikÒptein tåw ¶jvyen dapãnaw. 27–30. 128. front¤da 10 legom°nou mou spatio 5(4 P1) fere litt. . quod caput inscribitur p«w de› t∞i t«n polem¤vn x≈rai efisbale›n. 2 xrØ poliorkoËntow §xyroË Ùxur≈mata. 58. oÈ mÒnon élÒgvn. fere item Leo.178 DENIS F. ka‹ praideÊein. ad p. Philon. XVII. ka‹ tå potãmia μ tåw l¤mnaw μ tå toË tÒpou fr°ata farmakeÊein ka¤ tina t«n ofinhr«n skeu«n diå toË legom°nou *mou. farmakeÊein d¢ de› toÁw m¢n potamoÁw ênvyen t«n fvssãtvn §n ér¤stou Àrai. 30–33 tÚn d¢ s›ton diãfyeiron to›w yanas¤moiw farmãkoiw. Tact. kín mÆpv prÚw yerismÚn ¶fyasan.-Maur.3. ·na ka‹ §n toÊtvi dusyumÆsvsin ofl §xyro‹ pÒnon per‹ tØn dapãnhn Ípom°nontew. Tact. 1 (Scheffer) xrØ . §n t∞i ≤met°rai x≈rai efisballÒntvn. 7. . §n°dran §ntaËya poie›syai vel tale quid excidit ? || summax¤a Ex Thev. X. 63. m. 76. 321.15 20 post poliork¤ai fort. 1. o‰non μ êrton Scheffer) mØ tr≈gein μ p¤nein proxe¤rvw. 4–5.2. 2. ·na toË kaÊmatow §kka¤ontow tå t«n polem¤vn s≈mata †eÍr¤skon <tÚn potamÚn> §klelum°na t«i kÒpvi t°leon §jafan¤shi tÚ Ïdvr pinÒmenon. ka‹ §nteËyen stenoxvre›n toÁw §xyroÊw. item Müller Kriegswesen p. Urb. ˜tan §gg¤svsin ofl pol°mioi. 7–20) 80 3 6 9 12 15 18 yer¤zein d¢ de› ka‹ tåw x≈raw. cf. Leo. IX. ÍpÚ toË xrÒnou tin¢w nÒsoiw katamalakisy«si ka‹ dusyanatÆsousi.6 17 sx∞i lege ¶xhi 18 ka‹ om. Afric. XVII. . m. efi mØ prÒteron diå t«n afixmal≈tvn ≤ dokimas¤a g°nhtai.. Probl. …w efikÒw. éllå ka‹ ényr≈pvn. 17 farmakeÊousi tå fr°ata pollo¤. v. vacuo. Leo. X. i.† §ån d¢ ka‹ tÒpouw §pithde¤ouw sx∞i ≤ x≈ra dunam°nouw pezikØn dÊnamin ka‹ flppikØn perifulãttein. mhd¢ tÚ §n to›w fr°asin Ïdvr: pollãkiw går farmãkoiw ±fan¤syhsan.

not only livestock. only the last three letters -mou. ~ when they find <the river109> the water when drunk will totally destroy them ~. .INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 179 [59] It is also necessary to reap the fields. For when our forces are hover- 107 The mss. In addition to the references to poisoning given by vdB. but also people. And it is necessary to poison the rivers or lakes or local wells and any of the wine containers with the so-called < . 109 vdB’s addition. if one knows they are marching in disarray confident in their numbers. do not preserve the full name of the poison. . >107. in order that whenever the [enemy] do not die immediately. 111 Accepting mhd¢n for mØ d°. Volume I: Books I-III (Oxford: 1991) 319-20. worn out with toil. some may grow weak with disease over time and die miserably. 110 Accepting ¶ x˙ for sxª. 112 vdB’s suggested addition. add Thucydides (II:48:2) and the comments of S. make this [60] your greatest concern. It is necessary to poison the rivers upstream from the camps108 at the lunch hour. . See also Whitehead (1990) 115 for additional references to poison. Hornblower. No specific poison is mentioned in the parallel passages. If the region should have 110 suitable places capable of offering security to infantry and cavalry forces who can harm the enemy and not111 allow them to prosecute the siege with impunity. and to remove everything useful two or three days in advance. 108 tÚ fvssçton or fossçton. On learning through scouts of the disposition of the enemy. in order that thereby the enemy may become discouraged as they will have difficulty procuring provisions. On the term (Latin fossatum) see Haldon (1990) 175 and McGeer (1995) 76. A Commentary on Thucydides. in order that when the heat is burning the bodies of the enemy. even if they are not ready for reaping. set ambushes and wound them. <make an ambush here112> and especially if allies are expected from some place.

6 || fort. ka‹ ante tåw del.-Maur. ut vid. . III. malim to›w t«n ÑRvma¤vn stratop°doiw.6 xhdÒni dejãmenow * * * ka‹ tåw énagka¤aw xre¤aw t«n ÑRvma¤vn stratop°doiw.. ad p. 15–18 cf. 10–11 19 ka‹ t«n tojot«n] ¥ te t«n tojot«n P1 20 sfendonist«n P1. Vx 6–7 karxhdÒnh P1 7 lacunam indicavi. 52. Syll. 2 Syll. 45.. 3 (23. ad p. Ex 15–17 katalambãnvn — katalimpãnein cf. 3. ad p. 9 d¢ malim d¢ de›. xrhsi. v. p. 3 Melber). † sxhmat¤zesyai d¢ tÚn prÚw tØn §p¤yesin §piÒnta …w 12 êllhw ßneken xre¤aw éllaxoË metaba¤nein dianoe›tai. §j o sun°bh toÁw ÑRvma¤ouw §pÉ ‡sou poliorke›n ka‹ poliorke›syai to›w prãgmasin. Polyaen. Ex : ≤m°ra V P1 E 11 aÈt«n fort. SULLIVAN 60 85 § 84–91 ( THEV. fere item Hypoth. 14. 17 7–8 t«n =vma¤vn stratop°doiw V P1: =vma¤oiw 1 1 P1 i. 321. p. Plb. ka‹ sun°baine toÁw poliorkoÊntaw poliorke›syai. II. v. Polyaen. et ±fãniz (sic) post stratop°doiw ins. I. 7 4 aÈto›w V P1 5 ÉAn¤baw v. 10. cf. fere item Hypoth. Plb. † éfor¤zein d¢ tÚn érxhgÚn toË stratoË nÊkta ka‹ ≤m°ran ka‹ 9 poie›n gn≈rimon taÊthn t«i érxhg«i t«n §ktÚw §n to›w ˆresin énastrefom°nvn dunãmevn ka‹ katÉ aÈt«n §pit¤yesyai to›w polem¤oiw. fere item Hypoth. 9. dunãmevn går ¶jvyen ≤met°rvn énastrefom°nvn oÎte trofåw épÒnvw kom¤sousi xvr‹w éjiolÒgou dunãmevw: §ån d¢ * * * ka‹ mçllon dunhye›en μ ·ppouw μ ényr≈pouw 3 afixmalvt¤zein: oÎte katå tÚ dokoËn aÍto›w t∞i poliork¤ai xrÆsontai. pãntoyen kuklvy°ntew. poliorkoÊntvn går aÈt«n tØn ÉAkrãganta otow summax¤aw parå t«n §n Kar. aÈtØn? id hab. ·na mÆ. nÊkta <μ> ka‹ ≤m°ran <t∞w §piy°sevw>? || ≤m°ran Thev. Ex || tåw énagka¤aw xre¤aw] tØn t«n énagka¤vn xorhg¤an Plb. katalambãnvn d¢ tÚ 15 stratÒpedon ka‹ kukl«n aÈtÚ de› tÒpon efiw fugØn eÎkairon katalimpãnein to›w Ípenant¤oiw. 9–10 Hanno ad Hannibali Agrigenti a Romanis obsesso auxiliandum copiis e Carthagine missis kat°sxe tØn t«n ÑErbhs°vn pÒlin ka‹ pare¤leto tåw égoråw ka‹ tØn t«n énagka¤vn xorhg¤an to›w t«n Ípenant¤vn stratop°doiw.. 2 Melber). III. Polyaen. 3. …w ín mÆtiw katamhnÊshi to›w §xyro›w tå bebouleum°na. ·na tÚ feÊgein toË m°nein te ka‹ kinduneÊein . VIII. ut varia lectio archetypi fort. fort.180 DENIS F. Tact. 45. 54. V P1 2 komÆsousi P1 3 lacunam indicavi. . III. fuerti to›w =vma¤oiw stratop°doiw. cf. kuklvye›si to›w polem¤oiw toË kÊklou m°rouw (malim m°row) éno¤jantew pãrodon efiw fugØn didÒnai to›w polem¤oiw kalÒn. cf. Àsper ÉAn¤baw katå ÑRvma¤vn §po¤hsen. p. Urb. 45. 21 || §po¤hsen kata =vma¤vn V transp. app. . 9. F 5–8 Àsper ÉAn¤baw—poliorke›syai cf. ka‹ tåw ıdoÁw prokatalambãnein dfi ékribestãthw fulak∞w. Plb. 98. 58. Polyaen. 2 (Scheffer) . 2 fere item Hypoth. metå dunãmevw peirãsvntai. 18. 32. 14. 20–34) 86 87 88 89 90 91 toÊtou t¤yesyai ple¤sthn. item V . 4. I. 98. 5. ofl ≤m°teroi vel tale quid excidit? || dunhye›en cf. épognÒntew t∞w svthr¤aw m°xri yanãtou éntikatast«sin. 55. Tact.2 (23. 9.m.18 meÊei d¢ prÚw taËta ¥ te t«n ékontist«n ka‹ t«n tojot«n ka‹ sfendonit«n xre¤a.

116 Accepting aÈtØn for aÈt«n.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 181 ing outside the [enemy] will not easily bring in food without significant force. so that no one can inform the enemy of the plans. ~ The leader of the army must determine a night and a day <for an attack 115> and make this known to the leader of those forces hovering outside in the mountains and at that116 [time] attack the enemy. lest. Deploying javeliners and archers and slingers is useful for these [situations]. vdB’s suggested addition. 113 114 . after receiving allies from Carthage he < . they resist to the death. . 115 vdB’s suggested addition. it is necessary to leave the enemy a place though which escape is easy. following Polybius. w “he removed the provisions”. And it turned out that the besiegers were besieged. Nor will they prosecute the siege as they think best. For when the [Romans] were besieging Acragas. 114> and the essential supplies in the camp of the Romans.~ Pretend that the one attacking intends to go elsewhere on another mission. perhaps. and occupy the roads in advance with the most careful guards. But after reaching the camp and encircling it. completely surrounded and despairing of safety. But if <they attempt this with force. pare¤ leto tåw égorã . . as Hannibal did against the Romans. our troops113> may be more able to capture horses or men. The precise loss here is uncertain.

Byz. praef. 9 toË går—§pibol∞w : Plb.: pol°mvn V P1 4–5 traumat¤sousi E: traumat¤svsi Ex.. 42 . Tact. p.1. Niceph.. ≤ nÁj ˜te és°lhnÒw §stin. XXII foËlka efiw fulakØn t«n te efiw sullogØn xÒrtou §jerxom°nvn ka‹ t«n toÁw ·ppouw nemÒntvn stell°syvsan. 11 prçjin lege tãjin || tÚ Ex Thev. 13–19 § 136– 139. e‡te §n ér¤stou Àrai e‡te ka‹ metå tÚ êriston e‡te ka‹ deipnopoioum°nvn t«n §xyr«n e‡te kayeudhsãntvn. . sed significatione cunei etiam caret e. XV. p. XXXIX. ka‹ diå toËto xrØ diå t«n fan«n prÚw toÁw ¶jv dhloËn tÚ ˆnoma toË éggeliafÒrou kayΔw §n t«i per‹ fan«n §dhl≈samen lÒgvi. 5 to›w ≤met°roiw P1 || grammatifÒrou P1 7 §jefaul¤syh v.. P 1 i. 2 foËlkon—proprie .. hic quoque nonnulla omississe vidit H. .: ÍsterÆsantow V P1 15 parapÒlluntai scr.cuneus militum”. 199 N 4. Leon. Nissen. XXI.: tÚn V P1E 14 ÍsterÆsantew Thev. 7) V P1 1 polem¤vn Thev.182 DENIS F. 16 93 94 95 96 97 (Plb. 7–9) Schw. ·nÉ ¶xoien ofl §xyro‹ tÒpon fug∞w. IV p. μ §n ıdoipor¤ai ésfalØw per‹ tÚ sÊnyhma toË kairoË μ tÚn ırismÚn Ípãrxhiw. . 27. XXXIX. . 321. …w mØ m°llontew §nedreÊein §nedreuy«men ÍsterÆsantew toË kairoË. p. ·na §n kair«i Íposx°sevw Àraw μ parå prodÒtou proteinom°nhw. cf. SULLIVAN 61 § 92–97 (THEV. || …rism°non V i. 6–10. 28 ˜tan YeoË didÒntow pÒliw parå soË t«n polem¤vn èl¤sketai. . 34–46) 92 3 6 9 12 15 plØn katå tåw t«n polem¤vn §piy°seiw de› katastoxãzesyai toË kairoË ka‹ t∞w Àraw ka‹ foËlka proejãgein toË kãstrou. pollãkiw går μ grammathfÒrou krathy°ntow μ kataskÒpou d≈roiw deleasy°ntow ≥ tinow aÈtomolÆsantow §jefaul¤syh tÚ bebouleum°non ka‹ kayÉ ≤m«n tÚ melethy¢n metetrãph. XX. tÚ går taxÊteron μ bradÊteron pollãkiw fyãnein t∞w suntag∞w μ toË ırismoË êprakton §po¤hse tÚ proke¤menon ¶rgon. tÚ efiw fulakØn t«n diaskorpizom°nvn prÚw le¤an polem¤vn Ípãrxon . 62. 2–4 . 12 . ·na mØ tÒpon fug∞w mØ ¶xontew ofl pol°mioi fisxurÒteroi •aut«n kayÉ ≤m«n g°nointo. mÆpote proaisyÒmenoi toËto ofl pol°mioi ÍpÚ g∞n ÙrÊjvsi bÒyrouw ka‹ §p‹ toÊtoiw laÚn katakrÊcantew §nedreÊsvsi ka‹ traumat¤sousi toÁw ≤met°rouw. ka‹ oÏtvw §kba¤nein efiw ¶rgon sÁn Ye«i tØn prçjin.) apud solum Anon. μ §n poliork¤ai. tÚ aÈtÚ d¢ ka‹ fossãtou èliskom°nou t«n §xyr«n parå soË poiÆseiw: 13–17 cf. 10.. Phoc. Leon. . diå toËto går ¶famen katastoxãzesyai toË kairoË. Tom. XXXIV. XXI. Anon. foËlkon. script. m. Schw. append. §peidØ §nteËyen polla‹ parapÒlluntai dunãmeiw. 204. 7–9 (XXII. éllå mØ §j énãgkhw éndreiot°rouw •aut«n kay¤stasyai époroum°nouw tØn ¶jodon. éno¤gesyai sugx≈rei tåw pÊlaw Àste feÊgein toÁw polloÁw ka‹ mØ xvre›n efiw épÒgnvsin. 27. ut vid. Vel. tradita.g. 1 tacite: 1parapÒllontai V P1 16 μ] afl d¢ malit Schw. . . m. Incert. afl m¢n ÍsterÆsasai μ prolaboËsai tÚn …rism°non t∞w ≤m°raw kairÚn μ t∞w nuktÒw. toË går Nikãndrou F 17—p. ibid. a. Onas.: …rismÚn P1 »rismÚn V kr¤nvsin aflret≈teron. Sed Anon. Liv. ad p. coll. μ parå soË aÈtoË §pinooum°nhw. 58. . 5. Tact. XXXVIII. . Kriegsw. 4 feukt°on d¢ tåw diÉ ˜lou kukl≈seiw. Àsper ka‹ ÉAmbraki«tai. 1. ka‹ t∞w Àraw.

since many forces are thus destroyed. because they arrive too late or too early for the agreed upon time of day or night. portions of which he indicates were his own invention. For on this account we said to estimate the time lest when about to ambush we be ambushed. In tenth-century usage the term refers to special units of infantry or cavalry designated to protect foraging or raiding parties. lest the enemy on becoming aware of this [attack] dig foxholes 118 in the ground and by hiding troops in them be the first to ambush and wound our men. 120 Retaining prçjin. thus wrongly attributed to Africanus.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 183 [61] In addition regarding [such] attacks upon the enemy it is necessary to estimate the time and the hour and to lead special escort forces117 out of the citadel in advance. [62] who was hovering outside and 117 tÚ foËlkon. 118 See the same tactic below at 62:15 where it is said to be a regular practice of the Bulgarians. whether at the lunch hour or even after lunch or even while the enemy are having dinner or sleeping. Dain (1967) 350 plausibly comments that such references in compilers should be referred to their sources rather than to the compiler himself. . arriving too late for the time and hour. like the Ambraciots. One might add that Polybius (X:43-47) describes a system for signaling with torches. 119 Martin (1854) 328 suggested this may be a reference to chapter 76 of the Kestoi of Julius Africanus (Per‹ purs«n). see Dagron (1986) 224 n. And so with God set the operation120 in action. 18 and McGeer (1995) 71-72. on a moonless night. And therefore it is necessary to make clear with torch [signals] to those outside the name of the messenger as we have set forth in the treatise On Torch [Signals]119. For often when either a letter carrier is overpowered or a scout enticed by bribes or someone turns traitor the plan is brought to naught and our objective is frustrated. For when Nicander. See also the comments of Whitehead (1990) 111-113 on Aineias the Tactician’s statements on fire-signaling.

mÆpote ofl §xyro‹ ¶n tisin épokrÊfoiw tÒpoiw §n°draw pareskeÊasan ka‹ bÒyrouw ÙrÊjantew §n aÈto›w laÚn kat°krucan ka‹ épat∞sai boulÒmenoi tÚ m°row §ke›no katalelo¤pasi polem¤vn xvr¤w.): nom¤santew V P1 || prãgmata Schw. efis‹n in Œs‹n mutavit Ex. Àsper ka‹ Y∞bai. Ex. to›w ÑRvma¤oiw) §jap¤nhw §fa¤nonto 26—p. idem signum atque ad p.) 7 kataplag°ntow Ex Thev. Àsper ka‹ ÉIouda›oi §po¤oun: diÉ aÈt«n går §jap¤nhw §n m°soiw to›w ÑRvma¤oiw §fa¤nonto ka‹ ±mÊnonto toÊtouw énuponoÆtvw: xrØ m¢n énereunçn. kayÉ ∂n §tãjanto ≤m°ran. 9 §piboul∞w P1 11 fort... 37–38 18 oÈd¢ yarre›n] oÈ yarre›n P1 20 sfendon¤taw v. B. e‡te diå t«n paraport¤vn e‡te diå t«n ÍponÒmvn. 4 lac. sed cf.-W... quod fort. p. Ex (ow in ras. praef. §p¤yesin to›w polem¤oiw vel tale quid excidisse vid. * * * paragge¤law. ubi habes. éllå kéke›se fÊlakaw ékribe›w ka‹ égrÊpnouw katalimpãnein ka‹ §n ta›w pÒrtaiw tojÒtaw ka‹ sfendon¤taw §fistçn ka‹ ékontiståw ka‹ kontarãtouw ka‹ sÊnyhma pçsi didÒnai. 63. m. 3 6 p. ≤ttÆyhsan t∞w §pibol∞w. ad p. toË går ÉAlejãndrou taÊtaw poliorF 12–13 cf. 8. app. quae hic valde mutata et contracta narrat Anon. p. toË d¢ laoË katå t«n §xyr«n §jorm«ntow. 20 22 gin≈skousi in gin≈skvsi mutasse vid.-W. B. etiam voluit Ex: pragmãtvn V P1 prãgmasin Dindorf B. polla‹ går pÒleiw diå t∞w toiaÊthw afit¤aw Ípoxe¤rioi to›w §xyro›w <§g°nonto>. toË d¢ Nikãndrou kayusterÆsantow. 36–37 23 émÊnontai in émÊnvntai mutasse vid. toÁw d¢ §xyroÁw émÊnontai ka‹ mØ §ãsvsi to›w fil¤oiw suneiselye›n toÁw §xyroÊw. B. 14) (Plb. 46–322. e‡te kataplag°ntow tÚn k¤ndunon e‡te ka‹ énagka›a | nom¤santow tå §n oÂw di°triben prãgmata.-W. o„ ka‹ parabiasãmenoi tÚn metajÁ xãraka t«n polem¤vn efis°frhsan efiw tØn pÒlin. 9 12 15 18 21 24 V P1 3 lac. Schw. XVIII. 10 toË går—tØn n¤khn cf. B. 322 Thev. 60. 8) (9) 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 §ktÚw énastrefom°nou ka‹ p°mcantow pentakos¤ouw flppe›w efiw tØn pÒlin. 53. aÈtoÁw m¢n §jelyÒntaw * * * poiÆsasyai. 1–5. I.184 DENIS F. Schw. ut vid. oÈd¢ yarre›n de› mÒnaiw ta›w profulaka›w. ˜per ¶yow §st‹n poie›n to›w Boulgãroiw. ka‹ aÈt«n m¢n eÈcÊxvw t∞w pÒlevw §jormhsãntvn ka‹ genna¤vw égvnisam°non. ind.-W.: aÈto›w V P1 E aÈto‹ Ex 6 §jormisãntvn V E ı in h. B. 26 ka‹] afl P1 . Ex 25–26 <§g°nonto> supplevi: gegÒnasi Ex i.: kataplag°nta V P1 8 nom¤santow Schw. éllÉ oÈd¢ tå te¤xh periorçn de›. 321. SULLIVAN 62 § 97–106 ( THEV. ut vid..-W. 350 (I. ind. sed cf. p. I. sunepilab°syai d¢ aÈtÚn toÊtoiw toË kindÊnou. Ios. et vn in ew mutavit Ex || égvnizom°nvn P1 égvnisam°noi Ex (oi in ras.-W. §ån efis‹n §n t∞i pÒlei. 98 XXI. 2) diå d¢ t«n ÍponÒmvn §n m°soiw aÈto›w (scil. ·na ‡svw t«n ≤met°rvn sÁn divgm«i ÍpostrefÒntvn gin≈skousi m¢n toÁw fil¤ouw diå toË sunyÆmatow. 6 supra syai posuit Ex 5 aÈt«n Schw. 27. praef. Arr.

something the Bulgarians customarily do. When the troops venture out against the enemy. . The text is in part sole witness (with additions and compressions) and in part overlaps with that in the “Excerpta de strategematis” in Parisinus.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 185 sent five hundred cavalrymen to the city they entered the city by breaking through the intervening palisade of the enemy.N. But it is necessary not ignore the walls nor to place confidence in advanced guards alone. Moore. .for through these they appeared sud denly in the midst of the Romans and due to the surprise warded them off . The De obsidione toleranda describes the siege of Ambracia (summer 189 BC) here and below 73:17-74:17 and 75:6-77:16. 123 ı ÍpÒnomow See above is necessary to investigate lest the enemy prepare ambushes in secret places and digging foxholes hide troops in them and seeking to trick [us. and that he himself would share the danger with them. as the Jews also used to do . seemingly] leave that sector without enemy forces. They are published in C. But although they made a spirited sally out of the city and fought bravely. . they failed in the attempt because Nicander arrived late. either through the posterns or through the tunnels 123. The Manuscript Tradition of Polybius (Cambridge: 1965) 134-36. For when Alexander was besieging it [63] and the Thebans were streaming out in force and courageously vdB’s suggested addition. but to leave even there careful and vigilant guards and to station at the gates archers and slingers and javeliners and spearmen 124 and to give everyone a signal. B. see Walbank (1979) 6 and 123-25. but ward off the enemy and do not allow the enemy to enter along with their friends. either because he was afraid of the danger. 124 ofl kontarçtoi On the term see Kolias (1988) 191 n. > He indicated for them on a day agreed upon to proceed out and make <an attack on the enemy121>. 36. 607 as witness for the source. as also did Thebes. . gr. < . or because he con sidered essential the tasks on which he was engaged122. if there are [such things] in the city. Wescher. 125 vdB’s addition. For many cities for just this reason <have fallen 125> into enemy hands. 121 122 . so that if our men are perchance returning under pursuit the [guards] recognize their friends by means of the signal. Polybius. On the “Excerpta” see J. Poliorcétique des Grecs (Paris: 1867) 283-346 as Strathg¤ ai ka‹ poliork¤ ai diafÒrvn pÒlevn .. suppl.

poliorkoÊmenoi går ÍpÚ ÑRvma¤vn §pe‹ §yeãsanto toÁw ÑRvma¤ouw prÚw tÚ sitologe›n tetramm°nouw. toÁw Yhba¤ouw d¢ lelukÒtaw §n t∞i di≈jei tØn tãjin. 14 (Vari) xrØ §n kair«i mãxhw prÚ §kbãsevw toË pol°mou §xyrÚn mØ skuleÊein strati≈thn ka‹ toËto pollãkiw proparagg°llein. cf. kénteËyen ¶layon Ùje›an dÒntew to›w §nant¤oiw tØn n¤khn. E (hw in ras.-Maur. . Tact. 17. 9–18. I. I. I. cf.: kekmhkÒtew V P1 7 §pikolouyhkÒtew P1 || makedÒnaiw P1 8–9 lege profulak«n. prÚw tÚ sitologe›n 107 108 109 110 111 V P1 1 ka‹ metå] metå P1 3 debet esse Perd¤kkan. I. 5 dunãmei] di≈jei P 1 || kekmhkÒtaw Thev. F 3–5 t∞i di≈jei—dunãmei cf. 8. Urb. 17. incertum utrum error Anonymo an librario attribuendus sit || kËnon V P1: Ën exp. quae hic multis omissis et mutatis narrat Anon. et o› superscr. p. quod fort. . 20) dhloËtai. ut vid. ·na mØ lãyvsi to›w §xyro›w paradÒntew tØn n¤khn. Tact. cf. fere item Leo. 322. 14 (Vari) skuleÊein d¢ nekroÁw . Plb. VIII. 6 Àsper ka‹ KarxhdÒ nioi—par°skeuasan cf. 55.x 6 12 §pit¤mivn V || toË cf. habuit Anon. . ka‹ §pit¤mion §kt¤yesyai. Àsper ka‹ KarxhdÒnioi §n ÉAkrãganti. katid≈n. quod fort. paragg°llein d¢ to›w efiw tØn §p¤yesin §jioËsi t«n polem¤vn strati≈taiw. Arr. 1 P1 ut Ko›non voluisse videatur. ubi habes. p. SULLIVAN 63 § 106–111 (THEV. Tact. . quamquam Ko›now in hac narratione apud Arr. Leon. XIII. (a librario quodam per iotacismum in KËnon mutatum). 124. prÚ tele¤aw §kbãsevw toË pol°mou prçgma Ùl°yrion ka‹ §pik¤ndunÒn §sti. . I. legendum est 16 §yeãsato P1 || tetragm°nouw P1 11–14 cf. §pifane‹w ÉAl°jandrow suntetagm°nvw t∞i dunãmei oÈ xalep«w §tr°cato toÊtouw kekmhkÒtaw ≥dh ka‹ §klelum°nouw ÍpÚ toË kÒpou. 14–25) 3 6 9 12 15 koËntow ka‹ t«n Yhba¤vn §kxuy°ntvn bia¤vw ka‹ metå yrãsouw katå t«n MakedÒnvn §piyem°nvn ka‹ trecam°nvn toÁw per‹ Perd¤kan ka‹ KËnon ka‹ sfodr«w t∞i di≈jei §pikeim°nvn ka‹ tåw tãjeiw lusãntvn. 5 sunesp¤ptousi går aÈto›w e‡sv toË te¤xouw 14—p. talia praecepta etiam inveniuntur Leon. pollãkiw går ofl nikÆsantew diå toioÊtvn trÒpvn oÈ mÒnon ≤ttÆyhsan.). Arr. non memoratur 4 lege suntetagm°nhi. p.-Maur. VII. 16 prÚw—tetramm°nouw cf. 8. 62. 1. diÚ xrØ eÈka¤rvw proparagg°llein toÁw strati≈taw. 49. 64. 17. VII. I. 5 ÉAl°jandrow . 8. 2. 9 Àrmhsan . 9 13 telele¤aw V || ¥tthw Thev. skorp¤santew •autoÁw ka‹ ÍpÚ t«n §xyr«n aÈt«n afifnidiasy°ntew. toË mhd°na prÚw diarpagØn skÊlvn xvre›n prÚ t∞w tele¤aw t«n §xyr«n ¥ttaw. 5 t«n teix«n diå tåw profulakåw tåw pollåw §rÆmvn ˆntvn 11 d¢] de› P1.. 15. Urb. Arr. toÊtvn panto¤vw ép°xesyai. éllå ka‹ ép≈lonto. scribendum sit d¢ de›. . XII. ka‹ sÁn to›w feÊgousi t«n Yhba¤vn katÒpin §phkolouyhkÒtew ofl MakedÒnew e‡sv toË te¤xouw §g°nonto ka‹ tØn pÒlin kat°sxon: yarroËntew går ta›w t«n parafulak«n ésfale¤aiw oÈ pollo‹ t«i te¤xei prosÆdreuon. II. Urb. ad p. 19 et Arr. Plb.-Maur.186 DENIS F. 8. fere item Leo. Tact. Ex. §mbãllei §w aÈtoÁw suntetagm°nhi t∞i fãlaggi 6–7 sÁn to›w—te¤xouw cf. XX. . I. ut fort. 82 et 104 . …w ka‹ §n to›w §pitim¤oiw (scil. .

For confident in the security of their advanced guards129 few [Thebans] were keeping watch on the wall and as a result they inadvertently gave a quick victory to the enemy. 126 127 . he is not mentioned in Arrian’s text at this point.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 187 attacking the Macedonians and routing those with Perdiccas 126 and C o e n u s127 and vigorously pursuing and breaking their ranks. for discussion see idem (1995) 321f. upon seeing the Romans engaged in foraging for grain. he also appears below at 93:13. 130 In addition to the parallels provided by vdB. cf. 128 Accepting suntetagm° n˙ for suntetagm° nvw. And the Macedonians followed along behind with the fleeing Thebans. lest they inadvertently surrender victory to the enemy. got inside the wall and captured the city. Accepting Ko›non for KËnon. as the Carthaginians did at Acragas. 129 Accepting profulak«n for parafulak«n . Give orders to the soldiers who are going out to attack the enemy and establish a penalty in order that no one proceeds to pillaging for spoils until the enemy is completely defeated 130. For when they were under siege by the Romans. for similar concerns the Praecepta mili taria II:71-79 and IV:162-66 (in McGeer [1995]). although as vdB notes. [64] after going out and Accepting Perd¤ kkanfor Perd¤ kan . Alexander appeared with his forces in good order 128 and routed them without difficulty as they were already tired and worn out with the exertion.

. •t°rouw d¢ per‹ tÚ §mpiprçn tåw mhxanãw. Urb. efi d¢ ka‹ mhxanåw ofl §xyro‹ kateskeÊasan. 21 || énagka› P1 14–20 cf. 128. p. quae antecedunt 13 énayarrsÆsousin V. fere item Leo. 52. item Müller Kriegswesen. ka‹ toÊtou ginom°nou summax¤ai YeoË yrausyÆsetai m¢n tå fronÆmata t«n Ípenant¤vn ka‹ épogn≈sontai toË •le›n tØn pÒlin. …w boÊlontai. I. ka‹ diaire›n tÚn laÚn efiw ple¤ona m°rh ka‹ êllouw m¢n tãjai per‹ tØn toË pol°mou ésxol¤an. p. Plb. . dedÊnhtai. §n t∞i ≤met°rai x≈rai efisballÒntvn. 2. trecãmenoi d¢ toÊtouw =aid¤vw ofl m¢n §p‹ tØn toË xãrakow èrpagØn Àrmhsan 3–4 polloÁw—épobalÒntew cf. émfÒtera går lusitele› poie›n. XVII. efi m¢n éjiÒlogow dÊnamiw ≤met°ra §pisunaxy∞nai. ofl ÑRvma›oi) 4–6 éyumÒteroi—pareskeÊasan cf. Plb. efi går ka‹ énagka›a strathgÆmata taËta. 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 V P1 2–4 mentio cladis et fugae Carthaginiensium (cf. 1 metå d¢ taËta sun°bh toÁw m¢n Karhdon¤ouw eÈlab°steron diake›syai prÚw tåw §piy°seiw. …w efikÒw. SULLIVAN 64 112 § 111–118 (THEV. 17. cf.188 DENIS F. §p‹ tØn diarpagØn t«n §n t«i xãraxi kexvrhkÒtew. ut pertineat haec sententia ad omnia praecepta. Plb. praef. diÉ •t°rou tÒpou mçllon §pithdeÊein p°mpein stratÚn §n aÈt∞i. xvre›n katÉ aÈt«n ka‹ dhmÒsion pÒlemon sugkrote›n. . p. énayarrÆsousin d¢ ofl §ntÚw ka‹ yarsale≈teroi genÆsontai. ad p. proeutrep¤zein dçidaw ka‹ stupe›on ka‹ p¤ssan ka‹ xeiros¤fvna. toÁw d¢ ÑRvma¤ouw fulaktik≈teron xr∞syai ta›w pronoma›w pareskeÊasan. plØn mhd¢ t∞w polem¤aw x≈raw ép°xesyai. ka‹ tÚ mØ §çn aÈtoÊw. t«n §ke›se kataleleimm°nvn fisxur«w égvnisam°nvn dietrãphsan ka‹ polloÁw t«n ofike¤vn épobalÒntew éyumÒteroi per‹ tåw §piy°seiw efiw to •j∞w §gegÒneisan. Plb. I.) desideratur. xrØ §ån ı tÒpow ka‹ ≤ y°siw t∞w t«n §nant¤vn x≈raw §pithde¤a §st¤. 35–36 16 ka‹ dhmÒsion] mØ dhmÒsion P1 17 poi∞n V 18 aÈt∞w an aÈtoË? 20 ofik¤aw P1 22 efi går ka‹ v. 25–41) 113 114 115 116 117 118 §jelyÒntew ka‹ trecãmenoi toÊtouw eÈxer«w. I.-Maur. Tact. (Scheffer) . . 10 §jelyÒntew §p°yento to›w sitologoËsin. 19–22. X. an §trãphsan pro dietrãphsan? 4 épobãllontew P1 4–5 §gegÒnhsan P1 7 proeutrep¤zhn V 11 malim toÊtvn ginom°nvn. ka‹ tÚ tØn x≈ran t«n Ípenant¤vn fye¤rein ka‹ dfi aÈt∞w pollãkiw lÊein tØn poliork¤an. ka‹ pollØn F 1–2 §jelyÒntew—kexvrhkÒtew cf. 322. μ går front¤zontew t∞w ofike¤aw panstrat‹ énazeÊjousin μ dielÒntew tØn dÊnamin §jadunatÆsousi per‹ tå ˜la. ·na §k toÊtou perispãshi toÁw §xyroÊw. xr∞syai t∞i poliork¤ai. 18. toÁw d¢ ÑRvma¤ouw fulaktik≈teron xr∞syai ta›w pronoma›w. 81. quod caput inscribitur p«w de› èrmÒzesyai polem¤vn. 17. t«n d¢ §xyr«n §pikeim°nvn ka‹ mhdam«w luÒntvn tØn poliork¤an. ut aliquid excidisse videatur. 12 polloÁw m¢n t«n fid¤vn ép°balon (scil.

xeiros¤ fvna l° getai. with the translation of Dennis (1984) 115 and Theophanes. Chronographia 452:7. if we can collect a significant force. cf. prepare in advance pine torches and tow and pitch and cheirosiphona131 and divide the troops into more sections and assign some to the task of fighting and others to burning the machines. Taktika XIX:57: . but do not leave the enemy’s territory untouched. lost many of their own men.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 189 easily routing them. but when the [Romans] who were left there strongly opposed them. they were defeated. Cf. they will cause great [65] despair both to the enemy and 131 tÚ xeiros¤ fvnon On the recent development of this device. but those within will take heart and become more courageous. And if this is done with God’s help the spirits of the enemy will be broken and they will despair of taking the city. and became less courageous about future attacks. see Haldon (2000) 278-80. 132 ı dhmÒsiow pÒlemow (a “pitched battle”). When the enemy are pressing and in no way lifting the siege. Vat. proceed against them and wage a pitched battle132. they proceeded to pillage the contents of their camp. parå t∞w ≤m«n basile¤ aw êrti kateskeuasm° naIt was most prob. etc. destroying the territory of the enemy and thereby oftentimes lifting the siege. but perhaps a hand-hurled firepot. For it is beneficial to do both. If the enemy construct machines. Gr. 22. For they will either become anxious for their [own] land and break camp with their whole army or will divide their force and be ineffective in all respects. For an illustration in ms. Leo VI. . while they caused the Romans to become more guarded in their foraging. Parangelmata poliorcetica 49:20 (in Sullivan [2000]) with fig. 1605 folio 36 and the related description in that text as metå strept«n § gxeirid¤ vn purobÒlvnsee the so-called “Heron of Byzantium”. and not allowing them to prosecute the siege as they wish. For if these stratagems are effective. below 67:19 and Maurice. ably a handheld version of the stationary tube and pump for projecting liquid fire. Strategikon XI:1:16 and 20.

