C b a ja tet F \M €

CASE STUDIES OF FIVE HAATS

 C H A P T E R FIVE

C A S E S T U D IE S O F FIV E H A A T S

The sample of 36 haats (Chapter Four) has given broad idea of periodic markets in

western Assam. From this sample, five haats, viz., Rongsai, Damra, Amjonga, Darrangiri in

Goalpara District and Hahirn in Kamrup District were selected for detailed study. These were

selected on the basis of history, location, size, hinterland population, periodicity, distances

from each other and other socio- cultural aspects (Figs 6,7, 8, 9,10). In each of these haats

one hundred respondents were interviewed using a structured schedule (Appendix C) during

the market hours on different market days. In addition, concrete cases, my own particepation in

actual market transactions and observations helped to elicit information.

Out of the four markets in Goalpara District, three (Damra, Amjonga and Darrangiri) lie

under Dudhnoi Development Block and Rongsai under Lakhipur Development Block. Hahim

haat in Kamrup District situated under Boko-Bongaon Development Block (Table 7, Fig. 4).

In Dudhnoi Development Block, the tribals constitute 43.38 per cent of the Block's total

population and in Boko-Bongaon, as many as 51.58 per cent are tribals (1991 census). But in

Lakhipur Development Block the tribals constitute only 7.4 per cent of the total population. In

spite of marginal presence of tribals in this Block area, Rongsai haat has been selected as its
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 81

locational area is dom inate d by th e tribals and prim arily it serves the need of tribal people.

M o re o ve r, it is one o f the 11 m a rke ts in th e fie ld a re a w hich is held tw ice a w eek. The

remaining 4 markets are held once a week.

H ahim haat is located a t a d ista n ce of 107 k m ea st from th e R ongsai haat in th e west.

T h e three other haats are located betw een these tw o a t com paratively sh o rte r distances from

e a c h o th e r (Fig. 5). S u ch p ro x im ity w e re co n sid e re d w h ile s e le c tin g th e haats to note

va ria tio n s and in vo lve m e n t o f m a rke t visitors. The distances o f th e five haats from Dudhnoi,

the base from w hich field w o rk is carried out is shown in the Fig. 6.

Guwahati Guwahati Guwahati Guwahati

District
Head-Quartern

Block
Head-Quarters

Fig. 5 D IS T A N C E S O F HAATS FRO M A D M IN IS T R A T IV E C E N TR E S

Rongsai

Damra

DODHNOI ^ Amjonga

Darrangiri

Hahim

Fig. 6 D IS T A N C E S O F HAATS FRO M D U D H N O I

All the five haats are w ell connecte d w ith various a d m inistrative centres by a network of

black-topp ed roads.
 C h a p t e r F iv e / C a s e stu d ie s o f fiv e h a a t s 82

The haats were established at different times. Rongsai, Damra and Hahim have been in

existence for more than 100 years. Darrangiri is a comparatively new market and established

during the early 1940s. Amjonga is of recent origin (Table 8). Although, a market is primarily

established for economic reasons, in the present cases some other social factors induced the

local people to establish these markets in their respective areas.

RONGSAI HAAT

The 100-year old Rongsai haat was previously held at a nearby Jurigaon village

situated on the northern bank of Jinjiram river. The area was within the jurisdiction of Mechpara

(Lakhipur) zaminderwho controlled the haat. During those days, the feudalistic high-handed

behaviour of the estate officials towards market visitors was common. Such behaviour of the

estate officials continued even after abolition of zamindary system in late 1950s. Therefore,

the local Rabha people decided to shift the market to the present site situated on the

south-eastern bank of Jinjiram river. The new site lay under Bijni estate.

It is said that the idea of shifting the haat to evade harrasment was first mooted by two

Assamese Muslim traders who dealt in game animals and birds - buying these from Garos

and exporting to animal market in Calcutta. The two even contributed money to the local

people for shifting the haat to an area outside Mechpara estate.

The new market-site lies on the northern foothills area of Baida Pahar which is an

extension of the Garo Hills ranges of Meghalaya. Jinjiram river flows along the northern side of

the haat. Between the hill and the river, the haat occupies 4.37 acres of khas land at Baida.

