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The Anti-K File
The Anti-K File.................................. . 1 ** The Ayn Rand Special , 4 The Ayn Rand Special- Transition Fails 5 The Ayn Rand Special- Capitalism is inevitable 6 The Ayn Rand Special- AT: Morality Claims (112) .. 7 The Ayn Rand Special- AT: Morality Claims (2/2) ., 8 The Ayn Rand Special- AT:Revolutions 9 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Environmental Protection (1/2) , 10 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Environmental Protection (2/2) · 11 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Ext. - Environmental Protection ., 12 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Racism ., ., 13 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact- Democracy (1/2) 14 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Democracy (2/2) 15 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Growth ., " .'. 16 The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Ext. - Growth " ' 17 The Ayn Rand Special - Perm - Solvency - Do Both 18 The Ayn Rand Special - Penn - Net Benefit - Cooption ., J ., 19 The Ayn Rand Special- Perm - Net Benefit - Moderates : 20 ** Tough Day for Teddy 21 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Key to Space (1/2) ' 22 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Ext - Growth Key to Space................ . .. 23 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Solves Crunch 24 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Solves Environmental Destruction 25 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Key to Nanotech................. .. 26 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Good Silk................................ .. 27 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Free Trade and Rights Malthus 28 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact Turn - Free Trade - War . 29 Tough Day for Teddy - Impact Turn - Free Trade - US/Sino Relations 30 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - De-dev maintains capitalism ..............•....................... 31 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Crunch Not coming (1/2) ., 32 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Crunch Not Coming (2/3) ., 34 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Crunch Not Coming (3/3) .,., 35 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Energy Crunch Not Coming , 36 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Natural Resource Crunch Not Coming 37 Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Starvation Not Coming 38 ** Captain Shapiro! ,. 39 Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (114) , .40 Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (2/4) , .41 Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (3/4) .42 Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (4/4) .43 ** Biopower DA ; 44 Biopower DA - Impact Turn - Deterrence Good (1/2) ., .45 Biopower DA - Impact Turn - Deterrence Good (2/2) .46 ** Don't Fear the Reaper. 47
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Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Space Weapons , Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Tum - Indo-Pak War Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Tum - Omnicide Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Futterman Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Lenz (112) · Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Lenz (2/2) Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Link Ext. Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Hegemony (1/2) Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Tum - AIDs - Hegemony (2/2) Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Terrorism (112) Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Tum - Terrorism (2/2) Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Self Determination (1/3).: Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Self Determination (2/3).; Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Tum - AIDs - Self Determination (3/3).; Don't Fear the Reaper - Penn Solves ** Nuclear Nightmares : Nuclear Nightmares - Impact Tum - Ignorance Nuclear Nightmares - Perm - Pragmatism Key ** Ontological Malarchy Ontological Malarchy - Penn - Imagination Station ** ChessMaster 2000 ChessMaster 2000 - INC Shell (112) .,. ChessMaster 2000 - INC Shell (2/2) ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Rhetorical Interpretation................... .. ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Feminist movements Chesslvlaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Identity Politics...... .. ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Multiculturalism................................ .. ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Single Issue Movements.,. ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Impact - Laundry List (1/2) ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Impact - Genocidal Mentality i ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Impact - Kashmiri Conflict (1/2) ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Impact - Kashmiri Conflict (2/2) , * * Mad Mearshimer. , Mad Mearshimer=- 2AC Cheese Sticks (1/4) ,. Mad Mearshimer- 2AC Cheese Sticks (2/4) Mad Mearshimer - 2AC Cheese Sticks (3/4) Mad Mearshimer - 2AC Cheese Sticks (4/4) , ** Security Blanket. Security Blanket - Impact Tum - Nuclear War (112) Security Blanket - Impact Tum - Nuclear War (2/2) Security Blanket - Penn Solves - Pragmatism Key ** Osama Speak Osama Speak - Impact Tum - Must Categorize Osama Speak - Impact Calculus - Solving precedes morality Osama Speak - AT: Morality

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.48 .49 ", 50 .51 52 53 54 55 56 57

58
59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 92 93 94 95

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Osama Speak - AT: Imperialism is Root Cause * * Captain Crunch Captain Crunch - 2AC (1/4) Captain Crunch - 2AC (2/4) Captain Crunch - 2AC (3/4) Captain Crunch- 2AC (4/4) Captain Crunch - Uniqueness - Totalitarianism Inevitable (1/2) Captain Crunch - Uniqueness - Totalitarianism Inevitable (2/2) Captain Crunch - Link - Ethi cs (1/2)......................................................... Captain Crunch - Link - Ethics (2/2) Captain Crunch - Link - Public Participation Captain Crunch- AT: Democracy Solves (1/2) Captain Crunch - AT: Democracy Solves (2/2) Captain Crunch - AT: Democracy Good Captain Crunch - AT: We love rights! (1/2) Captain Crunch - AT: We love rights! (2/2) ** Genizzle Genizzle - Perm - Kidner - 2AC Genizz1e - Penn - Kidner - lAR Genizz1e - Alternative Fails - Non-vio1ence

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96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115

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** The Ayn Rand Special

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The Ayn Rand Special- Transition Fails
Attempting to move away from capitalism will cause transitional conflicts that will end in increased domination and unsustainable exploitation. ' Mark Avrum Cubrud @ the Center for Superconductivity Research, 1997, "Nanotechnology and International Security", a/ online With molecular manufacturing, international trade in both raw materials and finished goods can be replaced by decentralized production for local consumption, using locally available materials. The decline of international trade will undermine a powerful source of common interest. Further, artificial intelligence will displace skilled as well as unskilled labor. A world system based on wage labor, transnational capitalism and global markets will necessarily give way. We imagine that a golden age is possible, but we don't know how to organize one. As global capitalism retreats, it wi11leave behind a world dominated by politics, and possibly feudal concentrations of wealth and power. Economic insecurity, and fears for the material and moral future of humankind may lead to the rise of demagogic and intemperate national leaders. With almost two hundred sovereign nations, each struggling to create a new econom~c and social order, perhaps the most predictable outcome is chaos: shifting alignments, displaced populations, power struggles, ethnic conflicts inflamed by demagogues, class conflicts, land disputes, etc Small and underdeveloped nations will be more than ever dependent on the major powers for access to technology, and more than ever vulnerable to sophisticated forms of control or subversion, or to outright domination. Competition among the leading technological powers for the political loyalty of clients might imply reversion t9 some form of nationalistic imperialism. '

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The Ayn Rand Special- Capitalism is inevitable
Capitalism is inevitable. Gary Olson and [ean-Francois Lyotard, 1995 ,"Resisting a Discourse of Mastery: A Conversation with [ean-Franscois Lyotard", JAC 15.3, aj online] Q.In Cultural Critique and elsewhere you propose that "the main problem in today's society," the "problem that overshadows all the others," is not the contemporary state but capital. In light of the turn to market economies by China, Russia, Eastern Block nations, and, now, even Cuba to a certain extent, how do we resist capitalism and its corrosive effect on the social fabric? Almpossible. And we have no reason to resist because all these people are looking to capitalism as a solution to their problems. I was in Petersburg last spring, and it was horrible to see all these people-very nice people-without work, without money, and they are just waiting for capitalist investment in order to make things supportable. There is obviously no other solution, except the ridiculous and dangerous solution proposed by this crazy man, this neo-nazi, Zhirinovsky. Capitalism is the only solution. Obviously, the same is true in China with a different way to manage the entrance into capitalism. No, no. This system has no competition, and to resist it is not to make impediments against it, as in the old tradition. No, no. It's to make the people able to eat, to work, to sleep, to have a home, and so on. And in these conditions, real resistance can appear.

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The Ayn Rand Special- AT: Morality Claims (112)
Capitalism encourages liberty and altruism. Revolt against the market guarantees slavery and oppression. Martin Wolf, chief economic commentator for the Financial Times, 9-10, 2003, "Morality of the Market", aj online The market economy rests on and encourages valuable moral qualities; provides unprecedented opportunities for people to engage in altruistic activities; underpins individual freedom and democracy; and has created societies that are, in all significant respects, less unequal than the traditional hierarchies that preceded them. In short, capitalism is the most inherently just economic system that humankind has ever devised. It is true ithat market economies neither create, nor reward, saints. But consider the virtuous behavior that capitalism fosters: trustworthiness, reliability, individual initiative, civility, self-reliance, and selfrestraint. These qualities are, critics correctly note, placed in the service of self-interest. Since people are, with few exceptions, self-interested, that should be neither surprising nor shocking. Yet people are also not completely self-interested. Prosperous market economies generate a vast number of attractive opportunities for those who are not motivated by wealth alone. People can seek employment with non-governmental organizations or charities. They can work in the public sector, as doctors, teachers, or police officers. They can teach the iniquities of capitalism in schools and universities. Those who make a great deal of money can use ilfor any purpose !hey wish. They can give it away, for example. Quite a few have. In the advanced market economies, people care deeply about eliminating pain and injustice and ensuring the welfare of fellow humans and, more recently, animals. This concern exists because a rich, liberal society places enormous emphasis on the health and well-being of the individual. Life ,isno longer nasty, brutish, and short; rather, it is gentle, kind, and long, and more precious _thanbefore. The savage punishments and casual indignities of two centuries ago are no longer acceptable to civilized people. Nor are slavery and serfdom, both of which were rendered obsolete arid immoral under the capitalist system. Militarists, extreme nationalists, communists, and fascists-the antiliberals - brought these horrors back, if only temporarily. And it is no accident that the creeds that brought them back were fiercely anti-individualistic and anti-market.

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The Ayn Rand Special- AT: Morality Claims (2/2)
Inequality is inevitable. Capitalism is the least painful. James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of capitalism, a/ online First inequality. Every social system produces inequality: if not inequality o{wealth, then inequality of power or inequality of military might. We only have the choice of which kind of inequality we wish to subscribe to. Many nations have claimed to eliminate market-based inequalities, but they have done so only by creating non-market inequalities!.. a Soviet nomenklatura, a ruling military elite, an elaborate black market, or a set of non-cash perks. Inequality is an unavoidable feature of human life in organised societies, and capitalist inequality is the one that provides the most openings for upward mobility, because to rise in that hierarchy you do not need the largest sword or the most votes, you only need to accumulate economic resources. '

The race for wealth is inevitable. Allowing growth through capitalism is crucial to preventing domination through military expansion. James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of capitalism, a/ online Critics of capitalism argue that wealth confers power, and indeed it does, up to a point. Show people the road to wealth, status, or power, and they will rush down that road, and many will do some rather unattractive things along the way. But this is not a decisive criticism unless one supposes, fancifully, that there is some way to arrange human affairs so that the desire for advantage vanishes. The real choice is between becoming wealthy by first acquiring political or military power, or getting money directly without bothering with conquest or domination. If it is in man's nature to seek domination over other men, there are really only two ways to make that domination work. One is military power, and that is the principle upon which domination existed from the beginning of man's time on this earth to down about two hundred years ago, when it began to be set aside by another principle, namely the accum-ulation of wealth. Now you may feel that men should not try to dominate other men - although I do not see how you could believe this in Australia given the importance attached to sports. You may like to replace man's desire to dominate other men, and in a few cases it is prevented by religious conversion or a decent temperament. But as long as the instinct persists, you only have two choices, and if you choose to compete economically you will reduce the extent to which one group of men will tyrannise over another by the use of military might or political power. '

Capitalism does not alienate. James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of capitalism, a/ online Alienation. I think Karl Marx was wrong, it is not work that produces alienation, it is idleness. People by and large prefer work to non work, even though in many parts of the world society has done its best to encourage non work. In the United States, people when asked how they feel about their jobs almost uniformly say they like their work. Americans are gloomy about the decency of their culture and the justice of their politics; it may be one of the supreme ironies of our time that they are often more satisfied with their employer than with their community. If so, Marx has been stood squarely on his head.

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The Ayn Rand Special- AT:Revolutions
Revolutions fail to engage the root of the problem. Michael Zimmerman, professor of philosophy @ Tulane, 1989, "We Need New Myths", pp 24 Marxism, as Robert Tucker has argued, can be seen as a distorted mythic symbol in which the struggle of good and evil within the individual is projected onto social classes: the blood-sucking capitalist class fights (vainly) to dominate the creative-productive working class. When the capitalist class is destroyed by the proletariat, alienation will supposedly be destroyed as well. If Marxist revolutionaries can bring down the center of capitalism, the United States, world-history will supposedly begin its Golden Age. This myth is so attractive to many people because it portrays in social-class terms the problems that each individual must face. A person committed to the revolutionary cause can through this projection postpone the painful process of their own individuation. It goes without saying, of course, that capitalism is in fact responsible for social ills, but neither the capitalist class nor its individual constituents are the embodiment and source of evil. The dark side is an aspect of every human being; it cannot be eliminated by social revolution

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Environmental Protection (1/2)
Capitalism creates a system of surplus necessary for environmental protection. James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of capitalism, a/ online It is also the case that capitalism makes it easier to deal with environmental problems. Environ-mental problems exist. Air is free; we consume air without charge, we emit pollutants back into the air, often without charge. And if something is free people will consume more of it then they really need, or at least much more than they would if they had to pay for it. Since we have found no way to endow clean air with property rights, we do not know how to.limit this except by the use of an external authority that will put some restrictions on it. To compel people who are engaged in production and exchange to intemalise all of their costs without destroying production and exchange, one must be able to make proposals to people who 'do not want to hear them, induce action among people who do not want to act, and monitor performance by people who do not like monitors - and do all of this only to the extent that the gains in human welfare are purchased at an acceptable cost. No regime will make this result certain, but only democratic capitalist regimes make it at all possible. Why? It is not that capitalists believe in the environment or have a wish to improve the world. It is because they are part ofla system in which the world must be improved if they are to survive. Capitalism brings three advantages to the environmental task: (i) It creates and maintains a private sphere of action. A private sphere of action makes capitalism possible because you can operate free of government control. But by maintaining a private sphere you also provide a protected place for people to stand who wish to make controversial proposals. You create a world in which the critics of capitalism - those who wish to see capitalism restrained in order to protect the environment - have an opportunity to move. No sucll world existed for them in the Soviet Union, and no such world exists for them today in the People's Republic of China. The absence of a private sphere means the absence of an environmental ethic. (ii) Secondly, capitalism produces prosperity, and prosperity changes the minds of people, especially young people. It endows them what we in thesocial science business call in our professional journals, post-materialist or post-industrial goals. That is a fancy way of saying that when society becomes rich enough for everybody to be fed.and where rio-one has to struggle day and night to put food on their table, we begin to think of other things we can use resources for. Those other things include taking care of animals, protecting the environment, preserving land and the like. The prosperity induced by capitalism produces of necessity an environmental movement. How that environ-mental movement is managed of course is a very real question; sometimes it is managed very badly, other times, it is managed reasonably well. Environmental policies in capitalist systems will vary greatly - from the inconsequential through the prudent to the loony - but they will scarcely exist at all in non!=apitalist ones. (iii) The final thing capitalism brings to this task is that it creates firms that can be regulated. You may think that this is a trivial statement. You all know that business firms ar,eregulatedsometimes to the advantage of the firm, sometimes to its disadvantage. But I don't think you realise the importance of this fact. Consider the alternative. Suppose the government ran everything. What would be regulated? The main reason

why Eastern Europe was a vast toxic waste dump, and why many parts of China are becoming a vast toxic waste dump, is because the government owns the enterprises and one government agency does not - cannot - regulate another government agency. This is because neither the regulator nor the regulatee has any personal motives to accept regulation. But they can regulate
firms, and so when firms are producing wealth and people decide that the distribution of wealth ought to be made to accord to an environmental ethic, capitalism makes that possible.

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Environmental Protection (2/2)
Biodiversity loss spells extinction. Major David Diner, Judge Advocate General's Corps, 1994, 143 Mil. L. Rev. 161, lin Biologically diverse ecosvstems are characterized by a large number of specialist species, filling narrow ecological niches. These ecosystems inherently are more stable than less diverse systems. "The more complex the ecosystem, the more successfully it can resist a stress .... [l]ike a net, .inwhich each knot is connected to others by several strands, such a fabric can resist collapse better than a simple, unbranched circle of threads -- which if cut anywhere breaks down as a whole." 79 By causing widespread extinctions, humans have artificially simplified many ecosystems. As biologic simplicity increases, so does the risk of ecosystem failure. The spreading Sahara Desert in Africa, and the dustbowl conditions of the 1930s in the United States are relatively mild examples of what might be expected if this trend continues. Theoretically, each new animal or plant extinction, with all its dimly perceived and intertwined affects, could cause total ecosystem collapse and human extinction. Each new extinction increases the risk of disaster. Like a mechanic removing, one by one, the rivets from an aircraft's wings, 80 [HU]mankind may be edging closer to the abyss.

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The Ayn Rand Special - Impact - Ext. - Environmental Protection
Capitalism is crucial to preserving the environment and saving lives. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies @ Cato, 4/23/2003, http://ww,,,:.cato.org/dailys/0423-03-2.hhnl -- had no environmental movement to speak of until living standards rose sufficiently so that we could turn our attention from simply providing for food, shelter, and a reasonable education to higher "quality of life" issues. The richer you are, the more likely you are to be an environmentalist. And people wouldn't be rich without capitalism. Wealth not only breeds environmentalists, it begets enviromnental quali ty. There are dozens of studies showing that, as per capita income iJl1itiallyrises from subsistence levels, air and water pollution increases correspondingly. But once per capita income hits between $3,500and $15,000(dependent upon the pollutant), the ambient concentration of pollutants begins to decline just as rapidly as it had previously increased. This relationship is found for Virtually every significant pollutant in every single region of the planet, It is an iron law. Given that wealthier societies use more resources than poorer societies, such findings are indeed counterintuitive. But the data don't lie. How do we explain this? The obvious answer - that wealthier societies are willing to trade-off the economic costs of government regulation for environmental improvements and that poorer societies are not -- is only partially correct. In the United States, pollution declines generally predated the passage of laws mandating pollution controls. In fact, for most pollutants, declines were greater before the federal government passed its panoply of environmental regulations than after the EPA came upon the scene. Much of this had to do with individual demands for environmental quality. People who could afford cleaner-burning furnaces, for instance, bought them. People who wanted recreational services spent their money accordingly, creating profit opportunities for the provision of untrammeled nature. Property values rose in cleaner areas and declined in more polluted areas, shifting capital from Brown to Green investments. Market agents will supply whatever it is that people are willing to spend money on. And when people are willing to spend money on environmental quality, the market will provide it. Meanwhile, capitalism rewards efficiency and punishes waste. Profit-hungry companies found ingenious ways to reduce the natural resource inputs necessary to produce all kinds of goods, which in turn reduced environmental demands on the land and the amount of waste that flowed through smokestacks and water pipes. As we learned to do more and more with a given unit of resources, the waste involved (which manifests itself in the form of pollution) shrank. This trend was magnified by the shift away from manufacturing to service industries, which characterizes wealthy, growing economies. The latter are far less pollutionintensive than the former. But the former are necessary prerequisites for the latter. Property rights ,- a necessary prerequisite for free market economies - also provide strong incentives to invest in resource health. Without them, no one cares about future returns because no one can be sure they'll be around 1:0 reap the gains. Property rights are also important means by which private desires for resource conservation and preservation preferences can be realized. When the government, in developing societies are overruled on the other hand, holds a monopoly on such decisions, minority

Indeed, we wouldn't even have environmentalists in our midst were it not for capitalism. Environmental amenities, after all, are lUXury goods. America --like much of the Third World today

only wealthy societies can afford the investments necessary to secure basic environmentalimprovements, such as sewage treatment and electrification. Unsanitary water and the indoor air pollution (caused primarily by burning organic fuels in the home for heating and cooking needs) are directly responsible for about 10 million deaths a year in the DEVELOPING[SIC]Third World, making poverty the number one environmental killer on the planet today. Capitalism can save more lives threatened by environmental pollution than all the environmental organizations combined. Finally, the technological advances that are part and parcel of growing economies create more natural resources than they consume. That's because what is or is not a "natural resource" is dependent upon our ability to harness the resource in question for human benefit. Resources are therefore a. function of human knowledge. Because the stock of human
(see the old Soviet block for details). Furthermore; knowledge increases faster in free economies than it does in socialist economies, it should be no surprise that most natural resources in the western world are more abundant today than ever before no matter which measure one uses.