IX. 7 m°nein §p‹ t∞w poliork¤aw 19 ≤ KapÊh— g°gone cf. 8. 4. 2. Àste mØ peripese›n §ntÚw dÊnamin. 3. IX. 6 ÉEpamin≈ndaw—ÉEpamin≈ndan: Plb.): §rhmvy°ntew V P1 20 t°gean V P1: Teg°an B. 67. SULLIVAN 65 § 118–124 (THEV. in Excerptis Antiquis servata. 8 t∞w . Pape s. 21 4 KarxhV P1 d [Polybii don¤vn Thev. IX. etiam scribunt Hultsch. tØn d¢ le¤an énalabΔn vixeto prÚw tØn fid¤an. IX. quae forma saepius in codd. cf.3 2 3T h e v. •ãlv ≤ KapÊh ka‹ toÊtoiw Ípoxe¤riow g°gone. 4 tØn x≈ran—dhi≈santa cf. Ex (tvn in ras. IX. 41–323. p. 52.). quod hab. 2–13. 52. p. Antiqua] 10–11 9 peripese›n exspectaveris parapese›n. l.190 DENIS F. Àsper ka‹ ÉAn¤ban tÚn t«n Karxhdon¤vn strathgÒn. éllÉ oÔn polloÁw pollãkiw ¶sfhlen. …w pãshw bohye¤aw §rhmvy°ntvn. Plb. §pibol∞w ép°sthsan 17 §pimeinãntvn t∞i poliork¤ai cf. 7 katalipΔn tå purå kaiÒmena 14–15 katÉ §ke›non—éf›xyai cf. p. 322. 10. 6. t«n går ÑRvma¤vn poliorkoÊntvn tØn ÍpÒforon oÔsan aÈt«n pÒlin KapÊhn ka‹ xãraki ka‹ tãfrvi tØn stratopede¤an Ùxurvsam°nvn ka‹ tå kÊklvi t∞w pÒlevw. sed incertum utrum error librario attribuendus sit an Anonymo 18 malim t«n pragmãtvn. 67. 1–4. ±stÒ | xhsen t∞w §piÖ bol∞w. 11 12 épogn«ntew P1 17 debet esse Kapuan«n. l. t«n d¢ ÑRvma¤vn §pimeinãntvn t∞i poliork¤ai ka‹ t«n KapÊvn épegnvkÒtvn to›w prãgmasin.-W. kayãper går ÉEpamin≈ndan tÚn Yhba›on yaumãzousi pãntew. T°gean h. 4. IX. Plb. t. in Excerptis Antiquis servata.. IX. ad p. et Schw. Plb. cf. 6. lËsai tØn poliork¤an 10–11 tå purå—katalipΔn cf. . scripsisse T°gean. Valesianis servatum. 7 sun°bh pl∞yow éndr«n aÈtomãtvw èyroisy∞nai prÚw tÚn d°onta kairÚn efiw tØn ÑR≈mhn 15–16 ±stÒxhsen t∞w §pibol∞w cf. 6 sullogizÒmenow ÉAnn¤baw édÊnaton Ípãrxon tÚ . 8. katadramΔn d¢ tØn x≈ran ka‹ afixmalvt¤saw aÈtÆn. . 66. sed veri simile est Anon. 2) 3 ¶sfhlen scripsi: ¶sfhllen V P1 || ÉAn¤ban v. tå purå kaiÒmena katalipΔn ka‹ to›w ¶ndon shmãnaw tå bebouleum°na. ubi habes. tacite. diÒti paragenÒmenow efiw Teg°an k. . .: »xurvsam°nvn V P1. nuktÚw §p‹ tØn ÑR≈mhn an°zeuje. sed cf. IX. 8 tØn d¢ x≈ran §dÆioun 5 tØn poliork¤an—dunhy°nta cf. IX. 7. Plb.v. Plb. Plb. 20 || §rhmvy°ntvn Thev. gen°syai tØn KapÊhn to›w ÑRvma¤oiw Ípoxe¤rion 20—p. éllå ka‹ tØn pÒlin parapol°santa. 15 18 éyum¤an to›w Ípenant¤oiw §kpoioËntai ka‹ mãlista to›w katå tØn x≈ran nom¤zousin §jhtthy∞nai tåw §n t∞i polem¤ai dunãmeiw. tØn x≈ran t«n ÑRvma¤vn dhi≈santa ka‹ tØn poliork¤an lËsai mØ dunhy°nta. 119 120 121 122 123 124 (Plb. 3. Plb. …w ín mØ épognÒntew d≈sousi tØn pÒlin. 4. 26. invenitur (cf. 6–7. éllå ka‹ ÉEpamin≈ndaw ı Yhba›ow paragenÒmenow efiw T°gean F 13–19 Àsper ka‹ ÉAn¤ban—g°gone cf. Plb. IX. . ad p.cum msstis” . 6. in Exc. quae hic valde mutata et contracta narrat Anon. prosbalΔn otow t«i t«n polem¤vn xãraki §p‹ dÊo ka‹ tris‹n ≤m°raiw ka‹ épokrouaye¤w. 5.. . 4) 3 6 9 12 p . §pe‹ katå tÊxhn katÉ §ke›non tÚn kairÚn tåw éyroisye¤saw dunãmeiw sun°bainen efiw tØn ÑR≈mhn éf›xyai.: karxh V karxhdÒnvn P1 6 parapol°sonta V 7 aÈt«n Excerpta malim aÍto›w 8 Ùxurvsam°nvn Thev. Plb. IX.

by night he decamped for Rome. Polybius IX:6:7. Moreover Epaminondas of Thebes when he reached Tegea [66] 133 134 Through a letter carrier (grammatofÒrow).1. Capua was taken and came under [Roman] control. their tributary state. But then this has often ruined many. since they were bereft of assistance. but even destroyed the city. For when the Romans were besieging the city of Capua. A new legion had just been enrolled and a second was in process. he failed in his attempt. since by chance at that time the forces [recently] gathered happened to arrive at Rome. as for example Hannibal the Carthaginian general who ravaged the territory of the Romans and was not able to break the siege. As the Romans persisted in the siege and the Capuans despaired at the situation. . fought for two or three days and was beaten back.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 191 especially to those in their homeland who think their forces in hostile territory have been defeated. leaving his fires burning and signaling his plans 133 to those inside lest they would surrender the city in despair. Polybius IX:5. Although he ravaged and subjected the land. so that no force could steal in.134 and taking his booty Hannibal returned to his own territory. and had fortified their camp and the area around the city with a palisade and a ditch. [Hannibal] attacked the palisade of the enemy.

V P1 11 aÈtomÒlou d° tinow] genom°nhw d¢ peripete¤aw. 65. 8.-W. D i. S B. 7 lak V lakedaimon¤an P1 8 <d¢> om. ofl dÉ ÉAyhna›oi katå tÚn aÈtÚn kairÚn spoudãzontew metasxe›n toË prÚw toÁw Yhba¤ouw ég«now to›w Lakedaimon¤oiw katå tØn summax¤an par∞san. Ex 3 aÈtoË V P1 Schw. p. 23 20 tel°vw Plb. ka¤ tinow aÈtomÒlou Plb.. Àrma pãlin §j Ípostrof∞w tØn aÈtØn ıdÒn. 3) (4) 126 (5) 127 (6) 128 (7) 129 (8) 130 (9) 131 (10) 132 (11) 133 (12) 134 metå t«n summãxvn ka‹ yevrÆsaw toÁw Lakedaimon¤ouw pandhme‹ paragegonÒtaw efiw Mant¤neian metå t«n summãxvn. 15 §k t∞w] §ktÚw V P1 17 post sumbÆsetai hab. t«n Lakedaimon¤vn ka‹ t«n summãxvn parabebohyhkÒtvn efiw tØn Spãrthn Plb.. SULLIVAN 66 § 124–134 ( THEV. 18 diÚ] diÚ ka‹ P1 || parekal°saw V || xrhsam°nou V P1 19 nuktopore¤ai Plb. ˘ ke›tai prÚ t∞w pÒlevw §n •ptå stad¤oiw Plb. F oÈ Plb. 323. || sunekÆrusen V P1 25 Mantine¤aw] t∞w Mantine¤aw Plb. sullogizÒmenow ˜ti sumbÆsetai ¶rhmon pãlin katale¤pesyai tØn Mant¤neian: ˘ ka‹ sun°bh gen°syai..-W. deipnopoiÆsasyai to›w aÍtoË kayÉ Àran paragge¤law §j∞ge tØn dÊnamin êrti t∞w nuktÚw §piginom°nhw. 14 §pibol∞w ép°sth] §lp¤dow épesfãlh Plb. p. || nÊktan P1 || peripesÒntow] diapesÒntow Plb. prÚw tÚ toË Poseid«now flerÒn. B. 2 metå t«n summãV P1 Polybii xvn] ka‹ toÁw summãxouw efiw taÊthn ≤yroikÒtaw tØn pÒlin Plb.m. 2–3 paExcerpta ratajam°nouw Plb. toiaÊthn d¢ to›w pollo›w dÒjan §rgasãmenow pros∞ge. éristopoihsãmenow d¢ ka‹ prosanalabΔn tØn dÊnamin §k t∞w kakopaye¤aw. 9 12 ka‹ V P1 Plb. m°xri m¢n égorçw §biãsato ka‹ kat°sxe t∞w pÒlevw toÁw §p‹ tÚn potamÚn §stramm°nouw tÒpouw. …w paratajam°nouw to›w Yhba¤oiw. FS: paratajam°noiw V P1 E.: oË Plb. . ka‹ t«n bohyoÊntvn paragenom°nvn efiw tÚn t∞w katalÆcevw kairÒn. 24 post sunaptoÊshw hab. prosm¤jaw <d¢> per‹ tr¤thn Àran t∞i pÒlei paradÒjvw ka‹ katalabΔn tØn Spãrthn ¶rhmon t«n bohyhsÒntvn. ut vid. aÈtomÒlou d° tinow tØn nÊkta peripesÒntow efiw tØn Mant¤neian ka‹ diasafÆsantow tÚ sumba›non ÉAghsilãvi t«i basile›. tacite 6 §nergasãmenow Plb. ≥dh d¢ t∞w Yhba¤vn prvtopor¤aw sunaptoÊshw Àsper §p¤thdew sunekÊrhsen ëma ka‹ toÁw ÉAyhna¤ouw §pifa¤nesyai katå tÚn Mantine¤aw Íperke¤menon lÒfon: efiw oÓw 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 1 Lakedaimon¤ouw] Lakedaimon¤ouw aÈtoÊw te Plb. sed cf. 125 IX.-W. poioÊmenow tØn pore¤an §pÉ aÈtØn tØn Lakeda¤mona.. 21 oÂa pro ofl dÉ é P1 || autÚn kairÚn] kairÚn toËton Plb. 4–22) (Plb. …w t∞w paratãjevw xãrin speÊdvn eÈka¤rouw tinåw prokatalab°syai tÒpouw.192 DENIS F. §rÆmvi tele¤vw ÍparxoÊshi t«n bohyhsÒntvn. paratajom°nouw UrAntiqua sinus B. cf. F: prvtopore¤aw Plb. 23 prvtopor¤aw V P1 s Plb. FS: pro∞ge Reiske B. e || pros∞ge V P1 Plb. diÚ parakal°saw toÁw Yhba¤ouw ka‹ xrhsãmenow §nerg«i t∞i nuktopor¤ai par∞n ka‹ pros°misge t∞i Mantine¤ai per‹ m°son ≤m°raw.-W. 14–15 éristopoihsãmenow d¢] metå d¢ taËta per‹ tÚn EÈr≈tan éristopoihsãmenow Plb. S 12–13 tÚ— basile›] ÉAghsilãvi t«i basile› tÚ sumba›non Plb. v. taÊthw m¢n t∞w §pibol∞w ép°sth.

After allowing his forces to take breakfast and recover from their strenuous efforts. So just as the initial column of the Thebans arrived. therefore. ordered his men to take their supper at that hour and just as night was falling he led his force out as if he were eager to occupy in advance favorable terrain for the battle. which was completely without defenders. which was indeed the situation. he hastened back in the opposite direction again by the same road. he advanced marching on Sparta itself. arrived to help the Lacedaimonians in accordance with their alliance. concluding that Mantinea would in turn be left without defenders. and marching energetically all night. who were eager to take part in the battle against the Thebans. But a deserter slipped away during the night to Mantinea and informed king Agesilaus of what happened and when the [Spartans] arrived to help just as [the city] was being taken. But at the same time the Athenians.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 193 with his allies and saw that the Lacedaemonians and their allies had reached Mantinea in full strength intending to engage the Thebans in battle. the Athenians happened as if it were planned to appear simultaneously on the hill above Mantinea. and arriving unexpectedly at the city about the third hour and finding it without defenders forced his way as far as the market place and took control of those parts of the city facing the river. Having created this expecta tion for most [observers]. [Epaminondas] abandoned this attempt. [67] When the . about mid day he reached Mantinea. Exhorting the Thebans.

8.possis aÈtoË vel aÈt«i suspicari” (Schw. p. unde ÉExinaie›w Schw. 1) 137 (2) 138 (3) 139 (4) 140 1 §yãrrhsan Plb.. 8–9. post toË—égvnisam°nou structuram verborum neglegenter mutasse. épelp¤santew ofl ÉExinae›w par°dosan •autoÁw t«i Fil¤ppvi. tradita. 7–17 PÒpliow—porizÒmenon: Plb. 61. V P1 || tÚn Excerpta ÉEpamin≈ndan V Ursinus B. 16 . 21 8 ÉExinai«n Dindorf B. Sed haec quoque Anon. 11 o 16 énagkãzein Casaubonus B. § 200–201.-W. p. D i . ad locum et ad p. p. FD IX. 58. in iis exemplis. 51. toË Fil¤ppou poliorkoËntow tØn t«n ÉExinai«n pÒlin. p.: »xurvsam°nou V P1 11 aÈto¤ . . quae suis verbis narravit. 323.-W. anacolouthon hab. 42. 58. cf. 14 10–11 Ùxurvsam°nou Casaub.-W. cf. 569). ka‹ tå prÚw tÚ te›xow kal«w ésfalisam°nou ka‹ tå prÚw tØn §ktÚw §pifãneian toË stratop°dou tãfrvi ka‹ te¤xei Ùxurvsam°nou. ı d¢ Dvr¤maxow pezik∞i ka‹ flppik∞i dunãmei. § 245 135 (13) 136 (Plb. saepe genitivis absolutis usum esse. 26–63. 12–55. 1–2. V P1 [Polybii non hab. 41. ı m¢n PÒpliow stÒlvi. . p. 17–62. etiam p. 5–6.194 DENIS F.. 64. B. sed §xinae›w hab. p. v. ı d¢ 12 prosballÒntew P1 13–14 lac. 2–5. Tom. efi d¢ ka‹ toÊtvn ginom°nvn m°nousin ofl §xyro‹ §xÒmenoi t∞w poliork¤aw. 4. p. indicare post égvnisam°nou. VI. 1–4 apud solum Anon. p. 2 14 ÉExinae›w] éxinee›w Thev. Plb. 13–19. 11–12 et 17–20. ka‹ t«n m¢n Ípenant¤vn kre¤ttv. nomen terminatur syllaba -eÊw. p. toË Fil¤ppou mçllon fisxur«w égvnisam°nou. IX. quas descripsit. sed veri simile videtur Anon. 60.. contraxisse et mutasse videtur. fãskontew> {ka‹} t«i m¢n ≤gemÒni peprçxyai pçn ˜son égay«i strathg«i. et in initio narrationum. Schw. B. 52.S || ÉAn¤ban v. 50. éllå ka‹ PÒpliow ı t«n ÑRvma¤vn strathgÚw ka‹ Dvr¤maxow ı t«n Afitvl«n. 42. ka‹ oÈd¢ dhmÒsion pÒlemon dunatÚn sugkrote›syai katÉ aÈt«n. 71. etiam Plb. t«n §pamin≈ndvn Plb.. V P1 4 {ka‹} delevi. tuxÚn kal«w •autoÁw F 6 ÉEpamin≈ndan des. SULLIVAN 67 § 134–140 (THEV. m .: §xina¤vn V P1. possis etiam lac. paragenÒmenoi aÈto¤. 13. 5 t∞w] t«n V P1 E ¥ttv Ex 6 <¥ttv> om..-W. moneo Anon. Plb. 3–4 <diÒper—fãskontew> om. oÈ går oÂo¤ te ∑san ofl per‹ tÚn Dvr¤maxon t∞i t«n dapanhmãtvn §nde¤ai énagkãzein tÚn F¤lippon.-W. cf.: tÚn §pamin≈nda P1 tÚn §pamein≈ndan Antiqua] Plb. sed aÈto¤ repetit subiectum ante ı m¢n . §k yalãsshw taËta porizÒmenon.F t«n §pamein≈ndou Plb. p. ka‹ prosbalÒntew t«i xãraki ka‹ épokrousy°ntew.: énagkãsein V P1 19 dhmÒsion scripsi: d∞m V d∞mow P1. p. <diÒper efikÒtvw ofl suggrafe›w §pim°mfontai to›w proeirhm°noiw ¶rgoiw. éllÉ oÈd¢ nuktÚw §piy°syai. ante toË Fil¤ppou ind. 54. ad p. 62. 22–34) 3 6 9 12 15 18 §mbl°cantew ofl kataleleimm°noi t«n Mantin°vn mÒliw §yãrshsan §pib∞nai toË te¤xouw ka‹ kvlËsai tØn t«n Yhba¤vn ¶fodon. cf. IX.-W. Hultsch et B. 52. t∞w d¢ tÊxhw <¥ttv> gegon°nai tÚn ÉEpamin≈ndan Àsper oÔn ka‹ ÉAn¤ban.

But also Publius. tå dapanÆmata. assigned as Polybius IX:42. and it is not possible to wage a pitched battle against them. in classical usage should mean “costs” and that the term as “supplies” may be due to the Anon. Walbank (1967) 14 comments “the fragment from the Anonymous is much deformed by the epitamator of P[olybius]. they barely summoned the courage to mount the wall and ward off the assault of the Thebans. Publius with a fleet and Dorimachus with infantry and cavalry forces. as Philip fought more vigorously. as he obtained these by sea137. is only preserved in the De obsidione toleranda. 136 Walbank (1967) 185 notes that the Greek here. the enemy continues to maintain the siege. and Dorimachus. See also the use of dapã above at 45:16 and vdB’s note. For Dorimachus’ men were unable to pressure Philip [to depart] from lack of provisions 136. saying that> the commander did all that a good gener al ought. quite reasonably find fault with the aforemen tioned events. When they attacked the entrenched camp and were driven off. but with compression and changes from the original text of Polybius.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 195 Mantineans who had remained saw them. the general of the Aetolians. rather than to Polybius. the Roman general. 362 BC.” . [68] then it is necessary not to ignore those [of the 135 The battle of Mantinea. when Philip was besieging the city of the Echinaeans and had both well secured his position opposite the [city’s] wall and fortified his camp on the outer side with a ditch and wall. therefore. as likewise was Hannibal. nh 137 vdB notes that the paragraph. on the comparison of Hannibal and Epaminondas (the march on Rome and return south vs. but neither to attack by night. the situation being such. <Historians. and Epaminondas here bested his enemies but was <worsted> by fortune 135. But if. as perchance they have secured their position well. the Echinaeans despaired and surrendered themselves to Philip. the march on Sparta and quick return to Mantinea) see Walbank (1967) 127-30. arrived in person.

éllå * * * ka‹ diå t«n sunex«n §piy°sevn efiw émhxan¤an §mbãllein. 128. 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 V P1 2 lac. 58. 67. 220 et 235 pros∞gon . III. ßterou m¢n te›xow §piskeuãzein: oÈd¢ går ¶sti ti tÚ ént°xon prÚw tØn toË F 20 krioÁw prosãgoien cf. tÚn kriÒn. ubi post krioË descriptionem pergit ka‹ oÈde‹w oÏtvw karterÚw pÊrgow μ per¤bolow platÊw. §k diadox∞w énapaÊein maxom°nouw pãntaw. 34–48) 142 143 144 145 146 ésfalizom°nvn. 27–30. p. ad p. 1 cf. V P1 10 §rrvmen°steron Thev. . ka‹ ofl §xyro‹ §mmel«w xr«ntai ta›w mhxana›w §k diadox∞w épaÊstvw maxÒmenoi ka‹ oÈd¢ dunatÒn §stin §pit¤yesyai katÉ aÈt«n katå tåw ≤m°raw μ ka‹ tåw nÊktaw. pleiÒnvw moxy∞sai toÁw §fest«taw §pÉ §ke›no tÚ m°row.196 DENIS F. X. ·nÉ §rrvmen°steron éntilambãnvtai toË pol°mou. sumb∞i kataxvsy∞nai tåw tãfrouw. 1. Ios. genÒmenoi <aÈto‹ proyumÒteron mãxvntai ka‹ diå toËto ka‹> toÁw vel tale quid? 13 •ta¤rvn] •t°rvn P1 || proyumvt°rouw P1 15 lac. ka‹ krioÁw prosãgoien katÉ §ke›no tÚ m°row. kathnãgkasan ka‹ xrØ éme¤bein tØn tãjin. Tact. 69. quod caput inscribitur t¤ xrØ poi∞sai poliorkoÊmenon tÚn strathgÒn. 98. † …w ín near≈teroi ta›w cuxa›w ka‹ to›w s≈masi ginÒmenoi toÁw prokekmhkÒtaw t«n •ta¤rvn proyumot°rouw §rgãzvntai. tÒte dØ efi m¢n dunatÚn e‡h ka‹ t«i t«n ¶ndon proest«ti. SULLIVAN 68 141 § 140–146 ( THEV. . .: §rroumen ßteron V §roËmen ßteron P1 12 fort. efi m¢n oÔn. . 2. Leon. 213 prosãgein . tÚn kriÚn 21—p. † pollãkiw går katå tØn t«n strathgik«n §pistÆmhn. efi d¢ summax¤aw t∞w ¶jvyen épor¤a pãntoyen e‡h. ˘w kín tåw pr≈taw plhgåw §n°gkhi kat¤sxusen t∞w §pimon∞w. 45–47 in praeceptis de urbe obsidenda ka‹ poioË tØn prosbolØn §k diadox∞w t«n strativt«n mhy°na paralip≈n 9–10 cf. 1 9 énapaÊein Thev.: énapaÊei addito signo corruptelae i. XXXVIII. 20–68. §k toË •t°rou d¢ kl¤makaw y°menoi. indicavi 19 tåw] toÁw P1 21 §piskeuãzein v. X. 59. 2 diÉ éllag¤vn toÊw te nÊktvr ka‹ meyÉ ≤m°ran polemoËntaw dianapaÊein . 53.V” p. éllÉ oÔn toÁw ple¤v maxesam°nouw. 217. indicavi. . p. p. 9 (ad p. . III. ˜per épeÊxomai. efi d¢ mØ pãntaw.. 323. 1–5) 5–6 cf. §n œi tåw kl¤makaw §t¤yesan. Aen. Urb-Maur. §jÒdouw katÉ aÈt«n poie›syai vel tale quid excidisse videtur 8 énvt°rv cf. t°vw oÈ xrØ t«n per‹ tåw dapãnaw ésxoloum°nvn émele›n. §j •nÚw m¢n m°rouw * * * stÆsantew ofl pol°mioi. Philon. 6 1–3 cf. Syll Tact. Müller Kriegswesen p. μ diÉ ésy°neian t«n ¶ndon μ diÉ ésfãleian t«n §xyr«n. Ios. 73. …w énvt°rv ¶famen. Probl. 3–10.m. 2. ˘ ka‹ mãlista t«n énagkaiotãtvn §st¤n.

where ladders are used where the defenders leave some sections unguarded to respond to the attack of other engines. 140> in one sector. . but if not all of them. either because of the weakness of those within or the security of the enemy. but put up ladders in another sector. Onasander .and I pray it does not . which is really most essential. then at least those bearing the brunt of fighting. but <to make sorties against them138> and through continuous attacks to render them helpless. in order that they may take a more vigorous part in the battle. 138 139 . build an additional wall. then indeed if it should be possible the leader of those within should also give all his fighters rest breaks in relays. with an English translation by members of the Illinois Greek Club [New York: 1923] 342–526). for there is nothing which can stand against the [69] momentum vdB’s suggested addition. Cf.that the ditches are filled in and they bring up the rams at that point. vdB’s suggested addition. [and] they compel those positioned at that sector in which they put up the ladders to endure the greater burden and it is necessary to have the troops exchange place. Taktika XV:19.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 197 enemy] busy foraging for provisions. . also Onasander XLII:4 (in Aeneas Tacticus.~ For often according to the science of generalship. the enemy set up < . and the enemy are effectively employing machines fighting continuously in relays and it is not possible to attack them day or night. ~ so that becoming more refreshed in spirit and body <they may themselves fight more eagerly and thereby also 139> render their comrades who are tired more eager. If there is no allied aid from anywhere outside. And if it happens . 140 The missing object may have been mhxanã (“siege machines”) and the stratagem w referred to that found at Leo VI. as we said above. Asclepiodotus.

† …w mhd¢n katå éntitup¤an blãptesyai <tÚ te›xow:> † ka‹ fãbata bebregm°nouw sãkkouw ßteroi ka‹ † xe›raw sidhrçw. 48–324. 5) 147 148 3 324 Thev. ka‹ dexÒmenoi tåw plhgåw §kkeno›en t∞i xaunÒthti (dexom°nh PAVRC. . 3–5 p. êxuron etiam p. . 323. . Ios. ut oÈ mÒnon pertineat ad éllå ka‹ v. de tuenda urbe obsessa”. êlloi d¢ sxoin¤a. Philon. . ka‹ tã te mhxanÆmata ka‹ tå g°rra ka‹ tå x≈mata t«n ÑRvma¤vn Ípep¤mprasan. 91. p.) 149 150. 48. unde dexom°nhi Destinon .. Ios. p. 9? 3 éxÊrou] [Ios. e quibus multis omissis et mutatis sumpta sunt.. sof¤zesyai d¢ prÚw tØn b¤an toË mhxanÆmatow oÈ mÒnon ˜per ÉI≈shpow §petÆdeusen. || éntitÊpeian P1 7 <tÚ te›xow> om.: t xrÆsan V P1 3–9 cf.v. PAVRC. éllå ka‹ ßteroi t«n palai«n: sãkkouw går éxÊrou gem¤santaw. 53. 73. 6 9 12 krioË forãn. §p‹ tØn §k purÚw êmunan ofl per‹ ÉI≈shpon Àrmhsan. suspicor codicem. . …w plãzoitÒ te ≤ §mbolÆ. 223 sãkkouw éxÊrvn plhr≈santaw §k°leusen kayimçn kayÉ ˘ ferÒmenon ée‹ tÚn kriÚn ır«ien. quae sequuntur? 12 §xrÆsanto Thev. an vox ßteroi coniungenda cum iis. . 225 ßvw éntepinoÆsantew kontoÁw ofl ÑRvma›oi makroÁw ka‹ dr°pana dÆsantew §pÉ êkrvn toÁw sãkouw ép°temnon. . 1 ex Plb. 4. (227) ècãmenoi d¢ ˜son aÎhw eÂxon Ïlhw trixÒyen §peky°ousin. ut fortasse scribendum sit ka‹ fabãtvn bebregm°nvn <§gem¤santo toÁw> sãkkouw ßteroi: ka‹ xe›raw. VII.. fãba . quo usus est Anon. 20– 30). . III. Ios. 34–35 (ad .) 6–7 …w—<tÚ te›xow>: Ios.. Aen Tact. habuisse dexom°nh ut Ios. ut Anon. ka¤per F 1 p..m. Du Cange s. 53. plØn bebregm°nou diå tÚ mØ Ípanãptesyai eÈxer«w.fãbata bebregm°na apud Anonymum ms. et vero participium cum voce fãbata coniungendum videtur. éxÊrvn p. 222 ı ÉI≈shpow . xalãsantew éne¤lkusan tØn dokÒn: éllå ka‹ l¤youw bare›w §pafi°nai katå toË krioË. 16 sof¤zesyai—§pej°yeon cf. † …w plançsyai te tØn | §mbolØn dexom°nhn tåw plhgåw t∞i èpalÒthti.] éxÊrvn Ios. 224 in fine 9–11 efi—sãkkouw cf. hab.ut laxo saccorum sinu elusa plaga omnis arietis emolliretur” Heg. (§nergoÁs PA §nergoË LVRC.V” p. III. 4–5) 9 cf. III. xrØ tÒte pur‹ §nerg«i prÚw êmunan toË mhxanÆmatow kexr∞syai. descripsit 5–6 perspicua non sunt et rationem sanandi non video. . III. 2 xrØ— mhxanãw cf. Ios.ut eo modo scilicet ictus erraret aut etiam excepta vulnera laxata frustraretur” Lat. i. quae hic de Iudaeis narrantur 1 sof¤zesyai—mhxanÆmatow cf. efi d¢ ka‹ drepãnia sof¤sainto ka‹ kontoÁw prÚw tÚ épot°mnein toÁw sãkkouw. 226–227 §nergoËw d¢ oÏtv t∞w •lepÒlevw genom°nhw . œitini ka‹ ofl per‹ tÚn ÉI≈shpon §xrÆsanto. 2. . 222–287 (III.. §k°leusen xalçn. 70. XXXII.198 DENIS F. 49. Anon. Ios. kayÉ ˘ ferÒmenon ée‹ tÚn kriÚn •≈rvn. V P1 || cf. (sãkkouw AMLVRC) 11–p. ipse locum non intellegeret 6 katÉ Ios. III. 151 V P1 2 ållå deleatur. sof¤zetai katÉ Ùl¤gon tØn b¤an toË mhxanÆmatow (katå mikrÚn L prÚw Ùl¤gon MVRC) 3–6 sãkkouw—èpalÒthti cf. III. SULLIVAN 69 § 146–151 (THEV.

be lowered at the place where they saw the ram being constantly thrust ~ so as to deflect the attack with the soft [material] absorbing 142 the blows ~ so that <the wall> was undamaged due to the resistance. 142 Accepting dexom° n˙ for dexom° nhn. the sense is perhaps “actual”. 144 See above n. C. and complicated by its repetition just below where vdB’s suggestion of ÍgrÒw seems necessary. . Wescher. Cf. 141 The comment is not in Josephus. although the passage is perhaps beyond repair. Deal cleverly with the force of the machine as not only Josephus managed to do. 143 vdB’s suggested addition. 145 The meaning of § nergÒw here is difficult. He ordered that sacks filled with chaff . But if they also devise pruning knives on poles to cut the sacks. as Josephus’men did.but wet 141 chaff so it cannot be easily set on fire from below . Athenaeus Mechanicus. But also drop heavy stones on the ram. ~ And others <fill the143> sacks with wet beans and ~ [some] lower grappling irons 144. Per‹ mhxanhmã tvn 18:17 (ed. Poliorcétique des Grecs [Paris: 1867] 3–40) who recommends chaff soaked with vinegar for the same purpose. “real”. As the contrast appears to be between standard types of fire as opposed to new 10th-century methods. see also the comments of the so-called “Heron of Byzantium” Parangelmata poliorcetica 39:31-34 (in Sullivan [2000]) who repeats Athenaeus Mechanicus’s recommendation. but also others of the ancients. others ropes to draw up the [ram-]beam. 30. then it is necessary to employ effective145 fire to ward off the machine.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 199 of the ram.

indicem s.m. 246 in fine. 243 ¥ te oÔn t«n Ùjubel«n ka‹ katapelt«n b¤a polloÁw ëma diÆlaunen. Ios. v. Suda 3 6 9 12 . 76. legendum purÚw ÍgroË. Schwyzer.: m°son V P1 5 éry∞nai an êrasyai? cf.. 6–15) époroËntew sif≈nvn ka‹ purÚw §nergoË: Ípeky°ontew går diå tri«n §nep¤prasan tåw mhxanãw . ka‹ t«n ÍpÚ t∞w mhxan∞w éfiem°nvn petr«n ı =o›zow §pãljeiw te ép°sure ka‹ 154 gvn¤aw ép°yrupte pÊrgvn. 8 diÆlane P1 diÆlaunen Ios. Niese Suda || §j Ios. Griechische Grammatik I (1939). quod hab. A i. PA) Ios. cf. 563.v.m..t. Ios. ka‹ tÚ kran¤on épÚ tri«n §sfendon¤syh stad¤vn: gunaikÒw te meyÉ ≤m°ran plhge¤shw tØn gast°ran proÛoÊshw §k F 2–6 ÉEleãzaron—peripar∞nai cf. p.t. tosaÊth ∑n ≤ toË liyobÒlou b¤a ( l¤you pro liyobÒlou Suda) 10—p. §dÊnato ı liyobÒlow vel tale quid excidisse videtur. fort. quod autem i. SULLIVAN 70 152 § 151–155 ( THEV. append. Ios. Ios.. M i. b. Ios. 71. quocum saepe confunditur. ≤ toË mhxanÆmatow élkØ toË petrobÒlou . cf. suppl.v. III. kata facile excidisse potest post ka‹.m. 245–246 mãyoi dÉ ên tiw tØn toË mhxanÆmatow élkØn §k t«n §p‹ t∞sde t∞w nuktÚw genom°nvn: plhge‹w gãr tiw épÉ aÈtoË t«n per‹ tÚn ÉI≈shpon •st≈tvn énå tÚ te›xow éparãssetai k.t. ka‹ tosoËton ***. p. quoque scribendum gast°ra. MC Suda GV: §sfendonÆ13 post ≤m°ran syh Ios. 1 et praesertim 586. toiãde tiw ∑n: plhge‹w gãr tiw ÍpÉ aÈtoË t«n per‹ tÚn ÉI≈shpon t«n énå tÚ te›xow. an tosaÊth <∑n ≤ toË liyobÒlou b¤a>?. 10 tosoËton cf. fort. Ios. PA §sfendonÆyh Ios. . Jannaris § 1756 et 1758b 11 nÊktan P1 || éperãssetai V P1 12 §sfendon¤syh V P1 Ios. A ex corr. cf. p.l. h.] || Ípeky°ontew cf. §gkÊmonow Ios. 230 Ípermeg°yh d¢ p°tran érãmenow (scil. AML §peky°ousin Ios. k. ∂n ka‹ kataphdÆsaw §k m°svn a‡retai t«n polem¤vn ka‹ metå poll∞w éde¤aw §p‹ tÚ te›xow ¶feren. . ¥ te t«n Ùjubel«n b¤a polloÁw diÆlaune.m.200 DENIS F. III. V P1 1 purÚw §nergoË corruptum vid.. P1 invenitur v. indicavi. 240 ÍpÚ t«n katapeltik«n 8–10 ¥ te—pÊrgvn: Ios. 324. ˜ti plhge¤w tiw katÉ §ke¤nhn tØn nÊkta éparãssetai tØn kefalØn ÍpÚ t∞w 155 p°traw. ÉEleãzarow) éf¤hsin épÚ toË te¤xouw §p‹ tØn •l°polin metå tosaÊthw b¤aw. 9 §p°sure P1 ép°suren Ios. C || plhgÆshw P1 || gast°ran acc. . III. éparãssetai k.l. Suda || proÛoÊshw] proÛoÊshw n°on Ios. ka¤toi t«n ÑRvma¤vn rjÄ Ùrgãnoiw katapeltiko›w tuptÒntvn toÁw §p‹ t«n §pãljevn ka‹ suxno›w b°lesin. PVRC [Suda] Niese 2 tri«n] tri«n pul«n? || §nep¤prasan] Ípep¤mprasan(-pip-C) Ios. LVRC: éparrãjai Ios. tertiae decl. cf. Ios.: Suda ibid. PAM proÆiei d¢ n°on Ios.l. in solo cod. III. ka‹ et s. Suda. in -an hoc solo loco in utroque codice invenitur. Ípeky°ousi(-sin Ios.M éporr∞jai Ios.l. katå || m°svn (m°sou Ios. petrÒbolon. Àste éporr∞jai tØn kefalØn toË mhxanÆmatow. A) Ios. LVR Niese Suda hab. ˜ti cum indicativo idem valet ac Àste cum infinitivo. 11. 3 §paf∞nai P1 || krioË P1x: kairoË VP1 || éporrãjai VP1 Ios. III. Schw. Ios. 54. 10 lac. 1 plhge¤w—≤mistãdion: Ios.3. LVRC P i. Suda s.v. et 231 in fine p°nte m¢n diape¤retai b°lesin 6–7 Ùrgãnoiw katapeltiko›w cf. PA Niese 4 an kataphdÆsanta? cf. § 228. [Ios. p. l°getai d¢ ka‹ ÉEleãzaron Ípermeg°yh p°tran érãmenon §pafe›nai katå toË krioË ka‹ éporrãjai tØn toË mhxanÆmatow kefalØn ka‹ phdÆsanta §k m°svn t«n polem¤vn labe›n aÈtØn ka‹ §t‹ toË te¤xouw éry∞nai ka‹ p°nte 153 b°lesi peripar∞nai. 11.

