Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ECF 71 Court Minutes and Order from the Status Conference held before Chief
Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/8/2020. ······························································· 1743
ECF 78 UNPUBLISHED Decision Pursuant to Civil L.R. 7(J) filed ·························· 1948
ECF 88 USCA Case Number 20-3396 re: 84 Notice of Appeal filed····················· 2241
12/11/2020 Eastern District of Wisconsin - Live
APPEAL,ATTYOPEN,CLOSED,RF
Plaintiff
William Feehan represented by Daniel J Eastman
Eastman Law
PO Box 158
Mequon, WI 53092
414-881-9383
Email: daneastman@me.com
LEAD ATTORNEY
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Michael D Dean
Michael D Dean LLC
17035 W Wisconsin Ave - Ste 100
PO Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
262-798-8044
Fax: 262-798-8045
Email: miked@michaelddeanllc.com
LEAD ATTORNEY
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Brandon Johnson
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd - Ste 300
Dallas, TX 75219
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Emily P Newman
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd - Ste 300
Dallas, TX 75219
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Howard Kleinhendler
Howard Kleinhendler Esq
369 Lexington Ave - 12th Fl
New York, NY 10017
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917-793-1188
Fax: 732-901-0832
Email: howard@kleinhendler.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Julia Z Haller
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd - Ste 300
Dallas, TX 75219
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
L Lin Wood
L Lin Wood PC
PO Box 52584
Atlanta, GA 30305-0584
404-891-1402
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Sidney Powell
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd - Ste 300
Dallas, TX 75219
214-707-1775
Email: sidney@federalappeals.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Plaintiff
Derrick Van Orden represented by Michael D Dean
TERMINATED: 12/03/2020 (See above for address)
LEAD ATTORNEY
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Brandon Johnson
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Daniel J Eastman
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Emily P Newman
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Howard Kleinhendler
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Julia Z Haller
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
L Lin Wood
(See above for address)
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ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Sidney Powell
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
V.
Defendant
Wisconsin Elections Commission represented by Colin T Roth
Wisconsin Department of Justice
Office of the Attorney General
17 W Main St
PO Box 7857
Madison, WI 53707-7857
608-266-0020
Fax: 608-267-2223
Email: rothct@doj.state.wi.us
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
Wisconsin Department of Justice
Office of the Attorney General
17 W Main St
PO Box 7857
Madison, WI 53707-7857
608-266-3094
Fax: 608-267-8906
Email: schmelzerjj@doj.state.wi.us
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
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Defendant
Mark L Thomsen represented by Colin T Roth
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Defendant
Commissioner Marge Bostelmann represented by Colin T Roth
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
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Defendant
Robert F Spindell, Jr represented by Colin T Roth
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jody J Schmelzer
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Defendant
Tony Evers represented by Davida Brook
Susman Godfrey LLP
1901 Ave of the Stars - Ste 950
Los Angeles, CA 90061
310-789-3100
Fax: 310-789-3150
Email: dbrook@susmangodfrey.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jeffrey A Mandell
Stafford Rosenbaum LLP
222 W Washington Ave - Ste 900
PO Box 1784
Madison, WI 53701-1784
608-256-0226
Fax: 608-259-2600
Email: jmandell@staffordlaw.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Justin A Nelson
Susman Godfrey LLP
1000 Louisiana St - Ste 5100
Houston, TX 77002-5096
713-653-7895
Fax: 713-654-6666
Email: jnelson@susmangodfrey.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Paul M Smith
Campaign Legal Center
1101 14th St NW - Ste 400
Washington, DC 20005
202-856-7901
Fax: 202-736-2222
Email: psmith@campaignlegal.org
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
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Rachel E Snyder
Stafford Rosenbaum LLP
222 W Washington Ave - Ste 900
PO Box 1784
Madison, WI 53701-1784
608-259-2657
Fax: 608-259-2600
Email: rsnyder@staffordlaw.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Richard Manthe
Stafford Rosenbaum LLP
222 W Washington Ave - Ste 900
PO Box 1784
Madison, WI 53701-1784
608-259-2684
Email: rmanthe@staffordlaw.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Stephen Morrissey
Susman Godfrey LLP
1201 3rd Ave - Ste 3800
Seattle, WA 98101
206-373-7380
Email: smorrissey@susmangodfrey.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Stephen Shackelford , Jr
Susman Godfrey LLP
1301 Ave of the Americans -32nd Fl
New York, NY 10019
212-729-2012
Email: sshackelford@susmangodfrey.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Amicus
Wisconsin State Conference NAACP represented by Allison E Laffey
Laffey Leitner & Goode LLC
325 E Chicago St - Ste 200
Milwaukee, WI 53202
414-312-7003
Fax: 414-755-7089
Email: alaffey@llgmke.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Ezra D Rosenberg
Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under
Law
1500 K Street NW - Ste 900
Washington, DC 20005
202-662-8345
Fax: 202-783-0857
Email: erosenberg@lawyerscommittee.org
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
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Jacob Conarck
Lawyer's Committee for Civil Rights Under
Law
1500 K St NW - 9th Fl
Washington, DC 20005
202-662-8315
Fax: 202-783-0857
Email: jpconarck@gmail.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
John W Halpin
Laffey Leitner & Goode LLC
325 E Chicago St - Ste 200
Milwaukee, WI 53202
414-312-7261
Fax: 414-755-7089
Email: jhalpin@llgmke.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jon Greenbaum
Lawyers'Committee for Civil Rights Under
Law
District Of Columbia
1500 K Street NW - 9th Fl
Washington, DC 20005
202-662-8315
Email: jgreenbaum@lawyerscommittee.org
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Joseph S Goode
Laffey Leitner & Goode LLC
325 E Chicago St - Ste 200
Milwaukee, WI 53202
414-312-7003
Fax: 414-755-7089
Email: jgoode@llgmke.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Mark M Leitner
Laffey Leitner & Goode LLC
325 E Chicago St - Ste 200
Milwaukee, WI 53202
414-312-7003
Fax: 414-755-7089
Email: mleitner@llgmke.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Amicus
Dorothy Harrell represented by Allison E Laffey
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Ezra D Rosenberg
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John W Halpin
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jon Greenbaum
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Joseph S Goode
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Mark M Leitner
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Amicus
Wendell J. Harris, Sr. represented by Allison E Laffey
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Ezra D Rosenberg
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
John W Halpin
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jon Greenbaum
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Joseph S Goode
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Mark M Leitner
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Amicus
Earnestine Moss represented by Allison E Laffey
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Ezra D Rosenberg
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
John W Halpin
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Jon Greenbaum
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Joseph S Goode
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Mark M Leitner
(See above for address)
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
V.
Intervenor
Democratic National Committee represented by Sopen B Shah
Perkins Coie LLP
33 E Main St - Ste 201
Madison, WI 53703
608-663-7460
Fax: 608-663-7460
Email: SShah@perkinscoie.com
LEAD ATTORNEY
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Charles G Curtis , Jr
Perkins Coie LLP
33 E Main St - Ste 201
Madison, WI 53703
608-663-5411
Fax: 608-663-7499
Email: ccurtis@perkinscoie.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Christopher Bouchoux
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
7 World Trade Center
New York, NY 10007
212-230-8823
Email:
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christopher.bouchoux@wilmerhale.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
David S Lesser
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
7 World Trade Center
New York, NY 10007
212-230-8851
Email: david.lesser@wilmerhale.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Jamie Dycus
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
7 World Trade Center
New York, NY 10007
212-937-7236
Email: jamie.dycus@wilmerhale.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Michelle M Umberger
Perkins Coie LLP
33 E Main St - Ste 201
Madison, WI 53703
608-663-7460
Fax: 608-663-7499
Email: MUmberger@perkinscoie.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
Seth P Waxman
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
1875 Pennsylvania Ave NW
Washington, DC 20006
202-663-6800
Fax: 202-663-6363
Email: seth.waxman@wilmerhale.com
ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED
V.
Movant
James Gesbeck represented by James Gesbeck
9302 Harvest Moon Lane
Verona, WI 53593
PRO SE
12/03/2020 18 RESPONSE to Motion filed by William Feehan re 16 MOTION Reassign Case Pursuant
to Civil L.R. 3(b) . (Dean, Michael)
12/03/2020 19 ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/3/2020 DENYING 16 defendant
Tony Evers's motion to reassign case pursuant to Civil L.R. 3(b). (cc: all counsel)(cb)
12/03/2020 20 NOTICE of Appearance by Charles G Curtis, Jr on behalf of Democratic National
Committee. Attorney(s) appearing: Charles G. Curtis (Curtis, Charles)
12/03/2020 21 NOTICE of Appearance by Michelle M Umberger on behalf of Democratic National
Committee. Attorney(s) appearing: Michelle M. Umberger (Umberger, Michelle)
12/03/2020 Party Derrick Van Orden terminated. (amb) (Entered: 12/04/2020)
12/04/2020 22 MOTION to Intervene by Democratic National Committee. (Attachments: # 1 Exhibit 1-
Proposed Answer, # 2 Text of Proposed Order)(Umberger, Michelle)
12/04/2020 23 BRIEF in Support filed by Democratic National Committee re 22 MOTION to Intervene .
(Umberger, Michelle)
12/04/2020 24 DISCLOSURE Statement by Democratic National Committee. (Umberger, Michelle)
12/04/2020 25 REPLY filed by Tony Evers to Plaintiff's Proposed Briefing Schedule. (Mandell, Jeffrey)
12/04/2020 26 REPLY filed by Marge Bostelmann, Julie M Glancey, Ann S Jacobs, Dean Knudson,
Robert F Spindell, Jr, Mark L Thomsen, Wisconsin Elections Commission to Plaintiff's
Proposed Briefing Schedule. (Murphy, Sean)
12/04/2020 27 NOTICE of Appearance by Justin A Nelson on behalf of Tony Evers. Attorney(s)
appearing: Justin A. Nelson (Nelson, Justin)
12/04/2020 28 NOTICE of Appearance by Davida Brook on behalf of Tony Evers. Attorney(s) appearing:
Davida Brook (Brook, Davida)
12/04/2020 29 ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/4/2020. 10 Plaintiff's amended
motion GRANTED IN PART to extent that it is Civil L.R. 7(h) expedited non-dispositive
motion for expedited briefing schedule; defendant's opposition to plaintiff's amended
motion due by 5:00 PM on 12/7/2020, plaintiff's reply due by 5:00 PM on 12/8/2020. The
court DEFERS RULING on plaintiff's amended motion to extent that it asks the court to
issue TRO or preliminary injunction. (cc: all counsel)(cb)
12/04/2020 30 NOTICE of Appearance by Stephen Shackelford, Jr on behalf of Tony Evers. Attorney(s)
appearing: Stephen L. Shackelford, Jr. (Shackelford, Stephen)
12/04/2020 31 NOTICE of Appearance by Richard Manthe on behalf of Tony Evers. Attorney(s)
appearing: Richard A. Manthe (Manthe, Richard)
12/04/2020 32 NOTICE of Appearance by Paul M Smith on behalf of Tony Evers. Attorney(s) appearing:
Paul M. Smith (Smith, Paul)
12/04/2020 33 7(h) Expedited NON-DISPOSITIVE MOTION to Intervene by James Gesbeck.
(Attachments: # 1 Certificate of Service)(lz)
12/04/2020 34 MOTION for Leave to File Excess Pages by Tony Evers. (Mandell, Jeffrey)
12/04/2020 35 NOTICE of Appearance by Sidney Powell on behalf of All Plaintiffs. Attorney(s)
appearing: Sidney Powell (Powell, Sidney)
12/04/2020 36 TEXT ONLY ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/4/2020 re 34
MOTION for Leave to File Excess Pages filed by Tony Evers: The defendant seeks leave
to file a brief in excess of the thirty pages allowed by Civil L.R. 7(f) because he proposes
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to both oppose the plaintiff's amended motion for injunctive relief and support his own, not
yet filed motion to dismiss in the same pleading. The court appreciates any party's effort to
streamline litigation, but would prefer that the defendant file separate briefs opposing the
plaintiff's amended motion and supporting his own. This will avoid confusion when the
plaintiff responds. The court DENIES the defendant's motion for leave to file excess
pages. NOTE: There is no document associated with this text-only order. (cc: all
counsel)(Pepper, Pamela)
12/04/2020 37 ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/4/2020 allowing James Gesbeck to
file amicus curiae brief by 5:00 PM on 12/7/2020. (cc: all counsel, via mail to James
Gesbeck)(cb)
12/05/2020 38 TEXT ONLY ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/5/2020 re 22
MOTION to Intervene filed by Democratic National Committee signed by Chief Judge
Pamela Pepper on 12/5/2020: Under Civil L.R. 7(b), the plaintiff's response is due by
December 25, 2020; because December 25 is a federal holiday, the court ORDERS that
the plaintiff's response is due by December 28, 2020. NOTE: There is no document
associated with this text-only order. (cc: all counsel)(Pepper, Pamela)
12/05/2020 39 TEXT ONLY ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/05/2020 re 33
MOTION to Intervene filed by James Gesbeck: Under Civil L.R. 7(h), the plaintiff's
response is due by Friday, December 11, 2020. NOTE: There is no document associated
with this text-only order. (cc: all counsel)(Pepper, Pamela)
12/05/2020 40 Expedited MOTION to Intervene by Democratic National Committee. (Umberger,
Michelle)
12/06/2020 41 ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/6/2020. 40 Movant DNC's expedited
motion to intervene GRANTED to extent that court has expedited its ruling on original
motion to intervene. 22 Movant DNC's original motion to intervene DENIED. Movant
DNC may file amicus curiae brief by 5:00 PM on 12/7/2020. (cc: all counsel)(cb)
12/06/2020 42 BRIEF in Support filed by William Feehan re 10 Emergency MOTION to Amend/Correct
Docket # 6: PLAINTIFFS CORRECTED MOTION FOR DECLARATORY,
EMERGENCY, AND PERMANENT INJUNCTIVE RELIEF Amended Brief. (Dean,
Michael)
12/06/2020 43 MOTION To File Separate Reply Briefs by William Feehan. (Dean, Michael)
12/06/2020 44 MOTION To Hold Consolidated Evidentiary Hearing/Trial by William Feehan. (Dean,
Michael)
12/07/2020 45 TEXT ONLY ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/7/2020 re 43
MOTION To File Separate Reply Briefs filed by William Feehan: The court GRANTS the
plaintiff's motion for leave to file separate reply briefs. If the defendants file a single
opposition brief, the plaintiff must file one reply to that brief. If the defendants file
separate opposition briefs, the plaintiff may file a reply for each opposition brief. The
plaintiff also may file a separate reply for each brief filed by an amicus. (In other words,
the plaintiff could file up to four reply briefs if the defendants file separate briefs and each
amicus files a brief.) If the defendants file a separate motion to dismiss, the plaintiff may
file an opposition brief of up to thirty pages under Civil L.R. 7(b). NOTE: There is no
document associated with this text-only order. (cc: all counsel)(Pepper, Pamela)
12/07/2020 NOTICE of Hearing: Status Conference set for 12/8/2020 at 11:00 AM by telephone
before Chief Judge Pamela Pepper. The parties are to appear by calling the court's
conference line at 888-557-8511 and entering access code 4893665#. (cc: all counsel)(cb)
12/07/2020 46 RESPONSE to Motion filed by Marge Bostelmann, Julie M Glancey, Ann S Jacobs, Dean
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12/07/2020 59 BRIEF in Support filed by Tony Evers re 51 MOTION to Dismiss Plaintiff's Amended
Complaint . (Attachments: # 1 Exhibit 1 Whitake v. Kenosha, # 2 Exhibit 2 Bognet v.
Secretary of Commenwealth, # 3 Exhibit 3 Hotze v. Hollins, # 4 Exhibit 4 Wood v.
Raffensperger, # 5 Exhibit 5 Wood v. Raffensperger (11th Cir.), # 6 Envelope 6 Moore v.
Circosta, # 7 Exhibit 7 Trump v. Evers, # 8 Exhibit 8 WVA v. WEC, # 9 Exhibit 9 Trump
Notice of Appeal, # 10 Exhibit 10Trump v. Biden Consolidation Order, # 11 Exhibit 11
Andino v. Middleton, # 12 Exhibit 12 Massey v. Coon, # 13 Exhibit 13 Balsam v. New
Jersey, # 14 Exhibit 14 Thompson v. Alabama, # 15 Exhibit 15 Braynard Expert Report)
(Mandell, Jeffrey)
12/07/2020 60 BRIEF in Opposition filed by Tony Evers re 44 MOTION To Hold Consolidated
Evidentiary Hearing/Trial . (Mandell, Jeffrey)
12/08/2020 61 NOTICE of Appearance by Jon Greenbaum on behalf of Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., Earnestine Moss, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing:
Jon Greenbaum (Greenbaum, Jon)
12/08/2020 62 NOTICE of Appearance by Allison E Laffey on behalf of Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., Earnestine Moss, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing:
Allison E. Laffey (Laffey, Allison)
12/08/2020 63 NOTICE of Appearance by John W Halpin on behalf of Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., Earnestine Moss, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing:
John W. Halpin (Halpin, John)
12/08/2020 64 NOTICE of Appearance by Mark M Leitner on behalf of Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., Earnestine Moss, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing:
Mark M. Leitner (Leitner, Mark)
12/08/2020 65 NOTICE of Appearance by Joseph S Goode on behalf of Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., Earnestine Moss, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing:
Joseph S. Goode (Goode, Joseph)
12/08/2020 66 NOTICE of Appearance by Ezra D Rosenberg on behalf of Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., Earnestine Moss, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing:
Ezra D. Rosenberg (Rosenberg, Ezra)
12/08/2020 67 NOTICE of Appearance by Jacob Conarck on behalf of Wisconsin State Conference
NAACP. Attorney(s) appearing: Jacob P. Conarck (Conarck, Jacob)
12/08/2020 68 NOTICE of Appearance by Seth P Waxman on behalf of Democratic National Committee.
Attorney(s) appearing: Seth P. Waxman (Waxman, Seth)
12/08/2020 69 ORDER signed by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on 12/8/2020 GRANTING 56 Motion for
Leave to File Amicus Curiae Brief filed by Earnestine Moss, Dorothy Harrell, Wisconsin
State Conference NAACP, Wendell J. Harris, Sr. (cc: all counsel)(cb)
12/08/2020 70 Audio of statue conference held on 12/8/2020 at 11:08 a.m.; File Size (51.1 MB) (kgw)
12/08/2020 71 Court Minutes and Order from the Status Conference held before Chief Judge Pamela
Pepper on 12/8/2020. The court DENIES the 44 Motion for Consolidated Evidentiary
Hearing and Trial on the Merits. The court ORDERS the plaintiff to file his responses to
the motions to dismiss (Dkt. Nos. 51 and 53) and reply brief in support of his motion for
injunctive relief (Dkt. No. 10) by December 8, 2020 at 5 p.m. CST. The court ORDERS
that if the defendants and amici wish to file reply briefs in support of the motions to
dismiss, they must do so by December 9, 2020 at 3 p.m. CST. (Court Reporter Thomas
Malkiewicz.) (kgw)
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Michael)
12/10/2020 85 JUDGMENT signed by Deputy Clerk and approved by Chief Judge Pamela Pepper on
12/9/2020. (cc: all counsel)(cb)
12/10/2020 86 Transmission of Notice of Appeal and Docket Sheet to US Court of Appeals re 84 Notice
of Appeal (lmf)
12/10/2020 87 Attorney Cover Letter re: 84 Notice of Appeal (Attachments: # 1 Docket Sheet)(lmf)
12/10/2020 88 USCA Case Number 20-3396 re: 84 Notice of Appeal filed by William Feehan. (lmf)
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IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
Defendants.
1. This civil action brings to light a massive election fraud, multiple violations of the
Wisconsin Election Code, see, e.g., Wis. Stat. §§ 5.03, et. seq., in addition to the Election and
Electors Clauses and Equal Protection Clause of the U.S. Constitution. These violations occurred
during the 2020 General Election throughout the State of Wisconsin, as set forth in the affidavits
of dozens of eyewitnesses and the statistical anomalies and mathematical impossibilities detailed
2. The scheme and artifice to defraud was for the purpose of illegally and fraudulently
States, and also of various down ballot democrat candidates in the 2020 election cycle. The fraud
was executed by many means, but the most fundamentally troubling, insidious, and egregious ploy
was the systemic adaptation of old-fashioned “ballot-stuffing.” It has now been amplified and
rendered virtually invisible by computer software created and run by domestic and foreign actors
for that very purpose. This Complaint details an especially egregious range of conduct in
Milwaukee County and the City of Milwaukee, along with Dane County, La Crosse County,
Waukesha County, St. Croix County, Washington County, Bayfield County, Ozaukee County and
various other counties throughout the Third District and throughout Wisconsin employing
Dominion Systems, though this conduct occurred throughout the State at the direction of
of illegal, ineligible, duplicate or purely fictitious ballots in the State of Wisconsin, that collectively
4. While this Complaint, and the eyewitness and expert testimony incorporated herein,
identify with specificity sufficient ballots required to set aside the 2020 General Election results,
the entire process is so riddled with fraud, illegality, and statistical impossibility that this Court,
and Wisconsin’s voters, courts, and legislators, cannot rely on, or certify, any numbers resulting
from this election. Accordingly, this Court must set aside the results of the 2020 General Election
5. The fraud begins with the election software and hardware from Dominion Voting
Systems Corporation (“Dominion”) used by the Wisconsin Board of State Canvassers. The
Dominion systems derive from the software designed by Smartmatic Corporation, which became
6. Smartmatic and Dominion were founded by foreign oligarchs and dictators to ensure
computerized ballot-stuffing and vote manipulation to whatever level was needed to make certain
Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez never lost another election. See Ex. 1, Redacted Declaration of
7. As set forth in the Dominion Whistleblower Report, the Smartmatic software was
Hugo Chavez:
for Wisconsin’s elections was the software’s ability to hide its manipulation of votes from any
Chavez was most insistent that Smartmatic design the system in a way that the
system could change the vote of each voter without being detected. He wanted the
software itself to function in such a manner that if the voter were to place their
thumb print or fingerprint on a scanner, then the thumbprint would be tied to a
record of the voter’s name and identity as having voted, but that voter would not
tracked to the changed vote. He made it clear that the system would have to be setup
to not leave any evidence of the changed vote for a specific voter and that there
would be no evidence to show and nothing to contradict that the name or the
fingerprint or thumb print was going with a changed vote. Smartmatic agreed to
create such a system and produced the software and hardware that accomplished
that result for President Chavez. Id. ¶15.
9. The design and features of the Dominion software do not permit a simple audit to reveal
its misallocation, redistribution, or deletion of votes. First, the system’s central accumulator does
not include a protected real-time audit log that maintains the date and time stamps of all significant
election events. Key components of the system utilize unprotected logs. Essentially this allows
an unauthorized user the opportunity to arbitrarily add, modify, or remove log entries, causing the
machine to log election events that do not reflect actual voting tabulations—or more specifically,
10. This Complaint will show that Dominion violated physical security standards by
connecting voting machines to the Internet, allowing Dominion, domestic third parties or hostile
foreign actors to access the system and manipulate election results, and moreover potentially to
1
See Ex. 7, August 24, 2020 Declaration of Harri Hursti, ¶¶45-48 (expert testimony in Case
1:17-cv-02989 in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Georgia). The Texas
Secretary of State refused to certify Dominion for similar reasons as those cited by Mr. Hursti. See
Ex. 9, State of Texas Secretary of State, Elections Division, Report of Review of Dominion Voting
Systems Democracy Suite 5.5-A at 2 (Jan. 24, 2020).
4
examination of Dominion’s machines and source code (pursuant to Wisconsin Statute § 5.905) is
required to document these instances of voting fraud, as well as Dominion’s systematic violations
of the Voting Rights Act record retention requirements through manipulation, alteration,
destruction and likely foreign exfiltration of voting records. See 52 U.S.C. § 20701.
11. These and other problems with Dominion’s software have been widely reported in the
press and been the subject of investigations. In certifying Dominion Voting Systems Democracy
Suite, Wisconsin officials disregarded all the concerns that caused Dominion software to be
rejected by the Texas Board of elections in 2020 because it was deemed vulnerable to undetected
and non-auditable manipulation. Texas denied Certification because of concerns that it was not
12. An industry expert, Dr. Andrew Appel, Princeton Professor of Computer Science and
Election Security Expert has recently observed, with reference to Dominion Voting machines: “I
figured out how to make a slightly different computer program that just before the polls were
closed, it switches some votes around from one candidate to another. I wrote that computer
program into a memory chip and now to hack a voting machine you just need 7 minutes alone with
a screwdriver.”2
13. In addition to the Dominion computer fraud, this Complaint identifies several additional
categories of “traditional” voting fraud that occurred as a direct result of Defendant Wisconsin
Election Commission (“WEC”) and other Defendants directing Wisconsin clerks and other
election officials to ignore or violate the express requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code.
2
Andrew W. Appel, et al., “Ballot Marking Devices (BMDs) Cannot Assure the Will of the
Voters” at (Dec. 27, 2019),( attached hereto as Exh. 10 (“Appel Study”)).
5
confined” absentee voters, even if the clerks possess “reliable information” that the voter is no
states that clerks must remove such voters. Second, the WEC issued further guidance directing
clerks – in violation of Wisconsin Statute § 6.87(6)(d), which states that an absentee envelope
certification “is missing the address of a witness, the ballot may not be counted” – to instead fill
14. This Complaint presents expert witness testimony demonstrating that several hundred
thousand illegal, ineligible, duplicate or purely fictitious votes must be thrown out, in particular:
A. A report from Dr. William Briggs, showing that there were approximately
29,594 absentee ballots listed as “unreturned” by voters that either never
requested them, or that requested and returned their ballots;
B. Reports from Redacted Expert Witnesses who can show an algorithm was used
to pick a winner.
15. In the accompanying redacted declaration of a former electronic intelligence analyst with
305th Military Intelligence with experience gathering SAM missile system electronic intelligence,
the Dominion software was accessed by agents acting on behalf of China and Iran in order to
monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent US general election in 2020. (See Ex.
16. These and other “irregularities” demonstrate that at least 318,012 illegal ballots were
counted in Wisconsin. This provides the Court with sufficient grounds to set aside the results of
the 2020 General Election and provide the other declaratory and injunctive relief requested herein.
17. This Court has subject matter under 28 U.S.C. § 1331 which provides, “The district courts
shall have original jurisdiction of all civil actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties
18. This Court also has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1343 because this action
involves a federal election for President of the United States. “A significant departure from the
legislative scheme for appointing Presidential electors presents a federal constitutional question.”
Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 113 (2000) (Rehnquist, C.J., concurring); Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S.
19. The jurisdiction of the Court to grant declaratory relief is conferred by 28 U.S.C. §§
20. This Court has jurisdiction over the related Wisconsin constitutional claims and state-law
21. Venue is proper because a substantial part of the events or omissions giving rise to the
22. Because the United States Constitution reserves for state legislatures the power to set the
time, place, and manner of holding elections for Congress and the President, state executive
officers have no authority to unilaterally exercise that power, much less flout existing legislation.
THE PARTIES
23. Plaintiff William Feehan, is a registered Wisconsin voter and a nominee of the Republican
Party to be a Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Wisconsin. Mr. Feehan is a resident of
24. Presidential Electors “have a cognizable interest in ensuring that the final vote tally
reflects the legally valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete and particularized
injury to candidates such as the Electors.” Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020)
(affirming that Presidential Electors have Article III and prudential standing to challenge actions
146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000) (per
curiam).
25. Plaintiff Feehan has standing to bring this action as a voter and as a candidate for the
office of Elector under Wis. Stat. §§ 5.10, et seq (election procedures for Wisconsin electors). As
such, Presidential Electors “have a cognizable interest in ensuring that the final vote tally reflects
the legally valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete and particularized injury
to candidates such as the Electors.” Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020)
(affirming that Presidential Electors have Article III and prudential standing to challenge actions
of state officials in implementing or modifying State election laws); see also McPherson v.
Blacker, 146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000)
(per curiam).
26. Plaintiff Derrick Van Orden is a former United States Navy SEAL, who was the 2020
Republican nominee for Wisconsin’s Third Congressional District Seat for the United States
House of Representatives. Mr. Van Orden is a resident of Hager City, Pierce County, Wisconsin.
27. Mr. Van Orden “lost” by approximately 10,000 votes to the Democrat incumbent, U.S.
Representative Ron Kind. Because of the illegal voting irregularities as will be shown below, Mr.
Van Orden seeks to have a new election ordered by this court in the Third District, with that
election being conducted under strict adherence with the Wisconsin Election Code.
28. Plaintiff Van Orden has standing as the ostensible “defeated” candidate in the Third
Congressional District race, and seeks an order for a new election, complying with Wisconsin
election law. Plaintiff Van Order received 189,524 votes or 48.67% as tallied versus Ron Kind
of President of the United States in the State of Wisconsin and to obtain the other declaratory and
injunctive relief requested herein. Those results were certified by Defendants on November 30,
2020, indicating a plurality for Mr. Biden of 20,565 votes out of 3,240,867 cast.
30. The Defendants are Wisconsin Elections Commission (“WEC”), a state agency, and its
members Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge Bostelman, Julie M. Glancey, Dean Knudson,
31. Defendant Governor Tony Evers is named as a defendant in his official capacity as
Wisconsin’s governor.
32. Defendant WEC was created in 2015 by the Wisconsin Legislature as an independent
agency under the Executive branch to administer Wisconsin’s election laws. Wis. Stat. §§ 5.03 &
15.61. The WEC is authorized to adopt administrative rules pursuant to Chapter 227 of the
Wisconsin Statutes, but nothing under Wisconsin’s election laws authorizes the WEC to issue any
33. Furthermore, the Wisconsin Legislature also created municipal elections commissions for
municipalities with a population greater than 500,000 and a county elections commissions for
counties with a population greater than 750,000. Wis Stat. § 7.20. As a result, the City of
Milwaukee Elections Commission was created as well as the Milwaukee County Elections
Commission and the Dane County Elections Commission. These county and municipal elections
commissions are responsible for administering the elections in their respective jurisdictions.
34. Plaintiffs bring this action under 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983 and 1988, to remedy deprivations of
rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws of the United States and to
contest the election results, and the corollary provisions under the Wisconsin Constitution.
35. The United States Constitution sets forth the authority to regulate federal elections. With
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the
Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the
Places of choosing Senators.
36. With respect to the appointment of presidential electors, the Constitution provides:
Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a
Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to
which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative,
or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be
appointed an Elector.
37. None of Defendants is a “Legislature” as required under the Elections Clause or Electors
Clause to set the rules governing elections. The Legislature is “‘the representative body which
ma[kes] the laws of the people.’” Smiley, 285 U.S. 365. Regulations of congressional and
presidential elections, thus, “must be in accordance with the method which the state has prescribed
for legislative enactments.” Id. at 367; see also Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting
Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 135 S. Ct. 2652, 2668 (U.S. 2015).
38. The WEC certified the Presidential Election results on November 30, 2020. The
Presidential election results in Wisconsin show a difference of 20,565 “tallied” votes in favor of
10
stated herein and in the attached affidavits, it is necessary to enjoin the certification of the election
results pending a full investigation and court hearing, and to order an independent audit of the
November 3, 2020 election to ensure the accuracy and integrity of the election.
40. The Wisconsin State Legislature adopted Act 23 in 2011 to require Wisconsin electors to
county clerk, when registering to vote and when voting. Wis. Stat. §§ 6.34; 6.79 (2). The Wisconsin
State Legislature adopted the photo ID requirement to deter the casting of ballots by persons either not
eligible to vote or persons fraudulently casting multiple ballots. League of Women Voters of
Wisconsin Education Network, Inc. v. Walker, 851 N.W.2d 302, 314 (Wis. 2014).
41. Wisconsin’s absentee voting is governed by Wisconsin Statutes § 6.84 - § 6.89. Under
Wisconsin Statutes §6.86, every absentee elector applicant must present a photo ID when registering
to vote absentee except absentee voters who registered as “indefinitely confined,” Wis. Stat. §6.86
(ac), meaning someone confined “because of age, physical illness or infirmity or is disabled for an
indefinite period.” Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)(a). As a result, Wisconsin election procedures for voting
absentee based on “indefinitely confined” status circumvent the photo ID requirement, creating an
42. In order to ensure that only those who are “indefinitely confined” may use the “indefinitely
confined” absentee ballot in an election, Wisconsin Statutes §6.86 provides that any elector who files
an application for an absentee ballot based on indefinitely confined status may not use the absentee
ballot if the electoral is no longer “indefinitely confined.” Wisconsin Statutes § 6.86 (2)(b) further
11
request of the elector or upon receipt of reliable information that an elector no longer qualifies for
the service.”
43. Despite this clear statutory requirement, the Administrator of the Wisconsin Election
Commission, Meagan Wolfe, issued a written directive on May 13, 2020 to the clerks across the
State of Wisconsin stating that the clerks cannot remove an allegedly “indefinitely confined”
absentee voter from the absentee voter register if the clerk had “reliable information” that an
allegedly “indefinitely confined” absentee voter is no longer “indefinitely confined.” The directive
specifically stated:
44. The WEC’s directive thus directly contradicts Wisconsin law, which specifically provides
that clerks “shall” remove an indefinitely confined voter from the absentee voter list if the clerk
45. As a result of the directive, clerks did not remove from the absentee voter lists maintained
by their jurisdictions the absentee voters who claimed “indefinitely confined” status but who in
fact were no longer “indefinitely confined.” This resulted in electors who were allegedly
“indefinitely confined” absentee voters casting ballots as “indefinitely confined” absentee voters
46. In 2015, the Wisconsin Legislature passed Act 261, amending Wisconsin’s election laws,
including a requirement, codified as Wisconsin Statute § 6.87(d), that absentee ballots include both
12
of the witness is missing from the witness certification, however, “the ballot may not be counted.”
Id.
47. On October 18, 2016, WEC reacted to this legislation by issuing a memorandum, which,
among other things, permitted clerks to write in the witness address onto the absentee ballot
certificate itself, effectively nullifying this express requirement. (See WEC October 18, 2016
publicly posted training videos. For example, in a Youtube video posted before the November 3,
2020 General Election by Clarie Woodall-Voog of the Milwaukee Elections Commission, Ms.
Woodall-Voog advised clerks that missing items “like witness address may be written in red.”3
48. On October 19, 2020, WEC instructed its clerks that, without any legal basis in the
Wisconsin Election Code, they could simply fill in missing witness or voter certification
information using, e.g., personal knowledge, voter registration information, or calling the voter or
witness. The WEC further advised that voters or witnesses could cure any missing information at
the polling place, again without citing any authority to do so under Wisconsin Election Code.
49. The attached report of William M. Briggs, Ph.D. (“Dr. Briggs Report”) summarizes the
multi-state phone survey that includes a survey of Wisconsin voters collected by Matt Braynard,
3
See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hbm-pPaYiqk (video a 10:43 to 11:07).
13
1 (“Braynard Survey”). The Briggs analysis identified two specific errors involving unreturned
mail-in ballots that are indicative of voter fraud, namely: “Error #1: those who were recorded as
receiving absentee ballots without requesting them;” and “Error #2: those who returned absentee
ballots but whose votes went missing (i.e., marked as unreturned).” Id. Dr. Briggs then conducted
a parameter-free predictive model to estimate, within 95% confidence or prediction intervals, the
number of ballots affected by these errors out of a total of 96,771 unreturned mail-in ballots for
50. With respect to Error #1, Dr. Briggs’ analysis estimated that 16,316-19,273 ballots out
of the total 96,771 unreturned ballots were recorded for voters who had not requested them. Id.
With respect to Error #2, he found 13,991 – 16,757 ballots out of 96,771 unreturned ballots
recorded for voters who did return their ballots were recorded as being unreturned. Id.
Taking the average of the two types of errors together, 29,594 ballots, or 31% of the total, are
“troublesome.”
51. These errors are not only conclusive evidence of widespread fraud by the State of
Wisconsin, but they are fully consistent with the fact witness statements cited above regarding the
evidence about Dominion presented below insofar as these unreturned absentee ballots
represent a pool of blank ballots that could be filled in by third parties to shift the election
to Joe Biden, and also present the obvious conclusion that there must be absentee ballots
52. With respect to Error #1, Dr. Briggs’ analysis demonstrates that approximately 17,795
absentee ballots were sent to someone besides the registered voter named in the request, and
thus could have been filled out by anyone and then submitted in the name of another voter.
14
unreturned pool and therefore cannot be estimated from this data set.
53. With respect to Error #2, Dr. Briggs’ analysis indicates that approximately 15,374
absentee ballots were either lost or destroyed (consistent with allegations of Trump ballot
destruction) and/or were replaced with blank ballots filled out by election workers, Dominion
or other third parties. Dr. Briggs’ analysis shows that 31% of “unreturned ballots” suffer from
one of the two errors above – which is consistent with his findings in the four other States analyzed
(Arizona 58%, Georgia 39%, Pennsylvania 37%, and Wisconsin 45%) – and provides further
support that these widespread “irregularities” or anomalies were one part of a much larger multi-
state fraudulent scheme to rig the 2020 General Election for Joe Biden.
B. Nearly 7,000 Ineligible Voters Who Have Moved Out-of-State Illegally Voted
in Wisconsin.
54. Evidence compiled by Matt Braynard using the National Change of Address (“NCOA”)
Database shows that 6,207 Wisconsin voters in the 2020 General Election moved out-of-state prior
to voting, and therefore were ineligible. Mr. Braynard also identified 765 Wisconsin voters who
subsequently registered to vote in another state and were therefore ineligible to vote in the 2020
General Election. The merged number is 6,966 ineligible voters whose votes must be removed
55. From November 13th, 2020 through November 28th, 2020, the Affiant conducted in-depth
statistical analysis of publicly available data on the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election. This data
4
Mr. Braynard posted the results of his analysis on Twitter.
See https://twitter.com/MattBraynard/status/1329700178891333634?s=20. This Complaint
includes a copy of his Report, (attached hereto as Exh. 3).
15
machine data provided by the U.S. Election Assistance Committee. The Affiant’s analysis yielded
several “red flags” concerning the percentage of votes won by candidate Biden in counties using
voting machines provided by Dominion Voting Systems. These red flags occurred in several
States in the country, including Wisconsin. (See attached hereto as Exh. 4, copy of redacted
56. The Affiant began by using Chi-Squared Automatic Interaction Detection (CHAID),
which treats the data in an agnostic way—that is, it imposes no parametric assumptions that could
otherwise introduce bias. Affiant posed the following question: “Do any voting machine types
appear to have unusual results?” The answer provided by the statistical technique/algorithm was
that machines from Dominion Voting Systems (Dominion) produced abnormal results. Id.
57. Subsequent graphical and statistical analysis shows the unusual pattern involving
machines from Dominion occurs in at least 100 counties and multiple States, including Wisconsin.
The results from the vast majority of counties using the Dominion machines is 3 to 5.6 percentage
points higher in favor of candidate Biden. This pattern is seen easily in graphical form when the
results from “Dominion” counties are overlaid against results from “non-Dominion” counties. The
results from “Dominion” counties do not match the results from the rest of the counties in the
United States. The results are clearly statistically significant, with a p-value of < 0.00004. This
translates into a statistical impossibility that something unusual involving Dominion machines is
not occurring. This pattern appears in multiple States, including Wisconsin, and the margin of
votes implied by the unusual activity would easily sway the election results. Id.
58. The following graph shows the pattern. The large red dots are counties in Wisconsin that
use Dominion voting machines. Almost all of them are above the blue prediction line, when in
16
approximately half the counties in the U.S. (blue dots) that are below the blue centerline). The p-
value of statistical analysis regarding the centerline for the red dots (Wisconsin counties with
Id.
59. To confirm that Dominion machines were the source of the pattern/anomaly, Affiant
conducted further analysis using propensity scoring using U.S. census variables (including
ethnicities, income, professions, population density and other social/economic data) , which was
used to place counties into paired groups. Such an analysis is important because one concern could
be that counties with Dominion systems are systematically different from their counterparts, so
17
Id.
60. After matching counties using propensity score analysis, the only difference between the
groups was the presence of Dominion machines. This approach again showed a highly statistically
significant difference between the two groups, with candidate Biden again averaging three
percentage points higher in Dominion counties than in the associated paired county. The
associated p-value is < 0.00005, against indicating a statistical impossibility that something
61. The results of the analysis and the pattern seen in the included graph strongly suggest a
systemic, system-wide algorithm was enacted by an outside agent, causing the results of
Wisconsin’s vote tallies to be inflated by somewhere between three and five point six percentage
points. Statistical estimating yields that in Wisconsin, the best estimate of the number of
62. The summation of sections A through C above provide the following conclusions for the
18
amount to 318,012 or over 15 times the margin by which candidate Biden leads President
63. The State of Wisconsin, in many locations, used either Sequoia, a subsidiary of Dominion
Systems, and or Dominion Systems, Democracy Suite 4.14-D first, and then included Dominion
Systems Democracy Suite 5.0-S on or about January 27, 2017, which added a fundamental
modification: “dial-up and wireless results transmission capabilities to the ImageCast Precinct and
results transmission using the Democracy Suite EMS Results Transfer Manager module.” (See
64. Affiant Keshel’s findings that reflect the discussion cited above:
19
65. Keshel provides a graph reflecting the voter returns in a time-series. The highly unlikely
and remarkably convenient attainment of this block of votes provides for a stunning depiction of
the election and generates many questions. The analysis provided by Plaintiffs’ multiple experts,
including data, statistics and cyber, will reveal clear evidence of the multiple frauds that combined
20
66. Wisconsin. In 2018, Jill Stein was in litigation with Dominion Voting Systems
(“DVS”) after her 2016 recount request pursuant to WISCONSIN STAT.§5.905(4) wherein
DVS obtained a Court Order requiring confidentiality on information including voting counting
source code, which Dominion claims is proprietary – and must be kept secret from the public. (See
unpublished decision, Wisconsin Court of Appeals, No. 2019AP272 issued April 30, 2020).
Rather than engaging in an open and transparent process to give credibility to Wisconsin’s
Dominion-Democracy Suite voting system, the processes were hidden during the receipt,
67. Texas. The same Dominion Democracy Suite was denied certification in Texas by the
21
about whether Democracy Suite 5.5-A system … is safe from fraudulent or unauthorized
manipulation.”5
68. Georgia. Substantial evidence of this vulnerability was discussed in Judge Amy
Totenberg’s October 11, 2020 Order in the USDC N.D. Ga. case of Curling, et al. v. Kemp, et. al,
Case No. 1:17-cv-02989 Doc. No. 964. See, p. 22-23 (“This array of experts and subject matter
specialists provided a huge volume of significant evidence regarding the security risks and deficits
in the system as implemented in both witness declarations and live testimony at the preliminary
injunction hearing.”); p. 25 (“In particular, Dr. Halderman’s testing indicated the practical
feasibility through a cyber attack of causing the swapping or deletion of specific votes cast and the
compromise of the system through different cyber attack strategies, including through access to
and alteration or manipulation of the QR barcode.”) The full order should be read, for it is eye-
opening and refutes many of Dominion’s erroneous claims and talking points.
69. A District Judge found that Dominion’s BMD ballots are not voter verifiable, and they
cannot be audited in a software independent way. The credibility of a BMD ballot can be no greater
than the credibility of Dominion’s systems, which copious expert analysis has shown is deeply
compromised. Similar to the issues in Wisconsin, Judge Totenberg of the District Court of Georgia
Georgia’s Election Code mandates the use of the BMD system as the uniform mode
of voting for all in-person voters in federal and statewide elections. O.C.G.A. § 21-
2-300(a)(2). The statutory provisions mandate voting on “electronic ballot
markers” that: (1) use “electronic technology to independently and privately mark
a paper ballot at the direction of an elector, interpret ballot selections, ... such
interpretation for elector verification, and print an elector verifiable paper
5
See attached hereto, as Exh. 11, State of Texas Secretary of State, Elections Division, Report
of Review of Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5-A at 2 (Jan. 24, 2020) (emphasis
added).
22
70. This case was later affirmed in a related case, in the Eleventh Circuit in 2018 related to
Georgia’s voting system in Common Cause Georgia v. Kemp, 347 F. Supp. 3d 1270 (11th Cir.
In summary, while further evidence will be necessary in the future, the Court
finds that the combination of the statistical evidence and witness declarations
in the record here (and the expert witness evidence in the related Curling case
which the Court takes notice of) persuasively demonstrates the likelihood of
Plaintiff succeeding on its claims. Plaintiff has shown a substantial likelihood
of proving that the Secretary’s failure to properly maintain a reliable and
secure voter registration system has and will continue to result in the
infringement of the rights of the voters to cast their vote and have their votes
counted.
Id.at 1294-1295.
71. The expert witness in the above litigation in the United States District Court of
Georgia, Case 1:17-cv-02989-AT, Harri Hursti, specifically testified to the acute security
72. In October of 2020 The FBI and CISA issued a JOINT CYBERSECURITY
ADVISORY ON October 30, 2020 titled: Iranian Advanced Persistent Threat Actor Identified
24
Exh. 18.)
expert subsequently found that the Dominion Voting system and software are accessible - and was
compromised by rogue actors, including foreign interference by Iran and China. (See Exh. 1,
74. The expert does an analysis and explains how by using servers and employees connected
with rogue actors and hostile foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable
leaked credentials, Dominion allowed foreign adversaries to access data and intentionally provided
access to Dominion’s infrastructure in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the
most recent one in 2020. (See Exh. 12, Spider Declaration. Several facts are set forth related to
foreign members of Dominion Voting Systems and foreign servers as well as foreign
interference.).
75. Another Declarant first explains the foundations of her opinion and then addresses the
concerns of foreign interference in our elections through hardware components from companies
based in foreign countries with adverse interests. She explains that Dominion Voting Systems
works with SCYTL, and that votes on route, before reporting, go to SCYTL in foreign countries.
On the way, they get mixed and an algorithm is applied, which is done through a secretive process.
76. The Affiant goes on to explain the foreign relationships in the hardware used by
Dominion Voting Systems and its subsidiary Sequoia and explains specifically the port that
25
Germany:
77. This Declarant further explains the foundations of her opinion and then addresses the
concerns of foreign interference in our elections through hardware components from companies
78. This Declarant goes on to explain the foreign relationships in the hardware used by
Dominion Voting Systems and its subsidiary Sequoia and specifically the port that Wisconsin uses:
China is not the only nation involved in COTS provided to election machines or the
networking but so is Germany via a LAOS founded Chinese linked cloud service
company that works with SCYTL named Akamai Technologies that have offices
in China and are linked to the server [for] Dominion Software.
79. The Affiant explains the use of an algorithm and how it presents throughout the statement,
26
Such a conjecture allows the growth factor the ability to be upper bound by values
closer to n. Therefore, complete pivoting can’t be observed because there would be
too many floating points. Nor can partial as the partial pivoting would overwhelm
after the “injection” of votes. Therefore, external factors were used which is evident
from the “DIGITAL FIX.” (See Id. at pars. 67-69)
“The algorithm looks to have been set to give Joe Biden a 52% win even with an
initial 50K+ vote block allocation was provided initially as tallying began (as in
case of Arizona too). In the am of November 4, 2020 the algorithm stopped
working, therefore another “block allocation” to remedy the failure of the
algorithm. This was done manually as ALL the SYSTEMS shut down
NATIONWIDE to avoid detection.”
80. An expert analysis by Russ Ramsland agrees with the data reflecting the use of an
algorithm that causes the spike in the data feed, which is shown to be an injection of votes to
change the outcome, because natural reporting does not appear in such a way.
81. And Russ Ramsland can support that further by documenting the data feed that came from
Dominion Voting Systems to Scytl -- and was reported with decimal points, which is contrary to
one vote as one ballot: “The fact that we observed raw vote data coming directly that includes
decimal places establishes selection by an algorithm, and not individual voter’s choice.
Otherwise, votes would be solely represented as whole numbers (votes cannot possibly be
82. The report concludes that “Based on the foregoing, I believe these statistical anomalies
and impossibilities compels the conclusion to a reasonable degree of professional certainty that the
27
13) up to 384,085 (Para. 15) illegal votes that must be disregarded. In my opinion, it is not possible
at this time to determine the true results of the Wisconsin vote for President of the United States.”
83. Plaintiffs can also show Smartmatic’s incorporation and inventors who have
identified inventors:
Inventors: Lino Iglesias, Roger Pinate, Antonio Mugica, Paul Babic, Jeffrey
Naveda, Dany Farina, Rodrigo Meneses, Salvador Ponticelli, Gisela
Goncalves, Yrem Caruso6
84. Another Affiant witness testifies that in Venezuela, she was in official position
President Chavez and because she protested, she was summarily dismissed. She explains
the vulnerabilities of the electronic voting system and Smartmatica to such manipulations.
85. In October of 2020 The FBI and CISA issued a JOINT CYBERSECURITY
ADVISORY ON October 30, 2020 titled: Iranian Advanced Persistent Threat Actor Identified
6
See Patents Assigned to Smartmatic Corp., available at:
https://patents.justia.com/assignee/smartmatic-corp
28
(See Ex. 18, CISA and FBI Joint Cyber Security Advisory of October 30, 2020)
86. Further supportive of this pattern of incidents, reflecting an absence of mistake, Plaintiffs
have since learned that the “glitches” in the Dominion system, that have the uniform effect of
hurting Trump and helping Biden, have been widely reported in the press and confirmed by the
87. Mr. Watkins further explains that the central operator can remove or discard batches
of votes. “After all of the ballots loaded into the scanner’s feed tray have been through the scanner,
the “ImageCast Central” operator will remove the ballots from the tray then have the option to
either “Accept Batch” or “Discard Batch” on the scanning menu …. “ (Ex. 106, Watkins aff. ¶11).
¶8.
88. Mr. Watkins further testifies that the user manual makes clear that the system allows for
threshold settings to be set to find all ballots get marked as “problem ballots” for discretionary
9. During the ballot scanning process, the “ImageCast Central” software will detect
how much of a percent coverage of the oval was filled in by the voter. The
Dominion customer determines the thresholds of which the oval needs to be
covered by a mark in order to qualify as a valid vote. If a ballot has a marginal mark
which did not meet the specific thresholds set by the customer, then the ballot is
considered a “problem ballot” and may be set aside into a folder named
“NotCastImages”.
29
11. The administrator of the ImageCast Central work station may view all images
of scanned ballots which were deemed “problem ballots” by simply navigating
via the standard “Windows File Explorer” to the folder named “NotCastImages”
which holds ballot scans of “problem ballots”. It may be possible for an
administrator of the “ImageCast Central” workstation to view and delete any
individual ballot scans from the “NotCastImages” folder by simply using the
standard Windows delete and recycle bin functions provided by the Windows 10
Pro operating system. Id. ¶¶ 9-11.
89. The Dominion System put in place by its own design violates the intent of Federal law
on the requirement to preserve and retain records – which clearly requires preservation of all
Every officer of election shall retain and preserve, for a period of twenty-
two months from the date of any general, special, or primary election of
which candidates for the office of President, Vice President, presidential
elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or
Resident Commissioner from the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico are voted
for, all records and papers which come into his possession relating to
any application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act requisite
to voting in such election, except that, when required by law, such records
and papers may be delivered to another officer of election and except that,
if a State or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico designates a custodian to
retain and preserve these records and papers at a specified place, then such
records and papers may be deposited with such custodian, and the duty to
retain and preserve any record or paper so deposited shall devolve upon
such custodian. Any officer of election or custodian who willfully fails to
comply with this section shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned
not more than one year, or both.
30
90. Plaintiffs have since learned that the “glitches” in the Dominion system -- that
have the uniform effect of hurting Trump and helping Biden -- have been widely reported
in the press and confirmed by the analysis of independent experts, a partial summary of
(1) Users on the ground have full admin privileges to machines and
software. The Dominion system is designed to facilitate vulnerability
and allow a select few to determine which votes will be counted in any
election. Workers were responsible for moving ballot data from polling
place to the collector’s office and inputting it into the correct folder. Any
anomaly, such as pen drips or bleeds, is not counted and is handed over
to a poll worker to analyze and decide if it should count. This creates
massive opportunity for improper vote adjudication. (Ex. 106 Watkins
aff. ¶¶8 & 11).
(2) Affiant witness (name redacted for security reasons), in his sworn
testimony explains he was selected for the national security guard detail
of the President of Venezuela, and that he witnessed the creation of
Smartmatic for the purpose of election vote manipulation:
91. Specific vulnerabilities of the systems in question that have been well documented
or reported include:
7
Voting Technology Companies in the U.S. – Their Histories and Present Contributions,
Access Wire, (Aug. 10, 2017), available at: https://www.accesswire.com/471912/Voting-
Technology-Companies-in-the-US--Their-Histories.
32
92. The House of Representatives passed H.R. 2722 in an attempt to address these
8
Smartmatic-TIM Running Out of Time to Fix Glitches, ABS-CBN News (May 4, 2010),
available at: https://news.abs-cbn.com/nation/05/04/10/smartmatic-tim-running-out-time-fix-
glitches.
9
Kim Zetter, Exclusive: Critical U.S. Election Systems Have Been Left Exposed Online Despite
Official Denials, VICE (Aug. 8, 2019) (“VICE Election Article”), available at:
https://www.vice.com/en/article/3kxzk9/exclusive-critical-us-election-systems have-been-left-
exposed-online-despite-official-denials.
33
93. Dr. Eric Coomer is listed as the co-inventor for several patents on ballot
Dominion.10 He joined Dominion in 2010, and most recently served as Voting Systems
Officer of Strategy and Director of Security for Dominion. Dr. Coomer first joined
Sequoia Voting Systems in 2005 as Chief Software Architect and became Vice President
patented ballot adjudication technology into Dominion voting machines sold throughout
10
See “Patents by Inventor Eric Coomer,” available at:
https://patents.justia.com/inventor/eric-coomer. This page lists the following patents
issued to Dr. Coomer and his co-inventors: (1) U.S. Patent No. 9,202,113, Ballot
Adjudication in Voting Systems Utilizing Ballot Images (issued Dec. 1, 2015); (2) U.S.
Patent No. 8,913,787, Ballot Adjudication in Voting Systems Utilizing Ballot Images
(issued Dec. 16, 2014); (3) U.S. Patent No. 8,910,865, Ballot Level Security Features for
Optical Scan Voting Machine Capable of Ballot Image Processing, Secure Ballot
Printing, and Ballot Layout Authentication and Verification (issued Dec. 16, 2014); (4)
U.S. Patent No. 8,876,002, Systems for Configuring Voting Machines, Docking Device
for Voting Machines, Warehouse Support and Asset Tracking of Voting Machines (issued
Nov. 4, 2014); (5) U.S. Patent No. 8,864,026, Ballot Image Processing System and
Method for Voting Machines (issued Oct. 21, 2014); (6) U.S. Patent No. 8,714,450,
Systems and Methods for Transactional Ballot Processing, and Ballot Auditing (issued
May 6, 2014), available at: https://patents.justia.com/inventor/eric-coomer.
34
Oltmann Aff.).
94. In 2016, Dr. Coomer admitted to the State of Illinois that Dominion Voting
machines can be manipulated remotely.11 He has also publicly posted videos explaining
95. Dr. Coomer has emerged as Dominion’s principal defender, both in litigation
alleging that Dominion rigged elections in Georgia and in the media. An examination of
his previous public statements has revealed that Dr. Coomer is highly partisan and even
more anti-Trump, precisely the opposite of what would expect from the management of
a company charged with fairly and impartially counting votes (which is presumably why
96. Unfortunately for Dr. Coomer, however, a number of these posts have been
captured for perpetuity. Below are quotes from some of his greatest President Trump and
Trump voter hating hits to show proof of motive and opportunity. (See Id).
If you are planning to vote for that autocratic, narcissistic, fascist ass-hat
blowhard and his Christian jihadist VP pic, UNFRIEND ME NOW! No,
I’m not joking. … Only an absolute F[**]KING IDIOT could ever vote for
that wind-bag fuck-tard FASCIST RACIST F[**]K! … I don’t give a damn
if you’re friend, family, or random acquaintance, pull the lever, mark an
oval, touch a screen for that carnival barker … UNFRIEND ME NOW! I
have no desire whatsoever to ever interact with you. You are beyond hope,
beyond reason. You are controlled by fear, reaction and bullsh[*]t. Get
your shit together. F[**]K YOU! Seriously, this f[**]king ass-clown stands
11
Jose Hermosa, Electoral Fraud: Dominion’s Vice President Warned in 2016 That Vote-
Counting Systems Are Manipulable, The BL (Nov. 13, 2020), available at: https://thebl.com/us-
news/electoral-fraud-dominions-vice-president-warned-in-2016-that-vote-counting-systems-are-
manipulable.html.
12
See, e.g., “Eric Coomer Explains How to Alter Votes in the Dominion Voting System” (Nov.
24, 2020) (excerpt of presentation delivered in Chicago in 2017), available at:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UtB3tLaXLJE.
35
97. In a rare moment of perhaps unintentional honesty, Dr. Coomer anticipates this
Complaint and many others, by slandering those seeking to hold election riggers like
Dominion to account and to prevent the United States’ descent into Venezuelan levels of
1. Dr. Coomer, who invented the technology for Dominion’s voting fraud and has
publicly explained how it can be used to alter votes, seems to be extremely hostile to those
who would attempt to stop it and uphold the integrity of elections that underpins the
And in other news… There be some serious fuckery going on right here
fueled by our Cheeto-in-Chief stoking lie after lie on the flames of [Kris]
Kobach… [Linking Washington Post article discussing the Presidential
Advisory Commission on Election Integrity, of which former Kansas
Secretary of State Kris Kobach was a member, entitled, “The voting
commission is a fraud itself. Shut it down.”] Id. (September 14, 2017
Facebook post.] (Id.)
98. Dr. Coomer also keeps good company, supporting and reposting ANTIFA
voters and the United States military (which he claims, without evidence, Trump will
make into a “fascist tool”). Id. (June 2, 2020 Facebook post). Lest someone claims that these
13
In this and other quotations from Dr. Coomer’s social media, Plaintiffs have redacted certain
profane terms.
36
ANTIFA’s taste in music and hatred of the United States of America, id. (May 31, 2020 Facebook
post linking “F[**]k the USA” by the exploited), and the police. Id. (separate May 31, 2020
Facebook posts linking N.W.A. “F[**]k the Police” and a post promoting phrase “Dead Cops”).
Id. at 4-5.
99. Affiant and journalist Joseph Oltmann researched ANTIFA in Colorado. Id. at
1. “On or about the week of September 27, 2020,” he attended an Antifa meeting which
where Dr. Coomer was present. In response to a question as to what Antifa would do “if
Trump wins this … election?”, Dr. Coomer responded “Don’t worry about the election.
Trump is not going to win. I made f[**]king sure of that … Hahaha.” Id. at 2.
100. By putting an anti-Trump zealot like Dr. Coomer in charge of election “Security,” and
using his technology for what should be impartial “ballot adjudication,” Dominion has given the
fox the keys to the hen house and has forfeited any presumption of objectivity, fairness, or even
propriety. It appears that Dominion does not care about even an appearance of impropriety, as its
most important officer has his fingerprints all over a highly partisan, vindictive, and personal
vendetta against the Republican nominee both in 2016 and 2020, President Donald Trump. Dr.
Coomer’s highly partisan anti-Trump rages show clear motive on the part of Dominion to rig the
election in favor of Biden, and may well explain why for each of the so-called “glitches”
uncovered, it is always Biden receiving the most votes on the favorable end of such a “glitch.”
(Id.)
101. In sum, as set forth above, for a host of independent reasons, the Wisconsin
election results concluding that Joe Biden received 20,608 more votes that President
37
COUNT I
Defendants Violated the Elections and Electors Clauses and 42 U.S.C. § 1983.
102. Plaintiffs reallege all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
103. The Electors Clause states that “[e]ach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors” for President. U.S. Const. art. II, §1, cl. 2
(emphasis added). Likewise, the Elections Clause of the U.S. Constitution states that “[t]he Times,
Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in
each State by the Legislature thereof.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1 (emphasis added).
104. The Legislature is “‘the representative body which ma[kes] the laws of the
people.’” Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, 365 (1932). Regulations of congressional and
presidential elections, thus, “must be in accordance with the method which the state has
prescribed for legislative enactments.” Id. at 367; see also Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz.
105. Defendants are not part of the Wisconsin Legislature and cannot exercise
legislative power. Because the United States Constitution reserves for the Wisconsin
Legislature the power to set the time, place, and manner of holding elections for the
President and Congress, county boards of elections and state executive officers have no
authority to unilaterally exercise that power, much less to hold them in ways that conflict
106. Section I details three separate instances where Defendants violated the
Wisconsin Election Code. First, the WEC May 23, 2020 “guidance”, see Ex. 16, on the
treatment of “indefinitely confined” voters, who are exempt from Wisconsin’s photo ID
38
“indefinitely confined” voter if the clerk has “reliable information” that that voter is not,
or is no longer, “indefinitely confined.” Second, the WEC’s October 18, 2016, see Ex.
18, directed clerks to violate the express requirements of Wisconsin Statutes § 6.87(6)(d),
which states “[i]f a certificate is missing the address of a witness the ballot may not be
envelopes. Third, WEC and Wisconsin election officials violated Wisconsin Election
Code, or acted ultra vires, insofar as they filled in missing witness or voter information
on absentee ballots and permitted voters to cure ballots without statutory authorization.
ineligible ballots that were counted, and lawful ballots that were not, as a result of these
107. A report from Dr. William Briggs, shows that there were approximately 29,594 absentee
ballots listed as “unreturned” by voters that either never requested them, or that requested and
108. Evidence compiled by Matt Braynard using the National Change of Address (“NCOA”)
Database shows that 6,207 Wisconsin voters in the 2020 General Election moved out-of-state prior
to voting, and therefore were ineligible. Mr. Braynard also identified 765 Wisconsin voters who
subsequently registered to vote in another state and were therefore ineligible to vote in the 2020
General Election. The merged number is 6,966 ineligible voters whose votes must be removed
109. Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and irreparable
39
unless enjoined, will act under color of state law to violate the Elections Clause.
110. Accordingly, the results for President in the November 3, 2020 election must be
set aside, the State of Wisconsin should be enjoined from transmitting the certified the
results thereof, and this Court should grant the other declaratory and injunctive relief
requested herein.
COUNT II
111. Plaintiffs refer to and incorporate by reference each of the prior paragraphs of this
112. The Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution provides “nor shall any
state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny
to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. See also Bush v.
Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (having once granted the right to vote on equal terms, the
State may not, by later arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one person’s vote over the
value of another’s). Harper v. Va. Bd. of Elections, 383 U.S. 663, 665 (1966) (“Once the
franchise is granted to the electorate, lines may not be drawn which are inconsistent with
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.”). The Court has held that to
ensure equal protection, a problem inheres in the absence of specific standards to ensure
its equal application. Bush, 531 U.S. at 106 (“The formulation of uniform rules to
113. The equal enforcement of election laws is necessary to preserve our most basic
enforced as to laws that affect the exercise of fundamental rights, including the right to
vote.
114. The disparate treatment of Wisconsin voters, in subjecting one class of voters to greater
burdens or scrutiny than another, violates Equal Protection guarantees because “the right of
suffrage can be denied by a debasement or dilution of the weight of a citizen’s vote just as
effectively as by wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555.
Rice v. McAlister, 268 Ore. 125, 128, 519 P.2d 1263, 1265 (1975); Heitman v. Brown Grp., Inc.,
638 S.W.2d 316, 319, 1982 Mo. App. LEXIS 3159, at *4 (Mo. Ct. App. 1982); Prince v. Bear
River Mut. Ins. Co., 2002 UT 68, ¶ 41, 56 P.3d 524, 536-37 (Utah 2002).
115. In statewide and federal elections conducted in the State of Wisconsin, including
without limitation the November 3, 2020 General Election, all candidates, political
parties, and voters, including without limitation Plaintiffs, in having the election laws
116. As set forth in Section I above, Defendants failed to comply with the requirements
of the Wisconsin Election Code and thereby diluted the lawful ballots of the Plaintiffs and
of other Wisconsin voters and electors in violation of the United States Constitution
guidance, that had the intent and effect of favoring one class of voters – Democratic
absentee voters – over Republican voters. Further, all of these invalidly enacted rules by
Defendant Wisconsin executive and administrative agencies, had the intent and effect of
41
counting of fraudulent, unlawful and ineligible votes, which were quantified in Section
II. Finally, Section III details the additional voting fraud and manipulation enabled by
the use Dominion voting machines, which had the intent and effect of favoring Biden and
117. Defendants have acted and will continue to act under color of state law to violate
Plaintiffs’ right to be present and have actual observation and access to the electoral
process as secured by the Equal Protection Clause of the United States Constitution.
Defendants thus failed to conduct the general election in a uniform manner as required by
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the corollary provisions of the
118. Plaintiffs seek declaratory and injunctive relief forbidding Defendants from
certifying a tally that includes any ballots that were not legally cast, or that were switched
from Trump to Biden through the unlawful use of Dominion Democracy Suite software
and devices.
119. The Briggs analysis identified two specific errors involving unreturned mail-in ballots
that are indicative of voter fraud, namely: “Error #1: those who were recorded as receiving
absentee ballots without requesting them;” and “Error #2: those who returned absentee ballots
but whose votes went missing (i.e., marked as unreturned).” Clearly the dilution of lawful votes
violates the Equal Protection clause; and the counting of unlawful votes violates the rights of
lawful Citizens.
120. In addition, Plaintiffs ask this Court to order that no ballot processed by a counting
board in the Wisconsin Counties can be included in the final vote tally unless a challenger
42
121. Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and irreparable
harm unless the declaratory and injunctive relief requested herein is granted. Indeed, the
setting aside of an election in which the people have chosen their representative is a
drastic remedy that should not be undertaken lightly, but instead should be reserved for
election procedures and has demonstrated that the violation has placed the result of the
election in doubt. Wisconsin law allows elections to be contested through litigation, both
as a check on the integrity of the election process and as a means of ensuring the
fundamental right of citizens to vote and to have their votes counted accurately.
COUNT III
122. Plaintiffs refer to and incorporate by reference each of the prior paragraphs of
123. The right of qualified citizens to vote in a state election involving federal
United States Constitution. Harper, 383 U.S. at 665. See also Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 554
(The Fourteenth Amendment protects the “the right of all qualified citizens to vote, in
state as well as in federal elections.”). Indeed, ever since the Slaughter-House Cases, 83
U.S. 36 (1873), the United States Supreme Court has held that the Privileges or
43
members of Congress. See Twining v. New Jersey, 211 U.S. 78, 97 (1908) (citing Ex
parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651, 663-64 (1884)). See also Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S.
cherished in our nation because it “is preservative of other basic civil and political rights.”
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 562. Voters have a “right to cast a ballot in an election free from
the taint of intimidation and fraud,” Burson v. Freeman, 504 U.S. 191, 211 (1992), and
our participatory democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006) (per curiam).
125. “Obviously included within the right to [vote], secured by the Constitution, is the
right of qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them counted” if they
are validly cast. United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315 (1941). “[T]he right to have
the vote counted” means counted “at full value without dilution or discount.” Reynolds,
377 U.S. at 555, n.29 (quoting South v. Peters, 339 U.S. 276, 279 (1950) (Douglas, J.,
dissenting)).
126. “Every voter in a federal . . . election, whether he votes for a candidate with little
chance of winning or for one with little chance of losing, has a right under the Constitution
to have his vote fairly counted, without its being distorted by fraudulently cast votes.”
Anderson v. United States, 417 U.S. 211, 227 (1974); see also Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S.
186, 208 (1962). Invalid or fraudulent votes “debase[]” and “dilute” the weight of each
127. The right to vote includes not just the right to cast a ballot, but also the right to have it
44
a fraudulent or illegal vote, including without limitation when a single person votes multiple times.
The Supreme Court of the United States has made this clear in case after case. See, e.g., Gray v.
Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 380 (1963) (every vote must be “protected from the diluting effect of illegal
ballots.”); Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Election Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 196 (2008) (plurality op. of
Stevens, J.) (“There is no question about the legitimacy or importance of the State’s interest in
counting only the votes of eligible voters.”); accord Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554-55 &
n.29 (1964).
128. The right to an honest [count] is a right possessed by each voting elector, and to
the extent that the importance of his vote is nullified, wholly or in part, he has been injured
in the free exercise of a right or privilege secured to him by the laws and Constitution of
the United States.” Anderson, 417 U.S. at 226 (quoting Prichard v. United States, 181
F.2d 326, 331 (6th Cir.), aff’d due to absence of quorum, 339 U.S. 974 (1950)).
129. Practices that promote the casting of illegal or unreliable ballots or fail to contain
basic minimum guarantees against such conduct, can violate the Fourteenth Amendment
by leading to the dilution of validly cast ballots. See Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 (“[T]he
vote just as effectively as by wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.”).
130. Section I details the Defendants violations of the Wisconsin Election Code.
counted, and demonstrates that this number is many times larger than Biden’s margin of
victory.
131. Plaintiffs seek declaratory and injunctive relief enjoining Defendants from
45
the conduct of the Wisconsin Board of State Canvassers and the Wisconsin county Boards
of Canvassers and that these canvassing boards exercise their duty and authority under
Wisconsin law, which forbids certifying a tally that includes any ballots that were not
legally cast, or that were switched from Trump to Biden through the unlawful use of
COUNT IV
132. Plaintiffs reallege all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
133. The scheme of civil fraud can be shown with the pattern of conduct that includes motive
and opportunity, as exhibited by the high level official at Dominion Voting Systems, Eric Coomer,
and his visceral and public rage against the current U.S. President.
134. Opportunity appears with the secretive nature of the voting source code, and the feed of
votes that make clear that an algorithm is applied, that reports in decimal points despite the law
135. The results of the analysis and the pattern seen in the included graph strongly suggest a
systemic, system-wide algorithm was enacted by an outside agent, causing the results of
Wisconsin’s vote tallies to be inflated by somewhere between 3 and 5.6 percentage points.
Statistical estimating yields that in Wisconsin, the best estimate of the number of impacted votes
is 181,440. Id.
136. The Reports cited above show a total amount of illegal votes identified that amount to
318,012 or over 15 times the margin by which candidate Biden leads President Trump in the state
46
137. The right to vote includes not just the right to cast a ballot, but also the right to have it
fairly counted if it is legally cast. The right to vote is infringed if a vote is cancelled or diluted by
a fraudulent or illegal vote, including without limitation when a single person votes multiple times.
The Supreme Court of the United States has made this clear in case after case. See, e.g., Gray v.
Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 380 (1963) (every vote must be “protected from the diluting effect of illegal
ballots.”); Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Election Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 196 (2008) (plurality op. of
Stevens, J.) (“There is no question about the legitimacy or importance of the State’s interest in
counting only the votes of eligible voters.”); accord Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554-55 &
n.29 (1964).
138. Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law. Plaintiffs contest the results of Wisconsin’s
violated multiple provisions of the Wisconsin Election Code to elect Biden and other Democratic
139. Accordingly, Plaintiffs seek an emergency order instructing Defendants to de-certify the
140. Alternatively, Plaintiffs seek an order instructing the Defendants to certify the results of
the General Election for Office of the President in favor of President Donald Trump.
141. In the alternative, Plaintiffs seek an emergency order prohibiting Defendants from
including in any certified results from the General Election the tabulation of absentee and mailing
ballots which do not comply with the Wisconsin Election Code, including, without limitation, the
tabulation of absentee and mail-in ballots Trump Campaign’s watchers were prevented from
47
secrecy envelope, or contain on that envelope any text, mark, or symbol which reveals the elector’s
identity, political affiliation, or candidate preference, (ii) do not include on the outside envelope a
completed declaration that is dated and signed by the elector, (iii) are delivered in-person by third
parties for non-disabled voters, or (iv) any of the other Wisconsin Election Code violations set
142. Order production of all registration data, ballot applications, ballots, envelopes, etc.
required to be maintained by law. When we consider the harm of these uncounted votes, and
ballots not ordered by the voters themselves, and the potential that many of these unordered ballots
may in fact have been improperly voted and also prevented proper voting at the polls, the mail
ballot system has clearly failed in the state of Wisconsin and did so on a large scale and widespread
basis. The size of the voting failures, whether accidental or intentional, are multiples larger than
the margin in the state. For these reasons, Wisconsin cannot reasonably rely on the results of the
mail vote. Relief sought is the elimination of the mail ballots from counting in the 2020 election.
Alternatively, the electors for the State of Wisconsin should be disqualified from counting toward
the 2020 election. Alternatively, the electors of the State of Wisconsin should be directed to vote
143. For these reasons, Plaintiffs ask this Court to enter a judgment in their favor and provide
48
ballot return envelopes, ballot images, paper ballots, and all “election
November 3, 2020 Wisconsin election for forensic audit and inspection by the
Plaintiffs;
5. An order that no votes received or tabulated by machines that were not certified
8. A declaratory judgment declaring that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must
49
10. A permanent injunction prohibiting the Governor and Secretary of State from
transmitting the currently certified results to the Electoral College based on the
used in the voting process at the TCF Center for November 3, 2020 and
November 4, 2020.
12. Plaintiffs further request the Court grant such other relief as is just and proper,
including but not limited to, the costs of this action and their reasonable
50
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell PC
Texas Bar No. 16209700
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Of Counsel:
Julia Z. Haller (D.C. Bar No. 466921) **
Brandon Johnson (D.C. 491730) **
Emily P. Newman (Virginia Bar No. 84265) **
L. Lin Wood **
GA Bar No. 774588
L. LIN WOOD, P.C.
P.O. Box 52584
Atlanta, GA 30305-0584
Telephone: (404) 891-1402
Howard Kleinhendler **
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
51
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
52
1.
4. I want to alert the public and let the world know the truth about the
corruption, manipulation, and lies being committed by a conspiracy of
people and companies intent upon betraying the honest people of the
United States and their legally constituted institutions and fundamental
rights as citizens. This conspiracy began more than a decade ago in
Venezuela and has spread to countries all over the world. It is a conspiracy
to wrongfully gain and keep power and wealth. It involves political
leaders, powerful companies, and other persons whose purpose is to gain
and keep power by changing the free will of the people and subverting the
proper course of governing.
5.
Over the course of my career, I
specialized in the marines
- Page 1 of 8
13. I arranged and attended three more meetings between President Chavez
and the representatives from Smartmatic at which details of the new
- Page 3 of 8
15. Chavez was most insistent that Smartmatic design the system in a way
that the system could change the vote of each voter without being
detected. He wanted the software itself to function in such a manner that
if the voter were to place their thumb print or fingerprint on a scanner,
then the thumbprint would be tied to a record of the voter’s name and
identity as having voted, but that voter would not tracked to the changed
vote. He made it clear that the system would have to be setup to not leave
any evidence of the changed vote for a specific voter and that there would
be no evidence to show and nothing to contradict that the name or the
fingerprint or thumb print was going with a changed vote. Smartmatic
agreed to create such a system and produced the software and hardware
that accomplished that result for President Chavez.
16. After the Smartmatic Electoral Management System was put in place, I
closely observed several elections where the results were manipulated
using Smartmatic software. One such election was in December 2006
when Chavez was running against Rosales. Chavez won with a landslide
over Manuel Rosales - a margin of nearly 6 million votes for Chavez versus
3.7 million for Rosales.
- Page 4 of 8
18. By two o'clock in the afternoon on that election day Capriles Radonsky
was ahead of Nicolás Maduro by two million votes. When Maduro and his
supporters realized the size of Radonsky’s lead they were worried that
they were in a crisis mode and would lose the election. The Smartmatic
machines used for voting in each state were connected to the internet and
reported their information over the internet to the Caracas control center
in real-time. So, the decision was made to reset the entire system.
Maduro’s and his supporters ordered the network controllers to take the
internet itself offline in practically all parts in Venezuela and to change
the results.
19. It took the voting system operators approximately two hours to make the
adjustments in the vote from Radonsky to Maduro. Then, when they
turned the internet back on and the on-line reporting was up and running
again, they checked each screen state by state to be certain where they
could see that each vote was changed in favor of Nicholas Maduro. At that
moment the Smartmatic system changed votes that were for Capriles
Radonsky to Maduro. By the time the system operators finish, they had
achieved a convincing, but narrow victory of 200,000 votes for Maduro.
20. After Smartmatic created the voting system President Chavez wanted, he
exported the software and system all over Latin America. It was sent to
Bolivia, Nicaragua, Argentina, Ecuador, and Chile – countries that were
in alliance with President Chavez. This was a group of leaders who
wanted to be able to guarantee they maintained power in their countries.
When Chavez died, Smartmatic was in a position of being the only
- Page 5 of 8
21. I want to point out that the software and fundamental design of the
electronic electoral system and software of Dominion and other election
tabulating companies relies upon software that is a descendant of the
Smartmatic Electoral Management System. In short, the Smartmatic
software is in the DNA of every vote tabulating company’s software and
system.
22. Dominion is one of three major companies that tabulates votes in the
United States. Dominion uses the same methods and fundamentally same
software design for the storage, transfer and computation of voter
identification data and voting data. Dominion and Smartmatic did
business together. The software, hardware and system have the same
fundamental flaws which allow multiple opportunities to corrupt the data
and mask the process in a way that the average person cannot detect any
fraud or manipulation. The fact that the voting machine displays a voting
result that the voter intends and then prints out a paper ballot which
reflects that change does not matter. It is the software that counts the
digitized vote and reports the results. The software itself is the one that
changes the information electronically to the result that the operator of
the software and vote counting system intends to produce that counts.
That’s how it is done. So the software, the software itself configures the
vote and voting result -- changing the selection made by the voter. The
software decides the result regardless of what the voter votes.
24. If one questions the reliability of my observations, they only have to read
the words of
a time period in
- Page 6 of 8
25. But later, in 2017 when there were elections where Maduro was running
and elections for legislators in Venezuela, and Smartmatic broke
their secrecy pact with the government of Venezuela. He made a public
announcement through the media in which he stated that all the
Smartmatic voting machines used during those elections were totally
manipulated and they were manipulated by the electoral council of
Venezuela back then. stated that all of the votes for Nicholas
Maduro and the other persons running for the legislature were
manipulated and they actually had lost. So I think that's the greatest
proof that the fraud can be carried out and will be denied by the software
company that admitted publicly that Smartmatic had created,
used and still uses vote counting software that can be manipulated or
altered.
26. I am alarmed because of what is occurring in plain sight during this 2020
election for President of the United States. The circumstances and events
are eerily reminiscent of what happened with Smartmatic software
electronically changing votes in the 2013 presidential election in
Venezuela. What happened in the United States was that the vote
counting was abruptly stopped in five states using Dominion software. At
the time that vote counting was stopped, Donald Trump was significantly
ahead in the votes. Then during the wee hours of the morning, when there
was no voting occurring and the vote count reporting was off-line,
something significantly changed. When the vote reporting resumed the
very next morning there was a very pronounced change in voting in favor
of the opposing candidate, Joe Biden.
- Page 7 of 8
- Page 8 of8
1 Summary
Survey data was collected from individuals in several states, sampling those who the states listed as not returning absentee
ballots. The data was provided by Matt Braynard.
The survey asked respondents whether they (a) had ever requested an absentee ballot, and, if so, (b) whether they had
in fact returned this ballot. From this sample I produce predictions of the total numbers of: Error #1, those who were
recorded as receiving absentee ballots without requesting them; and Error #2, those who returned absentee ballots but
whose votes went missing (i.e. marked as unreturned).
The sizes of both errors were large in each state. The states were Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Arizona where
ballots were across parties. Pennsylvania data was for Republicans only.
2 Analysis Description
Each analysis was carried out separately for each state. The analysis used (a) the number of absentee ballots recorded as
unreturned, (b) the total responding to the survey, (c) the total of those saying they did not request a ballot, (d) the total
of those saying they did request a ballot, and of these (e) the number saying they returned their ballots. I assume survery
respondents are representative and the data is accurate.
From these data a simple parameter-free predictive model was used to calculate the probability of all possible outcomes.
Pictures of these probabilities were derived, and the 95% prediction interval of the relevant numbers was calculated. The
pictures appear in the Appendix at the end. They are summarized here with their 95% prediction intervals.
Error #1: being recorded as sent an absentee ballot without requesting one.
Error #2: sending back an absentee ballot and having it recorded as not returned.
State Unreturned ballots Error #1 Error #2
Georgia 138,029 16,938–22,771 31,559–38,866
Michigan 139,190 29,611–36,529 27,928–34,710
Pennsylvania∗ 165,412 32,414–37,444 26,954–31,643
Wisconsin 96,771 16,316–19,273 13,991–16,757
Arizona 518,560 208,333–229,937 78,714–94,975
∗
Number for Pennsylvania represent Republican ballots only.
Ballots that were not requested, and ballots returned and marked as not returned were classed as troublesome. The
estimated average number of troublesome ballots for each state were then calculated using the table above and are presented
next.
State Unreturned ballots Estimated average Percent
troublesome ballots
Georgia 138,029 53,489 39%
Michigan 139,190 62,517 45%
Pennsylvania∗ 165,412 61,780 37%
Wisconsin 96,771 29,594 31%
Arizona 518,560 303,305 58%
∗
Number for Pennsylvania represent Republican ballots only.
3 Conclusion
There are clearly a large number of troublesome ballots in each state investigated. Ballots marked as not returned that were
never requested are clearly an error of some kind. The error is not small as a percent of the total recorded unreturned ballots.
23 November 2020
William M. Briggs
5 Appendix
The probability pictures for each state for each outcome as mentioned above.
Probability of numbers of un−requested absentee ballots listed as
not returned for Georgia
0.00025 There is a 95 % chance from
between 16938 and 22771
0.00020 absentee ballots were not
Probability
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00015
requested but marked as not
0.00010 returned
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00015
returned but marked as not
0.00010 returned
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00020
requested but marked as not
0.00015 returned
0.00010
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000 160,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.0001
0.0000
0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000 70,000 80,000 90,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00006
returned but marked as not
0.00004 returned
0.00002
0.00000
0 50,000 100,000 150,000 200,000 250,000 300,000 350,000 400,000 450,000 500,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
1 Summary
Survey data was collected from individuals in Wisconsin, sampling those listed as not returning absentee ballots. The data
was provided by Matt Braynard.
The survey asked respondents whether they (a) had ever requested an absentee ballot, and, if so, (b) whether they had
in fact returned this ballot. From this sample I produce predictions of the total numbers of: Error #1, those who were
recorded as receiving absentee ballots without requesting them; and Error #2, those who returned absentee ballots but
whose votes went missing (i.e. marked as unreturned).
The sizes of both errors were large.
2 Analysis Description
The analysis used (a) the number of absentee ballots recorded as unreturned, (b) the total responding to the survey, (c) the
total of those saying they did not request a ballot, (d) the total of those saying they did request a ballot, and of these (e)
the number saying they returned their ballots. I assume survery respondents are representative and the data is accurate.
From these data a simple parameter-free predictive model was used to calculate the probability of all possible outcomes.
Pictures of these probabilities were derived, and the 95% prediction interval of the relevant numbers was calculated. The
pictures appear in the Appendix at the end. They are summarized here with their 95% prediction intervals.
Error #1: being recorded as sent an absentee ballot without requesting one.
Error #2: sending back an absentee ballot and having it recorded as not returned.
State Unreturned ballots Error #1 Error #2
Wisconsin 96,771 16,316–19,273 13,991–16,757
Ballots that were not requested, and ballots returned and marked as not returned were classed as troublesome. The
estimated average number of troublesome ballots were then calculated using the table above and are presented next.
State Unreturned ballots Estimated average Percent
troublesome ballots
Wisconsin 96,771 29,594 31%
3 Conclusion
There are clearly a large number of troublesome ballots in Wisconsin. Ballots marked as not returned that were never
requested are clearly an error of some kind. The error is not small as a percent of the total recorded unreturned ballots.
Ballots sent back and unrecorded is a separate error. These represent votes that have gone missing, a serious mistake.
The number of these missing ballots is also large.
Survey respondents were not asked if they received an unrequested ballot whether they sent these ballots back. This is
clearly a lively possibility, and represents a third possible source of error, including the potential of voting twice (once by
absentee and once at the polls). No estimates or likelihood can be calculated for this potential error due to absence of data.
23 November 2020
William M. Briggs
5 Appendix
The probability pictures for Wisconsin for each outcome as mentioned above.
0.0001
0.0000
0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000 70,000 80,000 90,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
Q3 - Did you mail your ballot back? Response 11/15/2020 11/16/2020 11/17/2020
316 14.67% A-Yes [Go to Q4] - 238 78
1,286 59.70% B-No [Go to Close A] - 1,069 217
C-Yes (per Spouse/family Member)
9 0.42%
[Go to Q4] - 4 5
D-No (per Spouse/family Member)
15 0.70%
[Go to Close A] - 8 7
28 1.30% E-Unsure / Refused [Go to Close A] - 24 4
500 23.21% X = Refused - 314 186
-
15179 Completes
767 65.28%
255 21.70%
153 13.02%
385 32.77%
1,175 100.00%
591 61.31%
128 13.28%
240 38.52%
317 50.88%
17 2.73%
9 1.44%
24 3.85%
11 1.77%
5 0.80%
7 1.12%
623 100.00%
11/16/2020 11/17/2020
8143 7036
status = C 64 120
status = AM 7090 6389
status = R, IR, RC, DC 989 527
status = D, BC,WN, NE 2436 2466
status = MA 0 0
34,355
1. Experience
(1) 2016: Author of Uncertainty: The Soul of Modeling, Probability & Sta-
tistics, a book which argues for a complete and fundamental change in the
philosophy and practice of probability and statistics. Eliminate hypothesis
testing and estimation, and move to verifiable predictions. This includes
AI and machine learning. Call this The Great Reset, but a good one.
(2) 2004-2016 Adjunct Professor of Statistical Science, Cornell
University, Ithaca, New York
I taught a yearly Masters course to people who (rightfully) hate statistics.
Interests: philosophy of science & probability, epistemology, epidemiology
(ask me about the all-too-common epidemiologist fallacy), Bayesian sta-
tistics, medicine, climatology & meteorology, goodness of forecasts, over-
confidence in science; public understanding of science, limitations of science,
scientism; scholastic metaphysics (as it relates to epistemology).
(3) 1998-present. Statistical consultant, Various companies
Most of my time is spent coaxing people out of their money to tell them
they are too sure of themselves. All manner of analyses cheerfully un-
dertaken. Example: Fraud analysis; I created the Wall Street Journal’s
College Rankings. I consultant regularly at Methodist and other hospitals,
start-ups, start-downs, and with any instition willing to fork it over.
(4) 2003-2010. Research Scientist, New York Methodist Hospital,
New York
Besides the usual, I sit/sat on the Institutional Review Committee to assess
the statistics of proposed research. I was an Associate Editor for Monthly
Weather Review (through 2011). Also a member of the American Meteoro-
logical Society’s Probability and Statistics Committee (through 2011). At
a hospital? Yes, sir; at a hospital. It rains there, too, you know.
(5) Fall 2007, Fall 2010 Visiting Professor of Statistics, Depart-
ment of Mathematics, Central Michigan University, Mt. Pleas-
ant, MI
Who doesn’t love a visit from a statistician? Ask me about the difference
between “a degree” and “an education.”
(6) 2003-2007, Assistant Professor Statistics, Weill Medical Col-
lege of Cornell University, New York, New York
Working here gave me a sincere appreciation of the influences of government
money; grants galore.
(7) 2002-2003. Gotham Risk Management, New York
A start-up then, after Enron’s shenanigans, a start-down. We set future
weather derivative and weather insurance contract prices that incorporated
information from medium- and long-range weather and climate forecasts.
(8) 1998-2002. DoubleClick, New York
Lead statistician. Lot of computer this and thats; enormous datasets.
(9) 1993-1998. Graduate student, Cornell University
1
2. Education
(1) Ph.D., 2004, Cornell University. Statistics.
(2) M.S., 1995, Cornell University. Atmospheric Science.
(3) B.S., Summa Cum Laude, 1992, Central Michigan University. Meteorology
and Math.
3. Publications
3.0.1. Popular.
(1) Op-eds in various newspapers; articles in Stream, Crisis Magazine, The
Remnant, Quadrant, Quirks; blog with ∼70,000 monthly readers. Various
briefs submitted to government agencies, such as California Air Resources
Board, Illinois Department of Natural Resources. Talks and holding-forths
of all kinds.
3.0.2. Books.
(1) Richards, JW, WM Briggs, and D Axe, 2020. UThe Price of Panic: How
the Tyranny of Experts Turned a Pandemic into a Catastrophe. Regnery.
Professors Jay Richards, William Briggs, and Douglas Axe take a deep dive
into the crucial questions on the minds of millions of Americans during one
of the most jarring and unprecedented global events in a generation.
(2) Briggs, WM., 2016. Uncertainty: The Soul of Modeling, Probability &
Statistics. Springer. Philosophy of probability and statistics. A new (old)
way to view and to use statistics, a way that doesn’t lead to heartbreak
and pandemic over-certainty, like current methods do.
(3) Briggs, WM., 2008 Breaking the Law of Averages: Real Life Probability and
Statistics in Plain English. Lulu Press, New York. Free text for undergrad-
uates.
(4) Briggs, WM., 2006 So You Think You’re Psychic? Lulu Press, New York.
Hint: I’ll bet you’re not.
3.0.3. Methods.
(1) Briggs, WM and J.C. Hanekamp, 2020. Uncertainty In The MAN Data
Calibration & Trend Estimates. Atmospheric Environment, In review.
(2) Briggs, WM and J.C. Hanekamp, 2020. Adjustments to the Ryden & Mc-
Neil Ammonia Flux Model. Soil Use and Management, In review.
(3) Briggs, William M., 2020. Parameter-Centric Analysis Grossly Exaggerates
Certainty. In Data Science for Financial Econometrics, V Kreinovich, NN
Thach, ND Trung, DV Thanh (eds.), In press.
(4) Briggs, WM, HT Nguyen, D Trafimow, 2019. Don’t Test, Decide. In
Behavioral Predictive Modeling in Econometrics, Springer, V Kreinovich, S
Sriboonchitta (eds.). In press.
(5) Briggs, William M. and HT Nguyen, 2019. Clarifying ASA’s view on p-
values in hypothesis testing. Asian Journal of Business and Economics,
03(02), 1–16.
(6) Briggs, William M., 2019. Reality-Based Probability & Statistics: Solv-
ing The Evidential Crisis (invited paper). Asian Journal of Business and
Economics, 03(01), 37–80.
(7) Briggs, William M., 2019. Everything Wrong with P-Values Under One
Roof. In Beyond Traditional Probabilistic Methods in Economics, V Kreinovich,
NN Thach, ND Trung, DV Thanh (eds.), pp 22—44.
(8) Briggs, WM, HT Nguyen, D Trafimow, 2019. The Replacement for Hy-
pothesis Testing. In Structural Changes and Their Econometric Modeling,
Springer, V Kreinovich, S Sriboonchitta (eds.), pp 3—17.
(9) Trafimow, D, V Amrhein, CN Areshenkoff, C Barrera-Causil, ..., WM
Briggs, (45 others), 2018. Manipulating the alpha level cannot cure sig-
nificance testing. Frontiers in Psychology, 9, 699. doi.org/10.3389/ fp-
syg.2018.00699.
(10) Briggs, WM, 2018. Testing, Prediction, and Cause in Econometric Models.
In Econometrics for Financial Applications, ed. Anh, Dong, Kreinovich,
and Thach. Springer, New York, pp 3–19.
(11) Briggs, WM, 2017. The Substitute for p-Values. JASA, 112, 897–898.
(12) J.C. Hanekamp, M. Crok, M. Briggs, 2017. Ammoniak in Nederland.
Enkele kritische wetenschappelijke kanttekeningen. V-focus, Wageningen.
(13) Briggs, WM, 2017. Math: Old, New, and Equalitarian. Academic Ques-
tions, 30(4), 508–513.
(14) Monckton, C, W Soon, D Legates, ... (several others), WM Briggs 2018. On
an error in applying feedback theory to climate. In submission (currently
J. Climate).
(15) Briggs, WM, JC Hanekamp, M Crok, 2017. Comment on Goedhart and
Huijsmans. Soil Use and Management, 33(4), 603–604.
(16) Briggs, WM, JC Hanekamp, M Crok, 2017. Response to van Pul, van
Zanten and Wichink Kruit. Soil Use and Management, 33(4), 609–610.
(17) Jaap C. Hanekamp, William M. Briggs, and Marcel Crock, 2016. A volatile
discourse - reviewing aspects of ammonia emissions, models, and atmo-
spheric concentrations in The Netherlands. Soil Use and Management,
33(2), 276–287.
(34) Briggs, WM, 2007. Changes in number and intensity of world-wide tropical
cyclones arxiv.org/physics/0702131.
(35) Briggs, WM, 2007. On the non-arbitrary assignment of equi-probable priors
arxiv.org/math.ST/0701331.
(36) Briggs, WM, 2007. On the changes in number and intensity of North
Atlantic tropical cyclones Journal of Climate. 21, 1387-1482.
(37) Briggs, WM, Positive evidence for non-arbitrary assignments of probability,
2007. Edited by Knuth et al. Proceedings 27th International Workshop on
Bayesian Inference and Maximum Entropy Methods in Science and Engi-
neering. American Institute of Physics. 101-108.
(38) Briggs, WM, R Zaretzki, 2007. The Skill Plot: a graphical technique for
the evaluating the predictive usefulness of continuous diagnostic tests. With
Discussion. Biometrics. 64(1), 250-6; discussion 256-61. PMID: 18304288.
(39) Zaretzki R, Gilchrist MA, Briggs WM, 2010. MCMC Inference for a Model
with Sampling Bias: An Illustration using SAGE data. arxiv.org/abs/0711.3765
(40) Briggs, WM, and D Ruppert, 2006. Assessing the skill of yes/no forecasts
for Markov observations. Monthly Weather Review. 134, 2601-2611.
(41) Briggs, WM, 2007. Review of Statistical Methods in the Atmospheric Sci-
ences (second edition, 2006) by Wilks, D.S. Journal of the American Sta-
tistical Association, 102, 380.
(42) Briggs, WM, M Pocernich, and D Ruppert, 2005. Incorporating misclassi-
fication error in skill assessment. Monthly Weather Review, 133(11), 3382-
3392.
(43) Briggs, WM, 2005. A general method of incorporating forecast cost and
loss in value scores. Monthly Weather Review, 133(11), 3393-3397.
(44) Briggs, WM, and D Ruppert, 2005. Assessing the skill of Yes/No Predic-
tions. Biometrics. 61(3), 799-807. PMID: 16135031.
(45) Briggs, WM, 2004. Discussion to T Gneiting, LI Stanberry, EP Grimit, L
Held, NA Johnson, 2008. Assessing probabilistic forecasts of multivariate
quantities, with an application to ensemble predictions of surface winds.
Test. 17, 240-242.
(46) Briggs, WM, 2004. Discussion to Gel, Y, AE Raftery, T Gneiting, and V.J.
Berrocal, 2004. Calibrated Probabilistic Mesoscale Weather Field Forecast-
ing: The Geostatistical Output Perturbation (GOP) Method. J. American
Statistical Association. 99 (467): 586-587.
(47) Mozer, JB, and Briggs, WM, 2003. Skill in real-time solar wind shock
forecasts. J. Geophysical Research: Space Physics, 108 (A6), SSH 9 p.
1-9, (DOI 10.1029/2003JA009827).
(48) Briggs, WM, 1999. Review of Forecasting: Methods and Applications (third
edition, 1998) by Makridakis, Wheelwright, and Hyndman; and Elements
of Forecasting (first edition, 1998) by Diebold. Journal of the American
Statistical Association, 94, 345-346.
(49) Briggs, W.M., and R.A. Levine, 1997. Wavelets and Field Forecast Verifi-
cation. Monthly Weather Review, 25 (6), 1329-1341.
(50) Briggs, WM, and DS Wilks, 1996. Estimating monthly and seasonal dis-
tributions of temperature and precipitation using the new CPC long-range
forecasts. Journal of Climate, 9, 818-826.
(51) Briggs, WM, and DS Wilks, 1996. Extension of the CPC long-lead tem-
perature and precipitation outlooks to general weather statistics. Journal
of Climate, 9, 3496-3504.
3.0.4. Applications.
and the Medical Knowledge Core Competency. J Grad Med Educ. 2013
Sep;5(3):464-7. PMID: 24404311.
(11) Annika Krystyna, D Kumari, R Tenney, R Kosanovic, T Safi, WM Briggs,
K Hennessey, M Skelly, E Enriquez, J Lajeune, W Ghani and MD Schwalb,
2013. Hepatitis c antibody testing in African American and Hispanic men
in New York City with prostate biopsy. Oncology Discovery, Vol 1. DOI:
10.7243/2052-6199-1-1.
(12) Ziad Y. Fayad, Elie Semaan, Bashar Fahoum, W. Matt Briggs, Anthony
Tortolani, and Marcus D’Ayala, 2013. Aortic mural thrombus in the nor-
mal or minimally atherosclerotic aorta: A systematic review and meta-
analysis of the available literature. Ann Vasc Surg., Apr;27(3):282-90.
DOI:10.1016/j.avsg.2012.03.011.
(13) Elizabeth Haines, Gerardo Chiricolo, Kresimir Aralica, William Briggs,
Robert Van Amerongen, Andrew Laudenbach, Kevin O’Rourke, and Lawrence
Melniker MD, 2012. Derivation of a Pediatric Growth Curve for Inferior
Vena Caval Diameter in Healthy Pediatric Patients. Crit Ultrasound J.
2012 May 28;4(1):12. doi: 10.1186/2036-7902-4-12.
(14) Wei Li, Piotr Gorecki, Elie Semaan, William Briggs, Anthony J. Tortolani,
Marcus D’Ayala, 2011. Concurrent Prophylactic Placement of Inferior Vena
Cava Filter in gastric bypass and adjustable banding operations: An analy-
sis of the Bariatric Outcomes Longitudinal Database (BOLD). J. Vascular
Surg. 2012 Jun;55(6):1690-5. doi: 10.1016/j.jvs.2011.12.056.
(15) Krystyna A, Kosanovic R, Tenney R, Safi T, Briggs WM, et al. (2011)
Colonoscopy Findings in Men with Transrectal Ultrasound Guided Prostate
Biopsy: Association of Colonic Lipoma with Prostate Cancer. J Cancer Sci
Ther S4:002. doi:10.4172/1948-5956.S4-002
(16) Birkhahn RH, Wen W, Datillo PA, Briggs WM, Parekh A, Arkun A, Byrd
B, Gaeta TJ, 2012. Improving patient flow in acute coronary syndromes
in the face of hospital crowding. J Emerg Med. 2012 Aug;43(2):356-65.
PMID: 22015378.
(17) Birkhahn RH, Haines E, Wen W, Reddy L, Briggs WM, Datillo PA., 2011.
Estimating the clinical impact of bringing a multimarker cardiac panel to
the bedside in the ED. Am J Emerg Med. 2011 Mar;29(3):304-8.
(18) Krystyna A, Safi T, Briggs WM, Schwalb MD., 2011. Correlation of hep-
atitis C and prostate cancer, inverse correlation of basal cell hyperplasia
or prostatitis and epidemic syphilis of unknown duration. Int Braz J Urol.
2011 Mar-Apr;37(2):223-9; discussion 230.
(19) Muniyappa R, Briggs WM, 2010. Limited Predictive Ability of Surrogate
Indices of Insulin Sensitivity/Resistance in Asian Indian Men: A Calibra-
tion Model Analysis. AJP - Endocrinology and Metabolism. 299(6):E1106-
12. PMID: 20943755.
(20) Birkhahn RH, Blomkalns A, Klausner H, Nowak R, Raja AS, Summers
R, Weber JE, Briggs WM, Arkun A, Diercks D. The association between
money and opinion in academic emergency medicine. West J Emerg Med.
2010 May;11(2):126-32. PMID: 20823958.
(21) Loizzo JJ, Peterson JC, Charlson ME, Wolf EJ, Altemus M, Briggs WM,
Vahdat LT, Caputo TA, 2010. The effect of a contemplative self-healing
I declare under penalty of perjury that the forgoing is true and correct.
Executed this November 28th, 2020.
Brian Teasley,
/s/
E
X
H
I
B
I
T
give this testimony. The facts stated in this declaration are based on my personal
set forth in my December 16, 2019 declaration. (Doc. 680-1, pages 37 et seq). I
(Doc. 800-2).
addition, in 2005 I started an open source project for scanning and auditing paper
ballots from images. As a result, I am familiar with different scanner types, how
scanner settings and image processing features change the images, and how file
Governance.
certain operations of the June 9, 2020 statewide primary, and the August 11 runoff.
During the June 9 election, I was an authorized poll watcher in some locations and
inspecting and observing under the Coalition for Good Governance’s Rule 34
Inspection request in certain polling places and the Fulton County Election
declaration. Specifically:
which votes to count on hand marked paper ballots are likely causing
c) voters are not reviewing their BMD printed ballots, which causes BMD
marking devices were installed so that 4 out of 8 touchscreen devices were clearly
visible from the pollbook check in desk. Voter’s selections could be effortlessly
appeared to be studying the ballot after picking it up from the printer before casting
it in the scanner. When voters do not fully verify their ballot prior to casting, the
8. The scanner would reject some ballots and then accept them after they
were rotated to a different orientation. I noted that the scanner would vary in the
amount of time that it took to accept or reject a ballot. The delay varied between 3
and 5 seconds from the moment the scanner takes the ballot until the scanner either
accepts the ballot or rejects it. This kind of behavior is normal on general purpose
we are always suspicious about any unexpected variable delays, as those are
investigated.
When ballots are the same and are produced by a ballot marking device,
Variations in time can be the result of many things - one of them is that the
scanner encounters an error reading the bar code and needs to utilize error
necessary to determine the root cause of these delays, the potential impact of the
error correcting algorithms if those are found to be the cause, and whether the
11. The ballot marking devices were originally installed in a way that
voter privacy was not protected, as anyone could observe across the room how
12. The ballot scanner took between 4 and 6 seconds to accept the ballot.
13. Generally, voters did not inspect the ballots after taking it from the
Harrison Thweatt were poll watchers at the Fanplex polling location. They
the operation of the BMDs and Poll Pads and asked me to come to help them
approximately 9:30am.
15. I observed that the ballot scanner located by a glass wall whereby
standing outside of the building observe the scanning, would take between 6 and 7
attempting to vote, the ballot marking devices sometimes printed “test” ballots. I
was not able to take a picture of the ballot from the designated observation area,
but I overheard the poll worker by the scanner explaining the issue to a voter which
was sent back to the Ballot-Marking Device to pick up another ballot from the
printer tray. Test ballots are intended to be used to test the system but without
being counted by the system during an election. The ballot scanner in election
settings rejects test ballots, as the scanners at FanPlex did. This caused confusion
as the voters needed to return to the ballot-marking device to retrieve the actual
ballot. Some voters returned the test ballot into the printer tray, potentially
confusing the next voter. Had voters been reviewing the ballots at all before taking
them to the scanner, they would have noticed the “Test Ballot” text on the ballot. I
observed no voter really questioning a poll worker why a “Test” ballot was printed
17. Obviously, during the election day, the ballot marking device should
not be processing or printing any ballot other than the one the voter is voting.
While the cause of the improper printing of ballots should be examined, the fact
that this was happening at all is likely indicative of a wrong configuration given to
the BMD, which in my professional opinion raises another question: Why didn’t
the device print only test ballots? And how can the device change its behavior in
the middle of the election day? Is the incorrect configuration originating from the
Electronic Pollbook System? What are the implications for the reliability of the
18. Election observation Park Tavern. The scanner acceptance delay did
not vary as it had in previous locations and was consistently about 5 seconds from
the moment the scanner takes the ballot, to the moment the scanner either accepts
the ballot or rejects it. The variation between scanners at different locations is
concerning because these are identical physical devices and should not behave
19. The vast majority of voters at Park Tavern did not inspect the ballots
after taking them from the printer and before casting them in the scanner.
21. I was permitted to view the operations of the upload of the memory
System (“EMS”) server. The agreement with Fulton County was that I could
review only for a limited period of time; therefore, I did not review the entire
evening’s process. Also, Dominion employees asked me to move away from the
monitors containing the information and messages from the upload process and
more than adequate to observe that system problems were recurring and the
Dominion technicians operating the system were struggling with the upload
process.
charged with operating the EMS server for Fulton County had been performing
these duties at Fulton County for several months, including during the June 9
primary.
observed that the EMS server was operated almost exclusively by Dominion
personnel, with little interaction with EPC management, even when problems were
grave concern from a security and conflict of interest perspective. Voting system
vendors’ personnel have a conflict of interest because they are not inclined to
report on, or address, defects in the voting systems. The dangers this poses is
Fulton County, and other counties with similar arrangements, should be considered
an elevated risk factor when evaluating the security risks of Georgia’s voting
system.
computers running the EMS that is used to process Fulton county votes appeared
functions; in principle it is to the reduce the general purpose system into a single-
function system which is more secure than a multipurpose one. Reducing available
programs with the minimum level of privileges needed for the tasks and create
separate accounts for privileged operations as needed, and the disabling or removal
of unnecessary services.
29. Computers performing any sensitive and mission critical tasks such as
fall into the category of devices which should be hardened as the most fundamental
10
computer, which is positioned into the rack and by usage pattern appears to be the
main computer, is Windows 10 Pro 10.0.14393. This version is also known as the
Anniversary Update version 1607 and it was released August 2, 2016. Exhibit A is
31. When a voting system is certified by the EAC, the Operating System
is specifically defined, as Windows 10 Pro was for the Dominion 5.5-A system.
Unlike consumer computers, voting systems do not and should not receive
undergoing tests for conflicts with the new operating system software.
32. That computer and other computers used in Georgia’s system for vote
included. Exhibits B and C are true and correct copies of photographs that I took
of the computer located in the rack and the computer located closest to the rack on
the table to the right. The Start Menu shows a large number of game and
hardening is removal of all unwanted software, and removal of those game icons
and the associated games and installers alongside with all other software which is
not absolutely needed in the computer for election processing purposes would be
11
one of the first and most basic steps in the hardening process. In my professional
to the Fulton County election server operation about the origin of the Windows
operating system, he answered that he believed that “it has been provided by the
State.”
assumption that all machines in the Fulton County election network had the same
version of Windows installed. However, not only the two computers displayed
Igor Bukham in Vologda, Russia. Attached as Exhibit C is a true and correct copy
of a photograph that I took of the Fulton voting system computer” Client 02”. The
35. The Homescapes game was released in August 2017, one year after
Fulton County’s operating system release. If the Homescapes game came with the
12
update releases after build 14393 and before the release of that game. This calls
into question whether all Georgia Dominion system computers have the same
operating system version, or how the game has come to be having a presence in
Windows 10 operating system of at least the ‘main’ computer in the rack has not
been updated for 4 years and carries a wide range of well-known and publicly
when those are used to process removable media. It was clear that when Compact
Flash storage media containing the ballot images, audit logs and results from the
precinct scanners were connected to the server, the media was automounted by the
operating system. When the operating system is automounting a storage media, the
operating system starts automatically to interact with the device. The zero-day
13
vulnerabilities exploiting this process has been recurringly discovered from all
the manual processing of the memory cards storage devices coming in from the
precincts on election night and the repeated access of the operating system to
directly access filesystem, format USB devices, etc. This kind of operation in
naturally prone to human errors. I observed personnel calling on the floor asking if
all vote carrying compact flash cards had been delivered from the early voting
machines for processing, followed by later finding additional cards which had been
overlooked in apparent human error. Later, I heard again one technician calling on
the floor asking if all vote carrying compact flashes had been delivered. This
ensure, among other things, that no rogue storage devices would be inserted into
the computer. In response, 3 more compact flash cards were hand-delivered. Less
14
than 5 minutes later, I heard one of the county workers say that additional card was
found and was delivered for processing. All these devices were trusted by printed
label only and no comparison to an inventory list of any kind was performed.
operating system. Election software has no visibility into the operations performed
directly on the operating system, and therefore those are not included in election
system event logging. Those activities can only be partially reconstructed from
operating system logs – and as these activities included copying election data files,
election software log may create false impression that the software is accessing the
same file over a period of time, while in reality the file could had been replaced
with another file with the same name by activities commanded to the operating
system. Therefore, any attempt to audit the election system operated in this manner
must include through analysis of all operating system logs, which complicates the
auditing process. Unless the system is configured properly to collect file system
unlikely that the operating system has been configured to collect auditing data.
40. A human error when operating live election system from the operating
system can result in a catastrophic event destroying election data or even rendering
the system unusable. Human error is likely given the time pressure involved and,
15
followed to mitigate the human error risk. The best practice is to automate trivial
tasks to reduce risk of human error, increase the quality assurance of overall
EPC. While one person was operating the upload process, the two other Dominion
uploads. I repeatedly observed error messages appearing on the screen of the EMS
server. I was not able to get picture of the errors on August 11th, I believe the error
was the same or similar that errors recurring August 17th as shown on Exhibit D
the issue with ‘trial-and-error’ approach. As part of this effort they accessed
trouble shooting the user account management feature. This demonstrates that they
had complete access to the computer. This means there are no meaningful access
separation and privileges and roles controls protecting the county’s primary
election servers. This also greatly amplifies the risk of catastrophic human error
16
issues with file system structure and “need 5 files out of EMS server and paste.
Delete everything out of there and put it there.” To communicate the gravity of the
These conversations increased the mental image that they were not familiar the
received over the phone, the two Dominion employees’ (who had been
the server rack and made manual manipulations which could not be observed from
my vantage point. After that they moved with their personal laptops to a table
physically farther away from the election system and stopped trying different ways
to work around the issue in front of the server, and no longer talked continuously
44. In the follow-up-calls I overheard them ask people on the other end of
the call to check different things, and they only went to a computer and appeared to
test something and subsequently take a picture of the computer screen with a
17
impression that the troubleshooting effort was being done remotely over remote
access to key parts of the system. Additionally, new wireless access point with a
hidden SSID access point name appeared in the active Wi-Fi stations list that I was
monitoring, but it may have been co-incidental. Hidden SSIDs are used to obscure
46. If in fact remote access was arranged and granted to the server, this
has gravely serious implications for the security of the new Dominion system.
risk, but furthermore it is transfer of control out of the physical perimeters and
47. I also observed USB drives marked with the Centon DataStick Pro
Logo with no visible inventory control numbering system being taken repeatedly
from the EMS server rack to the Fulton managers’ offices and back. The
Dominion employee told me that the USB drives were being taken to the Election
Night Reporting Computer in another office. This action was repeated several
times during the time of my observation. Carrying generic unmarked and therefore
unidentifiable media out-of-view and back is a security risk – especially when the
18
exact same type of devices was piled on the desk near the computer. During the
election night, the Dominion employees reached to storage box and introduced
more unmarked storage devices into the ongoing election process. I saw no effort
48. I also visited the EPC on August 17. During that visit, the staff
similar to the one on election night. This error was repeated with multitude of
ballots and at the time we left the location, the error appeared to be ignored, rather
that resolved. (EXHIBIT D - the error message and partial explanation of the error
49. The security risks outlined above – operating system risks, the failure
lax control of memory cards, lack of procedures, and potential remote access, are
extreme and destroy the credibility of the tabulations and output of the reports
50. Such a risk could be overcome if the election were conducted using
hand marked paper ballots, with proper chain of custody controls. For elections
conducted with hand marked paper ballots, any malware or human error involved
19
audit of the hand marked paper ballots and in case of irregularities detected,
remedied by a recount. However, given that BMD ballots are computer marked,
and the ballots therefore unauditable for determining the result, no recovery from
system security lapses is possible for providing any confidence in the reported
outcomes.
Georgia’s Dominion precinct and central count scanners in the counting of votes
52. On or about June 10th, Jeanne Dufort and Marilyn Marks called me to
seek my perspective on what Ms. Dufort said she observed while serving as a Vote
Review Panel member in Morgan County. Ms. Dufort told me that she observed
votes that were not counted as votes nor flagged by the Dominion adjudication
software.
53. Because of the ongoing questions this raised related to the reliability
20
54. Before addressing the particulars of my findings and research into the
accuracy of Dominion’s scanning and tabulation, I will address the basic process
scanners are Canon off the shelf scanners and their embedded software were
designed for different applications than ballot scanning which is best conducted
with scanners specifically designed for detecting hand markings on paper ballots.
55. Contrary of public belief, the scanner is not taking a picture of the
paper. The scanner is illuminating the paper with a number of narrow spectrum
color lights, typically 3, and then using software to produce an approximation what
the human eye would be likely to see if there would had been a single white wide-
spectrum light source. This process takes place in partially within the scanner and
embedded software in the (commercial off the shelf) scanner and partially in the
configurations, some of which are stored in the scanner and some in the driver
software. The scanner sensors gather more information than will be saved into the
resulting file and another set of settings and configurations are used to drive that
part of the process. The scanners also produce anomalies which are automatically
removed from the images by the software. All these activities are performed
21
outside of the Dominion election software, which is relying on the end product of
of high-speed scanned ballot from Rhonda Martin, who stated that she obtained
them from Fulton County during Coalition Plaintiff’s discovery. The image
characteristics matched the file details I had seen on the screen in EPC. The image
is TIFF format, about 1700 by 2200 pixels with 1-bit color depth (= strictly black
or white pixels only) with 200 by 200 dots per square inch (“dpi”) resolution
resulting in files that are typically about 64 or 73 kilo bytes in size for August 11
ballots. With this resolution, the outer dimension of the oval voting target is about
30 by 25 pixels. The oval itself (that is, the oval line that encircles the voting
target) is about 2 pixels wide. The target area is about 450 pixels; the area of the
target a tight bounding box would be 750 pixels and the oval line encircling the
target is 165 pixels. In these images, the oval itself represented about 22% value in
and before election software threshold values are applied to the image. These
22
scanner settings are discussed in an excerpt Dominion’s manual for ICC operations
My understanding is that the excerpt of the Manual was received from Marilyn
Marks who stated that she obtained it from a Georgia election official in response
number 2 on Exhibit E shows that the settings used are not neutral factory default
settings.
59. Each pixel of the voters’ marks on a hand marked paper ballot will be
either in color or gray when the scanner originally measures the markings. The
scanner settings affect how image processing turns each pixel from color or gray to
either black or white in the image the voting software will later process. This
reduction before the election software threshold values are calculated. This process
has a high risk of having an impact upon how a voter mark is interpreted by the
tabulation software when the information reduction erases markings from the
premature before the scanner settings are thoroughly tested, optimized and locked.
23
61. The impact of the scanner settings is minimal for markings made with
a black felt pen but can be great for markings made with any color ballpoint pens.
To illustrate this, I have used standard color scanning settings and applied then
standard conversion from a scanned ballot vote target with widely used free and
version 2.10.18” EXHIBIT G shows the color image being converted with the
software’s default settings from color image to Black-and-White only. The red
color does not meet the internal conversion algorithm criteria for black, therefore it
62. Dominion manual for ICC operations clearly show that the scanner
settings are changed from neutral factory default settings. EXHIBIT H shows how
these settings applied different ways alter how a blue marking is converted into
63. The optimal scanner settings are different for each model of scanner
and each type of paper used to print ballots. Furthermore, because scanners are
inherently different, the manufacturers use hidden settings and algorithms to cause
neutral factory settings to produce similar baseline results across different makes
and models. This is well-studied topic; academic and image processing studies
24
ballots using a Fulton County owned Dominion precinct scanner. Two different
ballot styles were tested, one with 4 races and one with 5 races. Attached as
65. A batch of 50 test ballots had been marked by Rhonda Martin with
varying types of marks and varying types of writing instruments that a voter might
66. Everything said here concerning the August 17 test is based on a very
preliminary analysis. The scanner took about 6 seconds to reject the ballots, and
one ballot was only acceptable “headfirst” while another ballot only “tail first.”
Ballot scanners are designed to read ballots “headfirst” or “tail first,” and front side
and backside and therefore there should not be ballots which are accepted only in
one orientation. I observed the ballots to make sure that both ballots had been
cleanly separated from the stub and I could not identify any defects of any kind on
the ballots.
25
67. There was a 15 second cycle from the time the precinct scanner
accepted a ballot to the time it was ready for the next ballot. Therefore, the
maximum theoretical capacity with the simple 5 race ballot is about 4 ballots per
minute if the next ballot is ready to be fed into the scanner as soon as the scanner
longer because voters move away from the scanner, the next voter must move in
and subsequently figure where to insert the ballot. The Dominion precinct scanner
that I observed was considerably slower than the ballot scanners I have tested over
the last 15 years. This was done with a simple ballot, and we did not test how
increase of the number of races or vote targets on the ballot would affect the
percentage of filled ovals that would to a human clearly show voter’s intent failed
69. The necessary testing effort has barely begun at the time of this
writing, as only limited access to equipment has been made available. I have not
had access to the high-volume mail ballot scanner that is expected to process
suggest that significant revisions must be made in the scanning settings to avoid a
26
widespread failure to count certain valid votes that are not marked as filled in
“Dual Threshold Technology” for “marginal marks.” (See Exhibit M) The intent of
the tool is to detect voter marks that could be misinterpreted by the software and
flag them for review. While the goal is admirable, the method of achieving this
commercial off the shelf COTS scanners and software, it requires additional steps
to ensure that the integration of the information flow is flawless. In this case, the
configurations have great impact in how the images are created and what
information is removed from the images before the election software processes it.
In recent years, many defective scanner software packages have been found. These
enabled even when the feature has been chosen to be disabled from the scanner
27
from notebook binders to look more aesthetically pleasing. The software can and
in many cases will misinterpret a voted oval as a punch hole and erase the vote
from the image file and to make this worse, the punch holes are expected to be
found only in certain places near the edge of the paper, and therefore it will erase
only votes from candidates whose targets are in those target zones.
72. Decades ago, when computing and storage capacity were expensive
used by Dominion system. As computer got faster and storage space cheaper
during the last 2-3 decades black-and-white image has become by default meaning
255 shades of gray grayscale images. For the purposes of reliable digitalization of
physical documents, grayscale image carries more information from the original
document for reliable processing and especially when colored markings are being
processed. With today’s technology, the difference in processing time and storage
prices between grayscale and 1-bit images has become completely meaningless,
73. I am aware that the Georgia Secretary of State’s office has stated that
Georgia threshold settings are national industry standards for ballot scanners
(Exhibit K). This is simply untrue. If, there were an industry standard for that, it
28
would be part of EAC certification. There is no EAC standard for such threshold
settings. As mentioned before, the optimal settings are products of many elements.
The type of the scanner used, the scanner settings and configuration, the type of the
paper used, the type of the ink printer has used in printing the ballots, color dropout
settings, just to name few. Older scanner models, which were optical mark
process is needed to be established for digital imaging scanners used this way as
74. Furthermore, the software settings in Exhibit E box 2 show that the
software is instructed to ignore all markings in red color (“Color drop-out: Red”),
This clearly indicates that the software was expecting the oval to be printed in Red
and therefore it will be automatically removed from the calculation. The software
does not anticipate printed black ovals as used in Fulton County. Voters have
likely not been properly warned that any pen they use which ink contains high
they approved a draft rule related to what constitutes a vote, incorporating the
following language:
29
Ballot scanners that are used to tabulate optical scan ballots marked by
hand shall be set so that:
2. Detection of less than 10% fill-in of the target area surrounded by the
oval shall not be considered a vote for that selection;
3. Detection of at least 10% but less than 20% fill-in of the target area
surrounded by the oval shall flag the ballot for adjudication by a vote
review panel as set forth in O.C.G.A. 21-2-483(g). In reviewing any ballot
flagged for adjudication, the votes shall be counted if, in the opinion of the
vote review panel, the voter has clearly and without question indicated the candidate or
candidates and answers to questions for which such voter desires to vote.
76. The settings discussed in the rule are completely subject to the
scanner settings. How the physical marking is translated into the digital image is
determined by those values and therefore setting the threshold values without at the
same time setting the scanner settings carries no value or meaning. If the ballots
will be continuing to be printed with black only, there is no logic in having any
drop-out colors.
77. Before the State sets threshold standards for the Dominion system,
extensive testing is needed to establish optimal configuration and settings for each
step of the process. Also, the scanners are likely to have settings additional
configuration and settings which are not visible menus shown in the manual
excerpt. All those should be evaluated and tested for all types of scanners approved
78. As temporary solution, after initial testing, the scanner settings and
configuration should be locked and then a low threshold values should be chosen.
All drop-out colors should be disabled. This will increase the number of ballots
chosen for human review and reduce the number of valid votes not being counted
as cast.
machine design. Such design flaws eventually are causing the demise of DRE
voting system across the country as it did in Georgia. In essence the Ballot
very similar to DRE by displaying a ballot to the voter and recording the voter’s
intents. The main difference is that instead of recording those internally digitally, it
from DREs if the ballot contained only human-readable information and all voters
are required to and were capable of verifying their choices from the paper ballot
31
81. When voter fails to inspect the paper ballot and significant portion of
Device based voting effectively inherits most of the negative and undesirable
security and reliability properties directly from DRE paradigm, and therefore
DREs.
82. In response to repeating myriad of issues with DREs, which have been
configuration distribution, a robust Logic & Accuracy testing regulation have been
established. These root causes are present in BMDs and therefore should be
Procedures “Version 1.0 January 2020 from Rhonda Martin. Procedure described
These shortcuts significantly weaken the security and reliability posture of the
32
CONCLUSIONS
paper ballots are likely causing clearly intentioned votes not to be counted as cast.
84. The method of using 1-bit images and calculated relative darkness
mitigation, optimal configurations and settings for all steps of the process should
be established after robust independent testing to mitigate the design flaw and
augment it with human assisted processes, but that will not cure the root cause of
Fulton County in a manner that escalates the security risk to an extreme level and
calls into question the accuracy of the election results. The lack of well-defined
independent experts. The use and the supervision of the Dominion personnel
33
86. Voters are not reviewing their BMD printed ballots before scanning
the untrustworthy audit trail. Furthermore, because BMDs are inheriting known
measures can be weakened, including but not limited to Logic and Accuracy
Testing procedures.
________________________
Harri Hursti
34
EXHIBIT A:
35
EXHIBIT B:
36
EXHIBIT C:
37
EXHIBIT D:
38
EXHIBIT E:
39
EXHIBIT F:
40
EXHIBIT G:
41
EXHIBIT H:
42
EXHIBIT I:
43
EXHIBIT J:
44
EXHIBIT K:
45
EXHIBIT L:
46
EXHIBIT M:
47
Seth Keshel
17 Nov. 2020
Aledo, Texas
Wisconsin is showing the same pattern of potential widespread fraud as observed in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, and North
Carolina. While Milwaukee County is focal for transparency and observation violations, including reporting statistically impossible vote counts
in the early morning hours away from scrutiny, Dane County has surged far past support totals for President Obama, despite expected difficulties
mobilizing student voters to polls. President Trump has reconsolidated the Republican base in suburban Milwaukee and far surpassed his 2016
support levels but has been limited in margin growth by historically improbable Democratic support in these strongholds, which defy years of
data in Wisconsin in which the Republican party surged as the Democratic Party plunged. Finally, in strong Trump counties showing a double
inversion cycle (one party up, the other down), particularly in rural and exurban Wisconsin, Trump’s totals are soaring, and against established
trends, Biden’s totals are at improbable levels of support despite lacking registration population growth.
The entire vote must be recanvassed and audited for both electronic vote fraud and mail/absentee fraud.
Opening
Since President Obama swept through the Midwest (“Rust Belt”) region in 2008, winning Pennsylvania by 10 percent, Michigan by
16 percent, and Wisconsin by 14 percent, the Democratic Party has declined steadily in all successive Presidential elections in not only share of
the vote, but in raw votes overall, without exception (pending the final results of the 2020 election). Pennsylvania is the only state mentioned in
this paragraph which registers voters by party, and it has trended three percentage points in favor of Republicans since the 2016 election. The
raw vote trends and results in these three states, plus Ohio and Minnesota, are pictured below.
These trends show the Democrats losing raw votes in every election since 2008, with the Republicans gaining in eight of 10 samples,
and with the margins moving in favor of Republicans each time. This is a product of limited or stagnant population growth in these states, which
given stable turnout numbers, means one party is typically going down if another is going up. In fast-growing states such as Florida, Texas, or
Arizona, it should be expected for both parties to make substantial gains in a “horse race” scenario.
Wisconsin
President Obama’s margin of victory in Wisconsin from 2008 fell from 13.91% to 6.94% in his reelection campaign, and that margin
moved 7.71% toward Republicans in 2016 as the working-class communities that historically favored Democrats moved to support then-
candidate Donald Trump. Declining voting power from these working class counties beginning and 2012, and then from Milwaukee County in
2016 was an instrumental part of this shift, as was the substantial movement of northern Wisconsin toward the Republican Party. President
Trump was able to win Wisconsin in 2016 thanks to substantially decreased support for Democrats, and even overcame less than optimal support
from the Republican strongholds of southeastern Wisconsin.
The consistent characteristic in the shift in Wisconsin’s political landscape is the declining Democratic Party raw vote totals, and the
increasing Republican totals. Thus far, according to the Decision Desk unofficial vote tally, President Trump is substantially adding to his vote
totals in every Wisconsin County, while his opponent adds votes at a greater percentage, often in counties that have trended steadily away from
Democrats since at least 2008. The following counties, which have mostly lost Democratic votes since 2008, have now contributed more Biden
votes than Obama received in 2008, when he won the state by 13.91%. Green font represents growth in raw votes. Red font represents decrease
in raw votes.
Ozaukee 32,172 20,579 36,077 19,159 30,464 20,170 33,912 26,515 128.8%
----
Dane 73,065 205,984 83,644 216,071 71,275 217,697 78,789 260,157 126.3%
----
Waukesha 145,152 85,339 162,798 78,779 142,543 79,224 159,633 103,867 121.7%
----
Racine 45,954 53,408 49,347 53,008 46,681 42,641 54,475 50,154 117.6%
----
St. Croix 22,837 21,177 25,503 19,910 26,222 17,482 32,190 23,190 109.5%
----
Wash’ton 47,729 25,719 54,765 23,166 51,740 20,852 60,235 26,647 103.6%
----
Bayfield 3,365 5,972 3,603 6,033 4,124 4,953 4,617 6,155 103.1%
County Rep ’08 Dem ’08 Rep ’12 Dem ’12 Rep ’16 Dem ’16 Rep ’20 Dem ’20 Dem Percentage of Obama 2008 Votes
----
La Crosse 23,701 38,524 25,751 36,693 26,378 32,406 28,661 37,817 98.5%
----
Brown 55,854 67,269 64,836 62,526 67,210 53,382 75,865 65,509 97.4%
----
Eau Claire 20,959 33,146 23,256 30,666 23,331 27,340 25,339 31,617 95.6%
----
----
Walworth 25,485 24,117 29,006 22,552 28,863 18,710 33,844 22,783 94.2%
----
Rock 27,364 50,529 30,517 49,219 31,493 39,339 37,133 46,649 92.3%
----
Kenosha 31,609 45,836 34,977 44,867 36,037 35,799 44,972 42,191 92.0%
----
----
Sheboygan 30,801 30,395 34,072 27,918 32,514 23,000 37,624 27,109 89.2%
----
Fond D.L. 28,164 23,463 30,355 22,379 31,022 17,387 35,754 20,588 87.7%
----
Marathon 30,345 36,367 36,617 32,363 39,014 26,481 44,623 30,807 84.7%
Findings
The most suspicious counties are those that showed two consecutive elections trending upward for the Republican candidate and downward for
the Democratic candidate. These show a similar pattern to counties in Pennsylvania trending heavily Republican in registration, with a
significant increase for President Trump in raw votes in 2020, but a smaller than expected margin due to an unexpected sharp reversal of votes for
Biden in counties showing inverse trends for parties in recent elections. The only counties not showing two consecutive cycles of decline for
Democrats are Waukesha, Bayfield, and Milwaukee. Wisconsin had several Republican counties in 2016 with fewer votes for Trump and higher
third-party vote shares (hence 2,682 fewer votes for Trump than Romney), but based on 2020 returns to this point, that has been overcome in
every single county.
Dane County is clearly associated with a major university, with student turnout thought to be reaching record lows due to campus shutdowns and
lack of mobilization. This county is over 2008 Obama levels by 26.3% (54,173 votes), when that candidate drew record support from young
voters, and up 19.5% since 2016, after two consecutive elections of sparse growth in Democrat votes. This county is one of few counties Obama
overperformed in for his reelection, and 2020’s total is still 20.4% over that number. The same mathematical improbability given the
circumstances of 2020 was also seen in Washtenaw County, Michigan (home county of the University of Michigan). Dane County should be
audited and recanvassed significantly, particularly for mail and absentee ballot fraud.
Trump slightly underperformed Romney’s 2012 vote totals statewide because he lagged in total votes from suburban counties Waukesha, Racine,
Washington, Ozaukee, and Walworth. This year, he has reconsolidated the Republican base and improved at a minimum of 11.3% (Ozaukee) in
raw votes in these counties, and at a high of 17.3% (Walworth). President Trump has grown his share of raw votes in Wisconsin by a minimum
of 4.1% (Menominee) in all counties, and at a high of 24.8% (Kenosha).
Among the largest counties in the state, the largest spikes in growth since 2016 by the Democratic candidate came in St. Croix (32.7%), Ozaukee
(31.5%), Waukesha (31.1%), Washington (27.7%), placing them ahead of President Obama’s total of votes in those counties in 2008, a year in
Despite ranking 67th in the state in percentage increase in voter registrations, Milwaukee County increased its share of Democratic votes by 9.8%,
even as President Trump increased by 6.6% while supposedly securing a higher share of minority votes than any Republican since 1960. Biden’s
total is nearly equal to Obama’s 2008 performance and reverses a massive loss of Democratic votes in 2016 in a post-Obama environment,
despite a decreasing voter roll (more than 3% decrease in registrations since 2016). Strangely, Milwaukee’s turnout dwarfs other regional
counterparts like Cleveland, Gary, and Indianapolis. This county is reported to have had many flagrant abuses of transparency regulations and is
also known to have reported results without observation in the early morning hours of November 4, 2020, which was just enough to overcome a
once formidable lead in the state by President Trump. The best course of action in Milwaukee is to recanvass and audit every mail-in and
absentee ballot for massive fraud. The trend in Cleveland, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Philadelphia recently has suggested decreasing vote totals
from one election to the next and is supported by the aforementioned significant decrease in the voter rolls in Milwaukee. This year’s reported
vote totals necessitate and improbable turnout level and suggest illegality in reporting and mail balloting.
All counties showing two consecutive cycles of inverse party trend (Republican up twice, Democrat down twice), with Democrats substantially
up this year, may be subject to counting errors, or “glitches,” like those reported in Antrim County, Michigan, or even recently in Rock County,
Wisconsin. These voting machines and their associated software should be audited and examined by coding professionals, especially if the recent
newsworthy events regarding corrupted voting software are widespread. It is highly possible that tampered or corrupted software in known
Trump strongholds may be responsible for reducing margins of raw vote victory in counties that have massively left the Democratic Party since
2008.
The entire vote in Wisconsin is suspect against recent trends and should be subject to recanvass and audit, not just a recount of hundreds of
thousands of illegal ballots. It appears that the major case in the state is that in spite of substantially growing his vote share in strong-Trump
counties, and surging in votes in urban and suburban counties, Trump’s margin is substantially limited, even after two consecutive inverse party
trends. In urban or suburban areas, Democratic vote share is soaring to record numbers, even over Obama’s totals after a 13.91% win, all while
Trump surges in votes in those counties as well. Urban areas have issues with transparency and should be fully audited for mail and absentee
fraud.
Inputting the Iranian IP into Robtex confirms the direct connection into the “edisonresearch”
host from the perspective of the Iranian domain also. This means that it is not possible that the
connection was a unidirectional reference.
12. A search of the indivisible.org network showed a subdomain which evidences the existence
of scorecard software in use as part of the Indivisible (formerly ACORN) political group for
Obama:
13. Each of the tabulation software companies have their own central reporting “affiliate”.
Edison Research is the affiliate for Dominion.
14. Beanfield.com out of Canada shows the connections via co-hosting related sites, including
dvscorp.com:
15. The auto discovery feature allows programmers to access any system while it is connected to
the internet once it’s a part of the constellation of devices (see original Spiderfoot graph).
16. Dominion Voting Systems Corporation in 2019 sold a number of their patents to China (via
HSBC Bank in Canada):
10
17. Smartmatic creates the backbone (like the cloud). SCYTL is responsible for the security
within the election system.
13
14
15
16
I declare under penalty of perjury that the forgoing is true and correct to the best of my
knowledge. Executed this November 23th, 2020.
17
9. Section 231(b) of the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002 (42 U.S.C. §15371(b))
requires that the EAC provide for the accreditation and revocation of accreditation of
independent, non-federal laboratories qualified to test voting systems to Federal standards.
Generally, the EAC considers for accreditation those laboratories evaluated and
recommended by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) pursuant to
HAVA Section 231(b)(1). However, consistent with HAVA Section 231(b)(2)(B), the
Commission may also vote to accredit laboratories outside of those recommended by NIST
upon publication of an explanation of the reason for any such accreditation.
54. Scytl and Dominion have an agreement – only the two would know the parameters. This means that
access is able to occur through backdoors in hardware if the parameters of the commitments are
known in order to alter the range of the algorithm deployed to satisfy the outcome sought in the case
of algorithm failure.
55. Trapdoor is a cryptotech term that describes a state of a program that knows the commitment
parameters and therefore is able change the value of the commitments however it likes. In other
words, Scytl or anyone that knows the commitment parameters can take all the votes and give
them to any one they want. If they have a total of 1000 votes an algorithm can distribute them
among all races as it deems necessary to achieve the goals it wants. (Case Study: Estonia)
58. STEP 4|Decryption would be the decryption phase and temporary parking of vote tallies before
reporting. In this final phase before public release the tallies are released from encrypted format into
plain text. As previously explained, those that know the trapdoor can easily change any votes that the
randomness is applied and used to generate the tally vote ciphertext. Thus in this case, Scytl who is
the mixer can collude with their vote company clients or an agency (-------) to change votes and get
away with it. This is because the receiver doesn’t have the decryption key so they rely solely on Scytl
to be honest or free from any foreign actors within their backdoor or the Election Company (like
Dominion) that can have access to the key.
59. In fact, a study from the University of Bristol made claim that interference can be seen when there is
a GREAT DELAY in reporting and finalizing numbers University of Bristol : How not to Prove
Yourself: Pitfalls of the Fiat-Shamir Heuristic and Applications to Helios
60. “Zero-knowledge proofs of knowledge allow a prover to convince a verifier that she holds
information satisfying some desirable properties without revealing anything else.” David Bernhard,
Olivier Pereira,and Bogdan Warinschi.
71. The “Digital Fix” observed with an increased spike in VOTES for Joe Biden can be determined as
evidence of a pivot. Normally it would be assumed that the algorithm had a Complete Pivot.
Wilkinson’s demonstrated the guarantee as :
72.
73. Such a conjecture allows the growth factor the ability to be upper bound by values closer to n.
Therefore, complete pivoting can’t be observed because there would be too many floating points.
Nor can partial as the partial pivoting would overwhelm after the “injection” of votes. Therefore,
external factors were used which is evident from the “DIGITAL FIX”
74. Observing the elections, after a review of Michigan’s data a spike of 54,199 votes to Biden. Because
it is pushing and pulling and keeping a short distance between the 2 candidates; but then a spike,
which is how an algorithm presents; - and this spike means there was a pause and an insert was
made, where they insert an algorithm. Block spikes in votes for JOE BIDEN were NOT paper
78.
79. In Georgia during the 2016 Presidential Elections a failed attempt to deploy the scripts to block
allocate votes from a centralized location where the “trap-door” key lay an attempt by someone using
81.
82. In Wisconsin there are also irregularities in respect to BALLOT requests. (names AND address
Hidden for privacy)
83.
90.
106.
107. The last PRO V& V EAC accreditation certificate (Item 8) of this declaration expired in
February 2017 which means that the IV & V conducted by Michigan claiming that they were
accredited is false.
108. The significance of VSTLs being accredited and examining the HARDWARE is key. COTS
software updates are the avenues of entry.
109. As per DOMINION’S own petition, the modems they use are COTS therefore failure to have an
accredited VSTL examine the hardware for points of entry by their software is key.
127.
128. Wisconsin has EDGE GATEWAY port which is AKAMAI TECHNOLOGIES based out of
GERMANY.
129. Using AKAMAI Technologies is allowing .gov sites to obfuscate and mask their systems by way
of HURRICANE ELECTRIC (he.net) Kicking it to anonymous (AKAMAI Technologies) offshore
servers.
130.
131. AKAMAI Technologies has locations around the world.
132. AKAMAI Technologies has locations in China (ref item 22)
133. AKAMAI Technologies has locations in Iran as of 2019.
134. AKAMAI Technologies merged with UNICOM (CHINESE TELECOMM) in 2018.
135. AKAMAI Technologies house all state .gov information in GERMANY via TELIA AB.
154. Based on my research of voter data – it appears that there are approximately 23,000 residents of
a Department of Corrections Prison with requests for absentee ballot in Wisconsin. We are currently
reviewing and verifying the data and will supplement.
2. I am an adult of sound mind. All statements in this declaration are based on my personal
knowledge and are true and correct. I am making this statement voluntarily and on my own
initiative. I have not been promised, nor do I expect to receive, anything in exchange for my
testimony and giving this statement. I have no expectation of any profit or reward and
understand that there are those who may seek to harm me for what I say in this statement.
3. I make this declaration because I want to alert the public and let the world know the truth
about the insecurity of actual voting tabulation software used in various states for
administering the 2020 Presidential and other elections. The software is designed, whether
with malicious intent or through plain incompetence, in such a way so as to facilitate digital
ballot stuffing via simple vote result manipulation and abuse of the digital adjudication
manual review system. Specifically, the Dominion Democracy Suite both enables voter
fraud by unethical officials out to undermine the will of the people and facilitates tabulation
errors by honest officials making simple, nearly untraceable mistakes.
5. I am a network and information security expert with nine years of experience as a network
and information defense analyst and a network security engineer. In my nine years of
network and information security experience, I have successfully defended large websites
and complex networks against powerful cyberattacks. I have engaged in extensive training
and education and learned through experience how to secure websites and networks.
6. In preparation for making this declaration, I have reviewed extensive technical materials
relating to the Dominion Voting Democracy Suite, including those cited herein.
7. The Dominion Voting Systems ImageCast Central system is a software and hardware
workstation system designed to work with just a common “Windows 10 Pro”12 computer
1
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p3, [online document],
https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-documentation/UG-ICC-
UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/Voting
Systems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-CO.pdf [archive]
2
Georgia State Certification Testing, Dominion Voting Systems D-Suite 5.5-A Voting System,
p5, table 2-1, [online document]
https://sos.ga.gov/admin/uploads/Dominion_Test_Cert_Report.pdf (accessed November, 23,
1
334 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/01/20 Page 1 of 6 Document 1-22
paired via data cable3 to an off- the-shelf document scanner4 “for high speed scanning and
counting of paper ballots.”5
8. When bulk ballot scanning and tabulation begins, the “ImageCast Central” workstation
operator will load a batch of ballots into the scanner feed tray and then start the scanning
procedure within the software menu.6 The scanner then begins to scan the ballots which
were loaded into the feed tray while the “ImageCast Central” software application
2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201106055006/https://sos.ga.gov/admin/uploads/Dominion_Test_
Cert_Report.pdf [archive].
3
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p2, s2.1, [online
document, https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020) https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
4
Michigan.gov, DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS CONTRACT No. 071B7700117, p6,
1.1.E.1, [online document],
https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B7700117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech
_Req_555357_7.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201115084004/https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B77
00117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech_Req_555357_7.pdf [archive]
5
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Department of State, Report Concerning the Examination
Results of Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5A p6, s2.4, [online document],
https://www.dos.pa.gov/VotingElections/Documents/Voting%20Systems/Dominion%20Democr
acy%20Suite%205.5-
A/Dominion%20Democracy%20Suite%20Final%20Report%20scanned%20with%20signature%
20011819.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201016161321/https://www.dos.pa.gov/VotingElections/Docume
nts/Voting%20Systems/Dominion%20Democracy%20Suite%205.5-A/Dominion%20Democracy
%20Suite%20Final%20Report%20scanned%20with%20signature%20011819.pdf [archive]
6
Dominion Voting, ImageCast Central, p2, [online document],
https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Documents/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure
%202018%20FINAL.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201017175507/https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Do
cuments/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure%202018%20FINAL.pdf [archive]
2
335 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/01/20 Page 2 of 6 Document 1-22
tabulates votes in real-time. Information about scanned ballots can be tracked inside the
“ImageCast Central” software application.7
9. After all of the ballots loaded into the scanner's feed tray have been through the scanner,
the “ImageCast Central” operator will remove the ballots from the tray and then will have
the option to “Accept Batch” on the scanning menu.8 Accepting the batch saves the results
into the local file system within the “Windows 10 Pro” machine.9 Any “problem ballots”
that may need to be examined or adjudicated at a later time can be found as ballot scans
saved as image files into a standard Windows folder named “NotCastImages”.10 These
“problem ballots” are automatically detected during the scanning phase and digitally set
aside for manual review based on exception criteria.11 Examples of exceptions may include:
overvotes, undervotes, blank contests, blank ballots, write-in selections, and marginal
7
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
8
Dominion Voting, ImageCast Central, [website], https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ (Accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101203418/https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ [archive].
9
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
10
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
11
Michigan.gov, DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS CONTRACT No. 071B7700117, p21,
1.3.B.6, [online document],
https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B7700117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech
_Req_555357_7.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201115084004/https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B77
00117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech_Req_555357_7.pdf [archive].
3
336 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/01/20 Page 3 of 6 Document 1-22
marks.”12 Customizable outstack conditions and marginal mark detection lets [Dominion's
Customers] decide which ballots are sent for Adjudication.13
10. During the ballot scanning process, the “ImageCast Central” software will detect how
much of a percent coverage of the oval was filled in by the voter.14 The Dominion customer
determines the thresholds of which the oval needs to be covered by a mark in order to
qualify as a valid vote.1516 If a ballot has a marginal mark which did not meet the specific
thresholds set by the customer, then the ballot is considered a “problem ballot” and may
be set aside into a folder named “NotCastImages.”17 “The ImageCast Central's advanced
12
[11] MASTER SOLUTION PURCHASE AND SERVICES AGREEMENT BY AND
BETWEEN DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS, INC. as Contractor, and SECRETARY OF
STATE OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA as State, p52, s1.3, [online document],
https://georgiaelections.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/8/5/108591015/contract.pdf (Accessed
November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201122213728/https://georgiaelections.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/8
/5/108591015/contract.pdf [archive].
13
Dominion Voting, ImageCast Central, [website], https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ (Accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101203418/https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ [archive].
14
Michigan.gov, DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS CONTRACT No. 071B7700117, p3,
1.1.A.22, [online document],
https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B7700117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech
_Req_555357_7.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201115084004/https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B77
00117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech_Req_555357_7.pdf [archive].
15
Calhoun County, MI, ImageCast Central (ICC) 5.5 Operations, p19, [online document],
https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local
%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_manual.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20200802003507/https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/
Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_man
ual.pdf [archive].
16
IMAGECAST® CENTRAL Brochure, [website],
https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Documents/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure
%202018%20FINAL.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201017175507/https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Do
cuments/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure%202018%20FINAL.pdf [archive].
17
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
4
337 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/01/20 Page 4 of 6 Document 1-22
settings allow for adjustment of the scanning properties to “[set] the clarity levels at which
the ballot should be scanned at.” Levels can be set as a combination of brightness and
contrast values, or as a gamma value.”18
11. Based on my review of these materials, I conclude the system is designed in such a way that
it allows a dishonest or otherwise unethical election administrator to creatively tweak the
oval coverage threshold settings and advanced settings on the ImageCast Central scanners
to set thresholds in such a way that a non-trivial amount of properly-marked ballots are
marked as “problem ballots” and sent to the “NotCastImages” folder.
12. The administrator of the ImageCast Central work-station may view all images of scanned
ballots which were deemed “problem ballots” by simply navigating via the standard
“Windows File Explorer” to the folder named “NotCastImages” which holds ballot scans
of “problem ballots.”1920 Under this system, it is possible for an administrator of the
“ImageCast Central” workstation to view and delete any individual ballot scans from the
“NotCastImages” folder by simply using the standard Windows delete and recycle bin
functions provided by the Windows 10 Pro operating system. Adjudication is “the process
of examining voted ballots to determine, and, in the judicial sense, adjudicate voter
intent.”21
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
18
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, pp20-21, s3.22,
[online document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
19
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite® Use Procedures, p433, F.3.11, [online document]
https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf (Accessed
November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101173723/https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/
vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf [archive].
20
Calhoun County, MI, ImageCast Central (ICC) 5.5 Operations, p27, [online document],
https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local
%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_manual.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20200802003507/https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/
Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_man
ual.pdf [archive].
21
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite® Use Procedures, p9, [online document]
https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf (Accessed
November 23, 2020),
5
338 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/01/20 Page 5 of 6 Document 1-22
13. Based on my review of these materials, I conclude that a biased poll worker without
sufficient and honest oversight could abuse the adjudication system to fraudulently switch
votes for a specific candidate.
14. After the tabulation process, the ImageCast Central software saves a copy of the tabulation
results locally to the “Windows 10 Pro” machine's internal storage. The results data is
located in an easy-to-find path which is designed to easily facilitate the uploading of
tabulation results to flash memory cards. The upload process is just a simple copying of a
“Results” folder containing vote tallies to a flash memory card connected to the “Windows
10 Pro” machine. The copy process uses the standard drag-and-drop or copy/paste
mechanisms within “Windows File Explorer.”22 It is my conclusion that while this is a
simple procedure, the report results process is subject to user errors and is very vulnerable
to corrupt manipulation by a malicious administrator. It is my conclusion that, before
delivering final tabulation results to the county, it is possible for an administrator to
mistakenly copy the wrong “Results” folder or even maliciously copy a false “Results”
folder, which could contain a manipulated data set, to the flash memory card and deliver
those false “Results” as the outcome of the election.
I declare under penalty of perjury under the laws of the United States of America that the
foregoing is true and correct. Executed in Japan on November 24, 2020.
__________________________
Ronald Watkins
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101173723/https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/
vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf [archive].
22
Calhoun County, MI, ImageCast Central (ICC) 5.5 Operations, pp25-28, [online document],
https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local
%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_manual.pdf (accessed November 23,
2020),https://web.archive.org/web/20200802003507/https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncoun
tymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations
_manual.pdf [archive].
6
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This advisory uses the MITRE Adversarial Tactics, Techniques, and Common Knowledge
(ATT&CK®) framework. See the ATT&CK for Enterprise framework for all referenced threat actor
techniques.
This joint cybersecurity advisory was coauthored by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security
Agency (CISA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). CISA and the FBI are aware of an
Iranian advanced persistent threat (APT) actor targeting U.S. state websites to include election
websites. CISA and the FBI assess this actor is responsible for the mass dissemination of voter
intimidation emails to U.S. citizens and the dissemination of U.S. election-related disinformation in
mid-October 2020.1 (Reference FBI FLASH message ME-000138-TT, disseminated October 29,
2020). Further evaluation by CISA and the FBI has identified the targeting of U.S. state election
websites was an intentional effort to influence and interfere with the 2020 U.S. presidential election.
Analysis by CISA and the FBI indicates this actor scanned state websites, to include state election
websites, between September 20 and September 28, 2020, with the Acunetix vulnerability scanner
(Active Scanning: Vulnerability Scanning [T1595.002]). Acunetix is a widely used and legitimate web
scanner, which has been used by threat actors for nefarious purposes. Organizations that do not
regularly use Acunetix should monitor their logs for any activity from the program that originates from
IP addresses provided in this advisory and consider it malicious reconnaissance behavior.
Additionally, CISA and the FBI observed this actor attempting to exploit websites to obtain copies of
voter registration data between September 29 and October 17, 2020 (Exploit Public-Facing
1
See FBI FLASH, ME-000138-TT, disseminated 10/29/20, https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2020/201030.pdf.
This disinformation the was in the form of a video purporting to misattribute
the activity to a U.S. domestic actor and implies that individuals could cast fraudulent ballots, even from
overseas. https://www.odni.gov/index.php/newsroom/press-releases/item/2162-dni-john-ratcliffe-s-remarks-at-
press-conference-on-election-security.
To report suspicious or criminal activity related to information found in this Joint Cybersecurity Advisory, contact
your local FBI field office at www.fbi.gov/contact-us/field,
(855) 292-3937 or by e-mail at CyWatch@fbi.gov. When available, please include the following information
regarding the incident: date, time, and location of the incident; type of activity; number of people affected; type of
equipment used for the activity; the name of the submitting company or organization; and a designated point of
contact. To request incident response resources or technical assistance related to these threats, contact CISA at
Central@cisa.dhs.gov.
This document is marked TLP:WHITE. Disclosure is not limited. Sources may use TLP:WHITE when information
carries minimal or no foreseeable risk of misuse, in accordance with applicable rules and procedures for public
release. Subject to standard copyright rules, TLP:WHITE information may be distributed without restriction.
For more information on the Traffic Light Protocol, see https://us-cert.cisa.gov/tlp.
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Application [T1190]). This includes attempted exploitation of known vulnerabilities, directory traversal,
Structured Query Language (SQL) injection, web shell uploads, and leveraging unique flaws in
websites.
CISA and the FBI can confirm that the actor successfully obtained voter registration data in at least
one state. The access of voter registration data appeared to involve the abuse of website
misconfigurations and a scripted process using the cURL tool to iterate through voter records. A
review of the records that were copied and obtained reveals the information was used in the
propaganda video.
CISA and FBI analysis of identified activity against state websites, including state election websites,
referenced in this product cannot all be fully attributed to this Iranian APT actor. FBI analysis of the
Iranian APT actor activity has identified Compromise
Infrastructure [T1584]) within a similar timeframe, use of IP addresses and IP ranges including
numerous virtual private network (VPN) service exit nodes which correlate to this Iran APT actor
(Gather Victim Host Information [T1592)]), and other investigative information.
The FBI has information indicating this Iran-based actor attempted to access PDF documents from
state voter sites using advanced open-source queries (Search Open Websites and Domains [T1539]).
The actor demonstrated interest in PDFs hosted on
. The FBI identified queries of URLs for election-related sites.
The FBI also has information indicating the actor researched the following information in a suspected
attempt to further their efforts to survey and exploit state election websites.
YOURLS exploit
Bypassing ModSecurity Web Application Firewall
Detecting Web Application Firewalls
SQLmap tool
CISA identified the scanning of multiple entities by the Acunetix Web Vulnerability scanning
platform between September 20 and September 28, 2020 (Active Scanning: Vulnerability Scanning
[T1595.002]).
The actor used the scanner to attempt SQL injection into various fields in
with status codes 404 or 500:
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The actor used the following requests associated with this scanning activity.
CISA and FBI have observed the following user agents associated with this scanning activity.
Following the review of web server access logs, CISA analysts, in coordination with the FBI, found
instances of the cURL and FDM User Agents sending GET requests to a web resource associated
with voter registration data. The activity occurred between September 29 and October 17, 2020.
Suspected scripted activity submitted several hundred thousand queries iterating through voter
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identification values, and retrieving results with varying levels of success [Gather Victim Identity
Information (T1589)]. A sample of the records identified by the FBI reveals they match information in
the aforementioned propaganda video.
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Organizations can identify Acunetix scanning activity by using the following keywords while
performing log analysis.
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CISA and the FBI are aware the following IOCs have been used by this Iran-based actor. These IP
addresses facilitated the mass dissemination of voter intimidation email messages on October 20,
2020.
195.181.170[.]244 (Observed September 30 and October 20, 2020)
102.129.239[.]185 (Observed September 30, 2020)
104.206.13[.]27 (Observed September 30, 2020)
154.16.93[.]125 (Observed September 30, 2020)
185.191.207[.]169 (Observed September 30, 2020)
185.191.207[.]52 (Observed September 30, 2020)
194.127.172[.]98 (Observed September 30, 2020)
194.35.233[.]83 (Observed September 30, 2020)
198.147.23[.]147 (Observed September 30, 2020)
198.16.66[.]139(Observed September 30, 2020)
212.102.45[.]3 (Observed September 30, 2020)
212.102.45[.]58 (Observed September 30, 2020)
31.168.98[.]73 (Observed September 30, 2020)
37.120.204[.]156 (Observed September 30, 2020)
5.160.253[.]50 (Observed September 30, 2020)
5.253.204[.]74 (Observed September 30, 2020)
64.44.81[.]68 (Observed September 30, 2020)
84.17.45[.]218 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.187.182[.]106 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.187.182[.]111 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.34.98[.]114 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.44.201[.]211 (Observed September 30, 2020)
The following list provides recommended self-protection mitigation strategies against cyber
techniques used by advanced persistent threat actors:
Validate input as a method of sanitizing untrusted input submitted by web application users.
Validating input can significantly reduce the probability of successful exploitation by providing
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protection against security flaws in web applications. The types of attacks possibly prevented
include SQL injection, Cross Site Scripting (XSS), and command injection.
Audit your network for systems using Remote Desktop Protocol (RDP) and other internet-
facing services. Disable unnecessary services and install available patches for the services in
use. Users may need to work with their technology vendors to confirm that patches will not
affect system processes.
Verify all cloud-based virtual machine instances with a public IP, and avoid using open RDP
ports, unless there is a valid need. Place any system with an open RDP port behind a firewall
and require users to use a VPN to access it through the firewall.
Enable strong password requirements and account lockout policies to defend against brute-
force attacks.
Apply multi-factor authentication, when possible.
Maintain a good information back-up strategy by routinely backing up all critical data and
system configuration information on a separate device. Store the backups offline, verify their
integrity, and verify the restoration process.
Enable logging and ensure logging mechanisms capture RDP logins. Keep logs for a
minimum of 90 days and review them regularly to detect intrusion attempts.
When creating cloud-based virtual machines, adhere to the cloud provider's best practices for
remote access.
Ensure third parties that require RDP access follow internal remote access policies.
Minimize network exposure for all control system devices. Where possible, critical devices
should not have RDP enabled.
Regulate and limit external to internal RDP connections. When external access to internal
resources is required, use secure methods, such as a VPNs. However, recognize the security
of VPNs matches the security of the connected devices.
Use security features provided by social media platforms; use strong passwords, change
passwords frequently, and use a different password for each social media account.
Best Practices for Securing Election Systems for more information.
Apply all available software updates and patches and automate this process to the greatest extent
possible (e.g., by using an update service provided directly from the vendor). Automating updates and
patches is critical because of the speed of threat actors to create new exploits following the release of
- -day exploits. Ensure the authenticity and
integrity of vendor updates by using signed updates delivered over protected links. Without the rapid
and thorough application of patches 2
2
NSA "NSA'S Top Ten Cybersecurity Mitigation Strategies" https://www.nsa.gov/Portals/70/documents/what-
we-do/cybersecurity/professional-resources/csi-nsas-top10-cybersecurity-mitigation-strategies.pdf
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Additionally, use tools (e.g., the OWASP Dependency-Check Project tool3) to identify the publicly
known vulnerabilities in third-party libraries depended upon by the application.
Implement a plan to scan public-facing web servers for common web vulnerabilities (e.g., SQL
injection, cross-site scripting) by using a commercial web application vulnerability scanner in
combination with a source code scanner.4 Fixing or patching vulnerabilities after they are identified is
especially crucial for networks hosting older web applications. As sites get older, more vulnerabilities
are discovered and exposed.
Deploy a web application firewall (WAF) to prevent invalid input attacks and other attacks destined for
the web application. WAFs are intrusion/detection/prevention devices that inspect each web request
made to and from the web application to determine if the request is malicious. Some WAFs install on
the host system and others are dedicated devices that sit in front of the web application. WAFs also
weaken the effectiveness of automated web vulnerability scanning tools.
Patch web application vulnerabilities or fix configuration weaknesses that allow web shell attacks, and
follow guidance on detecting and preventing web shell malware.5 Malicious cyber actors often deploy
web shells software that can enable remote administration r. Malicious
cyber actors can use web shells to execute arbitrary system commands commonly sent over HTTP or
HTTPS. Attackers often create web shells by adding or modifying a file in an existing web application.
Web shells provide attackers with persistent access to a compromised network using communications
channels disguised to blend in with legitimate traffic. Web shell malware is a long-standing, pervasive
threat that continues to evade many security tools.
Prioritize protection for accounts with elevated privileges, remote access, or used on high-value
assets.6 Use physical token-based authentication systems to supplement knowledge-based factors
such as passwords and personal identification numbers (PINs).7 Organizations should migrate away
from single-factor authentication, such as password-based systems, which are subject to poor user
3
https://owasp.org/www-project-dependency-check/
4
NSA "Defending Against the Exploitation of SQL Vulnerabilities to Compromise a Network"
https://apps.nsa.gov/iaarchive/library/ia-guidance/tech-briefs/defending-against-the-exploitation-of-sql-
vulnerabilities-to.cfm
5
NSA & ASD "CyberSecurity Information: Detect and Prevent Web Shell Malware"
https://media.defense.gov/2020/Jun/09/2002313081/-1/-1/0/CSI-DETECT-AND-PREVENT-WEB-SHELL-
MALWARE-20200422.PDF
6
https://us-cert.cisa.gov/cdm/event/Identifying-and-Protecting-High-Value-Assets-Closer-Look-Governance-
Needs-HVAs
7
NSA "NSA'S Top Ten Cybersecurity Mitigation Strategies" https://www.nsa.gov/Portals/70/documents/what-
we-do/cybersecurity/professional-resources/csi-nsas-top10-cybersecurity-mitigation-strategies.pdf
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choices and more susceptible to credential theft, forgery, and password reuse across multiple
systems.
First, identify and remediate critical web application security risks. Next, move on to other less critical
vulnerabilities. Follow available guidance on securing web applications.8,9,10
and restore
functions according to your business continuity plan. Organizations should maintain and regularly test
backup plans, disaster recovery plans, and business continuity procedures.
To report an intrusion and to request incident response resources or technical assistance, contact
CISA (Central@cisa.gov or 888-282-0870) or the FBI
Division (CyWatch@ic.fbi.gov or 855-292-3937).
8
https://apps.nsa.gov/iaarchive/library/ia-
guidance/security-tips/building-web-applications-security-recommendations-for.cfm
9
https://owasp.org/www-project-top-ten/
10
https://cwe.mitre.org/top25/archive/2020/2020_cwe_top25.html
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FBI and CISA PSA: Foreign Actors and Cybercriminals Likely to Spread Disinformation
Regarding 2020 Election Results
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Declaration of Ph.D
Signature:
2 Statistical Model
The simplest statistical model for computing the probabilities for an election
outcome is a binomial distribution, which assigns a probability p for a given per-
son within the population to select a candidate. If we assume that each person
chooses their candidate independently, then we obtain the Binomial distribution
in the form,
N −k
P (k|N ) ≡ N Ck pk (1 − p) , (1)
where P (k|N ) is the probability that you observe k votes for a candidate in
a population of N voters, and where N Ck is the number of ways to choose k
people out of a group of N people.
For larger N, the binomial distribution can be approximated by a Gaussian
distribution, which is used in the election fraud analysis in [1]. The chief reason
for this is the difficulty of computing P (k|N ) for large N and k. However this
problem can be overcome by computing the probabilities in the log domain and
using the log beta function to compute N Ck .
For this analysis it is more useful to compute the probabilities as a function
of f the observed fraction of the candidate’s votes. In this formulation we
have k = N f, and N − k = N (1 − f ) , and therefore we define the fractional
probability as,
N (1−f )
BN (f ) ≡ N CN f pN f (1 − p) . (2)
This is similar to the fraud model used in the election fraud analysis given
in [1]. We use the Binomial distribution directly, rather than the Gaussian
distribution, since it should be more accurate for small N, k or f.
This would suggest that 104,107 ballots were fraudulently manufactured for
Biden. If we presume that actually those ballots were switched from Trump
to Biden then as many as 19% of the new absentee ballots for Biden were
fraudulent, which totals around 51,110 ballots that should be removed from
Biden’s totals and added to Trump. We shall see in Section 6, that there is
substantial evidence that some Trump votes were actually switched to Biden
votes.
the unofficial precinct reports from the Wisconsin elections commision website.
We examine vote percentages for ballots added between Wednesday morning,
11/04/2020 and Thursday night 11/05/2020.
This data set gives the total vote count by party affiliation. Because the data
set is confined to Milwaukee, we can assume that the statistics should not be
time varying. The voting pool here is highly partisan in favor of democrats and
we don’t expect any significant difference in the voting percentage, especially
since a large number of absentee ballots were already counted by Wednesday
morning.