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Racism
Capitalism solves racism. James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of capitalism, aj online Capitalism promotes civility in another way: it makes prejudice too expensive to afford. The great Nobel laureate economist, Gary Becker pointed this out in a book written 40 years ago. People didn't take it seriously then but I think we must take it seriously now. If you say to yourself that you will not serve or employ blacks, or Turks, or Cypriots, or whatever group your society happens to be hostile to, you will reduce the number of customers you can reach and the number of potential employees you can hire. This has the effect of shrinking your market and raising the wages of those employees whom you can hire. Now in some environments, such as in the American south until the 1960s, it was possible to maintain segregation in public facilities, because the legal system and its surrounding culture supported segregation so strongly that a businessperson had no chance. Embedded in a thoroughly racist community, capitalism could easily exist side by side with prejudice, because there are no competitive disadvantages to acting on the basis of prejudice. But once that legal and cultural system began to crack, once there were a few opportunities for hiring people a nondiscriminatory basis or serving customers on a non-discriminatory basis, firms changed dramatically. The nationwide firms changed the fastest, because they realised that capitalism is incompatible with prejudice. None of this is to deny the important role played by law, court order, and the example of desegregated government agencies. But imagine rapid desegregation occurring if only law were operating. It would be slow, uneven, and painful. Public schools desegregated more slowly than hotels and restaurants, not only because white parents cared more about whom their children went to school with than about who was in the next hotel room or at the next cafe table, but also because school authorities lacked any market incentive to admit more or different pupils. Indeed, a statist economy will not only resist desegregation, it will allocate economic benefits - franchises, licenses, credit - precisely on the' basis of political, class, ethnic or racial status. It is capitalism that really requires a cosmopolitan attitude.

op

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Democracy (1/2)
Capitalism is the soil of morality and individualism that is key for the successful growth of democracy .. James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of cap;italism, aj online These are the assumptions upon which a capitalist order rests, and I think most people hearing them described will not dissent profoundly from this argument. But now the more controversial part of my argument. My second point is that capitalism in the long run strengthens the moral sensibilities. It does so by sustaining a liberal social order, by sustaining and indeed creating criticism of capitalism itself, and by enhancing civility among citizens. Capitalism is essential to liberalism - and by liberalism I mean the principles around which a free society is organised. It has become clear during the last half century that democratic regimes only flourish in capitalist societies. Not every nation with something approximating capitalism is democratic, but every nation that is democratic is to some significant degree capitalist. There are capitalist economies that exist in authoritarian states but they do not do very well. There is a relationship between democracy and capitalism that the defenders of democracy often overlook to their great disadvantage.

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Democracy (2/2)

Global democratic consolidarion prevents many scenarios for war and extinctiun.
Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, O(;lohcr 1995., "Promoting Democracy the 1990's," http://www .caruegie .()rg/:subjpnb~;f(k[ldly/dln950 l.htnll, on
(ynlER TURF.AI'S This hardly exhausts the lists ofthreats
in

to (lUI' and well-being in the c,)!lling years and decades. In f(H111er Yugoslavia nationalist tears at the stability and could easily SPl\.'iKl, The Ilow of illegal drugs iOicllsifies through increasingly jJmvcrlu! international crime that have ITlllde conunon C~IUSC with authoritarian am! have utterly corrupted the

own borden",

competitlou,

civil libcrtie»,

reliable fi)l.mdatlon on which a new world order of international

security and

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Growth
Capitalism is crucial to economic growth. Janos Kornai, professor of economics @Harvard, 2000, Journal of Economy Perspectives, Winter, v14n1 Let me refer here to an author seldom cited these days: Vladimir Lenin. He announced, right at the start of the introduction of the socialist system, that the race between the capitalist and socialist systems would ultimately be decided by which could ensure higher productivity." The real significance of the turning point in 1989-90 is that the socialist system lost the race. This is clearly confirmed by comparative statistics showing the two systems' economic results, taken over along time-scale. As one example, Table 1 compares three socialist countries with four capitalist countries at a similar level of development in the base year of 1950.Not only did the GDP of the socialist countries grow more slowly than that of thecapitalist countries, but as shown in the last column, workers in the socialist countries spend much longer at their place of work. In Table 2, Austria is compared with Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland. This comparison is historically justified, because until the end of World War I, Austria, Hungary, the territory that later became Czechoslovakia, and part of present-day Poland constituted the Hungarian Monarchy. Austria was always the most developed country in the group, but the lag by the other countries increased further under the socialist system. The result of the economic race between capitalism and socialism shows dramatically in the case of the divided countries: compare East and West Germany before reunification, or present-day North Korea, on the brink of famine, with prosperous South Korea. '

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The Ayn Rand Special- Impact - Ext. - Growth
Capitalism creates growth. Janos Kornai, professor of economics @Harvard, 2000, Journal of Economy Perspectives, Winter, v14nl The second major advantage of the capitalist system is that technological development is faster, because the capitalist system is more inclined to pmsueinnovations. Capitalism and entreprenemship clear the way for enterprise andinitiative in the economy. It makes more effective use of human and physicalresources than the socialist system. This means that measured over longer historicalperiods, it is faster at increasing production and labor productivity, and thereby the material welfare of human beings

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
_c:"''''I", h

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The Ayn Rand Special- Perm - Solvency - Do Both
The Penn solves. Allowing capitalism to expand is crucial to finding solutions to its shortcomings. . James Wilson, professor of Government at Harvard, 1997, "The morality of capitalism, aj online Another wav by which capitalism strengthens our moral sentiments is that it creates and empowers its own critics. When Daniel Bell published his famous essay on 'The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism,' he argued that the bourgeois culture - rational, pragmatic and moral - that had created capitalism was now being destroyed by the success of capitalism. Capitalism created both a parvenu class of rich plutocrats and corporate climbers, and a counterculture of critical intellectuals and disaffected youth; the latter began to have a field day exposing what they took to be the greed, hypocrisy and Philistinism of the former. This is a theme first developed by Joseph Schumpeter, the great Harvard economist, in his 1947 book, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. It was a remarkable book because it begins with the proposition that Karl Marx got it exactly wrong. Capitalism win not be destroyed, he said, by its failures; it will be u€§fi'oy€u 1ry' Jt~ ~ltei,;~~5~$,Now I think he was wrong to say that capitalism will be destroyed, tmt lu:;'W<l,~ .right W t"oint to the changes capitalism brings in the social and political order that will con~titute an ever-growin~ ever-larger challenge to the right of capitalism to exist. The Welythey will do this is by creating and sustaining a class of intellectuals. Capitalism requires intellectuals. Business people support universities - especially, it would seem, those universities that devote much of their faculty's time to attacking business people. It supports them for a very good reason: capitalism understands the value of reason and knowledge. It understands the value of scientific inquiry. It knows that whatever the intellectuals may say on the cocktail party circuit or speaking on television programs or writing in quarterly journals, their gensral Isvs! of activity is essential to the dissemination of knowledge. But by creating and sUstaining iU1 intellectUal class it creates and sustains a group of people who inevitably will become critics of capitalism, just as they are critics of democracy, culture, and religion. Intellectuals live in a world of artificial models that are designed in their mind to capture some part of reality and, unlike practical people, they think that those intel-lectual models in some ".il~<i!~ ~~tu~llydl\!s~~ib€ r€al~ty. And when you' have the vie... that the world ought to fit your ", model and. y?U notice that It does not, you assume that there is some-thing wrong with the world. ~eh?10US zealots are destrOying your pure spiritual insights, government officials are co~tanl1nating ?!o.urrig~t to communicate, and capitalists are sustaining a gross consumeron<:nted maten,ahst SOCIety whic~ cannot support intellectuals at the level to which they are entitle~. But thIS process of creating and sustaining your own critics is unique to capitalism. There IS no other economic order that does this. All other economic orders have to be overthrown either by military rebellion or by internal collapse because they do not accommodate them-selves to critics.

r:

1
1
I

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
_c:"''''I ",h

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The Ayn Rand Special - Perm - Net Benefit - Cooption
Their radical rejection of the system will spark a capitalist counterforce that will crush the revolution. Reforming the system from the inside is crucial to stopping capitalism. Nowlan, Professor @ University of Wisconsin Eau Claire, May 19%, Red Orange: a Marxist Journal of Theory, Politics, and the Everyday, Volume 1, Issue 1, pp 289-326 The task of transforming capitalism into socialism must be seen as a realistic and not as a romantic end, and this means that a political orientation directed merely towards resistance, opposition, and be sufficient. In order to forestall tendencies towards rapid counterrevolution.ary cooptation and bureaucratic degeneration of a (post)revolutionary (and proto-socialist) regime, it is necessary to begin the work of transformation of institutions and relations, subjects and practices destruction can never within capitalism today, drawing upon and working with those tendencies within the logic of capitalist development that prepare and point the way towards socialism. Revolutionary socialist opposition within late capitalism today must take advantage of and build upon possibilities that derive from the contra'dictions inherent within the essential workings of late capitalism itself, and this means, most importantly, pushing forward, expanding, enriching,. and working towards the full realization of the tendencies alrea dy inherent wi thin late capitalism towards collecti viza tion - and these are tendencies towards collectivization not only of relations within production but also towards collectivization of relations which precede and follow from production and which extend out of and beyond production. Revolutionary socialists must support and develop tendencies within late capitalism that work towards the supersession of predominantly private with predominantly collective modes of subjectivity. In general, it is important for revolutionary socialists everywhere to support collectivization against privatization (especially of right of access and ~pportunity to exercise social and cultural resources, powers, and capacities) and to push for ~e socialist democratization of collective relations begun under capitalism (and which, as such, often involve partial, limited, distorted, and even despotic forms of collectivization).

Pudding can't fill the emptiness lnslde me...but it'll help"
-C;",,,,I,,,h

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The Ayn Rand Special- Perm - Net Benefit - Moderates
The belief that capitalism is the root cause of all societal ill closes the possibility of pragmatic solutions, and fractures the movement by isolating moderates as capitalists. Richard Levin, president of Yale, 1998, The Minnesota Review, 48-49, a/ online As a result of this view of the world, many people on the far right and far left are single-causers; they believe not only that everything the demon does has bad effects in our societyr but also that everything bad in our society is caused by this demon. Right-wing extremists hold feminism or secular humanism or ZOG responsible for drugs, crime, floridation, and the decline of "family values," and many leftists-including some appearing in mr= claimthat capitalism is the cause of racism and sexism (Cotter 119-21, Lewis 97-98,Young 288-91).This, in turn, leads to the belief that there's a single cure, and only this one cure, for all these social ills: the complete extirpation of the demon that causes them and the complete transformation of society. Thus extremists on both sides tend to be all-or-nothingists, to reject all refomlS as "band-aids" that are doomed to fail since they don't get at the source of our problems and so won't further this radical transformation (Neilson/Meyerson 45: 268-69). Many are also millenarians who belie~e the transformation
will be brought about by an apocalyptic dash between the forces of good and evil ending in the permanent defeat of the demon and the creation of a utopia(for fundamentalists this is a literal Armageddon and Second Coming, for militias it's RaHoWa (Racial Holy War) or the uprising of true patriots against our traitorous govenmlent foretold in The Turner Diaries wi th its Hi tlerian "final solu tion," and for Marxists. it's the proletarian revoJu tion tha t, their anthem tells us, will be "the final conflict."

Another consequence of their polarization is that partisans atboth extremes try to eliminate the intermediate positions between them, often by denying therr differences. Neilson and Meyerson say that "we should see liberalism and conservatism as flipsides" (45: 269) and argue that Republicans and Democrats are really the same (47: 242), as doe~ Tom Lewis at greater length (89-90).Similarly, George Wallace, in his racist third-party campaign, insisted that "there isn't a dime's worth of difference between them." More sinister is their tendency to "disappear" these intermediate positions by equating them with the opposite extreme. McCarthy
and his followers attacked Democrats and even liberal Republicans "as "pinkos" and "fellow travelers," and Marxist regimes condemned social democrats and even communists who deviated from the party line as fascist counterrevolutionaries who must be Iiquidated. Some extremists on the academic left employ this tactic against moderates and liberals, although with less lethal results. The same Marxist critic who called me a "self-confessed liberal" also called me, in another essay published in the same year, a "reactionary" ("Terminator" 64), and Donald Morton and Mas'ud Zavarzadeh consign Gerald Graff, Stanley Fish, Richard Rorty, and Andrew Ross to the same camp as Rush Limbaugh (32-33). (Neilson and Meyerson's attack on Berube is more restrained-the worst thing they call him is a "liberal pluralist" [45: 267, 47: 239, 245]; but they try to connect him, as I noted, to support of the far right in Central America.) Such people need a simplistic division of the political world into two polar opposites with no awkward alternatives (just as they need a simplistic explanation of the cause and cure of all our problems), because they can't tolerate complexity or uncertainty. That mental set, I believe, is the most significant similarity (or "equivalence") between the far right and far left.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C:::",,,I,,h

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** Tough Day for Teddy

pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Rev to Space (112)
Growth makes space colonization inevitable. Robin Hanson, assistant professor of economics

@

George Mason, 2001, online

If our growth does not stop, it must continue. And it cannot continue this long without enabling and encouraging massive space colonization. SpatiaVmaterial growth requires it, technical growth enables it, and economic growth induces technical growth. We must spread to space or face extinction Stephen Hawking, smartest person alive, 10/16/2001, "The Case for Space Colonization Now", online
I

"The llUJJ:lanraceis· iik~lytobeWipedoutbYa. doOJJ:lsda.yvirtls.•. u:niessW~sef l1pcololl.ies in space. Although Sept. 11th was horrible, it didn't threaten the survival of the human race like nuclear weapons do," said the Cambridge University Scientist. "In the long term, I'm more worried about biology. Nuclear weaponsneedlarge fa~ilities, bu.tg~ne~cengineerillg can be done ~.smalllab. Thedallgeris at, e~~herbyacci~entordesignr\Vecreat~ .a~iru.s that destroys lIS.· I don'tthink ehumanracewiIlsU1'\live .. unlesswespread into space. There ate too many accidents that can befall life ·on a single .planet."

in

th

th

We must set up colonies away from earth to guarantee life Stephen Hawking, smartest person alive, 10/16/2001, "The Case for Space Colonization Now", online The·.argufuentisthaimcmfu .. SO()nd~st:rofhimselfol1eaith. bef()l'~liecall setup .. backup civilization elsewhere. Now HftMl mayor may not be the only life in the universe capable of abstract thought,but~e~ll~~ly mus~agr~~that much .vvou1dbelo~tif~'sex~st~l1ce'VVereto c~ase right n0'VV'. Trilliollsoftrillions.ofpotentially h:appyall~pro~uctivematl-years would never come to pass. We are obligated to do all we can,. now, to protect this future! In the last generation or two, HftMl has clearly reached some sort of milestone or turning point. The present is unprecedented, and so the future is completely unpredictable. For the first time in HftMl'S history, many things seem to be doubling every decade or two, such as population, research, energy usage, pollution, nuclear capability, total knowledge, and more. In~~di.tion, milDha.s achiev~d thea~ility to destroY'himseUill1d~.1l his future gen~r~ti~ns. ~heProbabilityofm.m's self-destructionisclearly increasing ata rate much greater than, for instance, populati0ll growth'f\_n ill~depthstudrcollid \V;lllincover some ~larll1in!?;~ti~tics. here ..I~behooves ust() .. s immediately beginworktoward getting a self-sufficient colony away from earth. We just may be the only life in the universe with the foresight to have "moved out" before it'destroyed itself. So, should Americ~ goaH:o~tforspac~c()l()nization? \yhat folIovvscan only touch .ti1esurface .of this(_{uesti()n.The points~hatare made, however, are felt to beconvincinge~ough to warrant immediate and forceful action. Many of the ideas in this book are very new and very important. Read them with a receptive mind and criticizetlt~lllf~il'lyandl~gic~llYI remembering all the while the importance of what's at stake. "What can happeniwiUhappen." - Anon

y

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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Ext - Growth Key to Space
Growth and domination of nature are key to space colonization. Michael Zey, PhD and director of the Expansionary Institute, 2000, The Future Factor, 15-16 Ultimately, humankind's progress in the area of dominionization will drive our species to achieve a much greater feat, vitalization, the spreading of human intelligence and consciousness first across this planet and eventually throughout the universe. We will infuse the cosmos with humanness, bring order to chaos, beauty to the barren, life to the void. Dominionization of our home planet prepares us well for the vitalization of the planet. Before we can oversee the development of other planets' topography and climate, we must first learn to perform such operations here on Earth. To rocket from one sphere and travel to the stars we must develop highly sophisticated and powerful forms of energy including nuclear fusion and solar power. In addition, dominionization helps humanity achieve the level of inaterial affluence required to pursue vitalization, an enterprise of Brobdingnagian proportions. Not until we achieve a high level of material abundance can we even reasonably expect to reengineer the universe. Fortunately, humanity is rapidly mastering industrial and agricultural techniques and technologies empowering us to eliminate scarcity and create global affluence.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Solves Crunch
Growth key to solving scarcity. Michael Zey, PhD and director of the Expansionary Institute, 2000, The Future factor, 20 Our efforts to achieve dominionization over the basic forces of nature and over the Earth itself have a major beneficial by-product-the creation of a superabundance of food, goods, sources of energy, and manufactured products. This end of scarcity on a global level is a landmark event in human history. During the Macroindustrial Era, we are redefining the concept of "the good life." More important, the rapid diffusion of wealth and wealth-generating technologies and knowledge is in turn enabling the global population to participate in the dominionization process. In the agricultural domain, breakthroughs in biotechnology and genetic engineering will deliver to humanity a veritable cornucopia of new agricultural products that resist disease, frost, and infestation, and have a longer shelf life. Cell factories and plant tissue technology are making possible the mass production of vegetable and fruit in artificial environments. Hydroponic plants will grow in waterless soil! The sum total of these efforts will provide goods and food to the multibillions inhabiting our planet-for the firsttime in human history the world's population will be well fed, well dothed, and comfortably housed. And a very large population could be served, perhaps 40 to 50 billion people or more.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Solves Environmental Destruction.
Growth and technology are cmcial to halting environmental degradation. Michael Zey, PhD and director of the Expansionary Institute, 2000, The Future Factor, 22-23 Humankind's invention of the "supertree" illustrates one of the least-acknowledged benefits of the hyperprogress occurring during the Macroindustrial Era: although economic, technological, and industrial growth occasionally cause problems, such as pollution and possible reduction in the supply of some natural resources, our technology ultimately generates solutions to the very problems it creates. Our civilization requires wood and paper products to continue progressing. In the process we temporarily reduce the available source of these wood products, namely trees. However, our resourceful species just as quickly replaces these commodities-i~ this case we applied genetic engineering techniques to produce greater quantities of wood. In fact, economic growth and technology directly counteract environmental degradation. Studies indicate that while a developing country's early economic growth initially can lead to pollution and waste, once that nation achieves true prosperity it then possesses the resources to clean its air and purify its water. In his 1999 book, Earth Odyssey, environmentalist David Hertsgaard reports that the poorest cities, not the most prosperous, were usually the most pollut~d. The citizens in these places can buy cars, but cannot afford cars with catalytic converters. According to the World Bank, once a nation's per capita income rises to about $4000 in 1993 dollars, it produces less of many pollutants per capita. At this income level a nation can now afford itopurchase the technology to purify its coal exhausts and the sewage systems that treat and eliminate a variety of wastes. 12 Although China is switching to cleaner technologies such as nuclear, it still favors the use of its locally abundant, and therefore cheaper, resource, coal. We can predict that once countries like China become more affluent they will have the wherewithal to clean up their atmosphere. Technology is now being used to deal with waste produced by tanker accidents and other unexpected events that can send millions of gallons of oil or other chemicals gushing into our pristine lakes and oceans. One novel method, bioremediation, uses microbes, bacteria as it were, as a veritable cleanup crew, for everything from nuclear waste to oil spills. This new environmental technology is based upon the notion that bacteria are the perfect agents to literally "eat" industrial waste. Ll.S, Microbics is one company that specializes in this increasingly popular technique. (Publicly held, its stock symbol is BUGS ... seriously.) In early 1999, it announced that its new production plant had commenced shipping microbial blends to treat hydrocarbon-contaminated soil. U.S. Microbics used biotechnology, bacteria mostly, to clean up sewage wastes, including diesel oil spills. According to the company, "naturally occurring bacteria blends are used to convert the hazardous diesel fuel into harmless, earth-friendly, chemical byproducts." 13

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Key to Nanotech
Domination of nature is crucial to nanotechnology, which will solve scarcity, poverty, and allow for space travel. Michael Zey, PhD and director of the Expansionary Institute, 2000, The Future Factor, 23-24
,

Through dominionization, humankind is gaining control over the elementary dynamics of nature. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in our attempts to control the behavior of the atom itself. Earlier in the twentieth century, American scientists working on the Manhattan Project in Los Alamos, New Mexico, successfully split the atom, an accomplishment that lkd to the creation of the atomic bomb. It also opened the door to the development of nuclear energy, which provides a significant proportion of the electricity generated throughout the world. While we can split the atom and use it for energy and defense purposes, we have not yet achieved a true command over this essential building block of matter. Until recently, the inner workings of the atom have been considered an unpredictable frenetic maelstrom of activity outside the realm of human control. Now, a burgeoning new science known as nanotechnology tantalizes the species with the possibility that we might indeed corral this elementary unHand direct its behavior. In theory, nanotechnology would equip our species with the abilitY to construct material-clothing, food, body parts-from the bottom up, one atom at a time. .In essence, we would suddenly possess the power to "grow" almost any object-a tool, a human arm, or a rocket ship- by simply selecting the correct atoms and then programming nanocomputers to construct the object. If we do succeed in manipulating matter to this degree, scarcity and poverty will become faint memories from a bygone era. N anomachines about the size of viruses could take a pot full of ingredients! and build an automobile one atom or molecule at a time, simply by placing those atoms and molecules just where they ought to go. Ben Bova, in his book Immortality, described the process thus: "Building an auto would be like a swarm of invisible genies working more silently and swiftly than a noisy, clanking factory." From a heap of charcoal dust, ordinary carbon soot, nanomachines would produce an automobile, an airplane, or any other object. Imagine for a moment a car with the structural strength and lightness of diamond. Nanotechnology will enable us to develop "smart materials" that could adjust to changes in the environment and advanced materials so durable that they could withstand the stress of protracted space travel. 15