. And it is said also that Eleazar lifted a massive stone and dropped it on the ram and broke the head of the machine and leaping down took it from the midst of the enemy and brought it up onto the wall and was struck by five arrows. vdB’s suggested addition. at daybreak a woman was struck in the belly while leaving [71] her house and 146 147 148 149 150 151 On the “siphon” and liquid fire see ODB 2:873 at “Greek Fire” and above n. literally “quick firers. Arrow-shooting catapults. This number is found earlier in the text of Josephus (BJ III:166). Accepting vdB’s ÍgroË for § nergoË.” vdB’s suggested addition. And indeed as the Romans were striking those on the battlements with 160 catapults 149 and a hail of arrows. And so great <was the capacity of the stone thrower 151> that one man struck during that night had his head taken off by the stone and the skull was hurled as if by a sling three stades. 131. the force of the oxybeleis150 tore through many and the rush of the stones thrown by the machine tore away the battlements and crushed the corners of towers. the text of Josephus has simply trixÒyen.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 201 since [70] they did not have siphons 146 and liquid 147 fire. For secretly going out through three <gates148> they set the machines on fire.

Ios. p. LVRC Niese: kataplago›en Ios. 12 épofrãjai V P1 Ios. Ios. III. efiw d¢ tå parerrvgÒta toË te¤xouw toÁw dunatvtãtouw ka‹ prÚ pãntvn énå ©j êndraw. égvn¤zesyai te ßkaston . PAM Niese || kayÊperye P1 || prÚw] prÚ V 15 ken≈svsin V P1 Ios. 251 §nd¤dvsi to›w mhxanÆmasi tÚ te›xow 2–3 frajãmenoi—éntvxÊrvsan: Ios. Suda || §j°seise—≤mistãdion] §j°seisen §fÉ ≤mistãdion [Ios. . Ios. Ios. 73. 252 4–5 toË OÈespasianoË—§pinooum°nou cf.202 DENIS F. 2 pros°taje—émÊnesyai: Ios. . Ios. III.] tÚ br°fow Ios. III. ÉI≈shpow ka‹ §n toÊtvi éntestratÆgei. ka‹ toËOÈespasianoË toÁw gennaiotãtouw t«n flpp°vn épobibãsantow ka‹ *** perispãsein toÊtouw §pinooum°nou. ballÒntvn d¢ F 2 toË te¤xouw—mhxana›w cf. proteinÒntvn t«n éndr«n toÁw kontoÊw. III. …w ín =aid¤a ≤ ênodow t«n §pemba¤nein taxy°ntvn g°nhtai. PAML || …w V P1 Ios. III. quare t«n ·ppvn seclusit Destinon) 6–7 proteinÒntvn—kontoÊw cf. Ios. . indicavi. C. PAML Niese to›w svmatiko›w ka‹ to›w ˜ploiw Ios. III. PAML Niese 13 kataplage›en V P1 Ios. OÈespasianÚw) dÉ épÚ t«n katarrify°ntvn perispãsai toÁw e‡rgontaw toÁw m¢n gennaiotãtouw t«n flpp°vn épobÆsaw {t«n ·ppvn} trix∞i di°tajen katå tå peptvkÒta toË te¤xouw (katarify°ntvn VRC || t«n ·ppvn épobÆsaw tr. L ) Ios. 254 boulÒmenow (scil. VR to›w s≈masi ka‹ to›w ˜ploiw Ios. toÁw d¢ ghraiot°rouw ka‹ toÁw ≥dh kekmhkÒtaw §p‹ to›w m°nousi. VRC: …w ín Ios. . épobÆsaw. append. . ka‹ toÁw m¢n gennaiotãtouw ·sthsi parå tå diaseisy°nta t«n teix«n. 324. praef. prÚw d¢ tÚ pl∞yow t«n bel«n sunoklãsantaw kalÊptesyai kayÊperyen to›w yureo›w Ípoxvr∞sa¤ te prÚw Ùl¤gon. p. P. VRC: katarrify¢n (prius r. 72. RC katafrãjai Ios. SULLIVAN 71 § 155–159 ( THEV. . ßvw tåw far°traw ken≈svsin ofl tojÒtai. Rostgaardiano et Bodleiano to›w s≈masi ka‹ to›w ıpl¤taiw Ios. pros°taje d¢ to›w strati≈taiw prÚw m¢n tÚn élalagmÚn t«n tagmãtvn épofrãjai tåw ékoãw. t«n d¢ tojot«n ballÒntvn ka‹ t«n êllvn mhxanhmãtvn. ˜mvw ka‹ oÏtvw toË te¤xouw kataseisy°ntow ka‹ §ndÒntow ta›w mhxana›w frajãmenoi •autoÁw to›w ıpl¤taiw tÚ katarify¢n éntvxÊrvsan. cf. Ios. Ios. cf. …w mØ kataplage›en. 256 peri°sthsen toÁw tojÒtaw . 258 ÉI≈shpow d¢ sunie‹w tØn §p¤noian §p‹ m¢n toË m°nontow te¤xouw sÁn to›w kekmhkÒsin ·sthsi toÁw ghraioÁw …w mhd¢n taÊthi blabhsom°nouw. ka‹ sfendonÆtaw ka‹ toÁw §p‹ t«n mhxanhmãtvn 8–11 ka‹ toÁw—m°nousi cf. PAML || bãllontew V P1 . || an perispãsai ? cf.8 5 lac. LVRC: kalÊcasyai Ios. VR Niese: ken≈sousin Ios. émunÒmenon 158 159 V P1 1 t∞w non hab. Ios. meyÉ œn ka‹ aÈtÚw efiw tÚ prokinduneÊein §klhr≈sato 11—p. PAM 14 kalÊptesyai V P1 Ios. PAML Niese 4 épobibãsantow cf. C Ípoken≈svsin Ios. 259–260 §k°leus°n te prÚw m¢n tÚn—fid¤vn Ùrgãnvn épantçn to›w polem¤oiw. V Niese: §pifrãjai Ios. meyÉ œn ka‹ aÈtÚw proekindÊneue. cf. 254 toÁw kontoÁw pro˝sxontaw 7–8 t«n d¢ tojot«n—mhxanhmãtvn cf. III. ad p. 15–25) 156 157 3 6 9 12 15 t∞w ofik¤aw §j°seise tÚ br°fow §fÉ ≤mistãdion. Ios. r. i. 26 || katarify¢n V P1 Ios. . Suda 3 •autoÁw to›w ıpl¤taiw] tå s≈mata to›w ˜ploiw [Suda] Hudson ex codd.

C. spec. Historiae libri X. to spring onto them first and ward them off Accepting ˜ploiw for ı pl¤ taiw . but stationed the older and those already exhausted at the sections still standing. B. 320 and J. ed. and stationed his best men at the breached sections of the walls and himself shared the danger with the first of them. 10.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 203 expelled her fetus half a stade away. The Need for Interdisciplinary Studies”. The Mariner’s Mirror 68 (1982) 9-27. In the Appendix (108) vdB suggests as the simplest solution for the lacuna éntitã jan tow to›w § p‹ t«n katarrify° ntvn § fest«si“drawing up against those standing in the breach”. Part I: To c 1225”. so as not to be frightened. but when [the Romans] were throwing up [72] the gangways154. On the former term as a “gangway” or “landing ramp” cf. D. Byzantion 58 (1988) 309-32. He ordered the soldiers to block their ears to the war-cry of the legions. 153> intended to draw away these [defenders]. . 152 153 . Pryor. spec. Hase (Bonn: 1828) 7:20-21 and see V. Christides. And Vespasian had his best cav alry dismount and < . and to give way a little. . Leo the Deacon. “Naval History and Technology in Medieval Times. and crouching down at the multitude of arrows to hide themselves under their shields. As the men were couching their lances and the archers and the other machines firing. But when the wall was shaken and gave way to the machines. 154 The text here has kl¤ makewfor Josephus’ § pibatÆriai mhxana¤. the [defenders] protecting themselves with weapons152 blocked the breach. “Transportation of Horses by Sea during the Era of the Crusades: Eighth Century to 1285 A. so that the ascent might be easy for those ordered to climb. Josephus even here served as the opposing general. until the archers emptied their quivers.

RC Niese: sun8–9 èpãntvn om. III. 14—p. tå d¢ gÊnaia. ÏstatÒn tina kvkutÚn èl≈sevw sunÆxhsan. gÊnaia V P1 Ios. Ios. || katapesoËsi] beblhm°noiw Ios. . t. tã te b°lh toÁw tojÒtaw §pan°xontaw t«n 6 ÉArãbvn. III. l. Ios M) V P1 Ios. t. ofl d¢ ÑRvma›oi parakeleusãmenoi éllÆloiw ka‹ pleurån m¢n •n≈santew. PAL Niese || péshi] pãshi t∞i Ios. . to›w d¢ yureo›w 15 kayÊperye frajãmenoi ka‹ tØn legom°nhn xel≈nhn épotel°santew te›xow êrrhkton §g°nonto ka‹ kayãper •n‹ s≈mati pãshi fãlaggi F 2–3 tå d¢ gÊnaia—ofik¤aiw: Ios.VRC: to›w tojÒtaiw Ios. …w mØ k. guna›kaw Ios. Ios. C diabalÒntaw Ios. Ios.> sumplekÒmeno¤ ge mØn to›w énioËsi panto›a ka‹ xeir«n ¶rga ka‹ cux∞w §napede¤knunto. cf. P1 10 éfiem°nvn] éfieÆxyhsan Ios. III. oÈd¢n går e‹w tØn mãxhn metakek¤nhto t«n pãlai fulak«n Ios. MLVRC: parakeleusãmeno¤ te Ios.L) V P1 Ios. VR || §yeãsato P1 4 post §zvsm°nhn hab. PAML || <ka‹> om. 25–36) 161 162 163 tåw kl¤makaw aÈtoÁw prophdçn ka‹ diå t«n fid¤vn Ùrgãnvn émÊnesyai. 324. PAMLC Niese: ofike¤aiw Ios. . 2 émÊnesyai malim émÊnesyai [Ios. l. PAM Niese || énioËsin Ios. VR: tåw . PA Niese 16 kayÊperye V Ios V: kayÊperyen P1 Ios. 5 te¤xesin Ios. PAMLRC Niese 8 salpigNiese kta‹ (pig ex corr. || tå . …w mØ yhlÊnoien o‡ktvi tåw ırmåw t«n sfet°rvn. PAML VR diabãllontaw Ios. ka‹ pãntoyen 9 éfiem°nvn t«n bel«n tÚ f«w Ípet°mneto. t. l. V m°nvn épÚ sunyÆmatow Ios. C 3 ofik¤aiw V P1 Ios. t.204 DENIS F. || ge mØn V P1 Ios. frajãmeno¤ te tå Œta prÚw tØn boØn ka‹ tå s≈mata prÚw tåw t«n bel«n éf°seiw <ballÒntvn tåw mhxanåw §pej°dramon diÉ aÈt«n pr‹n §pib∞nai 12 toÁw balÒntaw. 3–7 …w §yeãsanto—sunÆxhsan: Ios. toË d¢ sunyÆmatow doy°ntow ımoË o· te salpigkta‹ t«n tagmãtvn èpãntvn sunÆxhsan ka‹ deinÚn §phlãlajen ≤ stratiã. | éf°seiw] éf°seiw §frãjanto ka‹ Ios. 262 tÚ dÉ érgÚn épÚ t∞w pÒlevw pl∞yow. PAML Niese om. 263 ı d¢ ÉI≈shpow tåw m¢n guna›kaw. VP1 Niese || §pan°xontaw VP1 Ios. 266–268 memnhm°noi ge mØn t«n toË ÉIvsÆpou prostagmãtvn ofl sÁn aÈt«i tãw te ékoåw prÚw tØn k.: frujãmenoi V P1 11 t«n bel«n non hab. 12–13 <ballÒntvn—balÒntaw> om. ALV || §pilãlajen P1 §pilãlazen Ios. 14 §napede¤knuto V §nepede¤knuto P1 14–15 parakeleusãmenoi (—leuÒmenoi Ios. III. PA1 MLR: salpikta‹ Ios. prÚw d¢ to›w katapesoËsi te¤xesi toÁw polem¤ouw jifÆreiw <ka‹> tØn kayÊperyen ÙreinØn lampom°nhn ˜ploiw. 1 parakeleusãmenoi—§p°bainon: Ios. katakle¤ei ta›w ofik¤aiw. . 17 te›xow V P1 Ios. 270 parakeleusãmeno¤ te éllÆloiw k. 73. 6 toÁw tojÒtaw VP1 Ios. SULLIVAN 72 160 § 159–163 ( THEV. 7–10 toË d¢—Ípet°mneto: Ios. III. l. 10–14 frajãmenoi—§napede¤knunto: Ios. t. LVRC: te Ios. gÊnaia ka‹ pa›dew. MVRC: st›fow Ios. PML ex corr. 265 ımoË dÉ o· te salpikta‹ k. …w §yeãsanto k. PAMLRC Niese || ka‹—épotel°santew non hab.] toÁw polem¤ouw. p. VC 9 sunÆxhsan V P1 Ios. l. Ios. V P1 1 kl¤makaw] §pibathr¤ouw mhxanåw Ios. V: §pan°xonta Ios. §peidØ ≈w §yeãsanto tripl∞i 3 m¢n fãlaggi tØn pÒlin §zvsm°nhn. VP1 13 balÒntaw Niese: bãllontaw Ios. | frajãmenoi Thev.

And the Romans encouraged one another and. and apparently has been inserted by the Anon. lest with their wailing they unman the spirit of his men. When the signal was given. 155 they became an unbreakable wall and as it were in one body with their 155 This phrase is not in the text of Josephus. simulta neously the trumpeters of all the legions blew their horns and the army raised a terrible cry and with arrows being shot everywhere the light was cut off. Roman History 49:30. when they saw the city encircled by a triple formation and the enemy armed with swords at the ruined walls <and> the mountainside above gleaming with arms and the Arab archers raising their arrows. He locks the women in their houses.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 205 with their own instruments. . they gave a kind of final shriek at their capture. On this formation see the description in Cassius Dio. The [Jews] screened their ears against the shout and their bodies against the discharges of arrows <and with the Romans throwing up the devices they ran across them before those throwing them up could mount>. uniting side by side protected by the shields above them. As they engaged with their ascending [enemy]. or his source. forming the so-called testudo. they displayed various acts of strength and spirit. the testudo is referred to again below at 74:21-22. since.

PL || dusanãlvton V P1 Ios. 9–10 =vmalevtãtouw V P1 Ios. sed Anonymo.206 DENIS F. 61. ka‹ toÊtouw §p°sthse t«n xvmãtvn ka‹ §pibibãsaw aÈto›w ékontistãw te ka‹ tojÒtaw <ka‹> t«n éfethr¤vn Ùrgãnvn tå koufÒtera. ka‹ metå dein«n élghdÒnvn épekulindoËnto toË te¤xouw 5–16 tre›w—§pej°yeon: Ios. 21. 78. ofl d¢ mÆte katå kÒrshw ferom°nvn t«n bel«n §kkl¤nein =aid¤vw dunãmenoi mÆte toÁw éfane›w émÊnesyai. 17. PAM Niese. Niese 16 peirvm°noiw V P1 Ios. 1 otow går) transeat ad fragmentum. l. p. 20 || mØ] m¢n P1 || toË Ïcouw V P1 14 ır«ntew] ır«n t∞w V P1 15 aÈto›w V P1 Ios. p. 71. p. 27. AMVRC Niese: aÈtoÁw Ios. ı d¢ ÉI≈shpow z°on ¶laion §kkenvy∞nai prostãjaw katå t«n sunhspikÒtvn diesk°dase tØn tãjin ka‹ metå dein«n élghdÒnvn épokulinde›syai toÁw ÑRvma¤ouw toË te¤xouw kathnãgkasen. III. ad p. p. 284–287 pÊrgouw d¢ tre›w pentÆkonta pod«n tÚ Ïcow ßkaston kataskeuãsai keleÊsaw pãntoyen sidÆrvi kekalumm°nouw. LR Niese: peirvm°nouw Ios. 3.1) F 1–3 ı d¢—sunhspikÒtvn cf. RC =vmalevt°rouw Ios. t. 3. p. V énãlvton Ios. 6 §piskeuãsai] kataskeuãsai [Ios. 74. qui saepe verbo går (cf. 6. 69. 75. PAMVC || §pej°yeton P1 . 52. ka‹ tÚ m¢n Ïcow t«n pÊrgvn dus°fikton ır«ntew §k xeirÚw b°lei. PAML. 21. ¶feugon épÚ toË te¤xouw ka‹ prosbãllein peirvm°noiw §pej°yeon. . 11 et 17. p. p. 74. p. 13. 17. v. p. cf. PA =vmalaiotãtouw Ios. . 36–49) 164 3 6 9 12 15 18 toÁw ÉIouda¤ouw énvyoËntew ≥dh toË te¤xouw §p°bainon.. 53. 6. 63. III. SULLIVAN 73 § 163–169 ( THEV. LVRC sunepibÆsaw Ios. Ios. PML ex corr. 75.] Ios. p. MV Niese: =vmalaivtãtouw Ios. p. cf. v. 15. 6. p. . p. Àste énagkasy°nta tÚn OÈespasianÚn tre›w pÊrgouw pentÆkonta pod«n tÚ Ïcow §piskeuãsai sidÆrvi pãntoyen kekalumm°nouw. ad p. append. p. V P1 9 éfethr¤vn] éfetere› V P1 || d¢ ka‹] d¢ Ios. …w ín •dra›o¤ te e‰en ka‹ dusãlvtoi pur¤. 324. VRC) 17 p.) apud solum Anonymum servatum. 60. 16 V P1 2–3 ±spikÒtvn V P1 3 diesk°dasen Ios. §pibÆsaw Ios. Ios. v. || sidÆra V s¤dhra P1 || …w ín] …w Ios. 60. 8 §pibibãsaw cf. 62. prÚw d¢ ka‹ toÁw =vmalevtãtouw sfendon¤taw: o„ mØ kayor≈menoi diå tÚ Ïcow ka‹ tå yvrãkia t«n pÊrgvn efiw kayorvm°nouw toÁw §p‹ toË te¤xouw ¶ballon. éllå ka‹ Afitvlo‹ ÍpÚ toË t«n ÑRvma¤vn Ípãtou Mãrkou poliorkoÊmenoi t∞i prosbol∞i t«n mhxanhmãtvn ka‹ t«n kri«n 165 166 167 (286) 168 (287) 169 (Plb. 12. 26. p. 50. III. append.. quod verbatim describit vel suis verbis reddit. 65. p. A: sfendon¤staw P1 sfendonÆtaw Ios. cf. p.271 ı d¢ ÉI≈shpow . 68. z°on ¶laion §k°leusen katax°ein t«n sunhspikÒtvn 3–4 diesk°dase—kathnãgkasen cf.LR . pur‹ d¢ tÚn per‹ aÈto›w s¤dhron dusanãlvton. praef. 10. …w •dra›o¤ te e‰en ÍpÚ br¤youw ka‹ dusãlvtoi pur¤. XXI. haec verba videntur autem non Polybio attribuenda esse. 54. V1RC: dusãlvton Ios. 1 Afitvlo‹—éntiparetãjanto: Plb.1 (XXII. 58. sed cf. XXI. 4 || <ka‹> om. (ßkaston tÚ Ïcow transp. 1 Schw. 273 toËto kaiom°nvn t«n ÑRvma¤vn diesk°dasen tØn tãjin. append. VC Niese sfendonhtåw Ios. L 10 sfendon¤taw V Ios. 6. sunepibÆsaw aÈto›w ékontistãw k. p. (285) t«n xvmãtvn §p°sthsen. 27.

122. [The defenders] were not easily able to avoid the arrows directed at their heads nor to beat back the invisible [enemy] and seeing the high towers inaccessible to projectiles thrown by hand. and also the strongest slingers. and the fireproof iron around them. see also Walbank (1979) 123 and 125 and Büttner-Wobst IV:55-56. they were fleeing from the wall and sallying forth against those who attempted to attack. He placed these on the earth-works and mounted upon them javeliners and archers <and> the lighter artillery. (who may have adapted the final phrase from Polybius XXVIII:18). They were invisi ble due to the height and breastworks of the towers and were shoot ing at men who were visible on the wall. . so that Vespasian was driven to prepare three towers of fifty feet in height covered completely with iron.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 207 whole formation [73] pushing back the Jews were already mounting the wall. vdB attributes these opening words and the concluding phrase of the paragraph to the Anon. But the Aetolians too when besieged by Marcus the consul of the Romans156 responded nobly to the assault of the machines and the 156 On the relation of this paragraph to the text of Polybius see above n. so they would be stable and fireproof. Josephus ordered that boiling oil be emptied out over the locked shields and dispersed the formation and compelled the Romans to roll off the wall in terrible agony.

4½ versuum V paene 4 versuum P 1 . otow går ésfalisãmenow tå katå tåw stratopede¤aw tr¤a m¢n ¶rga katå tÚ PÊrraion pros∞gen diå t«n §pip°dvn tÒpvn. V P1 21 §kxuom°nh P1 22 post sÊgkleisin lac. non Polybio sed Anonymo attribuenda sunt 3 p. ka‹ t«n dorudrepãnvn éposurÒntvn tåw §pãljeiw. coll. t°tarton d¢ katå tÚ ÉAsklhpiÒn.-W.-W. 328. et in cod. Àste §p‹ tØn ¶paljin suntrib°ntow toË dÒratow §gkrate›w g¤nesyai t«n drepãnvn. II. ¥tiw xrhsimeÊsei prÚw pçsan mhxanØn §kxunom°nh. t«n d¢ kri«n tuptÒntvn §nerg«w tå te¤xh. B. §peir«nto m¢n ofl katå tØn pÒlin éntimhxançsyai prÚw taËta. coll. 2) § 169–175 (THEV. 3 tÒpvn om. cf.) apud Anon. 325 Thev. Wesch.. 7–329. 69. 4 ÉAsklhpiÒn lege ÉAsklhpie›on cum T Schw. incertum utrum error Anonymo attribuendus sit an librario || pãntvw V P1 corr. ka‹ prÚw aÈtØn tØn §k t«n ésp¤dvn ginom°nhn sÊgkleisin *** F 1–17 otow går—poliork¤ai: Plb. parãllhla d°. servata 16–17 ka‹ tribØn—poliork¤ai non hab. ginom°nhw d¢ t∞w prosagvg∞w §nerg∞w katå pãntaw ëma toÁw tÒpouw. T. Wesch. 11. 18.-W. B. || §pitiyem°nouw V P1 15 ¶rgvn] erivn T 15–16 §f≤meroËsi P1 16 <§gxeiroËntew> om.: shk≈mata mÒlubda E shkvmatvnolubda T shk≈mata mÒlibda Vs P1s shk≈mata molibdç Hultsch B. toiaÊthn d¢ lambanoÊshw tribØn t∞w poliork¤aw. || taËta V P1T: taËtÉ Benseler B. 324. Plb. XXXVIII.-W.-W. B. 27. 10. 2–6 (XXII.: énteparetãjanto V P1 || otow går] ı d¢ Mãrkow T 2 stratoped¤aw T || post stratopede¤aw hab. p. III. B. tÚ d¢ ple›on §pejiÒntew eÈcÊxvw §mãxonto. 65. 2. || pros∞gen] prospie cum signo corruptelae T prosepo¤ei Müller1 Wesch. ka‹ tribØn §nepo¤oun t∞i poliork¤ai. p. T. Àsper ka‹ pollo‹ t«n palai«n. p. 5 genom°nhw P1 || §nerg∞w V P1: §nergoË T B. 27. efi d¢ ka‹ la¤saw xvstr¤daw ofl §xyro‹ §pinoÆsainto. V1 6 §kplhktikh T || g¤gnesyai V 7 §narg«w V P1 10 shk≈mata molubdç Wesch. in solo cod. 82. 10.-W. autem Plb.-W. to›w m¢n krio›w diå kerai«n §ni°ntew shk≈mata molubdç ka‹ l¤youw ka‹ stÊph drÊina: to›w d¢ drepãnoiw sidhrçw peritiy°ntew égkÊraw ka‹ katasxÒntew taËta ¶sv toË te¤xouw. 14 eÈcÊxvw §mãxonto] §mãxonto genna¤vw T B. Liv. T B. diest«ta m¢n épÉ éllÆlvn.-W. 6 9 12 15 18 21 V P1 [T] 1 éntiparetãjanto Casaub. || Àste V P1 T: ÀstÉ Benseler B. 3 cet. 50.. || PÊrraion V P1 T: PÊrreion Schw. 2–6 Schw.. T. SULLIVAN 74 (Plb. xrØ kÒpron ényrvpe¤an §kx°ein katÉ aÈt«n ka‹ épokroÊesyai toÊtouw. pot¢ d¢ to›w §fhmereÊousi meyÉ ≤m°ran profan«w <§gxeiroËntew>. sun¤stato megalomer«w tØn poliork¤an ka‹ T B. 11 peritey°ntew P1 12 katasxÒntew V P1: katasxvntew T énasp«ntew Casaub. §kplhktikØn sun°baine g¤nesyai to›w ¶ndon tØn toË m°llontow prosdok¤an. 28. servata. T. 4–5 10–11 ka‹ stÊph drÊina om. XXI. 5. 332. 12) (3) 171 (4) 172 (5) 173 (6) 174 175 genna¤vw éntiparetãjanto. 49–325.-W.208 DENIS F. cf. p.-W. 68. pot¢ m¢n §pitiy°menoi nÊktvr to›w §pikoitoËsin §p‹ t«n ¶rgvn. XXI. ergo haec verba hoc loco fort. 7. p°mpton d¢ katå tØn ékrÒ | polin.-W. 2. 6. 170 XXI. katasp«ntew Schw.

5 lines. 160 § k t«n ésp¤ dvn . after securing his camp. so that when the pole was smashed against the battlement. 159 The text here has the 10th-century term laisa (la›sa). 155. generically for “tortoise. . and stumps of oak trees on the rams by means of projecting beams 158 and. They also sallied out frequently and fought courageously. stones. sometimes attacking by night those who slept at the machines. on which see above n. pouring excrement is useful against every machine. as also did many of the ancients 159. those in the city tried to counter them. it is necessary to pour human excrement on them and to drive them back. a fourth at the temple of Asklepios157 and a fifth at the acropolis. 161>. 35 on ≤ kera¤ a . 161 vdB notes a loss here of 4-4. brought up three machines through the level terrain near the Pyrrhaion at some dis tance from one other. See above n. 157 158 . 48. . While the rams were vigor ously battering the walls and scythe-like hooks on poles were pulling down the battlements. and so they were delaying the siege. Tactica 11:6 and see above n. [74] For [Marcus]. . . dragging them inside the wall.” On the classical “filler-tortoise” (xvstr¤ w and use of laisai for the func) tion see Sullivan (2000) 159 n. they had possession of the hooks. after catching the hooks with iron anchors. but parallel. 2 with additional bibliography. As the assault was vigorously conducted simultaneously in all these places. For “locking” (sÊ gkleisiw ) of shields cf. Arrian. dropping lead weights. and sometimes openly in daylight <going against> those keeping guard by day.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 209 rams. sÊ gkleisin . even against the locking of shields itself160 < . those within were terri fied at the prospect of what was coming. [75] Accepting ÉAsklhpie›on for ÉAsklhpiÒn. But if the enemy should devise laisai for filling ditches.

XXI. Syll. 12–330. supplendum parelÊeto aÈtoË vel parelÊeto vel par°luon aÈtoË? cf. ¶pese. érxom°nhn m¢n épÚ toË ≤mirragoËw te¤xouw yét°rou m°rouw.-Maur. servata 177 178 179 180 181 182 (Plb. Tact. ént¤keintai d¢ ta›w toiaÊtaiw bola›w kil¤kia kremãmena (ita Leo. 73. 28. Àsper ka‹ ÉAmbrak¤a. ésfalisãmenoi <d¢> tÚ m°son ¶rgon t«n tri«n t«n pro#parxÒntvn ofl ÑRvma›oi ka‹ skepãsantew §pimel«w to›w F 6–14 t«n går—ponÆreuma] cf. 12. 1. XXXII. . kremÒmena Scheffer) ¶jvyen toË te¤xouw katå toÁw promax«naw. Thev. 11. T 12–13 t«n ¶ndon éntiparatajam°nvn corr. Kriegsw. éllå ka‹ taÊthw t∞w mhxan∞w épekroÊsyhsan. || §pimel«w] §pimel«w tØn sÊrigga T 2–3 cf. . p. Wesch. Anon. (3) diÒper époroÊmenoi katÆnthsan §p‹ tÚ metalleÊein ka‹ xr∞syai to›w ÙrÊgmasin ÍpÚ g∞w. ad p. XV. ca. 28. 51. Probl. 28. 4–17 (XXII. 4) V P1 2 kil¤akia V 3 §piskiãzein P1. polla‹ går pÒleiw ka‹ metå tØn t«n teix«n katastrofØn perieg°nonto t«n §nant¤vn. Müller1: kexrhsyai T) XXI. T. Schw. ˜yen ka‹ épelp¤santew toË diå t∞w b¤aw •le›n tØn pÒlin prÚw tÚ ÍporÊttein Àrmhsan. t«i ka‹ tØn éntoikodom¤an ÍpÚ t«n ¶ndon §nergÚn e‰nai ka‹ mãxesyai genna¤vw §p‹ toË p¤ptontow m°rouw toÁw AfitvloÊw.210 DENIS F. épostãntew §fÉ •kãtera toË payÒntow te¤xouw poiÆsomen diå tãxouw ofikodomÆn tina ¶ndoyen. p. 3. 325. v. 48. Plb. oÈ xrØ eÈy°vw épogin≈skein. Byz. et in cod. 300. 4 litt. in solo cod. 6 4 tãfron ÍporÊttein v. T B.. fort. 10 6 sunex«n V P1 corr. XXI. Wesch. P1X 7 post ée¤ ti lac. X.) apud Anon. Tact. 7. quod legendum vid. [T] ad p. T. 77. 6–21 Schw. 329. servata. . ofl d¢ ÑRvma›oi sunex«w §nergoËntew to›w krio›w ée¤ ti par°luon t«n teix«n: (2) oÈ mØn e‡w ge tØn pÒlin §dÊnanto biãsasyai diå t«n ptvmãtvn. et Probl. X. 16 ésfalisãmenoi—tÚn kapnÒn: Plb. SULLIVAN 75 § 176–182 ( THEV. lÆgousan d¢ §p‹ tÚ ßteron . 11. t«n går ÑRvma¤vn sunex«w biazom°nvn to›w krio›w tÚ te›xow ée¤ ti *** oÈ mØn efiw tØn pÒlin §dÊnanto parelye›n diå t«n ptvmãtvn diå tÚ toÁw ¶ndon éntoikodome›n ka‹ mãxesyai genna¤vw §p‹ toË p¤ptontow m°rouw toÁw AfitvloÊw.: tå ¶ndon éntiparatajãmenoi V P1 14 tÚ ponÆreuma] tÚ toÊtvn eÏrhma Schw. 2 (Scheffer) proeutrep¤shi mãggana émuntikå prÚw épotropØn petrobÒlvn. éllå kil¤kia m¢n kremçn prÚw tÚ d°xesyai tå pempÒmena b°lh. (§ 2 §nergÚn Müller1: ergon T § 3 katÆnthsan Müller1: kathsan cum signo corruptelae inter h et s T || ka‹ xr∞syai 14—p. Leo. ka‹ afisyom°nvn tÚ ponÆreuma. Tact. kat°pese aut simile verbum suppl. êllo d¢ te›xow §piskeuãzein ka‹ tãfron ÍporÊttein. V P1. quod hab. …w proÛΔn ı lÒgow dhl≈sei. Urb.-W. 1–332. || <d¢> om. ex tå ¶ndon paratajãmenoi. Tact. V P1 går Schw. XIII.. 13–23) 176 3 6 9 12 15 efi d¢ ka‹ ÍpÚ t∞w t«n kri«n b¤aw diaseisye¤h ka‹ katap°soi tå te¤xh. 13 efi d¢ ka¤ ti m°row toË te¤xouw §rrãgh. 5 3–4 cf. p. fere item Leo. strathgik≈teron t«n ¶ndon éntiparatajam°nvn. Schw. 1–3. 15 ofl ÑRvma›oi om. Aen. 53.

For many cities even after the collapse of the walls have survived the enemy. as the treatise will make clear as it proceeds. as for example Ambracia. able to pass into the city through the breaches because the Aetolians within built a counterwall and fought nobly at the fallen section. since those within responded with greater military acumen. . 122. On the relation of this and the following description of the siege of Ambracia to the text of Polybius see above n. they were always <breaking away 162> some portion <of it>. For since the Romans were continuously attacking the wall with rams. Thus losing hope of taking the city by force they proceeded to mining. and were aware of their contrivance 163.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 211 But if the walls should also be badly shaken by the force of the rams and collapse. however. They were not. 163 Accepting toÊ tvn eÏrhma for ponÆreuma. But they were beaten back also from this device. The Romans secured the middle of the three machines already there and covered it carefully with [76] wicker 162 Accepting vdB’s suggested addition par° luon aÈtoË. but hang heavy mats to intercept the missiles being fired and construct another wall and dig a ditch. one must not immediately despair.