10
11
12
size, you will see trendlines that do not converge to an asymptote, as shown
in Figure 9. It appears that smaller precincts almost uniformly have higher
Democrat percentages. There is no obvious reason for this. It was certainly not
seen in the control case in Figure 8. Furthermore the third party percentages
quickly converge to their asymptote as would be expected in a fair election. One
possible model for this would be vote switching from Trump to Biden, which
would show up more strongly in the smaller precincts.
13
14
15
ballots. This is illustrated in Figure 12. Again in this case the fraud model has
a posterior probability of 100% to machine precision.
16
neighbor one another, and have similar voting preferences across precincts.
DeKalb county is still suspect, however, due to the irregularites observed prior
to the Ward 600 mark.
A different story emerges when we plot the absentee vote percentages for
Fulton county as a function of precinct size, as can be seen in Figure 14. Here the
trendlines for the Democrat and Republican percentages are quite pronounced,
amounting to a difference of 8 percent from the halfway mark.
We divide the Fulton county data into a group of smaller precincts and larger
precincts. One group has precincts less than 308 and another larger than 308.
The total absentee ballots for the small group is 24,575, and the large group
is 120,029. The small group has a Democrat percentage of 85% and the large
group has a percentage of 77%, for a change of 8%. The fraud model is preferred
in this scenario again with probability of 100% to machine precision.
One might presume that small precincts generally favor Democrats over large
precincts, biasing the results. However take a closer look at the Libertarian
party results in Fulton county in Figure 15. The percentages are exactly what
we would expect if there were no bias in precinct size. The percentages bounce
around a mean, not trending in any direction.
So if there were a bias favoring the democrats in small precincts, we would
expect that to effect both the Republican and Libertarian totals. However it ap-
pears to only effect Republican totals, as if the Republican ballots were switched
over to Democrat in a higher percentage in the smaller precincts. Indeed if a
fixed number of ballots are switched in each district, it would have a larger
effect in the smaller districts and then show up as trend lines in these percent-
age plots. At a minimum the data suggests a statistical anomaly that is not
normally present in a fair election.
17
18
7 Michigan Analysis
We now due a time series analysis for Michigan. The data was culled from Edison
Research. We first show, Trump, Biden and 3rd party voting percentages vs
hours after the start of the election in Figure 16. The third party votes shows
the proper convergence to an asymptote that we would expect from the law of
large numbers. However the Trump and Biden percentages are vastly different
You can see large discrete jumps in the percentages as very large Biden ballot
dumps occur over time. You also see that the Biden percentages are mostly
always increasing after hour 27, which is statistically unlikely in a fair election.
Note also that almost a million of the ballots are received by hour 27, and
we use this as our starting point. At that point we have a total of 970,119
votes cast. At the end of 167 hours we have 5,531,222 votes cast. At our initial
point the Biden percentage is 38%, but the new ballots have a Biden percentage
totaling 53% as seen in Figure 17. The fraud model has posterior likelihood of
100% to machine precision.
For Michigan we compute the estimated amount of fraudulent Biden ballots
conservatively, assuming that the 50.5 percent seen at the end of the count
should have been the correct percentage among the newly added ballots. From
this and (4) we obtain an estimate of 237,140 fraudulent votes added for Biden.
19
References
[1] Peter Klimek, Yuri Yegorov, Rudolf Hanel, and Stefan Thurner. Statistical
detection of systematic election irregularities. 2, 2.1
[2] lulu Fries’dat and Anselmo Sampietro. An electoral system in crisis. http:
//www.electoralsystemincrisis.org/. 4.2
20
(b) County of Residence of First Listed Plaintiff LaCrosse County of Residence of First Listed Defendant Dane
(EXCEPT IN U.S. PLAINTIFF CASES) (IN U.S. PLAINTIFF CASES ONLY)
NOTE: IN LAND CONDEMNATION CASES, USE THE LOCATION OF
THE TRACT OF LAND INVOLVED.
(c) Attorneys (Firm Name, Address, and Telephone Number) Attorneys (If Known)
See Attachment
II. BASIS OF JURISDICTION (Place an “X” in One Box Only) III. CITIZENSHIP OF PRINCIPAL PARTIES (Place an “X” in One Box for Plaintiff
(For Diversity Cases Only) and One Box for Defendant)
1 U.S. Government 3 Federal Question PTF DEF PTF DEF
Plaintiff (U.S. Government Not a Party) Citizen of This State 1 1 Incorporated or Principal Place 4 4
of Business In This State
2 U.S. Government 4 Diversity Citizen of Another State 2 2 Incorporated and Principal Place 5 5
Defendant (Indicate Citizenship of Parties in Item III) of Business In Another State
The JS 44 civil cover sheet and the information contained herein neither replaces nor supplements the filings and service of pleading or other papers as
required by law, except as provided by local rules of court. This form, approved by the Judicial Conference of the United States in September 1974, is
required for the use of the Clerk of Court for the purpose of initiating the civil docket sheet. Consequently, a civil cover sheet is submitted to the Clerk of
Court for each civil complaint filed. The attorney filing a case should complete the form as follows:
I.(a) Plaintiffs-Defendants. Enter names (last, first, middle initial) of plaintiff and defendant. If the plaintiff or defendant is a government agency, use
only the full name or standard abbreviations. If the plaintiff or defendant is an official within a government agency, identify first the agency and then
the official, giving both name and title.
(b) County of Residence. For each civil case filed, except U.S. plaintiff cases, enter the name of the county where the first listed plaintiff resides at the
time of filing. In U.S. plaintiff cases, enter the name of the county in which the first listed defendant resides at the time of filing. (NOTE: In land
condemnation cases, the county of residence of the "defendant" is the location of the tract of land involved.)
(c) Attorneys. Enter the firm name, address, telephone number, and attorney of record. If there are several attorneys, list them on an attachment, noting
in this section "(see attachment)".
II. Jurisdiction. The basis of jurisdiction is set forth under Rule 8(a), F.R.Cv.P., which requires that jurisdictions be shown in pleadings. Place an "X"
in one of the boxes. If there is more than one basis of jurisdiction, precedence is given in the order shown below.
United States plaintiff. (1) Jurisdiction based on 28 U.S.C. 1345 and 1348. Suits by agencies and officers of the United States are included here.
United States defendant. (2) When the plaintiff is suing the United States, its officers or agencies, place an "X" in this box.
Federal question. (3) This refers to suits under 28 U.S.C. 1331, where jurisdiction arises under the Constitution of the United States, an amendment
to the Constitution, an act of Congress or a treaty of the United States. In cases where the U.S. is a party, the U.S. plaintiff or defendant code takes
precedence, and box 1 or 2 should be marked.
Diversity of citizenship. (4) This refers to suits under 28 U.S.C. 1332, where parties are citizens of different states. When Box 4 is checked, the
citizenship of the different parties must be checked. (See Section III below; NOTE: federal question actions take precedence over diversity
cases.)
III. Residence (citizenship) of Principal Parties. This section of the JS 44 is to be completed if diversity of citizenship was indicated above. Mark this
section for each principal party.
IV. Nature of Suit. Place an "X" in the appropriate box. If there are multiple nature of suit codes associated with the case, pick the nature of suit code
that is most applicable. Click here for: Nature of Suit Code Descriptions.
VI. Cause of Action. Report the civil statute directly related to the cause of action and give a brief description of the cause. Do not cite jurisdictional
statutes unless diversity. Example: U.S. Civil Statute: 47 USC 553 Brief Description: Unauthorized reception of cable service.
VII. Requested in Complaint. Class Action. Place an "X" in this box if you are filing a class action under Rule 23, F.R.Cv.P.
Demand. In this space enter the actual dollar amount being demanded or indicate other demand, such as a preliminary injunction.
Jury Demand. Check the appropriate box to indicate whether or not a jury is being demanded.
VIII. Related Cases. This section of the JS 44 is used to reference related pending cases, if any. If there are related pending cases, insert the docket
numbers and the corresponding judge names for such cases.
Date and Attorney Signature. Date and sign the civil cover sheet.
Defendants.
Pursuant to FRCP 65 and Civil L. R. 7, COMES NOW Plaintiffs, William Feehan and
Derrick Van Orden, by and through their undersigned counsel, and file this Emergency Motion
form of Order is attached. The basis for the Motion is set forth in Plaintiffs Memorandum
submitted in support.
/s Sidney Powell*
Sidney Powell PC
Texas Bar No. 16209700
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
This is to certify that I have on this day e-filed the foregoing Plaintiffs’ Motion To File
Affidavits Under Seal and For In Camera Review with the Clerk of Court using the CM/ECF
system, and that I have delivered the filing to the Defendants by email and FedEx at the
following addresses:
Defendants.
FACTS
The facts relevant to this motion are set forth in the Complaint and its accompanying
exhibits, all of which are respectfully incorporated herein by reference. We present only a
summary.
After a general election and recount, Joe Biden has been declared the winner of Georgia’s
General Election for President by a difference of 20,585 votes, while Plaintiff Derrick Van Orden
lost his race for the House of Representatives seat for Wisconsin’s Third Congressional District
2020 fails to recognize the votes are steeped in fraud. Tens of thousands of votes counted toward
Mr. Biden’s final tally were the product of fraudulent, illegal, ineligible and outright fictitious
ballots. Plaintiffs support this claim through the evidence laid out in the Complaint which
The Complaint details a pervasive pattern of illegal conduct by Defendants where they
Wisconsin Election Code provisions specifically intended to prevent voter fraud such as voter
Photo ID, witness, signature, eligibility and address verification requirements, supported by
witness affidavits and even written guidance from Defendant Wisconsin Elections Commission
(“WEC”) instructing election workers to violate the Wisconsin Election Code. See Compl.,
Section I.
In Section II and III of the Complaint, Plaintiffs demonstrate through statistical analysis
of voting results and technical analysis of voting machines and software that each of several
distinct categories of voting fraud or batches of fraudulent ballots were larger than Biden’s
20,585 margin.
The Affidavit of Russell James Ramsland, Jr. first examines the widely reported and
“statistically impossible” Biden “spike” on November 4 where Biden, trailing Trump by a few
percent, suddenly received 143,379 votes in a single five-minute interval, causing his relatively
flat vote tally to make a vertical jump up and over Trump to take the lead by about one percent.
See Compl., Ex. 17 ¶13. Another red flag identified by Mr. Ramsland is the historically
unprecedented turnout levels (not just for Wisconsin, but for anywhere except for countries like
North Korea): 69 out of 72 Wisconsin counties had “voter turnout figures higher than 80%, a
nearly 200% or more. Id. ¶15. Mr. Ramsland concludes “to a reasonable degree of professional
certainty” that the Biden spike included at least 119,430 illegal votes for Biden, while the total
illegal votes from the fraudulent turnout figures was at least 384,085. Id. ¶14.
The Complaint provides testimony from several other experts who provided the estimates
for illegal votes that should be discarded due to other categories of voting fraud:
• The report of William M. Briggs, Ph.D. finding that the average sum of two types
of errors or fraud (either by Wisconsin election officials or third parties) – (1)
absentee voters who were recorded as receiving ballots without requesting them
and (2) absentee voters who returned ballots that were recorded as unreturned –
was 29,594 votes (or nearly 31% of total). (See id., Ex 2).
• Matt Braynard used the National Change of Address database to identify votes
by persons that moved out of state or subsequently registered to vote in another
state for the 2020 election, and found a total of 6,966 ineligible votes. (See id.,
Ex 3).
• A separate analysis by Mr. Braynard of the likely number of votes that were
improperly relying on the “indefinitely confined” exemption to voter ID to be
96,437 (See id., Ex 3).
• Another expert witness, whose testimony has been redacted for his safety,
estimates excess votes arising from the statistically significant outperformance
of Dominion machines on behalf of Joe Biden to be 181,440. (See id., Ex 3)
Thus each of these sources of fraudulent votes (with the exception of the still substantial
number of illegal out-of-state voters) is larger than Biden’s margin of victory, and if any of these
categories of illegal voters were thrown out, it would change the result of the election, and give
President Trump a second term – and Plaintiff Van Order a first term as a Congressman.
Section III of the Complaint also provides testimony from experts regarding the security
flaws in Wisconsin voting machines, in particular, Dominion Voting Systems (“Dominion”) that
allow Dominion, as well domestic and foreign actors, to alter, destroy, manipulate or exfiltrate
ballot and other voting data, and potentially to do so without a trace due to Dominion’s
system by a former US Military Intelligence expert concludes that the system and software have
been accessible and were certainly compromised by rogue actors, such as Iran and China. (See
Compl., Ex.105). By using servers and employees connected with rogue actors and hostile
foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable leaked credentials, Dominion
neglectfully allowed foreign adversaries to access data and intentionally provided access to their
infrastructure in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent one in
2020. The substantial likelihood that hostile foreign governments, with or without active
collusion or collaboration with the Defendants, is a separate and independent ground to grant the
declaratory and injunctive relief requested in the Complaint and this Motion.
DISCUSSION
Republican Party to be a Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Wisconsin. The Plaintiff
Derrick Van Orden was the 2020 Republican nominee for Wisconsin’s Third Congressional
District Seat for the United States House of Representatives. As a candidate for elective office,
each Plaintiff “have a cognizable interest in ensuring that the final vote tally reflects the legally
valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete and particularized injury to
candidates such as the Electors.” Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020)
(affirming that Presidential Electors have Article III and prudential standing to challenge actions
of Secretary of State in implementing or modifying State election laws); see also McPherson v.
Blacker, 146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000)
(per curiam).
“To obtain a preliminary injunction, a plaintiff must show three things: (1) without such
relief, he will suffer irreparable harm before his claim is finally resolved; (2) he has no adequate
remedy at law; and (3) he has some likelihood of success on the merits. Harlan v. Scholz, 866
F.3d 754, 758 (7th Cir. 2017) (citing Girl Scouts of Manitou Council, Inc. v. Girl Scouts of U.S.
of Am., Inc., 549 F.3d 1079, 1086 (7th Cir. 2008).” “If the plaintiff can do that much, the court
must then weigh the harm the plaintiff will suffer without an injunction against the harm the
defendant will suffer with one.” Harlin, 866 F.3d at 758 (citing Ty, Inc. v. Jones Grp., Inc., 237
F.3d 891, 895 (7th Cir. 2001). In addition, the court must ask whether the preliminary injunction
is in the public interest. Jones v. Markiewicz-Qualkinbush, 842 F.3d 1053, 1058 (7th Cir. 2016).
“When the state legislature vests the right to vote for President in its people, the right to
vote as the legislature has prescribed is fundamental; and one source of its fundamental nature
lies in the equal weight accorded to each vote and the equal dignity owed to each voter.” Bush v.
Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (emphasis added). The evidence shows not only that Defendants
failed to administer the November 3, 2020 election in compliance with the manner prescribed by
the Georgia legislature, but that Defendants committed a scheme and artifice to fraudulently and
illegally manipulate the vote count to make certain the election of Joe Biden as President of the
United States. This conduct violated Plaintiffs’ equal protection and due process rights as well
The Plaintiff does not need to demonstrate a likelihood of absolute success on the merits.
“Instead, [it] must only show that [its] chances to succeed on his claims are ‘better than negligible.’
(quoting Cooper v. Salazar, 196 F.3d 809, 813 (7th Cir. 1999)). “This is a low threshold,” id., that
Through detailed fact and expert testimony including documentary evidence contained in
the Complaint and its exhibits, Plaintiffs have made a compelling showing that Defendants’
intentional actions jeopardized the rights of Wisconsin citizens to select their leaders under the
process set out by the Wisconsin Legislature through the commission of election frauds that
violated state laws and the Equal Protection Clause in the United States Constitution. And pursuant
to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, plaintiffs must demonstrate by a preponderance of the evidence that their
constitutional rights to equal protection or fundamental right to vote were violated. See, e.g.,
Radentz v. Marion Cty., 640 F.3d 754, 756-757 (7th Cir. 2011).
The tally of ballots certified by Defendants giving Mr. Biden the lead with 20,800 votes
cannot possibly stand in light of the thousands of illegal mail-in ballots that were improperly
vote in a state election involving federal candidates is recognized as a fundamental right under
the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution. Harper v. Va. State Bd. of
Elections, 383 U.S. 663, 665 (1966). See also Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554 (1964) (The
Fourteenth Amendment protects the “the right of all qualified citizens to vote, in state as well as
in federal elections.”). Indeed, ever since the Slaughter-House Cases, 83 U.S. 36 (1873), the
United States Supreme Court has held that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment protects certain rights of federal citizenship from state interference, including the
right of citizens to directly elect members of Congress. See Twining v. New Jersey, 211 U.S. 78,
Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112, 148-49 (1970) (Douglas, J., concurring) (collecting cases).
The fundamental right to vote protected by the Fourteenth Amendment is cherished in our
nation because it “is preservative of other basic civil and political rights.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at
562; League of Women Voters of Ohio v. Brunner, 548 F.3d 463,476 (6th Cir. 2008)
(“The right to vote is a fundamental right, preservative of all rights.”). Voters have a
“right to cast a ballot in an election free from the taint of intimidation and fraud,” Burson v.
Freeman, 504 U.S. 191, 211 (1992), and “[c]onfidence in the integrity of our electoral processes
is essential to the functioning of our participatory democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4
“Obviously included within the right to [vote], secured by the Constitution, is the right of
qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them counted” if they are validly cast.
United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315 (1941). “[T]he right to have the vote counted” means
counted “at full value without dilution or discount.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, n.29 (quoting
South v. Peters, 339 U.S. 276, 279 (1950) (Douglas, J., dissenting)).
“Every voter in a federal . . . election, whether he votes for a candidate with little chance
of winning or for one with little chance of losing, has a right under the Constitution to have his
vote fairly counted, without its being distorted by fraudulently cast votes.” Anderson v. United
States, 417 U.S. 211, 227 (1974); see also Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208 (1962). Invalid or
fraudulent votes “debase[]” and “dilute” the weight of each validly cast vote. See Anderson, 417
U.S. at 227.
The right to an honest [count] is a right possessed by each voting elector, and to the
extent that the importance of his vote is nullified, wholly or in part, he has been injured in the
States.” Anderson, 417 U.S. at 226 (quoting Prichard v. United States, 181 F.2d 326, 331 (6th
Practices that promote the casting of illegal or unreliable ballots or fail to contain basic
minimum guarantees against such conduct, can violate the Fourteenth Amendment by leading to
the dilution of validly cast ballots. See Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 (“[T]he right of suffrage can be
wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.”). States may not, by arbitrary action or
other unreasonable impairment, burden a citizen’s right to vote. See Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186,
208 (1962) (“citizen’s right to a vote free of arbitrary impairment by state action has been
“Having once granted the right to vote on equal terms, the state may not, by later
arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one person’s vote over that of another.” Bush, 531 U.S. at
104-05. Among other things, this requires “specific rules designed to ensure uniform treatment”
in order to prevent “arbitrary and disparate treatment of voters.” Id. at 106-07; see also Dunn v.
Bloomstein, 405 U.S. 330, 336 (1972) (providing that each citizen “has a constitutionally
protected right to participate in elections on an equal basis with other citizens in the
jurisdiction”). Similarly, equal protection needs to be recognized in this case where many
Wisconsin’s citizens’ lawful votes remained uncounted, and many were diluted by unlawful
constitutional claim, such an injury has been held to constitute irreparable harm.” Democratic
427 U.S. 347, 373, 96 S.Ct. 2673, 49 L.Ed.2d 547 (1976) (where plaintiff had proven a
probability of success on the merits, the threatened loss of First Amendment freedoms
“unquestionably constitutes irreparable injury”); see also Preston v. Thompson, 589 F.2d 300,
303 n.4 (7th Cir. 1978) (“The existence of a continuing constitutional violation constitutes proof
of an irreparable harm.”).
Moreover, courts have specifically held that infringement on the fundamental right to
vote constitutes irreparable injury. See Obama for Am. v. Husted, 697 F.3d 423, 435 (6th Cir.
2012) (“A restriction on the fundamental right to vote ... constitutes irreparable injury.”);
Williams v. Salerno, 792 F.2d 323, 326 (2d Cir. 1986) (holding that plaintiffs “would certainly
citizens’ constitutional right to vote cannot be redressed by money damages.” Bostelmann, 447
F.Supp.3d at 769 (citing Christian Legal Soc'y v. Walker, 453 F.3d 853, 859 (7th Cir. 2006) (“The
loss of First Amendment freedoms is presumed to constitute an irreparable injury for which
money damages are not adequate.”); League of Women Voters of N. Carolina v. North Carolina,
769 F.3d 224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014) (“[O]nce the election occurs, there can be no do-over and no
redress.”).”
Under Seventh Circuit law, a “sliding scale” approach is used for balancing of harms:
“[t]he more likely it is that [the movant] will win its case on the merits, the less the balance of
harms need weigh in its favor.” Girl Scouts of Manitou Council v. Girl Scouts of United States of
Am., Inc., 549 F.3d 1079, 1100 (7th Cir. 2008). Plaintiffs above have shown their strong
to Plaintiffs make this a case with a substantial net harm that an immediate and emergency
In this regard, Plaintiffs would highlight a recent Eleventh Circuit decision addressed a
claim in 2018 related to Georgia’s voting system and Dominion Voting Systems that bears on the
likelihood of Plaintiffs’ success on the merits and the balance of harms in the absence of
injunctive relief:
In summary, while further evidence will be necessary in the future, the Court finds
that the combination of the statistical evidence and witness declarations in the record
here (and the expert witness evidence in the related Curling case which the Court
takes notice of) persuasively demonstrates the likelihood of Plaintiff succeeding on
its claims. Plaintiff has shown a substantial likelihood of proving that the Secretary's
failure to properly maintain a reliable and secure voter registration system has and
will continue to result in the infringement of the rights of the voters to cast their vote
and have their votes counted.
Common Cause Georgia v. Kemp, 347 F. Supp. 3d 1270, 1294-1295, (11th Cir. 2018).
Therefore, it is respectfully requested that the Court grant Plaintiffs’ Motion and enter the
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell PC
Texas Bar No. 16209700
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
10
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
11
____________________________________________________________________________
The undersigned, as counsel of record for Plaintiffs William Feehan and Derrick Van Orden
provide the following information in compliance with Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 7.1 and
Not applicable.
Not applicable.
414 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/01/20 Page 1 of 3 Document 5
3. The name of all law firms whose partners or associates appear for a party or are
Sidney Powell
Sidney Powell P.C.
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
#300
Dallas, TX 75219-4480
(214) 707-1775
sidney@federalappeals.com
Of Counsel:
Julia Z. Haller (D.C. Bar No. 466921) **
Brandon Johnson (D.C. 491730) **
Emily P. Newman (Virginia Bar No. 84265) **
L. Lin Wood **
GA Bar No. 774588
L. LIN WOOD, P.C.
P.O. Box 52584
Atlanta, GA 30305-0584
Telephone: (404) 891-1402
Howard Kleinhendler **
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Michael D. Dean
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
miked@michaelddeanllc.com
Wis. Bar No.01019171
Daniel J. Eastman
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
Wis. Bar No.1011433
/s Sidney Powell
___________________________________
Sidney Powell
Sidney Powell P.C.
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
#300
Dallas, TX 75219-4480
(214) 707-1775
sidney@federalappeals.com
Attorneys for Plaintiff
/s Michael D. Dean
___________________________________
Michael D. Dean, SBN 01019171
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
miked@michaelddeanllc.com
Defendants.
Pursuant to FRCP 65 and Civil L. R. 7, COME NOW Plaintiffs, William Feehan and Derrick
Van Orden, by and through their undersigned counsel, and file this Amended Motion for
This Corrected Motion is to correct the Motion filed earlier this same day, which was a draft
Motion inadvertently filed as the original Motion without attaching the Proposed Order pursuant
basis for the Motion is set forth in Plaintiffs’ Memorandum submitted in support.
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler **
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Pursuant to FRCP 65, this is to certify that upon filing of this Motion, Plaintiffs will provide
____________________________________________________________________________
THE COURT has before it Plaintiffs’ Emergency Motion for Injunctive Relief filed December
1, 2020, seeking:
1. An order directing the Defendants Wisconsin Elections Commission and Governor Tony
Evers not to certify or to de-certify the 2020 election results in the Presidential and District 3
Congressional races;
2. An order enjoining Defendants from transmitting the currently certified Presidential election
3. An order requiring Governor Evers to transmit certified Presidential election results that state
4. An immediate emergency order to seize and impound all servers, software, voting machines,
tabulators, printers, portable media, logs, ballot applications, ballot return envelopes, ballot images,
7
the November 3, 2020 Wisconsin election for forensic audit and inspection by the Plaintiffs;
5. An order that no votes received or tabulated by machines that were not certified as required
violates the Electors and Elections Clause by working a de facto abolition of the signature verification
requirement;
7. A declaratory judgment declaring that currently certified election results violate the Due
8. A declaratory judgment declaring that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must be remedied
with an individual manual recount or statistically valid sampling that properly verifies a ballot
application for each absentee ballot, that verifies the signatures on absentee ballot envelopes, and
that invalidates the certified results in the Presidential and District 3 Congressional races if the
recount or sampling analysis shows a sufficient number of ineligible absentee ballots were counted;
Constitutional rights, Election laws and under Wisconsin state law; and
10. A permanent injunction prohibiting the Governor and the Wisconsin Elections Commission
from transmitting the currently certified results to the Electoral College based on the overwhelming
Plaintiffs also contend that any recalibration or reset of voting machines, tabulations machines,
portable media, logs, or processes, and any alteration or destruction of ballot applications, ballot
return envelopes, ballot images, paper ballots, registration lists, poll lists, or any other “election
Plaintiffs contend any such act and any like it must be immediately enjoined across the state of
Wisconsin pursuant to 52 U.S.C. § 20701 (preservation of voting records) because resetting the
machines or other alteration or destruction of election equipment, records, or other materials would
destroy the evidence or alter evidence and make impossible any forensic computer audit of the
Plaintiffs therefore ask for an injunction to prevent any wiping or alteration of data or other
Plaintiffs further ask for emergency injunctive to expedite the flow of discovery material and to
The Court has reviewed the terms and conditions of this Emergent Injunctive Relief Order, and
the State of Wisconsin, and to prevent any wiping or alteration of data or other records or materials,
2. Governor Evers and the Wisconsin Elections Commission are to de-certify the election
results;
3. Governor Evers is hereby enjoined from transmitting the currently certified election results
4. Governor Evers is required to transmit certified election results that state that President
5. It is hereby Ordered that no votes received or tabulated by machines that were not certified
violates the Electors and Elections Clause by working a de facto abolition of the signature verification
requirement;
7. It is hereby declared and ordered that the currently certified election results violate the Due
8. It is hereby declared and ordered that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must be remedied
with a Full Manual Recount or statistically valid sampling that properly verifies a ballot application
for each absentee ballot, that verifies the signatures on absentee ballot envelopes, and that invalidates
the certified results in the Presidential and District 3 Congressional races if the recount or sampling
9. It is hereby declared that absentee ballot fraud occurred in violation of Constitutional rights,
10. It is hereby declared and ordered that Governor Evers and the Wisconsin Elections
Commission are enjoined from transmitting the currently certified results to the Electoral College
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
and DERRICK VAN ORDEN,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
(Dkt. No. 1) and a motion for declaratory, emergency and permanent injunctive
The motion indicated that the specific relief the plaintiffs were requesting
was laid out in an attached order. Dkt. No. 2 at 1. This language was
highlighted and in a larger font than the rest of the motion. There was no order
attached. At the end of the motion, under the words “Certificate of Service,” the
on this day e-filed the foregoing Plaintiffs’ Motion to File Affidavits Under Seal
and For In Camera Review with the Clerk of Court using the CM/ECF system,
and that I have delivered the filing to the Defendants by email and FedEx at the
review.
temporary restraining order without written or oral notice to the adverse party
or that party’s attorney unless the moving party (a) files an affidavit or “verified
complaint” containing specific facts that clearly show that immediate and
irreparable injury, loss or damage will result to the movant before the adverse
party has a chance to be heard in opposition, and (b) the movant’s attorney
certifies in writing any efforts made to give notice and the reasons why notice
should not be required. There was no indication that the plaintiffs gave notice
to the adverse parties of the morning’s motion, there was no affidavit filed with
the motion, the complaint is not verified and there was no certification from
counsel about the efforts made to give notice to the adverse parties or why
Permanent Injunctive Relief.” Dkt. No. 6. This motion indicates that the earlier
motion was an inadvertently filed draft and acknowledges that the referenced
proposed order had not been attached. Id. at 1. At the end of the “corrected,” or
motion states,
Id. at 3.
Dkt. No. 6-1. The proposed order asks various injunctions, declarations and
Because the afternoon motion indicates that the plaintiffs “will” provide
electronic notice to the adverse parties, the court does not know whether the
plaintiffs have yet provided notice to the adverse parties or when they will do
so. Until the plaintiffs notify the court that they have provided notice to the
adverse parties, the court will not take any action because the motion does not
If the plaintiffs have provided notice to the adverse parties, under Civil
Local Rule 7(b) (E.D. Wis.) those parties have twenty-one days to respond to the
motion and under Civil L.R. 7(c) the plaintiffs have fourteen days to reply.
While the caption of the motion includes the word “emergency” and the
nor the proposed order indicate whether the plaintiffs are asking the court to
act more quickly or why. As indicated, the motion does not request a hearing.
parties on the line, and request a telephone hearing. Otherwise, the court will
BY THE COURT:
_____________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Date:
Attorney’s signature
Address
E-mail address
Telephone number
FAX number
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
1. This civil action brings to light a massive election fraud, multiple violations of Wisconsin
Statutes Chapters 5 – 12 (hereafter, “Wisconsin Election Code”), see, e.g., Wis. Stat. §§ 5.03, et.
seq., in addition to the Election and Electors Clauses and Equal Protection Clause of the U.S.
Constitution. These violations occurred during the 2020 General Election in the City of
Milwaukee, southeastern Wisconsin counties, and throughout the State of Wisconsin, as set forth
in the affidavits of dozens of eyewitnesses and the statistical anomalies and mathematical
impossibilities detailed in the affidavits of expert witnesses. See Exh. 19, Declaration of affiant
presenting statistical analysis prediction of 105,639 fraudulent ballots cast for Joe Biden in the
1
2. The scheme and artifice to defraud was for the purpose of illegally and fraudulently
manipulating the vote count to manufacture an election of Joe Biden as President of the United
States, and also of various down ballot democrat candidates in the 2020 election cycle. The fraud
was executed by many means, but the most fundamentally troubling, insidious, and egregious ploy
was the systemic adaptation of old-fashioned “ballot-stuffing” techniques. See Exh. 16, U. S.
Senator Elizabeth Warren (D. Mass.) letter of December 6, 2019 concerning the dangers of private
3. The fraud has now been amplified and rendered virtually invisible by computer software
created and run by domestic and foreign actors for that very purpose. See Exh. 18, Joint
Cybersecurity Advisory issued on October 30, 2020 by the U.S. Department of Justice Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA)
warning election officials about actual election system hacking events by Iranian agents in an
attempt to manipulate the November 3, 2020 election. This Amended Complaint details an
especially egregious range of conduct in Milwaukee County and the City of Milwaukee, along
with Dane County, La Crosse County, Waukesha County, St. Croix County, Washington County,
Bayfield County, Ozaukee County and various other counties throughout Wisconsin employing
Dominion Systems, though this conduct occurred throughout the State at the direction of
of illegal, ineligible, duplicate or purely fictitious ballots in the State of Wisconsin, that collectively
5. While this Amended Complaint, and the eyewitness and expert testimony incorporated
herein, identify with specificity sufficient ballots required to set aside the 2020 General Election
results, the entire process is so riddled with fraud, illegality, and statistical impossibility that this
Court, and Wisconsin’s voters, courts, and legislators, cannot rely on, or certify, any numbers
resulting from this election. Accordingly, this Court must set aside the results of the 2020 General
Election and grant the declaratory and injunctive relief requested herein.
6. The fraud begins with the election software and hardware from Dominion Voting
Systems Corporation (“Dominion”) used by the Wisconsin Elections Commission. The Dominion
systems derive from the software designed by Smartmatic Corporation, which became Sequoia in
7. Smartmatic and Dominion were founded by foreign oligarchs and dictators to ensure
computerized ballot-stuffing and vote manipulation to whatever level was needed to make certain
Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez never lost another election. See Exh. 1, Redacted Declaration
Statement by Ana Mercedes Diaz Cardozo outlining actual examples of election manipulation by
hacking and misuse of technology in Venezuelan elections. Notably, Chavez “won” every election
thereafter.
8. As set forth in the Dominion Whistleblower Report, the Smartmatic software was
Hugo Chavez:
for Wisconsin’s elections was the software’s ability to hide its manipulation of votes from any
Chavez was most insistent that Smartmatic design the system in a way that the
system could change the vote of each voter without being detected. He wanted the
software itself to function in such a manner that if the voter were to place their
thumb print or fingerprint on a scanner, then the thumbprint would be tied to a
record of the voter’s name and identity as having voted, but that voter would not
tracked to the changed vote. He made it clear that the system would have to be setup
to not leave any evidence of the changed vote for a specific voter and that there
would be no evidence to show and nothing to contradict that the name or the
fingerprint or thumb print was going with a changed vote. Smartmatic agreed to
create such a system and produced the software and hardware that accomplished
that result for President Chavez. Id. ¶15.
10. The design and features of the Dominion software do not permit a simple audit to reveal
its misallocation, redistribution, or deletion of votes. First, the system’s central accumulator does
not include a protected real-time audit log that maintains the date and time stamps of all significant
election events. Key components of the system utilize unprotected logs. Essentially this allows
machine to log election events that do not reflect actual voting tabulations—or more specifically,
do not reflect the actual votes of or the will of the people. 1 See Exh. 14, Declaration of Ronald
Watkins regarding manipulation of Dominion software and built-in optical ballot scanning systems
11. This Amended Complaint will show that Dominion violated physical security standards
by connecting voting machines to the Internet, allowing Dominion, domestic third parties or hostile
foreign actors to access the system and manipulate election results, and moreover potentially to
cover their tracks due to Dominion’s unprotected log. Accordingly, a thorough forensic
examination of Dominion’s machines and source code (pursuant to Wisconsin Statute § 5.905) is
required to document these instances of voting fraud, as well as Dominion’s systematic violations
of the Voting Rights Act record retention requirements through manipulation, alteration,
destruction and likely foreign exfiltration of voting records. See 52 U.S.C. § 20701.
12. These and other problems with Dominion’s software have been widely reported in the
press and been the subject of investigations. In certifying Dominion Voting Systems Democracy
Suite, Wisconsin officials disregarded all the concerns that caused Dominion software to be
rejected by the Texas Board of elections in 2020 because it was deemed vulnerable to undetected
and non-auditable manipulation. Texas denied Certification because of concerns that it was not
13. An industry expert, Dr. Andrew Appel, Princeton Professor of Computer Science and
1 See Ex. 7, August 24, 2020 Declaration of Harri Hursti, ¶¶45-48 (expert testimony in Case
1:17-cv-02989 in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Georgia). The Texas
Secretary of State refused to certify Dominion for similar reasons as those cited by Mr. Hursti. See
Ex. 9, State of Texas Secretary of State, Elections Division, Report of Review of Dominion Voting
Systems Democracy Suite 5.5-A at 2 (Jan. 24, 2020).
5
figured out how to make a slightly different computer program that just before the polls were
closed, it switches some votes around from one candidate to another. I wrote that computer
program into a memory chip and now to hack a voting machine you just need 7 minutes alone with
a screwdriver.”2
14. In addition to the Dominion computer fraud, this Amended Complaint identifies several
additional categories of “traditional” voting fraud that occurred as a direct result of Defendant
Wisconsin Election Commission (“WEC”) and other Defendants directing Wisconsin clerks and
other election officials to ignore or violate the express requirements of the Wisconsin Election
Code. First, the WEC issued “guidance” to county and municipal clerks not to reject “indefinitely
confined” absentee voters, even if the clerks possess “reliable information” that the voter is no
states that clerks must remove such voters. Second, the WEC issued further guidance directing
clerks – in violation of Wisconsin Statute § 6.87(6)(d), which states that an absentee envelope
certification “is missing the address of a witness, the ballot may not be counted ” – to instead fill
15. This Amended Complaint presents expert witness testimony demonstrating that several
hundred thousand illegal, ineligible, duplicate or purely fictitious votes must be thrown out, in
particular:
A. A report from Dr. William Briggs, showing that there were approximately
29,594 absentee ballots listed as “unreturned” by voters that either never
requested them, or that requested and returned their ballots;
B. Reports from Redacted Expert Witnesses who can show an algorithm was used
2Andrew W. Appel, et al., “Ballot Marking Devices (BMDs) Cannot Assure the Will of the
Voters” at (Dec. 27, 2019),( attached hereto as Exh. 10 (“Appel Study”)).
6
16. In the accompanying redacted declaration of a former electronic intelligence analyst with
305th Military Intelligence with experience gathering SAM missile system electronic intelligence,
the Dominion software was accessed by agents acting on behalf of China and Iran in order to
monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent US general election in 2020. See Exh.
17. These and other “irregularities” demonstrate that at least 318,012 illegal ballots were
counted in Wisconsin. This provides the Court with sufficient grounds to set aside the results of
the 2020 General Election and provide the other declaratory and injunctive relief requested herein.
18. This Court has subject matter under 28 U.S.C. § 1331 which provides, “The district courts
shall have original jurisdiction of all civil actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties
19. This Court also has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1343 because this action
involves a federal election for President of the United States. “A significant departure from the
legislative scheme for appointing Presidential electors presents a federal constitutional question.”
Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 113 (2000) (Rehnquist, C.J., concurring); Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S.
20. The jurisdiction of the Court to grant declaratory relief is conferred by 28 U.S.C. §§ 2201
21. This Court has jurisdiction over the related Wisconsin constitutional claims and state-law
22. Venue is proper because a substantial part of the events or omissions giving rise to the
23. Because the United States Constitution reserves for state legislatures the power to set the
time, place, and manner of holding elections for the President, state executive officers have no
authority to unilaterally exercise that power, much less flout existing legislation.
THE PARTIES
24. Plaintiff William Feehan, is a registered Wisconsin voter and a nominee of the Republican
Party to be a Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Wisconsin. Mr. Feehan is a resident of
25. Presidential Electors “have a cognizable interest in ensuring that the final vote tally
reflects the legally valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete and particularized
injury to candidates such as the Electors.” Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020)
(affirming that Presidential Electors have Article III and prudential standing to challenge actions
of state officials implementing or modifying State election laws); see also McPherson v. Blacker,
146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000) (per
curiam).
26. Plaintiff Feehan has standing to bring this action as a voter and as a candidate for the
office of Elector under Wis. Stat. §§ 5.10, et seq (election procedures for Wisconsin electors). As
such, Presidential Electors “have a cognizable interest in ensuring that the final vote tally reflects
the legally valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete and particularized injury
to candidates such as the Electors.” Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020)
(affirming that Presidential Electors have Article III and prudential standing to challenge actions
of state officials in implementing or modifying State election laws); see also McPherson v.
Blacker, 146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000)
27. Plaintiff brings this action to prohibit certification of the election results for the Office of
President of the United States in the State of Wisconsin and to obtain the other declaratory and
injunctive relief requested herein. Those results were certified by Defendants on November 30,
2020, indicating a plurality for Mr. Biden of 20,565 votes out of 3,240,867 cast.
28. The Defendants are Wisconsin Elections Commission (“WEC”), a state agency, and its
members Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge Bostelman, Julie M. Glancey, Dean Knudson,
29. Defendant Governor Tony Evers is named as a defendant in his official capacity as
Wisconsin’s governor.
30. Defendant WEC was created in 2015 by the Wisconsin Legislature as an independent
agency under the Executive branch to administer Wisconsin’s election laws. Wis. Stat. §§ 5.03 &
15.61. The WEC is authorized to adopt administrative rules pursuant to Chapter 227 of the
Wisconsin Statutes, but nothing under Wisconsin’s election laws authorizes the WEC to issue any
31. Furthermore, the Wisconsin Legislature also created municipal elections commissions for
municipalities with a population greater than 500,000 and a county elections commissions for
counties with a population greater than 750,000. Wis Stat. § 7.20. As a result, the City of
Milwaukee Elections Commission was created as well as the Milwaukee County Elections
Commission and the Dane County Elections Commission. These county and municipal elections
commissions are responsible for administering the elections in their respective jurisdictions.
32. Plaintiff brings this action under 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983 and 1988, to remedy deprivations of
rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws of the United States and to
contest the election results, and the corollary provisions under the Wisconsin Constitution.
33. The United States Constitution sets forth the authority to regulate federal elections. With
Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a
Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to
which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative,
or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be
appointed an Elector.
34. None of Defendants is a “Legislature” as required under the Elections Clause or Electors
Clause to set the rules governing elections. The Legislature is “‘the representative body which
ma[kes] the laws of the people.’” Smiley, 285 U.S. 365. Regulations of presidential elections, thus,
“must be in accordance with the method which the state has prescribed for legislative enactments.”
Id. at 367; see also Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 135
35. The WEC certified the Presidential Election results on November 30, 2020. The
Presidential election results in Wisconsin show a difference of 20,565 “tallied” votes in favor of
36. Based upon all the allegations of fraud, statutory violations, and other misconduct, as
stated herein and in the attached affidavits, it is necessary to enjoin the certification of the election
results pending a full investigation and court hearing, and to order an independent audit of the
November 3, 2020 election to ensure the accuracy and integrity of the election.
10
37. The Wisconsin State Legislature adopted Act 23 in 2011 to require Wisconsin electors to
county clerk, when registering to vote and when voting. Wis. Stat. §§ 6.34; 6.79 (2). The Wisconsin
State Legislature adopted the photo ID requirement to deter the casting of ballots by persons either not
eligible to vote or persons fraudulently casting multiple ballots. League of Women Voters of
Wisconsin Education Network, Inc. v. Walker, 851 N.W.2d 302, 314 (Wis. 2014).
38. Wisconsin’s absentee voting is governed by Wisconsin Statutes § 6.84 - § 6.89. Under
Wisconsin Statutes §6.86, every absentee elector applicant must present a photo ID when registering
to vote absentee except absentee voters who registered as “indefinitely confined,” Wis. Stat. §6.86
(ac), meaning someone confined “because of age, physical illness or infirmity or is disabled for an
indefinite period.” Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)(a). As a result, Wisconsin election procedures for voting
absentee based on “indefinitely confined” status circumvent the photo ID requirement, creating an
39. In order to ensure that only those who are “indefinitely confined” may use the “indefinitely
confined” absentee ballot in an election, Wisconsin Statutes §6.86 provides that any elector who files
an application for an absentee ballot based on indefinitely confined status may not use the absentee
ballot if the electoral is no longer “indefinitely confined.” Wisconsin Statutes § 6.86 (2)(b) further
provides that the municipal clerk “shall remove the name of any other elector from the list upon
request of the elector or upon receipt of reliable information that an elector no longer qualifies for
the service.”
40. Despite this clear statutory requirement, the Administrator of the Wisconsin Election
11
State of Wisconsin stating that the clerks cannot remove an allegedly “indefinitely confined”
absentee voter from the absentee voter register if the clerk had “reliable information” that an
allegedly “indefinitely confined” absentee voter is no longer “indefinitely confined.” The directive
specifically stated:
41. The WEC’s directive thus directly contradicts Wisconsin law, which specifically provides
that clerks “shall” remove an indefinitely confined voter from the absentee voter list if the clerk
42. As a result of the directive, clerks did not remove from the absentee voter lists maintained
by their jurisdictions the absentee voters who claimed “indefinitely confined” status but who in
fact were no longer “indefinitely confined.” This resulted in electors who were allegedly
“indefinitely confined” absentee voters casting ballots as “indefinitely confined” absentee voters
43. In 2015, the Wisconsin Legislature passed Act 261, amending Wisconsin’s election laws,
including a requirement, codified as Wisconsin Statute § 6.87(d), that absentee ballots include both
elector and witness certifications, which must include the address of the witness. If the address
of the witness is missing from the witness certification, however, “the ballot may not be counted.”
Id.
44. On October 18, 2016, WEC reacted to this legislation by issuing a memorandum, which,
12
certificate itself, effectively nullifying this express requirement. (See WEC October 18, 2016
publicly posted training videos. For example, in a Youtube video posted before the November 3,
2020 General Election by Clarie Woodall-Voog of the Milwaukee Elections Commission, Ms.
Woodall-Voog advised clerks that missing items “like witness address may be written in red.”3
45. On October 19, 2020, WEC instructed its clerks that, without any legal basis in the
Wisconsin Election Code, they could simply fill in missing witness or voter certification
information using, e.g., personal knowledge, voter registration information, or calling the voter or
witness. The WEC further advised that voters or witnesses could cure any missing information at
the polling place, again without citing any authority to do so under Wisconsin Election Code.
46. The attached report of William M. Briggs, Ph.D., Exh. 2 (“Dr. Briggs Report”)
summarizes the multi-state phone survey that includes a survey of Wisconsin voters collected by
Matt Braynard, which was conducted from November 15-17, 2020. See Exh. 3 (“Braynard
Survey”). The Briggs analysis identified two specific errors involving unreturned mail-in ballots
that are indicative of voter fraud, namely: “Error #1: those who were recorded as receiving
absentee ballots without requesting them;” and “Error #2: those who returned absentee ballots
3
See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hbm-pPaYiqk (video a 10:43 to 11:07).
13
parameter-free predictive model to estimate, within 95% confidence or prediction intervals, the
number of ballots affected by these errors out of a total of 96,771 unreturned mail-in ballots for
47. With respect to Error #1, Dr. Briggs’ analysis estimated that 16,316-19,273 ballots out
of the total 96,771 unreturned ballots were recorded for voters who had not requested them. Id.
With respect to Error #2, he found 13,991 – 16,757 ballots out of 96,771 unreturned ballots
recorded for voters who did return their ballots were recorded as being unreturned. Id.
Taking the average of the two types of errors together, 29,594 ballots, or 31% of the total, are
“troublesome.”
48. These errors are not only conclusive evidence of widespread fraud by the State of
Wisconsin, but they are fully consistent with the fact witness statements cited above regarding the
evidence about Dominion presented below insofar as these unreturned absentee ballots
represent a pool of blank ballots that could be filled in by third parties to shift the election
to Joe Biden, and also present the obvious conclusion that there must be absentee ballots
49. With respect to Error #1, Dr. Briggs’ analysis demonstrates that approximately 17,795
absentee ballots were sent to someone besides the registered voter named in the request, and
thus could have been filled out by anyone and then submitted in the name of another voter.
Regarding ballots ordered by third parties that were voted, those would no longer be in the
unreturned pool and therefore cannot be estimated from this data set.
50. With respect to Error #2, Dr. Briggs’ analysis indicates that approximately 15,374
absentee ballots were either lost or destroyed (consistent with allegations of Trump ballot
14
or other third parties. Dr. Briggs’ analysis shows that 31% of “unreturned ballots” suffer from
one of the two errors above – which is consistent with his findings in the four other States analyzed
(Arizona 58%, Georgia 39%, Pennsylvania 37%, and Wisconsin 45%) – and provides further
support that these widespread “irregularities” or anomalies were one part of a much larger multi-
state fraudulent scheme to rig the 2020 General Election for Joe Biden.
B. Nearly 7,000 Ineligible Voters Who Have Moved Out-of-State Illegally Voted
in Wisconsin.
51. Evidence compiled by Matt Braynard using the National Change of Address (“NCOA”)
Database shows that 6,207 Wisconsin voters in the 2020 General Election moved out-of-state prior
to voting, and therefore were ineligible. Exh. 3. Mr. Braynard also identified 765 Wisconsin
voters who subsequently registered to vote in another state and were therefore ineligible to vote in
the 2020 General Election. The merged number is 6,966 ineligible voters whose votes must be
removed from the total for the 2020 General Election. 4 Id.
52. From November 13th , 2020 through November 28th , 2020, the Affiant conducted in-depth
statistical analysis of publicly available data on the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election. This data
included vote counts for each county in the United States, U.S. Census data, and type of voting
machine data provided by the U.S. Election Assistance Committee. The Affiant’s analysis yielded
several “red flags” concerning the percentage of votes won by candidate Biden in counties using
voting machines provided by Dominion Voting Systems. These red flags occurred in several
53. The Affiant began by using Chi-Squared Automatic Interaction Detection (CHAID),
which treats the data in an agnostic way—that is, it imposes no parametric assumptions that could
otherwise introduce bias. Affiant posed the following question: “Do any voting machine types
appear to have unusual results?” The answer provided by the statistical technique/algorithm was
that machines from Dominion Voting Systems (Dominion) produced abnormal results. Id.
54. Subsequent graphical and statistical analysis shows the unusual pattern involving
machines from Dominion occurs in at least 100 counties and multiple States, including Wisconsin.
The results from the vast majority of counties using the Dominion machines is 3 to 5.6 percentage
points higher in favor of candidate Biden. This pattern is seen easily in graphical form when the
results from “Dominion” counties are overlaid against results from “non-Dominion” counties. The
results from “Dominion” counties do not match the results from the rest of the counties in the
United States. The results are clearly statistically significant, with a p-value of < 0.00004. This
translates into a statistical impossibility that something unusual involving Dominion machines is
not occurring. This pattern appears in multiple States, including Wisconsin, and the margin of
votes implied by the unusual activity would easily sway the election results. Id.
55. The following graph shows the pattern. The large red dots are counties in Wisconsin that
use Dominion voting machines. Almost all of them are above the blue prediction line, when in
normal situations approximately half of them would be below the prediction line (as evidence by
approximately half the counties in the U.S. (blue dots) that are below the blue centerline). The p-
value of statistical analysis regarding the centerline for the red dots (Wisconsin counties with
16
Id.
56. To confirm that Dominion machines were the source of the pattern/anomaly, Affiant
conducted further analysis using propensity scoring using U.S. census variables (including
ethnicities, income, professions, population density and other social/economic data) , which was
used to place counties into paired groups. Such an analysis is important because one concern could
be that counties with Dominion systems are systematically different from their counterparts, so
abnormalities in the margin for Biden are driven by other characteristics unrelated to the election.
Id.
57. After matching counties using propensity score analysis, the only difference between the
groups was the presence of Dominion machines. This approach again showed a highly statistically
17
percentage points higher in Dominion counties than in the associated paired county. The
associated p-value is < 0.00005, against indicating a statistical impossibility that something
58. The results of the analysis and the pattern seen in the included graph strongly suggest a
systemic, system-wide algorithm was enacted by an outside agent, causing the results of
Wisconsin’s vote tallies to be inflated by somewhere between three and five point six percentage
points. Statistical estimating yields that in Wisconsin, the best estimate of the number of
59. The summation of sections A through C above provide the following conclusions for the
In Conclusion, the Reports cited above show a total amount of illegal votes identified that
amount to 318,012 or over 15 times the margin by which candidate Biden leads President
60. The State of Wisconsin, in many locations, used either Sequoia, a subsidiary of Dominion
Systems, and or Dominion Systems, Democracy Suite 4.14-D first, and then included Dominion
18
modification: “dial-up and wireless results transmission capabilities to the ImageCast Precinct and
results transmission using the Democracy Suite EMS Results Transfer Manager module.” (See
61. Affiant Keshel’s findings that reflect the discussion cited above:
Id.
62. Keshel provides a graph reflecting the voter returns in a time-series. The highly unlikely
19
the election and generates many questions. The analysis provided by Plaintiff’s multiple experts,
including data, statistics and cyber, will reveal clear evidence of the multiple frauds that combined
See Id.
63. Wisconsin. In 2018, Jill Stein was in litigation with Dominion Voting Systems
(“DVS”) after her 2016 recount request pursuant to WISCONSIN STAT.§5.905(4) wherein
DVS obtained a Court Order requiring confidentiality on information including voting counting
source code, which Dominion claims is proprietary – and must be kept secret from the public. (See
unpublished decision, Wisconsin Court of Appeals, No. 2019AP272 issued April 30, 2020).
Rather than engaging in an open and transparent process to give credibility to Wiscons in’ s
20
64. Texas. The same Dominion Democracy Suite was denied certification in Texas by the
Secretary of State on January 24, 2020, specifically because the “examiner reports raise concerns
about whether Democracy Suite 5.5-A system … is safe from fraudulent or unauthorized
manipulation.”5
65. Georgia. Substantial evidence of this vulnerability was discussed in Judge Amy
Totenberg’s October 11, 2020 Order in the USDC N.D. Ga. case of Curling, et al. v. Kemp, et. al,
Case No. 1:17-cv-02989 Doc. No. 964. See, p. 22-23 (“This array of experts and subject matter
specialists provided a huge volume of significant evidence regarding the security risks and deficits
in the system as implemented in both witness declarations and live testimony at the preliminary
injunction hearing.”); p. 25 (“In particular, Dr. Halderman’s testing indicated the practical
feasibility through a cyber attack of causing the swapping or deletion of specific votes cast and the
compromise of the system through different cyber attack strategies, including through access to
and alteration or manipulation of the QR barcode.”) The full order should be read, for it is eye-
opening and refutes many of Dominion’s erroneous claims and talking points.
66. A District Judge found that Dominion’s BMD ballots are not voter verifiable, and they
cannot be audited in a software independent way. The credibility of a BMD ballot can be no greater
than the credibility of Dominion’s systems, which copious expert analysis has shown is deeply
compromised. Similar to the issues in Wisconsin, Judge Totenberg of the District Court of Georgia
5 See attached hereto, as Exh. 11, State of Texas Secretary of State, Elections Division, Report
of Review of Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5-A at 2 (Jan. 24, 2020) (emphasis
added).
21
Georgia’s Election Code mandates the use of the BMD system as the uniform mode
of voting for all in-person voters in federal and statewide elections. O.C.G.A. § 21-
2-300(a)(2). The statutory provisions mandate voting on “electronic ballot
markers” that: (1) use “electronic technology to independently and privately mark
a paper ballot at the direction of an elector, interpret ballot selections, ... such
interpretation for elector verification, and print an elector verifiable paper
ballot;” and (2) “produce paper ballots which are marked with the elector’s choices
in a format readable by the elector” O.C.G.A. § 21-2-2(7.1); O.C.G.A. § 21-2-
300(a)(2). Plaintiffs and other voters who wish to vote in-person are required to
vote on a system that does none of those things. Rather, the evidence shows that
the Dominion BMD system does not produce a voter-verifiable paper ballot or
a paper ballot marked with the voter’s choices in a format readable by the
voter because the votes are tabulated solely from the unreadable QR code.
67. This case was later affirmed in a related case, in the Eleventh Circuit in 2018 related to
Georgia’s voting system in Common Cause Georgia v. Kemp, 347 F. Supp. 3d 1270 (11th Cir.
In summary, while further evidence will be necessary in the future, the Court
finds that the combination of the statistical evidence and witness declarations
in the record here (and the expert witness evidence in the related Curling case
which the Court takes notice of) persuasively demonstrates the likelihood of
Plaintiff succeeding on its claims. Plaintiff has shown a substantial likelihood
of proving that the Secretary’s failure to properly maintain a reliable and
secure voter registration system has and will continue to result in the
infringement of the rights of the voters to cast their vote and have their votes
counted.
Id.at 1294-1295.
68. The expert witness in the above litigation in the United States District Court of
Georgia, Case 1:17-cv-02989-AT, Harri Hursti, specifically testified to the acute security
22
69. In October of 2020 The FBI and CISA issued a JOINT CYBERSECURITY
ADVISORY ON October 30, 2020 titled: Iranian Advanced Persistent Threat Actor Identified
23
(See CISA and FBI Joint Cyber Security Advisory of October 30, 2020, a copy attached hereto as
Exh. 18.)
expert subsequently found that the Dominion Voting system and software are accessible - and was
compromised by rogue actors, including foreign interference by Iran and China. (See Exh. 12,
71. The expert does an analysis and explains how by using servers and employees connected
with rogue actors and hostile foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable
leaked credentials, Dominion allowed foreign adversaries to access data and intentionally provided
access to Dominion’s infrastructure in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the
most recent one in 2020. (See Exh. 12, Spider Declaration. Several facts are set forth related to
foreign members of Dominion Voting Systems and foreign servers as well as foreign
interference.).
72. Another Declarant first explains the foundations of her opinion and then addresses the
concerns of foreign interference in our elections through hardware components from companies
based in foreign countries with adverse interests. She explains that Dominion Voting Systems
works with SCYTL, and that votes on route, before reporting, go to SCYTL in foreign countries.
On the way, they get mixed and an algorithm is applied, which is done through a secretive process.
73. The Affiant goes on to explain the foreign relationships in the hardware used by
Dominion Voting Systems and its subsidiary Sequoia and explains specifically the port that
Wisconsin uses, which is called Edge Gateway and that is a part of Akamai Technologies based in
Germany:
74. This Declarant further explains the foundations of her opinion and then addresses the
concerns of foreign interference in our elections through hardware components from companies
75. This Declarant goes on to explain the foreign relationships in the hardware used by
Dominion Voting Systems and its subsidiary Sequoia and specifically the port that Wisconsin uses:
China is not the only nation involved in COTS provided to election machines or the
networking but so is Germany via a LAOS founded Chinese linked cloud service
25
76. The Affiant explains the use of an algorithm and how it presents throughout the statement,
The “Digital Fix” observed with an increased spike in VOTES for Joe Biden
can be determined as evidence of a pivot. Normally it would be assumed that the
algorithm had a Complete Pivot. Wilkinson’s demonstrated the guarantee as:
Such a conjecture allows the growth factor the ability to be upper bound by values
closer to n. Therefore, complete pivoting can’t be observed because there would be
too many floating points. Nor can partial as the partial pivoting would overwhelm
after the “injection” of votes. Therefore, external factors were used which is evident
from the “DIGITAL FIX.” (See Id. at pars. 67-69)
“The algorithm looks to have been set to give Joe Biden a 52% win even with an
initial 50K+ vote block allocation was provided initially as tallying began (as in
case of Arizona too). In the am of November 4, 2020 the algorithm stopped
working, therefore another “block allocation” to remedy the failure of the
algorithm. This was done manually as ALL the SYSTEMS shut down
NATIONWIDE to avoid detection.”
77. An expert analysis by Russ Ramsland agrees with the data reflecting the use of an
algorithm that causes the spike in the data feed, which is shown to be an injection of votes to
change the outcome, because natural reporting does not appear in such a way.
78. And Russ Ramsland can support that further by documenting the data feed that came from
Dominion Voting Systems to Scytl -- and was reported with decimal points, which is contrary to
one vote as one ballot: “The fact that we observed raw vote data coming directly that includes
26
Otherwise, votes would be solely represented as whole numbers (votes cannot possibly be
79. The report concludes that “Based on the foregoing, I believe these statistical anomalies
and impossibilities compels the conclusion to a reasonable degree of professional certainty that the
vote count in Wisconsin, in particular for candidates for President contain at least 119,430 (Para.
13) up to 384,085 (Para. 15) illegal votes that must be disregarded. In my opinion, it is not possible
at this time to determine the true results of the Wisconsin vote for President of the United States.”
80. Plaintiff can also show Smartmatic’s incorporation and inventors who have
identified inventors:
Inventors: Lino Iglesias, Roger Pinate, Antonio Mugica, Paul Babic, Jeff rey
Naveda, Dany Farina, Rodrigo Meneses, Salvador Ponticelli, Gisela
Goncalves, Yrem Caruso6
81. Another Affiant witness testifies that in Venezuela, she was in official positio n
President Chavez and because she protested, she was summarily dismissed. She explain s
the vulnerabilities of the electronic voting system and Smartmatica to such manipulatio n s.
6
See Patents Assigned to Smartmatic Corp., available at:
https://patents.justia.com/assignee/smartmatic-corp
27
82. In October of 2020 The FBI and CISA issued a JOINT CYBERSECURITY
ADVISORY ON October 30, 2020 titled: Iranian Advanced Persistent Threat Actor Identified
(See Exh. 18, CISA and FBI Joint Cyber Security Advisory of October 30, 2020)
83. Further supportive of this pattern of incidents, reflecting an absence of mistake, Plaintiff
has since learned that the “glitches” in the Dominion system, that have the uniform effect of hurting
Trump and helping Biden, have been widely reported in the press and confirmed by the analysis
of independent experts.
84. Mr. Watkins further explains that the central operator can remove or discard batches
of votes. “After all of the ballots loaded into the scanner’s feed tray have been through the scanner,
the “ImageCast Central” operator will remove the ballots from the tray then have the option to
either “Accept Batch” or “Discard Batch” on the scanning menu …. “ (Exh. 106, Watkins aff.
¶11). ¶8.
85. Mr. Watkins further testifies that the user manual makes clear that the system allows for
28
9. During the ballot scanning process, the “ImageCast Central” software will detect
how much of a percent coverage of the oval was filled in by the voter. The
Dominion customer determines the thresholds of which the oval needs to be
covered by a mark in order to qualify as a valid vote. If a ballot has a marginal mark
which did not meet the specific thresholds set by the customer, then the ballot is
considered a “problem ballot” and may be set aside into a folder named
“NotCastImages”.
10. Through creatively tweaking the oval coverage threshold settings, and
advanced settings on the ImageCase Central scanners, it may be possible to set
thresholds in such a way that a non-trivial amount of ballots are marked “problem
ballots” and sent to the “NotCastImages” folder.
11. The administrator of the ImageCast Central work station may view all images
of scanned ballots which were deemed “problem ballots” by simply navigating
via the standard “Windows File Explorer” to the folder named “NotCastImages”
which holds ballot scans of “problem ballots”. It may be possible for an
administrator of the “ImageCast Central” workstation to view and delete any
individual ballot scans from the “NotCastImages” folder by simply using the
standard Windows delete and recycle bin functions provided by the Windows 10
Pro operating system. Id. ¶¶ 9-11.
86. The Dominion System put in place by its own design violates the intent of Federal law
on the requirement to preserve and retain records – which clearly requires preservation of all
Every officer of election shall retain and preserve, for a period of twenty -
two months from the date of any general, special, or primary election of
which candidates for the office of President, Vice President, president ia l
elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or
Resident Commissioner from the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico are voted
for, all records and papers which come into his possession relating to
any application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act requis it e
to voting in such election, except that, when required by law, such record s
and papers may be delivered to another officer of election and except that,
29
87. Plaintiff has since learned that the “glitches” in the Dominion system -- that have
the uniform effect of hurting Trump and helping Biden -- have been widely reported in
the press and confirmed by the analysis of independent experts, a partial summary of
(1) Users on the ground have full admin privileges to machines and
software. The Dominion system is designed to facilitate vulnerability
and allow a select few to determine which votes will be counted in any
election. Workers were responsible for moving ballot data from pollin g
place to the collector’s office and inputting it into the correct folder. Any
anomaly, such as pen drips or bleeds, is not counted and is handed over
to a poll worker to analyze and decide if it should count. This creates
massive opportunity for improper vote adjudication. (Exh. 106 Watkins
aff. ¶¶8 & 11).
(2) Affiant witness (name redacted for security reasons), in his sworn
testimony explains he was selected for the national security guard detail
of the President of Venezuela, and that he witnessed the creation of
Smartmatic for the purpose of election vote manipulation:
30
88. Specific vulnerabilities of the systems in question that have been well document ed
or reported include:
A. Barcodes can overrid e the voters’ vote: As one University of Califor n ia,
Berkeley study shows, “In all three of these machines [includ in g
Dominion Voting Systems] the ballot marking printer is in the same
paper path as the mechanism to deposit marked ballots into an attached
ballot box. This opens up a very serious security vulnerability: the
voting machine can make the paper ballot (to add votes or spoil alread y -
case votes) after the last time the voter sees the paper, and then deposit
that marked ballot into the ballot box without the possibility of
detection.” (See Exh. 2, Appel Study).
7 Voting Technology Companies in the U.S. – Their Histories and Present Contributions,
Access Wire, (Aug. 10, 2017), available at: https://www.accesswire.com/471912/Voting-
Technology-Companies-in-the-US--Their-Histories.
31
8 Smartmatic-TIM Running Out of Time to Fix Glitches, ABS-CBN News (May 4, 2010),
available at: https://news.abs-cbn.com/nation/05/04/10/smartmatic-tim-running-out-time-f ix-
glitches.
9 Kim Zetter, Exclusive: Critical U.S. Election Systems Have Been Left Exposed Online Despite
Official Denials, VICE (Aug. 8, 2019) (“VICE Election Article”), available at:
32
90. Dr. Eric Coomer is listed as the co-inventor for several patents on ballot
Dominion.10 He joined Dominion in 2010, and most recently served as Voting Systems
https://www.vice.com/en/article/3kxzk9/exclusive-critical-us-election-systems have-been-left-
exposed-online-despite-official-denials.
10 See “Patents by Inventor Eric Coomer,” available at:
https://patents.justia.com/inventor/eric-coomer. This page lists the following patents
issued to Dr. Coomer and his co-inventors: (1) U.S. Patent No. 9,202,113, Ballot
Adjudication in Voting Systems Utilizing Ballot Images (issued Dec. 1, 2015); (2) U.S.
Patent No. 8,913,787, Ballot Adjudication in Voting Systems Utilizing Ballot Images
(issued Dec. 16, 2014); (3) U.S. Patent No. 8,910,865, Ballot Level Security Features for
Optical Scan Voting Machine Capable of Ballot Image Processing, Secure Ballot
Printing, and Ballot Layout Authentication and Verification (issued Dec. 16, 2014); (4)
U.S. Patent No. 8,876,002, Systems for Configuring Voting Machines, Docking Device
for Voting Machines, Warehouse Support and Asset Tracking of Voting Machines (issu ed
Nov. 4, 2014); (5) U.S. Patent No. 8,864,026, Ballot Image Processing System and
33
Sequoia Voting Systems in 2005 as Chief Software Architect and became Vice Presid ent
patented ballot adjudication technology into Dominion voting machines sold through out
the United States, including those used in Wisconsin. See Exh. 6 (Jo Oltmann Affidavit ).
91. In 2016, Dr. Coomer admitted to the State of Illinois that Dominion Voting
machines can be manipulated remotely.11 He has also publicly posted videos explain in g
92. Dr. Coomer has emerged as Dominion’s principal defender, both in litigatio n
alleging that Dominion rigged elections in Georgia and in the media. An examination of
his previous public statements has revealed that Dr. Coomer is highly partisan and even
more anti-Trump, precisely the opposite of what would expect from the management of
a company charged with fairly and impartially counting votes (which is presumably why
93. Unfortunately for Dr. Coomer, however, a number of these posts have been
captured for perpetuity. Below are quotes from some of his greatest President Trump and
Trump voter hating hits to show proof of motive and opportunity. (See Id).
Method for Voting Machines (issued Oct. 21, 2014); (6) U.S. Patent No. 8,714,4 5 0,
Systems and Methods for Transactional Ballot Processing, and Ballot Auditing (issu ed
May 6, 2014), available at: https://patents.justia.com/inventor/eric-coomer.
11 Jose Hermosa, Electoral Fraud: Dominion’s Vice President Warned in 2016 That Vote-
Counting Systems Are Manipulable, The BL (Nov. 13, 2020), available at: https://thebl.com/us-
news/electoral-fraud-dominions-vice-president-warned-in-2016-that-vote-counting-systems-are-
manipulable.html.
12 See, e.g., “Eric Coomer Explains How to Alter Votes in the Dominion Voting System” (Nov.
24, 2020) (excerpt of presentation delivered in Chicago in 2017), available at:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UtB3tLaXLJE.
34
94. In a rare moment of perhaps unintentional honesty, Dr. Coomer anticipates this
Amended Complaint and many others, by slandering those seeking to hold election
riggers like Dominion to account and to prevent the United States’ descent into
Venezuelan levels of voting fraud and corruption out of which Dominion was born:
95. Dr. Coomer, who invented the technology for Dominion ’s voting fraud and has
publicly explained how it can be used to alter votes, seems to be extremely hostile to those
who would attempt to stop it and uphold the integrity of elections that underpins the
And in other news… There be some serious fuckery going on right here
fueled by our Cheeto-in-Chief stoking lie after lie on the flames of [Kris]
Kobach… [Linking Washington Post article discussing the President ia l
Advisory Commission on Election Integrity, of which former Kansas
Secretary of State Kris Kobach was a member, entitled, “The voting
commission is a fraud itself. Shut it down.”] Id. (September 14, 2017
Facebook post.] (Id.)
13 In this and other quotations from Dr. Coomer’s social media, Plaintiff has redacted certain
profane terms.
35
voters and the United States military (which he claims, without evidence, Trump will
make into a “fascist tool”). Id. (June 2, 2020 Facebook post). Lest someone claims that these
are “isolated statements” “taken out of context”, Dr. Coomer has affirmed that he shares
ANTIFA’s taste in music and hatred of the United States of America, id. (May 31, 2020 Facebook
post linking “F[**]k the USA” by the exploited), and the police. Id. (separate May 31, 2020
Facebook posts linking N.W.A. “F[**]k the Police” and a post promoting phrase “Dead Cops”).
Id. at 4-5.
97. Affiant and journalist Joseph Oltmann researched ANTIFA in Colorado. Id. at
1. “On or about the week of September 27, 2020,” he attended an Antifa meeting which
where Dr. Coomer was present. In response to a question as to what Antifa would do “if
Trump wins this … election?”, Dr. Coomer respond ed “Don’t worry about the electio n.
Trump is not going to win. I made f[**]king sure of that … Hahaha.” Id. at 2.
98. By putting an anti-Trump zealot like Dr. Coomer in charge of election “Security,” and
using his technology for what should be impartial “ballot adjudication,” Dominion has given the
fox the keys to the hen house and has forfeited any presumption of objectivity, fairness, or even
propriety. It appears that Dominion does not care about even an appearance of impropriety, as its
most important officer has his fingerprints all over a highly partisan, vindictive, and personal
vendetta against the Republican nominee both in 2016 and 2020, President Donald Trump. Dr.
Coomer’s highly partisan anti-Trump rages show clear motive on the part of Dominion to rig the
election in favor of Biden, and may well explain why for each of the so-called “glitches”
36
(Id.)
99. In sum, as set forth above, for a host of independ ent reasons, the Wiscon s in
election results conclud ing that Joe Biden received 20,608 more votes that Presid ent
COUNT I
Defendants Violated the Elections and Electors Clauses and 42 U.S.C. § 1983.
100. Plaintiff realleges all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
101. The Electors Clause states that “[e]ach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors” for President. U.S. Const. art. II, §1, cl. 2
(emphasis added). Likewise, the Elections Clause of the U.S. Constitution states that “[t]he Times,
Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in
each State by the Legislature thereof.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1 (emphasis added).
102. The Legislature is “‘the representative body which ma[kes] the laws of the
people.’” Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, 365 (1932). Regulations for president ia l
elections, thus, “must be in accordance with the method which the state has prescrib ed
for legislative enactments.” Id. at 367; see also Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep.
103. Defendants are not part of the Wisconsin Legislature and cannot exercis e
legislative power. Because the United States Constitution reserves for the Wisco n s in
Legislature the power to set the time, place, and manner of holding elections for the
President and Congress, county boards of elections and state executive officers have no
authority to unilaterally exercise that power, much less to hold them in ways that conflict
37
104. Section I details three separate instances where Defendants violated the
Wisconsin Election Code. First, WEC May 23, 2020 “guidance” on the treatment of
“indefinitely confined” voters, who are exempt from Wisconsin’s photo ID require m ent
for absentee ballot application, that directly contravened the express requirement in
Wisconsin Election Code that clerks “shall” remove an allegedly “indefinitely confined ”
voter if the clerk has “reliable information” that that voter is not, or is no longer,
“indefinitely confined.”
105. Second, the WEC’s October 18, 2016 guidance directed clerks to violate the
missing the address of a witness the ballot may not be counted,” when it directed clerks
106. Third, WEC and Wisconsin election officials violated Wisconsin Election Code,
or acted ultra vires, insofar as they filled in missing witness or voter information on
absentee ballots and permitted voters to cure ballots without statutory authorizatio n.
ineligible ballots that were counted, and lawful ballots that were not, as a result of these
107. A report from Dr. William Briggs, shows that there were approximately 29,594 absentee
ballots listed as “unreturned” by voters that either never requested them, or that requested and
108. Evidence compiled by Matt Braynard, Exh. 3, using the National Change of Address
(“NCOA”) Database shows that 6,207 Wisconsin voters in the 2020 General Election moved out-
38
voters who subsequently registered to vote in another state and were therefore ineligible to vote in
the 2020 General Election. The merged number is 6,966 ineligible voters whose votes must be
109. Plaintiff has no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and irrepara b le
harm unless the injunctive relief requested herein is granted. Defendants have acted and ,
unless enjoined, will act under color of state law to violate the Elections Clause.
110. Accordingly, the results for President in the November 3, 2020 election must be
set aside, the State of Wisconsin should be enjoined from transmitting the certified the
results thereof, and this Court should grant the other declaratory and injunctive relief
requested herein.
COUNT II
111. Plaintiff refers to and incorporate by reference each of the prior paragraphs of this
112. The Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution provides “nor shall any
state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny
to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. See also Bush v.
Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (having once granted the right to vote on equal terms, the
State may not, by later arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one person ’s vote over the
value of another’s). Harper v. Va. Bd. of Elections, 383 U.S. 663, 665 (1966) (“Once the
39
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amend ment. ”). The Court has held that to
ensure equal protection, a problem inheres in the absence of specific standards to ensure
its equal application. Bush, 531 U.S. at 106 (“The formulation of uniform rules to
necessary.”).
113. The equal enforcement of election laws is necessary to preserve our most basic
enforced as to laws that affect the exercise of fundamental rights, including the right to
vote.
114. The disparate treatment of Wisconsin voters, in subjecting one class of voters to greater
burdens or scrutiny than another, violates Equal Protection guarantees because “the right of
suffrage can be denied by a debasement or dilution of the weight of a citizen’s vote just as
effectively as by wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” Reynolds v. Sims, 377
U.S. 533, 555 (1964); Rice v. McAlister, 268 Ore. 125, 128, 519 P.2d 1263, 1265 (1975);
Heitman v. Brown Grp., Inc., 638 S.W.2d 316, 319, 1982 Mo. App. LEXIS 3159, at *4 (Mo. Ct.
App. 1982); Prince v. Bear River Mut. Ins. Co., 2002 UT 68, ¶ 41, 56 P.3d 524, 536-37 (Utah
2002).
115. In statewide and federal elections conducted in the State of Wisconsin, includ in g
without limitation the November 3, 2020 General Election, all candidates, politica l
parties, and voters, including without limitation Plaintiff, in having the election laws
116. As set forth in Section I above, Defendants failed to comply with the requireme nt s
40
of other Wisconsin voters and electors in violation of the United States Constitut ion
guidance, that had the intent and effect of favoring one class of voters – Democr atic
absentee voters – over Republican voters. Further, all of these invalid ly enacted rules by
Defendant Wisconsin executive and administrative agencies, had the intent and effect of
eliminating protections against voter fraud, and thereby enabled and facilitated the
counting of fraudulent, unlawful and ineligible votes, which were quantified in Section
II. Finally, Section III details the additional voting fraud and manipulation enabled by
the use Dominion voting machines, which had the intent and effect of favoring Biden and
117. Defendants have acted and will continue to act under color of state law to violate
Plaintiff ’s right to be present and have actual observation and access to the electora l
process as secured by the Equal Protection Clause of the United States Constitutio n.
Defendants thus failed to conduct the general election in a uniform manner as required by
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the corollary provisions of the
118. Plaintiff seeks declaratory and injunctive relief forbidding Defendants from
certifying a tally that includes any ballots that were not legally cast, or that were switched
from Trump to Biden through the unlawful use of Dominion Democracy Suite software
and devices.
119. The Briggs analysis identified two specific errors involving unreturned mail-in ballots
that are indicative of voter fraud, namely: “Error #1: those who were recorded as receiving
41
but whose votes went missing (i.e., marked as unreturned).” Clearly the dilution of lawful votes
violates the Equal Protection clause; and the counting of unlawful votes violates the rights of
lawful Citizens.
120. In addition, Plaintiff asks this Court to order that no ballot processed by a countin g
board in the Wisconsin Counties can be included in the final vote tally unless a challe n ge r
was allowed to meaningf ully observe the process and handling and counting of the ballot,
121. Plaintiff has no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and irrepara b le
harm unless the declaratory and injunctive relief requested herein is granted. Indeed, the
setting aside of an election in which the people have chosen their representative is a
drastic remedy that should not be undertaken lightly, but instead should be reserved for
election procedures and has demonstrat ed that the violation has placed the result of the
election in doubt. Wisconsin law allows elections to be contested through litigation, both
as a check on the integrity of the election process and as a means of ensuring the
fundamental right of citizens to vote and to have their votes counted accurately.
COUNT III
122. Plaintiff refers to and incorporate by reference each of the prior paragraphs of
this Amended Complaint as though the same were repeated at length herein.
123. The right of qualified citizens to vote in a state election involving federal
42
United States Constitution. Harper, 383 U.S. at 665. See also Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 554
(The Fourteenth Amend ment protects the “the right of all qualified citizens to vote, in
state as well as in federal elections.”). Indeed, ever since the Slaughter-House Cases, 83
U.S. 36 (1873), the United States Supreme Court has held that the Privileges and
Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amend ment protects certain rights of federal
citizenship from state interference, including the right of citizens to vote in federal
elections. See Twining v. New Jersey, 211 U.S. 78, 97 (1908) (citing Ex parte Yarbrou g h,
110 U.S. 651, 663-64 (1884)). See also Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112, 148-49 (1970)
cherished in our nation because it “is preservative of other basic civil and political rights. ”
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 562. Voters have a “right to cast a ballot in an election free from
the taint of intimid ation and fraud,” Burson v. Freeman, 504 U.S. 191, 211 (1992), and
“[c]onf idence in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to the functioning of
our participatory democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006) (per curiam).
125. “Obviously included within the right to [vote], secured by the Constitution, is the
right of qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them counted ” if they
are validly cast. United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315 (1941). “[T]he right to have
the vote counted” means counted “at full value without dilution or discount.” Reynold s,
377 U.S. at 555, n.29 (quoting South v. Peters, 339 U.S. 276, 279 (1950) (Douglas, J.,
dissenting)).
43
or for one with little chance of losing, has a right under the Constitution to have his vote fair ly
counted, without its being distorted by fraudulently cast votes.” Anderson v. United States, 417
U.S. 211, 227 (1974); see also Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208 (1962). Invalid or
fraudulent votes debase and dilute the weight of each validly cast vote. Reynolds, 377
U.S. at 555.
126. The right to vote includes not just the right to cast a ballot, but also the right to have it
fairly counted if it is legally cast. The right to vote is infringed if a vote is cancelled or diluted by
a fraudulent or illegal vote, including without limitation when a single person votes multiple times.
The Supreme Court of the United States has made this clear in case after case. See, e.g., Gray v.
Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 380 (1963) (every vote must be “protected from the diluting effect of illegal
ballots.”); Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Election Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 196 (2008) (plurality op. of
Stevens, J.) (“There is no question about the legitimacy or importance of the State’s interest in
counting only the votes of eligible voters.”); accord Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554-55 &
n.29 (1964).
127. The right to an honest count is a right possessed by each voting elector, and to
the extent that the importance of his vote is nullified, wholly or in part, he has been injur ed
in the free exercise of a right or privilege secured to him by the laws and Constitution of
the United States. Anderson, 417 U.S. at 226 (quoting Prichard v. United States, 181 F.2d
326, 331 (6th Cir.), aff’d due to absence of quorum, 339 U.S. 974 (1950)).
128. Practices that promote the casting of illegal or unreliable ballots or fail to contain
basic minimum guarantees against such conduct, can violate the Fourteenth Amend ment
by leading to the dilution of validly cast ballots. See Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 (“the right
44
129. Section I details the Defendants violations of the Wisconsin Election Code .
counted, and demonstrates that this number is many times larger than Biden’s margin of
victory.
130. Plaintiff seeks declaratory and injunctive relief enjoining Defendants from
certifying the results of the General Election, or in the alternative, conduct a recount or
the conduct of the Wisconsin Board of State Canvassers and the Wisconsin county Board s
of Canvassers and that these canvassing boards exercise their duty and authority und er
Wisconsin law, which forbids certifying a tally that includes any ballots that were not
legally cast, or that were switched from Trump to Biden through the unlawful use of
COUNT IV
131. Plaintiff realleges all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
132. The scheme of civil fraud can be shown with the pattern of conduct that includes motive
and opportunity, as exhibited by the high level official at Dominion Voting Systems, Eric Coomer,
and his visceral and public rage against the current U.S. President.
133. Opportunity appears with the secretive nature of the voting source code, and the feed of
votes that make clear that an algorithm is applied, that reports in decimal points despite the law
45
systemic, system-wide algorithm was enacted by an outside agent, causing the results of
Wisconsin’s vote tallies to be inflated by somewhere between 3 and 5.6 percentage points.
Statistical estimating yields that in Wisconsin, the best estimate of the number of impacted votes
is 181,440. Id.
135. The Reports cited above show a total amount of illegal votes identified that amount to
318,012 or over 15 times the margin by which candidate Biden leads President Trump in the state
of Wisconsin.
136. The right to vote includes not just the right to cast a ballot, but also the right to have it
fairly counted if it is legally cast. The right to vote is infringed if a vote is cancelled or diluted by
a fraudulent or illegal vote, including without limitation when a single person votes multiple times.
The Supreme Court of the United States has made this clear in case after case. See, e.g., Gray v.
Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 380 (1963) (every vote must be “protected from the diluting effect of illegal
ballots.”); Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Election Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 196 (2008) (plurality op. of
Stevens, J.) (“There is no question about the legitimacy or importance of the State’s interest in
counting only the votes of eligible voters.”); accord Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554-55 &
n.29 (1964).
137. Plaintiff has no adequate remedy at law. Plaintiff contests the results of Wisconsin’s 2020
multiple provisions of the Wisconsin Election Code to elect Biden and other Democratic
46
138. Accordingly, Plaintiff seeks temporary restraining order instructing Defendants to de-
certify the results of the General Election for the Office of President.
139. Alternatively, Plaintiff seeks an order instructing the Defendants to certify the results of
the General Election for Office of the President in favor of President Donald Trump.
140. In the alternative, Plaintiff seeks a temporary restraining order prohibiting Defendants
from including in any certified results from the General Election the tabulation of absentee and
mailing ballots which do not comply with the Wisconsin Election Code, including, without
limitation, the tabulation of absentee and mail-in ballots Trump Campaign’s watchers were
prevented from observing or based on the tabulation of invalidly cast absentee and mail-in ballots
which (i) lack a secrecy envelope, or contain on that envelope any text, mark, or symbol which
reveals the elector’s identity, political affiliation, or candidate preference, (ii) do not include on
the outside envelope a completed declaration that is dated and signed by the elector, (iii) are
delivered in-person by third parties for non-disabled voters, or (iv) any of the other Wisconsin
141. Order production of all registration data, ballot applications, ballots, envelopes, etc.
required to be maintained by law. When we consider the harm of these uncounted votes, and
ballots not ordered by the voters themselves, and the potential that many of these unordered ballots
may in fact have been improperly voted and also prevented proper voting at the polls, the mail
ballot system has clearly failed in the state of Wisconsin and did so on a large scale and widespread
basis. The size of the voting failures, whether accidental or intentional, are multiples larger than
the margin in the state. For these reasons, Wisconsin cannot reasonably rely on the results of the
47
Alternatively, the electors for the State of Wisconsin should be disqualified from counting toward
the 2020 election. Alternatively, the electors of the State of Wisconsin should be directed to vote
142. For these reasons, Plaintiff asks this Court to enter a judgment in his favor and provide
applications, ballot return envelopes, ballot images, paper ballots, and all
to the November 3, 2020 Wisconsin election for forensic audit and inspection
by the Plaintiff;
5. An order that no votes received or tabulated by machines that were not certified
48
8. A declaratory judgment declaring that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must
10. A permanent injunction prohibiting the Governor and Secretary of State from
transmitting the currently certified results to the Electoral College based on the
central count facilities and processes in Milwaukee and Dane Counties for
12. Plaintiff further requests the Court grant such other relief as is just and proper,
including but not limited to, the costs of this action and his reasonable attorney
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell PC
Texas Bar No. 16209700
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Of Counsel:
Julia Z. Haller (D.C. Bar No. 466921) **
Brandon Johnson (D.C. 491730) **
Emily P. Newman (Virginia Bar No. 84265) **
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
L. Lin Wood **
GA Bar No. 774588
L. LIN WOOD, P.C.
P.O. Box 52584
Atlanta, GA 30305-0584
Telephone: (404) 891-1402
50
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
51
1.
4. I want to alert the public and let the world know the truth about the
corruption, manipulation, and lies being committed by a conspiracy of
people and companies intent upon betraying the honest people of the
United States and their legally constituted institutions and fundamental
rights as citizens. This conspiracy began more than a decade ago in
Venezuela and has spread to countries all over the world. It is a conspiracy
to wrongfully gain and keep power and wealth. It involves political
leaders, powerful companies, and other persons whose purpose is to gain
and keep power by changing the free will of the people and subverting the
proper course of governing.
5.
Over the course of my career, I
specialized in the marines
- Page 1 of 8
13. I arranged and attended three more meetings between President Chavez
and the representatives from Smartmatic at which details of the new
- Page 3 of 8
15. Chavez was most insistent that Smartmatic design the system in a way
that the system could change the vote of each voter without being
detected. He wanted the software itself to function in such a manner that
if the voter were to place their thumb print or fingerprint on a scanner,
then the thumbprint would be tied to a record of the voter’s name and
identity as having voted, but that voter would not tracked to the changed
vote. He made it clear that the system would have to be setup to not leave
any evidence of the changed vote for a specific voter and that there would
be no evidence to show and nothing to contradict that the name or the
fingerprint or thumb print was going with a changed vote. Smartmatic
agreed to create such a system and produced the software and hardware
that accomplished that result for President Chavez.
16. After the Smartmatic Electoral Management System was put in place, I
closely observed several elections where the results were manipulated
using Smartmatic software. One such election was in December 2006
when Chavez was running against Rosales. Chavez won with a landslide
over Manuel Rosales - a margin of nearly 6 million votes for Chavez versus
3.7 million for Rosales.
- Page 4 of 8
18. By two o'clock in the afternoon on that election day Capriles Radonsky
was ahead of Nicolás Maduro by two million votes. When Maduro and his
supporters realized the size of Radonsky’s lead they were worried that
they were in a crisis mode and would lose the election. The Smartmatic
machines used for voting in each state were connected to the internet and
reported their information over the internet to the Caracas control center
in real-time. So, the decision was made to reset the entire system.
Maduro’s and his supporters ordered the network controllers to take the
internet itself offline in practically all parts in Venezuela and to change
the results.
19. It took the voting system operators approximately two hours to make the
adjustments in the vote from Radonsky to Maduro. Then, when they
turned the internet back on and the on-line reporting was up and running
again, they checked each screen state by state to be certain where they
could see that each vote was changed in favor of Nicholas Maduro. At that
moment the Smartmatic system changed votes that were for Capriles
Radonsky to Maduro. By the time the system operators finish, they had
achieved a convincing, but narrow victory of 200,000 votes for Maduro.
20. After Smartmatic created the voting system President Chavez wanted, he
exported the software and system all over Latin America. It was sent to
Bolivia, Nicaragua, Argentina, Ecuador, and Chile – countries that were
in alliance with President Chavez. This was a group of leaders who
wanted to be able to guarantee they maintained power in their countries.
When Chavez died, Smartmatic was in a position of being the only
- Page 5 of 8
21. I want to point out that the software and fundamental design of the
electronic electoral system and software of Dominion and other election
tabulating companies relies upon software that is a descendant of the
Smartmatic Electoral Management System. In short, the Smartmatic
software is in the DNA of every vote tabulating company’s software and
system.
22. Dominion is one of three major companies that tabulates votes in the
United States. Dominion uses the same methods and fundamentally same
software design for the storage, transfer and computation of voter
identification data and voting data. Dominion and Smartmatic did
business together. The software, hardware and system have the same
fundamental flaws which allow multiple opportunities to corrupt the data
and mask the process in a way that the average person cannot detect any
fraud or manipulation. The fact that the voting machine displays a voting
result that the voter intends and then prints out a paper ballot which
reflects that change does not matter. It is the software that counts the
digitized vote and reports the results. The software itself is the one that
changes the information electronically to the result that the operator of
the software and vote counting system intends to produce that counts.
That’s how it is done. So the software, the software itself configures the
vote and voting result -- changing the selection made by the voter. The
software decides the result regardless of what the voter votes.
24. If one questions the reliability of my observations, they only have to read
the words of
a time period in
- Page 6 of 8
25. But later, in 2017 when there were elections where Maduro was running
and elections for legislators in Venezuela, and Smartmatic broke
their secrecy pact with the government of Venezuela. He made a public
announcement through the media in which he stated that all the
Smartmatic voting machines used during those elections were totally
manipulated and they were manipulated by the electoral council of
Venezuela back then. stated that all of the votes for Nicholas
Maduro and the other persons running for the legislature were
manipulated and they actually had lost. So I think that's the greatest
proof that the fraud can be carried out and will be denied by the software
company that admitted publicly that Smartmatic had created,
used and still uses vote counting software that can be manipulated or
altered.
26. I am alarmed because of what is occurring in plain sight during this 2020
election for President of the United States. The circumstances and events
are eerily reminiscent of what happened with Smartmatic software
electronically changing votes in the 2013 presidential election in
Venezuela. What happened in the United States was that the vote
counting was abruptly stopped in five states using Dominion software. At
the time that vote counting was stopped, Donald Trump was significantly
ahead in the votes. Then during the wee hours of the morning, when there
was no voting occurring and the vote count reporting was off-line,
something significantly changed. When the vote reporting resumed the
very next morning there was a very pronounced change in voting in favor
of the opposing candidate, Joe Biden.
- Page 7 of 8
- Page 8 of8
1 Summary
Survey data was collected from individuals in several states, sampling those who the states listed as not returning absentee
ballots. The data was provided by Matt Braynard.
The survey asked respondents whether they (a) had ever requested an absentee ballot, and, if so, (b) whether they had
in fact returned this ballot. From this sample I produce predictions of the total numbers of: Error #1, those who were
recorded as receiving absentee ballots without requesting them; and Error #2, those who returned absentee ballots but
whose votes went missing (i.e. marked as unreturned).
The sizes of both errors were large in each state. The states were Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Arizona where
ballots were across parties. Pennsylvania data was for Republicans only.
2 Analysis Description
Each analysis was carried out separately for each state. The analysis used (a) the number of absentee ballots recorded as
unreturned, (b) the total responding to the survey, (c) the total of those saying they did not request a ballot, (d) the total
of those saying they did request a ballot, and of these (e) the number saying they returned their ballots. I assume survery
respondents are representative and the data is accurate.
From these data a simple parameter-free predictive model was used to calculate the probability of all possible outcomes.
Pictures of these probabilities were derived, and the 95% prediction interval of the relevant numbers was calculated. The
pictures appear in the Appendix at the end. They are summarized here with their 95% prediction intervals.
Error #1: being recorded as sent an absentee ballot without requesting one.
Error #2: sending back an absentee ballot and having it recorded as not returned.
State Unreturned ballots Error #1 Error #2
Georgia 138,029 16,938–22,771 31,559–38,866
Michigan 139,190 29,611–36,529 27,928–34,710
Pennsylvania∗ 165,412 32,414–37,444 26,954–31,643
Wisconsin 96,771 16,316–19,273 13,991–16,757
Arizona 518,560 208,333–229,937 78,714–94,975
∗
Number for Pennsylvania represent Republican ballots only.
Ballots that were not requested, and ballots returned and marked as not returned were classed as troublesome. The
estimated average number of troublesome ballots for each state were then calculated using the table above and are presented
next.
State Unreturned ballots Estimated average Percent
troublesome ballots
Georgia 138,029 53,489 39%
Michigan 139,190 62,517 45%
Pennsylvania∗ 165,412 61,780 37%
Wisconsin 96,771 29,594 31%
Arizona 518,560 303,305 58%
∗
Number for Pennsylvania represent Republican ballots only.
3 Conclusion
There are clearly a large number of troublesome ballots in each state investigated. Ballots marked as not returned that were
never requested are clearly an error of some kind. The error is not small as a percent of the total recorded unreturned ballots.
23 November 2020
William M. Briggs
5 Appendix
The probability pictures for each state for each outcome as mentioned above.
Probability of numbers of un−requested absentee ballots listed as
not returned for Georgia
0.00025 There is a 95 % chance from
between 16938 and 22771
0.00020 absentee ballots were not
Probability
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00015
requested but marked as not
0.00010 returned
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00015
returned but marked as not
0.00010 returned
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00020
requested but marked as not
0.00015 returned
0.00010
0.00005
0.00000
0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000 160,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.0001
0.0000
0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000 70,000 80,000 90,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
0.00006
returned but marked as not
0.00004 returned
0.00002
0.00000
0 50,000 100,000 150,000 200,000 250,000 300,000 350,000 400,000 450,000 500,000
Ballots Listed as Not Returned
Q3 - Did you mail your ballot back? Response 11/15/2020 11/16/2020 11/17/2020
316 14.67% A-Yes [Go to Q4] - 238 78
1,286 59.70% B-No [Go to Close A] - 1,069 217
C-Yes (per Spouse/family Member)
9 0.42%
[Go to Q4] - 4 5
D-No (per Spouse/family Member)
15 0.70%
[Go to Close A] - 8 7
28 1.30% E-Unsure / Refused [Go to Close A] - 24 4
500 23.21% X = Refused - 314 186
-
1. Experience
(1) 2016: Author of Uncertainty: The Soul of Modeling, Probability & Sta-
tistics, a book which argues for a complete and fundamental change in the
philosophy and practice of probability and statistics. Eliminate hypothesis
testing and estimation, and move to verifiable predictions. This includes
AI and machine learning. Call this The Great Reset, but a good one.
(2) 2004-2016 Adjunct Professor of Statistical Science, Cornell
University, Ithaca, New York
I taught a yearly Masters course to people who (rightfully) hate statistics.
Interests: philosophy of science & probability, epistemology, epidemiology
(ask me about the all-too-common epidemiologist fallacy), Bayesian sta-
tistics, medicine, climatology & meteorology, goodness of forecasts, over-
confidence in science; public understanding of science, limitations of science,
scientism; scholastic metaphysics (as it relates to epistemology).
(3) 1998-present. Statistical consultant, Various companies
Most of my time is spent coaxing people out of their money to tell them
they are too sure of themselves. All manner of analyses cheerfully un-
dertaken. Example: Fraud analysis; I created the Wall Street Journal’s
College Rankings. I consultant regularly at Methodist and other hospitals,
start-ups, start-downs, and with any instition willing to fork it over.
(4) 2003-2010. Research Scientist, New York Methodist Hospital,
New York
Besides the usual, I sit/sat on the Institutional Review Committee to assess
the statistics of proposed research. I was an Associate Editor for Monthly
Weather Review (through 2011). Also a member of the American Meteoro-
logical Society’s Probability and Statistics Committee (through 2011). At
a hospital? Yes, sir; at a hospital. It rains there, too, you know.
(5) Fall 2007, Fall 2010 Visiting Professor of Statistics, Depart-
ment of Mathematics, Central Michigan University, Mt. Pleas-
ant, MI
Who doesn’t love a visit from a statistician? Ask me about the difference
between “a degree” and “an education.”
(6) 2003-2007, Assistant Professor Statistics, Weill Medical Col-
lege of Cornell University, New York, New York
Working here gave me a sincere appreciation of the influences of government
money; grants galore.
(7) 2002-2003. Gotham Risk Management, New York
A start-up then, after Enron’s shenanigans, a start-down. We set future
weather derivative and weather insurance contract prices that incorporated
information from medium- and long-range weather and climate forecasts.
(8) 1998-2002. DoubleClick, New York
Lead statistician. Lot of computer this and thats; enormous datasets.
(9) 1993-1998. Graduate student, Cornell University
1
2. Education
(1) Ph.D., 2004, Cornell University. Statistics.
(2) M.S., 1995, Cornell University. Atmospheric Science.
(3) B.S., Summa Cum Laude, 1992, Central Michigan University. Meteorology
and Math.
3. Publications
3.0.1. Popular.
(1) Op-eds in various newspapers; articles in Stream, Crisis Magazine, The
Remnant, Quadrant, Quirks; blog with ∼70,000 monthly readers. Various
briefs submitted to government agencies, such as California Air Resources
Board, Illinois Department of Natural Resources. Talks and holding-forths
of all kinds.
3.0.2. Books.
(1) Richards, JW, WM Briggs, and D Axe, 2020. UThe Price of Panic: How
the Tyranny of Experts Turned a Pandemic into a Catastrophe. Regnery.
Professors Jay Richards, William Briggs, and Douglas Axe take a deep dive
into the crucial questions on the minds of millions of Americans during one
of the most jarring and unprecedented global events in a generation.
(2) Briggs, WM., 2016. Uncertainty: The Soul of Modeling, Probability &
Statistics. Springer. Philosophy of probability and statistics. A new (old)
way to view and to use statistics, a way that doesn’t lead to heartbreak
and pandemic over-certainty, like current methods do.
(3) Briggs, WM., 2008 Breaking the Law of Averages: Real Life Probability and
Statistics in Plain English. Lulu Press, New York. Free text for undergrad-
uates.
(4) Briggs, WM., 2006 So You Think You’re Psychic? Lulu Press, New York.
Hint: I’ll bet you’re not.
3.0.3. Methods.
(1) Briggs, WM and J.C. Hanekamp, 2020. Uncertainty In The MAN Data
Calibration & Trend Estimates. Atmospheric Environment, In review.
(2) Briggs, WM and J.C. Hanekamp, 2020. Adjustments to the Ryden & Mc-
Neil Ammonia Flux Model. Soil Use and Management, In review.
(3) Briggs, William M., 2020. Parameter-Centric Analysis Grossly Exaggerates
Certainty. In Data Science for Financial Econometrics, V Kreinovich, NN
Thach, ND Trung, DV Thanh (eds.), In press.
(4) Briggs, WM, HT Nguyen, D Trafimow, 2019. Don’t Test, Decide. In
Behavioral Predictive Modeling in Econometrics, Springer, V Kreinovich, S
Sriboonchitta (eds.). In press.
(5) Briggs, William M. and HT Nguyen, 2019. Clarifying ASA’s view on p-
values in hypothesis testing. Asian Journal of Business and Economics,
03(02), 1–16.
(6) Briggs, William M., 2019. Reality-Based Probability & Statistics: Solv-
ing The Evidential Crisis (invited paper). Asian Journal of Business and
Economics, 03(01), 37–80.
(7) Briggs, William M., 2019. Everything Wrong with P-Values Under One
Roof. In Beyond Traditional Probabilistic Methods in Economics, V Kreinovich,
NN Thach, ND Trung, DV Thanh (eds.), pp 22—44.
(8) Briggs, WM, HT Nguyen, D Trafimow, 2019. The Replacement for Hy-
pothesis Testing. In Structural Changes and Their Econometric Modeling,
Springer, V Kreinovich, S Sriboonchitta (eds.), pp 3—17.
(9) Trafimow, D, V Amrhein, CN Areshenkoff, C Barrera-Causil, ..., WM
Briggs, (45 others), 2018. Manipulating the alpha level cannot cure sig-
nificance testing. Frontiers in Psychology, 9, 699. doi.org/10.3389/ fp-
syg.2018.00699.
(10) Briggs, WM, 2018. Testing, Prediction, and Cause in Econometric Models.
In Econometrics for Financial Applications, ed. Anh, Dong, Kreinovich,
and Thach. Springer, New York, pp 3–19.
(11) Briggs, WM, 2017. The Substitute for p-Values. JASA, 112, 897–898.
(12) J.C. Hanekamp, M. Crok, M. Briggs, 2017. Ammoniak in Nederland.
Enkele kritische wetenschappelijke kanttekeningen. V-focus, Wageningen.
(13) Briggs, WM, 2017. Math: Old, New, and Equalitarian. Academic Ques-
tions, 30(4), 508–513.
(14) Monckton, C, W Soon, D Legates, ... (several others), WM Briggs 2018. On
an error in applying feedback theory to climate. In submission (currently
J. Climate).
(15) Briggs, WM, JC Hanekamp, M Crok, 2017. Comment on Goedhart and
Huijsmans. Soil Use and Management, 33(4), 603–604.
(16) Briggs, WM, JC Hanekamp, M Crok, 2017. Response to van Pul, van
Zanten and Wichink Kruit. Soil Use and Management, 33(4), 609–610.
(17) Jaap C. Hanekamp, William M. Briggs, and Marcel Crock, 2016. A volatile
discourse - reviewing aspects of ammonia emissions, models, and atmo-
spheric concentrations in The Netherlands. Soil Use and Management,
33(2), 276–287.
(34) Briggs, WM, 2007. Changes in number and intensity of world-wide tropical
cyclones arxiv.org/physics/0702131.
(35) Briggs, WM, 2007. On the non-arbitrary assignment of equi-probable priors
arxiv.org/math.ST/0701331.
(36) Briggs, WM, 2007. On the changes in number and intensity of North
Atlantic tropical cyclones Journal of Climate. 21, 1387-1482.
(37) Briggs, WM, Positive evidence for non-arbitrary assignments of probability,
2007. Edited by Knuth et al. Proceedings 27th International Workshop on
Bayesian Inference and Maximum Entropy Methods in Science and Engi-
neering. American Institute of Physics. 101-108.
(38) Briggs, WM, R Zaretzki, 2007. The Skill Plot: a graphical technique for
the evaluating the predictive usefulness of continuous diagnostic tests. With
Discussion. Biometrics. 64(1), 250-6; discussion 256-61. PMID: 18304288.
(39) Zaretzki R, Gilchrist MA, Briggs WM, 2010. MCMC Inference for a Model
with Sampling Bias: An Illustration using SAGE data. arxiv.org/abs/0711.3765
(40) Briggs, WM, and D Ruppert, 2006. Assessing the skill of yes/no forecasts
for Markov observations. Monthly Weather Review. 134, 2601-2611.
(41) Briggs, WM, 2007. Review of Statistical Methods in the Atmospheric Sci-
ences (second edition, 2006) by Wilks, D.S. Journal of the American Sta-
tistical Association, 102, 380.
(42) Briggs, WM, M Pocernich, and D Ruppert, 2005. Incorporating misclassi-
fication error in skill assessment. Monthly Weather Review, 133(11), 3382-
3392.
(43) Briggs, WM, 2005. A general method of incorporating forecast cost and
loss in value scores. Monthly Weather Review, 133(11), 3393-3397.
(44) Briggs, WM, and D Ruppert, 2005. Assessing the skill of Yes/No Predic-
tions. Biometrics. 61(3), 799-807. PMID: 16135031.
(45) Briggs, WM, 2004. Discussion to T Gneiting, LI Stanberry, EP Grimit, L
Held, NA Johnson, 2008. Assessing probabilistic forecasts of multivariate
quantities, with an application to ensemble predictions of surface winds.
Test. 17, 240-242.
(46) Briggs, WM, 2004. Discussion to Gel, Y, AE Raftery, T Gneiting, and V.J.
Berrocal, 2004. Calibrated Probabilistic Mesoscale Weather Field Forecast-
ing: The Geostatistical Output Perturbation (GOP) Method. J. American
Statistical Association. 99 (467): 586-587.
(47) Mozer, JB, and Briggs, WM, 2003. Skill in real-time solar wind shock
forecasts. J. Geophysical Research: Space Physics, 108 (A6), SSH 9 p.
1-9, (DOI 10.1029/2003JA009827).
(48) Briggs, WM, 1999. Review of Forecasting: Methods and Applications (third
edition, 1998) by Makridakis, Wheelwright, and Hyndman; and Elements
of Forecasting (first edition, 1998) by Diebold. Journal of the American
Statistical Association, 94, 345-346.
(49) Briggs, W.M., and R.A. Levine, 1997. Wavelets and Field Forecast Verifi-
cation. Monthly Weather Review, 25 (6), 1329-1341.
(50) Briggs, WM, and DS Wilks, 1996. Estimating monthly and seasonal dis-
tributions of temperature and precipitation using the new CPC long-range
forecasts. Journal of Climate, 9, 818-826.
(51) Briggs, WM, and DS Wilks, 1996. Extension of the CPC long-lead tem-
perature and precipitation outlooks to general weather statistics. Journal
of Climate, 9, 3496-3504.
3.0.4. Applications.
and the Medical Knowledge Core Competency. J Grad Med Educ. 2013
Sep;5(3):464-7. PMID: 24404311.
(11) Annika Krystyna, D Kumari, R Tenney, R Kosanovic, T Safi, WM Briggs,
K Hennessey, M Skelly, E Enriquez, J Lajeune, W Ghani and MD Schwalb,
2013. Hepatitis c antibody testing in African American and Hispanic men
in New York City with prostate biopsy. Oncology Discovery, Vol 1. DOI:
10.7243/2052-6199-1-1.
(12) Ziad Y. Fayad, Elie Semaan, Bashar Fahoum, W. Matt Briggs, Anthony
Tortolani, and Marcus D’Ayala, 2013. Aortic mural thrombus in the nor-
mal or minimally atherosclerotic aorta: A systematic review and meta-
analysis of the available literature. Ann Vasc Surg., Apr;27(3):282-90.
DOI:10.1016/j.avsg.2012.03.011.
(13) Elizabeth Haines, Gerardo Chiricolo, Kresimir Aralica, William Briggs,
Robert Van Amerongen, Andrew Laudenbach, Kevin O’Rourke, and Lawrence
Melniker MD, 2012. Derivation of a Pediatric Growth Curve for Inferior
Vena Caval Diameter in Healthy Pediatric Patients. Crit Ultrasound J.
2012 May 28;4(1):12. doi: 10.1186/2036-7902-4-12.
(14) Wei Li, Piotr Gorecki, Elie Semaan, William Briggs, Anthony J. Tortolani,
Marcus D’Ayala, 2011. Concurrent Prophylactic Placement of Inferior Vena
Cava Filter in gastric bypass and adjustable banding operations: An analy-
sis of the Bariatric Outcomes Longitudinal Database (BOLD). J. Vascular
Surg. 2012 Jun;55(6):1690-5. doi: 10.1016/j.jvs.2011.12.056.
(15) Krystyna A, Kosanovic R, Tenney R, Safi T, Briggs WM, et al. (2011)
Colonoscopy Findings in Men with Transrectal Ultrasound Guided Prostate
Biopsy: Association of Colonic Lipoma with Prostate Cancer. J Cancer Sci
Ther S4:002. doi:10.4172/1948-5956.S4-002
(16) Birkhahn RH, Wen W, Datillo PA, Briggs WM, Parekh A, Arkun A, Byrd
B, Gaeta TJ, 2012. Improving patient flow in acute coronary syndromes
in the face of hospital crowding. J Emerg Med. 2012 Aug;43(2):356-65.
PMID: 22015378.
(17) Birkhahn RH, Haines E, Wen W, Reddy L, Briggs WM, Datillo PA., 2011.
Estimating the clinical impact of bringing a multimarker cardiac panel to
the bedside in the ED. Am J Emerg Med. 2011 Mar;29(3):304-8.
(18) Krystyna A, Safi T, Briggs WM, Schwalb MD., 2011. Correlation of hep-
atitis C and prostate cancer, inverse correlation of basal cell hyperplasia
or prostatitis and epidemic syphilis of unknown duration. Int Braz J Urol.
2011 Mar-Apr;37(2):223-9; discussion 230.
(19) Muniyappa R, Briggs WM, 2010. Limited Predictive Ability of Surrogate
Indices of Insulin Sensitivity/Resistance in Asian Indian Men: A Calibra-
tion Model Analysis. AJP - Endocrinology and Metabolism. 299(6):E1106-
12. PMID: 20943755.
(20) Birkhahn RH, Blomkalns A, Klausner H, Nowak R, Raja AS, Summers
R, Weber JE, Briggs WM, Arkun A, Diercks D. The association between
money and opinion in academic emergency medicine. West J Emerg Med.
2010 May;11(2):126-32. PMID: 20823958.
(21) Loizzo JJ, Peterson JC, Charlson ME, Wolf EJ, Altemus M, Briggs WM,
Vahdat LT, Caputo TA, 2010. The effect of a contemplative self-healing
I declare under penalty of perjury that the forgoing is true and correct.
Executed this November 28th, 2020.
Brian Teasley,
/s/
give this testimony. The facts stated in this declaration are based on my personal
set forth in my December 16, 2019 declaration. (Doc. 680-1, pages 37 et seq). I
(Doc. 800-2).
addition, in 2005 I started an open source project for scanning and auditing paper
ballots from images. As a result, I am familiar with different scanner types, how
scanner settings and image processing features change the images, and how file
Governance.
certain operations of the June 9, 2020 statewide primary, and the August 11 runoff.
During the June 9 election, I was an authorized poll watcher in some locations and
inspecting and observing under the Coalition for Good Governance’s Rule 34
Inspection request in certain polling places and the Fulton County Election
declaration. Specifically:
which votes to count on hand marked paper ballots are likely causing
c) voters are not reviewing their BMD printed ballots, which causes BMD
marking devices were installed so that 4 out of 8 touchscreen devices were clearly
visible from the pollbook check in desk. Voter’s selections could be effortlessly
appeared to be studying the ballot after picking it up from the printer before casting
it in the scanner. When voters do not fully verify their ballot prior to casting, the
8. The scanner would reject some ballots and then accept them after they
were rotated to a different orientation. I noted that the scanner would vary in the
amount of time that it took to accept or reject a ballot. The delay varied between 3
and 5 seconds from the moment the scanner takes the ballot until the scanner either
accepts the ballot or rejects it. This kind of behavior is normal on general purpose
we are always suspicious about any unexpected variable delays, as those are
investigated.
When ballots are the same and are produced by a ballot marking device,
Variations in time can be the result of many things - one of them is that the
scanner encounters an error reading the bar code and needs to utilize error
necessary to determine the root cause of these delays, the potential impact of the
error correcting algorithms if those are found to be the cause, and whether the
11. The ballot marking devices were originally installed in a way that
voter privacy was not protected, as anyone could observe across the room how
12. The ballot scanner took between 4 and 6 seconds to accept the ballot.
13. Generally, voters did not inspect the ballots after taking it from the
Harrison Thweatt were poll watchers at the Fanplex polling location. They
the operation of the BMDs and Poll Pads and asked me to come to help them
approximately 9:30am.
15. I observed that the ballot scanner located by a glass wall whereby
standing outside of the building observe the scanning, would take between 6 and 7
attempting to vote, the ballot marking devices sometimes printed “test” ballots. I
was not able to take a picture of the ballot from the designated observation area,
but I overheard the poll worker by the scanner explaining the issue to a voter which
was sent back to the Ballot-Marking Device to pick up another ballot from the
printer tray. Test ballots are intended to be used to test the system but without
being counted by the system during an election. The ballot scanner in election
settings rejects test ballots, as the scanners at FanPlex did. This caused confusion
as the voters needed to return to the ballot-marking device to retrieve the actual
ballot. Some voters returned the test ballot into the printer tray, potentially
confusing the next voter. Had voters been reviewing the ballots at all before taking
them to the scanner, they would have noticed the “Test Ballot” text on the ballot. I
observed no voter really questioning a poll worker why a “Test” ballot was printed
17. Obviously, during the election day, the ballot marking device should
not be processing or printing any ballot other than the one the voter is voting.
While the cause of the improper printing of ballots should be examined, the fact
that this was happening at all is likely indicative of a wrong configuration given to
the BMD, which in my professional opinion raises another question: Why didn’t
the device print only test ballots? And how can the device change its behavior in
the middle of the election day? Is the incorrect configuration originating from the
Electronic Pollbook System? What are the implications for the reliability of the
18. Election observation Park Tavern. The scanner acceptance delay did
not vary as it had in previous locations and was consistently about 5 seconds from
the moment the scanner takes the ballot, to the moment the scanner either accepts
the ballot or rejects it. The variation between scanners at different locations is
concerning because these are identical physical devices and should not behave
19. The vast majority of voters at Park Tavern did not inspect the ballots
after taking them from the printer and before casting them in the scanner.
21. I was permitted to view the operations of the upload of the memory
System (“EMS”) server. The agreement with Fulton County was that I could
review only for a limited period of time; therefore, I did not review the entire
evening’s process. Also, Dominion employees asked me to move away from the
monitors containing the information and messages from the upload process and
more than adequate to observe that system problems were recurring and the
Dominion technicians operating the system were struggling with the upload
process.
charged with operating the EMS server for Fulton County had been performing
these duties at Fulton County for several months, including during the June 9
primary.
observed that the EMS server was operated almost exclusively by Dominion
personnel, with little interaction with EPC management, even when problems were
grave concern from a security and conflict of interest perspective. Voting system
vendors’ personnel have a conflict of interest because they are not inclined to
report on, or address, defects in the voting systems. The dangers this poses is
Fulton County, and other counties with similar arrangements, should be considered
an elevated risk factor when evaluating the security risks of Georgia’s voting
system.
computers running the EMS that is used to process Fulton county votes appeared
functions; in principle it is to the reduce the general purpose system into a single-
function system which is more secure than a multipurpose one. Reducing available
programs with the minimum level of privileges needed for the tasks and create
separate accounts for privileged operations as needed, and the disabling or removal
of unnecessary services.
29. Computers performing any sensitive and mission critical tasks such as
fall into the category of devices which should be hardened as the most fundamental
10
computer, which is positioned into the rack and by usage pattern appears to be the
main computer, is Windows 10 Pro 10.0.14393. This version is also known as the
Anniversary Update version 1607 and it was released August 2, 2016. Exhibit A is
31. When a voting system is certified by the EAC, the Operating System
is specifically defined, as Windows 10 Pro was for the Dominion 5.5-A system.
Unlike consumer computers, voting systems do not and should not receive
undergoing tests for conflicts with the new operating system software.
32. That computer and other computers used in Georgia’s system for vote
included. Exhibits B and C are true and correct copies of photographs that I took
of the computer located in the rack and the computer located closest to the rack on
the table to the right. The Start Menu shows a large number of game and
hardening is removal of all unwanted software, and removal of those game icons
and the associated games and installers alongside with all other software which is
not absolutely needed in the computer for election processing purposes would be
11
one of the first and most basic steps in the hardening process. In my professional
to the Fulton County election server operation about the origin of the Windows
operating system, he answered that he believed that “it has been provided by the
State.”
assumption that all machines in the Fulton County election network had the same
version of Windows installed. However, not only the two computers displayed
Igor Bukham in Vologda, Russia. Attached as Exhibit C is a true and correct copy
of a photograph that I took of the Fulton voting system computer” Client 02”. The
35. The Homescapes game was released in August 2017, one year after
Fulton County’s operating system release. If the Homescapes game came with the
12
update releases after build 14393 and before the release of that game. This calls
into question whether all Georgia Dominion system computers have the same
operating system version, or how the game has come to be having a presence in
Windows 10 operating system of at least the ‘main’ computer in the rack has not
been updated for 4 years and carries a wide range of well-known and publicly
when those are used to process removable media. It was clear that when Compact
Flash storage media containing the ballot images, audit logs and results from the
precinct scanners were connected to the server, the media was automounted by the
operating system. When the operating system is automounting a storage media, the
operating system starts automatically to interact with the device. The zero-day
13
vulnerabilities exploiting this process has been recurringly discovered from all
the manual processing of the memory cards storage devices coming in from the
precincts on election night and the repeated access of the operating system to
directly access filesystem, format USB devices, etc. This kind of operation in
naturally prone to human errors. I observed personnel calling on the floor asking if
all vote carrying compact flash cards had been delivered from the early voting
machines for processing, followed by later finding additional cards which had been
overlooked in apparent human error. Later, I heard again one technician calling on
the floor asking if all vote carrying compact flashes had been delivered. This
ensure, among other things, that no rogue storage devices would be inserted into
the computer. In response, 3 more compact flash cards were hand-delivered. Less
14
than 5 minutes later, I heard one of the county workers say that additional card was
found and was delivered for processing. All these devices were trusted by printed
label only and no comparison to an inventory list of any kind was performed.
operating system. Election software has no visibility into the operations performed
directly on the operating system, and therefore those are not included in election
system event logging. Those activities can only be partially reconstructed from
operating system logs – and as these activities included copying election data files,
election software log may create false impression that the software is accessing the
same file over a period of time, while in reality the file could had been replaced
with another file with the same name by activities commanded to the operating
system. Therefore, any attempt to audit the election system operated in this manner
must include through analysis of all operating system logs, which complicates the
auditing process. Unless the system is configured properly to collect file system
unlikely that the operating system has been configured to collect auditing data.
40. A human error when operating live election system from the operating
system can result in a catastrophic event destroying election data or even rendering
the system unusable. Human error is likely given the time pressure involved and,
15
followed to mitigate the human error risk. The best practice is to automate trivial
tasks to reduce risk of human error, increase the quality assurance of overall
EPC. While one person was operating the upload process, the two other Dominion
uploads. I repeatedly observed error messages appearing on the screen of the EMS
server. I was not able to get picture of the errors on August 11th, I believe the error
was the same or similar that errors recurring August 17th as shown on Exhibit D
the issue with ‘trial-and-error’ approach. As part of this effort they accessed
trouble shooting the user account management feature. This demonstrates that they
had complete access to the computer. This means there are no meaningful access
separation and privileges and roles controls protecting the county’s primary
election servers. This also greatly amplifies the risk of catastrophic human error
16
issues with file system structure and “need 5 files out of EMS server and paste.
Delete everything out of there and put it there.” To communicate the gravity of the
These conversations increased the mental image that they were not familiar the
received over the phone, the two Dominion employees’ (who had been
the server rack and made manual manipulations which could not be observed from
my vantage point. After that they moved with their personal laptops to a table
physically farther away from the election system and stopped trying different ways
to work around the issue in front of the server, and no longer talked continuously
44. In the follow-up-calls I overheard them ask people on the other end of
the call to check different things, and they only went to a computer and appeared to
test something and subsequently take a picture of the computer screen with a
17
impression that the troubleshooting effort was being done remotely over remote
access to key parts of the system. Additionally, new wireless access point with a
hidden SSID access point name appeared in the active Wi-Fi stations list that I was
monitoring, but it may have been co-incidental. Hidden SSIDs are used to obscure
46. If in fact remote access was arranged and granted to the server, this
has gravely serious implications for the security of the new Dominion system.
risk, but furthermore it is transfer of control out of the physical perimeters and
47. I also observed USB drives marked with the Centon DataStick Pro
Logo with no visible inventory control numbering system being taken repeatedly
from the EMS server rack to the Fulton managers’ offices and back. The
Dominion employee told me that the USB drives were being taken to the Election
Night Reporting Computer in another office. This action was repeated several
times during the time of my observation. Carrying generic unmarked and therefore
unidentifiable media out-of-view and back is a security risk – especially when the
18
exact same type of devices was piled on the desk near the computer. During the
election night, the Dominion employees reached to storage box and introduced
more unmarked storage devices into the ongoing election process. I saw no effort
48. I also visited the EPC on August 17. During that visit, the staff
similar to the one on election night. This error was repeated with multitude of
ballots and at the time we left the location, the error appeared to be ignored, rather
that resolved. (EXHIBIT D - the error message and partial explanation of the error
49. The security risks outlined above – operating system risks, the failure
lax control of memory cards, lack of procedures, and potential remote access, are
extreme and destroy the credibility of the tabulations and output of the reports
50. Such a risk could be overcome if the election were conducted using
hand marked paper ballots, with proper chain of custody controls. For elections
conducted with hand marked paper ballots, any malware or human error involved
19
audit of the hand marked paper ballots and in case of irregularities detected,
remedied by a recount. However, given that BMD ballots are computer marked,
and the ballots therefore unauditable for determining the result, no recovery from
system security lapses is possible for providing any confidence in the reported
outcomes.
Georgia’s Dominion precinct and central count scanners in the counting of votes
52. On or about June 10th, Jeanne Dufort and Marilyn Marks called me to
seek my perspective on what Ms. Dufort said she observed while serving as a Vote
Review Panel member in Morgan County. Ms. Dufort told me that she observed
votes that were not counted as votes nor flagged by the Dominion adjudication
software.
53. Because of the ongoing questions this raised related to the reliability
20
54. Before addressing the particulars of my findings and research into the
accuracy of Dominion’s scanning and tabulation, I will address the basic process
scanners are Canon off the shelf scanners and their embedded software were
designed for different applications than ballot scanning which is best conducted
with scanners specifically designed for detecting hand markings on paper ballots.
55. Contrary of public belief, the scanner is not taking a picture of the
paper. The scanner is illuminating the paper with a number of narrow spectrum
color lights, typically 3, and then using software to produce an approximation what
the human eye would be likely to see if there would had been a single white wide-
spectrum light source. This process takes place in partially within the scanner and
embedded software in the (commercial off the shelf) scanner and partially in the
configurations, some of which are stored in the scanner and some in the driver
software. The scanner sensors gather more information than will be saved into the
resulting file and another set of settings and configurations are used to drive that
part of the process. The scanners also produce anomalies which are automatically
removed from the images by the software. All these activities are performed
21
outside of the Dominion election software, which is relying on the end product of
of high-speed scanned ballot from Rhonda Martin, who stated that she obtained
them from Fulton County during Coalition Plaintiff’s discovery. The image
characteristics matched the file details I had seen on the screen in EPC. The image
is TIFF format, about 1700 by 2200 pixels with 1-bit color depth (= strictly black
or white pixels only) with 200 by 200 dots per square inch (“dpi”) resolution
resulting in files that are typically about 64 or 73 kilo bytes in size for August 11
ballots. With this resolution, the outer dimension of the oval voting target is about
30 by 25 pixels. The oval itself (that is, the oval line that encircles the voting
target) is about 2 pixels wide. The target area is about 450 pixels; the area of the
target a tight bounding box would be 750 pixels and the oval line encircling the
target is 165 pixels. In these images, the oval itself represented about 22% value in
and before election software threshold values are applied to the image. These
22
scanner settings are discussed in an excerpt Dominion’s manual for ICC operations
My understanding is that the excerpt of the Manual was received from Marilyn
Marks who stated that she obtained it from a Georgia election official in response
number 2 on Exhibit E shows that the settings used are not neutral factory default
settings.
59. Each pixel of the voters’ marks on a hand marked paper ballot will be
either in color or gray when the scanner originally measures the markings. The
scanner settings affect how image processing turns each pixel from color or gray to
either black or white in the image the voting software will later process. This
reduction before the election software threshold values are calculated. This process
has a high risk of having an impact upon how a voter mark is interpreted by the
tabulation software when the information reduction erases markings from the
premature before the scanner settings are thoroughly tested, optimized and locked.
23
61. The impact of the scanner settings is minimal for markings made with
a black felt pen but can be great for markings made with any color ballpoint pens.
To illustrate this, I have used standard color scanning settings and applied then
standard conversion from a scanned ballot vote target with widely used free and
version 2.10.18” EXHIBIT G shows the color image being converted with the
software’s default settings from color image to Black-and-White only. The red
color does not meet the internal conversion algorithm criteria for black, therefore it
62. Dominion manual for ICC operations clearly show that the scanner
settings are changed from neutral factory default settings. EXHIBIT H shows how
these settings applied different ways alter how a blue marking is converted into
63. The optimal scanner settings are different for each model of scanner
and each type of paper used to print ballots. Furthermore, because scanners are
inherently different, the manufacturers use hidden settings and algorithms to cause
neutral factory settings to produce similar baseline results across different makes
and models. This is well-studied topic; academic and image processing studies
24
ballots using a Fulton County owned Dominion precinct scanner. Two different
ballot styles were tested, one with 4 races and one with 5 races. Attached as
65. A batch of 50 test ballots had been marked by Rhonda Martin with
varying types of marks and varying types of writing instruments that a voter might
66. Everything said here concerning the August 17 test is based on a very
preliminary analysis. The scanner took about 6 seconds to reject the ballots, and
one ballot was only acceptable “headfirst” while another ballot only “tail first.”
Ballot scanners are designed to read ballots “headfirst” or “tail first,” and front side
and backside and therefore there should not be ballots which are accepted only in
one orientation. I observed the ballots to make sure that both ballots had been
cleanly separated from the stub and I could not identify any defects of any kind on
the ballots.
25
67. There was a 15 second cycle from the time the precinct scanner
accepted a ballot to the time it was ready for the next ballot. Therefore, the
maximum theoretical capacity with the simple 5 race ballot is about 4 ballots per
minute if the next ballot is ready to be fed into the scanner as soon as the scanner
longer because voters move away from the scanner, the next voter must move in
and subsequently figure where to insert the ballot. The Dominion precinct scanner
that I observed was considerably slower than the ballot scanners I have tested over
the last 15 years. This was done with a simple ballot, and we did not test how
increase of the number of races or vote targets on the ballot would affect the
percentage of filled ovals that would to a human clearly show voter’s intent failed
69. The necessary testing effort has barely begun at the time of this
writing, as only limited access to equipment has been made available. I have not
had access to the high-volume mail ballot scanner that is expected to process
suggest that significant revisions must be made in the scanning settings to avoid a
26
widespread failure to count certain valid votes that are not marked as filled in
“Dual Threshold Technology” for “marginal marks.” (See Exhibit M) The intent of
the tool is to detect voter marks that could be misinterpreted by the software and
flag them for review. While the goal is admirable, the method of achieving this
commercial off the shelf COTS scanners and software, it requires additional steps
to ensure that the integration of the information flow is flawless. In this case, the
configurations have great impact in how the images are created and what
information is removed from the images before the election software processes it.
In recent years, many defective scanner software packages have been found. These
enabled even when the feature has been chosen to be disabled from the scanner
27
from notebook binders to look more aesthetically pleasing. The software can and
in many cases will misinterpret a voted oval as a punch hole and erase the vote
from the image file and to make this worse, the punch holes are expected to be
found only in certain places near the edge of the paper, and therefore it will erase
only votes from candidates whose targets are in those target zones.
72. Decades ago, when computing and storage capacity were expensive
used by Dominion system. As computer got faster and storage space cheaper
during the last 2-3 decades black-and-white image has become by default meaning
255 shades of gray grayscale images. For the purposes of reliable digitalization of
physical documents, grayscale image carries more information from the original
document for reliable processing and especially when colored markings are being
processed. With today’s technology, the difference in processing time and storage
prices between grayscale and 1-bit images has become completely meaningless,
73. I am aware that the Georgia Secretary of State’s office has stated that
Georgia threshold settings are national industry standards for ballot scanners
(Exhibit K). This is simply untrue. If, there were an industry standard for that, it
28
would be part of EAC certification. There is no EAC standard for such threshold
settings. As mentioned before, the optimal settings are products of many elements.
The type of the scanner used, the scanner settings and configuration, the type of the
paper used, the type of the ink printer has used in printing the ballots, color dropout
settings, just to name few. Older scanner models, which were optical mark
process is needed to be established for digital imaging scanners used this way as
74. Furthermore, the software settings in Exhibit E box 2 show that the
software is instructed to ignore all markings in red color (“Color drop-out: Red”),
This clearly indicates that the software was expecting the oval to be printed in Red
and therefore it will be automatically removed from the calculation. The software
does not anticipate printed black ovals as used in Fulton County. Voters have
likely not been properly warned that any pen they use which ink contains high
they approved a draft rule related to what constitutes a vote, incorporating the
following language:
29
Ballot scanners that are used to tabulate optical scan ballots marked by
hand shall be set so that:
2. Detection of less than 10% fill-in of the target area surrounded by the
oval shall not be considered a vote for that selection;
3. Detection of at least 10% but less than 20% fill-in of the target area
surrounded by the oval shall flag the ballot for adjudication by a vote
review panel as set forth in O.C.G.A. 21-2-483(g). In reviewing any ballot
flagged for adjudication, the votes shall be counted if, in the opinion of the
vote review panel, the voter has clearly and without question indicated the candidate or
candidates and answers to questions for which such voter desires to vote.
76. The settings discussed in the rule are completely subject to the
scanner settings. How the physical marking is translated into the digital image is
determined by those values and therefore setting the threshold values without at the
same time setting the scanner settings carries no value or meaning. If the ballots
will be continuing to be printed with black only, there is no logic in having any
drop-out colors.
77. Before the State sets threshold standards for the Dominion system,
extensive testing is needed to establish optimal configuration and settings for each
step of the process. Also, the scanners are likely to have settings additional
configuration and settings which are not visible menus shown in the manual
excerpt. All those should be evaluated and tested for all types of scanners approved
78. As temporary solution, after initial testing, the scanner settings and
configuration should be locked and then a low threshold values should be chosen.
All drop-out colors should be disabled. This will increase the number of ballots
chosen for human review and reduce the number of valid votes not being counted
as cast.
machine design. Such design flaws eventually are causing the demise of DRE
voting system across the country as it did in Georgia. In essence the Ballot
very similar to DRE by displaying a ballot to the voter and recording the voter’s
intents. The main difference is that instead of recording those internally digitally, it
from DREs if the ballot contained only human-readable information and all voters
are required to and were capable of verifying their choices from the paper ballot
31
81. When voter fails to inspect the paper ballot and significant portion of
Device based voting effectively inherits most of the negative and undesirable
security and reliability properties directly from DRE paradigm, and therefore
DREs.
82. In response to repeating myriad of issues with DREs, which have been
configuration distribution, a robust Logic & Accuracy testing regulation have been
established. These root causes are present in BMDs and therefore should be
Procedures “Version 1.0 January 2020 from Rhonda Martin. Procedure described
These shortcuts significantly weaken the security and reliability posture of the
32
CONCLUSIONS
paper ballots are likely causing clearly intentioned votes not to be counted as cast.
84. The method of using 1-bit images and calculated relative darkness
mitigation, optimal configurations and settings for all steps of the process should
be established after robust independent testing to mitigate the design flaw and
augment it with human assisted processes, but that will not cure the root cause of
Fulton County in a manner that escalates the security risk to an extreme level and
calls into question the accuracy of the election results. The lack of well-defined
independent experts. The use and the supervision of the Dominion personnel
33
86. Voters are not reviewing their BMD printed ballots before scanning
the untrustworthy audit trail. Furthermore, because BMDs are inheriting known
measures can be weakened, including but not limited to Logic and Accuracy
Testing procedures.
________________________
Harri Hursti
34
EXHIBIT A:
35
EXHIBIT B:
36
EXHIBIT C:
37
EXHIBIT D:
38
EXHIBIT E:
39
EXHIBIT F:
40
EXHIBIT G:
41
EXHIBIT H:
42
EXHIBIT I:
43
EXHIBIT J:
44
EXHIBIT K:
45
EXHIBIT L:
46
EXHIBIT M:
47
Seth Keshel
17 Nov. 2020
Aledo, Texas
Wisconsin is showing the same pattern of potential widespread fraud as observed in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, and North
Carolina. While Milwaukee County is focal for transparency and observation violations, including reporting statistically impossible vote counts
in the early morning hours away from scrutiny, Dane County has surged far past support totals for President Obama, despite expected difficulties
mobilizing student voters to polls. President Trump has reconsolidated the Republican base in suburban Milwaukee and far surpassed his 2016
support levels but has been limited in margin growth by historically improbable Democratic support in these strongholds, which defy years of
data in Wisconsin in which the Republican party surged as the Democratic Party plunged. Finally, in strong Trump counties showing a double
inversion cycle (one party up, the other down), particularly in rural and exurban Wisconsin, Trump’s totals are soaring, and against established
trends, Biden’s totals are at improbable levels of support despite lacking registration population growth.
The entire vote must be recanvassed and audited for both electronic vote fraud and mail/absentee fraud.
Opening
Since President Obama swept through the Midwest (“Rust Belt”) region in 2008, winning Pennsylvania by 10 percent, Michigan by
16 percent, and Wisconsin by 14 percent, the Democratic Party has declined steadily in all successive Presidential elections in not only share of
the vote, but in raw votes overall, without exception (pending the final results of the 2020 election). Pennsylvania is the only state mentioned in
this paragraph which registers voters by party, and it has trended three percentage points in favor of Republicans since the 2016 election. The
raw vote trends and results in these three states, plus Ohio and Minnesota, are pictured below.
These trends show the Democrats losing raw votes in every election since 2008, with the Republicans gaining in eight of 10 samples,
and with the margins moving in favor of Republicans each time. This is a product of limited or stagnant population growth in these states, which
given stable turnout numbers, means one party is typically going down if another is going up. In fast-growing states such as Florida, Texas, or
Arizona, it should be expected for both parties to make substantial gains in a “horse race” scenario.
Wisconsin
President Obama’s margin of victory in Wisconsin from 2008 fell from 13.91% to 6.94% in his reelection campaign, and that margin
moved 7.71% toward Republicans in 2016 as the working-class communities that historically favored Democrats moved to support then-
candidate Donald Trump. Declining voting power from these working class counties beginning and 2012, and then from Milwaukee County in
2016 was an instrumental part of this shift, as was the substantial movement of northern Wisconsin toward the Republican Party. President
Trump was able to win Wisconsin in 2016 thanks to substantially decreased support for Democrats, and even overcame less than optimal support
from the Republican strongholds of southeastern Wisconsin.
The consistent characteristic in the shift in Wisconsin’s political landscape is the declining Democratic Party raw vote totals, and the
increasing Republican totals. Thus far, according to the Decision Desk unofficial vote tally, President Trump is substantially adding to his vote
totals in every Wisconsin County, while his opponent adds votes at a greater percentage, often in counties that have trended steadily away from
Democrats since at least 2008. The following counties, which have mostly lost Democratic votes since 2008, have now contributed more Biden
votes than Obama received in 2008, when he won the state by 13.91%. Green font represents growth in raw votes. Red font represents decrease
in raw votes.
Ozaukee 32,172 20,579 36,077 19,159 30,464 20,170 33,912 26,515 128.8%
----
Dane 73,065 205,984 83,644 216,071 71,275 217,697 78,789 260,157 126.3%
----
Waukesha 145,152 85,339 162,798 78,779 142,543 79,224 159,633 103,867 121.7%
----
Racine 45,954 53,408 49,347 53,008 46,681 42,641 54,475 50,154 117.6%
----
St. Croix 22,837 21,177 25,503 19,910 26,222 17,482 32,190 23,190 109.5%
----
Wash’ton 47,729 25,719 54,765 23,166 51,740 20,852 60,235 26,647 103.6%
----
Bayfield 3,365 5,972 3,603 6,033 4,124 4,953 4,617 6,155 103.1%
County Rep ’08 Dem ’08 Rep ’12 Dem ’12 Rep ’16 Dem ’16 Rep ’20 Dem ’20 Dem Percentage of Obama 2008 Votes
----
La Crosse 23,701 38,524 25,751 36,693 26,378 32,406 28,661 37,817 98.5%
----
Brown 55,854 67,269 64,836 62,526 67,210 53,382 75,865 65,509 97.4%
----
Eau Claire 20,959 33,146 23,256 30,666 23,331 27,340 25,339 31,617 95.6%
----
----
Walworth 25,485 24,117 29,006 22,552 28,863 18,710 33,844 22,783 94.2%
----
Rock 27,364 50,529 30,517 49,219 31,493 39,339 37,133 46,649 92.3%
----
Kenosha 31,609 45,836 34,977 44,867 36,037 35,799 44,972 42,191 92.0%
----
----
Sheboygan 30,801 30,395 34,072 27,918 32,514 23,000 37,624 27,109 89.2%
----
Fond D.L. 28,164 23,463 30,355 22,379 31,022 17,387 35,754 20,588 87.7%
----
Marathon 30,345 36,367 36,617 32,363 39,014 26,481 44,623 30,807 84.7%
Findings
The most suspicious counties are those that showed two consecutive elections trending upward for the Republican candidate and downward for
the Democratic candidate. These show a similar pattern to counties in Pennsylvania trending heavily Republican in registration, with a
significant increase for President Trump in raw votes in 2020, but a smaller than expected margin due to an unexpected sharp reversal of votes for
Biden in counties showing inverse trends for parties in recent elections. The only counties not showing two consecutive cycles of decline for
Democrats are Waukesha, Bayfield, and Milwaukee. Wisconsin had several Republican counties in 2016 with fewer votes for Trump and higher
third-party vote shares (hence 2,682 fewer votes for Trump than Romney), but based on 2020 returns to this point, that has been overcome in
every single county.
Dane County is clearly associated with a major university, with student turnout thought to be reaching record lows due to campus shutdowns and
lack of mobilization. This county is over 2008 Obama levels by 26.3% (54,173 votes), when that candidate drew record support from young
voters, and up 19.5% since 2016, after two consecutive elections of sparse growth in Democrat votes. This county is one of few counties Obama
overperformed in for his reelection, and 2020’s total is still 20.4% over that number. The same mathematical improbability given the
circumstances of 2020 was also seen in Washtenaw County, Michigan (home county of the University of Michigan). Dane County should be
audited and recanvassed significantly, particularly for mail and absentee ballot fraud.
Trump slightly underperformed Romney’s 2012 vote totals statewide because he lagged in total votes from suburban counties Waukesha, Racine,
Washington, Ozaukee, and Walworth. This year, he has reconsolidated the Republican base and improved at a minimum of 11.3% (Ozaukee) in
raw votes in these counties, and at a high of 17.3% (Walworth). President Trump has grown his share of raw votes in Wisconsin by a minimum
of 4.1% (Menominee) in all counties, and at a high of 24.8% (Kenosha).
Among the largest counties in the state, the largest spikes in growth since 2016 by the Democratic candidate came in St. Croix (32.7%), Ozaukee
(31.5%), Waukesha (31.1%), Washington (27.7%), placing them ahead of President Obama’s total of votes in those counties in 2008, a year in
Despite ranking 67th in the state in percentage increase in voter registrations, Milwaukee County increased its share of Democratic votes by 9.8%,
even as President Trump increased by 6.6% while supposedly securing a higher share of minority votes than any Republican since 1960. Biden’s
total is nearly equal to Obama’s 2008 performance and reverses a massive loss of Democratic votes in 2016 in a post-Obama environment,
despite a decreasing voter roll (more than 3% decrease in registrations since 2016). Strangely, Milwaukee’s turnout dwarfs other regional
counterparts like Cleveland, Gary, and Indianapolis. This county is reported to have had many flagrant abuses of transparency regulations and is
also known to have reported results without observation in the early morning hours of November 4, 2020, which was just enough to overcome a
once formidable lead in the state by President Trump. The best course of action in Milwaukee is to recanvass and audit every mail-in and
absentee ballot for massive fraud. The trend in Cleveland, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Philadelphia recently has suggested decreasing vote totals
from one election to the next and is supported by the aforementioned significant decrease in the voter rolls in Milwaukee. This year’s reported
vote totals necessitate and improbable turnout level and suggest illegality in reporting and mail balloting.
All counties showing two consecutive cycles of inverse party trend (Republican up twice, Democrat down twice), with Democrats substantially
up this year, may be subject to counting errors, or “glitches,” like those reported in Antrim County, Michigan, or even recently in Rock County,
Wisconsin. These voting machines and their associated software should be audited and examined by coding professionals, especially if the recent
newsworthy events regarding corrupted voting software are widespread. It is highly possible that tampered or corrupted software in known
Trump strongholds may be responsible for reducing margins of raw vote victory in counties that have massively left the Democratic Party since
2008.
The entire vote in Wisconsin is suspect against recent trends and should be subject to recanvass and audit, not just a recount of hundreds of
thousands of illegal ballots. It appears that the major case in the state is that in spite of substantially growing his vote share in strong-Trump
counties, and surging in votes in urban and suburban counties, Trump’s margin is substantially limited, even after two consecutive inverse party
trends. In urban or suburban areas, Democratic vote share is soaring to record numbers, even over Obama’s totals after a 13.91% win, all while
Trump surges in votes in those counties as well. Urban areas have issues with transparency and should be fully audited for mail and absentee
fraud.
Inputting the Iranian IP into Robtex confirms the direct connection into the “edisonresearch”
host from the perspective of the Iranian domain also. This means that it is not possible that the
connection was a unidirectional reference.
12. A search of the indivisible.org network showed a subdomain which evidences the existence
of scorecard software in use as part of the Indivisible (formerly ACORN) political group for
Obama:
13. Each of the tabulation software companies have their own central reporting “affiliate”.
Edison Research is the affiliate for Dominion.
14. Beanfield.com out of Canada shows the connections via co-hosting related sites, including
dvscorp.com:
15. The auto discovery feature allows programmers to access any system while it is connected to
the internet once it’s a part of the constellation of devices (see original Spiderfoot graph).
16. Dominion Voting Systems Corporation in 2019 sold a number of their patents to China (via
HSBC Bank in Canada):
10
17. Smartmatic creates the backbone (like the cloud). SCYTL is responsible for the security
within the election system.
13
14
15
16
I declare under penalty of perjury that the forgoing is true and correct to the best of my
knowledge. Executed this November 23th, 2020.
17
9. Section 231(b) of the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002 (42 U.S.C. §15371(b))
requires that the EAC provide for the accreditation and revocation of accreditation of
independent, non-federal laboratories qualified to test voting systems to Federal standards.
Generally, the EAC considers for accreditation those laboratories evaluated and
recommended by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) pursuant to
HAVA Section 231(b)(1). However, consistent with HAVA Section 231(b)(2)(B), the
Commission may also vote to accredit laboratories outside of those recommended by NIST
upon publication of an explanation of the reason for any such accreditation.
54. Scytl and Dominion have an agreement – only the two would know the parameters. This means that
access is able to occur through backdoors in hardware if the parameters of the commitments are
known in order to alter the range of the algorithm deployed to satisfy the outcome sought in the case
of algorithm failure.
55. Trapdoor is a cryptotech term that describes a state of a program that knows the commitment
parameters and therefore is able change the value of the commitments however it likes. In other
words, Scytl or anyone that knows the commitment parameters can take all the votes and give
them to any one they want. If they have a total of 1000 votes an algorithm can distribute them
among all races as it deems necessary to achieve the goals it wants. (Case Study: Estonia)
58. STEP 4|Decryption would be the decryption phase and temporary parking of vote tallies before
reporting. In this final phase before public release the tallies are released from encrypted format into
plain text. As previously explained, those that know the trapdoor can easily change any votes that the
randomness is applied and used to generate the tally vote ciphertext. Thus in this case, Scytl who is
the mixer can collude with their vote company clients or an agency (-------) to change votes and get
away with it. This is because the receiver doesn’t have the decryption key so they rely solely on Scytl
to be honest or free from any foreign actors within their backdoor or the Election Company (like
Dominion) that can have access to the key.
59. In fact, a study from the University of Bristol made claim that interference can be seen when there is
a GREAT DELAY in reporting and finalizing numbers University of Bristol : How not to Prove
Yourself: Pitfalls of the Fiat-Shamir Heuristic and Applications to Helios
60. “Zero-knowledge proofs of knowledge allow a prover to convince a verifier that she holds
information satisfying some desirable properties without revealing anything else.” David Bernhard,
Olivier Pereira,and Bogdan Warinschi.
71. The “Digital Fix” observed with an increased spike in VOTES for Joe Biden can be determined as
evidence of a pivot. Normally it would be assumed that the algorithm had a Complete Pivot.
Wilkinson’s demonstrated the guarantee as :
72.
73. Such a conjecture allows the growth factor the ability to be upper bound by values closer to n.
Therefore, complete pivoting can’t be observed because there would be too many floating points.
Nor can partial as the partial pivoting would overwhelm after the “injection” of votes. Therefore,
external factors were used which is evident from the “DIGITAL FIX”
74. Observing the elections, after a review of Michigan’s data a spike of 54,199 votes to Biden. Because
it is pushing and pulling and keeping a short distance between the 2 candidates; but then a spike,
which is how an algorithm presents; - and this spike means there was a pause and an insert was
made, where they insert an algorithm. Block spikes in votes for JOE BIDEN were NOT paper
78.
79. In Georgia during the 2016 Presidential Elections a failed attempt to deploy the scripts to block
allocate votes from a centralized location where the “trap-door” key lay an attempt by someone using
81.
82. In Wisconsin there are also irregularities in respect to BALLOT requests. (names AND address
Hidden for privacy)
83.
90.
106.
107. The last PRO V& V EAC accreditation certificate (Item 8) of this declaration expired in
February 2017 which means that the IV & V conducted by Michigan claiming that they were
accredited is false.
108. The significance of VSTLs being accredited and examining the HARDWARE is key. COTS
software updates are the avenues of entry.
109. As per DOMINION’S own petition, the modems they use are COTS therefore failure to have an
accredited VSTL examine the hardware for points of entry by their software is key.
127.
128. Wisconsin has EDGE GATEWAY port which is AKAMAI TECHNOLOGIES based out of
GERMANY.
129. Using AKAMAI Technologies is allowing .gov sites to obfuscate and mask their systems by way
of HURRICANE ELECTRIC (he.net) Kicking it to anonymous (AKAMAI Technologies) offshore
servers.
130.
131. AKAMAI Technologies has locations around the world.
132. AKAMAI Technologies has locations in China (ref item 22)
133. AKAMAI Technologies has locations in Iran as of 2019.
134. AKAMAI Technologies merged with UNICOM (CHINESE TELECOMM) in 2018.
135. AKAMAI Technologies house all state .gov information in GERMANY via TELIA AB.
154. Based on my research of voter data – it appears that there are approximately 23,000 residents of
a Department of Corrections Prison with requests for absentee ballot in Wisconsin. We are currently
reviewing and verifying the data and will supplement.
2. I am an adult of sound mind. All statements in this declaration are based on my personal
knowledge and are true and correct. I am making this statement voluntarily and on my own
initiative. I have not been promised, nor do I expect to receive, anything in exchange for my
testimony and giving this statement. I have no expectation of any profit or reward and
understand that there are those who may seek to harm me for what I say in this statement.
3. I make this declaration because I want to alert the public and let the world know the truth
about the insecurity of actual voting tabulation software used in various states for
administering the 2020 Presidential and other elections. The software is designed, whether
with malicious intent or through plain incompetence, in such a way so as to facilitate digital
ballot stuffing via simple vote result manipulation and abuse of the digital adjudication
manual review system. Specifically, the Dominion Democracy Suite both enables voter
fraud by unethical officials out to undermine the will of the people and facilitates tabulation
errors by honest officials making simple, nearly untraceable mistakes.
5. I am a network and information security expert with nine years of experience as a network
and information defense analyst and a network security engineer. In my nine years of
network and information security experience, I have successfully defended large websites
and complex networks against powerful cyberattacks. I have engaged in extensive training
and education and learned through experience how to secure websites and networks.
6. In preparation for making this declaration, I have reviewed extensive technical materials
relating to the Dominion Voting Democracy Suite, including those cited herein.
7. The Dominion Voting Systems ImageCast Central system is a software and hardware
workstation system designed to work with just a common “Windows 10 Pro”12 computer
1
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p3, [online document],
https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-documentation/UG-ICC-
UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/Voting
Systems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-CO.pdf [archive]
2
Georgia State Certification Testing, Dominion Voting Systems D-Suite 5.5-A Voting System,
p5, table 2-1, [online document]
https://sos.ga.gov/admin/uploads/Dominion_Test_Cert_Report.pdf (accessed November, 23,
1
718 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP FiledExhibit 14 Page 1 of 6 Document 9-14
12/03/20
paired via data cable3 to an off- the-shelf document scanner4 “for high speed scanning and
counting of paper ballots.”5
8. When bulk ballot scanning and tabulation begins, the “ImageCast Central” workstation
operator will load a batch of ballots into the scanner feed tray and then start the scanning
procedure within the software menu.6 The scanner then begins to scan the ballots which
were loaded into the feed tray while the “ImageCast Central” software application
2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201106055006/https://sos.ga.gov/admin/uploads/Dominion_Test_
Cert_Report.pdf [archive].
3
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p2, s2.1, [online
document, https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020) https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
4
Michigan.gov, DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS CONTRACT No. 071B7700117, p6,
1.1.E.1, [online document],
https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B7700117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech
_Req_555357_7.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201115084004/https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B77
00117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech_Req_555357_7.pdf [archive]
5
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Department of State, Report Concerning the Examination
Results of Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5A p6, s2.4, [online document],
https://www.dos.pa.gov/VotingElections/Documents/Voting%20Systems/Dominion%20Democr
acy%20Suite%205.5-
A/Dominion%20Democracy%20Suite%20Final%20Report%20scanned%20with%20signature%
20011819.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201016161321/https://www.dos.pa.gov/VotingElections/Docume
nts/Voting%20Systems/Dominion%20Democracy%20Suite%205.5-A/Dominion%20Democracy
%20Suite%20Final%20Report%20scanned%20with%20signature%20011819.pdf [archive]
6
Dominion Voting, ImageCast Central, p2, [online document],
https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Documents/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure
%202018%20FINAL.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201017175507/https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Do
cuments/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure%202018%20FINAL.pdf [archive]
2
719 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP FiledExhibit 14 Page 2 of 6 Document 9-14
12/03/20
tabulates votes in real-time. Information about scanned ballots can be tracked inside the
“ImageCast Central” software application.7
9. After all of the ballots loaded into the scanner's feed tray have been through the scanner,
the “ImageCast Central” operator will remove the ballots from the tray and then will have
the option to “Accept Batch” on the scanning menu.8 Accepting the batch saves the results
into the local file system within the “Windows 10 Pro” machine.9 Any “problem ballots”
that may need to be examined or adjudicated at a later time can be found as ballot scans
saved as image files into a standard Windows folder named “NotCastImages”.10 These
“problem ballots” are automatically detected during the scanning phase and digitally set
aside for manual review based on exception criteria.11 Examples of exceptions may include:
overvotes, undervotes, blank contests, blank ballots, write-in selections, and marginal
7
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
8
Dominion Voting, ImageCast Central, [website], https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ (Accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101203418/https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ [archive].
9
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
10
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
11
Michigan.gov, DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS CONTRACT No. 071B7700117, p21,
1.3.B.6, [online document],
https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B7700117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech
_Req_555357_7.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201115084004/https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B77
00117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech_Req_555357_7.pdf [archive].
3
720 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP FiledExhibit 14 Page 3 of 6 Document 9-14
12/03/20
marks.”12 Customizable outstack conditions and marginal mark detection lets [Dominion's
Customers] decide which ballots are sent for Adjudication.13
10. During the ballot scanning process, the “ImageCast Central” software will detect how
much of a percent coverage of the oval was filled in by the voter.14 The Dominion customer
determines the thresholds of which the oval needs to be covered by a mark in order to
qualify as a valid vote.1516 If a ballot has a marginal mark which did not meet the specific
thresholds set by the customer, then the ballot is considered a “problem ballot” and may
be set aside into a folder named “NotCastImages.”17 “The ImageCast Central's advanced
12
[11] MASTER SOLUTION PURCHASE AND SERVICES AGREEMENT BY AND
BETWEEN DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS, INC. as Contractor, and SECRETARY OF
STATE OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA as State, p52, s1.3, [online document],
https://georgiaelections.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/8/5/108591015/contract.pdf (Accessed
November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201122213728/https://georgiaelections.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/8
/5/108591015/contract.pdf [archive].
13
Dominion Voting, ImageCast Central, [website], https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ (Accessed November 23, 2020)
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101203418/https://www.dominionvoting.com/imagecast-
central/ [archive].
14
Michigan.gov, DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS CONTRACT No. 071B7700117, p3,
1.1.A.22, [online document],
https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B7700117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech
_Req_555357_7.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201115084004/https://www.michigan.gov/documents/sos/071B77
00117_Dominion_Exhibit_2_to_Sch_A_Tech_Req_555357_7.pdf [archive].
15
Calhoun County, MI, ImageCast Central (ICC) 5.5 Operations, p19, [online document],
https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local
%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_manual.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20200802003507/https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/
Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_man
ual.pdf [archive].
16
IMAGECAST® CENTRAL Brochure, [website],
https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Documents/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure
%202018%20FINAL.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201017175507/https://www.edcgov.us/Government/Elections/Do
cuments/ImageCast%20Central%20Brochure%202018%20FINAL.pdf [archive].
17
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, p25, s4.1.2, [online
document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
4
721 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP FiledExhibit 14 Page 4 of 6 Document 9-14
12/03/20
settings allow for adjustment of the scanning properties to “[set] the clarity levels at which
the ballot should be scanned at.” Levels can be set as a combination of brightness and
contrast values, or as a gamma value.”18
11. Based on my review of these materials, I conclude the system is designed in such a way that
it allows a dishonest or otherwise unethical election administrator to creatively tweak the
oval coverage threshold settings and advanced settings on the ImageCast Central scanners
to set thresholds in such a way that a non-trivial amount of properly-marked ballots are
marked as “problem ballots” and sent to the “NotCastImages” folder.
12. The administrator of the ImageCast Central work-station may view all images of scanned
ballots which were deemed “problem ballots” by simply navigating via the standard
“Windows File Explorer” to the folder named “NotCastImages” which holds ballot scans
of “problem ballots.”1920 Under this system, it is possible for an administrator of the
“ImageCast Central” workstation to view and delete any individual ballot scans from the
“NotCastImages” folder by simply using the standard Windows delete and recycle bin
functions provided by the Windows 10 Pro operating system. Adjudication is “the process
of examining voted ballots to determine, and, in the judicial sense, adjudicate voter
intent.”21
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
18
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite®ImageCast® Central User Guide, pp20-21, s3.22,
[online document], https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/VotingSystems/DVS-
DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide-5-11-CO.pdf (Accessed November 23,
2020), https://web.archive.org/web/20201019175854/https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/
elections/VotingSystems/DVS-DemocracySuite511/documentation/UG-ICC-UserGuide- 5-11-
CO.pdf [archive].
19
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite® Use Procedures, p433, F.3.11, [online document]
https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf (Accessed
November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101173723/https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/
vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf [archive].
20
Calhoun County, MI, ImageCast Central (ICC) 5.5 Operations, p27, [online document],
https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local
%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_manual.pdf (accessed November 23, 2020),
https://web.archive.org/web/20200802003507/https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/
Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_man
ual.pdf [archive].
21
Dominion Voting, Democracy Suite® Use Procedures, p9, [online document]
https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf (Accessed
November 23, 2020),
5
722 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP FiledExhibit 14 Page 5 of 6 Document 9-14
12/03/20
13. Based on my review of these materials, I conclude that a biased poll worker without
sufficient and honest oversight could abuse the adjudication system to fraudulently switch
votes for a specific candidate.
14. After the tabulation process, the ImageCast Central software saves a copy of the tabulation
results locally to the “Windows 10 Pro” machine's internal storage. The results data is
located in an easy-to-find path which is designed to easily facilitate the uploading of
tabulation results to flash memory cards. The upload process is just a simple copying of a
“Results” folder containing vote tallies to a flash memory card connected to the “Windows
10 Pro” machine. The copy process uses the standard drag-and-drop or copy/paste
mechanisms within “Windows File Explorer.”22 It is my conclusion that while this is a
simple procedure, the report results process is subject to user errors and is very vulnerable
to corrupt manipulation by a malicious administrator. It is my conclusion that, before
delivering final tabulation results to the county, it is possible for an administrator to
mistakenly copy the wrong “Results” folder or even maliciously copy a false “Results”
folder, which could contain a manipulated data set, to the flash memory card and deliver
those false “Results” as the outcome of the election.
I declare under penalty of perjury under the laws of the United States of America that the
foregoing is true and correct. Executed in Japan on November 24, 2020.
__________________________
Ronald Watkins
https://web.archive.org/web/20201101173723/https://votingsystems.cdn.sos.ca.gov/
vendors/dominion/ds510-use-proc-jan.pdf [archive].
22
Calhoun County, MI, ImageCast Central (ICC) 5.5 Operations, pp25-28, [online document],
https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncountymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local
%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations_manual.pdf (accessed November 23,
2020),https://web.archive.org/web/20200802003507/https://cms5.revize.com/revize/calhouncoun
tymi/Clerk%20&%20Register%20of%20Deeds/local%20clerk%20resources/5_5_icc_operations
_manual.pdf [archive].
6
723 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP FiledExhibit 14 Page 6 of 6 Document 9-14
12/03/20
Exhibit 15
724 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 1 of 2 Document 9-15
Exhibit 15
725 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 9-15
726 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 1 of 15 Document 9-16
727 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 2 of 15 Document 9-16
728 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 3 of 15 Document 9-16
729 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 4 of 15 Document 9-16
730 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 5 of 15 Document 9-16
731 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 6 of 15 Document 9-16
732 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 7 of 15 Document 9-16
733 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 8 of 15 Document 9-16
734 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2016 Page 9 of 15 Document 9-16
735 Exhibit 16 Page 10 of 15 Document 9-16
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
736 Exhibit 16 Page 11 of 15 Document 9-16
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
737 Exhibit 16 Page 12 of 15 Document 9-16
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
738 Exhibit 16 Page 13 of 15 Document 9-16
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
739 Exhibit 16 Page 14 of 15 Document 9-16
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
740 Exhibit 16 Page 15 of 15 Document 9-16
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
741 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 1 of 12 Document 9-17
742 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 2 of 12 Document 9-17
743 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 3 of 12 Document 9-17
744 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 4 of 12 Document 9-17
745 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 5 of 12 Document 9-17
746 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 6 of 12 Document 9-17
747 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 7 of 12 Document 9-17
748 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 8 of 12 Document 9-17
749 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed Exhibit
12/03/2017 Page 9 of 12 Document 9-17
750 Exhibit 17 Page 10 of 12 Document 9-17
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
751 Exhibit 17 Page 11 of 12 Document 9-17
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
752 Exhibit 17 Page 12 of 12 Document 9-17
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20
TLP:WHITE
This advisory uses the MITRE Adversarial Tactics, Techniques, and Common Knowledge
(ATT&CK®) framework. See the ATT&CK for Enterprise framework for all referenced threat actor
techniques.
This joint cybersecurity advisory was coauthored by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security
Agency (CISA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). CISA and the FBI are aware of an
Iranian advanced persistent threat (APT) actor targeting U.S. state websites to include election
websites. CISA and the FBI assess this actor is responsible for the mass dissemination of voter
intimidation emails to U.S. citizens and the dissemination of U.S. election-related disinformation in
mid-October 2020.1 (Reference FBI FLASH message ME-000138-TT, disseminated October 29,
2020). Further evaluation by CISA and the FBI has identified the targeting of U.S. state election
websites was an intentional effort to influence and interfere with the 2020 U.S. presidential election.
Analysis by CISA and the FBI indicates this actor scanned state websites, to include state election
websites, between September 20 and September 28, 2020, with the Acunetix vulnerability scanner
(Active Scanning: Vulnerability Scanning [T1595.002]). Acunetix is a widely used and legitimate web
scanner, which has been used by threat actors for nefarious purposes. Organizations that do not
regularly use Acunetix should monitor their logs for any activity from the program that originates from
IP addresses provided in this advisory and consider it malicious reconnaissance behavior.
Additionally, CISA and the FBI observed this actor attempting to exploit websites to obtain copies of
voter registration data between September 29 and October 17, 2020 (Exploit Public-Facing
1
See FBI FLASH, ME-000138-TT, disseminated 10/29/20, https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2020/201030.pdf.
This disinformation the was in the form of a video purporting to misattribute
the activity to a U.S. domestic actor and implies that individuals could cast fraudulent ballots, even from
overseas. https://www.odni.gov/index.php/newsroom/press-releases/item/2162-dni-john-ratcliffe-s-remarks-at-
press-conference-on-election-security.
To report suspicious or criminal activity related to information found in this Joint Cybersecurity Advisory, contact
your local FBI field office at www.fbi.gov/contact-us/field,
(855) 292-3937 or by e-mail at CyWatch@fbi.gov. When available, please include the following information
regarding the incident: date, time, and location of the incident; type of activity; number of people affected; type of
equipment used for the activity; the name of the submitting company or organization; and a designated point of
contact. To request incident response resources or technical assistance related to these threats, contact CISA at
Central@cisa.dhs.gov.
This document is marked TLP:WHITE. Disclosure is not limited. Sources may use TLP:WHITE when information
carries minimal or no foreseeable risk of misuse, in accordance with applicable rules and procedures for public
release. Subject to standard copyright rules, TLP:WHITE information may be distributed without restriction.
For more information on the Traffic Light Protocol, see https://us-cert.cisa.gov/tlp. Exhibit 18
753 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 1 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
Application [T1190]). This includes attempted exploitation of known vulnerabilities, directory traversal,
Structured Query Language (SQL) injection, web shell uploads, and leveraging unique flaws in
websites.
CISA and the FBI can confirm that the actor successfully obtained voter registration data in at least
one state. The access of voter registration data appeared to involve the abuse of website
misconfigurations and a scripted process using the cURL tool to iterate through voter records. A
review of the records that were copied and obtained reveals the information was used in the
propaganda video.