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-c:",,,,bh

26

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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact - Growth Good Silk
Economic growth is crucial to solving proliferation, environmental destruction, famine, an AIDs. Leonard Silk, professor of economics @ Pace University, 1993, Foreign Affairs, Dangers of Slow Growth,1/n In the absence of such shifts of human and capital resources to expanding civilian industries, there are strong economic pressures on arms-producing nations to maintain high levels of military production and to sell weapons, both conventional and dual-use nuclear technology, wherever buyers can be found. Without a revival of national economies and the global economy, the production and proliferation of weapons will continue, creating more Iraqs, Yugoslavias, Somalias and Cambodias -- or worse. Like the Great Depression, the current economic slump has fanned the firs of nationalist, ethnic and religious hatred around the world. Economic hardship is not the only cause of these social and political pathologies, but it aggravates all of them, and in turn they feed back on economic development They also undelmine efforts to deal with such global problems as environmental pollution, the production and trafficking of drugs, crime, sickness, famine, AIDS and other plagues. Growth will not solve all those problems by itself. But economic growth -- and growth alone -- creates the additional resources that make it possible to achieve such fundamental goals as higher living standards, national and collective security, a healthier environment, and more liberal and open economies and societies.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C:"",l",h

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Tough Dav for Teddy - Impact - Free Trade and Rights Malthus
In a world of de-development authority would be decentralized to local communities, which would act self-sufficiently. Pip Hinman, staff writer, 1996, "Utopia Revisited", greenleft.org, a/ online Trainer's model of a new society -- "not capitalism, not socialism, but a 'Third \V ay'" -- seems to be largely modelled on a highly romanticised version of an Israeli kibbutz: small-scale, decentralised communal developments in which people would live, produce most of their material needs and find great personal satisfaction in doing so. In his sketch of a normal workday in such a society, you would garden, feed the hens, fix a chair," do your spot on the library roster, paint the windmill, thatch the goat house roof, meet with the energy committee and play table tennis. This type of lifestyle, he argues/ would ensure the greatest sense of creativity/ autonomy, cooperation, control and interest in YOUl: work.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-~o~l;;::lih

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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact Turn - Free Trade - War
Trade Interdependence prevents Nuclear \VHr Mid)'h.:l Spicer, Olin Foundation and former
and the Rebirth of tile West The choice facing th~', West today is. much the same as that which faced the soviet bloc after \-Vorld Waf' II: bel ween meeting head-oil the c!l<lllenge ()fworld trade with the adjust!lwots and the h,:ncDtii that it will bring., or of :1u..:nlmin~. 10 slmr. m11 ularkClS lllaJ arc .. f.'.rO l', and where a dynamic new pace is being set for innovative wIn productiou, The problem about the second approach is not ,;;imply that it won't hold: salem!c technolcgy alone will ensure tbat consumers will bcgin to demand those thai the East is able 10 most cheaply, More fundamcuta US" it ':-'~""-""~"-'-'~'=~~"""'== .. ''''-''L'''.',,",.~./.'''',''0,:;':"'._"",:.'.'~'!.,,;.;' ..'.'.'.~:;.',."'"',:, ..,,.•....;c: •.,,' ,'•• '="'.. ...'.:' .. I do not Siry thai. the converse
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will necessarily be true, that in a 1§!p,ht,'£0In£j11t£r9PE£1}Sig.nt and lhat is a U.Q_qi( at two a pcnnv, stability wjJLQ~;.1!L.iLm~mll!m in the

Protectionism promotes domestic and global war
Jason

Brooks.
interaction of people for llmtua} benefit 1"1"<1(1(: docs no! require force. 10

\\'ar" ~"'-'-'-c...!.:":='-"-'.c!.!.'=="-:!",,c.''-''''''''.0,;0.::''i'.>''.t:' ..',''''.•L',:t, •.:'."'::.':c!,,,c:'-"c!-,,"c.::.:.~~~~~'.L What Is trade? It is the natural, voluntary

American economist Henry George writes, "Free trade consists simply in k;t!ing people buy and sell as they want

buy and sell. It is prorection Ihill: requires force, for it consists in preventing people fI'om d{)ing what they want to do," In order l() set lip till arguJllen! linking free trade to peace, it is useful to fIrst look ill the incentives inherent to <1 world where borders are shut by governmems. IIl$HCh ~l world the incentiveis for war. First of all; pr(ltcclionistJJ puts a g~'vcrnmcnt in conflict \Vilh its own people, Consider: III wartime, nations hlo\.:kaue or trade sanctions. \Vhcn: a_gl2~:gnJfl,h;ntm!r§;qt::~fU2E.~~tfcc.l.i@i;',.t polk". it ~i.\)'D.l1f®!k:· This would be bad ('lJCiugh if the hann inHh.:f0d ended with its own p:r.().t_("gH911i~t.g2Y.QlJlm£JJ1.1l£1.IQ1?, in addition to its own "tll(_:jtlz.<:IL~5lfJ1!~.J.~:@:l\j 'who wanted to tr~t~,~.)yi.)J)I)<; bc<;lcv1;:d lt follows lhat all)' g(!Ycmrncnt imposing .. puts i(seIrin l:onlTicf with citizens of many nations. "Ira national government hinders rhe most productive us\: (11' its country's resources, it hurts th.e interests of a.ll othe!' nations, "writes Ludwig VQIi l\Jisc's, '!The .... <e..C},1J.lOt\L\,CJ};lgli:t\:<,!~.qI1~:s2 of it c nU!1tr,' \~·i{lLti.&:ILm!lt!mjE~'.iig~lrGe?jn.i\l!:fS.[tLUh{2"e \\'!~Q5f".!:'i;msJixiyns. £911)9g'.'ill]J2!:9.'(egJ?Ye:,Jl1ll!'.<;. .... t.l}1s;jent e.mlpjJ1Itj9DJ)fJl1i~ 12<,ltllrgL ..~Y.~f!i.rrh'.'. \Vhat is [he resulting incentive for the harmed citizens ofthc \vodd?t\·llscs us the answer.
.t:!ill.i~fJJ.9,[m:pl. srl.nnlJ:;Hi~I?!l.;,Y.m:·- and rbi;; is avery important point to be made, It encourages . countries to make war on the protectionists and It encourages, perhaps most {if all, the 10 make war on everyone else, That protectionism kads \{\ war becomes obvious if we consider that dtilcn~;, mav., fundaureutally, acquire Qoods Gum abrq<lg)JU)!ltypn.~.gHwoWijSS: trade ori~.mllm.\Z:st. \\.'hcn voluntary exchange is made impossihle by artificial rcstrictious imposed by goveruments, the only (Hht."f1vny .l.wt.iong may access foreign markets clear: around the world, c(mcernnltinHS ofpopulmion resources, such (IS \vhe~ll. or i('dmkal

is by force. /1. country in.sisting on seH~sufnC'iency will have to choose between shortages or war. The reilson is: do no! in general correlate wiih thc distribmion of narural

.~.'.'\\".'\,,:.,~Jises

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lha! it was a problem

in particular

for Germany,

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Ciernmu:-; tried -- in '·'JIn -- to solve it by

.But the solution to

free country survives

wI»;;']]borders are open. To p,'l(,;1phtase through proouclioo ;Hid IfiUh:.

Iooting: a

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C;"",I",h

29

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Tough Day for Teddy - Impact Turn - Free Trade - US/Sino Relations

Free trade is crucial to US~Sino relations The Straits Times(Singaporc), June 3., 2001
WASI-flNGTON·· President Georee \V. Bush has asked Congress to renew China's normal trade status for another •. year in a clear indication that he values free trade and good r9JE!JiQn~ despite recent frictiou between Washington and Beij illg.fj~~(:Jrad~ for American wealth, Chinese freedom and the US-f-1Jlrm relationship, he said in a written is vital statement at1er notify.ing House and Senate leaders that he will extend Normal Trade Relations (NTR) status 1()[ China.He said: "Fair trade is essential not only to improving living standards of Americans, but also for a strong and productive relatIonship wHh China. "\Jr. Bush, a dedicated free-trader, referred obl,iquely to "recent events" that have roiled the relationship, saying: "Recent events have shown Bot only that 'we need to speak frankly and directly about our differences, but that we also need to maintain dialogue and cooperate with one another on those areas where we have common interests." Trade, he said,. was a vital area where their interests converged. ~
'-'
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[IT CON'TINGES]

,

Mr Robert Kapp, president of the USoChina Business Council, cautioned: "A decision to rupture two-way trade and economic contacts with China, as advocated by those who call for Coneressional overturn of the President's decision, would lear the heart out ofthe overall US-China engat!ement:TIJc Presidcm clearlv understands that"
'i ;"... ..,.,. ...: ..

lJS~Sino conflict causes global nuclear war Chalmers Johnson, author of Blowback: The Costs and
Nation.Pg.20

Consequences of Am eric all Empire, 5/14/2001

The

China is another matter. No sane figure in the Pentagon wants a war with China, and all serious US militarists know .. that China's minuscule nuclear capacity is not offensive but a deterrent against the overwhelming US power arrayed against it (twenty archaic Chinese warheads versus more than 7,000 US warheadsj.Taiwan, whose status constitutes tilt: still incomplete last act of the Chinese civil war, remains the most dangerous p!~ce on earth, Much as the 1914 assassination of the Austrian crown prince in Sarajevo led to a war thaI no wamed, h n}b;H~]?in Taiwan by any side could prin!! thLUJltt£q,5.!;1!~:",_indJ'hina inlO~L~,m1.W~.Lthatneither wanls~_.~m;b_~I}\'~L\Yonld bankrupt the United Stales, deeply divide Japan and probably end ill a Chinese victory, given that China is theworld' 5 most populous country and would be defending itselfagainst a fordgn aggressor. More seriously! it c:o~!hL~'I~th:~~£?l?!~jntQ"~,! J}IlcJear holocaust. However, given the nationalistic challenge to China's sovereignty ofany Taiwanese attemp! to declare its independence formally, forward-deployed LJS forces 011 China's borders: have virtually no deterrent
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effect.

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Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside rne.i.but it'll help"
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Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - De-dev maintains capitalism
De-development is classist and maintains capitalism, even when it's working at its peak. Pip Hinman, staff writer, 1996,"Utopia Revisited", greenleft.org, aj online But only those with the material means and political power are in a position to do this. Sadly, the majority of people haven't a choice about their work, housing and transportation, a fact which Trainer, at times, seems to skip over. Most of the examples of what Trainer considers to be on the way to becoming "radical conserver societies" pose no challenge to capitalism even if they achieve a high level of self-sufficiency. Indeed, the Israeli kibbutz movement is an integral part of a capitalist expansionist project.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C:::",,,,I,,,h

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Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Crunch Not coming (1/2)
Innovation coupled with new technology, make natural resources infinite. There's only a risk that their destruction of these technologies causes unsustainable exploitation, Jim Powell, free lance writer, A review of Ultimate Resource II, 1998, http://home.earthlink.net/~dick156/lfb.htm What a magnificent book! This overhaul of the original 1980 edition, bolstered with much new data, affirms the natural harmony between private self-interest and society as awhole. Simon dramatically highlights the wonders of spontaneous free markets and the evils of well-meaning government intervention around the world. He shows that people can achieve practically anything when they are free. He does all this while providing a splendid overview of human progress. For instance, he shows that thanks to limitless human ingenuity, tht:lmore natural resources we consume, the more abundant they tend to be. "Incredible as it may seem at first," Simon reports, "the term 'finite' is not only inappropriate but is downright misleading when applied to natural resources, from both the practical and philosophical points of view." Technological progress means more productivity from almost everything. As.Simon explains, "We learn how to obtain a given amount of a service from an ever-smaller aniount of a resource. It takes much less copper [wire] now to pass a given message than a hundred years ago. And much less energy is required to do a given amount of work than in the past; the earliest steam engines had an efficiency of about 2 percent, but efficiencies are many times that high now." Remember the energy scares which became an excuse for massive federal intervention in energy markets? "The statistical history of energy supplies," says Simon, "is a rise in plenty rather than in scarcity ... Through the centuries, the prices of energy--coal, oil, and electricity--have been decreasing rather than increasing, relative to the cost of labor and even relative to the price of consumer goods, just as with all other natural resources ....there is nothing meaningfully 'finite' about our world that inevitably will cause energy, or evenioil in particular, to grow more scarce and costly." Two decades ago, we were told that unless governments took decisive action, devastating famines would soon sweep the earth. Yet Simon reports that more private land is being cultivated around the world now, especially in poor countries, and average yields per acre are increasing. Far from needing government intervention to prevent famine, government intervention is the scourge responsible for famine. Resourceful private entrepreneurs multiply the ways of feeding people: "USing technology that is in commercial use to raise food in hydroponic artificial-light factories ... the entire population of the world can be fed using only the land area of Massachusetts plus Vermont... And the area necessary can be reduced to a tenth or a hundredth of that by producing the food in ten or hundred story buildings." Wherever Simon turns his keen analytical eye, he sees human ingenuity banishing fear. "The Global 2000 Report issued the influential forecast that the world fish catch had hit its limit-'leveled off in the 1970s at about 70 million metric tons a year.' But by 1988 the catch had reached 98 million tons a year, and it is still rising rapidly. No limit to the harvest of wiid varieties of seafood is in sight. Yet fish farms have begun to produce at or near competitive prices ... Aquaculture can be expanded almost indefinitely. Land is a small constraint as,catfish farming in the Mississippi shows; present methods produce about 3,000 pounds of fish per acre, an economic return far higher than for field crops." What if there isn't any waterrSimon: "People 'create' usable water, and there are large opportunities to discover and utilize new sources. Some additional sources are well-known and already in partial use: transport by ship from one country to another, deeper wells, cleaning dirty water, towing icebergs to places where water is needed, and desalination ... An important example of a newly-discovered sourse is the aquifers in areas where the underlying rock has large faults."
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Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Crunch Not Coming (2/3)
Resources are abundant, there's no uniqueness. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies for the 21st Century, online
@

Cato, 2000, Market Liberalism: A Paradigm

If we examine the earth's resource base using those three yardsticks, we do indeed come to a jarring conclusion: at the very time that the conservation lobby was convincing millions of Americans and legislatures everywhere that resource shortages were lurking just around the comer, the global economy witnessed the greatest explosion of resource abundance in the history of mankind. If there are indeed "physical limits to the sources of materials and energy that sustain the human population and the economy, as is contended in Beyond the Limits, !!: appears that those limits are so far beyond the human horizon that they are for all intents and purposes nonexistent.

Abundance solves crunch. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies @ Cato, 2000, Market Liberalism: A Paradigm for the 21st Century, online Yet declining resource scarcity is a long-term trend, evident from the beginning of human society. Without exception, every material resource imaginable has become more abundant during the course of civilization. Whether measured in terms of proven reserves or prices relative to income, a graph of the relative abundance of virtually every resource looks like the population graphs we have seen so many times before: long-term, steady growth in resources with an exploding, exponential increase in resource availability over the las[200 years. The record of the last 50 years, then, is not atypical but perfectly consistent with the \observable data on increasing resource availability since the beginning of time.
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Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Crunch Not Coming (3/3)
The theory of overshoot is empirically denied, and prices prove resource levels are expanding. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies @ Cato, 2000, Market Liberalism: A Paradigm for the 21st Century, online . Another view holds that we are a world in "overshoot," living off our resource capital and not our income, irresponsibly and rapidly drawing down precious stocks of resources that have taken eons for the earth to accumulate. The authors of Beyond the Limits argue that "overshoot comes from delays in feedback-from the fact that decisionmakers in the system do not get, or believe, or act upon information that limits have been exceeded until long after they have been exceeded. Overshoot is only possible because there are accumulated resource stocks that can be drawn down.36 That argument, however, is in direct contradiction to every possible measurement of resource scarcity and the march of recorded history. If overshoot occurs when we use resources faster than they are created by nature, then the world has been in accelerating "overshoot" for the last 10,000 years, or ever since the development of agriculture. Moreover, our best "feedback" on scarcity-market prices-tells us that resources are expanding, not contracting (Table 2).

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C;"",I",h

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Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Energv Crunch NofComing.
The energy crunch is over 8 thousand years away. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies @ Cato, 2000, Market Liberalism: A Paradigm for the 21st Century, online ' Contrary to popular belief, energy stocks of all kinds, both fossil and nonfossil, have been increasing steadily and dropping in price. We face unprecedented abundance, not scarcity. As noted by MIT professor Morris Adelman, one of America's foremost energy experts, "The great oil shortage is like the horizon, always receding as one moves toward it."6 The world has nearly 10 times the amount of proven oil reserves that it had in 1950 and almost twice the known reserves of 1970. In fact, proven oil reserves are greater today than at ar;tyother time in recorded history. Oil prices have dropped 35 percent in constant dollars since 1980. When indexed to U'S. wages, oil prices have dropped 43 percent since 1980 and show steady and continuing declines in price from as far back as 1870.7 The decline in oil prices has been reflected in the price of gasoline at the pump. Fuel prices in constant dollars are 6 percent lower today than they were in 1972 (just before the OPEC oil embargo), 25 percent lower than in 1963, and 30 percent lower than in 1947.8 Whereas 3.2 percent of total household expenditures were devoted to gas.oline in 1972 (the lowest such rate since 1952), American households today devote but 2.6 percent of total expenditures to gasoline purchases.9 Proven natural gas reserves have also shown dramatic increases in the past 20 years; they have increased by 84 percent since 1974. At current rates of consumption, proven gas reserves alone will be sufficient for approximately 58 years.l0 The fact that natural gas prices, after adjusting for inflation, have dropped only 3 percent since 1980 is largely a function of price and production controls that lingered into the 1980s and discouraged optimum product levels. Likewise, between 1979 and 1989 proven coal reserves grew by 84 percent, an amount sufficient for 238 years given current levels of consumption.ll On an energy equivalent basis, proven reserves of coal are 43 percent greater than the world's combined total proven oil and natural gas reserves.12 Since 1980 the price of coal has dropped 91 percent when adjusted for inflation and 243 percent when indexed to Ll.S, wages.B Economist William Nordhaus concludes from U.S. Geological Survey data that the world has enough ultimately recoverable fossil fuel reserves to last approximately 520 years given, projected rates of demand, although others have pegged that figure as high as 650 years.14 If historic rates of productivity increase and technological advances are considered, then we have every reason to believe that the tOOO-year trend of falling energy prices will continue for generations to come. Remember, the figures cited above are for fossil fuel reserves only. Current nuclear technology ensures that the world has 8,400 years of energy for the future at current rates of eonsumption.15 Advances in nuclear breeder and fusion technologies would ensure vast supplies of energy for tens of thousands of years, and geothermal resources and the potential of solar energy also promise virtually limitless supplies of energy as technology improves and those sources become more economically competitive.
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Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Natural Resource Crunch Not Coming.
A crunch of natural resources is not coming. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies for the 21st Century, online
@

Cato, 2000, Market Liberalism: A Paradigm

Back in 1980, during the height of the Carter-era resource depletion scare, economist lulian Simon bet conservationist Paul Ehrlich $1,000 that the real price of any group·of natural resources of Ehrlich's choice would be less at any given date in the future than in 1980. Ehrlich chose five minerals-copper, chrome, nickel, tin, and tungsten-and set the payof~ date for 10 years hence. As Simon expected, the real price of those five resources dropped by 24 percent, 40 percent, 8 percent, 68 percent, and 78 percent, respectively. Ehrlich sent Simon a check-but no admission of error-in 1990. No matter which minerals Ehrlich chose, it was a sucker's bet. All but two strategic minerals (manganese and zinc) declined in price during the 1980s, reflecting the dramatic increase in mineral abundance that has occurred globally since the beginning of time. Simon renewed his offer to any and all corners in 1992, but to date there have been no takers. As the data in Table 1 indicate, proven reserves of virtually all important minerals .have skyrocketed since 1950. An examination of the price of 13 metals and minerals (aluminum, antimony, copper, lead, magnesium, manganese, mercury, nickel, platinum, silver, tin, tungsten, and zinc) shows a net 31 percent decline in real prices from 1980 to 1990. When indexed to wages,! those price declines are even more dramatic "Most of the minerals and metals at the turn of the century were five to ten times more expensive than they are today in terms of numbers of hours of work needed to purchase them."16 Declines in metal and mineral prices are reflected in the equally dramatic declines in raw material costs. From 1980 to 1990 the real price of glass fell 33 percent, cement prices fell 40 percent, metal price dropped 18 percent, and rubber prices declined by 40 percent.17 Examination of ultimately recoverable mineral resources indicates that we have only begun to tap the rich veins of the earth's abundance. U.S. Geological SJrvey data reveal that, if current consumption trends continue, recoverable mineral resources will last for hundreds and in many cases thousands and even tens of thousands of years. J8 Physicist Herman Kahn and several colleagues concluded in 1976 that "over 95 percent of the world demand [for minerals] is for five metals (iron, aluminum/bauxite, silicon, magnesium, and titanium), which are not considered exhaustible." Another 4.85 percent of world mineral demand is for seven metals (copper, zinc, manganese, chromium, lead, nickel, and tin) that are "probably inexhaustible." Thus, 99.9 percent of all mineral demand is for metals virtually inexhaustible over any conceivable time horizon.19