77.Polybius aut ita scripsit. kayÉ ˘n §dÆlou tinå t«n xalkvmãtvn diå t∞w sumpaye¤aw: éntÆxoun går prÚw tÚn §ktÚw cÒfon: v rutton ¶svyen §pikars¤an prÚw t∞i ÍparxoÊshi êllhn katå Ö g∞w tãfron ÍpÚ tÚ te›xow.-W. v. VI.. V P1 10–11 oÂon—toÊtoiw om.: cÒdon V P1 15 t∞i ÍparxoÊshi V P1 T: tØn Ípãrxousan Benseler B.-W.XXI. i.-W.: aÈt«n V P1 TS || tÚ] d¢ tÚ P1 23 thnikãde V P1 T: thnikãdÉ Benseler B. tÚ thnikãde Íp°yetÒ tiw to›w poliorkoum°noiw p¤yon proyem°nouw èrmostÚn katå tÚ plãtow t«i metãllvi trup∞sai tÚn puym°na ka‹ lei≈santaw aÈl¤skon sidhroËn ‡son t«i teÊxei pl∞sai tÚn 1 g°roiw V P1 || proebãllonto P1 prosebãlonto T || parallhlvn T 2 diapaustvw T 3 nÊktan P1 || <m¢n> om. p. 19.. cf.-W. 16 21 ta›sarisa›w T || d¢ T || ±dÊnanto T B. 17. om. 22 yuraiouw T || g°ra P1 || prÚw lege prÚ cum T B. Dindorf B. || cÒfon Thev. Progr. 17 ginom°nou T 18 afeixyai T 19 te¤xouw] te¤xouw ÍpÚ g∞w T 20 ÙrÊgmatow] metãllou T B. taxÁ d¢ toÊtou genom°nou. proebãlonto stoån parãllhlon t«i te¤xei sxedÚn §p‹ dÊo pl°yra. ofl proest«tew t«n poliorkoum°nvn vrutton tãfron ¶svyen §nerg«w parãllhlon t«i te¤xei Ö ka‹ t∞i stoçi t∞i prÚ t«n pÊrgvn. §pe‹ dÉ §shmei≈santo tÚn tÒpon. Polyän.212 DENIS F. T 1 Ö 6 sÊpµ tP1 eÈopµ tP1X 7 vrutton V P1: ˆrutton P1 Éo i. T B. Krit. 5) (6) 184 (7) 185 § 182–190 ( THEV. 13 d¢ T 14 éntÆxoun—cÒfon om. z.-W. 183 28. ka‹ tÚ m¢n pr«ton §mãxonto ta›w sar¤saiw ÍpÚ g∞n: §pe‹ dÉ oÈd¢n §dÊnanto m°ga poie›n diå tÚ probãllesyai yureoÁw ka‹ g°rra prÚw aÍt«n émfÒteroi. stoxazÒmenoi toË sumpese›n §nant¤oi to›w polem¤oiw. …w d¢ m°gaw ı svrÚw §g°neto t∞w §kferom°nhw g∞w ka‹ sÊnoptow to›w §k t∞w pÒlevw. di°ntew Polyaen. V P11 5 t∞w ante §kf.m. ka‹ labÒntew érxØn §k taÊthw vrutton édiapaÊstvw Ö ka‹ tØn nÊkta ka‹ tØn ≤m°ran §k diadox∞w. sun°peson éllÆloiw. 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 V P1 [T] . v. item p. per‹ toË p«w de› diagin≈skein toÁw polem¤ouw ÙrÊssontaw tÚ te›xow ka‹ katapoleme›n V P1 9 ßna] en T || to¤xon P1 tÊxon V || <tÚn> om. Hultsch: . 1854. ka‹ parå taËta diå t∞w tãfrou pariÒntew ±kro«nto toË cÒfou t«n ÙruttÒntvn ¶svyen. taÊtaiw pro toÊtoiw scribendum vel lac.-W. aut uberiorem instrumenti descriptionem interposuit” 12 ¶svyen lege ¶jvyen cum T B. append. •j∞w ¶yhkan parå tÚn ßna to›xon t∞w tãfrou<tÚn> §ggÁw t«i te¤xei xalk≈mata sunex∞. p. diå tÚ toÁw ÑRvma¤ouw mØ mÒnon éf›xyai prÚw tÚ te›xow ÍpÚ g∞w.-W. leptÒtata ta›w kataskeua›w. 325. 3–4 et 15. cf. V 8 ka‹ t∞i] ka‹ st∞ V || stoçi t∞i] stãsei T || ad 8 sqq. §peidØ d¢ bãyow ¶sxen flkanÒn. || aÍt«n Bekker B.-W. §fÉ flkanåw <m¢n> oÔn ≤m°raw §lãnyanon toÁw ¶ndon f°rontew ¶jv tÚn xoËn diå t∞w sÊriggow. éllå ka‹ diestulvk°nai tÒpon flkanÚn toË te¤xouw §fÉ •kãteron tÚ m°row toË ÙrÊgmatow. Beitr.. 23–40) (8) 186 (9) 187 (10) 188 (11) 189 (12) 190 g°rroiw.-W. T B. oÂon lekãnaw ka‹ ßtera ˜moia toÊtoiw.-W.m. d. 77. ut in T est. post lekãnaw indicandam esse mihi videtur. 25 lei≈santaw V P1: livsantew T di≈santaw Hertlein.. Wertheim. SULLIVAN 76 (Plb. 24.

≤ lekã . but when the mound of earth carried out became large and visible to those in the city. 122). but had propped up a considerable part of the wall on both sides of their excavation.’s source. And so for many days they carried out the earth through the mine shaft without being observed by those within. 164 165 . When it was sufficiently deep. the leaders of the besieged began to vigorously dig a ditch inside parallel to the wall itself and to the gallery in front of the towers. But when they could not accomplish much with this. but is in Dain’s (1940) Mémorandum inédit 126 no. 30 and hence presumably in the Anon. and proceeding along the ditch next to these. When they had noted the place indicated by the reverberation of some of the bronze plates . This soon occurred. They met one another and first fought underground with their pikes. as the Romans had not only reached the wall underground. 167 Accepting ¶ jvyen for ¶ svyen. after placing in front of them a large ceramic pot just wide enough to fit into the mine. The simile is not in the parallel text of Polybius preserved in the “Excerpta de nh strategematis” (see above n. 168 Accepting di≈santaw for lei≈santaw. and they constructed in front of it a covered gallery parallel to the wall for about two plethra.for these echoed the sound outside . to fill [77] the pot with Following for the phrasing here Walbank (1979) 127. like pots 165 and similar such things166. listened for the sound of those digging outside 167. and pushing168 in an iron tube as long as the vessel.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 213 screens. as both sides held shields and wicker screens in front of themselves. see Walbank (1979) 126-27. Beginning from this [gallery] they dug continuously day and night in relays. although as she notes there may be a lacuna here. Whether original to Polybius or added later is not certain. 166 Accepting vdB’s suggestion taÊ taiw for toÊ toiw . aiming to encounter and confront the enemy. someone proposed to the besieged. they next placed along the one side of the ditch next to the wall very thinly fab ricated bronze plates in a continuous line164.they began to dig another ditch under the wall from within at right angles to the existing one. who also notes that bronze “vessels” would be “clumsy and less effective” than bronze plates. to bore a hole in the bottom.

Plb. t v. 18 p¤yon t«i pt¤lvi lept«i ka‹ purÚw mikrÚn §mbale›n ÍpÉ aÈtÚ <tÚ>toË p¤you peristÒmion: kêpeita sidhroËn p«ma trhmãtvn pl∞rew t«i stÒmati periy°ntaw ésfal«w efisãgein diå toË ÙrÊgmatow. kín tå te¤xh diaseisy∞i μ ka‹ F 16 kapnÒn des.-W. 78. fere item Leo. VIII. perisãjantaw tå xe¤lh toË p¤you pantaxÒyen trÆmata dÊo katalipe›n §j §kat°rou toË m°rouw. 2 cf. XX. coll. v. . cf. genom°nvn d¢ pãntvn kayãper proe›pon. neÊonta t«i stÒmati prÚw toÁw Ípenant¤ouw: ıpÒte d¢ §gg¤saien to›w polem¤oiw. Àste ka‹ l¤an kakopaye›n toÁw ÑRvma¤ouw.-W. Urb. v.. m.214 DENIS F. 17 || mikrÚn] pantel«w mikrÚn T B. 76. 10 ‡syi ˜ti tÚ mÆtÉ §pa¤resyai §n ta›w eÈtux¤aiw mÆte pãlin katap¤ptein §n ta›w dustux¤aiw. f°resya¤ te pçn efiw tÚ t«n polem¤vn ˆrugma. p. || ıpÒte] pote T || d¢ V P1 T: dÉ Benseler B. 325. tÒ te pl∞yow toË kapnoË sun°baine polÁ g¤nesyai ka‹ t∞i drimÊthti diaf°ron diå tØn fÊsin t«n pt¤lvn. praef.-Maur. oÂw ofl xalke›w xr«ntai. 20 || kakopaye›n] kako paye›nka‹ dusxrhste›syai T B. . B. || oÂw ofl] œi ofl T o·vi ofl Müller1 o·vi Hultsch œiper ofl B. 76. append. Leon.-W.-W. 326 Thev. scripsisse œi ofl vel o·vi ofl 10 t«i prÚw t«i stÒmati pur‹ V P1 T: tÚ prÚw t«i stÒmati pËr Schw. recentissima in P1 Gronovius.-W.. §rrvm°nou §st‹ logismoË ka‹ cux∞w éndre¤aw 193 (15) 194 (16) 195 (17) 196 V P1 [T] . Polyaen. oÎte kvlÊein oÎyÉ Ípom°nein dunam°nouw §n to›w ÙrÊgmasi tÚn kapnÒn. 76. VI. mØ d¢ ta›w eÈprag¤aiw §pairÒmenow. p. B. VI. || §gkeim°nvi T. 11 §kkãhtai] ín §kkãhtai T.-W. 1 t«i pt¤lvi lept«i V P1: t«i pÆlvi lept«i T pt¤lvi lept«i Dindorf Hultsch ˜lon pt¤lvn lept«n B. mØ d¢ katap¤ptvn §n ta›w dusprag¤aiw. ka‹ prosarmÒsantaw prÚw tÚn aÈlÚn tÚn sidhroËn fusçn §nerg«w t«i prÚw t«i stÒmati pur‹ §n to›w pt¤loiw §gke¤menon. 40–326. katåtosoËton §pagom°nouw ée‹ tÚn aÈlÚn §ktÒw. 16 oÎyÉ] oÎte T 18 émÊnasyai P1 18—p. 21 || §asvsi T 8 labÒntew T || xalkÚn V P1 T: éskÚn superscr. 20 4 neÊonta Müller1: neÊon V P1 neËon T neÊonti Thev. ka‹ to›w toioÊtoiw oÔn | éntistrathgÆmasi kexr∞syai de› ka‹ émÊnesyai toÁw Ípenant¤ouw ka‹ ékatãplhkton m°nein §n to›w deino›w ka‹ mÆte épogin≈skein.. pt¤lvn lept«n Polyaen. 38 12 pt¤la] plãgia T || kayãper] kayÉ ì T || proe›pon] proe¤rhtai T B.W.-W. ad p. 2 . Tact. kayÉ ˜son§kkãhtai tå pt¤la.-W. XX. 92. Tact. 2) 191 (13) 192 (14) 3 6 9 12 15 p. SULLIVAN 77 § 190–196 (THEV. 13 gen°syai P 1 T || drimÊthta P1 || diaf°rein T 15 ˆrugma] m°tallon T B.-W. Dindorf. cf. . 5 §gg¤saien] e¤ tiw ín §n T 7 tåw sar¤ssaw V P1 tasarisaw T corr. V P1 || peristÒmion] stÒmion P1 || tvma T || trimãtvn P1 3–4 ÙrÊgmatow] metãllou T B. 17. ad p. suspicor Anon. p..-W. B. 2 <tÚ> om. diÉ œn divyoËntew tåw sar¤saw oÈk §ãsousi prosi°nai t«i p¤yvi toÁw Ípenant¤ouw: metå d¢ taËta labÒntaw xalkÒn.-W. B.

so that the Romans suffered severely. pËr was the correct reading in Polybius’ text. When they drew near the enemy they should com pletely stop up [the space around] the rim of the pot. since they could not prevent or withstand the smoke in their excavation 171. When everything I have just described was done.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 215 fine feathers and insert just a little fire right at <the> mouth of the pot. Anna Comnena. Accepting éskÚn for xalkÒn. one on each side. Alexiad XIII:3 describes the use of a counter-trench. 171 The so-called “Heron of Byzantium”. tilting the mouth toward the enemy. Parangelmata poliorcetica 11:27-29 (in Sullivan [2000]) mentions use of countermines and smoke. Then placing onto the mouth [of the pot] an iron lid full of holes they should introduce it carefully into the mine. and it was all carried into the enemy’s mine. In the Appendix (109) vdB suggests that tÚ . Then they should take a bellows 169. leaving two holes. and fitting it into the iron tube which lay there170 among the feathers to blow hard on the fire at the mouth. to detect the sound of enemy mining and subsequent use of fire blown through reed tubes to drive off the enemy. through which they could push their pikes and keep the enemy from approaching the pot. continuously withdrawing the tube as the feathers caught fire. And so it is necessary to employ such counter stratagems and drive back the enemy and remain imperturbable in difficult straits and not despair. especially caustic due to the nature of the feathers. even if the walls might be badly shaken or even [78] fall. such as bronze workers use. . but without bronze plates. the result was a great quantity of smoke. . corrupted by a scribe who allowed § gke¤ menonto remain and that this corrupt text was the one available to the Anon. 169 170 .

Plutarch.. cf. p. 4. ìw ka‹ mçllon de› profulãttesyai katå tÚn =hyhsÒmenon trÒpon. ka‹ ofl §xyro‹ §n to›w plo¤oiw mhxanåw §pistÆsein ka‹ kl¤makaw prosdok«ntai: ka‹ går ka‹ tØn Yessalon¤khn 9 ÍpÚ t«n ÉAgarhn«n §nteËyen sun°bh lhfy∞nai ka‹ êllaw mur¤aw: xrØ éntimhxançsyai prÚw taËta zhl≈santa tØn ÉArximÆdouw 199 sof¤an. 9 yesalon¤khn P1 13 diakene›w incertum utrum error ex iotacismo ortus sit an Anon.l. Ziegler) 18. p. 9 in Excerptis Antiquis 1 kap°soi V 2 épor¤sousin P1 3 an §pinoi«n? 4 teloÊmenai] oÈ teloÊmenai P1 oËw teloÊmenai (oËw per ligaturam sine spiritu) V sunteloÊ12 pepoihm°nvn P1. Àsper afl §j §piboul∞w μ =ayum¤aw t«n ofike¤vn.— 7 (9 Hultsch Schw. praef. 1 in solo codice T. Müller 2. (ed. êllai m¢n §ktÚw profan«w 3 teloÊmenai.216 DENIS F. cap. Wesch. 7. 15 §pistÆmonew e‡ ge ka‹ e‰°n tinew. 85. ad p. 11–13. t∞i d¢ nautik∞i t∞w ÉAxradin∞w katå> tØn SkutikØn stoån prosagoreuom°nhn. debet esse Mãrkow. p. praef. 84. p. 23–24 19 t∞w ÉAxradin∞w scripsi: katasaxradinhw T katå t∞w ÉAxrad¤nhw Wesch. 1–7.-W. êllai d¢ lelhyÒtvw. 19. XIV. praef. 3. diÒti katå tosoËton afl t«n polem¤vn dunãmeiw ±latt≈yhsan. kayÉ ˜son épod°ousin ofl nËn. 1–7. 3 (5 Hultsch). 4 yalãsshw §g¤neto et cap. tåw d¢ prosbolåw ¶krinan poie›syai t∞i m¢n pez∞i dunãmei k. tå nËn d¢ per‹ t«n profan«n d°on efipe›n. §ån ©n μ dÊo μ ka‹ diãfora t«n §xyr«n strathgÆmata katagvn¤shi: oÈ går éporÆsousin §pino¤aw: polla‹ går ka‹ énar¤ymhtoi. 8. in T quoque Marcus Claudius Marcellus consul et Appius Claudius Pulcher propraetor inter se mutantur. 23 18–19 <toÁw—katå> e T suppl. 18 17–18 ÖAppiow dÉ ∑n ≤gem≈n cf. cf. VIII. Diodor. cf. 321. 73. 1. toË sofvtãtouÉArximÆdouw. 7 ka‹ t∞i m¢n—§pibal°syai: Plb. 6 efi to¤nun ≤ pÒliw §k toË •nÚw m°rouw μ ka‹ toË ple¤onow ya198 lãsshi diaz≈nnutai.). 9. Timol. VIII. SULLIVAN 78 197 § 196–200 ( THEV. cap. 1. 21. 4. 3 (5 Hultsch Schw. Plb. Vogel-Fischer) XI. 63. 12 pantãpasi diakene›w ofl §xyro‹ énagkasyÆsontai énazeËjai. cf. 2–16) katap°soi. 7–326. 200 t«n går ÑRvma¤vn poliorkoÊntvn tØn Surãkousan: ÖAppiow dÉ ∑n ≤gem≈n: ka‹ t∞i m¢n pez∞i dunãmei katå <toÁw épÚ t«n ÑEjapÊlvn 18 tÒpouw. 9 menai Thev. adverbium diaken∞w pro adiectivo habuerit 14 époballÒntew P1 15 épod°ousi P1 17 ÖAppiow] êpiow P1. 79. 6 t«n m¢n êllvn—§yãrrhsan in cod. p. mÆte mØn katepa¤resyai.).-W. 321. 3 20 prosagoreuomenh T || transpone prosagoreuom°nhn stoãn cum T B. Anonymum scripsisse ÉAxradin∞w. 67. Wesch. kayÉ ∂n §pÉ aÈt∞w ke›tai t∞w krhp›dow F 9–10 Yessalon¤khn—lhfy∞nai cf. probabilius vid.t. efi går m°row ti t«n §ke¤nvi peponhm°nvn katoryvye¤h. 2–6. 9 et 326. (ed. 2 otoi m¢n dØ tØn stratopede¤an §bãlonto mikrÚn éposxÒntew t∞w pÒlevw. p. 326. t∞w ÉAxrad¤nhw Hultsch B. ad p. T. servatum 18—p. polloÁw t«n ofike¤vn épobalÒntew. quoque servata sunt. V P1 [T] .

INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 217 nor indeed to be arrogant. since just as the forces of the enemy were inferior to the most wise is necessary to take counter measures against these emulating the wisdom of Archimedes. which are especially necessary to anticipate and guard against according to the method which will be described173 [below].and indeed it has happened that Thessalonike174 and myriad other [cities] have been captured thus by the Agarenes . others secretly. For if a portion of the things devised by that man should be successfully employed. where the wall is situated right on the quay by the sea. 176 The participle is not in the parallel text of Polybius preserved in the “Excerpta de strategematis” on which see above n. and with an infantry force <near the Hexapyla and with their fleet> at the socalled Stoa Scytice <in Achradina>. above 47:17ff. with the loss of many of their own men. See below 98:18ff. so to a like degree do those of today fall short of him. even if you should foil one or two or even various enemy stratagems. 174 I. If therefore a city is girded in one part or even more by the sea and the enemy are expected to station machines and ladders on ships . it rested with Marcus Claudius Marcellus. see ODB 2:1216. For they will not be without inventiveness172. [79] they surrounded 176 [the city] and readied Cf.e. 122.e. even if some are indeed knowledgeable. such as those due to treason or the laziness of our own men. 175 As vdB notes (Introduction 23) the text is in error in giving the overall command to Appius Claudius Pulcher. but now it is necessary to speak about the overt ones. the enemy will be compelled to decamp totally empty handed. For [inventions] are many and innumerable. some employed openly [and] overtly. see also Walbank (1967) 70. 172 173 . For when the Romans were besieging Syracuse Appius was the commander 175. “Agarenes”) under Leo of Tripoli. the sack of 904 by the Arabs (i.

5 §st‹ om. 3. énustikvt°ra 18 ı d¢ Mãrkow inc. SULLIVAN 79 § 200–206 ( THEV.-W. || peristoix¤santew V P1 non hab. cf. P1X 12 §piponhreuom°nouw P1 13 de›n om. ı d¢ Mãrkow •jÆkonta skãfesi penthriko›w §poie›to tÚn §p¤ploun §p‹ tØn ÉAxradinÆn. || eekaston signo corruptelae addito T 21 toÊtvn V P1 || pent∞rsi T 22 paralelum°naiw V P1T B.-W. Wesch. oÈ logisãmenoi tØn ÉArximÆdouw dÊnamin.-W. Schw. 17 et •toimasam°nvn || •toimasãmenoi T B. FD: éxrandinØn Plb. §n ≤m°raiw p°nte diå tØn poluxeir¤an ≥lpisan katataxÆsein §n t∞i paraskeu∞i toÁw Ípenant¤ouw. p. T B. œn ßkaston pl∞rew ∑n éndr«n §xÒntvn tÒja ka‹ sfendÒnaw ka‹ grÒsfouw. ımo¤vw d¢ ka‹ prÚw toÁw katå yãlattan §piporeuom°nouw. paralelum°naiw toÁw tarsoÊw. ta›w d¢ toÁw eÈvnÊmouw. Suda 8 diå tÚ ke›syai] diake›syai P1 || tÒpon P1 10 dÊneto P1 corr. §rgolãbow. 3) 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 tÚ te›xow parå yãlassan. 16–32) 201 (Plb.v. oÈd¢ proÛdÒmenoi diÒti m¤a cuxØ t∞w èpãshw §st‹ poluxeir¤aw §n §n¤oiw kairo›w énustikvt°ra. 2. T 15 ÖAppiow] Mãrkow T || kl¤makaw] kãmakaw T 18 Mãrkow] ÖAppiow T || ejhkontasfasin T || §pie›to P1 19 éxradinÆn V P1 Plb.: paralemm°naiw Plb. Àste mhd¢n §k toË kairoË de›n ésxole›syai toÁw émunom°nouw.v. §n ≤m°raiw p°nte diå tØn poluxeir¤an katataxÆsein ≥lpisan t∞i paraskeu∞i toÁw Ípenant¤ouw. T.-W. ta›w m¢n toÁw dejioÊw. ofl d¢ ÑRvma›oi poliorkoËntew toÁw Surakous¤ouw ¶rgou e‡xonto. 326. oÎshw går Ùxurçw t∞w pÒlevw diå tÚ ke›syai kÊklvi tÚ te›xow §p‹ tÒpvn Íperdej¤vn ka‹ prokeim°nhw ÙfrÊow. ëma d¢ toÊtoiw ÙktΔ pentÆresi. prÚw pçn d¢ tÚ ginÒmenon ÍpÚ t«n §nant¤vn §j §to¤mou poie›syai tØn épãnthsin. prÚw ∂n ka‹ mhdenÚw kvlÊontow oÈk ín eÈmar«w tiw dÊnaito pelãsai plØn katã tinaw tÒpouw …rism°nouw. oÈ proÛdÒmenoi tØn ÉArximÆdouw dÊnamin. l. B.218 DENIS F. p. VIII. plØn ı proeirhm°now énØr katã tinaw tÒpouw …rism°nouw toiaÊthn §p‹ toË te¤xouw ≤to¤mase paraskeuÆn 4–5 oÈ—dÊnamin: Suda s.. 13–322. toiaÊthn ≤to¤mase paraskeuØn ı proeirhm°now énØr §ntÚw t∞w pÒlevw. || te] d¢ T B. 2 tå êlla T 3 §n del. ka‹ sunezeugm°naiw prÚw éllÆlaw sÊnduo katå toÁw §cilvm°nouw to¤xouw. T B. plØn tÒte diÉ aÈt«n ¶gnvsan t«n ¶rgvn tÚ legÒmenon. pros∞gon prÚw tÚ te›xow diå t∞w t«n §ktÚw F 2–11 §n ≤m°raiw—pÒlevw pro his hab. 78. oÈ logisãmenoi k. p. diÉ œn ¶mellon toÁw épÚ t«n §pãljevn maxom°nouw énast°llein. 1) 206 (2) V P1 [T] [Polybii Excerpta Antiqua] [Suda] 1 yãlassan V P1 T: yãlattan Hultsch B. 321.-W. om. •toimasam°nvn te g°rra ka‹ b°lh ka‹ tîlla tå prÚw tØn poliork¤an.-W. S éxradeinhn T ÉAxrad¤nhn Wesch. Excerpta Antiqua 202 (4) 203 (5) 204 (6) 205 (4. 5–6 m¤a—énustikvt°ra: Suda s.FS 23 sunezeugm°naw V P1 24 §cilom°nouw T . peristoixisãntvn. plØn ı m¢n ÖAppiow ¶xvn g°rra ka‹ kl¤makaw §nexe¤rei prosf°rein taËta t«i sunãptonti te¤xei to›w ÑEjapÊloiw épÚ t«n énatol«n. t.-W.



wicker-work screens and missiles, and other material for the siege, expecting, due to their large numbers, to outstrip the enemy in their p reparations within five days, not counting on the ability of Archimedes, nor foreseeing that in some circumstances the spirit of one man is more effective than any large numbers. However, they then learned the truth of this saying through actual events. For, as the strength of the city lies in the fact that the wall stretches in a circle along highground with overhanging crags, which are, except in some specific places, by no means easily accessible even with no one opposing, the aforementioned man now readied such extensive prepa rations within the city including those to guard against attackers from the sea177, that there was no need for the defenders to act on the spur of the moment, but they could readily reply to every move of the enemy. Appius, however, with his wicker screens and ladders under took to bring these against a portion of the wall adjoining the Hexapyla to the east. Marcus was attacking Achradina from the sea with sixty quin queremes, each of which was full of men with bows, slings, and javelins, with which they intended to repel those fighting from the bat tlements. He also had eight quinqueremes from which the banks of oars had been removed, the right banks from some and the left ones from others. These were joined to one another in pairs on their bare sides, and by using the oars on their outer sides they brought up to the


I.e., as well as those attacking by land; see Walbank (1967) 71.

(Plb. VIII, 4, 3) 207 (4) 208



§ 206–213 ( THEV. p. 326, 32–46)

(5) 209 (6) 210

(7) 211

(8) 212

(9) 213

to¤xvn efires¤aw tåw legom°naw sambÊkaw. tÚ d¢ skeËow t∞w kataskeu∞w t«n efirhm°nvn Ùrgãnvn §st‹ toioËton. kl¤maka t«i plãtei tetrãpedon •toimãsantew, v stÉ §j épobãsevw efiw Ïch g¤nesyai 3 Ü t«i te¤xei, taÊthw •kat°ran tØn pleurån drufakt≈santew ka‹ skepãsantew Íperpet°si yvrak¤oiw, ¶yhkan plag¤an §p‹ toÁw sumcaÊontaw to¤xouw t«n sunezeugm°nvn nh«n, polÁ prop¤ptou- 6 san t«n sumbÒlvn. prÚw d¢ to›w flsto›w §k t«n ênv mer«n troxil¤ai prosÆrthnto sÁn kãloiw. loipÚn ˜tan §gg¤svsi t∞w xre¤aw, §ndedem°nvn t«n kãlvn efiw tØn korufØn t∞w kl¤makow, ßlkousi 9 diå t«n troxil¤vn toÊtouw •st«tew §n ta›w prÊmnaiw: ßteroi <d¢> paraplhs¤vw §n ta›w pr≈raiw §jere¤dontew ta›w ént¤rhsin ésfal¤zontai tØn êrsin toË mhxanÆmatow. kêpeita diå t∞w efires¤aw 12 t∞w éfÉ •kat°rou t«n §ktÚw tars«n §gg¤santew t∞i g∞i tåw naËw, peirãzousi prosere¤dein t«i te¤xei tÚ proeirhm°non ˆrganon. §p‹ d¢ t∞w kl¤makow êkraw Ípãrxei p°teuron ≤sfalism°non g°rroiw 15 tåw tre›w §pifane¤aw, §fÉ o t°ssarew êndrew §pibebhkÒtew égvn¤zontai, diamaxÒmenoi prÚw toÁw e‡rgontaw épÚ t«n §pãljevn tØn prÒyesin t∞w sambÊkhw. §pån d¢ prosere¤santew dejio‹ Íp¢r 18 ênv g°nvntai toË te¤xouw, otoi m¢n tå plãgia t«n gerr«n

V P1 [T] 1 eirhsiaw T || sambÊkaw Schw. (Tom. VI, p. 443–4), coll., v. 18; [Polybii p. 81, 2, 6 et 24; p. 82, 5, B.-W.: sambÊklaw V P1 sambukaw T sãmbukaw Excerpta Plb. FS || d¢ V P1 T B.-W.: om. Plb. FS || skeËow lege g°now cum T Plb. Antiqua] 1–2 t∞w . . . . Ùrgãnvn] t«n toioÊtvn Ùrgãnvn T 2 esto T || toioËton V P1 Plb. SS: toioËto T Plb. F B.-W. 3 Àste T || efiw Ïch VP1: efiw Ïcei Plb. S efiw Îcei Plb. F eisouch T fiso#c∞ Scaliger B.-W.; codex, quo usus est Anonymus, vid. habuisse efiw Ïcei et Anon., non intellegens, id mutasse in efiw Ïch || gen°syai T Plb. 4 drufaktosantew T 5 skepantew T || Íperpet°sia P1 a exp. P1X Íp¢r pet°sia V 6 ne«n T Plb. 7 lege §mbÒlvn cum P1X (sumbÒlvn P1) T Plb. 7–8 trouÛliai T 8 prosÆrthntai T || t∞i xre¤ai T 9 ßlkousi om. T 10 troxil¤vn V P1 Plb. FS: troxili«n TS B.-W. 11 <d¢> om. V P1 || pr≈raiw V Ts Plb. S: prÒraiw P1 prÒrraiw Plb. F pr≈rraiw Hultsch B.-W.; cf. ad p. 82, 13, 15, 16, 17 et 21 || ejeridontew T || ént¤rhsin V P1: éntÛrÆsin Plb. F éntir¤sin Plb. S anthrhsein T énthr¤sin Casaubonus B.-W. 12 ésfal¤zontai V P1 T B.-W.: ésfal¤zousi Plb. FS || êrsin V P1 B.-W.: arshn T êrisin Plb. FS || kaipeita T || ≤res¤aw Plb. F 13 éfÉ] §f P1 || t«n] t∞w V P1 14 tÚ proeirhm°non ˆrganon V P1 (tÚ om. P1) T B.-W.: t« proeirhm°nvn ˆrganon Plb. F t«n proeirhm°nvn Ùrgãnvn Plb. S 15 §p‹—p°teuron om. T || p°teuroin 1 16 t°ttarew T Plb. || êndrew om. Plb. S || §phbebhkÒtew P1 i exp. P1 V §pibebikÒtew P1 17 e‡rgontaw] eisreontaw T 18 lege prÒsyesin cum T Plb. 18–19 dejio‹ Íp¢r ênv lege Íperd°jioi cum T Plb.; cf. Schw. (Tom. VI, p. 448–449) „Íperãnv ex interpretatione est, imperite autem vocabulum Íperd°jioi capite truncatum” 19 g°nontai Plb. F || gerr«n V P1 Plb. DG („vulgo” Schw.): g°rr«n Plb. F g°rrvn T S B.-W.; cf. v. 15; p. 79, 2 et ad p. 83, 17



wall [80] the so-called sambucae178. The nature 179 of the construction of the aforementioned engines is as follows. They prepared a ladder four feet wide so as to be in height equal to180 the wall when erected at an [appropriate] distance, fencing in each side and covering it with a high protective breastwork. They then laid it flat upon those sides of the joined ships that were touching, projecting a considerable dis tance beyond the prows181. At the top of the masts pulleys with ropes were fastened, and when they are about to use it, with the ropes attached to the top of the ladder men standing in the sterns pull them by means of the pulleys, while others similarly [stand] in the prows, and supporting [it] with props, assure that the engine is safely raised. And then using the oars on both the outer oar-banks of the ships they bring them close to land, and they now attempt to set the engine I have described up against the wall. At the top of the ladder there is a plat form protected on three sides by wicker screens, on which four men mount and confront the enemy, fighting those who from the battle ments try to prevent the sambuca from being set up 182. When they have set it up and are above the level of the wall183, these men detach the the wicker screens [81] on each side and mount the battlements or

178 The sambuca is also mentioned in the tenth century by the so-called “Heron of Byzantium,” Parangelmata poliorcetica 53:1-54:12 with figs. 23 and 24 (in Sullivan [2000]), citing Athenaeus Mechanicus. 179 Accepting g° now for skeËow. 180 Accepting fiso#c∞ for efiw Ïch, although as vdB notes the Anon. apparently wrote efiw Ïch, incorrectly emending an apparent error in his own manuscript. 181 Accepting § mbÒlvn for sumbÒlvn. 182 Accepting prÒsyesin for prÒyesin. 183 Accepting Íperd° jioifor dejio‹ Íp¢r ênv .




§ 213–223 (THEV. p. 326, 46–327, 12)
214 (10) 215 (11)



p. 327 Thev.







paralÊsantew §j •kat°rou toË m°rouw §piba¤nousin §p‹ tåw §pãljeiw μ toÁw pÊrgouw. ofl d¢ loipo‹ diå t∞w sambÊkhw ßpontai toÊtoiw, ésfal«w to›w kãloiw bebhku¤aw t∞w kl¤makow efiw émfot°raw tåw naËw. efikÒtvw d¢ tÚ kataskeÊasma t∞w proshgor¤aw t°teuxe taÊthw: §peidån går §jary∞i, g¤netai tÚ sx∞ma t∞w neΔw taÊthw ka‹ t∞w kl¤makow •nopoihy¢n paraplÆsion sabÊkhi. plØn otoi m¢n tÚn trÒpon toËton dihrmosm°noi prosãgein dienooËnto to›w pÊrgoiw: ı d¢ proeirhm°now énÆr, pareskeua|sm°now ˆrgana prÚw ëpan §mbel¢w diãsthma, pÒrrvyen m¢n §pipl°ontaw to›w eÈtonvt°roiw ka‹ me¤zosi liyobÒloiw ka‹ b°lesi titr≈skvn efiw épor¤an §n°balen, ˜te d¢ taËyÉ Íperpet∞ g¤noito, to›w §lãttosi katå lÒgon ée‹ prÚw tÚ parÚn épÒsthma xr≈menow efiw toiaÊthn ≥gage diatropØn Àste kayÒlou kvlÊein aÈt«n tØn ırmØn ka‹ tÚn §p¤ploun, ßvw ı Mãrkow dusyetoÊmenow ±nagkãsyh lãyra nuktÚw §pipoiÆsasyai tØn paragvgÆn. genom°nvn dÉ aÈt«n §ntÚw b°louw prÚw t∞i g∞i, pãlin •t°ran ≤toimãkei paraskeuØn prÚw toÁw épomaxom°nouw §k t«n plo¤vn. …w éndromÆkouw Ïcouw katepÊknvse trÆmasi tÚ te›xow …w palaistia¤oiw tÚ m°geyow katå tØn §ktÚw §pifãneian: oÂw tojÒtaw ka‹ skorp¤dia parastÆsaw §ntÚw toË te¤xouw, ka‹ bãllvn diå toÊtvn, éxrÆstouw §po¤ei toÁw §pibãtaw. §j o ka‹ makrån éfest«taw ka‹ sÊnegguw ˆntaw toÁw polem¤ouw oÈ mÒnon éprãktouw pareskeÊaze prÚw tåw fid¤aw §pibolãw, éllå ka‹ di°fyeire toÁw ple¤stouw aÈt«n. ˜te d¢ tåw sambÊkaw §gxeir¤saien §ja¤rein, ˆrgana parÉ ˜lon tÚ te›xow
F 4–6 efikÒtvw—sambÊkhi om. T 9–12 ˆrgana—§lãttosi: Suda s.v. §mbel°w, ı d¢ ÉArximÆdhw pareskeuãsato ˆrgana prÚw k.t.l. 16–21 pãlin— §pibãtaw: Suda s.v. skorp¤dia, d d¢ ÉArximÆdhw pãlin •t°ran k.t.l.