CISA and FBI analysis of identified activity against state websites, including state election websites,
referenced in this product cannot all be fully attributed to this Iranian APT actor. FBI analysis of the
Iranian APT actor activity has identified Compromise
Infrastructure [T1584]) within a similar timeframe, use of IP addresses and IP ranges including
numerous virtual private network (VPN) service exit nodes which correlate to this Iran APT actor
(Gather Victim Host Information [T1592)]), and other investigative information.
The FBI has information indicating this Iran-based actor attempted to access PDF documents from
state voter sites using advanced open-source queries (Search Open Websites and Domains [T1539]).
The actor demonstrated interest in PDFs hosted on
. The FBI identified queries of URLs for election-related sites.
The FBI also has information indicating the actor researched the following information in a suspected
attempt to further their efforts to survey and exploit state election websites.
YOURLS exploit
Bypassing ModSecurity Web Application Firewall
Detecting Web Application Firewalls
SQLmap tool
CISA identified the scanning of multiple entities by the Acunetix Web Vulnerability scanning
platform between September 20 and September 28, 2020 (Active Scanning: Vulnerability Scanning
[T1595.002]).
The actor used the scanner to attempt SQL injection into various fields in
with status codes 404 or 500:
Exhibit 18
754 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 2 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
The actor used the following requests associated with this scanning activity.
CISA and FBI have observed the following user agents associated with this scanning activity.
Following the review of web server access logs, CISA analysts, in coordination with the FBI, found
instances of the cURL and FDM User Agents sending GET requests to a web resource associated
with voter registration data. The activity occurred between September 29 and October 17, 2020.
Suspected scripted activity submitted several hundred thousand queries iterating through voter
Exhibit 18
755 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 3 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
identification values, and retrieving results with varying levels of success [Gather Victim Identity
Information (T1589)]. A sample of the records identified by the FBI reveals they match information in
the aforementioned propaganda video.
Exhibit 18
756 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 4 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
Organizations can identify Acunetix scanning activity by using the following keywords while
performing log analysis.
Exhibit 18
757 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 5 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
CISA and the FBI are aware the following IOCs have been used by this Iran-based actor. These IP
addresses facilitated the mass dissemination of voter intimidation email messages on October 20,
2020.
195.181.170[.]244 (Observed September 30 and October 20, 2020)
102.129.239[.]185 (Observed September 30, 2020)
104.206.13[.]27 (Observed September 30, 2020)
154.16.93[.]125 (Observed September 30, 2020)
185.191.207[.]169 (Observed September 30, 2020)
185.191.207[.]52 (Observed September 30, 2020)
194.127.172[.]98 (Observed September 30, 2020)
194.35.233[.]83 (Observed September 30, 2020)
198.147.23[.]147 (Observed September 30, 2020)
198.16.66[.]139(Observed September 30, 2020)
212.102.45[.]3 (Observed September 30, 2020)
212.102.45[.]58 (Observed September 30, 2020)
31.168.98[.]73 (Observed September 30, 2020)
37.120.204[.]156 (Observed September 30, 2020)
5.160.253[.]50 (Observed September 30, 2020)
5.253.204[.]74 (Observed September 30, 2020)
64.44.81[.]68 (Observed September 30, 2020)
84.17.45[.]218 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.187.182[.]106 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.187.182[.]111 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.34.98[.]114 (Observed September 30, 2020)
89.44.201[.]211 (Observed September 30, 2020)
The following list provides recommended self-protection mitigation strategies against cyber
techniques used by advanced persistent threat actors:
Validate input as a method of sanitizing untrusted input submitted by web application users.
Validating input can significantly reduce the probability of successful exploitation by providing
Exhibit 18
758 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 6 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
protection against security flaws in web applications. The types of attacks possibly prevented
include SQL injection, Cross Site Scripting (XSS), and command injection.
Audit your network for systems using Remote Desktop Protocol (RDP) and other internet-
facing services. Disable unnecessary services and install available patches for the services in
use. Users may need to work with their technology vendors to confirm that patches will not
affect system processes.
Verify all cloud-based virtual machine instances with a public IP, and avoid using open RDP
ports, unless there is a valid need. Place any system with an open RDP port behind a firewall
and require users to use a VPN to access it through the firewall.
Enable strong password requirements and account lockout policies to defend against brute-
force attacks.
Apply multi-factor authentication, when possible.
Maintain a good information back-up strategy by routinely backing up all critical data and
system configuration information on a separate device. Store the backups offline, verify their
integrity, and verify the restoration process.
Enable logging and ensure logging mechanisms capture RDP logins. Keep logs for a
minimum of 90 days and review them regularly to detect intrusion attempts.
When creating cloud-based virtual machines, adhere to the cloud provider's best practices for
remote access.
Ensure third parties that require RDP access follow internal remote access policies.
Minimize network exposure for all control system devices. Where possible, critical devices
should not have RDP enabled.
Regulate and limit external to internal RDP connections. When external access to internal
resources is required, use secure methods, such as a VPNs. However, recognize the security
of VPNs matches the security of the connected devices.
Use security features provided by social media platforms; use strong passwords, change
passwords frequently, and use a different password for each social media account.
Best Practices for Securing Election Systems for more information.
Apply all available software updates and patches and automate this process to the greatest extent
possible (e.g., by using an update service provided directly from the vendor). Automating updates and
patches is critical because of the speed of threat actors to create new exploits following the release of
- -day exploits. Ensure the authenticity and
integrity of vendor updates by using signed updates delivered over protected links. Without the rapid
and thorough application of patches 2
2
NSA "NSA'S Top Ten Cybersecurity Mitigation Strategies" https://www.nsa.gov/Portals/70/documents/what-
we-do/cybersecurity/professional-resources/csi-nsas-top10-cybersecurity-mitigation-strategies.pdf
Exhibit 18
759 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 7 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
Additionally, use tools (e.g., the OWASP Dependency-Check Project tool3) to identify the publicly
known vulnerabilities in third-party libraries depended upon by the application.
Implement a plan to scan public-facing web servers for common web vulnerabilities (e.g., SQL
injection, cross-site scripting) by using a commercial web application vulnerability scanner in
combination with a source code scanner.4 Fixing or patching vulnerabilities after they are identified is
especially crucial for networks hosting older web applications. As sites get older, more vulnerabilities
are discovered and exposed.
Deploy a web application firewall (WAF) to prevent invalid input attacks and other attacks destined for
the web application. WAFs are intrusion/detection/prevention devices that inspect each web request
made to and from the web application to determine if the request is malicious. Some WAFs install on
the host system and others are dedicated devices that sit in front of the web application. WAFs also
weaken the effectiveness of automated web vulnerability scanning tools.
Patch web application vulnerabilities or fix configuration weaknesses that allow web shell attacks, and
follow guidance on detecting and preventing web shell malware.5 Malicious cyber actors often deploy
web shells software that can enable remote administration r. Malicious
cyber actors can use web shells to execute arbitrary system commands commonly sent over HTTP or
HTTPS. Attackers often create web shells by adding or modifying a file in an existing web application.
Web shells provide attackers with persistent access to a compromised network using communications
channels disguised to blend in with legitimate traffic. Web shell malware is a long-standing, pervasive
threat that continues to evade many security tools.
Prioritize protection for accounts with elevated privileges, remote access, or used on high-value
assets.6 Use physical token-based authentication systems to supplement knowledge-based factors
such as passwords and personal identification numbers (PINs).7 Organizations should migrate away
from single-factor authentication, such as password-based systems, which are subject to poor user
3
https://owasp.org/www-project-dependency-check/
4
NSA "Defending Against the Exploitation of SQL Vulnerabilities to Compromise a Network"
https://apps.nsa.gov/iaarchive/library/ia-guidance/tech-briefs/defending-against-the-exploitation-of-sql-
vulnerabilities-to.cfm
5
NSA & ASD "CyberSecurity Information: Detect and Prevent Web Shell Malware"
https://media.defense.gov/2020/Jun/09/2002313081/-1/-1/0/CSI-DETECT-AND-PREVENT-WEB-SHELL-
MALWARE-20200422.PDF
6
https://us-cert.cisa.gov/cdm/event/Identifying-and-Protecting-High-Value-Assets-Closer-Look-Governance-
Needs-HVAs
7
NSA "NSA'S Top Ten Cybersecurity Mitigation Strategies" https://www.nsa.gov/Portals/70/documents/what-
we-do/cybersecurity/professional-resources/csi-nsas-top10-cybersecurity-mitigation-strategies.pdf
Exhibit 18
760 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 8 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
choices and more susceptible to credential theft, forgery, and password reuse across multiple
systems.
First, identify and remediate critical web application security risks. Next, move on to other less critical
vulnerabilities. Follow available guidance on securing web applications.8,9,10
and restore
functions according to your business continuity plan. Organizations should maintain and regularly test
backup plans, disaster recovery plans, and business continuity procedures.
To report an intrusion and to request incident response resources or technical assistance, contact
CISA (Central@cisa.gov or 888-282-0870) or the FBI
Division (CyWatch@ic.fbi.gov or 855-292-3937).
8
https://apps.nsa.gov/iaarchive/library/ia-
guidance/security-tips/building-web-applications-security-recommendations-for.cfm
9
https://owasp.org/www-project-top-ten/
10
https://cwe.mitre.org/top25/archive/2020/2020_cwe_top25.html
Exhibit 18
761 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 9 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
TLP:WHITE
FBI and CISA PSA: Foreign Actors and Cybercriminals Likely to Spread Disinformation
Regarding 2020 Election Results
Exhibit 18
762 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 10 of 10 Document 9-18 TLP: WHITE
Declaration of Ph.D
Signature:
2 Statistical Model
The simplest statistical model for computing the probabilities for an election
outcome is a binomial distribution, which assigns a probability p for a given per-
son within the population to select a candidate. If we assume that each person
chooses their candidate independently, then we obtain the Binomial distribution
in the form,
N −k
P (k|N ) ≡ N Ck pk (1 − p) , (1)
where P (k|N ) is the probability that you observe k votes for a candidate in
a population of N voters, and where N Ck is the number of ways to choose k
people out of a group of N people.
For larger N, the binomial distribution can be approximated by a Gaussian
distribution, which is used in the election fraud analysis in [1]. The chief reason
for this is the difficulty of computing P (k|N ) for large N and k. However this
problem can be overcome by computing the probabilities in the log domain and
using the log beta function to compute N Ck .
For this analysis it is more useful to compute the probabilities as a function
of f the observed fraction of the candidate’s votes. In this formulation we
have k = N f, and N − k = N (1 − f ) , and therefore we define the fractional
probability as,
N (1−f )
BN (f ) ≡ N CN f pN f (1 − p) . (2)
This is similar to the fraud model used in the election fraud analysis given
in [1]. We use the Binomial distribution directly, rather than the Gaussian
distribution, since it should be more accurate for small N, k or f.
This would suggest that 104,107 ballots were fraudulently manufactured for
Biden. If we presume that actually those ballots were switched from Trump
to Biden then as many as 19% of the new absentee ballots for Biden were
fraudulent, which totals around 51,110 ballots that should be removed from
Biden’s totals and added to Trump. We shall see in Section 6, that there is
substantial evidence that some Trump votes were actually switched to Biden
votes.
the unofficial precinct reports from the Wisconsin elections commision website.
We examine vote percentages for ballots added between Wednesday morning,
11/04/2020 and Thursday night 11/05/2020.
This data set gives the total vote count by party affiliation. Because the data
set is confined to Milwaukee, we can assume that the statistics should not be
time varying. The voting pool here is highly partisan in favor of democrats and
we don’t expect any significant difference in the voting percentage, especially
since a large number of absentee ballots were already counted by Wednesday
morning.
10
11
12
size, you will see trendlines that do not converge to an asymptote, as shown
in Figure 9. It appears that smaller precincts almost uniformly have higher
Democrat percentages. There is no obvious reason for this. It was certainly not
seen in the control case in Figure 8. Furthermore the third party percentages
quickly converge to their asymptote as would be expected in a fair election. One
possible model for this would be vote switching from Trump to Biden, which
would show up more strongly in the smaller precincts.
13
14
15
ballots. This is illustrated in Figure 12. Again in this case the fraud model has
a posterior probability of 100% to machine precision.
16
neighbor one another, and have similar voting preferences across precincts.
DeKalb county is still suspect, however, due to the irregularites observed prior
to the Ward 600 mark.
A different story emerges when we plot the absentee vote percentages for
Fulton county as a function of precinct size, as can be seen in Figure 14. Here the
trendlines for the Democrat and Republican percentages are quite pronounced,
amounting to a difference of 8 percent from the halfway mark.
We divide the Fulton county data into a group of smaller precincts and larger
precincts. One group has precincts less than 308 and another larger than 308.
The total absentee ballots for the small group is 24,575, and the large group
is 120,029. The small group has a Democrat percentage of 85% and the large
group has a percentage of 77%, for a change of 8%. The fraud model is preferred
in this scenario again with probability of 100% to machine precision.
One might presume that small precincts generally favor Democrats over large
precincts, biasing the results. However take a closer look at the Libertarian
party results in Fulton county in Figure 15. The percentages are exactly what
we would expect if there were no bias in precinct size. The percentages bounce
around a mean, not trending in any direction.
So if there were a bias favoring the democrats in small precincts, we would
expect that to effect both the Republican and Libertarian totals. However it ap-
pears to only effect Republican totals, as if the Republican ballots were switched
over to Democrat in a higher percentage in the smaller precincts. Indeed if a
fixed number of ballots are switched in each district, it would have a larger
effect in the smaller districts and then show up as trend lines in these percent-
age plots. At a minimum the data suggests a statistical anomaly that is not
normally present in a fair election.
17
18
7 Michigan Analysis
We now due a time series analysis for Michigan. The data was culled from Edison
Research. We first show, Trump, Biden and 3rd party voting percentages vs
hours after the start of the election in Figure 16. The third party votes shows
the proper convergence to an asymptote that we would expect from the law of
large numbers. However the Trump and Biden percentages are vastly different
You can see large discrete jumps in the percentages as very large Biden ballot
dumps occur over time. You also see that the Biden percentages are mostly
always increasing after hour 27, which is statistically unlikely in a fair election.
Note also that almost a million of the ballots are received by hour 27, and
we use this as our starting point. At that point we have a total of 970,119
votes cast. At the end of 167 hours we have 5,531,222 votes cast. At our initial
point the Biden percentage is 38%, but the new ballots have a Biden percentage
totaling 53% as seen in Figure 17. The fraud model has posterior likelihood of
100% to machine precision.
For Michigan we compute the estimated amount of fraudulent Biden ballots
conservatively, assuming that the 50.5 percent seen at the end of the count
should have been the correct percentage among the newly added ballots. From
this and (4) we obtain an estimate of 237,140 fraudulent votes added for Biden.
19
References
[1] Peter Klimek, Yuri Yegorov, Rudolf Hanel, and Stefan Thurner. Statistical
detection of systematic election irregularities. 2, 2.1
[2] lulu Fries’dat and Anselmo Sampietro. An electoral system in crisis. http:
//www.electoralsystemincrisis.org/. 4.2
20
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
COMES NOW Plaintiff, William Feehan by and through his undersigned counsel, and moves
considered in an expedited manner. This Motion is submitted pursuant to FRCP 65 and Civil L.
R. 7.
In support of this Motion, Plaintiff has this day filed his Amended Complaint and supporting
Standards for a TRO and preliminary injunction are the same. Local Lodge No. 1266, Int’l
Ass’n of Machinists & Aerospace Workers, AFL-CIO v. Panoramic Corp., 668 F.2d 276, 291 (7th
Cir. 1981). Plaintiff must make an initial showing that he (1) is likely to succeed on the merits, (2)
granted. See, e.g., Hodgkins ex rel Hodgkins v. Peterson, 355 F.3d 1048, 1054-55 (7th Cir.2004).
The Court then considers (4) whether the balance of harm to Plaintiff if the TRO not correctly
granted outweighs the harm to the defendant if the TRO is wrongly granted, and (5) the public
1. Plaintiff brings this action and has filed his Motion for TRO to enjoin Defendants’
irreparable harm to Plaintiff and lawful voters of Wisconsin and other states across the nation who
would suffer disenfranchisement of their election rights by improper and unlawful certification of
2. An unlawful certification in one state, like Wisconsin, will necessarily harm the State of
Wisconsin and all other states and their lawful voters by altering the Presidential election outcome,
3. Absent granting the TRO requested, Plaintiff and similarly situated lawful voters will suffer
irreparable harm because the conduct of the election and recount contrary to law undermines
election integrity, debases and dilutes their votes, and effectively disenfranchises them.
4. Further, any recalibration, reset, wiping, or other alteration or destruction of election data
servers, software, voting machines, tabulators, printers, portable media, logs, or processes, and any
alteration or destruction of ballot applications, ballot return envelopes, ballot images, paper ballots,
registration lists, poll lists, or any other “election materials” referenced in Wisconsin Statutes §
9.01(1)(b)11. related to the November 3, 2020 Wisconsin election, whether pursuant to § 7.23,
5. Plaintiff will be irreparably harmed if all such acts affecting election data or materials are
not immediately enjoined across the state of Wisconsin pursuant to 52 U.S.C. § 20701
individual and/or forensic examination and audit of the election computer systems and materials.
6. Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint and Motion present material dispositive issues which are
7. Plaintiff is more likely to succeed on the merits of his claims than not due to substantial
and multiple violations of Wisconsin election laws, including counting of unlawfully cast ballots,
resulted in unfair advantage to some voters, discriminating against and denying equal protection
to Plaintiff and other lawful Wisconsin voters, effectively disenfranchising them of their lawful
8. In further support is the WEC’s illegal certification of the Statement of Canvas by Chair,
Ann S. Jacobs, who directly violated the statutory guarantee of a 5 business day waiting period
pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6), by failing to wait the required time period and rushed to certify
9. Governor Evers also illegally certified the Statement of Canvas that same day, thus
foreclosing any opportunity for a candidate to challenge the recount. Wis. Stat. § 7.70(5)(a),
explains “When a valid petition for recount is filed . . . the governor or commission may not issue
a certificate of election until the recount has been completed and the time allowed for filing an
10. The political advantage to either Presidential candidate created by unlawful certification is
substantially less significant than the certification of an erroneous Presidential election result and
loss of confidence and distrust that will be generated within the public at large if certification is
not temporarily enjoined to consider the merits of Plaintiff’s allegations of statistical anomalies,
unlawful conduct of the election and recount, fraudulent manipulation of software and voting
machines employed to tabulate votes, and other unlawful conduct alleged in his Amended
Complaint.
11. Granting a TRO to halt the certification to permit consideration and determination of the
grave issues presented by Plaintiff will thus prevent an erroneous certification of the Presidential
election result and even further erosion of public confidence in the election’s integrity and
outcome.
12. Wisconsin has a substantial obligation to its citizens and the rest of the nation to ensure
that its electors are properly elected and legitimately certified. The process by which Wisconsin
represents and pledges it electors must comply with state and federal constitutional and statutory
13. Nothing is more sacred to a representative republic than the integrity of its elections. A
TRO is essential to ensure the integrity of this and future elections for Wisconsin and the nation.
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
Plaintiff certifies that upon filing of this Motion that he provided notice of this action by email
Pursuant to FRCP 65, this is to certify that upon filing of this Motion for Temporary
Restraining Order and Preliminary Injunction To Be Considered in an Expedited Manner with the
Court through the ECF PACER System, Plaintiff will provide simultaneous electronic service to
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
Per the Court’s Order of December 2, 2020 and FRCP 65, Plaintiff’s counsel have
communicated with counsel for all Defendants and anticipate speaking with them further this
Plaintiff will propose the following briefing schedule and will advise the Court following
• Friday, Dec. 4, 8:00 p.m. Defendants file response to Motion for TRO.
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
Plaintiff certifies that upon filing of this Motion that he provided notice of this action by email
Pursuant to FRCP 65, this is to certify that upon filing of this Proposed Briefing Schedule
with the Court through the ECF PACER System, Plaintiff will provide simultaneous electronic
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Jeffrey A. Mandell and Rachel E. Snyder of the law firm
of Stafford Rosenbaum LLP have been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this
action. Please serve copies of all papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth
below.
Respectfully submitted this 3rd day of December 2020.
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Jeffrey A. Mandell and Rachel E. Snyder of the law firm
of Stafford Rosenbaum LLP have been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this
action. Please serve copies of all papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth
below.
Respectfully submitted this 3rd day of December 2020.
William Feehan
)
Plaintiff )
v. ) Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
Wisconsin Election Commission )
Defendant )
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Plaintiff .
Howard Kleinhendler
Printed name and bar number
howard@kleinhendler.com
E-mail address
(917) 793-1188
Telephone number
(732) 901-0832
FAX number
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
Defendant Tony Evers respectfully moves to have the foregoing case—Trump v. Wisconsin
under Civil Local Rule 3(b). While judicial efficiency and a desire to avoid conflicting opinions
underscore virtually every request to relate cases, that is especially true here with the federal safe-
harbor date approaching on December 8 and the meeting of the Electoral College on December
Civil Local Rule 3(b) provides that the factors to be considered in determining whether the
actions are related include whether the actions: (i) arise from substantially the same transaction or
events; (ii) involve substantially the same parties or property; or (iii) involve the same patent,
trademark or copyright. It further provides that the judge to whom the action with the lower-case
number is assigned will resolve any dispute as to whether the actions are related.
Promptly upon learning of the Trump v. Wisconsin Elections Commission action late
yesterday evening, Defendant’s counsel prepared and filed a notice of related case. That notice,
which is attached hereto as Exhibit 1, explains that the Feehan and Trump actions arise form
Presidential election), and involve substantially the same parties (the Wisconsin Elections
Commission, Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge Bostelmann, Dean Knudson, Robert F.
Spindell, Jr., and Governor Tony Evers are named defendants in both actions). 1 Both cases also
seek similar relief: To overturn the results of the recent election and in so doing deny more than
Accordingly, the two cases are related within the meaning of Civil Local Rule 3(b), and
Defendant Evers respectfully requests that the latter-filed action be reassigned to this Court.
1
WEC Commissioner Julie M. Glancey is inexplicably not named as a defendant in this case, which also
includes as defendants a number of other state and local officials.
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
822 Case
Case
2:20-cv-01771-PP
2:20-cv-01785 Filed
Filed 12/03/20
12/03/20 Page
Page 12 of
of 34 Document
Document 816-1
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE THAT, in accordance with Civil Local Rule 3(b), the
following action appears to be related to the above-entitled action: William Feehan, et al. v.
Civil Local Rule 3(b) provides that the factors to be considered in determining whether
the actions are related include whether the actions: (i) arise from substantially the same
transaction or events; (ii) involve substantially the same parties or property; or (iii) involve the
same patent, trademark or copyright. It further provides that the judge to whom the action with
the lower case number is assigned will resolve any dispute as to whether the actions are related.
The foregoing action arises from substantially the same transaction or events (the
administration of the November 3, 2020 Presidential election), and involves substantially the
same parties (the Wisconsin Elections Commission, Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge
Bostelmann, Dean Knudson, Robert F. Spindell, Jr., and Governor Tony Evers are named
defendants in both actions).1 Both cases also seek similar relief: To overturn the results of the
recent election and in so doing deny more than three million Wisconsinites of their fundamental
right to vote. Accordingly, this case is related within the meaning of Civil Local Rule 3(b).
PLEASE TAKE FURTHER NOTICE that this Notice of Related Case is also being
1
WEC Commissioner Julie M. Glancey is inexplicably not named as a defendant in this case, which also
includes as defendants a number of other state and local officials.
823 Case
Case
2:20-cv-01771-PP
2:20-cv-01785 Filed
Filed 12/03/20
12/03/20 Page
Page 23 of
of 34 Document
Document 816-1
Email: rnsyder@staffordlaw.com
824 Case
Case
2:20-cv-01771-PP
2:20-cv-01785 Filed
Filed 12/03/20
12/03/20 Page
Page 34 of
of 34 Document
Document 816-1
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
Plaintiffs,
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, et al.,
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
Marge Bostelman, Dean Knutson, and Robert F. Spindell, Jr., in their official
Jody J. Schmelzer, Assistant Attorneys General, and request that service of all
53703, by first class mail at Post Office Box 7857, Madison, Wisconsin, 53707-
7857, or via the ECF system for the United States District Court for the
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
2
826 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 17
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
PLAINTIFF’S OPPOSITION TO
DEFENDANT GOV. TONY EVERS’ REQUEST TO REASSIGN
Defendant Gov. Tony Evers has filed a motion to reassign Trump v. Wisconsin Elections
Commission, et al., Case No. 20-CV-1785 to this action under Civil Local Rule 3(b). Plaintiff
1) Defendant Evers’ Seeks to Nullify Through Delay Over 1.6 Million Lawful
Wisconsin Votes and Disenfranchise the Voters Who Cast Them.
With the College of Electors scheduled to meet December 8, there could never be a clearer
Defendant proposes a trivial, wooden application of a simple local rule designed for efficiency
to achieve exactly the opposite of its purpose, turning the rule on its head to deflect and fatally
1
827 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 1 of 5 Document 18
delay consideration of the most monumental constitutional rights and issues that will ever come
before this Court, disenfranchising Plaintiff and 1.6 Million lawful Wisconsin voters in the process.
Defendant’s Motion to reassign is simply a transparent effort to clutter and bog down
Plaintiff’s action with multiple additional parties, procedural issues, and state law matters, the
purpose of which is to consume time, slow-walk Plaintiff’s action, and run out the clock.
The additional parties and issues are utterly unnecessary and distracting to consideration of
TRO Motion.
Defendant Evers’ Motion should be summarily denied and the Court should immediately order
briefing and issue its decision no later than 5 p.m. Sunday evening, December 6 so that Plaintiff
may have even a few hours to prepare for and seek whatever further relief may be then available
2) The Pleadings in Case No. 20-CV-1785 Do Not Relate in Any Way to the
Gravamen of Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint that Plaintiff and Over 1.6
Million Lawful Wisconsin Voters Were Disenfranchised by Massive Fraud,
Hacking, Ballot-Stuffing, and Ballot-Changing by Dominion and Other
Foreign and Domestic Actors Vehemently Antagonistic to the President.
The issues raised in the President’s action in Case No. 20-CV-1785 reflect federal aspects of
the state law issues raised in his Petition for Original Action just dismissed by the Wisconsin
While the President’s federal and state claims are obviously related to some of state law issues
and actions of state officials that are included in Plaintiff’s amended complaint, neither pleading
in those cases addresses the central issue of Plaintiff’s action here – foreign and domestic actors
programming, manipulating, hacking, and tampering with election equipment and software to
change votes and “elect” a candidate for which a majority of lawful Wisconsin voters did not cast
their ballots.
2
828 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 2 of 5 Document 18
The detailed technical pleadings and proof alleged by Plaintiff1 are utterly absent in the
President’s pleadings, which do not relate whatsoever to the gravamen of Plaintiff’s Amended
Complaint that over 1.6 Million lawful Wisconsin votes were diluted and debased and that that
Plaintiff and the other voters who cost them were effectively disenfranchised by massive
electronic fraud, ballot-stuffing, and ballot-changing by Dominion and other foreign and
As ordered by the Court December 2, the Parties’ counsel met and conferred today regarding
a briefing schedule. However, Defendants refused to agree to the schedule proposed by Plaintiffs,
and in fact, refused to offer a proposed schedule of their own, stating that they were seeking
In fact, when Plaintiff’s raised the issue of a stipulated TRO to preserve electronic and
physical data, materials, and equipment (voting machines in particular) for inspection by
Plaintiff’s experts, Defendants asserted that they have no control or influence whatsoever over
preservation of evidence by local jurisdictions and elections clerks, apparently implying that
Plaintiff must implead all 1,912 individual municipalities that conduct voting operations in order
to obtain relief.2
1
See Amended Complaint ¶¶ 6-17 (Dominion), 46-58 (statistical analysis by national experts), 60-99
(factual allegations regarding Dominion), 100-110 (statistical analysis), 131-137 (ballot fraud Dominion
System); and all federal Exhibits 1 - 19.
2
Cities, town and villages are individual municipalities charged with administering elections. Secs.
5.02(11), 5.25(2), Stats. According to the Wisconsin League of Municipalities and Wisconsin Dept. of
Health Services, there are approximately 1,912 individual such municipalities.
https://www.lwm-info.org/590/Facts-About-Wisconsin-Municipalities;
https://www.lwm-info.org/590/Facts-About-Wisconsin-Municipalities
3
829 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 3 of 5 Document 18
CONCLUSION
Again, the additional parties, procedural issues and delay proposed by Defendants are utterly
determination of Plaintiff’s TRO Motion, and are designed solely to deny through delay Plaintiff’s
access to the courts and remedies to which he and other lawful Wisconsin voters are entitled.
Plaintiff therefore requests the Court to summarily deny Defendant Evers’ Motion,
immediately order briefing on Plaintiff’s TRO motion, and issue its decision no later than 5 p.m.
Sunday evening, December 6 so that Plaintiff may have a few hours to prepare for and seek
/s Sidney Powell**
Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
4
830 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 4 of 5 Document 18
Local Counsel for Plaintiffs
Michael D. Dean
Wis. Bar No.01019171
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
miked@michaelddeanllc.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
5
831 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/03/20 Page 5 of 5 Document 18
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
______________________________________________________________________________
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
and DERRICK VAN ORDEN,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
filed the complaint in this case, naming as defendants the Wisconsin Elections
Glancey, Dean Knudson, Robert F. Spindell, Jr. and Governor Tony Evers. Id.
complaint was filed naming only Feehan as plaintiff; the amended complaint
Tony Evers. Trump v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, et al., Case No. 20-cv-
1785 (E.D. Wis.). Section VIII of the Form JS 44 Civil Cover Sheet for Case No.
20-cv-1785 is blank; the plaintiff did not identify any related cases. Id. at Dkt.
case and Case No. 20-cv-1785—filed in this case a motion to reassign Case No.
20-cv-1785 to this court, citing Civil Local Rule 3(b) (E.D. Wis.). Dkt. No. 16.
The defendant states that judicial efficiency and a desire to avoid conflicting
opinions motivate the motion, because the “federal safe-harbor date [is]
scheduled] for December 14.” Id. at 1. The defendant refers the court to Civil
Local Rule 3(b) for the factors to be considered in determining whether actions
are related, noting that the rule provides that “the judge to whom the action
with the lower-case number is assigned will resolve any dispute as to whether
The defendant asserts that promptly upon learning late in the day on
December 2, 2020 of the filing of Case No. 20-cv-1785, defense counsel in this
case prepared and filed a notice of related case. Id. He asserts that the notice
(attached to the motion) explains that Case No. 20-cv-1785 and this case arise
the recent election “and in so doing deny more than three million Wisconsinites
asserting that the two cases are related “within the meaning of Civil Local Rule
3(b)” and asks that the court reassign Case No. 20-cv-1785 to this court. Id.
The court will deny the motion. Civil L.R. 3 is titled “Commencing an
Action.” Rule 3(a) requires a party filing an action—the plaintiff—to file a Civil
Cover Sheet (the Form JS 44). Rule 3(b) says that “[w]here the Civil Cover Sheet
discloses a pending related civil action, the new civil action will be assigned to
the same judge.” The rule provides guidance to help the party who files the civil
plaintiff to consider whether the actions arise from substantially the same
property; it allows the plaintiff to identify on the Civil Cover Sheet any cases
the plaintiff believes are related. Once the plaintiff has identified related cases,
it provides that the clerk’s office “will” assign the related cases to the same
judge. It anticipates that some party other than the plaintiff might disagree
that the cases are related, and provides that if any such disputes arise, the
judge to whom the related cases are assigned will settle them. The rule does not
provide a mechanism for any party other than the plaintiff to file a motion
1
The two cases have different plaintiffs; among the twenty-two defendants in
Case No. 20-cv-1785 are seven of the eight defendants named in this case.
3
related.
Rule 13(b) states that “[a] motion for reassignment based on relatedness may
be filed by any party to a case.” It requires the moving party to file the motion
with the judge to whom the lowest numbered case of the claimed related set is
assigned and requires that judge to decide the motion. Rule 13(a) lays out the
authorizes any party to file a motion seeking reassignment of cases that party
Civil L.R. 3(b) does not authorize the relief the defendant requests.
BY THE COURT:
______________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Defendants,
&.
Attorney Charles G. Curtis, Jr. hereby enters his appearance as counsel for
admitted to practice before the District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Defendants,
&.
is admitted to practice before the District Court for the Eastern District of
Wisconsin.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
No. 2:20-cv-1771
Plaintiff,
v.
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members ANN
S. JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN,
MARGE BOSTELMANN, JULIE M.
GLANCEY, DEAN HUDSON, ROBERT
F. SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
National Committee (“DNC”) respectfully moves for leave to intervene in this action
to defend its interests against the claims asserted by Plaintiffs. For the reasons
intervene in this case as a matter of right under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure
24(a)(2). In the alternative, the DNC requests permissive intervention pursuant to
Rule 24(b). In accordance with Rule 24(c), a proposed answer to Plaintiff’s complaint
is attached as Exhibit 1.
WHEREFORE, the DNC requests that the court grant it leave to intervene in
s/Michelle M. Umberger
Seth P. Waxman* Charles G. Curtis, Jr.
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND SBN 1013075
DORR LLP Michelle M. Umberger
1875 Pennsylvania Ave., NW SBN 1023801
Washington, DC 20006 Sopen B. Shah
(202) 663-6000 SBN 1105013
seth.waxman@wilmerhale.com Will M. Conley
SBN 1104680
David S. Lesser* PERKINS COIE LLP
Jamie Dycus* 33 East Main St., Suite 201
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND Madison, WI 53703
DORR LLP (608) 663-7460
7 World Trade Center ccurtis@perkinscoie.com
250 Greenwich Street mumberger@perkinscoie.com
New York, NY 10007 sshah@perkinscoie.com
(212) 230-8800 wconley@perkinscoie.com
david.lesser@wilmerhale.com
jamie.dycus@wilmerhale.com Marc E. Elias*
John Devaney*
Matthew W. O’Neill Zachary J. Newkirk*
SBN 1019269 PERKINS COIE LLP
FOX, O’NEILL & 700 Thirteenth St., N.W.,
SHANNON, S.C. Suite 800
622 North Water Street, Washington, D.C. 20005
Suite 500 (202) 654-6200
Milwaukee, WI 53202 melias@perkinscoie.com
(414) 273-3939 jdevaney@perkinscoie.com
mwoneill@foslaw.com znewkirk@perkinscoie.com
-2-
841 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 2 of 3 Document 22
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
foregoing with the Clerk of the Court using the CM/ECF system, which will send
-3-
842 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 3 of 3 Document 22
Exhibit 1
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Defendants,
&
Proposed Intervenor-Defendants.
Committee (the “DNC”), by and through its attorneys, answers Plaintiff’s amended complaint for
declaratory, emergency, and permanent injunctive relief (“complaint”) as set forth below. Unless
expressly admitted, each allegation in the complaint is denied, and DNC demands strict proof
thereof.
conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required,
conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required,
conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required,
conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required,
conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required,
1
conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required,
17. Denied.
18. In response to Paragraph 18 of Plaintiff’s complaint, DNC denies that this Court has
subject-matter jurisdiction.
19. In response to Paragraph 19 of Plaintiff’s complaint, DNC denies that this Court has
subject-matter jurisdiction.
20. DNC denies Paragraph 20 of Plaintiff’s complaint because the Court lacks subject-
matter jurisdiction.
21. DNC denies Paragraph 21 of Plaintiff’s complaint because the Court lacks subject-
matter jurisdiction.
22. DNC denies that venue is proper in the Eastern District of Wisconsin.
Parties
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
25. DNC admits that Paragraph 24 quotes from Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057
(8th Cir. 2020). The remainder of Paragraph 24 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the remaining allegations of
26. Denied.
27. DNC admits that the results of the November 2020 Wisconsin election on
opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies
30. DNC admits that the Wisconsin Elections Commission was created in 2015.
31. In response to Paragraph 31, DNC admits that Wis Stat. § 7.20 governs the
500,000 population and counties over 750,000 population, respectively. The remainder of
Statement of Facts
32. DNC admits that Plaintiff purports to bring this action under 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 32.
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 33.
35. DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 35. The margin of victory for
36. Denied.
contentions, conclusions, and opinions to which no response is required. To the extent a response
is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 42. DNC specifically denies that any
Wisconsin voter in the 2020 Presidential Election claimed they were indefinitely confined in any
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
they are therefore denied. In addition, Paragraph 44 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required.
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
they are therefore denied. In addition, Paragraph 45 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required.
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
they are therefore denied. In addition, Paragraph 46 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required.
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
they are therefore denied. In addition, Paragraph 51 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required.
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
they are therefore denied. In addition, Paragraph 52 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required.
knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of these allegations, and
they are therefore denied. In addition, Paragraph 53 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere
required.
60. DNC lacks sufficient information to confirm or deny the contents of Paragraph
60, and they are therefore denied. Paragraph 60 of Plaintiff’s complaint otherwise contains
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 60.
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 61.
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 62.
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 63.
64. DNC lacks sufficient information to confirm or deny the contents of Paragraph
64, and they are therefore denied. Paragraph 64 of Plaintiff’s complaint otherwise contains
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 64.
required. Judge Amy Totenberg’s October 11, 2020 Order in the USDC N.D. Ga. case of
Curling, et al. v. Kemp, et. al, Case No. 1:17-cv-02989 Doc. No. 964, speaks for itself. To
the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 65.
order, DNC denies the allegations. Paragraph 66 of Plaintiff’s complaint otherwise contains
the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 66.
interpret a judicial opinion. To the extent Plaintiff’s interpretation differs from the text of the
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 67.
interpret a “security advisory.” To the extent Plaintiff’s interpretation differs from the text of
the “advisory,” DNC denies the allegations. Paragraph 69 of Plaintiff’s complaint otherwise
required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 67.
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 70. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 70, and
10
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 71, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 72. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 72, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 73. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 73, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 74. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 74, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 75. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 75, and
11
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 76. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 76, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 79. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 79, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 80. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 80, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 81. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 81, and
12
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 82. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 82, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 83. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 83, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 84. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 84, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 85. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 85, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 86. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 86, and
13
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 87. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 87, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 88. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 88, and
interpret H.R. 2722. To the extent Plaintiff’s quotation differs from the text of the bill DNC
denies the allegation in that respect. Paragraph 69 of Plaintiff’s complaint otherwise contains
the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 67.
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 90. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 90, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 91. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 91, and
14
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 92. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 92, and
93. DNC lacks knowledge or information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 94. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 94, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 95. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 95, and
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 96. DNC lacks knowledge or information
sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the remaining allegations in paragraph 96, and
15
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 97. DNC otherwise lacks knowledge or
information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the allegations in paragraph 97, and
COUNT I
100. DNC reincorporates all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
105. Paragraph 105 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere legal conclusions to which no
response is required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of
Paragraph 105. DNC specifically denies that any Wisconsin voter in the 2020 Presidential
Election claimed they were indefinitely confined in any way inconsistent with the Wisconsin’s
election laws.
106. Paragraph 106 of Plaintiff’s complaint contains mere legal conclusions to which no
response is required. To the extent a response is required, DNC denies the allegations of
16
Election claimed they were indefinitely confined in any way inconsistent with the Wisconsin’s
election laws.
required, DNC denies the allegations of Paragraph 108. DNC otherwise lacks knowledge or
information sufficient to form a belief as to the truth of the allegations in paragraph 108, and
COUNT II
111. DNC reincorporates all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
which no response is required. DNC denies the remaining allegations of Paragraph 116.
17
which no response is required. DNC denies the remaining allegations of Paragraph 117.
which no response is required. DNC denies that Plaintiff is entitled to any relief.
which no response is required. DNC denies the remaining allegations of Paragraph 119.
which no response is required. DNC denies the remaining allegations of Paragraph 121. DNC
COUNT III
122. DNC reincorporates all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
18
COUNT III
131. DNC reincorporates all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
138-142. To the extent Plaintiff makes any factual allegations in paragraphs 138 to 142,
DNC denies such allegations. DNC denies that Plaintiff are entitled to any relief.
AFFIRMATIVE DEFENSES
DNC asserts the following affirmative defenses without accepting any burdens regarding
them and reserves the right to assert any further defenses that may become evident during the
The Complaint fails, in whole or in part, to state a claim upon which relief can be granted.
The Plaintiff is estopped and/or equitably estopped from bringing some or all of the claims
Plaintiff’s complaint fails to state a claim for relief that is plausible on its face.
Plaintiff’s have waived the right to bring some or all of their claims.
Plaintiff’s claims are barred in whole or in part by the doctrine of res judicata.
3. Award DNC its costs and attorneys’ fees incurred in defending against Plaintiff’s
4. Grant such other and further relief as this Court deems just and proper.
20
s/ Michelle M. Umberger
Seth P. Waxman* Charles G. Curtis, Jr.
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND SBN 1013075
DORR LLP Michelle M. Umberger
1875 Pennsylvania Ave., NW SBN 1023801
Washington, DC 20006 Sopen B. Shah
(202) 663-6000 SBN 1105013
seth.waxman@wilmerhale.com Will M. Conley
SBN 1104680
David S. Lesser* PERKINS COIE LLP
Jamie Dycus* 33 East Main St., Suite 201
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND Madison, WI 53703
DORR LLP (608) 663-7460
7 World Trade Center ccurtis@perkinscoie.com
250 Greenwich Street mumberger@perkinscoie.com
New York, NY 10007 sshah@perkinscoie.com
(212) 230-8800 wconley@perkinscoie.com
david.lesser@wilmerhale.com
jamie.dycus@wilmerhale.com Marc E. Elias*
John Devaney*
Matthew W. O’Neill Zachary J. Newkirk*
SBN 1019269 PERKINS COIE LLP
FOX, O’NEILL & 700 Thirteenth St., N.W.,
SHANNON, S.C. Suite 800
622 North Water Street, Washington, D.C. 20005
Suite 500 (202) 654-6200
Milwaukee, WI 53202 melias@perkinscoie.com
(414) 273-3939 jdevaney@perkinscoie.com
mwoneill@foslaw.com znewkirk@perkinscoie.com
21
I hereby certify that on Friday, December 4, 2020, I filed a copy of the foregoing with the
Clerk of the Court using the CM/ECF system, which will send notification of such filing to all
counsel of record.
22
____________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
-2-
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
No. 2:20-cv-1771
Plaintiff,
v.
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members ANN
S. JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN,
MARGE BOSTELMANN, JULIE M.
GLANCEY, DEAN HUDSON, ROBERT
F. SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
seek to undo Wisconsin’s lawful certification of the election results. They base their
requested relief on, among other things, speculation, questionable evidence, and
flawed legal theories. The DNC represents a diverse group of Democrats, including
Plaintiffs request would deprive the DNC’s members and constituents of their rights
to have their votes counted, undermine the electoral prospects of the DNC’s
candidates, and divert the DNC’s resources. The DNC’s intervention in this lawsuit
II. Argument
(2) the DNC “has an interest relating to the property or transaction at issue in the
litigation”; and (3) “that interest may, as a practical matter, be impaired or impeded
by disposition of the case.” Driftless Area Land Conservancy v. Huebsch, 969 F.3d 742,
746 (7th Cir. 2020). Further, no “existing part[y] adequately represent[s]” the DNC’s
timely, courts consider, among other things, “(1) the length of time the intervenor
knew or should have known of his interest in the case” and “(2) the prejudice caused
1 The DNC intends to file a motion to dismiss. But to comply with Rule 24(c),
and in the event this Court denies the DNC’s forthcoming motion to dismiss, the DNC
has submitted a proposed, conditional answer.
-2-
870 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 2 of 10 Document 23
to the original parties by the delay.” State v. City of Chicago, 912 F.3d 979, 984 (7th
Cir. 2019) (quoting Grochocinski v. Mayer Brown Rowe & Maw, LLP, 719 F.3d 785,
In this case, the DNC is filing its motion to intervene just two days after
plaintiffs filed this lawsuit. The DNC has thus “move[d] to intervene as soon as it”
knew “its interests might be adversely affected by the outcome of the litigation.”
Heartwood, Inc. v. U.S. Forest Serv., Inc., 316 F.3d 694, 701 (7th Cir. 2003). No
defendant has yet filed a response to Plaintiffs’ complaint. And the DNC is prepared
to proceed in accordance with whatever schedule this Court sets. Thus, intervention
by the DNC will neither delay the resolution of this matter nor prejudice any party.
this litigation that supports its intervention. Solid Waste Agency of N. Cook Cty. v.
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 101 F.3d 503, 506 (7th Cir. 1996). The rules for
Sheriff's Dep’t, 924 F.3d 375, 391 (7th Cir. 2019). But, the “standing inquiry,” gives
content to its meaning, as the Seventh Circuit has “required ‘more than the minimum
Article III interest’ for intervention.’” Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin, Inc. v. Kaul,
942 F.3d 793, 798 (7th Cir. 2019) (quoting Flying J, Inc. v. Van Hollen, 578 F.3d 569,
571 (7th Cir. 2009)). At the same time, the Seventh Circuit has “interpreted
interest.’” Lopez-Aguilar, 924 F.3d at 392 (quoting Meridian Homes Corp. v. Nicholas
W. Prassas & Co., 683 F.2d 201, 204 (7th Cir. 1982)).
The DNC has several significant, protectable interests at stake in this lawsuit,
each of which justify its intervention. First, Plaintiffs seek to disrupt the certification
-3-
871 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 3 of 10 Document 23
the entitlement of the Democratic Party’s candidates for President and Vice-
electoral prospects constitutes constitutional injury. See, e.g., Tex. Democratic Party
v. Benkiser, 459 F.3d 582, 586–87 (5th Cir. 2006) (holding that a “basis for the [Texas
Democratic Party’s] direct standing is harm to its election prospects” and that “a
interest”); Owen v. Mulligan, 640 F.2d 1130, 1132 (9th Cir. 1981) (holding that “the
potential loss of an election” is sufficient injury to confer Article III standing). Courts
have permitted political parties to intervene on these grounds. See, e.g., Issa v.
2020) (granting intervention of state party where “Plaintiffs’ success on their claims
would disrupt the organizational intervenors’ efforts to promote the franchise and
ensure the election of Democratic Party candidates” (quoting Paher v. Cegavske, No.
Marion Cty. Election Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 189 n.7 (2008) (agreeing with the unanimous
view of the Seventh Circuit that the Indiana Democratic Party had Article III
standing to challenge a voter identification law that risked disenfranchising its
members). This, in turn, would require the DNC to divert resources to safeguard the
timely certification of statewide results. See Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Election Bd.,
472 F.3d 949, 951 (7th Cir. 2007) (concluding that challenge law “injure[d] the
Democratic Party by compelling the party to devote resources” that it would not have
needed to devote absent new law), aff’d, 553 U.S. 181 (2008); see also Issa, 2020 WL
As a result, the DNC’s injuries are direct and significant and support its
intervention.
-4-
872 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 4 of 10 Document 23
3. Denial of the motion to intervene would impair the DNC’s
ability to protect its interests.
Next, the DNC’s interests “may, as a practical matter, be impaired or impeded
by disposition of the case.” Driftless Area Land Conservancy, 969 F.3d at 746. When,
litigation, courts have “little difficulty concluding” that its interests will be impaired.
Citizens for Balanced Use v. Montana Wilderness Ass’n, 647 F.3d 893, 898 (9th Cir.
2011) (quoting California ex rel. Lockyer v. United States, 450 F.3d 436, 442 (9th Cir.
2006)). When considering this factor, courts examine the “practical consequences” of
denying intervention. Nuesse v. Camp, 385 F.2d 694, 702 (D.C. Cir. 1967); Advisory
As set forth above, there can be little doubt that if Plaintiffs were to succeed in
decertifying the election, the DNC “would be directly rather than remotely harmed.”
Flying J, Inc. v. Van Hollen, 578 F.3d 569, 572 (7th Cir. 2009). The relief Plaintiffs
disenfranchise the DNC’s members, and otherwise harm the DNC’s mission. Courts
Apr. 28, 2020) (granting DNC intervention in election case regarding election
procedures and recognizing impairment of DNC’s interests); see also Issa, 2020 WL
election procedures).
parties. Driftless Area Land Conservancy, 969 F.3d at 747. The Seventh Circuit
-5-
873 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 5 of 10 Document 23
employs a tiered approach to “evaluating adequacy of representation.” Id. at 747.
“‘The default rule . . . is a liberal one.’” Id. (quoting Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin,
Inc., 942 F.3d at 799). It requires a ‘minimal” burden of showing that representation
“‘may be’ inadequate.” Id. (quoting Trbovich v. United Mine Workers of Am., 404 U.S.
528, 538 n.10 (1972)). A more stringent showing is required “if the interest of the
by law with representing the absentee's interest.” Id. Ultimately, examination of this
factor “calls for a contextual, case-specific analysis, and resolving questions about the
Id. at 748.
In this case, the Defendants and the DNC have “interests and objectives that
are materially different” from each other. Id. at 749. The Defendants have an interest
in defending the actions of state officials. The DNC has different objectives: ensuing
that the valid ballot of every Democratic voter in Wisconsin is counted and
safeguarding the election of Democratic candidates. Ultimately, the DNC has specific
and use of their limited resources—that none of the current Defendants share.
2 Further, the Wisconsin Elections Commission and Governor are not “charged
by law with protecting the interests of the proposed intervenors,” the DNC. Planned
Parenthood of Wisconsin, Inc., 942 F.3d at 799; see also Wisconsin Educ. Assn Council
v. Walker, 705 F.3d 640, 659 (7th Cir. 2013) (finding that, in challenge to
constitutionality of statute related to unions, the Governor and other state officials
were “not charged by law” with protecting interests of employees seeking to intervene
in defense of the statute).
-6-
874 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 6 of 10 Document 23
Indeed, other courts have held that such divergent interests between
government defendants and others warrant intervention. See, e.g., Kleissler v. U.S.
Forest Serv., 157 F.3d 964, 972 (3d Cir. 1998) (recognizing that intervention may be
appropriate when “an agency’s views are necessarily colored by its view of the public
welfare rather than the more parochial views of a proposed intervenor”); see also, e.g.,
Issa, 2020 WL 3074351, at *3 (granting intervention and observing that the interests
a state party, which included “ensuring their party members and the voters they
represent have the right to vote,” “advancing their electoral prospects,” and
intervention as of right where proposed intervenors, including the DNC, “may present
arguments about the need to safeguard [the] right to vote that are distinct from [state
defendants’] arguments”).
respectfully requests that the Court exercise its discretion to allow it to intervene
under Rule 24(b). The Court has discretion to grant a motion for permissive
intervention when the Court determines that: (1) the proposed intervenor’s claim or
defense and the main action have a “common question of law or fact,” and (2) the
intervention will not “unduly delay or prejudice the adjudication of the original
parties’ rights.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(b)(1)(B) and (b)(3); see also Planned Parenthood of
Wisconsin, Inc., 942 F.3d at 803 (discussing the district court’s broad discretion in
The DNC meets the criteria for permissive intervention. The motion to
intervene is timely and, given that this litigation is at a very early stage, intervention
will not unduly delay or prejudice the adjudication of the original parties’ rights.
Moreover, the DNC will inevitably raise common questions of law and fact, including
-7-
875 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 7 of 10 Document 23
challenging Plaintiffs’ claims that the lawful votes of Wisconsin voters should be
invalidated. The DNC would contribute to the complete development of the factual
and legal issues before this Court and is “uniquely qualified to represent the ‘mirror-
image’ interests” of the Plaintiff. See Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Bostelmann, No. 20-
III. Conclusion
For the reasons stated above, this Court should grant the DNC’s motion to
intervene as a matter of right. In the alternative, this Court should exercise its
-8-
876 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 8 of 10 Document 23
Respectfully Submitted,
s/Michelle M. Umberger
Seth P. Waxman* Charles G. Curtis, Jr.
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND SBN 1013075
DORR LLP Michelle M. Umberger
1875 Pennsylvania Ave., NW SBN 1023801
Washington, DC 20006 Sopen B. Shah
(202) 663-6000 SBN 1105013
seth.waxman@wilmerhale.com Will M. Conley
SBN 1104680
David S. Lesser* PERKINS COIE LLP
Jamie Dycus* 33 East Main St., Suite 201
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND Madison, WI 53703
DORR LLP (608) 663-7460
7 World Trade Center ccurtis@perkinscoie.com
250 Greenwich Street mumberger@perkinscoie.com
New York, NY 10007 sshah@perkinscoie.com
(212) 230-8800 wconley@perkinscoie.com
9amie.lesser@wilmerhale.com
9amie.dycus@wilmerhale.com Marc E. Elias*
John Devaney*
Matthew W. O’Neill Zachary J. Newkirk*
SBN 1019269 PERKINS COIE LLP
FOX, O’NEILL & 700 Thirteenth St., N.W.,
SHANNON, S.C. Suite 800
622 North Water Street, Washington, D.C. 20005
Suite 500 (202) 654-6200
Milwaukee, WI 53202 melias@perkinscoie.com
(414) 273-3939 jdevaney@perkinscoie.com
mwoneill@foslaw.com znewkirk@perkinscoie.com
-9-
877 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 9 of 10 Document 23
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I hereby certify that on Friday, December 4, 2020, I filed a copy of the foregoing
with the Clerk of the Court using the CM/ECF system, which will send notification
-10-
878 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 10 of 10 Document 23
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Defendants,
&.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
On Thursday, December 3, 2020, Plaintiff William Feehan filed an Amended Motion for
Manner (Dkt. 10), which included a Proposed Briefing Schedule (Dkt. 10-1). Several hours later,
counsel met and conferred about the proposed schedule but were unable to reach agreement.
Subsequent to that meet-and-confer session, one individual and one entity have moved to intervene
in this matter.
In the absence of an agreed schedule among the parties, Defendant Tony Evers proposes
1
Governor Evers’s brief will address not only the merits of Plaintiff’s motion, but also threshold
questions of justiciability.
At the Court’s discretion Court holds an evidentiary hearing and legal argument
(if deemed necessary)
This proposed schedule will significantly expedite resolution of Plaintiff’s claims, though Plaintiff
has no one to blame but himself for the time-crunch that he cites as justification for imposing
impossible deadlines. 2 This proposed schedule also seeks to balance the resources to be devoted
to this case with those necessary for litigating the parallel case filed in this Court by President
Trump3 and any state-court proceedings challenging the results of Wisconsin’s election ongoing 4
Should the Court wish to hear more on this topic, counsel for Governor Evers will gladly
2
Plaintiff asserts that his motion needs to be adjudicated before the electors meet. (Dkt. 18 at *2)
Since that meeting is not until December 14, see 3 U.S.C. § 7 and Wis. Stat. § 7.75, the Governor’s proposed
schedule satisfies that measure.
3
Trump v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, et al., Case No. 2:2020-CV-1785 (E.D. Wis., filed December
2, 2020). Plaintiff in that case has also filed an emergency motion for preliminary injunctive relief. Judge
Ludwig is convening a telephonic scheduling conference at 1:00 p.m. on Friday, December 4, 2020, to set
deadlines in that matter.
4
Wis. Voters Alliance v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, et al., Case No. 2020AP1930-OA (Wis.) (petition
for original jurisdiction in the Wisconsin Supreme Court pending).
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members ANN S.
JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN, MARGE
BOSTELMAN, JULIE M. GLANCEY,
DEAN KNUDSON, ROBERT F.
SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
December 5, at 8:00 p.m., and that this Court issue a decision by Sunday,
December 6, at 5:00 p.m. (Dkt. 10-1; 18.) To justify this incredibly short
available in the one day left before the December 8 meeting of electors.”
(Dkt. 18:2.)
But, even if that meeting had any relevance to this lawsuit, no such
exigency would exist because the meeting of electors does not occur until
December 14, 2020. See Wis. Stat. § 7.75(1) (“The electors for president and
vice president shall meet at the state capitol following the presidential election
at 12:00 noon the first Monday after the 2nd Wednesday in December.”). In
any event, any exigency is of the Plaintiff’s own making, as they have chosen
2
884 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 2 of 3 Document 26
Dated this 4th day of December, 2020.
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
3
885 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/04/20 Page 3 of 3 Document 26
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
MILWAUKEE DIVISION
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Justin A. Nelson of the law firm of Susman Godfrey LLP
has been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this action. Please serve copies of all
papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth below.
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Davida Brook of the law firm of Susman Godfrey L.L.P.
have been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this action. Please serve copies of all
papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth below.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
Considered In An Expedited Manner.” Dkt. No. 10. The amended motion seeks
being submitted pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 65 “and Civil L.R. 7.” Id.
The motion asserts that the plaintiff will suffer irreparable harm if the
court does not grant a temporary restraining order. Id. at 2. The plaintiff states
that he will suffer irreparable harm if various actions he describes “are not
evidence. Id. at ¶5. He asserts that the amended complaint (Dkt. No. 9, filed
issues which are questions of law that may be resolved without factual
No. 10-1. The schedule indicates that the plaintiff’s counsel had conferred with
defense counsel (and planned to speak with them again later that day) and
anticipated proposing that the defendants file their response to the motion for
injunctive relief by 8:00 p.m. on Friday, December 4, 2020, that the plaintiff file
his reply by 8:00 p.m. on Saturday, December 5, 2020 and that the schedule
the matter on briefs without argument.” Id. at 1. Neither the amended motion
nor the briefing schedule indicated whether the plaintiff needed a decision from
Commission, et al., Case No. 20-cv-1785, from U.S. District Court Judge Brett
H. Ludwig to this court. Dkt. No. 18. The brief stated that “[w]ith the College of
‘justice delayed is justice denied.’” Id. at 1. The plaintiff stated that the court
should deny the motion to reassign and “immediately order briefing and issue
its decision no later than 5 p.m. Sunday evening, December 6 so that Plaintiff
may have even a few hours to prepare for and seek whatever further relief may
Id. at 2.
The plaintiff reported that the parties had met and conferred regarding a
briefing schedule for the motion for injunctive relief, but that the defendants
refused to offer a proposed schedule of their own,” indicating that they would
be seeking reassignment of Case No. 20-cv-1785. Id. at 3. The plaintiff said the
defendants also indicated that they could not stipulate to a TRO “to preserve
local jurisdictions and elections clerks.” Id. The plaintiff concluded the brief by
reiterating his request that the court immediately order briefing and that the
court issue its decision no later than 5:00 p.m. Sunday evening, December 6.
request for an expedited briefing schedule. Dkt. No. 25. The defendant noted
that although the plaintiff had asserted that the court needed to decide the
motion before the electors meet, that meeting was not scheduled until
which the defendants would file their briefs in opposition to the motion for
injunctive relief by 5:00 p.m. on Monday, December 7; the plaintiff would file
his reply brief by 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday, December 8; and the court could
members filed their brief in opposition to the request for an expedited briefing
schedule. Dkt. No. 26. They, too, stated that the meeting of electors will not
take place until December 14, 2020. Id. at 26. They propose a schedule
whereby the defendants will file their opposition briefs to the motion for
injunctive relief by 11:59 p.m. on Tuesday, December 8, 2020 and the plaintiff
will file his reply brief by 11:59 p.m. on Wednesday, December 9, 2020. Id. at
2,
2020 amended motion for injunctive relief cites Civil Local Rule 7 (E.D. Wis.),
but identifies no subsection of that rule. Rule 7(b) gives a non-moving party
twenty-one days to respond to a motion and Rule 7(c) gives the moving party
fourteen days to reply. Given the plaintiff’s repeated use of the word “expedited”
and the briefing schedule he proposes, the court concludes that he is asking
the court for shorter turnaround time than that provided in Rules 7(b) and (c).
briefing. Civil L.R. 7(h), which allows a party to seek non-dispositive relief by
expedited motion if the party designates the motion as a “Civil L.R. 7(h)
Expedited Non-Dispositive Motion.” When the court receives a motion with that
designation, it may schedule the motion for a hearing or decide the motion on
the papers and may order an expedited motion schedule. Civil L.R. 7(h)(1). The
file its three-page opposition memorandum within seven days unless the court
Although the plaintiff did not designate it as such, the court construes
the plaintiff’s request for the motion for injunctive relief to be heard in an
Dispositive Motion for an Expedited Briefing Schedule. The court will grant that
motion (although it will not order the briefing schedule the plaintiff suggests).
motion states that the amended complaint and the motion “present material
dispositive issues which are questions of law that may be resolved without
the adverse parties on the line. The anticipated briefing schedule the plaintiff
hearing “as directed by the Court,” states that the plaintiff proposes to “submit
the matter on briefs without argument.” Dkt. No. 10-1 at 1. In his brief in
through the weekend and a ruling from this court on Sunday evening; because
court generally is not in session on weekends, the court deduces that the
extraordinary remedy that may only be awarded upon a clear showing that the
plaintiff is entitled to such relief.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Defense Counsel, Inc.,
555 U.S. 7, 22 (2008) (citing Mazurek v. Armstrong, 520 U.S. 968, 972 (1997)).
right. Id. (citing Munaf v. Geren, 553 U.S. 674, 689-90 (2008)). Courts
considering requests for such extraordinary relief must, in every case, “balance
the competing claims of injury and must consider the effect on each party of
the granting or withholding of the requested relief.” Id. (quoting Amoco Prod.
because that is what the plaintiff—the movant—has asked, the court will rule
on the pleadings.
As for the expedited briefing schedule, the schedule the plaintiff has
proposed severely limits the time available to the defendants to respond to his
pleadings and to the court to rule. The plaintiff created this limitation by
waiting two days to confer with defense counsel and by waiting until late
from the court. The court disagrees that the plaintiff will be denied his right to
time was of the essence because the College of Electors was scheduled to meet
2020 white paper from the Congressional Research Service titled “The Electoral
College: A 2020 Presidential Election Timeline,” the electors will meet and vote
IF11641.
scheduled to meet—is the “safe harbor” deadline under 3 U.S.C. §5. That
statute provides that if a state has provided, “by laws enacted prior to the day
fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determination of any
of such State,” and that final determination has been made “at least six days
before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors,” that determination—if it is
made under the state’s law at least six days prior to the day the electors meet—
“shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting of the electoral votes as
Stat. §9.01. That statute provides for an aggrieved candidate to petition for a
recount. It provides specific procedures for the recount, as well as appeal to the
circuit court and the court of appeals. Wis. Stat. §9.01(11) states that it is “the
exclusive judicial remedy for testing the right to hold an elective office as the
or canvassing process.”
any state court litigation involving an aggrieved candidate who is contesting the
outcome of an election. The state courts1 either will or will not resolve
harbor” deadline. The plaintiff has not explained why it is necessary for this
Donald Trump is the winner of the election; seizing and impounding voting
camera recordings for voting facilities—before the safe harbor deadline for state
Because the electors do not meet and vote until December 14, 2020, the
court will impose a less truncated briefing schedule than the one the plaintiff
proposes, to give the defendants slightly more time to respond. The court will
require the defendants to file their opposition brief to the Plaintiff’s Amended
December 7, 2020. The court will require the plaintiff to file his reply brief in
support of the Plaintiff’s Amended Motion for Temporary Restraining Order and
1The plaintiff has alleged in this federal suit that the defendants violated the
“Wisconsin Election Code.” Dkt. No. 9 at 11. This court has made no
determination regarding whether it has jurisdiction to resolve that claim.
8
The court directs the parties’ attention to Civil L.R. 7(f), which provides
that memoranda in opposition to motions are limited to thirty pages and reply
docketed as a notice of appearance for lead counsel Sidney Powell. Dkt. No. 8.
The document is blank (except for the designation of the court); the court does
The court GRANTS the plaintiff’s amended motion to the extent that it is
The court ORDERS that the defendants’ opposition brief to the Plaintiff’s
The court ORDERS that the plaintiff’s reply brief in support of the
The court DEFERS RULING on the amended motion to the extent that it
injunction.
BY THE COURT:
_____________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
10
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Stephen L. Shackelford, Jr. of the law firm of Susman
Godfrey L.L.P. has been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this action. Please serve
copies of all papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth below.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Richard A. Manthe of the law firm of Stafford Rosenbaum
LLP has been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this action. Please serve copies of
all papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth below.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Paul M. Smith of the Campaign Legal Center has been
retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this action. Please serve copies of all papers in this
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
Earlier this afternoon, the Court issued an order granting in part Plaintiff’s “Amended
Expedited Manner.” The Court’s order establishes a briefing schedule on the merits of Plaintiff’s
request for injunctive relief, and it specifically reminds the parties of Civil Local Rule 7(f), which
sets a default page limit of 30 pages for briefs supporting or opposing most motions: “No
memorandum exceeding the page limitations may be filed unless the Court has previously granted
Defendant Governor Evers intends both to oppose Plaintiff’s motion and to argue in
support of a motion to dismiss Plaintiff’s complaint. Governor Evers plans to address both motions
in one brief. That approach will be more efficient for all parties and the Court. To facilitate this
approach and to increase efficiency, Governor Evers respectfully requests, pursuant to Civil Local
Rule 7(f), that the Court grant leave to file an oversized consolidated memorandum, not to exceed
forty-five pages. Counsel will endeavor not to use the full amount of space unnecessarily.
905
Respectfully submitted this 4th day of December 2020.
Justin A. Nelson
Stephen Shackelford Jr.
Davida Brook
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1000 Louisiana Street
Suite 5100
Houston, TX 77002
(713) 651-9366
jnelson@susmangodfrey.com
sshackelford@susmangodfrey.com
dbrook@susmangodfrey.com
Paul Smith
CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER
1101 14th Street NW
Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 736-2200
psmith@campaignlegalcenter.org
906
AO 458 (Rev. 06/09) Appearance of Counsel
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Address
sidney@federalappeals.com
E-mail address
2147071775
Telephone number
FAX number
907
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
______________________________________________________________________________
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
The plaintiff’s amended complaint alleges that the 2020 election process
“is so riddled with fraud, illegality, and statistical impossibility that this Court,
and Wisconsin’s voters, courts, and legislators, cannot rely on, or certify, any
numbers resulting from this election.” Dkt. No. 9 at ¶5. It states that the court
“must set aside the results of the 2020 General Election and grant the
The amended complaint first asserts that the election software and
reported concerns to this effect in utilizing the hardware and software. Id. at
Wisconsin law. Id. at ¶¶14, 37-45. Third, it alleges that mail-in ballots either
were lots or were fraudulently recorded for voters who did not request them. Id.
they were registered in other states nonetheless voted in Wisconsin. Id. at ¶51.
Id. at ¶142.
Two days after the complaint was filed, the court received a motion to
intervene as a defendant from James Gesbeck. Dkt. No. 14. Mr. Gesbeck stated
absentee ballot. Id. at 2. He asserted that if the court were to grant the
plaintiff’s request to decertify the election results and order defendant Evers to
transmit certified election results stating that President Donald Trump is the
winner of the election, it would “disregard the results of the 2020 General
Election in Wisconsin in which [his] vote was cast.” Id. at 3. He stated that a
“court order directing the outcome of the election would disenfranchise [him]
by not counting [his] vote, nor the votes of millions of people.” Id. Mr. Gesbeck
also said that his interest was in defending his right to vote, and that none of
the defendants are tasked with defending that right and thus cannot defend his
but asserts in the alternative that he meets the standard for permissive
intervention. Id. at 4.
amended motion for injunctive relief and request for an expedited briefing
not admitted to practice before this court and is not an electronic filer (dkt. no.
10 at 1 and n.3)—was not aware of that motion at the time he filed his motion
to intervene. When he became aware of that motion, and realized that the court
might take briefing and reach the merits of the plaintiff’s amended motion for
injunctive relief before it ruled on his motion to intervene, Mr. Gesbeck filed a
Civil Local Rule 7(h) (E.D. Wis.) expedited, non-dispositive motion to intervene.
Dkt. No. 33. He asked the court to rule on his motion by 5:00 p.m. on Friday,
The court received Mr. Gesbeck’s Civil L.R. 7(h) motion at 4:12 p.m. on
Friday, December 4. The court could not rule on his motion by 5:00 p.m. on
December 4. The plaintiff has not responded (and Civil L.R. 7(h) does anticipate
asserts that he is entitled to intervene under Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a) (or, in the
alternative, that he qualifies for permissive intervention under Rule 24(b)), the
court must consider issues such as whether the current defendants adequately
represent his interests and whether he has standing. See, e.g., Flying J., Inc. v.
Van Hollen, 578 F.3d 569, 571 (7th Cir. 2009) (“[T]he interest required by
Article III is not enough by itself to allow a person to intervene in a federal suit
and thus become a party to it.”); Planned Parenthood of Wis., Inc. v. Kaul, 942
While the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure do not provide for the filing of
amicus curiae briefs in the district court (as opposed to Fed. R. App. P. 29,
which governs such filings in federal appellate courts), some district courts
have held that they have inherent authority to appoint an amicus curiae—a
“friend of the court.” See, e.g., Recht v. Justice, No. 5:20-CV-90, 2020 WL
Ohio Dec. 23, 2019); Jin v. Ministry of State Security, 557 F. Supp. 2d 131,
136 (D. D. C. 2008); NGV Gaming, Ltd. v. Upstream Point Molate, LLC, 355 F.
“The term ‘amicus curiae’ means friend of the court, not friend of a
party.” Ryan v. Commodity Futures Trading Com’n, 125 F.3d 1062, 1063 (7th
Cir. 1997) (citing United States v. Michigan, 940 F.2d 143, 164-65 (6th Cir.
1991)). “An amicus brief should normally be allowed when a party is not
interest in some other case that maybe affected by the decision in the present
case . . . or when the amicus has unique information or perspective that can
help the court beyond the help that the lawyers for the parties are able to
prior to the deadline for the defendants to oppose the plaintiff’s amended
motion for injunctive relief and because Mr. Gesbeck indicates that his interest
is not represented in the litigation, the court will allow him to file an amicus
curiae brief by 5:00 p.m. on Monday, December 7, 2020. The brief may not
The court ORDERS that Mr. James Gesbeck may file an amicus curiae
BY THE COURT:
_____________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
No. 2:20-cv-1771
Plaintiff,
v.
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members ANN
S. JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN,
MARGE BOSTELMANN, JULIE M.
GLANCEY, DEAN HUDSON, ROBERT
F. SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
motion for leave to intervene in this action to defend its interests against the claims
filed on December 4, 2020 (Dkt. No. 23), the DNC is entitled to intervene in this case
as a matter of right under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24(a)(2). In the alternative,
would await the Defendants’ opposition brief, which Plaintiff had 21 days to file. Dkt.
No. 7. Thereafter, this Court set an expedited briefing schedule requiring responses
2020, the Court also set a deadline of December 28, 2020, for Plaintiff’s response to
interests as set forth in the DNC Intervention Brief, the DNC respectfully requests
that the Court consider the DNC’s motion expeditiously and grant it permission to
intervene in this case as soon as reasonably possible. The DNC is prepared to submit
Counsel for the DNC has asked counsel for both the Plaintiff and the
Defendants if they oppose the DNC’s motion to intervene. Plaintiff’s counsel states
that that it opposes the DNC’s motion. None of the Defendants oppose the DNC’s
motion.
WHEREFORE, the DNC requests that the court grant it leave to intervene in
the above-captioned matter so that it may file its response in accordance with the
1
Dkt. No. 22. In accordance with Rule 24(c), a proposed answer to Plaintiff’s
complaint was attached as Exhibit 1 to the DNC’s Motion to Intervene. Id.,
Attachment 1.
-2-
915 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/05/20 Page 2 of 4 Document 40
Respectfully Submitted,
s/Michelle M. Umberger
Seth P. Waxman* Charles G. Curtis, Jr.
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND SBN 1013075
DORR LLP Michelle M. Umberger
1875 Pennsylvania Ave., NW SBN 1023801
Washington, DC 20006 Sopen B. Shah
(202) 663-6000 SBN 1105013
seth.waxman@wilmerhale.com Will M. Conley
SBN 1104680
David S. Lesser* PERKINS COIE LLP
Jamie Dycus* 33 East Main St., Suite 201
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND Madison, WI 53703
DORR LLP (608) 663-7460
7 World Trade Center ccurtis@perkinscoie.com
250 Greenwich Street mumberger@perkinscoie.com
New York, NY 10007 sshah@perkinscoie.com
(212) 230-8800 wconley@perkinscoie.com
david.lesser@wilmerhale.com
jamie.dycus@wilmerhale.com Marc E. Elias*
John Devaney*
Matthew W. O’Neill Zachary J. Newkirk*
SBN 1019269 PERKINS COIE LLP
FOX, O’NEILL & 700 Thirteenth St., N.W.,
SHANNON, S.C. Suite 800
622 North Water Street, Washington, D.C. 20005
Suite 500 (202) 654-6200
Milwaukee, WI 53202 melias@perkinscoie.com
(414) 273-3939 jdevaney@perkinscoie.com
mwoneill@foslaw.com znewkirk@perkinscoie.com
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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
foregoing with the Clerk of the Court using the CM/DKT. system, which will send
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
______________________________________________________________________________
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
The plaintiff’s amended complaint alleges that the 2020 election process
“is so riddled with fraud, illegality, and statistical impossibility that this Court,
and Wisconsin’s voters, courts, and legislators, cannot rely on, or certify, any
numbers resulting from this election.” Dkt. No. 9 at ¶5. It states that the court
“must set aside the results of the 2020 General Election and grant the
The amended complaint first asserts that the election software and
reported concerns to this effect in utilizing the hardware and software. Id. at
were lost or were fraudulently recorded for voters who did not request them. Id.
at ¶¶46-50. Fourth, it asserts that voters who were ineligible to vote because
they were registered in other states nonetheless voted in Wisconsin. Id. at ¶51.
Id. at ¶142.
The day after the plaintiff filed the amended complaint, the movant—
result” and maintains that “[t]he extraordinary relief Plaintiffs1 request would
deprive the DNC’s members and constituents of their rights to have their votes
counted, undermine the electoral prospects of the DNC’s candidates, and divert
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a). Id. It argues that its motion is timely filed, id. at 2-3, that
it has significant interests at stake in the litigation, id. at 3-4, that denial of the
1
The original complaint was filed by two plaintiffs—William Feehan and Derrick
Van Orden. Dkt. No. 1. William Feehan is the only plaintiff named in the
amended complaint; Van Orden no longer is a defendant. Dkt. No. 9.
3
interests are not adequately represented by the defendants, id. at 5-7. The
movant next argues that if the court does not agree that it is entitled to
After the court extended the Civil Local Rule 7(b) (E.D. Wis.) deadline for
the plaintiff to respond (because the twenty-one-day deadline would have fallen
on December 25, 2020), dkt. no. 38, the movant filed a Civil L.R. 7(h)
intervene “as soon as reasonably possible,” stating that it was prepared to file a
response by the deadline the court has set for the defendants to respond (5:00
The court grants the request for an expedited ruling, denies the motion
A. Intervention As of Right
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a) provides that “[o]n timely motion, the court must
impede the movant’s ability to protect its interest, unless existing parties
adequately represent that interest.” (Emphasis added.) The Seventh Circuit has
[T]he court must permit intervention if (1) the motion is timely; (2)
the moving party has an interest relating to the property or
4
Driftless Area Land Conservancy v. Huebsch, 969 F.3d 742, 746 (7th Cir. 2019)
tehri rights, and upon so learning they need to act promptly.’” Reich v.
ABC/York-Estes Corp., 64 F.3d 316, 321 (7th Cir. 1995 (quoting Nissei Sangyo
America, Ltd. v. United States, 31 F.3d 435, 438 (7th Cir. 1994)). In
and the prejudice to the intervenor if his motion is denied.” Id. The Seventh
(1) the length of time the intervenor knew or should have known of
his interest in the case; (2) the prejudice caused to the original
parties by the delay; (3) the prejudice to the intervenor if the motion
is denied; (4) any other unusual circumstances.
State v. City of Chi., 912 F.3d 979, 984 (7th Cir. 2019) (quoting Grochinski v.
Mayer Brown Rowe & Maw, LLP, 719 F.3d 785, 797-90 (7th Cir. 2013)).
The movant filed its motion to intervene three days after the original
complaint was filed and a day after the amended complaint. There would be no
movant did not address the third and fourth factors—the prejudice to the
movant if the court does not allow it to intervene and any other unusual
circumstances. Because the movant filed its motion only a day after the
plaintiff filed the original complaint, however, the court concludes that the
motion is timely.
The movant next must demonstrate that it has an interest relating to the
Commission and its members to sign the canvass statement for the 2020
general election and the recount in Dane and Milwaukee Counties and the
imagine.
Rule 24(a)(2) requires that the applicant claim “an interest relating
to the property or transaction that is the subject of the action.”
“Interest” is not defined, but the case law makes clear that more
than the minimum Article III interest is required. Cases say for
example that a mere “economic interest” is not enough. E.g., In re
Lease Oil Antitrust Litigation, 570 F.3d 244, 250-52 (5th Cir. 2009);
Mountaintop Condominium Ass’n v. Dave Stabbert Master Builder,
Inc., 72 F.3d 361, 366 (3d Cir. 1995); cf. Reich v. ABC/York-Estes
Corp., 64 F.3d 316, 322-23 (7th Cir. 1995). While that is a confusing
Flying J, Inc. v. Van Hollen, 578 F.3d 569, 571 (7th Cir. 2009).
question of standing. The Seventh Circuit has held that “[n]o one can maintain
required by Article III of the Constitution—that is, unless he can show injury . .
. and that he would benefit from a decision in his favor.” Flying J, Inc., 578
F.3d at 571. “Standing to sue” implies that it is only the plaintiff who must
standing does not arise because the plaintiff has sought relief against the
in a lawsuit brought by a plaintiff who has not sought relief against it. See
when the defendant represents a broad public interest (as, arguably, the
movant does)—must have Article III standing is unclear. See, e.g., Diamond v.
Charles, 476 U.S. 54, 68 (1986) (concluding that it need not decide whether a
party seeking to intervene due to public concerns must have Article III
Conflict Between Rule 24(a)(2) and Article III Standing, 85 Fordham L. Rev. 2525
(2017).
The movant points to cases in which courts have found that political
parties have standing to sue. It cites Tex. Democratic Party v. Benkiser, 459
F.3d 582 (5th Cir. 2006), in which the Fifth Circuit concluded that the Texas
Democratic Party had standing to contest the party chair’s declaration that
Representative Tom DeLay was ineligible for election. It cites Owen v. Mulligan,
640 F.2d 1130, 1132 (9th Cir. 1981), in which the Ninth Circuit characterized
the defendant’s argument that “the only threatened injury to the plaintiffs is
to a recent case in which a district court found that partisan political groups
standing, and what that standing might look like when the potential defendant-
would constitute such standing, the court assumes that the movant has an
interest in the transactions that give rise to the litigation and will move to the
legal question involved in the action would as a practical matter foreclose rights
Corp. v. Nicholas W. Prassas & Co., 683 F.2d 201, 204 (7th Cir. 1982).
other words, whether or not the defendants succeed in this suit, is the movant
free to initiate its own suit? See, Shea v. Angulo, 19 F.3d 343, 347 (7th Cir.
1994).
decertifying the results of Wisconsin’s 2020 general election and ordering the
because it has no complaint with the status quo. Because the electoral college
will meet and vote in eight days, the movant likely would not have time to
mount its own suit in the event this court rules in favor of the plaintiff.
disposition.
4. Adequacy of Representation
The movant asserts that its interests are not adequately represented by
the existing parties. Dkt. No. 23 at 5. It says that while the defendants “have
Party’s overall electoral prospects and use of their limited resources—that none
10
24(a) test in the past year. Most recently, in Driftless, the court explained that
movant’s interest, the movant has only the minimal burden of showing that the
intervention.” Planned Parenthood, 942 F.3d at 799 (quoting Wis. Ed. Ass’n
11
the existing parties is a governmental body charged by law with protecting the
interests of the movant, the presumption is even stronger and the standard for
government bodies. The movant asserts, however, that none of them are
charged by law with protecting its interests. Dkt. No. 23 at 6 n.2. The
nor its members are charged with protecting the interests of a party or
candidate. But its mission would appear to include ensuring that the valid
narrower context of the lawsuit, the court presumes the WEC’s interest and
Wisconsin’s election laws, particularly in signing the canvass statement for the
2020 Presidential general election results after the recount in Milwaukee and
Dane Counties. And the interest of defendant Governor Evers presumably will
The court agrees that none of the defendants are “charged by law with
F.3d at 799, to the extent that the movant’s interests go beyond its interest in
12
and procedures. This means the movant need not rebut the most heightened
presumption of adequacy.
But the movant and the defendants have “the same goal.” WEAC, 705
F.3d at 659 (citing Shea, 19 F.3d at 347). The movant and the defendants both
seek to defend the results of the Wisconsin 2020 Presidential general election.
Both oppose the relief the plaintiff seeks—the decertification of the election and
the ground that the election was lawful and the results valid.
The fact that the movant and the defendants share the same goal may
WEAC, the court had stated that an intervenor’s interest must be “unique;”
WEAC cited Keith v. Daley, 764 F.2d 1265, 1268 (7th Cir. 1985), as
support for the uniqueness requirement. The relevant passage in
Keith, however, doesn’t use the term “unique.” It says this: “The
[intervenor’s] interest must be based on a right that belongs to the
proposed intervenor rather than to an existing party in the suit.” Id.
In other words, the intervenor’s interest must be based on a right
that is direct and independent. That much is clear from the
immediately preceding sentence: “A proposed intervenor must
demonstrate a direct, significant[,] and legally protectable interest in
the property [or transaction] at issue in the lawsuit.”
13
Given this clarification, Judge Sykes concluded that the Legislature had
defend the certification of the 2020 election results. It has different reasons for
defending the certification. Its candidates were certified as the winners of the
Presidential election; it and its constituents are pleased with the result. But the
movant seeks to defend the certification because the movant believes it was
lawful and because it asserts that decertification would result in valid votes
being disregarded. The movant is more concerned about valid Democratic votes
being disregarded. But its concern about any votes being disregarded aligns
Because the movant has the same goal as the defendants and has
identified no right independent of the defendants, the movant must rebut the
exists.” WEAC, 705 F.3d at 659. The movant has not identified such a conflict.
5. Conclusion
The court concludes that because the movant has not rebutted the
presumption that the defendants will adequately represent its interests and
In the alternative, the movant asks the court to exercise its discretion
and allow it to intervene under Rule 24(b). Dkt. No. 23 at 7. It indicates that it
will “inevitably raise common questions of law or fact,” and that it would
contribute to the complete development of the factual and legal issues before
if that party “has a claim or defense that shares with the main action a
common question of law or fact.” The Planned Parenthood decision sheds light
The court will not exercise its discretion to grant permissive intervention.
First, as the court has noted, the issue of standing for defendant-intervenors is
murky. While the Seventh Circuit has speculated that permissive intervention
may not require standing “if the existing parties present a case or controversy,”
it has not decided the question. Id. at 803 n.5. Second, the court has noted
15
defendants from adequately representing its interests. Third, the movant says
that it would contribute to the adequate development of the record. That may
court as an amicus.
C. Amicus Curiae
While the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure do not provide for the filing of
amicus curiae briefs in the district court (as opposed to Fed. R. App. P. 29,
which governs such filings in federal appellate courts), some district courts
have held that they have inherent authority to appoint an amicus curiae—a
“friend of the court.” See, e.g., Recht v. Justice, No. 5:20-CV-90, 2020 WL
Ohio Dec. 23, 2019); Jin v. Ministry of State Security, 557 F. Supp. 2d 131,
136 (D. D.C. 2008); NGV Gaming, Ltd. v. Upstream Point Molate, LLC, 355 F.
to file an amicus brief to file a motion. The motion must state the movant’s
interest and why the amicus brief is desirable. The movant has not sought to
file an amicus brief—it seeks to intervene as a party. The court has denied that
relief but believes that the movant has demonstrated that it has an interest in
the litigation.
16
friend of the court, not friend of a party.” Ryan v. Commodity Futures Trading
Com’n, 125 F.3d 1062, 1063 (7th Cir. 1997) (citing United States v. Michigan,
940 F.2d 143, 164-65 (6th Cir. 1991)). “An amicus brief should normally be
all, when the amicus has an interest in some other case that maybe affected by
the decision in the present case . . . or when the amicus has unique
information or perspective that can help the court beyond the help that the
lawyers for the parties are able to provide.” Id. (Citations omitted.) The movant
argues that it has unique information and a unique perspective that the
The court will, sua sponte, allow the movant to file an amicus brief
relating to the plaintiff’s request for injunctive relief, so that the movant may do
what it has said it has the ability to do—help to fully develop the record. The
movant must file its brief by the deadline the court has set for the defendants
movant also must abide by the page limitation in Civil L.R. 7(f)—no more than
thirty pages.
D. Conclusion
Intervene to the extent that it asks the court to expedite its ruling of the
17
The court ORDERS that the movant may file an amicus curiae brief by
BY THE COURT:
______________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
18
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
____________________________________________________________________________
To avoid possible confusion from removal of Mr. Van Orden is Plaintiff, this Amended
Emergency, and Permanent Injunctive Relief, ECF Docket No. 3. It is identical to that original
Memorandum except for amending references to Plaintiffs to refer to Mr. Meehan only and
FACTS
The facts relevant to this motion are set forth in the Complaint and its accompanying exhibits,
all of which are respectfully incorporated herein by reference. We present only a summary.
After a general election and recount, Joe Biden has been declared the winner of Wisconsin’s
General Election for President by a difference of 20,585 votes. But the vote count certified by
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defendants on November 30, 2020 fails to recognize the votes are steeped in fraud. Tens of
thousands of votes counted toward Mr. Biden’s final tally were the product of fraudulent, illegal,
ineligible and outright fictitious ballots. Plaintiff support this claim through the evidence laid out
The Complaint details a pervasive pattern of illegal conduct by Defendants where they
systematically ignored, or acted in direct contravention of, the express requirements of Wisconsin
Election Code provisions specifically intended to prevent voter fraud such as voter Photo ID,
affidavits and even written guidance from Defendant Wisconsin Elections Commission (“WEC”)
instructing election workers to violate the Wisconsin Election Code. See Compl., Section I.
In Section II and III of the Complaint, Plaintiff demonstrates through statistical analysis of
voting results and technical analysis of voting machines and software that each of several distinct
categories of voting fraud or batches of fraudulent ballots were larger than Biden’s 20,585 margin.
The Affidavit of Russell James Ramsland, Jr. first examines the widely reported and
“statistically impossible” Biden “spike” on November 4 where Biden, trailing Trump by a few
percent, suddenly received 143,379 votes in a single five-minute interval, causing his relatively
flat vote tally to make a vertical jump up and over Trump to take the lead in Wisconsin by about
one percent. See Compl., Ex. 17 ¶13. Another red flag identified by Mr. Ramsland is the
historically unprecedented turnout levels (not just for Wisconsin, but for anywhere except for
countries like North Korea): 69 out of 72 Wisconsin counties had “voter turnout figures higher
than 80%, a threshold generally considered to be the maximum expected,” 59 were above 90%,
and two were nearly 200% or more. Id. ¶15. Mr. Ramsland concludes “to a reasonable degree of
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professional certainty” that the Biden spike included at least 119,430 illegal votes for Biden, while
the total illegal votes from the fraudulent turnout figures was at least 384,085. Id. ¶14.
The Complaint provides testimony from several other experts who provided the estimates for
illegal votes that should be discarded due to other categories of voting fraud:
• The report of William M. Briggs, Ph.D. finding that the average sum of two types
of errors or fraud (either by Wisconsin election officials or third parties) – (1)
absentee voters who were recorded as receiving ballots without requesting them
and (2) absentee voters who returned ballots that were recorded as unreturned –
was 29,594 votes (or nearly 31% of total). (See id., Ex 2).
• Matt Braynard used the National Change of Address database to identify votes
by persons that moved out of state or subsequently registered to vote in another
state for the 2020 election, and found a total of 6,966 ineligible votes. (See id.,
Ex 3).
• A separate analysis by Mr. Braynard of the likely number of votes that were
improperly relying on the “indefinitely confined” exemption to voter ID to be
96,437 (See id., Ex 3).
• Another expert witness, whose testimony has been redacted for his safety,
estimates excess votes arising from the statistically significant outperformance
of Dominion machines on behalf of Joe Biden to be 181,440. (See id., Ex 3)
Thus each of these sources of fraudulent votes (with the exception of the still substantial
number of illegal out-of-state voters) is larger than Biden’s margin of victory, and if any of these
categories of illegal voters were thrown out, it would change the result of the election, and give
Section III of the Complaint also provides testimony from experts regarding the security flaws
in Wisconsin voting machines, in particular, Dominion Voting Systems (“Dominion”) that allow
Dominion, as well domestic and foreign actors, to alter, destroy, manipulate or exfiltrate ballot and
other voting data, and potentially to do so without a trace due to Dominion’s unprotected logs. For
example, the Complaint includes an analysis of the Dominion software system by a former US
Military Intelligence expert concludes that the system and software have been accessible and were
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certainly compromised by rogue actors, such as Iran and China. (See Compl., Ex.105). By using
servers and employees connected with rogue actors and hostile foreign influences combined with
adversaries to access data and intentionally provided access to their infrastructure in order to
monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent one in 2020. The substantial
likelihood that hostile foreign governments, with or without active collusion or collaboration with
the Defendants, is a separate and independent ground to grant the declaratory and injunctive relief
DISCUSSION
Plaintiff William Feehan, is a registered Wisconsin voter and a nominee of the Republican
Party to be a Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Wisconsin. “Electors have standing as
candidates." Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020). As a candidate for elective
office, Plaintiff has “a cognizable interest in ensuring that the final vote tally reflects the legally
valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete and particularized injury to candidates
such as the Electors.” Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051, 1057 (8th Cir. 2020) (affirming that
Presidential Electors have Article III and prudential standing to challenge actions of Secretary of
State in implementing or modifying State election laws); see also McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U.S.
1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000) (per curiam).
“To obtain a preliminary injunction, a plaintiff must show three things: (1) without such relief,
he will suffer irreparable harm before his claim is finally resolved; (2) he has no adequate remedy
at law; and (3) he has some likelihood of success on the merits. Harlan v. Scholz, 866 F.3d 754,
4
939 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/06/20 Page 4 of 11 Document 42
758 (7th Cir. 2017) (citing Girl Scouts of Manitou Council, Inc. v. Girl Scouts of U.S. of Am., Inc.,
549 F.3d 1079, 1086 (7th Cir. 2008).” “If the plaintiff can do that much, the court must then weigh
the harm the plaintiff will suffer without an injunction against the harm the defendant will suffer
with one.” Harlin, 866 F.3d at 758 (citing Ty, Inc. v. Jones Grp., Inc., 237 F.3d 891, 895 (7th Cir.
2001). In addition, the court must ask whether the preliminary injunction is in the public interest.
All elements are met here. “When the state legislature vests the right to vote for President in
its people, the right to vote as the legislature has prescribed is fundamental; and one source of its
fundamental nature lies in the equal weight accorded to each vote and the equal dignity owed to
each voter.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (emphasis added). The evidence shows not
only that Defendants failed to administer the November 3, 2020 election in compliance with the
manner prescribed by the Wisconsin legislature, but that Defendants committed a scheme and
artifice to fraudulently and illegally manipulate the vote count to make certain the election of Joe
Biden as President of the United States. This conduct violated Plaintiffs’ equal protection and due
The Plaintiff does not need to demonstrate a likelihood of absolute success on the merits.
“Instead, [it] must only show that [its] chances to succeed on his claims are ‘better than negligible.’
” Whitaker v. Kenosha Unified Sch. Dist. No. 1 Bd. of Educ., 858 F.3d 1034, 1046 (7th Cir. 2017).
(quoting Cooper v. Salazar, 196 F.3d 809, 813 (7th Cir. 1999)). “This is a low threshold,” id., that
Through detailed fact and expert testimony including documentary evidence contained in the
Complaint and its exhibits, Plaintiff has made a compelling showing that Defendants’ intentional
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actions jeopardized the rights of Wisconsin citizens to select their leaders under the process set out
by the Wisconsin Legislature through the commission of election frauds that violated state laws
and the Equal Protection Clause in the United States Constitution. And pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §
1983, a plaintiff must demonstrate by a preponderance of the evidence that his constitutional rights
to equal protection or fundamental right to vote were violated. See, e.g., Radentz v. Marion Cty.,
The tally of ballots certified by Defendants giving Mr. Biden the lead with 20,800 votes cannot
possibly stand in light of the thousands of illegal mail-in ballots that were improperly counted and
Plaintiffs’ equal protection claim is straightforward. The right of qualified citizens to vote in
a state election involving federal candidates is recognized as a fundamental right under the
Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution. Harper v. Va. State Bd. of Elections,
383 U.S. 663, 665 (1966). See also Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554 (1964) (The Fourteenth
Amendment protects the “the right of all qualified citizens to vote, in state as well as in federal
elections.”). Indeed, ever since the Slaughter-House Cases, 83 U.S. 36 (1873), the United States
Supreme Court has held that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
protects certain rights of federal citizenship from state interference, including the right of citizens
to directly elect members of Congress. See Twining v. New Jersey, 211 U.S. 78, 97 (1908) (citing
Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651, 663-64 (1884)). See also Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112,
The fundamental right to vote protected by the Fourteenth Amendment is cherished in our
nation because it “is preservative of other basic civil and political rights.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at
562; League of Women Voters of Ohio v. Brunner, 548 F.3d 463,476 (6th Cir. 2008) (“The
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right to vote is a fundamental right, preservative of all rights.”). Voters have a “right to cast
a ballot in an election free from the taint of intimidation and fraud,” Burson v. Freeman, 504 U.S.
191, 211 (1992), and “[c]onfidence in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to the
functioning of our participatory democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006) (per
curiam).
“Obviously included within the right to [vote], secured by the Constitution, is the right of
qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them counted” if they are validly cast.
United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315 (1941). “[T]he right to have the vote counted” means
counted “at full value without dilution or discount.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, n.29 (quoting
South v. Peters, 339 U.S. 276, 279 (1950) (Douglas, J., dissenting)).
“Every voter in a federal . . . election, whether he votes for a candidate with little chance of
winning or for one with little chance of losing, has a right under the Constitution to have his vote
fairly counted, without its being distorted by fraudulently cast votes.” Anderson v. United States,
417 U.S. 211, 227 (1974); see also Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208 (1962). Invalid or fraudulent
votes “debase[]” and “dilute” the weight of each validly cast vote. See Anderson, 417 U.S. at 227.
The right to an honest [count] is a right possessed by each voting elector, and to the extent
that the importance of his vote is nullified, wholly or in part, he has been injured in the free exercise
of a right or privilege secured to him by the laws and Constitution of the United States.” Anderson,
417 U.S. at 226 (quoting Prichard v. United States, 181 F.2d 326, 331 (6th Cir.), aff'd due to
Practices that promote the casting of illegal or unreliable ballots or fail to contain basic
minimum guarantees against such conduct, can violate the Fourteenth Amendment by leading to
the dilution of validly cast ballots. See Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 (“[T]he right of suffrage can be
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denied by a debasement or dilution of the weight of a citizen’s vote just as effectively as by wholly
prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.”). States may not, by arbitrary action or other
unreasonable impairment, burden a citizen’s right to vote. See Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208
(1962) (“citizen’s right to a vote free of arbitrary impairment by state action has been judicially
“Having once granted the right to vote on equal terms, the state may not, by later arbitrary and
disparate treatment, value one person’s vote over that of another.” Bush, 531 U.S. at 104-05.
Among other things, this requires “specific rules designed to ensure uniform treatment” in order
to prevent “arbitrary and disparate treatment of voters.” Id. at 106-07; see also Dunn v. Bloomstein,
405 U.S. 330, 336 (1972) (providing that each citizen “has a constitutionally protected right to
participate in elections on an equal basis with other citizens in the jurisdiction”). Similarly, equal
protection needs to be recognized in this case where many Wisconsin’s citizens’ lawful votes
remained uncounted, and many were diluted by unlawful votes in violation of the Equal Protection
clause.
constitutional claim, such an injury has been held to constitute irreparable harm.” Democratic Nat’l
Comm. v. Bostelmann, 447 F.Supp.3d 757, 769 (W.D. Wis. 2020) (citing Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S.
347, 373, 96 S.Ct. 2673, 49 L.Ed.2d 547 (1976) (where plaintiff had proven a probability of
success on the merits, the threatened loss of First Amendment freedoms “unquestionably
constitutes irreparable injury”); see also Preston v. Thompson, 589 F.2d 300, 303 n.4 (7th Cir.
harm.”).
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Moreover, courts have specifically held that infringement on the fundamental right to vote
constitutes irreparable injury. See Obama for Am. v. Husted, 697 F.3d 423, 435 (6th Cir. 2012) (“A
restriction on the fundamental right to vote ... constitutes irreparable injury.”); Williams v. Salerno,
792 F.2d 323, 326 (2d Cir. 1986) (holding that plaintiffs “would certainly suffer irreparable harm
citizens’ constitutional right to vote cannot be redressed by money damages.” Bostelmann, 447
F.Supp.3d at 769 (citing Christian Legal Soc'y v. Walker, 453 F.3d 853, 859 (7th Cir. 2006) (“The
loss of First Amendment freedoms is presumed to constitute an irreparable injury for which money
damages are not adequate.”); League of Women Voters of N. Carolina v. North Carolina, 769 F.3d
224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014) (“[O]nce the election occurs, there can be no do-over and no redress.”).”
Under Seventh Circuit law, a “sliding scale” approach is used for balancing of harms: “[t]he
more likely it is that [the movant] will win its case on the merits, the less the balance of harms
need weigh in its favor.” Girl Scouts of Manitou Council v. Girl Scouts of United States of Am.,
Inc., 549 F.3d 1079, 1100 (7th Cir. 2008). Plaintiff above have shown his strong likelihood of
success on the merits above. The low costs to Defendants and high potential harm to Plaintiff make
this a case with a substantial net harm that an immediate and emergency injunctive relief can
prevent.
In this regard, Plaintiff would highlight a recent Eleventh Circuit decision addressed a claim
in 2018 related to Georgia’s voting system and Dominion Voting Systems that bears on the
likelihood of Plaintiffs’ success on the merits and the balance of harms in the absence of injunctive
relief:
9
944 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/06/20 Page 9 of 11 Document 42
In summary, while further evidence will be necessary in the future, the Court finds that the
combination of the statistical evidence and witness declarations in the record here (and the
expert witness evidence in the related Curling case which the Court takes notice of)
persuasively demonstrates the likelihood of Plaintiff succeeding on its claims. Plaintiff has
shown a substantial likelihood of proving that the Secretary's failure to properly maintain
a reliable and secure voter registration system has and will continue to result in the
infringement of the rights of the voters to cast their vote and have their votes counted.
Common Cause Georgia v. Kemp, 347 F. Supp. 3d 1270, 1294-1295, (11th Cir. 2018).
Therefore, it is respectfully requested that the Court grant Plaintiffs’ Motion and enter the
/s Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler, Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
10
945 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/06/20 Page 10 of 11 Document 42
Local Counsel for Plaintiffs
Michael D. Dean
Wis. Bar No.01019171
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
miked@michaelddeanllc.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
11
946 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/06/20 Page 11 of 11 Document 42
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
COMES NOW Plaintiff, William Feehan by and through his undersigned counsel, and moves
the Court to permitting him to submit separate or consolidated replies of 15 pages each to each of
the multiple submissions of Defendants and Amici in opposition to Plaintiff’s Motion for
1) By Order dated December 4, ECF Docket No. 29, the Court referenced “Civil L.R. 7(f),
which provides that memoranda in opposition to motions are limited to thirty pages and reply
3) By the same Order, the Court directed Defendants Gov. Tony Evers and Wisconsin Elections
Commission to file an “opposition brief” to Plaintiff’s Amended Motion by 5:00 p.m. on Monday,
December 7, 2020, and directed Plaintiff to file his reply by 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday, December 8.
4) While the reference is to a single brief, Defendants are represented by separate counsel, and
Plaintiff anticipates that each Defendant will file a separate 30 page brief in opposition to Plaintiff’s
Amended Motion.
5) Subsequently on December 4, Defendant Gov. Tony Evers filed a Motion Requesting Leave
to File an Oversized Memorandum of 45 pages in support of his proposed Motion to Dismiss and
6) By Text Order dated December 4, ECF Docket No. 36, the Court indicated the Court would
allow Gov. Tony Evers leave to file “separate briefs opposing the plaintiff’s amended motion and
supporting his own.” Pursuant to Civil L. R. 7(f), the separate brief apparently may be 30 pages as
well.
7) By Order dated December 4, ECF Docket No. 37, the Court granted leave to proposed
Intervenor James Gesbeck to file an amicus brief of 30 pages opposing Plaintiff’s Amended
Motion.
8) By Order dated December 6, ECF Docket No. 41, the Court granted leave to proposed
Intervenor Democratic National Committee to file an amicus brief opposing Plaintiff’s Amended
Motion for Temporary Restraining Order, also presumably 30 pages, the same as Amici Gesbeck.
9) The total page limit of opposition to Plaintiff’s Amended Motion may therefore total as many
as 150 pages.
present, to a single 15 page reply in response to the total 150 pages filed in opposition.
11) While Plaintiff may well not file a 15 page Reply to each and every submission, Plaintiff
cannot anticipate all arguments raised by multiple Defendants and Amici, and in any event, a limit
Amici.
CONCLUSION
Based on the Court’s stated preference that Gov. Evers file separate briefs supporting his Motion
to Dismiss and opposing Plaintiff’s Amended Motion, Plaintiff therefore requests leave to file a
separate Reply to each opposing submission, each Reply not to exceed 15 pages.
/s Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler, Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
COMES NOW Plaintiff, William Feehan by and through his undersigned counsel, and moves
the Court to schedule an evidentiary hearing on the merits at 9 a.m., Wednesday, December 9,
2020, or at the Court’s earliest opportunity other than on Thursday, December 10, 2020. This
commenced similar actions in several other jurisdictions, based upon evidence provided in the
Affidavits and Declarations the same or similar to those of Plaintiff’s expert witnesses supporting
3) Because Plaintiff’s counsel had concluded that December 8 was the final date for
determining injunctive relief and because Plaintiff’s expert witnesses could not be available in
multiple courts at once, Plaintiff proposed to proceed based on the expert witness and other
documentary evidence provided in the Exhibits to his Complaint, which Plaintiff asserts satisfies
the evidentiary standard for a Temporary Restraining Order in any event. Pl. Amended
Memorandum at 5 – 8.
4) However, pursuant to its Order dated December 4, ECF Docket No. 29, the Court has
determined that December 14 is the final date for determination rather than December 8. Further,
except for Thursday, December 10, scheduling ordered in the other jurisdictions has now made it
possible for Plaintiff’s experts to appear before this Court on Wednesday, December 9 or thereafter.
5) Also, counsel who have appeared on behalf of Defendants and amici proposed intervenors
in this action have appeared on behalf of similarly situated defendants in other jurisdictions. Based
upon their filings in those jurisdictions and the responsive pleadings proposed by amici in this
action, it is clear that defendants intend to argue, inter alia, that relief should not be granted apart
6) In its December 4 Order, the Court contemplated “exercis[ing] its discretion whether to hold
more thorough basis for its decision than the documentary evidence available to date, and would
make possible a final order with at least a minimal window of several days available for appeal.
9) Plaintiff would present three witnesses and estimates the entire hearing could be concluded
in three hours.
CONCLUSION
/s Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler, Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members
ANN S. JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN,
MARGE BOSTELMAN, JULIE M.
GLANCEY, DEAN KNUDSON, ROBERT
F. SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
This case should proceed on the schedule that has already been ordered.
not advance resolution of this case. For reasons detailed in the Commission’s
filings later today, the injunction and this entire case can and should be
resolved on briefs. In any event, the Commission has already relied on the
Plaintiff’s request to not have a hearing when scheduling other cases, and a
initially filed his motion for a temporary restraining order and preliminary
injunction on December 1 without asking for a hearing. (See Dkt. 2.) He then
amended that motion later that day, again, without requesting a hearing (see
Dkt. 6), which the Court acknowledged in its December 2 order (Dkt. 7). The
that it “present material dispositive issues which are questions of law that may
court granted that request and scheduled briefing. (Dkt. 29:6) (“But because
that is what the plaintiff—the movant—has asked, the court will rule on the
pleadings.”) Now, at 9:00 p.m. on the Sunday evening before Defendants’ briefs
are due, Plaintiff decides to change his direction and requests an evidentiary
inexcusable.
It has relied on Plaintiff’s prior request to not have a hearing when scheduling
other hearings, and its witnesses cannot now reasonably prepare and may not
2
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be available given other proceedings. This week, there is a pretrial hearing on
Comm’n, No. 20-cv-1785-bhl (E.D. Wis.) (See Dkt. 45 noting that a final pretrial
Trump brings election claims through the state procedures under Wis. Stat.
§ 9.01. Donald J. Trump vs. Joseph R. Biden, No. 20CV7092 (Wis. Cir. Ct.
9:00 a.m.). And Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos and Majority Leader
and Elections will host a public hearing on the 2020 presidential election
scheduled for December 11, 2020, at 10:00 a.m. in the Wisconsin State Capitol.
or witnesses who need to prepare for hearings on Thursday and Friday. Adding
hearing and has not requested expedited discovery or deposed any of Plaintiff’s
3
957 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 5 Document 46
their declarations. Astoundingly, Plaintiff fails to even identify which three
Plaintiff’s tactics are inexcusable and should not be entertained by the court.
See, Stern v. Marshall, 564 U.S. 462, 482 (2011) (admonishing plaintiff’s
the Commission’s response brief to be filed later today, Plaintiff’s case has
lacks standing, his inexplicably late claim is barred by laches, and the relief he
Clause. Plaintiff’s individual causes of action fair no better and he has not
hearing is inadmissible under Daubert and the Federal Rules of Evidence. The
response brief to be filed later today. The documents filed with his Complaint and
brief do not even meet basic evidentiary standards and cannot possibly support
4
958 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 4 of 5 Document 46
Commission requests that this case proceed on the schedule that is already
established.
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
5
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AO 458 (Rev. 06/09) Appearance of Counsel
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Intervenor - Democratic
Intervenor/Amicus National
Democratic Committee
National Committee .
David S. Lesser
Printed name and bar number
7 World Trade Center
250 Greenwich Street
New York, NY 10007
Address
David.Lesser@wilmerhale.com
E-mail address
(212) 230-8851
Telephone number
(212) 230-8888
FAX number
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Intervenor - Democratic
Intervenor/Amicus National
Democratic Committee
National Committee .
Jamie S. Dycus
Printed name and bar number
7 World Trade Center
250 Greenwich Street
New York, NY 10007
Address
Jamie.Dycus@wilmerhale.com
E-mail address
(212) 937-7236
Telephone number
(212) 230-8888
FAX number
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Stephen E. Morrissey of the law firm of Susman Godfrey
LLP has been retained by defendant Governor Tony Evers in this action. Please serve copies of
all papers in this action on the undersigned at the address set forth below.
s/ Stephen E. Morrissey
Stephen E. Morrissey
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1201 Third Avenue, Ste. 3800
Seattle, WA 98101
206-516-3880
smorrisey@susmangodfrey.com
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
The reasons for dismissing Plaintiff’s complaint, with prejudice, are numerous. Glaringly,
not only does Plaintiff lack standing to bring his claims, but his claims are also not justiciable
before this Court. Therefore, the Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction and the complaint should
be dismissed pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(1). Moreover, Plaintiff’s claims are barred by the
Eleventh Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. And, given Plaintiff’s delay in filing his
complaint, even if Plaintiff had standing and his claims were both justiciable and not
constitutionally foreclosed, they are now foreclosed under the doctrine of laches. Finally, even if
Plaintiff surmounts these jurisdictional, justiciability, and equitable objections, Plaintiff’s claims
should also be dismissed pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(b) and 12(b)(6) for failure to allege fraud
with particularity and failure to state a claim upon which relief may be granted.
Plaintiff’s claims entirely and with prejudice without ever adjudicating Plaintiff’s motion for
injunctive relief.
This motion to dismiss must be heard before any motion for relief in this matter.
permanent. Moreover, Plaintiff’s recent request for an evidentiary hearing makes clear that what
final adjudication on the merits. Accordingly, Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(i) requires the Court to hear and
decide this motion before reaching Plaintiff’s request for injunctive relief.
The grounds for this motion are fully set forth in the accompanying brief.
Justin A. Nelson
Stephen E. Morrissey
Stephen Shackelford Jr.
Davida Brook
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1000 Louisiana St., Suite 5100
Houston, TX 77002
Paul Smith
CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER
1101 14th St. NW, Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 736-2200
psmith@campaignlegalcenter.org
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
Attorneys for Defendants Wisconsin
Elections Commission and its members
Wisconsin Department of Justice
Post Office Box 7857
Madison, Wisconsin 53707-7857
(608) 266-5457 (Murphy)
(608) 266-3094 (Schmelzer)
(608) 264-6219 (Roth)
(608) 294-2907 (Fax)
murphysm@doj.state.wi.us
schmelzerjj@doj.state.wi.us
rothct@doj.state.wi.us
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................1
ARGUMENT .........................................................................................................4
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................... 27
ii
988 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 30 Document 52
INTRODUCTION
preparation and public announcement of election procedures. Since then, the votes
have been counted, audited, and many were counted again. The results are now
tallied and certified. The candidate who received the most votes for the office of
President Donald Trump. He now, for the first time, alleges that the long-planned
election procedures were unlawful and that the outcome is additionally tainted by a
He offers no direct evidence that even a single vote was miscounted in Wisconsin, and
Wisconsin voters and “an order instructing the Defendants to certify the results of
the General Election for Office of the President in favor of President Donald Trump”
take the election out of the hands of Wisconsin voters, and is fundamentally
undemocratic. This Court should not reverse the outcome of the carefully planned
The November 2020 Wisconsin election was secure and reliable. Nearly 3.3
million Wisconsin voters cast ballots for the office of President of the United States.1
Those votes have been counted, audited, and many have even been re-counted. There
is zero indication of any fraud, or anything else that would call into question the
reliability of the election results. To the contrary, every indication is that the outcome
is correct.
selected 5% of all reporting units statewide—a sample that included at least one piece
equipment. It included 28 voting Dominion machines. (WEC Audit Memo 4.) The
audit then hand-counted 4.2% of all ballots, more than 140,000, and the hand-counted
results were compared to the results tabulated by each kind of voting machine. (WEC
Audit Memo 2.) Members of the public could attend the audit. (WEC Procedures
Memo 2.)
That audit did not “identif[y] any issues with the tabulation functionality of
the voting equipment nor did [it] uncover any programing issues with the machines
2
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on which results were audited.” (WEC Audit Memo 4.) Instead, it showed that “the
tabulated votes.” (WEC Audit Memo 5.) Although some “minor discrepancies” were
uncovered, the “vast majority . . . were due to human error . . . and only impacted one
or two votes . . . and were not indicative of equipment malfunction or failure.” (WEC
Audit Memo 5.) The Commission concluded that “the results of the audit did not
identify any programming errors that impacted how the voting equipment subject to
audit counted votes . . . . This expanded audit and random selection process effectively
confirmed the accuracy of voting equipment used in Wisconsin at the election.” (WEC
counties. President Donald Trump requested a recount of ballots cast in Dane and
Milwaukee counties. That recount did not materially change the vote tallies for either
President Trump or Vice President Biden.3 More to the point, nothing uncovered
categories of ballots that he contends were cast illegally, but he did not identify any
3
991 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 6 of 30 Document 52
Moreover, the wild accusations of election unreliability, such as those in the
nothing to substantiate the allegations. U.S. Attorney General William Barr even
specifically commented on the types of claims being made in this case, concluding:
There’s been one assertion that would be systemic fraud and that would
be the claim that machines were programmed essentially to skew the
election results. And the DHS and DOJ have looked into that, and so
far, we haven’t seen anything to substantiate that.4
These accusations were also denounced by Dominion itself, when it issued a public
From the initial canvassing, through the audit, recount, and federal
Court, and the public, can be confident that votes were correctly recorded and
counted.
ARGUMENT
4
992 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 7 of 30 Document 52
Wisconsin’s presidential vote before inauguration. The type of immediate relief he
seeks is already a drastic remedy and is never awarded as a matter of right. Munaf
v. Geren, 553 U.S. 674, 689–90 (2008). The timing reality here makes his request
especially extraordinary.
Plaintiff carries the burden for his request. A preliminary injunction “may only
be awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff is entitled to such relief.” Winter
v. Nat’l. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 22 (2008); see also Goodman v. Ill. Dep’t
of Fin. & Prof’l Regulation, 430 F.3d 432, 437 (7th Cir. 2005) “A plaintiff seeking a
preliminary injunction must establish [1] that he is likely to succeed on the merits,
[2] that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, [3]
that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and [4] that an injunction is in the public
interest.” Illinois Republican Party v. Pritzker, 973 F.3d 760, 762 (7th Cir. 2020)
Plaintiff has no likelihood of success on the merits. This case has multiple
threshold defects that would require dismissal. Plaintiff lacks standing, his
inexplicably late claim is barred by laches, and the relief he requests is barred by the
claim as a matter of law. The Elections and Electors Clauses do not create federal
claims for alleged vote-counting disputes and violations of state election law of the
kind alleged here do not amount to federal equal protection or due process claims.
5
993 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 8 of 30 Document 52
Even if Plaintiff had a claim, his purported evidence is shockingly unreliable, is
unlikely to even meet basic evidentiary standards, and cannot possibly support
overturning the results of the election. Finally, the relief he seeks is nothing short of
mass disenfranchisement.
Republican Party. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 24.) Neither his status as a registered voter nor an elector
Plaintiff states that he is registered to vote in Wisconsin but does not even
allege that he actually voted in the November 2020 election. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 24.) He cannot
claim any injury by being simply registered. Even if he had voted, it is well
established a voter cannot allege the particularized harm necessary to bring a claim
based on alleged defects in other votes. This is so because the harm Plaintiff alleges
to have suffered would, if proven, be experienced equally by all voters in the state.
Martel v. Condos, No. 20-cv-131, 2020 WL 5755289, at *4 (D. Vt. 2020) (“If every voter
suffers the same incremental dilution of the franchise caused by some third-party’s
fraudulent vote, then these voters have experienced a generalized injury.”); see also
Moore v. Circosta, No. 20CV911, 2020 WL 6063332 at *14 (M.D.N.C. 2020); Donald
J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Cegavske, No. 20-cv-1445 JCM, 2020 WL 5626974, at *4–5
(D. Nev. 2020); Paher v. Cegavske, 457 F. Supp. 3d 919, 926 (D. Nev. 2020).
6
994 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 9 of 30 Document 52
Plaintiff’s status as a presidential elector likewise does not grant him standing.
He cites Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020), for the proposition, never
recognized in the Seventh Circuit, that elector status grants one standing to challenge
election results. But the dissent in Carson persuasively explained why it does not:
Electors are not candidates for public office as that term is commonly
understood. Whether they ultimately assume the office of elector
depends entirely on the outcome of the state popular vote for president
. . . . They are not presented to and chosen by the voting public for their
office, but instead automatically assume that office based on the public's
selection of entirely different individuals.
Id. at 1063 (Kelly, J., dissenting). Electors therefore do not have a “particularized
stake” in the election outcome beyond that of ordinary voters. Id. The Third Circuit
lacked Article III standing to assert nearly-identical claims to the ones Plaintiff
pursues here, showing that Carson is an outlier. See Bognet v. Sec’y Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *8 n.6 (3d. Cir. 2020). And just
today, the Eastern District of Michigan rejected an identical claim. King v. Whitmer,
No. 20-13134 (E.D. MI. December 7, 2020) (explaining that the court is unconvinced
standing privileges. Even if the Plaintiff had standing for some claims, he particularly
lacks standing for any claim that violations of state elections law amount to a federal
claim under the Electors Clause. For Electors Clause claims, even candidate-
plaintiffs fare no better in the standing inquiry than other citizens. See, e.g., Bognet,
2020 WL 6686120 at *8. This is because every candidate, just like every other citizen,
is in precisely the same position. See id. If an Electors Clause claim belongs to anyone,
7
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it belongs “only to the [legislature].” Id. at *7. Here, for claimants like Plaintiff who
are not the legislature, and bear not even a “conceivable relationship to state
lawmaking processes, they lack standing to sue over the alleged usurpation of the
Plaintiff inexplicitly waited until after the Wisconsin election, after the
canvassing, after the recount, after the audit, after results were certified, and indeed
until the eve of the electoral college vote, to bring his claim of state law violations and
widespread fraud that allegedly originated years ago in the era of Hugo Chavez’s
here cannot overturn the results of a completed and certified election through
1053, 1060 (7th Cir. 2016) (citation omitted). “The obligation to seek injunctive relief
in a timely manner in the election context is hardly a new concept.” Id. at 1060–61.
“In the context of elections, . . . any claim against a state electoral procedure must be
expressed expeditiously.” Fulani v. Hogsett, 917 F.2d 1028, 1031 (7th Cir. 1990).
voters cast their ballots in reliance on those procedures. That delay is unreasonable
under both the law and common sense and this case should be dismissed See Wood v.
8
996 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 11 of 30 Document 52
Raffensperger, No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866, at *6 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020)
(Dismissing a case as moot where Plaintiff challenged vote certification after the
election and after results were certified.); (King, No. 20-13134 Dkt. 62:19 (“Plaintiffs
could have lodged their constitutional challenges much sooner than they did, and
certainly not three weeks after Election Day and one week after certification of almost
three million votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’ delay results in their claims
Just for example, on the issue of “indefinitely confined” voters, the legal issues
were litigated in state court almost eight months ago. See Pet. for Original Action,
date March 27, 2020, Supreme Court of Wisconsin, No. 2020AP000557-OA. Plaintiff
obviously could have pressed this indefinite confinement issue in the many months
between when it emerged and the November general election, thus allowing
The prejudice caused by Plaintiff’s delay is profound. Plaintiff sat on his claims
attack those decisions after they became irreversible. See Fulani, 917 F.2d at 1031
(“As time passes, the state’s interest in proceeding with the election increases in
Nothing less than the right of every Wisconsinite to have their vote for
President counted is at stake if Plaintiff’s requests are granted. Indeed, as the U.S.
9
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essential to the functioning of our participatory democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez,
549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006). One could not shake the public’s confidence in our electoral
officials’ guidance.
Plaintiff fundamentally asks this court for a declaration and injunction against
state officials for alleged violations of state election law that he describes as
“Violations of Wisconsin Election Code.” (Dkt. 9:11.) Such a claim is barred by the
Eleventh Amendment.
The Eleventh Amendment bars “relief against state officials on the basis of
state law, whether prospective or retroactive.” Pennhurst State School & Hospital v.
Halderman, 465 U.S. 89, 106 (1984). The Supreme Court has explained that “it is
difficult to think of a greater intrusion on state sovereignty than when a federal court
instructs state officials on how to conform their conduct to state law. Such a result
conflicts directly with the principles of federalism that underlie the Eleventh
Amendment.” Id.; see also Rose v. Bd. of Election Comm’rs for City of Chi., 815 F.3d
372, 375 n.2 (7th Cir. 2016) (“[A]ny argument to the effect that the state did not follow
about state election officials improperly administering state election law. His
10
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Elections and Electors Clause claim turns on “three separate instances where
Defendants violated the Wisconsin Election Code,” (Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 104–06), just as his
Equal Protection Clause claim rests on how “Defendants failed to comply with the
requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code” (Dkt. 9 ¶ 116) and his due process claim
relies on “Defendants[’] violation of the Wisconsin Election Code” (Dkt. 9 ¶ 129). Just
as in the parallel case from Michigan decided today, “the Eleventh Amendment bars
Plaintiffs’ claims against Defendants”. (King, No. 20-13134, Dkt. 62:13.) Plaintiff
fundamentally asks this Court to order state officials to follow state election law,
Legislature” of each state to regulate “[t]he Times, Places, and Manner of holding
Elections for Senators and Representatives”, U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1., and to direct
the selection of presidential electors, U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2, respectively. The
guidance issued by the Commission were contrary to state election law. (Dkt. 9
¶¶ 104–106.) Those claims fail as a matter of law because his disagreement with how
state officials administered state elections law does not state a violation of the
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It is black-letter law that “’[a] violation of state law does not state a claim under
§ 1983,’ and, more specifically, ‘a deliberate violation of state election laws by state
election officials does not transgress against the Constitution.’” Shipley v. Chi. Bd. of
Election Commissioners, 947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th Cir. 2020) (citation omitted); see
also Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, *6 (“[F]ederal courts are not venues for plaintiffs to
assert a bare right ‘to have the Government act in accordance with law.’”) (citation
omitted); Martinez v. Colon, 54 F.3d 980, 989 (1st Cir. 1995) (“[T]he Constitution is
not an empty ledger awaiting the entry of an aggrieved litigant’s recitation of alleged
state law violations—no matter how egregious those violations may appear within
The very nature of the federal union contemplates separate functions for
the states. If every state election irregularity were considered a federal
constitutional deprivation, federal courts would adjudicate every state
election dispute, and the elaborate state election contest procedures,
designed to assure speedy and orderly disposition of the multitudinous
questions that may arise in the electoral process, would be superseded
by a section 1983 gloss.
Bodine v. Elkhart Cty. Election Bd., 788 F.2d 1270, 1272 (7th Cir. 1986).
Plaintiff’s theory here violates this core federalism principle, as it rests solely
¶¶ 104–106.) None of these alleged state law violations can support a federal
constitutional claim under cases like Shipley and Bodine. The general rule that “[a]
violation of state law does not state a claim under § 1983,” Shipley, 947 F.3d at 1062,
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would no longer have any teeth, and plaintiffs could evade it simply by alleging an
“multitudinous questions that may arise in the electoral process,” just as Bodine
warned against. 788 F.2d at 1272 (citation omitted); (see also King, No. 20-13134,
Dkt. 62:29–30 (holding in a nearly identical case that “Plaintiffs lack standing to sue
under the Elections and Electors Clause”).) Indeed, this collision between federal and
state proceedings can be seen playing out here and now. This week, President Trump
is litigating his challenge to Wisconsin’s recount results through the state procedures
under Wis. Stat. § 9.01. Donald J. Trump v. Joseph R. Biden, No. 20CV7092 (Wis.
Cir. Ct. Milwaukee Cty.); Donald J. Trump v. Joseph R. Biden, No. 20CV2514 (Wis.
Cir. Ct. Dane Cty.) (consolidated with Milwaukee County case No. 20CV007092.).
Simultaneously, Plaintiff here is challenging the count in this Court. It would be hard
to better illustrate the federalism concerns raised by opening the federal courthouse
In counts II and III, Plaintiff alleges constitutional equal protection and due
The federal “Constitution is not an election fraud statute.” Bodine, 788 F.2d
at 1271. “It is not every election irregularity . . . which will give rise to a constitutional
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claim.” Id. The federal constitution “is implicated only when there is ‘willful conduct
which undermines the organic processes by which candidates are elected.’” Id. at 1272
irregularities that could have been adequately dealt with through the procedures set
forth in [state] law” do not support constitutional due process claims. Id.; see also
Bennett v. Yoshina, 140 F.3d 1218, 1226 (9th Cir. 1998) (“[G]arden variety election
irregularities do not violate the Due Process Clause, even if they control the outcome
fails in its premise because he does not allege that he voted. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 24.) With no
vote, there is nothing to dilute, and his voter-dilution claim fails in its premise.
federal claim, even if he had voted. Recognized vote dilution claims involve state laws
that structurally disadvantage certain groups in the voting process. For instance,
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), held that state legislative districts must be
equal protection or the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (“VRA”). See, e.g., Thornburg v.
Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 34 (1986) (multimember districts in North Carolina violated
VRA by diluting black vote); Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 911 (1995) (“[A] vote
dilution claim alleges that the State has enacted a particular voting scheme as a
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purposeful device ‘[t]o minimize or cancel out the voting potential of racial or ethnic
Plaintiff’s novel vote dilution theory, in contrast, rests on alleged vote counting
violations and does not fit within this recognized malapportionment framework, as
the Third Circuit held just days ago in Bognet, 2020 WL 6686210, at *11. There,
individual voters alleged that votes arriving or cast after election day were unlawfully
*9. The Third Circuit rejected this theory, explaining that “[c]ontrary to [this]
conceptualization, vote dilution under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned with
votes being weighed differently.” Id. Recognizing this unprecedented kind of dilution
claim would upset the delicate balance between state and federal authority over
elections:
Plaintiffs’ novel vote dilution claim would implicate practically any state
election, because “[i]n just about every election, votes are counted, or discounted,
when the state election code says they should not be. But the Constitution ‘d[oes] not
President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *48 (Oct. 10, 2020)
(second alteration in original) (citing Gamza v. Aguirre, 619 F.2d 449, 454 (5th Cir.
15
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1980)). Yet state election monitors is exactly what federal courts would become, if
Plaintiff does not cite a single vote dilution case resting on allegedly illegal
caused by malapportionment. 377 U.S. at 555 (Dkt. 9 ¶ 114.). But Reynolds relied on
cases involving whether Congress had the power to criminalize certain state election
misconduct under federal law. See Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 (1879), and United
States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385 (1944). As the Third Circuit recognized, Reynolds’
citation to those two criminal cases does not mean that individual voters may assert
civil vote dilution claims based solely on illegal votes. See Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120,
at *14. Plaintiff also cites Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Bullock,
No. CV 20-66-H-DLC, 2020 WL 5810556 (Sept. 2020), but that case merely
Rejecting Plaintiff’s “illegal vote” dilution theory would not leave the integrity
6 Many other federal courts have rejected these kinds of vote dilution claims.
See also, e.g., Republican Party of Pennsylvania v. Cortes, 218 F. Supp. 3d 396, 407
(E.D. Pa. 2016) (“[V]ote dilution cases do not extend to “speculation that fraudulent
voters may be casting ballots elsewhere.”); Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v.
Boockvar, No. 2:20-CV-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *59 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020)
(rejecting vote dilution claim resting on potential fraud that did not involve
“malapportionment, disenfranchisement, or intentional discrimination”); Minnesota
Voters All. v. Ritchie, 720 F.3d 1029, 1033 (8th Cir. 2013) (rejecting vote dilution claim
resting on “illegally cast votes” by election day registrants, absent allegations of
“discriminatory or other intentional, unlawful misconduct” by election officials or
“willful and illegal conduct [by] election officials [that] results in fraudulently
obtained or fundamentally unfair voting results”).
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registration and absentee voting to ensure that only eligible residents receive and
cast absentee ballots. See generally Wis. Stat. ch. 6. If those regulations are purposely
evaded, state election fraud prosecutions may ensue. See generally Wis. Stat. § 12.13.
And recounts are the ultimate backstop, where votes may be identified, challenged,
and, if appropriate, invalidated. See generally Wis. Stat. § 9.01. The crucial point is
dilution claim rests on a fatally flawed legal theory and fails as a matter of law.
“insidious, and egregious ploy” to falsely report the outcome of the 2020 Wisconsin
general election. (Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 2, 132–135.) The general theory is that foreign oligarchs
and dictators created a voting system called “Smartmatic” to help Hugo Chavez in
“software of Dominion and other election tabulating companies relies upon software
9-1 ¶ 21.)
Plaintiff then makes the incredible, and implausible, leap that Dominion
machines in Wisconsin were hacked in 2020. He asks the court to overturn the
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election results because anonymous declarants say that a different system, used in a
different country, for a different election, was manipulated. This would not even pass
Rule 9(b) pleadings standards, let alone support the unprecedented and
extraordinary act of having a federal court reverse the outcome of a certified state
election.
Things get even worse looking past the pleadings to the supporting documents.
Even a facial review shows a complete lack of reliable evidence. Much of Plaintiff’s
Wisconsin. What little even mentions Wisconsin is based on plainly unreliable data
and reasoning. His purported evidence does not meet admissibility standards and is
where the names of the witness or expert are redacted. (Dkt. 9-1; 9-4; 9-12; 9-13;
9-19.) This makes it impossible to evaluate the legitimacy or potential bias of the
past the secret sources, the affidavits are astoundingly thin. Exhibit 1 propounds at
length about the integrity of past elections in Venezuela but offers no information
hacker” who testifies to the unremarkable fact that Dominion’s public website has
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whose third-hand amateur opinions about corporate relationships amount to a
The documents include two anonymous expert reports. (Dkt. 9-4; 9-19.) Exhibit
identifies “large red dots” on a vote ratio chart where Biden overperformed
to discern what, if anything, the scatter plot shows, and the report notably leaves
unexplained that nearly all of the graph’s “large dot” indicators, red and blue, show
overperformance, which is more consistent with the conclusion that more voters
turned out and Biden overperformed everywhere, which is why he won the election.
That one candidate received more than expected votes at a particular voting machine
is entirely unremarkable in an election with high turnout where that candidate won.
And anonymous expert report Exhibit 19 leads its analysis with the unhelpful
statement that “it is possible to obtain rough estimates on how vote fraud could
possibly have effected [sic] the election.” (Dkt. 9-19:2.) As if that were not speculative
enough, the report indicates that its Wisconsin “data was obtained from the twitter
account of @shylockh, who derived his sources from the New York Times and in some
cases from the unofficial precinct reports.” (Dkt. 9-19:8–9.) Such anonymous, bare
Of the documents that are at least authored, many have nothing to do with the
Wisconsin election. (Dkt. 9-6; 9-7; 9-8; 9-10; 9-11; 9-14; 9-15; 9-16; 9-18.) For example,
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meeting and overhearing a conversation where he believes he heard a person named
“Eric” state that he is making sure Trump does not win the election. (Dkt. 9-6:2.)
Through a series of Google searches and listeners of his podcast, he opines that a
former employee of Dominion named Eric has altered the election. (Dkt. 9-6:2–6.)
Exhibit 7 is from a person who observed polls in Atlanta, Georgia, in June and
August of 2020 and does not even mention Wisconsin. Exhibit 8 opines on the political
status of Venezuela. Exhibit 14 is from a person who reports that he has reviewed
materials about Dominion voting systems, all from public websites, but offers no
information about Wisconsin election processes. And Exhibits 10, 11, 15, 16 and 18
are generalized articles or letters about election systems generally that do nothing to
The very few non-anonymous filings that even discuss the Wisconsin election
are facially unpersuasive and likely do not even meet evidentiary reliability
standards. Expert testimony is inadmissible unless it: will help the trier of fact to
understand the evidence; is based on sufficient facts or data; is the product of reliable
principles and methods; and the expert has reliably applied the principles and
methods to the facts of the case. Fed. R. Evid. 702. In assessing the admissibility of
expert testimony, courts must ensure that the testimony is both reliable and relevant.
Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 509 U.S. 579, 597 (1993). District
courts “must evaluate: (1) the proffered expert’s qualifications; (2) the reliability of
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the expert’s methodology; and (3) the relevance of the expert’s testimony.”
Gopalratnam v. Hewlett-Packard Co., 877 F.3d 771, 779 (7th Cir. 2017). The party
offering the expert testimony has the burden of establishing that the proffered
Plaintiff offers four expert opinions in support of his request to overturn the
Presidential election. (Dkt. 9-2; 9-3; 9-9; 9-17.) None meet the standard in Rule 702.
One is a re-filing of a report that was previously filed in a state court case, from
Matthew Braynard. (Dkt. 9-3.) Braynard does not appear to be qualified to offer the
(Dkt. 9-3:3.) It is dubious whether Braynard’s opinions are based on “sufficient facts
and data” or whether his methods are reliable. Braynard says he used voter
information provided by “L2 Political” (Dkt. 9-3:3), but it is unknown whether this
reflects electors’ correct addresses for voting purposes. Further, his conclusions are
based on the results of telephone calls made by call centers and “social media
researchers” that are of unknown quality. (Dkt. 9-3:3.) These telephone surveys could
easily include bad data and unreliable methods, given that the report does not
disclose exactly how these surveys were conducted. Plaintiff has not shown that
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phone surveys like these can reliably obtain information about voters or that his
Next is the report of William Briggs, which exclusively used the flawed data
from Braynard. (Dkt. 9-2:1.) Even apart from this flawed underlying data, Briggs’s
analyses are woeful. He concludes that thousands of people received absentee ballots
who did not request one. (Dkt. 9-2:1.) His report fails to account for voters who have
requested that absentee ballots be sent automatically for every election, which would
fully explain his concern. Even setting aside whether that is even an indicia of fraud,
one would assume that to reach this conclusion he identified people who received a
ballot without requesting one. Not so. His report explains that he used phone survey
results that asked, for example, whether a person requested an absentee ballot.
(Dkt. 9-2:5.) His report indicates that only 433 people, out of the millions of Wisconsin
voters, completed the survey. (Dkt. 9-2:5.) He assumes that this tiny sample was
representative of the whole state and scaled the number up to predict the total
number of people who requested ballots, and compared that to the number of people
receiving ballots. (Dkt. 9-2:1.) What he did not do is the obvious analysis of asking
anyone whether they received a ballot without asking for one. As he concedes in his
report: “Survey respondents were not asked if they received an unrequested ballot . .
for this potential error due to absence of data.” (Dkt. 9-2:2.) This type of methodology
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The final two are the Keshel and Ramshland Jr. opinions, which are likewise
unpersuasive. (Dkt. 9:9, 17.) Keshel is a data analysist with no apparent elections
training but who reports that he has “political involvement requiring knowledge of
election trends and voting behavior.” (Dkt. 9-9:1.) He used uncertified information
from an “unofficial tracker” to determine that the 2020 elections went “against the
trends of the previous election” to elect a Democratic candidate. (Dkt. 9-9:1, 4.) But
this is no more than acknowledging that a Republican won in 2016 and a Democrat
won in 2020. Keshel refers to this as “suspicious vote totals” but it does not show any
Ramshland Jr. does not disclose his data source other than “[m]y colleague and
I . . . have studied the information that was publicly available.” (Dkt. 9-17:4.) From
this, he identifies “red flags” including a very high turnout in several Wisconsin
counties. (Dkt. 9-17:9.) He concludes that fraud occurred because many votes for
Biden were counted late in the tabulating process. (Dkt. 9-17:4–5.) But, as now been
repeatedly publicly explained, this occurred because absentee ballots, which favored
Democratic candidates, were counted together late in the election day. The report also
“normalized” the turnout to a lower rate and found that “the excess votes are at least
384,085 over the maximum that could be expected. (Dkt. 9-17:9.) But this
“normalization” is nothing more than lowering the vote count. He concludes on this
analysis that there were up to 384,085 “illegal votes that must be disregarded.”
(Dkt. 9-17:12.) The idea that Wisconsin should discard votes because more people
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This unpersuasive and unreliable evidence stands in contrast to an actual
hand-count audit of the machines used in the election, which showed no fraud. Like
in the parallel Michigan case, “With nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes
for President Trump were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President
Dkt. 62:29–30.) This Court should not conclude, on Plaintiff’s proffer of anonymous
declarations, hearsay, and facially faulty analyses, that Wisconsin should disregard
Regardless of all of the other reasons Plaintiff’s claims fail, the remedy he
procedures that those voters relied on and nullifying votes cast for Vice President
Once a state legislature has directed that the state’s electors are to be
appointed by popular election, the people’s “right to vote as the legislature has
prescribed is fundamental.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (per curiam). That
fundamental right to vote includes “the right of qualified voters within a state to cast
Plaintiff’s request for the Court to “seize and impound” all equipment
7
statewide, is also misdirected. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 48.) The Commission does not own or have
custody over such election equipment. See Wis. Stat. 5.91; Wis. Admin. Code ch. EL
7; https://elections.wi.gov/elections-voting/security (explaining that municipalities
purchase the equipment.)
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their ballots and have them counted.” United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315
(1941).
election. Bennett, 140 F.3d at 1227; Northeast Ohio Coal. for the Homeless v. Husted,
837 F.3d 612 (6th Cir. 2016) (finding no reason to invalidate a ballot when there was
no evidence of voter fraud.); Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1079 (1st Cir. 1978)
violation. To throw out the votes of 181,440 Wisconsin voters based on an implausible
conspiracy regarding voting machine would violate the constitutional rights of these
voters.
III. Plaintiff has failed to show that he will suffer irreparable harm
without a preliminary injunction.
Plaintiff has made no meaningful showing that state law violations or fraud
conspiracies violated his voting rights or harmed his status as a nominated elector
such order would only harm the millions of Wisconsin voters who determined the
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IV. The balance of equities and public interest favor denying an
injunction.
conspiracy theory outweighs the scant chance that Plaintiff will succeed on his claims.
It would also declare Donald Trump as the winner in Wisconsin—relief Plaintiff has
made no attempt at proving would have occurred, even if all of his baseless and
votes promptly and finally, not setting them aside without weighty proof. The public
must have confidence that our Government honors and respects their votes.” Donald
(3d Cir. Nov. 27, 2020). The “public interest strongly favors finality, counting every
lawful voter’s vote, and not disenfranchising . . . voters who voted by mail.” Id. That
is because “[d]emocracy depends on counting all lawful votes promptly and finally,
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CONCLUSION
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
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IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Defendants.
Spindell, Jr., by their attorneys, hereby move the Court for an order as follows.
move this court for an order dismissing the complaint against them. As a basis
this motion.
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
2
1017 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 53
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v. Case No. 20-CV-1771
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS COMMISSION,
and its members ANN S. JACOBS, MARK L.
THOMSEN, MARGE BOSTELMAN, JULIE
M. GLANCEY, DEAN KNUDSON, ROBERT
F. SPINDELL, JR., in their official capacities,
GOVERNOR TONY EVERS, in his official
capacity,
Defendants.
DEFENDANTS WISCONSIN ELECTIONS COMMISSION
AND ITS MEMBERS’ BRIEF IN SUPPORT OF MOTION TO DISMISS
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
Attorneys for Defendants Wisconsin
Elections Commission and its members
Wisconsin Department of Justice
Post Office Box 7857
Madison, Wisconsin 53707-7857
(608) 266-5457 (Murphy)
(608) 266-3094 (Schmelzer)
(608) 264-6219 (Roth)
(608) 294-2907 (Fax)
murphysm@doj.state.wi.us
schmelzerjj@doj.state.wi.us
rothct@doj.state.wi.us
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................1
ARGUMENT .........................................................................................................3
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................... 23
Marge Bostelman, Julie M. Glancey, Dean Knudson, and Robert F. Spindell, Jr., in
their official capacities, by their attorneys, hereby submit this brief in support of their
motion to dismiss.
INTRODUCTION
preparation and public announcement of election procedures. Since then, the votes
have been counted, audited, and many were counted again. The results are now
tallied and certified. The candidate who received the most votes for the office of
candidate President Donald Trump. He now, for the first time, alleges that the long-
planned election procedures were unlawful and that the outcome is additionally
Wisconsin voters and “an order instructing the Defendants to certify the results of
the General Election for Office of the President in favor of President Donald Trump.”
(Dkt. 9 ¶ 139.)
Plaintiff Feehan lacks standing and asks for unlawful relief that is plainly
barred by latches. Additionally, his claims fail as a matter of law. He states no federal
cause of action and his fraud-based conspiracy theory is not pled with particularly, is
of Civil Procedure when as here, the plaintiff has failed to “state a claim upon which
“complaint must contain ‘enough facts to state a claim to relief that is plausible on its
face’ and also must state sufficient facts to raise a plaintiff’s right to relief above the
speculative level.” Bissessur v. Indiana Univ. Bd. of Trustees, 581 F.3d 599, 602
(7th Cir. 2009) (citation omitted). “A claim has facial plausibility ‘when the plaintiff
pleads factual content that allows the court to draw the reasonable inference that the
defendant is liable for the misconduct alleged.’” Id. (citation omitted). “The
plausibility standard is not akin to a ‘probability requirement,’ but it asks for more
than a sheer possibility that a defendant has acted unlawfully.” Ashcroft v. Iqbal,
conclusory statements, do not suffice.” Id. While detailed factual allegations are not
required, “labels and conclusions, and a formulaic recitation of the elements of a cause
of action will not do.” Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 555 (2007). “An
inadequate complaint will not survive a motion to dismiss simply because the
defendants managed to figure out the basic factual or legal grounds for the claims.”
Adams v. City of Indianapolis, 742 F.3d 720, 729 (7th Cir. 2014). When, as here, “it
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is ‘clear from the face of the complaint, and matters of which the court may take
judicial notice, that the plaintiff’s claims are barred as a matter of law,’ dismissal is
appropriate.” Thompson v. Progressive Universal Ins. Co., 420 F. Supp. 3d 867, 869
(W.D. Wis. 2019) (quoting Parungao v. Cmty. Health Sys., Inc., 858 F.3d 452, 457
Where a complaint expressly alleges “fraud,” Rule 9(b) requires pleading with
each of the “who, what, when, where, and how” of the alleged fraud. Vanzant v. Hill's
Pet Nutrition, Inc., 934 F.3d 730, 738 (7th Cir. 2019).
ARGUMENT
This case has multiple threshold defects that require dismissal. Plaintiff lacks
standing, his inexplicably late claim is barred by laches, and the relief he requests is
claim as a matter of law. The Elections and Electors Clauses do not create federal
claims for alleged vote-counting disputes and violations of state election law of the
kind alleged here do not amount to federal equal protection or due process claims.
unlikely to even meet basic evidentiary standards, and cannot possibly support
overturning the results of the election. Finally, the relief he seeks is nothing short of
mass disenfranchisement.
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A. This case has fatal jurisdictional and procedural defects that
require dismissal.
Republican Party. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 24.) Neither his status as a registered voter nor an elector
Plaintiff states that he is registered to vote in Wisconsin but does not even
allege that he actually voted in the November 2020 election. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 24.) He cannot
claim any injury by being simply registered. Even if he had voted, it is well
established a voter cannot allege the particularized harm necessary to bring a claim
based on alleged defects in other votes. This is so because the harm Plaintiff alleges
to have suffered would, if proven, be experienced equally by all voters in the state.
Martel v. Condos, No. 20-cv-131, 2020 WL 5755289, at *4 (D. Vt. 2020) (“If every voter
suffers the same incremental dilution of the franchise caused by some third-party’s
fraudulent vote, then these voters have experienced a generalized injury.”); see also
Moore v. Circosta, No. 20CV911, 2020 WL 6063332 at *14 (M.D.N.C. 2020); Donald
J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Cegavske, No. 20-cv-1445 JCM, 2020 WL 5626974,
at *4–5 (D. Nev. 2020); Paher v. Cegavske, 457 F. Supp. 3d 919, 926 (D. Nev. 2020).
Plaintiff’s status as a presidential elector likewise does not grant him standing.
He cites Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020), for the proposition, never
recognized in the Seventh Circuit, that elector status grants one standing to challenge
election results. But the dissent in Carson persuasively explained why it does not:
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Electors are not candidates for public office as that term is commonly
understood. Whether they ultimately assume the office of elector
depends entirely on the outcome of the state popular vote for president
. . . . They are not presented to and chosen by the voting public for their
office, but instead automatically assume that office based on the public's
selection of entirely different individuals.
Id. at 1063 (Kelly, J., dissenting). Electors therefore do not have a “particularized
stake” in the election outcome beyond that of ordinary voters. Id. The Third Circuit
lacked Article III standing to assert nearly-identical claims to the ones Plaintiff
pursues here, showing that Carson is an outlier. See Bognet v. Sec’y Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *8 n.6 (3d. Cir. 2020). And just
today, the Eastern District of Michigan rejected an identical claim. King v. Whitmer,
No. 20-13134 (E.D. MI. December 7, 2020) (explaining that the court is unconvinced
standing privileges. Even if the Plaintiff had standing for some claims, he particularly
lacks standing for any claim that violations of state elections law amount to a federal
claim under the Electors Clause. For Electors Clause claims, even candidate plaintiffs
fare no better in the standing inquiry than other citizens. See, e.g., Bognet,
2020 WL 6686120 at *8. This is because every candidate, just like every other citizen,
is in precisely the same position. See id. If an Electors Clause claim belongs to anyone,
it belongs “only to the [legislature].” Id. at *7. Here, for claimants like Plaintiff who
are not the legislature, and bear not even a “conceivable relationship to state
lawmaking processes, they lack standing to sue over the alleged usurpation of the
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2. Laches bars Plaintiff’s unreasonably late allegations.
Plaintiff inexplicitly waited until after the Wisconsin election, after the
canvassing, after the recount, after the audit, after results were certified, and indeed
until the eve of the electoral college vote, to bring his claim of state law violations and
widespread fraud that allegedly originated years ago in the era of Hugo Chavez’s
here cannot overturn the results of a completed and certified election through
1053, 1060 (7th Cir. 2016) (citation omitted). “The obligation to seek injunctive relief
in a timely manner in the election context is hardly a new concept.” Id. at 1060–61.
“In the context of elections, . . . any claim against a state electoral procedure must be
expressed expeditiously.” Fulani v. Hogsett, 917 F.2d 1028, 1031 (7th Cir. 1990).
voters cast their ballots in reliance on those procedures. That delay is unreasonable
under both the law and common sense and this case should be dismissed See Wood v.
(Dismissing a case as moot where Plaintiff challenged vote certification after the
election and after results were certified.); (King, No. 20-13134 Dkt. 62:19 (“Plaintiffs
could have lodged their constitutional challenges much sooner than they did, and
certainly not three weeks after Election Day and one week after certification of almost
6
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three million votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’ delay results in their claims
Just for example, on the issue of “indefinitely confined” voters, the legal issues
were litigated in state court almost eight months ago. See Pet. for Original Action,
date March 27, 2020, Supreme Court of Wisconsin, No. 2020AP000557-OA. Plaintiff
obviously could have pressed this indefinite confinement issue in the many months
between when it emerged and the November general election, thus allowing
The prejudice caused by Plaintiff’s delay is profound. Plaintiff sat on his claims
attack those decisions after they became irreversible. See Fulani, 917 F.2d at 1031
(“As time passes, the state’s interest in proceeding with the election increases in
Nothing less than the right of every Wisconsinite to have their vote for
President counted is at stake if Plaintiff’s requests are granted. Indeed, as the U.S.
549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006). One could not shake the public’s confidence in our electoral
officials’ guidance.
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3. The Eleventh Amendment precludes Plaintiff’s claims
seeking this Court to order state officials to comply with
state election law.
Plaintiff fundamentally asks this court for a declaration and injunction against
state officials for alleged violations of state election law that he describes as
“Violations of Wisconsin Election Code.” (Dkt. 9:11.) Such a claim is barred by the
Eleventh Amendment.
The Eleventh Amendment bars “relief against state officials on the basis of
state law, whether prospective or retroactive.” Pennhurst State School & Hospital v.
Halderman, 465 U.S. 89, 106 (1984). The Supreme Court has explained that “it is
difficult to think of a greater intrusion on state sovereignty than when a federal court
instructs state officials on how to conform their conduct to state law. Such a result
conflicts directly with the principles of federalism that underlie the Eleventh
Amendment.” Id.; see also Rose v. Bd. of Election Comm’rs for City of Chi.,
815 F.3d 372, 375 n.2 (7th Cir. 2016) (“[A]ny argument to the effect that the state did
about state election officials improperly administering state election law. His
Elections and Electors Clause claim turns on “three separate instances where
Defendants violated the Wisconsin Election Code,” (Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 104–06), just as his
Equal Protection Clause claim rests on how “Defendants failed to comply with the
requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code” (Dkt. 9 ¶ 116) and his due process claim
relies on “Defendants[’] violation of the Wisconsin Election Code” (Dkt. 9 ¶ 129). Just
as in the parallel case from Michigan decided today, “the Eleventh Amendment bars
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Plaintiffs’ claims against Defendants”. (King, No. 20-13134, Dkt. 62:13.) Plaintiff
fundamentally asks this Court to order state officials to follow state election law,
Legislature” of each state to regulate “[t]he Times, Places, and Manner of holding
Elections for Senators and Representatives”, U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1., and to direct
the selection of presidential electors, U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2, respectively. The
guidance issued by the Commission were contrary to state election law. (Dkt. 9
¶¶ 104–106.) Those claims fail as a matter of law because his disagreement with how
state officials administered state elections law does not state a violation of the
It is black-letter law that “’[a] violation of state law does not state a claim under
§ 1983,’ and, more specifically, ‘a deliberate violation of state election laws by state
election officials does not transgress against the Constitution.’” Shipley v. Chi. Bd. of
Election Commissioners, 947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th Cir. 2020) (citation omitted); see
also Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, *6 (“[F]ederal courts are not venues for plaintiffs to
assert a bare right ‘to have the Government act in accordance with law.’”) (citation
omitted); Martinez v. Colon, 54 F.3d 980, 989 (1st Cir. 1995) (“[T]he Constitution is
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not an empty ledger awaiting the entry of an aggrieved litigant’s recitation of alleged
state law violations—no matter how egregious those violations may appear within
The very nature of the federal union contemplates separate functions for
the states. If every state election irregularity were considered a federal
constitutional deprivation, federal courts would adjudicate every state
election dispute, and the elaborate state election contest procedures,
designed to assure speedy and orderly disposition of the multitudinous
questions that may arise in the electoral process, would be superseded
by a section 1983 gloss.
Bodine v. Elkhart Cty. Election Bd., 788 F.2d 1270, 1272 (7th Cir. 1986).
Plaintiff’s theory here violates this core federalism principle, as it rests solely
¶¶ 104–106.) None of these alleged state law violations can support a federal
constitutional claim under cases like Shipley and Bodine. The general rule that “[a]
violation of state law does not state a claim under § 1983,” Shipley, 947 F.3d at 1062,
would no longer have any teeth, and plaintiffs could evade it simply by alleging an
“multitudinous questions that may arise in the electoral process,” just as Bodine
warned against. 788 F.2d at 1272 (citation omitted); (see also King, No. 20-13134,
Dkt. 62:29–30 (holding in a nearly identical case that “Plaintiffs lack standing to sue
under the Elections and Electors Clause”).) Indeed, this collision between federal and
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state proceedings can be seen playing out here and now. This week, President Trump
is litigating his challenge to Wisconsin’s recount results through the state procedures
under Wis. Stat. § 9.01. Donald J. Trump v. Joseph R. Biden, No. 20CV7092 (Wis.
Cir. Ct. Milwaukee Cty.); Donald J. Trump v. Joseph R. Biden, No. 2020CV2514 (Wis.
Cir. Ct. Dane Cty.) (consolidated with Milwaukee County case No. 20CV007092.)
Simultaneously, Plaintiff here is challenging the count in this Court. It would be hard
to better illustrate the federalism concerns raised by opening the federal courthouse
In counts II and III, Plaintiff alleges constitutional equal protection and due
The federal “Constitution is not an election fraud statute.” Bodine, 788 F.2d
at 1271. “It is not every election irregularity . . . which will give rise to a constitutional
claim.” Id. The federal constitution “is implicated only when there is ‘willful conduct
which undermines the organic processes by which candidates are elected.’” Id. at 1272
irregularities that could have been adequately dealt with through the procedures set
forth in [state] law” do not support constitutional due process claims. Id.; see also
Bennett v. Yoshina, 140 F.3d 1218, 1226 (9th Cir. 1998) (“[G]arden variety election
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irregularities do not violate the Due Process Clause, even if they control the outcome
fails in its premise because he does not allege that he voted. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 24.) With no
vote, there is nothing to dilute, and his voter-dilution claim fails in its premise.
federal claim, even if he had voted. Recognized vote dilution claims involve state laws
that structurally disadvantage certain groups in the voting process. For instance,
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), held that state legislative districts must be
equal protection or the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (“VRA”). See, e.g., Thornburg v.
Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 34 (1986) (multimember districts in North Carolina violated
VRA by diluting black vote); Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 911 (1995) (“[A] vote
dilution claim alleges that the State has enacted a particular voting scheme as a
purposeful device ‘[t]o minimize or cancel out the voting potential of racial or ethnic
Plaintiff’s novel vote dilution theory, in contrast, rests on alleged vote counting
violations and does not fit within this recognized malapportionment framework, as
the Third Circuit held just days ago in Bognet, 2020 WL 6686210, at *11. There,
individual voters alleged that votes arriving or cast after election day were unlawfully
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counted, thereby diluting the plaintiffs’ votes in an unconstitutional manner.
Id. at *9. The Third Circuit rejected this theory, explaining that “[c]ontrary to [this]
conceptualization, vote dilution under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned with
votes being weighed differently.” Id. Recognizing this unprecedented kind of dilution
claim would upset the delicate balance between state and federal authority over
elections:
Plaintiffs’ novel vote dilution claim would implicate practically any state
election, because “[i]n just about every election, votes are counted, or discounted,
when the state election code says they should not be. But the Constitution ‘d[oes] not
President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *48 (Oct. 10, 2020)
(second alteration in original) (citing Gamza v. Aguirre, 619 F.2d 449, 454 (5th Cir.
1980)). Yet state election monitors are exactly what federal courts would become, if
1Many other federal courts have rejected these kinds of vote dilution claims.
See also, e.g., Republican Party of Pennsylvania v. Cortes, 218 F. Supp. 3d 396, 407
(E.D. Pa. 2016) (“[V]ote dilution cases do not extend to “speculation that fraudulent
voters may be casting ballots elsewhere.”); Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v.
Boockvar, No. 2:20-CV-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *59 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020)
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Plaintiff does not cite a single vote dilution case resting on allegedly illegal
caused by malapportionment. 377 U.S. at 555 (Dkt. 9 ¶ 114.). But Reynolds relied on
cases involving whether Congress had the power to criminalize certain state election
misconduct under federal law. See Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 (1879), and United
States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385 (1944). As the Third Circuit recognized, Reynolds’s
citation to those two criminal cases does not mean that individual voters may assert
civil vote dilution claims based solely on illegal votes. See Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120,
at *14. Plaintiff also cites Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Bullock,
No. CV 20-66-H-DLC, 2020 WL 5810556 (Sept. 2020), but that case merely
Rejecting Plaintiff’s “illegal vote” dilution theory would not leave the integrity
registration and absentee voting to ensure that only eligible residents receive and
cast absentee ballots. See generally Wis. Stat. ch. 6. If those regulations are purposely
evaded, state election fraud prosecutions may ensue. See generally Wis. Stat. § 12.13.
And recounts are the ultimate backstop, where votes may be identified, challenged,
and, if appropriate, invalidated. See generally Wis. Stat. § 9.01. The crucial point is
(rejecting vote dilution claim resting on potential fraud that did not involve
“malapportionment, disenfranchisement, or intentional discrimination”); Minnesota
Voters All. v. Ritchie, 720 F.3d 1029, 1033 (8th Cir. 2013) (rejecting vote dilution claim
resting on “illegally cast votes” by election day registrants, absent allegations of
“discriminatory or other intentional, unlawful misconduct” by election officials or
“willful and illegal conduct [by] election officials [that] results in fraudulently
obtained or fundamentally unfair voting results”).
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that our system of federalism entrusts electoral integrity to these state-level
dilution claim rests on a fatally flawed legal theory and fails as a matter of law.
“insidious, and egregious ploy” to falsely report the outcome of the 2020 Wisconsin
general election. (Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 2, 132–135.) The general theory is that foreign oligarchs
and dictators created a voting system called “Smartmatic” to help Hugo Chavez in
“software of Dominion and other election tabulating companies relies upon software
9-1 ¶ 21.)
Plaintiff then makes the incredible, and implausible, leap that Dominion
machines in Wisconsin were hacked in 2020. He asks this Court to overturn the
election results because anonymous declarants say that a different system, used in a
different country, for a different election, was manipulated. This would not even pass
Rule 9(b) pleadings standards, let alone support the unprecedented and
extraordinary act of having a federal court reverse the outcome of a certified state
election.
15
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Things get even worse looking past the pleadings to the supporting documents.
Even a facial review shows a complete lack of reliable evidence. Much of Plaintiff’s
Wisconsin. What little even mentions Wisconsin is based on plainly unreliable data
and reasoning. His purported evidence does not meet admissibility standards and is
where the names of the witness or expert are redacted. (Dkt. 9-1; 9-4; 9-12; 9-13;
9-19.) This makes it impossible to evaluate the legitimacy or potential bias of the
past the secret sources, the affidavits are astoundingly thin. Exhibit 1 propounds at
length about the integrity of past elections in Venezuela but offers no information
hacker” who testifies to the unremarkable fact that Dominion’s public website has
The documents include two anonymous expert reports. (Dkt. 9-4; 9-19.) Exhibit
identifies “large red dots” on a vote ratio chart where Biden overperformed
16
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predictions in counties using Dominion voting machines. (Dkt. 9-4:2–3.) It is difficult
to discern what, if anything, the scatter plot shows, and the report notably leaves
unexplained that nearly all of the graph’s “large dot” indicators, red and blue, show
overperformance, which is more consistent with the conclusion that more voters
turned out and Biden overperformed everywhere, which is why he won the election.
That one candidate received more than expected votes at a particular voting machine
is entirely unremarkable in an election with high turnout where that candidate won.
And anonymous expert report Exhibit 19 leads its analysis with the unhelpful
statement that “it is possible to obtain rough estimates on how vote fraud could
possibly have effected [sic] the election.” (Dkt. 9-19:2.) As if that were not speculative
enough, the report indicates that its Wisconsin “data was obtained from the twitter
account of @shylockh, who derived his sources from the New York Times and in some
cases from the unofficial precinct reports.” (Dkt. 9-19:8–9.) Such anonymous, bare
Of the documents that are at least authored, many have nothing to do with the
Wisconsin election. (Dkt. 9-6; 9-7; 9-8; 9-10; 9-11; 9-14; 9-15; 9-16; 9-18.) For example,
“Eric” state that he is making sure Trump does not win the election. (Dkt. 9-6:2.)
Through a series of Google searches and listeners of his podcast, he opines that a
former employee of Dominion named Eric has altered the election. (Dkt. 9-6:2–6.)
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This Googled evidence, based on hearsay at an alleged meeting in Colorado, is not
Exhibit 7 is from a person who observed polls in Atlanta, Georgia, in June and
August of 2020 and does not even mention Wisconsin. Exhibit 8 opines on the political
status of Venezuela. Exhibit 14 is from a person who reports that he has reviewed
materials about Dominion voting systems, all from public websites, but offers no
information about Wisconsin election processes. And Exhibits 10, 11, 15, 16 and 18
are generalized articles or letters about election systems generally that do nothing to
The very few non-anonymous filings that even discuss the Wisconsin election
are facially unpersuasive and likely do not even meet evidentiary reliability
standards. Expert testimony is inadmissible unless it: will help the trier of fact to
understand the evidence; is based on sufficient facts or data; is the product of reliable
principles and methods; and the expert has reliably applied the principles and
methods to the facts of the case. Fed. R. Evid. 702. In assessing the admissibility of
expert testimony, courts must ensure that the testimony is both reliable and relevant.
Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 509 U.S. 579, 597 (1993). District
courts “must evaluate: (1) the proffered expert’s qualifications; (2) the reliability of
the expert’s methodology; and (3) the relevance of the expert’s testimony.”
Gopalratnam v. Hewlett-Packard Co., 877 F.3d 771, 779 (7th Cir. 2017). The party
offering the expert testimony has the burden of establishing that the proffered
18
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Plaintiff offers four expert opinions in support of his request to overturn the
Presidential election. (Dkt. 9-2; 9-3; 9-9; 9-17.) None meet the standard in Rule 702.
One is a re-filing of a report that was previously filed in a state court case, from
Matthew Braynard. (Dkt. 9-3.) Braynard does not appear to be qualified to offer the
(Dkt. 9-3:3.) It is dubious whether Braynard’s opinions are based on “sufficient facts
and data” or whether his methods are reliable. Braynard says he used voter
information provided by “L2 Political” (Dkt. 9-3:3), but it is unknown whether this
reflects electors’ correct addresses for voting purposes. Further, his conclusions are
based on the results of telephone calls made by call centers and “social media
researchers” that are of unknown quality. (Dkt. 9-3:3.) These telephone surveys could
easily include bad data and unreliable methods, given that the report does not
disclose exactly how these surveys were conducted. Plaintiff has not shown that
phone surveys like these can reliably obtain information about voters or that his
Next is the report of William Briggs, which exclusively used the flawed data
from Braynard. (Dkt. 9-2:1.) Even apart from this flawed underlying data, Briggs’s
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analyses are woeful. He concludes that thousands of people received absentee ballots
who did not request one. (Dkt. 9-2:1.) His report fails to account for voters who have
requested that absentee ballots be sent automatically for every election, which would
fully explain his concern. Even setting aside whether that is even an indicia of fraud,
one would assume that to reach this conclusion he identified people who received a
ballot without requesting one. Not so. His report explains that he used phone survey
results that asked, for example, whether a person requested an absentee ballot.