The Agia-Lakhipur road passes by the southern side of the market thereby linking it with the

Block Head-quarters town of Lakhipur, situated 10 km west and District Head-quarters town of

Goalpara situated 38 km north east from the haat (Fig. 5). In the south, a bifurcation of the

Agia-Lakhipur road near the market-site connects the haat with West Garo Hill District of

Meghalaya.
 Chapter Ftve/Case studies o f five haats 83

There are two rows of 52 permanent shops in-front-of the haat on both sides of the
Agia-Lakhipur road which offer sundry goods and services (see, Table 14, Plate 29). This part
of the market is known as doinik bazaar where a few Rabha, Garo and Bhatiya sellers bring
vegetables, small fishes, crabs and fire wood, etc., to sell in the afternoons.
The permanent shop owners in the daily market are mostly Bengali Hindu. There are a
few Marwari, north Indian Hindi-speaking owners and a few Rabha.

TABLE 14
PERMANENT SHOPS AND SERVICES AT RONGSA1 HAAT
SI. No. Type of establishment Number
1. Grocery 10
2. Stationery 3
3. Pan shop 4
4. Tea stall 8
5. Bakery 2
6. Pharmacy 6
7. Cloth 3
8. Tailor 2
9. Bi-cycle repairing shop 3
10. Radio repairing and selling shop 4
11. Still photography studio 1
12. Quilt mar ker 1
13. Goldsmith 1
14. Watch repairing and selling shop 3
15. Books and News paper stall 1

Total 52

Beside these shops and service outlets, there is one godown in the daily market owned
by a Marwari grocer who operates from this market in the neighbouring Garo Hills. He also
rents his godown occasionally to other traders.

In addition to the permanent shops, Rongsai also has a post office and a bank.
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 84

There are as many as twenty four rows of stalls, mostly thatched-roofed temporary

structures. Four rows of sheds are semi-permanent tin-roofed, constructed by the market

committee. The weekly market has approximately 158 stalls selling different commodities and

services (Map 6). The market committee rents the land for each stall at Rs. 2.00 per length of

hand (for details of the length, see, p. 117). Besides this, the traders have to pay an annual

rent to the market committee for each stall.

On the south-western side of the haat, there is an open space which is occupied by the
Garo sellers. They bring their jhum and garden produce like millet, chilli, ginger, yam,

pineapple, banana, orange and also articles collected from the jungle. This corner of the haat is

known as 'Garo bazaar'. The open space in thee^stern side of the haat is occupied by

Rabha, Bodo Kachari, and non-tribal Assamese and Bhatiya peasants who sell paddy, areca

nut, earthenware, basketry, etc. On the haat day traders occupy both sides of the road. They
have no systematic selling arrangement as found inside the haat. Shoes, cioths and

ready-made garments, vegetables, sweet-meat are all sold in a mixed up fashion.

Out of the 158 regular traders, there are only 4 Rabhas and the remainder belong to

different non-tribal communities (Table 19). Of 4 Rabha traders, 3 have tea stalls and 1 sells

text books, megazines, novels, paper, pen, pencils, etc., (see, Plate 9) in the haat. Among the
non-tribal regular traders, 74 are Bengali Hindus, 34 are Bengali Muslims and equal number of

traders are north Indian Hindi-speaking people; there are 8 Marwari regluar traders followed by

Assamese Muslims (Table 19).

The non-tribal traders sell common commodity and non-tribal commodity (for commodity,

see, Appendix H) at the haat.

After shifting of the haat to the new site, the market flourished under strong patronage of

the local Rabha people as well as non-tribal traders, particularly the Bengali. The haat attracts

a large number of Garos from its traditional hinterland from Meghalaya. Due to increasing

business the market committee got the impetus to hold the market twice a week - on Sunday

in addtion to the traditional Wednesday. However, many Christian Garos refrain from visiting

the market on the Sabbath day.

 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 85

In the summer month when the sun rises early the haat commences at about 6 hours.
The peak hour is between 8 and 10. Market transactions continue upto about 3 in the
afternoon. But in winter (November-February) the haat commences at least an hour later and
winds up by 2 in the afternoon.

There is a local market committee ( Saptahik Bazaar Committee) which has eleven
members selected from thirty seven villages of the area, the people of which regard it as their
market (Map 5). These villages are inhabited mostly by Rongdani and Pati sections of the
Rabhas. But there are small pockets of Assamese Hindu, Bengali Hindu and Muslim people in
these tribal villages. There are also a few Nepali and Garo settlements.