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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KY Fe]Jows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Tough Day for Teddy - Defense - Starvation Not Coming
Starvation is not coming because of agricultural shortages. lVe have enough food to feed billions for generations. Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies @ Cato, 2000, Market Liberalism: A Paradigm for the 21st Century, online The disturbing, ongoing pattern of famine and drought in Africa and Asia has added credibility to the argument that the earth is approaching a point at which it will not be able to continue to feed the "teeming masses" of the planet. Yet by any analysis, this is a time of agricultural abundance unprecedented in the history of the world. Economist Thomas De Gregori observes that "if there is hunger in the world-and so there is, in abundance, even in wealthy countries-it is because of maldistribution of food, not insufficient global production.20 "Ten times as many people died of famine in the last quarter of the 19th century as have died of famine in the third quarter of the 20th cen~ despite our much larger present
population and the massive engineered famines in Cambodia during the 1970s.21 An examination of 15 representative agricultural commodities (barley, broilers, carrots, cattle, corn, cotton, eggs, milk, oats, oranges, ricer sorghum, soybeans, wheat, and wool) reveals that real prices in the United States dropped by an average of 38 percent from 1980 to 1990. When indexed to wages, the price of those foodstuffs has declined 83 percent since 1950.22Clearly, if the earth's agricultural productivity were being outpaced by voracious demand for food as a result of the population explosion, agricultural prices would be rising sharply rather than falling dramatically as the data indicate. Likewise, it is clear that the agricultural output of the planet has increased exponentially over the past several centuries. Since 1960 technological advances in farm equipment, pesticides, fertilizers, irrigation techniques, bioengineering, and soil management have led to a doubling of world food production and 30 percent increases in farmland productivity .23 Technplogical advances have more than kept pace with the explosion in global population. Since 1948world food production has surpassed population increases by about 1 percent a year.24 Although global population has doubled since Wbrld War Il, world grain production has tripled. The dramatic increase in the availability of foodstuffs occurred without any appreciable global increase in land committed to agricultural uses over the last 30 years. Since 1950, in fact, 200 million acres of u.s. farmland have been retired as a result of the unprecedented glut of agricultural commodities on the,world market. Agricultural abundance has translated into improved health for even the poorest in the Third World. Whereas only 42 percent of all countries reported that average daily caloric consumption reached 100 percent of recommended levels in the mid-1960s, 66 percent of all nations reported caloric intake at those levels by the mid-1980s, a 56 percent increase in less than 20 years. Fully 81 percent of the world's countries, including China and India, now report averflge caloric intake of at least 90 percent of reconunended levels.25 Moreover, there is good reason to believe that the planet can

feed tens of billions of people for many generations to come. Suitable agricultural land makes up 24 percent of the total ice-free landmass of the globe, well over twice the amount cultivated in recent decades and more than triple the acreage cultivated in any given year.26 Moreover, a great deal of the world's cropland is underused or cultivated using low-yield technologies and practices similar to those used in this country in 1910. Obviously, agricultural productivity will skyrocket as high-yield technologies continue to advance throughout the developing world.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

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** Captain Shapiro!

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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KY FeIIows 2K4 Ralph

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Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (1/4)
The critique fails and entrenches capitalism. Erasing old border accelerates capitalist globalization and justifies new borders based on class. Geariod Tuathail, professor of geography @Virginia tech, 1999 ,"Borderless Worlds?", http://wvv\v.majbill.vt.edu/geog/facultv/toal/papers/Borderless.htm. These different examples of discourses of deterritorialization are, of course, sweepingly superficial representations of the complexity of boundaries, territory and the world map at the century's end. Seriously flawed as conceptualizations of the contemporary world, the confident hyperbole of these discourses nevertheless has considerable ideological power and rhetorical force. This paper seeks to problematize such discourses of deterritorialization in a general way by examining one of the more precise articulations of the phenomenon of deterritorialization, the socalled 'end of geography' in the domain of financial markets. On the face of it, the case of global financial integration would seem to be a particularly strong instances of deterritorialization, Rather than understanding the issue, however, as a mere confirmation of an unproblematized deterritorialization, this paper makes three arguments about deterritorialization discourses generally using the case of global finance. The first argument is that discourses of deterritorialization are ideological discourses that do not describe actuality but seek to discursively constitute and represent certain complex tendencies as both inevitable and positive developments in contemporary capitalist society. Discourses of deterritorialization, in other words, are part of the self-interpretation of contemporary informationalized capitalism. They combine elements from many longstanding Western discourses (con)fused in a contradictory and unstable unity. For example, digital culture discourses combine a strong humanistic inheritance emphasizing human freedom, liberation and fulfillment; a capitalist discourse concerning the virtues of open and transparent markets, and a discou'rse of technophilia which celebrates technological systems as wondrous entities which enhance human capacities and capabilities. The second argument is that what we are dealing with is not de territorialization alone but a re-arrangement of the identityJborder/order complex that give people, territory, and politics their meaning in the contemporary world. Deterritorialization is not qualitatively and overwhelmingly new. Further, there is no pure transcendence of the existing complex of nationality, territoriality and statism but a re-arranging of their practical functioning and meaning in a globalizing and infonnationalizing capitalist condition. The human practices organizing borders, states and territories are co-evolving with!socio-technical networks and informationalized capitalist relations of production and consumption. It is not simply that there is no de-territorialization without re-territorialization but that both are parts of ongoing generalized processes of territorialization. The third argument is that the consequences of de- and re-territorialization at the century's end is the creation of a world political map that is paradoxically more integrated and connected yet also more divided and dislocated as a consequence of the uneven development of the trends and tendencies associated with informationalization and globalization. While transformations in markets and [ telecommunications are creating a global village, this village is characterized by a functional global apartheid that separates and segregates certain affluent and wired neighborhoods from other deprived and disconnected zones and neighborhoods [23]. The development of borderless worlds does not contradict but actually hastens the simultaneous development of ever more bordered worlds characterized by stark inequalities and digital divides. The concept and practice deconstructs itself. Borderless worlds, in short, borders worlds. .

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad.(2/4)
Borderless discourse leads to reterritorialization of geography around capitalist financial hotspots. These panopticons will use their control of the market to devastate economies and heighten the gap between rich and poor regions. Geariod Tuathail, professor of geography @Virginia tech, 1999 /'Borderless Worlds?", http://www.majbill.vt.edu/geog/faculty/toal/papers/Borderless.htm. Second, end-of-geography discourse fails to demonstrate how de territorialization is in actuality also a reterritorialization. Geography is not so much disappearing as being restructured, re-arranged and re-wired. Global financial integration has, in fact, produced a new geo-political complex of territory, technology, states and markets on a global scale. At the pinnacle of this complex are a series of integrated global financial centers. As Sassen, Thrift and others have noted, the development of a globally integrated financial system has not rendered place less significant but more significant [36]. Even O'Brien concedes, that face to face contact is extremely important as the upper levels of the global financial system. Thrift argues that international financial centers have become centers of social interaction on an expanded scale. Rather than these centers dissolving into an electronic space of flows, the volume and speed of such flows "may make it even more imperative to construct places that act as centers of comprehension"T37]. In pointing out how global financial markets are not perfect markets Clark and O'Connor underscore how national regulations make a difference inconditioning markets. "There is, in effect a robust territoriality to the global financial industry" [38]. Third, the end-af-geography discourse fails to acknowledge and engage the construction of new geographies of financial exclusion across the planet. The de-territorialization of national financial spaces and the creation of an integrated global financial space has changes the rules of world economic affairs for both developed and developing economies. In order to attract capital and foreign direct investment to spur economic development, states have to present themselves before a geo-financial panopticon of market makers and market analysts [39]. They have to adopt neoliberal creeds in their economic management philosophy, undertake certain structural reforms deregulating 'national monopolies' and privatizing state assets, and be prepared to be evaluated on a daily basis by the 'electronic jury' of interlinked international markets [40]. States that do not play by these rules are effectively excluded from global investment capital. While the changes of the last decade have enabled certain developing states who have followed neoliberal nostrums to obtain considerable investment capital, this has come at a cost. Global financial capital tends to be impatient capital and exceedingly 'volatile. In times of crisis, capital will take flight to 'safer' and more 'predictable' markets, devastating national economies and development strategies in the process. The economic and social dislocations caused by this process are considerable, destroying economic resources and investments built up over years in a few days or less. As a consequence of the 'emerging market contagion' of 1997-98,income inequalities between the developing and developed world have widened considerably.

Puddingcan't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help" -,,,,,,J,,h

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Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (3/4)
Destroying borders allows the world market to become amorphous and digitized. Capitalism will be able to penetrate the entire globe.
Geariod Tuathail, professor of geography @ Virginia tech! 1999 ,"Borderless Worlds?", http://www.majbill.vt.edu/geog/facultv/toal/papers/Borderiess.htm. The superficialities of de territorialization discourse in financial markets have their equivalents in digital culture. For example, MIT media technologist Nicholas Negrapante describes the revolution unleashed by computers as a world transforming qualitative transition from a world of atoms' (large, heavy, inert mass) to a world of 'bits' (microscopic, light digital code) [42]. The atomic mass of territory is eclipsed by the light flexibility of telemetricality. In the warp drive of an informationalization pawered by Moore's law (the doubling of computer capacity every eighteen months), the world economy will become a "seamless digital workplace"[43]. "A self-employed software designer in Peoria will be competing with his or her counterpart in Pohang. A digital typographer in Madrid will do the same as one in Madras." "Bits," Negroponte assures us, "will be borderless, stored and manipulated with absolutely no respect to' geopolitical boundaries" [44]. Discourses touting the inevitable borderlessness of a coming informationalized world tend to be discourses peddling neoliberal visions of what informationalization should create, namely a 'friction-free market'. Such discourses also tend to hyperbolize the lborderlessness' and 'global' character of the information age, presenting images of its penetration into the smallest Italian villages or the remotest monasteries as signs of a' globality' that is ultimately parochial to 'virtual capitalism' and its 'virtual class'[4S]. Finally, these discourses assume away the tremendous informational inequalities across the world and within states, a world where most people do not even have access to a POTS (plain old telephane service) [46].
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Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Captain Shapiro! - Impact Turn - Capitalism Bad (4/4)
Their alternative is a fantasy that increases transnational capitalism while masking the ever deepening divide between rich and poor nations. Geariod Tuathail, professor of geography @Virginia tech, 1999 ,"Borderless Worlds?", http://wVl ......majbilLvt.edu/geog/facultv!toal/papers/Borderless.htm. 'Borderless world' discourses need to be problematized by old political economy questions: Who benefits? What class promotes the discourse of 'borderless worlds'? For whom is the world border1ess? Martin and Schumann provide the context for some answers in their description of a 80:20 world where one fifth of the world's population will be sufficient to keep the world economy running while four-fifths will be excluded from its high-speed lanes of power and privilege [47]. The top 20% are the 'wired technological classes' connected across the planet to each other and disconnected from the rest living in the same territorial state as themselves. The majority will remain trapped in the' space of places' pacified by entertainment industries or uneasily contained by prisons and the police. Robert Reich provides a similar vision of a onefifth/four-fifths society where the successful one-fifth ('symbolic analysts') are 'secessionists' living in similar gated communities across the globe and resolutely seeking to avoid territorial taxes in order to pay for Reich's "work of nations" agenda [48]. Luke pushes this further provocatively suggesting that for the top fifth 'nodality' is displacing 'nationality' as identity, community, sovereignty and territory are re-configured by the vast informational networks of cyberspace [49]. In the coded environment of network places, connectivity spac~s, and digital domains, these national citizens are re-inventing themselves as free-lance "netizens,' hyperindividualized 'digital beings' net-working on the world wide web [50]. The 'borderless world' is their self-interpretation, the utopian community imagined for them by informational capitalism. Yet this cyber-community of fantasy and play is also a harsh performative workplace where work for even the most privileged and rewarded requires routine 'overwork' [~1].Such visions of the geo-economics and geo-politics of an emergent cyberspatialized world dominated by transnational informational capitalism or what Eisenstein terms the cyber-media complex of transnational capita1'[S2] are themselves simplified and overstated, complicitious in some cases with the technologically deterministic hyperbole of that which they seek to criticize. Nevertheless, such visions do underscore the fact that contemporary transnational informational capitalism is deepening inequalities across the globe and re-arranging not abolishing borders, boundaries and territories. For all peoples across the world processes such as class, gender, race, educational opportunity, wealth, citizenship and political power are perpetually producing borders. 'Borderless world' discourses are the fantasies of the few that can dream of becoming digital in a world where just being is an persistent struggle for so many.
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Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

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** Biopower DA

pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Biopower DA - Impact Turn - Deterrence Good (1/2)
The end goal of bio-power is the construction of the nuclear weapon, which accounts for US deterrence. James Bernauer, Prof of Philo. @ Boston College, 1990, Force of Flight: Towards the ethic of thought, 141-142 This capacity of power to conceal itself cannot cloak the tragedy of the implications contained in Foucault's examination of its functioning. While liberals have fought to extend rights and Marxists have denounced the injustice of capitalism, a political technology, acting in the interest of the better administration of life, has produced a politics that places man's [SI~] "existence as a living being in question." The very period that proclaimed pride in having overthrown the tyranny of monarchy, that engaged in an endless clamor for reform, that is confident in the virtues of its humanistic faith=this period's politics created a landscape dominated by history's bloodiest wars. What comparison is possible between a sovereign's authority to take a life and a power that, in the interest of protecting a society's quality of life, can plan, as well as develop the means for its implementation, a policy of mutually assured destruction? Such a ipolicy is neither an aberration of the fundamental principles of modern politics nor an abandonment of our age's humanism in favor of a more primitive right to kill; it is but the other side of a power that is "situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scalephenomena of population." The bio-political project of administering and optimizing life closes its circle with the production of the Bomb. "The atomic situation is now at the end point of this process: the power to expose a whole population to death is the underside of a power to guarantee an individual's continued existence." The solace that might have been expected from being able to gaze at scaffolds empty of the victims of a tyrant's vengeance has been stolen from us by the noose that has tightened around each of our own necks. Nuclear weapons are key to credible deterrence and stopping CBW attacks .. Milwaukee Journal Sentinel8j10j2003, Mini-Nukes on the Horizon, ljn Proponents of a new, low-yield nuclear weapon argue that the president is "self-deterred" from using existing nuclear weapons because of the high probability of inflicting collateral damage. They reason that a new "mini-nuke" would be more usable because it would inflict less damage to the area outside the target. And, if it is more usable, then it would provide a more credible deterrent against outlaw states and terrorist organizations. Other proponents say we must develop mini-nukes not for deterrence, but for flexibility in war fighting and as the weapon of choice for pre-emptive strikes against chemical or biological weapons buried underground.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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Biopower DA - Impact Turn - Deterrence Good (2/2)
The impact is extinction. CHtn,rdF" Singer, professor of.'nuclear engineering and director of the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament,
and International Security at the of Illinois at

2001, Swords and

P toughs hares, lmp://\v\Vw ..acdis.uiuc .edu1Jotl.1(:pag(;\.docs/pubs,

most fearsome of natural biologicalwarfare agents in \;xi.sn:nt~~. Sm'.lHpil.\.}'!:itLE~~h:be aI H kl\~: tlllpn:ced.entcci since-the emergence of this tUSI;i1!SC

~:,c~y~".~,~~, ..~:,c,~~_,~.~~,c:,~ ; ..,':;':~'~:J.~~:~;,~_~~~~;~~.. .::::.~~_:~~~~~~~~.~.~~~~In , )
of an epidemic, developed countries llWy respond to limit the damage. Oihctwis(1 mortality there match the late 30 percent or developing coun{rlts, Witb respect 10 genetic using currently uvailable simple expedient of spreading all ample mixture of emil protein v,~rhm\s could ineffective, hIll. would otherwise not be expected to f-.\lbswmiaHy increase 9cvdopment Qf.ns-Y: hO\\VV';f, there is a that a

of other complications quarantine and vaccination
expected in unprepared and technology, the

·t1t1,v'JiP"""P

46
pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C:",,,I;,h

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

** Don't Fear the Reaper

47
Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-<:::",,,,j,,,h

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Space Weapons
A. Fear is crucial to space weaponization. Cliff Durand,staffwriter, 2003, We Have Seen the Future and It Does Not Work: The Politics and Ethics of Fear, http://pages.prodigy.net/gmoses/nvusa/webliog004.htm ' The politics of fear has governed our national life ever since. With the end of the Cold War up until 911, there was a hiatus. Without a communist bogeyman to scare us with anymore, the national security state was faced with a legitimization crisis. How could it justify its interventions against Third World countries? How could it justify continued high levels of military expenditures? How could it sustain the powers of an imperial presidency? Without an enemy, without a threat to fear, how could the political elite mobilize public support? Through the 1990s you could see it grasping for a new enemy for us to fear. A war on drugs was offered as cover for interventions in the Andean countries and in Panama, even though the problem of drugs had its roots here at home. We were told to fear crime (at a time when crime rates were actually decreasing) so we would support draconian police and sentencing practices that have given us the highest prison population in the industrial world. But the most ludicrous of all was the propaganda campaign launched by the Pentagon to try to convince us that we were threatened by a possible asteroid that could crash into the earth, destroying all life. To protect against that, we needed to develop space laser weapons that could destroy an oncoming asteroid first. Thus did the military-industrial complex seek to frighten us into supporting the development of star wars weaponry.
I I

B. Weaponizing space is key to hegemony Karl P. Mueller, analvst@RAND, 5/8/2002, "Totem and Taboo: Depolarizing the space Weaponizing Debate:', online ' Where the space hegemonists stand out most fundamentally from other weaponization advocates is on the political dimension, where controlling space becomes controlling the world. One explanation for how this is to occur, as Smith has suggested, is that overwhelming U.S. space power will be unassailable, so that the rest of the world will not challenge American hegemony. Either they will perceive it to be benign, or they will be so intimidated by it that defiance of the United States will appear pointless.

US leadership is essential to prevent global nuclear exclumg(~. Zalmay Khalilzad, R!\.NI)~ The \\/ashingt{)}l (;uart~~rly~ Spring 199,5
Under tht: third opticn.the United States would . to retain glohal leadetship and It) preclude the of a global rival or a return to IlmJtipcdarity tilt: 1.nd.;finite future, On balance, this is the i~e311(lt1g"lt:nn guiding principle il.nd \'i::;iol}, Sut:h a vision is desirable nor as an end in itself, hot because H})()rld in which !\wl,lnited States :o".''':::~,,'~,O;.'''. hal.dtr5hiR.~\'f'Uhll1(l.v,; tremendous advantHges, tl~t'grobalenvi'~~}nt';~~~nr woukl he ';~~;re opeL) and more receptive to American values -- dCHlC)(;nlcy, free markets, and the rule oflaw, See;ond, ;;\)(;.11 world ... a J:~!.'n.9J_d_h_a\'e! !
.cC." ..