(Dkt. 9-2:5.) His report indicates that only 433 people, out of the millions of Wisconsin
voters, completed the survey. (Dkt. 9-2:5.) He assumes that this tiny sample was
representative of the whole state and scaled the number up to predict the total
number of people who requested ballots, and compared that to the number of people
receiving ballots. (Dkt. 9-2:1.) What he did not do is the obvious analysis of asking
anyone whether they received a ballot without asking for one. As he concedes in his
report: “Survey respondents were not asked if they received an unrequested ballot . .
for this potential error due to absence of data.” (Dkt. 9-2:2.) This type of methodology
The final two are the Keshel and Ramshland Jr. opinions, which are likewise
unpersuasive. (Dkt. 9:9, 17.) Keshel is a data analysist with no apparent elections
training but who reports that he has “political involvement requiring knowledge of
election trends and voting behavior.” (Dkt. 9-9:1.) He used uncertified information
from an “unofficial tracker” to determine that the 2020 elections went “against the
20
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trends of the previous election” to elect a Democratic candidate. (Dkt. 9-9:1, 4.) But
this is no more than acknowledging that a Republican won in 2016 and a Democrat
won in 2020. Keshel refers to this as “suspicious vote totals” but it does not show any
Ramshland Jr. does not disclose his data source other than “[m]y colleague and
I . . . have studied the information that was publicly available.” (Dkt. 9-17:4.) From
this, he identifies “red flags” including a very high turnout in several Wisconsin
counties. (Dkt. 9-17:9.) He concludes that fraud occurred because many votes for
Biden were counted late in the tabulating process. (Dkt. 9-17:4–5.) But, as now been
repeatedly publicly explained, this occurred because absentee ballots, which favored
Democratic candidates, were counted together late in the election day. The report also
“normalized” the turnout to a lower rate and found that “the excess votes are at least
384,085 over the maximum that could be expected. (Dkt. 9-17:9.) But this
“normalization” is nothing more than lowering the vote count. He concludes on this
analysis that there were up to 384,085 “illegal votes that must be disregarded.”
(Dkt. 9-17:12.) The idea that Wisconsin should discard votes because more people
hand-count audit of the machines used in the election, which showed no fraud. Like
in the parallel Michigan case, “With nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes
for President Trump were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President
21
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Dkt. 62:29–30.) This Court should not conclude, on Plaintiff’s proffer of anonymous
declarations, hearsay, and facially faulty analyses, that Wisconsin should disregard
Regardless of all of the other reasons Plaintiff’s claims fail, the remedy he
procedures that those voters relied on and nullifying votes cast for Vice President
Once a state legislature has directed that the state’s electors are to be
appointed by popular election, the people’s “right to vote as the legislature has
prescribed is fundamental.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (per curiam). That
fundamental right to vote includes “the right of qualified voters within a state to cast
their ballots and have them counted.” United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315
(1941).
election. Bennett, 140 F.3d at 1227; Northeast Ohio Coal. for the Homeless v. Husted,
2Plaintiff’s request for the Court to “seize and impound” all equipment
statewide, is also misdirected. (Dkt. 9 ¶ 48.) The Commission does not own or have
custody over such election equipment. See Wis. Stat. 5.91; Wis. Admin. Code ch. EL
7; https://elections.wi.gov/elections-voting/security (explaining that municipalities
purchase the equipment.)
22
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837 F.3d 612 (6th Cir. 2016) (finding no reason to invalidate a ballot when there was
no evidence of voter fraud.); Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1079 (1st Cir. 1978)
violation. To throw out the votes of 318,012 Wisconsin voters based on an implausible
conspiracy regarding voting machine would violate the constitutional rights of these
voters.
CONCLUSION
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
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COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
24
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
MILWAUKEE DIVISION
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
Plaintiff’s motion seeks relief that is shockingly sweeping in scope. Wisconsin’s Supreme
Court recently called a similar request “the most dramatic invocation of judicial power [they] have
ever seen.” Wis. Voters Alliance v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1930-OA (Wis. Dec. 4,
2020) (Hagedorn, J., concurring on behalf of majority of Justices). Indeed, such a request would
In November’s election, a record turnout of nearly 3.3 million Wisconsinites voted. Joe
Biden and Kamala Harris won by 20,585 votes. President Trump sought a partial recount,
confirming the result, which was then declared in the state canvass. As required by law, Governor
Evers issued a certificate identifying Wisconsin’s 10 participants in the Electoral College, who
will soon convene and cast their votes in accord with the will of Wisconsin’s voters.
Plaintiff’s request in this Court is less a prayer for relief than a desperate plea for historical
negation. His motion asks this Court to cast aside what has occurred, notwithstanding that the
election results were checked and re-checked as required by Wisconsin law, that President Trump
could—and did—request a recount, and that 5 percent of Wisconsin’s voting machines were
audited after the election. There is no basis, in fact or in law, for this Court to grant Plaintiff’s
As the Wisconsin Supreme Court explained, “if there is a sufficient basis to invalidate an
election, it must be established with evidence and arguments commensurate with the scale of the
1
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claims and the relief sought.” Wis. Voters Alliance, Order at *3 (Hagedorn, J., concurring). Here,
as in that case, the record offered by the Plaintiff has “come nowhere close.” Id.1
The Middle District of Pennsylvania, when confronted with analogous claims and requests,
Plaintiffs ask this Court to disenfranchise almost seven million voters.… One might expect
that when seeking such a startling outcome, a plaintiff would come formidably armed with
compelling legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption, such that this Court
would have no option but to regrettably grant the proposed injunctive relief despite the
impact it would have on such a large group of citizens.
That has not happened. Instead, this Court has been presented with strained legal arguments
without merit and speculative accusations…. In the United States of America, this cannot
justify the disenfranchisement of a single voter.
Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 4:20-cv-02078-MWB, 2020 WL 6821992,
at *1 (M.D. Pa. Nov. 21, 2020), aff’d, No. 20-3771, 2020 WL 7012522, at *1 (3d Cir. Nov. 27,
2020) (“Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy. Charges of unfairness are serious.
But calling an election unfair does not make it so. Charges require specific allegations and proof.
We have neither here.”).2 See also Wood v. Raffensperger, No. 1:2020-cv-04651-SDG, 2020 WL
6817513, at *8 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 20, 2020), aff’d, No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866 (11th Cir. Dec.
5, 2020) (denying motion for preliminary relief that “would disenfranchise a substantial portion of
Sifting through Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint and its exhibits (which, rather than
marshaling as part of his motion, Plaintiff instead purports to have “incorporate[d] herein by
The narrative strays far beyond Wisconsin’s borders, travelling through Venezuela,
Germany, and Serbia. (See Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶7-8, 73-75, 80-81)
1
This was a similar case, requesting similar relief, and relying heavily on one of the experts, Matthew
Braynard, Plaintiff cites in this case.
2
Pursuant to Civil L. R. 7(j)(2), all unpublished cases, orders, and dispositions cited are filed in
conjunction with this brief.
2
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The exhibits include declarations from individuals in Japan and Texas with no apparent
expertise or first-hand knowledge of anything pertaining to the Wisconsin election.
(See id. ¶¶61-62, 87-88 & Exhs. 9, 14)
Five of the purported affiants are, for reasons unknown and unexplained—but which
regardless could not provide any conceivable basis for finding relevance or
admissibility—anonymous. (See id. Exhs. 1, 4, 12, 13, 19)
Much of Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint consists of Q-Anon conspiracy theories that do not come
Nonetheless, a charitable reading of the complaint could be read to assert four theories of
“widespread fraud” that, according to Plaintiff, call into question Wisconsin’s election results:
(1) the notion that voting machines manufactured by “Dominion Voting Systems” were
prone to manipulation and could have been manipulated in a manner that compromised
the integrity of the Wisconsin election;
(2) the ipse dixit assertions of two so-called experts, Matt Braynard and William Briggs,
that a “survey” of individuals supposedly associated with “unreturned absentee ballots”
in Wisconsin somehow calls into question the election results;
(3) the characterization of Wisconsin’s election results as a “statistical impossibility” that
simply cannot be believed; and
(4) the theory that, by administering an election in accord with Wisconsin election law, the
Wisconsin Elections Commission (“WEC”) somehow violated Plaintiff’s rights.
None of these theories is remotely plausible, let alone supported by evidence that would suggest
and affidavits in Plaintiff’s submission—are not used in the relevant counties. The Complaint
alleges “egregious” conduct involving these machines in eight Wisconsin counties (Amend.
Cmplt. ¶3), but materials, sourced from the WEC website and included in Plaintiff’s own exhibits,
show that Dominion machines are used in only two of those counties. And those two counties,
Ozaukee and Washington, are both places where President Trump won. Plaintiff’s other theories
similarly wilt under the slightest scrutiny and cannot show a reasonable likelihood of success.
3
1047 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 4 of 32 Document 55
Moreover, Plaintiff cannot meet any other element of the test for granting preliminary
injunctive relief. He cannot demonstrate any cognizable injury, much less irreparable harm. (See
Def. Evers Br. in Supp. of Mot. to Dismiss at 5-8, 16-24) Nor can Plaintiff demonstrate that he has
no alternative remedy, while President Trump is pursuing claims through the recount procedures
prescribed as exclusive by the Wisconsin Legislature. And, even if Plaintiff could carry his
burdens, the balance of harms indelibly tilts away from Plaintiff, because the relief he seeks would
cause enormous prejudice to nearly 3.3 million Wisconsin voters by depriving them of their chosen
representation in the Electoral College, as well as doing “indelible damage to every future election”
and diminishing “public trust in our constitutional order.” Wis. Voters All., Order at *3 (Hagedorn,
J., concurring).
For all of these reasons, as detailed below, Plaintiff’s motion should be denied.
RELEVANT FACTS
In the face of a global pandemic, the WEC took extraordinary steps to ensure a safe and
secure election. Since March 1, 2020, WEC has sent approximately 150 direct communications to
the 1,850 municipal clerks and 72 county clerks who administer Wisconsin elections. 3 These
communications address how to conduct an election in the middle of a global pandemic. The WEC
met approximately 30 times between March 1 and the November 3rd election.4 The WEC’s
carefully crafted guidance assisted election officials and helped ensure the safety of voters. For
example, the WEC developed comprehensive guidelines, rooted in and consistent with Wisconsin
law, about municipal drop boxes as a safe, convenient way for voters to return absentee ballots.5
3
See https://elections.wi.gov/clerks/recent-communications (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
4
See https://elections.wi.gov/calendar (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
5
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/2020-08/Drop%20Box%20Final.pdf (last visited
Dec. 5, 2020).
4
1048 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 5 of 32 Document 55
Throughout this year, Wisconsin election officials prepared for record turnout and
unprecedented use of absentee ballots. In Wisconsin’s April presidential primary and nonpartisan
election, more than 70 percent of all votes cast (approximately 1,138,491 votes) were absentee.6
In the August partisan primary, approximately 75 percent of votes cast were absentee.7 By contrast,
over the prior decade, Wisconsin averaged less than six percent of votes cast by absentee ballot.8
In the November election, nearly 3.3 million Wisconsinites— approximately 72.66 percent of the
voting-age population—voted.9 Almost two million of those votes were cast by absentee ballot.10
All of this occurred consistent with Wisconsin law, which includes extensive safeguards.
Prior to the election, local election officials must test the voting machines no more than ten days
prior to the election to ensure the machines give an accurate vote count. Wis. Stat. § 5.84(1). That
test is open to the public, and indeed the municipal clerk must provide the public notice of the test
two days in advance. Id. After the clerk receives an accurate test result, the clerk then secures the
An absentee ballot may be requested only by a registered voter, and that voter must sign
an affirmation on the ballot envelope in the presence of a witness, who also signs; both sign under
penalty of perjury. See Wis. Stat. §§ 6.86, 6.87(2). Once the polls close, Wisconsin begins its
canvassing process. Election inspectors conduct a local canvass at each polling place on election
6
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/2020-05/April%202020%20Absentee%20Voting
%20Report.pdf at 3-5 (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
7
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/2020-09/Election%20Statistics%20Report%2020
20%20Partisan%20Primary%20Election%202020-09-21.xlsx (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
8
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/2020-05/April%202020%20Absentee%20Voting
%20Report.pdf at 6 (last visited December 5, 2020).
9
https://www.wispolitics.com/2020/wec-important-things-voters-should-know-after-the-election/ (last
visited Dec. 5, 2020).
10
Id.
5
1049 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 6 of 32 Document 55
night. Wis. Stat. § 7.51. The few dozen municipalities that count absentee ballots at a central count
location proceed under the auspices of an absentee ballot board of canvassers. Wis. Stat. § 7.52.
Within a week of the election, every municipality has a three-member municipal board of
canvass that publicly meets to reconcile the poll lists and canvass the returns. Wis. Stat. § 7.53.
All municipal canvass results are reported to county clerks, each of whom convenes their county
board of canvass to publicly meet and examine the returns for all municipalities in their county.
Wis. Stat. § 7.60. Within two weeks of the election, county clerks report county canvass results to
the WEC. Wis. Stat. § 7.60(5). Once the WEC has received all of the county canvass results, the
chairperson reviews the results, publicly canvasses the returns, and prepares a statement certifying
the results and indicating the names of persons who have been elected to state and national offices.
Wis. Stat. § 7.70(3). Where a candidate in an election where more than 4,000 votes have been cast
trails the leading candidate by less than 1 percent of the total votes cast, the trailing candidate may
request a recount of the results. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(1). That recount occurs before the state canvass.
President Trump requested a recount of the canvasses in Dane and Milwaukee counties.11
As part of the recount, the county board of canvassers compares the poll lists to determine the total
number of voters, examines every absentee-ballot envelope and container, and then conducts a
reconciliation process to ensure the number of ballots and the number of voters match. Wis. Stat.
§ 9.01(1)(b)1.-4. Election officials then recount the votes, ensuring tabulation machines provide
accurate counts. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(1)(b)7.-8m., 10. Every step of the recount process is open to the
public. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(1)(b)11. Once the recount is complete, the county board of canvassers
certifies the results and provides them to the WEC chairperson, who must then complete the state
11
“Completed Wisconsin recount confirms Joe Biden’s win over Donald Trump,” Associated Press
(Nov. 30, 2020), available at https://madison.com/wsj/news/local/govt-and-politics/elections/completed-
wisconsin-recount-confirms-joe-bidens-win-over-donald-trump/article_6335f4cb-4308-5108-ae71-
88bf62ce90bf.html (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
6
1050 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 7 of 32 Document 55
canvass using the recounted results. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(5)(c). After the recounts in Dane and
After every general election, Wisconsin election officials conduct an audit of selected
voting machines. Wis. Stat. § 7.08(6). Under federal law, no machine may demonstrate an error
rate greater than 1 in 500,000 ballots (0.0002 percent). 52 U.S.C. § 21081(a)(5); Fed. Elections
Comm’n, Voting System Standards § 3.2.1 (Apr. 2002).13 The WEC established the following
selection criteria for the audit following the November 2020 election:
1. Establish the audit sample as 5% of all reporting units statewide for a minimum of 184
total audits.
2. Ensure at least one piece of voting equipment is selected for audit in each of
Wisconsin’s 72 counties.
3. Ensure that a minimum of five reporting units are selected for every model of
equipment certified for use in Wisconsin.
WEC, Preliminary 2020 Post-Election Audit of Electronic Voting Equipment Report, at 2 (Nov.
17, 2020).14 The WEC audited 28 Dominion machines.15 The audit found no programming errors,
nor found any “identifiable bugs, errors, or failures of the tabulation voting equipment….”16 At
the WEC’s most recent meeting, Commissioner Dean Knudson, a former Republican legislator
and immediate-past chair of the WEC, said the audit showed “no evidence of systemic problems
[or] hacking [or] of switched votes.”17 He specifically noted that the WEC had “audited 15 percent
of the Dominion machines,” and found “no evidence of any Dominion machines changing votes
12
https://apnews.com/article/election-2020-joe-biden-donald-trump-madison-wisconsin-7aef88488
e4a801545a13cf4319591b0 (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
13
Available at https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/28/Voting_System_Standards_
Volume_I.pdf (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
14
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/202012/2020%20Audit%20Program%20Up
date%20for%2012_1_2020%20Meeting%20FINAL.pdf (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
15
Id. at 4.
16
Id at 8.
17
Video available at https://wiseye.org/2020/12/01/wisconsin-elections-commission-december-2020-
meeting/ at 2:05:18.
7
1051 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 8 of 32 Document 55
or doing any of the like.”18 Noting that Wisconsin’s “election equipment operated with great
accuracy,” he categorically asserted that he had “yet to see a credible claim of fraudulent activity
Plaintiff waited until the day after Commissioner Knudson’s public comments to file this
lawsuit, alleging, without evidence, “massive fraud” in Wisconsin’s election. Plaintiff’s attorneys
have filed lawsuits substantially identical to this one in three other states. See King v. Whitmer,
No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich.); Pearson v. Kemp, No. 1:20-cv-04809-TCB (N.D. Ga.); Bowyer
v. Ducey, No. 20-cv-02321 (D. Az.). All of these suits allege widespread fraud as part of a grand
multi-national conspiracy to steal the election. None provides specific or even remotely reliable
evidence to support those extravagant claims. Each suit is a last-ditch attempt to overturn election
results and disenfranchise millions of voters without a shred of evidence. Just today the Eastern
District of Michigan rejected Plaintiff’s attorney’s lawsuit on six separate grounds, including that
the Eleventh Amendment barred relief, the claim was moot after Michigan certified the election
results, laches barred relief, abstention, lack of standing, and that the plaintiff had no likelihood of
success on the merits. King v. Whitmer, No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020). A Georgia
District Court dismissed an identical lawsuit in an oral decision, and the Arizona District Court on
its own order put over an evidentiary hearing after receiving the defendants’ motions to dismiss.
STANDARD OF REVIEW
The legal standard for a temporary restraining order is the same as a preliminary injunction.
Democratic Nat’l Comm. v. Bostelmann, 447 F. Supp. 3d 757, 765 (W.D. Wis. 2020). The plaintiff
“has the burden of making a threshold showing: (1) that he will suffer irreparable harm absent
preliminary injunctive relief during the pendency of his action; (2) inadequate remedies at law
18
Id. at 2:08:16.
19
Id. at 2:05:18, 2:06:52.
8
1052 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 9 of 32 Document 55
exist; and (3) he has a reasonable likelihood of success on the merits.” Whitaker by Whitaker v.
Kenosha Unified Sch. Dist. No. 1 Bd. of Educ., 858 F.3d 1034, 1044 (7th Cir. 2017). If the court
finds the first three elements satisfied, it balances the relevant harms. Girl Scouts of Manitou
Council, Inc. v. Girl Scouts of U.S. of Am., Inc., 549 F.3d 1079, 1100 (7th Cir. 2008). The balancing
process “takes into consideration the consequences to the public interest of granting or denying
ARGUMENT
The Dominion machines in Wisconsin have shown no evidence of irregularities. And they
have been extensively audited. Dean Knudson, a Republican appointee to the WEC and former
Republican member of the Wisconsin Assembly, publicly said this month that “the Dominion
machines operated as they were designed to do within the specifications of our testing.” 20 He
specifically rejected the Dominion conspiracy theory: “We do not see problems with our voting
machines. … And we have no evidence of any Dominion machines changing votes or doing any
of the like.”21 Despite seemingly being aware of the theories underlying Plaintiff’s Dominion
allegations, Mr. Knudson definitively ruled out Dominion changing any votes. Nor is
Commissioner Knudson alone. Jim Steineke, the Republican Majority Leader for Wisconsin’s
State Assembly, called allegations of widespread voter fraud “nonsense” and dismissed the notion
of “widespread fraud large enough in numbers to overturn the result” of Wisconsin’s presidential
20
Video available at https://wiseye.org/2020/12/01/wisconsin-elections-commission-december-2020-
meeting/ at 2:05:18.
21
Id. at 2:08:16.
9
1053 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 10 of 32 Document 55
election. 22 And U.S. Attorney General William Barr, “one of the president’s most ardent allies,”
said last week that U.S. Attorneys and FBI agents investigating claims of election irregularities
“have not seen fraud on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election.” 23
Sequoia machines and 28 Dominion machines in the second half of November. Audits showed
that the machines tabulated ballots correctly, “with no bugs, errors, or failures occurring between
the individual cast vote record and the total tabulated vote record.”24 Recounts in Dane and
Milwaukee Counties further underscore the lack of evidence of any fraud. After a full recount
spanning more than a week, Dane County Clerk Scott McDonell, said, “what this recount showed
was that there was absolutely no evidence of voter fraud in this election even after looking at over
300,000 ballots, over 254,000 envelopes.”25 As he noted, “this incredible level of transparency
should provide reassurance to the public that the election was run properly and accurately and
there was no fraud.”26 Milwaukee County’s recount also found no evidence of fraud. 27
Christopher Krebs, President Trump’s chosen director for the Cybersecurity and
Infrastructure Security Agency, the agency tasked with ensuring secure elections, characterized
22
Rob Mentzer, “GOP Leader Pushes Back Against Election ‘Misinformation,’ Says No Evidence Of
Widespread Voter Fraud,” WPR (Nov. 16, 2020), available at https://www.wpr.org/gop-leader-pushes-ba
ck-against-election-misinformation-says-no-evidence-widespread-voter-fraud (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
23
Michael Balsamo, “Disputing Trump, Barr says no widespread election fraud,” Associated Press
(Dec. 1, 2020), available at https://apnews.com/article/barr-no-widespread-election-fraud-b1f1488796c9
a98c4b1a9061a6c7f49d (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
24
Audit available at https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/2020-12/2020%20Audit
%20Program%20Update%20for%2012_1_2020%20Meeting%20FINAL.pdf (last visited Dec. 6, 2020).
25
Patrick Marley, “Biden gains 87 votes in Trump's $3 million Wisconsin recount as Dane County
wraps up review. President plans lawsuit,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel (Nov. 29, 2020), available at
https://www.jsonline.com/story/news/politics/2020/11/29/dane-county-recount-show-biden-won-wiscon
sin-trump-prepares-lawsuit/6455880002/ (last visited Dec. 4, 2020).
26
Id.
27
James Groh, “Milwaukee County election officials found "no instances of fraud" during recount,”
TMJ4 (Nov. 27, 2020), available at https://www.tmj4.com/news/election-2020/milwaukee-county-
election-officials-found-no-instances-of-fraud-during-recount (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
10
1054 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 11 of 32 Document 55
the 2020 election as “the most secure in U.S. history.”28 Specifically with respect to Wisconsin, he
noted that election administrators “worked overtime to ensure there was a paper trail that could be
explained that “Americans’ confidence in the security of the 2020 election is entirely justified”
because “[p]aper ballots and post-election checks ensured the accuracy of the count.30 Mr. Krebs’s
comments could not be more apt: Wisconsin’s recount of the ballots and audit of the machines
ensured accuracy and inspires confidence. There is no evidence of fraud in Wisconsin’s election;
to the contrary, all evidence is that the election was free and fair. Nothing Plaintiff has offered—a
None of Plaintiff’s “experts” are experts at all. They lack qualifications, and they fail to
provide methodological information to show their opinions are reliable. Their opinions should be
ignored. Plaintiff’s fact witnesses fare no better. Their affidavits are unsupported, speculative and
unhelpful. Many are anonymous. They are inadmissible and unworthy of the Court’s attention.
“Whether a witness is qualified as an expert can only be determined by comparing the area
in which the witness has superior knowledge, skill, experience, or education with the subject matter
of the witness’s testimony.” Gayton v. McCoy, 593 F.3d 610, 616 (7th Cir. 2010). Most of the
affidavits appended to the Amended Complaint purport to conduct expert analyses ranging from
statistical tests to forensic assessments of electronic voting systems. Yet almost none of Plaintiff’s
28
Christopher Krebs, “Trump fired me for saying this, but I’ll say it again: The election wasn’t rigged,”
Washington Post (Dec. 1, 2020), available at https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/christopher-krebs-
trump-election-wasnt-hacked/2020/12/01/88da94a0-340f-11eb-8d38-6aea1adb3839_story.html (last
visited Dec. 6, 2020).
29
Id.
30
Id.
11
1055 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 12 of 32 Document 55
affiants have any identifiable experience or education in the fields in which they opine, let alone
Exhibit 3 to the Amended Complaint is an affidavit from Matthew Braynard, who discusses
a survey that he maintains uncovered assorted irregularities in Wisconsin’s election results. But
other qualifications, experience, or publications in survey design, statistical methods in the social
sciences, or political science. (Exh. 3) Exhibit 2, an affidavit from William Briggs, is an analysis
based entirely on Braynard’s survey results, but Briggs also fails to identify any relevant
experience or qualifications in survey design. Neither Briggs nor Braynard is qualified to express
The qualifications of Plaintiff’s remaining affiants are equally infirm. Exhibits 4, 12, 13,
and 19 are “expert” analyses conducted by anonymous individuals whose credentials—or even
existence—cannot be tested or assessed. Even taken on their own terms, these affidavits do not
various computer networks, but the anonymous author identifies no relevant qualifications or
education, aside from “extensive experience as a white hat hacker.” Exhibit 13 purports to be a
technical analysis of certain voting technologies, but the author states that his degree is in
physiology and that he is an “amateur network tracer.” He does not identify any specific education
or experience that would qualify him to analyze electronic voting systems. And Exhibit 19 is a
Exhibit 8, a statement by Ana Mercedes Diaz Cardozo, expresses opinions about the
security of electronic voting systems, but she is not a computer scientist or information security
expert, nor does she possess any other relevant qualifications. Exhibit 9, the affidavit of Seth
12
1056 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 13 of 32 Document 55
Keshel, is a statistical analysis conducted by a “trained data analyst” who describes nothing about
his education, experience, or other qualifications, aside from “political involvement requiring a
knowledge of election trends and voting behavior.” Exhibit 14, the declaration of Ronald Watkins,
analyzes the security of electronic voting systems, but identifies only “experience as a network
and information defense analyst and a network security engineer.” Watkins does not describe what
that experience is with any degree of detail, nor does he explain how this experience qualifies him
to testify as to the security of electronic voting systems. In reality, Watkins operates the online
message board 8kun and is a key propagator of the QAnon conspiracy theory.31
And Exhibit 17, the affidavit of Russell James Ramsland, Jr., contains both statistical
“analysis” and a technical assessment of electronic voting systems, but Ramsland identifies no
education, experience, publications, or other qualifications in any relevant field. Indeed, Ramsland
concedes that he has relied on certain “experts and resources” (Exh. 17 at 1), but he does not
identify who those experts are, what their qualifications are, how they performed their work, or
how he relied on their work. The substance of his analysis is nonsensical. Ramsland claims that a
“spike” in Biden returns in the early morning the day after the election was a “statistical
impossibility” and evidence of fraud. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶77-79) Of course, this spike was just the
returns in one fell swoop when all counting at its central-count facility had concluded. It was
anticipated this would happen, as Milwaukee had warned that it would deliver absentee results
31
Drew Harwell, “To boost voter-fraud claims, Trump advocate Sidney Powell turns to unusual
source: The longtime operator of QAnon’s Internet home,” Washington Post (Dec. 1, 2020), available
at https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2020/12/01/powell-cites-qanon-watkins/ (last visited
Dec. 6, 2020).
13
1057 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 14 of 32 Document 55
between 3:00 and 6:00 a.m. the morning after Election Day. 32 Rather than a statistical anomaly,
Expert testimony requires a reliable methodology. Hartman v. EBSCO Indus., Inc., 758
F.3d 810, 817 (7th Cir. 2014). “An expert’s methodology can be evaluated by considering its error
rate, whether the methodology has been or is capable of being tested, whether it has been subject
to peer review, and whether it is generally accepted in the relevant community of experts.” Id.
Even if Plaintiffs’ “expert” affiants were qualified, none of them disclose any remotely reliable
As an initial matter, the Briggs and Braynard affidavits (Exhs. 2-3) rely on Braynard’s
survey results—but Braynard made no effort to make his survey even appear scientific. “The
criteria for the trustworthiness of survey evidence are that: (1) the ‘universe’ was properly defined;
(2) a representative sample of that universe was selected; (3) the questions to be asked of
interviewees were framed in a clear, precise and non-leading manner; (4) sound interview
procedures were followed by competent interviewers who had no knowledge of the litigation or
the purpose for which the survey was conducted; (5) the data gathered was accurately reported;
(6) the data was analyzed in accordance with accepted statistical principles[;] and (7) objectivity
of the entire process was assured.” LG Elecs. U.S.A., Inc. v. Whirlpool Corp., 661 F. Supp. 2d 940,
952 (N.D. Ill. 2009); see also Evory v. RJM Acquisitions Funding L.L.C., 505 F.3d 769, 776 (7th
32
Laurel White, “Wisconsin Election Officials Say Vote Counting Will Take Longer This Year.
Here's What To Expect,” WPR (Nov. 3, 2020), available at https://www.wpr.org/wisconsin-election-
officials-say-vote-counting-will-take-longer-year-heres-what-expect (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
33
If the Court does determine an evidentiary hearing is necessary, Defendant would
request the right to bring Daubert challenges to each of Plaintiff’s experts.
14
1058 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 15 of 32 Document 55
Cir. 2007) (“But we emphasize that survey evidence … must comply with the principles of
professional survey research; if it does not, it is not even admissible.”). Braynard’s affidavit
control steps, no information about who conducted the phone calls, and no information about how
voter telephone numbers were located and verified. None of Braynard’s estimates are presented
with any measures of uncertainty, like confidence intervals or margins of error. Braynard’s survey
has none of the indicia of reliability necessary to admit survey evidence. And because the Briggs
Braynard’s affidavit also contains conclusions about voters who indicated they were
indefinitely confined. But this discussion likewise lacks any meaningful methodology. Braynard
purportedly had unidentified researchers look at social media profiles they believed matched
specific voters to determine whether they were indefinitely confined on Election Day. No sampling
indefinitely confined are identified; no information about how voter identities were verified is
identified; no quality control measures are identified. The Court cannot accept Braynard’s and
Plaintiff’s invitation to invalidate tens of thousands of votes based on subjective and unverifiable
assessments of social media pages that may not even belong to the voters in question.
Moreover, several of Plaintiff’s affidavits are statistical “analyses” that cloak their lack of
generally accepted statistical tests, a reliable statistical methodology must contain an accounting
of the sample tested and must “correct for potentially explanatory variables.” Sheehan v. Daily
Racing Form, Inc., 104 F.3d 940, 942 (7th Cir. 1997) (expert was properly excluded where he
arbitrarily excluded certain individuals from a sample and failed to account for potential
15
1059 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 16 of 32 Document 55
explanatory factors); see also Elliott v. CFTC, 202 F.3d 926, 934 (7th Cir. 2000) (expert statistical
testimony was unreliable where it failed to conduct key analyses that weighed upon his
conclusion). Plaintiffs’ experts do not use any standard or accepted statistical methodologies, do
not identify their data or even data sources, and fail to account for obvious explanatory factors.
Dominion machines favored Biden, but there is no meaningful description of what data was used,
when it was compiled, or where much of it was sourced from; no analysis or methodology
described or identified beyond the assertion that the author used “Chi-Squared Automatic
Interaction Detection,” which the author fails to even try to explain; and no results from any efforts
to control for confounding factors. The study also evidently ignores key confounding factors—for
instance, the graph on which the report relies appears to demonstrate that every voting system used
in Wisconsin yielded results favorable to Biden, and that a greater percentage of non-Dominion
machines in Wisconsin are above the prediction line—in other words, it is Wisconsin, and not
The Keshel affidavit, Exhibit 9, is a statistical analysis of political trends that contains no
electoral outcomes seem odd to the author. The Ramsland affidavit, Exhibit 17, claims that it is
statistically improbable that a large number of ballots favoring Biden would be reported at one
time, but contains virtually every flaw a statistical analysis can have: it does not contain any
controls; it ignores obvious explanations for the identified phenomenon (i.e., it simply reflects the
timing of Milwaukee County’s reporting of absentee ballot results); uses a “random population of
Wisconsin votes” as its comparison group notwithstanding significant and meaningful differences
between different areas of the state; and fails to identify the sources of any of its data or
16
1060 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 17 of 32 Document 55
assumptions concerning expected voter turnout. Exhibit 19, an anonymous statistical analysis of
vote reporting patterns, likewise contains virtually every error one can make: it does not identify
the source of the overwhelming majority of the data used; there are no meaningful controls used,
and no controls whatsoever used in the analysis related to Wisconsin; and it ignores obvious
confounding factors, including that Wisconsin counted in-person ballots before absentee ballots,
and that different parts of various states with substantial political differences reported results at
different times. In short, Plaintiffs’ statistical analyses are not analyses at all, and are instead just
a series of observations not grounded in any identifiable data set or reliable statistical testing. They
should be ignored.
So, too, with respect to the affidavits concerning the security of electronic voting systems
and supposed connections between Dominion and a variety of foreign countries. Exhibit 12, which
meaningful methodology and appears to just be a series of screenshots that the author, without any
coherent explanation, maintains represents connections between various companies and certain
foreign countries and/or unlawful activity. For instance, the author insists that the existence of the
scorecard software to manipulate the results of the election. (Exh. 12 at 8) Like Exhibit 12, the
anonymous analysis in Exhibit 13, which purportedly assesses the security of various electronic
voting systems, contains a dizzying array of pseudo-technical representations that lack any
coherent explanation or accepted methodology. These analyses too do not warrant the Court’s
consideration. See Varlen Corp. v. Liberty Mut. Ins. Co., 924 F.3d 456, 460 (7th Cir. 2019) (expert
17
1061 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 18 of 32 Document 55
Bielskis v. Louisville Ladder, Inc., 663 F.3d 887, 895 (7th Cir. 2011) (expert testimony properly
In addition to Plaintiff’s woefully insufficient expert affidavits, Plaintiff also offers fact
affidavits unsupported by the affiants’ personal knowledge and irrelevant to Wisconsin’s election.
The anonymous Exhibit 1 and the Cardozo affidavit, Exhibit 8, offer numerous observations about
the years-old elections in Venezuela, but make no coherent connection between activity in
Venezuela and the 2020 election in Wisconsin. The affidavit of Harri Hursti (Exh. 7) is a lengthy
discussion of issues arising out of a primary election in Georgia—again with no connection to any
Likewise, numerous affiants make factual representations for which they have no apparent
firsthand knowledge. The anonymous author of Exhibit 1 makes observations about the timing of
vote reporting in the 2020 election, but identifies no reason to believe she has firsthand knowledge
of when votes were counted or reported in any jurisdiction, nor does she identify any sources on
which she relied. (See Exh. 1 ¶26) The Cardozo affidavit contains numerous observations about
Venezuela’s purported contract with Smartmatic, but none of it is based on her personal experience
with the contract; she is simply stating the contents of a document she saw years after the fact. The
document was not included in Plaintiff’s filing. Exhibit 13 contains a variety of outlandish
representations with no reason to believe the author has firsthand knowledge of any of them—for
instance, the affiant makes extensive representations that Joe Biden and Barack Obama in 2013
and 2014 conspired to manipulate an election in an unidentified foreign country. The testimony of
these witnesses should be ignored. See Zilisch v. R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co., No. 10-cv-474-bbc,
2011 WL 7630628, at *1 (W.D. Wis. June 21, 2011) (statements in affidavit were “inadmissible
because they are conclusory and not made on the basis of [affiant’s] personal knowledge”); Ross
18
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v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of Wis. Sys., 655 F. Supp. 2d 895, 923 (E.D. Wis. 2009) (declining to
consider portions of affidavit “not based upon the affiant’s personal knowledge”).
Finally, the affidavit of Eric Oltmann, Exhibit 6, purports to recreate a conversation the
affiant purportedly overheard several months ago, in which someone Oltmann speculates was a
Dominion employee makes representations about the 2020 election. Oltmann then proceeds to
describe social media posts from a profile that he says belongs to the Dominion employee.
Oltmann’s affidavit layers speculation on top of hearsay to propagate a conspiracy theory about
election manipulation. Like every other affidavit offered by Plaintiff, it is unreliable and unworthy
Venezuela (Exh. 1), statistical analysis of the 2020 election (Exhs. 4, 19), and analysis of electronic
voting systems (Exhs. 12, 13). Because the affiants are anonymous, it is impossible to assess their
credibility or qualifications; indeed, it is impossible to know whether their affidavits are even
verified by the affiant as required by 28 U.S.C § 1746. See also Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c)(4) (“An
affidavit or declaration used to support or oppose a motion must be made on personal knowledge,
set out facts that would be admissible in evidence, and show that the affiant or declarant is
competent to testify on the matters stated.”); Consol. Water Power Co. v. 0.40 Acres of Land, No.
10-CV-397-bbc, 2011 WL 1831608, at *5 (W.D. Wis. May 12, 2011) (affidavits should identify
Plaintiff alleges that Dominion voting machines could be compromised, but provides no evidence
that proves, or even suggests, that Wisconsin machines actually were tampered with. Consider
Exhibit 6: It begins by recreating a conversation the declarant allegedly overhead several months
19
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ago, and then proceeds to weave an elaborate conspiracy theory based on who one of the
participants might have been; this hodgepodge of rank speculation on top of hearsay is not
China and Iran. Nor is Exhibit 1, which contains an unnamed declarant’s opinions about elections
in Venezuela. Exhibit 14’s author’s only conclusion is that voting machines could possibly be
tampered with. None of this is relevant, probative, or compelling. Indeed, taken together,
Plaintiff’s proffered evidence fails to even connect his wild theories to Wisconsin. This is why the
court in King v. Whitmer, found that all that Plaintiff’s attorney alleged were “an amalgamation of
theories, conjecture, and speculation that such alterations were possible.” Op. & Order, at *34.
involving Dominion voting machines in Milwaukee, Dane, La Crosse, Waukesha, St. Croix,
Washington, Bayfield, and Ozaukee Counties. Plaintiff’s evidence shows that of those counties,
only two—Ozaukee and Washington—use Dominion machines (Amend. Cmplt. Exh. 5); Trump
won those counties with 55%34 and 68%35 of the vote. Despite pages of allegations and declarations
relating to Dominion and its potential susceptibility to hacking, Plaintiff offers no actual facts.
Plaintiff’s claim that approximately 7,000 voters moved from Wisconsin and voted
illegally is also unavailing. Amend. Cmplt. ¶51. This analysis does not account for voters changing
their addresses for reasons that still allow for voting in Wisconsin. For example, college students
attending school out of state, or retirees temporarily travelling south prior to winter are common.
Such voters retain the right to vote in Wisconsin. See Wis. Stat. § 6.10(1) (“The residence of a
34
https://www.co.ozaukee.wi.us/DocumentCenter/View/14392/ElectionSummaryReport-11-3-20 (last
visited Dec. 5, 2020).
35
https://www.co.washington.wi.us/uploads/docs/electionsummaryreport1132020-Final.pdf (last
visited Dec. 5, 2020).
20
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person is the place where the person’s habitation is fixed, without any present intent to move, and
to which, when absent, the person intends to return.”). Plaintiff provides no evidence that even one
of these out of state voters should be disenfranchised. And Wisconsin law requires that a challenge
to a ballot on the basis of the voter’s eligibility must be raised on a ballot-by-ballot basis, at the
time of voting or counting, and the challenge to any individual ballot must be for cause. See Wis.
Stat. §§ 6.925-.93, 7.52(5); Wis. Admin. Code. § EL 9.02. Wisconsin law does not countenance
statistical analysis.
D. Plaintiff has no valid claim under the Electors and Election Clauses
because WEC’s guidance is consistent with Wisconsin law.
Plaintiff has not asserted a valid claim for a violation of either the Electors Clause or the
Election Clause of the U.S. Constitution. Even if such a claim were cognizable, but see Bognet v.
Secretary, 2020 WL 6686120 (3d Cir. 2020), Plaintiff erroneously argues that WEC failed to
follow Wisconsin’s election laws by issuing contrary guidance. An actual reading of the statutes
Consistent with the Electors and Elections Clauses, state legislatures can delegate authority
to administer elections. See Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 576 U.S.
787, 814 (2015). Wisconsin has a detailed statutory framework governing elections, but the
Legislature has delegated to the WEC authority to administer elections. See Wis. Stat. § 5.05(1)
(“General authority. The elections commission shall have the responsibility for the administration
of chs. 5 to 10 and 12 and other laws relating to elections and election campaigns….”). Plaintiff
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First, Plaintiff, as a Wisconsin voter, is required to bring his challenges through a complaint
to the WEC pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 5.06. This provision provides an administrative remedy to
electors and allows WEC to investigate the complaint and potentially provide a hearing. Wis. Stat.
§ 5.06(1), (5). Critically, Wis. Stat. § 5.06(2) prohibits a voter from commencing a court action
unless they complied with the administrative procedure. Because Plaintiff has failed to exhaust his
administrative remedies, this Court cannot provide the extraordinary relief requested. See Glisson
Second, Plaintiff’s claims are barred by the doctrine of laches and the Eleventh
Third, Plaintiff’s claims are baseless and fail on the merits. Plaintiff raises two primary
arguments under Wisconsin law—that election officials must discard any absentee ballot for which
the witness provided incomplete address information and that ballots submitted by voters who
Despite the WEC having longstanding guidance concerning election officials assisting with
deficient witness addresses, Plaintiff now claims that guidance contravenes Wisconsin law. On
October 18, 2016, the WEC advised all municipal clerks that, if an absentee-ballot envelope had a
missing or incomplete witness address, clerks could make reasonable attempts to obtain the
missing information. 36 Notably, the proposal to adopt this guidance was made by a Republican
appointee to the WEC, was supported by the Wisconsin Department of Justice (under the
leadership of a Republican Attorney General), and was unanimously adopted by the WEC. The
36
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/memo/20/guidance_insufficient_witness_add
ress_amended_10_1_38089.pdf (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
22
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WEC has not changed its guidance since 2016, and it incorporated this recommendation into its
Election Administration Manual. 37 The November 2020 election was the twelfth consecutive
The guidance on witness addresses is consistent with Wisconsin law, which encourages
clerks to correct errors with witness addresses: clerks may “return the ballot to the elector, inside
the sealed envelope when an envelope is received, together with a new envelope if necessary,
whenever time permits the elector to correct the defect and return the ballot.” Wis. Stat. § 6.87(9).
This is not an exclusive remedy. Although a ballot without a witness address cannot be counted,
nothing in the statute prohibits the clerk from taking steps to cure a missing address. Doing so is
consistent with the statutory instruction that provisions of the elections code “shall be construed
to give effect to the will of the electors, if that can be ascertained.” Wis. Stat. § 5.01(1).38 No statute
commands that the witness is the only person who can fill in the address information. Thus, the
WEC’s longstanding guidance is entirely consistent with Wisconsin law. If the Legislature
disagreed with that interpretation, it could have changed the statute any time within the last four
Plaintiff misconstrues Wisconsin law to argue that the WEC’s guidance on indefinitely
confined voters is unlawful. The text of the provision now numbered as Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)(a) has
existed in the Wisconsin Statutes for more than 40 years and has been unchanged since 1985. For
three-and-a-half decades, that provision has provided an alternate method for voters to obtain a
37
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/202010/Election%20Administration%20Manual
%20%282020-09%29.pdf at 99-100 (last visited Dec. 6, 2020).
38
Arguably, Wis. Stat. § 6.84 overrides this legislative command by requiring that several
provisions related to absentee voting be strictly applied. Assuming without conceding that section 6.84
is constitutional, by its own terms it does not apply to Wis. Stat. § 6.87(9).
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mail-in absentee ballot if they are “indefinitely confined.” Section 6.86(2)(a) recognizes that some
electors are indefinitely confined in ways that preclude voting in person, and may complicate the
typical process of obtaining an absentee ballot. The provision offers an alternative, based on an
Section 6.86(2)(a) does not excuse indefinitely confined voters from additional safeguards
that apply to mail-in absentee ballots, including the requirement that each ballot be signed by the
voter, witnessed by an adult U.S. citizen, and carefully opened, reviewed, and tabulated during a
public canvas. Wis. Stat. §§ 6.87, 6.88. On March 29, 2020, the WEC issued guidance specifically
addressing “Indefinitely Confined Absentee Applications.”39 In that guidance, the WEC stated that
the statutory definition of “age, illness, infirmity or disability” does not require a voter to meet a
particular qualification and “indefinitely confined status need not be permanent.”40 The guidance
expressly notes that voters “self-certify” whether they are indefinitely confined. 41 The WEC also
instructed municipal clerks to “remove the name of any elector from the list of indefinitely
confined electors upon receipt of reliable information that an elector no longer qualifies for that
designation and service.” 42 The Wisconsin Supreme Court has reviewed the March 29 guidance
and deemed it accurate. See Jefferson v. Dane Cty., No. 2020AP557-OA, Order, at *2 (Wis. Mar.
31, 2020) (noting in context of order in response to temporary injunction motion that the WEC
guidance “provides the clarification on the purpose and proper use of the indefinitely confined
39
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/202003/Clerk%20comm%20re.%20Indefinitely
%20Confined%203.29.20.pdf (last visited Dec. 6, 2020).
40
Id.
41
Id.
42
Id. at 3.
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Plaintiff complains about additional WEC guidance, issued on May 13, 2020, that a clerk
cannot remove a voter from the indefinitely confined list based on the clerk’s unsupported belief
that the elector is not indefinitely confined. This does not contradict the statute. The portion cited
by Plaintiff was an instruction consistent with decades of interpretation and guidance that voters
self-certify whether they are indefinitely confined; and it left in place the clear instruction that
clerks should remove a voter from the indefinitely confined list upon receiving reliable information
that the voter was no longer indefinitely confined. The WEC’s March guidance, with the
Wisconsin Supreme Court’s imprimatur, still applies. There is no statutory basis for Plaintiff’s
belief that municipal clerks are obliged to investigate voters claiming to be indefinitely confined.
Notably, Plaintiff has not claimed or provided any evidence that a single voter who claimed
indefinitely confined status did so improperly. Plaintiff asserts only his belief that it was odd so
many people claimed this status during the COVID-19 pandemic. But it is imminently logical that
the pandemic would increase the number of people who considered themselves indefinitely
confined. And, because the Jefferson lawsuit brought increased attention to the indefinitely
confined provision, more people may have known about and chosen to avail themselves of the
law. The Jefferson case remains pending before the Wisconsin Supreme Court, where the merits
were argued at the end of September. If that court had concerns about voters using (or misusing)
the statute for the November election, it could and would have granted additional preliminary
relief. It did not do so, and Plaintiff provides no basis for this Court to second-guess that decision.
Plaintiff’s Equal Protection and Due Process43 claims, like the Elections and Electors
claim, fails because WEC’s guidance is entirely consistent with Wisconsin law. To the extent
43
It is unclear whether Plaintiff is suing as a class of one or is arguing that he represents all Wisconsin
voters. If his claim is based on “disparate treatment of Wisconsin voters” (Amend. Cmplt. ¶114) or “all
25
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Plaintiff makes a claim for unequal treatment under Wisconsin’s election laws, that also fails
because there is no unequal treatment, or a rational basis exists for the laws.
The “rational-basis variant of substantive due process differs little, if at all, from the most
deferential form of equal protection review.” Hayden ex rel. A.H. v. Greensburg Cmty. Sch. Corp.,
743 F.3d 569, 576 (7th Cir. 2014). “Unless a governmental practice encroaches on a fundamental
right,” substantive due process and equal protection “requires only that the practice be rationally
related to a legitimate government interest, or alternatively phrased, that the practice be neither
arbitrary nor irrational.” Lee v. City of Chicago, 330 F.3d 456, 467 (7th Cir. 2003). Substantive
due process is “not a blanket protection against unjustifiable interferences with property.” Id. at
467. “The rational-basis requirement sets the legal bar low and simply requires a rational
relationship between the disparity of treatment and some legitimate governmental purpose.” D.B.
ex rel. Kurtis B. v. Kopp, 725 F.3d 681, 686 (7th Cir. 2013) (internal quotation marks omitted).
From the outset, it is important to note that the WEC’s guidance treated all voters equally.
Any voter had the opportunity to obtain an absentee ballot. Any voter believing themselves
Speculation and conjecture regarding switched votes cannot establish an equal protection
or due process claim. See King, Op. & Order, at *34 (“with nothing but speculation and conjecture
that votes for President Trump were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President
Biden, Plaintiffs’ equal protection claim fails”); Wood, 2020 WL 6817513, at *9 (“Wood cannot
transmute allegations that state officials violated state law into a claim that his vote was somehow
weighted differently than others.”); Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *12 (“Put another way, a vote
candidates, political parties, and voters” (id. ¶115), then there is no standing because that would be a general
grievance as opposed to a concrete injury to Plaintiff. If his claim is individual, he has no injury.
Plaintiff does not specify whether he is making a procedural or substantive due process claim. However,
it appears to be a substantive due process claim.
26
1070 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 27 of 32 Document 55
cast by fraud or mailed in by the wrong person through mistake, or otherwise counted illegally,
has a mathematical impact on the final tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, but
no single voter is specifically disadvantaged.” (internal quotation marks omitted)). Plaintiff has
not established that any votes were changed or provided any theory as to how votes were diluted.
Even if the Plaintiff had evidence to support his claims, this case would strongly resemble
Hennings v. Grafton, where six electors requested a new election for several county officers
because of “inaccurate tabulation of votes in fifty precincts and ‘arbitrary’ action by the defendant
county clerk as chief election official, all stemming directly or indirectly from the malfunctioning
of electronic voting devices.” 523 F.2d 861, 862-63 (7th Cir. 1975). Despite the clear evidence of
inaccurate vote counts, the court held that “not every election irregularity … will give rise to a
constitutional claim and an action under § 1983. Mere violation of a state statute by an election
official, for example, will not.” Id. at 864. The Seventh Circuit continued:
Voting device malfunction, the failure of election officials to take statutorily prescribed
steps to diminish what was at most a theoretical possibility that the devices might be
tampered with, and the refusal of those officials after the election to conduct a retabulation,
assuming these events to have occurred, fall far short of constitutional infractions, absent
aggravating circumstances of fraud or other wilful conduct….
Id. The Seventh Circuit further asserted that “errors and irregularities … are inevitable, and no
constitutional guarantee exists to remedy them.” Id. at 865. This controlling case alone would
Nonetheless, even the merits show there are no constitutional claims. The Equal Protection
Clause does not require uniform treatment, but only that any differences be rationally based on a
legitimate government interest. Indefinitely confined voter laws ensure that vulnerable voters—
any voter who is indefinitely confined due to “age, physical illness or infirmity or is disabled,”
Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)(a)—can safely cast their ballots. Protecting such voters’ safety while ensuring
27
1071 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 28 of 32 Document 55
Other guidance issued by the WEC serves the purpose of ensuring that elections account
for the preferences of all eligible voters who choose to participate. Wis. Stat. § 5.01(1) provides
that Wisconsin’s election laws “shall be construed to give effect to the will of the electors, if that
can be ascertained from the proceedings, notwithstanding informality or failure to fully comply
with some of their provisions.” Wis. Stat. § 7.50(2) reiterates that point, stating that ballots “shall
be counted for the person or referendum question for whom or for which they were intended, so
far as the electors' intent can be ascertained from the ballots notwithstanding informality or failure
to fully comply with other provisions of chs. 5 to 12.” As Chief Justice Roggensack of the
Wisconsin Supreme Court recently noted, “The right to vote is protected by Wis. Const. art. III, §
1. Therefore, a vote legally cast and received by the time the polls close on Election Day must be
counted if the ballot expresses the will of the voter.” O’Bright v. Lynch, No. 2020AP1761-OA,
WEC guidance furthers that purpose while still remaining entirely consistent with absentee
voting requirements. For example, the witness address guidance does not remove the requirement
for an address, but allows clerks the discretion to help correct that error so a ballot is not discounted
because of a technicality. There is nothing nefarious nor illegal with doing so. The WEC’s
guidance is rationally related to ensuring everyone who wants to safely vote, can.
The recount procedures under Wis. Stat. § 9.01 unambiguously constitute the “exclusive
remedy” for challenging any election results: “EXCLUSIVE REMEDY. This section constitutes the
exclusive judicial remedy for testing the right to hold an elective office as the result of an alleged
irregularity, defect or mistake committed during the voting or canvassing process.” Wis. Stat.
§ 9.01(11). Section 9.01 generally provides for a recount process for an aggrieved party following
an election. Judicial review cannot occur until after a recount, and that appeal must go to state
28
1072 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 29 of 32 Document 55
circuit court. See Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6)(a); Trump v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1971-OA,
Order at *2 (Wis. Dec. 3, 2020); see also id. (Hagedorn, J. concurring) (“[C]hallenges to election
results are also governed by law. … [Section 9.01] provides that these actions should be filed in
the circuit court, and spells out detailed procedures for ensuring their orderly and swift disposition.
See § 9.01(6)-(8). Consequently, an adequate, and exclusive, state law remedy exists to challenge
results of an election.”). Given that President Trump is prosecuting an appeal in state court under
this exclusive process, and given that Plaintiff has no cognizable interest here distinct from the
President’s, Plaintiff’s motion necessarily fails to meet this prerequisite for a TRO.
III. Plaintiff Will Not Suffer Any Harm from Denial of Injunctive Relief.
Plaintiff must establish “that he will suffer irreparable harm absent preliminary injunctive
relief during the pendency of his action.” Whitaker, 858 F.3d at 1044. Plaintiff has not alleged any
harm. Plaintiff asserts his vote has been diluted. However, a “vote dilution claim alleges that the
State has enacted a particular voting scheme as a purposeful device to minimize or cancel out the
voting potential” groups, often racial or ethnic minorities in the context of redistricting. Miller v.
Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 911 (1995). The WEC’s guidance does not disenfranchise a single voter,
nor has it minimized the influence of any groups, protected or otherwise. Plaintiff has not been
disenfranchised, nor has he pleaded any specific harm except that his preferred candidate lost the
election. This is a generalized grievance, not an actual harm. Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442
(2007) (per curiam). Allowing the status quo to continue does not harm Plaintiff.
IV. By Contrast, the Requested Relief would Cause Enormous Prejudice to Defendants
and Wisconsin Voters.
The relief requested by the Plaintiff would retroactively deprive millions of Wisconsin
voters of their constitutional right to vote in the 2020 presidential election. Plaintiff’s
29
1073 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 30 of 32 Document 55
unprecedented request would nullify the outcome of an entire election. That harm is
The U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly emphasized the fundamental importance of the
right to vote. “No right is more precious in a free country than that of having a voice in the election
of those who make the laws under which, as good citizens, we must live. Other rights, even the
most basic, are illusory if the right to vote is undermined.” Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 17
(1964). “The right to vote freely for the candidate of one’s choice is of the essence of a democratic
society, and any restrictions on that right strike at the heart of representative government.”
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 555 (1964). Voting is “one of the most fundamental rights of our
citizens.” Bartlett v. Strickland, 556 U.S. 1, 10 (2009). Plaintiff’s request undermines a belief this
country was founded upon. A greater public harm can hardly be conceived.
Besides the obvious harm to the millions of Wisconsin voters, granting the Plaintiff’s order
would have other irreparable consequences. The State of Wisconsin and its 1,850 municipalities
spent millions of dollars preparing for and conducting the November election. Governor Evers
enlisted 400 members of the National Guard to ensure the election was properly staffed. All of the
resources that went into protecting voters and election officials would be for naught if the Plaintiff
obtains his requested relief. The relief, if granted, would also undermine the State’s ability to
conduct its own elections, and open the door to additional frivolous challenges in the future. Not
only that, but the requested relief would raise serious federalism and separation of powers
questions. Those harms heavily weigh against Plaintiff. Accordingly, the motion should be denied.
CONCLUSION
For the reasons above, Plaintiff’s Amended Motion for Temporary Restraining Order and
30
1074 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 31 of 32 Document 55
Dated: December 7, 2020 Respectfully submitted,
Paul Smith
CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER
1101 14th St. NW, Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
Telephone: (202) 736-2200
psmith@campaignlegalcenter.org
Justin A. Nelson
Stephen E. Morrissey
Stephen Shackelford Jr.
Davida Brook
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1000 Louisiana St., Suite 5100
Houston, TX 77002
Telephone: 713-651-9366
jnelson@susmangodfrey.com
smorrissey@susmangodfrey.com
sshackelford@susmangodfrey.com
dbrook@susmangodfrey.com
31
1075 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 32 of 32 Document 55
EXHIBIT 1
December 4, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70 and
a supplement thereto, a supporting legal memorandum, and supporting expert reports have been
filed on behalf of petitioners, Wisconsin Voters Alliance, et al. A response to the petition has been
filed by respondents, Wisconsin Elections Commission, Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge
Bostelman, Julie M. Glancey, Dean Knudsen, and Robert F. Spindell, and a separate response has
been filed by respondent Governor Tony Evers. Amicus briefs regarding the issue of whether to
grant leave to commence an original action have been filed by (1) Christine Todd Whitman, et al;
(2) the City of Milwaukee; (3) Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, et al.; and (4) the Center for
Tech and Civic Life. In addition, a motion to intervene has been filed by proposed intervenor-
respondent, Democratic National Committee.
After considering all of the filings, we conclude that this petition does not satisfy our
standards for granting leave to commence an original action. Although the petition raises time-
sensitive questions of statewide significance, “issues of material fact [would] prevent the court
from addressing the legal issues presented.” State ex rel. Ozanne v. Fitzgerald, 2011 WI 43, ¶19,
334 Wis. 2d 70, 798 N.W.2d 436 (Prosser, J., concurring). It is therefore not an appropriate case
in which to exercise our original jurisdiction. Accordingly,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied; and
BRIAN HAGEDORN, J., (concurring). The Wisconsin Voters Alliance and a group of
Wisconsin voters bring a petition for an original action raising a variety of questions about the
operation of the November 3, 2020 presidential election. Some of these legal issues may, under
other circumstances, be subject to further judicial consideration. But the real stunner here is the
sought-after remedy. We are invited to invalidate the entire presidential election in Wisconsin by
declaring it “null”—yes, the whole thing. And there’s more. We should, we are told, enjoin the
Wisconsin Elections Commission from certifying the election so that Wisconsin’s presidential
electors can be chosen by the legislature instead, and then compel the Governor to certify those
electors. At least no one can accuse the petitioners of timidity.
Such a move would appear to be unprecedented in American history. One might expect
that this solemn request would be paired with evidence of serious errors tied to a substantial and
demonstrated set of illegal votes. Instead, the evidentiary support rests almost entirely on the
unsworn expert report1 of a former campaign employee that offers statistical estimates based on
call center samples and social media research.
This petition falls far short of the kind of compelling evidence and legal support we would
undoubtedly need to countenance the court-ordered disenfranchisement of every Wisconsin voter.
The petition does not even justify the exercise of our original jurisdiction.
As an initial matter, the Wisconsin Supreme Court is not a fact-finding tribunal. Yet the
petition depends upon disputed factual claims. In other words, we couldn’t just accept one side’s
description of the facts or one side’s expert report even if we were inclined to believe them.2 That
alone means this case is not well-suited for an original action. The petition’s legal support is no
less wanting. For example, it does not explain why its challenge to various election processes
1
After filing their petition for original action, the Petitioners submitted a second expert
report. But the second report only provides additional computations based on the assumptions and
calculations in the initial expert report.
2
The Attorney General and Governor offer legitimate arguments that this report would not
even be admissible evidence under Wis. Stat. § 907.02 (2017-18).
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017-18 version.
comes after the election, and not before. Nor does it grapple with how voiding the presidential
election results would impact every other race on the ballot, or consider the import of election
statutes that may provide the “exclusive remedy.”3 These are just a few of the glaring flaws that
render the petition woefully deficient. I therefore join the court’s order denying the original action.
I do not mean to suggest this court should look the other way no matter what. But if there
is a sufficient basis to invalidate an election, it must be established with evidence and arguments
commensurate with the scale of the claims and the relief sought. These petitioners have come
nowhere close. While the rough and tumble world of electoral politics may be the prism through
which many view this litigation, it cannot be so for us. In these hallowed halls, the law must rule.
Our disposal of this case should not be understood as a determination or comment on the
merits of the underlying legal issues; judicial review of certain Wisconsin election practices may
be appropriate. But this petition does not merit further consideration by this court, much less grant
us a license to invalidate every single vote cast in Wisconsin’s 2020 presidential election.
3
See Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11) (providing that § 9.01 “constitutes the exclusive judicial remedy
for testing the right to hold an elective office as the result of an alleged irregularity, defect or
mistake committed during the voting or canvassing process”); Wis. Stat. § 5.05(2m)(k) (describing
“[t]he commission’s power to initiate civil actions” under § 5.05(2m) as the “exclusive remedy for
alleged civil violations of chs. 5 to 10 or 12”).
2020, presidential election.4 This is the third time that a majority of this court has turned its back
on pleas from the public to address a matter of statewide concern that requires a declaration of
what the statutes require for absentee voting. I dissent and write separately because I have
concluded that the court has not meet its institutional responsibilities by repeatedly refusing to
address legal issues presented in all three cases.
I agree with Justice Hagedorn that we are not a circuit court, and therefore, generally, we
do not take cases for which fact-finding is required. Green for Wisconsin v. State Elections Bd.,
2006 WI 120, 297 Wis. 2d 300, 301, 723 N.W.2d 418. However, when the legal issue that we
wish to address requires it, we have taken cases that do require factual development, referring any
necessary factual determinations to a referee or to a circuit court. State ex rel. LeFebre v. Israel,
109 Wis. 2d 337, 339, 325 N.W.2d 899 (1982); State ex rel White v. Gray, 58 Wis. 2d 285, 286,
206 N.W.163 (1973).
We also have taken cases where the issues we wish to address are purely legal questions
for which no factual development is required in order to state what the law requires. Wisconsin
Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, 391 Wis. 2d 497, 942 N.W.2d 900. The statutory authority of
WEC is a purely legal question. There is no factual development required for us to declare what
the law requires in absentee voting.
Justice Hagedorn is concerned about some of the relief that Petitioners request. He begins
his concurrence saying, "the real stunner here is the sought after remedy." He next relates, "The
relief being sought by the petitioners is the most dramatic invocation of judicial power I have ever
seen." Then, he concludes with, "this petition does not merit further consideration by this court,
much less grant us a license to invalidate every single vote cast in Wisconsin’s 2020 presidential
election."5
Those are scary thoughts, but Justice Hagedorn has the cart before the horse in regard to
our consideration of this petition for an original action. We grant petitions to exercise our
jurisdiction based on whether the legal issues presented are of state wide concern, not based on the
remedies requested. Petition of Heil, 230 Wis. 428, 284 N.W.42 (1938).
Granting a petition does not carry with it the court's view that the remedy sought is
appropriate for the legal issues raised. Historically, we often do not provide all the relief requested.
Bartlett v. Evers, 2020 WI 68, ¶9, 393 Wis. 2d 172, 945 N.W.2d 685 (upholding some but not all
partial vetoes). There have been occasions when we have provided none of the relief requested by
the petitioner, but nevertheless declared the law. See Sands v. Menard, Inc., 2010 WI 96, ¶46, 328
Wis. 2d 647, 787 N.W.2d 384 (concluding that while reinstatement is the preferred remedy under
4
Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA, unpublished order (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020);
Mueller v. WEC, No. 2020AP1958-OA, unpublished order (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020) and
Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. WEC, No. 2020AP193-OA.
5
Justice Hagedorn forgets to mention that one form of relief sought by Petitioners is, "Any
other relief the Court deems appropriate."
Title VII, it is an equitable remedy that may or may not be appropriate); Coleman v. Percy, 96
Wis. 2d 578, 588-89, 292 N.W.2d 615 (1980) (concluding that the remedy Coleman sought was
precluded).
We have broad subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for original
action pending before us. Our jurisdiction is grounded in the Wisconsin Constitution. Wis. Const.,
art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire v. Booth, 2016 WI 65, ¶7, 370 Wis. 2d 595, 882 N.W.2d
738.
I dissent because I would grant the petition and address the people of Wisconsin's concerns
about whether WEC's conduct during the 2020 presidential election violated Wisconsin statutes.
As I said as I began, it is critical that voting in Wisconsin elections not only be fair, but that the
public also perceives voting as having been fairly conducted. The Wisconsin Supreme Court
should not walk away from its constitutional obligation to the people of Wisconsin for a third time.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
Motion granted.
2020 WL 6821992
Only the Westlaw citation is currently available. Attorneys and Law Firms
United States District Court, M.D. Pennsylvania.
Brian C. Caffrey, Marc A. Scaringi, Rudolph William
DONALD J. TRUMP FOR Giuliani, Scaringi & Scaringi PC, Rudolph Giuliani, PLLC,
PRESIDENT, INC., et al., Plaintiffs, Harrisburg, PA, New York, NY, for Plaintiff.
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Uzoma Nkwonta, Witold J. Walczak, Clifford B. Levine, grant Defendants' motions and dismiss Plaintiffs' action with
Robert M. Linn, Dentons Cohen & Grigsby P.C., Wilmer prejudice.
Cutler Pickering Hale & Dorr LLP, Perkins Coie LLP,
American Civil Liberties Union of PA, Cohen & Grigsby, PC,
Pittsburgh, PA, Washington, DC, for Intervenor. II. BACKGROUND
Jeffrey Cutler, York, PA, pro se. A. Legal and Factual Background
The power to regulate and administer federal elections arises
from the Constitution.3 “Because any state authority to
MEMORANDUM OPINION regulate election to those offices could not precede their very
creation by the Constitution, such power ‘had to be delegated
Matthew W. Brann, United States District Judge to, rather than reserved to by, the States.’ ”4 Consequently,
the Elections Clause “delegated to the States the power to
*1 Pending before this Court are various motions to
regulate the ‘Times, Places, and Manner of holding Elections
dismiss Plaintiffs' First Amended Complaint. Plaintiffs in this
for Senators and Representatives,’ subject to a grant of
matter are Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. (the “Trump
Campaign”), and two voters, John Henry and Lawrence authority to Congress to ‘make or alter such Regulations.’ ”5
Accordingly, States' power to “regulate the incidents of such
Roberts (the “Individual Plaintiffs”).1 Defendants, who
elections, including balloting” is limited to “the exclusive
filed these motions to dismiss, include seven Pennsylvania
counties (the “Defendant Counties”), as well as Secretary of delegation of power under the Elections Clause.”6
the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar.2
Pennsylvania regulates the “times, places, and manner”
of its elections through the Pennsylvania Election Code.7
I. INTRODUCTION The Commonwealth's Constitution mandates that “[e]lections
In this action, the Trump Campaign and the Individual shall be free and equal; and no power, civil or military, shall
Plaintiffs (collectively, the “Plaintiffs”) seek to discard at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of
millions of votes legally cast by Pennsylvanians from suffrage.”8 Recognizing this as a foundational principle, the
all corners – from Greene County to Pike County, and Pennsylvania Supreme Court has declared that the purpose of
everywhere in between. In other words, Plaintiffs ask this the Election Code is to promote “freedom of choice, a fair
Court to disenfranchise almost seven million voters. This
election and an honest election return.”9
Court has been unable to find any case in which a plaintiff has
sought such a drastic remedy in the contest of an election, in
*2 In October 2019, the General Assembly of Pennsylvania
terms of the sheer volume of votes asked to be invalidated.
enacted Act 77, which, “for the first time in Pennsylvania,”
One might expect that when seeking such a startling outcome,
extended the opportunity for all registered voters to vote by
a plaintiff would come formidably armed with compelling
legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption, such mail.10 Following the beginning of the COVID-19 outbreak
that this Court would have no option but to regrettably grant in March 2020, the General Assembly enacted laws regulating
the proposed injunctive relief despite the impact it would have the mail-in voting system.11 Section 3150.16 of the Election
on such a large group of citizens. Code sets forth procedural requirements that voters must
follow in order for their ballot to be counted.12 These
That has not happened. Instead, this Court has been procedures require, for example, that voters mark their ballots
presented with strained legal arguments without merit and in pen or pencil, place them in secrecy envelopes, and that
speculative accusations, unpled in the operative complaint ballots be received by the county elections board on or before
and unsupported by evidence. In the United States of
8:00 P.M. on Election Day.13
America, this cannot justify the disenfranchisement of a
single voter, let alone all the voters of its sixth most populated
Nowhere in the Election Code is any reference to “curing”
state. Our people, laws, and institutions demand more. At
ballots, or the related practice of “notice-and-cure.” This
bottom, Plaintiffs have failed to meet their burden to state
practice involves notifying mail-in voters who submitted
a claim upon which relief may be granted. Therefore, I
procedurally defective mail-in ballots of these deficiencies
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and allowing those voters to cure their ballots.14 Notified descended upon their local voting precincts and cast ballots
voters can cure their ballots and have their vote counted by for their preferred candidates. When the votes were counted,
the Democratic Party's candidate for President, Joseph R.
requesting and submitting a provisional ballot.15
Biden Jr., and his running-mate, Kamala D. Harris, were
determined to have received more votes than the incumbent
Recently, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in Democratic
ticket, President Donald J. Trump and Vice President Michael
Party of Pennsylvania v. Boockvar addressed whether
R. Pence. As of the day of this Memorandum Opinion, the
counties are required to adopt a notice-and-cure policy
Biden/Harris ticket had received 3,454,444 votes, and the
under the Election Code.16 Holding that they are not, the Trump/Pence ticket had received 3,373,488 votes, giving
court declined to explicitly answer whether such a policy is the Biden ticket a lead of more than 80,000 votes, per the
necessarily forbidden.17 Pennsylvania state elections return website.26 These results
will become official when counties certify their results to
Following this decision, Secretary Boockvar sent an email Secretary Boockvar on November 23, 2020 – the result
on November 2, 2020 encouraging counties to “provide Plaintiffs seek to enjoin with this lawsuit.
information to party and candidate representatives during the
pre-canvass that identifies the voters whose ballots have been
rejected” so those ballots could be cured.18 From the face C. Procedural History
of the complaint, it is unclear which counties were sent this *3 Although this case was initiated less than two weeks ago,
email, which counties received this email, or which counties it has already developed its own tortured procedural history.
ultimately followed Secretary Boockvar's guidance. Plaintiffs have made multiple attempts at amending the
pleadings, and have had attorneys both appear and withdraw
Some counties chose to implement a notice-and-cure in a matter of seventy-two hours. There have been at least
two perceived discovery disputes, one oral argument, and a
procedure while others did not.19 Importantly, however,
rude and ill-conceived voicemail which distracted the Court's
Plaintiffs allege only that Philadelphia County implemented
attention from the significant issues at hand.27 The Court
such a policy.20 In contrast, Plaintiffs also claim that
finds it helpful to place events in context before proceeding
Lancaster and York Counties (as well as others) did not
further.
adopt any cure procedures and thus rejected all ballots cast
with procedural deficiencies instead of issuing these voters
In the evening of November 9, 2020, Plaintiffs filed suit in
provisional ballots.21 this Court against Secretary Boockvar, as well as the County
Boards of Elections for the following counties: Allegheny,
Both Individual Plaintiffs had their ballots cancelled in the Centre, Chester, Delaware, Montgomery, Northampton, and
2020 Presidential Election.22 John Henry submitted his mail- Philadelphia.28 The original complaint raised seven counts;
in ballot to Lancaster County; however, it was cancelled on two equal-protection claims, two due-process claims, and
November 6, 2020 because he failed to place his ballot in
three claims under the Electors and Elections Clauses.29
23
the required secrecy envelope. Similarly, after submitting
his ballot to Fayette County, Lawrence Roberts discovered on The following day, I convened a telephonic status conference
November 9, 2020 that his ballot had been cancelled for an with the parties to schedule future proceedings. During that
unknown reason.24 Neither was given an opportunity to cure conference, I learned that several organizations, including the
his ballot.25 Democratic National Committee, sought to file intervention
motions with the Court. Later that day, I set a briefing
schedule.30 Additionally, November 17, 2020 was set aside
B. The 2020 Election Results for oral argument on any motions to dismiss, and the Court
In large part due to the coronavirus pandemic still plaguing further told the parties to reserve November 19, 2020 in
our nation, the rate of mail-in voting in 2020 was expected to their calendars in the event that the Court determined that
increase dramatically. As anticipated, millions more voted by an evidentiary hearing was necessary. Subsequent to the
mail this year than in past elections. For weeks before Election Court's scheduling order, the proposed-intervenors filed their
Day, ballots were cast and collected. Then, on November motions, and the parties filed their briefings. Plaintiffs then
3, 2020, millions more across Pennsylvania and the country
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filed a motion for a preliminary injunction on November 12, following day, however, and because Ms. Kerns had been
2020.31 one of the original attorneys in this litigation, I denied
her request. I believed it best to have some semblance of
On November 12, 2020, Plaintiffs also underwent their first consistency in counsel ahead of the oral argument. That
change in counsel. Attorneys Ronald L. Hicks, Jr., and evening, attorney Marc A. Scaringi entered an appearance
Carolyn B. McGee with Porter Wright Morris & Arthur LLP on behalf of Plaintiffs. Furthermore, Mr. Scaringi asked the
filed a motion seeking to withdraw from the case. The Court Court to postpone the previously-scheduled oral argument
granted this motion, and Plaintiffs retained two attorneys from and evidentiary hearing. The Court denied Mr. Scaringi's
Texas, John Scott and Douglas Brian Hughes, to serve as co- motion for a continuance; given the emergency nature of
counsel to their original attorney, Linda A. Kerns. this proceeding, and the looming deadline for Pennsylvania
counties to certify their election results, postponing those
The next day, November 13, 2020, was a relatively quiet proceedings seemed imprudent.
day on the docket for this case, but an important one for
the parties. That day, the United States Court of Appeals for On November 17, 2020, the Court prepared to address the
the Third Circuit issued a decision in Bognet v. Secretary parties in oral argument. That morning, attorney Rudolph
W. Giuliani entered his appearance on behalf of Plaintiffs.
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.32 This decision, though
With this last-minute appearance, Plaintiffs had made their
not factually connected to this matter, addressed issues
of standing and equal protection relevant to the Plaintiffs' final addition to their representation.35 At the conclusion
of the argument, I determined that an evidentiary hearing
claims.33
(previously scheduled to take place on November 19, 2020)
was no longer needed and cancelled that proceeding. Instead,
Thereafter, on Sunday, November 15, 2020 – the day
I imposed a new briefing schedule in light of the FAC's filing,
Plaintiffs' response to Defendants' motions to dismiss was due
which arguably mooted the initial motions to dismiss. The
– Plaintiffs filed a First Amended Complaint (the “FAC”)
with the Court. This new complaint excised five of the seven parties submitted briefing on the issues.36
counts from the original complaint, leaving just two claims:
one equal-protection claim, and one Electors and Elections
D. Plaintiffs' Claims
Clauses claim.34 In addition, a review of the redline attached Plaintiffs' only remaining claim alleges a violation of equal
to the FAC shows that Plaintiffs deleted numerous allegations protection. This claim, like Frankenstein's Monster, has been
that were pled in the original complaint. haphazardly stitched together from two distinct theories in
an attempt to avoid controlling precedent. The general thrust
Plaintiffs acknowledge that under the Third Circuit's decision of this claim is that it is unconstitutional for Pennsylvania
in Bognet, this Court cannot find that Plaintiffs have standing to give counties discretion to adopt a notice-and-cure policy.
for their Elections and Electors Clauses claim in the FAC. Invoking Bush v. Gore, Plaintiffs assert that such local
Plaintiffs represent that they have included this claim in the control is unconstitutional because it creates an arbitrary
FAC to preserve the argument for appellate review. Because system where some persons are allowed to cure procedurally
Plaintiffs have made this concession, and because the Third defective mail-in ballots while others are not.
Circuit's decision in Bognet is clear, this Court dismisses
Count II for lack of standing without further discussion. Apparently recognizing that such a broad claim is foreclosed
under the Third Circuit's decision in Bognet, Plaintiffs try
*4 Defendants filed new motions to dismiss and briefs in to merge it with a much simpler theory of harm based on
support thereof on November 16, 2020. That evening, less the cancellation of Individual Plaintiffs' ballots in order to
than 24 hours before oral argument was to begin, Plaintiffs
satisfy standing.37 Because Individual Plaintiffs' votes were
instituted a second series of substitutions in counsel. Ms.
invalidated as procedurally defective, Individual Plaintiffs
Kerns, along with Mr. Scott and Mr. Hughes, requested
argue, for purposes of standing, that their claim is based on
this Court's permission to withdraw from the litigation. I
the denial of their votes. But on the merits, Plaintiffs appear
granted the motions of the Texan attorneys because they
to have abandoned this theory of harm and instead raise
had been involved with the case for approximately seventy-
their broader argument that the lack of a uniform prohibition
two hours. Because oral argument was scheduled for the
against notice-and-cure is unconstitutional.38 They assert this
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theory on behalf of both Individual Plaintiffs and the Trump use of the notice-and-cure procedure, as well as Secretary
Campaign. Boockvar's authorization of this procedure, denied Individual
Plaintiffs the right to vote.50 Second, the Trump Campaign
*5 That Plaintiffs are trying to mix-and-match claims to
maintains that it has competitive standing.51
bypass contrary precedent is not lost on the Court. The Court
will thus analyze Plaintiffs' claims as if they had been raised
*6 Both theories are unavailing. Assuming, as this Court
properly and asserted as one whole for purposes of standing
must, that Plaintiffs state a valid equal-protection claim,
and the merits. Accordingly, the Court considers Plaintiffs
the Court finds that Individual Plaintiffs have adequately
as alleging two equal-protection claims. The first being on
established an injury-in-fact. However, they fail to establish
behalf of Individual Plaintiffs whose ballots were cancelled.
that it was Defendants who caused these injuries and that
And the second being on behalf of the Trump Campaign and
their purported injury of vote-denial is adequately redressed
raising the broad Bush v. Gore arguments that Plaintiffs allege
by invalidating the votes of others. The Trump Campaign's
is the main focus of this lawsuit.39 The Court analyzes both theory also fails because neither competitive nor associational
claims separately for purposes of standing and the merits standing applies, and it does not assert another cognizable
analysis. theory of standing.
obligated to raise the issue of standing sua sponte.44 cognizable injury.53 This is true regardless of whether such
a harm is widely shared.54 So long as an injury is concrete,
The plaintiff bears the burden of establishing standing.45 courts will find that an injury in fact exists despite the fact that
To demonstrate standing, he must show: (1) an injury in such harm is felt by many.55
fact, (2) that is fairly traceable to the challenged conduct
of the defendant, and (3) that is likely to be redressed by a This is precisely the situation presented here. Individual
46
favorable judicial decision. “In assessing whether a plaintiff Plaintiffs have adequately pled that their votes were denied.
has carried this burden, [courts must] separate [the] standing As discussed above, the denial of a vote is a highly personal
inquiry from any assessment of the merits of the plaintiff's and concrete injury. That Individual Plaintiffs had their ballots
cancelled and thus invalidated is sufficiently personal to
claim.”47 “To maintain this fundamental separation between
establish an injury in fact. It is of no matter that many persons
standing and merits at the dismissal stage, [courts] assume for
across the state might also have had their votes invalidated
the purposes of [the] standing inquiry that a plaintiff has stated
due to their county's failure to implement a curing procedure.
valid legal claims.”48 “While [the Court's] standing inquiry Accordingly, the Court finds that Individual Plaintiffs have
may necessarily reference the ‘nature and source of the claims established injury in fact.
asserted,’ [the Court's] focus remains on whether the plaintiff
is the proper party to bring those claims.”49
2. Causation
As discussed above, Plaintiffs allege two possible theories
of standing. First, Individual Plaintiffs argue that their votes However, Individual Plaintiffs fail to establish that Defendant
have been unconstitutionally denied. Under this theory, Counties or Secretary Boockvar actually caused their injuries.
Individual Plaintiffs must show that Defendant Counties' First, Defendant Counties, by Plaintiffs' own pleadings, had
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nothing to do with the denial of Individual Plaintiffs' ability to Neither of these orders would redress the injury the
vote. Individual Plaintiffs' ballots were rejected by Lancaster Individual Plaintiffs allege they have suffered. Prohibiting
and Fayette Counties, neither of which is a party to this case. certification of the election results would not reinstate the
None of Defendant Counties received, reviewed, or discarded Individual Plaintiffs' right to vote. It would simply deny
Individual Plaintiffs' ballots. Even assuming that Defendant more than 6.8 million people their right to vote. “Standing
Counties unconstitutionally allowed other voters to cure their is measured based on the theory of harm and the specific
ballots, that alone cannot confer standing on Plaintiffs who relief requested.”58 It is not “dispensed in gross: A plaintiff's
seek to challenge the denial of their votes. remedy must be tailored to redress the plaintiff's particular
injury.”59 Here, the answer to invalidated ballots is not to
Second, Individual Plaintiffs have not shown that their
invalidate millions more. Accordingly, Plaintiffs have not
purported injuries are fairly traceable to Secretary Boockvar.
shown that their injury would be redressed by the relief
Individual Plaintiffs have entirely failed to establish any
sought.
causal relationship between Secretary Boockvar and the
cancellation of their votes. The only connection the Individual
Plaintiffs even attempt to draw is that Secretary Boockvar B. Trump Campaign
sent an email on November 2, 2020 to some number of The standing inquiry as to the Trump Campaign is particularly
counties, encouraging them to adopt a notice-and-cure policy. nebulous because neither in the FAC nor in its briefing does
However, they fail to allege which counties received this the Trump Campaign clearly assert what its alleged injury is.
email or what information was specifically included therein. Instead, the Court was required to embark on an extensive
Further, that this email encouraged counties to adopt a notice- project of examining almost every case cited to by Plaintiffs
and-cure policy does not suggest in any way that Secretary to piece together the theory of standing as to this Plaintiff –
Boockvar intended or desired Individual Plaintiffs' votes to be the Trump Campaign.
cancelled. To the contrary, this email suggests that Secretary
Boockvar encouraged counties to allow exactly these types of The Trump Campaign first posits that “as a political
votes to be counted. Without more, this Court cannot conclude committee for a federal candidate,” it has “Article III standing
that Individual Plaintiffs have sufficiently established that
to bring this action.”60 On its face, this claim is incorrect.
56
their injuries are fairly traceable to Secretary Boockvar. Simply being a political committee does not obviate the need
for an injury-in-fact, nor does it automatically satisfy the other
two elements of standing.
3. Redressability
For this proposition, the Trump Campaign relies on two
*7 In large part because the Individual Plaintiffs cannot federal cases where courts found associational standing
establish that their injury is “fairly traceable” to the by a political party's state committee. Therefore, the
Defendants' conduct, they also cannot show that their injury Court considers whether the Trump Campaign can raise
could be redressed by a favorable decision from this Court.57 associational standing, but finds that those cases are
Beyond that substantial hurdle, however, a review of the inapposite.61 First, a candidate's political committee and a
injury alleged and the relief sought plainly shows that the political party's state committee are not the same thing.
Individual Plaintiffs' injury would not be redressable. The Second, while the doctrine of associational standing is well
Individual Plaintiffs base their equal-protection claim on established, the Trump Campaign overlooks a particularly
the theory that their right to vote was denied. Their prayer relevant, very recent decision from another federal court –
for relief seeks, in pertinent part: (1) an order, declaration, one where the Trump Campaign itself argued that it had
or injunction from this Court prohibiting the Defendants associational standing. In Donald J. Trump for President, Inc.
from certifying the results of the 2020 General Election v. Cegavske,62 the Trump Campaign asserted associational
in Pennsylvania on a Commonwealth-wide basis; and (2) standing, and that court rejected this theory.
another order prohibiting Defendants from certifying the
results which include ballots the Defendants permitted to be Associational standing allows an entity to bring suit on behalf
cured. of members upon a showing that: (1) “its members would
otherwise have standing to sue in their own right;” (2) “the
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interests it seeks to protect are germane to the organization's Appeals for the Second Circuit found competitive standing
purpose;” and (3) “neither the claim asserted nor the relief where the Conservative party alleged an injury in fact
requested requires the participation of individual members in by arguing that a candidate from the Libertarian Party of
the lawsuit.”63 New York was improperly placed on the ballot for the
Governor's race in 1994.70 By way of yet another example,
*8 In Cegavske (another case in which the Trump Campaign Plaintiffs' citation to Fulani v. Hogsett makes the same point;
alleged violations of equal protection), the court found competitive standing applies to challenges regarding the
that the Trump Campaign failed to satisfy the second eligibility of a candidate. There, the Indiana Secretary of State
prong of associational standing because it “represents only was required to certify the names of candidates for President
Donald J. Trump and his ‘electoral and political goals’ by a certain date.71 When the Secretary failed to certify the
64
of reelection.” That court noted that while the Trump Democratic and Republican candidates by that date, the New
Campaign might achieve its purposes through its member Alliance party challenged the inclusion of those candidates on
voters, the “constitutional interests of those voters are wholly the ballot, arguing that allowing these ineligible candidates
distinct” from that of the Trump Campaign.65 No different constituted an injury-in-fact.72 Three other cases relied on by
here. Even if the Individual Plaintiffs attempted to vote for Plaintiffs illustrate separate grounds for stating an injury in
President Trump, their constitutional interests are different, fact, all still relating to ballot provisions.73
precluding a finding of associational standing. In any event,
because the Individual Plaintiffs lack standing in this case, *9 It is telling that the only case from the Third Circuit
the Trump Campaign cannot satisfy the first prong of cited to by Plaintiffs, Marks v. Stinson, does not contain a
associational standing either. discussion of competitive standing or any other theory of
standing applicable in federal court.74 Simply pointing to
The Trump Campaign's second theory is that it has “
another case where a competitor in an election was found
‘competitive standing’ based upon disparate state action
to have standing does not establish competitive standing in
leading to the ‘potential loss of an election.’ ”66 Pointing to this matter. Without more, this Court declines to take such
a case from the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth an expansive view of the theory of competitive standing,
Circuit, Drake v. Obama,67 the Trump Campaign claims this particularly given the abundance of guidance from other
theory proves injury-in-fact. First, the Court finds it important Circuits, based on Plaintiffs' own citations, limiting the use of
to emphasize that the term “competitive standing” has specific this doctrine.
meaning in this context. Second, the Trump Campaign's
reliance on the theory of competitive standing under Drake The Trump Campaign has not offered another theory of
v. Obama is, at best, misguided. Subsequent case law from standing, and therefore, cannot meet its burden of establishing
the Ninth Circuit has explained that competitive standing “is Article III jurisdiction. To be clear, this Court is not holding
the notion that ‘a candidate or his political party has standing that a political campaign can never establish standing to
to challenge the inclusion of an allegedly ineligible rival on challenge the outcome of an election; rather, it merely finds
the ballot, on the theory that doing so hurts the candidate's that in this case, the Trump Campaign has not pled a
or party's own chances of prevailing in the election.’ ”68 In cognizable theory.75
the present matter, there is no allegation that the Democratic
Party's candidate for President, or any other candidate, was
ineligible to appear on the ballot. IV. MOTION TO DISMISS 12(b)(6)
A. Legal Standard
Examination of the other case law cited to by Plaintiffs
Under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6), the Court
contradicts their theory that competitive standing is applicable
dismisses a complaint, in whole or in part, if the plaintiff has
here for the same reason. For example, in Texas Democratic
failed to “state a claim upon which relief can be granted.” A
Party v. Benkiser, the United States Court of Appeals for
the Fifth Circuit found competitive standing in a case in motion to dismiss “tests the legal sufficiency of a claim”76 and
which the Democratic Party petitioned against the decision to “streamlines litigation by dispensing with needless discovery
deem a candidate ineligible and replace him with another.69 and factfinding.”77 “Rule 12(b)(6) authorizes a court to
Likewise, in Schulz v. Williams, the United States Court of dismiss a claim on the basis of a dispositive issue of law.”78
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B. Equal Protection
Accordingly, after Twombly and Iqbal, “[t]o survive a motion
Even if Plaintiffs had standing, they fail to state an
to dismiss, a complaint must contain sufficient factual matter,
equal-protection claim. The Equal Protection Clause of the
accepted as true, to ‘state a claim to relief that is plausible
Fourteenth Amendment commands that no state shall “deny
on its face.’ ”85 “A claim has facial plausibility when to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of
the plaintiff pleads factual content that allows the court to
the laws.”95 The principle of equal protection is fundamental
draw the reasonable inference that the defendant is liable
to our legal system because, at its core, it protects the People
for the misconduct alleged.”86 “Although the plausibility from arbitrary discrimination at the hands of the State.
standard does not impose a probability requirement, it does
require a pleading to show more than a sheer possibility But, contrary to Plaintiffs' assertions, not all “unequal
that a defendant has acted unlawfully.”87 Moreover, “[a]sking treatment” requires Court intervention.96 The Equal
for plausible grounds ... calls for enough facts to raise a
Protection Clause “does not forbid classifications.”97 It
reasonable expectation that discovery will reveal evidence of
simply keeps governmental decisionmakers from treating
[wrongdoing].”88
similarly situated persons differently.98 The government
could not function if complete equality were required in
*10 The plausibility determination is “a context-specific
all situations. Consequently, a classification resulting in
task that requires the reviewing court to draw on its judicial
“some inequality” will be upheld unless it is based on an
experience and common sense.”89 No matter the context, inherently suspect characteristic or “jeopardizes the exercise
however, “[w]here a complaint pleads facts that are ‘merely
of a fundamental right.”99
consistent with’ a defendant's liability, it ‘stops short of the
line between possibility and plausibility of entitlement to
One such fundamental right, at issue in this case, is the right to
relief.’ ”90 vote. Voting is one of the foundational building blocks of our
democratic society, and that the Constitution firmly protects
When disposing of a motion to dismiss, the Court “accept[s]
this right is “indelibly clear.”100 All citizens of the United
as true all factual allegations in the complaint and draw[s] all
inferences from the facts alleged in the light most favorable States have a constitutionally protected right to vote.101 And
all citizens have a constitutionally protected right to have their
to [the plaintiff].”91 However, “the tenet that a court must
accept as true all of the allegations contained in the complaint votes counted.102
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Though Plaintiffs do not articulate why, they also assert that imposes no burden on the ‘right to vote’ at all, true rational
this has unconstitutionally discriminated against the Trump basis review applies.”111
Campaign.
*12 Here, because Defendants' conduct “imposes no
As discussed above, the Court will address Individual burden” on Individual Plaintiffs' right to vote, their equal-
Plaintiffs' and the Trump Campaign's claims separately.
protection claim is subject to rational basis review.112
Because Individual Plaintiffs premised standing on the
Defendant Counties, by implementing a notice-and-cure
purported wrongful cancellation of their votes, the Court
procedure, have in fact lifted a burden on the right to vote,
will only analyze whether Defendants have impermissibly
even if only for those who live in those counties. Expanding
burdened Individual Plaintiffs' ability to vote. Further, the
the right to vote for some residents of a state does not burden
Court will consider two issues raised by the Trump Campaign;
the first being whether it has stated a valid claim alleging the rights of others.113 And Plaintiffs' claim cannot stand to
discrimination relating to its use of poll-watchers, and the the extent that it complains that “the state is not imposing a
second being whether the General Assembly's failure to restriction on someone else's right to vote.”114 Accordingly,
uniformly prohibit (or permit) the notice-and-cure procedure Defendant Counties' use of the notice-and-cure procedure (as
is unconstitutional. well as Secretary Boockvar's authorization of this procedure)
will be upheld unless it has no rational basis.115
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When remedying an equal-protection violation, a court may Instead, Count I discusses the use of “standardless”
119
either “level up” or “level down.” This means that a court procedures. These are two separate theories of an equal
may either extend a benefit to one that has been wrongfully protection violation. That deficiency aside, to the extent this
denied it, thus leveling up and bringing that person on par with new theory is even pled, Plaintiffs fail to plausibly plead that
there was “uneven treatment” of Trump and Biden watchers
others who already enjoy the right,120 or a court may level
and representatives. Paragraphs 132-143 of the FAC are
down by withdrawing the benefit from those who currently
devoted to this alleged disparity. None of these paragraphs
possess it.121 Generally, “the preferred rule in a typical case support Plaintiffs' argument. A selection below:
is to extend favorable treatment” and to level up.122 In fact,
leveling down is impermissible where the withdrawal of a • “Defendants have not allowed watchers and
129
benefit would necessarily violate the Constitution.123 Such representatives to be present ...”
would be the case if a court were to remedy discrimination by
• “In Centre County, the central pre-canvassing location
striking down a benefit that is constitutionally guaranteed.
was a large ballroom. The set-up was such that the poll
watchers did not have meaningful access to observe
*13 Here, leveling up to address the alleged cancellation
the canvassing and tabulation process of mail-in and
of Plaintiffs' votes would be easy; the simple answer is that
absentee ballots, and in fact, the poll watchers and
their votes would be counted. But Plaintiffs do not ask to
observers who were present could not actually observe
level up. Rather, they seek to level down, and in doing so,
the ballots such that they could confirm or object to the
they ask the Court to violate the rights of over 6.8 million
Americans. It is not in the power of this Court to violate the validity of the ballots.”130
Constitution.124 “The disenfranchisement of even one person • “In Philadelphia County, poll watchers and canvass
validly exercising his right to vote is an extremely serious representatives were denied access altogether in some
matter.”125 “To the extent that a citizen's right to vote is instances.”131
126
debased, he is that much less a citizen.”
• “In Delaware County, observers were denied access to a
Granting Plaintiffs' requested relief would necessarily require back room counting area ...”132
invalidating the ballots of every person who voted in
Pennsylvania. Because this Court has no authority to take None of these allegations (or the others in this section) claim
away the right to vote of even a single person, let alone that the Trump Campaign's watchers were treated differently
millions of citizens, it cannot grant Plaintiffs' requested relief. than the Biden campaign's watchers. Simply alleging that poll
watchers did not have access or were denied access to some
areas does not plausibly plead unequal treatment. Without
actually alleging that one group was treated differently than
2. Trump Campaign
another, Plaintiffs' first argument falls flat.
Plaintiffs' brief in opposition to the motions to dismiss
spends only one paragraph discussing the merits of its equal- *14 Likewise, Plaintiffs cannot salvage their notice-and-
protection claim. Plaintiffs raise two arguments as to how cure theory by invoking Bush v. Gore.133 Plaintiffs claim
equal protection was violated. The first is that “Defendants that the Equal Protection clause “imposes a ‘minimum
excluded Republican/Trump observers from the canvass so requirement for nonarbitrary treatment of voters’ and forbids
that they would not observe election law violations.”127 The voting systems and practices that distribute resources in
second claims that the “use of notice/cure procedures violated ‘standardless’ fashion, without ‘specific rules designed to
equal protection because it was deliberately done in counties ensure uniform treatment.’ ”134 Plaintiffs attempt to craft
where defendants knew that mail ballots would favor Biden/ a legal theory from Bush, but they fail because: (1) they
Democrats.”128 The former finds no support in the operative misapprehend the issues at play in that case; and (2) the facts
pleading, and neither states an equal-protection violation. of this case are distinguishable.
Count I of the FAC makes no mention of disparity in treatment Plaintiffs' interpretation of Bush v. Gore would broaden the
of observers based on which campaign they represented. application of that case far beyond what the Supreme Court
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of the United States endorsed. In Bush, the Supreme Court prejudice, and futility.”140 Given that: (1) Plaintiffs have
stopped a recount of votes in Florida in the aftermath of already amended once as of right; (2) Plaintiffs seek to
the 2000 Presidential Election. Despite Plaintiffs' assertions, amend simply in order to effectively reinstate their initial
Bush does not stand for the proposition that every rule or complaint and claims; and (3) the deadline for counties in
system must ensure uniform treatment. In fact, the Supreme Pennsylvania to certify their election results to Secretary
Court explicitly said so, explaining: “[t]he question before the Boockvar is November 23, 2020, amendment would unduly
Court is not whether local entities, in the exercise of their delay resolution of the issues. This is especially true because
expertise, may develop different systems for implementing the Court would need to implement a new briefing schedule,
conduct a second oral argument, and then decide the issues.
elections.”135 Instead, the Court explained that its holding
concerned a “situation where a state court with the power
*15 An appropriate Order follows.
to assure uniformity has ordered a statewide recount with
minimal procedural safeguards.”136 Where a state court
has ordered such a remedy, the Supreme Court held that
“there must be at least some assurance that the rudimentary ORDER
requirements of equal treatment and fundamental fairness are
AND NOW, this 21st day of November 2020, in accordance
satisfied.”137 In other words, the lack of guidance from a court
with the accompanying Memorandum Opinion, IT IS
constituted an equal-protection violation.
HEREBY ORDERED that:
In the instant matter, Plaintiffs are not challenging any 1. Defendants' motions to dismiss the First Amended
court action as a violation of equal protection, and they Complaint (Docs. 127, 135, 140, 145, 161, and 165)
do not allege that Secretary Boockvar's guidance differed are GRANTED WITH PREJUDICE. NO LEAVE TO
from county to county, or that Secretary Boockvar told some AMEND IS GRANTED.
counties to cure ballots and others not to. That some counties
may have chosen to implement the guidance (or not), or 2. Defendants' motions to dismiss the original complaint
to implement it differently, does not constitute an equal- (Docs. 81, 85, 90, 92, 96, and 98) are DENIED AS
protection violation. “[M]any courts that have recognized MOOT.
that counties may, consistent with equal protection, employ
entirely different election procedures and voting systems 3. Plaintiffs' motion for leave to file a second amended
complaint (Doc. 172) is DENIED AS MOOT.
within a single state.”138 “Arguable differences in how
elections boards apply uniform statewide standards to the 4. Plaintiffs' motions for preliminary injunction (Docs. 89
innumerable permutations of ballot irregularities, although and 182) are DENIED AS MOOT.
perhaps unfortunate, are to be expected, just as judges in
sentencing-guidelines cases apply uniform standards with 5. Plaintiffs' motions regarding discovery (Docs. 118 and
arguably different results.” 139
Requiring that every single 171) are DENIED AS MOOT.
county administer elections in exactly the same way would
6. Further motions regarding amicus briefing and
impose untenable burdens on counties, whether because
intervention (Docs. 166, 180, and 200) are DENIED AS
of population, resources, or a myriad of other reasonable
MOOT.
considerations.
7. The case is dismissed and the Clerk of Court is directed
to close the case file.
V. CONCLUSION
Defendants' motions to dismiss the First Amended Complaint
are granted with prejudice. Leave to amend is denied. All Citations
“Among the grounds that could justify a denial of leave
to amend are undue delay, bad faith, dilatory motive, --- F.Supp.3d ----, 2020 WL 6821992
Footnotes
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1 Doc. 125.
2 Id. Since the filing of the initial complaint, there have also been several intervenors and amicus petitioners.
3 Cook v. Gralike, 531 U.S. 510, 522, 121 S.Ct. 1029, 149 L.Ed.2d 44 (2001).
4 Id. (quoting U.S. Term Limits v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804, 115 S.Ct. 1842, 131 L.Ed.2d 881 (1995)).
5 Id. (quoting U.S. Const. Art. I, § 4, cl. 1).
6 Id. at 523, 121 S.Ct. 1029.
7 25 P.S. §§ 2601, et seq.
8 Pa. Democratic Party v. Boockvar, ––– Pa. ––––, 238 A.3d 345, 356 (2020) (quoting Pa. Const., Art. I, § 5).
9 Id. (quoting Perles v. Hoffman, 419 Pa. 400, 213 A.2d 781, 783 (1965)).
10 Id. at 352 (citing 25 P.S. §§ 3150.11-3150.17). Prior to the enactment of Act 77, voters were only permitted to vote by
mail if they could “demonstrate their absence from the voting district on Election Day.” Id. (internal citations omitted).
11 E.g., 25 P.S. § 3150.16.
12 Id.
13 Id.
14 Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 372.
15 Doc. 93 at 9.
16 Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 374.
17 Id. (holding only that the Election Code “does not provide for the ‘notice and opportunity to cure’ procedure sought by
Petitioner”).
18 Doc. 125 at ¶ 129.
19 Id. at ¶¶ 124-27.
20 Id. at ¶ 127.
21 Id. at ¶ 130.
22 Id. at ¶¶ 15-16.
23 Id. at ¶ 15.
24 Id. at ¶ 16.
25 Id. at ¶¶ 15-16.
26 Pa. Dep't of State, Unofficial Returns, Statewide, https://www.electionreturns.pa.gov/ (last visited on November 21, 2020).
27 Doc. 131 (denied).
28 See Doc. 1.
29 Id.
30 See Doc. 35.
31 Doc. 89.
32 No. 20-3214, ––– F.3d ––––, 2020 WL 6686120 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020) (pending publication).
33 For example, Bognet held that only the General Assembly had standing to raise claims under the Elections and Electors
Clauses. Id. at ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *7. This ruling effectively shut the door on Plaintiffs' allegations under those
clauses of the Constitution.
34 Doc. 125.
35 Ms. Kerns has since withdrawn from the case.
36 Separately, Plaintiffs filed a motion seeking leave to file a second amended complaint. Doc. 172. Having filed the FAC
as of right, Plaintiffs may file a second amended complaint only with the opposing party's written consent or the court's
leave. During the oral argument on November 17, 2020, Defendants indicated that they would not consent to the filing of
a third pleading and did not concur in the motion for leave to file this second amended complaint.
37 Plaintiffs initially appeared to base their standing under the Equal Protection Clause on the theory that the notice-and-
cure policy unlawfully allowed certain ballots to be counted, and that this inclusion of illegal ballots diluted Plaintiffs' legal
votes. Doc. 1. After Bognet expressly rejected this theory of standing, however, Plaintiffs have since reversed course
and now argue that their standing is based on the cancellation of Individual Plaintiffs' votes and the Trump Campaign's
“competitive standing.” ––– F.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *9-10; Doc. 124 at 2. To the extent that Plaintiffs
may still argue that votes have been unconstitutionally diluted (see, FAC ¶ 97), those claims are barred by the Third
Circuit's decision in Bognet.
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38 Plaintiffs essentially conceded that they were only setting forth the vote-denial theory for purposes of standing when
they stated on the record at oral argument that they believed Individual Plaintiffs' votes were lawfully cancelled. Hr'g.
Tr. 110:22-111:02.
39 In briefing, Plaintiffs attempt to revive their previously-dismissed poll-watcher claims. Count I does not seek relief for
those allegations, but the Court considers them, infra.
40 Pa. Voters All. v. Centre Cnty., No. 4:20-CV-01761, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6158309, at *3 (M.D. Pa. Oct.
21, 2020) (quoting Cottrell v. Alcon Laboratories, 874 F.3d 154, 161-62 (3d Cir. 2017)).
41 Cottrell, 874 F.3d at 161-62.
42 Wayne Land & Mineral Grp., LLC v. Del. River Basin Comm'n, 959 F.3d 569, 573-74 (3d Cir. 2020) (internal citations
omitted).
43 Id. at 574 (quoting Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992)).
44 Id. (quoting Seneca Reservation Corp. v. Twp. of Highland, 863 F.3d 245, 252 (3d Cir. 2017).
45 Cottrell, 874 F.3d at 162 (quoting Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, ––– U.S. ––––, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547, 194 L.Ed.2d 635 (2016)).
46 Id. (quoting Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547).
47 Id.
48 Id. (citing Info. Handling Servs., Inc. v. Defense Automated Printing Servs., 338 F.3d 1024, 1029 (D.C. Cir. 2003)).
49 Id. (brackets and internal citations omitted).
50 As discussed above, to the extent that Plaintiffs would have premised standing on the theory that Pennsylvania's
purportedly unconstitutional failure to uniformly prohibit the notice-and-cure procedure constitutes vote-dilution, such an
assertion would be foreclosed under Bognet, ––– F.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *9-10. Accordingly, the
Court will only consider whether Individual Plaintiffs have standing under their vote-denial theory.
51 In the interest of comprehensiveness, the Court also addresses whether the Trump Campaign has associational standing.
52 Gill v. Whitford, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1929, 201 L.Ed.2d 313 (2018) (quoting Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533,
561, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)).
53 See Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 349, 81 S.Ct. 125, 5 L.Ed.2d 110 (1960) (Whittaker, J.) (noting the distinction
between injuries caused by outright denial of the right to vote versus those caused by reducing the weight or power of an
individual's vote). The Court notes that much of standing doctrine as it relates to voting rights arises from gerrymandering
or vote-dilution cases, which often involve relatively abstract harms. See, e.g., Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1929; Gaffney v.
Cummings, 412 U.S. 735, 93 S.Ct. 2321, 37 L.Ed.2d 298 (1973); Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12
L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)).
54 See Federal Election Comm'n v. Akins, 524 U.S. 11, 24, 118 S.Ct. 1777, 141 L.Ed.2d 10 (1998) (citing Public Citizen v.
U.S. Dep't of Justice, 491 U.S. 440, 449-50, 109 S.Ct. 2558, 105 L.Ed.2d 377 (1989)).
55 See id. (“[W]here a harm is concrete, though widely shared, the [United States Supreme] Court has found ‘injury in fact.’
”) (quoting Public Citizen, 491 U.S. at 449-50, 109 S.Ct. 2558).
56 The Third Circuit has held that a party may have standing “to challenge government action that permits or authorizes
third-party conduct that would otherwise be illegal in the absence of the Government's action.” Constitution Party of
Pennsylvania v. Aichele, 757 F.3d 347, 366 (3d Cir. 2014) (quoting Bloomberg L.P. v. CFTC, 949 F. Supp. 2d 91, 116
(D.D.C. 2013)). But in that case, standing was permitted to avoid a catch-22 situation where, absent standing against a
third-party government actor, a plaintiff would not be able to bring suit against any responsible party. Id. at 367. Here,
Plaintiffs allege that Secretary Boockvar is responsible for authorizing the unconstitutional actions of Defendant Counties.
However, unlike the plaintiffs in Aichele, Plaintiffs are able to sue Defendant Counties for their allegedly unconstitutional
actions. Moreover, because this Court has already concluded that Plaintiffs lack standing to sue Defendant Counties for
their use of the notice-and-cure policy, it would be counterintuitive for Plaintiffs to have standing to challenge Secretary
Boockvar's authorization of this policy, which is even further removed from any purported harm that Individual Plaintiffs
have suffered.
57 See, e.g., Newdow v. Roberts, 603 F.3d 1002, 1011 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (noting that when an injury is caused by a third party
not before the Court, courts cannot “redress injury ... that results from [such] independent action.”) (ellipses and alterations
in original) (quoting Simon v. E. Ky. Welfare Rights Org., 426 U.S. 26, 41-42, 96 S.Ct. 1917, 48 L.Ed.2d 450 (1976)).
58 Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-CV-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at
*37 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020) (citing Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1934).
59 Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1934 (citing DaimlerChrysler Corp. v. Cuno, 547 U.S. 332, 353, 126 S.Ct. 1854, 164 L.Ed.2d 589 (2006)).
60 Doc. 170 at 11.
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61 Texas Democratic Party v. Benkiser, 459 F.3d 582 (5th Cir. 2006); Orloski v. Davis, 564 F. Supp. 526 (M.D. Pa. 1983).
62 No. 2:20-CV-1445, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, 2020 WL 5626974 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020).
63 Hunt v. Wash. State Apple Advertising Comm'n, 432 U.S. 333, 343, 97 S.Ct. 2434, 53 L.Ed.2d 383 (1977).
64 Cegavske, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5626974 at *4 (internal citations omitted).
65 Id.
66 Doc. 170 at 11 (citing Drake v. Obama, 664 F.3d 774, 783 (9th Cir. 2011)).
67 664 F.3d at 783.
68 Townley v. Miller, 722 F.3d 1128, 1135 (9th Cir. 2013) (emphasis added) (quoting Drake, 664 F.3d at 782); see also
Mecinas v. Hobbs, No. CV-19-05547, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 3472552, at *11-12 (D. Ariz. June
25, 2020) (explaining the current state of the doctrine of competitive standing and collecting cases).
69 459 F.3d at 586.
70 44 F.3d 48, 53 (2d Cir. 1994).
71 917 F.2d 1028, 1029-30 (7th Cir. 1990).
72 Id.
73 See Green Party of Tennessee v. Hargett, 767 F.3d 533, 542-43 (6th Cir. 2014) (finding that Plaintiffs had standing to
challenge Tennessee's ballot-access laws); see also Pavek v. Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., 967 F.3d 905, 907
(8th Cir. 2020) (finding that Plaintiffs had standing to challenge the ballot-ordering provision in Minnesota); Nelson v.
Warner, No. 3:19-0898, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 4582414, at *3 (S.D. W. Va. Aug. 10, 2020) (same).
74 19 F.3d 873 (3d Cir. 1994).
75 Even assuming, however, that the Trump Campaign could establish that element of standing, it would still fail to satisfy
the causation and redressability requirements for the same reasons that the Voter Plaintiffs do. To the extent the Trump
Campaign alleges any injury at all, its injury is attenuated from the actions challenged.
76 Richardson v. Bledsoe, 829 F.3d 273, 289 n. 13 (3d Cir. 2016) (Smith, C.J.) (citing Szabo v. Bridgeport Machines, Inc.,
249 F.3d 672, 676 (7th Cir. 2001) (Easterbrook, J.)).
77 Neitzke v. Williams, 490 U.S. 319, 326-27, 109 S.Ct. 1827, 104 L.Ed.2d 338 (1989).
78 Id. at 326, 109 S.Ct. 1827 (internal citations omitted).
79 Id. at 327, 109 S.Ct. 1827.
80 Howard M. Wasserman, The Roberts Court and the Civil Procedure Revival, 31 Rev. Litig. 313, 316, 319-20 (2012).
81 550 U.S. 544, 127 S.Ct. 1955, 167 L.Ed.2d 929 (2007).
82 556 U.S. 662, 129 S.Ct. 1937, 173 L.Ed.2d 868 (2009).
83 Id. at 670, 129 S.Ct. 1937.
84 Id.
85 Id. at 678, 129 S.Ct. 1937 (quoting Twombly, 550 U.S. at 570, 127 S.Ct. 1955).
86 Id.
87 Connelly v. Lane Const. Corp., 809 F.3d 780, 786 (3d Cir. 2016) (Jordan, J.) (internal quotations and citations omitted).
88 Twombly, 550 U.S. at 556, 127 S.Ct. 1955.
89 Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 679, 129 S.Ct. 1937.
90 Id. at 678, 129 S.Ct. 1937 (quoting Twombly, 550 U.S. at 557, 127 S.Ct. 1955).
91 Phillips v. County. of Allegheny, 515 F.3d 224, 228 (3d Cir. 2008) (Nygaard, J.).
92 Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 678, 129 S.Ct. 1937;
93 Id. (citing Twombly, 550 U.S. at 555, 127 S.Ct. 1955); see also Fowler v. UPMC Shadyside, 578 F.3d 203, 210 (3d Cir.
2009) (Nygaard, J.) (“After Iqbal, it is clear that conclusory or ‘bare-bones’ allegations will no longer survive a motion
to dismiss.”).
94 Connelly, 809 F.3d at 787 (internal quotations and citations omitted).
95 U.S. Const. Amend. XIV, cl. 1.
96 Doc. 170 at 29.
97 Nordlinger v. Hahn, 505 U.S. 1, 10, 112 S.Ct. 2326, 120 L.Ed.2d 1 (1992) (citing F.S. Royster Guano Co. v. Virginia, 253
U.S. 412, 415, 40 S.Ct. 560, 64 L.Ed. 989 (1920)).
98 Id. (citing F.S. Royster Guano Co. v. Virginia, 253 U.S. 412, 415, 40 S.Ct. 560, 64 L.Ed. 989 (1920)).
99 Id. (quoting McGowan v. Maryland, 366 U.S. 420, 425-26, 81 S.Ct. 1101, 6 L.Ed.2d 393 (1961)).
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100 Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964).
101 Id. (citing Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651, 4 S.Ct. 152, 28 L.Ed. 274 (1884)).
102 Id. (citing United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 35 S.Ct. 904, 59 L.Ed. 1355 (1915)).
103 Griffin v. Roupas, 385 F.3d 1128, 1130 (7th Cir. 2004) (citing U.S. Const. Art. I, § 4, cl. 1).
104 Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *38 (quoting Shelby County, Ala. v.
Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 543, 133 S.Ct. 2612, 186 L.Ed.2d 651 (2013)).
105 Id. (quoting Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 433, 112 S.Ct. 2059, 119 L.Ed.2d 245 (1992)).
106 Burdick, 504 U.S. at 432-33, 112 S.Ct. 2059.
107 Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181, 190, 128 S.Ct. 1610, 170 L.Ed.2d 574 (2008) (quoting Burdick,
504 U.S. at 434, 112 S.Ct. 2059).
108 Donald J. Trump for President, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *39 (quoting Crawford, 553 U.S. at 204,
128 S.Ct. 1610 (Scalia, J. concurring)).
109 See id. at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *40; see also Arizona Libertarian Party v. Hobbs, 925 F.3d 1085, 1090 (9th Cir.
2019); Fish v. Schwab, 957 F.3d 1105, 1124 (10th Cir. 2020).
110 Donald J. Trump for President, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *39 (quoting Ohio Council 8 Am. Fed'n of
State v. Husted, 814 F.3d 329, 335 (6th Cir. 2016)).
111 Id. (citing Biener v. Calio, 361 F.3d 206, 215 (3d Cir. 2004)).
112 Even after questioning from this Court during oral argument regarding the appropriate standard of review for their equal-
protection claim, Plaintiffs failed to discuss this key aspect of the claim in briefing. See Doc. 170.
113 See, e.g., Short v. Brown, 893 F.3d 671, 677 (9th Cir. 2018).
114 Donald J. Trump for President, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *44 (emphasis in original).
115 Biener, 361 F.3d at 215.
116 Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 147, 1 Cranch 137, 2 L.Ed. 60 (1803).
117 Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1934 (“A plaintiff's remedy must be tailored to redress the plaintiff's particular injury.”) (citing Cuno,
547 U.S. at 353, 126 S.Ct. 1854).
118 Curiously, Plaintiffs now claim that they seek only to enjoin certification of the presidential election results. Doc. 183 at
1. They suggest that their requested relief would thus not interfere with other election results in the state. But even if it
were logically possible to hold Pennsylvania's electoral system both constitutional and unconstitutional at the same time,
the Court would not do so.
119 Heckler v. Mathews, 465 U.S. 728, 740, 104 S.Ct. 1387, 79 L.Ed.2d 646 (1984) (internal citations omitted).
120 Id. at 741, 104 S.Ct. 1387; Califano v. Westcott, 443 U.S. 76, 90-91, 99 S.Ct. 2655, 61 L.Ed.2d 382 (1979).
121 E.g., Sessions v. Morales-Santana, ––– U.S. ––––, 137 S. Ct. 1678, 1701, 198 L.Ed.2d 150 (2017).
122 Id. (internal citations omitted).
123 See Palmer v. Thompson, 403 U.S. 217, 226-27, 91 S.Ct. 1940, 29 L.Ed.2d 438 (1971) (addressing whether a city's
decision to close pools to remedy racial discrimination violated the Thirteenth Amendment); see also Reynolds, 377 U.S.
at 554, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (citing Mosley, 238 U.S. at 383, 35 S.Ct. 904).
124 Marbury, 5 U.S. at 147.
125 Perles v. County Return Bd. of Northumberland County, 415 Pa. 154, 202 A.2d 538, 540 (1964) (cleaned up).
126 Id. at 567.
127 Doc. 170 at 29. Count I makes no mention of the poll-watching allegations, nor does it seek relief for any violation of
law on the basis of those allegations. Out of an abundance of caution, however, the Court considers whether these
allegations state a claim.
128 Id.
129 Doc. 125 at ¶ 134 (emphasis added).
130 Id. at ¶ 135 (emphasis added).
131 Id. at ¶ 136 (emphasis added).
132 Id. at ¶ 137 (emphasis added).
133 531 U.S. 98, 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000).
134 Doc. 170 at 13.
135 Bush, 531 U.S. at 109, 121 S.Ct. 525 (emphasis added).
136 Id.
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137 Id.
138 Donald J. Trump for President, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *44.
139 Northeast Ohio Coalition for the Homeless v. Husted, 837 F.3d 612, 636 (6th Cir. 2016).
140 Lorenz v. CSX Corp., 1 F.3d 1406, 1413–14 (3d Cir.1993).
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EXHIBIT 3
*1 This matter is before the Court on a motion for temporary Alternatively, this Court should enter an order, declaration,
restraining order filed by Plaintiff L. Lin Wood, Jr. [ECF and/or injunction that the results of the 2020 general
6]. For the following reasons, and with the benefit of oral election in Georgia are defective as a result of the above-
argument, Wood's motion is DENIED. described constitutional violations, and that Defendants are
required to cure said deficiencies in a manner consistent
with federal and Georgia law, and without the taint of the
I. BACKGROUND procedures described in the Litigation Settlement.7
On November 3, 2020, the United States conducted a general For Count III, Wood requests an order, declaration, and/
election for various federal, state, and local political offices or injunction requiring Defendants to perform a myriad of
(the General Election).1 However, the voting process in activities, including ordering a second recount prior to the
Georgia began in earnest before that date. On September 15, certification of the election results and permitting monitors
2020, local election officials began mailing absentee ballots designated by the Republican Party to have special access to
for the General Election to eligible voters.2 On October 12, observe all election activity.8
2020, Georgia's in-person, early voting period started.3 This
entire process played out amidst the throes of a global health
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*2 On November 17, 2020, Wood filed an emergency verifying provisional ballots to cure the issue that resulted in
9
motion for a temporary restraining order. Two sets of parties the rejection. Id.
subsequently sought permission to intervene as defendants
(collectively, the Intervenors): (1) the Democratic Party of Secretary of State Raffensperger is “the state's chief election
Georgia, Inc. (DPG), DSCC, and DCCC; and (2) the Georgia official.”
State Conference of the NAACP (Georgia NAACP) and O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50(b). See also Ga. Op. Att'y Gen. No.
2005-3 (Apr. 15, 2005) (“Just as a matter of sheer volume
Georgia Coalition for the People's Agenda (GCPA).10 On
and scope, it is clear that under both the Constitution and
November 19, Defendants and Intervenors filed separate
the laws of the State the Secretary is the state official with
responses in opposition to Wood's motion for a temporary
the power, duty, and authority to manage the state's electoral
restraining order.11 The Court held oral argument on Wood's system. No other state official or entity is assigned the range
motion the same day. At the conclusion of the oral argument, of responsibilities given to the Secretary of State in the area
the Court denied Wood's request for a temporary restraining of elections.”). In this role, Raffensperger is required to,
order. This Order follows and supplements this Court's oral among other things, “promulgate rules and regulations so
ruling. as to obtain uniformity in the practices and proceedings of
superintendents, registrars, deputy registrars, poll officers,
a. Georgia Statutory Law Regarding Absentee Ballots.
and other officials” and “formulate, adopt, and promulgate
Georgia law authorizes any eligible voter to cast his or her
such rules and regulations, consistent with law, as will be
absentee ballot
conducive to the fair, legal, and orderly conduct of primaries
by mail without providing a reason. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-380(b).
and elections.” O.C.G.A. § 21-3-31(1)-(2).
To initiate the absentee-voting process, a prospective voter
must submit an application to the applicable registrar's or
absentee ballot clerk's office. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-381(a)(1) b. The Settlement Agreement
(A). Upon receipt of a timely absentee ballot request, a Wood does not challenge the underlying constitutionality
registrar or absentee ballot clerk must enter the date the of the absentee ballot framework enacted by the Georgia
office received the application and compare the prospective General Assembly. The genesis of his claims instead derive
voter's information and signature on the application with the from a lawsuit filed over one year ago by the DPG
information and signature on file in the registrar's or clerk's against Raffensperger, the then-Members of the Georgia
office. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-381(b)(1). If the prospective voter's State Election Board, and the then-Members of the Gwinnett
eligibility is confirmed, the registrar or clerk must mail the
County Board of Registration and Elections.12 In that action,
voter an absentee ballot. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-381(b)(2)(A).
the DPG, DSCC, and DCCC challenged several aspects of the
process for rejecting absentee ballots based on a missing or
An absentee voter receives two envelopes along with the
absentee ballot; the completed ballot is placed in the smaller mismatched signature.13
envelope, which is then placed in the larger envelope,
which contains the oath of the elector and a signature *3 On March 6, 2020, the DPG, DSCC, DCCC,
line. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-384(b). Upon receipt of a timely Raffensperger, and the Members of the Georgia State
absentee ballot, a registrar or clerk is required to compare Election Board executed—and filed on the public
the identifying information and signature provided in the oath docket—a “Compromise Settlement Agreement and
with the information and signature on file in the respective Release” (Settlement Agreement).14 As part of the Settlement
office. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(B). If the information and Agreement, Raffensperger agreed to issue an Official Election
signature appear to match, the registrar or clerk signs his Bulletin containing certain procedures for the review of
or her name below the voter's oath. Id. If the information signatures on absentee ballot envelopes by county election
or signature is missing or does not appear to match, the officials for the March 24, 2020 Presidential Primary Election
registrar or clerk is required to write “Rejected” across the and subsequent General Election. In relevant part, the
envelope and provide the reason for the rejection. O.C.G.A. procedures stated:
§ 21-2-386(a)(1)(C). The board of registrars or absentee
ballot clerk is required to “promptly notify” the elector of When reviewing an elector's signature on the mail-in
the rejection, who then has until the end of the period for absentee ballot envelope, the registrar or clerk must
compare the signature on the mail-in absentee ballot
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envelope to each signature contained in such elector's required the Audit to “be open to the public and the press”
voter registration record in eNet and the elector's signature and required local election officials to “designate a viewing
on the application for the mail-in absentee ballot. If the area from which members of the public and press may observe
registrar or absentee ballot clerk determines that the the audit for the purpose of good order and maintaining the
voter's signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope integrity of the audit.”20 The two major political parties—
does not match any of the voter's signatures on file in Democratic and Republican—were permitted “the right to
eNet or on the absentee ballot application, the registrar have one properly designated person as a monitor of the
or absentee ballot clerk must seek review from two audit for each ten audit teams that are conducting the audit,
other registrars, deputy registrars, or absentee ballot with a minimum of two designated monitors in each county
clerks. A mail in absentee ballot shall not be rejected
per party per room where the audit is being conducted.”21
unless a majority of the registrars, deputy registrars,
The designated monitors were not required to remain in the
or absentee ballot clerks reviewing the signature agree
public viewing areas, but were required to comply with the
that the signature does not match any of the voter's
rules promulgated by Raffensperger and the local election
signatures on file in eNet or on the absentee ballot
application. If a determination is made that the elector's officials.22 The Audit process differs from that required
signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope does not by Georgia law for a recount requested by a unsuccessful
match any of the voter's signatures on file in eNet or on the candidate following the official certification of votes. See
absentee ballot application, the registrar or absentee ballot O.C.G.A. § 21-2-524.
clerk shall write the names of the three elections officials
who conducted the signature review across the face of
II. LEGAL STANDARD
the absentee ballot envelope, which shall be in addition
*4 The standard for the issuance of a temporary restraining
to writing “Rejected” and the reason for the rejection as
order and a preliminary injunction are identical. Windsor
required under OCGA 21-2-386(a)(1)(C).15 v. United States, 379 F. App'x 912, 916–17 (11th Cir.
No entity or individual sought permission to intervene and 2010). A preliminary injunction is “an extraordinary remedy.”
challenge the Settlement Agreement. United States District Bloedorn v. Grube, 631 F.3d 1218, 1229 (11th Cir. 2011).
Judge William M. Ray closed the case on March 9.16 To obtain the relief he seeks, Wood must affirmatively
demonstrate: “(1) substantial likelihood of success on the
merits; (2) [that] irreparable injury will be suffered unless the
c. The Risk-Limiting Audit injunction issues; (3) the threatened injury to [him] outweighs
Georgia law provides procedures for conducting a “risk- whatever damage the proposed injunction may cause the
limiting audit” prior to the final certification of an opposing party; and (4) if issued, the injunction would not
election. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-498. Such an audit must be be adverse to the public interest.” McDonald's Corp. v.
“[c]omplete[d]...in public view.” O.C.G.A. § 21-2-498(c) Robertson, 147 F.3d 1301, 1306 (11th Cir. 1998). See also
(4). And the State Election Board is “authorized to Siegel v. LePore, 234 F.3d 1163, 1176 (11th Cir. 2000) (“In
promulgate rules, regulations, and procedures to implement this Circuit, a preliminary injunction is an extraordinary and
and administer” an audit, including “security procedures to drastic remedy not to be granted unless the movant clearly
ensure that [the] collection of validly cast ballots is complete, established the burden of persuasion as to each of the four
accurate, and trustworthy throughout the audit.” O.C.G.A. § prerequisites.”).
21-2-498(d). See also Ga. Comp. R. & Regs. 183-1-15-.04
(2020).
III. DISCUSSION
On November 11, 2020, Raffensperger announced a statewide Wood's motion essentially boils down to two overarching
risk-limiting audit (the Audit)—also referred to as a “full hand claims:
recount”—of all votes cast in the contest for President of the that Defendants violated the Constitution by (1) executing
United States.17 Every county in Georgia was required to and enforcing the Settlement Agreement to the extent it
begin the Audit at 9:00 am on November 13 and finish by requires different procedures than the Georgia Election Code,
and (2) not permitting designated monitors to have certain
11:59 pm on November 18.18 The statewide election results
live viewing privileges of the Audit at the county locations.
are set to be certified on November 20.19 Raffensperger
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Defendants and Intervenors posit a number of challenges to Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 561 (1964); Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S.
Wood's claims. 186, 206 (1962)). Claims premised on allegations that “the
law...has not been followed...[are] precisely the kind of
undifferentiated, generalized grievance about the conduct of
a. Standing government...[and] quite different from the sorts of injuries
As a threshold matter, the Court finds Wood lacks standing alleged by plaintiffs in voting rights cases where we have
to assert these claims. Article III limits federal courts to the found standing.” Dillard v. Chilton Cnty. Comm'n, 495 F.3d
consideration of “Cases” and “Controversies.” U.S. Const. 1324, 1332–33 (11th Cir. 2007) (citing Baker, 369 U.S. at
art. III, § 2, cl. 1. The doctrine of standing “is an essential 207–08). See also Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 440–
and unchanging part of the case-or-controversy requirement 41 (2007) (“Our refusal to serve as a forum for generalized
of Article III.” Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, grievances has a lengthy pedigree. . . . [A] generalized
560 (1992). It is “built on separation-of-powers principles” grievance that is plainly undifferentiated and common to all
and “serves to prevent the judicial process from being used members of the public” is not sufficient for standing).
to usurp the powers of the political branches.” Clapper v.
Amnesty Int'l USA, 568 U.S. 398, 408 (2013). See also *5 Wood alleges he has standing because he is “a qualified
Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547 (2016) (“[N]o registered elector residing in Fulton County, Georgia” who
principle is more fundamental to the judiciary's proper role in has “made donations to various Republican candidates on the
our system of government than the constitutional limitation ballot for the November 3, 2020 elections, and his interests
of federal-court jurisdiction to actual cases or controversies.”) are aligned with those of the Georgia Republican Party for the
(quoting Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 818 (1997)). The
purposes of the instant lawsuit.”23 These allegations fall far
standing inquiry is threefold: “The litigant must prove (1)
short of demonstrating that Wood has standing to assert these
an injury in fact that (2) is fairly traceable to the challenged
claims.
action of the defendant and (3) is likely to be redressed by a
favorable decision.” Jacobson v. Fla. Sec'y of State, 974 F.3d
1236, 1245 (11th Cir. 2020) (citing Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561). i. The Elections and Electors Clause
Wood must “demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks Starting with his claim asserted under the Elections and
to press and for each form of relief that is sought”—Town Electors Clause, Wood lacks standing as a matter of law.
of Chester, N.Y. v. Laroe Estates, Inc., 137 S. Ct. 1645, 1650 The law is clear: A generalized grievance regarding a state
(2017)—and shoulders “the burden of establishing [each] government's failure to properly follow the Elections Clause
element[ ].” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561. of the Constitution does not confer standing on a private
citizen.24 Lance, 549 U.S. at 442; Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120,
Injury in fact is “the first and foremost of standing's three
at *6 (“[P]rivate plaintiffs lack standing to sue for alleged
elements” and requires Wood to show that he suffered
injuries attributable to a state government's violations of the
“an invasion of a legally protected interest that is concrete
Elections Clause....Their relief would have no more directly
and particularized and actual or imminent, not conjectural
benefitted them than the public at large.”); Dillard, 495 F.3d
or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48. To be
at 1332–33.
“particularized,” the alleged injury “must affect the plaintiff
in a personal and individual way.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at
561 n.1. Wood must demonstrate “a personal stake in the ii. Equal Protection
outcome of the controversy,” as a federal court “is not a For his equal protection claim, Wood relies on a theory
forum for generalized grievances.” Gill v. Whitford, 138 S. of vote dilution, i.e., because Defendants allegedly did not
Ct. 1916, 1929 (2018). This requires more than a mere follow the correct processes, invalid absentee votes may have
“keen interest in the issue.” Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. been cast and tabulated, thereby diluting Wood's in-person
2392, 2416 (2018). The alleged injury must be “distinct vote. But the same prohibition against generalized grievances
from a generally available grievance about government.” applies to equal protection claims. United States v. Hays,
Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1923. See also id. at 1929 (explaining 515 U.S. 737, 743 (1995) (“The rule against generalized
that a person's “right to vote is individual and personal grievances applies with as much force in the equal protection
in nature...[t]hus [only] voters who allege facts showing context as in any other.”) Wood does not differentiate his
disadvantage to themselves as individuals have standing alleged injury from any harm felt in precisely the same
to sue to remedy that disadvantage”) (quoting Reynolds v.
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manner by every Georgia voter. As Wood conceded during Wood further points to his status as a donor to the Republican
oral argument, under his theory any one of Georgia's more Party whose interests are aligned with that party and its
than seven million registered voters would have standing to political candidates to support his standing argument. But
assert these claims. This is a textbook generalized grievance. this does not sufficiently differentiate his alleged injury from
Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *12 (“Voter Plaintiffs’ dilution that which any voter might have suffered—no matter the
claim is a paradigmatic generalized grievance that cannot party affiliation. Ostensibly, Wood believes he suffered a
support standing....Put another way, a vote cast by fraud or particularized injury because his preferred candidates—to
mailed in by the wrong person through mistake, or otherwise whom he has contributed money—did not prevail in the
counted illegally, has a mathematical impact on the final General Election. This argument has been squarely rejected
tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, by the Eleventh Circuit. Jacobson, 974 F.3d at 1247 (“A
but no single voter is specifically disadvantaged. Such an candidate's electoral loss does not, by itself, injure those who
alleged dilution is suffered equally by all voters and is not voted for the candidate. Voters have no judicially enforceable
particularized for standing purposes.”) (internal punctuation interest in the outcome of an election. Instead, they have an
omitted) (collecting cases); Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20- interest in their ability to vote and in their vote being given
cv-911, 2020 WL 6063332, a *14 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020) the same weight as any other.”) (internal citation omitted).
(“[T]he notion that a single person's vote will be less valuable
as a result of unlawful or invalid ballots being cast is not a
concrete and particularized injury in fact necessary for Article v. Lack of Relevant Authorities
III standing.”). See also Citizens for Fair Representation v. Finally, the Court notes the futility of Wood's standing
Padilla, 815 F. App'x 120, 123 (9th Cir. 2020) (dismissing argument is particularly evident in that his sole relied-on
equal protection claim for lack of standing and stating “the authority—Meek v. Metropolitan Dade County, Florida, 985
Supreme Court has consistently held that a plaintiff raising F.2d 1471 (11th Cir. 1993)—is no longer good law. The
only a generally available grievance...does not state an Article Eleventh Circuit expressly abrogated its holding in that
III case or controversy.”). case over thirteen years ago. Dillard, 495 F.3d at 1331–32
(“We subsequently upheld Meek's reasoning against repeated
challenges that it was wrongly decided in light of the Supreme
iii. Due Process Court's later decisions...[b]ut it is clear that we can no
*6 For the same reasons, Wood also does not have standing longer do so in light of the Supreme Court's most recent
to pursue his due process claim. Wood asserts that various pronouncement on voter standing in Lance.”).
election monitors appointed by the Republican Party “have
been denied the opportunity to be present throughout the During oral argument, Wood additionally pointed to Roe v.
entire Hand Recount, and when allowed to be present, they State of Alabama by & through Evans, 43 F.3d 574 (11th
were denied the opportunity to observe the Hand Recount Cir. 1995), but that case does not support Wood's standing
in any meaningful way.”25 Yet, Wood does not allege that argument. For example, two plaintiffs in Roe were candidates
he attempted to participate as a designated monitor. Nor for a political office decided in the challenged election. Id. at
does he allege that, on behalf of the Republican Party, he 579. Wood is a private citizen, not a candidate for any elected
himself designated monitors who were ultimately denied office. Moreover, the Eleventh Circuit found particularized
access. Wood's broad objection is that Defendants failed to harm in the post-election inclusion of absentee ballots that
conduct the Audit fairly and consistently under Georgia law. had been deemed invalid. Id. at 580. Wood here seeks to
do the opposite—remove validly cast absentee ballots after
This is a generalized grievance.26 Lance, 549 U.S. at 440–
completion of the election.
41. See also Nolles v. State Comm. for Reorganization of
Sch. Dists., 524 F.3d 892, 900 (8th Cir. 2008) (voters lacked
In sum, Wood lacks standing to pursue these claims in the first
standing because substantive due process claim that delay of
instance.
implementation of new statute until after referendum election
violated their right to fair election did not allege particularized
injury). b. The Doctrine of Laches
*7 Even if the Court found Wood possessed standing
to pursue his claims regarding the Settlement Agreement
iv. Alignment with Non-Parties
(Counts I and II), such claims would nonetheless be barred by
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the doctrine of laches. To establish laches, Defendants must depend on the outcome of any particular election, to wit,
show “(1) there was a delay in asserting a right or a claim, (2) whether Wood's preferred candidates won or lost. Indeed,
the delay was not excusable, and (3) the delay caused [them] Wood's claims, even assuming his standing for bringing
undue prejudice.” United States v. Barfield, 396 F.3d 1144, them could be established, were ripe the moment the parties
1150 (11th Cir. 2005). See also Democratic Exec. Comm. executed the Settlement Agreement.
of Fla. v. Lee, 915 F.3d 1312, 1326 (11th Cir. 2019) (“To
succeed on a laches claim, [defendant] must demonstrate
that [p]laintiffs inexcusably delayed bringing their claim and iii. Prejudice
that the delay caused it undue prejudice.”). Courts apply Finally, Defendants, Intervenors, and the public at large
laches in election cases. E.g., Sanders v. Dooly Cnty., Ga., would be significantly injured if the Court were to excuse
245 F.3d 1289, 1291 (11th Cir. 2001) (“[W]e conclude that Wood's delay. A bedrock principle of election law is that
the district court did not abuse its discretion in deeming the “lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election
claims seeking injunctive relief to be laches-barred.”). See rules on the eve of an election.” Republican Nat'l Comm.
also, e.g., Detroit Unity Fund v. Whitmer, 819 F. App'x 421, v. Democratic Nat'l Comm., 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207 (2020)
422 (6th Cir. 2020) (holding district court did not err in finding (citing Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 5 (2006)). This
that plaintiff's claims regarding deadline for local ballot is because a last-minute intervention by a federal court
initiatives “barred by laches, considering the unreasonable could “result in voter confusion and consequent incentive
delay on the part of [p]laintiffs and the consequent prejudice to remain away from the polls.” Purcell, 549 U.S. at 4–5.
to [d]efendants”). Cf. Benisek v. Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, See also Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Wisc. State Legislature,
1944 (2018) (“[A] party requesting a preliminary injunction No. 20A66, 2020 WL 6275871, at *4 (U.S. Oct. 26, 2020)
must generally show reasonable diligence. That is as true in (Kavanaugh, J., concurring in denial of application to vacate
election law cases as elsewhere.”) (internal citation omitted). stay) (“The principle [of judicial restraint] also discourages
Defendants have established each element of laches. last-minute litigation and instead encourages litigants to bring
any substantial challenges to election rules ahead of time,
in the ordinary litigation process. For those reasons, among
i. Delay others, this Court has regularly cautioned that a federal court's
First, Wood delayed considerably in asserting these claims. last-minute interference with state election laws is ordinarily
On March 6, 2020, the GDP, DSCC, DCCC, and Defendants inappropriate.”).
executed the Settlement Agreement, which was entered on
the public docket. It has since been in effect for at least *8 Underscoring the exceptional nature of his requested
three elections. Nearly eight months later—and after over relief, Wood's claims go much further; rather than changing
one million voters cast their absentee ballots in the General the rules on the eve of an election, he wants the rules
Election—Wood challenges the terms of the Settlement for the already concluded election declared unconstitutional
Agreement as unconstitutional. Wood could have, and should and over one million absentee ballots called into question.
have, filed his constitutional challenge much sooner than he Beyond merely causing confusion, Wood's requested relief
did, and certainly not two weeks after the General Election. could disenfranchise a substantial portion of the electorate
and erode the public's confidence in the electoral process. See
Sw. Voter Registration Educ. Project v. Shelley, 344 F.3d 914,
ii. Excuse 919 (9th Cir. 2003) (“Interference with impending elections
Nor has Wood articulated any reasonable excuse for his is extraordinary, and interference with an election after voting
prolonged delay. Wood failed to submit any evidence has begun is unprecedented.”) (citation omitted); Arkansas
explaining why he waited to bring these claims until the United v. Thurston, No. 5:20-cv-5193, 2020 WL 6472651, at
eleventh hour. He instead relies solely on a representation *5 (W.D. Ark. Nov. 3, 2020) (“[T]he equities do not favor
from his legal counsel during oral argument, without intervention where the election is already in progress and the
evidence, that Wood did not vote in any election between requested relief would change the rules of the game mid-
the execution of the Settlement Agreement and the General play.”).
Election. Even assuming this proffer to be true, it does not
provide a reasonable justification for the delay. Wood's claims Thus, Wood is not entitled to injunctive relief on Counts I and
are constitutional challenges to Defendants’ promulgation II for the additional reason that these claims are barred by the
authority under state law. If valid, these claims should not doctrine of laches.
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*11 (“[T]he Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal is not consistent with the laws of the State of Georgia,
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes were and thus, Defendants’ actions...exceed their authority.”32
weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance an Equal Put another way, Wood argues Defendants usurped the role
Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’ of the Georgia General Assembly—and thereby violated
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal the United States Constitution—by enacting additional
treatment. And if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the safeguards regarding absentee ballots not found in the
‘unlawful’ counting of invalidly cast ballots were a true equal- Georgia Election Code. In support, Wood points to Chief
protection problem, then it would transform every violation Justice Rehnquist's concurrence in Bush v. Gore, which states
of state election law (and, actually, every violation of every that “in a Presidential election the clearly expressed intent of
law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim requiring the legislature must prevail.” 531 U.S. at 120 (Rehnquist, C.J.,
scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing to do more to concurring).
stop the illegal activity. That is not how the Equal Protection
Clause works.”). State legislatures—such as the Georgia General Assembly
—possess the authority to delegate their authority over
*10 Even if Wood's claim were cognizable in the equal elections to state officials in conformity with the Elections
protection framework, it is not supported by the evidence and Electors Clauses. Ariz. State Legislature, 576 U.S. at 816
at this stage. Wood's argument is that the procedures in the (“The Elections Clause [ ] is not reasonably read to disarm
Settlement Agreement regarding information and signature States from adopting modes of legislation that place the lead
match so overwhelmed ballot clerks that the rate of rejection rein in the people's hands...it is characteristic of our federal
plummeted and, ergo, invalid ballots were passed over and system that States retain autonomy to establish their own
counted. This argument is belied by the record; the percentage governmental processes.”). See also Corman v. Torres, 287 F.
of absentee ballots rejected for missing or mismatched Supp. 3d 558, 573 (M.D. Pa. 2018) (“The Elections Clause,
information and signature is the exact same for the 2018 therefore, affirmatively grants rights to state legislatures,
election and the General Election (.15%).30 This is despite and under Supreme Court precedent, to other entities to
a substantial increase in the total number of absentee ballots which a state may, consistent with the Constitution, delegate
submitted by voters during the General Election as compared lawmaking authority.”). Cf. Bullock, 2020 WL 5810556, at
to the 2018 election.31 *11 (“A survey of the relevant case law makes clear that
the term ‘Legislature’ as used in the Elections Clause is not
In sum, there is insubstantial evidence supporting Wood's confined to a state's legislative body.”).
equal protection theory and he has not established a
substantial likelihood of success on the merits as to Count I. Recognizing that Secretary Raffensperger is “the state's chief
election official,”33 the General Assembly enacted legislation
permitting him (in his official capacity) to “formulate, adopt,
2. Electors and Elections Clauses (Count II) and promulgate such rules and regulations, consistent with
In relevant part, the Constitution states: “The Times, law, as will be conducive to the fair, legal, and orderly
Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and conduct of primaries and elections.” O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31(2).
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the The Settlement Agreement is a manifestation of Secretary
Legislature thereof.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. This Raffensperger's statutorily granted authority. It does not
provision— colloquially known as the Elections Clause— override or rewrite state law. It simply adds an additional
vests authority in the states to regulate the mechanics of safeguard to ensure election security by having more than
federal elections. Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67, 69 (1997). one individual review an absentee ballot's information and
The “Electors Clause” of the Constitution similarly states that signature for accuracy before the ballot is rejected. Wood
“[e]ach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature does not articulate how the Settlement Agreement is not
thereof may direct, a Number of [Presidential] Electors.” U.S. “consistent with law” other than it not being a verbatim
Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2. recitation of the statutory code. Taking Wood's argument at
face value renders O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31(2) superfluous. A
Wood argues Defendants violated the Elections and Electors state official—such as Secretary Raffensperger—could never
Clauses because the “procedures set forth in the [Settlement wield his or her authority to make rules for conducting
Agreement] for the handling of defective absentee ballots elections that had not otherwise already been adopted
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by the Georgia General Assembly. The record in this the Constitution. For example, the Eleventh Circuit does
case demonstrates that, if anything, Defendants’ actions in “assume that the right to vote is a liberty interest protected
entering into the Settlement Agreement sought to achieve by the Due Process Clause.” Jones v. Governor of Fla., 975
consistency among the county election officials in Georgia, F.3d 1016, 1048 (11th Cir. 2020). But the circuit court has
which furthers Wood's stated goals of conducting “[f]ree, fair, expressly declined to extend the strictures of procedural due
and transparent public elections.”34 process to “a State's election procedures.” New Ga. Project
v. Raffensperger, 976 F.3d 1278, 1282 (11th Cir. 2020) (“The
*11 Wood has not demonstrated a substantial likelihood of generalized due process argument that the plaintiffs argued
success as to Count II. for and the district court applied would stretch concepts of
due process to their breaking point.”).
3. Due Process (Count III) More specifically, federal courts have rejected the very
Under the Fourteenth Amendment, “[n]o State shall...deny interest Wood claims has been violated, i.e., the right to
to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of observe the electoral process. See, e.g., Republican Party of
the laws.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV. The Due Process Clause Penn. v. Cortes, 218 F. Supp. 3d 396, 408 (E.D. Pa. 2016)
has two components: procedural and substantive. DeKalb (“[T]here is no individual constitutional right to serve as a
Stone, Inc. v. Cnty. of DeKalb, Ga., 106 F.3d 956, 959 (11th poll watcher...but rather the right is conferred by statute.”);
Cir. 1997). Wood alleges that Defendants have “fail[ed]...to Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-
ensure that the Hand Recount is conducted fairly and in cv-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *67 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020)
compliance with the Georgia Election Code” by denying (same); Dailey v. Hands, No. 14-423, 2015 WL 1293188,
monitors “the opportunity to be present throughout the entire at *5 (S.D. Ala. Mar. 23, 2015) (“[P]oll watching is not a
Hand Recount, and when allowed to be present, they were fundamental right.”); Turner v. Cooper, 583 F. Supp. 1160,
denied the opportunity to observe the Hand Recount in any 1162 (N.D. Ill. 1983) (finding no authority “that supports the
meaningful way.”35 Although not articulated in his Amended proposition that [plaintiff] had a first amendment right to act
Complaint or motion for temporary restraining order, Wood as a pollwatcher. Indeed, we would suggest that the state is not
clarified during oral argument that he is pursing both a constitutionally required to permit pollwatchers for political
procedural and substantive due process claim. Each will be parties and candidates to observe the conduct of elections.”).
addressed in turn. Without such an interest, Wood cannot establish a substantial
likelihood of success on the merits as to his procedural due
process claim.
a) Procedural Due Process
A procedural due process claim raises two inquires:
“(1) whether there exists a liberty or property interest b) Substantive Due Process
which has been interfered with by the State and (2) *12 Wood's substantive due process claim fares no better.
whether the procedures attendant upon that deprivation were The types of voting rights covered by the substantive due
constitutionally sufficient.” Richardson v. Texas Sec'y of process clause are considered narrow. Curry v. Baker, 802
State, 978 F.3d 220, 229 (5th Cir. 2020) (citing Kentucky F.2d 1302, 1314 (11th Cir. 1986). Pursuant to the “functional
Dep't of Corr. v. Thompson, 490 U.S. 454, 460 (1989)). structure embodied in the Constitution,” a federal court must
The party invoking the Due Process Clause's procedural not “intervene to examine the validity of individual ballots or
protections bears the “burden...of establishing a cognizable supervise the administrative details of a local election.” Id. In
liberty or property interest.” Richardson, 978 F.3d at 229 only “extraordinary circumstances will a challenge to a state
(citing Wilkinson v. Austin, 545 U.S. 209, 221 (2005)). Wood election rise to the level of a constitutional deprivation.” Id.
bases his procedural due process claim on “a vested interest See also Bennett v. Yoshina, 140 F.3d 1218, 1226 (9th Cir.
in being present and having meaningful access to observe 1998) (“We have drawn a distinction between garden variety
election irregularities and a pervasive error that undermines
and monitor the electoral process.”36 But Wood does not
the integrity of the vote. In general, garden variety election
articulate how this “vested interest” fits within a recognized,
irregularities do not violate the Due Process Clause, even
cognizable interest protected by procedural due process. The
if they control the outcome of the vote or election.”)
Court is not persuaded that the right to monitor an audit
(citation and punctuation omitted) (collecting cases); Duncan
or vote recount is a liberty or property right secured by
v. Poythress, 657 F.2d 691, 700 (5th Cir. 1981) (“[T]he due
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ii. Irreparable Harm Wood's motion for temporary restraining order [ECF 6] is
Because Wood cannot show a likelihood of success on the DENIED. SO ORDERED this the 20th day of November
merits, an extensive discussion of the remaining factors 2020.
for the issuance of a temporary restraining order is
Steven D. Grimberg
unnecessary. Obama for Am., 697 F.3d at 436 (“When a party
seeks a preliminary injunction on the basis of a potential United States District Court Judge
constitutional violation, the likelihood of success on the
merits often will be the determinative factor.”). See also All Citations
Bloedorn, 631 F.3d at 1229 (“If [plaintiff] is unable to show
a substantial likelihood of success on the merits, we need Slip Copy, 2020 WL 6817513
not consider the other requirements.”). Nonetheless, for the
Footnotes
1 Elections and Voter Registration Calendars, https://sos.ga.gov/index.php/electi
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32 ECF 5, ¶ 90.
33 O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50(b).
34 ECF 5, ¶ 11.
35 ECF 6, at 20–21.
36 ECF 5, ¶ 101.
37 In contrast, as Defendants note, it would be a violation of the constitutional
rights of the millions of absentee voters who relied on the absentee ballot procedures in exercising their right to vote.
See e.g. Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1079 (1st Cir. 1978) (finding disenfranchisement of electorate who voted by
absentee ballot a violation of substantive due process).
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EXHIBIT 4
which the voter must sign and return with his ballot. Id. election returns had been tallied and a statewide hand recount
§ 21-2-385(a). State law also prescribes the procedures for of the presidential election results was underway.
how county election officials must certify and count absentee
ballots. Id. § 21-2-386(a). It directs the official to “compare On November 13, L. Lin Wood Jr. sued Secretary
the identifying information on the oath with the information Raffensperger and the members of the Board in the district
on file” and “compare the signature or mark on the oath with court. Wood alleged that he sued “in his capacity as a private
the signature or mark” on file. Id. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(B). If citizen.” He is a registered voter in Fulton County, Georgia,
everything appears correct, the official certifies the ballot. Id. and a donor to various 2020 Republican candidates. His
But if there is a problem, such as a signature that does not amended complaint alleged that the settlement agreement
match, the official is to “write across the face of the envelope violates state law. As a result, he contends, it violates
‘Rejected.’ ” Id. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(C). The government must the Election Clause of Article I; the Electors Clause of
then notify the voter of this rejection, and the voter may cure Article II; and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
the problem. Id. Amendment. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1; id. art. II, § 1, cl.
2; id. amend. XIV, § 1. Wood also alleged that irregularities
In November 2019, the Democratic Party of Georgia, in the hand recount violated his rights under the Due Process
the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, and the Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Id. amend. XIV, § 1.
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee challenged
Georgia's absentee ballot procedures as unconstitutional State law requires that such recounts be done in public view,
under the First and Fourteenth Amendments. They sued and it permits the Board to promulgate policies that facilitate
Secretary Raffensperger and members of the Board for recounting. Ga. Code Ann. § 21-2-498(c)(4), (d). Secretary
declaratory and injunctive relief. Secretary Raffensperger and Raffensperger directed county election officials to designate
the Board maintained that the procedures were constitutional, viewing areas for members of the public and the news media
but they agreed to promulgate regulations to ensure uniform to observe the recount. He also permitted the Democratic and
practices across counties. In March 2020, the parties entered Republican Parties to designate special recount monitors.
into a settlement agreement and dismissed the suit.
Wood alleged that officials ignored their own rules and
*2 In the settlement agreement, Secretary Raffensperger denied Wood and President Donald Trump's campaign
and the Board agreed to issue an Official Election Bulletin “meaningful access to observe and monitor the electoral
regarding the review of signatures on absentee ballots. The process.” Although Wood did not personally attempt to
Bulletin instructed officials to review the voter's signature observe or monitor the recount, he alleged that Secretary
with the following process: Raffensperger and the Board violated his “vested interest in
being present and having meaningful access to observe and
If the registrar or absentee ballot clerk determines that the monitor the electoral process to ensure that it is properly
voter's signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope administered ... and ... otherwise free, fair, and transparent.”
does not match any of the voter's signatures on file ...,
the registrar or absentee ballot clerk must seek review Wood submitted two affidavits from volunteer monitors. One
from two other registrars, deputy registrars, or absentee monitor stated that she was not allowed to enter the counting
ballot clerks. A mail-in absentee ballot shall not be rejected area because there were too many monitors already present,
unless a majority of the registrars, deputy registrars, or and she could not be sure from a distance whether the recount
absentee ballot clerks reviewing the signature agree that the was accurate. The other explained that the counting was
signature does not match any of the voter's signatures on hard for her to follow and described what she thought were
file .... possible tabulation errors.
Secretary Raffensperger and the Board also agreed to train
county election officials to follow this process. *3 Wood moved for extraordinary relief. He asked that
the district court take one of three steps: prohibit Georgia
This procedure has been in place for at least three elections from certifying the results of the November election; prevent
since March, including the general election on November 3, it from certifying results that include “defective absentee
2020. Over one million Georgians voted by absentee ballot ballots, regardless of whether said ballots were cured”; or
in the general election. No one challenged the settlement declare the entire election defective and order the state to fix
agreement until the filing of this action. By then, the general
in the tabulation of election results do not affect Wood harmed the electorate collectively. That alleged harm is not a
differently from any other person. His allegation, at bottom, particularized injury.
remains “that the law ... has not been followed.” Dillard v.
Chilton Cnty. Comm'n, 495 F.3d 1324, 1332 (11th Cir. 2007) *6 Wood suggested in his amended complaint that his status
(quoting Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194, as a donor contributed to standing and aligned his interests
167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007)). with those of the Georgia Republican Party. But he forfeited
this argument when he failed to raise it in his opening brief.
Wood's attempts to liken his injury to those we have found Access Now, Inc. v. Sw. Airlines Co., 385 F.3d 1324, 1335
sufficient in other appeals fall short. In Common Cause/ (11th Cir. 2004); see also Nat'l All. for the Mentally Ill v.
Georgia v. Billups, we ruled that “[r]equiring a registered Bd. of Cnty. Comm'rs, 376 F.3d 1292, 1296 (11th Cir. 2004)
voter either to produce photo identification to vote in person (ruling standing claims forfeited for failure to comply with
or to cast an absentee or provisional ballot is an injury the Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure). And the donor
sufficient for standing.” 554 F.3d 1340, 1351–52 (11th Cir. argument fails on its own terms. True, a donor can establish
2009). But the injury there was the burden of producing standing based on injuries that flow from his status as a donor.
photo identification, not the existence of separate rules for in- See, e.g., Wilding v. DNC Servs. Corp., 941 F.3d 1116, 1125
person and absentee voters. Id. And the burden to produce (11th Cir. 2019). But donors, like voters, “have no judicially
photo identification affected each voter in a personal way. For enforceable interest in the outcome of an election.” Jacobson,
example, some plaintiffs in Common Cause alleged that they 974 F.3d at 1246. Nor does a donation give the donor a legally
“would be required to make a special trip” to obtain valid cognizable interest in the proper administration of elections.
identification “that is not required of voters who have driver's Any injury to Wood based on election irregularities must flow
licenses or passports.” Id. at 1351 (internal quotation marks from his status as a voter, unrelated to his donations. And that
omitted). By contrast, even Wood agrees that he is affected fact returns him to the stumbling block of particularization.
by Georgia's alleged violations of the law in the same way as
every other Georgia voter. “This injury is precisely the kind “[T]he ‘injury in fact’ test requires ... that the party seeking
of undifferentiated, generalized grievance that the Supreme review be himself among the injured.” Lujan, 504 U.S.
Court has warned must not be countenanced.” Dillard, 495 at 563, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (internal quotation marks omitted).
F.3d at 1335 (internal quotation marks omitted). Wood's allegations suggest that various nonparties might have
a particularized injury. For example, perhaps a candidate
Roe v. Alabama ex rel. Evans, 43 F.3d 574, also does not or political party would have standing to challenge the
support Wood's argument for standing. In Roe, we ruled that settlement agreement or other alleged irregularities. Or
the post-election inclusion of previously excluded absentee perhaps election monitors would have standing to sue if they
ballots would violate the substantive-due-process rights of were denied access to the recount. But Wood cannot place
Alabama voters and two political candidates. Id. at 579–81. himself in the stead of these groups, even if he supports
But no party raised and we did not address standing in Roe, them. Cf. Glanton ex rel. ALCOA Prescription Drug Plan
so that precedent provides no basis for Wood to establish v. AdvancePCS Inc., 465 F.3d 1123, 1127 (9th Cir. 2006)
standing. Cf. Lewis v. Casey, 518 U.S. 343, 352 n.2, 116 (explaining that “associational standing ... does not operate
S.Ct. 2174, 135 L.Ed.2d 606 (1996) (noting that in cases in reverse,” so a member cannot represent an association).
where “standing was neither challenged nor discussed ... He is at most a “concerned bystander.” Koziara v. City of
the existence of unaddressed jurisdictional defects has no Casselberry, 392 F.3d 1302, 1305 (11th Cir. 2004) (internal
precedential effect”). And Wood's purported injury is far quotation marks omitted). So he is not “entitled to have the
more general than the voters’ injury in Roe. The voters court[s] decide the merits of [his] dispute.” Warth, 422 U.S.
in Roe bore individual burdens—to obtain notarization or at 498, 95 S.Ct. 2197.
witness signatures if they wanted to vote absentee—that
state courts post-election retroactively permitted other voters
to ignore. Roe, 43 F.3d at 580–81. In contrast, Georgia
B. Wood's Requested Relief Concerning the 2020 General
applied uniform rules, established before the election, to all
Election Is Moot.
voters, who could choose between voting in person or by
absentee ballot, and Wood asserts that the effect of those rules Even if Wood had standing, several of his requests for relief
are barred by another jurisdictional defect: mootness. We are
“not empowered to decide moot questions.” North Carolina v. always mooted by certification, see, e.g., Siegel v. LePore,
Rice, 404 U.S. 244, 246, 92 S.Ct. 402, 30 L.Ed.2d 413 (1971) 234 F.3d 1163, 1172–73 (11th Cir. 2000) (en banc), Wood's
(internal quotation marks omitted). “An issue is moot when particular requests are moot. Wood is right that certification
it no longer presents a live controversy with respect to which does not moot his requests for relief concerning the 2021
the court can give meaningful relief.” Christian Coal. of Fla., runoff—although Wood's lack of standing still forecloses our
Inc. v. United States, 662 F.3d 1182, 1189 (11th Cir. 2011) consideration of those requests—but the pendency of other
(alteration rejected) (internal quotation marks omitted). And claims for relief cannot rescue the otherwise moot claims. See,
an issue can become moot at any stage of litigation, even if e.g., Adler v. Duval Cnty. Sch. Bd., 112 F.3d 1475, 1478–79,
there was a live case or controversy when the lawsuit began. 1481 (11th Cir. 1997) (instructing the district court to dismiss
Id. at 1189–90. moot claims but resolving other claims on the merits). Wood
finally tells us that President Trump has also requested a
Wood asked for several kinds of relief in his emergency recount, but that fact is irrelevant to whether Wood's requests
motion, but most of his requests pertained to the 2020 remain live.
election results. He moved the district court to prohibit either
the certification of the election results or certification that Nor does any exception to mootness apply. True, we often
included the disputed absentee ballots. He also asked the review otherwise-moot election appeals because they are
district court to order a new hand recount and to grant “capable of repetition yet evading review.” ACLU v. The Fla.
Republican election monitors greater access during both Bar, 999 F.2d 1486, 1496 (11th Cir. 1993) (internal quotation
the recount and the January runoff election. But after the marks omitted). We may apply this exception when “(1) the
district court denied Wood's motion, Secretary Raffensperger challenged action was in its duration too short to be fully
certified the election results on November 20. And Governor litigated prior to its cessation or expiration, and (2) there
Kemp certified the slate of presidential electors later that day. was a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party
would be subjected to the same action again.” Nat'l Broad. Co.
Because Georgia has already certified its results, Wood's v. Commc'ns Workers of Am., 860 F.2d 1022, 1023 (11th Cir.
requests to delay certification and commence a new recount 1988) (quoting Weinstein v. Bradford, 423 U.S. 147, 149, 96
are moot. “We cannot turn back the clock and create a world S.Ct. 347, 46 L.Ed.2d 350 (1975)). But we will not apply this
in which” the 2020 election results are not certified. Fleming exception if there is “some alternative vehicle through which
v. Gutierrez, 785 F.3d 442, 445 (10th Cir. 2015). And it is not a particular policy may effectively be subject to” complete
possible for us to delay certification nor meaningful to order review. Bourgeois v. Peters, 387 F.3d 1303, 1308 (11th Cir.
a new recount when the results are already final and certified. 2004).
Cf. Tropicana Prods. Sales, Inc. v. Phillips Brokerage Co.,
874 F.2d 1581, 1582 (11th Cir. 1989) (“[A]n appeal from the The “capable of repetition yet evading review” exception
denial of a motion for preliminary injunction is mooted when does not save Wood's appeal because there is no “reasonable
the requested effective end-date for the preliminary injunction expectation” that Wood will again face the issues in this
has passed.”). Nor can we reconstrue Wood's previous request appeal. Based on the posture of this appeal, the challenged
that we temporarily prohibit certification into a new request action is the denial of an emergency injunction against the
that we undo the certification. A district court “must first have certification of election results. See Fleming, 785 F.3d at
the opportunity to pass upon [every] issue,” so we may not 446 (explaining that whether the issues in an interlocutory
consider requests for relief made for the first time on appeal. appeal are “capable of repetition, yet evading review” is
S.F. Residence Club, Inc. v. 7027 Old Madison Pike, LLC, 583 a separate question from whether the issues in the overall
F.3d 750, 755 (11th Cir. 2009). lawsuit are capable of doing so). That denial is the decision we
would review but for the jurisdictional problems. But Wood
*7 Wood's arguments reflect a basic misunderstanding of cannot satisfy the requirement that there be a “reasonable
what mootness is. He argues that the certification does not expectation” that he will again seek to delay certification.
moot anything “because this litigation is ongoing” and he Wood does not suggest that this situation might recur. Cf. FEC
remains injured. But mootness concerns the availability of v. Wis. Right To Life, Inc., 551 U.S. 449, 463–64, 127 S.Ct.
relief, not the existence of a lawsuit or an injury. Fla. Wildlife 2652, 168 L.Ed.2d 329 (2007). And we have no reason to
Fed'n, Inc. v. S. Fla. Water Mgmt. Dist., 647 F.3d 1296, 1304 think it would: he is a private citizen, so the possibility of a
(11th Cir. 2011). So even if post-election litigation is not
All Citations
IV. CONCLUSION
--- F.3d ----, 2020 WL 7094866
Plaintiffs,
Defendants,
and
Intervenor-Defendants.
___________________________________/
The right to vote is among the most sacred rights of our democracy and, in
turn, uniquely defines us as Americans. The struggle to achieve the right to vote is
one that has been both hard fought and cherished throughout our country’s history.