216 (5, 1) 217 (2)

218 (3)

219 (4) 220 (5) 221 (6)

222 (7) 223 (8)

V P1 [T] Polybii Excerpta Antiqua [Suda]

1 toË om. T || §piba¤nousi P1 3 kvloiw T 4 tÚ V P1 B.-W.: om. Plb. FS 5 §jarye› Plb. F || toÊthw P1V1, addito signo (corruptelae?) i.m. V 7 plØn otoi m¢n] otoi m¢n oÔn T || dieirmosm°noi Plb. F 7–8 prosãgein— pÊrgoiw] t«i te¤xei pros°ballon T 8 t«n pÊrgvn V P1 8–9 pareskeuasm°nvw Plb. F pareseuasmenow T 9 §mbel¢w Suda B.-W.: §mb°lhw V P1 §mmel¢w Plb. FS §mbãllei T || pÒrrvye Plb. F 10 §ntonvt°roiw V || me¤zosin Suda 10–11 liyobÒloiw—§n°balen om. Suda 11 §n°balen] §n°bale ka‹ dusxrhst¤an (dusxristian T ) T Plb. || taËta T || g°noito P1 g¤gnoito Suda 12 §lãttousi P1 §lãttosin Suda || katalÒgvn Plb. F katelatton T 14 §p¤plou P1 || dusyetoÊmenow om. T 15 lãyra V P1 TS Schw., tacite: lãyrai Hultsch, tacite, B.-W. || §pipoiÆsasyai P1 Plb. FS: §poipoiÆsasyai V poiÆsasyai T ¶ti poiÆsasyai Scaliger B.-W. || d¢ T 17 …w V P1 T Plb. FS Suda: ßvw Schw. B.-W. || Ïcow T 18 palaistia›on V P1 20 ka‹ bãllvn om. Suda 21 éfest«taw] épÒntaw T 24 sambÊkaw V P1 B.-W.: sumbukaw T sãmbukaw Plb. FS; cf. ad p. 80, 1 || §gxeir¤saien V P1 Plb.SS („vulgo omnes” Schw.): §gxeirÆsaien T Plb. F B.-W. || §ja¤rein ˆrgana V P1 T B.-W.: ˆrgana §ja¤rein Plb. FS



towers, and the rest follow them through the sambuca, the ladder standing securely on the two ships due to the ropes. The construction appropriately received this name, for when raised the shape of the ship and ladder joined together is just like the “sambuca.” 184. Now after making such arrangement the [Romans] intended to approach the towers. But the aforementioned man, who had prepared engines constructed to cover any distance within missile range, so damaged the advancing ships at long range with his larger and more powerful stone-throwers and catapults 185 as to throw them into much difficulty; and as soon as these engines fired too high he employed proportionally smaller ones to match the range at the moment186, and, finally, brought about so much confusion that he completely ended their advance by sea, until Marcus was so vexed that he was com pelled to bring up his ships secretly at night. But when they were close to land within the dead angle 187 [Archimedes] readied another con trivance for attacking the men who were fighting from the ships. He packed the wall thickly with openings188 of the height of a man and of about a palm’s width on the outer face. Stationing archers and small arrow-firing catapults at these inside the wall and firing through them, he rendered the marines useless. Thus he not only made the enemy ineffective whether they were at a distance or close by, but killed the greater number of them. And when they undertook to raise

184 I.e., the musical instrument so named; see Walbank (1967) 72-73 and J. G. Landels, “Ship Shape and Sambuca Fashion”, Journal of Hellenic Studies 86 (1966) 69ff. 185 For this interpretation of b° low see Walbank (1967) 74. 186 For the phrasing see Walbank (1967) 74. 187 For this interpretation of § ntÚw b° louwsee Walbank (1967) 74. 188 Cf. above 51:7-8.

|| pr≈raw V P1 T Plb. SULLIVAN 82 § 223–230 (THEV.-W.FS 11 pãsxhn V || ÍpÚ] épÚ T || diå] §k T 13 pr≈raw V P1 Plb. t∞n d¢ xe›ra ka‹ tØn ëlusin §k t∞w mhxan∞w §j°renai diã tinow xasthr¤aw. FS: sambËkai Bekker B. cf.224 DENIS F..F pt°rnaw Valesius B.Ss: pr«rran Plb.F B.-W.: §formoËntaw Plb. cf.-W.11 || =ifye¤shw V P1 T B. tåw m¢n pr≈raw t«n Ùrgãnvn efiw ék¤nhton kaye›ptai.-W. B. || yraÊesyai T || tÚ ˆrganon T || ka‹ toÁw] katå toÁw V P1.9) (10) 225 (11) 226 (6. cf. 327.Ss: pr≈rraw Plb. cf. ad. 19 7 éf¤esan V P1 Plb. 4 okvPolybii Excerpta nata cum signo corruptelae inter o et k T 5 mol¤bdina T Plb.. 16 ˜te dÉ §koÊfizon V P1 Plb.11 14 xe›ran P1 xera T || ∏i] μ V P1 ∂ Plb.: xasthr¤aw Plb. p. T || sxasthr¤aw V P1 T B. 6 karxhs¤vi om.-W. poiousa T || tØn non hab.. v.F B.. Ss: x≈raw T pr≈rraw Plb. ëma d¢ ka‹ kay¤ei xe›ra sidhrçn §j èlÊsevw dedem°nhn.FS: kat∞ge T B. 1) 227 (2) 228 (3) 229 (4) 230 ≤toimãkei. 19 §j°renai Plb.Ss: pr≈rraw Plb. cf.-W.F B.-W. éllå ka‹ tØn naËn ka‹ toÁw §n aÈt∞i kinduneÊein ılosxer«w. T Plb.FD xaristhr¤aw Plb...FS V P1 T || poll«i voluisse Anon. tå d¢ ple›sta t∞w pr≈raw éfÉ Ïcouw =ifye¤shw baptizÒmena 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 2 Íp¢r] §p‹ T 3 prop¤ptonta V P1 T B. p. ad v.FS: tÒte T Schw.: prosp¤ptonta Plb. tÚn m¢n loipÚn xrÒnon éfan∞.F B. || t«n bis P1 18 kaye›ptai V P1: kaye¤ptai Plb.S sxasthr¤aw T B.-W.-W.G B. periagÒmenai karxhs¤vi prÚw tÚ d°on afl kera›ai diã tinow sxasthr¤aw éf¤esan efiw tÚ kataskeÊasma tÚn l¤yon: §j o sun°baine mØ mÒnon tÚ sunyraÊesyai toÎrganon. 80.FS: ˜te d¢ kouf¤zvn Plb. || pr≈raw V P1 T Plb. || samAntiqua bÊkai V P1 Ts Plb. 4 10 §form«ntaw V P1 T B. 80.11 17 poiÆseie Plb.-W.F katepipton T || éntestr°feto P1 21 pr≈raw V P1 T Plb. loipÚn ˜te sunegg¤zoien afl sambÊkai pot°. || xasthr¤aw V P1 Plb. 80.FS: ±f¤esan T B. Ss: pr≈rraw Plb. katãge tØn pt°rnan t∞w mhxan∞w §ntÚw toË te¤xouw. 12 8 tÚ] lege aÈtÚ cum T Plb.11 || katãge V P1 Plb. ode kouf¤zvn T || pr≈ran V P1 Plb.S.FD: xaristhr¤aw Plb.S kayhpta T kay∞pte Schw.-W. ad p. vidit Hultsch: pollo‹ V P1 polÁ T Plb. 12–27) (Plb.-W. ∏i drajãmenow ı tØn kera¤an ofiak¤zvn ˜yen §pilãboi t∞w pr≈raw. ±f¤ei m¢n ka‹ l¤youw summ°trouw prÚw tÚ feÊgein §k t∞w pr≈raw toÁw égvnizom°nouw. tinå d¢ shk≈mata molÊbdina.-W. cf. 6 || genom°nou Plb. B. tinå d¢ ka‹ katestr°feto. ad p. 80. tinã te t«n mhxanhmãtvn pãlin §p‹ toÁw §form«ntaw ka‹ probeblhm°nouw g°rra ka‹ diå toÊtvn ±sfalism°nouw prÚw tÚ mhd¢n pãsxein ÍpÚ t«n diå toË te¤xouw ferom°nvn bel«n.F §jerenai V: §jer°nai P1 §j°raine Plb.F 15 lege §pilãboito cum T Plb.S 20 kat°pipten Plb.FS . 70. cf.: =hye¤shw Plb.-W.-W. || pot¢ V P1 Plb.-W. ad p. cf. o ginom°nou tinå m¢n t«n plo¤vn plãgia kat°pipte. ad v.-W. katå d¢ tÚn t∞w xre¤aw kairÚn §k t«n ¶sv mer«n Íp¢r toË te¤xouw énistãmena ka‹ prop¤ptonta poll«i t∞w §pãljevw ta›w kera¤aiw: œn tinå m¢n §bãstaze l¤youw oÈk §lãttouw d°ka talãntvn.F kay∞ptai Plb. ad p. ˜te dÉ §koÊfizon tØn pr≈ran ÙryÚn poiÆseien tÚ skãfow §p‹ tØn prÊmnan.S §j°rraine T B. 224 VIII 5.

As a result not only was the engine itself 190 smashed. boi 192 Accepting pt° rnaw for pr≈raw. but the ship and those on it were in the greatest danger. rose up as needed over the wall from the inside. 190 Accepting aÈtÚ for tÒ. some were overturned. and most of them. 191 Accepting § pilã boito for § pilã . 150. . There were some machines again which were directed against men advancing while covering themselves with wick er-work screens and thus protected from harm by missiles fired through the wall. On the device see Walbank (1967) 75-76. citing Athenaeus Mechanicus. When this took place some of the vessels fell on their sides. some of them carried stones weighing no less than ten talents and others large lead weights. And when he was thus lifting up the ship’s prow he would make the hull stand upright on the stern and fastened the butt-ends192 of the devices so they could not move. discharged stones large enough to cause the assailants to flee from the prow. These machines. it is also mentioned in the tenth century by the so-called “Heron of Byzantium. he would [then] lower the butt-end of the machine which was inside the wall. and simul taneously lowered a grappling iron attached to a chain with which the man directing the beam would grasp [at the ship] so as to get a hold191 on the prow. see also Haldon (2000) 281 with n. [82] which while otherwise invisible. but by means of a release mechanism let the grappling iron and chain suddenly drop from the machine. the beams were swung around on a universal joint 189 as needed and by means of a release mechanism dropped the stone on the devices. their beams projecting far beyond the battlements. when their 189 tÚ karxÆsion.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 225 the sambucae he had engines ready all along the wall.” Parangelmata poliorcetica 54:5 (in Sullivan [2000]). on the one hand. Then whenever the sambucae approached.

19 18 katå korufØn Plb.10–13. érxit°ktonow d¢ ka‹ dhmiourgoË t«n §pinohmãtvn ÉArximÆdouw. ) Plb.FS: g°rrvn B. énaxvrÆsantew efiw tØn parembolØn ka‹ sunedreÊsantew metå t«n xiliãrxvn ofl per‹ tÚn ÖAppion.t. t«n m¢n êllvn strathghmãtvn k. alatthw T || mãrkellow P1x (mãrkow P1) Athenaeus || dusxrhstoum°noiw P 1 2 épantama¤oiw V ëpanta ma¤soi P 1 3 aÈtoË V P1 Schw.. to›w ˜loiw époroËntew tÚ mhk°ti pot¢ ín §lp¤sai diå poliork¤aw tåw SurakoÊsaw •le›n. 326. 1) 235 (2) 236 (3) 237 (4) 238 (5) V P1 [T] Polybii Excerpta Antiqua [Athenaeus] 1 yalãtthw Plb. V P1 || xorhgoË] érxhgoË (xorhgoË Plb.F 20 <˜ploiw> om. || aÈtoË V P1 Schw. …w ín ÑI°rvnow m¢n xorhgoË gegonÒtow. 80.FS 24 surakoÊssaw Plb. p. ofl d¢ per‹ tÚn ÖAppion efiw paraplhs¤ouw §mpesÒntew dusxere¤aw ép°sthsan t∞w §pibol∞w. ad p. S 17 gerr«n V P1 Plb.-W. SULLIVAN 83 § 230–238 (THEV. ˜mvw dÉ §piskop«n tåw aÍtoË prãjeiw ¶fh ta›w m¢n naus‹n aÈtoË kuay¤zein §k yalãtthw ÉArximÆdh.: §rriptoËto Plb. tacite 5 aÈtoË] aÈtÚw V P1 aÍtoË Athenaeus || yalãsshw Athenaeus 6 érximÆdhw E érxhmÆdhw Vs P1s ÉArximÆdhn Athenaeus || =apizom°nouw V P1 || §kspÒndouw] §k pÒtou Athenaeus 8 toioËto Plb. …w ka‹ prÒteron e‰pa: sÁn aÈto›w går to›w <˜ploiw> toÁw êndraw §jairoËntew §rr¤ptoun.l. tåw d¢ sambÊkaw =apizom°naw Àsper §kspÒndouw metÉ afisxÊnhw §kpeptvk°nai.. …w ka‹ F 1 yalãsshw §g¤neto des. ımoyumadÚn §bouleÊsanto pãshw §lp¤dow pe›ran lambãnein plØn toË diå poliork¤aw •le›n tåw SurakoÊsaw. …w §pãnv proe›pon. ka‹ yevr«n metå blãbhw ka‹ xleuasmoË toÁw ¶ndon épotribom°nouw aÍtoË tåw §pibolãw. 84. Mãrkow d¢ dusxrhstoÊmenow §p‹ to›w épantvm°noiw ÍpÉ ÉArximÆdouw.F 13 <ka‹ katå tØn §n°rgeian> om. tÚ d¢ p°raw.. tacite 4 ¶fere Plb. kakoÊmenoi sunex«w e‡rgonto t∞w prosÒdou: ofl d¢ metå t«n gerr«n biazÒmenoi ta›w t«n katakoruf«n l¤yvn ka‹ dok«n §mbola›w diefye¤ronto.m.-W.226 DENIS F. Wesch. 232 (6) 233 (7) 234 (7. incertum utrum compositum Anonymo an librario attribuendum sit || l¤yon Plb. diå tÚ yaumãsion e‰nai tØn t«n bel«n kataskeuØn ka‹ katå tÚ pl∞yow <ka‹ katå tØn §n°rgeian>. 327. ka‹ t∞w m¢n katå yãlattan poliork¤aw toioËton ép°bh tÚ t°low. sunegg¤zont°w ge mØn prÚw tØn pÒlin ofl m¢n ta›w diå toË te¤xouw tojÒtisin. p..D i. oÈk Ùl¤ga d¢ ka‹ ta›w xers‹ ta›w §k t«n mhxan«n §kakopo¤oun. T 1–7 Mãrkow—§kpeptvk°nai: Athenaeus XIV. 23—p. cf.3 §bouleÊsanto—§yãrrhsan: T. 27–43) 231 (5) 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 plÆrh yalãsshw §g¤neto ka‹ tarax∞w.l. || §pisk≈ptvn Plb.t. 634b PolÊbiow dÉ §n t∞i ÙgdÒhi t«n ÑIstori«n “MãrkellÒw” fhsi dusxrhstoÊmenow §n t∞i Surakous«n poliork¤ai ÍpÚ t«n ÉArximÆdouw kataskeuasmãtvn ¶legen ta›w m¢n naus‹n k. ofl d¢ t«n ÑRvma¤vn strathgo¤. dusxer«w m¢n ¶feren tÚ sumba›non. V P1 21 §jairoËntaw V P1 || §rr¤ptoun tÚ V P1 B. ¶ti m¢n går ˆntew §n épostÆmati to›w te petrobÒloiw ka‹ katap°ltaiw tuptÒmenoi diefye¤ronto.F .

for while . The [besieged] also caused no little damage with the above-mentioned grappling irons [hanging] from the machines. for they lifted up men <armor> and all. For his men while still at a distance perished when struck by the stone-throwers and catapults.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 227 prows were thus dropped from a height. as indeed was to be expected since Hiero was providing the funds and Archimedes was the designer and creator of the devices. they were destroyed by the stones and beams dropped on their heads. he said: “Archimedes uses my ships to ladle sea water like wine. and seeing that those within thus foiled his attacks. and then hurled them down. but my sambucae are hurled down and driven out in disgrace like intruders. were submerged [83] and filled with sea water and chaos. but if they pressed forward under cover of the wicker screens.” Such was the siege from the sea. the supply of the artillery being awesome both as regards quantity <and force>. but still reflecting on his own operations. And [84] this they did consistently. Finally Appius with drew to his camp and called a council of his tribunes. And when indeed they got near the city they were unremittingly savaged from the loopholes in the wall which I mentioned earlier and their advance was checked. both causing damage and offering derision. was vexed at the result. And Appius also fell into similar difficulties and abandoned his attempt. at which it was unanimously decided to try every hopeful option except to take Syracuse by assault. Marcus was distressed at what he encountered at the hands of Archimedes.

ì går ÉAl°jandrow. 327. hab. Arr.228 DENIS F. ÍfÉ œn ≤ pÒliw §t°takto. efi goËn ka‹ so‹ t«i t«n ¶ndon proest«ti Ùl¤ga ~ t«n §n mhxanÆmati ~. 12 sqq.—23. 3) t°low §po¤hsan: ÙktΔ går m∞naw t∞i pÒlei proskayezÒmenoi t«n m¢n êllvn strathghmãtvn μ tolmhmãtvn oÈdenÚw ép°sthsan. kayãper énvt°rv proe›pa.] haec verba videntur explicandi causa i. | éllå katå polÁ toÊtvn épod°ousin. 10 §nant¤ouw P1 19 Ùxurvm°nhw P1 21 ±pe¤rou] ±pe¤rasiw V P1 22 {ka‹—épeirgãsato} delevi.6 22—p. Wesch. p. ˜mvw x«ma ¶gnv xvnnÊnai §k t∞w ±pe¤rou …w §p‹ tØn pÒlin.-W. éllÉ oÈd¢ ta›w dunãmesi paraplÆsioi. 44–328. 18. 22–23.l. non. T || {fhsi} delevi. p. Surakos¤vn B.t. Plb. t¤w ín t«n nËn §pithdeËsai dunÆsetai μ tosoËton énad°jasyai pÒnon. t«n te Pers«n ¶ti yalassokratoÊntvn ka‹ aÈto›w to›w Tur¤oiw ne«n ¶ti poll«n perious«n 21—p. …w §piÒntew épode¤jomen. 78. 3 …w d¢ taËta ˜mvw §krãthse. 6 3 6 9 12 p. {ka‹ ≥peiron tØn nÆsou épeirgãsato} ¶stin d¢ {fhsi} porymÚw tenag≈dhw tÚ xvr¤on ka‹ tå m¢n prÚw t∞i ±pe¤rvi t∞w yalãsshw F 3 post §yãrrhsan hab. non hab. pertinentia ad verba ¶stin—xvr¤on v. II. 8) (9) 241 242 243 244 245 246 (Arr. 94. 93. t∞w går TÊrou nÆsou sxedÚn oÎshw ka‹ te¤xesin Íchlo›w pãnthi »xurvm°nhw. kal«w §jaskhye¤h. efi m¢n éf°loi tiw presbÊthn ßna Surakous¤vn. §p‹ t∞w TÊrou ka‹ Gãzhw poliork¤ai §penÒhse. tÊxh codd. 239 7. x«ma ¶gnv xvnnÊnai k. 18.) 7 §pibal°syai des. 18–20 t∞w går—pollãw cf. paraxr∞ma t∞w pÒlevw kurieÊsein ≥lpizon. Arr.FS: surakoÊsion P1 et coni. ka‹ T¤tow §p‹ kayair°sei t∞w ÑIerousalÆm. et inde in textum irrepsisse || ka‹] …w §p‹ tØn P1 || tØn nÆsou] tØn nÆson P1.. 328 Thev. p. Schw. toÊtou d¢ sumparÒntow oÈk §yãrroun oÈdÉ §pibal°syai. oÏtvw eÂw énØr ka‹ m¤a cuxØ deÒntvw ≤rmosm°nh prÚw ¶nia t«n pragmãtvn m°ga ti xr∞ma fa¤netai g¤nesyai ka‹ yaumãsion (cuxØ Schw. SULLIVAN 84 (Plb. toË d¢ poliorke›n oÈd°pote pe›ran ¶ti labe›n §yãrrhsan. T || pormow T 23 teganvdhw T .m. VIII. ut legendum videatur t∞w nÆsou || épeirgãsanto P1 || ¶sti Arr. [Arr. 15 18 21 V P1 [Polybii 3 oÈd°pote] oÈd¢ T 5 tiw presbt V to›w presbut°roiw P1 || surakouu s¤vn V Plb. 309.2 n∞sÒw te går aÈto›w ≤ pÒliw ∑n ka‹ te¤xesin Íchlo›w pãnthi »xÊrvto: ka‹ tå épÚ yalãsshw prÚw t«n Tur¤vn mçllÒn ti §n t«i tÒte §fa¤neto. ka‹ t«n Pers«n tÒte. II. 24 ¶stin—te¤xei: T. ı t«n MakedÒnvn basileÊw. §ke›noi goËn thlikaÊtaw dunãmeiw ¶xontew ka‹ katå g∞n ka‹ katå yãlattan. ka‹ êlloi §pÉ êllaiw pÒlesin. om. 3—316. II. oÈ går ˜moioi to›w yumo›w t«n palai«n oÈd¢ ta›w §pino¤aiw ofl t«n §yn«n êrti katãrxontew. 18. scripta esse. Arr. 8 t«n §n] Excerpta Antiqua [T] tÚn §n P1 9 énvt°rv v. 6) (8) 240 § 238–246 (THEV. Plb. yalassokratoÊntvn ka‹ aÈt«n t«n Tur¤vn n∞aw §xÒntvn pollãw. 8 ˜mvw—•ta¤roiw: Arr. =aid¤vw katagvn¤shi toÁw Ípenant¤ouw.

nor are they comparable in their forces. The [Romans] at least. were expecting to take control of the city immediately if some one were to remove one old man from Syracuse. and at that time the Persians. and Titus for seizing Jerusalem. For the leaders of the foreign peoples in our time bear no resemblance to those of old in spirit or inventiveness.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 229 investing the city for eight months and leaving no other stratagems or acts of daring untried. are well equipped by you as leader of the forces inside. but while he was present they did not venture to attack. and others for other cities. although powerful both by sea and by land. but fall far short of them. you will easily overcome the enemy. who today would be able to devise or undertake such effort? For Tyre was almost an island and fortified everywhere with high walls. and the sea towards the mainland consists of shoals [85] and mud. but near the city itself at 193 See above 78:14ff. If then a few ~ machines ~. they never once ventured again to attempt an assault. For what Alexander king of Macedon devised for the siege of Tyre and of Gaza. . were masters of the sea and Tyrians themselves possessed many ships. The area is a shallow strait. Nevertheless [Alexander] decided to construct a mole from the main land to the city. as I said above193. as we will make clear as we proceed. by whom the city was ruled.

VII. …w mÆte purfÒroiw b°lesin épÚ toË te¤xouw bãllesyai. ˜ ti per prokexvrÆkei aÈto›w <§p‹ polÁ> t∞w yalãsshw. T 2 mãlista] §s malista T Arr. §p°sthsan dÊo ka‹ mhxanåw §p‹ to›w pÊrgoiw. T 17 pollaxou T || prosxvrhsin T 18 §pÉ êkrou V P1 T Roos: §pãnv Arr. prokalÊmmata d¢ d°rreiw ka‹ dify°rai aÈta›w ∑san. tå d¢ prÚw aÈt∞i t∞i pÒlei. T 247 248 (4) 249 250 (5) 251 (6) 252 253 254 (19. T || §w Arr. ¥ntina to›w l¤yoiw ênvyen §pefÒroun. naËn flppagvgÚn klhmãtvn te jhr«n ka‹ êllhw Ïlhw eÈfl°ktou §mplÆsantew F 6–9 ka‹ proyum¤a—§pikouf¤zontow om. ˜pou tÚ bayÊtaton toË diãplou. 50. 5–6 efiw tÚ §pim°nein to›w l¤yoiw] to›w l¤yoiw §w tÚ (estv T) §pim°nein Arr. épÒ te t«n teix«n Íchl«n ˆntvn ballÒmenoi <§kakopãyoun. ofl d¢ TÊrioi prÚw taËta éntimhxan«ntai toiÒnde. éllÉ ßvw m¢n tÚ prÚw t∞i ±pe¤rvi §x≈nnuto. estai T 10 tÚ prÚw] t∞i prÚw P1 tå prÚw T 11 §p‹—§je¤rgontow om. tå d¢ ka‹ xrÆmasi toÊw ti §kprep°steron katÉ éretØn ponoum°nouw §pikouf¤zontow. épÚ t«n pÊrgvn ballÒmenoi oÈ xalep«w énastalÆsesyai ¶mellon. …w d¢ t«i te bayut°rvi ≥dh §p°lazon ka‹ ëma t∞i pÒlei aÈt∞i §ggÁw §g¤gnonto. cf. SULLIVAN 85 § 246–254 ( THEV. oÈ xalep«w proÈx≈rei tÚ ¶rgon. tri«n mãlista Ùrgui«n tÚ bãyow.A T: aÈto›w vulg. to›w te §rgazom°noiw probolØn §n t«i aÈt«i e‰nai prÚw tå tojeÊmata: ëma te ˜soi prospl°ontew t«n Tur¤vn ¶blapton toÁw xvnnÊntaw. éllå l¤yvn te poll«n éfyon¤a ∑n ka‹ Ïlhw. ka‹ ta›w triÆresin êllhi ka‹ êllhi toË x≈matow §pipl°ontew ofl TÊrioi.230 DENIS F. T 25 mellon T 27 klhmatidvn T.A || prouxvrhkei T 19 <§p‹ polÁ> om. T 16 dØ om. p. §p‹ bãyow te Ùl¤gon xvnnÊmenon ka‹ oÈdenÚw §je¤rgontow. ka‹ ofl MakedÒnew pÊrgouw §pÉ êkrou toË x≈matow.: Ùrgu«n V T 3 pollØ T || éfyon¤an V P1 4 §pi[T] fÒroun V P1 || xãlakew V P1. 53. 4 ılkãda palaiån klhmat¤dvn ka‹ daidÚw gem¤santew . 328. 8–25) 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 brax°a ka‹ phl≈dh aÈtoË. ëte ka‹ §pÉ §rgas¤ai mçllÒn ti μ …w efiw mãxhn ékrib«w §stalm°noi>. p. ëte dØ yalassokratoËntew ¶ti. xãrak°w te oÈ xalep«w katepÆgnunto §n t«i phl«i ka‹ aÈtÚw ı phlÚw sÊndesmow efiw tÚ §pim°nein to›w l¤yoiw §g¤neto. 8 §ja¤rontow P1 9 poioum°nouw P1 || éllå T || ßvw] ß P1 ¶ste Arr. êpeiron pollax∞i tØn prÒsxvsin to›w MakedÒsin §po¤oun. Roos 22 t«i aÈt«i] tautv T 24 épÚ—ballÒmenoi om. 1) V P1 1 phl≈dh] tenagvdh T || ˜pou] ·na Arr. V P1 14 mçllÒn ti] ti mallon T || efiw scripsi: §w Arr. T || lege êporon cum Arr. T 20 prokãlumma T || aÈta›w V P1 Arr. 7 §jhgoum°nou] ßkasta §jhgoum°nou Arr. T 6 §g¤gneto Arr. || Ùrgui«n P1 Arr. T 12 t«i] tÚ P1 13–15 <§kakopãyoun—§stalm°noi> om. ad § 384 5 jÊndesmow Arr. cf. 5 et Thucydidem. ka‹ proyum¤a t«n te MakedÒnvn efiw tÚ ¶rgon ka‹ ÉAlejãndrou pollØ ∑n parÒntow te ka‹ aÈtoË §jhgoum°nou ka‹ tå m¢n lÒgvi §pa¤rontow. V P1 || dÊo om.

But there was an abundance of stones and wood which they piled on top of the stones and stakes were fixed in the mud without difficulty. who was himself present. explaining and encouraging the workers verbally. and the mud itself constituted a binding for holding the stones. and that the builders might thus also have a screen against arrows. under fire from the high walls <they were in great distress. any Tyrians who rowed up and tried to harm the builders of the mole were likely to be repulsed without difficulty. But when they got into deeper water and nearer the city itself. at the same time. in many places made the mounding up of the mole difficult194 for the Macedonians. and engines on the towers. they filled a cavalry transport with dry branches and other combustible 194 Accepting êporon for êpeiron. since the men were specifically outfitted for work rather than for battle>. as was Alexander too.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 231 the deepest part of the crossing the depth is about three fathoms. And the Macedonians placed two towers on top of the mole. the work proceeded without difficulty since the depth being filled was not great. took counter measures as follows. . however. besides inspiring with rewards those who did any particu larly good work. as indeed they were still masters of the sea. The Tyrians. so that they could not be struck with fire arrows from the wall. which had now proceeded <far> into the sea. being under fire from the towers. They were covered with hides and skins. And the Tyrians sailing up in their triremes on this side of the mole and on that. As long as the building of the mole was near the mainland. and no one hindered. The Macedonians were quite eager for the work.

T 20 katexom°nvn—pÊrgvn om. T || l°besin lege l°bhsin cum Arr. T || lege ésfal¢w cum Arr. non hab. T || §n°pipte Arr. 256 19. cf.232 DENIS F. T sousi P1 2 forhtÒn P1 4 §w Arr. …w mØ ésfal«w e‰nai pelãsai ˜soiw sbestÆriÒn ti t∞i flog‹ §p°feron. 2) (3) 257 258 (4) 259 260 (5) 261 dÊo flstoÁw §p‹ t∞i pr≈rai kataphgnÊousi ka‹ §n kÊklvi perifrãssousin §w ˜son makrÒtaton. T || kelhtiaw T || esbantew T 22–23 di°spasan tÚn] diaspasantew T 23 prosbeblhm°non T || sumpãsaw scripsi: sump¤saw V P1 jumpãsaw Arr. Arr. toË §jçrai efiw Ïcow tØn pr≈ran piezom°nhw katå prÊmnan t∞w ne≈w. ßrmatã te efiw tØn prÊmnan §n°yesan.: kat oÈrÚn V P1 kata touron T katÉ oÈrån Krüger e gl. T . ßrma 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 V P1 1 kataphgnÊousin T 1–2 ka‹—perifrãssousin om. T || ¶peita ênemon Arr. ¶peitÉ ênemon thrÆsantew …w §p‹ tÚ x«ma §pif°ronta §jãcantew triÆresi tØn naËn katÉ oÔron eÂlkon. 6 {˜sa} delevi. Suda || pr≈ran V Suda: pr«ran Arr. SULLIVAN 86 § 254–261 ( THEV. epi ta ammon T 10 §pif°rontew T || naË P1 || katÉ oÔron Arr. ka‹ §n toÊtvi ¥ te flÚj pollØ §n°pipten to›w pÊrgoiw ka‹ afl kera›ai periklasye›sai §j°xean efiw tÚ pËr ˜sa efiw ¶jacin t∞w flogÚw pareskeuasm°na ∑n. T 7 ßrma Suda || te §w Arr. T 19 lege ˜soi cum Arr. …w forutÒn te taÊthi ka‹ dçidaw ˜saw ple¤staw d°jasyai: prÚw d¢ p¤ssan te ka‹ ye›on ka‹ ˜sa êlla efiw tÚ parakal°sai megãlhn flÒga §p‹ taÊthi §pefÒrhsan.A 9 nhÒw Suda om. tÉew T 8–9 §n°yesan—prÊmnan om. T || ˜sa efiw] ˜sa §w Arr. ka‹ §n toÊtvi katexom°nvn ≥dh §k toË purÚw t«n pÊrgvn §kdramÒntew §k t∞w pÒlevw pollo‹ ka‹ efiw kelÆtia §mbãntew êllhi ka‹ êllhi §poke¤lantew toË x≈matow tÒn te xãraka oÈ xalep«w di°spasan tÚn prÚ aÈtoË probeblhm°non ka‹ tåw mhxanåw sumpãsaw F 7–9 ßrmata—ne≈w: Suda s. sine accentu T. …w d¢ §p°lazen ≥dh t«i te x≈mati ka‹ to›w pÊrgoiw. codicis Arr. par°teinan d¢ ka‹ kera¤an diplØn §p‹ to›w flsto›w émfot°roiw. T 12 emballontew T || §w Arr. T || §w Arr. p. ˜saw T 17 pareskeuasm°na ∑n] pareskeÊasto T || d¢ T 18 §w Arr. ofl dÉ épÚ t«n triÆrvn plhs¤on toË x≈matow énakvxeÊontew §tÒjeuon efiw toÁw pÊrgouw. T 16 §j°xeon T || efiw tÚ] §w tÚ Arr. P 1 8 eyesan T §ny°ntew Suda || §w Arr. ka‹ épÚ taÊthw §jÆrthsan {˜sa} §n l°besin ˜sa §pixuy°nta μ §piblhy°nta §p‹ m°ga tØn flÒga §jãcein ¶mellen. T || te om.A Wesch.v. 328. T || taËta T || §piforhsan T [Suda] 5 diplØn V P1 T: dipl∞n Arr. T || biai≈tata P1 13 efelkusantew T || ensiousin T 14 kaiom°nhw T || §jenijanto T 15 te om.B Roos 11 §p°lazon Arr. p. II. T || §kdram«ntew P1 21 pollo‹ §k t∞w pÒlevw transp. pËr §mbalÒntew efiw tØn Ïlhn ka‹ …w biaiÒtata ëma ta›w triÆresin §panelkÊsantew tØn naËn §nse¤ousin êkrvi t«i x≈mati: aÈto‹ d¢ ofl §n t∞i nh˛ kaiom°nhi ≥dh §jenÆjanto oÈ xalep«w. 25–42) 255 (Arr. T || perifrãsArr. 16 8–9 piezom°nhw V T Suda Roos: piezoum°nhw Arr. 82.