Since its formation in 1952, the market committee is looking after the development of the
haat as well as the hinterland villages. The major portion of the committee's income is kept
aside for establishment of an under-graduate college in the locality. In 1995, the college was
established at the village Dipkai Rabhapara some 3 km east of the haat. The committee also
extends financial assistance towards schools, and socio-religious functions held in the locality.

DAMRA HAAT
Situated on the border of Assam and Meghalaya, Damra haat was once famous for large
scale cattle trading. From this (Damra meaning calf in local Assamese dialect), the haat and the
place came to be known as Damra. The haat is located on the western bank of the river
Dudhnoi. A black-topped road passes through this small border township connecting the haat
with Dudhnoi in the North and East Garo Hills District of Meghalaya in the south.

The haat, held every Thursday, has an alloted area of 1.22 acres. Damra animal market is
also held at an adjacent place of the weekly market on the same haat day.

The small township of Damra developed in the recent times centering round the haat.
The town boasts of few shops which offer sundry goods and services (see, Table 15). The
shops and service outlets owners are mostly Hindi-speaking and Bengali Muslims. There are
also few Assamese Hindu and Bengali shop owners beside, one Garo stationer.
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 86

TABLE 15
PERMANENT SHOPS AND SERVICES AT DAMRA HAAT
SI. No. Type of establishment Number
1. Grocery 6
2. Stationery 7
3. Pan shop 5
4. Tea stall 8
5. Bakery 1
6. Pharmacy 2
7. Cloth 2
8. Tailor 1
9. Bi-cycle repairing and selling shop 3
10. Radio repairing and selling shop 2
11. Watch repairing and selling shop 2
12. Quilt ma-.|<er 1
13. Hair cutting saloon 2
14. Black smith 1
15. Furniture shop 1
Total 42

Damra hast is more than one hundred years old. It is an important commercial centre for

the hill dwelling Garos as well as plains tribes like the Rabha and the Bodo Kachari and other

peasant communities. But following improvement of road communication and coming up of new

town centres in Garo Hills, the haathas lost its importance (see, p. 54). The haat is connected

by regular bus services.

A look at the lay-out of the haat-site (Map 7) gives an idea of selling arrangement in the

haat. However, on the market day, the haat expands to a more wider area and vendors
occupy both side of the road, the by-lane leading to the Forest Range Office and the area

near the animal market. In the actual haat site there are twenty one rows of market sheds laid

systematically in three blocks. These blocks are divided by market lanes. In the first block

(reckoning from the north), one pucca (permanent brick and cement construction) shed for

selling fish is constructed. The market committee office is also located in this block. In the
 C h a p t e r F iv e / C a s e stu d ie s o f five h a a t s 87

second block there are ten rows of temporary thatch sheds. The third block has nine rows of

sheds of which four are tin-roofed semi-permanent. These semi-permanent market-sheds were

constructed by the zaminder as the haat and the area were within Bijni estate. At the middle of

this block, there is an open space reserved for the Garo sellers. Therefore, this part of the

haat is called by the non-Garo people as 'Garo bazaar'.

Although village-wise rest camps are not common at Damra haat, one such athop (rest

camp) is found at the corner of the 'Garo bazaar'. It belongs to Bangsiapara, a Garo village.

Besides 'Garo bazaar1sections, there are eight village-wise earmarked spaces of the Garos

within the haat-site for selling commodities (see, Map 7). The market sheds are mostly

occupied by the non-tribals regular traders (Table 19). On haat days these traders are

out-numbered by those who vend in open space.

The temporary sheds are constructed by the regular visiting traders who are mostly

non-tribals (Table 19). Among the tribal vendors, nine Garo women have tea stalls at 'Garo

bazaar1section of the haat. Five of them also sell rice and curry meals. Two Rabha vendors

are found selling nee in the market sheds.

Mostly Garo patronise tea and food stalls run by fellow Garos. Market visitors belonging

to other communities avoid these stalls. Serving of beaf act as a deterrent for Hindus as well

as Bodo Kachari and Rabha tribesmen. Besides, Garo method of cooking and serving are not

to the liking of non-Garo plainsmen. The Garos also bring to sell produce from their jhum field

(millet, ginger, sesame, turmeric, cotton, etc.) and items such as bamboo shoots, mushroom

and bark of tree gathered from forest and whet-stone gathered from river (Plate 17). The

plains-dwelling Garos bring paddy, small fish, crab and snail as well as hand-loomed products

(Plate 7).