:'''''"_-''.'''"''''''''.''·::.,c.;.·. "'.. .::'}.~."'"'.-::;..'L':~~=.~';.J ,.,.:,.. ~ ..... ' :'

thcwor] d's major problems,

2L:mglher hOSlil~'.gJ9b'1!'J.'~\J!1.,_9!}~!hlmg the United

SImes and

all tl1g:1Jf~'l!fJlllltQ';llgQ[~,j!!f'.rudjl!g a gg/h£;lm~t;Jcar cx(.·.!mngc-, U.S .. l('adc.f):;hip to global stability than bipolar or a lHnltipolar balance ofpower S)S!elTL

,I

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-<::",,,,i;,h

48

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Indo-Pak War
The fear of Death is the only war to prevent nuclear war between India and Pakistan. Talks without this sense of fear spell failure. . Louis Rene Beres, PhD @ Princeton, 1998, 14 Am. U. Int'l L. Rev. 497 Fear and reality go together naturally. Unless both Indian and Pakistani decision-makers come to acknowledge the mutually intolerable consequences of a nuclear war in South Asia, they may begin to think of nuclear weapons not as instruments of deterrence, but as "ordinary" implements of warfighting. 40 With such an erroneous view, reinforced by underlying commitments to Realpolitik 41 and nationalistic fervor, 42 they might even begin to take steps toward the atomic brink from which retreat would no longer be possible. "In a dark time," says the poet Theodore Roethke, "the eye begins to see." 43 Embedded in this ironic observation is an important mes [*515] sage for India and Pakistan. Look closely at the expected consequences of a nuclear war. Look closely at the available "arsenal" of international legal measures, at available treaties, customs, and general principles. 44 Do not be lulled into complacence by anesthetized illnd sanitized accounts of nuclear warfighting. Acknowledge the mutually beneficial expectations of world order. 45 On the Indian subcontinent, nuclear war would inevitably be an incurable disease. The only hope for such a terminal illness lies in prevention, perhaps through the creation of a South Asian security regime. 46 For both India and Pakistan, there can be absolutely no meaningful idea of "victory" associated with nuclear war. The idea that the concept of "victory" has no place in a nuclear war is as old as the Atomic Age. Long before the Atomic Age, certain philoso [*516J phers and military strategists probed the idea of victory with reasoned sensitivity. Machiavelli, for example, recognized the principle of an "economy of violence" that distinguishes between creativity and destruction. Machiavelli understood the differences between violence and power. 47 Later, Hannah Arendt on this distinction, elucidating a situation wherein the technical development of the implements of violence had outstripped any rational justifications for their use in armed conflict. Hence, said Arendt, war in the atomic age sis no longer the final arbiter in world politics, but rather an apocalyptic chess game that can bear no resemblance to earlier games of power and hegemony. In such a game, if either wins, both lose. 48 Even Clausewitz understood, before the nuclear age, that war must always be undertaken with reference to postwar benefit, and that the principle of "utmost force" must-always be qualified by reference to the "political object." Moreover, B.H. Liddell-Hart stated:

pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
_C:"",bh

49

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn

Omnicide

Fear prevents omnicide. Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear Weapons, 1983,5

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C;",,,,I,,,h

50

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Futterman
Fearing death is crucial to preventing nuclear war. JAH Futterman, Livermore lab researcher, 1995, Mediation of the Bomb, online But the inhibitory effect of reliable nuclear weapons goes deeper than Shirer's deterrence of adventurer-conquerors. It changes the way we think individually and culturally, preparing us for a future we cannot now imagine. Jungian psychiatrist Anthony J. Stevens states, [15] "History would indicate that people cannot rise above their narrow sectarian concerns without some overwhelming paroxysm. It took the War of Independence and the Civil War to forge the United States, World War I to create the League of Nations, World War II to create the United Nations Organization and the European Economic Community. Only catastrophe, it seems, forces people to take the wider view. Or what about fear? Can the horror which we all experience when we contemplate the possibility of nuclear extinction mobilize in us sufficient libidinal energy to resist the archetypes of war? Certainly, the moment we become blase about the possibility of holocaust we are lost. As long as horror of nuclear exchange remains uppermost we can recognize that nothing is worth it. War becomes the impossible option. Perhaps horror, the experience of horror, the consciousness of horror, is our only hope. Perhaps horror alone will enable us to overcome the otherwise invincible attraction of war." Thus I also continue engaging in nuclear weapons work to help fire that world-historical warning shot I mentioned above, namely, that as our beneficial technologies become more powerful, so will our weapons technologies, unless genuine peace precludes it. We must build a future more peaceful than our past, if we are to have a future at all, with or without nuclear weapons - a fact we had better learn before worse things than nuclear weapons are invented. If you're a philosopher, this means that I regard the nature of humankind as mutable rather than fixed, but that I think most people welcome change in their personalities and cultures with all the enthusiasm that they welcome death - thus, the fear of nuclear annihilation of ourselves and all our values may be what we require in order to become peaceful enough to survive our future technological breakthroughs. [16]

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-<::a:::aI::. h

51

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Lenz (1/2)
Lack of fear numbs us to the reality of death - imagining our own destruction is key to eliminating threats to our survival.
Millicent Lenz, professor of information sciences
@

SUNY, 1990,9-10

" A summar/of Frank's thought in "Psychological Determinants of the Nuclear Arms Race" notes how all people have difficulty grasping ..••• rna 'hideand immediaCY of the threat of nuclear arms and this the .:.psycholo 'cal unreali 15 aSI 0 stac e 0 e a a rea. y events that people have actu y experience can have true emo,tional iillpact~ ~ince Americans have escaped the devastation of nu-.clear weapons on their own soil and "nuclear weapons poised for annihilation in distant countries cannot beseen, heard, smelled, tasted, "'()rtoucned; ".we find it easy to imagine ourselves immune to the threat. 'Albert Can:ushadthe samejJhenomenon in mind when he Wrote in hisessay.Neither Victims nor Executioners 0{ the inability of mosfpeople really- to imagine other people's death (he might have added" or their own"). Commenting on. Camus, David P. Barash and Judith Eve Lipton observed that this distancing from death's reality is yet another as ect of our inSUlation from life's most basic reali ties. "We make loveby telephone, we work not on matter but on rna mes, and we kill and ar~' ed by proxy. We gain in cleanliness, but lose in understanding!' 1£ we are to heed Camus's call to refuse to be either the victims of viole ce like the Jews of the Holocaust, or the perpetramrs of it like the Nazi executioners of the death camps, we must revivifytheimagination of what ,iolence-reallyentails. It is here. of course, That the literature of nuclear. holocaust can lay a Significant role. ithout either firsthand experience or V1'\'i la£1IUI1 it is natural, as Frank pomts out, to Qenv e existence of death rna . es and their .consequences. In psychiatric usage, aenzai means to exclude them trom -aw-arene~au5e-li]etting-[the-instruments-of -destnictionl-enfe-r consciousness would create too strong a level of anxiety or other painful emotions. ,,24 In most life-threatening situations, an organism's adaptation increases chances of survival, but ironically, adapting ourselves to nu ear fear is counte roductive: We ani ~ Inmore certainly e repressed fear, moreo\Te~ _

52
Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
_C:",,,,!,,,h

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Lenz (2/2)
Imagining our extinction is the only way to prevent it. Millicent Lenz, professor of information sciences @ SUNY, 1990
~ A character in Helen Clarkson's The Last Day: A Novel of the Day After Tamorrow tells us why we need to listen to the voices from Hiroshima and Nagasaki. As painful as it may be to do 50, we need to imagine our Q'Vfl extinction. Clarkson's Dr. Toel, witness to m.::.clear evastation on d American soil, seeing many of the children he had attended at birth die of nuclear radiation, knows his own death is imminent. He questions why nuclear catastrophe has been allowed to happen and finds lour contributing causes: the loss of belief in immortalirv, which made life seem meaningless and contemptible (d. Luton's loss of "symbolic im-mortality"); paranoia over the threat or Soviet aggression and the subsequent arms race (d. Frank's psychology of the Enemy); boredom, an even. mO.re fatal thi~S.than ~~d, most important, the lack of ima~nation-the mabilfuv to 1 a= 0 w xh.,.,ctlOn.The world portraYed in Clarkson s novel w' soon e ead eca se people succumbed to an "automatic amnesia for the unbearable" (d. Luton's "psychic numbing"). ">-

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-<:::",,,,1,,,1->

53

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs
Fearing death is crucial to stop the spread of AIDs. San Francisco Examiner 4115/2K2 In t.he early days of the epidemic. many in the gay community were confronted daily with the prospect of death. Now, with the aid of medications, many HIV -positive people are living relatively healthy lives, but there is a downside. "Onlv fear made (HIV prevention) work in the first place," says Marcus Conant, head of the Conant Foundation, and one of the first doctors to work with AIDS patients. "The messages didn't make it work." The urgency to stop infections was removed after 1996, when AID S drugs began to combat the disease, prevention specialists say. But that's not the only shift. Steven Gibson, Stop AIDS Project spokesman said beyond the evaporation of urgency is the plain fact that sex without a condom feels better.

The Impact is extinction Jakarta Post, 3/6/2000 There is no doubt that AIDS is the most serious threat to humankind, more serious than hurricanes, earthquakes, economic crises, capital crashes or floods. It has no cure yet. We are watching a whole continent degenerate into ghostly skeletons that finally succumb to a most excruciating, dehumanizing death. Gore said that his new initiative, if approved by the U.S. Congress, would bring U.S. contributions to fighting AIDS and other infectious diseases to $ 325 million. Does this mean that the UN Security Council and the U.S. in particular have at last decided to remember Africa? Suddenly, AIDS was seen as threat to world peace, and Gore would ask the congress to set up millions of dollars on this case. The hope is that Gore does not intend to make political capital out of this by painting the usually disagreeable Republicancontrolled Congress as the bad guy and hope the buck stops on the whole of current and future u.s. governments' conscience. Maybe there is nothing left to salvage in Africa after all and this talk is about the African-American vote in November's U.S. presidential vote. Although the UN and the Security Council cannot solve all African problems, the AIDS challenge is a fundamental one in that it threatens to wipe out man. The challenge is not one of a single continent alone because Africa cannot be quarantined. The trouble is that AIDS has no cure-and thus even the West has stakes in the AIDS challenge. Once sub-Saharan Africa is wiped out, it shall not be long before another continent is on the brink of extinction. Sure as death, Africa's time has run out, signaling the beginning of the end of the black race and maybe the human race.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-<::",;:>I::.h

54

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Link Ext.
Fear of death is needed to solve AIDs. Michelangelo Signorile, 411999, The Advocate, online Contrary to what some writers-in particular, those who support the bareback crowd-have said, fear does work in changing behavior. Absent fear of disease and dying, what, after all, is the incentive for staying safe? Some of these same writers have done everything from distorting studies about unsafe sex and HlV infection to claiming that protease inhibitors are working just fine and will continue to work, rejecting increasing evidence to the contrary. As far as they're concerned, fear won't work because there's nothing left to fear. Others have acknowledged that HIV transmission is on the rise, but they reject fear outright, claiming that terrifying gay men doesn't go far toward making them safe and only turns them off. They say the softer, sexier sell goes a longer way. But the truth is, fear has in the past worked dramatically well even when it wasn't implicit within HIV-prevention messages. Prevention has often focused on hot, healthy bodies, often even depicting images of sexy, muscular HIV-positive men. This was important 110tjust for negative men-to eroticize safer sex-but for positive men as well in order to build self-esteem at a time when HlV-positive people were being ridiculed and stereotyped. It's partly this impulse that was the genesis ofPoz magazine, and the publication's success speaks to thy need for validation and hope that it fulfills among many people with HIV. But apart from the ads and the magazines Eke Poz boosting our morale, we were always surrounded bv real life-the dying friends, the gaunt faces, the painful coughs and lesions. There was a balance in all of our lives: on the one hand, images that built the self-esteem of positive people and made safer sex more sexy and desirable, and on the other, reallife experiences that were much to the contrary. And that was enough to both promote safer sex and keep people very afraid of ever becoming infected. Now, however, the balance is way off All we see-in ads for safer sex, in HIV-prevention materials, in ads for protease inhibitors, even in TV programs about people with AIDS-are handsome, healthy people. After years of activism and education efforts, people with HlV have won the battle to feel better about themselves. To overcome prejudice and despair, to rescue gay people's self-esteem and self-respect, we have all embraced images ofHIV-positive people as winners, as people who have every right to live on hope rather than fear. And rightly so-reducing the stigma attached to HIV and AIDS has meant better lives for countless thousands of people. We built a culture of hope, and protease inhibitors have, in a way, been the culmination of that culture. But we weren't counting on the downside to that victory. Because we've had some successes in both public relations and medicine, the reality of sickness and death has become abstract and removed for a whole new generation of young adults. It's not gone, but it is hidden: The culture of hope has completely overtaken the fear, pushed it out of sight, below the surface.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me ...but it'll help"
-<:;.,,,,bh

55

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper

Impact Turn - AIDs -Hegemony

(112)

AIDs destroys hegemony by destroying cohesion and killing officers, which are key to readiness and efficiency. P.W. Singer, Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow @ Brookings, Spring 2K2, vol 44, no 1
The primary connection between AIDS and conflict appears to come from the unique linkage between the disease and the institution of the military. Studies consistently find that fDe average htfection rates of soldiers are sib~ificantly higber than equivalent age groups in the ref)1Jar ciyi1ian populatiOll. This is true ~:ross the gJ~, whether in the US, UK France, or in armies of the developing world where the problem is magnified. Recent studies in Africa have found that The result is that many armies are the focal pni;gt.gf AIDS jnfectjo[! in their nation and are essentially ~er direct attack from the di~ The averag infection rate of African militaries is about 30%, but is much higher for the states that have experienced AIDS for longer periods of time. Estimates of HI\! infection rates among African armies are as high as 50'10 in the Congo and Angola, 66% in Uganda, 75 % in Malawi and 80% in Zimbabwe." It is the primary cause of death in many armies - even those, such as the Congo's, which have frequently been at war over the last decade." It permeates the South African military to the extent that soldiers (as 'Nell as police) are prohibited from giving blood, Militaries beyond the sub-Saharan African AIDS core - that is, from states with lower infection rates - are following this trend. For example, the army of Sierra Leone is, with British military assistance, attempting to remake itself into an effective fighting force. The discovery that as many as one in three in the army are now HIV-positive is making this more difficult." Similarly, one in three Russian draftees is now rejected for various health reasons, compared to one i~ twenty 15 years ago." The results are devastatinD for the military as an institution and can lead to a dangerous weakening of its capabilities. As Colonel Kevin Beaton of the UK's Royal Army Medical Corps noted, "Historv is littered with examples of armies falling apart for health reasons'." Besides the effect on the regular troops and the general recruiting pool, the ~disease is particularly costly to military forces i.~ terms of its draining eff;ct on the skilled positions @2js not only kiHiiig regular conscripts but also officers and NCOs - key personm'] that military forces are least able to lose. Thus, leadership capacities and professioI;lal standards are directly suffering from the disease's scourge. Several armies; including those of Bot~\'vana, Uganda and Zimbabwe, are already facing serious gaps in their leadership cadres. In Malawi, at least half the general staff is thought to be HN-positive, while the army's commander stated that he believed a quarter of his overall force would be dead from the disease within the next three years." This hollOlving-out of militaries, particularly at the leadership

r

l~t has a number of added implications for securitv, As human capacity is lost, military organisations' efforts to modernise are undermined. Preparedness and combat readiness deteriorate. Even if a new recruiting pool is found to replace sick troops, ~ohesion is compromised. As they lose their leadersh~ unyielding, demoralising ~r the organisations themselves can unravel. . - The higher risk within the military compounds the disease's impact by transferring it to the political level. Commanders in countries "with high rates of infection already worry that they are now unable to field full contingents for deployment or to assist their nation's allies. 6,1DS-weakened militaries also pose !he risk of domestic jnstabili~y and mav eyen invjte forei~n attack. NamiWs .defence ministry, deeming~ AIDS to be a new fonn of stratezic ~'abilitv has 0 treated military infection rates as classified information."
~I

56

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Hegemony (2/2)
AIDs crushes hegemony for a number of reasons. P.W. Singer, Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow @ Brookings, Spring 2K2, vol 44, no 1
The looming security implications of AIDS, particularly within Africa, are now a baseline assumption. However, the mechanisms by which 'AIDS has changed the landscape of war' are barely understood." This essay seeks to explain those mechanisms. AIPS not onIv threatens to heighten the risks ~r, hut also multiplies its impact The disease will hollow oufinilitary capabilities, as well as stQte copacities jn genera! , 'weakeniD,g both to the point of ,faiIurepnd collapse. Moreover, at these times of increased vulnerability, the disease also creates new pools of militant recnllts, who portend even greater violen~, as well l::s?pardising certain pillars of international stability, In isolation, this in~ risk of war around the globe is bad enough, but there are also Ct;;rtain typJ~ of cross-fertilisation behveen the disease and conflict, intensifying the threat. The ultimate dynamic of warfare and AIDS is that their combination makes b;th like~c(more ~v~sYltii}iP .

(fore

57
Pudding can't fill the emptiness
_<::",,,1,,,",

inside me.i.but it'll help"

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Terrorism (1/2)
The failed states caused by AIDs are breeding grounds for terrorist. P.W. Singer! Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow @ Brookings, Spring 2K2! vol 44, no 1 ~ The.fb-!ea ~ .()fE:(,QI}QnJic:and__polifi_C:ClJ~Qii~psg:tr.Q11l thE:g1?__S;EtS_E,:~_ClI1~i'lI",_[)_~ea d tOll~eyvrefugeE'Hows.Besides facilitating the spread of the disease! the sudden and massive population movements such collapses provoke have l~;d to heightened region-wide tension and destabilisation.f V\ijthAIDS likely to reach pCi}1.\-1emic .levelsinfheCaribbean and former SovietUnIc)n;-Am£iican and uropeangovernments wili:b~~~_tQ_F~~}~~E~f9E~.ef~gee c;:is~il~elni;;;;-;;~cl'of the Haitian collapse and Balkan ,"lars of the 19905. --------The more direct security threatisthaJ failed states can become havens for tl1i}i~~g~~~1;i~~~f~gi~b~1:~~d~; :-Asthe ~(_JNSp~-~i~n:j~~~~oyLahl;~d-;;~B~-;I~llni noted! the e-vents of 11 September were 'A 'w-akeup call, [leading many] ... to realize that even small countries, far a\vay, like Afghanistan cannot be left to sink to the depths to which Afghanistan has sunk' .34 pe~~_YLng states Q~_ve ~L~tcemisLgro.llp_s_ft~f;'g_Qnl.Q[QP_~:t.:§:_gQn,~~!b da!::g~~ol~§_£<?.!~_g:t:!:§p_£~_?~2.E_rd away. TJtis 11?3:'9x(Lilp-p_U!'.'):i_f;'5~~D to .-sE;~minglY-__ j§_c.Qnni'f~_q_.§.t.9ct~_fEilure s. __ 4 Sierra Leone's collapse in the 1990s,for example, certainly was of little cc~;;ce-nl_ to policy-makers in 'Washington and had little connection to radical Islamic terrorist groups. Evidence has since emerged, however, that the tiny 'Vest African country is connected to al-Qacda fundraising efforts involving the diamond trade."

E

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
-C:"",I",h

58

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - Terrorism (2/2)
Terrorism will escalate into nuclear war causing extinction.
Louis Rene Beres, profof politicnl SCience: And international Lawai Purdue University 19S7 [Terrorism and Glob:I1 Security: The Nuclear Tlwcd pgA2-31 The Camus Caligula, who ki.lls because "there's only one I'>,ly of g<,[[ing even with the gods.; to be as cruel as they," a number oftcrrorisr

gWllpS could tnrn to nuclear weaponry 4S " promising new inslllUllclli of vengeance. E\!Q";:,£! with ,'i9.£P- thl~Qiib?, gOvc!1}p)cnts woul~;1find it necessary to chorem;rapb th_t;;jrown!nagabre d'!TIQQsofd();1,th s<)vm,erv with say:rrgs_5j!}_a guest; for security lh~lt mie.ht reveal only impotQ!.lce. In the_~~1ke of S\l£O widespread di~lgfation IlJ.?sJness \~ould be c~!.~1?ratcd bv,-?1} sides as the Ji1;>eratiol! core of survival and sa.!litr_ woulsLsIissol vc into insif':nific<lnq'l.,

His nol a.PIQ!IV picturg.
most bium" "pornography and inexplicable

The record ofbumnn history reveals nor only tbc most extreme manifestations of deliberate evil, but attraction 10 that evil. 1.iving, as we exist, with both the memory and the expectation of holocanst, the

also the

ofdeath" that ties latent in the prosQ.9_ft of nuclear terrorism cgrries not gnl\' the dgrrk viSiO!l..91 cosn1!f: dis(~E1.~",,_bllt alsQJJ.1e cleformaU{!.D. of the human spirit thro~e.ILsuccessh'e imitations of excessive violence.

Nuclear terrorism

and nuclear war

Nuclear turrQIi.sIll coutd even spark fun-scale war between states. Such \Nar COl!lcl involve speclnnn ofnucJcar conflict DosslbiLitics.!,.ramring {torn a nuclear attack UpO!l a non-nuclear wide nuclear war, How might such far-reaching consequences of nuclear rcrrorism come' about? Perhaps the most

th~. ntire e

stale to svsrern

likely way would involve a terrorist nuclear assault against a state by terrorist hosted in another state, For example, consider the following scenarios:

Early in the 1990s, Israel and its Arab stare neighbor;; finally stand ready to conclude a comprehensive, multilateral peace seulcmem. With a bilateral treaty between Israel and Egypt already nay years old, only the interests of the Palestinians- as defined by the. PLO- seem ro have been left am. On th" eve otthc proposed si~~1ing of the'.peace agreement, hal! a dozen crude nuclear explosives in the one-kiloton runge detonate in as man v lSfilQIciries. Public 2,ridin Israel over the many thousands dead and maimed is m;tched ()niv hv the outcry fbI' revenue. In response 1'0 the pul;licmood~ the gUYGrln;K:ntofL:;racl initiative selected strikes against terrorist strongholds in Lebanon, whereupon Leba"-1esc Shiite Forces and Syria retaliate against Israel Before long, the entire region is ablaze, conflict has cscalared in nuclear forms, and all countries in the area have suffered unprecedented destruction

or course,

such a scenario is taught with the makings of even wider destruction.
f($P0[1$2?

