Volume 4 O–X

Edited by Siegbert Uhlig Editorial Board Baye Yimam Alessandro Bausi Donald Crummey Gianfranco Fiaccadori Gideon Goldenberg Paolo Marrassini Ewald Wagner

2010 Harrassowitz Verlag • Wiesbaden

Publication of this book was supported by a grant of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Vignette: Gold coin of King Afilas, th early 4 cent. A.D., diameter 16 mm, collection Dr. H.D. Rennau, Wien

Editorial team (Hamburg): Maria Bulakh Dirk Bustorf Sophia Dege Andreu Martínez d’Alòs-Moner Alexander Meckelburg Denis Nosnitsin Thomas Rave Wolbert G.C. Smidt Evgenia Sokolinskaia

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in a W. can be accounted for through critical discourse analysis. For instance, the Oromo women say W. when they are engaged in time-consuming chores such as grinding cereals, churning milk and cementing floors. In such a situation, the primary role of the W. is to ease the pain caused by the drudgery. However, practical usage shows that Oromo women use the same oral art to offer social and political comment. They use it, for instance, to express their acceptance or repudiation of their social role and position in the family and society. A good example of the use of W. as a means to comment on the sociopolitical and cultural lives of a society is found in ÷Boorana. The Boorana women used a W. version called karrile to disapprove of or to reject the injustices men impose on them individually or in groups (AsmGada). Karrile is also used to admire the political and military achievements of members of the society. A lullaby can carry multiple meanings (for an Arsi lullaby s. Jeylan Woliye Hussein 2004); one is that Oromo parents, particularly mothers, find social, economic and psychological empowerment in their children. The other meaning of the lullaby is the different values the Oromo society sees in male and female children, particularly the belief that males are superior. The lullaby can be used under different social and psychological circumstances. It may be used by a mother who is proud of bearing sons in order to irritate those whom she thinks are conniving against her. Again, one can use the same lullaby as an advice for parents/mothers who do not have male children so that they may think of having some either through natural birth or through ÷guddifaóaa. The lullaby also potentially expresses regret for a woman who wants to lament her “failure” to give birth to a son. Lit.: Jeylan Woliye Hussein, “A Cultural Representation of Women in the Oromo Society”, African Study Monographs 25, 3, 2004, 103–47; AsmGada. Jeylan Woliye Hussein

friend and teacher of ras Täfäri Mäkwännén (later ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I), who later was to promote his career. In 1911/12 W. was employed at the AustroHungarian consulate in Constantinople; and then moved to Zurich in 1912, where he published a journal for the consular service, and worked at the Turkish Consulate in Zurich. In the same year he married his first wife Margit Comentinger from whom he was divorced in 1952. In 1917, he offered his services as expert on Ethiopia to the Imperial German Foreign Office. After ÷World War I W. returned to Ethiopia as director of the Trieste-based company “Agrumaria”. He was honorary consul of Austria in Addis Abäba from 1 July 1924 to 20 October 1927. In 1926, W. started to publish the only international newspaper on Ethiopia, Correspondence d’Ethiopie, published in Vienna, Hannover and Paris, carrying articles on Ethiopia in English, German and French. In 1927 W. resigned his post as Austrian honorary consul and became press advisor to the Ethiopian Government, a post he held until the end of 1930; at the same time he was also writing “anti-British” articles for French newspapers like Éclaireur du Soir. After 1930 he lived in Zurich, Vienna and Addis Abäba. In 1932 he returned to Vienna as journalist and in 1935 moved to Athens. In ÷World War II W. apparently worked for the German intelligence service in Jerusalem, until he was deported to Kenya by British authorities after the Nazi-inspired failed coup d’état by Rashid al-Gailani in Baghdad; in Kenya he had to work on a plantation. He reentered Ethiopia in 1946 and lived as businessman in Addis Abäba where he also married his second wife Maria in 1956. He stayed in Ethiopia until 1960.
Src.: Austrian State Archive; Municipal and Provincial Archive of Vienna/estate proceedings Weinzinger; “Etudes sur le Guragié par Casimir Mondon-Vidailhet”, Vienna 1913; Rundschau des Auswärtigen Dienstes. Erstes Fachblatt für Konsularwesen und den diplomatischen Dienst aller Staaten, Zürich – Bern; Correspondence d’Ethiopie. Lit.: Bairu Tafla, Ethiopia and Austria: a History of their Relations, Wiesbaden 1994 (AeF 35); Rudolf Agstner, “The Relations between Austria and Ethiopia 1850–2007”, Austrian Embassy Addis Abeba Occasional Paper 3, 2007, 3–89. Rudolf Agstner