Garo women are adept in market transaction and they outnumber men as vendors. The

men often carry loads to the market while their wives actually carry on the sales transactions.

The flush season for Damra haat is the winter, in the winter months, following harvest of

salt paddy the haat becomes a major centre of transaction of this crop. The villagers from the

hinterland bring the harvested paddy to the weekly market. Winter is also the period of major
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 88
festivals for Christian Garos as well as Hindus and others. For these reason the number of

buyers and sellers increased heavily in the winter months. But in the months from June to

September commercial transactions shrink. During the summer months the hinterland people

remain busy in their agricultural fields.

In 1968, a Bazaar Development Committee was formed at Damra at the initiative of a

local tribals and Assamese Hindu persons. The present committee has eighteen members

selected from twenty-four hinterland villages of the haat The tenure of the committee is two

years. The committee also undertakes development work in Damra area, viz., street-light

installation, financial assistance to schools and perform community religious celebration.

Until recently, the main source of income of market committee was the market toll.

However, since 1994-95 the market committee has not been able to take the market on lease

at the annual auction held by the Mohkuma Parishad. A Rabha youth from Dudhnoi (a college

student} bid at the auction and secured the lease. But this youth failed to collect the toll and

deposit the instalment of lease money to the Anchalik Panchayat in time. Therefore, his lease

was cancelled. The market lease was given to another Rabha youth who in turn sold the

lease right to a Bengali Hindu of Dudhnoi keeping his own margin of profit. The case shows

that the local tribals are yet to acquire the talent for business.

The other sources of income for the market committee are fees from allotment of haat land

to the traders and annual fees of the market-shed and vending space. The fees ranges from

Rs. 8.00 to Rs. 100.00 per vendor depending on the area and nature of stall and also the type

of commodity.

AMJONGA HAAT
This weekly haat is held every Tuesday at a place called Amjonga covering an area of

3.46 acres of khas land. Situated 8 km west of Block head-quarters township of Rongjuli and

48 km west of Goalpara, Amjonga is surrounded by Manupara, Suchiapara, Charaimari and

Khara-Bagaribari revenue villages. These villages are inhabited by a total of 3,907 people
 Chapter Five/Cose studies o f five haats 89

(1991 census) of which 2,715 (69.49 per cent) are tribals belonging to the Bodo Kachari,

Rabha and Garo communities. The remainder (30.51 per cent) are non-tribal Assamese caste

Hindus belonging to Kalita and Koch-Rajbongshi groups.

The Amjonga haat was established in 1952. Earlier the people served by Amjonga

market used to visit another nearby haat. A dispute in 1951 led to the closer of that haat and

the new one at Amjonga came up. The haat at Amjonga gradually flourished and in 1960 the

haat was enlisted by Goalpara Mohkuma Parishad. Since then the haat is auctioned annually.

The haat is on the National Highway 37 which links it to Guwahati 103 km to the east.

Regular bus services link Amjonga with Guwahati, Goalpara, Rongjuli, Dudhnoi, etc. The

boundary of East Garo Hills District of Meghalaya is only 3 KM to the south. There is a gravel

road connecting Amjonga to villages in Garo Hills.

At the bus stop and the haat-site, there are few permanent shops including tea stall and

grocery shop (Table 16). The owners of these shops are local tribal and Assamese people.

While the haat day is once a week the shops are opened on all days. Besides, an afternoon

bazaar is held on everyday where local tribal women sell vegetable, edible ferns, mushroom,

bamboo shoot, fish, crab, fresh water snail, etc. Number of such sellers varies between thirty to

forty a day. The buyers are mostly local tribals. There is one market-shed alloted for the daily

bazaar.

TABLE 16
PERMANENT SHOPS AND SERVICES AT AMJONGA HAAT
SI. No. Type of establishment Number

1. Grocery 2
2. Stationery 2
3. Pan shop 5
4. Tea stall 4
5. Bi-cycle repairing shop 2

6. Radio repairing shop 1

Total 16
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five boats 90

A look at the lay-out of the haaf-site gives an idea of selling arrangement in the hast (Map 8).

There are 168 regular visiting traders who vend from the market sheds. The traders construct their

own market-sheds as per specification of the market committee taking ftaaf-land in rent. There

are three athops (meeting and resting place in Garo) shared by five Garo villages (Table 20).

Just as vendors take on lease space for their stalls, the Garo village head-men too rent space

for their respective athops from the market committee. They also share these athops with other

Garo people from different villages. The Garos vend their goods from their respective athops.