When it was already approaching the mole and the towers. At this point. and from this hung in cauldrons195 anything which when poured or thrown on would greatly kindle the flame. swam away without difficulty. Accepting oÈrån for oÔron and following for the phrasing Bosworth (1980) 241. extending as far as possible. which was already burning. and as the yard-arms broke. The men on the ship. Then they waited for a wind blowing towards the mole. and anything else to incite a great blaze. Accepting ˜soi for ˜soiw . . the [Tyrians] sallied en masse from the city. so as to contain in it as many shavings and torches as possible. [86] fixed two masts in the bow. sul phur. Then they deployed a double yard-arm onto both masts. and in addition they piled on this pitch. and embarking on small boats landed at different parts of the mole and without difficulty tore down the palisade set up in front of it. they burned all the engines [87] which had not been 195 196 197 198 Accepting l° bhsin for l° besin. Accepting ésfal¢w for ésfal«w . Meanwhile a great fire fell on the towers. so that it was not safe197 for anyone 198 bringing materials to extinguish the fire to get near. and they ballasted the stern to lift the bow up high as the ship was pressed down at the stern. they poured into the fire what had been pre pared to kindle the flame.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 233 material. The men in the triremes rode at anchor near the mole and were firing arrows at the towers. and fastening the ship with ropes they towed it from the rear196 by means of the triremes. they ignited the material and as forcefully as possible hauled with the triremes and smashed the ship onto the edge of the mole. and built fences around. the towers being already engulfed.

crit. 16 <ka‹> om. || sÁn aÈt«i n°aw scripsi: jÁn aÈt«i n°aw Arr. 88. §k Makedon¤aw d¢ penthkÒnterow. || tÚ] tÚn V. T 9 ghrÚw stratÒw V P1 10 ı BÊblou] ˜umblou V oÎmblou P1 || lege ¶mayon cum Arr. ∏kon d¢ §n ta›w aÈta›w ≤m°raiw ka‹ <§k ÑRÒdou> triÆreiw | ¥ te per¤polow kaloum°nh ka‹ sÁn taÊthi êllai yÄ. …w éyro¤svn §ke› ˜sai ≥dh ∑san aÈt«i triÆreiw.A: ÉAgriçnaw Roos. 88. 8 Tur¤vn] t«n Tur¤vn Arr. …w d¢ taËta pareskeuãzeto. 13–14 §w ÙgdoÆkonta] ÙgdoÆkonta mãlista Arr. …w pl°onaw d°jasyai pÊrgouw. T 263 264 (20. 42–329.A 17 penthkÒntorow Arr. 18 21 24 kat°flejan. 11 épolip≈nte V P1 lege épolipÒntew cum Arr. cf. [T] m°nouw platÊteron xvnnÊnai] érjãmenow ¶gnv xvnnunai platuteron T 3 pl°onaw V P1 Arr. 19 §n toÊtvi—∑san om. ˜saw mØ tÚ épÚ t∞w neΔw pËr §p°sxen. || ÍpÉ Arr. ka‹ toÊtoiw pçsin ¶dvken ÉAl°jandrow êdeian t«n prÒsyen.. 328. ad p. 329 15 Thev.m.aÈtoÁw toÊw te Ípaspiståw énalabΔn ka‹ toÁw ÉAgriãnaw §p‹ Sid«now §stãlh. T 5 énalabΔn] mçllon V P1 || égriãnaw V P1 Arr. §peidØ tÆn te ∏ttan tØn katÉ ÉIssÚn Dare¤ou §pÊyonto ka‹ ≤ Foin¤kh pçsa §xom°nh ≥dh ÍpÚ ÉAlejãndrou §fÒbei aÈtoÊw. p. V spatio vacuo relicto P1 nullo spatio relicto || jÁn Arr. §n toÊtvi d¢ GhrÒstratÒw te ı ÉArãdou basileÁw ka‹ ÖEnulow ı BÊblou …w ¶maye tåw pÒleiw sf«n ÍpÚ ÉAlejãndrou §xom°naw. cf. 4 7 §g¤neto V corr. V1 i. 89. §w ÙgdoÆkonta mãlista coni. item p. 312. 6) 262 (6) 3 6 9 12 p.A: ple¤onaw T Roos 4 aÈtoÁw lege aÈtÚw cum Arr. F 4–8 …w d¢—Tur¤vn pro his hab. Àste Foin¤kvn m¢n n∞ew §w ÙgdoÆkonta aÈt«i pareg°nonto. aÈtÚw d¢ stÒlon ˜ti ple›ston éyro¤zein dienoe›to: ≥dh går aÈt«i yalassokratoÊntvn Tur¤vn épor≈tera tå t∞w poliork¤aw §fa¤neto 9—p. oÈ poll«i d¢ Ïsteron ka‹ ofl t∞w KÊprou basile›w efiw tØn Sid«na kat°sxon naus‹n •katÚn mãlista ka‹ e‡kosi. ÉAl°jandrow d¢ tÒ te x«ma épÚ t∞w ±pe¤rou érjam°nouw platÊteron xvnnÊnai. 20 ∏ssan Arr. 14 aÈt«i] aÈt«n P1 || aÈta›w] aÈt«n P1 15 <§k ÑRÒdou> om. p. sunanti≈saw V P1 12 jÁn Arr. T. 24 §w Arr. ka‹ toÁw mhxanopoioÁw mhxanåw êllaw kataskeuãzein §k°leusen. ˜ti épor≈tera tå t∞w poliork¤aw §fa¤neto yalassokratoÊntvn Tur¤vn. 19 e‡kosin Arr. || fonikØ P1 fronikØ V 23 sunaxy∞nai P1 juntaxy∞nai Arr.234 DENIS F. V P1 || ka‹ LÊkiai Krüger Roos: kalukia V P1 ka‹ luk¤aw Arr. cf. SULLIVAN 87 § 261–267 (THEV. 1) 265 (2) 266 (3) 267 V P1 1 kat°flejen V P1 || ˜saw—§p°sxen om. ˜ti ÍpÉ énãgkhw mçllÒn ti μ katå gn≈mhn tØn sf«n §dÒkoun suntaxy∞nai to›w P°rsaiw efiw tÚ nautikÒn. 10 .. <ka‹> §k SÒlvn ka‹ MalloË tre›w ka‹ LÊkiai d°ka. épolipÒnte AÈtofradãthn te ka‹ tåw sÁn aÈt«i n°aw parÉ ÉAl°jandron sÁn t«i nautik«i t«i sfet°rvi éf¤konto ka‹ afl t«n Sidvn¤vn triÆreiw sÁn aÈto›w. T || tÚ] te V P1 2 érjaArr. 3–5. 18 §w Arr. Roos in app. §fÉ ∏w Prvt°aw ı ÉAndron¤kou §p°plei. Wesch.

so as to hold more towers. its captain Proteus son of Andronicus. Alexander. left 201 Autophradates and his ships and came to Alexander with their own fleet. when they learned 200 that Alexander held their cities. however. and he ordered the engineers to construct additional engines. . nine. To all these Alexander granted immunity for their former actions. in addition to their state guardship. While these were being made ready. Not much later also the kings of Cyprus landed at Sidon with about 120 ships. There arrived also at the same time triremes <from Rhodes>. he himself199 with the hypaspists and the Agrianians proceeded to Sidon. because they appeared to have aligned themselves with the Persian fleet more from necessity than choice. and with them came the Sidonian triremes.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 235 engulfed by fire from the ship. w Accepting ¶mayon for ¶ maye. to collect all his triremes already there. ordered his men to build the mole wider starting from the mainland. so that about eighty Phoenician ships joined him. and a fiftyoared ship from Macedon. since the siege seemed more difficult as long as the Tyrians were masters of the sea. after they learned of Darius’ defeat at Issus and were terrified by the fact that Alexander now controlled all Phoenicia. Meanwhile Gerostratus king of Aradus and Enylus of Byblus. <and> three from Soli and Mallus and ten from Lycia. 199 200 201 Accepting aÈtÚw for aÈtoÊ . Accepting épolipÒntew for épolipÒnte.

12 dfi°kploiw P1 diÉ ¶kploiw V || μ] μ §n Arr. …w oÈk éntanÆgonto. || nÆaiw P1 2 <efiw> om. ¶peita oÏtvw suntajãmenai. Hertlein. polla‹ t«i =oye¤vi §p°pleon)—<taËta> ır«ntew 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 V P1 Arr. || sind«na P1 || él°jandron V P1 Arr. otow d¢ ka‹ KraterÚw tÚ eÈ≈numon k°raw e‰xon t∞w pãshw tãjevw. || basile›w] sile›w in initio lineae V || foin¤ktvn V P1 || plØn] tØn V P1 16 PnutagÒrou Arr. 91. ˘ dØ §w tÚ p°lagow aÈt«i éne›xe. Arr. 329. …w d¢ sunet°takto aÈt«i tÚ nautikÒn. PaulyWissowa s. 87. IV. §n toÊtvi d¢ énalabΔn t«n te flpp°vn <‡law> ¶stin ìw ka‹ toÁw Ípaspiståw ka‹ toÁw ÉAgriãnaw ka‹ toÁw tojÒtaw §pÉ ÉArab¤aw st°lletai efiw tÚn ÉAntil¤banon kaloÊmenon tÚ ˆrow: ka‹ tå m¢n b¤ai t«n taÊthi §jel≈n. 1. 2. 11. efi mØ di°kploiw mçllÒn ti μ xers‹n <≤> naumax¤a g¤gnoito. Roos 8 PeloponnÆsou Arr. || lege =oyfivi cum Arr. V P1 || §p¤ploun] §p¤ploun te Arr. 23–24 e‡— prokal°sainto V P1 Roos: om. Curtio. || jÁn Arr. || xers‹ P1 || <≤> om. Progr. 1 junepÆgnunto Arr. 3 <‡law> om. êraw §k t∞w Sid«now §p°plei t∞i TÊrvi suntetagm°naiw ta›w naus¤n. V P1 .236 DENIS F. cf. katå yãlassan efi §pipl°oi sf¤sin ÉAl°jandrow. || <taËta> om. item p.A 15 jÁn Arr. tå d¢ ımolog¤ai parasthsãmenow §n d°ka ≤m°raiw §pan∞gen efiw tØn Sid«na. 6 §n d°ka] ¶ndeka P1 7 §w Arr. ka‹ katalambãnei ÉAl°jandron tÚn Polemokrãtouw §k PeloponÆsou ¥konta ka‹ sÁn aÈt«i misyofÒrouw ÜEllhnaw efiw tetrakisxil¤ouw. 20. Arr. 21 juntetagm°nvw Arr. p. §pibibãsaw to›w katastr≈masi t«n Ípaspist«n ˜soi flkano‹ §dÒkoun efiw tÚ ¶rgon. tÒtedØ pl∞yow ne«n polÁ éprosdokÆtvw katidÒntew (oÈ gãr pv pepusm°noi ∑san tãw te Kupr¤vn naËw ka‹ tåw Foin¤kvn sumpãsaw ÉAl°jandron ¶xonta) ka‹ ëma suntetagm°nvw toË §p¤plou gignom°nou (Ùl¤gon går pr‹n prosxe›n t∞i pÒlei ének≈xeusan ¶ti pelãgiai afl sÁn ÉAlejãndrvi n∞ew. V P1 || naumax¤an V 13 suntetagm°naiw V P1: juntetagm°naiw Roos juntetagm°now Arr. monente F.. 9 §w Arr. 6–23) (5) 269 (6) 270 271 (7) 272 (8) 273 274 §n œi d¢ a· te mhxana‹ aÈt«i sunepÆgnunto ka‹ afl n∞ew …w <efiw> §p¤ploun ka‹ naumax¤aw épÒpeiran §jhrtÊonto. 25 éntanÆgonto] énteg¤nonto P1 || lege poll«i cum Arr. to›w d¢ Tur¤oiw prÒteron m¢n naumaxe›n §gnvsm°non ∑n.A. aÈtÚw m¢n katå tÚ dejiÚn k°raw. plØn Pnutãgrou. 19–20 pepnusm°noi P1 20 jumpãsaw Arr. ka‹ sÁn aÈt«i o· te Kupr¤vn basile›w ka‹ ˜soi Foin¤kvn. 20 17 naumax∞n V P1 18 katå yãlassan efi] efi katå yãlassan Arr. coll. Sintenis. 1. 22 ének≈xeusan om.v. 10 tÚ nautikÒn] tÚn aÈtikÚn V 11 §w Arr.A: ÉAgriçnaw Roos item p. in textu Arriani primus suppl. V P1 || ¶stin ìw] ¶stinaw V P1 4 égriãnaw V P1 Arr. 5 || ka‹ toÁw tojÒtaw] te ka‹ toÁw tojÒtaw Arr. III. I. Wertheimer Lyceums 1861 24 juntajãmenoi Arr. 3. || dØ lege d¢ cum Arr. e‡ pvw êra efiw naumax¤an toÁw Tur¤ouw prokal°sainto. V 23 jÁn Arr. 24. 268 II. K.. SULLIVAN 88 (Arr.A: Kl°andron Freinshemius ad Curtium. 4) § 268–274 (THEV. d.

except Pnytagoras 205.and weighing anchor sailed from Sidon to Tyre with his ships in orderly formation. some he brought to terms of surrender. the hypaspists202. 206 Accepting d¢ for dÆ. the Agrianians.and since at the same time the attack was coming in orderly formation . 221. and the archers. and found that Cleandros203 son of Polemocrates had arrived from the Peloponnese and with him about four thousand Greek mercenaries.the Tyrians observing <this> [89] declined battle. or his ms. although the Anon. to see if they might draw out the Tyrians to fight at sea and then. he with Craterus commanded the left wing of the whole formation. 207 Accepting poll“ for polla¤. he was on the right wing. Accepting Kl° andron for ÉAl° jandron. may have had the incorrect spelling. 208 Accepting =oy¤ ƒfor =oye¤ ƒ For the translation see Bosworth (1980) 246.for just before reaching the city Alexander’s ships while still in the open sea had dropped anchor. they sailed in with a great207 dash of oars 208 in orderly formation . He took some places here by force. and with him the Cyprian kings and all the Phoenicians.for they had not yet learned that the Cyprian and all the Phoenician ships were with Alexander . he put on the decks as many of his hypaspists as he thought adequate for the action . 205 Reading PnutagÒrou here and below at 91:20. and his ships were being equipped <for> the attack and for undertaking a naval battle. The Tyrians had at first decided to fight at sea. which indeed afforded him the open sea. When his fleet was in orderly formation. and in ten days he returned to Sidon.unless <the> naval operation should be a matter of breaking through204 rather than of hand-to-hand fighting . as the [Tyrians] did not put out. should Alexander attack them by sea. But 206 then sighting a multitude of ships far beyond their expectation . proceeded toward Arabia to the mountain called Antilibanus.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 237 [88] While his engines were being assembled. Alexander meanwhile with some of the cavalry <squadrons>. . but with as many triremes as the mouths of their On the term see below. n. 202 203 . 204 ≤ di° kplouw. On the maneuver see Bosworth (1980) 244-45.

p. 329. 1.A T . afl m¢n §p‹ toË x≈matow. V P1 23 §p¤] §pe¤ P1 24 phi] th V ti P1 25 afl om T || prosÆxonto V P1 || b°lesin T sec. §p°plei t∞i pÒlei: ka‹ efiw m¢n tÚn lim°na tÚn prÚ Sid«now biãzesyai ép°gnv diå stenÒthta <toË> stÒmatow ka‹ ëma éntipr≈roiw triÆresi polla›w ır«n pefragm°non tÚn e‡sploun. ∑n d¢ aÈto›w ka‹ tå te¤xh tå katå tÚ F 20 …w d¢ denuo inc. tacite 26–27 Àste—te¤xei om. afl d¢ §p‹ t«n flppagvg«n ne«n. triÆresi d¢ ˜saw t«n lim°nvn tå stÒmata §d°xonto bÊzhn tÚn e‡sploun frajãmenoi §fÊlasson. afl d¢ §p‹ t«n triÆrvn ˜sai aÈt«n oÈ taxunautoËsai ∏san Arr. ìw §k Sid«now ëma o‰ §kÒmisen. ÉAl°jandrow d°. 91. in textu. 12 ˜pou] ·na Arr. 15 posid«now V P1. T 27 tå katå V P1 Roos: katå Arr. Arr. 3 <efiw> om. ofl d¢ TÊrioi §p¤ te t«n §pãljevn t«n katå tÚ x«ma pÊrgouw jul¤nouw §p°sthsan. V P1 §w Arr. IV. 6 275 (9) 276 277 278 (10) 279 280 (21. 23–41) 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 ofl TÊrioi naumaxe›n m¢n ép°gnvsan. p. 13 …rm¤santo] ırmÆsantew V P1 14 jÁn Arr. 92. toÁw d¢ Fo¤nikaw katå tÚn §p°keina toË x≈matow tÚn prÚw A‡gupton én°xonta. [T] 7 <toË> om. T. …w mØ <efiw> t«n lim°nvn tinå §gkayormisy∞nai t«n polem¤vn tÚn stÒlon. Àste fÒbon par°xein to›w MakedÒsi pelãjein t«i te¤xei. T || proshgen T sec. …w épomãxesyai épÉ aÈt«n. 5. || prÚ lege prÚw cum Arr. ofl sÁn ÉAlejãndrvi …rm¤santo: t∞i d¢ Ístera¤ai toÁw m¢n Kupr¤ouw sÁn ta›w sfet°raiw naus‹ ka‹ ÉAndromãxvi t«i nauãrxvi katå tÚn lim°na tÚn §k Sid«now f°ronta §k°leusen §forme›n t∞i pÒlei. pros∞gon tåw mhxanåw katã te tÚ poihtÚn x«ma ka‹ épÚ t«n ne«n êllhi <ka‹> êllhi toË te¤xouw prosormizom°nvn te ka‹ épopeirvm°nvn toË te¤xouw. …w oÈk éntanÆgonto ofl TÊrioi. 8. Wesch.238 DENIS F. b°les¤ Wesch. ka‹ e‡ phi êllhi afl mhxana‹ prosÆgonto. §w tØn g∞n fil¤an oÔsan Arr.A: ént¤prvroi Bloomfield ad Thucydidem. Roos. p. v. sed cf. 10 éntipr≈roiw V P1 Arr. …w d¢ pareskeÊasto ≥dh sÊmpanta. ˜pou ka‹ aÈt«i ≤ skhnØ ∑n. Wesch. pros∞ge sec. 21 ne«n] nhsvn T || <ka‹> om. 312. 19 sulelegm°nvn V P1 || post ∑san hab. ˜pou sk°ph t«n én°mvn §fa¤neto. tre›w d¢ tåw §jvtãtv §formoÊsaw t«i stÒmati triÆreiw prospesÒntew ofl Fo¤nikew ka‹ éntipr≈roiw §mbalÒntew katadÊousin: ofl d¢ §n ta›w naus‹n oÈ xalep«w épenÆjanto. Roos. ≥dh d¢ ka‹ mhxanopoi«n aÈt«i poll«n ¶k te KÊprou ka‹ Foin¤khw èpãshw sullelegm°nvn mhxana‹ polla‹ sumpephgm°nai ∑san. Roos 11 post épenÆjanto hab. b°les¤ te ±mÊnonto ka‹ purfÒroiw ofisto›w ¶ballon aÈtåw tåw naËw. 1) 281 (2) 282 (3) 283 (4) V P1 2 tÚ stÒma VP1 || bÊzein V P1 || tÚn] t«n V || ¶sploun Arr. SULLIVAN 89 § 274–283 ( THEV. V P1 8 ¶sploun Arr. 6. 6 §w Arr. tÒte m¢n dØ oÈ pÒrrv toË poihtoË x≈matow katå tÚn afigialÒn. 20 jÊmpanta Arr. 22 17 ˜pou] ·na Arr. p.

so that the Macedonians were afraid to come near the wall. Next day Alexander ordered the Cyprians.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 239 harbors would hold they tightly blocked access and guarded them. they defended themselves with missiles and assaulted the ships themselves with fire arrows. then indeed Alexander’s fleet anchored not far from the newly constructed mole along the shore. facing toward Egypt. When everything was now prepared. when the Tyrians did not put out. they brought forward the engines along the newly constructed mole as well as from the ships which anchored along side the wall here and there and which now began to attack the wall. and if the engines were being brought forward at any other point. where his tent was. however. where there appeared to be protection from the winds. with their ships and Andromachus the admiral. and the Phoenicians to do the same at the harbor on the other side of the mole. the men on the ships swam away without difficulty. so that the enemy’s fleet could not anchor <in> any of the harbors. 209 Accepting prÚw for prÒ. Their walls oppo site the mole [90] were about 150 feet high and of proportional width. so as to fight from them. . Alexander. he declined to force his way into the harbor facing209 Sidon because of the narrowness of <the> mouth and also seeing that the entrance was blocked with many triremes. to blockade the city at the harbor that faced Sidon. bows on. and a large number of engines had been assembled. but the Phoenicians charged the three triremes which were moored farthest out in the mouth. and rammed them bow on and sank them. By now many engineers had been gathered from Cyprus and all of Phoenicia. The Tyrians set up wooden towers on the battlements opposite the mole. sailed towards the city.

ÉAl°jandrow d¢ triakontÒrouw pollåw §w tÚn aÈtÚn tÒpon frãjaw §p°sthsen §gkars¤aw prÚ t«n égkur«n. ka‹ taÊthi oÈk eÎporon §g¤gneto pelãzein t∞i pÒlei. oÂa dØ épÚ ne«n ka‹ oÈk épÚ g∞w beba¤ou ginÒmenon: êllvw te ka‹ ofl TÊrioi naËw katafrãjantew parå tåw égkÊraw §p∞gon t«n triÆrvn ka‹ Ípot°mnontew tåw sxo¤nikaw t«n égkur«n êporon tØn prosÒrmisin ta›w polem¤aiw naus‹n §po¤oun. ofl MakedÒnew. T || keimenaiw T 2–3 jumArr. 6) 284 (Arr. T 20 pepo¤hto Arr. intellexit plo¤oiw. ¶peita mhxana›w metevr¤santew katå bãyouw éf¤esan. 14 énast°lesyai P1 || ka‹ …w lege <éllå> ka‹ Õw cum Arr. p. Àste mhd¢n ¶ti pl°on to›w kolumbhta›w g¤gnesyai. 285 II. T 20–21 ˜pou d¢—prose›xon 3 6 9 12 15 p. 10 épotemnÒntew P1 || xo¤nikaw V sxo¤nouw Arr. Anon. [T] pephgÒta Arr. ˜pou oÈk°ti probeblhm°noi blãcein ¶mellon. sxoin›daw? 11 égkur«n] trihrvn T || tØn om T || prosÒrmhsin V T 11–13 §po¤oun nausin transp. Anon. | ofl d¢ èlÊsesin ént‹ sxo¤nvn efiw tåw égkÊraw xr≈menoi. p. kay¤esan. T || jÊmmetron Arr. jumpephgotew T 3 to›w] ta›w Arr. T 7 ≥nusto T 8 toËto] ka‹ toËto T || dØ] h T || épÚ] ek T || nh«n T 9 gignÒmenon Arr. T || triÆresin P1 4 ka‹ om. T om. T || oÈk eÎporon] époron T 5 §geineto T || t∞i pÒlei] tv te¤xei T || §w Arr. 11–13 || lege flppagvgo›w cum Arr. 21. T || te om. to›w d¢ Ípagvgo›w te ka‹ ta›w triÆresi t«n MakedÒnvn. 16 §w T || xr≈menoi—kay¤esan] §xr«nto T || Àste] …w T 17 pl°on ¶ti transp. ka‹ toÊtouw ÉAl°jandrow ¶gnv §jelkÊsai §k t∞w yalãsshw: ±nÊeto d¢ xalep«w toËto tÚ ¶rgon. hab. cf. a„ katå tÚn lim°na §f≈rmoun F 12–15 ÉAl°jandrow—Íp°temnon om. ˜pou d¢ kayarÚn §pepo¤hto t«n probÒlvn tÚ te›xow. SULLIVAN 90 § 283–291 (THEV. fort.240 DENIS F. …w épÉ aÈt«n énast°llesyai tÚn §p¤ploun t«n ne«n. 41–330. T 6 §j∞rgon V P1 || prosbolÆn] §ggÁw prosbolÆn Arr. ˜ti l¤yoi pollo‹ efiw tÚ p°lagow probeblhm°noi §je›rgon aÈt«n tØn prosbolÆn. 22 ginÒmenoi T || gnvsan T 23 Kupr¤aiw] t«n makedonvn T || eformoun T . ofl d¢ TÊrioi pãnthi êporoi gignÒmenoi ¶gnvsan §p¤ploun poiÆsasyai ta›w Kupr¤aiw naus¤n. fort. T || g¤nesyai T 19 metevrÆsantew P1 T || katå bãyouw éf¤esan] eriptoun efiw to bayÊtaton T || ˜pou] ·na Arr. oÈ xalep«w ≥dh taÊthi afl n∞ew prose›xon. ˜sai tåw mhxanåw pros∞gon t«i te¤xei. T. §jãptontew oÔn brÒxouw t«n l¤yvn épÚ toË x≈matow én°spvn aÈtoÁw ¶jv t∞w yalãsshw.). 329. 330 Thev. T 12 lege trÒpon cum Arr. autem praef. 18 21 V P1 1 §w T 2 §w Arr. 5) 286 (6) 287 288 (7) 289 290 (8) 291 x«ma tÒ te Ïcow efiw pentÆkonta ka‹ •katÚn mãlista pÒdaw ka‹ efiw plãtow sÊmmetron l¤yoiw megãloiw §n gÊcvi keim°noiw sumpephgÒta. ka‹ …w Ïfaloi kolumbhta‹ tåw sxo¤nouw aÈto›w Íp°temnon. om T „ex confusione syllabarum taiw et tew” (Wesch.

and then raising them with their engines hurled them into deep water. divers going under water were cutting the cables. For a Accepting fl ppagvgo›wfor Ípagvgo›w. 212 Accepting sxoin›daw for sxo¤ nikaw . The Tyrians. and stationed them cross wise in front of the anchors to thereby repulse the attack of the [Tyrian] ships. and lowered them. which were bringing up the engines against the wall. decided to attack the Cyprian ships which were blockading the harbor [91] that faced Sidon. 214 Accepting the addition of éllã . not from terra firma. 210 211 . hide coverings to protect decks and gunwales from the rain of missiles from above. where they would no longer project and cause harm. Then they cast nooses around the stones and drew them from the mound215 out of the sea. the Tyrians protected their ships with side screens211 and came against the anchors of the triremes and cut the anchor cables 212. the ships now came alongside there without difficulty. but this operation went on with difficulty. so that the divers could accomplish nothing further. Thus when they had cleared the obstacles to the wall. I follow here Bosworth (1980) 248 who suggests that naËw katafrã jantew refers to devices similar to the pararrÊ mata mentioned by Xenophon (Hellenica I:6:19). 213 Accepting trÒpon for tÒpon. But Alexander added side screens to a num ber of thirty-oar ships in the same way213. Alexander decided to drag these stones out of the sea. 215 On this uncertain phrase I follow Bosworth (1980) 248. to approach the city. So the Macedonians used chains for the anchor cables. Even so 214. making it impossible for the enemy’s ships to anchor nearby. since numerous stones which had been cast into the sea hindered their approach.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 241 constructed of massive stones set in cement. since it was indeed taking place from ships. Even here it was not easy for the Macedonian cavalry transports210 and triremes. moreover. totally at a loss.

F 3–6 émf‹—épex≈rei om. tåw d¢ êllaw efiw tÚn afigialÚn §jvyoËntew ¶kopton. 8. Plut. 16 Arr. T 19 t«n] t« V P1 || d¢ T || <tØn> om. Alex. qui hab.A: Kouri°vw C. oÈ diatr¤canta d¢ katå tÚ efivyÚw dfi Ùl¤gou §p‹ tåw naËw §panelye›n. H. ÉAl°jandrow d¢ …w ≥isyeto tÚn ¶kploun t«n Tur¤vn triÆrvn. 7 ékribestaton: ka‹ ton plhrvmasin T. 1) 296 (2) 297 298 (3) V P1 1 §w] §n P1 T || tetram°non V P1. Arr. tåw m¢n ÍpÚ tØ pr≈th kat°dusan prosbol∞ T 20 PnutagÒrou Arr. signum corruptelae post ‡saw v. 29 23 êllaw om. 88. 93. item p. p.A 17 §pelye›n P1 18 ırmoÊsaiw om. T1 13 §nkeleusmv T || §w Arr. 15 jun°bh Arr. et ka‹ ante 293 (9) 294 295 (22. sed cf.. T 10 keleustÚn P1 12 ka‹—dØ om. T || jÁn bo∞i Arr. ofl d¢ TÊrioi prospesÒntew éprosdokÆtvw ta›w naus‹n ırmoÊsaiw ka‹ ta›w m¢n pãnthi kena›w §pituxÒntew. triÆreiw d¢ •ptå …w ékribestãtoiw te to›w plhr≈masi ka‹ to›w épÚ t«n katastrvmãtvn mãxesyai m°llousin eÈoplotãtoiw ka‹ ëma eÈyarsestãtoiw efiw toÁw nautikoÁw ég«naw. ıpÒte ofl naËtai §p‹ tå énagka›a §skedasm°noi ∑san ka‹ ÉAl°jandrow §n toÊtvi mãlista épÚ toË §p‹ yãtera t∞w pÒlevw nautikoË §p‹ tØn skhnØn épex≈rei. tÒte dØ sÁn bo∞i te poll∞i ka‹ §gkeleusm«i efiw éllÆlouw ka‹ ëma t∞i efires¤ai suntÒmvw §pef°ronto. T 20–22 tÆn te—Youri°vw pro his hab. T 15–17 sun°bh—TÊrioi om. p. Dörner Roos coll. t«n dÉ ÍpÉ aÈtØn <tØn> boØn ka‹ tÚn §p¤ploun xalep«w §k t«n parÒntvn plhroum°nvn. tå m¢n pr«ta étr°ma t∞i efires¤ai §p‹ miçw neΔw §j°pleon êneu keleust«n tåw k≈paw paraf°rontew: …w d¢ §p°strefon ≥dh §p‹ toÁw Kupr¤ouw ka‹ §ggÁw toË kayorçsyai ∑san. SULLIVAN 91 § 291–298 (THEV. T 9 §w Arr. juntonvw T juntÒnvi Arr. tÆn te Pnutãgrou toË basil°vw pentÆrh eÈyÁw ÍpÚ t∞i pr≈thi §mbol∞i kat°dusan ka‹ tØn ÉAndrokl°ouw toË ÉAmayos¤ou ka‹ tØn Pasikrãtouw toË Youri°vw.242 DENIS F. || §ke¤nhi et époxvr∞sai m¢n V P1 Roos: §ke¤nhi m¢n et époxvr∞sai Arr. T || §w Arr. Ind. sun°bh d¢ §ke¤nhi t∞i ≤m°rai ÉAl°jandron époxvr∞sai m¢n §p‹ tØn skhnÆn. T || katapesantew T 3 ofl] o· te Arr. cf. plhr≈santew pentÆreiw m¢n tre›w ka‹ tetrÆreiw ‡saw. [T] || §k polloË dØ om. jumbolÆ T l del. T prospesÒntew inser. 6 8 m°llousi T 8–9 eÈoplotãtoiw—ég«naw om. T || efirhsia T || lege suntÒnvw. 330. et oÔn ante tÚ stÒma add. V P1 19–20 §k t«n parÒntvn om. 16 22 ÉAmayous¤ou Arr. p. toË mØ katafan∞ gen°syai t«n triÆrvn tØn plÆrvsin. T 24 triÆrvn] nevn T . 18. émf‹ m°son ≤m°raw. 92. || toË] t∞w V P1 || youri°vw V P1 Arr. 10 étremaia T || §p‹] épo T 10–11 êneu—paraf°rontew om. 6–23) 292 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 tÚn §w Sid«na tetramm°non: §k polloË dØ katapetãsantew tÚ stÒma toË lim°now flst¤oiw. 22.

in order that the manning of the triremes might not be visible. with their most skilled crews and. At first they put out in single file. Alexander. when the [Greek] sailors were scattered on necessary business and Alexander had meanwhile just withdrawn from the fleet on the other side of the city to his tent. to fight from the decks. found some totally empty and others being manned with difficulty by any who chanced to be there in response to <the> noise itself and the attack. at their first charge they sank the quinquireme of King Pnytagoras. apparently had the incorrect Youri° vw in his source as do all traditions of Arrian. learning of the sally of the Tyrian triremes. he soon returned to the ships. and seven triremes. Accepting suntÒnvw for suntÒmvw. after falling unexpectedly on the anchored ships. they manned three quinquiremes and an equal number of quadriremes. as he usually did. rowing gen tly and sliding their oars without the command of the boatswains216. 216 217 . however. together with those of Androcles of Amathus and Pasicrates of Thurion218. The Tyrians. In the Cypriot context Dörner’s conjecture Kouri° vw (“of Curium”) is necessary. the rest they drove ashore and broke up. but when they were now turning toward the Cyprians and were about to be seen. and about midday. the best-armed and likewise their bravest marines. with loud shouting and encouraging one another and rowing quickly217 they came forward. then. but not resting there. On that day it happened that Alexander had withdrawn to his tent. On the uncertain maneuver and the translation see Bosworth (1980) 249-50.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 243 long time they covered the harbor mouth with the sails. 218 The Anon. see Bosworth (1980) 250.

ad p. E 25 metÆesan et épopeir≈menoi T. efiw tÚ prÚw nÒton aÔ ênemon ka‹ prÚw A‡gupton én°xon te›xow metÆiei pãnthi épopeir≈menow toË ¶rgou. ˜sai ¶fyhsan aÈt«i katå tãxow plhrvye›sai. §p∞gon ≥dh ofl MakedÒnew tåw mhxanåw t«i te¤xei aÈt«n. 15 pentÆreiw P1 E. tÒn te §p¤ploun t«n polem¤vn katidÒntew ka‹ ÉAl°jandron aÈtÚn §p‹ t«n ne«n. 1 23 t«n ne«n—mhxanofÒrvn om.) 2 in voce lim°now desinit V. 19 <d¢> om. ka‹ Ùl¤gai m¢n t«n ne«n fyãnousin ÍpekfugoËsai. 330. T || tÚ om. ka‹ F 1–18 tåw m¢n—lim°na pro his hab. <bo∞i te §panãgein §nekeleÊonto to›w §k t«n sfet°rvn ne«n> ka‹ …w <oÈk> §jakoustÚn ∑n ÍpÚ yorÊbou sunexom°nvn t«i ¶rgvi. ofl d¢ Ùc° pote afisyÒmenoi tÚn §p¤ploun t«n émf‹ ÉAl°jandron Ípostr°cantew efiw tÚn lim°na ¶fugon. fÒnow d¢ t«n §pibat«n oÈ polÁw §g°neto. p. …w d¢ oÈd¢ taÊthi ≥nuen. et tåw mhxanaw post pros∞gon add. p. ka‹ tåw ple¤onaw aÈt«n <afl> jÁn ÉAlejãndrvi n∞ew kat°dusan (aÍt«i Wesch. || ¶feugon Arr. p.244 DENIS F. || §w Arr. praef. …w <d¢> oÈdem¤a ¶ti to›w Tur¤oiw §k t«n ne«n »f°leia ∑n. ta›w d¢ ple¤osin §mbaloËsai afl sÁn ÉAlejãndrvi tåw m¢n aÈt«n êplouw §po¤hsan. 3 §kpleÊseien P1 E 4 jÁn Arr. 4) 301 (5) 302 303 (6) 304 305 (7) 306 307 tåw m¢n pollåw t«n sÁn aÈt«i ne«n. v. épenÆjanto oÈ xalep«w efiw tÚn lim°na. …w går ≥isyonto §xom°naw tåw naËw. SULLIVAN 92 § 293–307 (THEV.. ˜pvw •kãsth plhrvye¤h. || t«i] §n t«i Arr. ut vid. P1 E 9 <oÈk> om. afisyÒmenoi d¢ ofl TÊrioi tÚn ÉAlejãndrou §p¤ploun. tiw || tetrÆreiw P1 E 16 fÒnow] fyÒnow P1 E 18 §w Arr. tåw sÁn aÍt«i labΔn §p‹ toÁw §kpepleukÒtaw t«n Tur¤vn énÆgeto. T. ofl d¢ épÚ toË te¤xouw. 14 jÁn Arr. T 24 tauthn T || ≥nuon T ∑men P1 E || §w Arr. quam ob rem inde ab hoc loco codex E adhibitus est: cf. 24 . 6–9 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 [V] P 1 [E] 1 jÁn Arr. 315. pentÆrhw d° tiw ka‹ tetrÆrhw aÈt«n §pÉ aÈt«i t«i stÒmati toË lim°now §lÆfyhsan. sed cf. 361 Thev. II. Wesch. || ka‹ êlloiw] êlloiw ka‹ êlloiw Arr. ofl d¢ katå tÚ prÚw Sid«na tetramm°non t∞w pÒlevw t«n ne«n tinaw t«n mhxanofÒrvn pros∞gon. T || tÚ] tÚn T || n«ton P1 || aÔ om. 16) p. katå m¢n dØ tÚ x«ma prosagÒmenai diå fisxÁn toË te¤xouw oÈd¢n ≥nuon ˜ ti ka‹ lÒgou êjion. cf. ¶feugon. P1 E || ¶ti] ¶sti E §st‹ P1 || nh«n T 21 dØ] deei T 22 ˜ ti—êjion om. §p‹ t«i stÒmati toË lim°now | énakvxeÊein ¶tajen. shme¤oiw ka‹ êlloiw §pekãloun efiw tØn énax≈rhsin. Ípostr°cantew efiw tÚn lim°na. 3 299 (Arr. [T] ne«n> om. Wesch. peri°plei tØn pÒlin …w §p‹ toÁw §kpepleukÒtaw t«n Tur¤vn. 11 émfÉ Arr. T || prÚw] porÚ. cf. 300 22. P1 E 10 junexom°nvn Arr. 12 §w Arr. 91. 23–361. T || tetram°non P1 E. …w mØ ka‹ êllai §kpleÊseian t«n Tur¤vn n∞ew: aÈtÚw d¢ pentÆreiw te tåw sÁn aÈt«i énalabΔn ka‹ t«n triÆrvn §w p°nte mãlista.: autv T || <afl> inser. || ˜sa E 8–9 <bo∞i— Arr. 1–5.

and fled back to the harbor. given the strength of the wall. on the side of the city facing toward Sidon. Those on the wall. so that no other Tyrian ships might sail out. which had been first to quickly man. turned about. testing its construction from all sides. as soon as they saw that their ships were taken. but. seeing the enemy sailing in and Alexander himself on board.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 245 [92] ordered most of his ships to anchor at the mouth of the harbor when each was manned. observing too late the attack of Alexander’s ships. then he personally took his quinqueremes and some five triremes. while a quinquereme and a quadrireme were cap tured at the very mouth of the harbor. and as these were <not> heard due to the clamor of those involved in the action. The [Tyrians at sea]. There was no great slaughter of the marines. When indeed brought along the mole. When the Tyrians could no longer look for help from their ships. they brought up some of their ships which carried engines. A few of the Tyrian ships managed to escape in time. and thereupon Alexander made a probative . <shouted instruc tions to the men on their own ships to put about>. they used other signals to call for their retreat. the Macedonians now began to bring up their engines against their wall. but Alexander’s ships charged the majority of them and ren dered some useless. they did nothing worthy of note. But as they did not succeed here. and sailed around the city against the Tyrians who had sailed out. Alexander turned instead to the south and the wall facing towards Egypt. [93] There first the wall was badly shaken and a part was broken and collapsed. swam off without difficulty into the harbor. for they.