How would the United Stales react to the situation in the

I!js certain lv conceivable that a chain reaction of inter?li!te nuclear connie! could carr\' on~ that would ultimatelv involve the S\CWJ~1:P0wcrs or t:yen every nUQlear weapon state on the p I!!"Q'st
l\Eddk East? What would be the>Soviets

tlw terms of asses!'!.!ll9nt be stati~!j9.Ql or humaIh the consequences of 11!lfl£:§.r war rcqutreap entirely new paradif!m of geath. Only such a paradieUl would (jJlgw us a pr!)p~[ framework for absor!?im>: the vision 9_f1l~_m>JQtgl obliieratiQl11U)f1 the out£dLDlits ofhul:nan destructiveness. b_I1S:.Jluc[car war wotLl~U;l£yg..£f1ectively permanent and irreversible side consequences. Whatever .tb_Q,~!f:tual extent Qfi11i:urics and 1ataUtics such a ,vaf would entomb the spirit of the entjr~~ species inlW!lanetarv casket shorn with bodies l!D.9jmJ?ccilc imagillati0l15". This would be as tnw fi)r a "limited" nuclear war as for an "unlimited" on~, Contrary to continuing Pentag(ln commitments to the idea of selected "counterforce" strikes that would allegedty reduce the chance for nuclear escalation and produce fewer the Slfij,tegV of limited nuclear \-var is inherently unreasonable. There_lli, in fact, 119 clear pict~r[§__ f what state~.!!1E\' h,QJ2e to gain from counterforce attacks. This understandinrr is reflected bv the Q Soviet InilLtarv strateQV which is_founded on the idea that an\' nuclear conflict \~_!,)Uld necessg,ri1v be unlimited,
civilian casualties,

\Vnar exactl\! \vould this Tl,!ean? Whether

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Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Self Determination (1/3)
AIDs weakens the structure of governments sparking ethnic secessionism. P.W. Singer, Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow@ Brookings, Spring 2K2, vol 44, no 1 .~ The precise security threat here is that 6TI2.S C2lJJ?~~§51Jg_e.TQ:g._~_y,IJ'caknes~ECf?iJ1 the of an otherwise stable ...-,_._,.'-'~-,..,-, its__~militarv: its"·-b,·-,---,·----·-,--"'-~'·;·-b·-····<'," . ',. _,.... _-~-...-,.".zoverninz institutions_and , .....",;,.,,_,_,"'state: ",,_._. .,,:_.m"__ _. ..
'_:'_·_J~_L..~ __

~_economy. The disease is accordingly no longer just a symptom but a fundamental catalyst of state crisis." As public institutions crumble and senior officials suc¢umb .tQJbigiseas_e,public co~d;~~-in g~:;-~~;gb;d;s-isfuftherth;_:cate;ea~"[!-----The \veakeni!1gg£ stat~..b()dies elt _Eoi_!lts_o£crisishas rep~Cltedlv beer; the . 1:~~2itsaI1d-.9iF~;E911!i~~ ~thr-ri'C'stl-~g,gie~:t() c()llh-ol __ ov~r resources. "LL\S the recent-coila})seofi:he" DelnocrancRepul;1ic of C-;;ngo ·.. ttJRC)illu'strates~_:::~E!£~~~~!_~_c1,~_1":~~_and~~er v~91ent~_qors "vill mOY~F1!o fill the void leftby2\!tail_iJ)g,?t~ti:§,)rhat the disease is concentrating ill areas ahead y-u;:;_~iel:going tenuous political transitions - such as Africa and the former Soviet Union - only heightens the risk of instability and state failure.

sp21!:Ff_Qi_f;;~P~~

aT:~?

s~~~re

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Ralph

Don't Fear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Self Determination (2/3)

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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DOJrl't ear the Reaper - Impact Turn - AIDs - Self Determination (3/3) F

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Don't Fear the Reaper - Perm Solves
Their alternative fails because the current conception of death through nuclear conflict is so devastating that people refuse to listen. Decreasing the risk of omnicide is a precursor to solving. Louis Rene Beres, professor of international law @ Purdue, 1994, 11 Ariz. J. Int'l & Compo Law 1, lin This, then, is an altogether different kind of understanding. Rather than rescue humankind by freeing individuals from fear of death, this perspective recommends educating people to the truth of an incontestable relationship between death and geopolitics. By surrendering ourselves to States and to traditional views of self-determination, we encourage not immortality but premature and predictable extinction. It is a relationship that can, and must, be more widely understood. There are great ironies involved. Although the corrosive calculus of geopolitics has now made possible the deliberate killing of all life, populations all over the planet turn increasingly to States for security. It is the dreadful ingenuity of States that makes possible death in the billions, but it is in the (*24] expressions of that ingenuity that people seek safety. Indeed, as the threat of nuclear annihilation looms even. after the Cold War, 71 the citizens of conflicting States reaffirm their segmented loyalties, moved by the persistent unreason that is, after all, the most indelible badge of modern humankind. As a result, increasing human uncertainty brought about bv an unprecedented vulnerability to disappearance is likely to undermine rather than support the education required. Curiously, therefore, before we can implement such education, we will need to reduce the perceived threat of nuclear war 72 and enlarge the belief that the short-term goal of nuclear stability is within our grasp. To make this possible we must continue to make progress on the usual and mainstream arms control measures and on the associated strategies of international cooperation and reconciliation. In this connection, arms control (*25] obligations must fall not only on nuclear weapon States, but also upon non-nuclear States that threaten others with war or even genocide.

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** Nuclear Nightmares

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Nuclear Nightmares - Impact Turn - Ignorance
Ignoring nuclear dangers prevents solutions to those dangers. Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear Weapons, 1983
~'~~;;':~~--PerhapS-;art of what makes tf existence of nuclear weapons relalive v eas\, to live with is that one doesn't have to think about them very much. Nuclear \\'eaponry, as long as It IS 'never used, does not greatly influence our daily life. We spend part of our tax dollar on nuclear arms, but we eat and sleep, love and hate, live and die, without being affected by the nuclear arsenals the United States or the Soviet Union have built. We want to keep it this wav. Because we ar '':"........,-:''"'~l..LU-';( ~I e~s:__:_n~()~t~oc \\"e nee ( tot Ill' se n 0 u s v (~) cur, .about the problem, () see nuclear war as II rcall\" could be. But because we are human, a dilemma of denial pre:;ellts itself when we start ill the horrors of \V1r. There is a tem )tation to "tune out" the Jroblern, to think that if one noes not want war to occur, It cannot OCCUI". \\'e know that inonn the danger of war Wlll not make r an er go away. But w ren we t III a x.ut the terrible possibilities, Jt i;-m'jjy human to recoil Irorn the vision. ~~.\ 2->

We must face the threat of omnicide to stop it. Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear WeapolJ§.,1983

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~C;"'"I"h

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Nuclear Nightmares - Perm - Pragmatism

Key

Utopian solutions to the nuclear problem prevent action, the permutation is key. Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear Weapons, 1983

66
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* * Ontological Malarchy

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Ontological Malarchy - Perm - Imagination Station
The problems presented in the lAC are too urgent to sit around and wait for the meta-physical answer. Pursuing action, while at the same time questioning our ontology, is crucial to solving. Molly Cochran, assistant professor of international affairs @ Georgia Institute for Technology 1999, Normative Theory in International Relations, p. 272 To conclude this chapter, while modernist and postmodernist debates continue, while we are still unsure as to what we can legitimately identify as a feminist ethical/political concern, while we still are unclear about the relationship between discourse and experience, it is particularly important for feminists that we proceed with analysis of both the material (institutional and structural) as well as the discursive. This holds not only for feminists, but for all theorists oriented towards the goal of extending further moral inclusion in the present social sciences climate of epistemological uncertainty. Important ethicaVpolitical concerns hang in the balance. We cannot afford to wait for the meta-theoretical questions to be conclusively answered. Those answers may be unavailable. Nor can we wait for a credible vision of an alternative institutional order to appear before an emancipatory agenda can be kicked into gear. Nor do we have before us a chicken and egg question of which comes first: sorting out the meta theoretical issues or working out which practices contribute to a credible institutional vision. The two questions can and should be pursued together, and can be, via moral imagination. Imagination can help us think beyond discursive and material conditions which limit us, by pushing the boundaries of those limitations in thought and examining what yields. In this respect, I believe international ethics as pragmatic critique can be a useful ally to feminist and nonnative theorists generally.

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** ChessMaster 2000

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ChessMaster

2000 - INC Shell (1/2)

The success of the revolution will be detennined by a game of chess. The mindset that the affirmative's resistance tries to locate and destroy is merely a blood-shorn pawn in capitalism's quest to covertly kill the rebel's King. Deployments of things like racist discourse are sent sliding toward the movement as a smokescreen. While the affinnative is busy trying to deal with a small, annoying problem like the pawn, the root of these horrors, global capitalism, is able to creep up from behind and slit the revolution's throat. Barbara Foley, Cultural Logic, Volume 2 No.1 Spring 1998 But what has all this to do with post-Marxism, you may be wondering. (My definition of a postMarxist by the way, is pretty umigorous: a postmodemist who retains a lingering fondness for the category of class.) First, the scholarship I'm calling for needs to be a "left" scholarship-coming from a position of general sympathy with the project of human emancipation through the abolition of exploitation and classes. But much post-Marxist discourse is, in my view, premised upon anticommunism. Laclau and Mouffe's Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, arguably the manifesto of post-Marxism, is suffused with an anti-Leninist animus that conflates politics with epistemology in an irrevocably linked chain of signifiers: the authoritarian party equals class reductionism equals logocentricity; totality equals totalitarianism. If one were to read only Laclau and Mouffe--or listen only to Cornel West (I think here of various speeches I'veheard him give about "radical democracy")--one would have to conclude that the entire 20th century project of creating egalitarian societies run by the producers was doomed in advance by the Marxist claim to possession of a "master narrative." Other post-Marxist statements--like those ,gathered in the recent anthology Marxism in the Postmodern Age--may use a kinder, gentler rhetoric than Laclau and Mouffe, but for most of the contributors "class" clearly signifies subject position rather than the basis for systemic critique. As Ebert and Zavarzadeh, among others, have exhaustively demonstrated, the post-Marxist call to "think globally and act locally" results in a pragmatist fetishization of particularity that precludes systemic critique and coherent action. In this context, the detachment of class from gender and race, while presumably intended to liberate the latter two from Stalinist "class reductionism," effaces the centrality of sexism and racism to bourgeois hegemony; moreover, it reduces exploitation to the presumably parallel but in fact nonsensical (and completely uri-Marxist) category of "c1assism." Although the explicit postMarxist assault upon class analysis has--fortunately--been largely confined to the academy, we should not underestimate its trickle-down effect in the culhrre atlarge, especially as part of a fashionably decentered, and identity":politics-Iaden, postmodemist mass culture. In any even, this assault certainly functions to discourage scholars--particularly younger scholars otherwise acquiring a somewhat radicalized political consciousness in the current jobs crisis--from joining the fray as conscious advocates of revolutionary, as opposed to merely piecemeal and refonnist, change.

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ChessMaster 2000 -INC Shell (2/2)
Capitalism makes wars and violence inevitable. We as members of the rebel team must put our individual quibbles with the bourgeoisie pawns aside and focus all of our efforts on one large Blitzkrieg against the system. World Revolution, communists, 1/6/2002 "The insanity of capitalism", online At a local level, in south Asia, the working class is not showing the militancy that could stop a war. Internationally the working class is a spectator as capitalism tears itself apart. If nuclear weapons are used it will not just cause unimaginable millions of deaths, and environmental destruction, it will be the most massive blow against the working class, a setback in the struggle for communism. It would represent a qualitative development in the decomposition of capitalism and would pose the question of whether the working class is going to be able to pose its own alternative. If the ruling class can fight even one war with nuclear weapons it could unleash a deadly and apocalyptic cycle that would ultimately make communism a total impossibility. And yet the fundamental point remains: the only force that can stop this happening is the international working class, above all that in the main capitalist countries. Through the development of its struggles to defend its own interests it could show the workers on the sub-continent that there is a class alternative to nationalism, religious and ethnic hatred. This places a huge responsibility on the working class of the metropolitan heartlands. It has to see that while it must defend its interests as a class, it also has the future of humanity in its hands. It has to begin the process of political clarification on the nature of the system it faces and the stark alternative it is faced with: struggle as a class or be destroyed as individuals. Faced with the insanity of capitalism in full decay, workers in the region and around the world must take up the slogan: WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE, your enemy is your national bourgeoisie, not the working class in other countries. Capitalism can only drag us to war and barbarism. The working class struggle is the key to the only alternative: the worldwide communist revolution.

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ChessMaster

2000 - 2NC - Link - Rhetorical Interpretation

This is the wrong time to discuss your author's interpretation of our rhetoric. The queen has infiltrated the frontlines and any focus on other pieces guarantees a capitalistic check-mate for the revolution. Matthew W. Gargo, B. S. from the University of Wisconsin Eau Claire, 2000,Radical Praxis, online
At this moment in creative writing pedagogy, the pedagogue may use popularized, commonsense understandings 1'08tstructuralist theory in the workshop discourse to further problematize truth and work against consensus, progress, and transformation. Using popularized, commonsense ideals of post-structuralism, the pedagogue can show the workshop how any perspective, opinion, or "stance" can potentially be equally relevant, if not "true," because all truth is inherently unknowable and an effect of discourse of signs with incessantly sliding signifiers. This directly contradicts the introductory levels of the course, which attempt to define and naturalize artistic process and artistic.value. One may think that such a perspective could and would be used to problematize the commonsense and naturalness of the workshop's forms and models or writing, but post-structuralism is only selectively applied to the opinion stances offered and not at the course's construction itself. There is never a questioning of the canon of forms and methods so the work accomplished at the previous levels is not undone. A student could and would not say, "1 think writing like this and proposing what I am writing is real and universal, in some way, is entirely problematic." The introductory level has successfully indoctrinated possibilities of such dissent away. The notion of the opinion is used primarily to fragment or fracture any concrete, cohesive rendering, positing, or understanding of a social historical reality, and the position this reality is intelligible from, in order to problematize the notion of truth the piece of fiction posits as truth. The result of this is the burying of the ideological structures from which each student makes what she experiences intelligible. This is done to give all students, in the workshop, the myth of power, while preserving the inability to critique the status quo through the positing of opinions. The students' power resides in the pedagogue's, and in the workshop as a whole, apparent acceptance of each person's multiple readings of a text as equally legitimate. This legitimacy gives the student the myth that their "close" readings of the texts are equally heard, equally possible, and, therefore, equally powerful. If one looks closely, the pedagogue may seemingly resist the post-structuralist tendency to mark reality as unknowable, by holding onto Nco-realism and Formalism, but the pedagogue often does not offer a,critique of these experience/ comments unless they step beyond the formalist, neorealist values prescribed for the class discourse. If a student's comments step out of this paradigm, the pedagogue's function is in bringing the" dissenting" student back within the dominant rules of the discourse. The students are then taught that this paradigm is a set of constraints, which if violated, or moved beyond, can yield no "meaningful" conclusions (Zavarzadeh "Theory as Resistance" & "Reading My Readers"). To better understand how this seemingly selective use of post-structuralism works one must first understand how subject positions are formed through ideological interpolation. The problem with subject positions is that they are not a unified set of beliefs but are often great contr<ldictory hodgepodges of various social, political, and theoretical understandings. One may use poststructuralism to warrant a certain reading of a certain kind of text. In this case, the use of this paradigm to render all individual readings as equally valid and the product of indeterminate opinions. At another point in time, the same person will fail to use that paradigm when reading a different kind of text, or a different aspect of the same text. Here, the pedagogue fails to deconstruct the assumptions of the introductory level's advocating of some forms, modes of reading and writing, and methods teaching over others. Yes, this is contradictory but it does not contradict the goal of the conservative ideology it serves which is to perpetuate the status quo and to reify its values as unquestionably practical commonsense. One will find that often these contradictions exist conveniently to reestablish the hegemony of the ideology, even if their use seems to undermine this ideology.

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CbessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Feminist movements.
The patriarchal mindset the affirmative criticizes is equivalent to the capitalism's raging rook. By focusing our attention on just that piece we not only become too distracted to fight capitalism's take-over, we also fail to recognize the interconnected sexism that lies in each piece of capitalism's arsenal. Teresa Ebert 1995, (Untimely) Critiques for a Red Feminism, online However, for discursive materialists, in spite of their formal protests, discourse in their practices determines not only the "real" but also social and political change. Materialist feminism, then-as put forth by Landry and MacLean and the majority of ludic postmodernists and feministsbecomes a discursive "politics of difference" sensitive to the "leaky distinctions'! among questions of race, sexuality, ethnicity, nationality, post-coloniality. religion, and cultural identity, as well as class and gender" (90). Materialist feminism is reduced, in short, to what Landry and MacLean celebrate as a poststructuralist "identity politics of undone identities." But such an identity politics completely displaces the transformative struggle against "interlocking systems of oppression-raciat sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression," called for by earlier materialist feminists, such as those of the Combahee River Collective (145).This substitution of a politics of difference reunderstands power relations, following Foucault (History of Sexuality, I, 85-102),as reversible relations of difference and rearticulates binaries, oppositions and hierarchies as discursive categories and practices that can be "reversed ... [and} displaced" by a "deconstructive reading." But such a rhetorical displacement of binaries does not eliminate the real existing social and historical binaries between exploiter and exploited. it simply covers them over, concealing their grounding in the social divisions of labour and the relations of production.

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ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Identity Politics
The choice is subjectivity or survival. Attempts to highlight the differences of certain groups' discourses or struggles fractures the movement because we will no longer be able to unify behind one issue. This type of thinking guarantees a capitalist trampling of our resistance. Bob Strickland and Barbara Foley, Professor of English @ Rutgers, Summer 1998, Mediations, a/online I think we have to give up trying to make capitalism more humane, and to turn our efforts toward hastening its demise. When I say this, I don't mean that we should not engage in all sorts of fight-backs -- local, national, whatever -- against this latest round of attacks. But our goal in doing so should be to point up the nature of the system and win others -- and ourselves! to a revolutionary that is, pro-communist, outlook through these struggles. Leftists are smart and wonderful people. But they/we have grown somewhat lazy and cynical. Sometimes they/we take recognition of the limits of the present situation as a rationale for doing essentially nothing at all. Ron Strickland: In the early 1990's you wrote a couple of articles pointing out that the ostensible gains for Marxism and oppositional practice from what you called the "new scholarship" -- the "theory" revolution and the expansion of the literary canon -- have been highly overrated. You argued, for instance, that the movement to open up the canon to new voices is readily enough assimilable to the myth of American democratic pluralism, and that the oppositional force of the newly recognized texts is ultimately contained by the assumption that emancipatorv change can come only from autonomous pockets of resistance -- women, blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans, gays, etc. Against the poststructural privileging of the marginal you argued that, while distinct categories such as gender and race cannot be collapsed into class, the class struggle is still the main contradiction shaping historical processes, and that the "radical politics of heterogeneity and difference is readily enough absorbed into the conservative pluralism of IEpluribus unum' which celebrates the openness and flexibility of American capitalist democracy while guaranteeing the continuing segregation and subjugation of the great number of its citizens" ("Subversion and Oppositionality in the Academy," 74).
How would you assess the state of affairs in literary studies now? Have things changed at all since you wrote those essays? Barbara Foley: If anything Y d sharpen my critique of the "new scholarship," the "theory" revolution, and the "new social movements" to which these correspond. As regards multiculturalism: I think it is dear to lots of people these days that "respecting diversity" has little to do with fighting racism. As regards feminism (at least of the academic variety): discourses about the materiality of the body as the site of resistance have precious little to offer women forced into workfare programs and experiencing more and more difficulty getting abortions. But the problem is not just that these are academic movements that don't deliver the goods in the street as the street becomes more fascistic. The larger problem is

the militant rejection of totality which I take as the philosophical and political premise of the ideological cluster under discussion disempowers us precisely at the time when capital is more totalizing than ever before. TIlls is of course a point that David Harvey and others have been making for some
that time. What needs to be stressed, however, is, first, that the antipathy contemporary to totality has gone into the groundwater of literary and cultural criticism to such a degree that people aren't even aware of it; and, second, that (to use the term of Mas' ud Zavarzadeh, So it actually Teresa Ebert, and company)

this
and

post-al paradigm
indeed anticommunist.

is implicitly anti-Marxist

poses a barrier to the kind of discourse and practice that are in my view so urgently needed these days. In fact, by an odd turn of the wheel "post-al" theory actually validates the worst of what capital is doing these days. For the celebration of boundarylessness is very much in the spirit of contemporary "globalization," which is really nee-imperialism ...By branding Marxism as "reductionist" and "scientistic" (a word I really detest!), recent developments in theory and cultural analysis rerry the totalizing strategies of global capital while divesting us of the conceptua1/political tools we so badly need to analyze and contest those strategies.