Out of 168 regular vendors at Amjonga, only 11 are tribals. Among the 157 non-tribal

vendors, 102 are Bengali Hindu (Table 19). Thus, the central part of the haat, where the

market sheds are found, is occupied by the non-tribal traders. In the haaf-site the traders selling

same type of commodity occupy a certain area to vend their wares. The haaf-site thereby

acquires the character of zoning of commodities and services (Map 8). On a market-day the

haat expands to the nearby open space.

The local people formed a market committee during the late 1950s, in the formative stage

of the haat. At present the committee has twenty-five members who are selected from four

revenue villages. The term of the committee is two years. The committee always ensures to

get the haat in the annual auction by appointing a bidder. After taking the market on lease, the

committee re-auctions it in its office at a margin of profit. Beside this, the committee earns from

the allotment of land to the traders in the haaf-site, renewal of fees from alloted land and fines

imposed on those who breach the market rules. The land is alloted at the rate of Rs. 3.00 per

length of a hand. The same amount is charged as renewal fees per year. Until recently another

major source of income for the market committee was commission from operator of dice game

gambling. But gambling has ceased since 1990 following threats from banned organisation

called the United Liberation Front of Asom.

The income generated from the haat is spent by the committee on various development

works ranging from improvement of the haat-site to installing street-light at Amjonga and

extending financial support to teaching institutions, community religious functions, etc., (see,

Appendix I)
 Chapter Five/Case studies of five haats 91

The haat committee also looks after the law and order in the haat-site on market days.

The committee settles quarrels and disputes among the visitors and vendors. For instance,

once a man was cought red-handed while stealing a hen in the market. On the basis of

complains from the seller, the offender was brought to the committee office for trial. After hearing

the case, the committee found him guilty and imposed a fine of Rs. 20.00. While the hen was

returned to the owner, the fine went to committee's coffer.

DARRANGIRI HAAT

Darrangiri haat is situated on National Highway 37, 52 km east of Goalpara town and 3 km

west of Block head-quarters town of Rongjuli (Fig. 5). The Highway also links the haat with

Guwahati, 98 km to the east. The nearest Meghalayan town Kharkhuta in the south is

connected by black-topped 5 km long Darrangiri-Kharkhuta road. There are several other

gravelled and village paths which connect the haat with villages over a wide area in the plains

and the nearby hills of Meghalaya.

The haat is around eighty years old. In pre-Independence time it was a small market. In

those days the people of this area used to visit Kharkhuta haat situated in the foothills 5 km to

the south. The main inhabitants of Kharkhuta are Garos. The Garos of this area came in

contact with western missionaries as early as 1867 when Rev. Bronson established a church

at a nearby place, Rajasimla. Under the influence of the church, the Garos in this area

remained somewhat indifferent to freedom struggle which touched other communities. When

local leadership called upon the people in 1939 to boycott foreign goods and give up opium

smoking, the Garos did not respond enthusiastically. People of other communities of Darrangiri

area made a bonfire of foreign cloth and resisted traders who sold foreign goods from visiting

Kharkhuta haat. They also refrained from visiting the haat. The local people of Darrangiri

decided to improve the local haat.

In the early 1940s, Darrangiri was only a juncture of several villages with three Bengali

Hindu grocers, one Marwari cloth and yarn seller and a few Bihari tea stall owners and money
\
C h a p te r Five C a s e stuc.es o f five heats

lenders. There are now many shops and establishments at Darrangiri which have given rise

to this small township (Table 17).

TABLE 17

PERMANENT SHOPS AND SERVICES AT DARRANGIRI HAAT

SI. No. Type of establishm ent Num ber

1. Grocery 8
2. Stationery 14
3. Pan shop 15
4. Tea stall 11
5. Bakery 1
6. Pharmacy 2
7. Shoe store 1
8. Cloth store 10
9. Tailor 4
10. Bi-cycle repairing and selling shop 5
11. Watch repairing and selling shop 4
12. Radio repairing and selling shop 2
13. Quilt maker 1
14. Hair cutting saloon 3
15. Blacksmith 1
16. Furniture shop 1
17. Still photography studio 1
18. Bank 1

To ta l 85

In the 1940s a committee was formed to look after the haat affairs and take measures for

its development. The committee also bid and took the lease of the market. From the earnings

the committee constructed few market sheds. The present haat then came into existence and

developed out of the local Bodo Kachari, Rabha and Assamese peasants' feeling of antipathy

to the haat at Kharkhuta.