Local, state, and federal elections give voice to this right through the ballot. And
elections that count each vote celebrate and secure this cherished right.
These principles are the bedrock of American democracy and are widely
revered as being woven into the fabric of this country. In Michigan, more than 5.5
during the 2020 General Election. Those votes were counted and, as of November
23, 2020, certified by the Michigan Board of State Canvassers (also “State
Board”). The Governor has sent the slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivist
of the United States to confirm the votes for the successful candidate.
Against this backdrop, Plaintiffs filed this lawsuit, bringing forth claims of
widespread voter irregularities and fraud in the processing and tabulation of votes
and absentee ballots. They seek relief that is stunning in its scope and breathtaking
in its reach. If granted, the relief would disenfranchise the votes of the more than
5.5 million Michigan citizens who, with dignity, hope, and a promise of a voice,
participated in the 2020 General Election. The Court declines to grant Plaintiffs
this relief.
I. Background
In the weeks leading up to, and on, November 3, 2020, a record 5.5 million
No. 36-4 at Pg ID 2622.) Many of those votes were cast by absentee ballot. This
was due in part to the coronavirus pandemic and a ballot measure the Michigan
voters passed in 2018 allowing for no-reason absentee voting. When the polls
closed and the votes were counted, Former Vice President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. had
secured over 150,000 more votes than President Donald J. Trump in Michigan.
(Id.)
results of the 2020 General Election by November 23, 2020. Mich. Comp. Laws
§ 168.842. The State Board did so by a 3-0 vote, certifying the results “for the
Electors of President and Vice President,” among other offices. (ECF No. 36-5 at
Pg ID 2624.) That same day, Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed the Certificates
of Ascertainment for the slate of electors for Vice President Biden and Senator
Federal law provides that if election results are contested in any state, and if
the state, prior to election day, has enacted procedures to decide controversies or
contests over electors and electoral votes, and if these procedures have been
applied, and the decisions are made at least six days before the electors’ meetings,
then the decisions are considered conclusive and will apply in counting the
electoral votes. 3 U.S.C. § 5. This date (the “Safe Harbor” deadline) falls on
December 8, 2020. Under the federal statutory timetable for presidential elections,
the Electoral College must meet on “the first Monday after the second Wednesday
challengers and the manipulation of ballots through corrupt election machines and
software, Plaintiffs filed the current lawsuit against Defendants at 11:48 p.m. on
November 25, 2020—the eve of the Thanksgiving holiday. (ECF No. 1.)
Plaintiffs are registered Michigan voters and nominees of the Republican Party to
882.) They are suing Governor Whitmer and Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson in
(ECF No. 6), “Emergency Motion for Declaratory, Emergency, and Permanent
Injunctive Relief and Memorandum in Support Thereof” (ECF No. 7), and
Emergency Motion to Seal (ECF No. 8). In their First Amended Complaint,
the Elections and Electors Clauses; (Count II) violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment Equal Protection Clause; and, (Count III) denial of the Fourteenth
Amendment Due Process Clause. (ECF No. 6.) Plaintiffs also assert one count
(ECF No. 15), Robert Davis (ECF No. 12), and the Democratic National
Committee and Michigan Democratic Party (“DNC/MDP”) (ECF No. 14). On that
date, the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to the motions. Plaintiffs
had not yet served Defendants with their pleading or emergency motions as of
hasten Plaintiffs’ actions to bring Defendants into the case and enable the Court to
address Plaintiffs’ pending motions. Later the same day, after Plaintiffs filed
on Defendants (ECF Nos. 21), the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to
December 2, and reply briefs by 8:00 p.m. on December 3 (ECF No. 24).
On December 2, the Court granted the motions to intervene. (ECF No. 28.)
Response and reply briefs with respect to Plaintiffs’ emergency motions were
thereafter filed. (ECF Nos. 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 49, 50.) Amicus curiae
Michigan State Conference NAACP subsequently moved and was granted leave to
file a brief in support of Defendants’ position. (ECF Nos. 48, 55.) Supplemental
briefs also were filed by the parties. (ECF Nos. 57, 58.)
In light of the limited time allotted for the Court to resolve Plaintiffs’
disposed of oral argument with respect to their motion pursuant to Eastern District
awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff is entitled to such relief.” Winter v.
Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 22 (2008) (citation omitted). The plaintiff
Leary v. Daeschner, 228 F.3d 729, 739 (6th Cir. 2000). Such relief will only be
granted where “the movant carries his or her burden of proving that the
Gov’t, 305 F.3d 566, 573 (6th Cir. 2002). “Evidence that goes beyond the
1
“‘[W]here material facts are not in dispute, or where facts in dispute are not
material to the preliminary injunction sought, district courts generally need not
hold an evidentiary hearing.’” Nexus Gas Transmission, LLC v. City of Green,
Ohio, 757 Fed. Appx. 489, 496-97 (6th Cir. 2018) (quoting Certified Restoration
Dry Cleaning Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511 F.3d 535, 553 (6th Cir. 2007))
(citation omitted).
support or oppose a motion for a preliminary injunction.” 11A Mary Kay Kane,
relief: “‘(1) whether the movant has a strong likelihood of success on the merits;
(2) whether the movant would suffer irreparable injury absent the injunction; (3)
whether the injunction would cause substantial harm to others; and (4) whether the
Benson, 956 F.3d 396, 406 (6th Cir. 2020) (quoting Bays v. City of Fairborn, 668
F.3d 814, 818-19 (6th Cir. 2012)). “At the preliminary injunction stage, ‘a plaintiff
must show more than a mere possibility of success,’ but need not ‘prove his case in
full.’” Ne. Ohio Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d 580, 591 (6th Cir. 2012)
(quoting Certified Restoration Dry Cleaning Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511
F.3d 535, 543 (6th Cir. 2007)). Yet, “the proof required for the plaintiff to obtain a
preliminary injunction is much more stringent than the proof required to survive a
III. Discussion
claims. While the Court finds that any of these issues, alone, indicate that
U.S. Const. amend. XI. This immunity extends to suits brought by citizens against
their own states. See, e.g., Ladd v. Marchbanks, 971 F.3d 574, 578 (6th Cir. 2020)
(citing Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, 18-19 (1890)). It also extends to suits
against state agencies or departments, Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman,
465 U.S. 89, 100 (1984) (citations omitted), and “suit[s] against state officials
when ‘the state is the real, substantial party in interest[,]’” id. at 101 (quoting Ford
fact a suit against the State and is barred “regardless of the nature of the relief
sought.” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 100-02 (citations omitted).
“‘The general rule is that a suit is against the sovereign if the judgment sought
would expend itself on the public treasury or domain, or interfere with the public
Government from acting, or to compel it to act.’” Id. at 101 n.11 (quoting Dugan
v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609, 620 (1963)) (internal quotation marks omitted).
congressional abrogation; (2) waiver by the State; and (3) “a suit against a state
federal law.” See Carten v. Kent State Univ., 282 F.3d 391, 398 (6th Cir. 2002)
(citations omitted). Congress did not abrogate the States’ sovereign immunity
when it enacted 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Will v. Mich. Dep’t of State Police, 491 U.S.
58, 66 (1989). “The State of Michigan has not consented to being sued in civil
rights actions in the federal courts.” Johnson v. Unknown Dellatifa, 357 F.3d 539,
545 (6th Cir. 2004) (citing Abick v. Michigan, 803 F.2d 874, 877 (6th Cir. 1986)).
The Eleventh Amendment therefore bars Plaintiffs’ claims against the Michigan
Board of State Canvassers. See McLeod v. Kelly, 7 N.W.2d 240, 242 (Mich. 1942)
(“The board of State canvassers is a State agency …”); see also Deleeuw v. State
Bd. of Canvassers, 688 N.W.2d 847, 850 (Mich. Ct. App. 2004). Plaintiffs’ claims
are barred against Governor Whitmer and Secretary Benson unless the third
exception applies.
The third exception arises from the Supreme Court’s decision in Ex parte
Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908). But as the Supreme Court has advised:
Idaho v. Coeur d’Alene Tribe of Idaho, 521 U.S. 261, 270 (1997). Further, “the
State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 102. “‘In determining whether the doctrine of Ex
parte Young avoids an Eleventh Amendment bar to suit, a court need only conduct
Md., Inc. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 535 U.S. 635, 645 (2002) (quoting Coeur d’Alene
Ex parte Young does not apply, however, to state law claims against state
officials, regardless of the relief sought. Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at
106 (“A federal court’s grant of relief against state officials on the basis of state
law, whether prospective or retroactive, does not vindicate the supreme authority
sovereignty than when a federal court instructs state officials on how to conform
their conduct to state law.”); see also In re Ohio Execution Protocol Litig., 709 F.
App’x 779, 787 (6th Cir. 2017) (“If the plaintiff sues a state official under state law
10
in federal court for actions taken within the scope of his authority, sovereign
immunity bars the lawsuit regardless of whether the action seeks monetary or
The Court then turns its attention to Plaintiffs’ § 1983 claims against
Defendants. Defendants and Intervenor DNC/MDP contend that these claims are
not in fact federal claims as they are premised entirely on alleged violations of
complaint—even Counts I, II, and III, which claim to raise violations of federal
fantastical conspiracy theories that belong more appropriately in the fact-free outer
reaches of the Internet[,] … what Plaintiffs assert at bottom are violations of the
Michigan Election Code.”) Defendants also argue that even if properly stated as
federal causes of action, “it is far from clear whether Plaintiffs’ requested
31 at Pg ID 2186.)
The latter argument convinces this Court that Ex parte Young does not
apply. As set forth earlier, “‘[i]n order to fall with the Ex parte Young exception, a
claim must seek prospective relief to end a continuing violation of federal law.’”
11
Russell v. Lundergan-Grimes, 784 F.3d 1037, 1047 (6th Cir. 2015) (quoting Diaz
v. Mich. Dep’t of Corr., 703 F.3d 956, 964 (6th Cir. 2013)). Unlike Russell, which
Plaintiffs cite in their reply brief, this is not a case where a plaintiff is seeking to
See id. at 1044, 1047 (plaintiff claimed that Kentucky law creating a 300-foot no-
rights). Instead, Plaintiffs are seeking to undo what has already occurred, as their
requested relief reflects.2 (See ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1847; see also ECF No. 6 at Pg
955-56.)
Before this lawsuit was filed, the Michigan Board of State Canvassers had
already certified the election results and Governor Whitmer had transmitted the
State’s slate of electors to the United States Archivist. (ECF Nos. 31-4, 31-5.)
848 (N.D. Ohio Feb. 7, 2006); see also King Lincoln Bronzeville Neighborhood
Ass’n v. Husted, No. 2:06-cv-00745, 2012 WL 395030, at *4-5 (S.D. Ohio Feb. 7,
2012); cf. League of Women Voters of Ohio v. Brunner, 548 F.3d 463, 475 (6th Cir.
2008) (finding that the plaintiff’s claims fell within the Ex parte Young doctrine
2
To the extent Plaintiffs ask the Court to certify the results in favor of President
Donald J. Trump, such relief is beyond its powers.
12
where it alleged that the problems that plagued the election “are chronic and will
For these reasons, the Court concludes that the Eleventh Amendment bars
B. Mootness
This case represents well the phrase: “this ship has sailed.” The time has
passed to provide most of the relief Plaintiffs request in their Amended Complaint;
the remaining relief is beyond the power of any court. For those reasons, this
matter is moot.
“‘Under Article III of the Constitution, federal courts may adjudicate only
actual, ongoing cases or controversies.’” Kentucky v. U.S. ex rel. Hagel, 759 F.3d
588, 595 (6th Cir. 2014) (quoting Lewis v. Cont’l Bank Corp., 494 U.S. 472, 477
(1990)). A case may become moot “when the issues presented are no longer live
or the parties lack a legally cognizable interest in the outcome.” U.S. Parole
Comm’n v. Geraghty, 445 U.S. 388, 396, 410 (1980) (internal quotation marks and
citation omitted). Stated differently, a case is moot where the court lacks “the
ability to give meaningful relief[.]” Sullivan v. Benningfield, 920 F.3d 401, 410
(6th Cir. 2019). This lawsuit was moot well before it was filed on November 25.
In their prayer for relief, Plaintiffs ask the Court to: (a) order Defendants to
decertify the results of the election; (b) enjoin Secretary Benson and Governor
13
Whitmer from transmitting the certified election results to the Electoral College;
(c) order Defendants “to transmit certified election results that state that President
Donald Trump is the winner of the election”; (d) impound all voting machines and
software in Michigan for expert inspection; (e) order that no votes received or
tabulated by machines not certified as required by federal and state law be counted;
and, (f) enter a declaratory judgment that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must be
ID 955-56, ¶ 233.) What relief the Court could grant Plaintiffs is no longer
available.
Before this lawsuit was filed, all 83 counties in Michigan had finished
canvassing their results for all elections and reported their results for state office
races to the Secretary of State and the Michigan Board of State Canvassers in
accordance with Michigan law. See Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.843. The State
Board had certified the results of the 2020 General Election and Governor
Whitmer had submitted the slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivists. (ECF
3
Plaintiffs also seek an order requiring the impoundment of all voting machines
and software in Michigan for expert inspection and the production of security
camera footage from the TCF Center for November 3 and 4. (ECF No. 6 at Pg ID
956, ¶ 233.) This requested relief is not meaningful, however, where the remaining
requests are no longer available. In other words, the evidence Plaintiffs seek to
gather by inspecting voting machines and software and security camera footage
only would be useful if an avenue remained open for them to challenge the election
results.
14
No. 31-4 at Pg ID 2257-58; ECF No. 31-5 at Pg ID 2260-63.) The time for
machines had expired. See Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.831, 168.832 (petitions for
later than 10 days after the date of the election”). And so had the time for
requesting a recount for the office of President. See Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.879.
The Michigan Election Code sets forth detailed procedures for challenging
an election, including deadlines for doing so. Plaintiffs did not avail themselves of
the remedies established by the Michigan legislature. The deadline for them to do
so has passed. Any avenue for this Court to provide meaningful relief has been
the many other post-election lawsuits brought to specifically overturn the results of
And as one Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania advised in another 2020
post-election lawsuit: “there is no basis in law by which the courts may grant
Petitioners’ request to ignore the results of an election and recommit the choice to
15
the General Assembly to substitute its preferred slate of electors for the one chosen
2020, 2020 WL 7018314, at *3 (Pa. Nov. 28, 2020) (Wecht, J., concurring); see
Ga. Nov. 20, 2020) (concluding that “interfer[ing] with the result of an election
that has already concluded would be unprecedented and harm the public in
countless ways”).
moot.
C. Laches
because they waited too long to knock on the Court’s door. (ECF No. 31 at Pg ID
The doctrine of laches is rooted in the principle that “equity aids the vigilant,
not those who slumber on their rights.” Lucking v. Schram, 117 F.2d 160, 162 (6th
Cir. 1941); see also United States v. Clintwood Elkhorn Min. Co., 553 U.S. 1, 9
(2008) (“A constitutional claim can become time-barred just as any other claim
can.”). An action may be barred by the doctrine of laches if: (1) the plaintiff
delayed unreasonably in asserting his rights and (2) the defendant is prejudiced by
this delay. Brown-Graves Co. v. Central States, Se. and Sw. Areas Pension Fund,
16
206 F.3d 680, 684 (6th Cir. 2000); Ottawa Tribe of Oklahoma v. Logan, 577 F.3d
634, 639 n.6 (6th Cir. 2009) (“Laches arises from an extended failure to exercise a
right to the detriment of another party.”). Courts apply laches in election cases.
Detroit Unity Fund v. Whitmer, 819 F. App’x 421, 422 (6th Cir. 2020) (holding
that the district court did not err in finding plaintiff’s claims regarding deadline for
local ballot initiatives “barred by laches, considering the unreasonable delay on the
Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, 1944 (2018) (“[A] party requesting a preliminary
injunction must generally show reasonable diligence. That is as true in election law
cases as elsewhere.”).
filed the instant action on November 25—more than 21 days after the 2020
1. (ECF Nos. 1, 21.) If Plaintiffs had legitimate claims regarding whether the
treatment of election challengers complied with state law, they could have brought
their claims well in advance of or on Election Day—but they did not. Michigan’s
17 and, on November 23, both the Michigan Board of State Canvassers and
Governor Whitmer certified the election results. Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.822,
17
ballots were processed and tabulated on or after Election Day, they could have
brought the instant action on Election Day or during the weeks of canvassing that
followed—yet they did not. Plaintiffs base the claims related to election machines
and software on “expert and fact witness” reports discussing “glitches” and other
alleged vulnerabilities that occurred as far back as 2010. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at
concerns about the election machines and software, they could have filed this
lawsuit well before the 2020 General Election—yet they sat back and did nothing.
file this suit. Plaintiffs concede that they “would have preferred to file sooner, but
[] needed some time to gather statements from dozens of fact witnesses, retain and
engage expert witnesses, and gather other data supporting their Complaint.” (ECF
votes was apparent shortly after the polls closed on November 3, 2020.” (ECF No.
explanation, there can be no true justification. See Crookston v. Johnson, 841 F.3d
396, 398 (6th Cir. 2016) (identifying the “first and most essential” reason to issue a
explanation for waiting so long to file this action”). Defendants satisfy the first
18
Second, Plaintiffs’ delay prejudices Defendants. See Kay v. Austin, 621 F.2d
809, 813 (6th Cir. 1980) (“As time passes, the state’s interest in proceeding with
decisions are made, and the candidate’s claim to be a serious candidate who has
received a serious injury becomes less credible by his having slept on his rights.”)
This is especially so considering that Plaintiffs’ claims for relief are not merely
last-minute—they are after the fact. While Plaintiffs delayed, the ballots were cast;
the votes were counted; and the results were certified. The rationale for
interposing the doctrine of laches is now at its peak. See McDonald v. Cnty. of San
Diego, 124 F. App’x 588 (9th Cir. 2005) (citing Soules v. Kauaians for Nukolii
Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176, 1180 (9th Cir. 1988)); Soules, 849 F.2d at 1180
(quoting Hendon v. N.C. State Bd. Of Elections, 710 F.2d 177, 182 (4th Cir. 1983))
would, “permit, if not encourage, parties who could raise a claim to lay by and
gamble upon receiving a favorable decision of the electorate and then, upon losing,
Plaintiffs could have lodged their constitutional challenges much sooner than
they did, and certainly not three weeks after Election Day and one week after
certification of almost three million votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’
19
D. Abstention
November 25, 2020, there already were multiple lawsuits pending in Michigan
state courts raising the same or similar claims alleged in Plaintiffs’ Amended
Complaint. (See, e.g., ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-98 (summarizing five state court
General Election).) Defendants and the City of Detroit urge the Court to abstain
Colorado River Water Conservation District v. United States, 424 U.S. 800 (1976).
The City of Detroit relies on the abstention doctrines outlined in Colorado River,
as well as those set forth in Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312
U.S. 496, 500-01 (1941), and Burford v. Sun Oil Co., 319 U.S. 315 (1943). The
election disputes in light of the autonomy provided to state courts to initially settle
such disputes.
court proceedings. Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 813, 817. The exception is found
20
Ins. Co., 517 U.S. 706, 716 (1996) (quoting Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 817). The
Sixth Circuit has identified two prerequisites for abstention under this doctrine.
Romine v. Compuserve Corp., 160 F.3d 337, 339-40 (6th Cir. 1998).
First, the court must determine that the concurrent state and federal actions
are parallel. Id. at 339. Second, the court must consider the factors outlined by the
Romine, 160 F.3d at 340-41 (internal citations omitted). “These factors, however,
of the important factors as they apply in a give[n] case’ depending on the particular
facts at hand.” Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone Mem’l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr.
(see ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-97; see also ECF Nos. 31-7, 31-9, 31-11, 31-12,
21
31-14), the allegations and claims in the state court proceedings and the pending
matter are, at the very least, substantially similar, Romine, 160 F.3d at 340 (“Exact
the factors set forth by the Supreme Court counsel in favor of deferring to the
The first and second factor weigh against abstention. Id. (indicating that the
more or less convenient). While the Supreme Court has stated that “‘the presence
(quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at 26), this “‘factor has less significance where
concurrent with that of the state courts.’”4 Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at
25). Moreover, the Michigan Election Code seems to dominate even Plaintiffs’
4
State courts have concurrent jurisdiction over § 1983 actions. Felder v. Casey,
487 U.S. 131, 139 (1988).
22
results.” Id. at 341. The parallel proceedings are premised on similar factual
allegations and many of the same federal and state claims. The state court
proceedings were filed well before the present matter and at least three of those
matters are far more advanced than this case. Lastly, as Congress conferred
487 U.S. 131, 139 (1988), “[t]here can be no legitimate contention that the
[Michigan] state courts are incapable of safeguarding [the rights protected under
E. Standing
Under Article III of the United States Constitution, federal courts can
resolve only “cases” and “controversies.” U.S. Const. art. III § 2. The case-or-
suit. See Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547 (2016), as revised (May 24,
2016). Each plaintiff must demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks to press.5
5
Plaintiffs assert a due process claim in their Amended Complaint and twice state
in their motion for injunctive relief that Defendants violated their due process
rights. (See ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1840, 1844.) Plaintiffs do not pair either
statement with anything the Court could construe as a developed argument. (Id.)
The Court finds it unnecessary, therefore, to further discuss the due process claim.
23
DaimlerChrysler Corp. v. Cuno, 547 U.S. 332, 352 (2006) (citation omitted) (“[A]
plaintiff must demonstrate standing separately for each form of relief sought.”).
To establish standing, a plaintiff must show that: (1) he has suffered an injury in
fact that is “concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent”; (2) the injury is
favorable decision.” Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560-62 (1992)
other things, “destroy,” “discard,” and “switch” votes for President Trump, thereby
votes. (ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3079.) Plaintiffs contend that “the vote dilution
resulting from this systemic and illegal conduct did not affect all Michigan voters
equally; it had the intent and effect of inflating the number of votes for Democratic
candidates and reducing the number of votes for President Trump and Republican
McPherson v. Kelsey, 125 F.3d 989, 995 (6th Cir. 1997) (“Issues adverted to in a
perfunctory manner, unaccompanied by some effort at developed argumentation,
are deemed waived.”).
24
injury-in-fact and causation under this theory,6 their constitutional claim cannot
stand because Plaintiffs fall flat when attempting to clear the hurdle of
redressability.
redressed by a favorable decision from this Court. Plaintiffs ask this Court to de-
certify the results of the 2020 General Election in Michigan. But an order de-
certifying the votes of approximately 2.8 million people would not reverse the
plaintiff’s remedy must be tailored to redress the plaintiff’s particular injury.” Gill,
138 S. Ct. at 1934 (citing Cuno, 547 U.S. at 353); Cuno, 547 U.S. at 353 (“The
remedy must of course be limited to the inadequacy that produced the injury in fact
that the plaintiff has established.” (quoting Lewis v. Casey, 518 U.S. 343, 357
(1996)). Plaintiffs’ alleged injury does not entitle them to seek their requested
remedy because the harm of having one’s vote invalidated or diluted is not
have failed to show that their injury can be redressed by the relief they seek and
6
To be clear, the Court does not find that Plaintiffs satisfy the first two elements of
the standing inquiry.
25
Clause states in part: “The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for
thereof[.]” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. “The Elections Clause effectively gives
elections, Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67, 69, 118 S. Ct. 464, 139 L.Ed.2d 369 (1997),
regulations, Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, 554, 66 S. Ct. 1198, 90 L.Ed. 1432
Constitution states: “Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a Number of Electors ….” U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2.
Electors on behalf of the State of Michigan, they have standing to allege violations
of the Elections Clause and Electors Clause because “a vote for President Trump
and … illegal conduct aimed at harming candidates for President similarly injures
78.)
26
But where, as here, the only injury Plaintiffs have alleged is that the
Elections Clause has not been followed, the United States Supreme Court has made
countenance.”7 Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442 (2007). Because Plaintiffs
in-fact and thus standing to bring their Elections Clause and Electors Clause
claims. Id.; see also Johnson v. Bredesen, 356 F. App’x 781, 784 (6th Cir. 2009)
(citing Lance, 549 U.S. at 441-42) (affirming district court’s conclusion that
citizens did not allege injury-in-fact to support standing for claim that the state of
7
Although separate constitutional provisions, the Electors Clause and Elections
Clause share “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Leg. v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting
Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 839, (2015) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting), and Plaintiffs do
not at all distinguish the two clauses in their motion for injunctive relief or reply
brief (ECF No. 7; ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78). See also Bognet v. Sec’y
Commonwealth of Pa., No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *7 (3d Cir. Nov. 13,
2020) (applying same test for standing under both Elections Clause and Electors
Clause); Wood, 2020 WL 6817513, at *1 (same); Foster, 522 U.S. at 69
(characterizing Electors Clause as Elections Clauses’ “counterpart for the
Executive Branch”); U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804-05
(1995) (noting that state’s “duty” under Elections Clause “parallels the duty”
described by Electors Clause).
27
“each State.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The Supreme Court interprets the words
“the Legislature,” as used in that clause, to mean the lawmaking bodies of a state.
Ariz. State Legislature, 135 S.Ct. at 2673. The Elections Clause, therefore, grants
rights to state legislatures and to other entities to which a State may delegate
lawmaking authority. See id. at 2668. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims thus
of Pa., -- F.3d. --, 2020 WL 6686120, *7 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020). Plaintiffs here
are six presidential elector nominees; they are not a part of Michigan’s lawmaking
Carson v. Simon, 78 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020), a decision finding that electors had
standing to bring challenges under the Electors Clause. (ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1839
(citing Carson, 978 F.3d at 1057).) In that case, which was based on the specific
content and contours of Minnesota state law, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals
concluded that because “the plain text of Minnesota law treats prospective electors
Plaintiffs contend that the Michigan Election Code and relevant Minnesota
law are similar. (See ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78.) Even if the Court were to
8
In addition, at least one Circuit Court, the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, has
distinguished Carson’s holding, noting:
29
agree, it finds that Plaintiffs lack standing to sue under the Elections and Electors
Clauses.
The Court may deny Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief for the reasons
discussed above. Nevertheless, the Court will proceed to analyze the merits of
their claims.
Plaintiffs allege that Defendants violated the Elections Clause and Electors
Clause by deviating from the requirements of the Michigan Election Code. (See,
Defendants did not follow the Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs do not explain
violations of the clauses. In other words, it appears that Plaintiffs’ claims are in
conclusion. In Cook v. Gralike, the Supreme Court struck down a Missouri law
that required election officials to print warnings on the ballot next to the name of
any congressional candidate who refused to support term limits after concluding
30
the Elections Clause. 531 U.S. 510, 525-26 (2001) (quoting U.S. Const. art. I, § 4,
concluding that “the Legislature,” as used in the Elections Clause, includes any
official body with authority to make laws for the state. 576 U.S. 787, 824 (2015).
In each of these cases, federal courts measured enacted state election laws against
the federal mandates established in the clauses—they did not measure violations of
By asking the Court to find that they have made out claims under the clauses
due to alleged violations of the Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs ask the Court to
find that any alleged deviation from state election law amounts to a modification of
state election law and opens the door to federal review. Plaintiffs cite to no case—
Most election laws will “impose some burden upon individual voters.”
Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 433 (1992). But “[o]ur Constitution leaves no
room for classification of people in a way that unnecessarily abridges this right [to
vote].” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 559 (1964) (quoting Wesberry v. Sanders,
376 U.S. 1, 17-18 (1964)). Voting rights can be impermissibly burdened “by a
31
wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” Id. (quoting Reynolds, 377
U.S. at 555).
that Defendants engaged in “several schemes” to, among other things, “destroy,”
Republican votes” and “diluting” the influence of their individual votes. (ECF No.
49 at Pg ID 3079.)
by any allegation that Defendants’ alleged schemes caused votes for President
Trump to be changed to votes for Vice President Biden. For example, the closest
Plaintiffs get to alleging that physical ballots were altered in such a way is the
these workers were changing votes that had been cast for Donald Trump and other
9
Plaintiffs allege in several portions of the Amended Complaint that election
officials improperly tallied, counted, or marked ballots. But some of these
allegations equivocate with words such as “believe” and “may” and none of these
allegations identify which presidential candidate the ballots were allegedly altered
to favor. (See, e.g., ECF No. 6 at Pg ID 902, ¶ 91 (citing Aff. Articia Bomer, ECF
No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-10 (“I believe some of these ballots may not have been
properly counted.” (emphasis added))); Pg ID 902-03, ¶ 92 (citing Tyson Aff. ¶ 17)
(“At least one challenger observed poll workers adding marks to a ballot where
there was no mark for any candidate.”).
32
Bomer, ECF No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-1010).) But of course, “[a] belief is not
evidence” and falls far short of what is required to obtain any relief, much less the
1997 WL 413594, at *1 (7th Cir. 1997); see Brown v. City of Franklin, 430 F.
App’x 382, 387 (6th Cir. 2011) (“Brown just submits his belief that Fox’s
unsubstantiated belief is not evidence of pretext.”); Booker v. City of St. Louis, 309
F.3d 464, 467 (8th Cir. 2002) (“Booker’s “belief” that he was singled out for
testing is not evidence that he was.”).10 The closest Plaintiffs get to alleging that
election machines and software changed votes for President Trump to Vice
10
As stated by the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia Circuit:
Magruder v. Schley, 18 App. D.C. 288, 292, 1901 WL 19131, at *2 (D.C. Cir.
1901).
33
speculation that such alterations were possible. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at ¶¶ 7-11,
17, 125, 129, 138-43, 147-48, 155-58, 160-63, 167, 171.) And Plaintiffs do not at
all explain how the question of whether the treatment of election challengers
complied with state law bears on the validity of votes, or otherwise establishes an
With nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes for President Trump
were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President Biden, Plaintiffs’
equal protection claim fails.11 See Wood, 2020 WL 7094866 (quoting Bognet,
vote is counted improperly, even if the error might have a ‘mathematical impact on
the final tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote.’”).
11
“[T]he Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal Protection claim to
gerrymandering cases in which votes were weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs
advance an Equal Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal treatment. And if
dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the ‘unlawful’ counting of invalidly cast ballots
were a true equal-protection problem, then it would transform every violation of
state election law (and, actually, every violation of every law) into a potential
federal equal-protection claim requiring scrutiny of the government’s ‘interest’ in
failing to do more to stop the illegal activity. That is not how the Equal Protection
Clause works.” Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *11.
34
is usually fatal[,]” Gonzales v. Nat’l Bd. of Med. Examiners, 225 F.3d 620, 625
(6th Cir. 2000) (citing Mich. State AFL-CIO v. Miller, 103 F.3d 1240, 1249 (6th
Cir. 1997), the Court will not discuss the remaining preliminary injunction factors
extensively.
As discussed, Plaintiffs fail to show that a favorable decision from the Court
would redress their alleged injury. Moreover, granting Plaintiffs’ injunctive relief
would greatly harm the public interest. As Defendants aptly describe, Plaintiffs’
requested injunction would “upend the statutory process for election certification
who [are] disappointed with the official results.” (ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2227.)
IV. Conclusion
For these reasons, the Court finds that Plaintiffs are far from likely to
succeed in this matter. In fact, this lawsuit seems to be less about achieving the
relief Plaintiffs seek—as much of that relief is beyond the power of this Court—
and more about the impact of their allegations on People’s faith in the democratic
35
process and their trust in our government. Plaintiffs ask this Court to ignore the
orderly statutory scheme established to challenge elections and to ignore the will of
millions of voters. This, the Court cannot, and will not, do.
IT IS SO ORDERED.
s/ Linda V. Parker
LINDA V. PARKER
U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE
36
Lis's name on the contract and Trader testified that he never the responsibility of management in consultation with
saw plaintiff call Lis. However, plaintiff states in her affidavit Human Resources, to determine on a case-by-case basis
that she talked to Lis at some point that day about signing her which of the following corrective action steps based
name. Lis also testifies in her affidavit that she talked with on the particular facts and circumstances involved....
plaintiff on the phone and gave her permission to sign the Some improper behavior, for example, justifies immediate
contract. Neither plaintiff nor Lis says when the phone call discharge. The fact that a progressive corrective action
took place.) system is utilized by the Company neither requires the use
of prior corrective action before discharge nor alters the
After finishing their business at Stanley Travel Stop, plaintiff fact that employment with the Company is “atwill” and can
and Trader went to plaintiff's car. After entering the car, be terminated at any time and for any reason by either the
plaintiff told Trader, “You didn't see me do that,” referring Company or the employee.
to her act of signing Lis's name on the contract. Trader told Id. (emphasis in original).
plaintiff it was inappropriate for her to sign a contract for a
retailer and that she should never do it again. He suggested Additionally, defendant's policy regarding “Reasons for
that they return to Ace Oil Express that day to have Lis Immediate Termination” provides that “there may be
execute the correct contract on her own behalf. Plaintiff and instances where [progressive action] steps may be omitted,
Trader then went to lunch at a nearby restaurant, where they due to the nature or severity of the infraction.” Id. at 73.
discussed again why plaintiff had signed Lis's name. Plaintiff That policy provides a non-inclusive “list of offenses that
told Trader that her previous managers told her that it was will normally result in immediate termination for the first
acceptable to sign for customers. Trader responded that he offense,” including “gross representation of information as it
was her manager now and that it was not acceptable. After relates to business practices.” Id. at 73–74.
lunch, plaintiff and Trader drove back to Ace Oil Express,
but Lis's vehicle was not in the parking lot, so they left. At Trader decided not to utilize progressive discipline in
the end of the day, Trader talked with plaintiff about her plaintiff's case because he believed she had engaged in a clear
performance that day and plaintiff told him that she would violation of company policy that was a terminable offense.
never sign a retailer's name to a contract again. Trader told In particular, he believed her actions fell into the category of
plaintiff to obtain a signature from Lis on the correct contract. “gross representation of information as it relates to business
He did not tell plaintiff to cancel the contract she had signed practices.”
on Lis's behalf and did not cancel it himself. (Plaintiff avers
that Trader gave her positive feedback about her performance On May 5, 2008, Trader told plaintiff that he needed to meet
that day, but defendant denies this.) with her the next day at a restaurant near her house. (Plaintiff
had spoken to Trader on several occasions between April 23,
*4 Immediately after he finished working with plaintiff 2008 and May 5, but Trader had not mentioned her signing
on April 23, 2008, Trader consulted with his human the contract for Lis or any discipline or termination related to
resources liaison, Jennifer Sanders, to determine whether it.) After Trader's call, plaintiff went to Ace Oil Express to
a recommendation to terminate plaintiff would be fair and meet with Mary Lis. This was the first time since April 23,
within the parameters of company policies. He also consulted 2008 that plaintiff had attempted to meet with Lis. At their
with Sanders several times between that date and the date meeting, plaintiff apologized to Lis for signing Lis's name on
of plaintiff's termination, discussing company termination the contract and Lis signed a contract that reflected the actual
policies. Also, Trader consulted with his supervisor, David terms upon which Lis and plaintiff agreed previously. Lis was
Williams, either on April 23 or 24, regarding termination of not upset that plaintiff had signed on her behalf and never
plaintiff. complained to defendant about plaintiff's signing the contract
for her.
Defendant has a corrective action policy stating that
progressive discipline, including a series of oral and written *5 The following morning, May 6, 2008, plaintiff met with
warnings, is appropriate in some circumstances. Dkt. # 19–3 Trader and May Carroll, another division manager in the
at 71–72. The policy states that Minneapolis regions. Trader read from a document explaining
that plaintiff was being terminated from employment because
[I]t is not possible to specify the corrective action step she had “forg[ed] the signature of May Li[s] ... in an attempt to
appropriate for each type of behavior. However, it is
fix [her] contract mistake” in violation of defendant's Contract by him while Hietpas was employed as a trade marketing
Signatures policy. Dkt. # 19–1. The letter stated that plaintiff's representative for defendant and when he was about 30.
action amounted to “[g]ross misrepresentation of information Plaintiff says that Hietpas falsified certain records in violation
as it relates to business practices .” Id. of defendant's policy, and she contends that she reported his
behavior to Trader and David Williams but that they did
Before May 6, 2008, plaintiff had never been disciplined for not discipline him. Defendant denies that Hietpas violated
any performance or behavior deficiencies and no customer company policy and says that even if he did, neither
had complained about her to defendant. She felt comfortable Trader nor Williams was ever made aware of any alleged
with Trader and had a good working relationship with him. misbehavior by Heitpas. It is undisputed that Trader was never
Trader had never made comments to plaintiff about her age Hietpas's supervisor.)
and plaintiff had never reported any concerns to defendant's
human resources department regarding Trader's treatment of
her. In addition, Trader had evaluated plaintiff's performance
OPINION
as satisfactory in the past and had considered her a good
performer. *6 Under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act
(ADEA), it is unlawful for an employer to “discharge any
Between January 1, 2006 and September 30, 2010, defendant individual or otherwise discriminate against any individual”
terminated eight trade marketing representatives. Two of because of the individual's age. 29 U.S.C. § 623(a)
them were more than 40 and six were under 40. Dkt. # 26– (1). Traditionally, courts in this circuit have explained
6. Plaintiff was the oldest employee terminated during this that a plaintiff asserting age discrimination may prove
period. Defendant replaced plaintiff with an employee who is discrimination under a “direct” or “indirect” method of proof.
under 30. Under the direct method proof, the plaintiff presents direct
evidence of discrimination, such as such as an outright
admission from the employer, or circumstantial evidence that
B. Other Employees of Defendant points directly to a discriminatory reason for an adverse
employment action. Ptasznik v. St. Joseph Hospital, 464 F.3d
While Megan Anderson was employed as a trade marketing 691, 695 (7th Cir.2006). Under the indirect method, a plaintiff
representative for defendant, she hit a deer with a company may prove discrimination using the burden-shifting approach
car. Anderson had been talking on the company-issued in McDonnell Douglas Corp. v. Green, 411 U.S. 792 (1973);
cellular phone while driving, in violation of defendant's cell Burks v. Wisconsin Department of Transportation, 464 F.3d
phone policy. She was approximately 23 years old at the 744, 750–51 (7th Cir.2006).
time of the accident. Brent Trader, Anderson's supervisor at
the time of the accident, instructed her to not talk on her The Supreme Court stated recently that to prevail in an
cell phone anymore while driving. He did not discipline her action under the ADEA “[a] plaintiff must prove by a
otherwise. preponderance of the evidence (which may be direct or
circumstantial), that [an unlawful motive] was the ‘but-for’
While Molly Anderson was employed as a trade marketing cause of the challenged employer decision.” Gross v. FBL
representative for defendant, she left coupons with one Financial Services, Inc., 557 U.S. 167, 129 S.Ct. 2343, 2351
of her customers. (It is not clear whether she left the (2009); see also Lindsey v. Walgreen Co., 615 F.3d 873, 876
coupons intentionally or by mistake.) It is a violation of (7th Cir.2010); Senske v. Sybase, Inc., 588 F.3d 501, 508–
defendant's policy and grounds for immediate termination 09 (7th Cir.2009). Additionally, the Supreme Court noted
to leave coupons at a store with a customer. Anderson was that it “has not definitively decided whether the evidentiary
approximately 22 years old at the time and was not terminated framework of McDonnell Douglas [ ], utilized in Title VII
for violating defendant's policy. Anderson has never been cases is appropriate in the ADEA context.” Gross, 129 S.Ct.
employed in the Green Bay Division and has never reported at 2349, n. 2. The Seventh Circuit has noted that “[w]hether
to Brent Trader. [the] burden shifting analysis survives the Supreme Court's
declaration in Gross in non-Title VII cases, remains to be
(The parties dispute whether Brian Hietpas misrepresented seen.” Kodish v. Oakbrook Terrace Fire Protection District,
the number of products available to a customer or ordered 604 F.3d 490, 501 (7th Cir.2010).
Similarly situated employees must be “directly comparable to (3) in spite of her meeting those legitimate expectations,
the plaintiff in all material respects, which includes showing she suffered an adverse employment action; and (4) she
that the coworkers engaged in comparable rule or policy was treated less favorably than similarly situated employees
violations.” Patterson v. Indiana Newspapers, Inc., 589 F.3d who are substantially younger. Naik, 627 F.3d at 599–600;
357, 365–66 (7th Cir.2009) (internal quotations and citation Ransom v. CSC Consulting, Inc., 217 F.3d 467, 470 (7th
omitted). In the course of this inquiry, the court considers Cir.2000). “ ‘Substantially younger’ means at least a ten-
all of the relevant factors, including “whether the employees year age difference.” Fisher v. Wayne Dalton Corp., 139
(i) held the same job description, (ii) were subject to the F.3d 1137, 1141 (7th Cir.1998) (quoting Kariotis v. Navistar
same standards, (iii) were subordinate to the same supervisor, International Transportation Corp., 131 F.3d 672, 676 n. 1
and (iv) had comparable experience, education, and other (7th Cir.1997)).
qualifications....” Brummett v. Sinclair Broadcast Group,
Inc., 414 F.3d 686, 692 (7th Cir.2005) (internal citation and *9 Summary judgment for defendant is appropriate if
quotation omitted). plaintiff fails to establish any of the foregoing elements of
the prima facie case. Atanus v. Perry, 520 F.3d 662, 673
Brian Hietpas and Molly Anderson were not supervised by (7th Cir.2008). If plaintiff can make a prima facie case with
plaintiff's supervisor, Brent Trader, the person who made the respect to all elements, the burden shifts to defendant to offer
decision to terminate plaintiff's employment. Radue, 219 F.3d a nondiscriminatory reason for its actions. Burks, 464 F.3d at
at 618 (noting importance of showing common supervisor 751. Once the defendant proffers such a reason, the burden
because different supervisors make employment decisions shifts back to plaintiff to show that the reason is pretextual. Id.
in different ways). The only trade marketing representative
that plaintiff identified who reported to Trader was Megan The second and fourth elements of McDonnell Douglas are
Anderson, who was reprimanded by Trader after she violated at issue here. With respect to the second element, defendant
defendant's policy prohibiting employees from talking on contends that plaintiff has not shown that she met its
their cell phones while driving. This policy violation is not legitimate expectations because she violated company policy
comparable to a violation of the Contract Signatures policy. by signing a customer's name on a contract. Defendant's
Naik, 627 F.3d at 600 (similarly situated employee must policy in this regard was clear, stating that “[s]igning for
have violated comparable policy to plaintiff). Not only is the retailor could lead to termination of employment.” In
it not the same violation, but according to the employee addition, her supervisor made it clear that plaintiff's actions
handbook, violation of the cell phone policy is not grounds for had been unacceptable. Plaintiff's response is that she was
immediate termination, unlike the Contract Signatures policy meeting defendant's legitimate expectations because she had
that plaintiff violated. performed well in the past, her supervisor was positive in his
assessment of her performance on the same day she signed a
In sum, plaintiff has produced no evidence “point[ing] customer's name to a contract and defendant did not “cancel”
directly to a discriminatory reason for [defendant's] actions,” the contract on which she signed a customer's signature.
Rhodes v. Illinois Department of Transportation, 359 F.3d
498, 504 (7th Cir.2004), or that is “directly related to the That plaintiff performed well in the past is not dispositive.
employment decision” at issue. Venturelli v. ARC Community Naik, 627 F.3d at 598 (plaintiff “must show that he was
Services, Inc., 350 F.3d 592, 602 (7th Cir.2003). Thus, meeting [his employer's] expectations at the time of his
plaintiff's claim fails under the direct method. termination, which includes evidence that he did not violate
[company] policies.”); Luckie v. Ameritech Corp., 389 F.3d
708, 715 (7th Cir.2004). Plaintiff must show that she
was meeting defendant's expectations at the time of her
A. Indirect Method of Proof
termination, which includes evidence that she did not violate
Because plaintiff has failed to demonstrate any potential defendant's policies. In addition, regardless whether Trader
claim of direct discrimination, she must attempt to prove gave plaintiff some positive feedback on the day she signed a
her case under the McDonnell Douglas burden-shifting customer's name to a contract (a fact that defendant disputes),
approach. Under this approach, plaintiff must demonstrate it is undisputed that Trader told plaintiff repeatedly that her
that (1) she is a member of a protected class; (2) she was actions were unacceptable and that he began the process of
performing her job to defendant's legitimate expectations; terminating her employment.
All Citations
Attorneys and Law Firms Because the parties already had submitted evidence and
argument on the adverse possession claim, I conducted a
Allen Arntsen, Foley & Lardner LLP, Madison, WI, for
preliminary review of the merits of that claim in the April
Plaintiff.
28 order. The evidence in the record supported a conclusion
Robert D. Moodie, Plover, WI, pro se. that plaintiff had obtained the parcel at issue through adverse
possession no later than 1971, but I noted that neither
side had discussed Wis. Stat. § 706.09, which, in some
ORDER circumstances, gives bona fide purchasers of land rights that
take priority over others with adverse claims. I gave both sides
BARBARA B. CRABB, District Judge. an opportunity to address the statute.
*1 The parties have filed supplemental materials in response The parties' responses show that it would be premature to
to this court's April 28, 2011 order. Because the parties' filings decide plaintiff's adverse possession claim now. Plaintiff
raise new issues of fact and law that cannot be resolved submits new evidence to support its view that defendant had
without further development, I am striking the trial date and notice of plaintiff's adverse claim when he purchased the
directing the parties to start over. property in the 1998 and that plaintiff meets the statutory
definition of “public service corporation,” two questions that
This case started out as a claim brought by plaintiff are important to the application of § 706.09. However, it
Consolidated Water Power Company under the Federal Power would be unfair to consider this new evidence without giving
Act, 16 U.S .C. § 814, to condemn a piece of land in Stevens defendant an opportunity to respond.
Point, Wisconsin that defendant Robert D. Moodie claimed
he purchased in 1998. (Plaintiff asked for condemnation of a *2 For his part, defendant in his response seems to be
second parcel as well, but I dismissed the complaint as to that raising two new affirmative defenses to plaintiff's claim
parcel in the April 28 order.) Plaintiff's contention was that for adverse possession: estoppel and laches. This brings up
the Act authorizes condemnation of the land because plaintiff an issue I overlooked in the April 28 order, which is that
is a licensee under the Act, the land is a necessary part of the defendant has not yet had an opportunity to file an answer
project and it has been unable to obtain the property through to plaintiff's amended complaint. Although I do not know
contract. whether defendant can prevail on these defenses, it seems
that both can apply in the context of a property dispute,
e.g., Buza v. Wojtalewicz, 48 Wis.2d 557, 180 N.W.2d 556
(1970)(estoppel); Lemieux v. Agate Land Co., 193 Wis. 462, cannot consider as evidence statements that are made in a
214 N.W. 454, 458 (1927) (laches), so he should be allowed brief. Further, defendant cannot correct the problem simply
to develop them. by asking the court to “consider all statements to be the truth
in all deliberations.” Dft.'s Br., dkt. # 54, at 1. If defendant
Because of the new issues raised in the parties' filings, I relies on a document that does not comply with the procedure
conclude that it is time to hit the reset button on this case. identified above, the court will not consider it.
First, I will give defendant an opportunity to file an answer
to plaintiff's amended complaint. An answer is simply a *3 Second, if defendant wants the court to use documents as
document that responds to each of the allegations in the evidence, they must be authenticated as Fed.R.Evid. 901(a)
complaint, agreeing or disagreeing with each allegation, as requires. To authenticate a document, a party must submit
appropriate. In addition, the answer is the document in “evidence sufficient to support a finding that the matter in
which the defendant identifies any affirmative defenses or question is what its proponent claims.” Ordinarily, documents
counterclaims he wishes to assert. The top of the answer are authenticated by attaching them to an affidavit of an
should be a caption similar to the amended complaint that individual who swears that the documents are true and
includes the name of the court, the parties and the case correct copies of the originals. However, the individual who
number. Below that, defendant should include numbered authenticates the documents must have personal knowledge
paragraphs that correspond to each of the paragraphs in of their authenticity. Fed.R.Evid. 901(b)(1).
the amended complaint. Next to each paragraph number,
he should say whether he admits each allegation in the More generally, defendant should study carefully the
complaint, denies it or does not have enough information to summary judgment procedures he received from the court
know whether the allegation is true or false. If he wishes to after the preliminary pretrial conference in the case. In
raise any affirmative defenses or counterclaims, he should particular, defendant should read the Memorandum to
include those in his answer as well. The requirements for Pro Se Litigants Regarding Summary Judgment Motions.
preparing an answer are described further in Federal Rules of This memorandum is designed to help pro se parties
Civil Procedure 8(b) and 10. avoid common mistakes, such as those defendant made in
responding to plaintiff's first summary judgment motion. (I
Second, I will give the parties a new deadline for filing am attaching the memorandum and the procedures to this
dispositive motions. Although both sides have had multiple opinion in the event thatdefendant no longer has them.)
opportunities to present their side of the story, I believe a do If defendant does not believe he can comply with the
over is necessary in light of the new issues both sides have procedures, he should seek assistance from a lawyer.
raised.
• Problem: The plaintiff submits his own set of proposed Please read the attached directions carefully—doing so will
facts without answering the defendant's facts. save your time and the court's.
• Problem: The plaintiff supports a fact with an exhibit 3. A fact properly proposed by one side will be accepted by the
that the court cannot accept as evidence because it is not court as undisputed unless the other side properly responds to
authenticated. the proposed fact and establishes that it is in dispute.
Solution: Procedure I.C. explains what may be submitted 4. Your brief is the place to make your legal argument, not to
as evidence. A copy of a document will not be accepted restate the facts. When you finish it, check it over with a fine
as evidence unless it is authenticated. That means that the tooth comb to be sure you haven't relied upon or assumed any
plaintiff or someone else who has personal knowledge facts in making your legal argument that you failed to include
what the document is must declare under penalty of
1. A motion, together with such materials permitted by c. Admissions made pursuant to Fed.R.Civ.P. 36.
Rule 56(e) as the moving party may wish to serve and (state the number of the requested admission and
file; and the identity of the parties to whom it was directed);
or
2. In a separate document, a statement of proposed
findings of fact or a stipulation of fact between or d. Other Admissions. The identity of the document,
among the parties to the action, or both; and the number of the page, and paragraph of the
document in which that admission is made.
3. Evidentiary materials (see I.C.); and
e. Affidavits. The page and paragraph number, the
4. A supporting brief. name of the affiant, and the date of the affidavit.
(Affidavits must be made by persons who have first
B. Rules Regarding Proposed Findings of Fact:
hand knowledge and must show that the person
1. Each fact must be proposed in a separate, numbered making the affidavit is in a position to testify about
paragraph, limited as nearly as possible to a single those facts.)
factual proposition.
f. Documentary evidence that is shown to be true and
2. Each factual proposition must be followed by a correct, either by an affidavit or by stipulation of the
reference to evidence supporting the proposed fact. parties. (State exhibit number, page and paragraph.)
For example,
II. RESPONSE TO MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT
“1. Plaintiff Smith bought six Holstein calves on July
11, 2006. Harold Smith Affidavit, Jan. 6, 2007, p. A. Contents:
1, ¶ 3.”
1. A response to the moving party's proposed finding of
3. The statement of proposed findings of fact shall fact; and
include ALL factual propositions the moving party
considers necessary for judgment in the party's 2. A brief in opposition to the motion for summary
favor. For example, the proposed findings shall judgment; and
include factual statements relating to jurisdiction,
the identity of the parties, the dispute, and the 3. Evidentiary materials (See I.C.)
context of the dispute.
B. In addition to responding to the moving party's proposed
facts, a responding party may propose its own findings of fact
following the procedure in section I.B. and C. above.
*6 1. A responding party should file additional proposed 4. When a responding party disputes a proposed finding
findings of fact if it needs them to defeat the motion for of fact, the response must be limited to those facts
summary judgment. necessary to raise a dispute. The court will disregard any
new facts that are not directly responsive to the proposed
2. The purpose of additional proposed findings of fact fact. If a responding party believes that more facts are
is to SUPPLEMENT the moving party's proposed necessary to tell its story, it should include them in its
findings of fact, not to dispute any facts proposed own proposed facts, as discussed in II.B.
by the moving party. They do not take the place
of responses. Even if the responding party files
additional proposed findings of fact, it MUST file E. Evidence
a separate response to the moving party's proposed
findings of fact. 1. Each fact proposed in disputing a moving party's
proposed factual statement and all additional facts
C. Unless the responding party puts into dispute a fact proposed by the responding party must be supported by
proposed by the moving party, the court will conclude that the admissible evidence. The court will not search the record
fact is undisputed. for evidence. To support a proposed fact, you may use
evidence as described in Procedure I.C.1. a. through f.
D. Rules Regarding Responses to the Moving Party's
Proposed Factual Statements: 2. The court will not consider any factual
propositions made in response to the moving party's
1. Answer each numbered fact proposed by the moving proposed facts that are not supported properly and
party in separate paragraphs, using the same number. sufficiently by admissible evidence.
“1. Plaintiff Smith purchased six Holstein calves from 1. An answer to each numbered factual statement made by
Dell's Dairy Farm on July 11, 2006. Harold Smith the responding party in response to the moving party's
Affidavit, Jan. 6, 2007, p. 1, ¶ 3.” proposed findings of fact, together with references to
evidentiary materials; and
Responding party responds:
*7 2. An answer to each additional numbered factual
“1. Dispute. The purchase Smith made from Dell's Dairy statement proposed by the responding party under
Farm on July 11, 2006 was for one Black Angus bull John Procedure II.B., if any, together with references to
Dell Affidavit, Feb. 1, 2007, Exh. A.” evidentiary materials; and
3. The court prefers but does not require that the responding 3. A reply brief; and
party repeat verbatim the moving party's proposed fact
4. Evidentiary materials (see I.C.)
and then respond to it. Using this format for the example
above would lead to this response by the responding B. If the responding party has filed additional
party: proposed findings of fact, the moving party should
file its response to those proposed facts at the same
“1. Plaintiff Smith purchased six Holstein calves from
time as its reply, following the procedure in section
Dell's Dairy Farm on July 11, 2006. Harold Smith Affidavit,
II.
Jan. 6, 2007, p. 1, ¶ 3.
C. When the moving party answers the responding
“Dispute. The purchase Smith made from Dell's Dairy
party's responses to the moving party's original
Farm on July 11, 2006 was for one Black Angus bull.” John
proposed findings of fact, and answers the
Dell Affidavit, Feb. 1, 2007, Exh. A.”
responding party's additional proposed findings of
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
On March 27, 2020, petitioners, Mark Jefferson and the Republican Party of Wisconsin,
filed a petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70, a
supporting legal memorandum, and a motion for temporary injunctive relief. On that same date,
the court ordered the named respondents, Dane County and Scott McDonell, in his official capacity
as Dane County Clerk, to file a response to the original action petition and the motion for temporary
injunctive relief by 1:00 on March 30, 2020. The court has reviewed the filings of the parties and
now addresses the motion for temporary injunctive relief.
When we have considered whether to grant temporary injunctive relief, we have required
a movant to show (1) a reasonable probability of success on the merits; (2) a lack of an adequate
remedy at law; (3) that the movant will suffer irreparable harm in the absence of an injunction; and
(4) that a balancing of the equities favors issuing the injunction. See, e.g., Pure Milk Products
Coop. v. National Farmers Org., 90 Wis. 2d 781, 800, 280 N.W.2d 691 (1979); Werner v. A.L.
Grootemaat & Sons, Inc., 80 Wis. 2d 513, 520, 259 N.W.2d 310 (1977). The decision whether to
grant an injunction is a discretionary one, although injunctions are not to be issued lightly. Werner,
80 Wis. 2d at 520.
The temporary injunction the petitioners seek would order respondent, Scott McDonell, the
Dane County Clerk, to remove a March 25, 2020 Facebook post in which he indicated, inter alia,
that all Dane County voters could declare themselves to be "indefinitely confined" under Wis. Stat.
§ 6.86(2) due to illness solely because of the Wisconsin Department of Health Services Emergency
Order #12 (the Safer at Home Order) and difficulties in presenting or uploading a valid proof of
identification, thereby avoiding the legal requirement to present or upload a copy of the voter's
proof of identification when requesting an absentee ballot.1 The petitioners further ask this court
to order respondent McDonell and respondent Dane County to issue new statements setting forth
the statutory interpretation proposed by the petitioners.
Although respondents do not represent that McDonell's original March 25, 2020 post has
been removed, they argue that McDonell's later posting renders the petitioners' motion moot
because McDonell has now posted the Wisconsin Elections Commission’s (WEC) guidance on his
Facebook page. They also argue that the petitioners' petition and motion for temporary relief
cannot go forward in this court because they have not exhausted their administrative remedies by
first filing a complaint with the WEC under Wis. Stat. § 5.06(1) and (2).
McDonell's March 25, 2020, advice was legally incorrect. In addition, McDonell's
subsequent Facebook posting does not preclude McDonell's future posting of the same erroneous
advice. Furthermore, his erroneous March 25, 2020 Facebook posting continues distribution on
the internet.
Accordingly, we conclude that clarification of the purpose and proper use of the
indefinitely confined status pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2) as well as a temporary injunction are
warranted.
In regard to clarification, the WEC has met and has issued guidance on the proper use of
indefinitely confined status under Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2) in its March 29, 2020 publication, "Guidance
for Indefinitely Confined Electors COVID-19." The WEC guidance states as follows:
We conclude that the WEC's guidance quoted above provides the clarification on the purpose and
proper use of the indefinitely confined status that is required at this time.
1
Petitioners note that the Milwaukee County Clerk issued nearly identical advice.
1176 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 4 Document 55-8
Page 3
March 31, 2020
2020AP557-OA Jefferson v. Dane County
Facebook post. Voters may be misled to exercise their right to vote in ways that are inconsistent
with Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2). Namely, McDonell appeared to assert that all voters are automatically,
indefinitely confined solely due to the emergency and the Safer at Home Order and that voters
could therefore declare themselves to be indefinitely confined when requesting an absentee ballot,
which would allow them to skip the step of presenting or uploading a valid proof of identification.
Indeed, we do not see how the respondents could prevail with an argument that such statements in
the March 25th post constitute an accurate statement of the relevant statutory provisions.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
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Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and all of Pennsylvania's from USPS General Counsel which stated that Pennsylvania's
county boards of elections. That suit, filed in the Western ballot deadlines were “incongruous with the Postal Service's
District of Pennsylvania, alleged that Act 77's “no-excuse” delivery standards,” and that to ensure that a ballot in
mail-in voting regime violated both the federal and Pennsylvania would be received by 8:00 P.M. on Election
Pennsylvania constitutions. Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Day, the voter would need to mail it a full week in advance,
Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 by October 27, which was also the deadline to apply for a
WL 4920952, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Aug. 23, 2020). Meanwhile, mail-in ballot. Id. at 365–66; 25 Pa. Stat. and Cons. Stat. §
the Pennsylvania Democratic Party and several Democratic 3150.12a(a). Secretary Boockvar accordingly recommended
elected officials and congressional candidates filed suit in a three-day extension to the received-by deadline. Pa.
Pennsylvania's Commonwealth Court, seeking declaratory Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364–65.
and injunctive relief related to statutory-interpretation issues
involving Act 77 and the Pennsylvania Election Code. See In a September 17, 2020 decision, the Pennsylvania Supreme
Pa. Democratic Party v. Boockvar, ––– Pa. ––––, 238 A.3d Court concluded that USPS's existing delivery standards
345, 352 (2020). Secretary Boockvar asked the Pennsylvania could not meet the timeline built into the Election Code and
Supreme Court to exercise extraordinary jurisdiction to allow that circumstances beyond voters’ control should not lead to
it to immediately consider the case, and her petition was their disenfranchisement. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d
granted without objection. Id. at 354–55. at 371. The Court accordingly held that the Pennsylvania
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause required a
Pending resolution of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court case, three-day extension of the ballot-receipt deadline for the
Secretary Boockvar requested that the Western District of November 3 general election. Id. at 371, 386–87. All ballots
Pennsylvania stay the federal case. Trump for Pres. v. postmarked by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day and received
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at *1. by 5:00 P.M. on the Friday after Election Day, November
The District Court obliged and concluded that it would abstain 6, would be considered timely and counted (“Deadline
under Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. Extension”). Id. at 386–87. Ballots postmarked or signed
496, 61 S.Ct. 643, 85 L.Ed. 971 (1941). See Trump for Pres. after Election Day, November 3, would be rejected. Id. If the
v. Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at postmark on a ballot received before the November 6 deadline
*21. The RNC then filed a motion for limited preliminary was missing or illegible, the ballot would be presumed to be
injunctive relief asking that all mailed ballots be segregated, timely unless “a preponderance of the evidence demonstrates
but the District Court denied the motion, finding that the that it was mailed after Election Day” (“Presumption of
plaintiffs’ harm had “not yet materialized in any actualized or Timeliness”). Id. Shortly after the ruling, Pennsylvania voters
imminent way.” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Boockvar, were notified of the Deadline Extension and Presumption of
No. 2:20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5407748, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Sept. Timeliness.
8, 2020).
*3 With the federal case stayed, the state court matter D. Appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, and This
proceeded. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party argued that Litigation
a combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and U.S. Postal The Republican Party of Pennsylvania and several
Service (“USPS”) mail-delivery delays made it difficult for intervenors, including the President pro tempore of the
absentee voters to timely return their ballots in the June 2020 Pennsylvania Senate, sought to challenge in the Supreme
Pennsylvania primary election. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 Court of the United States the constitutionality of the
A.3d at 362. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party claimed Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling. Because the November
that this voter disenfranchisement violated the Pennsylvania election date was fast approaching, they filed an emergency
application for a stay of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause, art I., § 5,3
order pending review on the merits. The U.S. Supreme
and sought, among other things, a weeklong extension of the
Court denied the emergency stay request in a 4-4 decision.
deadline for receipt of ballots cast by Election Day in the
Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. 20A54, 592
upcoming general election—the same deadline for the receipt
U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL
of ballots cast by servicemembers residing overseas. Id. at
6128193 (Oct. 19, 2020); Scarnati v. Boockvar, No. 20A53,
353–54. Secretary Boockvar originally opposed the extension
592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020
deadline; she changed her position after receiving a letter
WL 6128194 (Oct. 19, 2020). After denial of the stay, the
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petitioners moved for expedited consideration of their petition the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause as well as the
for certiorari. In denying that motion, Justice Alito noted that, Equal Protection Clause. Id. Because Plaintiffs filed their suit
per the Pennsylvania Attorney General, all county boards less than two weeks before Election Day, they moved for a
of elections would segregate ballots received during the temporary restraining order (“TRO”), expedited hearing, and
Deadline Extension period from those received by 8:00 P.M. preliminary injunction. Id.
on Election Day. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No.
20-542, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d The District Court commendably accommodated Plaintiffs’
––––, 2020 WL 6304626, at *2 (Oct. 28, 2020) (Alito, J., request for an expedited hearing, then expeditiously issued
statement). Justice Alito later issued an order requiring that all a thoughtful memorandum order on October 28, denying
county boards of elections segregate such ballots and count the motion for a TRO and preliminary injunction. Id. at *7.
them separately. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. The District Court held that Bognet lacked standing because
20A84, ––– U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, his claims were too speculative and not redressable. Id. at
2020 WL 6536912 (Mem.) (U.S. Nov. 6, 2020) (Alito, J.). *3. Similarly, the District Court concluded that the Voter
Plaintiffs lacked standing to bring their Equal Protection
*4 In the meantime, on October 22, 2020, three days after voter dilution claim because they alleged only a generalized
the U.S. Supreme Court declined to stay the Pennsylvania grievance. Id. at *5.
Supreme Court's order, Plaintiffs herein filed this suit in
the Western District of Pennsylvania. Plaintiffs are four At the same time, the District Court held that the Voter
registered voters from Somerset County, Pennsylvania, who Plaintiffs had standing to pursue their Equal Protection
planned to vote in person on Election Day (“Voter Plaintiffs”) arbitrary-and-disparate-treatment claim. But it found that the
and Pennsylvania congressional candidate Jim Bognet. Deadline Extension did not engender arbitrary and disparate
Defendants are Secretary Boockvar and each Pennsylvania treatment because that provision did not extend the period
county's board of elections. for mail-in voters to actually cast their ballots; rather, the
extension only directed that the timely cast ballots of mail-in
Bognet, the congressional candidate, claimed that the voters be counted. Id. As to the Presumption of Timeliness,
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness “allow[ ] the District Court held that the Voter Plaintiffs were likely
County Boards of Elections to accept votes ... that would to succeed on the merits of their arbitrary-and-disparate-
otherwise be unlawful” and “undermine[ ] his right to run in treatment challenge. Id. at *6. Still, the District Court declined
an election where Congress has paramount authority to set to grant a TRO because the U.S. Supreme Court “has
the ‘times, places, and manner’ ” of Election Day. Bognet repeatedly emphasized that ... federal courts should ordinarily
v. Boockvar, No. 3:20-cv-215, 2020 WL 6323121, at *2 not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at
(W.D. Pa. Oct. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs alleged that by *7 (citing Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166
voting in person, they had to comply with the single, uniform L.Ed.2d 1 (2006) (per curiam)). The District Court concluded
federal Election Day deadline, whereas mail-in voters could that with “less than two weeks before the election. ...
submit votes any time before 5:00 P.M. on November 6. [g]ranting the relief Plaintiffs seek would result in significant
Id. Thus, they alleged, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court voter confusion; precisely the kind of confusion that Purcell
treated them in an arbitrary and disparate way by elevating seeks to avoid.” Id.
mail-in voters to a “preferred class of voters” in violation
of the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause and the *5 Plaintiffs appealed the denial of their motion for a TRO
single, uniform, federal Election Day set by Congress. Id. The and preliminary injunction to this Court on October 29, less
Voter Plaintiffs also asserted that counting ballots received than a week before Election Day. Plaintiffs requested an
after Election Day during the Deadline Extension period expedited briefing schedule: specifically, their opening brief
would unlawfully dilute their votes in violation of the Equal would be due on October 30 and the response briefs on
Protection Clause. Id. November 2. Notably, Plaintiffs sought to file a reply brief
on November 3—Election Day. Appellants’ Emergency Mot.
All Plaintiffs sought to enjoin Defendants from counting for Expedited Briefing, Dkt. No. 17. Defendants opposed
ballots received during the Deadline Extension period. Id. the expedited briefing schedule, arguing that Plaintiffs’ own
They also sought a declaration that the Deadline Extension delay had caused the case to reach this Court mere days
and Presumption of Timeliness are unconstitutional under before the election. Sec'y Boockvar's Opp. to Appellants’
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The familiar elements of Article III standing require a plaintiff injury is undifferentiated and common to all members of the
to have “(1) suffered an injury in fact, (2) that is fairly public, courts routinely dismiss such cases as “generalized
traceable to the challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) grievances” that cannot support standing. United States v.
that is likely to be redressed by a favorable judicial decision.” Richardson, 418 U.S. 166, 173–75, 94 S.Ct. 2940, 41 L.Ed.2d
Id. (citing Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560– 678 (1974). Such is the case here insofar as Plaintiffs, and
61, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992); Friends of the specifically candidate Bognet, theorize their harm as the right
Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Env't Servs. (TOC), Inc., 528 U.S. 167, to have government administered in compliance with the
180–81, 120 S.Ct. 693, 145 L.Ed.2d 610 (2000)). To plead Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
an injury in fact, the party invoking federal jurisdiction must
establish three sub-elements: first, the “invasion of a legally To begin with, private plaintiffs lack standing to sue for
protected interest”; second, that the injury is both “concrete alleged injuries attributable to a state government's violations
and particularized”; and third, that the injury is “actual or of the Elections Clause. For example, in Lance v. Coffman,
imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. 549 U.S. 437, 127 S.Ct. 1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007) (per
Ct. at 1548 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130); curiam), four private citizens challenged in federal district
see also Mielo v. Steak ’n Shake Operations, 897 F.3d 467, court a Colorado Supreme Court decision invalidating a
479 n.11 (3d Cir. 2018). The second sub-element requires that redistricting plan passed by the state legislature and requiring
the injury “affect the plaintiff in a personal and individual use of a redistricting plan created by Colorado state courts.
way.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560 n.1, 112 S.Ct. 2130. As for the Id. at 438, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The plaintiffs alleged that the
third, when a plaintiff alleges future injury, such injury must Colorado Supreme Court's interpretation of the Colorado
be “certainly impending.” Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. Constitution violated the Elections Clause “by depriving the
1138 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 565 n.2, 112 S.Ct. 2130). state legislature of its responsibility to draw congressional
Allegations of “possible” future injury simply aren't enough. districts.” Id. at 441, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The U.S. Supreme Court
Id. (quoting Whitmore v. Arkansas, 495 U.S. 149, 158, 110 held that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing because
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). All elements of standing they claimed harm only to their interest, and that of every
must exist at the time the complaint is filed. See Lujan, 504 citizen, in proper application of the Elections Clause. Id.
U.S. at 569 n.4, 112 S.Ct. 2130. at 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194 (“The only injury plaintiffs allege
is that the law—specifically the Elections Clause—has not
With these guideposts in mind, we turn to whether Plaintiffs been followed.”). Their relief would have no more directly
have pleaded an Article III injury. They bring several benefitted them than the public at large. Id. The same is
claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, asserting deprivation of true here. If anything, Plaintiffs’ “interest in the State's
their constitutional rights. They allege that Defendants’ ability to ‘enforce its duly enacted laws’ ” is even less
implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's compelling because Pennsylvania's “election officials support
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness violates the challenged decree.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Common
the Elections Clause of Article I, the Electors Clause of Cause R.I., No. 20A28, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––,
Article II, and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 4680151 (Mem.), at *1 (Aug.
Amendment. Because Plaintiffs lack standing to assert these 13, 2020) (quoting Abbott v. Perez, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct.
claims, we will affirm the District Court's denial of injunctive 2305, 2324 n.17, 201 L.Ed.2d 714 (2018)).
relief.
*7 Because the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause
have “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Legislature v.
Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 839,
1. Plaintiffs lack standing under the Elections Clause and
135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d 704 (2015) (Roberts, C.J.,
Electors Clause.
dissenting) (discussing how Electors Clause similarly vests
Federal courts are not venues for plaintiffs to assert a bare power to determine manner of appointing electors in “the
right “to have the Government act in accordance with law.” Legislature” of each State), the same logic applies to
Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737, 754, 104 S.Ct. 3315, 82 L.Ed.2d Plaintiffs’ alleged injury stemming from the claimed violation
556 (1984), abrogated on other grounds by Lexmark Int'l, Inc. of the Electors Clause. See also Foster, 522 U.S. at 69,
v. Static Control Components, Inc., 572 U.S. 118, 126–27, 118 S.Ct. 464 (characterizing Electors Clause as Elections
134 S.Ct. 1377, 188 L.Ed.2d 392 (2014). When the alleged Clause's “counterpart for the Executive Branch”); U.S. Term
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Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804–05, 115 S.Ct. constitutional principles of federalism” enshrined in the Tenth
1842, 131 L.Ed.2d 881 (1995) (noting that state's “duty” Amendment. Id. at 223–24, 131 S.Ct. 2355. The defendant
under Elections Clause “parallels the duty” described by in Bond challenged her conviction under 18 U.S.C. § 229,
Electors Clause). which Congress enacted to comply with a chemical weapons
treaty that the United States had entered. Id. at 214–15,
Even a party that meets Article III standing requirements must 131 S.Ct. 2355. Convicted under the statute she sought to
ordinarily rest its claim for relief on violation of its own rights, challenge, Bond satisfied Article III's standing requirements.
not those of a third party. Pitt News v. Fisher, 215 F.3d 354, Id. at 217, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (characterizing Bond's sentence
361–62 (3d Cir. 2000). Plaintiffs assert that the Pennsylvania and incarceration as concrete, and redressable by invalidation
Supreme Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of of her conviction); id. at 224–25, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (noting
Timeliness usurped the General Assembly's prerogative under that Bond was subject to “[a] law,” “prosecution,” and
the Elections Clause to prescribe “[t]he Times, Places and “punishment” she might not have faced “if the matter were
Manner of holding Elections.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The left for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to decide”). She
Elections Clause grants that right to “the Legislature” of “each argued that her conduct was “local in nature” such that §
State.” Id. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims thus “belong, 229 usurped the Commonwealth's reserved police powers.
if they belong to anyone, only to the Pennsylvania General Id. Rejecting the Government's contention that Bond was
Assembly.” Corman v. Torres, 287 F. Supp. 3d 558, 573 barred as a third party from asserting the rights of the
(M.D. Pa. 2018) (three-judge panel) (per curiam). Plaintiffs Commonwealth, id. at 225, 131 S.Ct. 2355, the Court held
here are four individual voters and a candidate for federal that “[t]he structural principles secured by the separation of
office; they in no way constitute the General Assembly, nor powers protect the individual as well” as the State. Id. at 222,
can they be said to comprise any part of the law-making 131 S.Ct. 2355 (“Federalism also protects the liberty of all
processes of Pennsylvania. Ariz. State Legislature, 576 U.S. persons within a State by ensuring that laws enacted in excess
at 824, 135 S.Ct. 2652.5 Because Plaintiffs are not the General of delegated governmental power cannot direct or control
Assembly, nor do they bear any conceivable relationship to their actions. ... When government acts in excess of its lawful
state lawmaking processes, they lack standing to sue over the powers, that [personal] liberty is at stake.”).
alleged usurpation of the General Assembly's rights under the
Elections and Electors Clauses. No member of the General But the nub of Plaintiffs’ argument here is that the
Assembly is a party to this lawsuit. Pennsylvania Supreme Court intruded on the authority
delegated to the Pennsylvania General Assembly under
That said, prudential standing can suspend Article III's Articles I and II of the U.S. Constitution to regulate federal
general prohibition on a litigant's raising another person's elections. They do not allege any violation of the Tenth
legal rights. Yet Plaintiffs don't fit the bill. A plaintiff may Amendment, which provides that “[t]he powers not delegated
assert the rights of another if he or she “has a ‘close’ to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by
relationship with the person who possesses the right” and it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to
“there is a ‘hindrance’ to the possessor's ability to protect the people.” U.S. Const. amend. X. Nor could they. After
his own interests.” Kowalski v. Tesmer, 543 U.S. 125, 130, all, states have no inherent or reserved power over federal
125 S.Ct. 564, 160 L.Ed.2d 519 (2004) (citation omitted). elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. at 804–05, 115 S.Ct.
Plaintiffs cannot invoke this exception to the rule against 1842. When “deciding issues raised under the Elections
raising the rights of third parties because they enjoy no close Clause,” courts “need not be concerned with preserving a
relationship with the General Assembly, nor have they alleged ‘delicate balance’ between competing sovereigns.” Gonzalez
any hindrance to the General Assembly's ability to protect its v. Arizona, 677 F.3d 383, 392 (9th Cir. 2012). Either federal
own interests. See, e.g., Corman, 287 F. Supp. 3d at 573. Nor and state election law “operate harmoniously in a single
does Plaintiffs’ other theory of prudential standing, drawn procedural scheme,” or they don't—and the federal law
from Bond v. United States, 564 U.S. 211, 131 S.Ct. 2355, 180 preempts (“alter[s]”) state election law under the Elections
L.Ed.2d 269 (2011), advance the ball. Clause. Id. at 394. An assessment that the Pennsylvania
Supreme Court lacked the legislative authority under the
*8 In Bond, the Supreme Court held that a litigant has state's constitution necessary to comply with the Elections
prudential standing to challenge a federal law that allegedly Clause (Appellants’ Br. 24–27) does not implicate Bond,
impinges on the state's police powers, “in contravention of the Tenth Amendment, or even Article VI's Supremacy
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Clause.6 See Gonzalez, 677 F.3d at 390–92 (contrasting *9 Plaintiffs therefore lack Article III standing to challenge
Elections Clause with Supremacy Clause and describing Defendants’ implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme
former as “unique,” containing “[an] unusual delegation of Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness
power,” and “unlike virtually all other provisions of the under the Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
Constitution”). And, of course, third-party standing under
Bond still presumes that the plaintiff otherwise meets the
requirements of Article III; as discussed above, Plaintiffs do 2. The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing under the Equal
not. Protection Clause.
Plaintiff Bognet, a candidate for Congress who is currently a Stressing the “personal” nature of the right to vote, the
private citizen, does not plead a cognizable injury by alleging Voter Plaintiffs assert two claims under the Equal Protection
a “right to run in an election where Congress has paramount Clause.8 First, they contend that the influence of their votes,
authority,” Compl. ¶ 69, or by pointing to a “threatened” cast in person on Election Day, is “diluted” both by (a)
reduction in the competitiveness of his election from counting mailed ballots cast on or before Election Day but received
absentee ballots received within three days after Election Day. between Election Day and the Deadline Extension date,
Appellants’ Br. 21. Bognet does not explain how that “right ballots which Plaintiffs assert cannot be lawfully counted; and
to run” affects him in a particularized way when, in fact, (b) mailed ballots that were unlawfully cast (i.e., placed in
all candidates in Pennsylvania, including Bognet's opponent, the mail) after Election Day but are still counted because of
are subject to the same rules. And Bognet does not explain the Presumption of Timeliness. Second, the Voter Plaintiffs
how counting more timely cast votes would lead to a less allege that the Deadline Extension and the Presumption
competitive race, nor does he offer any evidence tending to of Timeliness create a preferred class of voters based on
show that a greater proportion of mailed ballots received after “arbitrary and disparate treatment” that values “one person's
Election Day than on or before Election Day would be cast for vote over that of another.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104–05,
Bognet's opponent. What's more, for Bognet to have standing 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000). The Voter Plaintiffs
to enjoin the counting of ballots arriving after Election Day, lack Article III standing to assert either injury.
such votes would have to be sufficient in number to change the
outcome of the election to Bognet's detriment. See, e.g., Sibley
v. Alexander, 916 F. Supp. 2d 58, 62 (D.D.C. 2013) (“[E]ven
a. Vote Dilution
if the Court granted the requested relief, [plaintiff] would
still fail to satisfy the redressability element [of standing] As discussed above, the foremost element of standing is injury
because enjoining defendants from casting the ... votes would in fact, which requires the plaintiff to show a harm that is both
not change the outcome of the election.” (citing Newdow “concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent, not
v. Roberts, 603 F.3d 1002, 1011 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (citations conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48
omitted)). Bognet does not allege as much, and such a (citation omitted). The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing to redress
prediction was inherently speculative when the complaint was their alleged vote dilution because that alleged injury is not
filed. The same can be said for Bognet's alleged wrongfully concrete as to votes counted under the Deadline Extension,
incurred expenditures and future expenditures. Any harm nor is it particularized for Article III purposes as to votes
Bognet sought to avoid in making those expenditures was counted under the Deadline Extension or the Presumption of
not “certainly impending”—he spent the money to avoid Timeliness.
a speculative harm. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc.
v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––,
2020 WL 5997680, at *36 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020). Nor
are those expenditures “fairly traceable” under Article III to i. No concrete injury from vote dilution attributable to the
the actions that Bognet challenges. See, e.g., Clapper, 568 Deadline Extension.
U.S. at 402, 416, 133 S.Ct. 1138 (rejecting argument that
The Voter Plaintiffs claim that Defendants’ implementation of
plaintiff can “manufacture standing by choosing to make
the Deadline Extension violates the Equal Protection Clause
expenditures based on hypothetical future harm that is not
because “unlawfully” counting ballots received within three
certainly impending”).7 days of Election Day dilutes their votes. But the source of this
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purported illegality is necessarily a matter of state law, which uniformed servicemembers that are received after Election
makes any alleged harm abstract for purposes of the Equal Day, in accordance with the federal Uniformed and Overseas
Protection Clause. And the purported vote dilution is also not Citizens Absentee Voting Act, 52 U.S.C. §§ 20301–20311.
concrete because it would occur in equal proportion without So the Voter Plaintiffs’ only cognizable basis for alleging
the alleged procedural illegality—that is, had the General dilution from the “unlawful” counting of invalid ballots
Assembly enacted the Deadline Extension, which the Voter is state law defining lawful and unlawful ballot counting
Plaintiffs do not challenge substantively.9 practices. Cf. Wise v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93, 100–01 (4th
Cir. 2020) (“Whether ballots are illegally counted if they are
*10 The concreteness of the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged vote received more than three days after Election Day depends on
dilution stemming from the Deadline Extension turns on the an issue of state law from which we must abstain.” (emphasis
federal and state laws applicable to voting procedures. Federal in original)), application for injunctive relief denied sub
law does not provide for when or how ballot counting occurs. nom. Moore v. Circosta, No. 20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, –––
See, e.g., Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Way, No. 20-cv-01753, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6305036 (Oct.
F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5912561, at *12 (D.N.J. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs seem to admit as much,
Oct. 6, 2020) (“Plaintiffs direct the Court to no federal law arguing “that counting votes that are unlawful under the
regulating methods of determining the timeliness of mail-in General Assembly's enactments will unconstitutionally dilute
ballots or requiring that mail-in ballots be postmarked.”); see the lawful votes” cast by the Voter Plaintiffs. Appellants’
also Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, 366, 52 S.Ct. 397, 76 L.Ed. Br. 38; see also id. at 31. In other words, the Voter
795 (1932) (noting that Elections Clause delegates to state Plaintiffs say that the Election Day ballot receipt deadline
lawmaking processes all authority to prescribe “procedure in Pennsylvania's codified election law renders the ballots
and safeguards” for “counting of votes”). Instead, the untimely and therefore unlawful to count. Defendants, for
Elections Clause delegates to each state's lawmaking function their part, contend that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
the authority to prescribe such procedural regulations extension of that deadline under the Free and Equal Elections
applicable to federal elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. Clause of the state constitution renders them timely, and
at 832–35, 115 S.Ct. 1842 (“The Framers intended the therefore lawful to count.
Elections Clause to grant States authority to create procedural
regulations .... [including] ‘whether the electors should vote *11 This conceptualization of vote dilution—state actors
by ballot or vivâ voce ....’ ” (quoting James Madison, 2 counting ballots in violation of state election law—is not
Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 240 (M. a concrete harm under the Equal Protection Clause of the
Farrand ed. 1911) (cleaned up)); Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 Fourteenth Amendment. Violation of state election laws by
S.Ct. 397 (describing state authority under Elections Clause state officials or other unidentified third parties is not always
“to provide a complete code for congressional elections ... amenable to a federal constitutional claim. See Shipley v.
in relation to notices, registration, supervision of voting, Chicago Bd. of Election Comm'rs, 947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th
protection of voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices, Cir. 2020) (“A deliberate violation of state election laws
counting of votes, duties of inspectors and canvassers, and by state election officials does not transgress against the
making and publication of election returns”). That delegation Constitution.”) (cleaned up); Powell v. Power, 436 F.2d 84,
of authority embraces all procedures “which experience 88 (2d Cir. 1970) (rejecting Equal Protection Clause claim
shows are necessary in order to enforce the fundamental right arising from state's erroneous counting of votes cast by voters
involved.” Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 S.Ct. 397. Congress unqualified to participate in closed primary). “It was not
exercises its power to “alter” state election regulations only if intended by the Fourteenth Amendment ... that all matters
the state regime cannot “operate harmoniously” with federal formerly within the exclusive cognizance of the states should
election laws “in a single procedural scheme.” Gonzalez, 677 become matters of national concern.” Snowden v. Hughes,
F.3d at 394. 321 U.S. 1, 11, 64 S.Ct. 397, 88 L.Ed. 497 (1944).
The Deadline Extension and federal laws setting the date for Contrary to the Voter Plaintiffs’ conceptualization, vote
federal elections can, and indeed do, operate harmoniously. dilution under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned
At least 19 other States and the District of Columbia have with votes being weighed differently. See Rucho v. Common
Cause, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2501, 204 L.Ed.2d
post-Election Day absentee ballot receipt deadlines.10 And
931 (2019) (“ ‘[V]ote dilution’ in the one-person, one-
many States also accept absentee ballots mailed by overseas
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vote cases refers to the idea that each vote must carry L.Ed. 1355 (1915). Any alleged harm of vote dilution that
equal weight.” (emphasis added)); cf. Baten v. McMaster, turns not on the proportional influence of votes, but solely
967 F.3d 345, 355 (4th Cir. 2020), as amended (July 27, on the federal illegality of the Deadline Extension, strikes
2020) (“[N]o vote in the South Carolina system is diluted. us as quintessentially abstract in the election law context
Every qualified person gets one vote and each vote is and “divorced from any concrete harm.” Spokeo, 136 S.
counted equally in determining the final tally.”). As explained Ct. at 1549 (citing Summers v. Earth Island Inst., 555 U.S.
below, the Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal 488, 496, 129 S.Ct. 1142, 173 L.Ed.2d 1 (2009)). That
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes were the alleged violation here relates to election law and the
weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance an Equal U.S. Constitution, rather than the mine-run federal consumer
Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’ privacy statute, does not abrogate the requirement that a
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal concrete harm must flow from the procedural illegality. See,
treatment. And if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the e.g., Lujan, 504 U.S. at 576, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (“[T]here is
“unlawful” counting of invalidly cast ballots “were a true absolutely no basis for making the Article III inquiry turn on
equal-protection problem, then it would transform every the source of the asserted right.”).
violation of state election law (and, actually, every violation
of every law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim *12 The Voter Plaintiffs thus lack a concrete Equal
requiring scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing Protection Clause injury for their alleged harm of vote
to do more to stop the illegal activity.” Trump for Pres. v. dilution attributable to the Deadline Extension.
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 5997680,
at *45–46. That is not how the Equal Protection Clause
works.11 ii. No particularized injury from votes counted under the
Deadline Extension or the Presumption of Timeliness.
Even if we were to entertain an end-run around the Voter
Plaintiffs’ lack of Elections Clause standing—by viewing the The opposite of a “particularized” injury is a “generalized
federal Elections Clause as the source of “unlawfulness” of grievance,” where “the impact on plaintiff is plainly
Defendants’ vote counting—the alleged vote dilution would undifferentiated and common to all members of the public.”
not be a concrete injury. Consider, as we've noted, that the Id. at 575, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (cleaned up); see also Lance, 549
Voter Plaintiffs take no issue with the content of the Deadline U.S. at 439, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The District Court correctly held
Extension; they concede that the General Assembly, as other that the Voter Plaintiffs’ “dilution” claim is a “paradigmatic
state legislatures have done, could have enacted exactly the generalized grievance that cannot support standing.” Bognet,
same Deadline Extension as a valid “time[ ], place[ ], and 2020 WL 6323121, at *4 (quoting Carson v. Simon, No. 20-
manner” regulation consistent with the Elections Clause. cv-02030, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6018957,
Cf. Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 S.Ct. 397 (concluding that at *7 (D. Minn. Oct. 12, 2020), rev'd on other grounds,
alleged “unlawful administration by state officers of a state No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d ––––, 2020 WL 6335967 (8th Cir.
statute fair on its face, resulting in its unequal application Oct. 29, 2020)). The Deadline Extension and Presumption
to those who are entitled to be treated alike, is not a denial of Timeliness, assuming they operate to allow the illegal
of equal protection” (emphasis added)); Powell, 436 F.2d counting of unlawful votes, “dilute” the influence of all voters
at 88 (“Uneven or erroneous application of an otherwise in Pennsylvania equally and in an “undifferentiated” manner
valid statute constitutes a denial of equal protection only and do not dilute a certain group of voters particularly.12
if it represents ‘intentional or purposeful discrimination.’
” (emphasis added) (quoting Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 Put another way, “[a] vote cast by fraud or mailed in by
S.Ct. 397)). Reduced to its essence, the Voter Plaintiffs’ the wrong person through mistake,” or otherwise counted
claimed vote dilution would rest on their allegation that illegally, “has a mathematical impact on the final tally
federal law required a different state organ to issue the and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, but no
Deadline Extension. The Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged, single voter is specifically disadvantaged.” Martel v. Condos,
for example, that they were prevented from casting their No. 5:20-cv-00131, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL
votes, Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347, 35 S.Ct. 926, 5755289, at *4 (D. Vt. Sept. 16, 2020). Such an alleged
59 L.Ed. 1340 (1915), nor that their votes were not counted, “dilution” is suffered equally by all voters and is not
United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 35 S.Ct. 904, 59 “particularized” for standing purposes. The courts to consider
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this issue are in accord. See id.; Carson, ––– F.Supp.3d at 246 U.S. 220, 227, 38 S.Ct. 269, 62 L.Ed. 676 (1918)). The
–––– – ––––, 2020 WL 6018957, at *7–8; Moore v. Circosta, Court then explained that a voter's right to vote encompasses
Nos. 1:20-cv-00911, 1:20-cv-00912, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, both the right to cast that vote and the right to have that vote
––––, 2020 WL 6063332, at *14 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020), counted without “debasement or dilution”:
emergency injunction pending appeal denied sub nom. Wise
v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93 (4th Cir. 2020), application for The right to vote can neither be denied outright, Guinn
injunctive relief denied sub nom. Moore v. Circosta, No. v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 [35 S.Ct. 926, 59 L.Ed.
20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 1340 (1915) ], Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268 [59 S.Ct.
2020 WL 6305036 (U.S. Oct. 28, 2020); Paher v. Cegavske, 872, 83 L.Ed. 1281 (1939) ], nor destroyed by alteration
457 F. Supp. 3d 919, 926–27 (D. Nev. Apr. 30, 2020). of ballots, see United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315
[61 S.Ct. 1031, 85 L.Ed. 1368 (1941) ], nor diluted by
But the Voter Plaintiffs argue that their purported “vote ballot-box stuffing, Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 [25
dilution” is an injury in fact sufficient to confer standing, and L.Ed. 717 (1880) ], United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385
not a generalized grievance belonging to all voters, because [64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. 1341 (1944) ]. As the Court
the Supreme Court has “long recognized that a person's stated in Classic, “Obviously included within the right to
right to vote is ‘individual and personal in nature.’ ” Gill v. choose, secured by the Constitution, is the right of qualified
Whitford, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1929, 201 L.Ed.2d voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them
313 (2018) (quoting Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 561, 84 counted ....” 313 U.S. at 315 [61 S.Ct. 1031].
S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)). “Thus, ‘voters who allege
...
facts showing disadvantage to themselves as individuals have
standing to sue’ to remedy that disadvantage.” Id. (quoting “The right to vote includes the right to have the ballot
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 206, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663 counted. ... It also includes the right to have the vote
(1962)). counted at full value without dilution or discount. ... That
federally protected right suffers substantial dilution ...
*13 The Voter Plaintiffs’ reliance on this language [where a] favored group has full voting strength ... [and]
from Baker and Reynolds is misplaced. In Baker, the [t]he groups not in favor have their votes discounted.”
plaintiffs challenged Tennessee's apportionment of seats in its Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 & n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (alterations
legislature as violative of the Equal Protection Clause of the in last paragraph in original) (quoting South v. Peters, 339
Fourteenth Amendment. 369 U.S. at 193, 82 S.Ct. 691. The U.S. 276, 279, 70 S.Ct. 641, 94 L.Ed. 834 (1950) (Douglas,
Supreme Court held that the plaintiffs did have standing under J., dissenting)).
Article III because “[t]he injury which appellants assert is that
this classification disfavors the voters in the counties in which Still, it does not follow from the labeling of the right to vote as
they reside, placing them in a position of constitutionally “personal” in Baker and Reynolds that any alleged illegality
unjustifiable inequality vis-à-vis voters in irrationally favored affecting voting rights rises to the level of an injury in fact.
counties.” Id. at 207–08, 82 S.Ct. 691. After all, the Court has observed that the harms underlying
a racial gerrymandering claim under the Equal Protection
Although the Baker Court did not decide the merits of the Clause “are personal” in part because they include the harm of
Equal Protection claim, the Court in a series of cases— a voter “being personally subjected to a racial classification.”
including Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 83 S.Ct. 801, Ala. Legis. Black Caucus v. Alabama, 575 U.S. 254, 263,
9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963), and Reynolds—made clear that the 135 S.Ct. 1257, 191 L.Ed.2d 314 (2015) (cleaned up). Yet a
Equal Protection Clause prohibits a state from “diluti[ng] ... voter “who complains of gerrymandering, but who does not
the weight of the votes of certain ... voters merely because live in a gerrymandered district, ‘assert[s] only a generalized
of where they reside[ ],” just as it prevents a state from grievance against governmental conduct of which he or she
discriminating on the basis of the voter's race or sex. does not approve.’ ” Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1930 (quoting United
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 557, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (emphasis added). States v. Hays, 515 U.S. 737, 745, 115 S.Ct. 2431, 132
The Voter Plaintiffs consider it significant that the Court in L.Ed.2d 635 (1995)) (alteration in original). The key inquiry
Reynolds noted—though not in the context of standing—that for standing is whether the alleged violation of the right to
“the right to vote” is “individual and personal in nature.” vote arises from an invidious classification—including those
Id. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (quoting United States v. Bathgate, based on “race, sex, economic status, or place of residence
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within a State,” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362— with a procedure approved by a state's highest court—even
to which the plaintiff is subject and in which “the favored assuming that approval violates the Elections Clause—is not
group has full voting strength and the groups not in favor equivalent to “ballot-box stuffing.” The Supreme Court has
have their votes discounted,” id. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 only addressed this “false”-tally type of dilution where the
(cleaned up). In other words, “voters who allege facts showing tally was false as a result of a scheme to cast falsified or
disadvantage to themselves” have standing to bring suit to fraudulent votes. See Saylor, 322 U.S. at 386, 64 S.Ct. 1101.
remedy that disadvantage, Baker, 369 U.S. at 206, 82 S.Ct. We are in uncharted territory when we are asked to declare
691 (emphasis added), but a disadvantage to the plaintiff that a tally that includes false or fraudulent votes is equivalent
exists only when the plaintiff is part of a group of voters whose to a tally that includes votes that are or may be unlawful
votes will be weighed differently compared to another group. for non-fraudulent reasons, and so is more aptly described as
Here, no Pennsylvania voter's vote will count for less than that “incorrect.” Cf. Gray, 372 U.S. at 386, 83 S.Ct. 801 (Harlan,
of any other voter as a result of the Deadline Extension and J., dissenting) (“[I]t is hard to take seriously the argument
Presumption of Timeliness.13 that ‘dilution’ of a vote in consequence of a legislatively
sanctioned electoral system can, without more, be analogized
*14 This conclusion cannot be avoided by describing to an impairment of the political franchise by ballot box
one group of voters as “those ... who lawfully vote in stuffing or other criminal activity.”).
person and submit their ballots on time” and the other
group of voters as those whose (mail-in) ballots arrive Yet even were this analogy less imperfect, it still would not
after Election Day and are counted because of the Deadline follow that every such “false” or incorrect tally is an injury
Extension and/or the Presumption of Timeliness. Appellants’ in fact for purposes of an Equal Protection Clause claim. The
Br. 33 (emphasis in original). Although the former group, Court's cases that describe ballot-box stuffing as an injury
under Plaintiffs’ theory, should make up 100% of the total to the right to vote have arisen from criminal prosecutions
votes counted and the latter group 0%, there is simply no under statutes making it unlawful for anyone to injure the
differential weighing of the votes. See Wise, 978 F.3d at exercise of another's constitutional right. See, e.g., Ex parte
104 (Motz, J., concurring) (“But if the extension went into Siebold, 100 U.S. at 373–74 (application for writ of habeas
effect, plaintiffs’ votes would not count for less relative to corpus); Saylor, 322 U.S. at 385–86, 64 S.Ct. 1101 (criminal
other North Carolina voters. This is the core of an Equal appeal regarding whether statute prohibiting “conspir[ing]
Protection Clause challenge.” (emphasis in original)). Unlike to injure ... any citizen in the free exercise ... of any right
the malapportionment or racial gerrymandering cases, a vote or privilege secured to him by the Constitution” applied to
cast by a voter in the so-called “favored” group counts not one conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes); Anderson v. United States,
bit more than the same vote cast by the “disfavored” group— 417 U.S. 211, 226, 94 S.Ct. 2253, 41 L.Ed.2d 20 (1974)
no matter what set of scales one might choose to employ. Cf. (criminal prosecution for conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362. And, however under successor to statute in Saylor). Standing was, of course,
one tries to draw a contrast, this division is not based on never an issue in those cases because the Government was
a voter's personal characteristics at all, let alone a person's enforcing its criminal laws. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs, who
race, sex, economic status, or place of residence. Two voters bear the burden to show standing, have presented no instance
could each have cast a mail-in ballot before Election Day at in which an individual voter had Article III standing to claim
the same time, yet perhaps only one of their ballots arrived an equal protection harm to his or her vote from the existence
by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day, given USPS's mail delivery of an allegedly illegal vote cast by someone else in the same
process. It is passing strange to assume that one of these voters election.
would be denied “equal protection of the laws” were both
votes counted. U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. Indeed, the logical conclusion of the Voter Plaintiffs’ theory
is that whenever an elections board counts any ballot that
The Voter Plaintiffs also emphasize language from Reynolds deviates in some way from the requirements of a state's
that “[t]he right to vote can neither be denied outright ... nor legislatively enacted election code, there is a particularized
diluted by ballot-box stuffing.” 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362 injury in fact sufficient to confer Article III standing on every
(citing Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371, 25 L.Ed. 717 (1879); other voter—provided the remainder of the standing analysis
United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385, 64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. is satisfied. Allowing standing for such an injury strikes us
1341 (1944)). In the first place, casting a vote in accordance as indistinguishable from the proposition that a plaintiff has
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Article III standing to assert a general interest in seeing fact requires the “invasion of a legally protected interest.”
the “proper application of the Constitution and laws”—a Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130. We doubt that
proposition that the Supreme Court has firmly rejected. Lujan, the mere existence of groupings of voters qualifies as an
504 U.S. at 573–74, 112 S.Ct. 2130. The Voter Plaintiffs thus injury per se. “An equal protection claim will not lie by
lack standing to bring their Equal Protection vote dilution ‘conflating all persons not injured into a preferred class
claim. receiving better treatment’ than the plaintiff.” Thornton v. City
of St. Helens, 425 F.3d 1158, 1167 (9th Cir. 2005) (quoting
Joyce v. Mavromatis, 783 F.2d 56, 57 (6th Cir. 1986)); see
also, e.g., Batra v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of Neb., 79 F.3d 717,
b. Arbitrary and Disparate Treatment
721 (8th Cir. 1996) (“[T]he relevant prerequisite is unlawful
*15 The Voter Plaintiffs also lack standing to allege an discrimination, not whether plaintiff is part of a victimized
injury in the form of “arbitrary and disparate treatment” class.”). More importantly, the Voter Plaintiffs have shown
of a preferred class of voters because the Voter Plaintiffs no disadvantage to themselves that arises simply by being
have not alleged a legally cognizable “preferred class” for separated into groupings. For instance, there is no argument
equal protection purposes, and because the alleged harm from that it is inappropriate that some voters will vote in person and
votes counted solely due to the Presumption of Timeliness is others will vote by mail. The existence of these two groups of
hypothetical or conjectural. voters, without more, simply does not constitute an injury in
fact to in-person voters.
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conduct, or at least some burden on Plaintiffs’ own voting ballot lacks sufficient indicia of its untimeliness to overcome
rights, we discern no basis on which they have standing to the Presumption of Timeliness; and (5) that same ballot is
challenge the slim opportunity the Presumption of Timeliness ultimately counted. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
conceivably affords wrongdoers to violate election law. Cf. Way, No. 20-cv-10753, 2020 WL 6204477, at *7 (D.N.J.
Minn. Voters Alliance v. Ritchie, 720 F.3d 1029, 1033 (8th Cir. Oct. 22, 2020) (laying out similar “unlikely chain of events”
2013) (affirming dismissal of claims “premised on potential required for vote dilution harm from postmark rule under
harm in the form of vote dilution caused by insufficient New Jersey election law); see also Reilly v. Ceridian Corp.,
pre-election verification of [election day registrants’] voting 664 F.3d 38, 43 (3d Cir. 2011) (holding purported injury
eligibility and the absence of post-election ballot rescission in fact was too conjectural where “we cannot now describe
procedures”). how Appellants will be injured in this case without beginning
our explanation with the word ‘if’ ”). This parade of
horribles “may never come to pass,” Trump for Pres. v.
Boockvar, 2020 WL 5997680, at *33, and we are especially
ii. Speculative injury from ballots counted under the
reluctant to endorse such a speculative theory of injury
Presumption of Timeliness.
given Pennsylvania's “own mechanisms for deterring and
Plaintiffs’ theory as to the Presumption of Timeliness focuses prosecuting voter fraud,” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
on the potential for some voters to vote after Election Day Cegavske, No. 20-1445, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL
and still have their votes counted. This argument reveals that 5626974, at *6 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020).18
their alleged injury in fact attributable to the Presumption is
“conjectural or hypothetical” instead of “actual or imminent.” *17 To date, the Secretary has reported that at least 655
Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at ballots without a legible postmark have been collected within
560, 112 S.Ct. 2130). The Supreme Court has emphasized the Deadline Extension period.19 But it is mere speculation
that a threatened injury must be “certainly impending” and to say that any one of those ballots was cast after Election
not merely “possible” for it to constitute an injury in fact. Day. We are reluctant to conclude that an independent actor
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. 1138 (emphasis in —here, one of 655 voters—decided to mail his or her ballot
original) (quoting Whitmore v. Ark., 495 U.S. 149, 158, 110 after Election Day contrary to law. The Voter Plaintiffs have
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). When determining not provided any empirical evidence on the frequency of voter
Article III standing, our Court accepts allegations based fraud or the speed of mail delivery that would establish a
on well-pleaded facts; but we do not credit bald assertions statistical likelihood or even the plausibility that any of the
that rest on mere supposition. Finkelman v. NFL, 810 F.3d 655 ballots was cast after Election Day. Any injury to the
187, 201–02 (3d Cir. 2016). The Supreme Court has also Voter Plaintiffs attributable to the Presumption of Timeliness
emphasized its “reluctance to endorse standing theories that is merely “possible,” not “actual or imminent,” and thus
rest on speculation about the decisions of independent actors.” cannot constitute an injury in fact.
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 414, 133 S.Ct. 1138. A standing
theory becomes even more speculative when it requires that
independent actors make decisions to act unlawfully. See City B. Purcell
of L.A. v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105–06 & 106 n.7, 103 S.Ct. Even were we to conclude that Plaintiffs have standing, we
1660, 75 L.Ed.2d 675 (1983) (rejecting Article III standing could not say that the District Court abused its discretion in
to seek injunction where party invoking federal jurisdiction concluding on this record that the Supreme Court's election-
would have to establish that he would unlawfully resist arrest law jurisprudence counseled against injunctive relief. Unique
or police officers would violate department orders in future). and important equitable considerations, including voters’
reliance on the rules in place when they made their plans
Here, the Presumption of Timeliness could inflict injury on to vote and chose how to cast their ballots, support that
the Voter Plaintiffs only if: (1) another voter violates the disposition. Plaintiffs’ requested relief would have upended
law by casting an absentee ballot after Election Day; (2) this status quo, which is generally disfavored under the “voter
the illegally cast ballot does not bear a legible postmark, confusion” and election confidence rationales of Purcell v.
which is against USPS policy;16 (3) that same ballot still Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166 L.Ed.2d 1 (2006).
arrives within three days of Election Day, which is faster One can assume for the sake of argument that aspects of
the now-prevailing regime in Pennsylvania are unlawful as
than USPS anticipates mail delivery will occur;17 (4) the
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alleged and still recognize that, given the timing of Plaintiffs’ ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6275871
request for injunctive relief, the electoral calendar was such (Oct. 26, 2020) (denying application to vacate stay). Justice
that following it “one last time” was the better of the choices Kavanaugh explained that the injunction was improper for
available. Perez, 138 S. Ct. at 2324 (“And if a [redistricting] the “independent reason[ ]” that “the District Court changed
plan is found to be unlawful very close to the election date, the Wisconsin's election rules too close to the election, in
only reasonable option may be to use the plan one last time.”). contravention of this Court's precedents.” Id. at ––––, 2020
WL 6275871 at *3 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Purcell and
Here, less than two weeks before Election Day, Plaintiffs a string20 of Supreme Court election-law decisions in 2020
asked the District Court to enjoin a deadline established by “recognize a basic tenet of election law: When an election is
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on September 17, a deadline close at hand, the rules of the road should be clear and settled.”
that may have informed voters’ decisions about whether and Id.
when to request mail-in ballots as well as when and how
they cast or intended to cast them. In such circumstances, *18 The prevailing state election rule in Pennsylvania
the District Court was well within its discretion to give heed permitted voters to mail ballots up through 8:00 P.M. on
to Supreme Court decisions instructing that “federal courts Election Day so long as their ballots arrived by 5:00 P.M.
should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of on November 6. Whether that rule was wisely or properly
an election.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Democratic Nat'l put in place is not before us now. What matters for our
Comm., ––– U.S. ––––, 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207, 206 L.Ed.2d purposes today is that Plaintiffs’ challenge to it was not filed
452 (2020) (per curiam) (citing Purcell, 549 U.S. at 1, 127 until sufficiently close to the election to raise a reasonable
S.Ct. 5). concern in the District Court that more harm than good would
come from an injunction changing the rule. In sum, the
In Purcell, an appeal from a federal court order enjoining District Court's justifiable reliance on Purcell constitutes an
the State of Arizona from enforcing its voter identification “alternative and independent reason[ ]” for concluding that
law, the Supreme Court acknowledged that “[c]onfidence an “injunction was unwarranted” here. Wis. State Legislature,
in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to ––– S.Ct. at ––––, 2020 WL 6275871, at *3 (Kavanaugh, J.,
the functioning of our participatory democracy.” 549 U.S. concurring).
at 4, 127 S.Ct. 5. In other words, “[c]ourt orders affecting
elections, especially conflicting orders, can themselves result
in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away
from the polls. As an election draws closer, that risk will IV. Conclusion
increase.” Id. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5. Mindful of “the necessity for
We do not decide today whether the Deadline Extension
clear guidance to the State of Arizona” and “the imminence
or the Presumption of Timeliness are proper exercises of
of the election,” the Court vacated the injunction. Id. at 5, 127
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's lawmaking authority,
S.Ct. 5.
delegated by the U.S. Constitution, to regulate federal
elections. Nor do we evaluate the policy wisdom of those
The principle announced in Purcell has very recently been
two features of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling.
reiterated. First, in Republican National Committee, the
We hold only that when voters cast their ballots under a
Supreme Court stayed on the eve of the April 7 Wisconsin
state's facially lawful election rule and in accordance with
primary a district court order that altered the State's voting
instructions from the state's election officials, private citizens
rules by extending certain deadlines applicable to absentee
lack Article III standing to enjoin the counting of those ballots
ballots. 140 S. Ct. at 1206. The Court noted that it was
on the grounds that the source of the rule was the wrong
adhering to Purcell and had “repeatedly emphasized that
state organ or that doing so dilutes their votes or constitutes
lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election
differential treatment of voters in violation of the Equal
rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at 1207 (citing Purcell,
Protection Clause. Further, and independent of our holding
549 U.S. at 1, 127 S.Ct. 5). And just over two weeks
on standing, we hold that the District Court did not err in
ago, the Court denied an application to vacate a stay of a
denying Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief out of concern
district court order that made similar changes to Wisconsin's
for the settled expectations of voters and election officials. We
election rules six weeks before Election Day. Democratic
will affirm the District Court's denial of Plaintiffs’ emergency
Nat'l Comm. v. Wis. State Legislature, No. 20A66, 592 U.S.
motion for a TRO or preliminary injunction.
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All Citations
Footnotes
1 Second Letter from Phocion (April 1784), reprinted in 3 The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, 1782–1786, 530–58 (Harold
C. Syrett ed., 1962).
2 Throughout this opinion, we refer to absentee voting and mail-in voting interchangeably.
3 The Free and Equal Elections Clause of the Pennsylvania Constitution provides: “Elections shall be free and equal; and no
power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage.” Pa. Const. art. 1, § 5.
4 Because we have received comprehensive briefing, and given the weighty public interest in a prompt ruling on the matter
before us, we have elected to forgo oral argument.
5 Bognet seeks to represent Pennsylvania in Congress, but even if he somehow had a relationship to state lawmaking
processes, he would lack personal standing to sue for redress of the alleged “institutional injury (the diminution of
legislative power), which necessarily damage[d] all Members of [the legislature] ... equally.” Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811,
821, 117 S.Ct. 2312, 138 L.Ed.2d 849 (1997) (plaintiffs were six out of 535 members of Congress); see also Corman, 287
F. Supp. 3d at 568–69 (concluding that “two of 253 members of the Pennsylvania General Assembly” lacked standing to
sue under Elections Clause for alleged “deprivation of ‘their legislative authority to apportion congressional districts’ ”);
accord Va. House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 1945, 1953, 204 L.Ed.2d 305 (2019).
6 Our conclusion departs from the recent decision of an Eighth Circuit panel which, over a dissent, concluded that
candidates for the position of presidential elector had standing under Bond to challenge a Minnesota state-court consent
decree that effectively extended the receipt deadline for mailed ballots. See Carson v. Simon, No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d
––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6335967, at *5 (8th Cir. Oct. 29, 2020). The Carson court appears to have cited language from
Bond without considering the context—specifically, the Tenth Amendment and the reserved police powers—in which the
U.S. Supreme Court employed that language. There is no precedent for expanding Bond beyond this context, and the
Carson court cited none.
7 The alleged injury specific to Bognet does not implicate the Qualifications Clause or exclusion from Congress, Powell
v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486, 550, 89 S.Ct. 1944, 23 L.Ed.2d 491 (1969), nor the standing of members of Congress
to bring actions alleging separation-of-powers violations. Moore v. U.S. House of Reps., 733 F.2d 946, 959 (D.C. Cir.
1984) (Scalia, J., concurring).
8 Only the Voter Plaintiffs bring the Equal Protection count in the Complaint; Bognet did not join that count.
9 We exclude the Presumption of Timeliness from our concreteness analysis. Plaintiffs allege that the federal statutes
providing for a uniform election day, 3 U.S.C. § 1 and 2 U.S.C. § 7, conflict with, and thus displace, any state law that
would authorize voting after Election Day. They claim that the Presumption permits, theoretically at least, some voters
whose ballots lack a legible postmark to vote after Election Day, in violation of these federal statutes. So unlike the
Deadline Extension, Plaintiffs contend that the General Assembly could not enact the Presumption consistent with the
Constitution. This conceptualization of injury is thus more properly characterized as “concrete” than is the purported
Deadline Extension injury attributable to voters having their timely voted ballots received and counted after Election Day.
That said, we express no opinion about whether the Voter Plaintiffs have, in fact, alleged such a concrete injury for
standing purposes.
10 See AS § 15.20.081(e) & (h) (Alaska – 10 days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); West's Ann.
Cal. Elec. Code § 3020(b) (California – three days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); DC ST §
1-1001.05(a)(10A) (District of Columbia – seven days after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); 10 ILCS
5/19-8, 5/18A-15 (Illinois – 14 days after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); K.S.A. 25-1132 (Kansas
– three days after the election if postmarked before the close of polls on Election Day); MD Code, Elec. Law, § 9-505
(Maryland – the second Friday after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); Miss. Code Ann. § 23-15-637
(Mississippi – five business days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); NV Rev Stat § 293.317
(Nevada – by 5:00 P.M. on the seventh day after Election Day if postmarked by Election Day, and ballots with unclear
postmarks must be received by 5:00 P.M. on the third day after Election Day); N.J.S.A. 19:63-22 (New Jersey – 48
hours after polls close if postmarked on or before Election Day); McKinney's Elec. Law § 8-412 (New York – seven days
after the election for mailed ballots postmarked on Election Day); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-231(b)(2) and Wise v. Circosta,
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978 F.3d 93, 96 (4th Cir. 2020) (North Carolina – recognizing extension from three to nine days after the election the
deadline for mail ballots postmarked on or before Election Day); Texas Elec. Code § 86.007 (the day after the election
by 5:00 P.M. if postmarked on or before Election Day); Va. Code 24.2-709 (Virginia – by noon on the third day after
the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); West's RCWA 29A.40.091 (Washington – no receipt deadline for
ballots postmarked on or before Election Day); W. Va. Code, §§ 3-3-5, 3-5-17 (West Virginia – five days after the election
if postmarked on or before Election Day); see also Iowa Code § 53.17(2) (by noon the Monday following the election if
postmarked by the day before Election Day); NDCC 16.1-07-09 (North Dakota – before the canvass if postmarked the
day before Election Day); R.C. § 3509.05 (Ohio – 10 days after the election if postmarked by the day before Election
Day); Utah Code Ann. § 20A-3a-204 (seven to 14 days after the election if postmarked the day before the election).
11 Bush v. Gore does not require us to perform an Equal Protection Clause analysis of Pennsylvania election law as
interpreted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. See 531 U.S. at 109, 121 S.Ct. 525 (“Our consideration is limited to the
present circumstances ....”); id. at 139–40, 121 S.Ct. 525 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting) (discussing “[r]are[ ]” occasions when
Supreme Court rejected state supreme court's interpretation of state law, one of which was in 1813 and others occurred
during Civil Rights Movement—and none decided federal equal protection issues).
12 In their complaint, the Voter Plaintiffs alleged that they are all “residents of Somerset County, a county where voters are
requesting absentee ballots at a rate far less than the state average” and thus, somehow, the Voter Plaintiffs’ votes “will
be diluted to a greater degree than other voters.” Compl. ¶ 71 (emphasis in original). Plaintiffs continue to advance this
argument on appeal in support of standing, and it additionally suffers from being a conjectural or hypothetical injury under
the framework discussed infra Section III.A.2.b.ii. It is purely hypothetical that counties where a greater percentage of
voters request absentee ballots will more frequently have those ballots received after Election Day.
13 Plaintiffs also rely on FEC v. Akins, 524 U.S. 11, 118 S.Ct. 1777, 141 L.Ed.2d 10 (1998), for the proposition that a
widespread injury—such as a mass tort injury or an injury “where large numbers of voters suffer interference with voting
rights conferred by law”—does not become a “generalized grievance” just because many share it. Id. at 24–25, 118 S.Ct.
1777. That's true as far as it goes. But the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged an injury like that at issue in Akins. There,
the plaintiffs’ claimed injury was their inability to obtain information they alleged was required to be disclosed under the
Federal Election Campaign Act. Id. at 21, 118 S.Ct. 1777. The plaintiffs alleged a statutory right to obtain information
and that the same information was being withheld. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged injury is to their right under the
Equal Protection Clause not to have their votes “diluted,” but the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged that their votes are
less influential than any other vote.
14 The District Court did not find that the Deadline Extension created such a preferred class.
15 Moreover, we cannot overlook that the mail-in voters potentially suffer a disadvantage relative to the in-person voters.
Whereas in-person ballots that are timely cast will count, timely cast mail-in ballots may not count because, given mail
delivery rates, they may not be received by 5:00 P.M. on November 6.
16 See Defendant-Appellee's Br. 30 (citing 39 C.F.R. § 211.2(a)(2); Postal Operations Manual at 443.3).
17 See Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364 (noting “current two to five day delivery expectation of the USPS”).
18 Indeed, the conduct required of a voter to effectuate such a scheme may be punishable as a crime under Pennsylvania
statutes that criminalize forging or “falsely mak[ing] the official endorsement on any ballot,” 25 Pa. Stat. & Cons. Stat. §
3517 (punishable by up to two years’ imprisonment); “willfully disobey[ing] any lawful instruction or order of any county
board of elections,” id. § 3501 (punishable by up to one year's imprisonment); or voting twice in one election, id. § 3535
(punishable by up to seven years’ imprisonment).
19 As of the morning of November 12, Secretary Boockvar estimates that 655 of the 9383 ballots received between 8:00
P.M. on Election Day and 5:00 P.M. on November 6 lack a legible postmark. See Dkt. No. 59. That estimate of 655 ballots
does not include totals from five of Pennsylvania's 67 counties: Lehigh, Northumberland, Tioga, Warren, and Wayne. Id.
The 9383 ballots received, however, account for all of Pennsylvania's counties. Id.
20 See, e.g., Andino v. Middleton, No. 20A55, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 5887393,
at *1 (Oct. 5, 2020) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (“By enjoining South Carolina's witness requirement shortly before the
election, the District Court defied [the Purcell] principle and this Court's precedents.” (citations omitted)); Merrill v. People
First of Ala., No. 19A1063, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 3604049 (Mem.), at *1
(July 2, 2020); Republican Nat'l Comm., 140 S. Ct. at 1207; see also Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Bostelmann, 977 F.3d
639, 641 (7th Cir. 2020) (per curiam) (holding that injunction issued six weeks before election violated Purcell); New Ga.
Project v. Raffensperger, 976 F.3d 1278, 1283 (11th Cir. Oct. 2, 2020) (“[W]e are not on the eve of the election—we
are in the middle of it, with absentee ballots already printed and mailed. An injunction here would thus violate Purcell’s
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well-known caution against federal courts mandating new election rules—especially at the last minute.” (citing Purcell,
549 U.S. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5)).
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EXHIBIT 10
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
The court has considered the following filings: (1) an “Emergency Petition For Original
Jurisdiction And Declaratory Judgment” filed by Outagamie County and Calumet County; (2)
responses to the petition filed by the City of Appleton; the Village of Black Creek; the Town of
Buchanan, et al.; the Town of Cicero; the Town of Center, et al.; the Village of Hortonville, et al.;
the City of Kaukauna; the Town of Vandenbroek; and the Wisconsin Elections Commission; and
(3) a statement in support of the petition filed by amicus curiae, Wisconsin Counties Association;
¶2 In the present case, clerks for Outagamie County and Calumet County are
concerned that they cannot count and report such votes by a statutorily-imposed deadline. They
ask us to assume original jurisdiction and issue what amounts to an advisory opinion explaining
what election laws they are free to disregard. We will not do that. However, I write separately to
clarify that our denial of the petition for an original action should not be construed as an
endorsement to disregard Wisconsinites' fundamental right to vote. Accordingly, I respectfully
concur.
I. BACKGROUND
¶3 For context, the petitioners for declaratory judgment are the clerks of Outagamie
County and Calumet County. For the upcoming November 3rd election, the Outagamie County
clerk ordered ballots on behalf of all municipalities in Outagamie County and the portions of the
City of Appleton and the Town of Harrison that fall in Calumet and Winnebago Counties. On
September 3, the Outagamie County clerk approved proofs of ballots provided by JP Graphics,
Inc. From September 8 to September 16, JP delivered more than 133,000 printed ballots for
absentee voting to the municipalities. Subsequently, the municipalities mailed some of those
absentee ballots to registered voters who had requested them.
¶4 Unfortunately, a portion of the absentee ballots had a printing error, which has been
described to us as a blemish in the timing mark that prevents the affected ballots from being
counted by electronic voting systems. Approximately 13,500 absentee ballots with this error were
available to be mailed to voters.
¶5 Outagamie County and Calumet County became concerned that those absentee
ballots were "defective" such that municipalities had to follow the procedures outlined in
Wis. Stat. § 5.85(3) (2017-18),1 which require that defective ballots that cannot be counted by an
electronic voting system be duplicated in the presence of witnesses. If such a procedure were
required, Outagamie County and Calumet County worried that their municipalities could not
comply with statutorily-imposed deadlines set forth in Wis. Stat. § 7.51(5)(b) by 4 p.m. on the day
following the election.
¶6 Outagamie County asked the Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) for advice
about how to proceed. The WEC responded that it lacked the authority to extend deadlines
imposed by Wis. Stat. § 7.51(5)(b). Furthermore, it could not authorize the municipalities to
utilize a procedure other than Wis. Stat. § 5.85(3). The WEC also explained that, while it could
authorize a hand count pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 5.40(5m), it did not believe that it could authorize
hand counting of only affected ballots. As it stated, "[p]ermission to hand count is not a 'mix or
match' situation where some ballots in a municipality may be counted by electronic voting
equipment, and other ballots counted by hand. Either all ballots in a municipality must be counted
by electronic voting equipment, or, if permission is granted, all ballots [in] that municipality must
be counted by hand." According to Outagamie County and Calumet County, they cannot comply
1
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017-18 version.
with Wis. Stat. § 5.85(3) by 4 p.m. November 4. Outagamie County and Calumet County did not
discuss hand-counting some or all of the ballots in their petition or memorandum relating to an
original action.
II. DISCUSSION
¶7 The right to vote is protected by Wis. Const. art. III, § 1. Therefore, a vote legally
cast and received by the time the polls close on Election Day must be counted if the ballot expresses
the will of the voter.2 In Ollmann v. Kowalewski, 238 Wis. 574, 578, 300 N.W. 183 (1941), we
explained the extent of the protection afforded by § 1. There, we noted that "the voters'
constitutional right to vote 'cannot be baffled by latent official failure or defect.'" Id. at 579
(quoting State ex rel. Wood v. Baker, 38 Wis. 71 (1875)).
B. Application
¶10 Election officials may have to make difficult decisions regarding how to proceed
as they comply with what the law requires. Obtaining more election workers appears to be
necessary.
III. CONCLUSION
¶11 In conclusion, I write separately to clarify that our denial of the petition for an
original action should not be construed as an endorsement to disregard Wisconsinites' fundamental
right to vote. We have repeatedly recognized that Wisconsinites have a fundamental right to vote,
and a vote legally cast and received by the time the polls close on Election Day must be counted
if the ballot expresses the will of the voter. Accordingly, I respectfully concur to the order.
2
Similar protection is afforded by the United States Constitution. Reynolds v. Sims, 377
U.S. 533, 554 (1964) ("It has been repeatedly recognized that all qualified voters have a
constitutionally protected right to vote and to have their votes counted." (Internal citations
omitted)).
¶12 ANN WALSH BRADLEY, J. (dissenting). In recent months, this court has been
inundated with petitions for original actions. And the court has accepted the lion's share.3 Yet in
this case, arguably one of the most consequential of the lot and a case where time is of the essence,
the court denies the petition without explanation.
¶13 The petitioners, the Clerks of Outagamie and Calumet Counties, together with all
of the respondents4 as well as the Wisconsin Counties Association, ask this court to grant the
petition for original action. The parties may differ in approach, but they are unanimous in their
desire that some relief be granted.
¶14 The issues presented are significant and meet the criteria established for the court
to exercise its original jurisdiction as set forth in Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70. If the court exercises
original jurisdiction and declares the parties' rights and obligations as requested in the petition, it
would provide the necessary clarity and certainty as to the election process and avoid disputes that
may arise after Election Day.
¶15 I conclude that our input is needed to provide critical guidance to local election
officials in advance of processing ballots for a national, state, and local election that is already
underway. Accordingly, I would grant the petition for original action.
¶16 The majority, however, concludes otherwise. In explaining its rationale for the
denial, the concurrence seemingly rests its analysis on the premise that if the court grants the
petition it would be rendering a prohibited advisory opinion. See Chief Justice Roggensack's
concurrence, ¶9 ("Effectively, they ask us to render legal advice about how to proceed. We will
not do that."). That premise appears to be merely an excuse.
¶17 The petition here requests a declaratory judgment from this court. The very essence
of a declaratory judgment is to declare the rights and obligations of the parties so that they know
3
See, e.g., Fabick v. Evers, No. 2020AP1718-OA; James v. Heinrich, No. 2020AP1419-
OA; Wis. Council of Independent and Religious Schools v. Heinrich, No. 2020AP1420-OA; St.
Ambrose Academy, Inc. v. Heinrich, No. 2020AP1446-OA; Hawkins v. Wis. Elections Comm'n,
2020 WI 75, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877; Jefferson v. Dane Cty., No. 2020AP557-OA; Wis.
Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, 391 Wis. 2d 497, 942 N.W.2d 900; Wis. Legislature v. Evers,
No. 2020AP608-OA, unpublished order (Apr. 6, 2020).
4
The respondents in this action are the Wisconsin Elections Commission and the clerks for
the City of Appleton, City of Kaukauna, Town of Bovina, Town of Buchanan, Town of Center,
Town of Cicero, Town of Ellington, Town of Freedom, Town of Grand Chute, Town of Hortonia,
Town of Kaukauna, Town of Maine, Town of Maple Creek, Town of Oneida, Town of Osborn,
Town of Seymour, Town of Vandenbroek, Village of Black Creek, Village of Combined Locks,
Village of Hortonville, Village of Kimberly, Village of Nichols, Village of Shiocton, and Village
of Harrison.
how to proceed consistent with the law. Wis. Stat. § 806.04. It is a well-recognized and often
used procedure in courts throughout this state.
¶18 Having eschewed the very idea of being called upon to render an advisory opinion,
the concurrence seemingly engages in what it says it will not do. It observes that the clerks "did
not discuss hand-counting some or all of the ballots in their petition or memorandum relating to
an original action." Chief Justice Roggensack's concurrence, ¶6. It appears that the concurrence
makes this observation to suggest a possible avenue of recourse. Such a suggestion, however, may
be inconsistent with both reality and the law.
¶19 Given the resources available to municipalities, it appears inconsistent with the on-
the-ground reality of some of the clerks' abilities to report their results within the statutory deadline
of 4:00 p.m. the following day. See Wis. Stat. § 7.51(5)(b). Additionally, it may be inconsistent
with the law in that it suggests hand-counting all ballots without advance permission from the
Elections Commission or some ballots in violation of Elections Commission guidance. Wis. Stat.
§ 5.40(5m).
¶20 In sum, the majority leaves local election officials in the lurch. Without the
requested and critical guidance from this court, they are left to do their best under difficult
circumstances. For the foregoing reasons, I respectfully dissent.
¶21 I am authorized to state that Justice REBECCA FRANK DALLET and Justice JILL
J. KAROFSKY join this dissent.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
December 3, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70, a
supporting legal memorandum, and an appendix have been filed on behalf of petitioners, Donald
J. Trump, et al. Responses to the petition have been filed by (1) Governor Tony Evers; (2) the
Wisconsin Elections Commission and its Chair, Ann S. Jacobs; (3) Scott McDonell, Dane County
Clerk, and Alan A. Arnsten and Joyce Waldrop, members of the Dane County Board of
Canvassers; and (4) George L. Christensen, Milwaukee County Clerk, and Timothy H. Posnanski,
Richard Baas, and Dawn Martin, members of the Milwaukee County Board of Canvassers. A non-
party brief in support of the petition has been filed by the Liberty Justice Center. A motion to
intervene, a proposed response of proposed respondents-intervenors, and an appendix have been
filed by the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Margaret J. Andrietsch, Sheila Stubbs,
Ronald Martin, Mandela Barnes, Khary Penebaker, Mary Arnold, Patty Schachtner, Shannon
Holsey, and Benjamin Wikler (collectively, “the Biden electors”). The court having considered
all of the filings,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied. One
or more appeals from the determination(s) of one or more boards of canvassers or from the
determination of the chairperson of the Wisconsin Elections Commission may be filed by an
aggrieved candidate in circuit court. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6); and
1
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017–18 version.
2
The legislature generally can and does set deadlines and define procedures that
circumscribe a court’s competence to act in a given case. Village of Trempealeau v. Mikrut, 2004
WI 79, ¶9–10, 273 Wis. 2d 76, 681 N.W.2d 190. The constitution would obviously override these
legislative choices where the two conflict.
The Respondents argue, in part, that we lack subject matter jurisdiction because of the
"exclusive judicial remedy" provision found in Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11) (2017-18).3 Alternatively,
the Respondents assert that we should deny this petition because fact-finding is required, and we
are not a fact-finding tribunal.
I conclude that we have subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for
original action pending before us. Our jurisdiction arises from the Wisconsin Constitution and
cannot be impeded by statute. Wis. Const., art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire v. Booth,
2016 WI 65, ¶7, 370 Wis. 2d 595, 882 N.W.2d 738. Furthermore, time is of the essence.
However, fact-finding may be central to our evaluation of some of the questions presented.
I agree that the circuit court should examine the record presented during the canvasses to make
factual findings where legal challenges to the vote turn on questions of fact. However, I dissent
because I would grant the petition for original action, refer for necessary factual findings to the
circuit court, who would then report its factual findings to us, and we would decide the important
legal questions presented.
I also write separately to emphasize that by denying this petition, and requiring both the
factual questions and legal questions be resolved first by a circuit court, four justices of this court
are ignoring that there are significant time constraints that may preclude our deciding significant
legal issues that cry out for resolution by the Wisconsin Supreme Court.
I. DISCUSSION
The Petitioners set out four categories of absentee votes that they allege should not have
been counted because they were not lawfully cast: (1) votes cast during the 14-day period for in-
person absentee voting at a clerk's office with what are alleged to be insufficient written requests
for absentee ballots, pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 6.86(1)(b); (2) votes cast when a clerk has completed
information missing from the ballot envelope, contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87(6d); (3) votes cast by
those who obtained an absentee ballot after March 25, 2020 by alleging that they were indefinitely
3
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017–18 version.
confined; and (4) votes cast in Madison at "Democracy in the Park" events on September 26 and
October 3, in advance of the 14-day period before the election, contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87.
Some of the Respondents have asserted that WEC has been advising clerks to add missing
information to ballot envelopes for years, so the voters should not be punished for following
WEC's advice. They make similar claims for the collection of votes more than 14 days before the
November 3 election.
If WEC has been giving advice contrary to statute, those acts do not make the advice lawful.
WEC must follow the law. We, as the law declaring court, owe it to the public to declare whether
WEC's advice is incorrect. However, doing so does not necessarily lead to striking absentee ballots
that were cast by following incorrect WEC advice. The remedy Petitioners seek may be out of
reach for a number of reasons.
Procedures by which Wisconsin elections are conducted must be fair to all voters. This is
an important election, but it is not the last election in which WEC will be giving advice. If we do
not shoulder our responsibilities, we leave future elections to flounder and potentially result in the
public's perception that Wisconsin elections are unfair. The Wisconsin Supreme Court can uphold
elections by examining the procedures for which complaint was made here and explaining to all
where the WEC was correct and where it was not.
I also am concerned that the public will misunderstand what our denial of the petition
means. Occasionally, members of the public seem to believe that a denial of our acceptance of a
case signals that the petition's allegations are either false or not serious. Nothing could be further
from the truth. Indeed, sometimes, we deny petitions even when it appears that a law has been
violated. Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶14–16, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d
877 (Roggensack, C.J., dissenting).
II. CONCLUSION
I conclude that we have subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for
original action pending before us. Our jurisdiction arises from the Wisconsin Constitution and
cannot be impeded by statute. Wis. Const., art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire, 370 Wis. 2d
595, ¶7. Furthermore, time is of the essence.
However, fact-finding may be central to our evaluation of some of the questions presented.
I agree that the circuit court should examine the record presented during the canvasses to make
factual findings where legal challenges to the vote turn on questions of fact. However, I dissent
because I would grant the petition for original action, refer for necessary factual findings to the
circuit court, who would then report its factual findings to us, and we would decide the important
legal questions presented.
I am authorized to state that Justice ANNETTE KINGSLAND ZIEGLER joins this dissent.
The President of the United States challenges the legality of the manner in which certain
Wisconsin election officials directed the casting of absentee ballots, asserting they adopted and
implemented particular procedures in violation of Wisconsin law. The respondents implore this
court to reject the challenge because, they argue, declaring the law at this point would
"retroactively change the rules" after the election. It is THE LAW that constitutes "the rules" of
the election and election officials are bound to follow the law, if we are to be governed by the rule
of law, and not of men.
Under the Wisconsin Constitution, "all governmental power derives 'from the consent of
the governed' and government officials may act only within the confines of the authority the people
give them. Wis. Const. art. I, § 1." Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, ¶66, 391 Wis. 2d
497, 942 N.W.2d 900 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring). The Founders designed our
"republic to be a government of laws, and not of men . . . bound by fixed laws, which the people
have a voice in making, and a right to defend." John Adams, Novanglus: A History of the Dispute
with America, from Its Origin, in 1754, to the Present Time, in Revolutionary Writings of John
Adams (C. Bradley Thompson ed. 2000) (emphasis in original). Allowing any person, or
unelected commission of six, to be "bound by no law or limitation but his own will" defies the will
of the people. Id.
The importance of having the State's highest court resolve the significant legal issues
presented by the petitioners warrants the exercise of this court's constitutional authority to hear
this case as an original action. See Wis. Const. Art. VII, § 3. "The purity
and integrity of elections is a matter of such prime importance, and affects so many important
interests, that the courts ought never to hesitate, when the opportunity is offered, to test them by
the strictest legal standards." State v. Conness, 106 Wis. 425, 82 N.W. 288, 289 (1900). While
the court reserves this exercise of its jurisdiction for those original actions of statewide
significance, it is beyond dispute that "[e]lections are the foundation of American government and
their integrity is of such monumental importance that any threat to their validity should trigger not
only our concern but our prompt action." State ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-
W (S. Ct. Order issued June 1, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
The majority notes that an action "may be filed by an aggrieved candidate in circuit court.
Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6)." Justice Hagedorn goes so far as to suggest that § 9.01 "constitutes the
'exclusive judicial remedy' applicable to this claim." No statute, however, can circumscribe the
constitutional jurisdiction of the Wisconsin Supreme Court to hear this (or any) case as an original
action. "The Wisconsin Constitution IS the law—and it reigns supreme over any statute."
Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 391 Wis. 2d 497, ¶67 n.3 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring).
"The Constitution's supremacy over legislation bears repeating: 'the Constitution is to be
considered in court as a paramount law' and 'a law repugnant to the Constitution is void, and . . .
courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.' See Marbury [v. Madison], 5
U.S. (1 Cranch) [137] at 178, 180 [1803])." Mayo v. Wis. Injured Patients and Families Comp.
Fund, 2018 WI 78, ¶91, 383 Wis. 2d 1, 914 N.W.2d 678 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring).
Wisconsin Statute § 9.01 is compatible with the constitution. While it provides an avenue for
aggrieved candidates to pursue an appeal to a circuit court after completion of the recount
determination, it does not foreclose the candidate's option to ask this court to grant his petition for
an original action. Any contrary reading would render the law in conflict with the constitution and
therefore void. Under the constitutional-doubt canon of statutory interpretation, "[a] statute should
be interpreted in a way that avoids placing its constitutionality in doubt." Antonin Scalia & Brian
A. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 247. See also Wisconsin Legislature
v. Palm, 391 Wis. 2d 497, ¶31 ("[W]e disfavor statutory interpretations that unnecessarily raise
serious constitutional questions about the statute under consideration.").
While some will either celebrate or decry the court's inaction based upon the impact on
their preferred candidate, the importance of this case transcends the results of this particular
election. "Confidence in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to the functioning of
our participatory democracy." Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006). The majority takes a
pass on resolving the important questions presented by the petitioners in this case, thereby
undermining the public's confidence in the integrity of Wisconsin's electoral processes not only
during this election, but in every future election. Alarmingly, the court's inaction also signals to
the WEC that it may continue to administer elections in whatever manner it chooses, knowing that
the court has repeatedly declined to scrutinize its conduct. Regardless of whether the WEC's
actions affect election outcomes, the integrity of every election will be tarnished by the public's
mistrust until the Wisconsin Supreme Court accepts its responsibility to declare what the election
laws say. "Only . . . the supreme court can provide the necessary clarity to guide all election
officials in this state on how to conform their procedures to the law" going forward. State ex rel.
Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca
Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
The majority's recent pattern of deferring or altogether dodging decisions on election law
controversies4 cannot be reconciled with its lengthy history of promptly hearing cases involving
4
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶84, 86, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877
(Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting) ("The majority upholds the Wisconsin Elections
Commission's violation of Wisconsin law, which irrefutably entitles Howie Hawkins and Angela
Walker to appear on Wisconsin's November 2020 general election ballot as candidates for
President and Vice President of the United States . . . . In dodging its responsibility to uphold
the rule of law, the majority ratifies a grave threat to our republic, suppresses the votes of
voting rights and election processes under the court's original jurisdiction or by bypassing the court
of appeals.5 While the United States Supreme Court has recognized that "a state indisputably has
a compelling interest in preserving the integrity of its election process[,]" Burson v. Freeman, 504
U.S. 191, 199 (1992), the majority of this court repeatedly demonstrates a lack of any interest in
doing so, offering purely discretionary excuses or no reasoning at all. This year, the majority in
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n declined to hear a claim that the WEC unlawfully kept the Green
Party's candidates for President and Vice President off of the ballot, ostensibly because the
majority felt the candidates' claims were brought "too late."6 But when litigants have filed cases
involving voting rights well in advance of Wisconsin elections, the court has "take[n] a pass,"
Wisconsin citizens, irreparably impairs the integrity of Wisconsin's elections, and undermines the
confidence of American citizens in the outcome of a presidential election"); State ex rel. Zignego
v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl
Bradley, J., dissenting)) ("In declining to hear a case presenting issues of first impression
immediately impacting the voting rights of Wisconsin citizens and the integrity of impending
elections, the court shirks its institutional responsibilities to the people who elected us to make
important decisions, thereby signaling the issues are not worthy of our prompt attention."); State
ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued June 1, 2020 (Rebecca
Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)) ("A majority of this court disregards its duty to the people we serve
by inexplicably delaying the final resolution of a critically important and time-sensitive case
involving voting rights and the integrity of Wisconsin's elections.").
5
See, e.g., NAACP v. Walker, 2014 WI 98, ¶¶1, 18, 357 Wis. 2d 469, 851
N.W.2d 262 (2014) (this court took jurisdiction of appeal on its own motion in order to decide
constitutionality of the voter identification act enjoined by lower court); Elections Bd. of
Wisconsin v. Wisconsin Mfrs. & Commerce, 227 Wis. 2d 650, 653, 670, 597 N.W.2d 721 (1999)
(this court granted bypass petition to decide whether express advocacy advertisements advocating
the defeat or reelection of incumbent legislators violated campaign finance laws, in absence of
cases interpreting applicable statutes); State ex rel. La Follette v. Democratic Party of United
States, 93 Wis. 2d 473, 480-81, 287 N.W.2d 519 (1980) (original action deciding whether
Wisconsin open primary system was binding on national political parties or infringed their freedom
of association), rev'd, Democratic Party of United States v. Wisconsin ex rel. La Follette, 450 U.S.
107 (1981); State ex rel. Reynolds v. Zimmerman, 22 Wis. 2d 544, 548, 126 N.W.2d 551 (1964)
(original action seeking to enjoin state from holding elections pursuant to legislative
apportionment alleged to violate constitutional rights); State ex rel. Broughton v. Zimmerman, 261
Wis. 398, 400, 52 N.W.2d 903 (1952) (original action to restrain the state from holding elections
based on districts as defined prior to enactment of reapportionment law), overruled in part by
Reynolds, 22 Wis. 2d 544; State ex rel. Conlin v. Zimmerman, 245 Wis. 475, 476, 15 N.W.2d 32
(1944) (original action to interpret statutes in determining whether candidate for Governor timely
filed papers to appear on primary election ballot).
6
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶5, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877
(denying the petition for leave to commence an original action).
thereby "irreparably den[ying] the citizens of Wisconsin a timely resolution of issues that impact
voter rights and the integrity of our elections." State ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n,
2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
Having neglected to identify any principles guiding its decisions, the majority leaves Wisconsin's
voters and candidates guessing as to when, exactly, they should file their cases in order for the
majority to deem them worthy of the court's attention.
The consequence of the majority operating by whim rather than rule is to leave the
interpretation of multiple election laws in flux—or worse yet, in the hands of the unelected
members of the WEC. "To be free is to live under a government by law . . . . Miserable is the
condition of individuals, danger is the condition of the state, if there is no certain law, or, which is
the same thing, no certain administration of the law . . . ." Judgment in Rex vs. Shipley, 21 St
Tr 847 (K.B. 1784) (Lord Mansfield presiding). The Wisconsin Supreme Court has an institutional
responsibility to decide important questions of law—not for the benefit of particular litigants, but
for citizens we were elected to serve. Justice for the people of Wisconsin means ensuring the
integrity of Wisconsin's elections. A majority of this court disregards its duty to the people of
Wisconsin, denying them justice.
"No aspect of the judicial power is more fundamental than the judiciary's exclusive
responsibility to exercise judgment in cases and controversies arising under the law." Gabler v.
Crime Victims Rights Bd., 2017 WI 67, ¶37, 376 Wis. 2d 147, 897 N.W.2d 384. Once again, a
majority of this court instead "chooses to sit idly by,"7 in a nationally important and time-sensitive
case involving voting rights and the integrity of Wisconsin's elections, depriving the people of
Wisconsin of answers to questions of statutory law that only the state's highest court may resolve.
The majority's "refusal to hear this case shows insufficient respect to the State of [Wisconsin], its
voters,"8 and its elections.
"This great source of free government, popular election, should be perfectly pure."
Alexander Hamilton, Speech at New York Ratifying Convention (June 21, 1788), in Debates on
the Federal Constitution 257 (J. Elliot ed. 1876). The majority's failure to act leaves an indelible
stain on our most recent election. It will also profoundly and perhaps irreparably impact all local,
statewide, and national elections going forward, with grave consequence to the State of Wisconsin
and significant harm to the rule of law. Petitioners assert troubling allegations of noncompliance
with Wisconsin's election laws by public officials on whom the voters rely to ensure free and fair
elections. It is not "impulse"9 but our solemn judicial duty to say what the law is that compels the
exercise of our original jurisdiction in this case. The majority's failure to embrace its duty (or even
7
United Student Aid Funds, Inc. v. Bible, 136 S. Ct. 1607, 1609 (2016) (Thomas, J.,
dissenting from the denial of certiorari).
8
County of Maricopa, Arizona v. Lopez-Valenzuela, 135 S. Ct. 2046, 2046 (2015)
(Thomas, J., dissenting from the denial of certiorari).
9
See Justice Hagedorn's concurrence.
an impulse) to decide this case risks perpetuating violations of the law by those entrusted to follow
it. I dissent.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
Marc E. Elias
William Feehan,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
The Wisconsin State Conference NAACP and three of its members, Dorothy Harrell,
Wendell J. Harris, Sr., and Earnestine Moss (collectively the “Wisconsin NAACP”), move the
Permanent Injunctive Relief. Relying on their 143-paragraph pleading, Plaintiff seeks, among other
things: (a) orders directing Governor Evers and the Wisconsin Elections Commission to de-certify
the election results, enjoining Governor Evers from transmitting the currently certified election
results to the Electoral College, and requiring Governor Evers to instead transmit certified election
results that state that President Donald Trump is the winner of the election; (b) a declaration that
XIV; and (c) a “permanent injunction” prohibiting the Governor and Secretary of State from
transmitting the currently certified results to the Electoral College based on alleged
3, 2020. The Complaint seeks to nullify those votes and to force the Governor to transmit certified
election results that state that President Donald Trump is the winner of the election. This is contrary
to Wis. Stat. § 7.70(5)(b), which provides: “For presidential electors, the commission shall prepare
a certificate showing the determination of the results of the canvass and the names of the
persons elected, and the governor shall sign, affix the great seal of the state, and transmit the
certificate by registered mail to the U.S. administrator of General services.” (Emphasis added.)
Joseph R. Biden, Jr. and Vice President-Elect Kamala Harris won the election by more than 20,000
votes. With the confirmation of election results from other states, the Biden- Harris ticket won
states with far more than 270 electoral votes, resulting in their victory.
4. Instead of acknowledging the results of the election and conceding to the victors as
unsuccessful Presidential candidates have done for decade after decade, President Trump and Vice
President Pence, their prospective electors, and various interlopers have commenced a tidal wave
of bogus lawsuits, seeking to obstruct and delay the orderly and peaceful transition of power from
outgoing to incoming Administration that has been a hallmark of the democratic process in the
5. As of the filing of this motion, the lawsuits challenging the will of the American
people filed by the President and his devotees have overwhelmingly been rejected by the federal
2
1217 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 31 Document 56
and state courts. Unfortunately, this record of losing cases has left the President and his supporters
undeterred. This case is one of the more recently filed in the national exercise in futility and
harassment. It is part of a concerted assault on the foundations of the American electoral system.
6. For the reasons set forth in this motion, Wisconsin NAACP hereby seeks leave to
file the accompanying amicus curiae brief and declarations of Ms. Harrell, Mr. Harris, and Ms.
Moss opposing any action on the Complaint, attached hereto as Exhibits 1-4, respectively.
7. Founded in 1909 in response to the ongoing violence against Black people around
the United States, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (the
“NAACP”), a non-partisan and non-profit organization, is the largest and pre-eminent civil rights
organization in the nation. The NAACP’s mission is to secure the political, educational, social,
and economic equality of rights in order to eliminate race-based discrimination and ensure the
8. The NAACP’s primary objectives include: (a) ensuring the political, educational,
social, and economic equality of all citizens; (b) achieving equality of rights and eliminating race
prejudice among the citizens of the United States; (c) removing all barriers of racial
discrimination through democratic processes; (d) seeking enactment and enforcement of federal,
state, and local laws securing civil rights; (e) informing the public of the adverse effects of racial
discrimination and to seek its elimination; and (f) educating persons as to their constitutional rights
and to take all lawful action to secure the exercise thereof, and to take any other lawful action in
furtherance of these objectives, consistent with the NAACP’s founding documents. The NAACP
and its 2,200 branches and units in the United States advocate on behalf of the interests of its
members and regularly participate as amicus curiae in cases involving issues of concern to the
3
1218 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 31 Document 56
9. One such branch is the Wisconsin NAACP, which has 7 local units and
approximately 4,000 members. Many of the Wisconsin NAACP’s members are eligible to vote in
Wisconsin, and a significant portion of them are registered to vote in Wisconsin. The vast majority
of Wisconsin NAACP’s members reside in Milwaukee County. The organization presently works
in the areas of voter registration, voter education, get-out-the- vote efforts, and grassroots
mobilization around voting rights. Wisconsin NAACP has an interest in preventing the
disenfranchisement of more than 3.2 million eligible Wisconsin voters who properly cast ballots
in the November 3, 2020 election, be it in person or absentee. If the relief sought in the Complaint
is granted, Wisconsin NAACP’s members who voted would be disenfranchised in violation of their
constitutional rights.
10. The issues raised by the Complaint are of utmost importance to Wisconsin NAACP
because the results of a presidential election in this state lie in the balance. The Wisconsin NAACP
brings to the Court a unique perspective on racial equality and is well-suited to speak to the
allegations in the Complaint, particularly those directed at the Black voting experience in
Milwaukee and other Wisconsin counties with large concentration of Black voters.
11. Wendell J. Harris, Sr. (“Harris”) lives in the City of Milwaukee, located in Milwaukee
County, Wisconsin and is registered to vote at his current address in Milwaukee. (Harris Decl. ¶ 4.) Harris
is also a member of the NAACP and has served as President of the Wisconsin NAACP since November
2019. (Id. ¶ 11.) For the November 3, 2020 General Election, Harris voted by absentee ballot because he
was ill with COVID-19 at the time and was concerned about infecting others. (Id. ¶ 6.) Harris mailed his
ballot from his Milwaukee residence on October 26, 2020. (Id. ¶ 5.)
12. Earnestine Moss (“Moss”) lives in the City of Madison, located in Dane County, Wisconsin
and has been a registered voter at her current address in Madison since approximately 2006. (Moss Decl. ¶
4.) She is also a member of the NAACP Dane County Branch 36 AB. (Id. ¶ 6.) For the November 3, 2020
4
1219 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 4 of 31 Document 56
General Election, Moss voted in person at her polling place in Madison. (Id. ¶ 7.)
13. Dorothy Harrell (“Harrell”) lives in the City of Beloit, located in Rock County, Wisconsin,
and has been a registered voter at her current address in Beloit for nearly ten years. (Harrell Decl. ¶ 4.)
Harrell is also the President of the Wisconsin NAACP Beloit Branch. (Id. ¶ 6.) For the November 3, 2020
General Election, Harrell voted early, in person at Beloit City Hall during the last week of October 2020.
(Id. ¶ 7.)
14. Wisconsin NAACP sought consent from all parties to submit an amicus curiae brief
directed at the dismissal of the Complaint on December 7, 2020. Defendants consent to the relief
15. For all of the foregoing reasons, in an action that seeks to throw out the results of
an entire election, Wisconsin NAACP is particularly suited to submit a non-party brief that would
Sr., and Earnestine Moss respectfully request that this Court grant their motion for leave to file the
accompanying amicus curiae brief in support of the position advanced by the Defendants.
5
1220 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 5 of 31 Document 56
Kristen Clarke (admission pending)
Jon Greenbaum
Ezra Rosenberg
Ajay Saini (admission pending)
Jacob Conarck
Ryan Snow (admission pending)
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS
UNDER LAW
1500 K Street NW
9th Floor
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 662-8315 (phone)
(202) 783-0857 (fax)
kclarke@lawyerscommittee.org
jgreenbaum@lawyerscommittee.org
erosenberg@lawyerscommittee.org
jconarck@lawyerscommittee.org
6
1221 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 6 of 31 Document 56
EXHIBIT 1
William Feehan,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
INTRODUCTION
This lawsuit should be dismissed with prejudice on the pleadings. It is but one of 40-plus
cases that have been filed around the country by President Trump or his political allies seeking to
invalidate the results of the November 3, 2020 presidential election. It is the fifth such suit in
Wisconsin alone, and a sixth has since been filed. The substance and timing of the instant case and
the extreme and unprecedented relief it seeks constitute a continuation of an equally unprecedented
abuse of the court system, to which credence need not and should not be given.
Plaintiff has already placed a significant enough burden on the Court, so the Wisconsin
State Conference NAACP and its three participating members, Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J. Harris,
Sr., and Earnestine Moss (collectively the “Wisconsin NAACP”) will endeavor to not repeat the
the stronger reasons why this Court should summarily dismiss this action. Three issues stand out:
(1) federal courts in particular are not the proper forum for suits like this; (2) Plaintiff’s inexcusable
delay in filing this action deprives him of the right to the relief he seeks; and (3) the relief he
seeks—the invalidation of approximately 3.2 million votes lawfully cast by eligible Wisconsin
voters—is so inapt, so wrong, indeed so absurd as to mandate rejection of Plaintiff’s plea without
further proceedings.
In offering this perspective, the proposed amici rely on the lessons taught by federal district
court and appellate judges in Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Michigan, who ruled that gussying up
run-of-the-mill state law claims and unsupported voter fraud claims as federal constitutional claims
is insufficient to invoke the jurisdiction of federal courts, and that suits brought even earlier than
this one were still brought too late. We rely also on the opinions of members of the Wisconsin
Supreme Court who, even while disagreeing on whether that court was the proper forum for an
original action challenging Wisconsin’s election results, raised serious threshold questions about
the availability of the extraordinary relief requested by the President and his allies in those cases.
Before proceeding, we offer one final thought. Wisconsin NAACP is not simply an
organization whose mission includes ensuring that voters’ votes are counted, important as that
mission is. It is dedicated specifically to advancing the interests of Black voters in our democracy.
To that end, the national NAACP has partnered with one of the country’s leading civil rights
organizations, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, to work with experienced
local counsel in several states, including Wisconsin, to ensure that the votes of Black voters are
not invalidated in this election. It is no accident that Plaintiff’s focus in this case is on the voters
of Milwaukee County, home to Wisconsin’s largest city and Black population. This follows a
Wisconsin NAACP respectfully asks this Court to scrutinize Plaintiff’s claims in that light,
and recognize them not only as an existential threat to our democracy—which they are—but also
as a particular threat to the votes of members of minority populations whose access to the ballot
ARGUMENT
On November 9, 2020, the Trump Campaign filed suit in the Middle District of
Pennsylvania alleging a series of election improprieties, similar (and equally frivolous) to those
alleged by Plaintiff here. Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Kathy Boockvar, No. 4:20-cv-
02078, 2020 WL 6821992 (Nov.21, 2020). 2 Initially, United States District Court Judge Matthew
Brann scheduled an evidentiary hearing on the plaintiffs’ motion for preliminary relief, but after
hearing oral argument on the defendants’ motion to dismiss, he not only adjourned the hearing
without resetting it, but denied the plaintiffs’ motion for leave to file a second amended complaint.
Trump v. Boockvar, 2020 WL 6821992 at *3-4, 14. On appeal, a unanimous panel of the Third
Circuit affirmed the denial of the request to amend the complaint, with Judge Stephanos Bibas
writing for the Court and ruling that the sort of claims asserted by the plaintiffs, even though
1
See e.g., Transcript of Oral Argument Proceedings in Re: Motion to Dismiss, Donald J. Trump for President v.
Boockvar, No. 20-3371 (M.D. Pa., Nov. 17, 2020), at 18-19 (President Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani alleging massive
voter fraud in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Atlanta).
2
As here, the claims included allegations that election officials improperly cured absentee ballots and restricted
observers.
Donald J. Trump for President, Inc v. Pa., No. 20-3371, 2020 WL 7012522 at *1 (3d Cir. Nov 27,
2020).
Similar claims led to the identical result in a suit filed on November 13, 2020 in the
Northern District of Georgia by L. Lin Wood, Jr.—who also serves as counsel for Plaintiff in this
action—in which he alleged a series of election irregularities as frivolous as are Plaintiff’s. claims
here. L. Lin Wood, Jr. v. Brad Raffensperger, No. 1:20-cv-04651-SDG, 2020 WL 6817513 (N.D.
Ga., Nov. 20, 2020). 3 The district court held a hearing, then denied Wood’s request for a temporary
restraining order. This past Saturday, December 5, the Eleventh Circuit, in an opinion by Chief
Judge Pryor, unanimously affirmed on grounds that the case was not justiciable in the first instance,
because federal courts are “courts of limited jurisdiction” and “may not entertain post-election
contests about garden-variety issues of vote counting and misconduct that may properly be filed
in state courts.” Wood v. Raffensperger, No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866 at *1 (11th Cir., Dec.
5, 2020).
Most recently, Judge Linda Parker of the Eastern District of Michigan also denied the
Plaintiffs’ Emergency Motion for Declaratory, Emergency, and Permanent Injunctive Relief
challenging the election results in Michigan, particularly in Detroit, in a case brought by Sidney
Powell—lead counsel for plaintiff in this case—and others on November 25. King v. Whitmer, No.
20-13134, slip op. (E.D. Mich., Dec. 7, 2020). The district court ruled without hearing oral
argument. Id. at 6. The court found that Plaintiffs’ claims were not justiciable in federal court
because they were effectively state law claims brought against state officials. Id. at 10-13.
3
Wood alleged, among other things, that defendant had improperly accepted absentee ballots without signature
verification and restricted observers to the counting.
4
The claims are substantially the same: alleged deviations from state court laws that govern the
handling and counting of absentee ballots and wild conspiracy theories about voting machines. As
in the Michigan, Georgia, and Pennsylvania cases, there are no allegations that any specific voter
was not qualified to vote or that any specific vote was fraudulently cast, and certainly no evidence
beyond mere speculation by Plaintiff and non-credible analyses by unqualified “experts” that there
were a sufficient number of fraudulent votes to affect the outcome of the Presidential election.
There is no reason for this Court to continue this case, and, as explained below, every reason for
this Court not to. This is even more true because there is an active suit in state circuit court brought
by President Trump alleging noncompliance with Wisconsin election law that will be decided at a
Plaintiff knew of the bases for the claims he has brought in this suit earlier than December
1, 2020 when he filed this suit. For example, the guidance by the Wisconsin Elections Commission
(the “Commission”) to local clerks regarding application of the “indefinitely confined” category
of eligibility for obtaining an absentee ballot during the COVID-19 pandemic was issued on
March 29, 2020, with an additional directive issued May 13, 2020, as Plaintiff himself alleges.
(Compl., ¶ 40.) 5 Likewise, the practice of local clerks filling in missing witness address
information on absentee ballot envelopes without requiring the presence of the voter has been
4
Wisconsin NAACP does not agree that Plaintiff has standing to bring this case in the first instance under the Electors
or Elections Clause, see Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442 (2007); Corman v. Torres, 287 F.Supp.3d 558, 573
(M.D. Pa. 2018); Bognet v. Sec’y Commw. of Pa., No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *6-9 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020);
Wood v. Raffensperger, et. al., No. 1:20-CV-04651-SDG, 2020 WL 6817513, at *5 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 20, 2020); King,
slip op. at 26-29, or under the due process and equal protection clauses. See King, slip op. at 24-25. We assume that
the parties will make the same argument and therefore will not repeat it here.
5
The related instructions from the Dane County Clerk were issued on March 25, 2020.
(Compl., ¶ 44.) Plaintiff’s utterly baseless claims about widespread coordinated manipulation of
voting machines amount to nothing more than wild conspiracy theories, based principally on a
single redacted declaration from an anonymous witness. (See Compl., Exh. 1.) But even that
declaration was purportedly signed on November 15, 2020, and the declarant purported to have
knowledge of the bases for Plaintiff’s allegations as early as a decade prior. (Compl., Exh. 1, ¶¶
11-26.)
Nevertheless, Plaintiff did not file suit until a month after Election Day, waiting until well
after he learned on November 4 that President Trump had lost the election in Wisconsin and indeed
until after that result had been certified. Laches bars this suit because of Plaintiff’s lack of diligence
and the prejudice resulting from the delay. Indeed, in the Northern District of Georgia post-election
lawsuit, involving a state election that was called against the President much later than Wisconsin’s
and still filed seventeen days before this lawsuit, the district court found that laches applied.
Wood, 2020 WL 6817513 at * 6-9. Additionally, in the Eastern District of Michigan lawsuit, filed
five days before this case, the district court also found that laches applied. King, slip op. at 19
(“Plaintiffs could have lodged their constitutional challenges much sooner than they did, and
certainly not three weeks after Election Day and one week after certification of almost three million
votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’ delay results in their claims being barred by laches.”).
The Georgia court’s decision squares with how courts have handled similar cases in the
past. Plaintiff may not “‘lay by and gamble upon [his favored candidate] receiving a favorable
decision of the electorate’ and then, upon losing, seek to undo the ballot results in a court action.”
6
It was merely reiterated on October 19, 2020, (Compl., ¶ 45), still weeks before the election, and a month and a half
before Plaintiff filed this suit.
6
Laches applies with particular rigor to election challenges, requiring “any claim against a
state electoral procedure [to] be expressed expeditiously.” Fulani, 916 F.2d at 1031. Before an
election, laches requires such claims to be promptly raised lest last-minute court orders confuse
voters, disincentivizing voting and undermining public confidence in the fairness of elections. See,
e.g., Purcell v. Gonzales, 549 U.S. 1, 4-5 (2006); Bognet v. Sec’y Commw. of Pa., No. 20-3214,
2020 WL 668120, at *17-18 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020). And, after an election, laches generally bars
parties from challenging the election on grounds they could have raised beforehand. Soules v.
Kauaians for Nukoli Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176, 1180 (9th Cir. 1988). Moreover, applying
laches avoids the “judicial fire drill[s]” and “mad scramble[s]” required to adjudicate belated
challenges to election procedures before post-election deadlines mandated by state law for
certification of results. Stein v. Cortés, 223 F.Supp.3d 423, 436 (E.D. Pa. 2016) (internal quotation
marks omitted).
Plaintiff offers no justification for delaying in asserting these claims until now—nor could
he, because there is none. Further, the delay is prima facie prejudicial, as the relief he requests
would void an entire election of more than 3.2 million eligible Wisconsin voters. See Hawkins v.
Wis. Elections Comm’n, 393 Wis.2d 629, 635 (2020) (denying petitioners’ ballot access claim
because, “given their delay in asserting their rights, [the court] would be unable to provide
meaningful relief without completely upsetting the election.”). And, by overturning the democratic
will of the people as expressed through their votes, Plaintiff’s requested relief would seriously and
irreparably undermine the Commission’s efforts to ensure public trust and confidence in
Wisconsin’s electoral system, including the trust and confidence of voters like those represented
the vote. See Hawkins, 393 Wis.2d at 635-636 (denying relief in ballot access case against the
Commission where it would cause “confusion and disarray and would undermine confidence in
the general election results.”). Most important, it would severely prejudice more than 3.2 million
Wisconsin voters who cast ballots for the presidential candidate of their choice during the 2020
extraordinary intervention by the judiciary into democratic processes. Again, the recent Georgia,
Michigan, and Pennsylvania cases provide useful guidance. The District Court in Georgia captured
the compelling reasons why relief should not be granted in cases like this:
The Court finds that the threatened injury to Defendants as state officials and the
public at large far outweigh any minimal burden on Wood. To reiterate, Wood seeks
an extraordinary remedy: to prevent Georgia's certification of the votes cast in the
General Election, after millions of people had lawfully cast their ballots. To
interfere with the result of an election that has already concluded would be
unprecedented and harm the public in countless ways. [citations]. Granting
injunctive relief here would breed confusion, undermine the public's trust in the
election, and potentially disenfranchise of over one million Georgia voters. Viewed
in comparison to the lack of any demonstrable harm to Wood, this Court finds no
basis in fact or in law to grant him the relief he seeks.
Similarly, as the Third Circuit stated, granting the kind of relief requested by Plaintiff
at *7 (emphasis in original). In Pennsylvania, the Third Circuit rightly concluded that, “[v]oters,
not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots, not briefs, decide elections.” Id. at *9. Judge Parker
of the Eastern District of Michigan reached a similar conclusion: “[T]he Court finds that
achieving the relief Plaintiffs seek—as much of that relief is beyond the power of this Court—
and more about the impact of their allegations on People’s faith in the democratic orderly
statutory scheme established to challenge elections and to ignore the will of millions of voters.
