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Internet crimes against children

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Encyclopedia of
Cyber Behavior

Zheng Yan
University at Albany, USA

Volume I
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 799

Chapter 66
Internet Crimes
against Children
Keith F. Durkin
Ohio Northern University, USA

Ronald L. DeLong
Ohio Northern University, USA &MidWest Ohio Forensic Services, Inc., USA

ABSTRACT
Internet crimes against children are a contemporary social problem which has drawn a great deal of
attention from the parents, educators, legislators, and law enforcement officials. This phenomenon has
captured national attention in the United States with a number of media reports of this phenomenon.
These crimes include child pornography offenses, as well as adults soliciting minors for sexual purposes
on line. Drawing upon data from recent national surveys, the characteristics of offenses, offenders, and
victims are examined. A multitude of issues related to the assessment and classification of the individu-
als who commit Internet crimes against children are also explored. Strategies for the prevention of this
behavior and enforcement of laws protecting children online are discussed.

INTRODUCTION nology. Some examples include Internet fraud,

Technological innovations frequently have a
transformative impact on society. Computer
mediated communications have revolutionized
many aspects of social life such as commerce,
education and recreation. Not surprisingly, many
forms of criminal behavior have changed, and
new ones arisen, in response to Internet tech-
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-0315-8.ch066
hacking, cyberstalking, and illegal gambling.
However, the most prominent manifestation of
this phenomenon is the sexual victimization of
children online. Internet crimes against children
are “defined as any computer facilitated sexual
exploitation of children” (Alexy, Burgess, & Baker
2005, p.804). There are two main forms of this
behavior. The first involves using the Internet
to traffic and/or collect child pornography. The
second involves the widely publicized problem