§ntaËya eÈr≈stvw ofl Ípaspista‹ katå taÊtaw én°bainon §p‹ tÚ te›xow. 1) 310 311 (2) 312 313 (3) 314 315 (4) 316 P1 E 1 §ntaËya] taÊth T || tÒ te te›xow §p‹ m°ga] te tÚ te›xow §p‹ m°ga Arr. I.A: pez°tairoi Blancard Roos || jÁn Arr. . T 14–15 denuo inc. 21. E) Arr. ka‹ aÈtÚw sÁn to›w Ípaspista›w §pibÆsesyai toË te¤xouw ∏i pare¤koi ¶melle. T 309 (23. 22. ìw dØ §pibale›n §penÒei t«i katerrhgm°nvi toË te¤xouw. . ∏i §pet°takto ÖAdmhtow. Arr. a„ tåw gefÊraw aÈt«i ¶feron. 22. te §p‹ m°ga tÚ te›xow T 2 kater¤fyh T || tÒte] tÒ P1 tÚ E 3 §r°ripto P1 E Arr. 16–35) 308 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 §ntaËya pr«ton katese¤syh tÒ te te›xow §p‹ m°ga ka¤ ti ka‹ kathr¤fyh aÈtoË pararrag°n. ¶melle om. 10 §p∞gon E || §pibãllein Arr. tØn •t°ran d¢ ≤ Ko¤nou tãjiw ofl ésy°teroi kaloÊmenoi. tr¤thi d¢ épÚ taÊthw ≤m°rai nhnem¤an te fulãjaw ka‹ parakal°saw toÁw ≤gemÒnaw t«n tãjevn efiw ¶rgon §p∞ge t∞i pÒlei §p‹ t«n ne«n tåw mhxanãw. ¶ste tÚ §poke›lai êporÒn ti g¤gnoito. 14 ¶mellen Arr. 5 6 §w Arr. taÊtaw d¢ §k°leusen §n kÊklvi peripleoÊsaw tÚ te›xow §pok°llein te ˜phi pare¤koi ka‹ énakvxeÊein §ntÚw b°louw. . ka‹ pr«ta m¢n kat°seise toË te¤xouw §p‹ m°ga. épepeirãyh §w Ùl¤gon t∞w prosbol∞w: ka‹ ofl TÊrioi oÈ xalep«w épekroÊsanto toÁw MakedÒnaw. tåw triÆreiw d¢ tåw m¢n §piple›n katå toÁw lim°naw émfot°rouw §k°leusen. 27. 13 ésy°teroi P1 E (ès-. e‡ pvw prÚw sfçw tetramm°nvn t«n Tur¤vn biãsainto tÚn e‡sploun: ˜sai d¢ aÈt«n b°lh épÚ mhxan«n ballÒmena e‰xon μ ˜sai tojÒtaw §p‹ t«n katastrvmãtvn ¶feron. T 19 parapleousaw T 20 énakoxeÊein P1 E || ¶ste] ¶stai E 21 ti non hab. ˜ te går ÖAdmhtow énØr égayÚw §n t«i tÒte §g°neto ka‹ ëma ÉAl°jandrow e·peto aÈto›w. II. ut vid. [T] Arr. 1. tåw m¢n mhxanofÒrouw naËw §panãgein §k°leusen: ı d¢ dÊo êllaw §p∞gen. . …w pantaxÒyen ballom°nouw toÁw Tur¤ouw §n t«i dein«i émfibÒlouw g¤gnesyai. 23 a· te n∞ew afl] éten¤sai T || jÁn T 24–25 eÈr≈stvw ofl Ípaspista‹] ofl Ípaspista‹ eÈr≈stvw Arr. …w d¢ a· te n∞ew afl sÁn ÉAlejãndrvi pros°sxon t∞i pÒlei ka‹ afl g°furai §peblÆyhsan t«i te¤xei épÉ aÈt«n. 19. …w d¢ époxr«n efiw plãtow §fãnh tÚ parerrhgm°non. 2. 3. SULLIVAN 93 § 307–316 (THEV.t. . tÒte m¢n dØ ˜son §pibalΔn gefÊraw ∏i §r°ripto toË te¤xouw.246 DENIS F. 6.. . ka‹ tØn m¢n m¤an t«n ne«n ofl Ípaspista‹ ¶labon. 361.l. p. 27 §xÒmenow] èptÒmenow Arr.A: §rÆripto Ellendt Roos coll. 19–22 tÚ te›xow— g¤gnesyai pro his hab. toË te ¶rgou aÈtoË karter«w §xÒmenow ka‹ yeatØw F 2–14 pararrag°n . T bãllein §w toÁw §p‹ t«n §pãljevn flstam°nouw 25 te¤xei des. T verbis ÉAl°jandrow d¢ t«n triÆrvn tåw m¢n §piple›n k. 16–17 e‡ pvw—e‡sploun] eipΔn prow sfet°rouw ekeleusen eipΔn prow sfaw tetrammenvn t«n tur¤vn t«n turivn biasainto to esploun T 17 ¶sploun Arr.

repulsed the Macedonians without difficulty. B.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 247 attack so far as dropping gangways over the broken part of the wall: the Tyrians. On the third day after this. then the hypaspists stoutly mounted the wall upon these. he sent in two oth ers.” here and elsewhere of both the troops of the phalanx (Admetus’ unit just above) and the special shield-bearers (bodyguards) of Alexander himself. see Bosworth (1980) 66-67. and anchor within range. so that the Tyrians should be under fire from all sides and become indecisive amid their danger. literally “shield-bearer. One of the ships the hypaspists took. First he battered down a signif icant stretch of the wall. however. Admetus being its captain. 103 and 251. to see if perhaps (the Tyrians being engaged with his troops) they might force an entrance. . Others which carried the missiles being fired from the engines or had archers on decks. he ordered to sail around the wall. and Alexander likewise followed them.” see Bosworth (1980) 251-53 with further bibliography. who suggests a translation “closely related companions” (reading -etairoi for -eteroi). [Alexander] brought up the engines on the ships against the city. But when the breach appeared wide enough. When Alexander’s ships neared the city and the gangways were dropped onto the wall from them. Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great (Cambridge: 1988) 259. so long as it should be impossible to land. Bosworth. He ordered some of his triremes to sail along both harbors. and land wherever possible. taking a vigorous role in the action 219 For this translation of tã jiw I follow A. Coenus’division. having waited for a calm and urging his division 219 commanders to action. took the other. 220 On this uncertain term. which he intended to drop where the wall was demolished. for Admetus showed his bravery then. apparently a special designation for the “Upper Macedonian Infantry. carrying his gangways. 221 Arrian uses hypaspist. He intended himself with his hypaspists221 to mount the wall wherever possible. called the “astheteroi”220. he ordered the engine-carrying ships to withdraw.

§peidØ pr«ton beba¤vi te ka‹ ëma oÈ pãnthi épotÒmvi t∞i prosbãsei §xrÆsanto ofl MakedÒnew. T || mÆpote] mÆte P1 E lacuna duarum litt. T éllÉ êra Àste P1 E 13 §pagagÒmenow P1 E Roos: §pagÒmenow Arr. 361. 23. 4–27. 15 18 21 24 1 lamprÚn] lamprÚn katÉ éretØn Arr. 362 Thev. œi ˆnoma ∑n Bãthw. 9) 318 (6) 319 320 321 (Arr. ¶sti Wesch. 25. ka‹ ÖAdmhtow m¢n pr«tow §pibåw toË te¤xouw ka‹ to›w émfÉ aÍtÚn §gkeleuÒmenow §piba¤nein blhye‹w lÒgxhi époynÆskei aÈtoË: §p‹ d¢ aÈt«i ÉAl°jandrow ¶sxe tÚ te›xow sÁn to›w •ta¤roiw. oÈ xalep«w épokrousy°ntvn épÉ aÈtoË t«n Tur¤vn. 23 eÈnoËxow—§mãxonto: Arr. ép°xei d¢ ≤ Gãza t∞w m¢n yalãsshw e‡kosi mãlista stad¤ouw. eÈnoËxow gãr tiw.248 DENIS F. éllå ka‹ toË te¤xouw lhfy°ntow ofl TÊrioi oÈk §ned¤dosan. t∞i m¢n pr≈thi katestratop°deusen ∏i mãlista §p¤maxon aÈt«i §fa¤neto tÚ te›xow. T 11–12 t∞w toiaÊthw krat«n pÒlevw malim taÊthw t∞w krat«n pÒlevw.A T || s›ton] siΔn tÚn P1 E 14 §w Arr. t∞w toiaÊthw krat«n pÒlevw. SULLIVAN 94 (Arr. tacite || tÚ te›xow] tØn pÒlin T . krat«n t∞w Gaza¤vn (gazevn T) pÒlevw Arr. Wesch. 317 II. 11 gãr] d° Arr. T 24 ofl d¢] o· ge mØn T 25 épede¤knunto Arr. p. oÈ prose›xen ÉAlejãndrvi. ka‹ taÊthi pr«ton ∏i §pet°takto ÉAl°jandrow §lÆfyh tÚ te›xow. 25. 4) (26. in textu. Roos. inter mÆ et te E 15 gnv cum signo corruptelae T 16 yãlatthw T || e‡kosi] §w e‡kosi T 17 §stin T sec. éllÉ e‡xonto toË ¶rgou. éllÉ oÈd¢ §p‹ t∞i èl≈sei t∞w t«n Gaza¤vn pÒlevw ¥ttona pÒnon Íp°meinen. 322 II. II. T 12–13 éllÉ ÖArabãw te scripsi: éllå ÖArabãw te Arr. 7: T.A: prow aigupton T §pÉ A‡gupton Krüger Roos || onti cum signo corruptelae T 21 t∞w arxhw T 22 t∞ polei T 23 §fa¤neto aÈt«i transp. ka‹ mhxanåw sumphgnÊnai §k°leusen. Roos. Arr. 4 pãnthi] pãno sth E 6 aÈtÚn P1 E [Arr. 12 3 6 9 12 p. in textu. ofl d¢ mhxanopoio‹ gn≈mhn §pede¤knunto êporon e‰nai b¤ai •le›n tÚ te›xow diå Ïcow toË F 8 •ta¤roiw] des. T || ∑n om. || ênodow] odow T 19 x≈ parvulo spatio vacuo relicto P1 nullo spatio relicto E || perib°blhto T 20 ÙxurÒn] panth §xuron T || §pÉ afigÊptou P1 E Arr. ka‹ ¶sti camm≈dhw ka‹ baye›a efiw aÈtØn ≤ ênodow ka‹ ≤ yãlassa ≤ katå tØn pÒlin tenag≈dhw pçsa. T || Bãtiw Arr. ÉAl°jandrow d¢ …w éf¤keto prÚw tØn pÒlin. p. ¶gnv mØ d°xesyai t∞i pÒlei ÉAl°jandron. épede¤knuto T sec. éllÉ ÖArabãw te misyvtoÁw §pagagÒmenow ka‹ s›ton | §k polloË pareskeuakΔw diark∞ efiw xrÒnion poliork¤an ka‹ t«i xvr¤vi pisteÊvn mÆpote ín b¤ai èl«nai. épede¤knunto Wesch. §sxãth d¢ »ike›to …w §pÉ AfigÊptou §k Foin¤khw fiÒnti §p‹ t∞i érx∞i t∞w §rÆmou. 3–320. 1) 323 324 (2) 325 326 t«n êllvn ˜tvi ti lamprÚn §n t«i kindÊnvi §tolmçto. 5) § 316–326 (THEV. 11—p. 35–362.] [T] P1 autÚn sine spiritu E 7 aÈtoË] aÈt« P1 E || jÁn Arr. 96. tacite || §w Arr. megãlh d¢ pÒliw ≤ Gãza ∑n ka‹ §p‹ x≈matow ÍchloË v Öikisto ka‹ te›xow perieb°blhto aÈt∞i ÙxurÒn. 317.

he camped on the first day where the wall seemed most easy for him to assault. and having for some time procured grain adequate for a lengthy siege and trusting that the place could never be captured by force. But in the capture of the city of the Gazans he endured no less toil. since for the first time the Macedonians had avail able an access 222 which was firm and not totally sheer. For a eunuch named Batis 223. decided not to admit Alexander into the city.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 249 itself and watching [94] the others for any conspicuous act of daring amid the danger. Gaza is about 20 stades from the sea. with a strong wall thrown around it. The city of Gaza was large. 222 223 . on the dispute about the precise form of the name tiw see Bosworth (1980) 257-58. expressed the opinion that it was difficult to take the wall by force because of the See Bosworth (1980) 253. did not join Alexander. but brought in Arab mercenaries. however. When Alexander arrived at the city. after him Alexander seized the wall with his Companions. The engineers. And Ademtus. first to mount the wall and urging his men to mount. But even after the wall was taken the Tyrians did not yield. and built on a lofty mound. And the part of the wall captured first was where Alexander had stationed himself. with the text of Arrian. and he ordered siege engines to be assembled. who was in control of this city. and the approach to it is over sand and wide and the sea over against the city consists wholly of shoals. the Tyrians were repelled from it without difficulty. was struck by a spear and died there. It was the last inhabited site at the beginning of the desert as one goes from from Phoenicia to Egypt. Reading Bã . but held to their effort.




§ 326–337 (THEV. p. 362, 9–29)
327 (3)










x≈matow. éllå ÉAlejãndrvi aflret°on §dÒkei e‰nai ˜svi épor≈teron: §kplÆjein går toÁw polem¤ouw tÚ ¶rgon t«i paralÒgvi §p‹ m°ga, ka‹ tÚ mØ •le›n afisxrÚn e‰na¤ ofl legÒmenon efiw toÁw ÜEllhnaw ka‹ efiw Dare›on. §dÒkei dØ x«ma §n kÊklvi t∞w pÒlevw xvnnÊnai, …w §j ‡sou épÚ toË xvsy°ntow §pãgesyai tåw mhxanåw to›w te¤xesi, ka‹ §x≈nnuto katå tÚ nÒtion mãlista t∞w pÒlevw te›xow, ˜pou §pimax≈tera §fa¤neto. …w d¢ §dÒkei §j∞ryai summ°trvw tÚ x«ma, mhxanåw §pistÆsantew ofl MakedÒnew §p∞gon …w §p‹ tÚ te›xow t«n Gaza¤vn. ka‹ §n toÊtvi yÊonti ÉAlejãndrvi ka‹ §stefanvm°nvi te ka‹ katãrxesyai m°llonti toË pr≈tou flere¤ou katå nÒmon t«n tiw sarkofãgvn Ùrn¤yvn ÍperpetÒmenow Íp¢r toË bvmoË l¤yon §mbãllei efiw tØn kefalÆn, ˜ntina to›n podo›n ¶fere. ka‹ ÉAl°jandrow ≥reto ÉAr¤standron tÚn mãntin, ˜ ti noo› ı ofivnÒw. ı d¢ épokr¤netai ˜ti: Œ basileË, tØn m¢n pÒlin aflrÆseiw, aÈt«i d° soi fulakt°a §st‹n §p‹ t∞ide t∞i ≤m°rai. taËta ékoÊsaw ÉAl°jandrow t°vw m¢n prÚw ta›w mhxana›w ¶jv b°louw aÍtÚn e‰xen: …w d¢ §kdromÆ te §k t∞w pÒlevw karterå §g¤gneto ka‹ pËr te §p°feron ta›w mhxana›w ofl ÖArabew ka‹ toÁw MakedÒnaw émunom°nouw kãtvyen aÈto‹ §j Íperdej¤ou toË xvr¤ou ¶ballÒn te ka‹ vyoun katå toË poihtoË x≈matow, §ntaËya μ Ö •kΔn épeiye› ÉAl°jandrow t«i mãntei μ §kplage‹w §n t«i ¶rgvi oÈk §mnhmÒneuse t∞w mante¤aw, éllÉ énalabΔn toÁw Ípaspiståw pareboÆyei, ˜pou mãlista §pi°zonto ofl MakedÒnew. ka‹ toÊtouw m¢n ¶sxe tÚ mØ oÈk afisxrçi fug∞i »sy∞nai katå toË x≈matow, aÈtÚw d¢ bãlletai katap°lthi diå t∞w ésp¤dow diampåj ka‹ toË y≈rakow efiw tÚn Œmon. …w dÉ ¶gnv tå émf‹ tÚ traËma élhyeÊsanta ÉAr¤standron, §xãrh, ˜ti ka‹ tØn pÒlin dØ aflrÆsein §dÒkei ÉAristãndrou e·neka. ka‹ aÈtÚw m¢n tÚ traËma §yerapeÊeto xalep«w: éfiknoËntai
F 9–17 ka‹ §n—e‰xen om. T 20–22 §ntaËya—Ípaspiståw pro his hab. T paralabΔn toÁw Ípaspiståw ı ÉAl°jandrow 26–28 …w—e·neka om. T

328 329 330 (4) 331


333 (27, 1)


335 (2)


337 (3)

P1 E 1 x≈matow] te¤xouw T || airetvteron T || ˜svi] Ïsv E Îsv P1 [T] 2 ekplhjin T || tÚ ¶rgon om. T 3 §sxrÚn P1 || ofl om. T || ¶w Arr. T || toÁw] te toÁw Arr. T 4 §w Arr. T || darion T 7 ˜pou] ·na Arr. T 9 gaz°vn P1 E T, sed cf. p. 94, 10 11 tiw] ti P1 om. E 12 §w Arr. || to›n n podo›n spatio unius litt. inter po et do›n vacuo relicto E 15 aÈt«i] aÈtÚw P1 E 17 aÍtÚn vel aÈtÚn, non liquet, E aÈtØn P1 || eisdromØ T || te om. T || §k om. E 18 §g°neto T munomenouw T 23 ˜pou] ·na Arr. T || epiejonto T 24 ¶sxe tÚ mØ oÈk] ¶sxen …w mØ T 26 §w Arr. T || d¢ Arr. 27 érÊtidron P1 E, sed cf. v. 13 et 28 28 ßneka Arr. 29 éfikoËntai E



height of the [95] mound. But Alexander thought that the more diffi cult it was, the more it must be taken; for the achievement by its unex pectedness would greatly frighten the enemy, while not to take it would be shameful for him when reported to the Greeks and Darius. He decided to raise a mound around the city, and so bring the engines to bear on the walls on the same level from the [new] mound. They built this mound mainly against the city’s southern wall, where it was more easy to assault. And when the Macedonians thought they had built the mound to the proportional height, they placed engines upon it and brought them up to the wall of the Gazans. Meanwhile as Alexander was sacrificing, crowned with garlands, and just about to consecrate the first victim in accordance with ritual, a carnivorous bird flying over the altar dropped on his head a stone which it was carrying with both feet. Alexander asked Aristander the seer what the omen meant, and he answered:, “O King, you will take the city; but this day you must take care for yourself.” After hearing this Alexander kept himself out of range for a time by the engines; but when there was a strong sally from the city and the Arabs were attempting to set fire to the engines, and firing from their superior position on the Macedonians, who were defending them selves from below, and even pushing them down the [newly] con structed mound, then Alexander either deliberately disobeyed the seer or carried away in the action forgot the prophecy, but bringing on his hypaspists came to the aid of the Macedonians where they were most sorely pressed. He did keep them from being driven down the mound in shameful flight, but he was himself struck by a catapult right through his shield and breastplate, into his shoulder. But realizing that Aristander had been correct about the wound, he was pleased, as it seemed he would indeed take the city according to Aristander’s [prophecy]. His wound was difficulty to treat; but there arrived, [96] sent for



338 (Arr. 339 Il, 27, 4)

§ 337–346 ( THEV. p. 362, 29–46)

340 (5) 341

(6) 342 343 (7) 344

345 346

dÉ aÈt«i metãpemptoi épÚ yalãsshw afl mhxana¤, aÂw TÊron eÂle. ka‹ x«ma xvnnÊnai §n kÊklvi pãntoyen t∞w pÒlevw §k°leusen, eÔrow m¢n efiw dÊo stad¤ouw, Ïcow d¢ efiw pÒdaw pentÆkonta ka‹ diakos¤ouw. …w d¢ a· te mhxana‹ aÈt«i §pepoiÆyhsan ka‹ §paxye›sai katå tÚ x«ma katese¤syhsan toË te¤xouw §p‹ polÊ, ÍponÒmvn te êllhi ka‹ êllhi Ùrussom°nvn ka‹ toË xoË éfan«w §kferom°nou tÚ te›xow pollax∞i ±re¤peto Ífizãnon katå tÚ kenoÊmenon, to›w te b°lesin §p‹ polÁ kate›xon ofl MakedÒnew énast°llontew toÁw promaxom°nouw t«n pÊrgvn, efiw m¢n tre›w prosbolåw ofl §k t∞w pÒlevw époynhskÒntvn te aÈto›w poll«n ka‹ titrvskom°nvn ˜mvw énte›xon. t∞i tetãrthi d¢ t«n MakedÒnvn tØn fãlagga pãntoyen prosagagΔn ÉAl°jandrow t∞i m¢n ÍporussÒmenon tÚ te›xow katabãllei, t∞i d¢ paiÒmenon ta›w mhxana›w katase¤ei §p‹ polÊ, …w mØ xalepØn ta›w kl¤maji tØn prosbolØn katå tå §rhreism°na §ndoËnai. a· te oÔn kl¤makew prosÆgonto t«i te¤xei ka‹ ¶riw pollØ ∑n t«n MakedÒnvn ˜soi ti éret∞w metepoioËnto ˜stiw pr«tow aflrÆsei tÚ te›xow: ka‹ aflre› pr«tow NeoptÒlemow t«n •ta¤rvn toË Afiakid«n g°nouw: §p‹ d¢ aÈt«i êllai ka‹ êllai tãjeiw ımoË to›w ≤gemÒsin én°bainon. …w d¢ ëpaj par∞lyÒn tinew §ntÚw toË te¤xouw t«n MakedÒnvn, katasx¤santew êllaw ka‹ êllaw pÊlaw, ˜sai §petÊgxanon, d°xontai e‡sv tØn stratiån pçsan. ofl d¢ Gaza›oi ka‹ t∞w pÒle≈w sfisin ≥dh §xom°nhw sunesthkÒtew ˜mvw §mãxonto. ka‹ T¤tow d¢ ı Ka›sar oÈk eÈmar¢w e‰nai dÒjaw tÚ kukl≈sasyai t∞i stratiçi tØn pÒlin <diå> dusxvr¤an ka‹ m°geyow
F 17–19 ka‹—én°bainon om. T 23 §mãxonto des. Arr. 24–25 oÈk eÈmar¢w—m°geyow cf. Ios. V, 496 kukl≈sasya¤ te går t∞i stratiçi tØn pÒlin diå m°geyow ka‹ dusxvr¤an oÈk eÈmar¢w e‰nai









1 d¢ T || épÚ yalãsshw om. T || afl] afl duo T 2 eÂlen T || §n P1 E [Arr.] || §w Arr. || Ïcow] om. T 3 eÔrow m¢n] eÏromen P1 Ïcow m¢n T [T] eÔrow T || §w Arr. T 4 lege §poiÆyhsan cum Arr. T 5 §paxy∞sai P1 §paxye‹w T || lege kat°seisan cum Arr. katesisan T 6 ÍpÚ nÒmon P1 v superscr. P1X || xoË] te¤xouw T 7 §kforoumenou T 9 t«n P1 E T Roos coll. Arr. I, 20,8; 21,6: §k t«n Arr.A || §w Arr. T 10 probolåw T 12 prosãgvn T 13 katabãllei] ka‹ ballei T || peÒmenon P1 14 katasiei T || xalepe›n P1 || kl¤majin Arr. T sec. Roos, kl¤maji Wesch. in textu, tacite 15 §rhreism°na lege §rhrimm°na cum Arr. T || a· om. T || pros∞gon P1 E 16 ereiw T || pollØ ∑n] pollhn T 17 aflre›] §re› P1 E || pr«tow P1 E Roos: pr«ton Arr.A 18 neopÒlemow E || §p‹] §pe‹ P1 20 toË P1 E Roos coll. Arr. VI, 9,4; 9,5: om. Arr.A T 21 ˜sai lege ˜saiw ßkastoi cum Arr. T 22 strateian T 23 junesthkÒtew Arr. T 24–25 kukl≈sasyai P1 E Ios. LVRC Niese: kukl≈sesyai Ios. PAM1 25 <diå> om. P1 E; cf. Ios.



by sea, the engines with which he took Tyre. He ordered a mound to be erected all around the city, two stades wide, two hundred and fifty feet high. Then as soon as his engines had been constructed224 and being brought up to the mound had battered225 a large part of the wall, mines were dug here and there and the soil secretly withdrawn until the wall gave way in many places, collapsing into the void, while the Macedonians controlled a large area with their missiles and drove back the front line defenders from the towers; the city’s inhabitants, nevertheless, though with many dead and wounded, held out against three assaults. But in the fourth Alexander brought up his phalanx of Macedonians on all sides, <and> at one place threw down the wall being undermined and in another battered down a large part where his engines were striking, so that it was not hard to make the assault with ladders on the fallen portions226. So the ladders were set up against the wall, and then there was much competition among the Macedonians, such as laid claim to valor, as to who would be the first to take the wall; the first to take it was Neoptolemus, one of the Companions of the family of the Aeacidae. After him, division after division climbed up with their officers. As soon as some of the Macedonians had entered inside the wall, they broke open gate after gate, as each 227 came to them, and so admitted the entire army. The Gazans, though their city was already taken by the enemy, neverthe less held together [and] kept fighting. The emperor Titus after concluding that it was not easy to encir cle the city 228 with his army <because of> the difficult terrain and [the city’s] great size, [97] decided to encircle everything by circumvalla-

224 225 226 227 228

Accepting § poiÆyhsan for § pepoiÆyhsan. Accepting kat° seisan for katese¤ syhsan . Accepting § rhrimm° nafor § rhreism° na . Accepting ˜saiw ß kastoi for ˜sai . Jerusalem (70 AD).




§ 346–355 (THEV. p. 362, 46–363, 9)
347 (Ios. V, 504) 348 (505)








¶gnv peribÒlvi ka‹ te¤xei kukl≈sasyai pçsan. érjãmenow d¢ épÚ t∞w ÉAssur¤vn parembol∞w, kayÉ ∂n aÈtÚw §stratopedeÊsato, §p‹ tØn katvt°rv KainÒpolin ∑gen tÚ te›xow, ¶nyen diå toË Kedr«now §p‹ tÚ ÉElai«n ˆrow: e‰ta énakãmptvn katå meshmbr¤an perilambãnei tÚ ˆrow êxri t∞w Peristere«now kaloum°nhw p°traw tÒn te •j∞w lÒfon, ˘w §p¤keitai t∞i katå Silvåm fãraggi, kéke›yen §kkl¤naw prÚw dÊsin efiw tØn t∞w phg∞w katÆiei fãragga. meyÉ ∂n énaba¤nvn katå tÚ ÉAnãnou toË érxier°vw mnhme›on ka‹ dialabΔn tÚ ˆrow, ¶nya PompÆiow §strato | pedeÊsato, prÚw KlhmakÒreion §p°strefe, ka‹ proselyΔn m°xri k≈mhw tinÒw, ÉEreb¤nyvn o‰kow kale›tai, ka‹ metÉ §ke¤nhn tÚ ÑHr≈dou mnhme›on perisxΔn katÉ énatolØn t«i fid¤vi stratop°dvi sun∞pten, ˜yen ≥rjato. tÚ m¢n oÔn te›xow •nÚw d°ontow tessarãkonta stad¤vn ∑n, ¶jvyen d¢ aÈt«i prosvikodomÆyh triska¤deka froÊria, ka‹ toÊtvn ofl kÊkloi d°ka sunhriymoËnto stad¤vn. tris‹ d¢ »ikodomÆyh tÚ pçn ≤m°raiw. perikle¤saw d¢ t«i tãxei tØn pÒlin ka‹ dÊnamin to›w frour¤oiw §gkatastÆsaw tØn m¢n pr≈thn fulakØn t∞w nuktÚw periiΔn aÈtÚw épesk°pteto, tØn deut°ran d¢ §p°trecen ÉAlejãndrvi, tØn tr¤thn d¢ ¶laxon ofl t«n tagmãtvn ≤gemÒnew. éllå ka‹ oÏtvw épokle¤santew to›w ÉIouda¤oiw tåw prÚw svthr¤an §lp¤daw, pãlin ≥rxonto xvmãtvn ka¤toi xalep«w aÈt«i t∞w Ïlhw porizom°nhw: ≤ m¢n går per‹ tØn pÒlin pçsan to›w prot°roiw ¶groiw
F 1–19 érjãmenow ≤gemÒnew Ios. V, 504–510 (V, XII, 2) 20 épokle¤santew—§lp¤daw cf. Ios. V, 512 ÉIouda¤oiw . . . épekÒph pçsa svthr¤aw §lp¤w 21–p. 98, 3 pãlin—x≈mata: Ios. V, 522–523 (V, XII, 4)

349 (506) p. 363 Thev. 350 (507) 351 (508) 352 (509) 353 (510)


355 (523)

3 ∑ge Ios. 4 e‰ta P1 E Ios. LVRC: e‰tÉ Ios. PA Niese (sententiam om. Ios M) P1 E 5 peristenre«n, ut vid., P1 6 te P1 E Ios. MLVRC Niese: tÉ Ios. PA || t∞i katå] [Ios.] t∞i katå tØn Ios. MLVRC Niese om. Ios. PA 9–10 klhmakÒreion P1: klhmakÒrion E kl¤ma kÒreion Ios. R kl¤ma bÒreion Ios. PAMLV R e x c o r r . C Niese; incertum utrum codex, quo usus est Anon., klimakÒreion habuerit (cf Ios. R), an klhmakÒreion, ut P1, sed, utcumque res se habet, Anon. id pro nomine proprio habuit 10 proselyΔn P1 E Ios. VRC: proelyΔn Ios. PAML Niese 12 katÉ P1 E Ios. LVRC: katå Ios. PAM Niese || sun∞pen P1 E 13 tessarãkonto P1 E Ios. PAMLV ex corr. C Niese: tesserãkonta Ios. VR; cf. p. 98, 2 14 d¢ P1 E Ios. VRC: dÉ Ios. PAML Niese 15 d¢ P1 E Ios. VR: dÉ Ios. PAMLC Niese 16 post ≤m°raiw hab. …w tÚ m¢n ¶rgon mhn«n e‰nai êjion, tÚ tãxow dÉ ≤ttçsyai p¤stevw Ios. || tãxei P1 E Ios. VR: te¤xei Ios. PAMLC Niese 17–18 m¢n pr≈thn—épesk°pteto tØn om. E 18 épesk°pteto P1 Ios. R: §pesk°pteto Ios. PAMLVC Niese || d¢ §p°trecen P1 E Ios. VRC: dÉ §p°trecen Ios. PAML Niese 19 d¢ ¶laxon P1 E Ios. VRC: dÉ ¶laxon Ios. PAML Niese 21 ≥rxeto Ios. (scil. T¤tow) || ka¤toi non hab. Ios. || cave ne mutes aÈt«i, quod ex Ios. descripsit Anon., in aÈto›w 22 pçsa Ios.

for the third the commanders of the legions drew lots. perikle¤ saw d¢ t“ te¤ xei tØn pÒlin xow . And so the wall was thirty-nine stades in length and had built into its outer side thirteen forts. The Anon. though lumber was now obtained for him with difficulty. the second watch he entrusted to Alexander. they again began earth works.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 255 tion and with a wall. where he was himself encamped. or his source text apparent. cutting across the mountain where Pompey encamped. thence.and after that. xei . . 230 For maps of the path of the wall see Cornfeld (1982) 371 and B. may be conflating the two. or perhaps one should read te¤ xeifor tã . Starting from the camp of the Assyrians. The Emperor Titus (London: 1984) 49. Jones. turned toward Klemakoreion229 and proceeded to a village . But after thus blockading the Jews from hope of safety. for comments on the place names see Cornfeld (1982) 394. 231 Josephus here has tÚ tã dÉ ≤ttçsyai p¤ stevw. . after which he brought it up over against the monument of Ananus the high priest and. which is situated above the Siloam valley. turning to the west. ly incorrectly understood here a proper name.” The Anon. whose combined circumferences amounted to ten stades. The whole was built in three days 230. he brought it down into the valley of the Fountain. For the [trees] around the entire city had been cut down for the earlier 229 The text of Josephus has kl¤ ma bÒreion “north. he brought the wall to the the lower [part] of the New Town [and] from there across the Kedron to the Mount of Olives. having encompassed Herod’s monument. bending around to the south. he enclosed the mount as far as the rock called “Dovecote” together with the adjacent hill. then. .it is called the “House of Chick-Peas” . [Titus] went around personally during the first watch of the night and con ducted an inspection. he joined it to the east side of his own camp from which he had started. After enclosing the city speedily231 and posting troops in the forts.

† oÈ går mÒnon diå t«n =aid¤vw §pibouleuom°nvn peirãsontai ofl §xyro¤. 4–19. 9–28) 358 359 360 361 362 (Arr. 363 IV.l. ka‹ ˜pvw pantÚw kindun≈douw ka‹ §paxyoËw ¶rgou diÉ §pimele¤aw perieg°nonto.] 8 …w ¶fhmen cf. …w ¶fhmen. 166 OÈespasianÚw d¢ §n kÊklvi tåw éfethr¤ouw mhxanåw §pistÆsaw. tosoÊtvn P1 9–12 ka‹ oÎte—e‡kosi corruptum vid. ì poll∞w de›tai t∞w fulak∞w.. Œ strathg°. éllå ka‹ diå t«n éxeir≈tvn mçllon. 100. ex circumflexo [Arr. legere §kstrateÊei <oÎte oÏtv pareskeuasm°non>. éllÉ ˜mvw énte›xon ofl prÚw toÊtoiw poliorkoÊmenoi. ëma t«i ∑ri Ípofa¤nonti proÈx≈rei …w §p‹ tØn efirhm°nhn p°tran. ka‹ taËta m¢n toiaËtaˆnta ka‹ thlikaËta di∞lyon de›jai y°lvn …w §k sugkr¤sevw t«n tÒte polem¤vn tåw tÒlmaw ka‹ tØn §pÉ éret∞i dÒjan. ple¤sthw d¢ t∞w égrupn¤aw ka‹ † t∞w prÚw toÁw xe›ra eÈno¤aw.] mutatus est. •katÚn tuxÚn prÚw tå •jÆkonta magganikå μ ka‹ krioÁw e‡kosi. 25–p. tÒte pãntvw xre¤a xvrÆsein aÈtoÁw §p‹ t«n éfan«n ka‹ layra¤vn. „operam navanti” vel tale quid desideratur 18 malim tå éfan∞ ka‹ layra›a 19 t∞w prÚw toÁw xe›ra eÈno¤aw corruptum. III. VII. §pino¤aw pro eÈno¤aw? 25 ëma] ëma d¢ Arr. t«n §ntaËya énagegramm°nvn mØ émeloËnti. SULLIVAN 98 356 357 § 355–363 ( THEV. 15–18. fort. || Sogdian«n Arr. † ka‹ oÎte tosoËton polem¤vn pl∞yow katå t«n ≤met°rvn pÒlevn §kstrateÊei. † éllå prÚw magganikå m¢n tÚ ple›ston d°ka. g. ˜tan går éporÆsvsin •le›n tØn pÒlin diå t«n profan«n ¶rgvn. indicavi. ka‹ prÚw mÒnhw Ïcoun t∞w ÉAntvn¤aw katå m°rh t°ssara polÁ me¤zona t«n prot°rvn x≈mata. acutus fort. Àste <megãlhn dÊnamin ¶xein de› tÚn poliorkoÊmenon> ka‹ k. §peidØ d°. 18. IV. krioÁw d¢ dÊo μ ka‹ tuxÚn ßna. Ios. PAMVR Niese: dÉ Ios. p. 26 efirhm°nhn] §n t∞i Sogdian∞i Arr. katagvn¤zesyai toÊtouw. Àste ka‹ prÚw ¶rga ple›sta ka‹ mhxanåw paraskeuãzesyai. quae hic memorat Anon. 14–16 9 tÚsoÊton E. * * * ka‹ tØn êmaxon dÊnamin toË YeoË §pikaloum°nvi. efiw ∂n polloÁw m¢n t«n Sougdian«n F 22 tåw Sãrdeiw—ÉAntiÒxou cf. 15 ëma—§g°nonto: Arr. 11–22 cf. eÈx°reiã soi ¶stin. 363. 18. rationem voces toÁw xe›ra sanandi non video. §j œn eÍr¤skomen ka‹ tåw Sãrdeiw •alvku¤aw ÍpÚ toË basil°vw ÉAntiÒxou ka‹ tØn §n Sougdian∞i legom°nhn p°tran ÍpÚ ÉAlejãndrou xeirvye›san. tå pãnta dÉ ∑n •katÚn •jÆkonta ˆrgana . 14 lac. 4) §k°kopto. p. katå polÁ tå kayÉ ≤m«n ıplizÒmena ¶ynh ±lãttvtai. 4 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 1 d¢ P1 E Ios. ÉAl°jandrow går katastrateusãmenow Dare›on ka‹ ÉOjuãrthn tÚn t«n Baktr¤vn basil°a. || §w Arr. Plb. ubi narrantur.256 DENIS F.t. possis e. 78. sunefÒroun d¢ êllhn épÉ §nenÆkonta stad¤vn ofl strati«tai. LC 7 toÊtoiw lege toÊtvn P1 E [Ios.