This, the Court cannot, and will not, do. ¶ The People have spoken.” King, slip op., 35-36.
Indeed, granting Plaintiff’s requested relief would violate the longstanding principle that “all
qualified voters have a constitutionally protected right to vote and to have their votes counted.”
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554 (1963) (citing Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651 (1884)
It is hard to imagine such a remedy could ever be appropriate, but certainly it is not here,
where Plaintiff has failed to put forth any credible evidence demonstrating that a single unlawful
vote was counted or valid ballot discarded. Nor has he pled a single cognizable claim. Plaintiff
instead alleges what amounts to a laundry list of speculative and circumstantial claims about the
potential for fraud and about the conduct of the election as a whole, which he asserts led to a
“fail[ure] to conduct the general election in a uniform manner,” (Compl., ¶ 117) and “disparate
treatment of Wisconsin voters,” (Compl., ¶ 144) related to the widespread use of mail-in ballots
by Wisconsin voters necessitated by the COVID-19 pandemic. But even if Plaintiff’s claims were
legitimate, invalidating the ballots of Wisconsin voters—who justifiably relied on the voting
procedures made available to them by the Wisconsin Legislature and the Commission—cannot
possibly be the appropriate remedy. Tossing out votes cast by eligible voters in reliance on official
instructions how to vote would violate the due process rights of every voter. See, e.g., Ne. Ohio
Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d 580, 595, 597–98 (6th Cir. 2012) (holding that rejecting
ballots invalidly cast due to poll worker error likely violates due process).
Court specifically distinguished the issue before it—whether there existed arbitrary and disparate
variations in the standards applied to whether a ballot should be counted—from “[t]he question …
whether local entities, in the exercise of their expertise, may develop different systems for
implementing elections.” 531 U.S. at 109. The prevailing rule is that, absent such arbitrary
differences in the standards used to determine whether individual ballots should be counted or
not—an issue not even hinted at in Plaintiff’s blunderbuss challenge here—differences in election
administration between local entities are not only permissible, but expected. See, e.g., Short v.
Brown, 893 F.3d 671, 679 (9th Cir. 2018); Ne. Ohio Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 837 F.3d at
636; Wexler v. Anderson, 452 F.3d 1226, 1231-33 (11th Cir. 2006); Hendon v. N.C. State Bd. of
Elections, 710 F.2d at 181; Paher v. Cegavske, No. 20-243, 2020 WL 2748301, at *9 (D. Nev.
May 27, 2020); Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-CV-966, 2020 WL
5997680, at *44-45.
results,” “enjoining transmitting the currently certified results the Electoral College [sic],” and
“requiring Governor Evers to transmit certified election results that state that President Donald
Trump is the winner of the election,” inter alia, Compl., ¶ 142, is beyond bizarre. Federal courts
lack the authority to determine which results a state must certify, let alone to “de-certify” results
that have already been certified—and slate of Electors already submitted—under lawful
the institutional role of each branch of the republic and each level of government. Here, the
Wisconsin Legislature has already acted within its authority: it vested the right to vote for President
in the people of Wisconsin, and the right to vote includes the right to have that vote counted. See
10
In that vein, the Wisconsin Supreme Court has recognized that a remedy that would nullify
the votes of millions of voters is simply a bridge too far. In the past two weeks, three original
actions were brought directly to the Wisconsin Supreme Court to change the result of the election.
In each, a majority of that court held that such actions need to be brought in the circuit court first,
if they can be brought at all. Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA (Wis. S. Ct., Dec. 3, 2020);
Mueller v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1958-OA (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 4, 2020): Wis. Voters
Alliance v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1930-OA (Wis. S. Ct., Dec, 4, 2020).
Beyond simply disposing of the cases, Justice Hagedorn, in his concurrence joined by three
justices who comprised the majority in Wisconsin Voters Alliance, made clear that the remedies
sought by President Trump and his supporters would cause irreparable damage to our democracy
Something far more fundamental than the winner of Wisconsin’s electoral votes
is implicated in this case. At stake, in some measure, is faith in our system of free
and fair elections, a feature central to the enduring strength of our constitutional
republic. It can be easy to blithely move on to the next case with a petition so
obviously lacking, but this is sobering. The relief being sought by the petitioners
is the most dramatic invocation of judicial power I have ever seen. Judicial
acquiescence to such entreaties built on so flimsy a foundation would do indelible
damage to every future election. Once the door is opened to judicial invalidation
of presidential election results, it will be awfully hard to close that door again.
This is a dangerous path we are being asked to tread. The loss of public trust in
our constitutional order resulting from the exercise of this kind of judicial power
would be incalculable.
Wis. Voters Alliance, (slip. op. at 3) (Wis. Sup. Ct., Dec, 4, 2020) (Hagedorn, J., concurring). 7
7
Even Chief Justice Roggensack, while dissenting in all three cases on the grounds that the Wisconsin Supreme Court
should exercise original jurisdiction, acknowledged in one of her dissents that “[t]he remedy Petitioners seek may be
out of reach for a number of reasons.” Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA (slip. op. at 6) (Wis. S. Ct., Dec, 3, 2020)
(Roggensack, C.J., dissenting).
11
For the reasons set forth above, Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, Dorothy Harrell,
Wendell J. Harris, Sr., and Earnestine Moss respectfully requests that this Court summarily dismiss
this case.
12
13
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
1. I have personal knowledge of the matters stated herein and would testify to the
4. I am a registered voter at my current address in Beloit and have been registered here
7. For the November 3, 2020 general election, I voted in-person early voting at Beloit
City Hall at 100 State Street, Beloit, Wisconsin 53511. I voted early during the last week of
October, 2020.
Wisconsin absentee and in-person voters despite the fact those votes were legally cast.
9. This lawsuit and any others like it need to be thrown out so that people of color can
regain their trust that they have legal rights in this society, which includes the right to vote. I also
think these suppression efforts are a waste of valuable resources in cities and states across this
country.
Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1746, I declare under penalty of perjury, under the laws of the
United States, that the foregoing is true and correct to the best of my knowledge.
2
1238 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 23 of 31 Document 56
EXHIBIT 3
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
1. I have personal knowledge of the matters stated in this Declaration and would
5. For the November 3, 2020 general election, I voted by absentee ballot because I
was ill with COVID-19 and was concerned about infecting others. I mailed my ballot from my
6. Normally I vote in-person at the Enderis Park Polling Place at 2900 N 72nd St,
Milwaukee, WI 53210. I was unable to do this for the November 3, 2020 general election because
of my COVID-19 diagnosis.
are on a first-name basis with the poll workers. It is a community effort and we all talk to each
Wisconsin absentee and in-person voters despite the fact that those votes were legally cast.
9. If my vote were not counted, I would be robbed of this essential democratic voice,
through no fault of my own. If my vote does not count, my voice is not heard, and I am not
represented. As a result, I would lose faith in our democracy, of which I am very proud.
11. I currently serve as the President of the Wisconsin State Conference NAACP
12. The Wisconsin NAACP is an affiliated unit of the NAACP which is comprised of
13. The Wisconsin NAACP has approximately 4,000 members in 7 units across
Wisconsin. Many of those members are eligible to vote in Wisconsin, and a significant portion of
them are registered to vote in Wisconsin. The vast majority of our members are in Milwaukee
County.
14. The Wisconsin NAACP works in the areas of voter registration, voter education,
15. For the 2020 general election, we continued these efforts including voter education,
voter registration, election protection, and grassroots mobilization to get out the vote. In addition,
2
1241 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 26 of 31 Document 56
Wisconsin NAACP members served as poll monitors statewide, but most of the work was done in
Milwaukee County.
eligible voters who properly cast absentee voter ballots, including voters it may have assisted in
17. Discarding lawfully cast absent voter ballots by qualified electors in Milwaukee
would effectively disenfranchise a disproportionate number of Black voters who cast such ballots
and is substantially likely to harm individual Wisconsin NAACP members who cast absent voter
ballots.
18. Discarding lawfully cast absent voter ballots would also undermine the Wisconsin
NAACP’s voter advocacy efforts by leading some voters to believe that voting is pointless because
their ballots will not be counted. This sense of futility will likely depress turnout in the future and
make it more difficult for the Wisconsin NAACP to carry out its mission of encouraging Black
individuals to register to vote, to vote, and to help protect others’ right to vote.
19. Moreover, discarding lawfully cast absent voter ballots will force the Wisconsin
NAACP to dedicate additional resources to voter education efforts, at the expense of other
organizational priorities. These questions will result in the Wisconsin NAACP spending additional
volunteer time and resources responding that could have been dedicated to other efforts.
20. Furthermore, the rejection of Wisconsin voters’ absent voter ballots will force the
dedicate a larger share of its limited sources to voter education efforts, to ensure that voters cast
mail-in ballots that cannot be challenged or rejected on the basis of minor errors. Because the
3
1242 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 27 of 31 Document 56
Wisconsin NAACP’s resources are limited, those efforts will necessarily come at the expense of
other efforts, including voter registration and get out the vote drives.
I declare under penalty of perjury under the laws of the United States and pursuant to 28
Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1746, I declare under penalty of perjury, under the laws of the
United States, that the foregoing is true and correct to the best of my knowledge.
4
1243 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 28 of 31 Document 56
EXHIBIT 4
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
1. I have personal knowledge of the matters stated in this Declaration and would
4. I am a registered voter at my current address in Madison and have been since around
2006.
7. For the November 3, 2020 general election, I voted in person at Lakeview Lutheran
community about the importance of voting and elections. Normally I offer rides to the polls and
see if my neighbors and friends voted already but I could not do that this year because of the
COVID-19 pandemic.
Wisconsin absentee and in-person voters despite the fact that those votes were legally cast, and I
object to the notion that my voice would not be heard and I would not be represented.
10. It is unfortunate that we live in a democracy that encourages voter engagement and
now that people are stepping up to the plate to make their voices heard, someone wants to question
their actions, without proof, and invalidate their votes, which are their voice.
Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1746, I declare under penalty of perjury, under the laws of the
United States, that the foregoing is true and correct to the best of my knowledge.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
No. 2:20-cv-1771
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT .................................................. 1
BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................... 6
V. Plaintiff fails to state a claim on which relief can be granted. ...................................... 23
A. Plaintiff cannot establish irreparable harm and has an adequate remedy at law. ........ 27
B. The balance of equities and public interest weigh heavily against the issuance of a
restraining order or injunction. .............................................................................. 28
-i-
1248 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 39 Document 57
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Ashcroft v. Iqbal,
556 U.S. 662 (2009) ...........................................................................................................23, 24
Bennett v. Yoshina,
140 F.3d 1218 (9th Cir. 1998) .................................................................................................26
Carson v. Simon,
978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020) .................................................................................................14
Colon v. Schneider,
899 F.2d 660 (7th Cir. 1990) ...................................................................................................18
-ii-
1249 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 39 Document 57
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Curry v. Baker,
802 F.2d 1302 (11th Cir. 1986) ...............................................................................................26
Fulani v. Hogsett,
917 F.2d 1028 (7th Cir. 1990) .................................................................................................16
Griffin v. Burns,
570 F.2d 1065 (1st Cir. 1978) ..................................................................................................26
Hotze v. Hollins,
No. 4:20-cv-03709, 2020 WL 6437668 (S.D. Tex. Nov. 2, 2020) ..........................................14
Jones v. Markiewicz-Qualkinbush,
842 F.3d 1053 (7th Cir. 2016) .................................................................................................16
Kasper v. Hayes,
651 F. Supp. 1311 (N.D. Ill. 1987), aff’d sub nom. Kasper v. Bd. of Election
Comm’rs, 810 F.2d 1167 (7th Cir. 1987).................................................................................26
-iii-
1250 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 4 of 39 Document 57
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
King v. Whitmer,
No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (Ex. 4) ............................................6, 13, 22, 25
King v. Whitmer,
No. 2:20-cv-13134-LVP-RSW, ECF No. 1 (E.D. Mich. Nov. 25, 2020)......................3, 15, 18
Lance v. Coffman,
549 U.S. 437 (2007) (per curiam) ............................................................................................14
Langenhorst v. Pecore,
No. 1:20-cv-1701-WCG (E.D. Wis.) .........................................................................................2
Martel v Condos,
No. 5:20-cv-131, 2020 WL 5755289 (D. Vt. Sept. 16, 2020) .................................................13
Massey v. Coon,
No. 87-3768, 1989 WL 884 (9th Cir. Jan. 3, 1989) .................................................................18
Mays v. Dart,
974 F.3d 810 (7th Cir. 2020) ...................................................................................................12
Mueller v. Jacobs,
No. 2020AP1958-OA (petition denied Dec. 3, 2020) (Ex. 3) ...................................................2
Nader v. Keith,
385 F.3d 729 (7th Cir. 2004) ...................................................................................................16
Navarro v. Neal,
904 F. Supp. 2d 812 (N.D. Ill. 2012), aff’d, 716 F.3d 425 (7th Cir. 2013) .............................17
Paher v. Cegavske,
457 F. Supp. 3d 919 (D. Nev. 2020) ........................................................................................13
Pearson v. Kemp,
No. 1:20-cv-04809 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 25, 2020) ...........................................................................6
-iv-
1251 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 5 of 39 Document 57
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Trump v. Evers,
No. 2020AP1971-OA (petition denied Dec. 3, 2020) (Ex. 2) .............................................2, 22
Tully v. Okeson,
977 F.3d 608 (7th Cir. 2020) .............................................................................................12, 27
Walton v. Walker,
364 F. App’x 256 (7th Cir. 2010) ........................................................................................3, 24
-v-
1252 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 6 of 39 Document 57
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Wood v. Raffensperger,
No. 1:20-cv-04561-SDG, 2020 WL 6817513 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 20, 2020), aff’d,
No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020) ....................................................29
Wood v. Raffensperger,
No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020) ..............................................14, 16
STATUTES
3 U.S.C. § 6 ......................................................................................................................................1
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Wright & Miller, 11A Federal Practice and Procedure, § 2948.1 (3d ed., Apr.
2017 update).............................................................................................................................27
Rule 8 .......................................................................................................................................23, 24
Rule 12(b)(6)..................................................................................................................................23
-vi-
1253 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 7 of 39 Document 57
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
-vii-
1254 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 8 of 39 Document 57
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
The Democratic National Committee (“DNC”) appreciates the Court’s invitation to file an
amicus curiae brief in opposition to Plaintiff’s Amended Motion for Temporary Restraining Order
and Preliminary Injunction (ECF No. 10). As the Court requested, the DNC will attempt to provide
“unique information and a unique perspective that the defendants do not have,” in order to “help
The DNC certainly has a “unique perspective” and a substantial stake in this litigation. Its
nominees for President and Vice-President, President-elect Joseph R. Biden, Jr. and Vice
President-elect Kamala D. Harris, won the 2020 national popular vote nearly five weeks ago by
over seven million votes. Biden and Harris are expected to win the Electoral College vote by a
tally of 306-232 when the College meets next Monday, December 14, 2020. In Wisconsin, the
Biden-Harris ticket initially won by a margin of 20,585 votes. The partial recount demanded by
President Trump and Vice President Pence, which at their behest was targeted at only two of
Wisconsin’s 72 counties, increased the Biden-Harris winning margin in Wisconsin to 20,682 votes.
Biden and Harris are therefore entitled—as a matter of state and federal law—to
Wisconsin’s ten electoral votes. See WIS. STAT. §§ 5.10, 5.64(1)(em), 7.70(5)(b), 8.18, 8.25(1).
The results of the Wisconsin Presidential election have been certified by the Chairperson of the
Wisconsin Elections Commission (“WEC”), and Governor Evers in turn has signed the Certificate
of Ascertainment and transmitted it to the Archivist of the United States. See 3 U.S.C. § 6; see also
Except in the courts. President Trump and his allies have now filed seven challenges in
Wisconsin’s state and federal courts since November 12, three of which remain pending: this
action brought solely by William Feehan, a Wisconsin voter who also is a nominated Trump
elector; Trump v. Wisconsin Elections Comm’n, E.D. Wis. No. 2:20-cv-01785-BHL, pending
-1-
1255 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 9 of 39 Document 57
before Judge Ludwig; and President Trump’s state court challenge to the recount results, pending
in Trump v. Biden, Milwaukee Cnty. Case No. 2020-CV-7092 and Dane County Case No. 2020-
CV-2514.1
Like this case, these other challenges have all, in the words of Wisconsin Supreme Court
Justice Brian Hagedorn, sought to “invalidate the entire Presidential election in Wisconsin by
declaring it ‘null’—yes, the whole thing,” a result that “would appear to be unprecedented in
American history.” Wisconsin Voters All. v. Wisconsin Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1930-
OA, at 2 (Wis. Sup. Ct. Dec. 4, 2020) (Hagedorn, J., concurring) (emphasis added) (Ex. 1).2 And
just like the Wisconsin Voters All. case that Justice Hagedorn described—which raised many of
the same allegations and relied on much of the same “expert” testimony and other “evidence” that
is being recycled in this litigation—Plaintiff’s submissions “fall[] far short of the kind of
compelling evidence and legal support we would undoubtedly need to countenance the court-
Not only is this case part of serial post-election litigation in Wisconsin, it is also the fourth
“cookie-cutter” complaint filed nationwide in recent weeks by attorneys Sidney Powell, L. Lin
1
Three of the other Wisconsin post-election cases were petitions for original actions filed
in Wisconsin Supreme Court; all were denied. See Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA (petition
denied Dec. 3, 2020) (Ex. 2); Mueller v. Jacobs, No. 2020AP1958-OA (petition denied Dec. 3,
2020) (Ex. 3); Wisconsin Voters All. v. Wisconsin Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1930-OA, at 2
(petition denied Dec. 4, 2020) (Ex. 1). The remaining case challenging the Wisconsin election
results was Langenhorst v. Pecore, No. 1:20-cv-1701-WCG (E.D. Wis.), filed on November 12
but voluntarily dismissed on November 16.
2
The Trump recount effort does not seek to invalidate the entire Wisconsin vote, but rather
seeks to nullify large numbers of ballots in only Dane and Milwaukee Counties—the two most
urban, nonwhite, and Democratic counties in the State. Most of the targeted votes were cast in
reliance on WEC guidance, practices, and forms dating back as long as a decade. Voters and local
election officials throughout Wisconsin relied on the challenged WEC guidance, practices, and
forms, but President Trump seeks to invalidate only the ballots of Dane and Milwaukee County
voters who did so. That would blatantly violate equal protection guarantees.
-2-
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Wood, and others in which they seek to baselessly undermine the legitimacy of the presidential
election by fanning the flames of repeatedly debunked wingnut conspiracy theories, relying on the
same discredited and/or unnamed “experts.”3 As discussed below, two of those lawsuits already
have been dismissed. As those dismissals show, the willingness of Plaintiff’s counsel to propagate
their fantastical allegations across multiple jurisdictions does not make his claims any more
plausible, actionable, or meritorious. The Seventh Circuit has emphasized that seemingly
plausibility” before a plaintiff may proceed, with the court “making the determination of
plausibility” by “rely[ing] upon judicial experience and common sense.” Walton v. Walker, 364
Fed. App’x 256, 258 (7th Cir. 2010) (citation omitted). It is an understatement to say Mr. Feehan’s
There are multiple other grounds for denying Mr. Feehan’s requests for emergency relief.
These include:
Mr. Feehan lacks Article III standing either as a voter or a nominated Trump elector.
His claims of vote dilution and other alleged injuries (even if they had a plausible basis,
which they do not) are generalized grievances, not individual harms to him.
Many of Mr. Feehan’s claims are barred by laches because he could have sought
judicial relief prior to the election, before 3.2 million Wisconsin voters had cast their
3
In addition to the Feehan action, see Compl., King v. Whitmer, No. 2:20-cv-13134-LVP-
RSW, ECF No. 1 (E.D. Mich. Nov. 25, 2020); Compl., Pearson v. Kemp, No. 1:20-cv-4809, ECF
No. 1 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 25, 2020); Compl., Boyer v. Ducey, No. 2:20-cv-02321-DJH, ECF No. 1 (D.
Ariz. Dec. 4, 2020). The cookie-cutter character of the pleadings in these actions is revealed in
part by Plaintiff’s attacks on the alleged failures to enforce Wisconsin’s “signature verification
requirement.” ECF No. 9 (“Amend. Compl.”) at 49. Wisconsin has no signature verification
requirement.
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ballots. And all of his claims are barred by laches because he has waited for so long
Mr. Feehan’s claims also are barred under blackletter Eleventh Amendment law. He
cannot ask a federal court to adjudicate state law claims against state actors, and he
cannot turn those claims into federal questions by relabeling them as due process, equal
Basic principles of federalism and comity also counsel both Pullman and Colorado
River abstention.
Mr. Feehan states no claim upon which relief can be granted, instead positing a
sweeping and implausible conspiracy by foreign and domestic malefactors to steal the
Mr. Feehan satisfies none of the requirements for the injunctive relief he seeks. He is
not likely to succeed on the merits, he has failed to establish he will suffer irreparable
harm, and both the public interest and the equities weigh decisively against him.
This Court should therefore deny Plaintiff’s amended motion for a TRO or preliminary
injunction and dismiss this suit in its entirety. President Trump and his allies have now brought
dozens of lawsuits in state and federal courts throughout the Nation seeking to challenge the
election results, and in many instances to nullify those results outright.4 None of those cases has
4
Alanna Durkin Richer, Trump loves to win but keeps losing election lawsuits, AP NEWS
(Dec. 4, 2020), https://apnews.com/article/donald-trump-losing-election-lawsuits-
36d113484ac0946fa5f0614deb7de15e.
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State and federal judges from across the ideological spectrum have united in rejecting these
sorts of flimsy and audacious attacks on the Presidential election results and the rule of law, as
many of the citations in this brief will attest. Lawsuits like these not only are an abuse of process,
they continue to, and perhaps are intended to, erode public confidence in our electoral system. The
corrosive effects are like battery acid on the body politic. There must be an end to spurious
litigation, and courts must communicate that to current and would-be litigants and their lawyers.
As Justice Hagedorn emphasized last week in his Wisconsin Voters All. concurrence:
Ex. 1 at 2 (emphasis added). Other courts have joined not only in dismissing, but in strongly
condemning, insidious lawsuits like these seeking the “drastic,” “breathtaking,” “unprecedented,”
and “disenfranchising” relief of nullifying the voters’ decision and awarding the election to
President Trump. Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Pennsylvania, No. 20-3371, 2020 WL
brought by these same counsel advancing the same allegations as here with the following
observation:
[T]he Court finds that Plaintiffs are far from likely to succeed in this matter. In
fact, this lawsuit seems to be less about achieving the relief Plaintiffs seek—as
much of that relief is beyond the power of this Court—and more about the impact
of their allegations on People’s faith in the democratic process and their trust in our
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government. Plaintiffs ask this Court to ignore the orderly statutory scheme
established to challenge elections and to ignore the will of millions of voters. This,
the Court cannot, and will not, do.
Slip Op. at 35-36, King v. Whitmer, No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (Ex. 4). And
still another of the four “cookie-cutter” lawsuits brought by Mr. Feehan’s counsel was dismissed
from the bench this morning by a federal court in Georgia. See Pearson v. Kemp, No. 1:20-cv-
Respectfully, this Court should likewise not only deny Plaintiff’s requested relief, but
should dismiss and condemn this litigation in the strongest terms possible.
BACKGROUND
Mr. Feehan’s Amended Complaint is a cut-and-paste job from other lawsuits that bolts
together into one pleading various generalized grievances and conspiracy theories that fall into
A. WEC-Approved Practices
The Amended Complaint argues that the WEC violated Wisconsin election statutes by
providing unauthorized guidance that was widely relied upon by voters and local election
officials—in one instance, for over four years. Plaintiff now seeks to exclude these votes cast in
reliance on WEC guidance on the theory that these “illegal” votes “diluted” his single vote. See
5
Nicole Carr, Federal judge dismisses Sidney Powell lawsuit seeking to decertify
Georgia’s elections, WSB-TV2.com (Dec. 7, 2020), (available at:
https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__protect-
2Dus.mimecast.com_s_EVT4Cv29yYU778N0uQNLbw_&d=DwMF-
g&c=XRWvQHnpdBDRh-
yzrHjqLpXuHNC_9nanQc6pPG_SpT0&r=ujHaccxZeCkVMgPPje6IryfbR0QhDRwqm2pPPtsv
haw&m=Eq0xjcOJkBwSYhlm3PuGAZhfC4GhCttJ4_A4ZTuutbw&s=bRBVgiwxyHTp-
Rvu36TxkTFObbXDtRBq3fwpDppFaSY&e=)
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“Indefinitely confined” exemption. Voters who self-certify that they are “indefinitely
confined because of age, physical illness or infirmity or . . . disabled for an indefinite period” are
not required to submit photocopies of their photo IDs with their absentee ballot applications. Wis.
Stat. §§ 6.86(2)(a), 6.87(4)(b)(2). After the pandemic hit Wisconsin in March and the Evers
Administration issued a “Safer-at-Home Order” on March 24, some county clerks advised voters
they could claim to be “indefinitely confined” pursuant to the order for purposes of voting absentee
in the April 7 spring election. Both the WEC and the Wisconsin Supreme Court disagreed with
that broad and unqualified reading. Instead, the WEC issued, and the State’s high court endorsed,
much narrower guidance that left the decision to individual voters subject to certain guidelines.
The WEC’s March 29, 2020 guidance, which remains in effect, provides in pertinent part:
Ex. 5. The WEC’s guidance emphasized that, “[d]uring the current public health crisis, many
voters of a certain age or in at-risk populations may meet that standard of indefinitely confined
6
Wisconsin has a decades-long legislative policy of taking voters at their word concerning
“indefinite confinement.” The relevant portion of what is now numbered Section 6.86(2)(a) has
been unchanged since 1985, when the Legislature eliminated a formal affidavit requirement for
those claiming to be “indefinitely confined” and allowed voters to self-certify instead. See WIS.
STAT. § 6.86(2) (1985). Consistent with this statutory self-certification approach, the
Commission’s guidance emphasizes the importance of avoiding any “proof” requirements.
“Statutes do not establish the option to require proof or documentation from indefinitely confined
voters. Clerks may tactfully verify with voters that the voter understood the indefinitely confined
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In a March 31, 2020 order, the Wisconsin Supreme Court granted the Republican Party of
Wisconsin’s motion for a temporary restraining order, directing the Dane County Clerk to “refrain
from posting advice as the County Clerk for Dane County inconsistent with” the above quote from
the WEC guidance. Jefferson v. Dane Cnty., No 2020AP557-OA (Mar. 31, 2020) (Ex. 6) . Neither
the WEC nor the Wisconsin Supreme Court provided further guidance before the November 3
election; WEC’s March 29 guidance (as endorsed by the State’s highest court) thus remained in
effect through the election, and voters throughout the State relied upon it.
But like other Wisconsin litigants seeking to upend the November 3rd election in recent
weeks, Mr. Feehan now argues that the WEC’s definition of “indefinitely confined” is far too
lenient, that WEC should have allowed local officials to demand further proof, and that WEC
should have taken further efforts to limit reliance on the “indefinitely confined” exemption in the
midst of the worst global pandemic in over a century. Amend. Compl. ¶¶ 1, 14, 37-45, 104-07,
116. Mr. Feehan offers no explanation for why he waited until after the election to challenge
WEC’s guidance, as he easily could have done under Wis. Stat. § 227.40(1). Nor does Mr. Feehan
offer any actual facts showing that the WEC’s supposedly problematic interpretation led to any
abuse of the “indefinitely confined” provision. Instead, he relies upon the claim of a purported
“expert” that precisely 96,437 voters “were improperly relying on the ‘indefinitely confined’
exemption to voter ID” in last month’s election, as if Mr. Feehan or his expert has any clue about
the health and veracity of nearly 100,000 Wisconsin citizens. Id. ¶ 59.
Witness address requirement. An absentee voter must complete her ballot and sign a
“Certification of Voter” on the absentee ballot envelope in the presence of a witness. Wis. Stat.
status designation when they submitted their request, but they may not request or require proof.”
Ex. 5.
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§ 6.87(4)(b). The witness must then sign a “Certification of Witness” on the envelope, which must
include the witness’s address. Wis. Stat. § 6.87. Since October 2016, the WEC has instructed
municipal clerks that, while they may never add missing signatures, they “must take corrective
action” to add missing witness addresses if they are “‘reasonably able to discern’” that information
by contacting the witnesses or looking up the addresses through reliable sources. Ex. 7. The WEC
has repeated these instructions in multiple guidance documents over the past four years. See Ex.
8 (guidance in current WEC Election Administration Manual that clerks “may add a missing
witness address using whatever means are available,” and “should initial next to the added witness
address”). This construction was adopted unanimously by the WEC over four years ago; has
governed in eleven statewide races since then, including the 2016 presidential election and recount;
has been relied upon by local election officials and voters throughout the State; and has never been
Until now. Like the plaintiffs in many of the other Wisconsin court challenges in the past
month, Mr. Feehan argues that WEC has exceeded its statutory authority over the past four years
in requiring clerks to attempt to fill in missing witness addresses, and seeks to exclude all such
ballots cast last month. Amend. Compl. ¶¶ 14, 43-45, 104-05. Here again, he offers no explanation
for why he waited until after the election to raise this challenge.
Most of Mr. Feehan’s Amended Complaint is devoted to recounting the supposed details
of a “massive election fraud” perpetrated by Dominion Voting Systems and a motley collection of
unnamed “domestic third parties or hostile foreign actors,” including “rogue actors” in Iran, China,
and Venezuela. Amend. Compl. ¶¶ 1, 6, 16, 70, 81; see generally id. ¶¶ 3, 46-50, 52, 60-99. Mr.
Feehan says at one point that he is “seeking to hold election riggers like Dominion to account and
to prevent the United States’ descent into Venezuelan levels of voting fraud and corruption out of
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which Dominion was born.” Id. ¶ 94. Many of the supposed evidentiary sources are “redacted,”
so we have no idea who (or what) is feeding these tales to Mr. Feehan’s credulous lawyers. The
Amended Complaint throws out the word “fraud” (or variations like “fraudulent”) no fewer than
47 times, but none of those allegations of fraud meets Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(b) standards. Not one.
It is difficult to figure out why, precisely, Mr. Feehan’s lawyers are pulling Governor Evers
and the individual members of the WEC into the web of what Ms. Powell has now infamously
called this “Kraken.”7 The Amended Complaint repeatedly makes false and frivolous claims such
as this: “The multifacted schemes and artifices implemented by Defendants”—that is, the WEC
Commissioners and Governor Evers—“and their collaborators to defraud resulted in the unlawful
fictitious ballots in the State of Wisconsin.” Amend. Compl. ¶ 4. These “Kraken” allegations
Mr. Feehan’s lawyers also submit various declarations from so-called “experts,” purporting
to point out perceived “statistical anomalies and mathematical impossibilities” in the data they
have examined that have led them to deduce that “it is statistically impossible for Joe Biden to
have won Wisconsin.” Id. ¶ 1. Never mind the statewide canvass process and the rigorous recount
process in Dane and Milwaukee Counties. Never mind the pending state recount litigation. And
never mind all the other media and public scrutiny of the Wisconsin election returns over the past
month. Because a few “experts” believe there is a “statistical impossibility” that Joe Biden carried
7
Davey Alba, ‘Release the Kraken,’ a catchphrase for unfounded conspiracy theory,
trends on Twitter, N.Y. TIMES (Nov. 17, 2020),
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/17/technology/release-the-kraken-a-catchphrase-for-
unfounded-conspiracy-theory-trends-on-twitter.html.
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Wisconsin, Mr. Feehan and his counsel insist “this Court must set aside the results of the 2020
General Election” and issue “[a]n order requiring Governor Evers to transmit certified election
results that state that President Donald Trump is the winner of the election.” Id. ¶¶ 5, 142(3).
Requests like these would be laughable if they were not so antidemocratic and unconstitutional.
LEGAL STANDARD
Motion to Dismiss. Although the DNC as a nonparty may not move to dismiss Mr.
Feehan’s claims, it may properly oppose Feehan’s requested injunctive relief by showing that
Feehan’s Amended Complaint fails to state a cognizable claim for relief. In deciding a motion to
dismiss, the Court presumes the veracity of all well-pleaded material allegations in the Complaint,
Firestone Fin. Corp. v. Meyer, 796 F.3d 822, 826 (7th Cir. 2015), but “a plaintiff’s obligation to
provide the ‘grounds’ of his ‘entitle[ment] to relief’ requires more than labels and conclusions, and
a formulaic recitation of the elements of a cause of action will not do.” Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly,
550 U.S. 544, 545 (2007) (alteration in original) (quoting Fed. R. Civ. P. 8(a)). “[C]onclusory
statements of law . . . and their unwarranted inferences . . . are not sufficient to defeat a motion to
dismiss for failure to state a claim.” N. Tr. Co. v. Peters, 69 F.3d 123, 129 (7th Cir. 1995).
Mr. Feehan’s drumbeat of claims about alleged “fraud” are subject to the pleading
requirements of Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(b), which require a party pleading fraud to “state with
particularity the circumstances constituting fraud.” This standard “ordinarily requires describing
the ‘who, what, when, where, and how’” of the fraud. AnchorBank, FSB v. Hofer, 649 F.3d 610,
‘must make a threshold showing that (1) absent preliminary injunctive relief, he will suffer
irreparable harm in the interim prior to a final resolution; (2) there is no adequate remedy at law;
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and (3) he has a reasonable likelihood of success on the merits.” Tully v. Okeson, 977 F.3d 608,
612–13 (7th Cir. 2020). Then, “if the movant makes this threshold showing, the court proceeds to
consider the balance of harms between the parties and the effect of granting or denying a
preliminary injunction on the ‘public interest.’” Id. (quoting Turnell v. CentiMark Corp., 796 F.3d
656, 662 (7th Cir. 2015)); see also Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20 (2008);
Democratic Nat’l Comm. v. Bostelmann, 451 F. Supp. 3d 952, 968 (W.D. Wis. 2020) (applying
This is a demanding standard in any case but, where, as here, plaintiffs seek a mandatory
injunction, it is heightened. See, e.g., Mays v. Dart, 974 F.3d 810, 818 (7th Cir. 2020) (“Mandatory
cautiously viewed and sparingly issued.’”) (quoting Graham v. Med. Mut. of Ohio, 130 F.3d 293,
ARGUMENT
I. The Court should dismiss this case because Plaintiff lacks standing.
To avoid dismissal on Article III grounds, a “plaintiff must have (1) suffered an injury in
fact, (2) that is fairly traceable to the challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) that is likely to
be redressed by a favorable judicial decision.” Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547
No cognizable injury-in-fact. Mr. Feehan has failed to establish that he has suffered an
injury in fact sufficient to maintain any of his claims. As to his equal protection and due process
claims in Counts II and III (as well as his freestanding fraud claim in Count IV, for which he cites
neither a constitutional nor statutory basis), Feehan does not allege that he suffered any specific
harm as a presidential elector, or that, as a voter, he was deprived of the right to vote; instead, he
alleges that “Defendants failed to comply with the requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code
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and thereby diluted the lawful ballots of the Plaintiff and of other Wisconsin voters and electors.”
Amend. Compl. ¶ 116; see also id. ¶¶ 114, 125-26, 136. But Plaintiff’s theory of vote-dilution-
through-unlawful-voting has been thoroughly and repeatedly rejected by federal courts as a viable
basis for standing (including in several decisions in the last few weeks alone). See, e.g., Slip Op.
at 25, King v. Whitmer, No. 2:20-cv-13134, (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (no standing in cookie-
cutter litigation) (Ex. 4); Bognet v. Sec’y of Commonwealth, No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at
*11-14 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020) (“This conceptualization of vote dilution—state actors counting
ballots in violation of state election law—is not a concrete harm under the Equal Protection Clause
of the Fourteenth Amendment”); Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Cegavske, No. 2:20-CV-
1445 JCM (VCF), 2020 WL 5626974, at *4 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020) (similar).
Thus, in Donald J. Trump for President v. Boockvar, the court rejected a challenge to
restrictions on poll watchers and ballot challenges on a theory, like the one Plaintiff advances, that
state practices constituted fraud and thus diluted lawfully submitted votes. The court found that
the fears of voter fraud that animated the claims were “based on a series of speculative events—
which falls short of the requirement to establish a concrete injury.” 2020 WL 5997680, at *33.
Other cases have reached similar results. See, e.g., Martel v Condos, No. 5:20-cv-131, 2020 WL
5755289, at *3-5 (D. Vt. Sept. 16, 2020) (holding voters challenging a directive expanding vote-
by-mail lacked concrete and particularized injury necessary for standing); Paher v. Cegavske, 457
F. Supp. 3d 919, 925-26 (D. Nev. 2020) (same); Am. Civil Rights Union v. Martinez-Rivera, 166
F. Supp. 3d 779, 789 (W.D. Tex. 2015) (“[T]he risk of vote dilution” as a result of allegedly
inaccurate voter rolls “[is] speculative and, as such, [is] more akin to a generalized grievance about
the government than an injury in fact.”). Mr. Feehan’s claims are similarly deficient.
Feehan also claims he has suffered harm as a result of alleged violations of the Elections
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and Electors Clauses, but that injury, too, has been repeatedly rejected as “precisely the kind of
an injury for Article III standing. Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442 (2007) (per curiam); accord
Wood v. Raffensperger, No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866, *4 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020) (“Wood
cannot explain how his interest in compliance with state election laws is different from that of any
other person.”). Plaintiff’s reliance on Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020), is
misplaced. See Amend. Compl. ¶ 25. There, the Eighth Circuit held that “[a]n inaccurate vote
tally is a concrete and particularized injury” to electors, under the theory that Minnesota electors
are candidates for office under Minnesota law. 978 F.3d at 1058. Carson is neither binding on
this Court nor in the legal mainstream; federal courts have repeatedly held that even candidates for
office lack Article III standing to challenge alleged violations of state law under the Elections
Clause. See Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *6-7 (voters and candidate lacked standing to bring
claims under Elections and Electors Clauses); id. at *8 n.6 (rejecting Carson as being based on an
incorrect reading of Bond v. United States, 564 U.S. 211 (2011)); Hotze v. Hollins, No. 4:20-cv-
03709, 2020 WL 6437668, at *2 (S.D. Tex. Nov. 2, 2020) (holding candidate lacked standing
under Elections Clause and concluding that Supreme Court’s cases “stand for the proposition that
only the state legislature (or a majority of the members thereof) have standing to assert a violation
of the Elections Clause,” but not individuals).8 Neither of the additional cases Plaintiff cites so
much as mentions Article III standing and Plaintiff provides no explanation regarding either case’s
supposed significance. See Dkt. No. 42 at 4 (citing McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892);
8
Although separate constitutional provisions, the Electors and Elections Clauses share
“considerable similarity” and should be interpreted in the same manner. Ariz. State Leg. v. Ariz.
Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 839 (2015) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting); see also
Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *7 (applying same test for standing under both Elections and
Electors Clauses).
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Bush v. Palm Beach Cnty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000) (per curiam)).
No traceability. Mr. Feehan has also failed to allege facts sufficient to establish that any
supposed injury is traceable to Defendants. First, he alleges a “fraudulent scheme to rig the 2020
General Election.” Amend. Compl. ¶ 50. But there are no allegations in the Amended Complaint
that connect this alleged “fraudulent scheme” to Defendants. Instead, Plaintiff explicitly blames
other parties, including a technology company, see id. ¶ 98 (describing “clear motive on the part
of Dominion to rig the election”), and various unnamed foreign actors, see id. ¶ 70 (describing
“foreign interference by Iran and China”). Second, Plaintiff alleges that certain actions by the
WEC did not follow state law. Id. ¶¶ 40-41, 44-45. But other than Plaintiff’s generic complaint
that such supposed legal errors created an “avenue for fraudulent voting,” id. ¶ 38, there are no
allegations in the Amended Complaint showing that anything WEC allegedly did caused (or even
relates to) any alleged injury to Plaintiff himself. This lack of traceability dooms Mr. Feehan’s
standing to pursue any claims against the WEC. See Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560–
61 (1992). The same is true a fortiori of the individual Defendants, none of whom is alleged in
No redressability. Finally, as relief sought, Mr. Feehan attempts to bypass the popular
vote in Wisconsin by asking the Court to issue an injunction to prevent Governor Evers and the
WEC “from transmitting the currently certified electoral results [to] the Electoral College.”
Amend. Compl. ¶ 142(2). Doing so would not redress Mr. Feehan’s alleged injuries. As explained
earlier today in King v. Whitmer, which concerns nearly identical claims, “Plaintiffs’ alleged injury
does not entitle them to seek their requested remedy because the harm of having one’s vote
invalidated or diluted is not remedied by denying millions of others their right to vote.” Slip Op.
at 25, King, No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (Ex. 4). Not only that, granting the
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requested relief is impossible, because the Certificate of Ascertainment has already been
otherwise. See Wood v. Raffensperger, 2020 WL 7094866, *6 (“Because Georgia has already
certified its results, Wood’s requests to delay certification and commence a new recount are moot.
‘We cannot turn back the clock and create a world in which’ the 2020 election results are not
In sum, Mr. Feehan meets none of the three requirements for Article III standing and this
Even if Mr. Feehan were able to establish that he has standing to pursue his claims (and,
for the reasons discussed above, he does not), the doctrine of laches independently bars any relief.
“Laches arises when an unwarranted delay in bringing a suit or otherwise pressing a claim
produces prejudice to the defendant.” Fulani v. Hogsett, 917 F.2d 1028, 1031 (7th Cir. 1990).
The doctrine applies with special force and urgency in the election-law context. A long line of
Seventh Circuit decisions emphasizes that election-law claims “must be brought ‘expeditiously’
… to afford the district court ‘sufficient time in advance of an election to rule without disruption
of the electoral cycle.’” Jones v. Markiewicz-Qualkinbush, 842 F.3d 1053, 1061 (7th Cir. 2016)
(citations omitted) (emphasis added); see also Bowes v. Indiana Secretary of State, 837 F.3d 813,
818 (7th Cir. 2016) (“plaintiffs in general must act quickly once they become aware of a
constitutional violation, so as not to disrupt an upcoming election process”); Nader v. Keith, 385
F.3d 729, 736 (7th Cir. 2004) (“It would be inequitable to order preliminary relief in a suit filed so
gratuitously late in the campaign season.”); Fulani, 917 F.2d at 1031 (denying relief where
plaintiffs’ delay risked “interfer[ing] with the rights of other Indiana citizens, in particular the
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absentee voters”); Navarro v. Neal, 904 F. Supp. 2d 812, 816 (N.D. Ill. 2012) (“By waiting so long
to bring this action, plaintiffs ‘created a situation in which any remedial order would throw the
state’s preparations for the election into turmoil.’”), aff’d, 716 F.3d 425 (7th Cir. 2013).
Through not using the term “laches,” the U.S. Supreme Court has long “insisted that
federal courts not change electoral rules close to an election date.” Democratic Nat’l Comm. v.
Bostelmann, 977 F.3d 639, 641-42 (7th Cir. 2020) (citing, inter alia, Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549
U.S. 1 (2006)), stay denied, No. 20A66, 2020 WL 6275871 (Oct. 26, 2020). Wisconsin law is in
accord. See Hawkins v. Wisconsin Elections Comm’n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶ 9-10, 393 Wis. 2d 629,
948 N.W.2d 877 (2020) (rejecting petition for original action filed nearly three months before the
2020 general election where the Court concluded there was insufficient time to grant “any form
of relief that would be feasible,” and that granting relief would “completely upset[] the election,”
cause “confusion and disarray,” and “undermine confidence in the general election results”).
Overturning the results of an election after it has been held, as Mr. Feehan and his counsel seek
to accomplish, would create far more confusion, disarray, and loss of public confidence in the
results.
All of the elements of laches are satisfied here. Mr. Feehan and his counsel are guilty of
egregious delays. Many of the practices he challenges were in place long before November 3rd
and could have been readily challenged before the election. The WEC’s guidance, for example,
could have been challenged at any time before the election in a declaratory judgment action
under Wis. Stat. § 227.40(1). These “exclusive” review procedures could have been used to
present claims that the WEC’s guidance “exceeds the statutory authority of the agency,” id. §
227.40(4)(a), which is precisely what Mr. Feehan is claiming here. But Mr. Feehan and his
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counsel inexcusably waited nearly a full month after the election before bringing suit—and until
after Wisconsin had certified its presidential election results—to seek relief.
Nor is there any question that the DNC and its nominees, the public, and the administration
of justice in general would be deeply prejudiced if the Court excused Plaintiff’s delay in bringing
this suit. Plaintiff’s requested relief would retroactively disenfranchise some, or all, of
Wisconsin’s voters after voting has concluded and would destroy confidence in the electoral
process. As explained earlier today in King v. Whitmer, the “rationale for interposing the doctrine
of laches is at its peak.” Slip Op. at 19, No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020).
“Interference with impending elections is extraordinary, and interference with an election after
voting has begun is unprecedented.” Sw. Voter Registration Educ. Project v. Shelley, 344 F.3d
914, 919 (9th Cir. 2003) (citing Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 585 (1964)). And as Justice
Hagedorn emphasized last week, interference with an election after it has concluded “would
at 2 (Hagedorn, J., concurring) (Ex. 1). Plaintiff’s claims are barred by laches.
In addition to the hurdles described above, the Eleventh Amendment also separately and
independently bars Mr. Feehan’s claims. The Eleventh Amendment prohibits federal courts from
granting “relief against state officials on the basis of state law, whether prospective or retroactive.”
Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman, 465 U.S. 89, 106 (1984); see also Dean Foods Co.
v. Brancel, 187 F.3d 609, 613 (7th Cir. 1999) (“[F]ederal courts cannot enjoin a state officer from
violating state law.”) This is true even when state law claims are styled as federal causes of action.
See Colon v. Schneider, 899 F.2d 660, 672 (7th Cir. 1990) (rejecting plaintiff’s attempt to
“transmute a violation of state law into a constitutional violation” and noting that such state law
claims would be barred by the Eleventh Amendment); see also, e.g., Massey v. Coon, No. 87-3768,
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1989 WL 884, at *2 (9th Cir. Jan. 3, 1989) (affirming dismissal where “on its face the complaint
states a claim under the due process and equal protection clauses of the Constitution, [but] these
constitutional claims are entirely based on the failure of defendants to conform to state law”);
Balsam v. Sec’y of State, 607 F. App’x 177, 183–84 (3d Cir. 2015) (Eleventh Amendment bars
state law claims even when “premised on violations of the federal Constitution”).
None of Mr. Feehan’s claims escapes this bar. In substance, he asks the Court to determine
that state officials violated state law and compel state officials to do what he believes Wisconsin
law requires. Count I, his purported Elections and Electors Clause claim, asserts that Defendants
violated the U.S. Constitution by exercising powers that are the province of the Wisconsin
Legislature. Amend. Compl. ¶ 103. While less than clear, Plaintiff’s allegation appears to be that
Defendants did so by violating the Wisconsin State Election Code. Id. ¶¶ 104–06. Count II,
Plaintiff’s purported Equal Protection Clause claim, alleges vote dilution because “Defendants
failed to comply with the requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code.” Id. ¶ 116. It also relies
on the assertion that Defendants violated “Plaintiff’s right to be present and have actual
observation and access to the electoral process ….” Id. ¶ 117. But there is no constitutional right
to poll watching or observation; any “right” to do so exists under state law. See, e.g., Donald J.
Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *67 (W.D. Pa. Oct.
10, 2020) (“[T]here is no individual constitutional right to serve as a poll watcher.” (quoting Pa.
Democratic Party v. Boockvar, No. 133 MM 2020, 2020 WL 5554644, at *30 (Pa. Sept. 17,
2020))). Count III, Plaintiff’s purported due process claim, also relies primarily on alleged
violations of Wisconsin law. See Amend. Compl. ¶ 129 (discussing “violations of the Wisconsin
Election Code”). Finally, Plaintiff’s free-standing “fraud” claim in Count IV is expressly based
on Defendants’ failure to comply with state election laws. Amend. Compl. ¶ 137 (alleging
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“defendants intentionally violated multiple provisions of the Wisconsin Election Code”).
Mr. Feehan’s motion only serves to underscore that his issues are truly state law claims
masquerading as the basis for a federal action. Once again, it asserts purported violations of
Wisconsin law. See Dkt. 19 at 3 (“Plaintiff is more likely to succeed on the merits of his claims
than not due to substantial and multiple violations of Wisconsin election laws . . . .”). Granting
Mr. Feehan’s request would be problematic for a host of reasons; one is that it would violate the
Eleventh Amendment. See Archie v. City of Racine, 847 F.2d 1211, 1217 (7th Cir. 1988) (“[T]o
treat a violation of state law as a violation of the Constitution is to make the federal government
the enforcer of state law. State rather than federal courts are the appropriate institutions to enforce
state rules.”); see also, e.g., Ohio Republican Party v. Brunner, 543 F.3d 357, 360-61 (6th Cir.
2008) (holding Pennhurst bars claim that Secretary of State violated state election law).
Even if the Court were to conclude that none of the above hurdles barred it from exercising
jurisdiction, principles of federalism and comity would still weigh strongly against doing so.
Plaintiff seeks an extraordinary intrusion on state sovereignty from which a federal court should
Under the Pullman abstention doctrine, Mr. Feehan’s claims should be addressed, if at all,
in state court. See Railroad Comm’n v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. 496, 501 (1941). The doctrine “is
based on considerations of comity and federalism and applies when ‘the resolution of a federal
constitutional question might be obviated if the state courts were given the opportunity to interpret
ambiguous state law.’” Wisconsin Right to Life State Political Action Comm. v. Barland, 664 F.3d
139, 150 (7th Cir. 2011) (quoting Quackenbush v. Allstate Ins. Co., 517 U.S. 706, 716-17 (1996)).
If a state law “is ‘fairly subject to an interpretation which will render unnecessary or substantially
modify the federal constitutional question,’ abstention may be required ‘in order to avoid
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unnecessary friction in federal-state relations, interference with important state functions, tentative
decisions on questions of state law, and premature constitutional adjudication.’” City Investing
Co. v. Simcox, 633 F.2d 56, 60 (7th Cir. 1980) (quoting Harman v. Forssenius, 380 U.S. 528, 534-
35 (1965)). The Seventh Circuit looks to two factors to determine whether Pullman abstention is
appropriate: whether there is (1) “a substantial uncertainty as to the meaning of the state law” and
(2) “a reasonable probability that the state court’s clarification of state law might obviate the need
for a federal constitutional ruling.” Wisconsin Right to Life, 664 F.3d at 150 (quoting Imt’l Coll.
of Surgeons v. City of Chi., 153 F.3d 356, 365 (7th Cir. 1998)). Each factor weighs in favor of
abstention here.
First, a central contention of the Amended Complaint is that official WEC guidance
misinterpreted the Wisconsin Election Code. Plaintiff alleges, among other things, legal errors by
WEC in relation to “indefinitely confined” voters, Amend. Compl. ¶¶ 37-42, 104, and missing
witness addresses on absentee-ballot envelopes, id. ¶¶ 43-45, 105-06; see also id. ¶ 137
(“Defendants intentionally violated multiple provisions of the Wisconsin Election Code ….”).
Plaintiff’s TRO motion echoes these state-law concerns. See Dkt. No. 10, ¶ 7. Accordingly,
adjudicating Plaintiff’s claims would require this Court to resolve alleged uncertainty about the
meaning of Wisconsin law. In fact, some of the same state law issues Plaintiff raises are currently
under consideration by the Wisconsin Supreme Court. See generally Jefferson v. Dane Cnty., No
Wisconsin law). The “indefinite confinement” and “witness address” issues are both also being
litigated in the Wisconsin recount appeals. See generally Trump v. Biden, Milwaukee County Case
No. 2020-CV-7092; Dane County Case No. 2020-CV-2514. And recently, in dissenting from the
denial of an original action petition in which the Trump campaign raised similar challenges,
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Wisconsin’s Chief Justice described the petition as raising “significant legal issues that cry out for
resolution by the Wisconsin Supreme Court.” Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA (Wis. Dec.
Second, it is at least “reasonably probable” that the Wisconsin courts’ adjudication of the
state law issues Mr. Feehan raises could “obviate the need for a federal constitutional ruling.”
Wisconsin Right to Life, 664 F.3d at 150. If, as the DNC submits would be proper, a Wisconsin
court rejected Mr. Feehan’s claim that WEC guidance violates state law, there would be no need
for this Court to opine about whether constitutional injury arose from such alleged violations.
Abstention is also warranted under the Colorado River doctrine, which provides that “a
federal suit,” in certain circumstances, “should yield to a parallel state suit.” DePuy Synthes Sales,
Inc. v. OrthoLA, Inc., 953 F.3d 469, 477 (7th Cir. 2020). Both conditions for abstention are met
here. First, there is a concurrent and parallel state-court action: President Trump’s appeal from the
WEC’s post-recount determinations in state court, which “involve[s] the same parties, the same
facts, and the same issues.” Id. at 478. Second, “the necessary exceptional circumstances exist to
support” abstention. Id. at 477. It is highly desirable to avoid “piecemeal” litigation of the issues
raised here, and the “source of governing law” is overwhelmingly Wisconsin election law. Id.
Moreover, the pending state-court action is not only “adequa[te] … to protect [Plaintiff’s] rights,”
but also the “exclusive judicial remedy” under Wisconsin law “for testing the right to hold an
elective office as the result of an alleged irregularity, defect or mistake committed during the voting
or canvassing process.” Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11). Just today, a federal court in Michigan, considering
identical claims, found Colorado River abstention appropriate. See Slip Op. at 20-23, King v.
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Finally, even if the Court were to conclude that this case falls outside the scope of Pullman,
Colorado River, and other abstention doctrines, the DNC respectfully submits that the Court
should nonetheless abstain because the case “implicates the principles of equity, comity, and
federalism” that lie at the foundation of those doctrines. SKS & Assocs., Inc. v. Dart, 619 F.3d
674, 677 (7th Cir. 2010). The conduct of elections is uniquely constitutionally entrusted to the
states. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 4; id. art. II, § 1, cl. 2. There are few areas where a federal court
should tread more lightly. See Rucho v. Common Cause, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2506-07 (2019).
through litigation,” Amend. Compl. ¶ 121—litigation that President Trump is already pursuing in
state court, as noted above. That litigation raises many of the same concerns Mr. Feehan raises,
“principles of equity, comity, and federalism,” SKS & Assocs., 619 F.3d at 677, support abstaining
from federal adjudication and instead allowing the post-recount litigation already initiated in state
The Amended Complaint is also subject to dismissal under Rule 12(b)(6), which requires
a plaintiff to allege “enough facts to state a claim to relief that is plausible on its face.” Twombly,
550 U.S. at 570. While Rule 8 “does not require ‘detailed factual allegations,’ … it demands more
662, 678 (2009) (quoting Twombly, 550 U.S. at 555). The shortcomings in the Amended
Complaint are particularly stark because Plaintiff’s claims sound in fraud and thus are subject to
the requirement of Rule 9(b) to “state with particularity the circumstances constituting fraud or
mistake.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(b). The Supreme Court has also instructed that “[d]etermining whether
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a complaint states a plausible claim for relief” is “a context-specific task that requires the reviewing
court to draw on its judicial experience and common sense.” Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 679.
Mr. Feehan fails to meet the standards of Rule 8, much less Rule 9(b). He speculates that
Wisconsin election officials and “the State of Wisconsin” engaged in “widespread fraud” to
manipulate the election results, supposedly in cahoots with domestic and international actors.
Amend. Compl. ¶ 48. He asserts that local election officials helped advance a “multi-state
fraudulent scheme to rig the 2020 General Election,” id. ¶ 50, by using voting machines made by
“Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez never lost another election,” id. ¶ 7, while also permitting Iran
and China to manipulate the 2020 general election to ensure President-elect Biden’s victory, id. ¶
16, and intentionally enabling mass voter fraud among mail-in voters, id. ¶¶ 46, 48.
Plainly, judicial experience and common sense alone dictate that the Amended Complaint
should be dismissed. “[T]he sheer size of the alleged conspiracy—involving numerous agencies
of state and local government—points in the direction of paranoid fantasy” rather than plausible
allegations grounded in fact. Walton v. Walker, 364 F. App’x 256, 257 (7th Cir. 2010) (internal
quotation marks omitted). But Mr. Feehan also has failed to state cognizable legal claims. His
Elections and Electors Clause claims as alleged in Count I of the Amended Complaint do not state
a claim for relief. The Elections and Electors Clauses vest authority in “the Legislature” of each
state to regulate “[t]he Times, Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
Representatives,” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1, and to direct the selection of presidential electors,
U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2, respectively. Plaintiff’s putative claims under the Elections and
Electors Clauses appear to be grounded on his allegation that Defendants failed to follow state law.
Amend. Compl. ¶¶ 104–06. Plaintiff, however, fails to tie these allegations to the Electors and
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Elections Clauses. He has not explained how alleged deviations from state election procedures
constitutes a violation of either constitutional provision. See, e.g., Slip Op. at 30, King v. Whitmer,
No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (“Even assuming Defendants did not follow the
Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs do not explain how or why such violations of state election
procedures automatically amount to violations of the clauses.”). Nowhere does he allege that
Defendants or state laws violate the authority of the Legislature to direct selection of the
presidential electors, U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2, or regulate elections, id. art. I, § 4, cl. 1.
Count II, Plaintiff’s putative Equal Protection claim, similarly fails as a matter of law. Mr.
Feehan alleges that “Defendants failed to comply with the requirements of Wisconsin Election
Code and thereby diluted the lawful ballots of the Plaintiff and of other Wisconsin voters ….”
Amend. Compl. ¶ 116. That is not a cognizable equal protection injury. Vote dilution may give
rise to a federal claim only in certain contexts, such as when laws structurally devalue one
community’s votes over another’s. See, e.g., Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *11 (“[V]ote dilution
under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned with votes being weighed differently.”). Courts
have repeatedly found the “conceptualization of vote dilution” that Mr. Feehan urges here—that
is, “state actors counting ballots in violation of state election law”—is not a cognizable violation
of equal protection. Id. For good reason: “if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the ‘unlawful’
counting of invalidly cast ballots ‘were a true equal-protection problem, then it would transform
every violation of state election law … into a potential federal equal-protection claim.’” Id.
(quoting Boockvar, 2020 WL 5997680, at *45-46); see also Slip Op. at 34 n.11, King v. Whitmer,
9
Mr. Feehan’s allegation that Defendants “enacted regulations, or issued guidance, that
had the intent and effect of favoring one class of voters—Democratic absentee voters—over
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Count III also fails. Mr. Feehan appears to allege that violations of law diluted his vote in
violation of the Due Process Clause. See Amend. Compl. ¶¶ 128-29. As noted, Mr. Feehan has
failed to plead a cognizable vote-dilution claim, but regardless, vote dilution is a context-specific
theory of constitutional harm premised on the Equal Protection Clause, not the Due Process
Clause. And even if this Court construed Mr. Feehan’s allegations as attempting to state a
substantive due process claim, they would still fall short, because “section 1983 does not cover
garden variety election irregularities.” Bodine v. Elkhart Cnty. Election Bd., 788 F.2d 1270, 1272
(7th Cir. 1986) (characterizing Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1076 (1st Cir. 1978)); see also
Kasper v. Hayes, 651 F. Supp. 1311, 1314 (N.D. Ill. 1987) (“The Constitution is not an election
fraud statute, … [and] ‘[i]t is not every election irregularity … which will give rise to a
constitutional claim and an action under section 1983’.” (quoting Bodine, 788 F.2d at 1271)), aff’d
sub nom. Kasper v. Bd. of Election Comm’rs, 810 F.2d 1167 (7th Cir. 1987). Instead, to “strike
down an election on substantive due process grounds,” two elements must be met: “(1) likely
reliance by voters on an established election procedure and/or official pronouncements about what
the procedure will be in the coming election; and (2) significant disenfranchisement that results
from a change in the election procedures.” Bennett v. Yoshina, 140 F.3d 1218, 1226-27 (9th Cir.
1998); see also Curry v. Baker, 802 F.2d 1302, 1315 (11th Cir. 1986) (to implicate due process,
problems must “go well beyond the ordinary dispute over the counting and marking of ballots”)
(internal quotation marks omitted). Plaintiff’s allegations here fall far short. Indeed, he does not
Republican voters” (Amend. Compl. ¶ 116) also does not state a viable equal protection claim,
because the guidance at issue applied equally to all absentee voters. See Boockvar, 2020 WL
5997680, at *60 (absentee ballot guidance did not violate Equal Protection Clause because “[i]t
was issued to all counties and applies equally to all counties, and by extension, voters.”); Bognet,
2020 WL 6686120, at *14 (rejecting plaintiffs’ proposed absentee voter groupings under Equal
Protection Clause because “there is simply no differential weighing of the votes.”).
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plausibly allege that any disenfranchisement has occurred, but rather asks the Court to negate the
For the reasons discussed above, Mr. Feehan cannot establish a “likelihood of success on
the merits.” Tully, 977 F.3d at 612-13. He has failed to carry his burden on any of the remaining
factors necessary to entitle him to preliminary relief, much less the extraordinary and
unprecedented relief he seeks. No court has ever done what Feehan asks this Court to do—throw
out the election results and ordain the losing candidate the victor by judicial proclamation. As the
Third Circuit put it recently when the Trump Campaign sought an order prohibiting Pennsylvania’s
officials from certifying election results, such relief—“throwing out millions of votes—is
unprecedented” and a “drastic remedy.” Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. 2020 WL 7012522,
at *7. “Voters, not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots, not briefs, decide elections.” Id *9.
constitutional claims. So, his assertion that he will suffer irreparable harm based on those
violations is unfounded. Further, his delay before seeking relief weighs against the probability of
irreparable injury. See Ty, Inc. v. Jones Grp., Inc., 237 F.3d 891, 903 (7th Cir. 2001); see also
Wright & Miller, 11A Federal Practice and Procedure, § 2948.1 (3d ed., Apr. 2017 update) (“A
long delay by plaintiff after learning of the threatened harm also may be taken as an indication that
the harm would not be serious enough to justify a preliminary injunction.”). Mr. Feehan’s alleged
injuries occurred (if they occurred at all), on or before election day. Yet he waited until nearly
four weeks after election day, after the election had been certified, to file this motion. This Court
should consider his inexcusable delay in determining whether he is entitled to “emergency” relief.
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Mr. Feehan also has an adequate remedy at law, weighing against a finding of irreparable
harm. See United States v. Rural Elec. Convenience Co-op. Co., 922 F.2d 429, 432 (7th Cir. 1991)
(“It is well settled that the availability of an adequate remedy at law renders injunctive relief
inappropriate.”). In this case, Wisconsin law allows for mechanisms to dispute election results.
Because Feehan could engage these mechanisms, he has an adequate remedy at law. See, e.g.,
Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Pennsylvania, 2020 WL 7012522, at *8 (“Because the
Campaign can raise these issues and seek relief through state courts and then the U.S. Supreme
Court, any harm may not be irreparable.”); see also Rural Elec. Convenience Co-op. Co., 922 F.2d
at 432 (observing that “a party’s ability to assert its claims as a defense in another proceeding
B. The balance of equities and public interest weigh heavily against the issuance
of a restraining order or injunction.
The balance of equities and public interest cut sharply against granting injunctive relief.
Plaintiff’s request that this Court order Defendants “to de-certify the results of the General Election
for the Office of President” and “certify the results … in favor of President Donald Trump,” would
wreak havoc on Wisconsin’s elections processes and violate the constitutional rights of millions
of Wisconsinites, all while undermining public confidence and trust in the election’s results. See
United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315 (1941) (“Obviously included within the right to choose,
secured by the Constitution, is the right of qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots and
have them counted ….”); Shipley v. Chi. Bd. of Election Comm’rs, 947 F.3d 1056, 1061 (7th Cir.
2020) (“It is undeniable that the right to vote is a fundamental right guaranteed by the Constitution.
The right to vote is not just the right to put a ballot in a box but also the right to have one's vote
For these reasons, in the past several weeks, courts have rightly refused to issue similar
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injunctions. See Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., 2020 WL 7012522, at *8–9 (construing
2020 WL 6817513 at *13 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 20, 2020) (denying request to enjoin Georgia from
certifying its election results, concluding that “interfer[ing] with the result of an election that has
already concluded would be unprecedented and harm the public in countless ways”), aff’d, No.
20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020). This Court should do the same.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, amicus curiae DNC respectfully requests that the Court deny
Plaintiff’s Amended Motion for Temporary Restraining Order and Preliminary Injunction in its
entirety.
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DATED: December 7, 2020
Respectfully Submitted,
s/ Michelle M. Umberger
Seth P. Waxman* Charles G. Curtis, Jr.
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND SBN 1013075
DORR LLP Michelle M. Umberger
1875 Pennsylvania Ave., NW SBN 1023801
Washington, DC 20006 Sopen B. Shah
(202) 663-6000 SBN 1105013
seth.waxman@wilmerhale.com Will M. Conley
SBN 1104680
David S. Lesser PERKINS COIE LLP
Jamie Dycus One East Main St., Suite 201
Christopher Bouchoux* Madison, WI 53703
Joseph J. Yu* (608) 663-7460
Charles Bridge* ccurtis@perkinscoie.com
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING HALE AND mumberger@perkinscoie.com
DORR LLP sshah@perkinscoie.com
7 World Trade Center wconley@perkinscoie.com
250 Greenwich Street
New York, NY 10007 Marc E. Elias*
(212) 230-8800 John Devaney
david.lesser@wilmerhale.com Zachary J. Newkirk*
jamie.dycus@wilmerhale.com PERKINS COIE LLP
christopher.bouchoux@wilmerhale.com 700 Thirteenth St., N.W.,
joseph.yu@wilmerhale.com Suite 800
charles.bridge@wilmerhale.com Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 654-6200
Matthew W. O’Neill melias@perkinscoie.com
SBN 1019269 jdevaney@perkinscoie.com
FOX, O’NEILL & znewkirk@perkinscoie.com
SHANNON, S.C.
622 North Water Street,
Suite 500 Counsel for Proposed Respondent-Intervenor
Milwaukee, WI 53202
(414) 273-3939
mwoneill@foslaw.com
* Admission pending
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1284 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 38 of 39 Document 57
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I hereby certify that on Monday, December 7, 2020, I filed a copy of the foregoing with
the Clerk of the Court using the CM/ECF system, which will send notification of such filing to
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1285 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 39 of 39 Document 57
Exhibit 1
December 4, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70 and
a supplement thereto, a supporting legal memorandum, and supporting expert reports have been
filed on behalf of petitioners, Wisconsin Voters Alliance, et al. A response to the petition has been
filed by respondents, Wisconsin Elections Commission, Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge
Bostelman, Julie M. Glancey, Dean Knudsen, and Robert F. Spindell, and a separate response has
been filed by respondent Governor Tony Evers. Amicus briefs regarding the issue of whether to
grant leave to commence an original action have been filed by (1) Christine Todd Whitman, et al;
(2) the City of Milwaukee; (3) Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, et al.; and (4) the Center for
Tech and Civic Life. In addition, a motion to intervene has been filed by proposed intervenor-
respondent, Democratic National Committee.
After considering all of the filings, we conclude that this petition does not satisfy our
standards for granting leave to commence an original action. Although the petition raises time-
sensitive questions of statewide significance, “issues of material fact [would] prevent the court
from addressing the legal issues presented.” State ex rel. Ozanne v. Fitzgerald, 2011 WI 43, ¶19,
334 Wis. 2d 70, 798 N.W.2d 436 (Prosser, J., concurring). It is therefore not an appropriate case
in which to exercise our original jurisdiction. Accordingly,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied; and
BRIAN HAGEDORN, J., (concurring). The Wisconsin Voters Alliance and a group of
Wisconsin voters bring a petition for an original action raising a variety of questions about the
operation of the November 3, 2020 presidential election. Some of these legal issues may, under
other circumstances, be subject to further judicial consideration. But the real stunner here is the
sought-after remedy. We are invited to invalidate the entire presidential election in Wisconsin by
declaring it “null”—yes, the whole thing. And there’s more. We should, we are told, enjoin the
Wisconsin Elections Commission from certifying the election so that Wisconsin’s presidential
electors can be chosen by the legislature instead, and then compel the Governor to certify those
electors. At least no one can accuse the petitioners of timidity.
Such a move would appear to be unprecedented in American history. One might expect
that this solemn request would be paired with evidence of serious errors tied to a substantial and
demonstrated set of illegal votes. Instead, the evidentiary support rests almost entirely on the
unsworn expert report1 of a former campaign employee that offers statistical estimates based on
call center samples and social media research.
This petition falls far short of the kind of compelling evidence and legal support we would
undoubtedly need to countenance the court-ordered disenfranchisement of every Wisconsin voter.
The petition does not even justify the exercise of our original jurisdiction.
As an initial matter, the Wisconsin Supreme Court is not a fact-finding tribunal. Yet the
petition depends upon disputed factual claims. In other words, we couldn’t just accept one side’s
description of the facts or one side’s expert report even if we were inclined to believe them.2 That
alone means this case is not well-suited for an original action. The petition’s legal support is no
less wanting. For example, it does not explain why its challenge to various election processes
1
After filing their petition for original action, the Petitioners submitted a second expert
report. But the second report only provides additional computations based on the assumptions and
calculations in the initial expert report.
2
The Attorney General and Governor offer legitimate arguments that this report would not
even be admissible evidence under Wis. Stat. § 907.02 (2017-18).
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017-18 version.
comes after the election, and not before. Nor does it grapple with how voiding the presidential
election results would impact every other race on the ballot, or consider the import of election
statutes that may provide the “exclusive remedy.”3 These are just a few of the glaring flaws that
render the petition woefully deficient. I therefore join the court’s order denying the original action.
I do not mean to suggest this court should look the other way no matter what. But if there
is a sufficient basis to invalidate an election, it must be established with evidence and arguments
commensurate with the scale of the claims and the relief sought. These petitioners have come
nowhere close. While the rough and tumble world of electoral politics may be the prism through
which many view this litigation, it cannot be so for us. In these hallowed halls, the law must rule.
Our disposal of this case should not be understood as a determination or comment on the
merits of the underlying legal issues; judicial review of certain Wisconsin election practices may
be appropriate. But this petition does not merit further consideration by this court, much less grant
us a license to invalidate every single vote cast in Wisconsin’s 2020 presidential election.
3
See Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11) (providing that § 9.01 “constitutes the exclusive judicial remedy
for testing the right to hold an elective office as the result of an alleged irregularity, defect or
mistake committed during the voting or canvassing process”); Wis. Stat. § 5.05(2m)(k) (describing
“[t]he commission’s power to initiate civil actions” under § 5.05(2m) as the “exclusive remedy for
alleged civil violations of chs. 5 to 10 or 12”).
2020, presidential election.4 This is the third time that a majority of this court has turned its back
on pleas from the public to address a matter of statewide concern that requires a declaration of
what the statutes require for absentee voting. I dissent and write separately because I have
concluded that the court has not meet its institutional responsibilities by repeatedly refusing to
address legal issues presented in all three cases.
I agree with Justice Hagedorn that we are not a circuit court, and therefore, generally, we
do not take cases for which fact-finding is required. Green for Wisconsin v. State Elections Bd.,
2006 WI 120, 297 Wis. 2d 300, 301, 723 N.W.2d 418. However, when the legal issue that we
wish to address requires it, we have taken cases that do require factual development, referring any
necessary factual determinations to a referee or to a circuit court. State ex rel. LeFebre v. Israel,
109 Wis. 2d 337, 339, 325 N.W.2d 899 (1982); State ex rel White v. Gray, 58 Wis. 2d 285, 286,
206 N.W.163 (1973).
We also have taken cases where the issues we wish to address are purely legal questions
for which no factual development is required in order to state what the law requires. Wisconsin
Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, 391 Wis. 2d 497, 942 N.W.2d 900. The statutory authority of
WEC is a purely legal question. There is no factual development required for us to declare what
the law requires in absentee voting.
Justice Hagedorn is concerned about some of the relief that Petitioners request. He begins
his concurrence saying, "the real stunner here is the sought after remedy." He next relates, "The
relief being sought by the petitioners is the most dramatic invocation of judicial power I have ever
seen." Then, he concludes with, "this petition does not merit further consideration by this court,
much less grant us a license to invalidate every single vote cast in Wisconsin’s 2020 presidential
election."5
Those are scary thoughts, but Justice Hagedorn has the cart before the horse in regard to
our consideration of this petition for an original action. We grant petitions to exercise our
jurisdiction based on whether the legal issues presented are of state wide concern, not based on the
remedies requested. Petition of Heil, 230 Wis. 428, 284 N.W.42 (1938).
Granting a petition does not carry with it the court's view that the remedy sought is
appropriate for the legal issues raised. Historically, we often do not provide all the relief requested.
Bartlett v. Evers, 2020 WI 68, ¶9, 393 Wis. 2d 172, 945 N.W.2d 685 (upholding some but not all
partial vetoes). There have been occasions when we have provided none of the relief requested by
the petitioner, but nevertheless declared the law. See Sands v. Menard, Inc., 2010 WI 96, ¶46, 328
Wis. 2d 647, 787 N.W.2d 384 (concluding that while reinstatement is the preferred remedy under
4
Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA, unpublished order (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020);
Mueller v. WEC, No. 2020AP1958-OA, unpublished order (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020) and
Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. WEC, No. 2020AP193-OA.
5
Justice Hagedorn forgets to mention that one form of relief sought by Petitioners is, "Any
other relief the Court deems appropriate."
Title VII, it is an equitable remedy that may or may not be appropriate); Coleman v. Percy, 96
Wis. 2d 578, 588-89, 292 N.W.2d 615 (1980) (concluding that the remedy Coleman sought was
precluded).
We have broad subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for original
action pending before us. Our jurisdiction is grounded in the Wisconsin Constitution. Wis. Const.,
art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire v. Booth, 2016 WI 65, ¶7, 370 Wis. 2d 595, 882 N.W.2d
738.
I dissent because I would grant the petition and address the people of Wisconsin's concerns
about whether WEC's conduct during the 2020 presidential election violated Wisconsin statutes.
As I said as I began, it is critical that voting in Wisconsin elections not only be fair, but that the
public also perceives voting as having been fairly conducted. The Wisconsin Supreme Court
should not walk away from its constitutional obligation to the people of Wisconsin for a third time.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
December 3, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70, a
supporting legal memorandum, and an appendix have been filed on behalf of petitioners, Donald
J. Trump, et al. Responses to the petition have been filed by (1) Governor Tony Evers; (2) the
Wisconsin Elections Commission and its Chair, Ann S. Jacobs; (3) Scott McDonell, Dane County
Clerk, and Alan A. Arnsten and Joyce Waldrop, members of the Dane County Board of
Canvassers; and (4) George L. Christensen, Milwaukee County Clerk, and Timothy H. Posnanski,
Richard Baas, and Dawn Martin, members of the Milwaukee County Board of Canvassers. A non-
party brief in support of the petition has been filed by the Liberty Justice Center. A motion to
intervene, a proposed response of proposed respondents-intervenors, and an appendix have been
filed by the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Margaret J. Andrietsch, Sheila Stubbs,
Ronald Martin, Mandela Barnes, Khary Penebaker, Mary Arnold, Patty Schachtner, Shannon
Holsey, and Benjamin Wikler (collectively, “the Biden electors”). The court having considered
all of the filings,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied. One
or more appeals from the determination(s) of one or more boards of canvassers or from the
determination of the chairperson of the Wisconsin Elections Commission may be filed by an
aggrieved candidate in circuit court. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6); and
1
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017–18 version.
2
The legislature generally can and does set deadlines and define procedures that
circumscribe a court’s competence to act in a given case. Village of Trempealeau v. Mikrut, 2004
WI 79, ¶9–10, 273 Wis. 2d 76, 681 N.W.2d 190. The constitution would obviously override these
legislative choices where the two conflict.
The Respondents argue, in part, that we lack subject matter jurisdiction because of the
"exclusive judicial remedy" provision found in Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11) (2017-18).3 Alternatively,
the Respondents assert that we should deny this petition because fact-finding is required, and we
are not a fact-finding tribunal.
I conclude that we have subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for
original action pending before us. Our jurisdiction arises from the Wisconsin Constitution and
cannot be impeded by statute. Wis. Const., art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire v. Booth,
2016 WI 65, ¶7, 370 Wis. 2d 595, 882 N.W.2d 738. Furthermore, time is of the essence.
However, fact-finding may be central to our evaluation of some of the questions presented.
I agree that the circuit court should examine the record presented during the canvasses to make
factual findings where legal challenges to the vote turn on questions of fact. However, I dissent
because I would grant the petition for original action, refer for necessary factual findings to the
circuit court, who would then report its factual findings to us, and we would decide the important
legal questions presented.
I also write separately to emphasize that by denying this petition, and requiring both the
factual questions and legal questions be resolved first by a circuit court, four justices of this court
are ignoring that there are significant time constraints that may preclude our deciding significant
legal issues that cry out for resolution by the Wisconsin Supreme Court.
I. DISCUSSION
The Petitioners set out four categories of absentee votes that they allege should not have
been counted because they were not lawfully cast: (1) votes cast during the 14-day period for in-
person absentee voting at a clerk's office with what are alleged to be insufficient written requests
for absentee ballots, pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 6.86(1)(b); (2) votes cast when a clerk has completed
information missing from the ballot envelope, contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87(6d); (3) votes cast by
those who obtained an absentee ballot after March 25, 2020 by alleging that they were indefinitely
3
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017–18 version.
confined; and (4) votes cast in Madison at "Democracy in the Park" events on September 26 and
October 3, in advance of the 14-day period before the election, contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87.
Some of the Respondents have asserted that WEC has been advising clerks to add missing
information to ballot envelopes for years, so the voters should not be punished for following
WEC's advice. They make similar claims for the collection of votes more than 14 days before the
November 3 election.
If WEC has been giving advice contrary to statute, those acts do not make the advice lawful.
WEC must follow the law. We, as the law declaring court, owe it to the public to declare whether
WEC's advice is incorrect. However, doing so does not necessarily lead to striking absentee ballots
that were cast by following incorrect WEC advice. The remedy Petitioners seek may be out of
reach for a number of reasons.
Procedures by which Wisconsin elections are conducted must be fair to all voters. This is
an important election, but it is not the last election in which WEC will be giving advice. If we do
not shoulder our responsibilities, we leave future elections to flounder and potentially result in the
public's perception that Wisconsin elections are unfair. The Wisconsin Supreme Court can uphold
elections by examining the procedures for which complaint was made here and explaining to all
where the WEC was correct and where it was not.
I also am concerned that the public will misunderstand what our denial of the petition
means. Occasionally, members of the public seem to believe that a denial of our acceptance of a
case signals that the petition's allegations are either false or not serious. Nothing could be further
from the truth. Indeed, sometimes, we deny petitions even when it appears that a law has been
violated. Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶14–16, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d
877 (Roggensack, C.J., dissenting).
II. CONCLUSION
I conclude that we have subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for
original action pending before us. Our jurisdiction arises from the Wisconsin Constitution and
cannot be impeded by statute. Wis. Const., art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire, 370 Wis. 2d
595, ¶7. Furthermore, time is of the essence.
However, fact-finding may be central to our evaluation of some of the questions presented.
I agree that the circuit court should examine the record presented during the canvasses to make
factual findings where legal challenges to the vote turn on questions of fact. However, I dissent
because I would grant the petition for original action, refer for necessary factual findings to the
circuit court, who would then report its factual findings to us, and we would decide the important
legal questions presented.
I am authorized to state that Justice ANNETTE KINGSLAND ZIEGLER joins this dissent.
The President of the United States challenges the legality of the manner in which certain
Wisconsin election officials directed the casting of absentee ballots, asserting they adopted and
implemented particular procedures in violation of Wisconsin law. The respondents implore this
court to reject the challenge because, they argue, declaring the law at this point would
"retroactively change the rules" after the election. It is THE LAW that constitutes "the rules" of
the election and election officials are bound to follow the law, if we are to be governed by the rule
of law, and not of men.
Under the Wisconsin Constitution, "all governmental power derives 'from the consent of
the governed' and government officials may act only within the confines of the authority the people
give them. Wis. Const. art. I, § 1." Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, ¶66, 391 Wis. 2d
497, 942 N.W.2d 900 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring). The Founders designed our
"republic to be a government of laws, and not of men . . . bound by fixed laws, which the people
have a voice in making, and a right to defend." John Adams, Novanglus: A History of the Dispute
with America, from Its Origin, in 1754, to the Present Time, in Revolutionary Writings of John
Adams (C. Bradley Thompson ed. 2000) (emphasis in original). Allowing any person, or
unelected commission of six, to be "bound by no law or limitation but his own will" defies the will
of the people. Id.
The importance of having the State's highest court resolve the significant legal issues
presented by the petitioners warrants the exercise of this court's constitutional authority to hear
this case as an original action. See Wis. Const. Art. VII, § 3. "The purity
and integrity of elections is a matter of such prime importance, and affects so many important
interests, that the courts ought never to hesitate, when the opportunity is offered, to test them by
the strictest legal standards." State v. Conness, 106 Wis. 425, 82 N.W. 288, 289 (1900). While
the court reserves this exercise of its jurisdiction for those original actions of statewide
significance, it is beyond dispute that "[e]lections are the foundation of American government and
their integrity is of such monumental importance that any threat to their validity should trigger not
only our concern but our prompt action." State ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-
W (S. Ct. Order issued June 1, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
The majority notes that an action "may be filed by an aggrieved candidate in circuit court.
Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6)." Justice Hagedorn goes so far as to suggest that § 9.01 "constitutes the
'exclusive judicial remedy' applicable to this claim." No statute, however, can circumscribe the
constitutional jurisdiction of the Wisconsin Supreme Court to hear this (or any) case as an original
action. "The Wisconsin Constitution IS the law—and it reigns supreme over any statute."
Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 391 Wis. 2d 497, ¶67 n.3 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring).
"The Constitution's supremacy over legislation bears repeating: 'the Constitution is to be
considered in court as a paramount law' and 'a law repugnant to the Constitution is void, and . . .
courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.' See Marbury [v. Madison], 5
U.S. (1 Cranch) [137] at 178, 180 [1803])." Mayo v. Wis. Injured Patients and Families Comp.
Fund, 2018 WI 78, ¶91, 383 Wis. 2d 1, 914 N.W.2d 678 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring).
Wisconsin Statute § 9.01 is compatible with the constitution. While it provides an avenue for
aggrieved candidates to pursue an appeal to a circuit court after completion of the recount
determination, it does not foreclose the candidate's option to ask this court to grant his petition for
an original action. Any contrary reading would render the law in conflict with the constitution and
therefore void. Under the constitutional-doubt canon of statutory interpretation, "[a] statute should
be interpreted in a way that avoids placing its constitutionality in doubt." Antonin Scalia & Brian
A. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 247. See also Wisconsin Legislature
v. Palm, 391 Wis. 2d 497, ¶31 ("[W]e disfavor statutory interpretations that unnecessarily raise
serious constitutional questions about the statute under consideration.").
While some will either celebrate or decry the court's inaction based upon the impact on
their preferred candidate, the importance of this case transcends the results of this particular
election. "Confidence in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to the functioning of
our participatory democracy." Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006). The majority takes a
pass on resolving the important questions presented by the petitioners in this case, thereby
undermining the public's confidence in the integrity of Wisconsin's electoral processes not only
during this election, but in every future election. Alarmingly, the court's inaction also signals to
the WEC that it may continue to administer elections in whatever manner it chooses, knowing that
the court has repeatedly declined to scrutinize its conduct. Regardless of whether the WEC's
actions affect election outcomes, the integrity of every election will be tarnished by the public's
mistrust until the Wisconsin Supreme Court accepts its responsibility to declare what the election
laws say. "Only . . . the supreme court can provide the necessary clarity to guide all election
officials in this state on how to conform their procedures to the law" going forward. State ex rel.
Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca
Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
The majority's recent pattern of deferring or altogether dodging decisions on election law
controversies4 cannot be reconciled with its lengthy history of promptly hearing cases involving
4
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶84, 86, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877
(Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting) ("The majority upholds the Wisconsin Elections
Commission's violation of Wisconsin law, which irrefutably entitles Howie Hawkins and Angela
Walker to appear on Wisconsin's November 2020 general election ballot as candidates for
President and Vice President of the United States . . . . In dodging its responsibility to uphold
the rule of law, the majority ratifies a grave threat to our republic, suppresses the votes of
voting rights and election processes under the court's original jurisdiction or by bypassing the court
of appeals.5 While the United States Supreme Court has recognized that "a state indisputably has
a compelling interest in preserving the integrity of its election process[,]" Burson v. Freeman, 504
U.S. 191, 199 (1992), the majority of this court repeatedly demonstrates a lack of any interest in
doing so, offering purely discretionary excuses or no reasoning at all. This year, the majority in
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n declined to hear a claim that the WEC unlawfully kept the Green
Party's candidates for President and Vice President off of the ballot, ostensibly because the
majority felt the candidates' claims were brought "too late."6 But when litigants have filed cases
involving voting rights well in advance of Wisconsin elections, the court has "take[n] a pass,"
Wisconsin citizens, irreparably impairs the integrity of Wisconsin's elections, and undermines the
confidence of American citizens in the outcome of a presidential election"); State ex rel. Zignego
v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl
Bradley, J., dissenting)) ("In declining to hear a case presenting issues of first impression
immediately impacting the voting rights of Wisconsin citizens and the integrity of impending
elections, the court shirks its institutional responsibilities to the people who elected us to make
important decisions, thereby signaling the issues are not worthy of our prompt attention."); State
ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued June 1, 2020 (Rebecca
Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)) ("A majority of this court disregards its duty to the people we serve
by inexplicably delaying the final resolution of a critically important and time-sensitive case
involving voting rights and the integrity of Wisconsin's elections.").
5
See, e.g., NAACP v. Walker, 2014 WI 98, ¶¶1, 18, 357 Wis. 2d 469, 851
N.W.2d 262 (2014) (this court took jurisdiction of appeal on its own motion in order to decide
constitutionality of the voter identification act enjoined by lower court); Elections Bd. of
Wisconsin v. Wisconsin Mfrs. & Commerce, 227 Wis. 2d 650, 653, 670, 597 N.W.2d 721 (1999)
(this court granted bypass petition to decide whether express advocacy advertisements advocating
the defeat or reelection of incumbent legislators violated campaign finance laws, in absence of
cases interpreting applicable statutes); State ex rel. La Follette v. Democratic Party of United
States, 93 Wis. 2d 473, 480-81, 287 N.W.2d 519 (1980) (original action deciding whether
Wisconsin open primary system was binding on national political parties or infringed their freedom
of association), rev'd, Democratic Party of United States v. Wisconsin ex rel. La Follette, 450 U.S.
107 (1981); State ex rel. Reynolds v. Zimmerman, 22 Wis. 2d 544, 548, 126 N.W.2d 551 (1964)
(original action seeking to enjoin state from holding elections pursuant to legislative
apportionment alleged to violate constitutional rights); State ex rel. Broughton v. Zimmerman, 261
Wis. 398, 400, 52 N.W.2d 903 (1952) (original action to restrain the state from holding elections
based on districts as defined prior to enactment of reapportionment law), overruled in part by
Reynolds, 22 Wis. 2d 544; State ex rel. Conlin v. Zimmerman, 245 Wis. 475, 476, 15 N.W.2d 32
(1944) (original action to interpret statutes in determining whether candidate for Governor timely
filed papers to appear on primary election ballot).
6
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶5, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877
(denying the petition for leave to commence an original action).
thereby "irreparably den[ying] the citizens of Wisconsin a timely resolution of issues that impact
voter rights and the integrity of our elections." State ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n,
2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
Having neglected to identify any principles guiding its decisions, the majority leaves Wisconsin's
voters and candidates guessing as to when, exactly, they should file their cases in order for the
majority to deem them worthy of the court's attention.
The consequence of the majority operating by whim rather than rule is to leave the
interpretation of multiple election laws in flux—or worse yet, in the hands of the unelected
members of the WEC. "To be free is to live under a government by law . . . . Miserable is the
condition of individuals, danger is the condition of the state, if there is no certain law, or, which is
the same thing, no certain administration of the law . . . ." Judgment in Rex vs. Shipley, 21 St
Tr 847 (K.B. 1784) (Lord Mansfield presiding). The Wisconsin Supreme Court has an institutional
responsibility to decide important questions of law—not for the benefit of particular litigants, but
for citizens we were elected to serve. Justice for the people of Wisconsin means ensuring the
integrity of Wisconsin's elections. A majority of this court disregards its duty to the people of
Wisconsin, denying them justice.
"No aspect of the judicial power is more fundamental than the judiciary's exclusive
responsibility to exercise judgment in cases and controversies arising under the law." Gabler v.
Crime Victims Rights Bd., 2017 WI 67, ¶37, 376 Wis. 2d 147, 897 N.W.2d 384. Once again, a
majority of this court instead "chooses to sit idly by,"7 in a nationally important and time-sensitive
case involving voting rights and the integrity of Wisconsin's elections, depriving the people of
Wisconsin of answers to questions of statutory law that only the state's highest court may resolve.
The majority's "refusal to hear this case shows insufficient respect to the State of [Wisconsin], its
voters,"8 and its elections.
"This great source of free government, popular election, should be perfectly pure."
Alexander Hamilton, Speech at New York Ratifying Convention (June 21, 1788), in Debates on
the Federal Constitution 257 (J. Elliot ed. 1876). The majority's failure to act leaves an indelible
stain on our most recent election. It will also profoundly and perhaps irreparably impact all local,
statewide, and national elections going forward, with grave consequence to the State of Wisconsin
and significant harm to the rule of law. Petitioners assert troubling allegations of noncompliance
with Wisconsin's election laws by public officials on whom the voters rely to ensure free and fair
elections. It is not "impulse"9 but our solemn judicial duty to say what the law is that compels the
exercise of our original jurisdiction in this case. The majority's failure to embrace its duty (or even
7
United Student Aid Funds, Inc. v. Bible, 136 S. Ct. 1607, 1609 (2016) (Thomas, J.,
dissenting from the denial of certiorari).
8
County of Maricopa, Arizona v. Lopez-Valenzuela, 135 S. Ct. 2046, 2046 (2015)
(Thomas, J., dissenting from the denial of certiorari).
9
See Justice Hagedorn's concurrence.
an impulse) to decide this case risks perpetuating violations of the law by those entrusted to follow
it. I dissent.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
December 3, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70 has
been filed on behalf of petitioner, Dean W. Mueller. A response has been filed by respondents,
Ann S. Jacobs, in her official capacity as chair of the Wisconsin Elections Commission, et al. A
motion to intervene has been filed by proposed intervenor-respondent, Democratic National
Committee. The court having considered all of the filings,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied; and
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
David S. Lesser
Jamie Dycus
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
7 World Trade Center
250 Greenwich Street
New York, NY 10007
Marc E. Elias
John Devaney
Zachary J. Newkirk
Perkins Coie LLP
700 Thirteenth St., N.W., Suite 800
Washington, D.C. 20005
Seth P. Waxman
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
1875 Pennsylvania Ave., NW
Washington, DC 20006
Plaintiffs,
Defendants,
and
Intervenor-Defendants.
___________________________________/
The right to vote is among the most sacred rights of our democracy and, in
turn, uniquely defines us as Americans. The struggle to achieve the right to vote is
one that has been both hard fought and cherished throughout our country’s history.
Local, state, and federal elections give voice to this right through the ballot. And
elections that count each vote celebrate and secure this cherished right.
These principles are the bedrock of American democracy and are widely
revered as being woven into the fabric of this country. In Michigan, more than 5.5
during the 2020 General Election. Those votes were counted and, as of November
23, 2020, certified by the Michigan Board of State Canvassers (also “State
Board”). The Governor has sent the slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivist
of the United States to confirm the votes for the successful candidate.
Against this backdrop, Plaintiffs filed this lawsuit, bringing forth claims of
widespread voter irregularities and fraud in the processing and tabulation of votes
and absentee ballots. They seek relief that is stunning in its scope and breathtaking
in its reach. If granted, the relief would disenfranchise the votes of the more than
5.5 million Michigan citizens who, with dignity, hope, and a promise of a voice,
participated in the 2020 General Election. The Court declines to grant Plaintiffs
this relief.
I. Background
In the weeks leading up to, and on, November 3, 2020, a record 5.5 million
No. 36-4 at Pg ID 2622.) Many of those votes were cast by absentee ballot. This
was due in part to the coronavirus pandemic and a ballot measure the Michigan
voters passed in 2018 allowing for no-reason absentee voting. When the polls
closed and the votes were counted, Former Vice President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. had
secured over 150,000 more votes than President Donald J. Trump in Michigan.
(Id.)
results of the 2020 General Election by November 23, 2020. Mich. Comp. Laws
§ 168.842. The State Board did so by a 3-0 vote, certifying the results “for the
Electors of President and Vice President,” among other offices. (ECF No. 36-5 at
Pg ID 2624.) That same day, Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed the Certificates
of Ascertainment for the slate of electors for Vice President Biden and Senator
Federal law provides that if election results are contested in any state, and if
the state, prior to election day, has enacted procedures to decide controversies or
contests over electors and electoral votes, and if these procedures have been
applied, and the decisions are made at least six days before the electors’ meetings,
then the decisions are considered conclusive and will apply in counting the
electoral votes. 3 U.S.C. § 5. This date (the “Safe Harbor” deadline) falls on
December 8, 2020. Under the federal statutory timetable for presidential elections,
the Electoral College must meet on “the first Monday after the second Wednesday
challengers and the manipulation of ballots through corrupt election machines and
software, Plaintiffs filed the current lawsuit against Defendants at 11:48 p.m. on
November 25, 2020—the eve of the Thanksgiving holiday. (ECF No. 1.)
Plaintiffs are registered Michigan voters and nominees of the Republican Party to
882.) They are suing Governor Whitmer and Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson in
(ECF No. 6), “Emergency Motion for Declaratory, Emergency, and Permanent
Injunctive Relief and Memorandum in Support Thereof” (ECF No. 7), and
Emergency Motion to Seal (ECF No. 8). In their First Amended Complaint,
the Elections and Electors Clauses; (Count II) violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment Equal Protection Clause; and, (Count III) denial of the Fourteenth
Amendment Due Process Clause. (ECF No. 6.) Plaintiffs also assert one count
(ECF No. 15), Robert Davis (ECF No. 12), and the Democratic National
Committee and Michigan Democratic Party (“DNC/MDP”) (ECF No. 14). On that
date, the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to the motions. Plaintiffs
had not yet served Defendants with their pleading or emergency motions as of
hasten Plaintiffs’ actions to bring Defendants into the case and enable the Court to
address Plaintiffs’ pending motions. Later the same day, after Plaintiffs filed
on Defendants (ECF Nos. 21), the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to
December 2, and reply briefs by 8:00 p.m. on December 3 (ECF No. 24).
On December 2, the Court granted the motions to intervene. (ECF No. 28.)
Response and reply briefs with respect to Plaintiffs’ emergency motions were
thereafter filed. (ECF Nos. 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 49, 50.) Amicus curiae
Michigan State Conference NAACP subsequently moved and was granted leave to
file a brief in support of Defendants’ position. (ECF Nos. 48, 55.) Supplemental
briefs also were filed by the parties. (ECF Nos. 57, 58.)
In light of the limited time allotted for the Court to resolve Plaintiffs’
disposed of oral argument with respect to their motion pursuant to Eastern District
awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff is entitled to such relief.” Winter v.
Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 22 (2008) (citation omitted). The plaintiff
Leary v. Daeschner, 228 F.3d 729, 739 (6th Cir. 2000). Such relief will only be
granted where “the movant carries his or her burden of proving that the
Gov’t, 305 F.3d 566, 573 (6th Cir. 2002). “Evidence that goes beyond the
1
“‘[W]here material facts are not in dispute, or where facts in dispute are not
material to the preliminary injunction sought, district courts generally need not
hold an evidentiary hearing.’” Nexus Gas Transmission, LLC v. City of Green,
Ohio, 757 Fed. Appx. 489, 496-97 (6th Cir. 2018) (quoting Certified Restoration
Dry Cleaning Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511 F.3d 535, 553 (6th Cir. 2007))
(citation omitted).
support or oppose a motion for a preliminary injunction.” 11A Mary Kay Kane,
relief: “‘(1) whether the movant has a strong likelihood of success on the merits;
(2) whether the movant would suffer irreparable injury absent the injunction; (3)
whether the injunction would cause substantial harm to others; and (4) whether the
Benson, 956 F.3d 396, 406 (6th Cir. 2020) (quoting Bays v. City of Fairborn, 668
F.3d 814, 818-19 (6th Cir. 2012)). “At the preliminary injunction stage, ‘a plaintiff
must show more than a mere possibility of success,’ but need not ‘prove his case in
full.’” Ne. Ohio Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d 580, 591 (6th Cir. 2012)
(quoting Certified Restoration Dry Cleaning Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511
F.3d 535, 543 (6th Cir. 2007)). Yet, “the proof required for the plaintiff to obtain a
preliminary injunction is much more stringent than the proof required to survive a
III. Discussion
claims. While the Court finds that any of these issues, alone, indicate that
U.S. Const. amend. XI. This immunity extends to suits brought by citizens against
their own states. See, e.g., Ladd v. Marchbanks, 971 F.3d 574, 578 (6th Cir. 2020)
(citing Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, 18-19 (1890)). It also extends to suits
against state agencies or departments, Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman,
465 U.S. 89, 100 (1984) (citations omitted), and “suit[s] against state officials
when ‘the state is the real, substantial party in interest[,]’” id. at 101 (quoting Ford
fact a suit against the State and is barred “regardless of the nature of the relief
sought.” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 100-02 (citations omitted).
“‘The general rule is that a suit is against the sovereign if the judgment sought
would expend itself on the public treasury or domain, or interfere with the public
Government from acting, or to compel it to act.’” Id. at 101 n.11 (quoting Dugan
v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609, 620 (1963)) (internal quotation marks omitted).
congressional abrogation; (2) waiver by the State; and (3) “a suit against a state
federal law.” See Carten v. Kent State Univ., 282 F.3d 391, 398 (6th Cir. 2002)
(citations omitted). Congress did not abrogate the States’ sovereign immunity
when it enacted 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Will v. Mich. Dep’t of State Police, 491 U.S.
58, 66 (1989). “The State of Michigan has not consented to being sued in civil
rights actions in the federal courts.” Johnson v. Unknown Dellatifa, 357 F.3d 539,
545 (6th Cir. 2004) (citing Abick v. Michigan, 803 F.2d 874, 877 (6th Cir. 1986)).
The Eleventh Amendment therefore bars Plaintiffs’ claims against the Michigan
Board of State Canvassers. See McLeod v. Kelly, 7 N.W.2d 240, 242 (Mich. 1942)
(“The board of State canvassers is a State agency …”); see also Deleeuw v. State
Bd. of Canvassers, 688 N.W.2d 847, 850 (Mich. Ct. App. 2004). Plaintiffs’ claims
are barred against Governor Whitmer and Secretary Benson unless the third
exception applies.
The third exception arises from the Supreme Court’s decision in Ex parte
Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908). But as the Supreme Court has advised:
Idaho v. Coeur d’Alene Tribe of Idaho, 521 U.S. 261, 270 (1997). Further, “the
State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 102. “‘In determining whether the doctrine of Ex
parte Young avoids an Eleventh Amendment bar to suit, a court need only conduct
Md., Inc. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 535 U.S. 635, 645 (2002) (quoting Coeur d’Alene
Ex parte Young does not apply, however, to state law claims against state
officials, regardless of the relief sought. Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at
106 (“A federal court’s grant of relief against state officials on the basis of state
law, whether prospective or retroactive, does not vindicate the supreme authority
sovereignty than when a federal court instructs state officials on how to conform
their conduct to state law.”); see also In re Ohio Execution Protocol Litig., 709 F.
App’x 779, 787 (6th Cir. 2017) (“If the plaintiff sues a state official under state law
10
in federal court for actions taken within the scope of his authority, sovereign
immunity bars the lawsuit regardless of whether the action seeks monetary or
The Court then turns its attention to Plaintiffs’ § 1983 claims against
Defendants. Defendants and Intervenor DNC/MDP contend that these claims are
not in fact federal claims as they are premised entirely on alleged violations of
complaint—even Counts I, II, and III, which claim to raise violations of federal
fantastical conspiracy theories that belong more appropriately in the fact-free outer
reaches of the Internet[,] … what Plaintiffs assert at bottom are violations of the
Michigan Election Code.”) Defendants also argue that even if properly stated as
federal causes of action, “it is far from clear whether Plaintiffs’ requested
31 at Pg ID 2186.)
The latter argument convinces this Court that Ex parte Young does not
apply. As set forth earlier, “‘[i]n order to fall with the Ex parte Young exception, a
claim must seek prospective relief to end a continuing violation of federal law.’”
11
Russell v. Lundergan-Grimes, 784 F.3d 1037, 1047 (6th Cir. 2015) (quoting Diaz
v. Mich. Dep’t of Corr., 703 F.3d 956, 964 (6th Cir. 2013)). Unlike Russell, which
Plaintiffs cite in their reply brief, this is not a case where a plaintiff is seeking to
See id. at 1044, 1047 (plaintiff claimed that Kentucky law creating a 300-foot no-
rights). Instead, Plaintiffs are seeking to undo what has already occurred, as their
requested relief reflects.2 (See ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1847; see also ECF No. 6 at Pg
955-56.)
Before this lawsuit was filed, the Michigan Board of State Canvassers had
already certified the election results and Governor Whitmer had transmitted the
State’s slate of electors to the United States Archivist. (ECF Nos. 31-4, 31-5.)
848 (N.D. Ohio Feb. 7, 2006); see also King Lincoln Bronzeville Neighborhood
Ass’n v. Husted, No. 2:06-cv-00745, 2012 WL 395030, at *4-5 (S.D. Ohio Feb. 7,
2012); cf. League of Women Voters of Ohio v. Brunner, 548 F.3d 463, 475 (6th Cir.
2008) (finding that the plaintiff’s claims fell within the Ex parte Young doctrine
2
To the extent Plaintiffs ask the Court to certify the results in favor of President
Donald J. Trump, such relief is beyond its powers.
12
where it alleged that the problems that plagued the election “are chronic and will
For these reasons, the Court concludes that the Eleventh Amendment bars
B. Mootness
This case represents well the phrase: “this ship has sailed.” The time has
passed to provide most of the relief Plaintiffs request in their Amended Complaint;
the remaining relief is beyond the power of any court. For those reasons, this
matter is moot.
“‘Under Article III of the Constitution, federal courts may adjudicate only
actual, ongoing cases or controversies.’” Kentucky v. U.S. ex rel. Hagel, 759 F.3d
588, 595 (6th Cir. 2014) (quoting Lewis v. Cont’l Bank Corp., 494 U.S. 472, 477
(1990)). A case may become moot “when the issues presented are no longer live
or the parties lack a legally cognizable interest in the outcome.” U.S. Parole
Comm’n v. Geraghty, 445 U.S. 388, 396, 410 (1980) (internal quotation marks and
citation omitted). Stated differently, a case is moot where the court lacks “the
ability to give meaningful relief[.]” Sullivan v. Benningfield, 920 F.3d 401, 410
(6th Cir. 2019). This lawsuit was moot well before it was filed on November 25.
In their prayer for relief, Plaintiffs ask the Court to: (a) order Defendants to
decertify the results of the election; (b) enjoin Secretary Benson and Governor
13
Whitmer from transmitting the certified election results to the Electoral College;
(c) order Defendants “to transmit certified election results that state that President
Donald Trump is the winner of the election”; (d) impound all voting machines and
software in Michigan for expert inspection; (e) order that no votes received or
tabulated by machines not certified as required by federal and state law be counted;
and, (f) enter a declaratory judgment that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must be
ID 955-56, ¶ 233.) What relief the Court could grant Plaintiffs is no longer
available.
Before this lawsuit was filed, all 83 counties in Michigan had finished
canvassing their results for all elections and reported their results for state office
races to the Secretary of State and the Michigan Board of State Canvassers in
accordance with Michigan law. See Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.843. The State
Board had certified the results of the 2020 General Election and Governor
Whitmer had submitted the slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivists. (ECF
3
Plaintiffs also seek an order requiring the impoundment of all voting machines
and software in Michigan for expert inspection and the production of security
camera footage from the TCF Center for November 3 and 4. (ECF No. 6 at Pg ID
956, ¶ 233.) This requested relief is not meaningful, however, where the remaining
requests are no longer available. In other words, the evidence Plaintiffs seek to
gather by inspecting voting machines and software and security camera footage
only would be useful if an avenue remained open for them to challenge the election
results.
14
No. 31-4 at Pg ID 2257-58; ECF No. 31-5 at Pg ID 2260-63.) The time for
machines had expired. See Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.831, 168.832 (petitions for
later than 10 days after the date of the election”). And so had the time for
requesting a recount for the office of President. See Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.879.
The Michigan Election Code sets forth detailed procedures for challenging
an election, including deadlines for doing so. Plaintiffs did not avail themselves of
the remedies established by the Michigan legislature. The deadline for them to do
so has passed. Any avenue for this Court to provide meaningful relief has been
the many other post-election lawsuits brought to specifically overturn the results of
And as one Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania advised in another 2020
post-election lawsuit: “there is no basis in law by which the courts may grant
Petitioners’ request to ignore the results of an election and recommit the choice to
15
the General Assembly to substitute its preferred slate of electors for the one chosen
2020, 2020 WL 7018314, at *3 (Pa. Nov. 28, 2020) (Wecht, J., concurring); see
Ga. Nov. 20, 2020) (concluding that “interfer[ing] with the result of an election
that has already concluded would be unprecedented and harm the public in
countless ways”).
moot.
C. Laches
because they waited too long to knock on the Court’s door. (ECF No. 31 at Pg ID
The doctrine of laches is rooted in the principle that “equity aids the vigilant,
not those who slumber on their rights.” Lucking v. Schram, 117 F.2d 160, 162 (6th
Cir. 1941); see also United States v. Clintwood Elkhorn Min. Co., 553 U.S. 1, 9
(2008) (“A constitutional claim can become time-barred just as any other claim
can.”). An action may be barred by the doctrine of laches if: (1) the plaintiff
delayed unreasonably in asserting his rights and (2) the defendant is prejudiced by
this delay. Brown-Graves Co. v. Central States, Se. and Sw. Areas Pension Fund,
16
206 F.3d 680, 684 (6th Cir. 2000); Ottawa Tribe of Oklahoma v. Logan, 577 F.3d
634, 639 n.6 (6th Cir. 2009) (“Laches arises from an extended failure to exercise a
right to the detriment of another party.”). Courts apply laches in election cases.
Detroit Unity Fund v. Whitmer, 819 F. App’x 421, 422 (6th Cir. 2020) (holding
that the district court did not err in finding plaintiff’s claims regarding deadline for
local ballot initiatives “barred by laches, considering the unreasonable delay on the
Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, 1944 (2018) (“[A] party requesting a preliminary
injunction must generally show reasonable diligence. That is as true in election law
cases as elsewhere.”).
filed the instant action on November 25—more than 21 days after the 2020
1. (ECF Nos. 1, 21.) If Plaintiffs had legitimate claims regarding whether the
treatment of election challengers complied with state law, they could have brought
their claims well in advance of or on Election Day—but they did not. Michigan’s
17 and, on November 23, both the Michigan Board of State Canvassers and
Governor Whitmer certified the election results. Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.822,
17
ballots were processed and tabulated on or after Election Day, they could have
brought the instant action on Election Day or during the weeks of canvassing that
followed—yet they did not. Plaintiffs base the claims related to election machines
and software on “expert and fact witness” reports discussing “glitches” and other
alleged vulnerabilities that occurred as far back as 2010. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at
concerns about the election machines and software, they could have filed this
lawsuit well before the 2020 General Election—yet they sat back and did nothing.
file this suit. Plaintiffs concede that they “would have preferred to file sooner, but
[] needed some time to gather statements from dozens of fact witnesses, retain and
engage expert witnesses, and gather other data supporting their Complaint.” (ECF
votes was apparent shortly after the polls closed on November 3, 2020.” (ECF No.
explanation, there can be no true justification. See Crookston v. Johnson, 841 F.3d
396, 398 (6th Cir. 2016) (identifying the “first and most essential” reason to issue a
explanation for waiting so long to file this action”). Defendants satisfy the first
18
Second, Plaintiffs’ delay prejudices Defendants. See Kay v. Austin, 621 F.2d
809, 813 (6th Cir. 1980) (“As time passes, the state’s interest in proceeding with
decisions are made, and the candidate’s claim to be a serious candidate who has
received a serious injury becomes less credible by his having slept on his rights.”)
This is especially so considering that Plaintiffs’ claims for relief are not merely
last-minute—they are after the fact. While Plaintiffs delayed, the ballots were cast;
the votes were counted; and the results were certified. The rationale for
interposing the doctrine of laches is now at its peak. See McDonald v. Cnty. of San
Diego, 124 F. App’x 588 (9th Cir. 2005) (citing Soules v. Kauaians for Nukolii
Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176, 1180 (9th Cir. 1988)); Soules, 849 F.2d at 1180
(quoting Hendon v. N.C. State Bd. Of Elections, 710 F.2d 177, 182 (4th Cir. 1983))
would, “permit, if not encourage, parties who could raise a claim to lay by and
gamble upon receiving a favorable decision of the electorate and then, upon losing,
Plaintiffs could have lodged their constitutional challenges much sooner than
they did, and certainly not three weeks after Election Day and one week after
certification of almost three million votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’
19
D. Abstention
November 25, 2020, there already were multiple lawsuits pending in Michigan
state courts raising the same or similar claims alleged in Plaintiffs’ Amended
Complaint. (See, e.g., ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-98 (summarizing five state court
General Election).) Defendants and the City of Detroit urge the Court to abstain
Colorado River Water Conservation District v. United States, 424 U.S. 800 (1976).
The City of Detroit relies on the abstention doctrines outlined in Colorado River,
as well as those set forth in Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312
U.S. 496, 500-01 (1941), and Burford v. Sun Oil Co., 319 U.S. 315 (1943). The
election disputes in light of the autonomy provided to state courts to initially settle
such disputes.
court proceedings. Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 813, 817. The exception is found
20
Ins. Co., 517 U.S. 706, 716 (1996) (quoting Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 817). The
Sixth Circuit has identified two prerequisites for abstention under this doctrine.
Romine v. Compuserve Corp., 160 F.3d 337, 339-40 (6th Cir. 1998).
First, the court must determine that the concurrent state and federal actions
are parallel. Id. at 339. Second, the court must consider the factors outlined by the
Romine, 160 F.3d at 340-41 (internal citations omitted). “These factors, however,
of the important factors as they apply in a give[n] case’ depending on the particular
facts at hand.” Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone Mem’l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr.
(see ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-97; see also ECF Nos. 31-7, 31-9, 31-11, 31-12,
21
31-14), the allegations and claims in the state court proceedings and the pending
matter are, at the very least, substantially similar, Romine, 160 F.3d at 340 (“Exact
the factors set forth by the Supreme Court counsel in favor of deferring to the
The first and second factor weigh against abstention. Id. (indicating that the
more or less convenient). While the Supreme Court has stated that “‘the presence
(quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at 26), this “‘factor has less significance where
concurrent with that of the state courts.’”4 Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at
25). Moreover, the Michigan Election Code seems to dominate even Plaintiffs’
4
State courts have concurrent jurisdiction over § 1983 actions. Felder v. Casey,
487 U.S. 131, 139 (1988).
22
results.” Id. at 341. The parallel proceedings are premised on similar factual
allegations and many of the same federal and state claims. The state court
proceedings were filed well before the present matter and at least three of those
matters are far more advanced than this case. Lastly, as Congress conferred
487 U.S. 131, 139 (1988), “[t]here can be no legitimate contention that the
[Michigan] state courts are incapable of safeguarding [the rights protected under
E. Standing
Under Article III of the United States Constitution, federal courts can
resolve only “cases” and “controversies.” U.S. Const. art. III § 2. The case-or-
suit. See Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547 (2016), as revised (May 24,
2016). Each plaintiff must demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks to press.5
5
Plaintiffs assert a due process claim in their Amended Complaint and twice state
in their motion for injunctive relief that Defendants violated their due process
rights. (See ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1840, 1844.) Plaintiffs do not pair either
statement with anything the Court could construe as a developed argument. (Id.)
The Court finds it unnecessary, therefore, to further discuss the due process claim.
23
DaimlerChrysler Corp. v. Cuno, 547 U.S. 332, 352 (2006) (citation omitted) (“[A]
plaintiff must demonstrate standing separately for each form of relief sought.”).
To establish standing, a plaintiff must show that: (1) he has suffered an injury in
fact that is “concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent”; (2) the injury is
favorable decision.” Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560-62 (1992)
other things, “destroy,” “discard,” and “switch” votes for President Trump, thereby
votes. (ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3079.) Plaintiffs contend that “the vote dilution
resulting from this systemic and illegal conduct did not affect all Michigan voters
equally; it had the intent and effect of inflating the number of votes for Democratic
candidates and reducing the number of votes for President Trump and Republican
McPherson v. Kelsey, 125 F.3d 989, 995 (6th Cir. 1997) (“Issues adverted to in a
perfunctory manner, unaccompanied by some effort at developed argumentation,
are deemed waived.”).
24
injury-in-fact and causation under this theory,6 their constitutional claim cannot
stand because Plaintiffs fall flat when attempting to clear the hurdle of
redressability.
redressed by a favorable decision from this Court. Plaintiffs ask this Court to de-
certify the results of the 2020 General Election in Michigan. But an order de-
certifying the votes of approximately 2.8 million people would not reverse the
plaintiff’s remedy must be tailored to redress the plaintiff’s particular injury.” Gill,
138 S. Ct. at 1934 (citing Cuno, 547 U.S. at 353); Cuno, 547 U.S. at 353 (“The
remedy must of course be limited to the inadequacy that produced the injury in fact
that the plaintiff has established.” (quoting Lewis v. Casey, 518 U.S. 343, 357
(1996)). Plaintiffs’ alleged injury does not entitle them to seek their requested
remedy because the harm of having one’s vote invalidated or diluted is not
have failed to show that their injury can be redressed by the relief they seek and
6
To be clear, the Court does not find that Plaintiffs satisfy the first two elements of
the standing inquiry.
25
Clause states in part: “The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for
thereof[.]” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. “The Elections Clause effectively gives
elections, Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67, 69, 118 S. Ct. 464, 139 L.Ed.2d 369 (1997),
regulations, Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, 554, 66 S. Ct. 1198, 90 L.Ed. 1432
Constitution states: “Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a Number of Electors ….” U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2.
Electors on behalf of the State of Michigan, they have standing to allege violations
of the Elections Clause and Electors Clause because “a vote for President Trump
and … illegal conduct aimed at harming candidates for President similarly injures
78.)
26
But where, as here, the only injury Plaintiffs have alleged is that the
Elections Clause has not been followed, the United States Supreme Court has made
countenance.”7 Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442 (2007). Because Plaintiffs
in-fact and thus standing to bring their Elections Clause and Electors Clause
claims. Id.; see also Johnson v. Bredesen, 356 F. App’x 781, 784 (6th Cir. 2009)
(citing Lance, 549 U.S. at 441-42) (affirming district court’s conclusion that
citizens did not allege injury-in-fact to support standing for claim that the state of
7
Although separate constitutional provisions, the Electors Clause and Elections
Clause share “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Leg. v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting
Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 839, (2015) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting), and Plaintiffs do
not at all distinguish the two clauses in their motion for injunctive relief or reply
brief (ECF No. 7; ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78). See also Bognet v. Sec’y
Commonwealth of Pa., No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *7 (3d Cir. Nov. 13,
2020) (applying same test for standing under both Elections Clause and Electors
Clause); Wood, 2020 WL 6817513, at *1 (same); Foster, 522 U.S. at 69
(characterizing Electors Clause as Elections Clauses’ “counterpart for the
Executive Branch”); U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804-05
(1995) (noting that state’s “duty” under Elections Clause “parallels the duty”
described by Electors Clause).
27
“each State.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The Supreme Court interprets the words
“the Legislature,” as used in that clause, to mean the lawmaking bodies of a state.
Ariz. State Legislature, 135 S.Ct. at 2673. The Elections Clause, therefore, grants
rights to state legislatures and to other entities to which a State may delegate
lawmaking authority. See id. at 2668. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims thus
of Pa., -- F.3d. --, 2020 WL 6686120, *7 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020). Plaintiffs here
are six presidential elector nominees; they are not a part of Michigan’s lawmaking
Carson v. Simon, 78 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020), a decision finding that electors had
standing to bring challenges under the Electors Clause. (ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1839
(citing Carson, 978 F.3d at 1057).) In that case, which was based on the specific
content and contours of Minnesota state law, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals
concluded that because “the plain text of Minnesota law treats prospective electors
Plaintiffs contend that the Michigan Election Code and relevant Minnesota
law are similar. (See ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78.) Even if the Court were to
8
In addition, at least one Circuit Court, the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, has
distinguished Carson’s holding, noting:
29
agree, it finds that Plaintiffs lack standing to sue under the Elections and Electors
Clauses.
The Court may deny Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief for the reasons
discussed above. Nevertheless, the Court will proceed to analyze the merits of
their claims.
Plaintiffs allege that Defendants violated the Elections Clause and Electors
Clause by deviating from the requirements of the Michigan Election Code. (See,
Defendants did not follow the Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs do not explain
violations of the clauses. In other words, it appears that Plaintiffs’ claims are in
conclusion. In Cook v. Gralike, the Supreme Court struck down a Missouri law
that required election officials to print warnings on the ballot next to the name of
any congressional candidate who refused to support term limits after concluding
30
the Elections Clause. 531 U.S. 510, 525-26 (2001) (quoting U.S. Const. art. I, § 4,
concluding that “the Legislature,” as used in the Elections Clause, includes any
official body with authority to make laws for the state. 576 U.S. 787, 824 (2015).
In each of these cases, federal courts measured enacted state election laws against
the federal mandates established in the clauses—they did not measure violations of
By asking the Court to find that they have made out claims under the clauses
due to alleged violations of the Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs ask the Court to
find that any alleged deviation from state election law amounts to a modification of
state election law and opens the door to federal review. Plaintiffs cite to no case—
Most election laws will “impose some burden upon individual voters.”
Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 433 (1992). But “[o]ur Constitution leaves no
room for classification of people in a way that unnecessarily abridges this right [to
vote].” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 559 (1964) (quoting Wesberry v. Sanders,
376 U.S. 1, 17-18 (1964)). Voting rights can be impermissibly burdened “by a
31
wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” Id. (quoting Reynolds, 377
U.S. at 555).
that Defendants engaged in “several schemes” to, among other things, “destroy,”
Republican votes” and “diluting” the influence of their individual votes. (ECF No.
49 at Pg ID 3079.)
by any allegation that Defendants’ alleged schemes caused votes for President
Trump to be changed to votes for Vice President Biden. For example, the closest
Plaintiffs get to alleging that physical ballots were altered in such a way is the
these workers were changing votes that had been cast for Donald Trump and other
9
Plaintiffs allege in several portions of the Amended Complaint that election
officials improperly tallied, counted, or marked ballots. But some of these
allegations equivocate with words such as “believe” and “may” and none of these
allegations identify which presidential candidate the ballots were allegedly altered
to favor. (See, e.g., ECF No. 6 at Pg ID 902, ¶ 91 (citing Aff. Articia Bomer, ECF
No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-10 (“I believe some of these ballots may not have been
properly counted.” (emphasis added))); Pg ID 902-03, ¶ 92 (citing Tyson Aff. ¶ 17)
(“At least one challenger observed poll workers adding marks to a ballot where
there was no mark for any candidate.”).
32
Bomer, ECF No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-1010).) But of course, “[a] belief is not
evidence” and falls far short of what is required to obtain any relief, much less the
1997 WL 413594, at *1 (7th Cir. 1997); see Brown v. City of Franklin, 430 F.
App’x 382, 387 (6th Cir. 2011) (“Brown just submits his belief that Fox’s
unsubstantiated belief is not evidence of pretext.”); Booker v. City of St. Louis, 309
F.3d 464, 467 (8th Cir. 2002) (“Booker’s “belief” that he was singled out for
testing is not evidence that he was.”).10 The closest Plaintiffs get to alleging that
election machines and software changed votes for President Trump to Vice
10
As stated by the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia Circuit:
Magruder v. Schley, 18 App. D.C. 288, 292, 1901 WL 19131, at *2 (D.C. Cir.
1901).
33
speculation that such alterations were possible. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at ¶¶ 7-11,
17, 125, 129, 138-43, 147-48, 155-58, 160-63, 167, 171.) And Plaintiffs do not at
all explain how the question of whether the treatment of election challengers
complied with state law bears on the validity of votes, or otherwise establishes an
With nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes for President Trump
were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President Biden, Plaintiffs’
equal protection claim fails.11 See Wood, 2020 WL 7094866 (quoting Bognet,
vote is counted improperly, even if the error might have a ‘mathematical impact on
the final tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote.’”).
11
“[T]he Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal Protection claim to
gerrymandering cases in which votes were weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs
advance an Equal Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal treatment. And if
dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the ‘unlawful’ counting of invalidly cast ballots
were a true equal-protection problem, then it would transform every violation of
state election law (and, actually, every violation of every law) into a potential
federal equal-protection claim requiring scrutiny of the government’s ‘interest’ in
failing to do more to stop the illegal activity. That is not how the Equal Protection
Clause works.” Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *11.
34
is usually fatal[,]” Gonzales v. Nat’l Bd. of Med. Examiners, 225 F.3d 620, 625
(6th Cir. 2000) (citing Mich. State AFL-CIO v. Miller, 103 F.3d 1240, 1249 (6th
Cir. 1997), the Court will not discuss the remaining preliminary injunction factors
extensively.
As discussed, Plaintiffs fail to show that a favorable decision from the Court
would redress their alleged injury. Moreover, granting Plaintiffs’ injunctive relief
would greatly harm the public interest. As Defendants aptly describe, Plaintiffs’
requested injunction would “upend the statutory process for election certification
who [are] disappointed with the official results.” (ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2227.)
IV. Conclusion
For these reasons, the Court finds that Plaintiffs are far from likely to
succeed in this matter. In fact, this lawsuit seems to be less about achieving the
relief Plaintiffs seek—as much of that relief is beyond the power of this Court—
and more about the impact of their allegations on People’s faith in the democratic
35
process and their trust in our government. Plaintiffs ask this Court to ignore the
orderly statutory scheme established to challenge elections and to ignore the will of
millions of voters. This, the Court cannot, and will not, do.
IT IS SO ORDERED.
s/ Linda V. Parker
LINDA V. PARKER
U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE
36
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
MEMORANDUM
Due to the continuing spread of COVID-19, staff of the Wisconsin Elections Commission
(WEC) has received numerous inquiries regarding the application of the indefinitely
confined designation for absentee voters under Wisconsin Statutes. At its meeting of
March 27, 2020, the Commission discussed this issue and adopted the following guidance
related to the use of indefinitely confined status to assist local election officials working
with absentee voters:
This guidance is consistent with and supplements previous statements of the WEC related
to absentee voters who may qualify as indefinitely confined or “permanent” absentee
voters. For ease of reference, on March 24, 2020, the WEC posted the following guidance
in one of its FAQ documents addressing issues related to conducting the Spring Election
in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic:
WEC staff has received numerous questions from clerks about the increase in
voters requesting absentee ballots as indefinitely confined. Wisconsin Statutes
provide the option for a voter to self-certify whether they meet the definition of
indefinitely confined. The statutory definition of "age, illness, infirmity or
disability" does not require any voter to meet a threshold for qualification and
indefinitely confined status need not be permanent. A voter with a broken leg
or one recovering from surgery may be temporarily indefinitely confined and
may use that status when voting during that period of time.
We understand the concern over the use of indefinitely confined status and do
not condone abuse of that option as it is an invaluable accommodation for
many voters in Wisconsin. During the current public health crisis, many voters
of a certain age or in at-risk populations may meet that standard of indefinitely
confined until the crisis abates. We have told clerks if they do not believe a
voter understood the declaration they made when requesting an absentee ballot,
they can contact the voter for confirmation of their status. They should do so
using appropriate discretion as voters are still entitled to privacy concerning
their medical and disability status. Any request for confirmation of indefinitely
confined status should not be accusatory in nature.
There may be a need to do some review of the absentee voting rolls after this
election to confirm voters who met the definition of indefinitely confined
during the public health crisis would like to continue that status. WEC staff
has already discussed this possibility and may be able to provide resources to
assist clerks with these efforts.
This guidance is based upon applicable statutes. An elector who is indefinitely confined
because of age, physical illness or infirmity or is disabled for an indefinite period may by
signing a statement to that effect require that an absentee ballot be sent to the elector
automatically for every election. Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)(a). The absentee ballot request form
asks voters to certify to their indefinitely confined status. Statutes do not establish the
option to require proof or documentation from indefinitely confined voters. Clerks may
tactfully verify with voters that the voter understood the indefinitely confined status
designation when they submitted their request but they may not request or require proof.
Electors who are indefinitely confined due to age, physical illness, infirmity or disability,
may be unable to obtain a current photo ID or make a copy to submit with their written
absentee ballot request or upload an image of their photo ID with their electronic request
through MyVote Wisconsin. If a clerk is contacted by an elector in such circumstances,
WEC recommends discussing the options and making the voter aware of the criteria for
qualifying as an indefinitely confined elector.
If any elector is no longer indefinitely confined, they shall so notify the municipal clerk.
Wis. Stat. 6.86(2)(a). An elector also loses indefinitely confined status if they do not vote
in a Spring or General Election and do not respond to a mailing from the municipal clerk
asking whether they wish to continue automatically receiving absentee ballots. Wis. Stat.
6.86(2)(b). Finally, the municipal clerk shall remove the name of any elector from the list
of indefinitely confined electors upon receipt of reliable information that an elector no
longer qualifies for that designation and service. The clerk shall notify the elector of such
action not taken at the elector's request within 5 days, if possible. Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)(b).
If you have questions regarding this communication, please contact the Help Desk at 608-
261-2028 or elections@wi.gov.
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
On March 27, 2020, petitioners, Mark Jefferson and the Republican Party of Wisconsin,
filed a petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70, a
supporting legal memorandum, and a motion for temporary injunctive relief. On that same date,
the court ordered the named respondents, Dane County and Scott McDonell, in his official capacity
as Dane County Clerk, to file a response to the original action petition and the motion for temporary
injunctive relief by 1:00 on March 30, 2020. The court has reviewed the filings of the parties and
now addresses the motion for temporary injunctive relief.
When we have considered whether to grant temporary injunctive relief, we have required
a movant to show (1) a reasonable probability of success on the merits; (2) a lack of an adequate
remedy at law; (3) that the movant will suffer irreparable harm in the absence of an injunction; and
(4) that a balancing of the equities favors issuing the injunction. See, e.g., Pure Milk Products
Coop. v. National Farmers Org., 90 Wis. 2d 781, 800, 280 N.W.2d 691 (1979); Werner v. A.L.
Grootemaat & Sons, Inc., 80 Wis. 2d 513, 520, 259 N.W.2d 310 (1977). The decision whether to
grant an injunction is a discretionary one, although injunctions are not to be issued lightly. Werner,
80 Wis. 2d at 520.
The temporary injunction the petitioners seek would order respondent, Scott McDonell, the
Dane County Clerk, to remove a March 25, 2020 Facebook post in which he indicated, inter alia,
that all Dane County voters could declare themselves to be "indefinitely confined" under Wis. Stat.
§ 6.86(2) due to illness solely because of the Wisconsin Department of Health Services Emergency
Order #12 (the Safer at Home Order) and difficulties in presenting or uploading a valid proof of
identification, thereby avoiding the legal requirement to present or upload a copy of the voter's
proof of identification when requesting an absentee ballot.1 The petitioners further ask this court
to order respondent McDonell and respondent Dane County to issue new statements setting forth
the statutory interpretation proposed by the petitioners.
Although respondents do not represent that McDonell's original March 25, 2020 post has
been removed, they argue that McDonell's later posting renders the petitioners' motion moot
because McDonell has now posted the Wisconsin Elections Commission’s (WEC) guidance on his
Facebook page. They also argue that the petitioners' petition and motion for temporary relief
cannot go forward in this court because they have not exhausted their administrative remedies by
first filing a complaint with the WEC under Wis. Stat. § 5.06(1) and (2).
McDonell's March 25, 2020, advice was legally incorrect. In addition, McDonell's
subsequent Facebook posting does not preclude McDonell's future posting of the same erroneous
advice. Furthermore, his erroneous March 25, 2020 Facebook posting continues distribution on
the internet.
Accordingly, we conclude that clarification of the purpose and proper use of the
indefinitely confined status pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2) as well as a temporary injunction are
warranted.
In regard to clarification, the WEC has met and has issued guidance on the proper use of
indefinitely confined status under Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2) in its March 29, 2020 publication, "Guidance
for Indefinitely Confined Electors COVID-19." The WEC guidance states as follows:
We conclude that the WEC's guidance quoted above provides the clarification on the purpose and
proper use of the indefinitely confined status that is required at this time.
1
Petitioners note that the Milwaukee County Clerk issued nearly identical advice.
1350 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 4 Document 57-6
Case: 3:20-cv-00249-wmc Document #: 130 Filed: 03/31/20 Page 4 of 4
Page 3
March 31, 2020
2020AP557-OA Jefferson v. Dane County
Facebook post. Voters may be misled to exercise their right to vote in ways that are inconsistent
with Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2). Namely, McDonell appeared to assert that all voters are automatically,
indefinitely confined solely due to the emergency and the Safer at Home Order and that voters
could therefore declare themselves to be indefinitely confined when requesting an absentee ballot,
which would allow them to skip the step of presenting or uploading a valid proof of identification.
Indeed, we do not see how the respondents could prevail with an argument that such statements in
the March 25th post constitute an accurate statement of the relevant statutory provisions.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
TO: Wisconsin Municipal Clerks and the Milwaukee City Elections Commission
Wisconsin County Clerks and the Milwaukee County Elections Commission
PLEASE NOTE: The previous guidance on this topic, which was issued on October 4, 2016, has
been modified by the WEC and is replaced with the guidance below.
One of the components of 2015 Wisconsin Act 261 is the requirement for an absentee ballot witness to
provide their address when signing the absentee certificate envelope.
SECTION 78. 6.87 (6d) of the statutes is created to read:
6.87 (6d) If a certificate is missing the address of a witness, the ballot may not be counted.
In implementing this requirement, the first question that comes to mind is “What constitutes an
address?” The Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) has set a policy that a complete address
contains a street number, street name and name of municipality. But in many cases, at least one
component of the address could be missing; usually the municipality.
The purpose of this memorandum is to offer guidance to assist you in addressing this issue. The WEC
has determined that clerks must take corrective actions in an attempt to remedy a witness address error.
If clerks are reasonably able to discern any missing information from outside sources, clerks are not
required to contact the voter before making that correction directly to the absentee certificate envelope.
Clerks may contact voters and notify them of the address omission and the effect if the deficiency is not
remedied but contacting the voter is only required if clerks cannot remedy the address insufficiency
from extrinsic sources. When contacting a voter, you should advise that their ballot will not be counted
with an incomplete address so that they can take action and also prevent a similar issue in the future.
Clerks shall offer suggestions for correcting the certificate envelope to ensure the voter’s absentee ballot
will not be rejected.
1353 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 3 Document 57-7 App. 198
AMENDED: Missing/Insufficient Witness Address on Absentee Certificate Envelopes
October 18, 2016
Page 2
Clerks shall assist in rehabilitating an absentee certificate that does not contain the street number and
street name (or P.O. Box) and the municipality of the witness address. If a clerk adds information to an
absentee certificate, either based on contact with the voter or based on other sources, clerks shall
indicate such assistance was provided by initialing next to the information that was added on the
absentee certificate. The Commission recognized the concern some clerks have expressed about altering
information on the certificate envelope, especially in the case of a recount. On balance, in order to
promote uniformity in the treatment of absentee ballots statewide, the Commission determined that
clerks must attempt to obtain any information that is missing from the witness address and document
any addition by including their initials.
In short, the Commission’s guidance is that municipal clerks shall do all that they can reasonably do to
obtain any missing part of the witness address. Those steps may include one or more of the following
options:
1. The clerk is able to reasonably discern the missing address or address component by information
appearing on the envelope or from some other source, such as:
o The voter has provided his or her complete address and the clerk has personal knowledge that the
witness resides at the same address as the voter.
o The clerk has personal knowledge of the witness and knows his/or her address.
o The voter’s complete address appears on the address label, and the witness indicates the same
street address as the voter.
o The clerk is able to utilize lists or databases at his or her disposal to determine the witness’s
address.
2. The voter or witness may wish to appear in person to add the missing information, or provide the
address information by phone, fax, email or mail. The voter may provide the address separately as
an alternative to returning the certificate envelope and having the voter mail it back again as outlined
below.
3. The voter may request that the clerk return the certificate envelope so the voter can personally add
the witness address.
o Be sure to include a self-addressed stamped envelope in which the voter may return the
certificate envelope containing the ballot. The post office does not approve of placing another
stamp over a cancelled stamp. Contact your postmaster or a Mail Piece Design Analyst before
attempting to re-stamp or re-meter the certificate envelope. Also, note that the U.S. Postal
Service is advising that voters mail absentee ballots at least one week before Election Day to
accommodate new delivery standards. We suggest advising the voter of the importance of
timely mailing if the voter wishes to have the certificate envelope mailed back to them.
4. The voter may wish to spoil the original ballot and vote a new one.
If the request to spoil the ballot is within the proper time frame, the clerk mails a second ballot
and new certificate envelope to the voter. (See procedure for Spoiling and Replacement Ballots,
beginning on page 109 of Election Administration Manual.)
I hope this guidance is helpful as you continue to issue and receive absentee ballots. Thank you for your
efforts to assist voters in completing the absentee certificate sufficiently so their votes may be counted.
If you have questions, please contact the Elections Help Desk at 608-261-2028 or elections@wi.gov.
1354 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 3 Document 57-7 App. 199
Exhibit 8
:LVFRQVLQ(OHFWLRQV
&RPPLVVLRQ
6HSWHPEHU
1356 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 4 Document 57-8 App. 200
i. The clerk is not required to provide postage on certificate
envelopes that will be returned from outside of the United
States.
g. For military and overseas voters, use the postage paid envelopes; EL-120m
mailer envelope and the EL-122m certificate envelope.
6. Mail the Absentee Carrier Envelope to the mailing address provided by the
absentee elector within one business day of receiving the request. Wis. Stat.
§ 7.15(1)(cm).
a. The Absentee Ballot Log (EL-124) is used to track the events that
occur during the absentee ballot process (e.g. application received,
ballot issued, ballot canceled, 2nd ballot issued, ballot received, ballot
counted, etc.)
b. The Absentee Ballot Log (EL-124) enables the clerk to track any
problems with the absentee certificate envelope (missing certificate,
voter signature, witness signature and address, or two SVD
signatures) and communicate this information to the election
inspectors so they can reject the ballot if the error is not corrected by
8:00 p.m. on Election Day.
c. Municipal clerks who maintain their own WisVote data may also
track absentee ballots and print ballot labels in WisVote.
d. The Absentee Ballot Log (EL-124) is sent to the polling place with the
absentee ballots on Election Day.
1357
Election Administration Manual
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 4 Document 57-8 App. 201
for Wisconsin Municipal Clerks
b. Clerks may add a missing witness address using whatever means
are available. Clerks should initial next to the added witness
address.
2. If there is an error, the clerk should contact the voter, if possible. Wis. Stat.
§ 6.87(9).
a. The voter has the option to correct the absentee certificate envelope in
the clerk’s office, by mail, or at the polling place/central count
location on Election Day.
i. If the voter wants the original ballot mailed back to them, the
clerk shall enclose the original ballot in its unopened certificate
1358
Election Administration Manual
Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 4 of 4 Document 57-8 App. 202
for Wisconsin Municipal Clerks
Exhibit 9
“Wisconsin’s election was conducted according to law and in the open,” said Meagan Wolfe,
Wisconsin’s chief election official. “While the results are still unofficial and are currently being
triple checked as part of the canvass and certification process, we have not seen any credible
information to cast any doubt on those unofficial results.”
Wolfe further stated, “When issues are reported to our office, we take them very seriously. We
look into each allegation and request evidence from parties involved. At this time, no evidence
has been provided that supports allegations of systemic or widespread election issues.”
“Unfortunately, we are seeing many concerns that result from this unsubstantiated
misinformation. We want Wisconsin’s voters to know we hear their concerns and to provide
facts on these processes to combat the rumors and misinformation,” Wolfe said.
Every step of the election process is publicly observable and transparent, Wolfe said. This
includes voting at the polls on Election Day and the counting of absentee ballots. It also includes
the canvass and certification of the tally that is happening right now in counties across the state.
Every ballot cast in Wisconsin has a paper audit trail. Voting equipment is randomly selected for
audit after the presidential election and the paper trail is audited against the electronic vote totals;
this process is conducted as part of a public meeting. If there is a recount, these materials will
again be analyzed, as they were in 2016.
“Election results in Wisconsin are triple-checked for accuracy before they are certified,” Wolfe
said. “Your municipal and county clerks, and the staff of the Wisconsin Elections Commission
are looking at everything to ensure the will of the voters is carried out and to affirm that only
valid ballots were cast and counted.”
In response to the misinformation, the WEC today released a list of the top facts about
Wisconsin elections. This list is in addition to last week’s news release which addressed rumors
like Wisconsin having more votes than registrations and ballots being added to the unofficial
totals on the morning of November 4, that release can be found here:
https://elections.wi.gov/node/7235.
“Many voters are visiting our MyVote Wisconsin website to check their records,” said Wolfe.
“As allowed by state law, it can take 45 days after a presidential election for local clerks to
record everyone’s paper registrations and voter participation into the electronic statewide voter
database. If you do not see your participation or registration recorded right away, don’t worry it
takes time to get all of the data entered into the system.
A message on the MyVote.wi.gov website informs voters how long it can take to enter
participation. Wolfe said the MyVote website absentee ballot tracking feature will continue to
show voters whether their absentee ballot arrived.
Wolfe noted that in the last three presidential elections, Wisconsin had among the lowest rates of
mail ballot rejections and other problems in the nation, according to the Elections Performance
Index, a state-by-state data monitoring project maintained by the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology.
However, voters should note that their record will never contain information on how you voted.
State and federal law protect voter anonymity. Once you cast your ballot, who you voted for can
not be tracked back to you. Your paper ballot is always anonymous, and it cannot be tied to your
voter participation record.
2. Minor news media errors in reporting Wisconsin’s unofficial results do not affect the
outcome of the election.
“Several people have contacted us about discrepancies they may have seen in unofficial results
on media websites or TV broadcasts on Election Night,” Wolfe said. “They believe that these
reporting errors are evidence that vote totals were somehow changed or flipped. Nothing could
be farther from the truth.”
Wolfe explained that Wisconsin does not have a statewide system for reporting unofficial results
on Election Night, and there is no central official website or feed where results are reported.
State law requires that counties post the unofficial election night numbers for each polling place.
The unofficial statewide and county results numbers that the public sees on Election Night and
the days thereafter come from the news media, including the Associated Press, which collects
them from the 72 county clerks’ websites.
One false rumor circulating now is that results were flipped in Rock County on Election Night,
based on screenshots from FOXNews.com. According to the Associated Press, there was an
error that occurred in the way they gathered results from Rock County’s website which caused
AP to transpose results for Joe Biden and Donald Trump. An AP correspondent noticed the error
within a few minutes and corrected it, according to a statement from the newswire:
Patrick Maks, media relations manager for The Associated Press said, “There was a brief
technical error in AP’s collection of the vote count in Rock County, Wisconsin, that was quickly
https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2020/nov/10/eric-trump/no-rock-county-did-not-have-
glitch-stole-votes-tru/
The AP’s error in no way reflects any problem with how Rock County counted or posted
unofficial results. The WEC has confirmed with Rock County that their unofficial results
reporting was always accurate.
There have been similar false claims about numbers on a CNN broadcast around 4 a.m.
Wednesday when the city of Milwaukee’s absentee ballot results were added to ballots cast at the
polls on Election Day.
“Voters should be extremely cautious about drawing any conclusions based on changes in
numbers during Election Night reporting,” Wolfe said. “The news media is doing its best to
report accurate results, but sometimes they make minor mistakes. These errors have nothing to
do with Wisconsin’s official results, which are triple checked at the municipal, county and state
levels before they are certified.”
3. Absentee ballots were counted properly, regardless of when the results were reported.
There are 39 municipalities which count their voters’ absentee ballots at a central location.
Because several municipalities could not finish processing their absentee ballots by the time the
polls closed at 8 p.m. on Election Day, there was a delay in reporting those results to county
clerks. This was especially true in major cities including Milwaukee, Green Bay and Kenosha,
where final unofficial results were reported after 3 a.m. Wednesday.
“Due to the pandemic and the high number of absentee ballots, it took until early Wednesday for
all the unofficial results to come in,” said Wolfe. “It does not mean something went wrong – it
means election officials did their jobs and made sure every valid ballot was counted.”
In Wisconsin, voters must be registered before they can request an absentee ballot. Voters then
need to submit a valid request for an absentee to their municipal clerk who sends the ballot and
tracks it in the statewide database and using USPS intelligent mail barcodes. When a voted
ballot is received by your clerk, it has to be recorded that it was received. On Election Day and
night, only ballots issued to registered voters, with a valid request on file, and with completed
certificates signed by the voter and their witness, are counted. If any of these elements are
missing, the ballot is rejected and is not counted.
Some central count municipalities, including Milwaukee and Green Bay, took extra steps to
provide the public and the media with live webcams of the absentee tabulation, and the physical
locations were all open to the public and the media. Representatives of both major political
parties were present, as well as independent poll watchers.
The Wisconsin Elections Commission anticipated there would be misinformation about late
absentee ballot reports in central count municipalities. To proactively provide insight into the
process of counting and reporting absentee ballot totals, the WEC put out news releases in
advance of the election and even produced a video about how results get reported.
https://elections.wi.gov/2020
4. The pens or markers used by some voters did not prevent their ballots from being
counted.
Wolfe said that voters have contacted the WEC because of posts they saw on social media about
the use of felt tip pens or “sharpies” on ballots. “Voters do not need to worry, their ballots were
counted,” Wolfe said. “Voting equipment in Wisconsin is tested at both the local, state, and
federal level for all kinds of pens and other marking devices. While we recommend that voters
use the pen or marking device provided at their polling place or as instructed in their absentee
ballot, the use of a felt-tip pen doesn’t invalidate a ballot.”
5. Wisconsin ballots do not have any special encoding with invisible watermarks or
blockchain codes.
One of the stranger claims after the election was that legitimate ballots had been specially
encoded by one of the political parties so any illegitimate ballots could be rejected.
Wisconsin county clerks are responsible for printing ballots which are distributed to municipal
clerks, Wolfe said. “The secrecy of your ballot is safe,” Wolfe said. “Clerks do not print any
watermarks or codes on them that would identify any voter or political party.” Ballot anonymity
is a requirement of the law, and what candidate a voter chose is not a part of their record. The
state of Wisconsin also does not track party affiliation. Local election officials do not know
voter’s party preference when issuing ballots.
6. Clerks and poll workers followed state law in curing absentee ballot certificates that
were missing address information.
Another unfounded claim is that just before the election the WEC illegally told clerks they could
add witness addresses to absentee ballot certificate envelopes. Here are the facts:
7. The WEC followed the law and court orders about the ERIC Movers list.
There have been unfounded allegations that the WEC violated the law by not removing
approximately 232,000 voters from the registration list because they may have moved.
The Wisconsin Court of Appeals ruled in February 2020 that WEC could not remove voters from
the registration list. The court case, Zignego v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, was argued
before the Wisconsin Supreme Court in September and no decision has been issued yet. The
WEC will follow the Supreme Court’s decision once it is issued.
The current process requires anyone who may have moved to affirm their address when
receiving a ballot. These voters have a watermark next to their name in the poll book and are
asked to sign to affirm that they still live there. If any voter has moved, they are directed to
register to vote before they can be issued a ballot.
###
The Wisconsin Elections Commission is responsible for administration and enforcement of election laws in
Wisconsin. The Commission is made up of six Commissioners – four appointed directly by the State Senate
Majority Leader, Speaker of the Assembly and the Minority Leaders in the State Senate and Assembly. The
remaining two Commissioners are by the Governor with confirmation by the State Senate from lists of former
municipal and county clerks submitted by the legislative leadership in each party.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members ANN S.
JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN, MARGE
BOSTELMAN, JULIE M. GLANCEY,
DEAN KNUDSON, ROBERT F.
SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
Spindell, Jr., by their attorneys, and pursuant to Civil L. R. 7(j), hereby submit
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
2
1366 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 3 Document 58
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
3
1367 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 3 of 3 Document 58
Martel v. Condos, --- F.Supp.3d ---- (2020)
2020 WL 5755289
2020 WL 5755289
Only the Westlaw citation is currently available. ORDER ON MOTION FOR PRELIMINARY
United States District Court, D. Vermont. INJUNCTION AND ON MOTION TO DISMISS
Attorneys and Law Firms The provisions in Acts 92 and 135 principally at issue in
this case concern the legislature's decision to authorize the
David A. Warrington, Esq., Pro Hac Vice, Kutak Rock LLP, Secretary of State to require local election officials to send
Richmond, VA, Deborah T. Bucknam, Esq., Bucknam Law ballots by mail to all registered voters. Act 92 states, in
PC, Walden, VT, Harmeet K. Dhillon, Esq., Pro Hac Vice, pertinent part:
Dhillon Law Group Inc., San Francisco, CA, Mark P. Meuser,
Esq., Pro Hac Vice, Dhillon Law Group Inc., San Franciso, In the year 2020, the Secretary of State is authorized, in
CA, for Plaintiffs. consultation and agreement with the Governor, to order or
permit, as applicable appropriate elections procedures for
David R. Groff, Esq., Philip A. Back, Esq., Office of the the purpose of protecting the health, safety and welfare of
Vermont Attorney General, Montpelier, VT, for Defendant. voters, elections workers, and candidates in carrying out
elections including:
Ex. 1
1368 © 2020 2:20-cv-01771-PP
Case Thomson Reuters. No claim
Filedto12/07/20
original U.S.Page
Government
1 of 5 Works.
Document 58-1 1
Martel v. Condos, --- F.Supp.3d ---- (2020)
2020 WL 5755289
Ex. 1
1369 © 2020 2:20-cv-01771-PP
Case Thomson Reuters. No claim
Filedto12/07/20
original U.S.Page
Government
2 of 5 Works.
Document 58-1 2
Martel v. Condos, --- F.Supp.3d ---- (2020)
2020 WL 5755289
(Id. at 4–5.) (Doc. 1 ¶ 25.) Plaintiffs fear that ballots will be mailed to
voters who have moved away, died, or otherwise become
After issuing the Directive and in preparation for the August ineligible and that these ballots will be used to vote illegally
primary election, the Secretary caused absentee primary by the ineligible voter or others who acquire the ballots and
ballot request forms printed on postcards to be sent to return them to polling places. (See id. ¶ 62.)
every person listed on the statewide voter checklist. (Doc.
1 ¶ 42.) According to the Complaint, the issuance of the
postcards “was intended to be a test of the process by B. Other Challenges
which Condos intended to mail ballots to all voters on the In addition to their challenge based on alleged dilution of
statewide voter checklist pursuant to the Directive.” (Id. their votes, Plaintiffs assert in Count II that the Directive is
¶ 43.) Plaintiffs allege that the postcard mailing revealed unconstitutional and an ultra vires use of legislative power.
“numerous problems,” such as postcards being sent to voters They assert that the Directive contains provisions that are
at addresses they no longer used, postcards sent to people who inconsistent with Vermont law. (See id. ¶ 71.) Finally, in
are no longer eligible to vote in Vermont, and some longtime Count III, Plaintiffs assert that the Directive is ultra vires
registered voters who received no postcard. (Id. ¶¶ 45–48.) because, in Plaintiffs’ view, it does nothing beyond existing
Vermont law to “protect[ ] the health, safety, and welfare
The Secretary of State is prepared to follow the Directive and of voters, elections workers, and candidates in carrying out
Acts 92 and 135 by mailing out ballots to all active registered elections”—the stated purpose of Acts 92 and 135. See Act
voters on Friday, September 18, 2020. 92, § 3(a); Act 135 § 1(a).
II. Standing
Analysis Plaintiffs’ case begins and ends with the issue of standing.
This is a constitutional requirement which operates as a check
I. Plaintiffs’ Challenges on the ability of litigants to file claims for injuries which are
Plaintiffs are five registered Vermont voters. In addition to insufficiently specific and direct in their effect on the plaintiff.
their status as registered voters, several have played a role See Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737, 754, 104 S.Ct. 3315, 82
in local and state government. Plaintiff Tracey Martel is the L.Ed.2d 556 (1984) (“This Court has repeatedly held that an
town clerk of Victory, Vermont, where she is responsible for asserted right to have the Government act in accordance with
the administration of Victory's elections. Robert Frenier is law is not sufficient, standing alone, to confer jurisdiction on
a former member of the Vermont House of Representatives. a federal court.”), abrogated on other grounds by Lexmark
Brian Smith is a current member of the Vermont House. Mary Int'l, Inc. v. Static Control Components, Inc., 572 U.S. 118,
Beausoleil is a resident of Lyndon and previously a Justice of
126–27, 134 S.Ct. 1377, 188 L.Ed.2d 392 (2014).2 Cases in
the Peace.
which plaintiffs assert “generalized grievances” of unlawful
governmental action are commonly dismissed on standing
A. Challenge to Statewide Mail-In Ballots grounds. See United States v. Richardson, 418 U.S. 166, 94
*3 Plaintiffs complain that their individual votes will be S.Ct. 2940, 41 L.Ed.2d 678 (1974) (impact of government
diluted if the distribution of mail-in ballots leads—as they action plainly undifferentiated and common to all members of
fear—to mistaken votes or widespread voter fraud. The the public). The constitutional minimum of standing consists
Complaint alleges that: of three elements: “The plaintiff must have (1) suffered an
injury in fact, (2) that is fairly traceable to the challenged
if General Election mail-in ballots are automatically conduct of the defendant, and (3) that is likely to be redressed
distributed to every eligible voter (any voter on a voter by a favorable judicial decision.” Liberian Cmty. Ass'n of
check-list), without any request for such a ballot from that Conn. v. Lamont, 970 F.3d 174, 184 (2d Cir. 2020) (quoting
voter, many castable ballots will inevitably fall in the hands Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560, 112 S.Ct.
of persons other than the voter to whom the mail-in ballot 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992)).
was directed, including some mail-in ballots that will be
sent to persons to have moved, died or otherwise become 2 Standing has both a constitutional and a prudential
ineligible.” aspect. In this case, the court is only concerned with
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constitutional standing. Because it is absent, there is no Standing in such cases, however, does not extend to parties
need to consider the further issue of whether standing is who have not themselves suffered discrimination or other
not present for prudential reasons. individualized injury. See United States v. Hays, 515 U.S.
The requirement of “injury in fact” serves multiple purposes. 737, 745, 115 S.Ct. 2431, 132 L.Ed.2d 635 (1995) (without
It limits justiciable cases to those controversies which are evidence that “plaintiff has personally been subjected to
sufficiently well-defined by injury to the plaintiff that the a racial classification ... [he] would be asserting only a
parties will develop the facts and seek remedies which are generalized grievance against governmental conduct of which
responsive to the harm. See Valley Forge Christian Coll. he or she does not approve.”); Sinkfield v. Kelley, 531 U.S. 28,
v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State, 121 S.Ct. 446, 148 L.Ed.2d 329 (2000) (majority white voters
Inc., 454 U.S. 464, 472, 102 S.Ct. 752, 70 L.Ed.2d 700 lacked standing to complain of unlawful racial practices to
(1982) (“The requirement of ‘actual injury redressable by the which they had not been subjected). The Second Circuit
court’ ... tends to assure that the legal questions presented to recognized the same principles in League of Women Voters
the court will be resolved, not in the rarified atmosphere of a of Nassau County v. Nassau County Bd. of Supervisors, 737
debating society, but in a concrete factual context conducive F.2d 155, 162 (2d Cir. 1984) (“[parties] who are not persons
to a realistic appreciation of the consequences of judicial domiciled in underrepresented voting districts lack standing
action.” (internal citations omitted)). In a manner directly to prosecute this appeal.”) See Roxbury Taxpayers Alliance v.
relevant to this case, the requirement supports principles of Delaware Cty Bd. of Supervisors, 80 F.3d 42 (2d Cir. 1996)
separation of power and caution in second-guessing decisions (only underrepresented voters have standing to bring claims
made by the other branches. See Laird v. Tatum, 408 U.S. of disproportional representation).
1, 15, 92 S.Ct. 2318, 33 L.Ed.2d 154 (1972) (“Carried to its
logical end, [litigation without direct injury] would have the It would over-simplify the standing analysis to conclude that
federal courts as virtually continuing monitors of the wisdom no state-wide election law is subject to challenge simply
and soundness of Executive action; such a role is appropriate because it affects all voters. State legislation which unfairly
for the Congress acting through its committees and the ‘power restricts a voter's right to vote is subject to review by the
of the purse,’ it is not the role of the judiciary, absent courts. “We have long recognized that a person's right to
actual present or immediately threatened injury resulting from vote is ‘individual and personal in nature.’ ” Gill v. Whitford,
unlawful governmental action.”). The “injury in fact” must ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1929, 201 L.Ed.2d 313
have been “concrete and particularized” and also “actual or (2018) (citing Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct.
imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.” Liberian Cmty. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)). But as the Gill decision
Ass'n of Conn., 970 F.3d at 184 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at illustrates, the Supreme Court continues to decline to extend
560, 112 S.Ct. 2130). standing to plaintiffs asserting generalized objections to state
election laws. In this case, the alleged injury is similar to the
*4 Standing doctrine has an extensive history in the context impact alleged by the majority voters who lacked standing
of challenges to election practices. In United States v. Classic, in the reapportionment cases. The gerrymandered districts
313 U.S. 299, 61 S.Ct. 1031, 85 L.Ed. 1368 (1941), the altered the proportional impact of every vote, but only those
Supreme Court recognized the constitutional right to vote and specifically disadvantaged by the unconstitutional scheme
have one's vote counted. “Obviously included within the right have standing. A vote cast by fraud or mailed in by the wrong
to choose [representatives], secured by the Constitution, is person through mistake has a mathematical impact on the
the right of qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots final tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote,
and have them counted at Congressional elections.” Id. at but no single voter is specifically disadvantaged.
315, 61 S.Ct. 1031. See The Ku Klux Cases, 110 U.S. 651, 4
S.Ct. 152, 28 L.Ed. 274 (1884). In reapportionment cases, the These cases lead the court to be cautious in this case about
Court has long recognized the standing of the disadvantaged extending standing to any registered voter – such as the five
voter. See Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208, 82 S.Ct. 691, who have sued here – who alleges an injury common to
7 L.Ed.2d 663 (1962) (“[Plaintiffs] are asserting a plain, all other registered voters. If every voter suffers the same
direct and adequate interest in maintaining the effectiveness incremental dilution of the franchise caused by some third-
of their votes, not merely a claim of the right possessed by party's fraudulent vote, then these voters have experienced a
every citizen to require that the government be administered generalized injury. As the affidavit submitted by plaintiffs’
according to law.”) (citations and internal quotations omitted). expert makes clear, plaintiffs believe that the new processes
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2020 WL 6063332
Editor's Note: Additions are indicated by Text and deletions individual plaintiffs who had already cast their absentee
by Text . ballots by mail had standing to raise equal protection claims;
Only the Westlaw citation is currently available.
United States District Court, M.D. North Carolina. plaintiffs demonstrated a likelihood of success on the merits
of their equal protection claims against the mail-in ballot
Timothy K. MOORE, et al., Plaintiffs, witness-requirement cure procedure and extension of mail-in
v. ballot receipt deadline;
Damon CIRCOSTA, et al., Defendants,
plaintiffs demonstrated a likelihood of irreparable injury on
and their equal protection claims against witness-requirement
North Carolina Alliance for Retired cure procedure and extension of mail-in ballot receipt
Americans, et al., Defendant-Intervenors. deadline;
Patsy J. Wise, et al., Plaintiffs, balance of equities weighed heavily against preliminary
v. injunction, and thus district court would deny injunctive
The North Carolina State Board relief; and
of Elections, et al., Defendants, SBE exceeded its statutory authority and emergency powers
and when it entered into consent agreement and eliminated
North Carolina Alliance for Retired witness requirements for mail-in ballots.
47) at 9.) At that time, counsel for SBE indicated that they
In the case of an incurable deficiency, a new ballot could had not yet submitted the Revised Memo 2020-19 to this
be issued only “if there [was] time to mail the voter a new court, “but that it was on counsel's list to get [it] done
ballot ... [to be] receive[d] by Election Day.” (Id. at. 3) If a today.” (Id.) (internal quotations omitted.) On September 28,
voter who submitted an uncurable ballot was unable to receive 2020, Defendant SBE filed the Revised Memo 2020-19 with
a new absentee ballot in time, he or she would have the option this court in the Democracy action. (Democracy N.C. v. N.C.
to vote in person on Election Day. (Id. at 4.) State Bd. of Elections, No. 1:20CV457 (Doc. 143-1).)
If the deficiency was curable by a cure affidavit, the guidance *4 The revised guidance modified which ballot deficiencies
stated that the voter must return the cure affidavit by no later fell into the curable and uncurable categories. Unlike the
than 5 p.m. on Thursday, November 12, 2020. (Id.) original Memo 2020-19, the Revised Memo advised that
ballots missing a witness or assistant name or address, as well
as ballots with a missing or misplaced witness or assistant
signature, could be cured via voter certification. (Moore v.
3. Rescission of Numbered Memo 2020-19
Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, Revised Memo 2020-19 (Doc.
The State began issuing ballots on September 4, 2020, 36-3) at 3.) According to the revised guidance, the only
marking the beginning of the election process. (Wise, No. deficiencies that could not be cured by certification, and thus
1:20CV912, Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43).) On September required spoliation, were where the envelope was unsealed
11, 2020, SBE directed counties to stop notifying voters or where the envelope indicated the voter was requesting a
of deficiencies in their ballot, as advised in Memo replacement ballot. (Id. at 4.)
2020-19, pending further guidance from SBE. (Moore, No.
1:20CV911, Moore Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 60) Ex. 3, Democracy The cure certification in Revised 2020-19 required voters to
Email Chain (Doc. 60-4) at 6.) sign and affirm the following:
36-3) at 5.) This is the same as the deadline for military and of elections, (id.), Numbered Memo 2020-23 confirms that
overseas voters, as indicated in the Original Memo 2020-19. “an absentee ballot may not be left in an unmanned drop
(Id.)2 box.” (Id.) The guidance reminds county boards that they
must keep a written log when any person returns an absentee
2 ballot in person, which includes the name of the individual
In Democracy N. Carolina v. N.C. State Board
returning the ballot, their relationship to the voter, the ballot
of Elections, No. 1:20CV457, an order is entered
number, and the date it was received. (Id. at 3.) If the
contemporaneously with this Memorandum Opinion and
Order enjoining certain aspects of the Revised Memo individual who drops off the ballot is not the voter, their
2020-19. near relative, or legal guardian, the log must also record their
address and phone number. (Id.)
5. Numbered Memoranda 2020-22 and 2020-23 3 The Memoranda incorrectly cites this statute as N.C.
Gen. Stat. § 163-223.6(a)(5).
SBE issued two other Numbered Memoranda on September
22, 2020, in addition to Revised Numbered Memo 2020-19. At the same time, the guidance advises county boards that
“[f]ailure to comply with the logging requirement, or delivery
First, SBE issued Numbered Memo 2020-22, the purpose or an absentee ballot by a person other than the voter, the
of which was to further define the term postmark used in voter's near relative, or the voter's legal guardian, is not
Numbered Memo 2020-19. (Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Wise sufficient evidence in and of itself to establish that the voter
Compl. (Doc. 1), Ex. 3, N.C. State Bd. of Elections Mem. did not lawfully vote their ballot.” (Id. at 3.) Instead, the
(“Memo 2020-22”) (Doc. 1-3) at 2.) Numbered Memo guidance advises the county board that they “may ... consider
2020-22 advised that although “[t]he postmark requirement the delivery of a ballot ... in conjunction with other evidence
for ballots received after Election Day is in place to prohibit in determining whether the ballot is valid and should be
a voter from learning the outcome of an election and then counted.” (Id. at 4.)
casting their ballot.... [T]he USPS does not always affix a
postmark to a ballot return envelope.” (Id.) Recognizing that
SBE now offers “BallotTrax,” a system in which voters and 6. Consent Judgment in North Carolina Alliance for
county boards can track the status of a voter's absentee ballot, Retired Americans v. North Carolina State Bd. of
SBE said “it is possible for county boards to determine when Elections
a ballot was mailed even if does not have a postmark.” (Id.)