 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 98

In 1976 the bazaar committee was re-organized as a registererd society under the name
of 'Darrangiri Anchalik Unnayan Samity1(Darrangiri regional development committee). Though
the Samity has diversified its activites over the years, its main objective has remained as
leasing the haat in the annual auctions. The Samity has effectively foiled attempts by any
outsider to take over the lease. Goalpara Mohkuma Parishad tried to enlist the flourishing
banana market (Plate 5) separately from the haat which was also resisted by the Samity. In
addition to managing the market the Samity also runs a fair-price shop. It has constructed
some buildings out of its earnigs for renting out to business establishments including a rural
bank. The Samityhas thus enhanced its income from these sources. In 1995-96, the Samity's
earning from market was to the tune of Rs. 210 thousand (see, Appendix K).

The expenditure of the Samity has also gone up during these days. The Samity pays
honorarium to its office bearers. After incurring this expenditure, the remaining amount is spent
on various developmental work in the area. These work can be divided into five broad
categories, viz., educational, medical, cultural, religious and sports. In this connection the Samity
incurred an expenditure of Rs. 42,061.00 in the year 1995-96 (for details, see Appendix J).
Moreover, the Samity also spends for running a Shiva temple in the haat-site.
The Samity at present has thirty-four members, one each of the constituent villages,
mostly inhabited by the Bodo Kachari and Rabha tribesmen. There are also few Garo and
Assamese Hindu inhabited villages.

Thehaat is held on 3 acres of ailoted land on every Friday. There are 19 rows of market
sheds within the haat area which are occupied by 175 regular visiting vendors (in 1991).
They sell grocery items, spices, dry fish, cloth, shoes, stationery articles, hardware, utensils,
tea and snacks, etc., in these sheds. Most of these traders belong to the non-tribal
communities and only 5 Garo women are found selling tea regularly from the market-shed.
Among the non-tribals, Bengali Hindu traders are more (107) in number. A rough estimate in
November, 1995, reveals that the number of regular traders has gone up to 259. Among these
new traders the number of Bengali Hindu have increased to 172 and among the tribals, 4
Bodo Kachari and 6 Rabha are found vending regularly.
 C h a p t e r F i v e / C a s e s t u d i e s a t f i v e h a a f s 94
On the northern side of the haat, four market sheds have been constructed by Goalpara
District Rural Development Agency in 1993-94.

Two rows of sheds in the eastern side of the haat are occupied by the people of eleven
tribal villages as their resting sheds. These villages sell their garden produce and sundry
forest products from these sheds. Of these eleven villages, two are Rabha and nine Garo
(Table 20).

Darrangiri is famous for its banana market. The weekly haat held on Friday. But the
banana market begins from Saturday and continues till Tuesday, the peak day being on the
Monday. The sellers of banana are mostly Garos who come from the neighbouring Garo Hills.
During the season of banana (from April to October), the number of banana sellers exceed
five hundred at the peak hours. Each sellers brings eight to ten bunches thokof banana. The
banana growers are mostly sellers. They cart the bunches on bi-cycle, push-cart or carrying
baskets. The price of the banana varies from Rs. 15.00 to Rs. 25.00 depending on the
vareity.

The bananas are bought by whole-sale buyers from outside. The majority of the
buyers are Bihari and other north Indian traders. There are also few Bengali Hindu buyers.
These buyers export the crop to distant centres of consumption like Siliguri, Calcutta, Patna,
Allahabad, Delhi. From Siliguri, Darrangiri banana even reach markets in Bhutan and Nepal.

Centering round banana trade, a few banana godown have come up at Darrangiri. The
local tribal owners rent these to outside traders at Rs. 40.00 per truck load. Another ancillary
business connected with banana trade is supplying banana leaf to the buyers of banana.
The leaf is required for packing. These are brought to market by Bodo Kachari, Rabha and
Garo sellers and sold at Rs. 20.00 per bundle of hundred leaves. They sometimes collect the
leaves from the jungles of neighbouring Meghalaya where wild banana grow abundantly.

For loading and un-loading, the traders engage local Bodo Kachari and Rabha labourers
who have formed a union called 'Darrangiri Anchalik Sramik Sangstha' (Darrangiri Regional
Labour Union).
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 95

Some outside traders have made friendship with locai Bodo Kachari and Rabha people.