Copyright © 2012, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

of adult men soliciting sex from minors on-line.
These contemporary problems have implications
for professionals and practitioners in a number
of areas including education, psychology, social
service and criminal justice.
OFFENSES, OFFENDERS,
AND VICTIMS
The Internet has become the primary avenue for
accessing and distributing child pornography. Now
this material can be instantaneously shared with,
an anonymously accessed, by a global audience.
For instance, an Interpol child abuse image data
base currently contains more than a half a million
images (Elliot & Beech, 2009). One international
child pornography ring called the Wonderland
Club required members to share at least 10,000
new child sexual abuse images for membership
(Krone, 2005). On the most fundamental level,
these images represent a permanent record of the
actual sexual abuse or exploitation of a child (Lan-
ning, 2010). With Internet technology, theoreti-
cally the image of this abuse can be shared with
and accessed by an infinite number of people.
There is also a subtype of offender who commits
crimes against children to produce pornography
that is then shared and even sold on the Internet
(Webb, Craissaiti, & Keen, 2007). The mere
demand for this type of material fuels the further
sexual abuse and exploitation of children (Seto,
Hanson, & Babchishin, 2011).
Individuals who collect and/or traffic child
pornography via the Internet are commonly re-
ferred to as “traders” by law enforcement (Alexy
et al., 2005). The National Juvenile Online Vic-
timization (NJOV) Study gathered data from a
national sample of law enforcement agencies
regarding arrests for child pornography (Wolak,
Finkelhor, & Mitchell, 2011). The results revealed
that offenders in these cases are overwhelmingly
white men over the age of 25. Furthermore, ap-
proximately 70% of these offenders were single.
800
Internet Crimes against Children
Additionally, most of the offenders arrested on
child pornography charges had material depicting
prepubescent children (nearly half had images of
children 3 to 5 years of age) and serious sexual
abuse. The primary motivation for these offend-
ers is sexual in nature. For instance, a recent
study of these offenders found the primary aim
of accessing and downloading child pornography
from the Internet is sexual arousal, with offenders
typically masturbating to such images (Quayle &
Taylor, 2002).
There is a clear association between the pos-
session of child pornography and engaging in
contact sexual offenses against minors. One out of
every six criminal cases initiated solely as a child
pornography investigation discovers an offender
who is actively committing offenses against mi-
nors (Wolak et al., 2011). A recent meta analysis
of published studies of online (primarily child
pornography) offenders found that approximately
1 in 8 of these men had a prior criminal record
for contact sexual offenses (Seto et al., 2011).
However, the same analysis found that about
one-half admitted to committing contact offenses
against minors. Similarly, Bourke and Hernandez
(2009) conducted a study of 155 offenders who
were serving terms for online child pornography
charges. They discovered that although 26% of
these men had official criminal records for sex
crimes against minors, 85% of these men actually
admitted to having committed at least one contact
offense against a minor while in treatment.
A second category of Internet crimes against
children involves adults using the Internet to
solicit children for sexual purposes. They engage
minors in sexually orientated communications
(e.g., “computer chat”) often with the intention
of arranging offline sexual encounters. These
offenders have been the subject of rather intense
media scrutiny in the United States, and police
stings aimed at catching these offenders have
been featured on the popular television show To
Catch a Predator. These offenders have been
called “travelers” by law enforcement (Alexy
Internet Crimes against Children
et al., 2005). Their online behavior has been re-
ferred to a “grooming”, “luring” or “predation”
(Urbas, 2010). This communication is frequently
on-going, and a relationship between the offender
and target can develop over the course of several
weeks or months. These solicitations are often
aggressive, and can contain very explicit sexual
content. Offenders may send pornography to
their target, as well as exposing their genitals and
masturbating on web cams (Marcum, 2007). They
may also encourage minors to take and send them
suggestive or explicit photos (Wolak et al., 2011). It
is important to understand that the online behavior
of these men frequently constitutes a crime. The
sexually explicit communication with a minor may
constitute the offense of enticement of importun-
ing (DeLong, Durkin, & Hundersmarck, 2010).
The results of the NOJV study are very en-
lightening regarding the actual nature of this
phenomenon (see Wolak, Finkelhor, Mitchell,
& Ybarra, 2008). Over 90% of the victims in
these cases are between the ages of 13-17. Most
of the victims are female adolescents. Moreover,
violence or force is used less than 5% of these
cases. Based on this evidence, this crime often
fits the model of statutory rape, inasmuch as they
try to develop a relationship with young teens and
“seduce” them into an eventual sexual encounter
(Wolak et al., 2008). These offenders are normally
not pedophiles, rather they are antisocial adult
males who are willing to purse sexual activities
with minors who show signs of sexual develop-
ment but who are below the age of consent (Seto,
2010). Rather than using force to commit these
offenses, these men use manipulation and seduc-
tion to meet their goals.
Recent research has focused on the online
sexual solicitation of minors. Results of the second
Youth Internet Safety Survey (YISS2), a national
study of 11 to 17 year old adolescents, identified
risk factors that are associated with received
aggressive online sexual solicitations (Mitchell,
Ybarra, & Finkelhor, 2007). These included being
female, visiting chat rooms, discussing sexual top-
ics online, and sharing personal information with
individuals they met online. Teens that regularly
use the Internet are an especially appealing target
for sex offenders. Adolescents have a natural
curiosity about sex and sexual activity (Wolak et
al., 2008). They are frequently adventurous and
often eager for affection and attention. Many of
the children solicited online are not stereotypical
innocents. They may be curious and rebellious
adolescents who are actively seeking sexual
information or contact (Lanning, 2010). One
study of men arrested for actual or attempted
contact sexual offenses against minors they met
online found that these offenders actively sought
out young people who appeared to be “needy”
(Malesky, 2007). Furthermore, adolescent boys
who are experiencing confusion about their sexual
orientation are thought to be especially vulnerable
to offenders (Lanning, 2010).
The Internet can also play a secondary (rather
than primary) role in the sexual abuse of children.
In the aforementioned cases involving the online
solicitation of children, the Internet is used by the
offender to initiate the relationship. However,
offenders who have a prior relationship with the
victim can use the Internet to facilitate contact
sexual offenses (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak,
2005). These offenders may be relatives, teachers,
and people in the ministry, coaches, and family
friends. These acquaintances can use chat or e-
mail to seduce or “groom” the victim, as well as
to arrange meetings where the abuse will occur.
Data from the NJOV study reveals that nearly
half of the victims in these cases are between the
ages of 6 and 12 (Mitchell et al., 2005). This is
significant since the supra majority of victims in
Internet initiated cases involving “travelers” are
between the ages of 13 and 17. Additionally, Inter-
net pornography, including child pornography, can
be used by sex offenders to lower the inhibitions
of their targets, thus facilitating the victimization
of children (Lanning, 2010).
Moreover, the Internet can serve a networking
or social consolidation function for people who
801