Moreover, SBE recognized that commercial carriers offer On August 10, 2020, NC Alliance, the Defendant-Intervenors
tracking services that document when a ballot was deposited in the two cases presently before this court, filed an action
with the commercial carrier. (Id.) For these reasons, the new against SBE in North Carolina's Wake County Superior
guidance stated that a ballot would be considered postmarked Court challenging, among other voting rules, the witness
by Election Day if it had a postmark, there is information in requirement for mail-in absentee ballots and rejection of mail-
BallotTrax, or “another tracking service offered by the USPS in absentee ballots that are postmarked by Election Day but
or a commercial carrier, indicat[es] that the ballot was in delivered to county boards more than three days after the
the custody of USPS or the commercial carrier on or before election. (Moore v Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, SBE State Court
Election Day.” (Id. at 3.) Br. (Doc. 68-1) at 15.)
*5 Second, SBE issued Numbered Memo 2020-23, which On August 12, 2020, Philip Berger and Timothy Moore,
provides “guidance and recommendations for the safe, secure, Plaintiffs in Moore, filed a notice of intervention as of right
and controlled in-person return of absentee ballots.” (Wise, in the state court action and became parties to that action
No. 1:20CV912, Wise Compl. (Doc. 1), Ex. 4, N.C. State as intervenor-defendants on behalf of the North Carolina
Bd. of Elections Mem. (“Memo 2020-23”) (Doc. 1-4) at General Assembly. (Id. at 16.)
2.) Referring to N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-226.3(a)(5),3 which
prohibits any person other than the voter's near relative or On September 22, 2020, SBE and NC Alliance filed a Joint
legal guardian to take possession of an absentee ballot of Motion for Entry of a Consent Judgment with the superior
another voter for delivery or for return to a county board court. (Id.) Philip Berger and Timothy Moore were not aware
of this “secretly-negotiated” Consent Judgment, (Wise Pls.’
Mot. (Doc. 43) at 6), until the parties did not attend a Superior Court noted this court's preliminary injunction in
previously scheduled deposition, (Democracy v. N.C. Bd. of Democracy, finding,
Elections, No. 1:20CV457 (Doc. 168) at 73.)
WHEREAS, on August 4, 2020, the United States District
Among the terms of the Consent Judgment, SBE agreed to Court for the Middle District of North Carolina enjoined
extend the deadline for receipt of mail-in absentee ballots the State Board from “the “disallowance or rejection ...
mailed on or before Election Day to nine days after Election of absentee ballots without due process as to those ballots
Day, to implement the cure process established in Revised with a material error that is subject to remediation.”
Memo 2020-19, and to establish separate mail in absentee Democracy N.C. v. N.C. State Bd. of Elections, No.
ballot “drop off stations” at each early voting site and county 1:20-cv-00457-WO-JLW [––– F.Supp.3d ––––, 2020 WL
board of elections office which were to be staffed by county 4484063] (M.D.N.C. Aug. 4, 2020) (Osteen, J.). ECF 124
board officials. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, SBE at 187. The injunction is to remain in force until the State
State Court Br. (Doc. 68-1) at 16.) Board implements a cure process that provides a voter
with “notice and an opportunity to be heard before an
In its filings with the state court, SBE frequently cited this absentee ballot with a material error subject to remediation
court's decision in Democracy as a reason for why the Wake is disallowed or rejected.” Id.
County Superior Court Judge should accept the Consent (State Court Consent Judgment (Doc. 45-1) at 6.)4
Judgment. SBE argued that a cure procedure for deficiencies
related to the witness requirement were necessary because 4 An additional discussion of the facts related to SBE's
“[w]itness requirements for absentee ballots have been shown use of this court's order in obtaining a Consent Judgment
to be, broadly speaking, disfavored by the courts,” (id. at is set out in this court's order in Democracy v. North
26), and that “[e]ven in North Carolina, a federal court held Carolina State Board of Elections, No. 1:20CV457,
that the witness requirement could not be implemented as 2020 WL 6058048 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020) (enjoining
statutorily authorized without a mechanism for voters to have witness cure procedure).
adequate notice of and [an opportunity to] cure materials [sic]
defects that might keep their votes from being counted,” (id. at
27). SBE argued that, “to comply with the State Defendants’ 7. Numbered Memoranda 2020-27, 2020-28, and 2020-29
understanding of the injunction entered by Judge Osteen,
In addition to the Numbered Memoranda issued on September
the State Board directed county boards of elections not to
22, 2020, as part of the consent judgment in the state court
disapprove any ballots until a new cure procedure that would
case, SBE has issued three additional numbered memoranda.
comply with the injunction could be implemented,” (id. at 30),
and that ultimately, the cure procedure introduced in Revised
First, on October 1, 2020, SBE issued Numbered Memo
Memo 2020-19 as part of the consent judgment would comply
2020-27, which was issued in response to this court's order
with this injunction. (Id.) SBE indicated that it had notified
in Democracy regarding the need for parties to attend a status
the federal court of the cure mechanism process on September
conference to discuss Numbered Memo 2020-19. (Moore v.
22, 2020, (id.), although this court was not made aware of
Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 40-2) at 2.) The guidance
the cure procedure until September 28, 2020, (Democracy
advises county boards that this court did not find Numbered
N.C. v. N.C. State Bd. of Elections, No. 1:20CV457 (Doc.
Memo 2020-19:
143-1)), the day before the processing of absentee ballots
was scheduled to begin on September 29, 2020, (Moore v. “consistent with the Order entered by this Court on August
Circosta, No. 20CV911 Transcript of Oral Argument (“Oral 4, 2020,” and indicates that its preliminary injunction order
Argument Tr.”)(Doc. 70) at 109.) should “not be construed as finding that the failure of a
witness to sign the application and certificate as a witness
*6 On October 2, 2020, the Wake County Superior Court is a deficiency which may be cured with a certification after
entered the Stipulation and Consent Judgment. (Moore v. the ballot has been returned.”
Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, State Court Consent Judgment (Id.) “In order to avoid confusion while related matters are
(Doc. 45-1).) Among its recitals, which Defendant SBE pending in a number of courts,” the guidance advises that
drafted and submitted to the judge as is customary in state “[c]ounty boards that receive an executed absentee container-
court, (Oral Argument Tr. (Doc. 70) at 91), the Wake County return envelope with a missing witness signature shall take
no action as to that envelope.” (Id.) In all other respects, Alliance Intervenors filed a Motion to Intervene as
SBE stated that Revised Numbered Memo 2020-19 remains Defendants in Moore on September 30, 2020, (Moore v.
in effect. (Id.) Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 27)), and in Wise on October
2, 2020, (Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 21)). This court granted
Second, on October 4, 2020, SBE issued Numbered Memo Alliance Intervenors’ Motion to Intervene on October 8,
2020-28, which states that both versions of Numbered 2020. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 67); Wise,
Memo 2020-19, as well as Numbered Memoranda 2020-22, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 49).)
2020-23, and 2020-27 “are on hold until further notice”
following the temporary restraining order entered in the The district court in the Eastern District of North Carolina
instant cases on October 3, 2020. (Moore v. Circosta, issued a temporary restraining order in both cases on October
No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 60-5) at 2.) Moreover, the guidance 3, 2020, and transferred the actions to this court for this
reiterated that “[c]ounty boards that receive an executed court's “consideration of additional or alternative injunctive
absentee container-return envelope with a deficiency shall relief along with any such relief in Democracy North Carolina
take no action as to that envelope,” including sending a v. North Carolina State Board of Elections ....” (Moore
cure notification or reissuing the ballot. (Id. at 2-3.) Instead, v. Circosta, 1:20CV911, TRO (Doc. 47) at 2; Wise, No.
the guidance directs county boards to store envelopes with 1:20CV912 (Doc. 25) at 2.)
deficiencies in a secure location until further notice. (Id. at
3.) If, however, a county board had previously issued a ballot On October 5, 2020, this court held a Telephone
and the second envelope is returned without any deficiencies, Conference, (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, Minute
the guidance permits the county board to approve the second Entry 10/05/2020; Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Minute Entry
ballot. (Id.) 10/05/2020), and issued an order directing the parties to
prepare for a hearing on the temporary restraining order and/
*7 Finally, on October 4, 2020, SBE issued Numbered or a preliminary injunction and to submit additional briefing,
Memo 2020-29, which states that it provides “uniform (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 51); Wise, No.
guidance and further clarification on how to determine if 1:20CV912 (Doc. 30)). On October 6, 2020, Plaintiffs in
the correct address can be identified if the witness's or Wise filed a Memorandum in Support of Plaintiffs’ Motion to
assistant's address on an absentee container-return envelope Convert the Temporary Restraining Order into a Preliminary
is incomplete. (Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 43-5).) First, the Injunction, (Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43)), and Plaintiffs in
guidance clarifies that if a witness or assistant does not print Moore filed a Motion for a Preliminary Injunction and
their address, the envelope is deficient. (Id. at 2.) Second, the Memorandum in Support of Same, (Moore Pls.’ Mot. (Doc.
guidance states that failure to list a witness's ZIP code does 60)). Defendant SBE filed a response to Plaintiffs’ motions
not require a cure; a witness or assistant's address may be a in both cases on October 7, 2020. (Moore v. Circosta, No.
post office box or other mailing address; and if the address 1:20CV911, State Defs.’ Resp. to Pls.’ Mot. for Prelim.
is missing a city or state, but the county board can determine Inj. (“SBE Resp.”) (Doc. 65); Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc.
the correct address, the failure to include this information 45).) Alliance Intervenors also filed a response to Plaintiffs’
does not invalidate the container-return envelope. (Id.) Third, motions in both cases on October 7, 2020. (Moore v. Circosta,
if both the city and ZIP code are missing, the guidance No. 1:20CV911, Proposed Intervenors’ Mem. in Opp'n to
directs staff to determine whether the correct address can be Pls.’ Mot. for a Prelim. Inj. (“Alliance Resp.”) (Doc. 64);
identified. (Id.) If they cannot be identified, then the envelope Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 47).)5
is deficient. (Id.)
5 Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors’ memoranda
C. Procedural History filed in opposition to Plaintiffs’ motions for a preliminary
injunction in Moore are identical to those that each
On September 26, 2020, Plaintiffs in Moore filed their action
party filed in Wise. (Compare SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) and
in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of
Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) with Wise, No. 1:20CV912
North Carolina. (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1).) Plaintiffs in Wise
(Doc. 45) and Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 47).) For
also filed their action in the United States District Court for clarity and ease, this court will cite only to the briefs
the Eastern District of North Carolina on September 26, 2020. Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors filed in Moore
(Wise Compl. (Doc. 1).) in subsequent citations.
This court held oral arguments on October 8, 2020, in which North Carolina state court, of Revised Memo 2020-19 and
all of the parties in these two cases presented arguments the related Consent Judgment. (See discussion infra Part
with respect to Plaintiffs’ motions for a preliminary II.D.3.b.i.) As Berger, Moore, and SBE are all parties in
injunction. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, Minute Democracy, this court initially finds that abstention doctrines
Entry 10/08/2020; Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Minute Entry do not preclude this court's exercise of jurisdiction. This
10/08/2020.) court's August Democracy Order was issued prior to the filing
of these state court actions, and that Order was the basis of
*8 This court has federal question jurisdiction over these the subsequent grant of affirmative relief by the state court.
cases under 28 U.S.C. § 1331. This matter is ripe for This court declines to find that any abstention doctrine would
adjudication. preclude it from issuing orders in aid of its jurisdiction, or as
to parties appearing in a pending case in this court.
is not an impediment to the exercise of federal jurisdiction that substantial reason for the exercise of federal jurisdiction,”
the same or a related question was earlier aired between the but rather “to ascertain whether there exist ‘exceptional’
parties in state court.’ ” Id. at 320 (quoting Skinner v. Switzer, circumstances, the ‘clearest of justifications,’ ... to justify the
562 U.S. 521, 532, 131 S.Ct. 1289, 179 L.Ed.2d 233 (2011)). surrender of that jurisdiction.” Moses H. Cone Mem'l Hosp.
Rather, “any tensions between the two proceedings should v. Mercury Constr. Corp., 460 U.S. 1, 25-26, 103 S.Ct. 927,
be managed through the doctrines of preclusion, comity, and 74 L.Ed.2d 765 (1983).
abstention.” Id. (citing Exxon, 544 U.S. at 292–93, 125 S.Ct.
1517). First, and crucially for this case, the court must determine
whether there are ongoing state and federal proceedings that
Moreover, “the Rooker–Feldman doctrine applies only when are parallel. Al-Abood ex rel. Al-Abood v. El-Shamari, 217
the loser in state court files suit in federal district court seeking F.3d 225, 232 (4th Cir. 2000) (“The threshold question in
redress for an injury allegedly caused by the state court's deciding whether Colorado River abstention is appropriate is
decision itself.” Davani v. Va. Dep't of Transp., 434 F.3d 712, whether there are parallel suits.”); Ackerman v. ExxonMobil
713 (4th Cir. 2006); see also Hulsey v. Cisa, 947 F.3d 246, Corp., 734 F.3d 237, 248 (4th Cir. 2013) (finding that
250 (4th Cir. 2020) (“A plaintiff's injury at the hands of a third abstention is exercised only “in favor of ongoing, parallel
party may be ‘ratified, acquiesced in, or left unpunished by’ state proceedings” (emphasis added)). In this instance, the
a state-court decision without being ‘produced by’ the state- parties have failed to allege any ongoing state proceeding that
court judgment.”) (internal citations omitted). this federal suit might interfere with. In fact, Plaintiffs in this
case were excluded as parties in the Consent Judgment and
Here, Plaintiffs are challenging SBE's election procedures and are bringing independent claims in this federal court alleging
seeking injunction of those electoral rules, not attempting to violations, inter alia, of the Equal Protection Clause. This
directly appeal results of a state court order. More importantly, court does not find that Colorado River abstention prevents
however, the Fourth Circuit has previously found that a party it from adjudicating Equal Protection claims raised by parties
is not a state court loser for purposes of Rooker-Feldman who were not parties to the Consent Judgment.
if “[t]he [state court] rulings thus were not ‘final state-court
judgments’ ” against the party bringing up the same issues
before a federal court. Hulsey, 947 F.3d at 251 (quoting
2. Pennzoil Abstention
Lance, 546 U.S. at 463, 126 S.Ct. 1198). In the Alliance state
court case, Alliance brought suit against SBE. The Plaintiffs As alleged by Defendants, Pennzoil does dictate that federal
from this case were intervenors. They were not parties to courts should not “interfere with the execution of state
the Settlement Agreement and were in no way properly judgments.” Pennzoil Co. v. Texaco, Inc., 481 U.S. 1, 14,
adjudicated “state court losers.” Given the Supreme Court's 107 S.Ct. 1519, 95 L.Ed.2d 1 (1987). However, in the very
intended narrowness of the Rooker-Feldman doctrine, see next sentence, the Pennzoil court caveats that this doctrine
Lance, 546 U.S. at 464, 126 S.Ct. 1198, and Plaintiffs’ failure applies “[s]o long as those challenges relate to pending state
to fit within the Fourth Circuit's definition of “state-court proceedings.” Id. In fact, in Pennzoil itself, the Court clarified
losers,” this court will decline to abstain under the Rooker- that abstention was proper because “[t]here is at least one
Feldman doctrine. pending judicial proceeding in the state courts; the lawsuit out
of which Texaco's constitutional claims arose is now pending
before a Texas Court of Appeals in Houston, Texas.” Id. at
B. Abstention
14, 107 S.Ct. 1519 n.13.
1. Colorado River Abstention Abstention was also justified in Pennzoil because the Texas
state court was not presented with the contested federal
*10 Abstention “is the exception, not the rule.” Colo. constitutional questions, and thus, “when [the subsequent]
River Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 424 U.S. case was filed in federal court, it was entirely possible that
800, 813, 96 S.Ct. 1236, 47 L.Ed.2d 483 (1976); see also the Texas courts would have resolved this case ... without
id. at 817, 96 S.Ct. 1236 (noting the “virtually unflagging reaching the federal constitutional questions.” Id. at 12,
obligation of the federal courts to exercise the jurisdiction 107 S.Ct. 1519. In the present case, Plaintiffs raised their
given them”). Thus, this court's task “is not to find some constitutional claims in the state court prior to the entry of
the Consent Judgment. The state court, through the Consent Collateral estoppel, or issue preclusion “refers to the effect
Judgment and without taking evidence, adjudicated those of a prior judgment in foreclosing successive litigation of an
claims as to the settling parties. The Consent Judgment is issue of fact or law actually litigated and resolved in a valid
effective through the 2020 Election and specifies no further court determination essential to the prior judgment, whether
basis upon which Plaintiffs here may seek relief. As a result, or not the issue arises on the same or a different claim.” New
there does not appear to be any relief available to Plaintiffs Hampshire v. Maine, 532 U.S. 742, 748-49, 121 S.Ct. 1808,
for the federal questions raised here. For these reasons, this 149 L.Ed.2d 968 (2001). The purpose of this doctrine is to
court will also decline to abstain under Pennzoil. “protect the integrity of the judicial process ....” Id. at 749,
121 S.Ct. 1808 (internal quotations omitted).
Plaintiffs argue that issue preclusion does not bar their Equal
3. Pullman Abstention
Protection claims. Citing Arizona v. California, 530 U.S.
Pullman abstention can be exercised where: (1) there is “an 392, 120 S.Ct. 2304, 147 L.Ed.2d 374 (2000), Plaintiffs
unclear issue of state law presented for decision”; and (2) in Wise argue that a negotiated settlement between parties,
resolution of that unclear state law issue “may moot or present like the consent judgment between the Alliance Intervenors
in a different posture the federal constitutional issue such and Defendant SBE in Wake County Superior Court, does
that the state law issue is potentially dispositive.” Educ. not constitute a final judgment for issue preclusion. (Wise
Servs., Inc. v. Md. State Bd. for Higher Educ., 710 F.2d Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 23.) Plaintiffs in Moore, citing In re
170, 174 (4th Cir. 1983); see also N.C. State Conference of Microsoft Corp. Antitrust Litig., 355 F.3d 322 (4th Cir. 2004),
NAACP v. Cooper, 397 F. Supp. 3d 786, 794 (M.D.N.C. argue that issue preclusion cannot be asserted because the
2019). Pullman does not apply here because any issues of Individual Plaintiffs in Moore were not parties to the state
state law are not, in this court's opinion, unclear or ambiguous. court litigation that resulted in the consent judgment. (Moore
Alliance's brief in Moore posits that “whether NCSBE has Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 60) at 4.)
the authority to enter the Consent Judgment and promulgate
the Numbered Memos” are at the center of this case, thereby In response, Defendant SBE argues that, under North Carolina
urging Pullman abstention. (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64 at 12).) law, issue preclusion applies where (1) the issue is identical to
SBE has undisputed authority to issue guidance consistent the issue actually litigated and necessary to a prior judgment,
with state law and may issue guidance contrary to state law (2) the prior action resulted in a final judgment on the merits,
only in response to natural disasters – the court finds this, and (3) the plaintiffs in the latter action are the same as, or
though ultimately unnecessary to the relief issued in this in privity with, the parties in the earlier action, (SBE Resp.
case, fairly clear. (See discussion supra at Part II.E.2.b.ii.) (Doc. 65) at 7), and the parties in these federal actions and
Moreover, this court has already expressly assessed and those in the state actions are in privity under the third element
upheld the North Carolina state witness requirement, which of the test, (id. at 8).
is the primary state law at issue in this case. Democracy N.
Carolina, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4484063, at *48. This court finds that issue preclusion does not bar Plaintiffs’
claims. In Arizona v. California, the Supreme Court held
*11 Furthermore, Defendants and Intervenors would that “[i]n most circumstances, it is recognized that consent
additionally need to show how “resolution of ... state agreements ordinarily are intended to preclude any further
law issues pending in state court” would “eliminate or litigation on the claim presented but are not intended to
substantially modify the federal constitutional issues raised preclude further litigation on any of the issues presented.”
in Plaintiffs’ Complaint.” N.C. State Conference of NAACP, 530 U.S. at 414, 120 S.Ct. 2304 (internal quotations
397 F. Supp. 3d at 796. As Alliance notes, the Plaintiffs did omitted). Moreover, “settlements ordinarily occasion no issue
not appeal the state court's conclusions, but sought relief in preclusion ... unless it is clear ... that the parties intend their
federal court – there is no state law issue pending in state court agreement to have such an effect.” Id.
here. For all of these reasons, this court declines to abstain
under Pullman. The Consent Judgment SBE and Alliance entered into does
not clearly demonstrate that they intended their agreement
to have an issue preclusive effect with regard to claims
C. Issue Preclusion brought now by Plaintiffs in Moore and Wise. The language
of the Consent Judgment demonstrates that it “constitutes a redistricting plan has diluted the “requirement that all
a settlement and resolution of Plaintiffs’ claims against citizens’ votes be weighted equally, known as the one person,
Executive Defendants pending in this Lawsuit” and that one vote principle,” and resulted in one group or community's
“by signing this Stipulation and Consent Judgment, they are vote counting more than another's. Raleigh Wake Citizens
releasing any claims ... that they might have against Executive Ass'n v. Wake Cnty. Bd. of Elections, 827 F.3d 333, 340 (4th
Defendants.” (State Court Consent Judgment (Doc. 45-1) at Cir. 2016); see also Gill v. Whitford, 585 U.S. ––––, ––––,
14 (emphasis added).) Although Timothy Moore and Philip 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1930-31, 201 L.Ed.2d 313 (2018) (finding
Berger, State Legislative Plaintiffs in Moore, were Defendant- that the “harm” of vote dilution “arises from the particular
Intervenors in the NC Alliance action, they were not parties to composition of the voter's own district, which causes his vote
the consent judgment. (Id.) Thus, because the plain language – having been packed or cracked – to carry less weight than
of the agreement did not expressly indicate an intention it would carry in another, hypothetical district”); Wesberry v.
to preclude Plaintiffs Moore and Berger from litigating the Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 18, 84 S.Ct. 526, 11 L.Ed.2d 481 (1964)
issue in subsequent litigation, neither these State Legislative (finding that vote dilution occurred where congressional
Plaintiffs, nor any other parties with whom they may or may districts did not guarantee “equal representation for equal
not be in privity, are estopped from raising these claims now numbers of people”); Wright v. North Carolina, 787 F.3d 256,
before this court. 268 (4th Cir. 2015) (invalidating a voter redistricting plan).
Second, the Court has found that the Equal Protection Clause
D. Plaintiffs’ Equal Protection Claims is violated where the state, “[h]aving once granted the right
*12 Plaintiffs raise “two separate theories of an equal to vote on equal terms,” through “later arbitrary and disparate
protection violation,” – a “vote dilution claim, and an treatment, value[s] one person's vote over that of another.”
arbitrariness claim.” (Oral Argument Tr. (Doc. 70) at 52; see Bush, 531 U.S. at 104-05, 121 S.Ct. 525 (2000); see also
also Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 12-15.) Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d
663 (1962) (“A citizen's right to a vote free of arbitrary
impairment by state action has been judicially recognized as
1. Voting Harms Prohibited by the Equal Protection a right secured by the Constitution, when such impairment
Clause resulted from dilution by a false tally, or by a refusal to
count votes from arbitrarily selected precincts, or by a stuffing
Under the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, of the ballot box.”) (internal citations omitted). This second
a state may not “deny to any person within its jurisdiction theory of voting harms requires courts to balance competing
the equal protection of the laws.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV. concerns around access to the ballot. On the one hand, a state
The Fourteenth Amendment is one of several constitutional should not engage in practices which prevent qualified voters
provisions that “protects the right of all qualified citizens to from exercising their right to vote. A state must ensure that
vote, in state as well as federal elections.” Reynolds v. Sims, there is “no preferred class of voters but equality among those
377 U.S. 533, 554, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964). who meet the basic qualifications.” Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S.
Because the Fourteenth Amendment protects not only the 368, 379-80, 83 S.Ct. 801, 9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963). On the other
“initial allocation of the franchise,” as well as “to the manner hand, the state must protect against “the diluting effect of
of its exercise,” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104, 121 S.Ct. illegal ballots.” Id. at 380, 83 S.Ct. 801. Because “the right to
525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000), “lines may not be drawn which have one's vote counted has the same dignity as the right to put
are inconsistent with the Equal Protection Clause ....” Id. at a ballot in a box,” id., the vote dilution occurs only where there
105, 121 S.Ct. 525 (citing Harper v. Va. State Bd. of Elections, is both “arbitrary and disparate treatment.” Bush, 531 U.S. at
383 U.S. 663, 665, 86 S.Ct. 1079, 16 L.Ed.2d 169 (1966)). 105, 121 S.Ct. 525. To this end, states must have “specific
rules designed to ensure uniform treatment” of a voter's ballot.
The Supreme Court has identified two theories of voting Id. at 106, 121 S.Ct. 525.
harms prohibited by the Fourteenth Amendment. First, the
Court has identified a harm caused by “debasement or
dilution of the weight of a citizen's vote,” also referred to
2. Standing to Bring Equal Protection Claims
“vote dilution.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362.
Courts find this harm arises where gerrymandering under
*13 In light of the harms prohibited by the Equal Protection First, under a vote dilution theory, they argue that courts
Clause, this court must first consider whether Plaintiffs have have “repeatedly rejected this theory as a basis for standing,
standing to bring these claims. both because it is unduly speculative and impermissibly
generalized.” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 17.) Second, under
For a case or controversy to be justiciable in federal court, a an arbitrary and disparate treatment theory, they argue that the
plaintiff must allege “such a personal stake in the outcome of injury is too generalized because the Numbered Memoranda
the controversy as to warrant his invocation of federal court apply equally to all voters across the state and that Plaintiffs
jurisdiction and to justify exercise of the court's remedial “cannot claim an injury for not having to go through a
powers on his behalf.” White Tail Park, Inc. v. Stroube, 413 remedial process put in place for other voters.” (SBE Resp.
F.3d 451, 458 (4th Cir. 2005) (quoting Planned Parenthood of (Doc. 65) at 12.)
S.C. Inc. v. Rose, 361 F.3d 786, 789 (4th Cir. 2004)).
Plaintiffs in Moore and Wise do not address standing for
The party seeking to invoke the federal courts’ jurisdiction their Equal Protection claims in their memoranda in support
has the burden of satisfying Article III's standing requirement. of their motions for a preliminary injunction. (See Wise
Miller v. Brown, 462 F.3d 312, 316 (4th Cir. 2006). To meet Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43); Moore Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 60).) At oral
that burden, a plaintiff must demonstrate three elements: (1) argument held on October 8, 2020, however, counsel for the
that the plaintiff has suffered an injury in fact that is “concrete Moore Plaintiffs responded to Defendant SBE and Alliance
and particularized” and “actual or imminent”; (2) that the Intervenor's standing arguments. (Oral Argument Tr. (Doc.
injury is fairly traceable to the challenged conduct of the 70) at 52-59.)
defendant; and (3) that a favorable decision is likely to redress
the injury. Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, *14 First, under a vote dilution theory, counsel argued that
560-61, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992). “the Defendants confuse a widespread injury with not having
a personal injury,” (id. at 53), and that the Supreme Court's
In multi-plaintiff cases, “[a]t least one plaintiff must have decision in Reynolds demonstrates that “impermissible vote
standing to seek each form of relief requested in the dilution occurs when there's ballot box stuffing,” (id.),
complaint.” Town of Chester v. Laroe Estates, Inc., 581 U.S. suggesting that each voter would have standing to sue under
––––, ––––, 137 S. Ct. 1645, 1651, 198 L.Ed.2d 64 (2017). the Supreme Court's precedent in Reynolds because their vote
Further, if there is one plaintiff “who has demonstrated has less value. (Id.) Second, under an arbitrary and disparate
standing to assert these rights as his own,” the court “need not treatment theory, counsel argued that Plaintiffs were subjected
consider whether the other individual and corporate plaintiffs to the witness requirement and that “[t]here are burdens
have standing to maintain the suit.” Vill. of Arlington Heights associated with that” which support a finding of an injury in
v. Metro. Hous. Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 264 & n.9, 97 S.Ct. fact. (Id. at 56.) Counsel argued the harm that is occurring
555, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977). is not speculative because, for example, voters have and
will continue to fail to comply with the witness requirement,
In the voting context, “voters who allege facts showing (id. at 55-56), and ballots will arrive between the third and
disadvantage to themselves as individuals have standing to ninth day following the election pursuant to the Postmark
sue,” Baker, 369 U.S. at 206, 82 S.Ct. 691, so long as their Requirement, (id. at 58). Moreover, counsel argued that the
claimed injuries are “distinct from a ‘generally available “regime” imposed by the state is arbitrary, citing limitations
grievance about the government,’ ” Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1923 on assistance allowed to complete a ballot, compared to the
(quoting Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 439, 127 S.Ct. lessened restrictions associated with the witness requirement
1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007) (per curiam)). under Numbered Memo 2020-19. (Id. at 59.)
Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors argue that This court finds that Individual Plaintiffs in Moore and Wise
Individual Plaintiffs in Wise and Moore have not alleged a have not articulated a cognizable injury in fact for their vote
concrete and particularized injury under either of the two dilution claims. However, all of the Individual Plaintiffs in
Equal Protection theories. (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 14-15; Moore, and one Individual Plaintiff in Wise have articulated
SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 12-13.) an injury in fact for an arbitrary and disparate treatment claim.
If Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and Wise were voters who claims, this court now considers whether Plaintiffs’ claims are
intended to vote by mail but who had not yet submitted their likely to succeed on the merits. To demonstrate a likelihood
ballots, as is the case with the other Individual Plaintiffs in of success on the merits, “[a] plaintiff need not establish a
Wise, (Wise Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 26-28), or voters who had certainty of success, but must make a clear showing that he is
intended to vote in-person either during the Early Voting likely to succeed at trial.” Di Biase, 872 F.3d at 230.
period or on Election Day, then they would not in fact have
been impacted by the laws and procedures for submission
of absentee ballots by mail and the complained-of injury
a. Parties’ Arguments
would be merely “an injury common to all other registered
voters,” Martel, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5755289, Plaintiffs argue that four policies indicated in the Numbered
at *4. See also Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., ––– Memoranda are invalid under the Equal Protection Clause:
F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5626974, at *4 (“Plaintiffs never (1) the procedure which allows ballots without a witness
describe how their member voters will be harmed by vote signature to be retroactively validated through the cure
dilution where other voters will not.”). Indeed, this court procedure indicated in Revised Numbered Memo 2020-19
finds that Individual Plaintiffs Clifford, Bambini, and Baum (“Witness Requirement Cure Procedure”); (2) the procedure
in Wise do not have standing to challenge the Numbered which allows absentee ballots to be received up to nine
Memoranda, because any “shock[ ]” and “serious concern[s]” days after Election Day if they are postmarked on Election
they have that their vote “will be negated by improperly cast Day, as indicated in Numbered Memo 2020-19 (“Receipt
or fraudulent ballots,” (Wise Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 26-28), is Deadline Extension”); and (3) the procedure which allows
merely speculative until such point that they have actually for anonymous delivery of ballots to unmanned drop boxes,
voted by mail and had their ballots accepted, which Plaintiffs’ as indicated in Numbered Memo 2020-23 (“Drop Box Cure
Complaint in Wise does not allege has occurred. (Id.) Procedure”); (4) the procedure which allows ballots to be
counted without a United States Postal Service postmark,
Yet, because Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and Wise have, in fact, as indicated in Numbered Memo 2020-22 (“Postmark
already voted by mail, (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 9-10; Wise Requirement Changes”). (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 93; Wise
Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 25), their injury is not speculative. Under Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 124; Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 13-14.)
the Numbered Memoranda 2020-19, 2020-22, and 2020-23,
other voters who vote by mail will be subjected to a different Plaintiffs in Wise argue that the changes in these Memoranda
standard than that to which Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and “guarantee that voters will be treated arbitrarily under the
Wise were subjected when they cast their ballots by mail. ever-changing voting regimes.” (Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43)
Assuming this is an injury that violates the Equal Protection at 11.) Similarly, Plaintiffs in Moore argue that the three
Clause, Baker, 369 U.S. at 208, 82 S.Ct. 691, the harm alleged Memoranda were issued “after tens of thousands of North
by Plaintiffs is particular to voters in Heath, Whitley, and Carolinians cast their votes following the requirements set
Wise's position, rather than a generalized injury that any by the General Assembly,” which deprives Plaintiffs “of
North Carolina voter could claim. For this reason, this court the Equal Protection Clause's guarantee because it allows
finds that Individual Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and Wise have for ‘varying standards to determine what [i]s a legal vote.’
standing to raise Equal Protection claims under an arbitrary ” (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 90 (citing Bush, 531 U.S. at 107,
and disparate treatment theory. Because at least one plaintiff 121 S.Ct. 525).)
in each of these multi-plaintiff cases has standing to seek
the relief requested, the court “need not consider whether In response, Defendants argue that the Numbered Memoranda
the other individual and corporate plaintiffs have standing to will not lead to the arbitrary and disparate treatment of
maintain the suit.” Vill. of Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 264 ballots prohibited by the Supreme Court's decision in Bush
& n.9, 97 S.Ct. 555. v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388
(2000). Defendant SBE argues that the consent judgment and
Numbered Memos do “precisely what Bush contemplated: It
3. Likelihood of Success on the Merits establishes uniform and adequate standards for determining
what is a legal vote, all of which apply statewide, well in
*16 Having determined that Individual Plaintiffs have advance of Election Day. Indeed, the only thing stopping
standing to bring their arbitrary and disparate treatment uniform statewide standards from going into effect is the
TRO entered in these cases.” (SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 17.) a cure process after the election. Democratic Exec. Comm. of
Moreover, Defendant SBE argues that the consent judgment Fla. v. Detzner, 347 F. Supp. 3d 1017, 1031 (N.D. Fla. 2018),
“simply establishes uniform standards that help county boards appeal dismissed as moot sub nom. Democratic Exec. Comm.
ascertain which votes are lawful,” and “in no way lets votes of Fla. v. Nat'l Republican Senatorial Comm., 950 F.3d 790
be cast unlawfully.” (Id. at 18.) (11th Cir. 2020). Similarly, a Georgia federal court in 2018
ordered a cure process in the middle of the absentee and early
Alliance Intervenors argue that the Numbered Memos “apply voting periods. Martin v. Kemp, 341 F. Supp. 3d 1326 (N.D.
equally to all voters,” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 18), Ga. 2018), appeal dismiss sub nom. Martin v. Sec'y of State
and “Plaintiffs have not articulated, let alone demonstrated, of Ga., No. 18-14503-GG, 2018 WL 7139247 (11th Cir. Dec.
how their right to vote – or anyone else's – is burdened or 11, 2018).
valued unequally,” (id. at 19). Moreover, Alliance Intervenors
argue that the release of the Numbered Memoranda after the A change in election rules that results in disparate treatment
election began does not raise equal protection issues because, shifts from constitutional to unconstitutional when these
“[e]lection procedures often change after voting has started rules are also arbitrary. The ordinary definition of the word
to ensure that the fundamental right to vote is protected.” (Id. “arbitrary” refers to matters “[d]epending on individual
at 20.) discretion” or “involving a determination made without
consideration of or regard for facts, circumstances, fixed
Both Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors argue that the rules, or procedures.” Arbitrary, Black's Law Dictionary (11th
release of the Numbered Memoranda after the election began ed. 2019). This definition aligns with the Supreme Court's
does not raise equal protection issues, as election procedures holding in Reynolds and Bush, that the State must ensure
often change after voting has started. (SBE Resp. (Doc. equal treatment of voters both at the time it grants citizens
65) at 18; Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 20.) For example, the right to vote and throughout the election. Bush, 531 U.S.
Defendant SBE argues that “[i]f it is unconstitutional to at 104-05, 121 S.Ct. 525 (“Having once granted the right
extend the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to address mail to vote on equal terms, the State may not, by later arbitrary
disruptions, then it would also be unconstitutional to extend and disparate treatment, value one person's vote over that of
hours at polling places on Election Day to address power another.”); Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (“[T]he
outages or voting-machine malfunctions.” (SBE Resp. (Doc. right of suffrage can be denied by a debasement or dilution of
65) at 18 (citing N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-166.01).) “Likewise, the weight of a citizen's vote just as effectively as by wholly
the steps that the Board has repeatedly taken to ensure that prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.”).
people can vote in the wake of natural disasters like hurricanes
would be invalid if those steps are implemented after voting The requirement that a state “grant[ ] the right to vote on
begins.” (Id.) equal terms,” Bush, 531 U.S. at 104, 121 S.Ct. 525, includes
protecting the public “from the diluting effect of illegal
ballots,” Gray, 372 U.S. at 380, 83 S.Ct. 801. To fulfill this
requirement, a state legislature must define the manner in
b. Analysis
which voting should occur and the minimum requirements
*17 This court agrees with the parties that an Equal for a valid, qualifying ballot. In North Carolina, the General
Protection violation occurs where there is both arbitrary Assembly has passed laws defining the requirements for
and disparate treatment. Bush, 531 U.S. at 105, 121 S.Ct. permissible absentee voting, N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-226 et
525. This court also agrees with Defendants that not all seq., including as recently as this summer, when it modified
disparate treatment rises to the level of an Equal Protection the one-witness requirement, 2020 N.C. Sess. Laws 2020-17
violation. As Defendant SBE argues, the General Assembly (H.B. 1169) § 1.(a). As this court found in its order issuing
has empowered SBE to make changes to voting policies a preliminary injunction in Democracy, these requirements
and procedures throughout the election, including extending reflect a desire by the General Assembly to prevent voter
hours at polling places or adjusting voting in response to fraud resulting from illegal voting practices. Democracy N.
natural disasters. (SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 18.) Other federal Carolina, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4484063, at *35.
courts have upheld changes to election procedures even after
voting has commenced. For example, in 2018, a federal court A state cannot uphold its obligation to ensure equal treatment
enjoined Florida's signature matching procedures and ordered of all voters at every stage of the election if another body,
including SBE, is permitted to contravene the duly enacted voted and returned my absentee ballot for the November 3,
laws of the General Assembly and to permit ballots to be 2020 general election and that I have not voted and will not
counted that do not satisfy the fixed rules or procedures vote more than one ballot in this election. I understand that
the state legislature has deemed necessary to prevent illegal fraudulently or falsely completing this affidavit is a Class
voting. Any guidance SBE adopts must be consistent with the I felony under Chapter 163 of the North Carolina General
guarantees of equal treatment contemplated by the General Statutes.
Assembly and Equal Protection. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 45-1) at 34.)
Thus, following this precedent, and the ordinary definition This “cure” affidavit language makes no mention of whether
of the word “arbitrary,” this court finds that SBE engages in a witness was in the presence of the voter at the time that the
arbitrary behavior when it acts in ways that contravene the voter cast their ballot, which is the essence of the Legislature's
fixed rules or procedures the state legislature has established Witness Requirement. 2020 N.C. Sess. Laws 2020-17 (H.B.
for voting and that fundamentally alter the definition of a 1169) § 1.(a). In fact, a voter could truthfully sign and affirm
validly voted ballot, creating “preferred class[es] of voters.” this statement and have their ballot counted by their county
Gray, 372 U.S. at 380, 83 S.Ct. 801. board of elections without any witness becoming involved in
the process.6 Because the effect of this affidavit is to eliminate
*18 This definition of arbitrariness does not require this the statutorily required witness requirement, this court finds
court to consider whether the laws enacted by the General that Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of success on
Assembly violate other provisions in the North Carolina or the merits in proving that the Witness Requirement Cure
U.S. Constitution or whether there are better public policy Procedure indicated in Revised Memo 2020-19 is arbitrary.
alternatives to the laws the General Assembly has enacted.
These are separate inquiries. This court's review is limited 6 Plaintiffs do not challenge the use of the cure affidavit
to whether the challenged Numbered Memos are consistent
for ballot deficiencies generally, aside from arguing
with state law and do not create a preferred class or classes
that the cure affidavit circumvents the statutory Witness
of voters. Requirement. (See Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 93; Wise
Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 124.) Although not raised by Plaintiffs,
this courts finds the indefiniteness of the cure affidavit
language troubling as a means of correcting even curable
i. Witness Requirement Cure Procedure
ballot deficiencies.
This court finds Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of During oral arguments, Defendants did not and could
success on the merits with respect to their Equal Protection not clearly define what it means to “vote,” (see, e.g.,
Oral Argument Tr. (Doc. 70) at 130-32), which is all
challenge to the Witness Requirement Cure Procedure in
that the affidavit requires voters to attest that they
Revised Memo 2020-19.
have done. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, State
Court Consent Judgment (Doc. 45-1) at 34.) Under the
Under the 2020 N.C. Sess. Laws 2020-17 (H.B. 1169) § 1. vague “I voted” language used in the affidavit, a voter
(a), a witnessed absentee ballot must be “marked ... in the who completed their ballot with assistance from an
presence of at least one [qualified] person ....” This clear unauthorized individual; a voter who does not qualify
language dictates that the witness must be (1) physically for voting assistance; or a voter who simply delegated
present with the voter, and (2) present at the time the ballot the responsibility for completing their ballot to another
is marked by the voter. person could truthfully sign this affidavit, although all
three acts are prohibited under state law. See N.C. Gen.
Revised Memo 2020-19 counsels that ballots missing a Stat. § 163-226.3(a)(1). Because the cure affidavit does
witness signature may be cured where voters sign and affirm not define what it means to vote, voters are permitted to
decide what that means for themselves.
the following statement:
This presents additional Equal Protection concerns. A
I am submitting this affidavit to correct a problem with state must ensure that there is “no preferred class
missing information on the ballot envelope. I am an eligible of voters but equality among those who meet the
basic qualifications.” Gray, 372 U.S. at 380, 83 S.Ct.
voter in this election and registered to vote in [name]
801. Because the affidavit does not serve as an
County, North Carolina. I solemnly swear or affirm that I
adequate means to ensure that voters did not engage in
unauthorized ballot casting procedures, inevitably, not voter was aware of the “cure” procedure and thus, willfully
all voters will be held to the same standards for casting did not cast a ballot with a witness, there will be voters
their ballot. This is, by definition, arbitrary and disparate whose ballots are cast without a witness. Accordingly, this
treatment inconsistent with existing state law. court finds that Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of
This court's concerns notwithstanding, however,
success on the merits in proving that the Witness Requirement
Plaintiffs do not challenge the use of a cure affidavit in
Cure Procedure indicated in Memo 2020-19 creates disparate
other contexts, so this court will decline to enjoin the use
treatment.
of a cure affidavit beyond its application as an alternative
for compliance with the Witness Requirement.
Thus, because Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of
*19 Based on counsel's statements at oral arguments, success on the merits with respect to arbitrary and disparate
Defendant SBE may contend that the guidance in Revised treatment that may result from under Witness Requirement
Memo 2020-19 is not arbitrary because it was necessary to Cure Procedure in Revised Memo 2020-19, this court finds
resolve the Alliance state court action. (Oral Argument Tr. Plaintiffs have established a likelihood of success on their
(Doc. 70) at 105 (“Our reading then of state law is that the Equal Protection claim.
Board has the authority to make adjustments in emergencies
or as a means of settling protracted litigation until the
General Assembly reconvenes.”).) However, Defendant
SBE's arguments to the state court judge and the court in the ii. Receipt Deadline Extension
Eastern District of North Carolina belie that assertion, as they
This court finds that Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on their
advised the state court that both the original Memo 2020-19
Equal Protection challenge to the Receipt Deadline Extension
and the Revised Memo were issued “to ensure full compliance
in Revised Memo 2020-19.
with the injunction entered by Judge Osteen,” (SBE State
Court Br. (Doc. 68-1) at 15), and they advised the court in
Under N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-231(b), in order to be counted,
the Eastern District of North Carolina that they had issued
civilian absentee ballots must have been received by the
the revised Memo 2020-19 “in order to comply with Judge
county board office by 5 p.m. on Election Day, November
Osteen's preliminary injunction in the Democracy N.C. action
3, 2020, or if postmarked by Election Day, by 5:00 p.m. on
in the Middle District.” (TRO (Doc. 47) at 9.) As this
November 6, 2020. The guidance in Revised Memo 2020-19
court more fully explains in its order issued in Democracy,
extends the time in which absentee ballots must be returned,
this court finds that Defendant SBE improperly used this
allowing a late civilian ballot to be counted if postmarked
court's August Democracy Order to modify the witness
on or before Election Day and received by 5:00 p.m. on
requirement. Democracy v. N. Carolina, No. 1:20CV457,
November 12, 2020 (Revised Memo 2020-19 (Doc. 36-3) at
2020 WL 6058048 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020) (enjoining
5.)
witness cure procedure). Because Defendant SBE acted
improperly in that fashion, this court declines to accept an
Alliance Intervenors argue that, “[t]o the extent Numbered
argument now that elimination of the witness requirement was
Memo 2020-22 introduces a new deadline, it affects only the
a rational and justifiable basis upon which to settle the state
counting of ballots for election officials after Election Day
lawsuit. Furthermore, it is difficult to conceive that SBE was
has passed – not when voters themselves must submit their
authorized to resolve a pending lawsuit that could create a
ballots. All North Carolina absentee voters still must mail
preferred class of voters: those who may submit an absentee
their ballots by Election Day.” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at
ballot without a witness under an affidavit with no definition
21.)
of the meaning of “vote.”
25; Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 9-10), but other voters whose evidence in determining whether the ballot is valid and should
ballots would otherwise not be counted if received three days be counted.” (Id. at 4.)
after Election Day, will now have an additional six days to
return their ballot. Plaintiffs argue that this guidance “undermines the General
Assembly's criminal prohibition of the unlawful delivery of
Because Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of success ballots,” (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 68), and “effectively
on the merits in proving arbitrary and disparate treatment allow[s] voters to use drop boxes for absentee ballots,” (Wise
may result under the Receipt Deadline Extension, this court Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 13), and thus, violates the Equal
finds Plaintiffs have established a likelihood of success on the Protection Clause, (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 93). This court
merits of their Equal Protection claim. disagrees.
“Because of this provision in the law,” and the need to ensure (4) Phone Number (if available) and current address of
compliance with it, SBE recognized in Memo 2020-23 that, person delivering ballot;
“an absentee ballot may not be left in an unmanned drop
(5) Date and time of delivery of ballot; and
box,” (Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Memo 2020-23 (Doc. 1-4) at
2), and directed county boards which have a “drop box, slot, (6) Signature or mark of person delivering ballot certifying
or similar container at their office” for other business purposes that the information provided is true and correct and that
to place a “sign indicating that absentee ballots may not be the person is the voter or the voter's near relative as defined
deposited in it.” (Id.) in [N.C. Gen. Stat § 163-226(f)] or verifiable legal guardian
as defined in [N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-226(e)].
Moreover, the guidance reminds county boards that they must 8 N.C. Admin. Code 18.0102 (2018). Moreover, the
keep a written log when any person returns an absentee ballot administrative rule states that “the county board of elections
in person, which includes the name of the individual returning may consider the delivery of a ballot in accordance with
the ballot, their relationship to the voter, the ballot number, this Rule in conjunction with other evidence in determining
and the date it was received. (Id. at 3.) If the individual who whether the container-return envelope has been properly
drops off the ballot is not the voter, their near relative, or executed according to the requirements of [N.C. Gen. Stat.
legal guardian, the log must also record their address and § 163-231],” (id.), and that “[f]ailure to comply with this
phone number. (Id.) The guidance also advises county boards Rule shall not constitute evidence sufficient in and of itself
that “[f]ailure to comply with the logging requirement, or to establish that the voter did not lawfully vote his or her
delivery or an absentee ballot by a person other than the ballot.” (Id.)
voter, the voter's near relative, or the voter's legal guardian,
is not sufficient evidence in and of itself to establish that the *21 Because the guidance contained in Numbered Memo
voter did not lawfully vote their ballot.” (Id. at 3.) Instead, 2020-23 was already in effect at the start of this election as
the guidance advises the county board that they “may ... a result of SBE's administrative rules, Individual Plaintiffs
consider the delivery of a ballot ... in conjunction with other were already subject to it at the time that they cast their
votes. Accordingly, because all voters were subject to the
same guidance, Plaintiffs have not demonstrated a likelihood Under Numbered Memo 2020-22, a ballot will be considered
of success on the merits in proving disparate treatment. postmarked by Election Day if it has a USPS postmark, there
is information in BallotTrax, or “another tracking service
It is a closer issue with respect to whether Plaintiffs have offered by the USPS or a commercial carrier, indicat[es] that
demonstrated a likelihood of success on the merits in proving the ballot was in the custody of USPS or the commercial
that the rules promulgated by Defendant SBE are inconsistent carrier on or before Election Day.” (Id. at 3.) This court
with N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-226.3(a)(5). finds that these changes are consistent with N.C. Gen. Stat.
§ 163-231(b)(2)b, which does not define what constitutes a
This statute makes it a felony for any person other than the “postmark,” and instead, merely states that ballots received
voter's near relative or legal guardian to take possession of after 5:00 p.m. on Election Day may not be accepted unless
an absentee ballot of another voter for delivery or for return the ballot is “postmarked and that postmark is dated on or
to a county board of elections. Id. It would seem logically before the day of the ... general election ... and are received
inconsistent that the General Assembly would criminalize this by the county board of elections not later than three days after
behavior, while at the same time, permit ballots returned by the election by 5:00 p.m.”
unauthorized third parties to be considered valid. Yet, upon
review of the legislative history, this court finds the felony In the absence of a statutory definition for postmark, this
statute has been in force since 1979, 1979 N.C. Sess. Laws Ch. court finds Plaintiffs have not demonstrated a likelihood
799 (S.B. 519) § 4, https://www.ncleg.gov/enactedlegislation/ of success on the merits in proving that Numbered Memo
sessionlaws/pdf/1979-1980/sl1979-799.pdf (last visited Oct. 2020-22 is inconsistent with N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-231(b)
13, 2020), and in its current form since 2013. 2013 N.C. Sess. (2)b, and thus, arbitrary. If the General Assembly believes
Laws 381 (H.B. 589) § 4.6.(a). that the Postmark Requirement Changes indicated in Memo
2020-22 are inconsistent with its public policy goals, they
That the General Assembly, by not taking legislative action, are empowered to pass legislation which further specifies the
and instead, permitted SBE's administrative rule and the definition of a “postmark.” In the absence of such legislation,
General Assembly's statute to coexist for nearly two years however, this court finds that Plaintiffs have failed to establish
and through several other elections undermines Plaintiffs’ a likelihood of success on the merits of their Equal Protection
argument that Defendant SBE has acted arbitrarily. For this challenge.
reason, this court finds that Plaintiffs have not demonstrated a
likelihood of success on the merits in proving the arbitrariness
of the guidance in Numbered Memo 2020-23 and accordingly,
4. Irreparable Harm
Plaintiffs have failed to establish a likelihood of success
on their Equal Protection challenge to Numbered Memo *22 In addition to a likelihood of success on the merits,
2020-23. a plaintiff must also make a “clear showing that it is likely
to be irreparably harmed absent preliminary relief” in order
If the General Assembly believes that SBE's administrative to obtain a preliminary injunction. UBS Fin. Servs. Inc. v.
rules are inconsistent with its public policy goals, they are Carilion Clinic, 880 F. Supp. 2d 724, 733 (E.D. Va. 2012)
empowered to pass legislation which overturns the practice (quoting Real Truth About Obama, Inc. v. Fed. Election
permitted under the administrative rule. Comm'n, 575 F.3d 342, 347 (4th Cir. 2009)). Further, an
injury is typically deemed irreparable if monetary damages
are inadequate or difficult to ascertain. See Multi-Channel TV
iv. Postmark Requirement Changes Cable Co. v. Charlottesville Quality Cable Operating Co., 22
F.3d 546, 551 (4th Cir. 1994), abrogated on other grounds by
Similarly, this court finds that Plaintiffs have failed to Winter, 555 U.S. at 22, 129 S.Ct. 365. “Courts routinely deem
establish likelihood of success on the merits with respect to restrictions on fundamental voting rights irreparable injury.”
their Equal Protection challenge to the Postmark Requirement League of Women Voters of N.C. v. North Carolina, 769 F.3d
Changes in Numbered Memo 2020-22. (Wise, 1:20CV912, 224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014). “[O]nce the election occurs, there
Memo 2020-22 (Doc. 1-3).) can be no do-over and no redress. The injury to these voters
is real and completely irreparable if nothing is done to enjoin
th[ese] law[s].” Id.
and (2) the changing of the postmark requirement “threaten their Elections Clause claim alleging an institutional harm to
to extend the process and threaten disenfranchisement,” as the General Assembly. Though the Plaintiffs claim to have
North Carolina “must certify its electors by December 14 or suffered “immediate and irreparable harm”, (Wise Compl.
else lose its voice in the Electoral College. (Id.) (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 100, 109), this does not establish standing for their
Elections Clause claim or Electors Clause claim. See Corman
The meaning of “Legislature” within the Electors Clause can v. Torres, 287 F. Supp. 3d 558, 573 (M.D. Pa. 2018) (“[T]he
be analyzed in the same way as “Legislature” within the Elections Clause claims asserted in the verified complaint
Elections Clause. For example, belong, if they belong to anyone, only to the ... General
Assembly.”). The Supreme Court has already held that a
As an initial matter, the Court finds no need to distinguish private citizen does not have standing to bring an Elections
between the term ‘Legislature’ as it is used in the Clause challenge without further, more particularized harms.
Elections Clause as opposed to the Electors Clause. See Lance, 549 U.S. at 441-42, 127 S.Ct. 1194 (“The only
Not only were both these clauses adopted during the injury [private citizen] plaintiffs allege is that ... the Elections
1787 Constitutional Convention, but the clauses share a Clause ... has not been followed. This injury is precisely
“considerable similarity. the kind of undifferentiated, generalized grievance about the
conduct of government that we have refused to countenance
....
in the past.”). Plaintiffs allege no such extra harms, and in
... [T]he Court finds that the term “Legislature” is used in fact, do not speak to standing in their brief at all.
a sufficiently similar context in both clauses to properly
afford the term an identical meaning in both instances.
Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Bullock, No. CV 20-66- ii. Standing in Moore
H-DLC, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5810556, at
*11 (D. Mont. Sept. 30, 2020). Nor do Plaintiffs assert any *24 In Moore, both Plaintiff Moore and Plaintiff Berger
difference in the meaning they assign to “Legislature” and its are leaders of chambers in the General Assembly. The
authority between the two Clauses. Plaintiffs allege harm stemming from SBE flouting the
General Assembly's institutional authority. (Wise Pls.’ Mot.
This court finds that all Plaintiffs lack standing under either (Doc. 43) at 16.) However, as Proposed Intervenors NC
Clause. The discussion infra of the Elections Clause applies Alliance argue, “a subset of legislators has no standing to
equally to the Electors Clause. bring a case based on purported harm to the Legislature as
a whole.” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 15.) The Supreme
Court has held that legislative plaintiffs can bring Elections
Clause claims on behalf of the legislature itself only if they
1. Elections Clause
allege some extra, particularized harm to themselves – or
some direct authority from the whole legislative body to bring
a. Standing the legal claim. Specifically, the Supreme Court found a lack
of standing where “[legislative plaintiffs] have alleged no
The Elections Clause standing analysis differs in Moore injury to themselves as individuals”; where “the institutional
and Wise, though this court ultimately arrives at the same injury they allege is wholly abstract and widely disperse”; and
conclusion in both cases. where the plaintiffs “have not been authorized to represent
their respective Houses of Congress in this action.” Raines v.
Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 829, 117 S.Ct. 2312, 138 L.Ed.2d 849
i. Standing in Wise (1997).
In Wise, Plaintiffs are private parties clearly established by An opinion in a very similar case in the Middle District of
Supreme Court precedent to have no standing to contest Pennsylvania is instructive:
the Elections Clause in this manner. Plaintiffs are individual
voters, a campaign committee, national political parties, and [T]he claims in the complaint rest solely on the purported
two Members of the U.S. House of Representatives. Even usurpation of the Pennsylvania General Assembly's
though Plaintiffs are part of the General Assembly, they bring exclusive rights under the Elections Clause of the United
States Constitution. We do not gainsay that these [two] session to negate SBE's exercise of settlement authority. See
Senate leaders are in some sense aggrieved by the N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-22.2.
Pennsylvania Supreme Court's actions. But that grievance
alone does not carry them over the standing bar. United *25 Thus, even Plaintiff Moore and Plaintiff Berger
States Supreme Court precedent is clear — a legislator lack standing to proceed with the Elections Clause claim.
suffers no Article III injury when alleged harm is borne Nonetheless, this court will briefly address the merits as well.
equally by all members of the legislature.
Corman, 287 F. Supp. 3d at 567. In the instant case, the two
members of the legislature do not allege individual injury. The
2. Merits of Elections Clause Claim
institutional injury they allege is dispersed across the entire
General Assembly. The crucial element, then, is whether
Moore and Berger are authorized by the General Assembly to a. The ‘Legislature’ May Delegate to SBE
represent its interests. The General Assembly has not directly
authorized Plaintiffs to represent its interests in this specific The Elections Clause of the U.S. Constitution states that the
case. See Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting “Times, Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Senators
and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the
Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 802, 135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d
Legislature thereof.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. Plaintiffs
704 (2015) (finding plaintiff “[t]he Arizona Legislature” had
assert that the General Assembly instituted one such time/
standing in an Elections Clause case only because it was
place/manner rule regarding the election by passing H.B.
“an institutional plaintiff asserting an institutional injury”
1169. Therefore, Plaintiffs argue, SBE “usurped the General
which “commenced this action after authorizing votes in
Assembly's authority” when it “plainly modif[ied]” what the
both of its chambers”). Moore and Berger argued the general
General Assembly had implemented. (Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc.
authorization in N.C. Gen. Stat. Section 120-32.6(b), which
explicitly authorizes them to represent the General Assembly 43) at 14.)
“[w]henever the validity or constitutionality of an act of the
General Assembly or a provision of the Constitution of North The Elections Clause certainly prevents entities other than the
Carolina is the subject of an action in any State or federal legislature from unilaterally tinkering with election logistics
court.” N.C. Gen. Stat. § 120-32.6(b). The text of § 120-32.6 and procedures. However, Plaintiffs fail to establish that the
references N.C. Gen. Stat. § 1-72.2, which further specifies Elections Clause forbids the legislature itself from voluntarily
that Plaintiffs will “jointly have standing to intervene on delegating this authority. The “Legislature” of a state may
behalf of the General Assembly as a party in any judicial constitutionally delegate the power to implement election
proceeding challenging a North Carolina statute or provision rules – even rules that may contradict previously enacted
statutes.
of the North Carolina Constitution.” (emphasis added).
General Assembly could not, consistent with the Constitution or federal court or is unenforceable because of objection
of the United States, delegate to the Board of Elections the interposed by the United States Justice Department under
power to suspend or re-write the state's election laws.” (Wise the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and such ruling adversely
Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 97.) This would mean that the General affects the conduct and holding of any pending primary or
Assembly could not delegate any emergency powers to SBE. election, the State Board of Elections shall have authority to
For example, if a hurricane wiped out all the polling places in make reasonable interim rules and regulations with respect
North Carolina, Plaintiffs’ reading of the Constitution would to the pending primary or election as it deems advisable
prohibit the legislature from delegating to SBE any power so long as they do not conflict with any provisions of
to contradict earlier state law regarding election procedures. this Chapter 163 of the General Statutes and such rules
(See SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 15). and regulations shall become null and void 60 days
after the convening of the next regular session of the
As courts have adopted a broad understanding of General Assembly. The State Board of Elections shall
“Legislature” as written in the Elections Clause, see Corman, also be authorized, upon recommendation of the Attorney
287 F. Supp. 3d at 573, it follows that a valid delegation General, to enter into agreement with the courts in lieu
from the General Assembly allowing SBE to override the of protracted litigation until such time as the General
General Assembly in certain circumstances would not be Assembly convenes.
unconstitutional. See Donald J. Trump for President, ––– N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-22.2. While the authority delegated
F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5810556, at *12 (finding that under this statute is broad, it limits SBE's powers to
the legislature's “decision to afford” the Governor certain implementing rules that “do not conflict with any provisions
statutory powers to alter the time/place/manner of elections of this Chapter.” Moreover, this power appears to exist only
was legitimate under the Elections Clause). “until such time as the General Assembly convenes.” Id. By
eliminating the witness requirement, SBE implemented a rule
that conflicted directly with the statutes enacted by the North
Carolina legislature.
b. Whether SBE Exceeded Legitimate Delegated Powers
*26 The true question becomes, then, whether SBE was Moreover, SBE's power to “enter into agreement with
truly acting within the power legitimately delegated to the courts in lieu of protracted litigation” is limited by
it by the General Assembly. Even Proposed Intervenors the language “until such time as the General Assembly
NC Alliance note that SBE's actions “could ... constitute convenes.” Id. Plaintiffs appear to have a remedy to what they
plausible violations of the Elections Clause if they contend is an overreach of SBE authority by convening.
exceeded the authority granted to [SBE] by the General
Assembly.” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 19.)
ii. SBE's Power to Override the Legislature in an
SBE used two sources of authority to enter into the Consent Emergency
Agreement changing the laws and rules of the election process
after it had begun: N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-22.2 and § 163-27.1. Second, Defendants rely upon N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-27.1.
That statute provides:
(b) For the purposes of G.S. 163A-750 , 163-27.1, the In a June 12, 2020 letter, the Rules Review Commission
following shall apply: Counsel indicated that Bell had responded to the
committee's findings by stating “that the agency will not
(1) A natural disaster or extremely inclement weather be submitting a new statement or additional findings,”
include a: any of the following: and, as a result, “the Rule [was] returned” to the agency.
Letter re: Return of Rule 08 NCAC 01.0106 (June
(A) Hurricane;
said, when a voter comes into the poll, whether that is on to a system of “no verification,” (id.), was certainly not a
election day proper or whether it is by – necessary conflict under § 163-27.1(a).
.... SBE argues that this court does not have authority to address
how this switch contradicted state law and went outside its
Obviously, you can't do that when it is an absentee ballot.
validly delegated emergency powers. This is a state law issue,
Because you don't see the voter, you can't ask the questions.
as the dispute is over the extent of the Executive Director's
So the witness requirement, the purpose of it is to have
authority as granted to her by the North Carolina Legislature.
some means that the person who sent me this is the person
The State claims that, since a North Carolina Superior Court
-- the person who has sent this absentee ballot is who they
Judge has approved this exercise of authority, this court is
say they are. That's the purpose of the witness requirement.
obligated to follow that state court judgment. (SBE Resp.
The witness is witnessing that they saw this person, and
(Doc. 65) at 16.)
they know who they are, that they saw this person fill out
the ballot and prepare the ballot to mail in. And that is the
*30 However, when the Supreme Court of a state has not
point of it.
spoken, federal courts must predict how that highest court
And, as Director Bell testified, I mean, we've heard a lot would rule, rather than automatically following any state
from the Plaintiffs about how many states do not have court that might have considered the question first. See Doe v.
witness requirements. And that is true, that the majority Marymount Univ., 297 F. Supp. 3d 573, 590 (E.D. Va. 2018)
of states, I think at this point, do not have a witness (“[F]ederal courts are not bound to follow state trial court
requirement. decisions in exercising their supplemental jurisdiction.”). The
Fourth Circuit has addressed this issue directly in diversity
But as Director Bell testified, they're going to have one jurisdiction contexts as well:
of two things. They're going to either have the witness
requirement, or they're going to have a means of verifying a federal court sitting in diversity is not bound by a state
the signature .... trial court's decision on matters of state law. In King
v. Order of United Commercial Travelers of America,
One thing -- and I think that is unquestionably an important 333 U.S. 153, 68 S. Ct. 488, 92 L. Ed. 608 (1948),
State interest. Some means of knowing that this ballot that the Supreme Court upheld the Fourth Circuit's refusal to
says it came from Alec Peters actually is from Alec Peters, follow an opinion issued by a state trial court in a South
because somebody else put their name down and said, yes, Carolina insurance case. The Court concluded, “a Court of
I saw Alec Peters do this. I saw him fill out this ballot. Common Pleas does not appear to have such importance
and competence within South Carolina's own judicial
Otherwise, we have no way of knowing who the ballot -- system that its decisions should be taken as authoritative
whether the ballot really came from the person who voted. expositions of that State's ‘law.’ ” Id. at 161, 68 S. Ct. 488.
It is there to protect the integrity of the elections process, Twin City Fire Ins. Co. v. Ben Arnold-Sunbelt Beverage Co.
but it is also there to protect the voter, to make sure that of S.C., 433 F.3d 365, 370 (4th Cir. 2005). In other words,
the voter knows -- everybody knows that the voter is who this court's job is to predict how the Supreme Court of North
they say they are, and so that somebody else is not voting Carolina would rule on the disputed state law question. Id. at
in their place. 369 (“If the Supreme Court of [North Carolina] has spoken
neither directly nor indirectly on the particular issue before
Additionally, it is a tool for dealing with voter fraud.
us, [this court is] called upon to predict how that court would
(Democracy N. Carolina, No. 1:20CV457, Evidentiary Hr'g
rule if presented with the issue.”)(quotation omitted); Carter
Tr. vol. 3 (Doc. 114) at 111-12.) In this hearing, the State
continued on to note that “there needs to be some form of v. Fid. Life Ass'n, 339 F. Supp. 3d 551, 554 (E.D.N.C.), aff'd,
verification of who the voter is,” which can “either be through 740 F. App'x 41 (4th Cir. 2018) (“Accordingly, the court
a witness requirement or ... through signature verification,” applies North Carolina law, and the court must determine
but “it needs to be one or the other.” (Id. at 115-16.) how the Supreme Court of North Carolina would rule.”).
In predicting how the North Carolina Supreme Court might
Losing the witness requirement, according to the State, would
decide, this court “consider[s] lower court opinions in [North
mean having “no verification.” (Id. at 116.) Contravening a
Carolina], the teachings of treatises, and the practices of other
legislatively implemented witness requirement and switching
states.” Twin City Fire Ins. Co., 433 F.3d at 369. This court
2020 WL 5626974
Only the Westlaw citation is currently available. ORDER
United States District Court, D. Nevada.
James C. Mahan, UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE
presidential election campaign and political party lacked 1 Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, Nevada voters
associational standing to bring suit on behalf of its member
could request an absentee ballot without providing an
voters, and
excuse or justification, and certain voters in rural areas
could be grouped together in “mailing precincts” and
plaintiffs lacked direct organizational standing. “automatically mailed their paper ballots.” (See ECF No.
37 at 7 (citing NRS §§ 293.3038-.340; 293.343-.355)).
Aaron D. Ford-AG, Nearvada Attorney General, Craig A. 3 This suit is one of several that the Trump campaign
Newby, Gregory Louis Zunino, Nevada State Attorney has filed challenging expansions of mail-in voting
General's Office, Carson City, NV, for Defendant(s). during the COVID-19 pandemic. See Donald J. Trump
for President, Inc. v. Bullock, No. CV 20-6-H-DLC
(D. Mont. filed Sept. 2, 2020); Donald J. Trump for
President, Inc. v. Murphy, No. 3:20-cv-10753, 2020 WL
4805762 (D.N.J. filed Aug. 18, 2020); Donald J. Trump Section 22 of AB 4 requires election officials to establish
for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-00966 (W.D. “procedures for the processing and counting of mail ballots”
Pa. filed Jun. 29, 2020). This court only takes notice of
for any affected election.6 AB 4 at § 22. Section 25 provides
the existence of these lawsuits, and not the disputed facts
that “if two or more mail ballots are found folded together to
therein. Fed. R. Evid. 201.
present the appearance of a single ballot” and “a majority of
Section 20(2) of AB 4 establishes a presumption that a ballot the inspectors are of the opinion that the mail ballots folded
was cast in time, as long as it is received by election officials together were voted by one person, the mail ballots must be
before 5 p.m. on the third day after the election, even if it
rejected.”7 AB 4 at § 25(2). Plaintiffs allege that sections
lacks a postmark.4 AB 4 at § 20(2). Plaintiffs allege that 22 and 25 violate the Equal Protection Clause, because they
section 20(2) is preempted by federal laws that set the date of authorize “ ‘standardless’ procedures” across counties and
the general election,5 because the provision allegedly permits cities for processing, inspecting, and counting mail ballots
election officials to count ballots cast after election day. (ECF with no “specific rules designed to ensure uniform treatment”
No. 29 at ¶¶ 104–123). Plaintiffs theorize that, due to the and no “ ‘minimal procedural safeguards.’ ” (ECF No. 29 at
speed of the United States Postal Service, a ballot mailed in ¶¶ 145, 159) (quoting Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 105–106,
Clark or Washoe county “in a state-provided, postage prepaid 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000) (per curiam)).
first-class envelope on the Wednesday or Thursday after
Election Day will likely be received [by election officials] 6 Section 22 is read together with other provisions in AB
before 5:00pm on the Friday after the election” and “almost 4 that establish procedures for processing and counting
certainly will arrive without bearing a postmark.” (Id. at ¶ 96). mail ballots. For example, section 17 requires election
officials to secure proof of identification from certain
4 Section 20(2) of AB 4 duplicates NRS § 293.317, a first-time voters before counting their mail ballots. AB 4
statute that has been in effect since January 1, 2020, but at § 17. Section 23 requires election officials to verify the
makes it applicable to affected elections. (ECF No. 37 at signature on mail ballots. Id. at § 23. Section 26 requires
8, 15). election officials to verify that the voter did not vote in
person before counting the mail ballot. Id. at § 26. And
5 U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1 (Elections Clause); U.S. Section 22(b) forbids election officials from establishing
Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 4 (Electors Clause); U.S. Const. any procedures that conflict with sections 2 to 27 of AB
art. VI, § 2 (Supremacy Clause); 3 U.S.C. § 1 (“Time of 4. Id. at § 22.
appointing electors”); 2 U.S.C. § 7 (“Time of election”);
7 Section 25 of AB 4 duplicates NRS § 293.363, a statute
2 U.S.C. § 1 (“Time for election of senators”).
that has been in effect since 1960, but makes it applicable
*2 Sections 11 and 12 of AB 4 require election officials to to affected elections. (ECF No. 37 at 9, 21).
establish a minimum number of in-person voting locations for
And finally, plaintiffs allege that all of the aforementioned
early voting and election-day voting, respectively. AB 4 at §§
11, 12. A county with a population of “700,000 or more” must provisions of AB 4, along with section 21,8 “facilitate
establish at least 100 voting centers for election day. Id. at § fraud and other illegitimate voting practices” and “dilute the
12. A county with a population of “100,000 or more but less value of honest, lawful votes” in violation of the Fourteenth
than 700,000” must establish at least 25 voting centers. Id. Amendment. (ECF No. 29 at ¶ 169).
And a county with a population of “less than 100,000” may
establish one or more voting center. Id. Plaintiffs allege that 8 Section 21 allows for “a person authorized by the voter
sections 11 and 12 authorize the disparate treatment of rural may return the mail ballot on behalf of the voter by
voters in violation of the Equal Protection Clause, because mail or personal delivery to the county or city clerk,
there will be “more in-person voting places per capita for as applicable, or any ballot drop box established in the
voters in urban counties than in rural counties.” (ECF No. 29 county or city, as applicable.” AB 4 at § 21.
at ¶ 100). Plaintiffs speculate that rural Nevada counties will On August 20, 2020, plaintiffs amended their complaint
have substantially higher numbers of registered voters per in- without altering the parties or their claims. (ECF No. 29).
person voting location than urban counties such as Washoe. Defendant now moves to dismiss the amended complaint
(Id. at ¶¶ 130–138). pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(1). (ECF
No. 37).
To establish standing, plaintiff must plead three elements: A. Associational Standing for Voters
(1) an injury in fact; (2) a causal connection between the *4 Plaintiffs argue that they have associational standing
injury and the alleged misconduct; and (3) a likelihood that to vindicate the injuries caused to their member voters by
§§ 11, 12. Removing this one safeguard does not alleviate misconduct of the defendant causes “a drain on [plaintiffs']
plaintiffs' concerns. In fact, it “worsen[s] plaintiffs' injury resources from both a diversion of its resources and
rather than redressing it.” Townley, 722 F.3d at 1135 (“[I]f frustration of its mission.” Fair Hous. Council of San
plaintiffs were to prevail in this lawsuit, ... voters would no Fernando Valley v. Roommate.com, LLC, 666 F.3d 1216, 1219
longer have the opportunity to affirmatively express their (9th Cir. 2012) (quotation omitted); see Havens Realty Corp.
opposition at the ballot box at all. The relief plaintiffs seek v. Coleman, 455 U.S. 363, 379, 102 S.Ct. 1114, 71 L.Ed.2d
will therefore decrease their (and other voters') expression of 214 (1982) (“Such concrete and demonstrable injury to the
political speech rather than increase it, worsening plaintiffs' organization's activities—with the consequent drain on the
injury rather than redressing it.”). An injunction against the organization's resources—constitutes far more than simply
enforcement of AB 4 would not address plaintiffs' issues with a setback to the organization's abstract social interests.”).
the discretion that Nevada election officials have to establish Plaintiffs allege that AB 4 forces them “to divert resources
in-person voting locations. It would instead eliminate the and spend significant amounts of money educating Nevada
safeguard of a minimum number of in-person voting locations voters ... and encouraging them to still vote.” (ECF No. 29 at
from all counties.9 ¶ 17). Plaintiffs also briefly allege a need to divert resources
to counteract voter fraud. (ECF No. 42 at 5) (citing Am. Civil
9 Rights Union v. Martinez Rivera, 166 F. Supp. 3d 779, 800
During the pendency of this motion, Nevada
(W.D. Tex. 2015)).
election officials established polling places and voting
centers for the 2020 general election. 2020 General
Election & Polling Locations, Nevada Secretary This court is unpersuaded by plaintiffs' theory of
of State (2020), https://www.nvsos.gov/sos/elections/ organizational standing. Plaintiffs argue that AB 4 would
election-day-information (presenting this information by “confuse” their voters and “create incentive to remain
county). This does not impact this court's finding on away from the polls.” (ECF No. 29 at ¶ 17). Outside of
redressability. stating “confus[ion]” and “discourage[ment]” in a conclusory
Plaintiffs also claim that “AB 4's three-day, post-election manner, plaintiffs make no indication of how AB 4 will
receipt deadline for non-postmarked ballots—coupled with discourage their member voters from voting. (ECF No. 29);
its deeming rule, the faster average mailing time in urban see Crawford v. Marion Cty. Election Bd., 472 F.3d 949,
districts such as Clark County, and the postal service's 951 (7th Cir. 2007), aff'd, 553 U.S. 181, 128 S.Ct. 1610,
practice of not postmarking prepaid mail—will likely result 170 L.Ed.2d 574 (2008) (holding that a “new law injures”
in significantly more untimely ballots being counted from a political party when it compels it “to devote resources
urban areas.” (ECF No. 42 at 12). These injuries are too to getting to the polls those of its supporters who would
speculative to establish standing. Plaintiffs offer a patchwork otherwise be discouraged by the new law from bothering to
theory of harm that does not rely on AB 4, but on the speed of vote.”). If plaintiffs did not expend any resources on educating
the United States Postal Service, an entity out of defendant's their voters on AB 4, their voters would proceed to vote
control. (ECF No. 29 at ¶¶ 73–81, 90–97). A “future injury in-person as they overwhelmingly have in prior elections.
may suffice if the threatened injury is ‘certainly impending,’ (ECF No. 29 at ¶¶ 43–47). AB 4 does not abolish in-
or there is a ‘substantial risk’ that the harm will occur.” person voting. An organization cannot “simply choos[e] to
Susan B. Anthony List, 573 U.S. at 158, 134 S.Ct. 2334. Even spend money fixing a problem that otherwise would not
among the segment of voters who vote by mail, plaintiffs affect the organization at all. It must instead show that it
offer no indication that the alleged future injury is “certainly would have suffered some other injury if it had not diverted
impending” or “substantial[ly]” likely. Id. resources to counteracting the problem.” Valle del Sol, Inc.
v. Whiting, 732 F.3d 1006, 1018 (9th Cir. 2013) (quoting La
This court finds that plaintiffs do not have associational Asociacion de Trabajadores de Lake Forest v. Lake Forest,
standing to represent their member voters. 624 F.3d 1083, 1088 (9th Cir. 2010)). Plaintiffs make no
showing of their voters' confusion. Indeed, voters exercised
their ability to vote by mail in Nevada's 2020 primary
B. Direct Organizational Standing election. NRS §§ 293.343-.355; see Paher v. Cegavske, No.
Plaintiffs next allege that they have direct organizational 320CV00243MMDWGC, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020
standing to bring their claims. (ECF No. 42 at 3–8). WL 2089813, at *2 (D. Nev. Apr. 30, 2020) (“[A]ll active
Organizational standing is recognized where the alleged
registered voters will be mailed an absentee ballot (mail-in to divert resources to combat voter fraud. (ECF No. 42 at 4–5).
ballot) for the primary election.”). Plaintiffs cannot divert resources to combat an impermissibly
speculative injury. See Susan B. Anthony List, 573 U.S. at
*6 In making this fact-intensive finding, this court also 158, 134 S.Ct. 2334. Not only have plaintiffs failed to allege a
notes the substantive differences between AB 4 and the laws substantial risk of voter fraud, the State of Nevada has its own
challenged in plaintiffs' cited authority. Compare AB 4, with mechanisms for deterring and prosecuting voter fraud. See
Pavek v. Simon, No. 19-CV3000 (SRN/DTS), ––– F.Supp.3d NRS §§ 293.700-.840 (“unlawful acts and penalties” in the
––––, ––––, 2020 WL 3183249, at *14 (D. Minn. June 15, context of an election). Here, plaintiffs do not allege that those
2020) (finding organizational standing to challenge a state law mechanisms would fail and that they would need to divert
which “requires that in Minnesota general elections, major resources accordingly. This court finds that plaintiffs have
political party candidates must be listed, on the ballot, in again failed to show that they would “suffer[ ] some other
reverse order based on the average number of votes that their injury if [they] had not diverted resources to counteracting the
party received in the last state general election”); Democratic problem.” Valle del Sol, 732 F.3d at 1018.
Nat'l Comm. v. Reagan, 329 F. Supp. 3d 824, 841 (D. Ariz.
2018), rev'd on other grounds sub nom. Democratic Nat'l
Comm. v. Hobbs, 948 F.3d 989 (9th Cir. 2020) (en banc) C. Direct and Associational Standing for Candidates
(finding organizational standing to challenge a state law that Finally, plaintiffs argue that they have both direct and
prohibits third-party ballot collection); Georgia Coal. for associational standing to challenge “competitive harms” to
People's Agenda, Inc. v. Kemp, 347 F. Supp. 3d 1251, 1258 their electoral candidates. (ECF No. 42 at 8). “Competitive
(N.D. Ga. 2018) (finding organizational standing to challenge standing” can exist when a state action will lead to the
a state voter identification and registration law); Feldman “potential loss of an election.” Drake, 664 F.3d at 783
v. Arizona Sec'y of State's Office, 208 F. Supp. 3d 1074, (quoting Owen v. Mulligan, 640 F.2d 1130, 1132–33 (9th Cir.
1080–81 (D. Ariz. 2016) (finding organizational standing to 1981)).
challenge a state law that “limits who may possess another's
early ballot”); Crawford v. Marion Cty. Election Bd., 472 F.3d Plaintiffs seek to vindicate the rights of their candidates,
949, 951 (7th Cir. 2007), aff'd, 553 U.S. 181, 128 S.Ct. 1610, because AB 4 will undermine the ability of “Republican
170 L.Ed.2d 574 (2008) (finding organizational standing to candidates to receive[ ] effective votes in Nevada”
challenge a state voter identification law). In these cases by “confus[ing] voters, undermin[ing] confidence in the
with organizational standing, the challenged law has a direct electoral process, and creat[ing] incentives to remain away
and specific impact on a voter's ability to vote. Indeed, a from the polls.” (ECF No. 29 at ¶¶ 16–17). The pleadings
diversion of resources for education would be required in make no showing of “an unfair advantage in the election
such situations. But here, the challenged law expands access process.” Drake, 664 F.3d at 783. Plaintiffs rely on conclusory
to voting through mail without restricting prior access to in- statements on confusion and disincentives that this court has
person voting. Thus, as detailed above, plaintiffs need not already found unpersuasive. See supra III.B. Plaintiffs seek
divert resources to enable or encourage their voters to vote. to muster “competitive standing,” yet their candidates face no
harms that are unique from their electoral opponents. Owen,
Plaintiffs also briefly argue that they will need to divert 640 F.2d at 1132–33 (finding competitive standing where the
resources to fight voter fraud. (ECF No. 42 at 4–5). This court postal service gave plaintiff's opponent a preferential mailing
repeats its prior finding on vote dilution: it is a speculative rate).
and “generalized grievance” in this case. See Paher, 2020
WL 2748301, at *4 (finding no standing where plaintiffs *7 As to AB 4's disparate treatment of rural voters, this court
failed to “state a particularized injury” and did no more than repeats its prior findings: plaintiffs' requested relief fails to
“speculatively connect the specific conduct they challenge ... satisfy redressability and the alleged harm is too speculative.
and the claimed injury [of] vote dilution”); Am. Civil Rights See supra III.A. Enjoining Nevada election officials from
Union v. Martinez-Rivera, 166 F. Supp. 3d 779, 789 (W.D. enforcing AB 4 would not apparently improve the odds for
Tex. 2015) (“[T]he risk of vote dilution[ is] speculative and, plaintiffs' candidates. See Drake, 664 F.3d at 783 (quoting
as such, [is] more akin to a generalized grievance about the Owen, 640 F.2d at 1132–33 (9th Cir. 1981)). Plaintiffs make
government than an injury in fact.”). Plaintiffs note in their no such allegations. Election officials would operate without
response to defendant's motion to dismiss that they will need the guidance of AB 4's minimum number of in-person voting
locations. On plaintiffs' theory as to Sections 20 and 22 of AB
IV. Conclusion
of Elections; Wyoming County Board of alleged harm from presumption of timeliness was
hypothetical or conjectural, and thus voters did not have
Elections; York County Board of Elections
standing to challenge presumption; and
Democratic National
Committee, Intervenor voters and candidate were not entitled to receive injunction
so close to election.
No. 20-3214
|
Affirmed.
Submitted Pursuant to Third Circuit
L.A.R. 34.1(a) November 9, 2020
| On Appeal from the United States District Court for the
(Filed: November 13, 2020) Western District of Pennsylvania, District Court No. 3-20-
cv-00215, District Judge: Honorable Kim. R. Gibson
Synopsis
Background: Voters and congressional candidate brought Attorneys and Law Firms
action against Secretary of Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
and county boards of elections, seeking to enjoin the counting Brian W. Barnes, Peter A. Patterson, David H. Thompson,
of mail-in ballots received during the three-day extension Cooper & Kirk, 1523 New Hampshire Avenue, N.W.,
of the ballot-receipt deadline ordered by the Pennsylvania Washington, D.C. 20036, Counsel for Appellants
Supreme Court, and seeking a declaration that the extension
period and presumption of timeliness was unconstitutional. Mark A. Aronchick, Michele D. Hangley, Robert A. Wiygul,
The United States District Court for the Western District Hangley Aronchick Segal Pudlin & Schiller, One Logan
of Pennsylvania, Kim R. Gibson, Senior District Judge, Square, 18th & Cherry Streets, 27th Floor, Philadelphia, PA
2020 WL 6323121, denied voters' and candidate's motion 19103, J. Bart DeLone, Sean A. Kirkpatrick, Keli M. Neary,
for a temporary restraining order (TRO) and preliminary Office of Attorney General of Pennsylvania, Strawberry
injunction. Voters and candidate appealed. Square, Harrisburg, PA 17120, Dimitrios Mavroudis, Jessica
Rickabaugh, Joe H. Tucker, Jr., Tucker Law Group, Ten Penn
Center, 1801 Market Street, Suite 2500, Philadelphia, PA
19103, Counsel Secretary Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
Holdings: The Court of Appeals, Smith, Chief Judge, held
that: Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Molly E. Meachem, Babst Calland, 330
Innovation Boulevard, Suite 302, State College, PA 16803,
the District Court's order was immediately appealable; Counsel for Armstrong, Bedford, Blair, Centre Columbia,
Dauphin, Fayette, Huntingdon, Indiana, Lackawanna,
voters and candidate lacked standing to bring action alleging Lawrence, Northumberland, Venango, and York County
violation of Constitution's Elections Clause and Electors Boards of Elections
Clause;
Christine D. Steere, Deasey Mahoney & Valentini, 103
voters lacked concrete injury for their alleged harm of vote Chesley Drive, Lafayette Building, Suite 101, Media, PA
dilution, and thus voters did not have standing for such claim; 19063, Counsel for Berks County Board of Elections
any primary or election.” Id. § 3150.12a(a). After Act 77, “a *3 With the federal case stayed, the state court matter
completed absentee [or mail-in] ballot must be received in proceeded. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party argued that
the office of the county board of elections no later than eight a combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and U.S. Postal
o'clock P.M. on the day of the primary or election” for that Service (“USPS”) mail-delivery delays made it difficult for
vote to count. Id. §§ 3146.6(c), 3150.16(c). absentee voters to timely return their ballots in the June 2020
Pennsylvania primary election. Pa. Democratic Party, 238
2 Throughout this opinion, we refer to absentee voting and A.3d at 362. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party claimed
mail-in voting interchangeably. that this voter disenfranchisement violated the Pennsylvania
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause, art I., § 5,3
C. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court Decision and sought, among other things, a weeklong extension of the
Soon after Act 77's passage, Donald J. Trump for President, deadline for receipt of ballots cast by Election Day in the
Inc., the Republican National Committee (“RNC”), and upcoming general election—the same deadline for the receipt
several Republican congressional candidates and voters of ballots cast by servicemembers residing overseas. Id. at
brought suit against Kathy Boockvar, Secretary of the 353–54. Secretary Boockvar originally opposed the extension
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and all of Pennsylvania's deadline; she changed her position after receiving a letter
county boards of elections. That suit, filed in the Western from USPS General Counsel which stated that Pennsylvania's
District of Pennsylvania, alleged that Act 77's “no-excuse” ballot deadlines were “incongruous with the Postal Service's
mail-in voting regime violated both the federal and delivery standards,” and that to ensure that a ballot in
Pennsylvania constitutions. Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Pennsylvania would be received by 8:00 P.M. on Election
Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 Day, the voter would need to mail it a full week in advance,
WL 4920952, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Aug. 23, 2020). Meanwhile, by October 27, which was also the deadline to apply for a
the Pennsylvania Democratic Party and several Democratic mail-in ballot. Id. at 365–66; 25 Pa. Stat. and Cons. Stat. §
elected officials and congressional candidates filed suit in 3150.12a(a). Secretary Boockvar accordingly recommended
Pennsylvania's Commonwealth Court, seeking declaratory a three-day extension to the received-by deadline. Pa.
and injunctive relief related to statutory-interpretation issues Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364–65.
involving Act 77 and the Pennsylvania Election Code. See
Pa. Democratic Party v. Boockvar, ––– Pa. ––––, 238 A.3d 3 The Free and Equal Elections Clause of the Pennsylvania
345, 352 (2020). Secretary Boockvar asked the Pennsylvania Constitution provides: “Elections shall be free and equal;
Supreme Court to exercise extraordinary jurisdiction to allow and no power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere
it to immediately consider the case, and her petition was to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage.” Pa.
granted without objection. Id. at 354–55. Const. art. 1, § 5.
In a September 17, 2020 decision, the Pennsylvania Supreme
Pending resolution of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court case, Court concluded that USPS's existing delivery standards
Secretary Boockvar requested that the Western District of could not meet the timeline built into the Election Code and
Pennsylvania stay the federal case. Trump for Pres. v. that circumstances beyond voters’ control should not lead to
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at *1. their disenfranchisement. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d
The District Court obliged and concluded that it would abstain at 371. The Court accordingly held that the Pennsylvania
under Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause required a
496, 61 S.Ct. 643, 85 L.Ed. 971 (1941). See Trump for Pres. three-day extension of the ballot-receipt deadline for the
v. Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at November 3 general election. Id. at 371, 386–87. All ballots
*21. The RNC then filed a motion for limited preliminary postmarked by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day and received
injunctive relief asking that all mailed ballots be segregated, by 5:00 P.M. on the Friday after Election Day, November
but the District Court denied the motion, finding that the 6, would be considered timely and counted (“Deadline
plaintiffs’ harm had “not yet materialized in any actualized or Extension”). Id. at 386–87. Ballots postmarked or signed
imminent way.” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Boockvar, after Election Day, November 3, would be rejected. Id. If the
No. 2:20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5407748, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Sept. postmark on a ballot received before the November 6 deadline
8, 2020). was missing or illegible, the ballot would be presumed to be
timely unless “a preponderance of the evidence demonstrates
that it was mailed after Election Day” (“Presumption of
Timeliness”). Id. Shortly after the ruling, Pennsylvania voters the ‘times, places, and manner’ ” of Election Day. Bognet
were notified of the Deadline Extension and Presumption of v. Boockvar, No. 3:20-cv-215, 2020 WL 6323121, at *2
Timeliness. (W.D. Pa. Oct. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs alleged that by
voting in person, they had to comply with the single, uniform
federal Election Day deadline, whereas mail-in voters could
D. Appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, and This submit votes any time before 5:00 P.M. on November 6.
Litigation Id. Thus, they alleged, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court
The Republican Party of Pennsylvania and several treated them in an arbitrary and disparate way by elevating
intervenors, including the President pro tempore of the mail-in voters to a “preferred class of voters” in violation
Pennsylvania Senate, sought to challenge in the Supreme of the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause and the
Court of the United States the constitutionality of the single, uniform, federal Election Day set by Congress. Id. The
Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling. Because the November Voter Plaintiffs also asserted that counting ballots received
election date was fast approaching, they filed an emergency after Election Day during the Deadline Extension period
application for a stay of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's would unlawfully dilute their votes in violation of the Equal
order pending review on the merits. The U.S. Supreme Protection Clause. Id.
Court denied the emergency stay request in a 4-4 decision.
Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. 20A54, 592 All Plaintiffs sought to enjoin Defendants from counting
U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL ballots received during the Deadline Extension period. Id.
6128193 (Oct. 19, 2020); Scarnati v. Boockvar, No. 20A53, They also sought a declaration that the Deadline Extension
592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 and Presumption of Timeliness are unconstitutional under
WL 6128194 (Oct. 19, 2020). After denial of the stay, the the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause as well as the
petitioners moved for expedited consideration of their petition Equal Protection Clause. Id. Because Plaintiffs filed their suit
for certiorari. In denying that motion, Justice Alito noted that, less than two weeks before Election Day, they moved for a
per the Pennsylvania Attorney General, all county boards temporary restraining order (“TRO”), expedited hearing, and
of elections would segregate ballots received during the preliminary injunction. Id.
Deadline Extension period from those received by 8:00 P.M.
on Election Day. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. The District Court commendably accommodated Plaintiffs’
20-542, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d request for an expedited hearing, then expeditiously issued
––––, 2020 WL 6304626, at *2 (Oct. 28, 2020) (Alito, J., a thoughtful memorandum order on October 28, denying
statement). Justice Alito later issued an order requiring that all the motion for a TRO and preliminary injunction. Id. at *7.
county boards of elections segregate such ballots and count The District Court held that Bognet lacked standing because
them separately. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. his claims were too speculative and not redressable. Id. at
20A84, ––– U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, *3. Similarly, the District Court concluded that the Voter
2020 WL 6536912 (Mem.) (U.S. Nov. 6, 2020) (Alito, J.). Plaintiffs lacked standing to bring their Equal Protection
voter dilution claim because they alleged only a generalized
*4 In the meantime, on October 22, 2020, three days after grievance. Id. at *5.
the U.S. Supreme Court declined to stay the Pennsylvania
Supreme Court's order, Plaintiffs herein filed this suit in At the same time, the District Court held that the Voter
the Western District of Pennsylvania. Plaintiffs are four Plaintiffs had standing to pursue their Equal Protection
registered voters from Somerset County, Pennsylvania, who arbitrary-and-disparate-treatment claim. But it found that the
planned to vote in person on Election Day (“Voter Plaintiffs”) Deadline Extension did not engender arbitrary and disparate
and Pennsylvania congressional candidate Jim Bognet. treatment because that provision did not extend the period
Defendants are Secretary Boockvar and each Pennsylvania for mail-in voters to actually cast their ballots; rather, the
county's board of elections. extension only directed that the timely cast ballots of mail-in
voters be counted. Id. As to the Presumption of Timeliness,
Bognet, the congressional candidate, claimed that the the District Court held that the Voter Plaintiffs were likely
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness “allow[ ] to succeed on the merits of their arbitrary-and-disparate-
County Boards of Elections to accept votes ... that would treatment challenge. Id. at *6. Still, the District Court declined
otherwise be unlawful” and “undermine[ ] his right to run in to grant a TRO because the U.S. Supreme Court “has
an election where Congress has paramount authority to set
repeatedly emphasized that ... federal courts should ordinarily The District Court exercised jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. §
not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at 1331. We exercise jurisdiction under § 1292(a)(1).
*7 (citing Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166
L.Ed.2d 1 (2006) (per curiam)). The District Court concluded Ordinarily, an order denying a TRO is not immediately
that with “less than two weeks before the election. ... appealable. Hope v. Warden York Cnty. Prison, 956 F.3d 156,
[g]ranting the relief Plaintiffs seek would result in significant 159 (3d Cir. 2020). Here, although Bognet and the Voter
voter confusion; precisely the kind of confusion that Purcell Plaintiffs styled their motion as an Emergency Motion for
seeks to avoid.” Id. a TRO and Preliminary Injunction, see Bognet v. Boockvar,
No. 3:20-cv-00215, Dkt. No. 5 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 22, 2020), the
*5 Plaintiffs appealed the denial of their motion for a TRO District Court's order plainly went beyond simply ruling on
and preliminary injunction to this Court on October 29, less the TRO request.
than a week before Election Day. Plaintiffs requested an
expedited briefing schedule: specifically, their opening brief Plaintiffs filed their motion for a TRO and a preliminary
would be due on October 30 and the response briefs on injunction on October 22, along with a supporting brief.
November 2. Notably, Plaintiffs sought to file a reply brief Defendants then filed briefs opposing the motion, with
on November 3—Election Day. Appellants’ Emergency Mot. Plaintiffs filing a reply in support of their motion. The District
for Expedited Briefing, Dkt. No. 17. Defendants opposed Court heard argument from the parties, remotely, during a
the expedited briefing schedule, arguing that Plaintiffs’ own 90-minute hearing. The next day, the District Court ruled on
delay had caused the case to reach this Court mere days the merits of the request for injunctive relief. Bognet, 2020
before the election. Sec'y Boockvar's Opp. to Appellants’ WL 6323121, at *7. The District Court's Memorandum Order
Emergency Mot. for Expedited Briefing, Dkt. No. 33. denied both Bognet and the Voter Plaintiffs the affirmative
Defendants also contended that Plaintiffs sought to punish relief they sought to obtain prior to Election Day, confirming
voters by invalidating the very rules mail-in voters had relied that the Commonwealth was to count mailed ballots received
on when they cast their ballots. Defendants asked us to deny after the close of the polls on Election Day but before 5:00
the motion for expedited briefing and offered to supply us P.M. on November 6.
with the actual numbers of mail-in ballots received during
the Deadline Extension period together with an approximate In determining whether Bognet and the Voter Plaintiffs had
count of how many of those mail-in ballots lacked legible standing to sue, we resolve a legal issue that does not require
postmarks. Id. resolution of any factual dispute. Our review is de novo.
Blunt v. Lower Merion Sch. Dist., 767 F.3d 247, 266 (3d
Even had we granted Plaintiffs’ motion for expedited briefing, Cir. 2014). “When reviewing a district court's denial of a
the schedule they proposed would have effectively foreclosed preliminary injunction, we review the court's findings of fact
us from ruling on this appeal before Election Day. So for clear error, its conclusions of law de novo, and the ultimate
we denied Plaintiffs’ motion and instead ordered that their decision ... for an abuse of discretion.” Reilly v. City of
opening brief be filed by November 6. Order, No. 20-3214, Harrisburg, 858 F.3d 173, 176 (3d Cir. 2017) (quoting Bimbo
Oct. 30, 2020, Dkt. No. 37. We directed Defendants to file Bakeries USA, Inc. v. Botticella, 613 F.3d 102, 109 (3d Cir.
response briefs by November 9, forgoing receipt of a reply 2010)) (cleaned up).
brief.4 Id. With the matter now fully briefed, we consider
Plaintiffs’ appeal of the District Court's denial of a TRO and
preliminary injunction. III. Analysis
Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.” U.S. must exist at the time the complaint is filed. See Lujan, 504
Const. art. III, § 1. But this “judicial Power” extends only to U.S. at 569 n.4, 112 S.Ct. 2130.
“Cases” and “Controversies.” Id. art. III, § 2; see also Spokeo,
Inc. v. Robins, ––– U.S. ––––, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547, 194 With these guideposts in mind, we turn to whether Plaintiffs
L.Ed.2d 635 (2016). To ensure that judges avoid rendering have pleaded an Article III injury. They bring several
impermissible advisory opinions, parties seeking to invoke claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, asserting deprivation of
federal judicial power must first establish their standing to do their constitutional rights. They allege that Defendants’
so. Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547. implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness violates
*6 Article III standing doctrine speaks in jargon, but the the Elections Clause of Article I, the Electors Clause of
gist of its meaning is plain enough. To bring suit, you—and Article II, and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
you personally—must be injured, and you must be injured Amendment. Because Plaintiffs lack standing to assert these
in a way that concretely impacts your own protected legal claims, we will affirm the District Court's denial of injunctive
interests. If you are complaining about something that does relief.
not harm you—and does not harm you in a way that is
concrete—then you lack standing. And if the injury that you
claim is an injury that does no specific harm to you, or if it
1. Plaintiffs lack standing under the Elections Clause and
depends on a harm that may never happen, then you lack an
Electors Clause.
injury for which you may seek relief from a federal court.
As we will explain below, Plaintiffs here have not suffered a Federal courts are not venues for plaintiffs to assert a bare
concrete, particularized, and non-speculative injury necessary right “to have the Government act in accordance with law.”
under the U.S. Constitution for them to bring this federal Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737, 754, 104 S.Ct. 3315, 82 L.Ed.2d
lawsuit. 556 (1984), abrogated on other grounds by Lexmark Int'l, Inc.
v. Static Control Components, Inc., 572 U.S. 118, 126–27,
The familiar elements of Article III standing require a plaintiff 134 S.Ct. 1377, 188 L.Ed.2d 392 (2014). When the alleged
to have “(1) suffered an injury in fact, (2) that is fairly injury is undifferentiated and common to all members of the
traceable to the challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) public, courts routinely dismiss such cases as “generalized
that is likely to be redressed by a favorable judicial decision.” grievances” that cannot support standing. United States v.
Id. (citing Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560– Richardson, 418 U.S. 166, 173–75, 94 S.Ct. 2940, 41 L.Ed.2d
61, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992); Friends of the 678 (1974). Such is the case here insofar as Plaintiffs, and
Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Env't Servs. (TOC), Inc., 528 U.S. 167, specifically candidate Bognet, theorize their harm as the right
180–81, 120 S.Ct. 693, 145 L.Ed.2d 610 (2000)). To plead to have government administered in compliance with the
an injury in fact, the party invoking federal jurisdiction must Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
establish three sub-elements: first, the “invasion of a legally
protected interest”; second, that the injury is both “concrete To begin with, private plaintiffs lack standing to sue for
and particularized”; and third, that the injury is “actual or alleged injuries attributable to a state government's violations
imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. of the Elections Clause. For example, in Lance v. Coffman,
Ct. at 1548 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130); 549 U.S. 437, 127 S.Ct. 1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007) (per
see also Mielo v. Steak ’n Shake Operations, 897 F.3d 467, curiam), four private citizens challenged in federal district
479 n.11 (3d Cir. 2018). The second sub-element requires that court a Colorado Supreme Court decision invalidating a
the injury “affect the plaintiff in a personal and individual redistricting plan passed by the state legislature and requiring
way.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560 n.1, 112 S.Ct. 2130. As for the use of a redistricting plan created by Colorado state courts.
third, when a plaintiff alleges future injury, such injury must Id. at 438, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The plaintiffs alleged that the
be “certainly impending.” Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. Colorado Supreme Court's interpretation of the Colorado
1138 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 565 n.2, 112 S.Ct. 2130). Constitution violated the Elections Clause “by depriving the
Allegations of “possible” future injury simply aren't enough. state legislature of its responsibility to draw congressional
Id. (quoting Whitmore v. Arkansas, 495 U.S. 149, 158, 110 districts.” Id. at 441, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The U.S. Supreme Court
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). All elements of standing held that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing because
they claimed harm only to their interest, and that of every
citizen, in proper application of the Elections Clause. Id. state lawmaking processes, they lack standing to sue over the
at 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194 (“The only injury plaintiffs allege alleged usurpation of the General Assembly's rights under the
is that the law—specifically the Elections Clause—has not Elections and Electors Clauses. No member of the General
been followed.”). Their relief would have no more directly Assembly is a party to this lawsuit.
benefitted them than the public at large. Id. The same is
true here. If anything, Plaintiffs’ “interest in the State's 5 Bognet seeks to represent Pennsylvania in Congress,
ability to ‘enforce its duly enacted laws’ ” is even less but even if he somehow had a relationship to state
compelling because Pennsylvania's “election officials support lawmaking processes, he would lack personal standing
the challenged decree.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Common to sue for redress of the alleged “institutional injury
Cause R.I., No. 20A28, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, (the diminution of legislative power), which necessarily
––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 4680151 (Mem.), at *1 (Aug. damage[d] all Members of [the legislature] ... equally.”
13, 2020) (quoting Abbott v. Perez, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 821, 117 S.Ct. 2312,
2305, 2324 n.17, 201 L.Ed.2d 714 (2018)). 138 L.Ed.2d 849 (1997) (plaintiffs were six out of 535
members of Congress); see also Corman, 287 F. Supp.
3d at 568–69 (concluding that “two of 253 members
*7 Because the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause
of the Pennsylvania General Assembly” lacked standing
have “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Legislature v.
to sue under Elections Clause for alleged “deprivation
Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 839,
of ‘their legislative authority to apportion congressional
135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d 704 (2015) (Roberts, C.J., districts’ ”); accord Va. House of Delegates v. Bethune-
dissenting) (discussing how Electors Clause similarly vests Hill, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 1945, 1953, 204 L.Ed.2d
power to determine manner of appointing electors in “the 305 (2019).
Legislature” of each State), the same logic applies to
That said, prudential standing can suspend Article III's
Plaintiffs’ alleged injury stemming from the claimed violation
general prohibition on a litigant's raising another person's
of the Electors Clause. See also Foster, 522 U.S. at 69,
legal rights. Yet Plaintiffs don't fit the bill. A plaintiff may
118 S.Ct. 464 (characterizing Electors Clause as Elections
assert the rights of another if he or she “has a ‘close’
Clause's “counterpart for the Executive Branch”); U.S. Term
relationship with the person who possesses the right” and
Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804–05, 115 S.Ct.
“there is a ‘hindrance’ to the possessor's ability to protect
1842, 131 L.Ed.2d 881 (1995) (noting that state's “duty”
his own interests.” Kowalski v. Tesmer, 543 U.S. 125, 130,
under Elections Clause “parallels the duty” described by
125 S.Ct. 564, 160 L.Ed.2d 519 (2004) (citation omitted).
Electors Clause).
Plaintiffs cannot invoke this exception to the rule against
raising the rights of third parties because they enjoy no close
Even a party that meets Article III standing requirements must
relationship with the General Assembly, nor have they alleged
ordinarily rest its claim for relief on violation of its own rights,
any hindrance to the General Assembly's ability to protect its
not those of a third party. Pitt News v. Fisher, 215 F.3d 354,
own interests. See, e.g., Corman, 287 F. Supp. 3d at 573. Nor
361–62 (3d Cir. 2000). Plaintiffs assert that the Pennsylvania
does Plaintiffs’ other theory of prudential standing, drawn
Supreme Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of
from Bond v. United States, 564 U.S. 211, 131 S.Ct. 2355, 180
Timeliness usurped the General Assembly's prerogative under
L.Ed.2d 269 (2011), advance the ball.
the Elections Clause to prescribe “[t]he Times, Places and
Manner of holding Elections.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The
*8 In Bond, the Supreme Court held that a litigant has
Elections Clause grants that right to “the Legislature” of “each
prudential standing to challenge a federal law that allegedly
State.” Id. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims thus “belong,
impinges on the state's police powers, “in contravention of
if they belong to anyone, only to the Pennsylvania General
constitutional principles of federalism” enshrined in the Tenth
Assembly.” Corman v. Torres, 287 F. Supp. 3d 558, 573
Amendment. Id. at 223–24, 131 S.Ct. 2355. The defendant
(M.D. Pa. 2018) (three-judge panel) (per curiam). Plaintiffs
in Bond challenged her conviction under 18 U.S.C. § 229,
here are four individual voters and a candidate for federal
which Congress enacted to comply with a chemical weapons
office; they in no way constitute the General Assembly, nor
treaty that the United States had entered. Id. at 214–15,
can they be said to comprise any part of the law-making
131 S.Ct. 2355. Convicted under the statute she sought to
processes of Pennsylvania. Ariz. State Legislature, 576 U.S.
challenge, Bond satisfied Article III's standing requirements.
at 824, 135 S.Ct. 2652.5 Because Plaintiffs are not the General Id. at 217, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (characterizing Bond's sentence
Assembly, nor do they bear any conceivable relationship to and incarceration as concrete, and redressable by invalidation
of her conviction); id. at 224–25, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (noting 6 Our conclusion departs from the recent decision of an
that Bond was subject to “[a] law,” “prosecution,” and Eighth Circuit panel which, over a dissent, concluded
“punishment” she might not have faced “if the matter were that candidates for the position of presidential elector
left for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to decide”). She had standing under Bond to challenge a Minnesota state-
argued that her conduct was “local in nature” such that § court consent decree that effectively extended the receipt
229 usurped the Commonwealth's reserved police powers. deadline for mailed ballots. See Carson v. Simon, No.
Id. Rejecting the Government's contention that Bond was 20-3139, ––– F.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6335967, at
barred as a third party from asserting the rights of the *5 (8th Cir. Oct. 29, 2020). The Carson court appears
Commonwealth, id. at 225, 131 S.Ct. 2355, the Court held to have cited language from Bond without considering
the context—specifically, the Tenth Amendment and the
that “[t]he structural principles secured by the separation of
reserved police powers—in which the U.S. Supreme
powers protect the individual as well” as the State. Id. at 222,
Court employed that language. There is no precedent for
131 S.Ct. 2355 (“Federalism also protects the liberty of all
expanding Bond beyond this context, and the Carson
persons within a State by ensuring that laws enacted in excess court cited none.
of delegated governmental power cannot direct or control
their actions. ... When government acts in excess of its lawful Plaintiff Bognet, a candidate for Congress who is currently a
powers, that [personal] liberty is at stake.”). private citizen, does not plead a cognizable injury by alleging
a “right to run in an election where Congress has paramount
But the nub of Plaintiffs’ argument here is that the authority,” Compl. ¶ 69, or by pointing to a “threatened”
Pennsylvania Supreme Court intruded on the authority reduction in the competitiveness of his election from counting
delegated to the Pennsylvania General Assembly under absentee ballots received within three days after Election Day.
Articles I and II of the U.S. Constitution to regulate federal Appellants’ Br. 21. Bognet does not explain how that “right
elections. They do not allege any violation of the Tenth to run” affects him in a particularized way when, in fact,
Amendment, which provides that “[t]he powers not delegated all candidates in Pennsylvania, including Bognet's opponent,
to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by are subject to the same rules. And Bognet does not explain
it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to how counting more timely cast votes would lead to a less
the people.” U.S. Const. amend. X. Nor could they. After competitive race, nor does he offer any evidence tending to
all, states have no inherent or reserved power over federal show that a greater proportion of mailed ballots received after
elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. at 804–05, 115 S.Ct. Election Day than on or before Election Day would be cast for
1842. When “deciding issues raised under the Elections Bognet's opponent. What's more, for Bognet to have standing
Clause,” courts “need not be concerned with preserving a to enjoin the counting of ballots arriving after Election Day,
such votes would have to be sufficient in number to change the
‘delicate balance’ between competing sovereigns.” Gonzalez
outcome of the election to Bognet's detriment. See, e.g., Sibley
v. Arizona, 677 F.3d 383, 392 (9th Cir. 2012). Either federal
and state election law “operate harmoniously in a single v. Alexander, 916 F. Supp. 2d 58, 62 (D.D.C. 2013) (“[E]ven
procedural scheme,” or they don't—and the federal law if the Court granted the requested relief, [plaintiff] would
preempts (“alter[s]”) state election law under the Elections still fail to satisfy the redressability element [of standing]
because enjoining defendants from casting the ... votes would
Clause. Id. at 394. An assessment that the Pennsylvania
Supreme Court lacked the legislative authority under the not change the outcome of the election.” (citing Newdow
state's constitution necessary to comply with the Elections v. Roberts, 603 F.3d 1002, 1011 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (citations
Clause (Appellants’ Br. 24–27) does not implicate Bond, omitted)). Bognet does not allege as much, and such a
the Tenth Amendment, or even Article VI's Supremacy prediction was inherently speculative when the complaint was
filed. The same can be said for Bognet's alleged wrongfully
Clause.6 See Gonzalez, 677 F.3d at 390–92 (contrasting
incurred expenditures and future expenditures. Any harm
Elections Clause with Supremacy Clause and describing
Bognet sought to avoid in making those expenditures was
former as “unique,” containing “[an] unusual delegation of
not “certainly impending”—he spent the money to avoid
power,” and “unlike virtually all other provisions of the
a speculative harm. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc.
Constitution”). And, of course, third-party standing under
v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––,
Bond still presumes that the plaintiff otherwise meets the
2020 WL 5997680, at *36 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020). Nor
requirements of Article III; as discussed above, Plaintiffs do
are those expenditures “fairly traceable” under Article III to
not.
the actions that Bognet challenges. See, e.g., Clapper, 568
U.S. at 402, 416, 133 S.Ct. 1138 (rejecting argument that
plaintiff can “manufacture standing by choosing to make concrete as to votes counted under the Deadline Extension,
expenditures based on hypothetical future harm that is not nor is it particularized for Article III purposes as to votes
certainly impending”).7 counted under the Deadline Extension or the Presumption of
Timeliness.
7 The alleged injury specific to Bognet does not implicate
the Qualifications Clause or exclusion from Congress,
Powell v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486, 550, 89 S.Ct. 1944, i. No concrete injury from vote dilution attributable to the
23 L.Ed.2d 491 (1969), nor the standing of members of Deadline Extension.
Congress to bring actions alleging separation-of-powers
violations. Moore v. U.S. House of Reps., 733 F.2d 946, The Voter Plaintiffs claim that Defendants’ implementation of
959 (D.C. Cir. 1984) (Scalia, J., concurring). the Deadline Extension violates the Equal Protection Clause
*9 Plaintiffs therefore lack Article III standing to challenge because “unlawfully” counting ballots received within three
Defendants’ implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme days of Election Day dilutes their votes. But the source of this
Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness purported illegality is necessarily a matter of state law, which
under the Elections Clause and Electors Clause. makes any alleged harm abstract for purposes of the Equal
Protection Clause. And the purported vote dilution is also not
concrete because it would occur in equal proportion without
the alleged procedural illegality—that is, had the General
2. The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing under the Equal Assembly enacted the Deadline Extension, which the Voter
Protection Clause.
Plaintiffs do not challenge substantively.9
Stressing the “personal” nature of the right to vote, the
Voter Plaintiffs assert two claims under the Equal Protection 9 We exclude the Presumption of Timeliness from our
8 concreteness analysis. Plaintiffs allege that the federal
Clause. First, they contend that the influence of their votes,
cast in person on Election Day, is “diluted” both by (a) statutes providing for a uniform election day, 3 U.S.C.
§ 1 and 2 U.S.C. § 7, conflict with, and thus
mailed ballots cast on or before Election Day but received
displace, any state law that would authorize voting
between Election Day and the Deadline Extension date,
after Election Day. They claim that the Presumption
ballots which Plaintiffs assert cannot be lawfully counted; and
permits, theoretically at least, some voters whose ballots
(b) mailed ballots that were unlawfully cast (i.e., placed in
lack a legible postmark to vote after Election Day,
the mail) after Election Day but are still counted because of in violation of these federal statutes. So unlike the
the Presumption of Timeliness. Second, the Voter Plaintiffs Deadline Extension, Plaintiffs contend that the General
allege that the Deadline Extension and the Presumption Assembly could not enact the Presumption consistent
of Timeliness create a preferred class of voters based on with the Constitution. This conceptualization of injury
“arbitrary and disparate treatment” that values “one person's is thus more properly characterized as “concrete” than
vote over that of another.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104–05, is the purported Deadline Extension injury attributable
121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000). The Voter Plaintiffs to voters having their timely voted ballots received and
lack Article III standing to assert either injury. counted after Election Day. That said, we express no
opinion about whether the Voter Plaintiffs have, in fact,
alleged such a concrete injury for standing purposes.
8 Only the Voter Plaintiffs bring the Equal Protection count
in the Complaint; Bognet did not join that count. *10 The concreteness of the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged vote
dilution stemming from the Deadline Extension turns on the
federal and state laws applicable to voting procedures. Federal
a. Vote Dilution law does not provide for when or how ballot counting occurs.
See, e.g., Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Way, No. 20-cv-01753, –––
As discussed above, the foremost element of standing is injury F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5912561, at *12 (D.N.J.
in fact, which requires the plaintiff to show a harm that is both Oct. 6, 2020) (“Plaintiffs direct the Court to no federal law
“concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent, not regulating methods of determining the timeliness of mail-in
conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48 ballots or requiring that mail-in ballots be postmarked.”); see
(citation omitted). The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing to redress also Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, 366, 52 S.Ct. 397, 76 L.Ed.
their alleged vote dilution because that alleged injury is not
795 (1932) (noting that Elections Clause delegates to state Plaintiffs say that the Election Day ballot receipt deadline
lawmaking processes all authority to prescribe “procedure in Pennsylvania's codified election law renders the ballots
and safeguards” for “counting of votes”). Instead, the untimely and therefore unlawful to count. Defendants, for
Elections Clause delegates to each state's lawmaking function their part, contend that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
the authority to prescribe such procedural regulations extension of that deadline under the Free and Equal Elections
applicable to federal elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. Clause of the state constitution renders them timely, and
at 832–35, 115 S.Ct. 1842 (“The Framers intended the therefore lawful to count.
Elections Clause to grant States authority to create procedural
regulations .... [including] ‘whether the electors should vote 10 See AS § 15.20.081(e) & (h) (Alaska – 10 days after
by ballot or vivâ voce ....’ ” (quoting James Madison, 2 Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day);
Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 240 (M. West's Ann. Cal. Elec. Code § 3020(b) (California –
Farrand ed. 1911) (cleaned up)); Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 three days after Election Day if postmarked on or before
S.Ct. 397 (describing state authority under Elections Clause Election Day); DC ST § 1-1001.05(a)(10A) (District of
“to provide a complete code for congressional elections ... Columbia – seven days after the election if postmarked
in relation to notices, registration, supervision of voting, on or before Election Day); 10 ILCS 5/19-8, 5/18A-15
protection of voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices, (Illinois – 14 days after the election if postmarked on or
counting of votes, duties of inspectors and canvassers, and before Election Day); K.S.A. 25-1132 (Kansas – three
days after the election if postmarked before the close of
making and publication of election returns”). That delegation
polls on Election Day); MD Code, Elec. Law, § 9-505
of authority embraces all procedures “which experience
(Maryland – the second Friday after Election Day if
shows are necessary in order to enforce the fundamental right
postmarked on or before Election Day); Miss. Code
involved.” Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 S.Ct. 397. Congress Ann. § 23-15-637 (Mississippi – five business days after
exercises its power to “alter” state election regulations only if Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day);
the state regime cannot “operate harmoniously” with federal NV Rev Stat § 293.317 (Nevada – by 5:00 P.M. on
election laws “in a single procedural scheme.” Gonzalez, 677 the seventh day after Election Day if postmarked by
F.3d at 394. Election Day, and ballots with unclear postmarks must
be received by 5:00 P.M. on the third day after Election
The Deadline Extension and federal laws setting the date for Day); N.J.S.A. 19:63-22 (New Jersey – 48 hours after
federal elections can, and indeed do, operate harmoniously. polls close if postmarked on or before Election Day);
At least 19 other States and the District of Columbia have McKinney's Elec. Law § 8-412 (New York – seven
days after the election for mailed ballots postmarked
post-Election Day absentee ballot receipt deadlines.10 And on Election Day); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-231(b)(2) and
many States also accept absentee ballots mailed by overseas Wise v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93, 96 (4th Cir. 2020) (North
uniformed servicemembers that are received after Election Carolina – recognizing extension from three to nine days
Day, in accordance with the federal Uniformed and Overseas after the election the deadline for mail ballots postmarked
Citizens Absentee Voting Act, 52 U.S.C. §§ 20301–20311. on or before Election Day); Texas Elec. Code § 86.007
So the Voter Plaintiffs’ only cognizable basis for alleging (the day after the election by 5:00 P.M. if postmarked on
dilution from the “unlawful” counting of invalid ballots or before Election Day); Va. Code 24.2-709 (Virginia –
is state law defining lawful and unlawful ballot counting by noon on the third day after the election if postmarked
practices. Cf. Wise v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93, 100–01 (4th on or before Election Day); West's RCWA 29A.40.091
Cir. 2020) (“Whether ballots are illegally counted if they are (Washington – no receipt deadline for ballots postmarked
on or before Election Day); W. Va. Code, §§ 3-3-5,
received more than three days after Election Day depends on
3-5-17 (West Virginia – five days after the election if
an issue of state law from which we must abstain.” (emphasis
postmarked on or before Election Day); see also Iowa
in original)), application for injunctive relief denied sub
Code § 53.17(2) (by noon the Monday following the
nom. Moore v. Circosta, No. 20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– election if postmarked by the day before Election Day);
S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6305036 (Oct. NDCC 16.1-07-09 (North Dakota – before the canvass if
28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs seem to admit as much, postmarked the day before Election Day); R.C. § 3509.05
arguing “that counting votes that are unlawful under the (Ohio – 10 days after the election if postmarked by the
General Assembly's enactments will unconstitutionally dilute day before Election Day); Utah Code Ann. § 20A-3a-204
the lawful votes” cast by the Voter Plaintiffs. Appellants’ (seven to 14 days after the election if postmarked the day
Br. 38; see also id. at 31. In other words, the Voter before the election).
*11 This conceptualization of vote dilution—state actors limited to the present circumstances ....”); id. at 139–
counting ballots in violation of state election law—is not 40, 121 S.Ct. 525 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting) (discussing
a concrete harm under the Equal Protection Clause of the “[r]are[ ]” occasions when Supreme Court rejected state
Fourteenth Amendment. Violation of state election laws by supreme court's interpretation of state law, one of which
was in 1813 and others occurred during Civil Rights
state officials or other unidentified third parties is not always
Movement—and none decided federal equal protection
amenable to a federal constitutional claim. See Shipley v.
issues).
Chicago Bd. of Election Comm'rs, 947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th
Cir. 2020) (“A deliberate violation of state election laws Even if we were to entertain an end-run around the Voter
by state election officials does not transgress against the Plaintiffs’ lack of Elections Clause standing—by viewing the
Constitution.”) (cleaned up); Powell v. Power, 436 F.2d 84, federal Elections Clause as the source of “unlawfulness” of
88 (2d Cir. 1970) (rejecting Equal Protection Clause claim Defendants’ vote counting—the alleged vote dilution would
arising from state's erroneous counting of votes cast by voters not be a concrete injury. Consider, as we've noted, that the
unqualified to participate in closed primary). “It was not Voter Plaintiffs take no issue with the content of the Deadline
intended by the Fourteenth Amendment ... that all matters Extension; they concede that the General Assembly, as other
formerly within the exclusive cognizance of the states should state legislatures have done, could have enacted exactly the
become matters of national concern.” Snowden v. Hughes, same Deadline Extension as a valid “time[ ], place[ ], and
321 U.S. 1, 11, 64 S.Ct. 397, 88 L.Ed. 497 (1944). manner” regulation consistent with the Elections Clause.
Cf. Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 S.Ct. 397 (concluding that
Contrary to the Voter Plaintiffs’ conceptualization, vote alleged “unlawful administration by state officers of a state
dilution under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned statute fair on its face, resulting in its unequal application
with votes being weighed differently. See Rucho v. Common to those who are entitled to be treated alike, is not a denial
Cause, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2501, 204 L.Ed.2d of equal protection” (emphasis added)); Powell, 436 F.2d
931 (2019) (“ ‘[V]ote dilution’ in the one-person, one- at 88 (“Uneven or erroneous application of an otherwise
vote cases refers to the idea that each vote must carry valid statute constitutes a denial of equal protection only
equal weight.” (emphasis added)); cf. Baten v. McMaster, if it represents ‘intentional or purposeful discrimination.’
967 F.3d 345, 355 (4th Cir. 2020), as amended (July 27, ” (emphasis added) (quoting Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64
2020) (“[N]o vote in the South Carolina system is diluted. S.Ct. 397)). Reduced to its essence, the Voter Plaintiffs’
Every qualified person gets one vote and each vote is claimed vote dilution would rest on their allegation that
counted equally in determining the final tally.”). As explained federal law required a different state organ to issue the
below, the Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal Deadline Extension. The Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged,
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes were for example, that they were prevented from casting their
weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance an Equal votes, Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347, 35 S.Ct. 926,
Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’ 59 L.Ed. 1340 (1915), nor that their votes were not counted,
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 35 S.Ct. 904, 59
treatment. And if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the L.Ed. 1355 (1915). Any alleged harm of vote dilution that
“unlawful” counting of invalidly cast ballots “were a true turns not on the proportional influence of votes, but solely
equal-protection problem, then it would transform every on the federal illegality of the Deadline Extension, strikes
violation of state election law (and, actually, every violation us as quintessentially abstract in the election law context
of every law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim and “divorced from any concrete harm.” Spokeo, 136 S.
requiring scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing Ct. at 1549 (citing Summers v. Earth Island Inst., 555 U.S.
to do more to stop the illegal activity.” Trump for Pres. v. 488, 496, 129 S.Ct. 1142, 173 L.Ed.2d 1 (2009)). That
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, the alleged violation here relates to election law and the
at *45–46. That is not how the Equal Protection Clause U.S. Constitution, rather than the mine-run federal consumer
privacy statute, does not abrogate the requirement that a
works.11
concrete harm must flow from the procedural illegality. See,
e.g., Lujan, 504 U.S. at 576, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (“[T]here is
11 Bush v. Gore does not require us to perform an Equal absolutely no basis for making the Article III inquiry turn on
Protection Clause analysis of Pennsylvania election law
the source of the asserted right.”).
as interpreted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. See
531 U.S. at 109, 121 S.Ct. 525 (“Our consideration is
*12 The Voter Plaintiffs thus lack a concrete Equal Nos. 1:20-cv-00911, 1:20-cv-00912, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––,
Protection Clause injury for their alleged harm of vote ––––, 2020 WL 6063332, at *14 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020),
dilution attributable to the Deadline Extension. emergency injunction pending appeal denied sub nom. Wise
v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93 (4th Cir. 2020), application for
injunctive relief denied sub nom. Moore v. Circosta, No.
20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––,
ii. No particularized injury from votes counted under the
2020 WL 6305036 (U.S. Oct. 28, 2020); Paher v. Cegavske,
Deadline Extension or the Presumption of Timeliness.
457 F. Supp. 3d 919, 926–27 (D. Nev. Apr. 30, 2020).
The opposite of a “particularized” injury is a “generalized
grievance,” where “the impact on plaintiff is plainly But the Voter Plaintiffs argue that their purported “vote
undifferentiated and common to all members of the public.” dilution” is an injury in fact sufficient to confer standing, and
Id. at 575, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (cleaned up); see also Lance, 549 not a generalized grievance belonging to all voters, because
U.S. at 439, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The District Court correctly held the Supreme Court has “long recognized that a person's
that the Voter Plaintiffs’ “dilution” claim is a “paradigmatic right to vote is ‘individual and personal in nature.’ ” Gill v.
generalized grievance that cannot support standing.” Bognet, Whitford, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1929, 201 L.Ed.2d
2020 WL 6323121, at *4 (quoting Carson v. Simon, No. 20- 313 (2018) (quoting Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 561, 84
cv-02030, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6018957, S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)). “Thus, ‘voters who allege
at *7 (D. Minn. Oct. 12, 2020), rev'd on other grounds, facts showing disadvantage to themselves as individuals have
No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d ––––, 2020 WL 6335967 (8th Cir. standing to sue’ to remedy that disadvantage.” Id. (quoting
Oct. 29, 2020)). The Deadline Extension and Presumption Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 206, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663
of Timeliness, assuming they operate to allow the illegal (1962)).
counting of unlawful votes, “dilute” the influence of all voters
in Pennsylvania equally and in an “undifferentiated” manner *13 The Voter Plaintiffs’ reliance on this language
12 from Baker and Reynolds is misplaced. In Baker, the
and do not dilute a certain group of voters particularly.
plaintiffs challenged Tennessee's apportionment of seats in its
legislature as violative of the Equal Protection Clause of the
12 In their complaint, the Voter Plaintiffs alleged that Fourteenth Amendment. 369 U.S. at 193, 82 S.Ct. 691. The
they are all “residents of Somerset County, a county
Supreme Court held that the plaintiffs did have standing under
where voters are requesting absentee ballots at a rate
Article III because “[t]he injury which appellants assert is that
far less than the state average” and thus, somehow,
this classification disfavors the voters in the counties in which
the Voter Plaintiffs’ votes “will be diluted to a greater
degree than other voters.” Compl. ¶ 71 (emphasis in
they reside, placing them in a position of constitutionally
original). Plaintiffs continue to advance this argument unjustifiable inequality vis-à-vis voters in irrationally favored
on appeal in support of standing, and it additionally counties.” Id. at 207–08, 82 S.Ct. 691.
suffers from being a conjectural or hypothetical injury
under the framework discussed infra Section III.A.2.b.ii. Although the Baker Court did not decide the merits of the
It is purely hypothetical that counties where a greater Equal Protection claim, the Court in a series of cases—
percentage of voters request absentee ballots will more including Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 83 S.Ct. 801,
frequently have those ballots received after Election Day. 9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963), and Reynolds—made clear that the
Put another way, “[a] vote cast by fraud or mailed in by Equal Protection Clause prohibits a state from “diluti[ng] ...
the wrong person through mistake,” or otherwise counted the weight of the votes of certain ... voters merely because
illegally, “has a mathematical impact on the final tally of where they reside[ ],” just as it prevents a state from
and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, but no discriminating on the basis of the voter's race or sex.
single voter is specifically disadvantaged.” Martel v. Condos, Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 557, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (emphasis added).
No. 5:20-cv-00131, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL The Voter Plaintiffs consider it significant that the Court in
5755289, at *4 (D. Vt. Sept. 16, 2020). Such an alleged Reynolds noted—though not in the context of standing—that
“dilution” is suffered equally by all voters and is not “the right to vote” is “individual and personal in nature.”
“particularized” for standing purposes. The courts to consider Id. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (quoting United States v. Bathgate,
this issue are in accord. See id.; Carson, ––– F.Supp.3d at 246 U.S. 220, 227, 38 S.Ct. 269, 62 L.Ed. 676 (1918)). The
–––– – ––––, 2020 WL 6018957, at *7–8; Moore v. Circosta, Court then explained that a voter's right to vote encompasses
both the right to cast that vote and the right to have that vote group has full voting strength and the groups not in favor
counted without “debasement or dilution”: have their votes discounted,” id. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362
(cleaned up). In other words, “voters who allege facts showing
The right to vote can neither be denied outright, Guinn disadvantage to themselves” have standing to bring suit to
v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 [35 S.Ct. 926, 59 L.Ed. remedy that disadvantage, Baker, 369 U.S. at 206, 82 S.Ct.
1340 (1915) ], Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268 [59 S.Ct. 691 (emphasis added), but a disadvantage to the plaintiff
872, 83 L.Ed. 1281 (1939) ], nor destroyed by alteration exists only when the plaintiff is part of a group of voters whose
of ballots, see United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315 votes will be weighed differently compared to another group.
[61 S.Ct. 1031, 85 L.Ed. 1368 (1941) ], nor diluted by Here, no Pennsylvania voter's vote will count for less than that
ballot-box stuffing, Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 [25 of any other voter as a result of the Deadline Extension and
L.Ed. 717 (1880) ], United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385
Presumption of Timeliness.13
[64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. 1341 (1944) ]. As the Court
stated in Classic, “Obviously included within the right to
13 Plaintiffs also rely on FEC v. Akins, 524 U.S. 11, 118
choose, secured by the Constitution, is the right of qualified
voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them S.Ct. 1777, 141 L.Ed.2d 10 (1998), for the proposition
that a widespread injury—such as a mass tort injury or an
counted ....” 313 U.S. at 315 [61 S.Ct. 1031].
injury “where large numbers of voters suffer interference
... with voting rights conferred by law”—does not become
a “generalized grievance” just because many share it. Id.
“The right to vote includes the right to have the ballot at 24–25, 118 S.Ct. 1777. That's true as far as it goes.
counted. ... It also includes the right to have the vote But the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged an injury like
counted at full value without dilution or discount. ... That that at issue in Akins. There, the plaintiffs’ claimed injury
federally protected right suffers substantial dilution ... was their inability to obtain information they alleged
was required to be disclosed under the Federal Election
[where a] favored group has full voting strength ... [and]
Campaign Act. Id. at 21, 118 S.Ct. 1777. The plaintiffs
[t]he groups not in favor have their votes discounted.”
alleged a statutory right to obtain information and that
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 & n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (alterations
the same information was being withheld. Here, the Voter
in last paragraph in original) (quoting South v. Peters, 339 Plaintiffs’ alleged injury is to their right under the Equal
U.S. 276, 279, 70 S.Ct. 641, 94 L.Ed. 834 (1950) (Douglas, Protection Clause not to have their votes “diluted,” but
J., dissenting)). the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged that their votes are
less influential than any other vote.
Still, it does not follow from the labeling of the right to vote as
*14 This conclusion cannot be avoided by describing
“personal” in Baker and Reynolds that any alleged illegality
one group of voters as “those ... who lawfully vote in
affecting voting rights rises to the level of an injury in fact.
person and submit their ballots on time” and the other
After all, the Court has observed that the harms underlying
group of voters as those whose (mail-in) ballots arrive
a racial gerrymandering claim under the Equal Protection
after Election Day and are counted because of the Deadline
Clause “are personal” in part because they include the harm of
Extension and/or the Presumption of Timeliness. Appellants’
a voter “being personally subjected to a racial classification.”
Br. 33 (emphasis in original). Although the former group,
Ala. Legis. Black Caucus v. Alabama, 575 U.S. 254, 263,
under Plaintiffs’ theory, should make up 100% of the total
135 S.Ct. 1257, 191 L.Ed.2d 314 (2015) (cleaned up). Yet a
votes counted and the latter group 0%, there is simply no
voter “who complains of gerrymandering, but who does not
differential weighing of the votes. See Wise, 978 F.3d at
live in a gerrymandered district, ‘assert[s] only a generalized
104 (Motz, J., concurring) (“But if the extension went into
grievance against governmental conduct of which he or she
effect, plaintiffs’ votes would not count for less relative to
does not approve.’ ” Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1930 (quoting United
other North Carolina voters. This is the core of an Equal
States v. Hays, 515 U.S. 737, 745, 115 S.Ct. 2431, 132
Protection Clause challenge.” (emphasis in original)). Unlike
L.Ed.2d 635 (1995)) (alteration in original). The key inquiry
the malapportionment or racial gerrymandering cases, a vote
for standing is whether the alleged violation of the right to
cast by a voter in the so-called “favored” group counts not one
vote arises from an invidious classification—including those
bit more than the same vote cast by the “disfavored” group—
based on “race, sex, economic status, or place of residence
no matter what set of scales one might choose to employ. Cf.
within a State,” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362—
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362. And, however
to which the plaintiff is subject and in which “the favored
one tries to draw a contrast, this division is not based on
a voter's personal characteristics at all, let alone a person's enforcing its criminal laws. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs, who
race, sex, economic status, or place of residence. Two voters bear the burden to show standing, have presented no instance
could each have cast a mail-in ballot before Election Day at in which an individual voter had Article III standing to claim
the same time, yet perhaps only one of their ballots arrived an equal protection harm to his or her vote from the existence
by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day, given USPS's mail delivery of an allegedly illegal vote cast by someone else in the same
process. It is passing strange to assume that one of these voters election.
would be denied “equal protection of the laws” were both
votes counted. U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. Indeed, the logical conclusion of the Voter Plaintiffs’ theory
is that whenever an elections board counts any ballot that
The Voter Plaintiffs also emphasize language from Reynolds deviates in some way from the requirements of a state's
that “[t]he right to vote can neither be denied outright ... nor legislatively enacted election code, there is a particularized
diluted by ballot-box stuffing.” 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362 injury in fact sufficient to confer Article III standing on every
(citing Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371, 25 L.Ed. 717 (1879); other voter—provided the remainder of the standing analysis
United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385, 64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. is satisfied. Allowing standing for such an injury strikes us
1341 (1944)). In the first place, casting a vote in accordance as indistinguishable from the proposition that a plaintiff has
with a procedure approved by a state's highest court—even Article III standing to assert a general interest in seeing
assuming that approval violates the Elections Clause—is not the “proper application of the Constitution and laws”—a
equivalent to “ballot-box stuffing.” The Supreme Court has proposition that the Supreme Court has firmly rejected. Lujan,
only addressed this “false”-tally type of dilution where the 504 U.S. at 573–74, 112 S.Ct. 2130. The Voter Plaintiffs thus
tally was false as a result of a scheme to cast falsified or lack standing to bring their Equal Protection vote dilution
fraudulent votes. See Saylor, 322 U.S. at 386, 64 S.Ct. 1101. claim.
We are in uncharted territory when we are asked to declare
that a tally that includes false or fraudulent votes is equivalent
to a tally that includes votes that are or may be unlawful
b. Arbitrary and Disparate Treatment
for non-fraudulent reasons, and so is more aptly described as
“incorrect.” Cf. Gray, 372 U.S. at 386, 83 S.Ct. 801 (Harlan, *15 The Voter Plaintiffs also lack standing to allege an
J., dissenting) (“[I]t is hard to take seriously the argument injury in the form of “arbitrary and disparate treatment”
that ‘dilution’ of a vote in consequence of a legislatively of a preferred class of voters because the Voter Plaintiffs
sanctioned electoral system can, without more, be analogized have not alleged a legally cognizable “preferred class” for
to an impairment of the political franchise by ballot box equal protection purposes, and because the alleged harm from
stuffing or other criminal activity.”). votes counted solely due to the Presumption of Timeliness is
hypothetical or conjectural.
Yet even were this analogy less imperfect, it still would not
follow that every such “false” or incorrect tally is an injury
in fact for purposes of an Equal Protection Clause claim. The
i. No legally protected “preferred class.”
Court's cases that describe ballot-box stuffing as an injury
to the right to vote have arisen from criminal prosecutions The District Court held that the Presumption of Timeliness
under statutes making it unlawful for anyone to injure the creates a “preferred class of voters” who are “able to cast
exercise of another's constitutional right. See, e.g., Ex parte their ballots after the congressionally established Election
Siebold, 100 U.S. at 373–74 (application for writ of habeas Day” because it “extends the date of the election by multiple
corpus); Saylor, 322 U.S. at 385–86, 64 S.Ct. 1101 (criminal days for a select group of mail-in voters whose ballots will
appeal regarding whether statute prohibiting “conspir[ing] be presumed to be timely in the absence of a verifiable
to injure ... any citizen in the free exercise ... of any right
postmark.”14 Bognet, 2020 WL 6323121, at *6. The District
or privilege secured to him by the Constitution” applied to
Court reasoned, then, that the differential treatment between
conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes); Anderson v. United States,
groups of voters is by itself an injury for standing purposes.
417 U.S. 211, 226, 94 S.Ct. 2253, 41 L.Ed.2d 20 (1974)
To the District Court, this supposed “unequal treatment of
(criminal prosecution for conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes
voters ... harms the [Voter] Plaintiffs because, as in-person
under successor to statute in Saylor). Standing was, of course,
voters, they must vote by the end of the congressionally
never an issue in those cases because the Government was
established Election Day in order to have their votes counted.”
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). When determining 18 Indeed, the conduct required of a voter to effectuate
Article III standing, our Court accepts allegations based such a scheme may be punishable as a crime under
on well-pleaded facts; but we do not credit bald assertions Pennsylvania statutes that criminalize forging or “falsely
that rest on mere supposition. Finkelman v. NFL, 810 F.3d mak[ing] the official endorsement on any ballot,” 25 Pa.
187, 201–02 (3d Cir. 2016). The Supreme Court has also Stat. & Cons. Stat. § 3517 (punishable by up to two
emphasized its “reluctance to endorse standing theories that years’ imprisonment); “willfully disobey[ing] any lawful
rest on speculation about the decisions of independent actors.” instruction or order of any county board of elections,” id.
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 414, 133 S.Ct. 1138. A standing § 3501 (punishable by up to one year's imprisonment);
theory becomes even more speculative when it requires that or voting twice in one election, id. § 3535 (punishable by
up to seven years’ imprisonment).
independent actors make decisions to act unlawfully. See City
of L.A. v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105–06 & 106 n.7, 103 S.Ct. *17 To date, the Secretary has reported that at least 655
1660, 75 L.Ed.2d 675 (1983) (rejecting Article III standing ballots without a legible postmark have been collected within
to seek injunction where party invoking federal jurisdiction the Deadline Extension period.19 But it is mere speculation
would have to establish that he would unlawfully resist arrest to say that any one of those ballots was cast after Election
or police officers would violate department orders in future). Day. We are reluctant to conclude that an independent actor
—here, one of 655 voters—decided to mail his or her ballot
Here, the Presumption of Timeliness could inflict injury on after Election Day contrary to law. The Voter Plaintiffs have
the Voter Plaintiffs only if: (1) another voter violates the not provided any empirical evidence on the frequency of voter
law by casting an absentee ballot after Election Day; (2) fraud or the speed of mail delivery that would establish a
the illegally cast ballot does not bear a legible postmark, statistical likelihood or even the plausibility that any of the
which is against USPS policy;16 (3) that same ballot still 655 ballots was cast after Election Day. Any injury to the
arrives within three days of Election Day, which is faster Voter Plaintiffs attributable to the Presumption of Timeliness
than USPS anticipates mail delivery will occur;17 (4) the is merely “possible,” not “actual or imminent,” and thus
ballot lacks sufficient indicia of its untimeliness to overcome cannot constitute an injury in fact.
the Presumption of Timeliness; and (5) that same ballot is
ultimately counted. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. 19 As of the morning of November 12, Secretary Boockvar
Way, No. 20-cv-10753, 2020 WL 6204477, at *7 (D.N.J. estimates that 655 of the 9383 ballots received between
Oct. 22, 2020) (laying out similar “unlikely chain of events” 8:00 P.M. on Election Day and 5:00 P.M. on November
required for vote dilution harm from postmark rule under 6 lack a legible postmark. See Dkt. No. 59. That estimate
of 655 ballots does not include totals from five of
New Jersey election law); see also Reilly v. Ceridian Corp.,
Pennsylvania's 67 counties: Lehigh, Northumberland,
664 F.3d 38, 43 (3d Cir. 2011) (holding purported injury
Tioga, Warren, and Wayne. Id. The 9383 ballots received,
in fact was too conjectural where “we cannot now describe
however, account for all of Pennsylvania's counties. Id.
how Appellants will be injured in this case without beginning
our explanation with the word ‘if’ ”). This parade of
B. Purcell
horribles “may never come to pass,” Trump for Pres. v.
Even were we to conclude that Plaintiffs have standing, we
Boockvar, 2020 WL 5997680, at *33, and we are especially
could not say that the District Court abused its discretion in
reluctant to endorse such a speculative theory of injury
concluding on this record that the Supreme Court's election-
given Pennsylvania's “own mechanisms for deterring and
law jurisprudence counseled against injunctive relief. Unique
prosecuting voter fraud,” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
and important equitable considerations, including voters’
Cegavske, No. 20-1445, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL
reliance on the rules in place when they made their plans
5626974, at *6 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020).18 to vote and chose how to cast their ballots, support that
disposition. Plaintiffs’ requested relief would have upended
16 See Defendant-Appellee's Br. 30 (citing 39 C.F.R. § this status quo, which is generally disfavored under the “voter
211.2(a)(2); Postal Operations Manual at 443.3). confusion” and election confidence rationales of Purcell v.
17 Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166 L.Ed.2d 1 (2006).
See Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364 (noting
One can assume for the sake of argument that aspects of
“current two to five day delivery expectation of the
the now-prevailing regime in Pennsylvania are unlawful as
USPS”).
alleged and still recognize that, given the timing of Plaintiffs’
request for injunctive relief, the electoral calendar was such (Oct. 26, 2020) (denying application to vacate stay). Justice
that following it “one last time” was the better of the choices Kavanaugh explained that the injunction was improper for
available. Perez, 138 S. Ct. at 2324 (“And if a [redistricting] the “independent reason[ ]” that “the District Court changed
plan is found to be unlawful very close to the election date, the Wisconsin's election rules too close to the election, in
only reasonable option may be to use the plan one last time.”). contravention of this Court's precedents.” Id. at ––––, 2020
WL 6275871 at *3 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Purcell and
Here, less than two weeks before Election Day, Plaintiffs a string20 of Supreme Court election-law decisions in 2020
asked the District Court to enjoin a deadline established by “recognize a basic tenet of election law: When an election is
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on September 17, a deadline close at hand, the rules of the road should be clear and settled.”
that may have informed voters’ decisions about whether and Id.
when to request mail-in ballots as well as when and how
they cast or intended to cast them. In such circumstances, 20 See, e.g., Andino v. Middleton, No. 20A55, 592 U.S.
the District Court was well within its discretion to give heed
––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020
to Supreme Court decisions instructing that “federal courts
WL 5887393, at *1 (Oct. 5, 2020) (Kavanaugh, J.,
should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of concurring) (“By enjoining South Carolina's witness
an election.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Democratic Nat'l requirement shortly before the election, the District
Comm., ––– U.S. ––––, 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207, 206 L.Ed.2d Court defied [the Purcell] principle and this Court's
452 (2020) (per curiam) (citing Purcell, 549 U.S. at 1, 127 precedents.” (citations omitted)); Merrill v. People First
S.Ct. 5). of Ala., No. 19A1063, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––,
––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 3604049 (Mem.), at
In Purcell, an appeal from a federal court order enjoining *1 (July 2, 2020); Republican Nat'l Comm., 140 S. Ct. at
the State of Arizona from enforcing its voter identification 1207; see also Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Bostelmann,
law, the Supreme Court acknowledged that “[c]onfidence 977 F.3d 639, 641 (7th Cir. 2020) (per curiam) (holding
that injunction issued six weeks before election violated
in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to
Purcell); New Ga. Project v. Raffensperger, 976 F.3d
the functioning of our participatory democracy.” 549 U.S.
1278, 1283 (11th Cir. Oct. 2, 2020) (“[W]e are not on
at 4, 127 S.Ct. 5. In other words, “[c]ourt orders affecting
the eve of the election—we are in the middle of it,
elections, especially conflicting orders, can themselves result with absentee ballots already printed and mailed. An
in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away injunction here would thus violate Purcell’s well-known
from the polls. As an election draws closer, that risk will caution against federal courts mandating new election
increase.” Id. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5. Mindful of “the necessity for rules—especially at the last minute.” (citing Purcell, 549
clear guidance to the State of Arizona” and “the imminence U.S. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5)).
of the election,” the Court vacated the injunction. Id. at 5, 127
*18 The prevailing state election rule in Pennsylvania
S.Ct. 5.
permitted voters to mail ballots up through 8:00 P.M. on
Election Day so long as their ballots arrived by 5:00 P.M.
The principle announced in Purcell has very recently been
on November 6. Whether that rule was wisely or properly
reiterated. First, in Republican National Committee, the
put in place is not before us now. What matters for our
Supreme Court stayed on the eve of the April 7 Wisconsin
purposes today is that Plaintiffs’ challenge to it was not filed
primary a district court order that altered the State's voting
until sufficiently close to the election to raise a reasonable
rules by extending certain deadlines applicable to absentee
concern in the District Court that more harm than good would
ballots. 140 S. Ct. at 1206. The Court noted that it was
come from an injunction changing the rule. In sum, the
adhering to Purcell and had “repeatedly emphasized that
District Court's justifiable reliance on Purcell constitutes an
lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election
“alternative and independent reason[ ]” for concluding that
rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at 1207 (citing Purcell,
an “injunction was unwarranted” here. Wis. State Legislature,
549 U.S. at 1, 127 S.Ct. 5). And just over two weeks
––– S.Ct. at ––––, 2020 WL 6275871, at *3 (Kavanaugh, J.,
ago, the Court denied an application to vacate a stay of a
concurring).
district court order that made similar changes to Wisconsin's
election rules six weeks before Election Day. Democratic
Nat'l Comm. v. Wis. State Legislature, No. 20A66, 592 U.S.
––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6275871 IV. Conclusion
We do not decide today whether the Deadline Extension differential treatment of voters in violation of the Equal
Protection Clause. Further, and independent of our holding
or the Presumption of Timeliness are proper exercises of
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's lawmaking authority, on standing, we hold that the District Court did not err in
delegated by the U.S. Constitution, to regulate federal denying Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief out of concern
elections. Nor do we evaluate the policy wisdom of those for the settled expectations of voters and election officials. We
two features of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling. will affirm the District Court's denial of Plaintiffs’ emergency
motion for a TRO or preliminary injunction.
We hold only that when voters cast their ballots under a
state's facially lawful election rule and in accordance with
instructions from the state's election officials, private citizens All Citations
lack Article III standing to enjoin the counting of those ballots
on the grounds that the source of the rule was the wrong --- F.3d ----, 2020 WL 6686120
state organ or that doing so dilutes their votes or constitutes
No. 2:20-cv-966
| Defendants' motion granted.
Signed 10/10/2020
use of unmanned drop boxes for mail-in ballots did not violate Andrew F. Szefi, Allan J. Opsitnick, George M. Janocsko,
substantive due process principles; Allegheny County Law Department, Pittsburgh, PA, for
Defendant Allegheny County Board of Elections.
state law did not impose signature comparison requirement
for mail-in and absentee ballots; Steven B. Silverman, Molly E. Meacham, Sean R. Keegan,
Andrew Degory, Babst, Calland, Clements and Zomnir,
P.C., Pittsburgh, PA, Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Babst Calland,
Christine D. Steere, Deasey, Mahoney & Valentini, Ltd., Edward D. Rogers, Pro Hac Vice, Elizabeth Wingfield, Pro
Media, PA, for Defendant Berks County Board of Elections. Hac Vice, Kahlil Williams, Pro Hac Vice, David S. Fryman,
Ballard, Spahr, Andrews & Ingersoll, Terence Grugan, Pro
Steven B. Silverman, Molly E. Meacham, Sean R. Keegan, Hac Vice, Ballard Spahr, Philadelphia, PA, for Defendant
Andrew Degory, Babst Calland Clements and Zomnir, PC, Delaware County Board of Elections.
Pittsburgh, PA, Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Babst Calland, State
College, PA, Nathan W. Karn, Evey Black Attorneys LLC, Thomas S. Talarico, Talarico & Niebauer, Erie, PA, for
Hollidaysburg, PA, for Defendant Blair County Board of Defendant Erie County Board of Elections.
Elections.
Andrew W. Norfleet, Frank J. Lavery, Jr., Stephen B.
Mark A. Aronchick, Christina Matthias, Pro Hac Vice, John Edwards, Lavery Law, Harrisburg, PA, for Defendants
B. Hill, Pro Hac Vice, Michele D. Hangley, Pro Hac Vice, Franklin County Board of Elections, Perry County Board of
Peter V. Keays, Robert Wiygul, Pro Hac Vice, Hangley Elections.
Aronchick Segal Pudlin & Schiller, Philadelphia, PA, Joseph
Robert Eugene Grimm, Robert Eugene Grimm Attorney,
J. Khan, County of Bucks, Doylestown, PA, for Defendant
Smithfield, PA, for Defendant Greene County Board of
Bucks County Board of Elections.
Elections.
William Gleason Barbin, Cambria County Solicitor's Office,
Peter M. McManamon, Pro Hac Vice, Gill, McManamon
Ebensburg, PA, for Defendant Cambria County Board of
& Ghaner, Huntingdon, PA, Steven B. Silverman, Molly E.
Elections.
Meacham, Sean R. Keegan, Andrew Degory, Babst Calland
Gerard Joseph Geiger, Pro Hac Vice, Newman Williams, Clements and Zomnir, PC, Pittsburgh, PA, Elizabeth A.
Stroudsburg, PA, for Defendant Carbon County Board of Dupuis, Babst Calland, State College, PA, for Defendant
Elections. Huntingdon County Board of Elections.
Mark A. Aronchick, Christina Matthias, Pro Hac Vice, John C.J. Zwick, Zwick & Zwick LLP, DuBois, PA, Gregory D.
B. Hill, Pro Hac Vice, Michele D. Hangley, Pro Hac Vice, Sobol, Brookville, PA, for Defendant Jefferson County Board
Robert Wiygul, Pro Hac Vice, Hangley Aronchick Segal of Elections.
Pudlin & Schiller, Philadelphia, PA, for Defendant Chester
Donald Zagurskie, Pro Hac Vice, Johnston & Zagurskie, PC,
County Board of Elections.
Mifflin, PA, for Defendant Juniata County Board of Elections.
Christopher P. Gabriel, Carfardi Ferguson Wyrick Weis +
Christina L. Hausner, Pro Hac Vice, County of Lancaster,
Gabriel, Sewickley, PA, for Defendant Clarion County Board
Lancaster, PA, for Defendant Lancaster County Board of
of Elections.
Elections.
Frank A. Blum, III, Jefferson Hills, PA, for Defendant
Steven B. Silverman, Molly E. Meacham, Sean R. Keegan,
Clearfield County Board of Elections.
Andrew Degory, Babst Calland Clements and Zomnir, PC,
Keith A. Button, Shafer Law Firm, Meadville, PA, for Pittsburgh, PA, Thomas W. Leslie, New Castle, PA, Elizabeth
Defendant Crawford County Board of Elections.
Joseph D. Smith, McCormick Law Firm, Williamsport, PA, Robert Gawlas, Robert Schaub, Rosenn Jenkins & Greenwald
for Defendant Lycoming County Board of Elections. LLP, Wilkes-Barre, PA, for Defendant Susquehanna County
Board of Elections.
Anthony V. Clarke, The Clarke Firm, Bradford, PA, for
Defendant Mckean County Board of Elections. Christopher P. Gabriel, Carfardi Ferguson Wyrick Weis +
Gabriel, Sewickley, PA, Raymond E. Ginn, Jr., Pro Hac Vice,
Steven B. Silverman, Molly E. Meacham, Sean R. Keegan, Ginn & Vickery, P.C., Wellsboro, PA, for Defendant Tioga
Babst, Calland, Clements and Zomnir, P.C., Pittsburgh, PA, County Board of Elections.
William J. Madden, Solicitor, Mercer County, Sharon, PA,
Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Babst Calland, State College, PA, for Steven B. Silverman, Sean R. Keegan, Babst, Calland,
Defendant Mercer County Board of Elections. Clements and Zomnir, P.C., Pittsburgh, PA, Allen P. Page,
McNerney, Page, Vanderlin & Hall, Williamsport, PA, for
Gerard Joseph Geiger, Newman Williams, Stroudsburg, PA, Defendant Union County Board of Elections.
for Defendants Monroe County Board of Elections, Pike
County Board of Elections, Schuylkill County Board of Nathaniel Justus Schmidt, Schmidt Law Firm, Warren, PA,
Elections, Snyder County Board of Elections, Wayne County for Defendant Warren County Board of Elections.
Board of Elections.
Robert J. Grimm, Swartz Campbell, Ryan Michael Joyce,
Mark A. Aronchick, Christina Matthias, Pro Hac Vice, John Swartz Campbell, LLC, Pittsburgh, PA, for Defendant
B. Hill, Pro Hac Vice, Michele D. Hangley, Pro Hac Vice, Washington County Board of Elections.
Robert Wiygul, Pro Hac Vice, Hangley Aronchick Segal
David A. Regoli, New Kensington, PA, for Defendant
Pudlin & Schiller, Philadelphia, PA, Maureen Calder, Pro Hac
Westmoreland County Board of Elections.
Vice, Montgomery County Solicitor's Office, Norristown, PA,
for Defendant Montgomery County Board of Elections. Michelle Pokrifka, Pro Hac Vice, York County Solicitor's
Office, York, PA, Steven B. Silverman, Molly E. Meacham,
Brian Taylor, Pro Hac Vice, Richard E. Santee, Pro Hac Vice,
Sean R. Keegan, Andrew Degory, Babst Calland Clements
County of Northampton, Easton, PA, Timothy P. Brennan, Pro
and Zomnir, PC, Pittsburgh, PA, Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Babst
Hac Vice, County of Northampton, PA, PA, for Defendant
Calland, State College, PA, for Defendant York County Board
Northampton County Board of Elections.
of Elections.
Mark A. Aronchick, Christina Matthias, Pro Hac Vice, John
Adriel I. Cepeda Derieux, Pro Hac Vice, Dale E. Ho, Pro
B. Hill, Pro Hac Vice, Michele D. Hangley, Robert Wiygul,
Hac Vice, Sophia Lin Lakin, Pro Hac Vice, American Civil
Pro Hac Vice, Hangley Aronchick Segal Pudlin & Schiller,
Liberties Union Foundation, Christopher R. Noyes, Pro Hac
Zachary Strassburger, City of Philadelphia Law Department,
Vice, Eleanor Davis, Pro Hac Vice, Jared Vasconcellos
Philadelphia, PA, for Defendant Philadelphia County Board
Grubow, Pro Hac Vice, Lori A. Martin, Wilmer Cutler
of Elections.
Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, New York, NY, Benjamin
David Geffen, Mary McKenzie, Public Interest Law Center,
Philadelphia, PA, David P. Yin, Pro Hac Vice, Sarah E.
Brannon, Pro Hac Vice, American Civil Liberties Union implementation of a mail-in voting plan for the upcoming
Foundation, John Michael Powers, Pro Hac Vice, Lawyers' general election.
Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, Washington, DC,
Jason H. Liss, Pro Hac Vice, Boston, MA, Samantha Picans, Since then, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court issued a decision
Pro Hac Vice, Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, involving similar claims, which substantially narrowed the
Denver, CO, Witold J. Walczak, Aclf of PA, Pittsburgh, PA, focus of this case. And Secretary of the Commonwealth,
for Defendant NAACP Pennsylvania State Conference. Kathy Boockvar, issued additional election “guidance,”
which further narrowed certain of the claims.
Adriel I. Cepeda Derieux, Pro Hac Vice, Dale E. Ho, Pro
Hac Vice, Sophia Lin Lakin, Pro Hac Vice, American Civil Therefore, as this case presently stands, only three claims
Liberties Union Foundation, Christopher R. Noyes, Pro Hac
remain. First, whether the use of so-called “drop boxes”1 for
Vice, Eleanor Davis, Jared Vasconcellos Grubow, Pro Hac
mail-in ballots is unconstitutional, given the lack of guidance
Vice, Lori A. Martin, Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and
or mandates that those drop boxes have security guards to man
Dorr LLP, New York, NY, Benjamin David Geffen, Mary
them. Second, whether the Secretary's guidance as to mail-
McKenzie, Public Interest Law Center, Philadelphia, PA,
in ballots—specifically, her guidance that county election
David P. Yin, Pro Hac Vice, Sarah E. Brannon, Pro Hac Vice,
boards should not reject mail-in ballots where the voter's
American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, John Michael
signature does not match the one on file—is unconstitutional.
Powers, Pro Hac Vice, Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights
Third, whether Pennsylvania's restriction that poll watchers
Under Law, Washington, DC, Jason H. Liss, Pro Hac Vice,
be residents in the county for which they are assigned, as
Boston, MA, Samantha Picans, Pro Hac Vice, Wilmer Cutler
applied to the facts of this case, is unconstitutional.
Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, Denver, CO, Witold J. Walczak,
Aclf of PA, Pittsburgh, PA, for Defendant Common Cause
1 “Drop boxes” are receptacles similar to U.S. Postal
Pennsylvania.
Service mailboxes. They are made of metal, and have a
Adriel I. Cepeda Derieux, Dale E. Ho, Sophia Lin Lakin, locking mechanism, storage compartment, and an insert
American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, Christopher R. or slot into which a voter can insert a ballot. See generally
Noyes, Eleanor Davis, Jared Vasconcellos Grubow, Lori A. [ECF 549-9].
Martin, Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, New In order to present these claims to the Court on a
York, NY, Benjamin David Geffen, Mary McKenzie, Public complete record, the parties engaged in extensive fact and
Interest Law Center, Philadelphia, PA, David P. Yin, Pro expert discovery, and have filed cross-motions for summary
Hac Vice, Sarah E. Brannon, American Civil Liberties Union judgment. No party has raised a genuine dispute of material
Foundation, John Michael Powers, Pro Hac Vice, Lawyers' fact that would require a trial, and the Court has found none.
Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, Washington, DC, As such, the parties’ cross-motions for summary judgment are
Jason H. Liss, Boston, MA, Samantha Picans, Wilmer Cutler ready for disposition.
Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, Denver, CO, Witold J. Walczak,
Aclf of PA, Pittsburgh, PA, for Defendants League of Women After a careful review of the parties’ submissions and the
Voters of Pennsylvania, Patricia Demarco, Danielle Graham extensive evidentiary record, the Court will enter judgment in
Robinson, Kathleen Wise. favor of Defendants on all of Plaintiffs’ federal-constitutional
claims, decline to exercise supplemental jurisdiction over the
state-constitutional claims, and dismiss this case. This is so
OPINION for two main reasons.
J. Nicholas Ranjan, United States District Judge First, the Court concludes that Plaintiffs lack Article III
standing to pursue their claims. Standing, of course, is a
*1 Plaintiffs in this case are President Trump's reelection
necessary requirement to cross the threshold into federal
campaign, the Republican National Committee, and several
court. Federal courts adjudicate cases and controversies,
other Republican congressional candidates and electors.
where a plaintiff's injury is concrete and particularized. Here,
They originally filed this suit, alleging federal and state
however, Plaintiffs have not presented a concrete injury to
constitutional violations stemming from Pennsylvania's
warrant federal-court review. All of Plaintiffs’ remaining
claims have the same theory of injury—one of “vote dilution.”
BACKGROUND
All of these assumptions could end up being true, and these
events could theoretically happen. But so could many things. I. Procedural Background
The relevant question here is: are they “certainly impending”?
At least based on the evidence presented, the answer to that is A. Plaintiffs’ original claims.
“no.” And that is the legal standard that Plaintiffs must meet. On June 29, 2020, Plaintiffs filed their original complaint
As the Supreme Court has held, this Court cannot “endorse in this case against Defendants, who are the Secretary of
standing theories that rest on speculation about the decisions the Commonwealth and the 67 county boards of elections.
of independent actors.” See Clapper v. Amnesty Int'l USA, 568 [ECF 4]. With their lawsuit, Plaintiffs challenged a number
U.S. 398, 414, 133 S.Ct. 1138, 185 L.Ed.2d 264 (2013). of Pennsylvania's procedures with respect to mail-in voting
—in particular, the use of drop boxes and the counting of
Second, even if Plaintiffs had standing, their claims fail on mail-in ballots that contained certain procedural defects. See
the merits. Plaintiffs essentially ask this Court to second- [id.]. Shortly after filing their original complaint, Plaintiffs
guess the judgment of the Pennsylvania General Assembly moved for expedited discovery and an expedited declaratory-
and election officials, who are experts in creating and judgment hearing. [ECF 6]. Defendants opposed the motion.
implementing an election plan. Perhaps Plaintiffs are right The Court partially granted the motion, scheduled a speedy
that guards should be placed near drop boxes, signature- hearing, and ordered expedited discovery before that hearing.
analysis experts should examine every mail-in ballot, poll [ECF 123; ECF 124].
watchers should be able to man any poll regardless of
location, and other security improvements should be made. *3 After Plaintiffs filed the original complaint, many non-
But the job of an unelected federal judge isn't to suggest parties sought to intervene in the action, including several
election improvements, especially when those improvements organizations.2 The Court granted all intervention motions.
contradict the reasoned judgment of democratically elected [ECF 309].
officials. See Andino v. Middleton, ––– U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct.