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2000 - 2NC - Link - Multiculturalism

Educating us to embrace a plurality of different cultural views prepares our bodies to become cogs in the machine of transnational capitalism. Rob Wilkie, Hofstra University, September 1995, Postmodern Culture version e.no. 1 What Zavarzadeh and Morton explicate throughout these essays is how the positions of the traditionalists and theorists prop each other up in an effort to manage the real threat to their business as usual: materialist criti(que)al theory. Such a critical practice would not only offer a sustained critique of the politics of culture but also demonstrate the complicity of both "old" and "new" pedagogical positions in the very politicaVeconomic situations they (either "morally" or "ludically") pretend to subvert. Through a detailed analysis of the historical determinants that have brought the American university to its current state of being, Zavarzadeh and Morton challenge he "progressive" commonsensical understanding of the recent changes to the Humanities and show how the current postmodern university does nothing but continue to reproduce the ubiectivities necessary for the maintenance of late capitalism. [6] Within the framework of capitalism, education needs continually to reproduce the workers/consumers necessary for capitalism's survival. Like the changes made to_American education during the Industrial Revolution, when the classroom was adapted to fit the needs of the routinization, repetition, and division of discourse/Iaborof the factory, postmodern capitalism requires incoherent/"plural" subjectivities willing to fulfill the transitory needs of multi-national corporations. As Zavarzadeh and Morton point out, "the humanists and the_theorists who participated in the debate over the change ofcurriculum, were therefore acting within the historicalconditions of postmodern capitalism, which demanded changesince it no longer had any use for the older humanities" (11).

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ChessMaster 2000 - 2NC - Link - Single Issue Movements
Single Issue Movements Disable Resistance to Capitalism - The Affirmative will be incorporated to further classist interests. Slavoj Zizek, prince of darkness, 2001, Repeating Lenin, p. online,

http://vVv\T"w.lacan.com/replenin.htm
Today, we already can discern the signs of a kind of general unease - recall the series of events usually listed under the name of "Seattle." The 10 years honeymoon of the triumphant global capitalism is over, the long-overdue "seven years itch" is here - witness the panicky reactions of the big media, which - from the Time magazine to CNN - all of a sudden started to warn about the Marxists manipulating the crowd of the "honest" protesters. The problem is now the strictly Leninist one - how to ACTUALIZE the media's accusations: how to invent the organizational structure which will confer on this unrest the FORM of the universal political demand. Otherwise, the momentum will be lost, and what will remain is the marginal disturbance, perhaps organized as a new Greenpeace, with certain efficiency, but also strictly limited goals, marketing strategy, etc. In other words, the key "Leninist" lesson today is: politics without the organizational FORM of the party is politics without politics, so the answer to those who want just the (quite adequately named) "New SOCIAL Movements" is the same as the answer of the Iacobins to the Girondin compromisers: "You want revolution without a revolution!" Today's blockade is that there are two ways open for the socio-political engagement: either play thegame of the system, engage in the "long march through the institutions," or get active in new social movements, from feminism through ecology to anti-racism. And, again, the limit of these movements is that they are not POLITICAL in the sense of the Universal Singular: they are "one issue movements" which lack the dimension of the universality, i.e. they do not relate to the social TOTALITY. Here, Lenin's reproach to liberals is crucial: they only EXPLOIT the working classes' discontent to strengthen their position vis-a-vis the conservatives, instead of identifying with it to the end.52 Is this also not the case with today's Left liberals? They like to evoke racism, ecology, workers' grievances, etc., to score points over the conservatives WITHOUT ENDANGERING THE SYSTEM. Recall how, in Seattle, Bill Clinton himself deftly referred to the protesters on the streets outside, reminding the gathered leaders inside the guarded palaces that they should listen to the message of the demonstrators (the message which, of course, Clinton interpreted, depriving it of its subversive sting attributed to the dangerous extremists introducing chaos and violence into the majority of peaceful protesters). It's the same with all New Social Movements, up to the Zapatistas in Chiapas: the systemic politics is always ready to "listen to their demands," depriving them of their proper political sting. The system is by definition ecumenical, open, tolerant, ready to "listen" to all - even if one insist on one's demands, they are deprived of their universal political sting by the very form of negotiation. The true Third Way we have to look for is this third way between the institutionalized parliamentary politics and the new social movements. The ultimate answer to the reproach that the radical Left proposals are utopian should thus be that, today, the true utopia is the belief that the present liberal-democratic capitalist consensus could go on indefinitely, without radical changes. We are thus back at the old '68 motto "Soyons realistes, demandons l'impossible!": in order to be truly a "realist," one must consider breaking out of the constraints of what appears "possible" (or, as we usually out it, "feasible").

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Capitalism is the root cause of every conflict in the last century. Unless we stop it, future genocides and conflicts are inevitable. Internationalist Perspective, #36 Spring 2000, a/ online Mass death, and genocide, the deliberate and systematic extermination of whole groups of human beings, have become an integral part of the social landscape of capitalism in its phase of decadence. Auschwitz, Kolyma, and Hiroshima are not merely the names of discrete sites where human beings have been subjected to forms of industrialized mass death ..but synecdoches for the death-world that is a component of the capitalist mode of production in this epoch. In that sense, I want to argue that the Holocaust, for example, was not a Jewish catastrophe, nor an atavistic reversion to the barbarism of a past epoch, but rather an event produced by the unfolding of the logic of capitalism itself. Moreover, Auschwitz, Kolyma, and Hiroshima are not "past"; but rather futural events, objective-real possibilities on the Front of history, to use concepts first articulated by the Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch. The ethnic cleansing which has been unleashed in Bosnia and Kosovo, the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, the mass death to which Chechnya has been subjected, the prospect for a nuclear war on the Indian subcontinent, are so many examples of the future which awaits the human species as the capitalist mode of production enters a new millenium. Indeed, it is just such a death-world that constitutes the
meaning of one pole of the historic alternative which Rosa Luxemburg first posed in the midst of the slaughter inflicted on masses of conscripts during World War I: socialism or barbarism! Yet, confronted by the horror of Auschwitz, Kolyma, and Hiroshima, Marxist theory has been silent or uncomprehending. While I am convinced that there can be no adequate theory of mass death and genocide which does not link these phenomena to the unfolding of the logic of capital, revolutionary Marxists have so far failed to offer one. Worse, the few efforts of revolutionary Marxists to grapple with the Holocaust, for example, as I will briefly explain, have either degenerated into a crude econonusm, which is one of the hallmarks of so-called orthodox Marxism, or led to a fatal embrace of Holocaust denial; the former being an expression of theoretical bankruptcy, and the latter a quite literal crossing of the class line into the camp of capital itself. Economism, which is based on a crude base-superstructure model (or travesty) of Marxist theory, in which politics, for example, can only be conceived as a direct and immediate reflection of the economic base, in which events can only be conceived as a manifestation of the direct economic needs of a social class, and in the case of the capitalist class, the immediate need to extract a profit, shaped Amadeo Bordiga's attempt to "explain" the Holocaust. Thus, in his "Auschwitz ou le Grand Alibi"

Bordiga explained the extermination of the Jews at the hands of the Nazis, as the reaction of one part of the petty bourgeoisie to its historical demise at the hands of capital by "sacrificing" its other -- Jewish -- part so as to save the rest, an undertaking welcomed by big capital, which
could thereby Iiquidate a part of the petty bourgeoisie with the support of the rest of that same class. Quite apart from an economism which simply ignores the dialectic between the economy on the one hand, and the political and ideological on the other (about which more later), such an "explanation" asks us to conceive of genocide not as the complex outcome of the unfolding of the operation of the law of value in the diverse spheres of social life, but as the direct outcome of the utilitarian calculation of segments of the petty bourgeoisie and big capital. Auschwitz, the veritable hallmark of the fundamental irrationality of late capital, is transformed by Bordiga into a rational calculation of its direct profit interests on the part of the capitalists. However, an undertaking which fatally diverted the scarce resources (material and financial) of Nazi Germany from the battlefields of the imperialist world war, simply cannot, in my view, be comprehended on the basis of a purely economic calculus of profit and loss on the part of "big capital." While Bordiga's reaction to Auschwitz fails to provide even the minimal bases for its adequate theorization, the reaction of the militants of La Vieille Taupe, such as Pierre Guillaume, constitutes a political betrayal of the struggle for communist revolution by its incorporation into the politics of Holocaust denial. For Guillaume, Auschwitz can only be a myth, a fabrication of the allies, that is, of one of the imperialist blocs in the inter-imperialist world war, because it so clearly serves their interests in mobilizing the working class to die in the service of democracy; on the alter of anti-fascism. Hence, La Vieille Taupe's "fervor to contest the evidence of its [the Holocaust's] reality by every means possible, including the most fraudulent. For the evidence of genocide is just so many deceptions, so many traps laid for anticapitalist radicality, designed to force it into dishonest compromise and eventual loss of resolve." It is quite true that capital has utilized antifascism to assure its ideological hegemony over the working class, and that the Holocaust has been routinely wielded for more than a generation by the organs of mass manipulation in the service of the myth of "democracy" in the West (and by the state of Israel on behalf of its own imperialist aims in the Middle-East). And just as surely the ideology of antifascism and its functionality for capital must be exposed by revolutionaries. Nonetheless, this does not justify the claims of Holocaust denial, which not only cannot be dissociated from anti-Semitism, but which constitutes a denial of the most lethal tendencies inherent in the capitalist mode of production, of the very barbarism of capitalism, and thereby serves as a screen behind which the deathworld wrought by capital can be safely hidden from its potential victims. This latter, in its own small way, is the

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despicable contribution of La Vieille Taupe, and the basis for my conviction that it must be politically located in the camp of capital. Marxism is in need of a theory of mass death and genocide as immanent tendencies of capital, a way of comprehending the link (still obsure) between the death-world symbolized by the smokestacks of Auschwitz or the mushroom cloud over Hiroshima and the unfolding of the logic of a mode of production based on the capitalist law of value. I want to argue that we can best grasp the link between capitalism and genocide by focusing on two dialectically inter-related strands in the social fabric of late capitalism: first, are a series of phenomena linked to the actual unfolding of the law of value, and more specifically to the completion of the transition from the formal to the real domination of capital; second, are a series of phenomena linked to the political and ideological (this latter understood in a nonreductionist sense, as having a material existence) moments of the rule of capital, specifically to the forms of capitalist hegemony. It is through an analysis of the coalescence of vital elements of these two strands in the development of capital, that I hope to expose the bases for the death-world and genocide as integral features of capitalism in the present epoch. The real domination of capital is characterized by the penetration of the law of value into every segment of social existence. As Georg Lukacs put it in his History and Class Consciousness, this means that the commodity ceases to be "one form among many regulating the metabolism of human society)' to become its "universal structuring principle." From its original locus at the point of production, in the capitalist factory, which is the hallmark of the formal domination of capital, the law of value has systematically spread its tentacles to incorporate not just the production of commodities, but their circulation and consumption. Moreover, the law of value also penetrates and then comes to preside over the spheres of the political and ideological, including science and technology themselves. This latter oqcurs not just through the transformation of the fruits of technology and science into commodities, not just through the transformation of technological and scientific research itself (and the institutions in which it takes place) into commodities, but also, and especially, through what Lukacs designates as the infiltration of thought itself by the purely technical, the very quantification of rationality, the instrumentalization of reason; and, I would argue, the reduction of all beings (including human beings) to mere objects of manipulation and control. As Lukacs could clearly see even in the age of Taylorism, "this rational mechanisation extends right into the worker's 'soul'." In short, it affects not only his outward behavior, but her very internal, psychological, makeup. The phenomenon of reification, inherent in the commodityform, and its tendential penetration into the whole of social existence, which Lukacs was one of the first to analyze, is a hallmark of the real domination of capital: "Its basis is that a relation between people takes on the character of a thing and thus acquires a 'phantom objectivity', an autonomy that seems so strictly rational and all-embracing as to conceal every trace of its fundamental nature: the relation between people." Reification, the seeming transformation of social relations into relations between things, has as one of its outcomes what the German-Jewish thinker H.G.Adler designated as "the administered man" [Der verwaltete Mensch). For Adler, when human beings are administered, they are rreated as things, thereby clearing the way for their removal or elimination by genocide. The outcome of such a process can be seen in the bureaucractic adminisrration of the Final Solution, in which the organization of genOcide was the responsibility of desk killers like Adolf Eichmann who could zealously administer a system of mass murder while displaying no particular hatred for his victims, no great ideological passion for his project, and no sense that those who went to the gas chambers were human beings and not things. The features of the desk killer, in theperson of Eichmann, have been clearly delineated by Hannah Arendt. He is the high-level functionary in a vast bureaucratic organization who does his killing from behind a desk, from which he rationally plans and organizes mass murder; treating it as simply a technical task, no different than the problem of transporting scrap metal. The desk killer is the quintessential bureaucrat Iunctioning according to the imperatives of the death-world. As a human type, the desk killer, that embodiment of the triumph of instrumental reason, has become a vital part of the state apparatus of late capitalism. The immanent tendencies of the capitalist mode of production which propel it towards a catastrophic economic crisis, also drive it towards mass murder and genocide. In that sense,the death-world, and the prospect of an Endzeit cannot be separated from the continued existence of humanity's subordination to the law of value. Reification, the overmanned world, bio-politics, state racism, the constitution of a pure community directed against alteritv, each of them features of the economic and ideological topography of the real domination of capital, create the possibility and the need for genocide. We should have no doubt that the survival of capitalism into this new millenium will entail more and more frequent recourse to mass murder.

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Capitalism using things like the affirmative's plea to intervene in to justify imperialistic interventions, which are at the root of ethnic cleansings globally. Matthew W. Gargo, B. S. from the University of Wisconsin Eau Claire, 2000, Radical Praxis, online The use of such nationalisms in conjunction with religious prejudice and racial stereotyping is not new or confined to the peripheries of capitalism. The bourgeoisies of the main capitalist countries have developed this into a fine art. In the First World War both sides portrayed the other as 'evil' and a 'threat to civilisation'. In the 1930s both the Nazis and Stalinists used antisemitism and nationalism to mobilise their populations. The 'civilised' Allies did everything to whip up anti-German and anti-Japanese hysteria, which culminated in the cynical use of the Holocaust to justify the bombardment and massacre of an 'inhuman' enemy. During the Cold War similar hatreds were cultivated by both blocs to portray the enemy as power-hungry maniacs. And since 1989 the 'humanitarian' leaders of the great powers have manipulated and stirred up the growth of the ethnic cleansing, religious and racial hatred tharhas penetrated so many areas of the planet in a cycle of wars and massacres. At the moment, in 'civilised' democratic countries across Europe, we are seeing politicians of the Left and Right fomenting the most crude racism against refugees and other immigrants, in order to justify strengthening state repression, sow divisions in the population and portray the state as the last rampart against invading 'hordes'. The creation of the most virulent nationalism and crude racism is an essential part of imperialist mobilisations - not just with today's developing nightmare in South Asia, but in all the imperialist massacres since before the beginning of the 20th century. In order for any imperialism to wage war it has to portray its rival in practically sub-human terms. 'War is methodical, organised, gigantic murder. But in normal human beings this systematic murder is possible only when a state of intoxication has previously been created. This has always been the tried and proven method of those who make war. Bestiality of action must find a commensurate bestiality of thought and senses; the latter must prepare and accompany the former" (Rosa Luxemburg, The Junius Pamphlet). It should be added, on the question of 'bestiality', that most animals only kill for food, some in defence of territory or their young. However "Imperialism, with all its brutal policy of force, with the incessant chain of social catastrophe that it itself provokes, is, to be sure, a historic necessity for the ruling classes of the present world" (ibid). Massive devastation comes from the actual needs of capitalist states trying to defend their interests through imperialist war.

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The manner in which capitalism incites nationalist discourse is propelling India and Pakistan toward nuclear omnicide. The revolution is crucial to solving the crisis. Kieran Roberts, socialist, May 2002, New War Threat Looms Over Kashmir Conflict, online The threat of war, even nuclear war demonstrates the instability of the region under capitalism. This instability has increased since 11 September and the US- led war in Afghanistan. Both Indian and Pakistani governments are playing a dangerous game in beating their nationalist drums to gamer domestic support. They may find it impossible to put the nationalist genie back into the bottle. In India, the Hindu nationalist ruling BJP has given succour to even more extreme Hindu nationalist organisations leading to renewed sectarian clashes between Hindus and Muslims in the border state of Gujurat. In elections earlier this year in Uttar Pradesh state where the BJP was defeated, it ran a highly communal election campaign using the Ayodhya Temple issue to polarise voters along religious lines. India and Pakistan last faced a military stand-off in January of this year. That followed the 13 December attack on the Indian parliament, which India claims was perpetrated by a Kashmiri Islamic group backed by Pakistan. The situation was defused only after much pressure was applied to the Pakistani regime from George Bush and Tony Blair. Musharaff announced on 13 January the banning of [aish-e-Mohammed, Lashkar-e-Taiba and other sectarian organisations. However, Musharaff no doubt feels his status as a vital ally of the US against the Taliban and al-Qa'ida, has strengthened his hand against India. As a result he may feel more confident to ratchet up the tension, while counting on the US to keep India in check. The US administration is frantically attempting to calm things down between India and Pakistan. A war between India and Pakistan would scupper their plans for the continuation of the 'war against terrorism' in the Middle East. However, the divisions and instability created by imperialism in the region over centuries are not easy for it to control. Once a conventional war starts, it could spiral out of control. Ultimately, the only solution to instability and the threat of war in the region is a socialist one. That means that capitalism and feudalism have to be overthrown. The workers, youth and peasants of Kashmir, India and Pakistan have more in common with each other than their nllers. The struggle for an independent socialist Kashmir, as part of a voluntary federation of socialist South Asian states, presents the only way forward.

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Capitalism is causing perpetual conflict globally and is pushing conlict between India and Pakistan on the brink. The only way to solve for this and the racism endemic to the system is a revolution. International Review, 6/18/02 India and Pakistan: Capitalism's lethal folly, online
f

On the face of it, these two widely separated and geo-politically totally distinct events have nothing in common. To understand their shared root causes, we must avoid taking a fragmented, photographic view of the world and analysing each event separately, in itself. Only marxism's global, historical and dialectical approach is capable of drawing together these two different expressions of capitalism's mechanisms to give them unity and coherence, integrating both into a common framework. The threat of nuclear war between India and Pakistan on the one hand, and the rise of the far right on the other, are both part of the same reality. They are both expressions of the impasse that the capitalist mode of production has reached. They demonstrate that capitalism has no future to offer humanity, and, in different forms, they illustrate the present phase of capitalism's decomposition: a social rot that menaces society's very existence. This decomposition is the result of a historic process where neither of society's antagonistic classes - the bourgeoisie and the proletariat - has been able to impose its own response to capitalism's insoluble crisis. The bourgeoisie has been unable to drag humanity into a third world war because the proletariat of the central countries has not been prepared to sacrifice its own interests on the altar of the national interest. But neither has the proletariat been capable of asserting its own revolutionary perspective, and imposing itself as the only social force able to offer an alternative to the dead end of the capitalist economy. While they have been able to prevent the outbreak of WorId War III, the workers' struggles have thus failed to halt the bloody madness of capitalism. Witness the murderous chaos spreading day by day through the system's periphery, which has accelerated ever since the collapse of the Eastern bloc. The endless escalation of war in the Middle East, and now the menace of nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan, reveal clearly the apocalyptic future that capitalism offers us. The proletariat in the great "democratic" countries has, moreover, suffered the full weight of the most spectacular expression of capitalism's decomposition: the collapse of the Eastern bloc. The bourgeoisie's campaigns on the so-called "failure of communism" have deeply affected the proletariat's class identity, its confidence in itself and in its own revolutionary perspective. Their weight has been the main obstacle to the proletariat's struggle, and to its asserting itself as the only force capable of offering humanity a future. In the absence of massive workers' struggles in the Western countries, able to offer a perspective for society, the rot of capitalism has found expression in the development of the most reactionary ideologies, which have encouraged the rise of the far right. Whereas in the 1930s, the rise of fascism and Nazism was part of capitalism's march towards world war, today the far right parties' programmes are completely aberrant including from the standpoint of the ruling class. Given the gravity of the present situation, it is up to revolutionaries to contribute to the proletariat's awareness of the responsibilities it bears. Only the development of the class struggle in the most industrialised countries can open a revolutionary perspective of the overthrow of capitalism. Only the world proletarian revolution can put an end forever to the blind frenzy of military barbarism, to xenophobia and to racial hatred.

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1. We control the Uniqueness: Realism exists now and you ethic will never change that. John Mearshimer, professor at the University of Chicago, 2Kl, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, p. online The optimists' claim that security competition and war among the great powers has been burned out of the system is wrong. In fact, all of the major states around the globe still care deeply about the balance of power and are destined to compete for power among themselves for the foreseeable future. Consequently, realism will offer the most powerful explanations of international politics over the next century, and this will be true even if the debates among academic and policy elites are dominated by non-realist theories. In short, the real world remains a realist world. States still fear each other and seek to gain power at each other's expense, because international anarchy-the driving force behind great-power behavior-did not change with the end of the Cold War, and there are few signs that such change is likely any time soon. States remain the principal actors in world politics and there is still no night watchman standing above them. For sure, the collapse of the Soviet Union caused a major shift in the global distribution of power. But it did not give rise to a change in the anarchic structure of the system, and without that kind of profound change, there is no reason to expect the great powers to behave much differently in the new century than they did in previous centuries. Indeed, considerable evidence from the 1990s indicates that power politics has not disappeared from Europe and Northeast Asia, the regions in which there are two or more great powers, as well as possible great powers such as Germany and Japan. There is no question, however, that the competition for power over the past decade has been low-key. Still, there is potential for intense security competition among the great powers that might lead to a major war. Probably the best evidence of that possibility is the fact that the United States maintains about one hundred thousand troops each in Europe and in Northeast Asia for the explicit purpose of keeping the major states in each region at peace.
2. Criticizing the system leads to violence.