are interested in sexually abusing children. The
Internet has made possible a subcultural network of
pedophiles and other adults with a sexual interest
in minors (Holt, Blevins, & Burkert, 2010). This
consists of a myriad of websites, computer forums,
and chat rooms for these individuals. Adult-child
sex advocacy groups such as NAMBLA (the North
American Man/Boy Love Association) are remark-
ably active online. Moreover, on the Internet,
there is a variety of literature, such as BoyWiki
and The Boylove Manifesto, which supports the
pedophile viewpoint (Durkin & Hundersmarck,
2008). Most of this networking, in an off itself,
is not criminal (Lanning, 2010). However, there
are serious concerns that these networks may
encourage criminal conduct. In a recent study,
D’Ovidio et al. (2009) examine 64 website ad-
vocating sexual relationships between adults and
children. These researchers concluded these sites
were criminogenic since they foster relationships
among users and expose these users to rationaliza-
tions and justifications (e.g., this behavior does
not harm children, children can freely consent to
sex with an adult) conducive to sexual offending.
Another way in which the Internet has facili-
tated the sexual exploitation of children is through
sex tourism and child prostitution. Sexual tourism,
which involves traveling with the intent to engage
in sexual behavior, often, involves child victims.
For a number of years, sex tours in Southeast Asia
have been promoted via the Internet (Hughes,
2000). There have been reports of pedophiles
trading information about potential child victims
for pedophiles traveling abroad (Holt et al., 2010).
In recent years in the United States, there have
been a number of cases involving child prostitu-
tion being promoted on Internet classified sites
such as Craig’s List. Purveyors of child prostitu-
tion can easily place advertisements complete
with a physical description of available children
to potential consumers online (McCabe, 2008).
802
Internet Crimes against Children
Assessment and Classification
of Internet Sex Offenders
Since this is a relatively new type of offend-
ing, little research has examined the assessment
protocols for this population. Currently, many
different types of general sex offender assess-
ments are utilized (e.g., pre-sentence, treatment
planning and placement, classification, and risk
assessment). Due to the unknown elements of
associated with this type of offender, specifically
what potential danger to the community the of-
fender possibly demonstrates; risk-level appears
to be most requested type of assessment. Other
goals of a general sex offender assessment focus
level of deviance, identification of pro-offending
attitudes, accountability, level of denial and gen-
eral psychosocial areas (see DeLong et al., 2010).
Important in this process is the clinician’s ability
to address areas that may be uncomfortable for
general practitioners such as sexual practices,
fantasy, use and description of sexually explicit
materials (including child pornography)(Quayle
& Taylor, 2002). When conducting such an as-
sessment, one should be aware of the offender’s
level of guardedness and defensiveness, as well
as their possible high degree of shame and guilt.
Asking questions in a gentle, nonjudgmental and
non-confrontational manner is imperative. Of-
fenders need to have an environment where they
will be able to discuss their offense dynamics, as
well as other personal and private areas of their
life without the fear of judgment and retribution.
Questions should be formulated in a manner to
ascertain the degree, nature, and extent of the
sexual and legal problems of the offender.
Quayle and Taylor (2002) developed a four
factor framework that could be utilized in a semi-
structured setting in order to address Internet
specific issues during an assessment. This process
can assist the clinician in obtaining information
sought from the offender, specifically addressing
Internet Crimes against Children
issues which would identify possible offense cycle
dynamics. These four areas are: action, reflection,
excitement, and arousal. In action, information
obtained is from questions addressing length of
time on the Internet, contact with others, emotional
withdraw from significant others, degree of plea-
sure received from the activities, level of social
isolation, images obtained or developed and sent.
Reflection focuses on the offender’s level of preoc-
cupation with re-living past experiences; details of
other online persons contacted; breaking promises
about quitting; and difficulties in concentrating or
keeping off-line. Excitement addresses degree and
type of risks in accessing materials and persons; if
the materials were obtained while others were pres-
ent (especially child pornography with children
present); if the offender corresponds with others
with a sexual interest in children; and attempts to
make contact with children. Arousal involves the
offender’s level of masturbation associated with
online activities; changes in sexual behaviors
since beginning online activities; changes in the
receipt of images and text messages particularly
with children; material accessed (such as types of
images, ages, and characteristics of the child); and
if arousal happens with other non-child images.
Understanding the dynamics of the Internet
offending process may help to formulate an expla-
nation of online behaviors, particularly focusing
on which precipitous factors are utilized in the
offender’s behavioral pattern. Such explanations
should be developed in order to understand the
motive, intent, and goal(s) of the offender. Un-
derstanding the cycles or patterns of offending
assist the clinician in identifying factors pertinent
to establishing treatment goals for the offender.
Unfortunately, the Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Health Disorders, Fourth Edi-
tion, Text Revision, 2000 (DSM-IV-TR, 2000),
does not identify a specific diagnosis or diagnostic
criteria for Internet sex offenders. Therefore, the
utilization of offense-specific typologies would
appear a logical instrument for the understanding
and classification of this population. There are a
variety of typologies (or classification systems)
which attempt to identify a specific set of criteria
based on the behavior demonstrated by the online
behaviors and processes of the offender. These
typologies can permit a clinician or other evalu-
ator to simplify and organize the complexities of
the behaviors in order to understand similarities
and differences in these offenses and offenders.
However, it is imperative to note that the typology
should be a tool for understanding and assimilat-
ing the behaviors, not a diagnosis.
Although Internet sex offenders have tradi-
tional been presented on a dichotomous scale of
“travelers” and “traders,” their behaviors are not
always mutually exclusive and can be a part of a
continuum which the offender can begin with the
viewing, obtaining, manufacturing, and sharing
of child pornography and later manifest to the ac-
tion of chatting online, grooming, and eventually
meeting a minor for sexual purposes. A number of
more accurate typologies have been suggested in
recent year. For instance, Taylor & Quayle (2006)
identified four types: periodically prurient, fantasy
only offenders, direct victimization offenders, and
commercial exploitation offenders; and Internet
sexual offenders. Periodically prurient offend-
ers tend to access impulsively or out of general
curiosity potentially as part of a broader interest
in pornography (includes extreme pornography),
may not be related to a specific interest in children.
Fantasy-only offenders are those who access/trade
images to fuel a sexual interest in children, and
may have no known history of contact sexual
offending. Direct victimization offenders utilize
online technologies as part of a larger pattern of
contact and non-contact sexual offending, which
includes child porn, and grooming of children
online in order to facilitate the later offline com-
mission of sexual offending. Commercial offend-
ers are criminally-minded offenders who produce
or trade images to make money.
Additionally, DeLong, (2009) identified
three types of these offenders: circumstantial-
undersocialized, rebound-persistent, and sexually-
803