Weinzinger, Erich Karl Wilhelm
W. (b. 31 July 1888, Vienna, d. 17 August 1960, Vienna) was an Austrian consular official, publisher and businessman. He was a son of Carl Hallasch and Berta Weinzinger. He attended school in Krems, Austria, and Zurich. W. studied at the École des Langues Orientales in Paris in 1908/1909 and at the École des Sciences Politiques. Spending 1909/1910 in Harär he became a 1178

The name W. (bs+:P , Wulbaräg, Hulbaräg, Ulbaräg; in the literature also Urbarag, Ulbaraga, Urbaragh, Urbarak, Oulbaragué) designates an


lished in 1896 by däggazmaó (later ras) ÷Abatä Bwayaläw at a ford of the Furfuro River where balabbat Šafi Awwäl already had founded the market of Kerate.
Src.: fieldnotes of the author, Sélte, 2003, 2004, 2005; AbbGeogr 93, 155f.; Antonio Cecchi, Fünf Jahre in Ost-Afrika, 1888, 123f.; Leopold Traversi, Viaggi negli arussi, guraghi, ecc., con alcuni schizzi ed una carta, Roma 1887, 123f., Montagu Sinclair Wellby, Twixt Sirdar & Menelik. An Account of a Year’s Expedition from Zeila to Cairo through Unknown Abyssinia, London – New York 1901, 136ff. Lit.: BrHad 118f., 124, 179, 183–94 [Lit.]; Dirk Bustorf, “Ase Zäýra YaŸéqobs Kinder. Spuren der Vorbevölkerung von Sélte-Land”, Aethiopica 9, 2006, 23–48; Id., Die Sélte. Geschichte, Geschichtserzählung und Geschichtsbewusstsein eines muslimischen Volkes im südlichen ZentralÄthiopien, Ph.D. thesis, University Hamburg 2009 [Lit.]; Id., “Imam Sugato Zäyni: a War-lord of the Selt’é Gogot”, in: PICES 16, 70–81; Ma koto Nishi, “Making and Unmaking of the National-State and Ethnicity in Modern Ethiopia: a Study on the History of the Silte People”, African Study Monographs, Supplementary Issue 29, 2005, 157–68. Dirk Bustorf

area and a little town situated in today’s Daloóa wäräda of Sélte zone. W. is also an alternative name of the Mälga sub-group of Sélte (÷Sélti). Linguists named the southernmost variant of the Sélti language, which is very similar to the ÷Énnäqor variant, “Ulbarag”. In the genealogies of most subunits the W. or Mälga are traced back to Mälgageýlo and his alleged forefather šayò ÷Abadir ŸUmar ar-Rida. It is also claimed that Mälgageýlo was a father-inlaw of the Sélti ancestor haggi Aliye. Another important ancestor is imam Side (÷Íidi) who links the Mälga with their traditional allies, the ÷Allaaba. Oral tradition claims that Mälgageýlo was a smith (qurqura). However, the Mälga traditionally were agriculturists, and to some extend pastoralists, while iron work was done by non-Mälga. After their 16th-cent. migration from ÷Cärcär into former ÷Wäg, the W. reached the Gurage highlands. They settled there, until at the end of the 18th cent. population pressure forced them to leave. Constantly in conflict with the pastoralist groups of ÷Libido, ÷Arsi and Šaašoogo ÷Hadiyya, they established, during the 19th cent., their territory in today’s W. After the Ethiopian conquest they, together with other Séltispeakers, expanded further into the historical districts of Sankura and southern Tora. W. town is situated at the crossroads of important trade routes from Šäwa and Arsi to ÷Kambaata and ÷Wälaytta as well as, along the River Bilate, to the former Sidamo province. Merchants from W. were known for the trade in slaves and in coffee. The kätäma of W. was estab-

The term W. (bqH ) refers to the half-caste offspring of a highland Ethiopian and one of the black-skinned peoples of the western lowlands known to the highlanders as ÷šanqélla. During the 17th and 18th cent., W. designated regiments of half-caste soldiers armed with bows and arrows, lances, and firearms who served as personal guards of the emperors in ÷Gondär. Units of W. soldiers are first mentioned in 1689 when they accompanied ase ÷Iyasu I on a military campaign, but they probably existed well before then as the number of half-castes grew when slaving (÷Slavery) increased along the western borderland beginning in the early 17th cent. The chronicles have little to say about them until the early 18th cent., by which time the W. had become a veritable praetorian guard deeply involved in royal successions. In 1716 and again in 1721, they thwarted the plans of high-ranking nobles to select the next candidate for the throne. In control of the castle grounds, they proclaimed their own candidates and won over the populace of Gondär to their nominations (÷Dawit in 1716 and ÷Bäkaffa in 1721). By the early 1720s, however, the W. had become insolent and were notorious for murder, rape and rapine in Gondär. When in May 1723 they were allegedly involved in a plot to murder Bäkaffa (BruNile II, 600), the Emperor banished 1179