Alistair Murray, Reconstructing Realism, 1997,181-182
This highlights the central difficulty with Wendt's constructivism. It is not any form of unfounded idealism about the possibility of effecting a change in international politics. Wendt accepts that the intersubjective character of international institutions such as self-help render them relatively hard social facts. Rather, what is problematic is his faith that such change, if it could be achieved, implies progress. Wendt's entire approach is governed by the belief that the problematic elements of international politics can be transcended, that the competitive identities which create these elements can be reconditioned, and that the predatory policies which underlie these identities can be eliminated. Everything, in his account, is up for grabs: there is no core of recalcitrance to human conduct which cannot be reformed, unlearnt, disposed of. This generates a stance that so privileges the possibility of a systemic transformation that it simply puts aside the difficulties which it recognizes to be inherent in its achievement. Thus, even
though Wendt acknowledges that the intersubjective basis of the self-help system makes its reform difficult, this does not dissuade him. He simply demands that states adopt a strategy of 'altercasting', a strategy which 'tries to induce alter to take on a new identity (and thereby enlist alter in ego's effort to change itself) by treating alter as if it already had that identity'. Wendt's position effectively culminates in a demand that the state undertake nothing less than a giant leap of faith. The fact that its opponent might not take its overtures seriouslv. might not be interested in reformulating its own construction of the world, or might simply see such an opening as a weakness to be exploited, are compJeteJy discounted. The prospect of achieving a systemic transformation simply outweighs any adverse consequences which might arise from the effort to achieve it. Wendt ultimately appears, in the final analysis, to have overdoses on 'Gorbimania'.

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3. Attempts to change this system quickly fail and lead to rapid proliferation and war. Stephen Rosen, 2003, National Interest Spring, Ijn Rather than wrestle with such difficult and unpleasant problems, the United §.tates could give up the imperial mission, or pretensions to it, now. This would essentially mean the withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the Middle East, Europe and mainland Asia. It may be that all other peoples, without significant exception, will then turn to their own affairs and leave the United States alone. But those who are hostile to us might remain hostile, and be much less afraid of the United ~tates after such a withdrawal. Current friends would feel less secure and, in the most probable post-imperial world, would revert to the logic of self-help in which all states do what they must to protect themselves. This would imply the relatively rapid acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by Tapan, South Korea, Taiwan, Iran, Iraq and perhaps Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Indonesia and others. Constraints on the acquisition of biological weapons would be even weaker than they are today. Major regional arms races would also be very likely throughout Asia and the Middle East. This would not be a pleasant world for Americans, or anyone else. It is difficult to guess what the costs of such a world would be to the United States. They would probably not put the end of the United States in prospect, but they would not be small. If the logic of American empire is unappealing, it is not at all clear that the alternatives are that much more attractive.

4. Turn - power politics determines ethics. Failure to securitize destroys them. Alistair Murray, 1997 This permits the restatement of the central tenet of realism, that all politics are power politics. Whilst western values imply that the resolution of political conflicts should, under ideal conditions, be determined on the basis of a reasoned debate about the relative merits of each case, realism maintains that human nature is such that self-interest tends to overcome more reasoned factors in human motivations. Consequently, the relative power of the contenders interposes itself as a variable between the relative merits of their arguments and the final outcome. Furthermore, there is often little consensus, particularly between groups, about the values around which a reasoned debate can take place, such that the definition of justice itself becomes an object of conflict. Tustice is no longer merely opposed by power, but becomes its plaything. This implies that the acquisition of power becomes a necessity if one is to achieve satisfaction in such disputes, given the relativity of power and discreteness of the actors, the acquisition of power by one requires a response by the other, to the effect that an action-reaction complex develops. Even those not seeking to expand, but merely to maintain their position must become power acquisitive, such that politics ultimately becomes a struggle for power. Those not prepared to strive to maintain their interests will effectively marginalize themselves and be worsted. Those not prepared to strive for their values against competing conceptions of the good will ultimately endanger the very survival of those values.

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5. Realism ~sinevitable. Only by recognizing that we are stuck in the system can we deal with problems like nuclear weapons.

Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear Weapons, 1983

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6. Case outweighs and solves the impact - Strong U.S. hegemony solves global conflict by deterring rivals and proliferation. Nuclear war is the most devastating form of violence because it is indiscriminate and cause extinction. David Chesler, director@ Georgia, 1/2001, online
The most common use of Schell is to read evidence from the book which stipulates the risk of nuclear annihilation as infinite. "A full-scale nuclear holocaust is more than the sum of its local parts; it is also a powerful direct blow to the ecosphere. In that sense, a holocaust is to the earth as a single bomb is to a city," says Schell (19). A nuclear war, should it occur, is in Schell's account an epochally singular event. By destroying all human life (either through direct detonation, nuclear fallout, or subsequent genetic damage), the calculation of lives lost is effectively infinite, since not only this generation but every possible future generation disappears - this Schell refers to as the "second death." Here is how Schell puts its: ...it is clear that at present, with some twenty thousand megatons of nuclear explosive power in existence, and with more being added every day, we have entered into the zone of uncertainty, which is to say the zone of risk of extinction. But the mere risk of extinction has a significance that is categorically different from, and immeasurably greater than that of any other risk, and as we make our decisions we have to take that significance into account. Up to now, every risk has been contained within the frame of life; extinction would shatter the frame. It represents not the defeat of some purpose but an abyss in which all human purposes would be drowned for all time. We have no right to place the possibility of this limitless, eternal defeat on the same footing as risks that we run in the ordinary conduct of our affairs in our particular transient moment of human history. To employ a mathematical analogy, we can say that although the risk of extinction may be fractional, the stake is, humanly speaking, infinite, and a fraction of infinity is still infinity. In other words, once we learn that a holocaust might lead to extinction we have no right to gamble, because if we lose, the game will be over, and neither we nor anyone else will ever get another chance. Therefore, although scientifically speaking, there is all the difference in the world between the mere possibility that a holocaust will bring about extinction and the certainty of it, morally they are the same, and we have no choice but to address the issue of nuclear weapons as though we knew for a certainty that their use would put an end to our species.

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Security Blanket - Impact Turn - Nuclear War (1/2)
Discussing scenarios of violence is crucial to building up the energy to stop them. Failure leads to re-emergence of violence in the real world turning their alternative.
Millicent Lenz, professor of information sciences @SUNY, 1990, 21-22
The artist, the poet, the seer, the traditional form-makers are still the "shapers," even in this era of nuclear fear. The challenge to the shaper of speculative fiction is to visualize a new wholeness of the Earth and help restore the weaveoflifc in all its interconnectedness in order that the contemporary sense of fragmentation, alienation, and a seemingly closed future can be transcended. Such a vision can repond to Pe}10n'S plaintive phrase, quoted at the Opening ofthis chapter, "If I grow up!" The great potential speculative futures. break Muse: ous fiction lies in its capactiy to bring buclear or denied, fears to light and provide daughter Emily Grosholz a counter-vision in writes in "Arms If the shadow of peril is buried as it is by Cowling's to the pstfhe. of of alternate it will and the

,

The Nuclear Age,

as Carl Jung knew, r Pets":

in ways destructive

F

,\
Througn reaffirm honored the "catharsis our intention theme of pity and terror, to keep it within is needed today " s{{~ adds, more we can "confront Exposing our own destructiveness, the shadow within, the roots of destructiveness and a timewithin can bounds." Literature than ever. to help us confront

of funtasy,

be a route to affirmative of life in the face of perils within and without~he poet Terence DesPres notes that rejecting the nuclear threat demands "a vehement Yes to life and value", yet cynicism d despair have made it hard for writers to "make a language to match our extremity." Poet John Elder in "Seeing Through the Fir "calls on imaginative writers "to communicate our common danger and to invent a vocabulary of response" Spencer Holst's "The Zebra Storyteller" explains in metaphorical guise how the story-making function relates to survival. Once upon a time, we are told, a Siamese cat pretending to be a lion succeded in mastering "Zebriac", the language "whinnied" by zebras - the "striped horses of Africa". By means of this talent the cat startled unsuspecting lone zebras, astounding them so severely that they were "fit to be tied". The smart feline then tied up the zebras, killed them, and (still pretending to be a lion), carried the best parts of the carcasses back to his "den". In this way the cat successfully dined on "filet of Zebra" for months, also making neckties and belts of the better hides, and boasting over the tokens of his prowess. Meanwhile. the zebras, with their delicate sense of smell, knew there was no real lion about, but the deaths of so many of their fellows made them avoid the region. In their superstitious fear they began to believe the woods were haunted by the ghost of a lion. One day, the storyteller of the zebras was strolling about, thinking of plots tor stories that would delight the others. Suddenly his eyes lighted up, and he said to himself, "That's it! I'll tell a -story about a Siamese cat who learns to speak our language! What an idea! That'll make 'em laugh!" Just then the Siamese cat .' appeared before him and said in Zebriac, "Hello there! Pleasant day today isn't ito" The zebra storyteller was not fit to be tied by this pretender who spoke his own language, because he had been imagining such a cat. He took a good look at him, and something about his looks displeased.him, so he kicked with a hoof and killed him. And the story concludes, "this is the function of the story teller." There it is in a nutshell - the "cognitive imagination creation (making the familiar strange Siamese (of a story of a fabulous alienation" through which speculative fiction captures the myth and the strange!familiar); cat) of life-threatening the transcending fear arroused through imaginative

by the old. destructive

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Security Blanket - Impact Turn - Nuclear War (2/2)
Scenario planning solve nuclear war Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear WeapollS, 1983

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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89

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Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Security Blanket - Perm Solves - Pragmatism Key
In a world of uncertainty, choosing planned out, real world alternative is crucial to solving. Harvard Nuclear Study Group, Living With Nuclear Weapons, 1983

place. Perhaps the enemy never wanted to attack at all. As long as wecannotknowSoviet intentions aI]dcalculations, a deterrent, policy will be invisible even as,it'fuWlIsits task. As long as it wqrks}ve\Vill never have -kriown .how much nuclear weaponry~:aseilqugrr::;~~;.i~;~.'·",~;:~':"", :'(.":""":;~(;'" At the 'other extreme,the.nlOre:techmcaIlevel of individual weapons systems," un~~r't.iliity~abOY]l?sfs.welI. For example, both the ll:S .. 3_nd the:USSR.computethe accuracy of their missiles' fromtests made onan east-west trajectory, but would use them inwar;cive(the I10rth pole. How that would influence accuracy is unce,ftiil"n:""I'heSoviets have built an anti-ballistic missile system around Moscow and an elaborate 'air defense system ," around the country's borders. How well theywo,uld~orkinwar is uncertaill.,Both 'superpowers have built e'xpensiv~ com': ' mand structures forriuclear conflict. Whether they would survive the first attack is uncertain. '--~us:uh1:ITta-inry-tkwds-.mQS1jmles in nuclear weapons~olky. IT makeslhe, ans~ers, toproblems"w~ face specu ative at best. But uTlcertaintid6es not absolve the strategists, the government, and the CItIZenShom ~ sponsi I I . 0 rna In t e WIsest paSS I e Calces. t only I a es t ie c oices more I ICU t.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
_c:",,,I;.h

90

KY Fellows 2K4
Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Security Blanket - Impact Turn - Scenario Planning Good

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pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me ...but it'll help"
_C:;"",bh

91

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Ralph

Cheaters Lose

** Osama Speak

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
_<::",,,'::>h

92

KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Osama Speak - Impact Turn - Must Categorize
We must categorize violence in order to come up with rational solutions to problems. Jake Berman, staff writer, 10/21/01, The Brown Daily, lexis The sort of moral equivalency that stems from the postmodern desire to reject categories like "terrorism" without full consideration confuses the truth and suffocates rational discourse. How can we constructively discuss the events of and since Sept. 11 if we don't believe in and can't agree on basic categories of analysis? Moreover, what's our motivation to act when our understanding of the world is grounded in such flimsy, subjective terms? We can't address problems in the world if we can't employ reasonable categorical distinctions.

We must distinguish between terrorism and other types of violence in order to prevent ourselves from falling into moral nihilism. Jeanne Elshtain, 2003, Just War Against Terror, 19-20 In a situation in which noncombatants are deliberately targeted and the murder of the maximum number of noncombtants is the explicit aim, using terms like 'fighter' or 'soldier' or 'noble warrior' is not only beside the point but pernicious. Such language collapses the distance between those who plant bombs in cafes or fly civilian aircraft into office buildings and those who fight other combatants, taking the risks attendant upon military forms of fighting. There is a nihilistic edge to terrorism: It aims to destroy, most often in the service of wild and utopian goals that make no sense at all in the usual political ways. The distinction between terrorism, domestic criminality, and what we might call 'normal' or 'legitimate' war is vital to observe. It helps us to assess what is happening when force is used. This distinction, marked in historic moral and political discourses about war and in the norms of international law, seems lost on those who call the attacks of September 11 acts of 'mass murder' rather than terrorism and an act of war under internationa1law, and who go on to claim that the United ~tates has also engaged in 'mass murder' in its legally authorized counteroffensive that removed the Taliban and disrupted the Al Queda network and its terrorist training camps in Afghanistan. This argument perpetuates a moral equivalence that amounts to the 'pile of garbage' that Stephen Carter noted. If we could not distinguish between an accidental death resulting from a car accident and an intentional murder, our criminal justice system would fall apart. And if we cannot distinguish the killing of combatants from the intended targeting of peaceable civilians and the deliberate and indiscriminate sowing of terror among civilians, we live in a world of moral nihilism. In such a world, everything reduces to the same shade of gray and we cannot make distinctions that help us take our political and moral bearings. The victims of September 11 deserve more from us.

pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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93

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Cheaters Lose

Osama Speak - Impact Calculus - Solving precedes morality.
Stopping threat of terrorism is a precursor to determining Jeanne Elshtain, 2003, Just War Against Terror, 47 ontology.

That said, the civic peace that violence disrupts does offer inimations of the peaceable kingdom! If we live from day today in fear of deadly attack, the goods we cherish become elusive. Human beings are fragile creatures. We cannot understand the fullness of our bein~ including our deep sociality, if airplanes are flying into buildings or snipers are shooting at us randomly or deadly spores are being sent through the mail. As we have learned so shockingly, we can neither take this civic peace for granted nor shake off our responsibility to respect and promote the norms and rules that sustain civic peace.

pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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94

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Osama Speak - AT: Morality
The Left's method for determining the morality of our actions destroys moral agency. Jeanne Elshtain, 2003, Just War Against Terror, 47 The number of unintentional civilian casualties matters, but the number of intentional civilian casualties matters as well. This is a point Michael Walzer makes in his hard-hitting essay "Can There Be a Decent Left?" A few left academics have tried to figure out how many civilians actually died in Mghanistan, aiming at as high a figure as possible, on the assumption, apparently, that if the number Is greater than the number of people killed in the attacks on the Twin Towers, the war is just .... But the claim that the numbers matter in just this way - that the 3,12()th death determines the injustice of the war - is wrong. It denies one of the most basic and best understood moral distinctions: between premeditated murder and unintended killing. And the denial isn't accidental, as if people making it just forgot about, or didn't know about, the everyday moral world. The denial is willfull: unintended killing by Americans in Mghanistan counts as murder. Such denials and distortions are the stock-in-trade of polemics that play fast and loose with the evidence. As I have argued, scholarly integrity is not served when a commentator skips over the facts before going on to interpret a situation in a way that makes his or her 'side' look good. Instead, any sound evaluation flows from as full a factual account as one can make of critical events. Interpretation is intrinsically tied to a description of the situation. To see how this works in the breach, let's consider one 'truism' that is not 'true' at all.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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95

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Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Osama Speak - AT: Imperialism is Root Cause
The crusades do not make the US culpable for terrorism. Jeanne Elshtain, 2003, Just War Against Terror, 47 Some of those who claim American culpability for the creation of Islamist terrorism make an allegation of historic vintage, namely,. that the beginning of Western offenses is located in the medieval Crusades, which they pronounce to be a Jroot cause' of September 11. I have no interest in defending the Crusades. I oppose any triumphalist undertaking, and the Crusades were a kind of holy war, hence unacceptable. But it is a real stretch to go all the way back to the eleventh century to start building a bill of particulars against the West, as if Western perfidy popped out of nowhere in the high Middle Ages and has continued unabated ever since. As the historic evidence shows, the Crusades were a complex series of events that began as a direct response to four centuries of conquest and attack by an energetic and expansionist Islam. Christians had been routed and expelled from Palestine, Syia, and Egypt. By the eigth century, Christian North Africa, the home of St. Augustine, was gone. You would never know about this prehistory of the Crusades, however, if you read and listened to contemporary reports. Some critiques of the West "reach back a millennium into Christian crusades into Arab homelands," notes the Ney York Times, without adding that these were Arab homelands because the indigenous Christian population had been attacked, defeated, and displaced.

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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96

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Ralph

Cheaters Lose

** Captain Crunch

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me ...but it'll help"
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97

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Cheaters Lose

Captain Crunch - 2AC (1/4)
A. The crunch is coming now for innumerable reasons guaranteeing extinction worse than omnicide. William Ophuls, 1997, Requiem For Modern Politics, 5-7

~ COnsider the fate of the forests. Everywhere on the-planet, they are being destroyed by the greed and shortsjghtedness of governments, corporations, loggers, and ranchers; devastated by a multitude of poor peasants who ravage them for fuel, food, and, above all, a plot of land, however unsuitable for long-term cultivation; choked and poisoned by acid rain, ozone, and a host of -otherpQxi'6us "side effects" of development. The Amazon and other tropical i-;ctri forests are particularly endangered: unless current trends are speedilyreversed, in a few decades only relict ~~~<;5!_lli:~~Il ren:ain-none ~~__ .them, in 'all :likelihoo'd~\tlmge'eWotighAa'])e' ecologIcally Viable over the long term. :In short, the. kteat forests of the planet are becoming extinct.
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But'the'foresrsare .r1iJtiislahds'sqjara'te'fr6m the main. With the trees will di~alhh'cise'specieN5fplariihndllniirials associated with them, induditigmahy'tit possiblebenefit 'to man. (About half the world's variety of plants, inse~ts', a;';d a~i~alS is found in the tropical rain forests alone.)

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pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me ...but it'll help"
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98

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Cheaters Lose

Captain Crunch - 2AC (214)

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tell us that we ~r exceedin· the ca n ca ad r attem ts to evade ecolo .cal limits are bound to .ingin the long run. n?erstan~ing the environmental problematique in terms 0 its underlying dynamic would also help to eliminate one of the least edifying features of current debate. the tendency to blame others. (Thus, for example, Americans castigate Brazilians for destroying the; . Amazon, even though we have already chopped down most of our own primeval forest and continue to log what little remains.) To understand the dynamic is to see that we are all implicated, albeit in varying ways and to different degrees, and this is the beginning of ecological wisdom. Let us thereforeexamine ·~ome of these basic laws and principles and .thelr implications in more dept~·7

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5-:+

99
pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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KY Fellows 2K4 Ralph

Cheaters Lose

Captain Crunch - 2AC (3/4)
B. Biopower a necessary evil. Shifting towards a more authoritarian government is crucial to avoiding the crunch and inevitable totalitarianism. William Ophuls, contemporary philosopher, and Stephen Boyan, professor of political science @ Maryland, 1992, Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity Revisited, 183-185

Pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"

100

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Cheaters Lose

Captain Crunch - lAC (4/4)
C. We solve the impact of your critique. The crunch is the root of all political and social ills. William Ophuls, 1997, Requiem For Modem Politics, 95

D. There's no risk of offense. Totalitarianism is inevitable unless we shift to authoritarianism now. William Ophuls and, contemporary philosopher, Stephen Boyan, professor of political science Maryland, 1992, Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity Revisited, 305
<Other visi.Q_us ~,frugal ~ steady state are possible, but the foregl:!ing should suggest: that feelings of despair and impotence are not . ~propriate responses to the crisis of ecological scarcity: True, the transition to any conceivable fomcof steady--state society is likely to be wracking and painful, but some measure of destruction is a recondition o Ie an e era V/:lS a neces but in man res ects .. and disar;reeable phase in human, - tory that we should rejoice to put behind us. Moreover, ifwe -act wisely and soon; the transitionneeg, not iuvolvennbearable sacrit:icesor :frightful turmoil. Indeed, weare cogfronted not with the end of the world (although it will surely be the end of the world as we hiVe known it) but with·:in unparalleled opportunity to share in the creation of a new and potentliilly higher, more hu.rna;e of.vost-mdllSti'ihl CiViliiitlOn. But we must not delay,for ~ess We be in soon, an ugly and desperate transition to nnical version of the ~Y state may. cst ~evitabk:. . 3c:.S .J
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101
pudding can't fill the emptiness inside me...but it'll help"
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