compulsive Internet sexual offender. The circum-
stantial-undersocialized offender’s characteristics
include: poor social/interpersonal relationships;
poor emotional control/needy; opportunistic in
their offense; they will typically contact and meet
their victim less than 24 hours to 1 day upon ini-
tial contact; they will have a fair knowledge of
Internet chat rooms; their motivation is to meet
emotional needs and fulfill sexual fantasies; their
lack of confidence will also allow them to focus
on younger children; and, they will be willing to
travel short distances, typically within 30 minutes
from their residence in order to meet their victims;
and, they might believe they have a positive and
caring relationship with their victims and continue
their contact. The rebound-persistent offender
includes: having a fairly stable relationships, but
act out due to perceiving problems within their re-
lationships; they tend to engage in sexual fantasies
regarding underage minors; they utilize Internet
chat rooms in order to interact and establish a
sexual relationship with a minor; they’re need
driven, their planning is relatively limited; they
engage in chat for more than 24 hours in order
to develop a trusting relationship with the victim
and have a better understanding of the victim’s
circumstances; they have a good understanding
of Internet chat rooms; they also will travel 1 to
2 hours in order to meet their intended victim;
and, they might have limited contact with their
victim after their initial encounter. The sexually-
compulsive offender demonstrate relationships
with others that tend to be superficial; likely have
good organization and planning; they are highly
sexual and need driven; have good verbal skills;
higher level of intelligence; have good knowledge
and understanding of Internet chat rooms; they tend
to engage and groom their victim over a period of
time to gain their trust; they also will travel long
distances (over 2 hours); and, they will continually
engage in meeting other underage minors, as well
as possibly returning to a particular victim if they
deem the risk as low and they are comfortable
with control over their victim.
804
Internet Crimes against Children
The application of typologies in the assessment
process can help collate the information from col-
lateral sources and that of the offender, thereby
assisting in the understanding and identification
of cycle dynamics and behavioral patterns in order
to facilitate the development of treatment goals.
Important in the development of the typologies
is Cusson’s (1993, in Taylor & Quayle, 2006)
identified multi-stage explanation of the criminal
process with Internet sex offenders focusing on
the tasks of search, pre-criminal situations, pre-
criminal opportunity, and criminal tactics. This
process identifies the following stages: 1) the of-
fender searchers for a need to find a pre-criminal
situation, 2) once found the pre-criminal stage is
introduced with the potential to commit an of-
fense, 3) once the perceived payoff exceed the risk
for the offender, the pre-criminal opportunity is
established thereby allowing the offender to seek
online communications, and 4) criminal tactics are
utilized in order for the offender to demonstrate a
sequence of events for the act to occur. Although
seemingly well thought out, the offender does not
take into account that the actions are restrictive
due to the physical limitation of the communica-
tive processes and technologies (Taylor & Quayle,
2006). Therefore, an important consideration
involved in whether or not an offender will travel
to engage a physical meeting with an intended
victim, is the method of communication and ease
of transmission regarding messages, images and
other items of interests for the offender (Elliot &
Beech, 2009; DeLong, et al., 2010).
ENFORCEMENT AND PREVENTION
One way in which society is attempting to combat
this problem is through law enforcement efforts.
In 2006, there were 7,010 arrests in the United
States for Internet Crimes against Children, with
95% of these cases resulting in guilty pleas or
convictions (Wolak et al., 2009). These inves-
tigations may be initiated in response to a com-
Internet Crimes against Children
plaint from a victim’s family, a family member
or acquaintance of the offender, or a concerned
third party (e.g., computer technician or Internet
Service Provider). Law enforcement have also
adopted several proactive strategies to confront
this problem. The best known type of proactive
investigation involves law enforcement officers
posing as minors online to identify men solicit-
ing sex from minors. Other proactive strategies