These tribal friends act as an interpreter while dealing with local sellers. Some of them have

picked up working knowledge of Assamese and Garo languages. A few local men have

started banana exporting business with the help of traders from outside.

Darrangiri haat is rooted deeply in its hinterland which extends to neighouring

Meghalaya. The local tribals not only find the haat as a retailing outlet for their agricultural

produce, it is also a source of earning cash by various means, i.e., renting godown and

houses to whole-sale buyers and retailers. The haat also provides opportunities for wage

labour-work to local men of Rabha, Hajong and Bodo Kachari communities. Formerly these

people were not willing to take up wage labour.

HAHIM HAAT
Hahim haat is located at a distance of 87 km east from Guwahati and 18 km south-west

from the block head-quarters town of Boko. The haat area is bounded by a reserve forest and

a hillock in the east, Singra river in the west, a Rabha village (Samuka) in the north and the West

Khasi Hill District of Meghalaya in the south.

The haat is well-connected with the head-quarters town and bigger commercial centres by

a network of black-topped roads. Moreover, there are numerous village roads and jungle

paths which connect the haat with its hinterland in the plains of Assam as well as in the

Meghalayan Hills.

Regular government and private buses come to Hahim from Boko and bigger commercial

centres, like Guwahati and Nongstoin in Meghalaya. The people from the hinterland use

different modes of transport to visit the haat (see, Chapter Four). Apart from buses and trucks,

bi-cycles, ponies (Plate 2) and even elephant are used as transports.

This haat is over one hundred years old. In the earlier days, the haat used to be held at

a nearby place. With increase in the number of market visitors the haat area became

insufficient. Therefore, the local people (mainly Rabha) shifted the haat to its present site.
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 96

The haat has a large hinterland in the region across the Assam plains and the
Meghalayan Hills. The people of four revenue villages situated close to the haat have
constituted a committee called 'Hahim Unnayan Committee', to look after the development of
the haat as well as its hinterland villages. The committee has thirteen members from twenty-four
hamlets belonging to the six tribal inhabited revenue villages, viz., Samuka Part I and II
(inhabited by Rabhas), Nalapara Part I and II (inhabited by Rabhas). Hahim (inhabited by
Garos, Rabhas and a few non-tribals) and Gijang Mathaphuta (inhabited by Garos). The
members are selected for a term of three years.

Until 1987, the committee used to secure lease of haat by appointing a bidder. The
committee has given up bidding under pressure from individual Rabha bidders. The
community hold over the haat is thus disappearing and it is being considered as an income
generating enterprise by individuals. The market-site is still under the control of the market
committee which has earning from lending stall sites to vendors as well as from renewal fees.

There are forty-eight permanent shops and service outlets (Table 18} in a daily market
centre near the haat site. Out of the forty-eight shops ten are owned by local tnbals.

The actual haaf-site occupies an area of 6.01 acres of khas land. Map 10 gives the
lay-out and selling arrangement at Hahim haat area. The temporary market- sheds set in rows,
are occupied by 231 regular vendors (Table 19). These regular vendors bring varied types of
commodities (see, Chapter Four, Appendix H). Many of these regular vendors reach one day
before the haat day and camp in the sheds. The fifteen odd food stalls in the market thus
commence business from the preceeding day. These food stalls are operated by Khasi (1),
Garo (4) and Assemese (10) vendors.

Hahim market is also a venue for sale of rice-beer by Bodo Kachan and Rabha women
to the* traders who assemble on the day before the market day. I have observed 7 or 8
women engaged in this business.

On the market days proper, which are very crowded, the women do not bring liquor for
sale. It is their men-folk who vend rice-beer on the haat days.
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 97

TABLE 18

PERMANENT SHOPS AND SERVICES AT HAHIM HAAT

SI. N o . T y p e o f e s ta b lis h m e n t Num b

1. Grocery 6
2. Stationery 7
3. Pan shop 11
4. Tea stall 5
5. Bakery 1
6. Pharmacy 2
7. Cloth store 3
8. Tailor 1
9. Bi-cycle repairing and selling shop 2
10. Radio repairing and selling shop 3
11. Watch repairing and selling shop 2
12. Quilt maker 1
13. Still photography studio 1
14. Shoe store 2
15. Blacksmith 1
T o ta l 48