For Alexander. in four sections and much larger than the earlier ones. See above 78:3 and 6. which require great watchfulness and the greatest vigilance and ~ inventiveness239 <. while not neglecting what is recorded here. which are of such a nature and so significant. say 100 against 60 magganika236 or even 20 rams. vdB’s suggested addition. 34. 240> ~ For the enemy will make attempts not only through places against which they can easily devise plans. it was said. See above n. vdB’s suggested addition. [98] and the soldiers had to collect additional [lumber] from a distance of ninety stades. I have described in detail wishing to show. but even more so through the ones which are hard to capture. it is easy for you. the daring and glorious courage of the enemies of that time. to defeat them. For prÚw toÁ xe›ra perhaps read prÚw tåw xre¤ aw(“in response to necessity”) (DS). when campaigning against Darius and Oxyartes the king of the Bactrians. See above 78:14ff and 84:8ff. <working energetically237> and also calling upon the invincible power of God. . vdB’s suggested addition. the foreign peoples armed against us are much inferior. among which we find Sardis taken by king Antiochus241 and the socalled rock in Sougdiana 242 which was conquered by Alexander. ~ but against at most 10 magganika and two or perhaps just one ram. w See above n. But since.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 257 works. ~ and enemies do not campaign against our cities in such great numbers <nor with such substantial preparation 234> that <it is necessary for the besieged [general] to have large forces 235> and also to ready machines against very great operations. proceeded at the very beginning of spring towards the aforementioned rock to which. They raised new mounds only opposite Antonia. . For whenever they are at a loss to capture a city through overt operations238. . then there is every necessity for them to resort to the covert and secret ones. Accepting § pino¤ awfor eÈno¤ aw . as we have said 233. And these [examples]. but nevertheless those besieged by them 232 held out. many of the 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 Accepting toÊ tvn for toÊ toiw . 12. as it were by comparison. and how they excelled through diligence in every dangerous and burdensome action. o general. The text of Arrian gives the correct spelling Sogdiana.

258 DENIS F. 25 2–3 <efiw—§l°gonto> om. efiw triakos¤ouw tÚn ériymÒn. éllå ka‹ Õw prosbãllein §dÒkei t«i xvr¤vi. 28–49) 364 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 30 sumpefeug°nai §l°geto: ka‹ ≤ ÉOjuãrtou d¢ gunØ toË Baktr¤ou ka‹ afl pa›dew afl ÉOjuãrtou <efiw tØn p°tran taÊthn sumpefeug°nai §l°gonto. 98. P1 E 2 efiw scripsi: §w Arr. item v. ka‹ xiΔn pollØ ¶ti §poËsa tÆn te prÒsbasin éporvt°ran §po¤ei to›w MakedÒsi ka‹ ëma §n éfyon¤ai Ïdatow toÁw barbãrouw di∞gen. 25 memeletÆkeisan P1 E Arr. SULLIVAN 99 § 363–375 ( THEV. non hab. taÊthw går §jaireye¤shw oÈk°ti oÈd¢n ÍpoleifyÆsesyai §dÒkei t«n Sougdian«n to›w nevter¤zein §y°lousin. ¶nya dØ §kÆrujen Ör ÉAl°jandrow t«i m¢n pr≈tvi énabãnti d≈deka tãlanta e‰nai tÚ g°raw. 17 lege aÈt«i cum Arr.> ÉOjuãrtou aÈtåw …w efiw énãlvton d∞yen tÚ xvr¤on §ke›no Ípekyem°nou. || toÊtouw toÁw] toÊtouw E 32 §w Arr. 20 g°rraw 24 juntajãmenoi Arr. toÁw d¢ ka‹ t∞w xiÒnow 365 366 (5) 367 368 369 (6) 370 371 (7) 372 373 (19. katalambãnei pãnthi épÒtomon §w tØn prosbolØn sit¤a te sugkekomism°nouw toÁw barbãrouw …w §w xrÒnion poliork¤an. 363. ka‹ toÊtouw kalvd¤oiw §k l¤nou fisxuro›w §kdÆsantew t∞w nuktÚw proÈx≈roun katå tÚ épotom≈tatÒn te t∞w p°traw ka‹ taÊthi éfulaktÒtaton{te}. || baktar¤ou P1 E. 3 §w Arr. 9 ¶ti ßpoËsa P1 §pipesoËsa Arr. p. 27 ¶w te] ¶stai P1 E 30 épotomÒtatÒn P1 E 31 {te} delevi. 8 jugkekomism°nouw Arr. ka‹ gãr ti ka‹ Íp°rogkon ÍpÚ t«n barbãrvn lexy¢n §w filotim¤an sÁn Ùrg∞i §mbeblÆkei ÉAl°jandron. ka‹ toÊtouw toÁw passãlouw kataphgnÊntew toÁw m¢n efiw tØn g∞n. Arr. Arr. p. ˜ti ka‹ aÈtÚw éfeistÆkei épÉ ÉAlejãndrou. ˜pou pephgu›a fane¤h ka‹ e‡ poÊ ti t∞w x≈raw ¶rhmon xiÒnow Ípofa¤noito. 5 ÍpolhfyÆsesyai P 1 6 Sogdian«n Arr. 4 éfe¤sth P 1 E || d¢ Arr. o·tinew aÈtÚ §jairÆsousi tÚ ˆrow. ka‹ passãlouw mikroÁw sidhroËw. || él°jandrow P1 E ti≈taw zhte›n] zhte›n strati≈taw Arr. oÂw afl skhna‹ katapepÆgesan aÈto›w. suntajãmenoi dØ ˜soi petrobate›n §n ta›w poliork¤aiw aÈt«i memeletÆkeisan. …w teleuta›on e‰nai t«i teleuta¤vi énelyÒnti triakos¤ouw DareikoÁw tÚ g°raw. . 2–3 sumpefeug°nai scripsi: jumpefeug°nai Arr. 16 stra13 jÁn Arr. 14 §w Arr. ka‹ toËto tÚ kÆrugma par≈junen ¶ti mçllon ka‹ êllvw toÁw MakedÒnaw …rmhm°nouw. 22 memeletÆkesan Ellendt Roos || §w Arr. sed cf. proklhy°ntew går efiw sÊmbasin ka‹ proteinom°nou sf¤sin. A: P1 E. deut°rvi d¢ §p‹ toÊtvi tå deÊtera ka‹ tr¤tvi tå §fej∞w. …w t«n ge êllvn ényr≈pvn oÈdem¤an v an sf¤sin oÔsan. 1) 374 375 (2) P1 E 1 sumpefeugm°nai E jumpefeug°nai Arr. paraskeuãsantew. ˜ti s≈oiw Ípãrjei §p‹ tå sf°tera épallag∞nai paradoËsi tÚ xvr¤on. toË kataphgnÊnai aÈtoÁw ¶w te tØn xiÒna. …w dÉ §p°lasan t∞i p°trai. ofl d¢ sÁn g°lvti barbar¤zontew pthnoÁw §k°leuon strati≈taw zhte›n ÉAlejandron. || §l°geto] aÈt«i §jhgg°lleto Arr. ˜pou diefa¤neto. || jÊmbasin Arr.

and at the same time kept the barbarians abundantly supplied with water. This announcement further spurred on the already eager Macedonians. When invited to agree to terms. Then Alexander announced that the first to scale the height should have a reward of ten talents. Oxyartes. Yet even so [Alexander] decided to assault the place. for the second after him a second [reward]. Accepting aÈt“ for aÈtÒ. since he had himself revolted from Alexander. others in the snow [100] where it seemed <least> likely to give way. The wife of Oxyartes the Bactrian and his daughters <were also said to have fled to this rock>. the last to climb up to have 300 Darics as a reward. having put them for safety sake in that place on the mistaken assumption that it was impreg nable243. and for the third and so forth. they set out at night to the part of the rock which was most sheer and thus least guarded. For if it were taken. Alexander realized that it was sheer on all sides against attack. and 243 244 245 Following Bosworth (1980) 128. But when they approached the rock. and had tied the stakes to strong linen ropes. it seemed likely that the Sougdianians who were ready to revolt would be left defenseless. with which their tents had been staked down. in order to fix them into the snow where it appeared to be frozen solid and also in any place bare of snow which might show through. and that the barbarians had stored provisions there for a long siege. which he offered on the basis that they would be permitted to go safely to their homes if they surrendered the place. They fixed some of these stakes into the ground where it was visible.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 259 Sougdianians [99] had fled. . and had got ready small iron stakes. For an insolent statement by the barbarians had added to Alexander’s passionate ambition. numbering about 300. since they had no concern about any other kind of men. Following Bosworth (1980) 128. So then when all had gathered who had experience with rockclimbing in their sieges with him. they told Alexander sarcastically using their native language 244 to look for soldiers with wings to capture the mountain for him 245. A heavy snow which was still on the ground made the approach more difficult for the Macedonians.

|| strati«n P1 E || ¶melle 23 prosãgontow P1 E || §w Arr. Suda s. 2) 384 (3) 385 386 efiw tå mãlista <oÈ> yrufyhsÒmena. 21. „et inceptum non minus audax” vel tale quid desideratur 17 »xurvtãth E »xurotãth P1 || aÏth] aÈtØ Arr. 27 ∑san Arr. t°mnvn dØ tåw §lãtaw (polla‹ går ka‹ ÍperÊchloi §lãtai efis‹n §n kÊklvi toË ˆrouw) kl¤makaw F 15 §g°nonto des. 19.v. oÏtvw aÈto›w §j ÉAlejãndrou parghggelm°non. A 7–8 §k°leuse Arr. 21. éne›lkon sfçw aÈtoÁw êlloi êllhi t∞w p°traw. * * * ‡doiw ín §p‹ t∞i XoriÆnou legom°nhi p°trai t∞i pãnthi Ùxurvtãthi.260 DENIS F. ad p. 17 aÏth d¢ ad finem: Arr. „et aliud exemplum”. 364 Thev 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 P1 E [Arr. cf. batã. …w §j ımaloË ırmçsyai prosãgonta efiw prosbolØn tÚn stratÒn. 8 étr¤bein P1 E 11 toÁw] går dØ Arr. éllå ka‹ Õw ÉAl°jandrow ¥pteto toË ¶rgou: oÏtvw pãnta v Öieto xr∞nai batã te aÍt«i ka‹ §jairet°a e‰nai. A: §de¤knuen Krüger Roos taw E 13 e‰nai ÍpotopÆsantew] ÍpotopÆsantew e‰nai Arr. ofl d¢ bãrbaroi §kplag°ntew t«i paralÒgvi t∞w ˆcevw ka‹ ple¤onãw te e‰nai ÍpotopÆsantew toÁw kat°xontaw tå êkra ka‹ ékrib«w …plism°nouw §n°dosan sfçw aÈtoÊw: oÏtv prÚw tØn ˆcin t«n Ùl¤gvn §ke¤nvn MakedÒnvn fobero‹ §g°nonto. ofl d¢ loipo‹ énabãntew ÍpÚ tØn ßv ka‹ tÚ êkron toË ˆrouw katalabÒntew sindÒnaw kat°seion …w §p‹ tÚ stratÒpedon t«n MakedÒnvn. 363. 20 fãraj E || tɧn] te Arr. Arr. P1 E || yorufyhsÒmena E 2 §w Arr. 3) 378 379 § 375–386 (THEV. 383 IV. pãnta d¢ t«i ÉAlejãndrvi batã te ka‹ §jairet°a e‰nai §dÒkei 1 §w Arr. ênodow d¢ efiw aÈtØn m¤a ka‹ aÈtØ stenÆ te ka‹ oÈk eÎporow. 2–6 24–25 pãnta—e‰nai cf. 4 ka‹ êllhi om. Àste ˜stiw prostãjein stratiån t∞i p°trai ≥melle. IV. 14 oÏta E 16 lac. 10 §de¤knuon P1 E Arr. ka‹ toÊtvn efiw triãkonta m¢n §n t∞i énabãsei diefyãrhsan. A: perie›rge Krüger Roos 21 prosãjein Arr. p. indicavi.] . 22 fãlagga P1 E. 49–364. …w xalepØ e‰nai ka‹ mhdenÚw e‡rgontow ka‹ kayÉ ßna énelye›n. efiw tosoËton d¢ tÒlmhw te ka‹ eÈtux¤aw prokexvrÆkei. éllå paradidÒnai sfçw: §jeur∞syai går toÁw pthnoÁw ényr≈pouw ka‹ ¶xesyai ÍpÚ aÈt«n toË ˆrouw tå êkra: ka‹ ëma §de¤knuon toÁw Íp¢r t∞w koruf∞w strati≈taw. || perie¤rgei P1 E Arr. || §w Arr. 85. p°mcaw dØ kÆruka §mbo∞sai §k°leusen to›w profulãssousi t«n barbãrvn mØ diatr¤bein ¶ti. || <oÈ> om. 16) (4) 380 381 382 (Arr. || tosoËton d¢] tosÒnde Arr. 9 §jeure›syai P1 E || går] Arr. E 7 dØ P1 E Roos: d¢ 3 diefyãreisan P1 || §w Arr. 3 p. Àste oÈd¢ tå s≈mata aÈt«n efiw tafØn eÍr°yh §mpesÒnta êllhi ka‹ êllhi t∞w | xiÒnow. aÏth d¢ épÒtomow pãntoyen. 4 25 aÈt« P1 E || §w Arr. oÂa dØ parå tØn fÊsin toË xvr¤ou pepoihm°nh. 377 IV. fãragj tÉ §n kÊklvi perie¤rgei tØn p°tran baye›a. SULLIVAN 100 376 (Arr. Arr. polÁ prÒsyen aÈt«i tØn fãragga e‰nai xvst°on.

You may see <another example 247> in the so-called rock of Chorienes. seized the summit of the mountain. the way up to it was single and. so that it was difficult. what is more narrow and barely pass able248. and waved linen flags to the camp of the Macedonians. since they had fallen here and there in the snow. . It was sheer on all sides. A deep ravine also completely surrounded the rock. So he cut down the pines (for there were many very tall pines around the mountain) and made 246 247 248 Accepting § de¤ knuenfor § de¤ knuon . climbed up about dawn. as instructed by Alexander. and assuming that those holding the heights were more numerous and fully armed. how ever. an exceedingly strong position. for he thought that every place should be accessible to him and open to capture. vdB’s suggested addition. But even so Alexander seized on the task. so terrified were they at seeing those few Macedonians. but to surrender. Following Bosworth (1980) 135. since it had been constructed with no concern for the nature of the terrain. The rest. to delay no longer. to such a degree of daring and success had he come. for he had indeed found the men with wings. even with no one opposing. The barbarians were astounded at the unexpected sight. Then he sent a herald and told him to shout to the front line of the barbarians. so that anyone who was going to bring an army up to the rock would be required before so doing to fill up much of the ravine. and the summit of the mountain was in their possession. they surrendered. he pointed246 at the same time to the soldiers on the peak. such that their bodies were not found for burial.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 261 each in a different place dragged themselves up the rock. About thir ty of them died in the climb. so as to start from level ground when bringing up his army to the assault. to ascend even in single file.

deÒmenow ÉOjuãrthnofl énap°mcai. 14 sundoËntew scripsi: jundoËntew 15 g¤gnesyai Arr. 17–32) 387. 18 §w Arr. tåw d¢ nÊktaw §n m°rei ofl svmatofÊlakew aÈt«i pareirgãzonto. ka‹ tåw m¢n ≤m°raw aÈtÚw ÉAl°jandrow §feistÆkei t«i ¶rgvi tÚ ¥misu toË stratoË ¶xvn §rgazÒmemon. sundroËntew P1 E mata P1 21 gignÒmena Arr. §kplage‹w ı XoriÆnhw prÚw tå ginÒmena kÆrukap°mpei prÚwÉAl°jandron. …w kãyodon e‰nai efiw tØn fãragga t∞i stratiçi: oÈ går ∑n êllvw katelye›n efiw aÈtÆn. ofl d¢ bãrbaroi tå m¢n pr«ta katefrÒnoun …w épÒrou pãnthi toË §gxeirÆmatow: …w d¢ tojeÊmata ≥dh efiw tØn p°tran §jikne›to ka‹ aÈto‹ édÊnatoi ∑san ênvyen §je¤rgein toÁw MakedÒnaw (§pepo¤hto går aÈto›w prokalÊmmata prÚw tå b°lh. || ép°keito] §pet°takto Arr. 11 §w Arr.262 DENIS F. ˜per aÈt«i efiw tØn nÊkta ép°keito. 390 391 (5) 392 393 (6) 394 395 F 22 énap°mcai des. P1 E P1 E 1 §w Arr. …w ÍpÉ aÈto›w éblab«w §rgãzesyai). 4 somatofÊlakew E 5 lege efirgãzonto cum Arr. Arr 6 lege Lãgou cum Arr. ka‹ taËta sundoËntew xoËn ênvyen §pefÒroun. || §w Arr.388 (4) 389 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 §k toÊtvn §po¤ei. 364. 22 ÉOjuãrtou P1 E . ≥nuon d¢ t∞w ≤m°raw oÈ pl°on ≥per e‡kosi pÆxeiw ka‹ t∞w nuktÚw Ùl¤gon épod°on. 20 proskalÊmArr. 12 jÊmmetron Arr. 2 §w Arr. 8 e‡per P1 9 jumpãshw Arr. …w §j ımaloË g¤nesyai t∞i stratiçi tØn prÒsodon tØn prÚw tØn p°tran. || junoxØn Arr. Perd¤kkaw te ka‹ Leonnãtow ka‹ Ptolema›ow ı Lag≈w. ka¤toi sumpãshw t∞w stratiçw §rgazom°nhw: oÏtv tÒ te xvr¤on êporon ∑n ka‹ tÚ ¶rgon §n aÈt«i xalepÒn. 10 lege katiÒntew cum Arr. t«i loip«i m°rei t∞w stratiçw trix∞i dianeimam°nvi. A épet°takto Roos || ≥nuton Arr. SULLIVAN 101 § 386–395 ( THEV. §p°ballon d¢ pl°gmata §k lÊgvn efiw gefÊraw mãlista fid°an. p. || lege dianenemhm°nvi cum Arr. 7 §w Arr. di°xontaw éllÆlvn ˜son sÊmmetron prÚw fisxÊn te ka‹ sunoxØn t«n §piballom°nvn. katidÒntew dÉ efiw tØn fãragga passãlouw katepÆgnuon efiw tÚ ÙjÊtaton t∞w fãraggow.

and the work there so hard. but when already arrows began to reach the rock. Descending252 into the ravine they fixed piles253 into the most rapidly flowing section of the ravine 254. very much in the form of a bridge and bind these together and pile earth upon them from above. Following Bosworth (1980) 137. At first the barbarians were scornful of the undertaking as whol ly impossible. By day Alexander himself oversaw the task. Following Bosworth (1980) 137. with the rest of the army. .INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 263 ladders [101] with them. at night a little less. so that the army could descend into the ravine. so that the approach for the army to the rock might be level. for it was not otherwise possible to get down into it. divided251 into three sections and reserved by him for the night work. astounded at the events. By night his bodyguards worked 249 in their turn. Accepting katiÒntew for katidÒntew. sent a herald to Alexander begging him to send Oxyartes to him. Following Bosworth (1980) 137. just so far apart from one another that they could be strong enough to sustain what was piled upon them. By daytime they could not complete more than 20 cubits. 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 Accepting efirgã zonto for pareirgã zonto . Leonnatus and Ptolemy son of Lagus 250. Perdiccas. Accepting dianenemhm° nƒ for dianeimam° nƒ. keeping half his army at work. even though all the army was at work. so as to work unharmed under them) Chorienes. They would then fix upon the piles plaited con structions of twigs 255. while they were themselves unable from above to interfere with the Macedonians (for they had made screens against the missiles. Accepting Lã gou for Lag≈w. for the terrain was so difficult.

M: Marcianus Gr. Büttner-Wobst. 284 Ios. Tact. Lipsiae 1907 Arr. Iosephi conferantur prolegomena editionum laudatarum. Ios.264 DENIS F.: indicat lectionem a Büttner-Wobst in textum receptam 2) Ios. Porph. p. G. A. Petropoli 1896 Const. 4 1) Roos: indicat lectionem a Roos in textum receptam 2) Plb. Hultsch.: Polybii Historiae.C: Urbinas Gr. B. Köchly et W. Th.: Hegesippus. Bonnae 1840 1) De codicibus Arriani. p. Adm.. Niese. Ut spatio parcerem. Iosephi silentio virorum doctorum Roos.D: Monacensis 388 Plb. Polybii.A: Vindobonensis histor.: Arriani Tactica. G.: Constantini Porphygorgeniti De administrando Imperio. p. I. p. Ed. Leipzig 1855 Cecaum. 2. Lipsiae 1928 Byz. Ed. 19 sqq. editione ab Hultsch curata quoque usa sum. 19 Ios. Niese tantum indicatas. I. 35. Anon.-W. Polybii. 3) Cum magna pars eius editionis apparatu critico careat.” autem indicat textum.A: Ambrosianus D 50 super. 5–6 T: Parisinus Supplem. praesertim ad fragmenta ex Iosepho sumpta. 1425 1) Ios. 1. Griechische Kriegsschriftsteller II. Lipsiae 1889–1905 (Vol. 35). Ed. B. 2) Cf. altera) 3) Plb. Roos in volumine altero editionis Arriani. quos non satis accurate excussos esse monet B. 148 Ios.. 4–5 P1: Barberinianus 276 (olim II 97). LVIII.: interpres Latinus Iosephi Heg. p. Bekker. p. „Plb.: Arriani Alexandri Anabasis. quo continentur Polybii Excerpta Antiqua quae dicuntur 1) Plb.F: Urbinas 102. SULLIVAN CONSPECTUS SIGLORUM ET ABBREVIATIONUM V: Vaticanus Gr. 69. Wassiliewsky et V. Vol. 1164. 84 Lat. Roos.P: Parisinus Gr. a Destinon et B.: Flavii Iosephi De bello Iudaico libri VII.W. 5 E: Escorialensis Y-III-11. p. alter interpres Latinus Iosephi Niese: indicat lectionem a Niese et Destinon in textum receptam 2) Arr. adn. cf. cf. Rüstow. II. cf.: Cecaumeni Strategicon. quas affere. Arr.L: Laurentianus pl. qualem constituit B. gr. nisi lectiones codicum recentium Polybii. A. Ed. I ed. Berolini 1894 Ios. lectiones codicum Arriani. . Ed.-W.R: Palatinus Gr. Jernstedt. non signavi litteras. 383 Ios.V: Vaticanus Gr. 607. saepe necessarium erat ad indicandum cum quibus codicibus conveniat Anonymus (cf. Gr. Kriegsw. H. cf.G: Mediceus B. Ed.: Des Byzantiner Anonymus’Kriegswissenschaft.-W.S: codices recentes Excerptorum Antiquorum vel omnes vel complures Ex his singuli afferuntur Plb. Ed.

Ed. Festschrift für L. Ed. Excerptis Antiquis edidit. Mémoires présentés par divers savants à l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres de l’institut impérial de France. J. Gr. Tact. Ed. Müller. Auctore Carolo du Fresne.: A Greek-English Lexicon by H. Script.: ÑUpoy°seiw v.: Leonis VI Sapientis Problemata. 9. fasc.-Pétersbourg. B. Ed. Tom.: Jules Africain. 1–38. 30 adn. VIIIe Série. H. Hannover und Leipzig 1898–1904 L. Urlichs (Würzburg 1880). II. R. p. Würzburg 1882 Niceph. Budapestini 1917–1922. append. Hultsch. P. 106–138. dritte Auflage besorgt v. Vieillefond. Müller in Flavii Iosephi editione a L. J. n 0. Berolini 1870–92 (Vol. An historical Greek Grammar. Paris.: Incerti Scriptoris Byzantini Saeculi X Liber de Re militari. altera) Hypoth. R. 16 sqq. K. R. Vel. J. Lugduni Batavorum 1614 Müller 1: C. R. Jones and R.: Leonis Imperatoris Tactica. S. Kühner. LX–LXIV. Anonymo. Müller Seekrieg: Eine griechische Schrift über Seekrieg. A. N. Reiske. Fr. Tome VIII. K. Vari. Ed. T. Vari. K. Parisiis 1863. Chicago 1936 Du Cange: Glossarium ad Scriptores mediae et infimae Graecitatis. I et II ed. inveniuntur Martin: Th.: Nicephori Phocae Liber de Velitatione bellica. gr. Dindorf curata (Parisiis 1847) vol.. Oxford 1925–1940 Leon. Paris 1935 Leon. Cer. Continent Constitutiones I–XIII et Constitutionis XIV paragr. Probl. Kulakovskij. 1908 Niceph. ubi in calce pag. Praec. I et Tom. Jannaris. ubi obsidionem Ambraciae ex apographo Minae (cod. Porph. Hasius (Haase) in editione Leonis Diaconi. Bonnae 1828 . London 1897 Iul. G.INSTRUCTIONAL MANUAL ON SIEGE DEFENSE 265 Const. Lugduni 1688 Hultsch: Polybii Historiae. I re Série. Phoc. Mémoires de l’académie impériale des sciences de St.-philol. A new Edition by H. Costas. Ed. supplem. Müller Kriegswesen: Ein griechisches Fragment über Kriegswesen. Liddell and R. Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie et sur tous les ouvrages mathématiques grecs. p. Martin. C. Ed. Gerth. S. Fragments des Cestes. qui ont été attribués à un auteur nommé Héron. Paris 1932 Kühner-Gerth: Ausführliche Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache v. Hist. Zweiter Teil: Satzlehre. Afric. Migne curata. and Sc. p. Bonnae 1830 Costas: P. Locos constitutionum a Vari non editarum citavi ex editione a J. B. II. Ed. Paris 1854 Meursius: Ioannis Meursi Glossarium Graeco-Barbarum. Müller in Fragm. Ed. Lipsiae 1901 Jannaris: A. V (Parisiis 1883). 485) codicis T edidit Müller 2: C. Ed. K. prior. 3 Incert. tome IV. Domino Du Cange. Müller.: Nicephori Praecepta militaria. ubi obsidionem Syracusarum e cod. J. Classe hist. An outline of the history of the Greek language with particular emphasis on the koine and the subsequent stages. Mc Kenzie. Editio altera. locos recensionis Constantinianae ex editione a Vari curata. Dain. p. Scott.: eiusdem De Cerimoniis Aulae Byzantinae.

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111. 191 carpentry. 211 Annikeris of Aegina. 35. 1. 111. 3 Capricorn. decorated. 161 Cancer. 54 Barnabas. 227 architects. 123. 32 Aristotle. 217-19. 195. 57 Alexander the Great. 229-51 Alexander. son of Priam. rock of. 11 Barad®. 121. profession. 157 Bulgarians. 163. 112-20. 86. 155 Aries. 18 Appius. village. 5 Aglaophon. 247-49 Aeolus. 49 Christopher of Mitylene. 187 Admetus. 143. 56 Achradina. 185-87. 185 Byridoi. 217 Agathe. 133 Bomilcar.INDEX Achilles. 28. 261-63 Constantine I. 237 Cleopatra. 51 arms manufacturers. 207-09 Agarenes. 4. 124 Balsamon Theodore. 111-12. 32 Archimedes. 53 Ambracia. 19 Aristobolus II. role in siege. 32 Coele-Syria. eunuch. 2 Ajax. 219 Acragas. Passion relic. 59 Caesarea. monastery. 247 Chorienes. 1 Arabia. 149. 121 Archelaus. 29 Basil I. 3. 155 bronzesmiths. 1. 32. 219. 146-47. 33-39 Constantine VII. military speeches. 193 Athos. 49 Antipater. 126 Batis. 169. 155 Charybdis. 18 Cleondras. 249 Belissariotes John. river. 217. 32 Apeliotes. 121. festival. 3 bridlemakers. 227-29 Aquarius. 1. 167-69 Bethlehem. 187. 155 builders. 237 Arabs. 181. 19 bells. 2 Apokaukos John. 143. 50 Aetolians. 177 bread. 155 Athenians. 1. 88 barley cakes. 94 Carthaginians. 50 Coenus. son of Polemocrates. 6. 187 caulkers. 155 astronomers. 153 blood. 165. 28. 38 bishop. 3 Capua. . 3 Aristenos Alexios. apostle. 115.

191-95 Erinys. 53 Josephus. 56 judge. 32 Italy. 47. 122. 118. nephew of patriarch Michael Keroularios. 163-65 Jew. 122 Hamdanid(s). salvific and victory-bringer. 132 Echinaeans. 227 Holy Sepulchre. 116. 36 holy water. date. 123 key. 253-57 jetty. 157 Enylus. 143. 28.. 133 Hyrcanus II. Persian king. 207 Jotapa. 46 East. 112. of the Lower Themes. 86. letter. 33. 102. of Opsikion. 46. 155. 104. of Thrakesion. 235. 249-53 Gemini. 100 courtesans. 235 Epaminondas. 1 Gerostratus. 88. 34-35. mother of Constantine I. church. 31. 235 Golgotha. 3 Hannibal. miracles. 165 Komnena Anna. battle. 55. 57 Heliopolis/Baalbek. 89. 95. 125. 50. 48 al-Kasaki Naja. search for. 195 Helena. 87. 31 Daidalos. 59 Herod the Great. monk and friend of Psellos. 155 Dorimachus. 28. 237 cross. 2 Damascus. 35 Elias. 165-67. 50 felt caps. 157 flute music. of Heliopolis. 75-77 Jezabel. armies. 123 Jerusalem. caesar. 122.280 INDEX 122-35 Constantine. 104-07. Life. 86. 57 Kroustalas John. 10-11 Kroustalas (Krystalas) Elias. 31. 57 Hadat. 44. 118-19. defensive. 181. 130 hand writing. 47-62 engineers. 28. 50. 55 Craterus. 24. 97103 Elias. 32 Hexamilites Basil. 201 Elevation of the Cross. 191. of Byblus. king of Aradus. 37 judge. 199. 195 Eleazer. 161 Judas Cyriacus. 96. 44 . 49 judge. 142. 37-38. 122-23. 257 Democritus. 87. 125. 161. 33. 104. 133 Cyril. 107 Darius. 46. Dorian and Phrygian. 151 doctors. 48 deserters. Mt. 195 Doukas John. 143. 33-38 Helicon. trial. 58 Handy Tables. date of composition. 123 Hiero. 185 Gaza. 94. 104 Herakleia. 58 foxholes. of Thebes. 77 Kitros. 28. 33-35. 37-38 Graces. 44. 57-58 conversion. 85-107.

18-19 Leonnatus. 32 neomartyrs. 142. 113. 45. 263 Libra. 102-03. 179 Polygnotos. emir of Damscus. 123. 45. 88. 106 Lekapenos Basil. bishop of Jerusalem. 2829. 56 Manasses Constantine. 37-38 Mammon. 131 mill stone cutters. 35. 1 Leo of Rhodes. 2 Polykleitos. 88. as horseman. monastery. 161 Nazareth. 253 Nicander. 55 Origen. monastery. 57 Mount of Olives. 49 Olympos. 122 Pisces. 20 Mantinea. monastery. 88. 132 al-MaΩd¬. 116 Phokas Nikephoros. 183-85 Nikephoros. 49 Pleiades. sebastophoros. 46. 52 Notos. 121 Pediates Basil. 219-29 Menas St. strategos. 57 patrols. theme. 3 Lower or Southern Themes. 1. bodyguard of Alexander. soldier. 100 murder. 38. 69 Muses. cult. 92 Neoptolemus. 122 Phokas Leo. 133 Langobardia. 155 lance. monastery. 207-09. 103 Persians. 132 Latros. 161 Pheidias. 34-36 Naples. 255 Muhammed. 56 Phokas Bardas. 124 Opsikion. 123. 10-11. 19 Oxyartes. metropolitan. Passion relic. 100 Makarios. 45 Perdiccas. 124 al-LaytΩ (Leithi). king of the Bactrians. 1. 124 Lacedaemonians. 2 . 3 Orphanotropheion.. 2 Philoktetes. 124 Kyzikos. 169 Paulicians. themes. 1. 193 ladder climbers.INDEX 281 Kyminas. 3 Pnytagoras. 9-10. 30 Orion. 237 poisoning. consul. 155 Mithaikos. wells and rivers. 117. 127 Leo. 97-100. 1 Plato. 3 Parrasios. of the cross. eparch and judge. armies. 33-35. 263 Persian. 69 Mesopotamia. 187 Perdiccas. 193-95 Marcus. 157 Odysseus. 2 Pataikos. 17-19 orphanotrophos. 257-61 Pantocrator. 2 oarmakers. 49 Macedonia. 28-29. 10 Peloponnesos and Hellas. 28. 57 nails. 155 oarsmen. 65. bodygurad of Alexander.

253-57 Trigeleia. 148. 77 Sergios. Passion relic. 17 schedos competition. statue. gold. 191. 18. flutist. 120 Styliane. 56 Sayf al-Dawla. 5. 173-75. 211 sieges. 115-16. 49 sieges. 59 Romans. theme. 146. 34 . equipment. 193-95 Thebes. magistros. 132 Thrakesion. 48 spies. withstanding. 10 Ptolemy. giant. 1 textiles. 149 Satan. 14445. 187. 10.282 INDEX Pompey the Great. 229 Tyrians. 77 Sicily. Passion relic. armies. 195 reed. 10-11. 48 tunic. 217-19. 185 Tyre. 53 Timothy. 11 Tzimiskes John. 57 Sardis. 5. 157-61. 177 Tarsos (Tarsiots). 124 Syracusans. 177. 155 shrine. 185-87 Theotokos tou Pharou. 201-07. 149. 123-24 schede. 161-63. 2 Thebans. 18-19 Proteus the Pharian. judge of Thrakesion. 112. 130-31 Taurus. 55 Typhon. 145-49. 57 Protonike. 157-59 Rhaidestos. 1-2 sealing device. 177-79 Psellos Michael. 10 strategoi. 55 Symeon. rock in. tavern keeper. Menas. 75. 23 Scorpio. 217-29. 51. Passion relic. 123 Sarambos. 32 prayers. 211-15. 155 saddlemakers. 126. 133 tunnels. 133 Syke. 45. 37 provisions. 129 Prodromos Theodore. 20 Schott Andreas. 153. oarsmen. 125. 169 Syracuse. 5 swaddling clothes. 133 requisitions. 48 titulus. 151 Stilbes Constantine. 133 Titus. 60 tailors. son of Lagus. 140. 121. St. 227 table utensils. 155 Sagittarius. 34-35. 237-49 Tzetzes John. 71 Skylitzes Stephen. palatine chapel. 257-61 Sparta. 181. 126 Thessalonike. 143. 127 Venus. 1 Samosata. 142. 18-19 Sougdiana. 231-35. 251-57 ropemakers. 69. emir of Aleppo. 4748 shoemakers. 169-71. 263 Publius. 133 relics of the Passion. 151263 silver plate. withstanding a siege. 217 Thrace. 123. victory. 122. 10-11. 155 Tarentum. 48. 161. 142. 144. 123. 114. 193 Sphinx.

2. 17 . 1-4 Zoma. 45 Zephyr.INDEX 283 Vespasion. judge. Passion relic. 57 Xeros. 133 wines. 2 Zodiac. 46 Zotikos St. judge. 161. 5 Xenocrates. 1 winding sheet. 207 Virgo.. 60 women. 2 Zeus. Phalerian and Chian. 57 Zeuxis. skills.

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