involve officers posing as child pornography
traders or consumers, as well as portraying sex
offenders with access to children that can be sexu-
ally abused (Krone, 2005; Lanning, 2010). The
activities of law enforcement are clearly helpful
in responding to this problem. For example, the
NJOVS collected data on cases involving proac-
tive investigations targeted at men soliciting sex
from minors online. Approximately 40% of those
arrested also possessed child pornography, and
13% were actively molesting children as well
(Mitchell et al., 2005). Furthermore, not only do
child pornography investigations identify men
who are actively sexually abusing children, they
help disrupt pedophile networks and decrease the
demand for this material (Krone, 2005).
An equally important way to confront this
problem is to focus on taking steps to prevent
minors from being victimized. Yet, it is imperative
that this approached in a realistic way. Widespread
publicity about predators using violence and deceit
to prey on innocent and naive children who are
using the Internet is mostly inaccurate (Wolak et
al., 2008). Many prevention messages are unfor-
tunately misleading. For instance, making dire
warnings to minors about online predators may
portray a false sense of the nature of the dangers
(Lanning, 2010). Similarly, suggesting that parents
install monitoring software and keep the home
computer in a public location is clearly well inten-
tioned. However, it overlooks the fact that young
people can go online from a number of venues,
often unsupervised and possibly in the presence
of precocious peers. Prevention efforts need to be
primarily targeting children and adolescents, not
parents (Wolak et al., 2008). The true naivety in this
situation may be the fact that some young people
consider high-risk behavior online as harmless
hijinks (Malesky, 2007). Accordingly, there is a
need for developmentally appropriate prevention
strategies that target high-risk behaviors (e.g.,
visiting chat rooms, corresponding with strangers,
and discussing sexual matters online). Some ex-
amples include teaching children avoidance skills
and educating adolescents about the problematic
(and criminal) nature of sexual relationships with
adults (Wolak et al., 2008).
FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
As technology advanced, so did the opportunities
for the exploitation of children. Internet crimes
against children constitute a serious albeit mis-
understood problem. Child pornography is now
a worldwide problem with horrific consequences
for victims. The adults who are involved with this
material often represent a very serious threat to
society. The online solicitation of minors is another
contemporary problem. However, the majority
of these cases are consistent with statutory rape.
Proactive police investigations, particularly into
child pornography, are an especially value as-
set in reducing Internet crimes against children.
Moreover, realistic prevention strategies offer
promise in further reducing online victimization.
As technology continues to expand with handheld
personal communication devices such as cellular
phones, opportunities for sex offenses against mi-
nors will also expand. It is essential that society be
aware of these possibilities, and be ready to act an
in adaptable fashion to prevent the victimization
of children and adolescents. Since Internet crimes
against children are a new phenomenon, research
on this topic is in its infancy. A major direction
in this area of research is further exploration of
the relationship between the online activities
involving children and actual physical contact
sexual offenses.
805

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ADDITIONAL READING
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(2010). An exploratory analysis of the cognitive
distortions of a sample of men arrested in Internet
sex stings. Journal of Sexual Aggression, 16,
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(2005). The Internet and family and acquaintance
sexual abuse. Child Maltreatment, 10, 49–60.
doi:10.1177/1077559504271917
Mitchell, K. J., Wolak, J., & Finkelhor, D. (2005).
Police posing as juveniles to catch sex offend-
ers: Is it working? Sexual Abuse, 17, 241–267.
doi:10.1177/107906320501700302
Quayle, E., & Taylor, M. (2002). Pedophiles,
pornography, and the Internet: Assessment issues.
British Journal of Social Work, 32, 863–875.
doi:10.1093/bjsw/32.7.863
Wolak, J., Finkelhor, D., & Mitchell, K. (2011).
Child pornography possessors: Trends in offender
and case characteristics. Sexual Abuse, 23, 22–42.
doi:10.1177/1079063210372143
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