The animal market at Hahim has a specified area adjacent to the haat. The cattles are
sold on Monday evening from this place while pony and pig are sold on Tuesday, the haat
day at Hahim, from earmarked spots within the haat (Map 10). The cattle traders Assamese
Muslim and Bhatiya come to Hahim on Monday evening after attending Dhupdhara animal
market on the same morning. After transaction the Khasi whole-sale buyers of cattle drove the
herd to different places in West Khasi Hills District (see, Chapter Four, pp. 72-3). The ponies
are brought by the Khasi sellers. The buyers of the Khasi poneis are Bengali Hindu. Bhatiya
and Bihari who come from different places in Goalpara District and Guwahati. The poneis are
used to pull carts. The local Bodo Kachari and Rabha people sell pigs in the north eastern
corner of the haat. The buyers of pigs are also tribal people.
 C h a o te r F ive C a s e stu dies o f five h a a ts 98

The cattles which are bought by the Khasi traders of Meghalaya are sold to the
butchers in the hills. The hides of these animals are collected by another group of Khasi
traders who bring these to Hahim haat. These are sold at different rates depending on the
length of a hide, i.e., a three hat long hide is sold at Rs. 170.00 and a three and half hat long
hide is sold at Rs. 200.00. The Assamese Muslim buyers of hide come from Boko and
Chayagaon. They export the hide to north Indian tanneries.

The raw hide of cattle is considered as tabooed article by the Rabha and Bodo Kachan.
Therefore, cattle hides are sold outside the haat boundary.

The haat occupies an area of 6.01 acres of khas land. The market sheds are constructed
within this area (Map 10). These are occupied by 231 regular vendors and 51 hinterland
villages as their rest camp. Of the 231 vendors, 25 share the market-sheds of hinterland
villages. Out of the 51 hinterland villages. 33 are located in Meghalaya. Most of the villages
are inhabited by the Garo people (33 villages) followed by the Rabha (9 villages), the Khasi
(7 villages) and 2 villages have mixed population of Garo-Khasi and Garo-Rabha. Among
these, 4 villages have two market-sheds for each thereby increasing the number of
village-wise market-sheds to 55 (Map 10).

Of 231 regular shed occupying vendors only 11 are tribals. The majority of the vendors
are Bengali Hindu (Table 19). A rough estimate on a market day reveals that there are another
300 vendors who sell their wares in the open space and on the sides of the road. The local
sellers (the Bodo Kachari and the Rabha) concentrate in the open space of the northern side
while the hill dwellers Khasi and Garo sellers occupy the southern side of the haat. These two
ends of the haat are the entry points of the respective group of people as well as produce
from two different ecological settings : the hills and the plains.

The Khasi and Garo sell their jhum produce, i.e., hill rice, millet, sesame, chilli, ginger,
turmaric and also orange and pineapple from their orchard. Pony and cattle hide are sold only
by the Khasi. The Bodo Kachari and the Rabha sellers bring their garden produce, paddy,
rice, mustard, jute, areca nut, betel vine, seasonal fruits (i.e., mango, jackfruit, etc.), poultry
birds, pork, pig, etc. The silk cocoon is sold by all sections of the tribal people. The non-tribal
 C h a p te r Five/Case studies o f five haats 99

outside vendors occupy central part of the haat and both sides of the road. They sell common

commodity and non-tribal commodity (For commodity, see Appendix H).

TABLE 19
COMMUNITY AFFILIATION OF VENDORS IN
THE FIVE PERIODIC MARKETS

P E R I O D I C M A R K E T S
SI. No. Community Rongsai Damra Amjonga Darrangiri Hahim Total
1. Rabha 4 2 5 5 16
2. Garo 14 6 5 4 29
3. Khasi 2 2
4. Assamese Hindu 14 5 9 28 56
5. Assamese Muslim 4 1 10 20 35
6. Bengali Hindu 74 77 102 107 98 458
7. Bengali Muslim 34 32 10 12 15 103
8. Marwan 8 2 5 2 11 28
9. Hindi-speaking people 34 49 34 30 48 195
Total 158 190 168 175 231 922

TABLE 20
VILLAGE-WISE MARKET-SHED IN THE PERIODIC MARKETS
Periodic V I L L A G E S
Market Garo Khasi Rabha Garo-Khasi Garo-Rabha Total

Damra 1 1

Amjonga 5 5

Darrangiri 9 2 11

Hahim 33 7 9 1 1 51

Total 48 7 11 1 1 68
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