––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 5887393, at *1 (Oct. 2 Intervenors include the Pennsylvania State Democratic
5, 2020) (Kavanaugh, J. concurring) (state legislatures should Party, the League of Women Voters, the NAACP
not be subject to “second-guessing by an unelected federal Pennsylvania State Conference, Common Cause
judiciary,” which is “not accountable to the people”) (cleaned Pennsylvania, Citizens for Pennsylvania's Future, the
up). Sierra Club, the Pennsylvania Alliance for Retired
Americans, and several affiliated individuals of these violations of the 1st and 14th Amendments to the U.S.
organizations. Constitution. [Id. at ¶¶ 202-03].
Defendants and Intervenors moved to dismiss the original
complaint. In response, Plaintiffs filed an amended complaint. In Count II, Plaintiffs alleged a violation of the Equal-
[ECF 234]. The amended complaint maintained the gist of Protection Clause under the 14th Amendment. [Id. at ¶¶
the original, but added two new counts and made a variety 206-15]. Plaintiffs asserted that the implementation of the
of other drafting changes. See [ECF 242]. Defendants and foregoing (i.e., mail-in ballot drop boxes, the verification of
Intervenors moved to dismiss the first amended complaint, mail-in ballot applications, and the counting of non-compliant
too, primarily asking the Court to abstain and stay the case. ballots) was different in different counties, thereby treating
voters across the state in an unequal fashion. [Id. at ¶¶
Plaintiffs’ first amended complaint asserted nine separate 211-13].
counts, but they could be sorted into three overarching
categories. *4 In Count III, Plaintiffs asserted a violation of the
Pennsylvania State Constitution. [Id. at ¶¶ 216-22]. Plaintiffs
alleged that the same actions and conduct that comprised
Counts I and II also violated similar provisions of the
1. Claims alleging vote dilution due to unlawful ballot
Pennsylvania Constitution. [Id. at ¶ 220].
collection and counting procedures.
The first category covered claims related to allegedly Finally, in Counts VI and VII, Plaintiffs alleged that
unlawful procedures implemented by some Defendants for Defendants violated provisions of the federal and state
the collection and counting of mail-in and absentee ballots. constitutions by disregarding the Election Code's notice and
Those included claims related to (1) Defendants’ uneven use selection requirements applicable to “polling places.” [Id. at
of drop boxes and other satellite ballot-collection sites, (2) ¶¶ 237-52]. Plaintiffs alleged that drop boxes are “polling
procedures for verifying the qualifications of voters applying places,” and thus subject to certain criteria for site selection
in person for mail-in or absentee ballots, and (3) rules for and the requirement that county election boards provide 20
counting non-compliant ballots (such as ballots submitted days’ public notice. [Id. at ¶¶ 239-42]. Plaintiffs asserted that
without a secrecy envelope, without an elector declaration, or Defendants’ failure to provide this notice or select appropriate
that contained stray marks on the envelope). “polling places” in the primary election, if repeated in the
general election, would create the risk of voter fraud and vote
In Count I, Plaintiffs alleged violations of the Elections dilution. [Id. at ¶¶ 243-246].
Clause and the related Presidential Electors Clause of the
U.S. Constitution. [ECF 234, ¶¶ 193-205]. Plaintiffs asserted
that, under these provisions, only the state legislature may set 2. Poll-watcher claims.
the time, place, and manner of congressional elections and
determine how the state chooses electors for the presidency. The second category of claims in the first amended complaint
[Id. at ¶ 196]. consisted of challenges to the constitutionality of Election-
Code provisions related to poll watchers.
In support of this claim, Plaintiffs alleged that Secretary
Boockvar's guidance concerning the use of mail-in ballot In Count IV, Plaintiffs alleged violations of the 1st and 14th
drop boxes, whether county boards of elections must Amendments. These claims had both a facial and an as-
independently verify mail-in ballot applications, and the applied component. [ECF 234, ¶ 230 (“On its face and as
counting of non-compliant mail-in ballots, was an executive applied to the 2020 General Election ...”) ].
overreach—in that the Secretary's guidance allegedly violated
certain provisions of the Election Code enacted by the First, Plaintiffs alleged that 25 P.S. § 2687 was facially
Pennsylvania General Assembly. [Id. at ¶ 201]. Plaintiffs also unconstitutional because it “arbitrarily and unreasonably”
claimed that the Secretary's “unlawful guidance” increased limits poll watchers to serving only in their county of
the risk of fraudulent or unlawful voting and infringed on residence and to monitoring only in-person voting at the
the right to vote, which, they said, amounted to additional polling place on election day. [Id. at ¶ 226]. Second, Plaintiffs
alleged that the same provision was unconstitutional as
applied in the context of Pennsylvania's new vote-by-mail of state law’; (2) permitting resolution of the unsettled state-
system, because these poll-watcher restrictions, combined law questions by state courts would ‘obviate the need for,
with insecure voting procedures, create unacceptable risks of or substantially narrow the scope of adjudication of the
fraud and vote dilution. [Id. at ¶ 228]. Plaintiffs contended constitutional claims’; and (3) an ‘erroneous construction of
that these limitations make it “functionally impracticable” state law would be disruptive of important state policies[.]’
for candidates to ensure that they have poll watchers ” (citing Chez Sez III Corp. v. Township of Union, 945
present where ballots are deposited and collected, given the F.2d 628, 631 (3d Cir. 1991))); id. at p. 30 (explaining
widespread use of remote drop boxes and other satellite that after the three prongs of Pullman abstention are met,
collection sites. [Id.]. the court must “make a discretionary determination of
whether abstention is appropriate given the particular facts
Count V was the same as Count IV, but alleged that the of this case,” which requires weighing “such factors as the
same poll-watching restrictions violated the Pennsylvania availability of an adequate state remedy, the length of time the
Constitution, too. [Id. at ¶ 234]. litigation has been pending, and the impact of delay on the
litigants.” (cleaned up)) ].
advisory, but disruptive to state policies. The Court noted that the general election. [Id. at p. 1]. Since that case appeared
especially in the election context, states have considerable to be on track, the Court denied Plaintiffs’ motion without
discretion to implement their own policies without federal prejudice, and the Court's abstention opinion and order
intervention. Accordingly, because these were questions of remained in effect.
uninterpreted state law that were sufficiently ambiguous,
federalism and comity demanded that a state court, not this
Court, be the first interpreter. C. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court's decision.
On September 17, 2020, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court
*6 Finally, the Court explained that, despite the imminence issued its decision in Pennsylvania Democratic Party v.
of the election, abstention was still proper. [Id. at pp. Boockvar, ––– Pa. ––––, ––– A.3d ––––, 2020 WL 5554644
30-33]. The Court noted that state-court litigation was already (Sept. 17, 2020). The court clarified three issues of state
pending that would resolve some of the statutory ambiguities election law that are directly relevant to this case.
at issue. [Id. at p. 31]. Further, the Court highlighted three
courses Plaintiffs could immediately take to resolve the
statutory ambiguities: intervene in the pending state-court 1. Counties are permitted under the Election Code to
litigation; file their own state-court case; or appeal this establish alternate ballot-collection sites beyond just their
Court's abstention decision to the Third Circuit, and then main county office locations.
seek certification of the unsettled state-law issues in the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. [Id. at pp. 31-33]. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court first considered whether the
Election Code allowed a Pennsylvania voter to deliver his
Additionally, the Court explained that it would stay the entire or her mail-in ballot in person to a location other than the
case, despite several of Plaintiffs’ claims not being subject established office address of the county's board of election.
to Pullman abstention as they were not based on ambiguous Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *8. The
state law. [Id. at pp. 34-37]. That's because, in its discretion, court further considered the means by which county boards
the Court determined it would be more efficient for this case of election could accept hand-delivered mail-in ballots. Id.
to progress as a single proceeding, rather than in piecemeal
fashion. [Id.]. However, the Court allowed any party to move Consistent with this Court's abstention opinion, the court
to lift the stay as to the few claims not subject to Pullman found that “the parties’ competing interpretations of the
abstention, if no state-court decision had been issued by Election Code on [these questions] are reasonable, rendering
October 5, 2020. [Id.]. the Code ambiguous” on these questions. Id. After applying
traditional principles of statutory interpretation, the court held
On August 28, 2020, five days after the Court abstained, that “the Election Code should be interpreted to allow county
Plaintiffs moved to modify the Court's stay, and moved for boards of election to accept hand-delivered mail-in ballots
a preliminary injunction. [ECF 414]. Plaintiffs requested, at locations other than their office addresses including drop-
among other things, that the Court order Defendants to boxes.” Id. at.––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *9. The court
segregate, and not pre-canvass or canvass, all ballots that reached this conclusion due to “the clear legislative intent
were returned in drop boxes, lacked a secrecy envelope, or underlying Act 77 ... to provide electors with options to vote
were delivered by a third party. [Id.]. Plaintiffs also requested outside of traditional polling places.” Id.
that the Court lift the stay by September 14, 2020, instead of
October 5, 2020. [Id.]. *7 The respondents in that case further argued that this
interpretation would cause county boards of election to
The Court denied Plaintiffs’ motion for preliminary injunctive “employ myriad systems to accept hand-delivered mail-in
relief, finding that Plaintiffs failed to show they would ballots,” which would “be unconstitutionally disparate from
be irreparably harmed. [ECF 444; ECF 445]. The Court one another in so much as some systems will offer more legal
also declined to move up the date when the stay would protections to voters than others will provide” and violate the
be lifted. [Id.]. The Court noted that, at the request of Equal-Protection Clause Id. The court rejected this argument.
Secretary Boockvar, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court had It found that “the exact manner in which each county board
already exercised its extraordinary jurisdiction to consider of election will accept these votes is entirely unknown at this
five discrete issues and clarify Pennsylvania law in time for point; thus, we have no metric by which to measure whether
Pennsylvania Election Code [were] no longer viable.” [ECF The Court found that “no Article III ‘case or controversy’
448, p. 4]. They also stated that their “facial challenge to remain[ed] with respect to the claims on which the
the county residency requirement under 25 P.S. § 2687 is no Pennsylvania Supreme Court effectively ruled in Plaintiffs’
longer a viable claim.” [Id. at p. 10]. Plaintiffs also moved favor on state-law grounds (e.g., illegality of third-party ballot
for leave to amend their complaint a second time to add new delivery; excluding ‘naked ballots’ submitted without inner-
allegations and a new claim relating to Secretary Boockvar's secrecy envelopes).” [ECF 459, p. 6]. Because there was
recent signature-comparison guidance. [ECF 451]. “no reason to believe Defendants plan to violate what they
themselves now agree the law requires,” the Court held that
Defendants and Intervenors, for their part, suggested that Plaintiffs’ claims were premature and speculative. [Id. at p. 7].
Plaintiffs’ claims had been substantially narrowed, if not The Court therefore dismissed those claims as falling outside
outright mooted, by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's of its Article III power to adjudicate. [Id. (citations omitted) ].
decision, and reminded the Court that their arguments for
dismissal remained outstanding. *9 To resolve the remaining claims, the Court directed
the parties to file cross-motions for summary judgment
presenting all arguments for dismissal or judgment under
E. The Court's September 23, 2020, memorandum Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 56. [Id. at pp. 8-10]. Before
orders. briefing on those motions, the Court authorized additional
In response to the notices filed by the parties and Plaintiffs’ expedited discovery. [Id. at pp. 4-5]. The parties completed
motion for leave to amend the first amended complaint, the discovery and timely filed their motions; they identified no
Court issued an order granting Plaintiffs’ motion, narrowing material disputes of fact; and therefore, the motions are now
the scope of the lawsuit, and establishing the procedure for fully briefed and ready for disposition.
resolving the remaining claims. [ECF 459].
As to Plaintiffs’ proposed amendment to their complaint, the F. The claims now at issue.
Court found that the new claim and allegations were relatively Based on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's prior ruling,
narrow, and thus amendment wouldn't prejudice Defendants this Court's prior decisions, Plaintiffs’ nine-count Second
and Intervenors. [Id. at pp. 3-4]. As a result, the Court granted Amended Complaint, and recent guidance issued by Secretary
the motion. [Id. at p. 4]. Boockvar, the claims remaining in this case are narrow and
substantially different than those asserted at the outset of the
The Court, however, did inform the parties that it would case.
“continue to abstain under Pullman as to Plaintiffs’ claim
pertaining to the notice of drop box locations and, more Drop Boxes (Counts I-III). Plaintiffs still advance a claim
generally, whether the “polling place” requirements under that drop boxes are unconstitutional, but in a different way.
the Election Code apply to drop-box locations.” [Id. at p. Now that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court has expressly
5]. This was so because those claims involve still-unsettled held that drop boxes are authorized under the Election Code,
issues of state law. The Court explained that the “fact that Plaintiffs now assert that the use of “unmanned” drop boxes
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court did not address this issue is unconstitutional under the federal and state constitutions,
in its recent decision is immaterial” because the “propriety for reasons discussed in more detail below.
of Pullman abstention does not depend on the existence of
parallel state-court proceedings.” [Id. (citing Stoe v. Flaherty, Signature Comparison (Counts I-III). Plaintiffs’ newly
436 F.3d 209, 213 (3d Cir. 2006)) ]. Moreover, Plaintiffs had added claim relates to signature comparison. Secretary
several other avenues to pursue prompt interpretation of state Boockvar's September 2020 guidance informs the county
law after this Court abstained. [Id. at p. 6]. boards that they are not to engage in a signature analysis of
mail-in ballots and applications, and they must count those
The Court also informed the parties, for similar reasons, ballots, even if the signature on the ballot does not match the
that it would continue to abstain with respect to Plaintiffs’ voter's signature on file. Plaintiffs assert that this guidance is
claims regarding Secretary Boockvar's guidance that personal unconstitutional under the federal and state constitutions.
applications for mail-in ballots shall be accepted absent a
“bona fide objection.” [ECF 460]. Poll Watching (Counts IV, V). The Pennsylvania Supreme
Court already declared that Pennsylvania's county-residency
requirement for poll watchers is facially constitutional. *10 On October 31, 2019, the Pennsylvania General
Plaintiffs now only assert that the requirement, as applied, is Assembly passed “Act 77,” a bipartisan reform of
unconstitutional under the federal and state constitutions. Pennsylvania's Election Code. See [ECF 461, ¶¶ 91]; 2019 Pa.
Legis. Serv. Act 2019-77 (S.B. 421).
The counts that remain in the Second Amended Complaint,
but which are not at issue, are the counts related to where Among other things, by passing Act 77, Pennsylvania joined
poll watchers can be located. That is implicated mostly by 34 other states in authorizing “no excuse” mail-in voting
Counts VI and VII, and by certain allegations in Counts IV by all qualified electors. See [ECF 461, ¶¶ 92]; 25 P.S. §§
and V. The Court continues to abstain from reaching that 3150.11-3150.17; [ECF 549-11, p. 5 (“The largest number
issue. Plaintiffs have filed a separate state lawsuit that would of states (34), practice no-excuse mail-in voting, allowing
appear to address many of those issues, in any event. [ECF any persons to vote by mail regardless of whether they have
549-22; ECF 573-1]. Counts VIII and IX concern challenges a reason or whether they will be out of their jurisdiction
related to voters that have requested mail-in ballots, but that on Election Day.”) ]. Previously, a voter could only cast an
instead seek to vote in person. The Secretary issued recent “absentee” ballot if certain criteria were met, such as that the
guidance, effectively mooting those claims, and, based on voter would be away from the election district on election day.
Plaintiffs’ positions taken in the course of this litigation, the See 1998 Pa. Legis. Serv. Act. 1998-18 (H.B. 1760), § 14.
Court deems Plaintiffs to have withdrawn Counts VIII and IX.
[ECF 509, p. 15 n.4 (“[I]n the September 28 guidance memo, Like the previous absentee voting system, Pennsylvania's
the Secretary corrected [her] earlier guidance to conform mail-in voting system requires voters to “opt-in” by
to the Election Code and states that any mail-in voter who requesting a ballot from either the Secretary or the voter's
spoils his/her ballot and the accompanying envelopes and county board of elections. See 25 P.S. §§ 3146.2(a),
signs a declaration that they did not vote by mail-in ballot 3150.12(a). When requesting a ballot, the voter must provide,
will be allowed to vote a regular ballot. Therefore, Plaintiffs among other things, his or her name, date of birth, voting
agree to withdraw this claim from those that still are being district, length of time residing in the voting district, and
pursued.”) ]. party choice for primary elections. See 25 P.S. §§ 3146.2(b),
3150.12(b). A voter must also provide proof of identification;
namely, either a driver's license number or, in the case of
II. Factual Background a voter who does not have a driver's license, the last four
digits of the voter's Social Security number, or, in the case
A. Pennsylvania's Election Code, and the adoption of
of a voter who has neither a driver's license nor a Social
Act 77.
Security number, another form of approved identification. 25
P.S. § 2602(z.5)(3). In this respect, Pennsylvania differs from
1. The county-based election system. states that automatically mail each registered voter a ballot—
a practice known as “universal mail-in voting.” [ECF 549-11,
Pennsylvania's Election Code, first enacted in 1937,
p. 6] (“[N]ine states conduct universal vote-by-mail elections
established a county-based system for administering
in which the state (or a local entity, such [as] a county or
elections. See 25 P.S. § 2641(a) (“There shall be a
municipality) mails all registered voters a ballot before each
county board of elections in and for each county of this
election without voters’ [sic] having to request them.”).
Commonwealth, which shall have jurisdiction over the
conduct of primaries and elections in such county, in
accordance with the provisions of [the Election Code].”).
The Election Code vests county boards of elections with 3. The COVID-19 pandemic.
discretion to conduct elections and implement procedures
Since early 2020, the United States, and Pennsylvania,
intended to ensure the honesty, efficiency, and uniformity of
have been engulfed in a viral pandemic of unprecedented
Pennsylvania's elections. Id. §§ 2641(a), 2642(g).
scope and scale. [ECF 549-8, ¶ 31]. In that time,
COVID-19 has spread to every corner of the globe,
including Pennsylvania, and jeopardized the safety and
2. The adoption of Act 77. health of many people. [Id. at ¶¶ 31, 38-39, 54-55, 66].
As of this date, more than 200,000 Americans have died,
including more than 8,000 Pennsylvanians. See Covid in the (75%) and Washington (56.9%). [ECF 547, p. 18 (citing ECF
U.S.: Latest Map and Case Count, The New York Times, 549-16) ].
available at https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/
coronavirus-us-cases.html (last visited Oct. 10, 2020);
COVID-19 Data for Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania Department
1. Secretary Boockvar's guidance with respect to drop
of Health, available at https://www.health.pa.gov/topics/
boxes.
disease/coronavirus/Pages/Cases.aspx (last visited Oct. 10,
2020). Since the passage of Act 77, Secretary Boockvar has
issued several guidance documents to the counties regarding
There have been many safety precautions that Pennsylvanians the counties’ implementation of mail-in voting, including
have been either required or urged to take, such as limiting guidance with respect to the use of drop boxes. [ECF 504-21;
participation in large gatherings, maintaining social distance, 504-22; 504-23; 504-24; 504-25; 571-1, Ex. E]. In general
and wearing face coverings. [ECF 549-8, ¶¶ 58, 63-65]. The terms, the Secretary's guidance as to drop boxes informed
threat of COVID-19 is likely to persist through the November the counties that the use of drop boxes was authorized
general election. [Id. at ¶¶ 53-56, 66-68]. by the Election Code and recommended “best practices”
for their use. Her latest guidance offered standards for
(1) where drop boxes should be located, [ECF 504-23, §
B. Facts relevant to drop boxes.
1.2], (2) how drop boxes should be designed and what
*11 Pennsylvania's county-based election system vests
signage should accompany them, [id. at §§ 2.2-2.3], (3) what
county boards of elections with “jurisdiction over the conduct
security measures should be employed, [id. at § 2.5], and
of primaries and elections in such county, in accordance with
(4) what procedures should be implemented for collecting
the provisions” of the Election Code. 25 P.S. § 2641(a).
and returning ballots to the county election office, [id. at §§
The Election Code further empowers the county boards to
3.1-3.3, 4].
“make and issue such rules, regulations and instructions, not
inconsistent with law, as they may deem necessary for the
As to the location of drop boxes, the Secretary recommended
guidance of voting machine custodians, elections officers and
that counties consider the following criteria, [id. at § 1.2]:
electors.” Id. at § 2642(f). The counties are also charged with
the responsibility to “purchase, preserve, store and maintain • Locations that serve heavily populated urban/suburban
primary and election equipment of all kinds, including voting areas, as well as rural areas;
booths, ballot boxes and voting machines.” Id. at § 2642(c).
• Locations near heavy traffic areas such as commercial
As noted above, in Pennsylvania Democratic Party v. corridors, large residential areas, major employers and
Boockvar, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court interpreted the public transportation routes;
Election Code, which allows for mail-in and absentee ballots
• Locations that are easily recognizable and accessible
to be returned to the “county board of election,” to “permit[ ]
within the community;
county boards of election to accept hand-delivered mail-in
ballots at locations other than their office addresses including • Locations in areas in which there have historically been
drop-boxes.” ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *10. delays at existing polling locations, and areas with
historically low turnout;
Thus, it is now settled that the Election Code permits (but
does not require) counties to authorize drop boxes and other • Proximity to communities with historically low vote by
satellite-collection locations for mailed ballots. 25 P.S. § mail usage;
3150.16(a). Pennsylvania is not alone in this regard—as many
as 34 other states and the District of Columbia authorize • Proximity to language minority communities;
the use of drop boxes or satellite ballot collection sites to
• Proximity to voters with disabilities;
one degree or another. [ECF 549-11, p. 8, fig. 4]. Indeed,
Secretary Boockvar stated that as many as 16% of voters • Proximity to communities with low rates of household
nationwide had cast their ballots using drop boxes in the 2016 vehicle ownership;
general election, including the majority of voters in Colorado
• Proximity to low-income communities;
• The distance and time a voter must travel by car or public • Signage should provide a statement requesting that the
transportation. designated county elections official should be notified
immediately in the event the receptacle is full, not
With respect to drop-box design criteria, the Secretary functioning, or is damaged in any fashion, and should
recommended to counties, [id. at § 2.2]: provide a phone number and email address for such
purpose.
*12 • Hardware should be operable without any tight
grasping, pinching, or twisting of the wrist;
With respect to ballot security, the Secretary stated that county
• Hardware should require no more than 5 lbs. of pressure boards should implement the following security measures,
for the voter to operate; [id. at § 2.5]:
• Receptacle should be operable within reach-range of 15 to • Only personnel authorized by the county board of
48 inches from the floor or ground for a person utilizing elections should have access to the ballots inside of a
a wheelchair; drop-box;
• The drop-box should provide specific points identifying • Drop-boxes should be secured in a manner to prevent their
the slot where ballots are inserted; unauthorized removal;
• The drop-box may have more than one ballot slot (e.g. one • All drop-boxes should be secured by a lock and sealed
for drive-by ballot return and one for walk-up returns); with a tamper-evident seal. Only authorized election
officials designated by the county board of elections may
• To ensure that only ballot material can be deposited access the keys and/or combination of the lock;
and not be removed by anyone but designated county
board of election officials, the opening slot of a drop- • Drop-boxes should be securely fastened in a manner as
box should be too small to allow tampering or removal to prevent moving or tampering, such as fastening the
of ballots; and drop-box to concrete or an immovable object;
• The opening slot should also minimize the ability for • During the hours when the staffed return site is closed
liquid to be poured into the drop-box or rainwater to seep or staff is unavailable, the drop-box should be placed
in. in a secure area that is inaccessible to the public and/or
otherwise safeguarded;
The Secretary's guidance as to signage recommended, [id. at
• The county boards of election should ensure adequate
§ 2.3]:
lighting is provided at all ballot return sites when the site
• Signage should be in all languages required under the is in use;
federal Voting Rights Act of 1965 (52 U.S.C. Sec.
• When feasible, ballot return sites should be monitored
10503);
by a video security surveillance system, or an internal
• Signage should display language stating that camera that can capture digital images and/or video. A
counterfeiting, forging, tampering with, or destroying video security surveillance system can include existing
ballots is a second-degree misdemeanor pursuant to systems on county, city, municipal, or private buildings.
sections 1816 and 1817 of the Pennsylvania Election Video surveillance should be retained by the county
Code (25 P.S. §§ 3516 and 3517); election office through 60 days following the deadline to
certify the election; and
• Signage should also provide a statement that third-party
return of ballots is prohibited unless the person returning *13 • To prevent physical damage and unauthorized
the ballot is rendering assistance to a disabled voter or entry, the drop-box at a ballot return site located
an emergency absentee voter. Such assistance requires a outdoors should be constructed of durable material able
to withstand vandalism, removal, and inclement weather.
With respect to ballot collection and “chain of custody” • The completed collection form should be maintained in
procedures, the Secretary stated that counties should adhere a manner proscribed by the board of elections to ensure
to the following standards, [id. at §§ 3.1-3.2]: that the form is traceable to its respective secure ballot
container; and
• Ballots should be collected from ballot return sites only
by personnel authorized by the county board of elections • The county elections official at the county election office
and at times determined by the board of elections, at least or central count location should note the number of
every 24 hours, excluding Saturdays and Sundays; ballots delivered on the retrieval form.
• The county board of elections should designate at least And finally, as to election day and post-election day
two election officials to collect voted ballots from procedures with respect to drop boxes, the Secretary provided
a ballot return site. Each designated election official as follows, [id. at §§ 3.3, 4]:
should carry identification or an official designation
that identifies them as an election official authorized to • The county board of elections should arrange for
collect voted ballots; authorized personnel to retrieve ballots on election night
and transport them to the county board of elections for
• Election officials designated to collect voted ballots by canvassing of the ballots;
the board of elections should sign a declaration declaring
that he or she will timely and securely collect and return • Authorized personnel should be present at ballot return
voted ballots, will not permit any person to tamper with sites immediately prior to 8:00 p.m. or at the time the
a ballot return site or its contents, and that he or she will polls should otherwise be closed;
faithfully and securely perform his or her duties;
• At 8:00 p.m. on election night, or later if the polling
• The designated election officials should retrieve the voted place hours have been extended, all ballot return sites
ballots from the ballot return site and place the voted and drop-boxes must be closed and locked;
ballots in a secure ballot transfer container;
*14 • Staff must ensure that no ballots are returned to the
• The designated election officials should note on Ballot ballot return site after the close of polls;
Return Site Collection Forms the site and unique
• After the final retrieval after the closing of the polls, the
identification number of the ballot return site and the
drop-box must be removed or locked and/or covered to
date and time of retrieval;
prevent any further ballots from being deposited, and a
• Ballots collected from any ballot return site should sign shall be posted indicating that polling is closed for
be immediately transported to the county board of the election; and
elections;
• Any ballots collected from a return site should be
• Upon arrival at the office of the county board of elections, processed in the same manner as mail-in ballots
the county board of elections, or their designee(s), personally delivered to the central office of the county
should note the time of arrival on the same form, as board of elections official by the voter and ballots
described above; received via the United States Postal Service or any other
delivery service.
• The seal number should be verified by a county election
official or a designated representative; The Secretary and her staff developed this guidance
in consultation with subject-matter experts within her
• The county board of elections, or their designee(s), Department and after review of the policies, practices, and
should inspect the drop-box or secure ballot transfer laws in other states where drop boxes have been used. [ECF
container for evidence of tampering and should receive 549-6, pp. 23:14-22]. The evidence reflects at least one
the retrieved ballots by signing the retrieval form and instance in which the Secretary's deputies reiterated that these
including the date and time of receipt. In the event “best practices” should be followed in response to inquiries
tampering is evident, that fact must be noted on the from county officials considering whether to use drop boxes.
retrieval form;
[ECF 549-32 (“Per our conversation, the list of items are In particular, she cites a recent news article, and a letter sent
things the county must keep in mind if you are going to by the General Counsel of the U.S. Postal Service regarding
provide a box for voters to return their ballots in person.”) ]. Pennsylvania's absentee and mail-in ballot deadline, which
have raised concerns over the timeliness and reliability of the
Approximately 24 counties plan to use drop boxes during the U.S. Postal Service. [Id. at ¶¶ 60-61 (citing ECF 549-13; ECF
November general election, to varying degrees. [ECF 549-28; 549-14); ECF 549-17; ECF 549-2 ¶¶ 42-43]. Voters’ fears that
ECF 504-1]. Of these, about nine counties intend to staff the votes returned by mail will not be timely counted could, the
drop boxes with county officials, while about 17 counties Secretary worries, “justifiably dissuade voters from wanting
intend to use video surveillance in lieu of having staff present. to rely upon the Postal Service for return of their mail-in or
[ECF 549-28]. absentee ballot.” [ECF 547, ¶ 61]. Drop boxes, she says, can
address this concern by allowing voters to safely return mail-
in ballots to an in-person location.
2. Defendants’ and Intervenors’ evidence of the benefits
In exchange for these benefits, the Secretary insists that any
and low risks associated with drop boxes.
potential security risk associated with drop boxes is low. She
Secretary Boockvar advocates for the use of drop boxes notes that the federal Department of Homeland Security has
as a “direct and convenient way” for voters to deliver released guidance affirming that a “ballot drop box provides
cast ballots to their county boards of elections, “thereby a secure and convenient means for voters to return their mail
increasing turnout.” [ECF 547, p. 22 ¶ 54 (citing 549-11 at ballot,” and recommending that states deploy one drop box
pp. 10-11) ]. The Secretary also touts the special benefits for every 15,000 to 20,000 registered voters. [Id. at ¶¶ 63-65
of expanding drop-box use in the ongoing COVID-19 (citing ECF 549-24, p. 1) ]. She also points to a purported lack
pandemic. Specifically, she asserts that drop boxes reduce of evidence of systemic ballot harvesting or any attempts to
health risks and inspire voter confidence because “many tamper with, destroy, or otherwise commit voter fraud using
voters understandably do not wish to cast their votes in person drop boxes, either in Pennsylvania's recent primary election,
at their polling place on Election Day” due to COVID-19. or in other states that have used drop boxes for many years.
[Id. at ¶¶ 55, 57 (citing ECF 549-2 ¶ 39; ECF 549-11 at [Id. at ¶¶ 68-74 (citations omitted) ]. And she asserts that “[i]n
p. 10; 549-8, ¶ 95) ]. Drop boxes, she says, allow voters the last 20 years in the entire state of Pennsylvania, there have
to vote in person without coming into “close proximity to been fewer than a dozen confirmed cases of fraud involving
other members of the public, compared to in-person voting a handful of absentee ballots” among the many millions of
or personally delivering a mail-in ballot to a public office votes cast during that time period. [Id. at ¶ 70 (citing ECF
building.” [Id. at ¶ 57]. 549-10, pp. 3-4) ].
Secretary Boockvar also states that drop boxes are highly Finally, the Secretary, and other Defendants and Intervenors,
convenient, and cost-saving, for both counties and voters. For argue that Pennsylvania already has robust measures in
counties, she notes that “24-hour secure ballot drop boxes” are place to prevent fraud, including its criminal laws, voter
“cost-effective measures ... as they do not have to be staffed by registration system, mail-in ballot application requirement,
election judges.” [Id. at p. 24 ¶ 62 (citing ECF 549-11 at p. 11); and canvassing procedures. [Id. at ¶¶ 66-67 (citing 25 P.S.
ECF 549-9 at ¶ 34]. As for voters, the Secretary explains that, §§ 3516 - 3518) ]; [ECF 549-9, p. 15, ¶¶ 46-47 (“These
in a state where “ten counties ... cover more than 1,000 square allegations are not consistent with my experience with drop
miles” and “two-thirds” of counties “cover more than 500 box security, particularly given the strong voter verification
square miles,” many Pennsylvania voters “could be required procedures that are followed by elections officials throughout
to drive dozens of miles (and perhaps in excess of 100 miles) the country and in Pennsylvania. Specifically, the eligibility
if he or she wished to deposit his or her mail-in ballot in person and identity of the voter to cast a ballot is examined by an
at the main county board of elections office.” [Id. at ¶ 58 election judge who reviews and confirms all the personal
(citing ECF 549-29) ]. identity information provided on the outside envelope. Once
voter eligibility is confirmed, the ballot is extracted and
*15 In addition to any tangible benefit drop boxes may have separated from the outside envelope to ensure the ballot
for voter access and turnout, Secretary Boockvar also states remains secret. During this step, election judges confirm
that drop boxes have a positive impact on voter confidence. that there is only one ballot in the envelope and checks for
potential defects, such as tears in the ballot.... Regardless best practices and advice that NVAHI has provided across
of the receptacle used for acceptance of the ballot (drop jurisdictions.” [Id. at ¶ 35]. But she also notes that “[b]est
box versus USPS mailbox), ballot validation occurs when practices will vary by county based on the county's available
the ballot is received by the county board of elections. The resources, population, needs, and assessment of risk.” [Id. at
validation is the same regardless of how the ballots are ¶ 52].
collected or who delivers the ballot, even where that delivery
contravenes state law.”) ]. More generally, Ms. McReynolds argues that “[d]rop-boxes
do not create an increased opportunity for fraud” as compared
Defendants and Intervenors also point to several expert to postal boxes. [Id. at ¶ 44]. She also suggests that
reports expressing the view that drop boxes are both low risk Pennsylvania guards against such fraud through other “strong
and beneficial. These experts include: voter verification procedures,” including “ballot validation
[that] occurs when the ballot is received by the county
Professor Matthew A. Barreto, a Professor of Political board of elections” and “[r]econciliation procedures adopted
Science and Chicana/o Studies at UCLA. [ECF 549-7]. by election officials ... [to] protect against the potential
Professor Barreto offers the opinion that ballot drop boxes are risk of double voting.” [Id. at ¶¶ 46-48]. She notes that
an important tool in facilitating voting in Black and Latino “Pennsylvania's balloting system requires that those who
communities. Specifically, he discusses research showing that request a mail-in vote and do not return the ballot (or spoil
Black and Latino voters are “particularly concerned about the mail-in ballot at their polling place), can only vote a
the USPS delivering their ballots.” [Id. at ¶ 22]. And he provisional ballot” and “[i]f a mail-in or absentee ballot was
opines that ballot drop boxes help to reassure these voters that submitted by an individual, their provisional ballot is not
their vote will count, because “there is no intermediary step counted.” [Id. at ¶ 48].
between the voters and the county officials who collect the
ballot.” [Id. at ¶ 24]. Professor Lorraine C. Minnite, an Associate Professor and
Chair of the Department of Public Policy and Administration
*16 Professor Donald S. Burke, a medical doctor and at Rutgers University-Camden. [ECF 549-10]. Professor
Distinguished University Professor of Health Science and Minnite opines that “the incidence of voter fraud in
Policy, Jonas Salk Chair in Population Health, and Professor contemporary U.S. elections is exceedingly rare, including
of Epidemiology at the University of Pittsburgh. [ECF 549-8]. the incidence of voter impersonation fraud committed
Professor Burke details the “significant risk of exposure” to through the use of mail-in absentee ballots.” [Id. at p. 3].
COVID-19 in “enclosed areas like polling places.” [Id. at ¶ In Pennsylvania specifically, she notes that “[i]n the last 20
69]. He opines that “depositing a ballot in a mailbox and years ... there have been fewer than a dozen confirmed cases
depositing a ballot in a drop-box are potential methods of of fraud involving a handful of absentee ballots, and most
voting that impart the least health risk to individual voters, and of them were perpetrated by insiders rather than ordinary
the least public health risk to the community.” [Id. at ¶ 95]. voters.” [Id. at pp. 3-4]. As a “point of reference,” she notes
that 1,459,555 mail-in and absentee ballots were cast in
Amber McReynolds, the CEO of the National Vote at Home Pennsylvania's 2020 primary election alone. [Id. at 4].
Institute, with 13 years of experience administering elections
as an Elections Director, Deputy Director, and Operations Professor Robert M. Stein, a Professor of Political Science
Manager for the City and County of Denver, Colorado. [ECF at Rice University and a fellow in urban politics at the
549-9]. Ms. McReynolds opines that “[b]allot drop-boxes can Baker Institute. [ECF 549-11]. Professor Stein opines that
be an important component of implementing expanded mail- “the Commonwealth's use of drop boxes provides a number
in voting” that are “generally more secure than putting a of benefits without increasing the risk of mail-in or absentee
ballot in post office boxes.” [Id. at ¶ 16 (a) ]. She notes that voter fraud that existed before drop boxes were implemented
“[d]rop boxes are managed by election officials ... delivered because (manned or unmanned) they are at least as secure
to election officials more quickly than delivery through the as U.S. Postal Service (‘USPS’) mailboxes, which have been
U.S. postal system, and are secure.” [Id.]. successfully used to return mail-in ballots for decades in
the Commonwealth and elsewhere around the U.S.” [Id. at
Ms. McReynolds also opines that Secretary Boockvar's p. 3]. According to Professor Stein, the use of drop boxes
guidance with respect to drop boxes is “consistent with “has been shown to increase turnout,” which he suggests is
particularly important “during a global pandemic and where dilutive impact of drop boxes, Plaintiffs offer a combination
research has shown that natural and manmade disasters have of anecdotal and expert evidence.
historically had a depressive effect on voter turnout.” [Id. at
p. 4]. Professor Stein notes that “[d]rop boxes are widely Foremost among this evidence is the expert report of Greg
used across a majority of states as a means to return mail-in Riddlemoser, the former Director of Elections and General
ballots” and he is “not aware of any studies or research that Registrar for Stafford County, Virginia from 2011 until 2019.
suggest that drop boxes (manned or unmanned) are a source [ECF 504-19]. According to Mr. Riddlemoser, “voter fraud
for voter fraud.” [Id.]. Nor is he aware “of any evidence that exists.” [Id. at p. 2]. He defines the term “voter fraud” to
drop boxes have been tampered with or led to the destruction mean any “casting and/or counting of ballots in violation of
of ballots.” [Id.]. a state's election code.” [Id.]. Examples he gives include:
“Voting twice yourself—even if in multiple jurisdictions,”
*17 Professor Paul Gronke, a Professor of Political “voting someone else's ballot,” and “[e]lection officials
Science at Reed College and Director of the Early giving ballots to or counting ballots from people who were
Voting Information Center. [ECF 545-7]. Professor Gronke not entitled to vote for various reasons.” [Id. at pp. 2-3]. All
recommends that “drop boxes should be provided in of these things, he asserts, are “against the law and therefore
every jurisdiction that has significant (20% or more) fraudulent.” [Id.].3
percentage[ ] of voters casting a ballot by mail, which includes
Pennsylvania” for the general election. [Id. at ¶ 6]. He 3 As noted above, Plaintiffs and Mr. Riddlemoser use the
avers that “[s]cientific research shows that drop boxes raise
term “voter fraud” to mean “illegal voting”—i.e., voter
voter turnout and enhance voter confidence in the elections
fraud is any practice that violates the Election Code.
process.” [Id. at ¶ 7]. Voters, he explains, “utilize drop boxes For purposes of the Court's decision and analysis of
heavily—forty to seventy percent of voters in vote by mail Plaintiffs’ vote-dilution claims, the Court accepts this
states and twenty-five percent or more in no-excuse absentee definition.
states.” [Id.]. Professor Gronke further states that he is “not
Mr. Riddlemoser argues that “ballot harvesting” (which is
aware of any reports that drop boxes are a source for voter
the term Plaintiffs use to refer to situations in which an
fraud” despite having “been in use for years all over the
individual returns the ballots of other people) “persists in
country.” [Id. at ¶ 8]. And he suggests that the use of drop
Pennsylvania.” [Id. at p. 3]. He points to the following
boxes is “especially important” in an election “that will be
evidence to support this opinion:
conducted under the cloud of the COVID-19 pandemic, and
for a state like Pennsylvania that is going to experience an • Admissions by Pennsylvania's Deputy Secretary
enormous increase in the number of by-mail ballots cast by for Elections and Commissions, Jonathan Marks,
the citizenry of the state.” [Id. at ¶ 9]. that “several Pennsylvania counties permitted ballot
harvesting by counting ballots that were delivered in
Based on this evidence, and the purported lack of any contrary violation of Pennsylvania law” during the recent primary
evidence showing great risks of fraud associated with the election, [Id.];
use of drop boxes, Defendants and Intervenors argue that
Pennsylvania's authorization of drop boxes, and the counties’ • “[S]everal instances captured by the media where voters
specific implementation of them, furthers important state in the June 2020 Primary deposited multiple ballots into
interests at little cost to the integrity of the election system. unstaffed ballot drop boxes,” [Id. at p. 4];
Plaintiffs, on the other hand, argue that the drop boxes allow • “Documents produced by Montgomery County” which
for an unacceptable risk of voter fraud and “illegal delivery “reveal that despite signs warning that ballot harvesting
or ballot harvesting” that, when it occurs, will “dilute” the is not permitted, people during the 2020 Primary
votes of all lawful voters who comply with the Election attempted to deposit into the five drop boxes used by that
Code. See, e.g., [ECF 461, ¶¶ 127-128]. As evidence of the county ballots that were not theirs,” [Id.].
According to Mr. Riddlemoser, anything short of these robust • Instagram user “thefoodiebarrister” posing for a selfie
procedures won't do. In particular, “video cameras would not with two ballots in Philadelphia; captioned, in part,
prevent anyone from engaging in activity that could or is “dropping of [sic] my votes in a designated ballot
designed to spoil the ballots inside the box; such as dumping drop box.”
liquids into the box, lighting the ballots on fire by using
gasoline and matches, or even removing the box itself.” [Id.
at p. 17]. Even if the “identity of the person responsible may
be determined ... the ballots themselves would be destroyed
—effectively disenfranchising numerous voters.” [Id.]. And
1. Mail-in and absentee ballot verification. *21 After receiving the ballot, the mail-in voter must “mark
the ballot” with his or her vote, insert the ballot into the
As noted above, Pennsylvania does not distribute unsolicited “secrecy” envelope, and place the “secrecy” envelope into
mail-in and absentee ballots. Rather, a voter must apply for a larger envelope. Id. at § 3150.16(a). Then, the voter must
the ballot (and any voter can). [ECF 549-2, ¶ 64]. As part of “fill out, date and sign the declaration printed on [the larger]
the application for a mail-in ballot,4 an applicant must provide envelope. [The larger] envelope shall then be securely sealed
certain identifying information, including name, date of birth, and the elector shall send [it] by mail ... or deliver it in person
length of time as a resident of the voting district, voting to said county board of election.” Id. The declaration on the
district if known, party choice in the primary, and address larger envelope must be signed, unless the voter is physically
where the ballot should be sent. 25 P.S. § 3150.12(b). In unable to do so. Id. at § 3150.16(a)-(a.1).
applying for a mail-in ballot, the applicant must also provide
“proof of identification,” which is defined by statute as that Once the voter mails or delivers the completed mail-in ballot
person's driver's license number, last four digits of Social to the appropriate county board of elections, the ballot is kept
Security number, or another specifically approved form of “in sealed or locked containers until they are to be canvassed
identification. [ECF 549-2, ¶ 64; ECF 549-27]; 25 P.S. § by the county board of elections.” Id. at § 3146.8(a). The
2602(z.5)(3). A signature is not mentioned in the definition county boards of elections can begin pre-canvassing and
of “proof of identification.” 25 P.S. § 2602(z.5)(3). However, canvassing the mail-in ballots no earlier than election day. Id.
if physically capable, the applicant must sign the application. at § 3146.8(g)(1.1).
Id. at § 3150.12(c)-(d).
When pre-canvassing and canvassing the mail-in ballots, the
4 county boards of elections must “examine the declaration on
The procedure for absentee ballots and applications
the [larger] envelope of each ballot ... and shall compare the
largely resembles the procedure for mail-in ballots and
information thereon with that contained in the ...Voters File.”
applications.
Id. at § 3146.8(g)(3). The board shall then verify the “proof
Upon receiving the mail-in ballot application, the county of identification” and shall determine if “the declaration [on
board of elections determines if the applicant is qualified the larger envelope] is sufficient.” Id. If the information in the
by “verifying the proof of identification and comparing the “Voters File ... verifies [the elector's] right to vote,” the ballot
information provided on the application with the information shall be counted. Id.
contained on the applicant's permanent registration card.”
25 P.S. § 3150.12b(a). The county board of elections then
either approves the application5 or “immediately” notifies
2. In-person voting verification.
the applicant if the application is not approved. Id. at §
3150.12b(a), (c). Upon approval, the county mails the voter When a voter decides to vote in-person on election day, rather
the mail-in ballot. than vote by mail, the procedures are different. There is no
application to vote in person. Rather, on election day, the in-
5 If the application is approved, the approval is “final and person voter arrives at the polling place and “present[s] to
binding,” subject only to challenges “on the grounds an election officer proof of identification,” which the election
that the applicant was not a qualified elector.” 25 P.S. officer “shall examine.” Id. at § 3050(a). The in-person voter
§ 3150.12b(a)(2). An unqualified elector would be, for shall then sign a voter's certificate” and give it to “the election
example, an individual who has not “been a citizen of officer in charge of the district register.” Id. at § 3050(a.3)
the United States at least one month.” Pa. Const. Art.
(1). Next, the election officer shall “announce the elector's
7, § 1; see also 25 P.S. § 2602(t) (defining “qualified
name” and “shall compare the elector's signature on his voter's
elector” as “any person who shall possess all of the
certificate with his signature in the district register.” Id. at
qualifications for voting now or hereafter prescribed by
the Constitution of this Commonwealth, or who, being
§ 3050(a.3)(2). If the election officer believes the signature
otherwise qualified by continued residence in his election to be “genuine,” the in-person voter may vote. Id. But if the
election officer does not deem the signature “authentic,” the
in-person voter may still cast a provisional ballot and is given involves “inherent subjectivity.” [ECF 549-9, p. 20, ¶ 64].
the opportunity to remedy the deficiency. Id. Ms. McReynolds further notes the “inherent variability of
individuals’ signatures over time.” [Id.] And according to
Secretary Boockvar, these are just some reasons Pennsylvania
implements verification procedures other than signature
3. The September 11, 2020, and September 28, 2020, sets
comparisons for mail-in voters, who, unlike in-person voters,
of guidance.
are not present when their signature would be verified. [ECF
In September 2020, Secretary Boockvar issued two new 549-2, p. 20, ¶ 69].
sets of guidance related to signature comparisons of
mail-in and absentee ballots and applications. The first, Plaintiffs’ expert, Greg Riddlemoser, on the other hand, states
issued on September 11, 2020, was titled “Guidance that signature comparison is “a crucial security aspect of vote-
Concerning Examination of Absentee and Mail-In Ballot by-mail” and failing to verify signatures on mail-in ballots
Return Envelopes.” [ECF 504-24]. The guidance stated, would “undermine voter confidence and would increase the
in relevant part, the “Pennsylvania Election Code does possibility of voter fraud.” [ECF 504-19, pp. 10-11]. Mr.
not authorize the county board of elections to set aside Riddlemoser asserts that Secretary Boockvar's September
returned absentee or mail-in ballots based solely on signature 11, 2020, and September 28, 2020, guidance “encourage,
analysis by the county board of elections.” [Id. at p. 3]. The rather than prevent, voter fraud.” [Id. at p. 12]. As such, Mr.
second set of guidance, issued on September 28, 2020, was Riddlemoser explains that mail-in voters should be subject
titled, “Guidance Concerning Civilian Absentee and Mail- to the same signature-comparison requirement as in-person
In Ballot Procedures.” [ECF 504-25]. This September 28, voters. [Id. at pp. 13-14].
2020, guidance stated, in relevant part, “The Election Code
does not permit county election officials to reject applications
or voted ballots based solely on signature analysis. ... No 4. Secretary Boockvar's King's Bench petition.
challenges may be made to mail-in and absentee ballots at
any time based on signature analysis.” [Id. at p. 9]. Thus, as In light of this case and the parties’ disagreement over
evidenced by these two sets of guidance, Secretary Boockvar whether the Election Code mandates signature comparison
advised the county boards of elections not to engage in a for mail-in ballots, Secretary Boockvar filed a “King's Bench”
signature-comparison analysis of voters’ signatures on ballots petition with the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on October 4,
and applications for ballots. 2020. In that petition, she asked the Pennsylvania Supreme
Court to exercise its extraordinary jurisdiction, in light of
*22 Most of the counties intend to follow the Secretary's the impending election, to clarify whether the Election Code
guidance and will not compare signatures on mail-in ballots mandates signature comparison of mail-in and absentee
and applications for the upcoming general election. E.g., ballots and applications. [ECF 556, p. 11; ECF 557].
[ECF 504-1]. A few counties, however, stated their intent to
not comply with the guidance, and instead would compare On October 7, 2020, several groups, including Donald J.
and verify the authenticity of signatures. E.g., [id. (noting the Trump for President, Inc. and the Republican National
counties of Cambria, Elk, Franklin, Juniata, Mifflin, Sullivan, Committee—who are Plaintiffs in this case—moved to
Susquehanna, and Wyoming, as not intending to follow intervene as Respondents in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court
Secretary Boockvar's guidance to not compare signatures) ]. case. [ECF 571-1]. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court has not
yet decided the motion to intervene or whether to accept the
According to Defendants, there are valid reasons to not case. The petition remains pending.
require signature comparisons for mail-in and absentee
ballots. For example, Secretary Boockvar notes that signature
verification is a technical practice, and election officers are D. Facts relevant to poll-watcher claims.
not “handwriting experts.” [ECF 549-2, p. 19, ¶ 68]. Secretary The position of “poll watcher” is a creation of state statute.
Boockvar also notes that voters’ signatures can change See 25 P.S. § 2687. As such, the Election Code defines how a
over time, and various medical conditions (e.g., arthritis) poll watcher may be appointed, what a poll watcher may do,
can impact a person's signature. [Id.] Defendants’ expert, and where a poll watcher may serve.
Amber McReynolds, also finds that “signature verification”
*23 The Election Code permits candidates to appoint two As part of its September 17, 2020, decision, the Pennsylvania
poll watchers for each election district. 25 P.S. § 2687(a). The Supreme Court found that the county-residency requirement
Election Code permits political parties and bodies to appoint does not violate the U.S. or Pennsylvania constitutions.
three poll watchers for each election district. Id. Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *31.
using a website called DefendYourBallot.com. [ECF 528-14, poll watchers who meet the residency requirement[ ].” [Id. at
265:2-15, 326:14-329-7]. That website permits qualified ¶ 16].
electors to volunteer to be a poll watcher. [Id.]. In addition,
Plaintiffs have called qualified individuals to volunteer Additionally, Professor Lockerbie finds the gap in registered
to be poll watchers, and worked with county chairs and voters in various counties to be especially problematic for
conservative activists to identify potential poll watchers. [Id.]. minor political parties. [Id. at ¶ 16]. As just one example,
according to Professor Lockerbie, even if one were to assume
Despite these efforts, the Trump Campaign claims it “is that all third-party voters were members of the same minor
concerned that due to the residency restriction, it will not have party, then in Philadelphia County it would require “every 7th
enough poll watchers in certain counties.” [ECF 504-2, ¶ 25]. registrant” to be a poll watcher in order for the third party to
Mr. Fitzpatrick, however, could not identify a specific county have a poll watcher observing each precinct.” [Id.].
where the Trump Campaign has been unable to obtain full
coverage of poll watchers or any county where they have tried Professor Lockerbie believes that disruptions to public
and failed to recruit poll watchers for the General Election. life caused by the COVID-19 pandemic “magnified” the
[ECF 528-14, 261:21-262:3, 263:8-19, 265:2-266:3]. difficulties in securing sufficient poll watchers. [Id. at ¶ 10].
*26 In his declaration, Representative Reschenthaler shared Nothing in the Election Code limits parties from recruiting
Mr. Fitzpatrick's concern, stating that he does not believe that only registered voters from their own party. [ECF 528-14,
he will “be able to recruit enough volunteers from Greene 267:23-268:1]. For example, the Trump Campaign utilized at
County to watch the necessary polls in Greene County.” [ECF least two Democrats among the poll watchers it registered in
504-6, ¶ 12]. But Representative Reschenthaler did not the primary. [ECF 528-15, P001648].
provide any information regarding his efforts to recruit poll
watchers to date, or what he plans to do in the future to attempt
to address his concern. See generally [id.].
4. Rationale for the county-residency requirement.
Representative Kelly stated in his declaration that he was Defendants have advanced several reasons to explain the
“likely to have difficulty getting enough poll watchers from rationale behind county-residency requirement for poll
within Erie County to watch all polls within that county on watchers.
election day.” [ECF 504-5, ¶ 16]. Representative Kelly never
detailed his efforts (e.g., the outreach he tried, prospective Secretary Boockvar has submitted a declaration, in which
candidates he unsuccessfully recruited, and the like), and he she has set forth the reasons for and interests supporting
never explained why those efforts aren't likely to succeed in the county-residency requirement. Secretary Boockvar states
the future. See generally [id.]. that the residency requirement “aligns with Pennsylvania's
county-based election scheme[.]” [ECF 549-2, p. 22, ¶ 77].
In his declaration, Representative Thompson only stated that “By restricting poll watchers’ service to the counties in which
based on his experience, “parties and campaigns cannot they actually reside, the law ensures that poll watchers should
always find enough volunteers to serve as poll watchers in have some degree of familiarity with the voters they are
each precinct.” [ECF 504-4, ¶ 20]. observing in a given election district.” [Id. at p. 22, ¶ 78].
According to statistics collected and disseminated by the *27 In a similar vein, Intervenors’ expert, Dr. Barreto, in his
Pennsylvania Department of State, there is a gap between the report, states that, voters are more likely to be comfortable
number of voters registered as Democrats and Republicans with poll watchers that “they know” and are “familiar with ...
in some Pennsylvania counties. [ECF 504-34]. Plaintiffs’ from their community.” [ECF 524-1, p. 14, ¶ 40]. That's
expert, Professor Lockerbie, believes this puts the party with because when poll watchers come from the community, “there
less than a majority of voters in that county at a disadvantage is increased trust in government, faith in elections, and voter
in recruiting poll watchers. [ECF 504-20, ¶ 15]. However, turnout[.]” [Id.].
despite this disadvantage, Professor Lockerbie states that “the
Democratic and Republican parties might be able to meet the At his deposition, Representative Kelly agreed with this
relevant criteria and recruit a sufficient population of qualified idea: “Yeah, I think – again, depending how the districts
are established, I think people are probably even more drop-box claim, (2) the signature-comparison claim, and (3)
comfortable with people that they – that they know and they the poll-watching claim. The common constitutional theory
recognize from their area.” [ECF 524-23, 111:21-25]. behind each of these claims is vote dilution. Absent the
security measures that Plaintiffs seek, they fear that others
will commit voter fraud, which will, in turn, dilute their
lawfully cast votes. They assert that this violates the federal
LEGAL STANDARD
and Pennsylvania constitutions.
Summary judgment is appropriate “if the movant shows that
there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the The Court will address only the federal-constitutional claims.
movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” Fed. R. Civ. For the reasons that follow, the Court finds that Plaintiffs lack
P. 56(a). At summary judgment, the Court must ask whether standing to bring their federal-constitutional claims because
the evidence presents “a sufficient disagreement to require Plaintiffs’ injury of vote dilution is not “concrete” for Article
submission to the jury or whether it is so one-sided that one III purposes.
party must prevail as a matter of law.” Anderson v. Liberty
Lobby, Inc., 477 U.S. 242, 251-52, 106 S.Ct. 2505, 91 L.Ed.2d But even assuming Plaintiffs had standing, the Court
202 (1986). In making that determination, the Court must also concludes that Defendants’ regulations, conduct, and
“consider all evidence in the light most favorable to the party election guidance here do not infringe on any right to
opposing the motion.” A.W. v. Jersey City Pub. Schs., 486 F.3d vote, and if they do, the burden is slight and outweighed
791, 794 (3d Cir. 2007). by the Commonwealth's interests—interests inherent in the
Commonwealth's other various procedures to police fraud, as
The summary-judgment stage “is essentially ‘put up or shut well as its overall election scheme.
up’ time for the non-moving party,” which “must rebut the
motion with facts in the record and cannot rest solely on *28 Finally, because the Court will be dismissing all federal-
assertions made in the pleadings, legal memoranda, or oral constitutional claims, it will decline to exercise supplemental
argument.” Berckeley Inv. Grp. Ltd. v. Colkitt, 455 F.3d 195, jurisdiction over any of the state-constitutional claims and
201 (3d Cir. 2006). If the non-moving party “fails to make will thus dismiss those claims without prejudice.
a showing sufficient to establish the existence of an element
essential to that party's case, and on which that party will
I. Defendants’ procedural and jurisdictional challenges.
bear the burden at trial,” summary judgment is warranted.
At the outset, Defendants and Intervenors raise a number of
Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, 477 U.S. 317, 324, 106 S.Ct. 2548,
jurisdictional, justiciability, and procedural arguments, which
91 L.Ed.2d 265 (1986).
they assert preclude review of the merits of Plaintiffs’ claims.
Specifically, they assert (1) the claims are not ripe and are
“The rule is no different where there are cross-motions for
moot, (2) there is a lack of evidence against certain county
summary judgment.” Lawrence v. City of Philadelphia, 527
boards, and those boards are not otherwise necessary parties,
F.3d 299, 310 (3d Cir. 2008). The parties’ filing of cross-
and (3) Plaintiffs lack standing. The Court addresses each
motions “does not constitute an agreement that if one is
argument, in turn.
rejected the other is necessarily justified[.]” Id. But the
Court may “resolve cross-motions for summary judgment
concurrently.” Hawkins v. Switchback MX, LLC, 339 F. Supp. A. Plaintiffs’ claims are ripe and not moot.
3d 543, 547 (W.D. Pa. 2018). When doing so, the Court views Several Defendants have argued that Plaintiffs’ claims in the
the evidence “in the light most favorable to the non-moving Second Amended Complaint are not ripe and are moot. The
party with respect to each motion.” Id. Court disagrees.
Plaintiffs, Defendants, and Intervenors all cross-move for The ripeness doctrine seeks to “prevent the courts, through
summary judgment on all three of Plaintiffs’ remaining the avoidance of premature adjudication, from entangling
claims, which the Court refers to, in the short-hand, as (1) the themselves in abstract disagreements.” Artway v. Attorney
Gen. of N.J., 81 F.3d 1235, 1246-47 (3d Cir. 1996) (cleaned primary election will apply to the upcoming general election.
up). The ripeness inquiry involves various considerations This is sufficient to make this a properly ripe controversy.6
including whether there is a “sufficiently adversarial posture,”
the facts are “sufficiently developed,” and a party is 6 In her summary-judgment brief, Secretary Boockvar
“genuinely aggrieved.” Peachlum v. City of York, 333 F.3d
argues that Plaintiffs’ as-applied challenge to
429, 433-34 (3d Cir. 2003). Ripeness requires the case to
Pennsylvania's county-residency requirement is unripe.
“have taken on fixed and final shape so that a court can [ECF 547, pp. 60-63]. The Secretary reasons that
see what legal issues it is deciding, what effect its decision Plaintiffs have not shown sufficient evidence that they
will have on the adversaries, and some useful purpose to are harmed by the county-residency requirement. This
be achieved in deciding them.” Wyatt, Virgin Islands, Inc. v. argument is directed more towards a lack of standing and
Gov't of the Virgin Islands, 385 F.3d 801, 806 (3d Cir. 2004) a lack of evidence to support the claim on the merits.
(quoting Pub. Serv. Comm'n of Utah v. Wycoff Co., 344 U.S. As the sufficiency of the evidence of harm is a separate
237, 244, 73 S.Ct. 236, 97 L.Ed. 291 (1952)). “A dispute is issue from ripeness (which is more concerned with
not ripe for judicial determination if it rests upon contingent timing), the Court does not find Plaintiffs’ as-applied
future events that may not occur as anticipated, or indeed may challenge to the county-residency requirement unripe.
See Progressive Mountain Ins. Co. v. Middlebrooks, 805
not occur at all.” Id.
F. App'x 731, 734 (11th Cir. 2020) (“The question of
ripeness frequently boils down to the same question
Ultimately, “[r]ipeness involves weighing two factors: (1) the
as questions of Article III standing, but the distinction
hardship to the parties of withholding court consideration; and between the two is that standing focuses [on] whether the
(2) the fitness of the issues for judicial review.” Artway, 81 type of injury alleged is qualitatively sufficient to fulfill
F.3d at 1247. Unlike standing, ripeness is assessed at the time the requirements of Article III and whether the plaintiff
of the court's decision (rather than the time the complaint was has personally suffered that harm, whereas ripeness
filed). See Blanchette v. Connecticut General Ins. Corp., 419 centers on whether that injury has occurred yet.” (cleaned
U.S. 102, 139-40, 95 S.Ct. 335, 42 L.Ed.2d 320 (1974). up) (citations omitted)).
The second factor the Court must consider in determining
The Court finds that Plaintiffs’ claims are ripe. Applying ripeness is “the fitness of the issues for judicial review.”
the two-factor test here, the Court first concludes that the Artway, 81 F.3d at 1247. “The principal consideration [for this
parties would face significant hardship if the Court were to factor] is whether the record is factually adequate to enable the
hold that the case was unripe (assuming it was otherwise court to make the necessary legal determinations. The more
justiciable). The general election is less than one month away, that the question presented is purely one of law, and the less
and Plaintiffs assert claims that could significantly affect that additional facts will aid the court in its inquiry, the more
the implementation of Pennsylvania's electoral procedures. likely the issue is to be ripe, and vice-versa.” Id. at 1249.
Further, if the Court were to find that Plaintiffs’ claims
were not ripe, Plaintiffs would be burdened. This is because Under this framework, the Court concludes that the issues
Plaintiffs would then have to either wait until after the election are fit for review. The parties have engaged in extensive
occurred—and thus after the alleged harms occurred—or discovery, creating a developed factual record for the Court
Plaintiffs would have to bring suit on the very eve of the to review. Further, as shown below, the Court finds it can
election, and thus there would be insufficient time for the assess Plaintiffs’ claims based on the current factual record
Court to address the issues. This hardship makes judicial and can adequately address the remaining legal questions that
review at this time appropriate. The first factor is met. predominate this lawsuit. As such, the Court finds Plaintiffs’
claims fit for judicial review.
*29 Some Defendants argue that because some of the
Secretary's guidance was issued after the 2020 primary Thus, Plaintiffs’ claims are presently ripe.
election, Plaintiffs’ claims that rely on such guidance are not
ripe because the guidance has not been implemented in an
election yet. The Court disagrees. Both the allegations in the
Second Amended Complaint, and the evidence presented on 2. Plaintiffs’ claims are not moot.
summary judgment, reveal that the guidance issued after the
Some Defendants also assert that Plaintiffs’ claims are moot
because Plaintiffs reference allegations of harm that occurred
during the primary election, and since then, Secretary Many of the county boards of elections that are Defendants
Boockvar has issued new guidance and the Pennsylvania in this case argue that the claims against them should be
Supreme Court has interpreted the Election Code to clarify dismissed because Plaintiffs did not specifically allege or
several ambiguities. The Court, however, concludes that prove sufficient violative facts against them. Plaintiffs argue
Plaintiffs’ remaining claims are not moot. in response that all county boards have been joined because
they are necessary parties, and the Court cannot afford relief
Mootness stems from the same principle as ripeness, but without their presence in this case. The Court agrees with
is stated in the inverse: courts “lack jurisdiction when ‘the Plaintiffs, and declines to dismiss the county boards from the
issues presented are no longer ‘live’ or the parties lack case. They are necessary parties.
a legally cognizable interest in the outcome.’ ” Merle v.
U.S., 351 F.3d 92, 94 (3d Cir. 2003) (quoting Powell v. Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 19(a) states that a party is
McCormack, 395 U.S. 486, 496, 89 S.Ct. 1944, 23 L.Ed.2d a necessary party that must be joined in the lawsuit if, “in
491 (1969)). Like ripeness and unlike standing, mootness is that [party's] absence, the court cannot accord complete relief
determined at the time of the court's decision (rather than at among existing parties.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 19(a)(1)(A).
the time the complaint is filed). See U.S. Parole Commission
v. Geraghty, 445 U.S. 388, 397, 100 S.Ct. 1202, 63 L.Ed.2d Here, if the county boards were not named defendants in
479 (1980). When assessing mootness, the Court may assume this case, the Court would not be able to provide Plaintiffs
(for purposes of the mootness analysis) that standing exists. complete relief should Plaintiffs prove their case. That's
Friends of the Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Envtl. Servs., 528 U.S. because the Court could not enjoin the county boards if
167, 180, 120 S.Ct. 693, 145 L.Ed.2d 610 (2000) (citation they were not parties. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 65(d)(2).8 This is
omitted). important because each individual county board of elections
manages the electoral process within its county lines. As
*30 Here, the Court finds that Plaintiffs’ claims are not one court previously summarized, “Election procedures and
moot, as the claims Plaintiffs are proceeding with are “live.” processes are managed by each of the Commonwealth's sixty-
First, Plaintiffs’ claims are based on guidance that issued seven counties. Each county has a board of elections, which
after the primary election and are to be applied in the oversees the conduct of all elections within the county.”
upcoming general election. As such, the harms alleged are Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 403 (citing 25 P.S. § 2641(a)). “The
not solely dependent on the already-passed primary election. county board of elections selects, fixes and at times alters the
Second, Defendants, by and large, have made clear that polling locations of new election districts. Individual counties
they intend to abide by guidance that Plaintiffs assert is are also tasked with the preservation of all ballots cast in that
unlawful or unconstitutional. Third, Plaintiffs sufficiently county, and have the authority to investigate fraud and report
show that certain Defendants intend to engage in the conduct irregularities or any other issues to the district attorney[.]”
(e.g., use unmanned drop-boxes) that Plaintiffs say infringes Id. (citing 25 P.S. §§ 2726, 2649, and 2642). The county
their constitutional rights. Thus, these issues are presently boards of elections may also make rules and regulations “as
“live” and are not affected by the completion of the primary they may deem necessary for the guidance of voting machine
election.7 Plaintiffs’ claims are not moot. custodians, elections officers and electors.” 25 P.S. § 2642(f).
7 In their briefing, the parties focused on the “capable of 8 While Rule 65(d)(2)(C) states that an injunction binds
repetition yet evading review” exception to the mootness “[non-parties] who are in active concert or participation”
doctrine. The Court, however, does not find that it needs with the parties or the parties’ agents, the Court does
to rely on this exception. Nearing the eve of the election, not find that Rule 65(d) helps the county boards. As
it is clear that Defendants intend to engage in the conduct discussed, the county boards manage the elections and
that Plaintiffs assert is illegal and unconstitutional. Thus, implement the electoral procedures. While the Court
the claims are presently live, and are not “evading could enjoin Secretary Boockvar, for example, from
review” in this circumstance. using unmanned drop boxes, each individual county
election board could still use unmanned drop boxes on
their own. Doing so would not result in the counties
3. All named Defendants are necessary parties to this being in “active concert or participation” with Secretary
lawsuit. Boockvar, as each county is independently managing
the electoral process within their county lines. See
Marshak v. Treadwell, 595 F.3d 478, 486 (3d Cir. 2009) the county boards’ good intent. The only way to ensure that
(“[N]on-parties guilty of aiding or abetting or acting in any illegal or unconstitutional conduct is uniformly remedied,
concert with a named defendant or his privy in violating permanently, is to include all county boards in this case.
the injunction may be held in contempt.” (cleaned
up) (citations omitted)). In other words, each county
Thus, because the county boards are necessary parties, the
elections board would not be “aiding or abetting”
Court cannot dismiss them.
Secretary Boockvar in violating the injunction (which
would implicate Rule 65(d)(2)(C)); rather, the counties
would be utilizing their independent statutory authority
to manage elections within their county lines. 4. Plaintiffs lack Article III standing to raise their claims
*31 Indeed, Defendants’ own arguments suggest that they of vote dilution because they cannot establish a “concrete”
must be joined in this case. As just one example, a handful injury-in-fact.
of counties assert in their summary-judgment brief that the
While Plaintiffs can clear the foregoing procedural hurdles,
“[Election] Code permits Boards to exercise discretion in
they cannot clear the final one—Article III standing.
certain areas when administering elections, to administer the
election in a manner that is both legally-compliant and meets
Federal courts must determine that they have jurisdiction
the unique needs of each County's citizens.” [ECF 518, p.
before proceeding to the merits of any claim. Steel Co.
6]. Thus, because of each county's discretionary authority, if
v. Citizens for Better Env't, 523 U.S. 83, 94-95, 118
county boards engage in unconstitutional conduct, the Court
S.Ct. 1003, 140 L.Ed.2d 210 (1998). Article III of the
would not be able to remedy the violation by enjoining only
Constitution limits the jurisdiction of federal courts to
Secretary Boockvar.9 “Cases” and “Controversies.” One component of the case-
or-controversy requirement is standing, which requires a
9 As evidence of the county boards’ indispensability, plaintiff to demonstrate the now-familiar elements of (1)
one court recently found that the failure to join local injury in fact, (2) causation, and (3) redressability. See Lujan v.
election officials in an election case can make the harm Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560–61, 112 S.Ct. 2130,
alleged not “redressable.” It would be a catch-22 to 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992).
say that county boards cannot be joined to this case
as necessary parties, but then dismiss the case for lack
Standing is particularly important in the context of election-
of standing due to the boards’ absence. Cf. Jacobson
law cases, including a case like this one, that challenge
v. Florida Secretary of States, 974 F.3d 1236, –––– –
––––, 2020 WL 5289377, at *11-12 (11th Cir. Sept. 3,
the laws, regulations, and guidance issued by elected and
2020) (“The problem for the [plaintiffs] is that Florida appointed state officials through the democratic processes.
law tasks the [county] Supervisors, independently of As the Supreme Court has explained, the standing “doctrine
the Secretary, with printing the names of candidates on developed in our case law to ensure that federal courts do not
ballots in the order prescribed by the ballot statute. ... exceed their authority as it has been traditionally understood.”
The Secretary is responsible only for certifying to the Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, ––– U.S. ––––, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547,
supervisor of elections of each county the names of 194 L.Ed.2d 635 (2016) (cleaned up). The doctrine “limits
persons nominated ... Because the Secretary didn't do the category of litigants empowered to maintain a lawsuit
(or fail to do) anything that contributed to [plaintiffs’] in federal court to seek redress for a legal wrong.” Id. In
harm, the voters and organizations cannot meet Article this way, “Article III standing serves to prevent the judicial
III's traceability requirement.” (cleaned up)).
process from being used to usurp the powers of the political
To grant Plaintiffs relief, if warranted, the Court would need branches.” Id. Nowhere is that concern more acute than in a
to enter an order affecting all county boards of elections— case that challenges a state's exercise of its core constitutional
which the Court could not do if some county boards were authority to regulate the most deeply political arena of all—
not joined in this case. Otherwise, the Court could only elections.
enjoin violative conduct in some counties but not others.
As a result, inconsistent rules and procedures would be in *32 Here, Defendants and Intervenors claim that Plaintiffs
effect throughout the Commonwealth. While some counties lack standing, largely arguing that Plaintiffs’ injury is too
can pledge to follow orders issued by this Court, the judicial speculative. [ECF 547, pp. 43-50]. The Court agrees and finds
system cannot rely on pledges and promises, regardless of that Plaintiffs lack Article III standing for this reason.
whether they will act as Mr. Riddlemoser and Plaintiffs the general election, third-party ballot delivery is prohibited.
predict. [ECF 504-25 (“Third-person delivery of absentee or mail-in
ballots is not permitted, and any ballots delivered by someone
Similarly, Mr. Riddlemoser concludes that, at most, not other than the voter are required to be set aside. The only
conducting signature analysis for mail-in and absentee ballots exceptions are voters with a disability, who have designated
“open[s] the door to the potential for massive fraud through a in writing an agent to deliver their ballot for them.”) ]. It may
mechanism already susceptible to voter fraud.” [ECF 504-19, also be less likely to occur in light of the Secretary's other
p. 20]. guidance, which recommends that county boards place signs
near drop boxes, warning voters that third-party delivery is
This increased susceptibility to fraud and ballot destruction prohibited.
is the impetus for Plaintiffs, in their various capacities, to
express their concerns that vote dilution might occur and It is difficult—and ultimately speculative—to predict future
disrupt their right to a “free and fair election.” See, e.g., injury from evidence of past injury. This is why the Supreme
[504-3, ¶ 6; 504-4, ¶ 7; ECF 504-6, ¶¶ 6-8; ECF 504-7, ¶¶ Court has recognized that “[p]ast exposure to illegal conduct
5-9]. But these concerns, as outlined above, are based solely does not in itself show a present case or controversy regarding
on a chain of unknown events that may never come to pass. injunctive relief if unaccompanied by any continuing, present
adverse effects.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 564, 112 S.Ct. 2130
In addition to Plaintiffs’ expert report, Plaintiffs’ evidence (cleaned up).
consists of instances of voter fraud in the past, including an
article in the N.Y. Post purporting to detail the strategies of an In fact, based on Plaintiffs’ theory of harm in this case, it
anonymous fraudster, as well as pointing to certain prior cases is almost impossible for them to present anything other than
of voter fraud and election irregularities (e.g., Philadelphia speculative evidence of injury. That is, they would have to
inadvertently allowing 40 people to vote twice in the 2020 establish evidence of a certainly impending illegal practice
primary election; some counties counting ballots that did not that is likely to be prevented by the precautions they seek.
have a completed declaration in the 2020 primary election). All of this sounds in “possible future injury,” not “certainly
[ECF 461, ¶¶ 63-82; ECF 504-19, p. 3 & Ex. D]. Initially, with impending” injury. In that way, this case is very much like the
one exception noted directly below, none of this evidence is Supreme Court's decision in Clapper.
tied to individuals using drop boxes, submitting forged mail-
in ballots, or being unable to poll watch in another county In Clapper, plaintiffs-respondents were attorneys, other
—and thus it is unclear how this can serve as evidence of advocates, and media groups who communicated with clients
a concrete harm in the upcoming election as to the specific overseas whom they feared would be subject to government
claims in this case. surveillance under a FISA statute. 568 U.S. at 406, 133 S.Ct.
1138. The plaintiffs there alleged that the FISA statute at issue
*34 Perhaps the best evidence Plaintiffs present are the created a risk of possible government surveillance, which
several photographs and video stills, which are depicted prevented them from communicating in confidence with their
above, and which are of individuals who appear to be clients and compelled them to travel overseas instead and
delivering more than one ballot to a drop box during the incur additional costs. Id. at 406-07, 133 S.Ct. 1138. Based
primary election. It is undisputed that during the primary on these asserted injures, the plaintiffs filed suit, seeking to
election, some county boards believed it be appropriate to invalidate provisions of FISA. Id. at 407, 133 S.Ct. 1138.
allow voters to deliver ballots on behalf of third parties. [ECF
504-9, 92:4-10; ECF 504-10, 60:3-61:10; ECF 504-49]. The Supreme Court held that plaintiffs there lacked standing
because their risk of harm was not concrete—rather, it was
But this evidence of past injury is also speculative. Initially, attenuated and based on a series of speculative events that
the evidence is scant. But even assuming the evidence were may or may not ever occur. Id. at 410, 133 S.Ct. 1138
more substantial, it would still be speculative to find that (finding that “respondents’ argument rests on their highly
third-party ballot delivery will also occur in the general speculative fear that: (1) the Government will decide to
election. It may; it may not. Indeed, it may be less likely target the communications of non-U.S. persons with whom
to occur now that the Secretary issued her September 28, they communicate; (2) in doing so, the Government will
2020, guidance, which made clear to all county boards that for choose to invoke its authority under § 1881a rather than
Like Clapper, here, Plaintiffs’ theory of harm rests on *36 To be sure, the information that Plaintiffs present
speculation about the decisions of independent actors. shows that more Democrats are likely to use mail-in
For drop boxes, that speculation includes that unknown ballots. [ECF 551, p. 31 (“[I]n Pennsylvania, of the 1.9
individuals will utilize drop boxes to commit fraud or other million absentee or mail-in ballots that have been requested
illegal activity; for signature comparison, that fraudsters will for the November 3, 2020 General Election, ‘nearly 1.5
submit forged ballots by mail; for poll watchers, that illegal million Democrats have requested a mail-in ballot—nearly
votes will not be sufficiently challenged; and for all these three times the requests from Republicans.’ ”) (quoting L.
claims, that other security measures in place to monitor drop Broadwater, “Both Parties Fret as More Democrats Request
boxes, to verify ballot information, and to challenge ballots Mail Ballots in Key States,” New York Times (Sept. 30,
will not work. 2020), available at https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/30/
us/mail-voting-democrats-republicans-turnout.html) ]. But it
All of this may occur and may result in some of Plaintiffs’ doesn't necessarily follow that more Democrats will commit
votes being diluted; but the question is whether these events voter fraud, such as through the destruction of drop boxes
are “certainly impending.” The evidence outlined above and or third-party ballot harvesting, and thus more Republicans’
presented by Plaintiffs simply fails to meet that standard. votes will be diluted.
This is not to say that claims of vote dilution or voter In fact, as Plaintiffs’ expert, Mr. Riddlemoser, explains,
fraud never give rise to a concrete injury. A plaintiff can fraudsters from either party could target drop boxes in specific
have standing to bring a vote-dilution claim—typically, in a areas in order to destroy ballots, depending on who may be
malapportionment case—by putting forth statistical evidence the predominant party in the area. [ECF 504-19, at pp. 17-18
and computer simulations of dilution and establishing that (“In short, nothing would prevent someone from intentionally
he or she is in a packed or cracked district. See Gill, 138 S. targeting a drop box in a predominantly Republican or
Ct. at 1936 (Kagan, J., concurring). And a plaintiff can have predominantly Democratic area with an intent to destroy as
standing to bring a voter-fraud claim, but the proof of injury many votes for that political party or that party's candidate(s)
there is evidence of actual fraud in the election and thus the as possible.”) ]. Indeed, the more important fact for this theory
suit will be brought after the election has occurred. See, e.g., of harm is not the party of the voter, but the party of the
Marks v. Stinson, 19 F.3d 873 (3d Cir. 1994). But, at least fraudster—and, on this, Plaintiffs present no evidence that one
based on the evidence presented here, a claim of vote dilution party over the other is likely to commit voter fraud.
brought in advance of an election on the theory of the risk of
potential fraud fails to establish the requisite concrete injury Second, Plaintiffs also argue that the RNC, the Congressional
for purposes of Article III standing. Plaintiffs, and the Trump Campaign have organizational
standing because they “have and will continue to devote
Plaintiffs advance three other theories of harm here, in order their time and resources to ensure that their Pennsylvania
to establish standing—none of which establish a concrete supporters, who might otherwise be discouraged by the
injury-in-fact. Secretary's guidance memos favoring mail-in and absentee
voting and Defendants’ implementation thereof, get out to the or collecting absentee or mail-in ballots, including without
polls and vote on Election Day.” [ECF 551, p. 19]. This is limitation any satellite or early voting sites established by any
a similar argument raised by the plaintiffs in Clapper, and county board of elections.”) ]. Standing is measured based on
rejected there by the Supreme Court. Because Plaintiffs’ harm the theory of harm and the specific relief requested. See Gill,
is not “certainly impending,” as discussed above, spending 138 S. Ct. at 1934 (“We caution, however, that ‘standing is
money in response to that speculative harm cannot establish not dispensed in gross’: A plaintiff's remedy must be tailored
a concrete injury. Clapper, 568 U.S. at 416, 133 S.Ct. 1138 to redress the plaintiff's particular injury.”). As with all of
(“Respondents’ contention that they have standing because the claims, the poll-watching claim rests on evidence of vote
they incurred certain costs as a reasonable reaction to a risk dilution that does not rise to the level of a concrete harm.
of harm is unavailing—because the harm respondents seek to
avoid is not certainly impending. In other words, respondents In sum, Plaintiffs here, based on the evidence presented, lack
cannot manufacture standing merely by inflicting harm on Article III standing to assert their claims. Because they lack
themselves based on their fears of hypothetical future harm standing, the Court will enter judgment in Defendants’ favor
that is not certainly impending.”); see also Donald J. Trump and dismiss all claims.10 However, because of the novelty
for President, Inc. v. Cegavske, ––– F. Supp. 3d ––––, ––––, of Plaintiffs’ claims and theories, a potential appeal in this
2020 WL 5626974, at *5 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020) (“Outside case, and the short time before the general election, out of
of stating ‘confusion’ and ‘discouragement’ in a conclusory an abundance of caution, the Court will, in the alternative,
manner, plaintiffs make no indication of how AB 4 will proceed to examine the claims on the merits.
discourage their member voters from voting. If plaintiffs
did not expend any resources on educating their voters on 10 The organizational Plaintiffs also raise certain
AB4, their voters would proceed to vote in-person as they
associational and organizational standing arguments,
overwhelmingly have in prior elections.”).
asserting that they represent their members’ interests.
The associational standing arguments are derivative of
Third, with respect to the poll-watching claim, Plaintiffs their members’ interests. That is, because the Court
argue that at least one of the Plaintiffs, Ms. Patterson, is a has found no concrete injury suffered by the individual
prospective poll watcher who is being denied the right to voters, which would include the members of the
poll watch based on the county-residency restriction, and organizational Plaintiffs, there are no separate grounds
thus she meets the Article III requirements. [ECF 551, p. 34 to establish standing for these organizations. See United
(citing ECF 551-3, ¶¶ 9-10) ]. However, Ms. Patterson cannot Food & Commercial Workers Union Local 751 v. Brown
establish standing because, by Plaintiffs’ own concession, the Grp., Inc., 517 U.S. 544, 553, 116 S.Ct. 1529, 134
theory of harm in this case is not the denial of the right to poll L.Ed.2d 758 (1997) (an organization only has standing
to sue on behalf of its members when “its members
watch, but instead dilution of votes from fraud caused from
would otherwise have standing to sue in their own right”)
the failure to have sufficient poll watchers. [ECF 509, p. 67
(citation omitted).
(“But, the core of the as-applied challenge here is not that the
Plaintiffs cannot staff a particular polling place, it is that a
II. Defendants and Intervenors are entitled to summary
candidate and his or her party is presented with the Hobson's
judgment on Plaintiffs’ claim that drop boxes violate the
choice of selecting limited polling places to observe due to
U.S. Constitution.
the residency requirement and accept that unobserved polling
Plaintiffs’ drop-box claim has materially changed since
places must exist due to the inability to recruit a sufficient
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's decision authorizing the
force of poll watchers due to the necessity that candidates be
use of drop boxes. Plaintiffs now allege that drop boxes
county residents.”) ].
effectively allow third parties to return the ballots of voters
other than themselves because, they say, no one is there
*37 And the remedy sought here is much broader than
to stop them. Absent an in-person guard or poll worker to
simply allowing Ms. Patterson to poll watch in a certain
monitor the drop boxes and prevent the return of ballots cast
county, but is tied to the broader harm of vote dilution that
in a manner contrary to what the Election Code permits,
Plaintiffs assert. [ECF 503-1, p. 3, ¶ 3 (“Plaintiffs shall be
Plaintiffs assert that they face an unacceptable risk of vote
permitted to have watchers present at all locations where
dilution, which burdens their right to vote. Plaintiffs also
voters are registering to vote, applying for absentee or mail-
argue that the “uneven” use of drop boxes in Pennsylvania,
in ballots, voting absentee or mail-in ballots, and/or returning
by some counties but not others, violates equal protection by
subjecting voters in different counties to different amounts S.Ct. 2326, 120 L.Ed.2d 1 (1992) (“Of course, most laws
of dilutive risk, and perhaps by diluting lawful votes cast by differentiate in some fashion between classes of persons. The
individuals who failed to comply with the Election Code. Equal Protection Clause does not forbid classifications.”).
Instead, equal protection “simply keeps governmental
The evidence relevant to these claims is undisputed. See [ECF decisionmakers from treating differently persons who are
509, p. 45 (“After the completion of extensive discovery, in all relevant respects alike.” Id. (citation omitted). What's
including numerous depositions and responses to discovery more, “unless a classification warrants some form of
requests, no genuine dispute of material fact exists regarding heightened review because it jeopardizes exercise of a
Plaintiffs’ constitutional claims.”) ]. Viewed in the light most fundamental right or categorizes on the basis of an inherently
favorable to Plaintiffs, the Court could conclude from this suspect characteristic, the Equal Protection Clause requires
evidence, and will assume for purposes of this decision, that only that the classification rationally further a legitimate state
(1) drop boxes allow for greater risk of third-party ballot interest.” Id. (citations omitted).
delivery in violation of the Election Code than in-person
polling locations or manned drop boxes, and (2) that the use Of course, the right of every citizen to vote is a fundamental
of drop boxes is “uneven” across Pennsylvania due to its right. See Ill. State Bd. of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party,
county-based election system—i.e., some counties are using 440 U.S. 173, 184, 99 S.Ct. 983, 59 L.Ed.2d 230 (1979)
“unmanned” drop boxes with varying security measures, (“[F]or reasons too self-evident to warrant amplification here,
some are using “manned” drop boxes, some are using dozens we have often reiterated that voting is of the most fundamental
of drop boxes in a variety of locations, some are using one significance under our constitutional structure.”) (citations
drop box in a county office building, and some are not using omitted). Indeed, it is a foundational right “that helps to
drop boxes at all. The question before the Court is whether preserve all other rights.” Werme v. Merrill, 84 F.3d 479, 483
this state of affairs violates equal protection or due process. (1st Cir. 1996); Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 17, 84 S.Ct.
526, 11 L.Ed.2d 481 (1964) (“Other rights, even the most
*38 The Court finds that it does not. The uneven use of basic, are illusory if the right to vote is undermined.”). And
drop boxes across counties does not produce dilution as its scope is broad enough to encompass not only the right of
between voters in different counties, or between “lawful” and each voter to cast a ballot, but also the right to have those
“unlawful” voters, and therefore does not present an equal- votes “counted without dilution as compared to the votes of
protection violation. But even if it did, the guidelines provided others.” Minn. Voters Alliance v. Ritchie, 720 F.3d 1029, 1031
by Secretary Boockvar are rational, and weighing the relative (8th Cir. 2013) (cleaned up).
burdens and benefits, the Commonwealth's interests here
outweigh any burden on Plaintiffs’ right to vote. As a result, Plaintiffs are quite correct when they suggest
that a state election procedure that burdens the right to
vote, including by diluting the value of votes compared to
A. Pennsylvania's “uneven” use of drop boxes does not others, must “comport with equal protection and all other
violate federal equal-protection rights. constitutional requirements.” Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 407.
Plaintiffs’ primary claim concerns the uneven use of drop That much, at least, is not in dispute.
boxes across the Commonwealth, which they contend violates
the Equal-Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. At the same time, however, the Constitution “confers on the
states broad authority to regulate the conduct of elections,
The 14th Amendment's Equal-Protection Clause commands including federal ones.” Griffin v. Roupas, 385 F.3d 1128,
that “no State shall ... deny to any person within its jurisdiction 1130 (7th Cir. 2004) (citing U.S. Const. Art. I, § 4, cl. 1). This
the equal protection of laws.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. authority includes “broad powers to determine the conditions
This broad and simple promise is “an essential part of the under which the right of suffrage may be exercised.” Shelby
concept of a government of laws and not men.” Reynolds Cnty., Ala. v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 543, 133 S.Ct. 2612,
v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 568, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 186 L.Ed.2d 651 (2013) (cleaned up). Indeed, “[c]ommon
(1964). sense, as well as constitutional law, compels the conclusion”
that states must be free to engage in “substantial regulation
But while the Constitution demands equal protection, that of elections” if “some sort of order, rather than chaos, is to
does not mean all forms of differential treatment are accompany the democratic processes.” Burdick v. Takushi,
forbidden. See Nordlinger v. Hahn, 505 U.S. 1, 10, 112
504 U.S. 428, 433, 112 S.Ct. 2059, 119 L.Ed.2d 245 (1992) 1364, 137 L.Ed.2d 589 (1997) (cleaned up). If the state
(cleaned up). And all “[e]lection laws will invariably impose imposes a “severe” burden on the right to vote, strict scrutiny
some burden upon individual voters.” Id. applies—the rule may survive only if it is “narrowly tailored”
and only if the state advances a “compelling interest.” Id.
*39 If the courts were “to subject every voting regulation to But if the state imposes only “reasonable, nondiscriminatory
strict scrutiny and to require that the regulation be narrowly restrictions,” its “important regulatory interests will usually
tailored to advance a compelling state interest,” it “would be enough” to justify it. Id. Indeed, where state regulations
tie the hands of States seeking to assure that elections are are “minimally burdensome and nondiscriminatory” a level
operated equitably and efficiently.” Id. The “machinery of of scrutiny “closer to rational basis applies[.]” Ohio Council
government would not work if it were not allowed a little 8 Am. Fed'n of State v. Husted, 814 F.3d 329, 335 (6th Cir.
play in its joints.” Bain Peanut Co. of Tex. v. Pinson, 2016). And where the state imposes no burden on the “right
282 U.S. 499, 501, 51 S.Ct. 228, 75 L.Ed. 482 (1931). to vote” at all, true rational basis review applies. See Biener
Thus, when faced with a constitutional challenge to a state v. Calio, 361 F.3d 206, 215 (3d Cir. 2004) (“Biener also
election law, or to the actions of state officials responsible cannot establish an infringement on the fundamental right to
for regulating elections, a federal court must weigh these vote ... As the [election] filing fee does not infringe upon
competing constitutional considerations and “make the ‘hard a fundamental right, nor is Biener in a suspect class, we
judgment’ that our adversary system demands.” Crawford v. consider the claims under a rational basis test.”) (citation
Marion Cnty. Election Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 190, 128 S.Ct. 1610, omitted); Common Cause/New York v. Brehm, 432 F. Supp. 3d
170 L.Ed.2d 574 (2008). 285, 310 (S.D.N.Y. 2020) (“Under this framework, election
laws that impose no burden on the right to vote are subject to
The Supreme Court has supplied lower courts guidance rational-basis review.”).
as to how to make these hard judgments, by “forg[ing]”
the “flexible standard” for assessing the constitutionality *40 This operates as a “sliding scale”—the “more severe
of election regulations into “something resembling an the burden imposed, the more exacting our scrutiny; the less
administrable rule.” Id. at 205, 128 S.Ct. 1610 (Scalia, J. severe, the more relaxed our scrutiny.” Arizona Libertarian
concurring) (citing Burdick, 504 U.S. at 434, 112 S.Ct. 2059). Party v. Hobbs, 925 F.3d 1085, 1090 (9th Cir. 2019); see
also Fish v. Schwab, 957 F.3d 1105, 1124 (10th Cir. 2020)
Under this standard, first articulated in Anderson v. (“We, and our sister circuits and commentators, have referred
Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780, 103 S.Ct. 1564, 75 L.Ed.2d 547 to this as a ‘sliding scale’ test.”); Libertarian Party of New
(1983) and then refined in Burdick, the fact “[t]hat a law or Hampshire v. Gardner, 638 F.3d 6, 14 (1st Cir. 2011) (“We
state action imposes some burden on the right to vote does review all of the First and Fourteenth Amendment claims
not make it subject to strict scrutiny.” Donatelli v. Mitchell, under the sliding scale approach announced by the Supreme
2 F.3d 508, 513 (3d Cir. 1993); see also Libertarian Party Court in Anderson ... and Burdick[.]”); Burdick, 504 U.S. at
of Ohio v. Blackwell, 462 F.3d 579, 585 (6th Cir. 2006) 434, 112 S.Ct. 2059 (“[T]he rigorousness of our inquiry into
(“[V]oting regulations are not automatically subjected to the propriety of a state election law depends upon the extent
heightened scrutiny.”). Instead, any “law respecting the right to which a challenged regulation burdens First and Fourteenth
to vote—whether it governs voter qualifications, candidate Amendment rights.”).
selection, or the voting process,” is subjected to “a deferential
‘important regulatory interests’ standard for nonsevere, Against that backdrop, the Court now turns to Plaintiffs’ claim
nondiscriminatory restrictions, reserving strict scrutiny for that the use of unmanned drop boxes by some Pennsylvania
laws that severely restrict the right to vote.” Crawford, 553 counties, but not others, violates equal protection. As will
U.S. at 204, 128 S.Ct. 1610 (Scalia, J. concurring). be discussed, Plaintiffs’ equal-protection claim fails at the
threshold, without even reaching Anderson-Burdick, because
In practice, this means that courts must weigh the “character Plaintiffs have not alleged or shown that Pennsylvania's
and magnitude of the burden the State's rule imposes” on system will result in the dilution of votes in certain counties
the right to vote “against the interests the State contends and not others. Furthermore, even if the Court applies
justify that burden, and consider the extent to which the Anderson-Burdick, the attenuated “burden” Plaintiffs have
State's concerns make that burden necessary.” Timmons v. identified—an increased risk of vote dilution created by
Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U.S. 351, 358, 117 S.Ct. the use of unmanned drop boxes—is more than justified
by Defendants’ important and precise interests in regulating protection of one-person, one-vote in Pennsylvania, because
elections. her policies ... allowing inconsistently located/used drop
boxes will result in illegal ballots being cast and counted with
legitimate votes[.]”) ].
1. Plaintiffs have not shown that Pennsylvania treats
As discussed below, both of these species of equal protection
equivalent votes in different counties differently.
fail because there is, in fact, no differential treatment here—
Plaintiffs’ equal-protection claim asserts differential a necessary predicate for an equal-protection claim.
treatment on a theory of vote dilution. As far as the Court can
discern, this claim has two dimensions. Initially, Plaintiffs “have to identify a burden before we
can weigh it.” Crawford, 553 U.S. at 205, 128 S.Ct. 1610
First, the main thrust concerns differential treatment as (Scalia, J. concurring). In the equal-protection context, this
between counties. Plaintiffs assert that some counties will means the plaintiff “must present evidence that s/he has been
use drop boxes in certain ways (specifically, without in- treated differently from persons who are similarly situated.”
person guards or in varying number and locations), while Renchenski v. Williams, 622 F.3d 315, 337 (3d Cir. 2010)
others will not—resulting in differential treatment. See, (cleaned up). And not just any differential treatment will
e.g., [ECF 551, p. 44 (“Plaintiffs assert (and have proven) do. As discussed above, differences in treatment raise equal-
that Defendants have adopted, and intend to implement protection concerns, and necessitate heightened scrutiny of
in the General Election, an election regime that applies governmental interests, only if they burden a fundamental
Pennsylvania's Election Code in a way that treats the citizens right (such as the right to vote) or involve a suspect
of Pennsylvania unequally depending on ... the location classification based on a protected class. See Obama for Am.
where they happen to live: in some counties, voters will v. Husted, 697 F.3d 423, 429 (6th Cir. 2012) (“If a plaintiff
have around-the-clock access to ‘satellite election offices’ alleges only that a state treated him or her differently than
at which they can deposit their vote, but in other counties, similarly situated voters, without a corresponding burden on
voters will have no access at all to such drop boxes; in some the fundamental right to vote, a straightforward rational basis
counties those drop boxes will be staffed and secure, but in standard of review should be used.”).
other counties drop boxes will be unmonitored and open to
tampering[.]”) ]; [Id. at p. 46 (“Defendants’ ongoing actions Plaintiffs argue that equal protection is implicated because
and stated intentions ensure that votes will not be counted the Pennsylvania has permitted counties to use drop boxes to
same as those voting in other counties, and in some instances, varying extents, and with varying degrees of security. Some,
in the same Congressional district. For instance, the harm like Delaware County, intend to use dozens of drop boxes.
flowing from those actions will fall disproportionately on See generally [ECF 549-28]. Many others will not use drop
the Republican candidates that bring suit here because many boxes at all. See generally [ECF 504-1]. And among the
Democrat-heavy counties have stated intentions to implement counties that do use drop boxes, some will staff them with
the Secretary's unconstitutional ... ballot collection guidance, county officials, while others will monitor them only with
and many Republican-heavy counties have stated intentions video surveillance or not at all. See generally [ECF 549-28].
to follow the Election Code as it is written.”) ].
In this respect, Plaintiffs argue that they suffer an equal-
*41 Second, although less clear, Plaintiffs’ equal-protection protection harm similar to that found by the Supreme Court
claim may also concern broader differential treatment in Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d
between law-abiders and scofflaws. In other words, Plaintiffs 388 (2000). There, the Supreme Court held that the Florida
appear to suggest that Pennsylvania discriminates against all Supreme Court violated equal protection when it “ratified”
law-abiding voters by adopting policies which tolerate an election recount procedures that allowed different counties to
unacceptable risk of a lawfully cast votes being diluted by use “varying standards to determine what was a legal vote.”
each unlawfully cast vote anywhere in Pennsylvania. See, Id. at 107, 121 S.Ct. 525. This meant that entirely equivalent
e.g., [ECF 509, p. 55 (“The use of unstaffed drop boxes ... votes might be counted in one county but discounted
not only dilutes the weight of all qualified Pennsylvanian in another. See, e.g., id. (“Broward County used a more
electors, it curtails a sense of security in the voting process.”) forgiving standard than Palm Beach County, and uncovered
(emphasis in original) ]; [ECF 509 p. 68 (“There will be no almost three times as many new votes, a result markedly
disproportionate to the difference in population between weight of a citizen's vote just as effectively as by wholly
the counties.”). Given the absence of uniform, statewide prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.”).
rules or standards to determine which votes counted, the
Court concluded that the patchwork recount scheme failed to That is the sort of equal-protection claim Plaintiffs purport
“satisfy the minimum requirement for nonarbitrary treatment to be asserting—a claim that voters in counties that use drop
of voters necessary to secure the fundamental right [to vote].” boxes are subjected to a much higher risk of vote dilution than
Id. those in other counties that do not. But that characterization
falls apart under scrutiny. Indeed, despite their assertions,
*42 While the Supreme Court expressly limited its holding Plaintiffs have not actually alleged, let alone proven, that
in Bush “to the present circumstances” of a standardless votes cast in some counties are diluted by a greater amount
“statewide recount under the authority of a single state judicial relative to votes cast in others. Rather, they have, at best,
officer,” id. at 109, 121 S.Ct. 525, a few courts have found shown only that events causing dilution are more likely to
its reasoning to be persuasive as a broader principle of equal occur in counties that use drop boxes. But, importantly, the
protection. See Stewart v. Blackwell, 444 F.3d 843, 859 (6th effect of those events will, by Plaintiffs’ own admission, be
Cir. 2006) (“Somewhat more recently decided is Bush v. felt by every voter across all of Pennsylvania. [ECF 509, p.
Gore, ... which reiterated long established Equal Protection 55. (“The use of unstaffed drop boxes places the security of
principles.”); Ne. Ohio Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d unknown hundreds (if not thousands) of ballots in jeopardy
580, 598 (6th Cir. 2012) (“We agree with all of the parties of theft, destruction, and manipulation. This not only dilutes
and the district court that the consent decree likely violates the weight of all qualified Pennsylvanian electors, it curtails
the equal protection principle recognized in Bush v. Gore.”); a sense of security in the voting process.”) (citations omitted)
Pierce v. Allegheny Cty. Bd. of Elections, 324 F. Supp. 2d 684, (emphasis in original) ]. Such dilution impacts the entire
705 (W.D. Pa. 2003) (Conti, J.) (“As noted above, the court electorate equally; not just voters in the county where it
finds that the facts presented raise a serious equal protection occurs.
claim under a theory similar to that espoused by the United
States Supreme Court in Bush v. Gore, supra.”); Black v. To illustrate this distinction, consider, for example, a
McGuffage, 209 F. Supp. 2d 889, 899 (N.D. Ill. 2002) (“The presidential election. The Court agrees with Plaintiffs that
Court is certainly mindful of the limited holding of Bush. the relevant electoral unit in such an election is “the entire
However, we believe that situation presented by this case is Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.” [ECF 551, p. 55 (“The
sufficiently related to the situation presented in Bush that the electoral unit in this election is the entire Commonwealth
holding should be the same.”). of Pennsylvania.”) ]. Indeed, on election night, votes cast
in each of Pennsylvania's 67 counties will be canvassed,
Indeed, Bush’s core proposition—that a state may not take counted, and ultimately added to a statewide vote total that
the votes of two voters, similarly situated in all respects, decides who wins Pennsylvania's 20 electoral votes. So, ask:
and, for no good reason, count the vote of one but not the what is the dilutive impact of a hypothetical illegal vote cast
other—seems uncontroversial. It also seems reasonable (or at in Philadelphia during that election? Does it cause, in any
least defensible) that this proposition should be extended to sense, an “unequal evaluation of ballots” cast in different
situations where a state takes two equivalent votes and, for no counties, Bush, 531 U.S. at 106, 121 S.Ct. 525, such that
good reason, adopts procedures that greatly increase the risk lawful ballots cast in Philadelphia will be less likely to count,
that one of them will not be counted—or perhaps gives more worth less if they do, or otherwise disfavored when compared
weight to one over the other. See, e.g., Black, 209 F. Supp. to votes cast in other counties? The answer is evident—it does
2d at 899 (“Plaintiffs in this case allege that the resulting not. Rather, the hypothetical illegal vote cast in Philadelphia
vote dilution, which was found to be unacceptable in Bush dilutes all lawful votes cast in the election anywhere in the
without any evidence of a disproportionate impact on any Commonwealth by the exact same amount.
group delineated by traditional suspect criteria, is impacting
African American and Hispanic groups disproportionately.... *43 The same reasoning holds in elections that occur within
Any voting system that arbitrarily and unnecessarily values part of a state, rather than statewide. For example, consider
some votes over others cannot be constitutional.”); see also a hypothetical legislative district covering two counties—one
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (“[T]he right of that uses drop boxes and one that does not. There may well be
suffrage can be denied by a debasement or dilution of the a greater risk that illegal voting will occur in the county that
uses drop boxes. But any dilutive impact of those votes will Instead, as discussed, if Plaintiffs are correct that the use of
be felt equally by voters in both counties. drop boxes increases the risk of vote dilution, all votes in the
relevant electoral unit—whether that is statewide, a subset
This is categorically different from the harm at issue in of the state, or a single county—face the same degree of
Bush and cases like it. In Bush, Florida's arbitrary use of increased risk and dilution, regardless of which county is most
different recount standards in different counties meant that the at fault for elevating that risk.
state was counting equivalent ballots differently in different
counties, meaning that voters in some counties were more What Plaintiffs have really identified, then, are not uneven
likely to have their votes counted than those in others. risks of vote dilution—affecting voters in some counties
more than equivalent voters in others—but merely different
In Black v. McGuffage, an Illinois district-court case on voting procedures in different counties that may contribute
which Plaintiffs heavily rely, the plaintiffs alleged that the different amounts of vote dilution distributed equally across
type of voting machines used in some Illinois counties were the electorate as a whole. The Court finds that this is not an
statistically much more likely to result in equivalent votes equal-protection issue.
being discounted at a much higher frequency in some counties
than others, and that the worst machines were those being *44 To be clear, the reason that there is no differential
used in counties with high populations of minority groups. treatment is solely based on Plaintiffs’ theory of harm in
209 F. Supp. 2d at 899. As a result, voters (and, specifically, this case. In the more “routine” vote-dilution cases, the state
minority voters) were much more likely to have their votes imposes some restriction or direct impact on the plaintiff's
discounted, based just on the county in which they lived. right to vote—that results in his or her vote being weighed
See id. (“As a result, voters in some counties are statistically less (i.e., diluted) compared to those in other counties or
less likely to have their votes counted than voters in other election districts. See Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1930, (explaining that
counties in the same state in the same election for the same “the holdings in Baker and Reynolds were expressly premised
office. Similarly situated persons are treated differently in on the understanding that the injuries giving rise to those
an arbitrary manner.... In addition, the Plaintiffs in this case claims were individual and personal in nature, because the
allege that the resulting vote dilution ... is impacting African claims were brought by voters who alleged facts showing
American and Hispanic groups disproportionately.”). disadvantage to themselves as individuals”) (cleaned up). In
this case, though, Plaintiffs complain that the state is not
Finally, Stewart v. Blackwell, another case cited by Plaintiffs, imposing a restriction on someone else's right to vote, which,
was the same as Black—voters in counties that used punch- they say, raises the risk of fraud, which, if it occurs, could
card voting were “approximately four times as likely not to dilute the value of Plaintiffs’ vote. The consequence of this
have their votes counted” as a voter in a different county inverted theory of vote dilution is that all other votes are
“using reliable electronic voting equipment.” 444 F.3d at 848. diluted in the same way; all feel the same effect.
What ties these cases together is that each of them involves Finally, the Court's ruling in this regard is consistent with
a state arbitrarily “valu[ing] one person's vote over that the many courts that have recognized that counties may,
of another,” Bush, 531 U.S. at 104-05, 121 S.Ct. 525, consistent with equal protection, employ entirely different
by permitting counties to either apply different standards election procedures and voting systems within a single state.
to decide what votes count (Bush) or use different voting See, e.g., Wexler v. Anderson, 452 F.3d 1226, 1231-33 (11th
technologies that create a great risk of votes being discounted Cir. 2006) (“Plaintiffs do not contend that equal protection
in one county that does not exist in others (Black and Stewart). requires a state to employ a single kind of voting system
It is this sort of “differential treatment ... burden[ing] a throughout the state. Indeed, local variety in voting systems
fundamental right” that forms the bedrock of equal protection. can be justified by concerns about cost, the potential value
Sullivan v. Benningfield, 920 F.3d 401, 409 (6th Cir. 2019). of innovation, and so on.”) (cleaned up); Hendon v. N.C.
State Bd. of Elections, 710 F.2d 177, 181 (4th Cir. 1983)
Plaintiffs, in contrast, have shown no constitutionally (“A state may employ diverse methods of voting, and the
significant differential treatment at all. methods by which a voter casts his vote may vary throughout
the state.”); Short v. Brown, 893 F.3d 671, 679 (9th Cir.
2018) (“[T]he appellants’ reading of the Supreme Court's
to the requirements enacted by the Pennsylvania General See Obama, 697 F.3d at 429 (“If a plaintiff alleges only that
Assembly.”) ]. For example, if one “qualified elector” casts a state treated him or her differently than similarly situated
a lawful ballot, but a fraudulent voter casts ten ballots, then voters, without a corresponding burden on the fundamental
that elector's vote will, under Plaintiffs’ theory, be diluted by right to vote, a straightforward rational basis standard of
a magnitude of ten—resulting in differential treatment. review should be used.”); Brehm, 432 F. Supp. 3d at 310
(“Under this framework, election laws that impose no burden
*46 The problem with this theory is that there does not on the right to vote are subject to rational-basis review.”).
appear to be any law to support it. Indeed, if this were a
true equal-protection problem, then it would transform every On rational-basis review, the Secretary's guidance here
violation of state election law (and, actually, every violation passes constitutional muster. Her guidance certainly provides
of every law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim some flexibility in how counties may use drop boxes, but
requiring scrutiny of the government's “interest” in failing the guidance overall is rationally related to a legitimate
to do more to stop illegal activity. This is not the law. To governmental interest—namely, the implementation of drop
the contrary, it is well-established that even violations of boxes in a secure manner, taking into account specific county
state election laws by state officials, let alone violations differences. That Plaintiffs feel the decisions and actions of
by unidentified third parties, do not give rise to federal the Pennsylvania General Assembly, Secretary Boockvar, and
constitutional claims except in unusual circumstances. See the county Defendants are insufficient to prevent fraud or
Shipley v. Chicago Bd. of Election Commissioners, 947 F.3d illegal voting is of no significance. “[R]ational-basis review
1056, 1062 (7th Cir. 2020) (“A violation of state law does not in equal protection analysis is not a license for courts to judge
state a claim under § 1983, and, more specifically, a deliberate the wisdom, fairness, or logic of legislative choices.” Heller v.
violation of state election laws by state election officials Doe by Doe, 509 U.S. 312, 319, 113 S.Ct. 2637, 125 L.Ed.2d
does not transgress against the Constitution.”) (cleaned up); 257 (1993).
Martinez v. Colon, 54 F.3d 980, 989 (1st Cir. 1995) (“[T]he
Constitution is not an empty ledger awaiting the entry of an As detailed above, Secretary Boockvar's guidance provides
aggrieved litigant's recitation of alleged state law violations— lawful, comprehensive, and reasonable standards with respect
no matter how egregious those violations may appear within to (1) selecting the location of drop boxes, (2) drop-box
the local legal framework.”). design criteria, (3) signage, (4) drop-box security measures,
and (5) drop-box ballot collection and chain of custody
Thus, this type of equal-protection claim fails as a matter of procedures. Of particular note, with respect to ballot security,
law, as well. the Secretary's guidance calls for the use of reasonably robust
measures like video surveillance, durable and tamperproof
design features, regular ballot collection every 24 hours,
chain-of-custody procedures to maintain ballot traceability,
2. If Pennsylvania's “uneven” use of drop boxes indirectly
and signage advising voters that third-party delivery is
burdens the right to vote at all, that burden is slight, and
prohibited, among other things.
justified by important state interests.
Even assuming that Plaintiffs could establish unequal To be sure, the Secretary's guidance doesn't insist on the use
treatment to state an equal-protection claim, their claim of security personnel—though some counties have decided to
nonetheless fails because the governmental interests here post security guards outside of drop boxes on their own. But
outweigh any burden on the right to vote. the Court can't say that either the Secretary's failure to provide
that requirement, or the decision of some counties to proceed
Initially, the Court finds that the appropriate level of with drop boxes “unmanned,” is irrational. For example, the
scrutiny is rational basis. Defendants’ failure to implement a evidence presented demonstrates that placing a security guard
mandatory requirement to “man” drop boxes doesn't directly outside of a drop box at all times is costly, particularly for
infringe or burden Plaintiffs’ rights to vote at all. Indeed, as cash-strapped counties—at least $13 per hour or about $104
discussed above in the context of standing, what Plaintiffs (8 hours) to $312 (24 hours) per day, according to Defendants’
characterize as the burden or harm here is really just an expert, Professor Robert McNair. [ECF 549-11, p. 11] In the
ancillary ‘increased risk’ of a theoretical harm, the degree of context of a broader election system that detects and deters
which has not been established with any empirical precision. fraud at many other stages of the voting process, and given
that that there are also no equivalent security measures present by the contraction to one polling place is modest, and
at U.S. postal mailboxes (which constitute an arguably more the identified groups are afforded various other means
tempting vehicle for the would-be ballot harvester), the Court under the voting plans to easily and effectively avoid
finds that the lack of any statewide requirement that all drop disenfranchisement. As already discussed, Defendants
have offered evidence of the substantial government
boxes be manned or otherwise surveilled is reasonable, and
interest in implementing voting plans that provide for a
certainly rational.
free and fair election while attempting to minimize the
spread of COVID-19.”); Paralyzed Veterans of Am. v.
*47 But even assuming Plaintiffs are right that their right
McPherson, No. 06-4670, 2008 WL 4183981, at *22
to vote here has been burdened (and thus a heightened (N.D. Cal. Sept. 9, 2008) (“Plaintiff Bohlke's listed
level of scrutiny must apply), that burden is slight and burdens rely on speculative risk or the ancillary effects of
cannot overcome Defendants’ important state interests under third party assistance, but not on evidence of any concrete
the Anderson-Burdick framework. Indeed, courts routinely harm. Such speculations or effects are insufficient
find attenuated or ancillary burdens on the right to vote to under Supreme Court and Ninth Circuit precedent to
be “slight” or insignificant, even burdens considerably less demonstrate a severe burden on the fundamental right to
attenuated or ancillary than any burden arguably shown here. vote.”).
See, e.g., Weber v. Shelley, 347 F.3d 1101, 1106 (9th Cir. 2003) To begin with, application of the Anderson-Burdick
(“Under Burdick, the use of touchscreen voting systems is framework here presents something of a “square peg,
not subject to strict scrutiny simply because this particular round hole” dilemma. After all, that test assumes there is
balloting system may make the possibility of some kinds of some constitutional injury to “weigh” against the state's
fraud more difficult to detect.”).11 “important” regulatory interests in the first place. And without
differential treatment of votes or voters, there isn't any equal-
11 See, also, e.g., Dudum v. Arntz, 640 F.3d 1098, 1117
protection injury for the Court to balance.
(9th Cir. 2011) (“If the aspects of the City's restricted
IRV scheme Dudum challenges impose any burdens on The Anderson-Burdick test is also ill-fitted to Plaintiffs’
voters’ constitutional rights to vote, they are minimal claims for another reason. Typically, Anderson-Burdick is
at best.”); Common Cause/Georgia v. Billups, 554 invoked where the government takes some direct action to
F.3d 1340, 1354–55 (11th Cir. 2009) (“The district burden or restrict a plaintiff's right to vote. Here, in contrast,
court determined that the burden imposed on Georgia Plaintiffs complain that Pennsylvania has indirectly burdened
voters who lack photo identification was not undue or the right to vote through inaction—i.e., by not imposing
significant, and we agree.... The NAACP and voters enough regulation to secure the voting process it has adopted,
are unable to direct this Court to any admissible and which, Plaintiffs say, will allow third parties to vote in an
reliable evidence that quantifies the extent and scope of
unlawful way, which, if it happens, will dilute (and thus
the burden imposed by the Georgia statute.”); Soules v.
burden) the right to vote.
Kauaians for Nukolii Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176,
1183 (9th Cir. 1988) (“Appellants claim that Hawaii's
absentee voting law fails to prohibit ‘the solicitation,
*48 This unusual causal daisy-chain makes it difficult to
examination and delivery of absentee ballots by persons apply Anderson-Burdick’s balancing approach. After all, it
other than the voters’ and that such activities occurred is one thing to assess the government's interest in taking a
during the special election ... We agree with the district specific action that imposed burdens on the right to vote.
court that the Hawaii absentee ballot statute and the It is much less natural for a court to evaluate whether the
regulations adopted under it adequately protect the government had a good reason for not doing something
secrecy and integrity of the ballot. Although Hawaii has differently, or for failing to do more to prevent (or reduce the
not adopted a regulation to prevent the delivery of ballots risk of) misconduct by third parties that could burden the right
by persons other than the voter, the Hawaii regulations to vote.
go into great detail in their elaboration of procedures to
prevent tampering with the ballots.”); McLain v. Meier,
To the extent Anderson-Burdick applies in such
637 F.2d 1159, 1167 (8th Cir. 1980) (“[A]lthough ballot
circumstances, the appropriate course would, in this
format has an effect on the fundamental right to vote,
Court's view, be to weigh any burden stemming from
the effect is somewhat attenuated.”); Nemes v. Bensinger,
––– F. Supp. 3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 3402345, at the government's alleged failures against the government's
*13 (W.D. Ky. June 18, 2020) (“The burden imposed interest in enacting the broader election scheme it has
erected, of which the challenged piece is usually only one aggrieved litigant's recitation of alleged state law violations.”
part. Focusing solely on the allegedly inadequate procedure Fournier v. Reardon, 160 F.3d 754, 757 (1st Cir. 1998). Nor
being challenged, such as the state's authorization of “drop is it “an election fraud statute.” Minnesota Voters, 720 F.3d
boxes” here, would ignore the fact that Election Code at 1031.
provisions and regulations operate as part of a single,
complex organism balancing many competing interests, all of *49 “Garden variety” election irregularities, let alone the
which are “important” for purposes of the Anderson-Burdick “risk” of such irregularities, are simply not a matter of
analysis. See, e.g., Crawford, 553 U.S. at 184, 128 S.Ct. federal constitutional concern “even if they control the
1610 (“deterring and detecting voter fraud”); Tedards v. outcome of the vote or election.” Bennett v. Yoshina, 140
Ducey, 951 F.3d 1041, 1067 (9th Cir. 2020) (“voter turnout”); F.3d 1218, 1226 (9th Cir. 1998). And as discussed above,
Lunde v. Schultz, 221 F. Supp. 3d 1095, 1106 (S.D. Iowa most often, even “a deliberate violation of state election laws
2014) (“expanding ballot access to nonparty candidates”); by state election officials does not transgress against the
Greenville Cnty. Republican Party Exec. Comm. v. South Constitution.” Shipley, 947 F.3d at 1062. see, e.g., Lecky v.
Carolina, 824 F. Supp. 2d 655, 671 (D.S.C. 2011) Virginia State Bd. of Elections, 285 F. Supp. 3d 908, 919 (E.D.
(“promoting voter participation in the electoral process”); Va. 2018) (“[E]ven assuming the Fredericksburg officials’
Mays v. LaRose, 951 F.3d 775, 787 (6th Cir. 2020) (“orderly failure to provide provisional ballots amounted to a violation
administration of elections”); Dudum, 640 F.3d at 1115 of state law, it would not rise to the level of an equal protection
(“orderly administration of ... elections”); Paher v. Cegavske violation.”).
, 457 F.Supp.3d 919, ––––, 2020 WL 2089813, at *7
(2020) (“protect[ing] the health and safety of ... voters” and Compared, then, to Plaintiffs’ slight burden, the
“safeguard[ing] the voting franchise”); Nemes, ––– F. Supp. Commonwealth has put forward reasonable, precise, and
3d at ––––, 2020 WL 3402345, at *13 (“implementing voting sufficiently weighty interests that are undisputed and that can
plans that provide for a free and fair election while attempting be distilled into three general categories: (1) the benefits of
to minimize the spread of COVID-19”). drop boxes, (2) the Commonwealth's interests in furthering its
overall election-security plan concerning drop boxes, and (3)
Thus, on the “burden” side of the equation is Plaintiffs’ harm the interests inherent in the Commonwealth's general mail-in
of vote dilution predicated on a risk of fraud. As discussed ballot scheme.
above in the context of lack of standing, that burden is slight,
factually, because it is based on largely speculative evidence The first category concerns the benefits of drop boxes
of voter fraud generally, anecdotal evidence of the mis-use of generally. Secretary Boockvar has pointed out the
certain drop boxes during the primary election, and worries Commonwealth's interests generally in using drop boxes—
that the counties will not implement a “best practice” of including, (1) the increase of voter turnout, (2) the protection
having poll workers or guards man the drop boxes. See [ECF of voters’ health in the midst of the ongoing pandemic, (3) the
461, ¶¶ 63-82; ECF 504-2, ¶ 12; 504-3, ¶ 6; 504-4, ¶7;; ECF increase of voter satisfaction, in light of ongoing U.S. Postal
504-6, ¶¶ 6-8; ECF 504-7, ¶¶ 5-9; ECF 504-9, 92:4-10; ECF Service issues, and (4) the reduction of costs for counties.
504-10, 60:3-61:10; 504-19, pp. 3, 16-18, 20 & Ex. D; ECF [ECF No. 547, at pp. 22-25; ECF No. 549-2, ¶¶ 36-39, 42-44].
504-25; ECF 504-49; ECF 509, p. 67; ECF 551, p. 34]. Plaintiffs do not dispute any of these interests.
This somewhat scant evidence demonstrates, at most, an The second category of interests concerns the
increased risk of some election irregularities—which, as Commonwealth's interests in implementing drop boxes with
many courts have held, does not impose a meaningful appropriate and effective safety measures and protocols in
burden under Anderson-Burdick. “Elections are, regrettably, place. That is, Secretary Boockvar has, in her capacity as
not always free from error,” Hutchinson v. Miller, 797 F.2d the chief state official charged with overseeing elections,
1279, 1286–87 (4th Cir. 1986), let alone the “risk” of error. issued uniform guidance to all counties regarding the use of
In just about every election, votes are counted, or discounted, drop boxes, which is noted above. That guidance includes
when the state election code says they should not be. But the (1) advising counties that the Election Code permits the
Constitution “d[oes] not authorize federal courts to be state use of drop boxes, and (2) setting forth best practices that
election monitors.” Gamza v. Aguirre, 619 F.2d 449, 454 (5th the counties should “consider” with respect to their use.
Cir. 1980). It is “not an empty ledger awaiting the entry of an Among other things, the Secretary advised that counties
should maintain a traceable chain of custody for mail-in of “no excuse” mail-in voting as part of the Commonwealth's
and absentee ballots retrieved from drop boxes; utilize drop Election Code. As the Pennsylvania Supreme Court has now
boxes with various security features (e.g., anti-tampering confirmed, that system left room for counties to authorize
features, locks, video surveillance, and removal when the site drop boxes and other satellite locations for returning ballots
is closed or cannot be monitored); and designate sworn county to the county boards of elections. See Boockvar, ––– A.3d
personnel to remove ballots from drop boxes. And evidence at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *9 (“[W]e need not belabor
suggests that the Secretary's deputies have emphasized these our ultimate conclusion that the Election Code should be
best practices when queried by county officials. [ECF 549-32 interpreted to allow county boards of election to accept hand-
(“Per our conversation, the list of items are things the county delivered mail-in ballots at locations other than their office
must keep in mind if you are going to provide a box for voters addresses including drop-boxes.”).
to return their ballots in person.”) ].
Inherent in any mail-in or absentee voting system is some
This guidance is lawful, reasonable, and non-discriminatory, degree of increased risk of votes being cast in violation of
and so does not create any constitutional issue in its own other provisions of the Election Code, regardless of whether
right. With this guidance, the Secretary has diminished the those ballots are returned to drop boxes, mailboxes, or some
risks tolerated by the legislature in adopting mail-in voting other location. For example, there is simply no practical
and authorizing drop-boxes, by encouraging the counties to way to police third party delivery of ballots to any mailbox
adopt rather comprehensive security and chain-of-custody anywhere in the Commonwealth, where Plaintiffs do not
procedures if they do elect to use drop boxes. Conversely, dispute that such ballots can be lawfully returned. It is also
the legislature's decision to leave the counties with ultimate likely that more (and perhaps many more) voters than usual
discretion when it comes to how, and to what extent, will be disenfranchised by technicalities this year, for failing
to use drop boxes (as opposed to adopting a scheme in to comply with the procedural requirements associated with
which the Secretary could enforce compliance with her mail-in ballots, such as the requirement that such ballots be
guidance) is also reasonable, and justified by sufficiently placed in “inner secrecy envelopes.”
weighty governmental interests, given the many variations
in population, geography, local political culture, crime rates, But in enacting the “no excuse” mail-in voting system that
and resources. [ECF 549-9 (“There is no logical reason why it did, the Pennsylvania legislature chose to tolerate the risks
ballot receptacles such as drop boxes must be uniform across inherent in that approach. And the key point is that the
different counties; particularly because the verification of the legislature made that judgment in the context of erecting a
voter is determined by election officials upon receipt of the broader election scheme that authorizes other forms of voting
ballot. Counties vary in size and need. Across the country, and has many other safeguards in place to catch or deter
best practices dictate that counties determine what type of fraud and other illegal voting practices. These safeguards
box and size works for them. The needs of a large county include voter registration; a mail-in ballot application and
are very different from the needs of a smaller county.”); ECF identity verification process, 25 P.S. §§ 3146.2, 3150.12; a
549-11, p. 9 (“Such variation between counties even within a system for tracking receipt of mail-in ballots, 25 P.S. §§
state makes sense, since the needs of different counties vary 3146.3(a), 3150.13(a); and, perhaps most important of all, a
and their use of drop boxes reflects those considerations (e.g., pre-canvassing and canvassing process during which mail-
the geographic size of a county, the population of the county, in ballots are validated before being counted. In addition,
and the ease with which voters in the county can access other Pennsylvania law also seeks to deter and punish fraud by
locations to return mail-in ballots).”]. imposing criminal penalties for unlawful voting, 25 P.S §
3533; voting twice in one election, 25 P.S § 3535; forging
*50 The third category of interests is, more generally, the or destroying ballots, 25 P.S § 3517; unlawful possession or
interests of the Commonwealth in administering its overall counterfeiting of ballots 25 P.S § 3516; and much more of the
mail-in ballot regime, including the various security and conduct Plaintiffs fear, see 25 P.S. § 3501, et seq.
accountability measures inherent in that legislative plan.
In this larger context, the Court cannot say that the
Pennsylvania did not authorize drop boxes in a vacuum. Last balance Pennsylvania struck across the Election Code was
year, the Pennsylvania legislature “weigh[ed] the pros and unreasonable, illegitimate, or otherwise not “sufficiently
cons,” Weber, 347 F.3d at 1107, and adopted a broader system weighty to justify,” Crawford, 553 U.S. at 191, 128 S.Ct.
1610, whatever ancillary risks may be associated with the See Nolles v. State Comm. for Reorganization of Sch.
use of drop boxes, or with allowing counties to exercise Districts, 524 F.3d 892, 898 (8th Cir. 2008) (“A canvass
discretion in that regard. Pennsylvania may balance the many of substantive due process cases related to voting rights
important and often contradictory interests at play in the reveals that voters can challenge a state election procedure
democratic process however it wishes, and it must be free to in federal court only in limited circumstances, such as
do so “without worrying that a rogue district judge might later when the complained of conduct discriminates against a
accuse it of drawing lines unwisely.” Abbott, 961 F.3d at 407. discrete group of voters, when election officials refuse to
hold an election though required by state law, resulting in a
*51 Thus, balancing the slight burden of Plaintiffs’ claim of complete disenfranchisement, or when the willful and illegal
dilution against the categories of interests above, the Court conduct of election officials results in fraudulently obtained or
finds that the Commonwealth and Defendants’ interests in fundamentally unfair voting results.”) (cleaned up); Yoshina,
administering a comprehensive county-based mail-in ballot 140 F.3d at 1226 (“We have drawn a distinction between
plan, while both promoting voting and minimizing fraud, ‘garden variety’ election irregularities and a pervasive error
are sufficiently “weighty,” reasonable, and justified. Notably, that undermines the integrity of the vote. In general, garden
in weighing the burdens and interests at issue, the Court is variety election irregularities do not violate the Due Process
mindful of its limited role, and careful to not intrude on what is Clause, even if they control the outcome of the vote or
“quintessentially a legislative judgment.” Griffin, 385 F.3d at election.”) (citation omitted); Bennett v. Mollis, 590 F. Supp.
1131. “[I]t is the job of democratically-elected representatives 2d 273, 278 (D.R.I. 2008) (“Before an election error becomes
to weigh the pros and cons of various balloting systems.” a key that unlocks the restraints on the federal court's authority
Weber, 347 F.3d at 1106. “So long as their choice is reasonable to act, the Plaintiffs must demonstrate either an intentional
and neutral, it is free from judicial second-guessing.” Id.; see election fraud or an unintentional error resulting in broad-
also Abbott, 961 at 407, (“That the line might have been gauge unfairness.”).
drawn differently ... is a matter for legislative, rather than
judicial, consideration.”) (cleaned up); Trinsey v. Com. of Pa., Indeed, “only the most egregious official conduct can be said
941 F.2d 224, 235 (3d Cir. 1991) (“We take no position on the to be arbitrary in the constitutional sense”—the “executive
balancing of the respective interests in this situation. That is action must be so ill-conceived or malicious that it ‘shocks
a function for which the legislature is uniquely fitted.”). the conscience.’ ” Miller v. City of Phila., 174 F.3d 368, 375
(3d Cir. 1999) (cleaned up).
Thus, even under the Anderson-Burdick framework, the Court
finds that Plaintiffs’ constitutional challenge fails as a matter Based on the slight burden imposed here, and the
of law. Commonwealth's interests in their overall county specific
voting regime, which includes a host of other fraud-
prevention measures, the Court finds that the drop-box claim
B. Pennsylvania's use of drop boxes does not violate falls short of the standard of substantive due process.
federal due process.
In addition to their equal-protection challenge to the use
of drop boxes, Plaintiffs also appear to argue that the use III. Defendants and Intervenors are entitled to summary
of unmanned drop boxes violates substantive due process judgment on Plaintiffs’ signature-comparison claims.
protected by the 14th Amendment. This argument is just a *52 Plaintiffs’ next claim concerns whether the Secretary's
variation on their equal-protection argument—i.e., the uneven recent guidance on signature comparison violates the federal
use of drop boxes will work a “patent and fundamental Constitution. Plaintiffs frame their claims pertaining to
unfairness” in violation of substantive due process principles. signature comparison in two ways—one based on due process
See Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1077 (1st Cir. 1978) and the other based on equal protection.
(substantive due process rights are violated “[i]f the election
process itself reaches the point of patent and fundamental Plaintiffs initially assert that the Election Code requires a
unfairness[.]”). The analysis for this claim is the same as that signature comparison for mail-in and absentee applications
for equal protection, and thus it fails for the same reasons. and ballots. Thus, according to Plaintiffs, Secretary
Boockvar's guidance, which says the opposite, is creating
But beyond that, this claim demands even stricter proof. Such unconstitutional vote dilution, in violation of due-process
a claim exists in only the most extraordinary circumstances. principles—i.e., certain unlawful, unverified ballots will
now be counted, thereby diluting the lawful ones cast by which requires the legislature, not an executive, to issue
other voters (such as in-person voters, whose signatures are election laws).12
verified). Plaintiffs also appear to argue more generally that
absent signature comparison, there is a heightened risk of 12 The parties do not specifically brief the elements of an
voter fraud, and therefore a heightened risk of vote dilution
Elections-Clause claim. This is typically a claim brought
of lawful votes.
by a state legislature, and the Court has doubts that
this is a viable theory for Plaintiffs to assert. See Lance
In addition to due process, Plaintiffs argue that the v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194, 167
guidance violates equal-protection principles—first, by L.Ed.2d 29 (2007). Regardless, if state law does not
counties engaging in a patchwork of procedures (where some require signature comparison, then there is no difference
counties intend to do a signature comparison for mail-in between the Secretary's guidance and the Election Code,
ballots, while others do not); and second, by implementing and the Elections-Clause claim necessarily fails.
different standards between mail-in ballots and in-person *53 Thus, a necessary predicate for these constitutional
ones. claims is whether the Election Code mandates signature
comparison for mail-in and absentee ballots. If it doesn't,
In contrast, Defendants and Intervenors take the position as the Secretary's guidance advises, then there can be no
that state law does not require signature comparison, and for vote dilution as between lawful and unlawful votes, nor a
good reason. According to them, requiring such comparisons usurpation of the legislature's authority in violation of the
is fraught with trouble, as signatures change over time and Elections Clause.
elections officials are not signature-analysis experts. This
leaves open the possibility for arbitrary and discriminatory After carefully considering the parties’ arguments and
application that could result in the disenfranchisement of the relevant law, the Court finds that the plain language
valid voters. of the Election Code imposes no requirement for
signature comparison for mail-in and absentee ballots and
For the reasons that follow, the Court will dismiss the
applications.13 In other words, the Secretary's guidance is
signature-comparison claims and enter judgment in favor
consistent with the Election Code, and creates no vote-
of Defendants. A plain reading of the Election Code
demonstrates that it does not impose a signature-comparison dilution problems.14
requirement for mail-in ballots and applications, and thus
Plaintiffs’ vote-dilution claim sounding in due process fails 13 Several Defendants and Intervenors have asked this
at the outset. Further, the heightened risk of fraud resulting Court to abstain from deciding this issue on the basis
from a lack of signature comparison, alone, does not rise of Pullman. As this Court previously discussed, a court
to the level of a federal constitutional violation. Finally, the can abstain under Pullman if three factors are met:
equal-protection claims fail because there are sound reasons “(1) [the dispute] requires interpretation of “unsettled
questions of state law,”; (2) permitting resolution of
for the different treatment of in-person ballots versus mail-
the unsettled state-law questions by state courts would
in ballots; and any potential burdens on the right to vote are
“obviate the need for, or substantially narrow the scope
outweighed by the state's interests in their various election
of adjudication of the constitutional claims”; and (3) an
security measures. “erroneous construction of state law would be disruptive
of important state policies[.]” ” [ECF 409, p. 3 (quoting
Chez Sez, 945 F.2d at 631) ]. But if, on the other
A. The Election Code does not require signature
hand, the answer to the state law dispute is “clear and
comparison for mail-in and absentee ballots or ballot unmistakable,” abstention is not warranted. [Id. at p.
applications. 15 (citing Chez Sez, 945 F.2d at 632) ]. Here, the
Plaintiffs’ federal-constitutional claims in Count I of their Court concludes (as discussed below) that the Election
Second Amended Complaint are partially based on the Code is clear that signature comparison is not required
Secretary's guidance violating state law. That is, Plaintiffs’ and further, that Plaintiffs’ competing interpretation is
first theory is that by the Secretary violating state law, not plausible. As such, the Court cannot abstain under
unlawful votes are counted and thus lawfully cast votes are Pullman.
diluted. According to Plaintiffs, this violates the 1st and 14th The Pullman analysis does not change simply because
Amendments, as well as the Elections Clause (the latter of Secretary Boockvar has filed a “King's Bench” petition
with the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, requesting that information on the declaration, is tantamount to signature
court to clarify whether the Election Code mandates comparison. The Court disagrees, for at least three reasons.
signature comparison of mail-in and absentee ballots and
applications. [ECF 556, p. 11; ECF 557]. The fact that First, nowhere does the plain language of the statute require
such a petition was filed does not change this Court's
signature comparison as part of the verification analysis of the
conclusion that the Election Code is clear. The Pullman
ballots.
factors remain the same. And they are not met here.
14 The Secretary's September 11, 2020, guidance, stated When interpreting a statute enacted by the Pennsylvania
that the “Pennsylvania Election Code does not authorize General Assembly, courts apply Pennsylvania's Statutory
the county board of elections to set aside returned Construction Act, 1 Pa. C.S. §§ 1501-1991. And as the Act
absentee or mail-in ballots based solely on signature instructs, the “object of all interpretation and construction
analysis by the county board of elections.” [ECF 504-24, of statutes is to ascertain and effectuate the intention of the
p. 3, § 3]. Similarly, the Secretary's September 28, General Assembly.” 1 Pa C.S. § 1921(a). If the words of
2020, guidance stated that “Election Code does not
the statute are clear and unambiguous, the letter of the law
permit county election officials to reject applications or
applies. Id. at § 1921(b). Otherwise, courts may consider
voted ballots based solely on signature analysis. ... No
a variety of factors to determine the legislature's intent,
challenges may be made to mail-in and absentee ballots
including “other statutes upon the same or similar subjects”
at any time based on signature analysis.” [ECF 504-25,
p. 9, § 5.2]. and “[t]he consequences of a particular interpretation.” Id. at
§ 1921(c)(5)-(6).
Plaintiffs, in advancing their claim, rely on section 3146.8(g)
(3)-(7) of the Election Code to assert that the Code requires
Section 3146.8(g)(3) does not expressly require any signature
counties to “verify” the signatures on mail-in and absentee
verification or signature comparison. 25 P.S. § 3146.8(g)
ballots (i.e., examine the signatures to determine whether
(3). It instead requires election officials to (1) “examine the
they are authentic). Plaintiffs specifically point to section
declaration on the envelope of each ballot,” (2) “compare
3146.8(g)(3) as requiring this signature verification. [ECF
the information thereon with that contained in the ... ‘Voters
509, pp. 17-18].
file’ [or] the absentee voters’ list,” and (3) if “the county board
has [a] verified the proof of identification as required under
Section 3146.8(g)(3) states:
this act and [b] is satisfied that the declaration is sufficient and
When the county board meets to pre-canvass or canvass the information contained in the [Voter's file] ... verifies his
absentee ballots and mail-in ballots ... the board shall right to vote,” the election official shall include the ballot to
examine the declaration on the envelope of each ballot ... be counted. Id.
and shall compare the information thereon with that
contained in the “Registered Absentee and Mail-in Voters Under the express terms of the statute, then, the information
File,” the absentee voters’ list and/or the “Military Veterans to be “verified” is the “proof of identification.” Id. The
and Emergency Civilians Absentee Voters File,” whichever Election Code defines “proof of identification” as the mail-
is applicable. If the county board has verified the proof of in/absentee voter's driver's license number, last four digits of
identification as required under this act and is satisfied that their Social Security number, or a specifically approved form
the declaration is sufficient and the information contained of identification. 25 P.S. § 2602(z.5)(3)(i)-(iv).15 The only
in the “Registered Absentee and Mail-in Voters File,” the other “verification” the election official must conduct is to
absentee voters’ list and/or the “Military Veterans and determine whether “the information contained in the [Voter's
Emergency Civilians Absentee Voters File” verifies his file] ... verifies his right to vote.”
right to vote, the county board shall provide a list of the
names of electors whose absentee ballots or mail-in ballots 15 The Election Code's definition of “proof of
are to be pre-canvassed or canvassed. identification” in full provides:
*54 25 P.S. § 3146.8(g)(3). The words “proof of identification” shall mean ... For
a qualified absentee elector ... or a qualified mail-in
According to Plaintiffs, Section 3146.8(g)(3)’s requirement elector ...:
to verify the proof of identification, and compare the
i. in the case of an elector who has been issued a current the statute for context. See 1 Pa. C.S. § 1921(c)(5) (“When
and valid driver's license, the elector's driver's license the words of the statute are not explicit, the intention of the
number; General Assembly may be ascertained by considering ... other
ii. in the case of an elector who has not been issued a statutes upon the same or similar subjects.”); O'Rourke v.
current and valid driver's license, the last four digits of
Commonwealth, 566 Pa. 161, 778 A.2d 1194, 1201 (2001)
the elector's Social Security number;
(“The cardinal rule of all statutory construction is to ascertain
iii. in the case of an elector who has a religious
and effectuate the intent of the Legislature. To accomplish that
objection to being photographed, a copy of a
document that satisfies paragraph (1) [i.e., “a valid-
goal, we should not interpret statutory words in isolation, but
without-photo driver's license or a valid-without- must read them with reference to the context in which they
photo identification card issued by the Department of appear.” (citation omitted)).
Transportation”]; or
iv. in the case of an elector who has not been issued Context here is important because the General Assembly
a current and valid driver's license or Social Security mandated signature comparison for in-person voting
number, a copy of a document that satisfies paragraph elsewhere in the Election Code—thus evidencing its intention
(2) [i.e., “a document that shows the name of the not to require such comparison for mail-in ballots. See Fonner
individual to whom the document was issued and v. Shandon, Inc., 555 Pa. 370, 724 A.2d 903, 907 (1999)
the name substantially conforms to the name of the (“[W]here a section of a statute contains a given provision,
individual as it appears in the district register; shows
the omission of such a provision from a similar section is
a photograph of the individual to whom the document
significant to show a different legislative intent.”) (citation
was issued; includes an expiration date and is not
omitted).
expired, except (A) ... or (B) ...; and was issued by”
the federal, state, or municipal government, or an
“accredited Pennsylvania public or private institution In addressing in-person voting, the General Assembly
of higher learning [or] “a Pennsylvania are facility.”]. explicitly instructs that the election official shall, after
25 P.S. § 2602(z.5)(3). receiving the in-person elector's voter certificate, immediately
“compare the elector's signature on his voter's certificate
*55 Nowhere does this provision require the election
with his signature in the district register. If, upon such
official to compare and verify the authenticity of the elector's
comparison, the signature upon the voter's certificate appears
signature. In fact, the word “signature” is absent from the
to be genuine, the elector who has signed the certificate shall,
provision. It is true that the elector must fill out and sign
if otherwise qualified, be permitted to vote: Provided, That
the declaration included on the ballot. 25 P.S. §§ 3146.6(a),
if the signature on the voter's certificate, as compared with
3150.16(a). However, while section 3146.8(g)(3) instructs the
the signature as recorded in the district register, shall not be
election official to “examine the declaration ... and compare
deemed authentic by any of the election officers, such elector
the information thereon with that contained in the [Voter's
shall not be denied the right to vote for that reason, but shall
file],” the provision clarifies that this is so the election official
be considered challenged as to identity and required to [cure
can be “satisfied that the declaration is sufficient.” 25 P.S.
the deficiency].” 25 P.S. § 3050(a.3)(2) (emphasis added).
§ 3146.8(g)(3). In other words, the election official must be
“satisfied” that the declaration is “fill[ed] out, date[d] and
Elsewhere, the General Assembly also explicitly accounts
sign[ed],” as required by sections 3150.16(a) and 3146.6(a)
for signature comparison of in-person voters: “[I]f it is
of the Election Code. Notably absent is any instruction to
determined that the individual was registered and entitled
verify the signature and set aside the ballot if the election
to vote at the election district where the ballot was cast,
official believes the signature to be non-genuine. There is an
the county board of elections shall compare the signature
obvious difference between checking to see if a signature was
on the provisional ballot envelope with the signature on
provided at all, and checking to see if the provided signature is
the elector's registration form and, if the signatures are
sufficiently authentic. Only the former is referred to in section
determined to be genuine, shall count the ballot if the
3146.8(g)(3).
county board of elections confirms that the individual did
not cast any other ballot, including an absentee ballot, in the
Second, beyond the plain language of the statute, other
election. ... [But a] provisional ballot shall not be counted
canons of construction compel the Court's interpretation.
if ... the signature[s] required ... are either not genuine
When interpreting statutes passed by the General Assembly,
or are not executed by the same individual ...” 25 P.S. §
Pennsylvania law instructs courts to look at other aspects of
3050(a.4)(5)(i)-(ii) (emphasis added); see also 25 P.S. § 2936 deemed choice to affect the rights of household members is
(“[When reviewing nomination papers], the Secretary of the conspicuously missing from Section 1705(a)(5).”).
Commonwealth or the county board of elections, although
not hereby required so to do, may question the genuineness Accordingly, the Court finds that the General Assembly's
of any signature or signatures appearing thereon, and if decision not to expressly refer to signature comparisons for
he or it shall thereupon find that any such signature or mail-in ballots, when it did so elsewhere, is significant.
signatures are not genuine, such signature or signatures shall
be disregarded[.]” (emphasis added)). Third, this Court is mindful that Pennsylvania's election
statutes are to be construed in a manner that does not risk
*56 Clearly then, the General Assembly, in enacting the disenfranchising voters. See, e.g., 1 Pa. C.S. § 1922(3) (“In
Election Code, knew that it could impose a signature- ascertaining the intention of the General Assembly in the
comparison requirement that requires an analysis to enactment of a statute the following presumptions, among
determine whether a signature is “genuine.” And when others, may be used: ... That the General Assembly does not
that was its intent, the General Assembly explicitly and intend to violate the Constitution of the United States or of
unequivocally imposed that requirement. It is thus telling, this Commonwealth.”); id. at § 1921(c)(6) (in interpreting
from a statutory construction standpoint, that no such explicit a statute, the court may consider “[t]he consequences of a
requirement is imposed for returned mail-in or absentee particular interpretation”).
ballots. Indeed, the General Assembly is aware—and in fact,
requires—that a voter must sign their application for an As the Pennsylvania Supreme Court emphasized last month,
absentee or mail-in ballot, and must sign the declaration “[I]t is well-settled that, although election laws must be
on their returned ballot. 25 P.S. §§ 3146.2(d) (absentee- strictly construed to prevent fraud, they ordinarily will be
ballot application), 3150.12(c) (mail-in-ballot application), construed liberally in favor of the right to vote. Indeed,
3146.6(a) (absentee-voter declaration), 3150.16(a) (mail-in our goal must be to enfranchise and not to disenfranchise
voter declaration). Despite this, the General Assembly did the electorate.” Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL
not mention a signature-comparison requirement for returned 5554644, at *9 (cleaned up); see also id. (“[A]lthough both
absentee and mail-in ballots. Respondent and the Caucus offer a reasonable interpretation
of Section 3150.16(a) as it operates within the Election Code,
The Court concludes from this context that this is because the their interpretation restricts voters’ rights, as opposed to
General Assembly did not intend for such a requirement. See, the reasonable interpretation tendered by Petitioner and the
e.g., Mishoe v. Erie Ins. Co., 573 Pa. 267, 824 A.2d 1153, Secretary. The law, therefore, militates in favor of this Court
1155 (2003) (“In arriving at our conclusion that the foregoing construing the Election Code in a manner consistent with the
language does not provide for the right to a jury trial, we relied view of Petitioner and the Secretary, as this construction of the
on three criteria. First, we put substantial emphasis on the Code favors the fundamental right to vote and enfranchises,
fact that the PHRA was silent regarding the right to a jury trial. rather than disenfranchises, the electorate.”).
As we explained, ‘the General Assembly is well aware of its
ability to grant a jury trial in its legislative pronouncements,’ *57 Here, imposing a signature-comparison requirement as
and therefore, ‘we can presume that the General Assembly's to mail-in and absentee ballots runs the risk of restricting
express granting of trial by jury in some enactments means voters’ rights. This is so because election officials, unstudied
that it did not intend to permit for a jury trial under the PHRA.’ and untested in signature verification, would have to
” (cleaned up) (emphasis added)); Holland v. Marcy, 584 subjectively analyze and compare signatures, which as
Pa. 195, 883 A.2d 449, 456, n.15 (2005) (“We additionally discussed in greater detail below, is potentially problematic.16
note that the legislature, in fact, did specify clearly when [ECF 549-2, p. 19, ¶ 68]; [ECF 549-9, p. 20, ¶ 64].
it intended the choice of one individual to bind others. In And perhaps more importantly, even assuming an adequate,
every other category addressed by Section 1705(a) other universal standard is implemented, mail-in and absentee
than (a)(5) which addressed uninsured owners, the General voters whose signatures were “rejected” would, unlike in-
Assembly specifically referenced the fact that the decision person voters, be unable to cure the purported error. See
of the named insured ... binds other household members.... 25 P.S. § 3146.8(a) (stating that in-person and absentee
Similar reference to the ability of the uninsured owner's ballots “shall [be safely kept] in sealed or locked containers
until they are to be canvassed by the county board of
elections,” which § 3146.8(g)(1.1)-(2) states is no earlier “those absentee ballots or mail-in ballots for which proof
than election day); Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL of identification has not been received or could not be
5554644, at *20 (“[A]lthough the Election Code provides verified.” 25 P.S. § 3146.8(h). As discussed above, “proof
the procedures for casting and counting a vote by mail, it of identification” is a defined term, and includes the voter's
does not provide for the ‘notice and opportunity to cure’ driver's license number, last four digits of their Social Security
procedure sought by Petitioner. To the extent that a voter is at number, or a specifically approved form of identification.
risk for having his or her ballot rejected due to minor errors 25 P.S. § 2602(z.5)(3)(i)-(iv). Not included is the voter's
made in contravention of those requirements, we agree that signature.17
the decision to provide a ‘notice and opportunity to cure’
procedure to alleviate that risk is one best suited for the 17 Plaintiffs also argue that signature comparison for mail-
Legislature.”). As discussed in more detail below, unlike in-
in and absentee ballots is supported by historical case
person voters, whose signatures are verified in their presence,
law. [ECF 552, pp. 58-59]. Plaintiffs cite to two cases
mail-in and absentee voters’ signatures would be verified at a from the 1960s that the Court of Common Pleas decided.
later date outside the presence of the voter. See generally 25 [Id.]. The first, Appeal of Fogleman, concluded that
P.S. § 3146.8(a), (g) (requiring mail-in and absentee ballots under the then-applicable election law, an absentee voter
to be kept secured in a sealed container until Election Day). had to sign a declaration to show that he was a proper
Unbeknownst to the voter, then, and without an opportunity resident who had not already voted in that election. 36 Pa.
to remedy the purported error, these mail-in and absentee D. & C.2d 426, 427 (Pa. Ct. Comm. Pl. 1964). Regarding
voters may not have their votes counted. Based on this risk the voter's signature, the court simply stated, “[i]f the
of disenfranchisement, which the Court must consider in elector fails or refuses to attach his or her signature,
interpreting the statute, the Court cannot conclude that this then such elector has not completed the declaration as
required by law of all voters.” Id. Thus, no signature
was the General Assembly's intention.
comparison or verification was implicated there; rather,
the court simply stated that the declaration must be
16 While election officials must engage in signature signed (i.e., completed). The second case Plaintiffs cite,
comparison for in-person voters, that requirement is In re Canvass of Absentee Ballots of Gen. Election
explicitly required by the Election Code, unlike for mail- [ECF 552, pp. 58-59], arose from individual, post-
in ballots. 25 P.S. § 3050(a.3)(2). And as discussed election challenges to 46 individual absentee ballots.
below, in-person voters, unlike mail-in voters, are 39 Pa. D. & C.2d 429, 430 (Pa. Ct. Comm. Pl. 1965).
immediately notified if their signatures are deficient. Thus, a universal and mandatory signature-comparison
The Court is not persuaded by Plaintiffs’ arguments to the requirement was not at issue there, unlike what Plaintiffs
contrary. contest here. This Court finds neither case persuasive.
*58 At bottom, Plaintiffs request this Court to impose
Plaintiffs argue that section 3146.8(g)(5)-(7) provides a a requirement—signature comparison—that the General
voter, whose ballot-signature was rejected, notice and an Assembly chose not to impose. Section 3146.8(g)(3) does not
opportunity to cure the signature deficiency. [ECF 509, pp. mention or require signature comparison. The Court will not
13, 18, 50]. That section, however, refers to when a person write it into the statute.
raises a specific challenge to a specific ballot or application on
the grounds that the elector is not a “qualified elector.” 25 P.S. For the same reasons that the Election Code does not
§ 3146.8(g)(4) (stating that mail-in and absentee ballots shall impose a signature-comparison requirement for mail-in and
be counted unless they were challenged under §§ 3146.2b absentee ballots, the Election Code does not impose a
or 3150.12b, which allow challenges on the grounds that signature-comparison requirement for mail-in and absentee
the elector applying for a mail-in or absentee ballot wasn't ballot applications. While the General Assembly imposed
qualified). Thus, the “challenges” referenced in § 3146.8(g) a requirement that the application be signed, there is no
(5)-(7) refer to a voter's qualifications to vote, not a signature mention of a requirement that the signature be verified,
verification. much less that the application be rejected based solely
on such verification. 25 P.S. §§ 3146.2(d) (absentee-ballot
Plaintiffs similarly argue that section 3146.8(h) provides application), 3150.12(c) (mail-in-ballot application). Again,
mail-in voters notice and opportunity to cure signature finding no explicit instructions for signature comparison here
deficiencies. [ECF 552, p. 60]. But that section relates to (unlike elsewhere in the Code), the Court concludes that
the General Assembly chose not to include a signature- fundamental right to vote, resulting in a due-process violation,
comparison requirement for ballot applications. and thus strict scrutiny applies. The Court disagrees.
The Court again finds Plaintiffs’ arguments to the contrary *59 As discussed above in the context of Plaintiffs’
unavailing. Plaintiffs argue that “there is no other proof drop-box claim, Plaintiffs’ claim here simply does not rise
of identification required to be submitted with the ballot to the high level for a substantive due process claim.
applications,” and thus, a signature comparison must be To violate substantive due process in the voting-rights
required. [ECF 509, p. 16]. context, the infringements are much more severe. Only
in extraordinary circumstances will there be “patent and
But the Election Code expressly requires the applicant to fundamental unfairness” that causes a constitutional harm.
include several pieces of identifying information, including See Bonas v. Town of North Smithfield, 265 F.3d 69, 74 (1st
their name, mailing address, and date of birth. 25 P.S. §§ Cir. 2001); Shannon v. Jacobowitz, 394 F.3d 90, 94 (2d Cir.
3146.2(b), 3150.12(b). And after receiving the applicant's 2005).
application, the election official must “verify[ ] the proof
of identification [a defined term as discussed above] and Here, Plaintiffs’ signature-comparison claim does not meet
compar[e] the information provided on the application with this high standard. This isn't a situation of malapportionment,
the information contained on the applicant's permanent disenfranchisement, or intentional discrimination. And the
registration card.”18 Id. at §§ 3146.2b(c), 3150.12b(a). Thus, risk of voter fraud generally without signature comparison
contrary to Plaintiffs’ argument, the General Assembly —as a matter of fact and law—does not rise to “patent and
provided for certain methods of identification as to ballot fundamental unfairness.”
applications. Signature verification isn't one of them.
Indeed, as discussed above, Plaintiffs’ evidence of potential
18 voter fraud here is insufficient to establish “patent and
This identifying information on a ballot application
fundamental unfairness.” In their summary-judgment brief,
includes much of the same information expressly listed
Plaintiffs argue that “the Secretary's September 2020
for what a voter must provide in initially registering
to vote. 25 Pa. C.S.A. § 1327(a) (stating that the guidance memos promote voter fraud.” [ECF 509, p.
“official voter registration application” shall request the 48]. Plaintiffs then offer a hypothetical where a parent
applicant's: full name, address of residence (and mailing signs a ballot application on their child's behalf because
address if different), and date of birth). the child is out-of-state. [ECF 509, p. 48]. Plaintiffs
assert that without signature comparisons, such “fraud”
For these reasons, the Court concludes that the Election
could proceed unchecked. [Id.]. Plaintiffs continue, arguing
Code does not impose a signature-comparison requirement
that the “fraud” would “snowball,” so that “spouses,
for absentee and mail-in ballots and applications. As such,
neighbors, acquaintances, strangers, and others” were signing
the Secretary's September 11, 2020, and September 28, 2020,
applications and ballots on others’ behalf. [Id. at pp. 48-49].
guidance is consistent with the Election Code. Plaintiffs’
To prevent such fraud, Plaintiffs’ expert, Mr. Riddlemoser,
claims of vote dilution based on this guidance will therefore
asserts that signature comparison is needed. [ECF 504-19, p.
be dismissed.
10 (“Not only does enforcing the Election Code's requirement
of a completed and signed declaration ensure uniformity,
B. The lack of a signature comparison does not violate which increases voter confidence, it also functions to reduce
substantive due process. fraud possibilities by allowing signature verification.”) ].
In addition to alleging that the Secretary's guidance violates
the Election Code, Plaintiffs appear to also argue that their Mr. Riddlemoser first highlights that in Philadelphia in the
right to vote is unconstitutionally burdened and diluted due to primary, ballots were counted “that lacked a completed
a risk of fraud. That is, regardless of what the Election Code declaration.” [Id. at p. 11]. Mr. Riddlemoser further opines
requires, Plaintiffs assert that absent signature comparison, that the September 11, 2020, guidance and September 28,
mail-in and absentee ballots will be prone to fraud, thereby 2020, guidance, in instructing that signature comparison is
diluting other lawful ballots. [ECF 509, pp. 45-50; 504-19, not required for mail-in and absentee ballots and applications,
pp. 10-15]. Plaintiffs argue that this significantly burdens their “encourage[s], rather than prevent[s], voter fraud.” [Id. at pp.
12-13]. Mr. Riddlemoser also notes that signature comparison
is “the most common method” to verify ballots and that procedures employed by the Commonwealth are sufficient
the Secretary's guidance “leave the absentee/mail-in ballots to prevent that fraud. That is a decision left to the General
subject to the potential for unfettered fraud.” [Id. at p. Assembly, not to the meddling of a federal judge. Crawford,
14]. He concludes that the guidance “invites the dilution of 553 U.S. at 208, 128 S.Ct. 1610 (Scalia, J. concurring) (“It
legitimately cast votes.” [Id.]. is for state legislatures to weigh the costs and benefits of
possible changes to their election codes, and their judgment
Based on this evidentiary record, construed in Plaintiffs’ must prevail unless it imposes a severe and unjustified overall
favor, the Court cannot conclude that there exists “patent and burden upon the right to vote, or is intended to disadvantage a
fundamental unfairness.” Rather, Plaintiffs present only the particular class.”). Griffin, 385 F.3d at 1131-32 (“[S]triking of
possibility and potential for voter fraud. In their briefing, the balance between discouraging fraud and other abuses and
Plaintiffs relied on hypotheticals, rather than actual events. encouraging turnout is quintessentially a legislative judgment
[ECF 509, p. 48]. Mr. Riddlemoser admits that failing to with which we judges should not interfere unless strongly
verify signatures only creates “the potential” for fraud and convinced that the legislative judgment is grossly awry.”).
“invites” vote dilution. [ECF 504-19, pp. 14, 15]. Even
assuming an absence of signature comparison does indeed
invite the potential for fraud, the nondiscriminatory, uniform C. Plaintiffs’ federal equal-protection claims based on
practice and guidance does not give rise to “patent and signature comparison fail.
fundamental unfairness” simply because of a “potential” for Plaintiffs present two federal equal-protection claims. The
fraud. Plaintiffs have not presented evidence to establish a Court will address each in turn.
sufficient burden on their constitutional right to vote.
*60 Indeed, even if the Court assumed some “forged” 1. County differences over signature comparison do not
applications or ballots were approved or counted, this is violate federal equal-protection rights.
insufficient to establish substantial, widespread fraud that
undermines the electoral process. Rather, limited instances of Plaintiffs’ first federal equal-protection claim is based on
“forged” ballots—which according to Plaintiffs’ definition, some county boards of elections intending to verify the
includes an individual signing for their spouse or child— signatures on mail-in and absentee ballots and applications,
amount to what the law refers to as “garden variety” disputes while others do not intend to do so. To that end, Plaintiffs
of limited harm. As has long been understood, federal courts have presented evidence that some, but not all, counties do
should not intervene in such “garden variety” disputes. intend to verify signatures. E.g., [ECF 504-1].19 According
Hutchinson, 797 F.2d at 1283 (“[C]ourts have uniformly to Plaintiffs, this arbitrary and differential treatment of
declined to endorse action under § 1983 with respect to mail-in and absentee ballots among counties—purportedly
garden variety election irregularities.”) (cleaned up); Yoshina, caused by the Secretary's September 11, 2020, and September
140 F.3d at 1226 (“In general, garden variety election 28, 2020, guidance—violates the Equal-Protection Clause
irregularities do not violate the Due Process Clause, even if because voters will be treated differently simply because of
they control the outcome of the vote or election.” (collecting the county in which they reside. The Court, however, finds no
cases)); Curry v. Baker, 802 F.2d 1302, 1314-15 (11th Cir. equal-protection violation in this context.
1986) (“[I]f the election process itself reaches the point of
patent and fundamental unfairness, a violation of the due 19 The counties that intend to compare and verify signatures
process clause may be indicated and relief under § 1983 in the upcoming election include at least the following
therefore in order. Such a situation must go well beyond counties: Cambria, Elk, Franklin, Juniata, Mifflin,
the ordinary dispute over the counting and marking of Sullivan, Susquehanna, and Wyoming. [ECF 504-1].
ballots.” (cleaned up)).
The Secretary's guidance about which Plaintiffs complain
is uniform and nondiscriminatory. It was issued to all
To be clear, the Court does not take Plaintiffs’ allegations
counties and applies equally to all counties, and by extension,
and evidence lightly. Election fraud is serious and disruptive.
voters. Because the uniform, nondiscriminatory guidance
And Plaintiffs could be right that the safer course would
is rational, it is sound under the Equal-Protection Clause.
be to mandate signature comparison for all ballots. But
See Gamza, 619 F.2d at 453 (5th Cir. 1980) (“We must,
what Plaintiffs essentially complain of here is whether the
therefore, recognize a distinction between state laws and
patterns of state action that systematically deny equality in It is well-settled that states may employ in-person voting,
voting, and episodic events that, despite non-discriminatory absentee voting, and mail-in voting and each method need not
laws, may result in the dilution of an individual's vote. be implemented in exactly the same way. See Hendon, 710
Unlike systematically discriminatory laws, isolated events F.2d at 181 (“A state may employ diverse methods of voting,
that adversely affect individuals are not presumed to be a and the methods by which a voter casts his vote may vary
violation of the equal protection clause.”) (citation omitted). throughout the state.”)
Indeed, the guidance merely instructs counties to abide by the
Election Code—an instruction to follow the law is certainly “Absentee voting is a fundamentally different process from
rational and related to an obviously rational government in-person voting, and is governed by procedures entirely
interest. distinct from in-person voting procedures.” ACLU of New
Mexico v. Santillanes, 546 F.3d 1313, 1320 (10th Cir. 2008)
*61 In fact, if there is any unequal application now, it is (citations omitted). It is an “obvious fact that absentee
caused by those counties that are not following the guidance voting is an inherently different procedure from in-person
and are going above and beyond the Election Code to impose voting.” Indiana Democratic Party v. Rokita, 458 F. Supp.
a signature-comparison requirement. That claim, though, is 2d 775, 830-31 (S.D. Ind. 2006). Because in-person voting
not before the Court, as Plaintiffs here do not assert that is “inherently different” from mail-in and absentee voting,
imposing a signature-comparison requirement violates the the procedures for each need not be the same. See, e.g.,
Constitution (they allege the opposite). Santillanes, 546 F.3d at 1320-21 (“[B]ecause there are clear
differences between the two types of voting procedures, the
In any event, to the extent there was uncertainty before, law's distinction is proper.”); Rokita, 458 F. Supp. 2d at 831
this decision informs the counties of the current state of (“[I]t is axiomatic that a state which allows for both in-
the law as it relates to signature comparison. If any county person and absentee voting must therefore apply different
still imposes a signature-comparison requirement in order requirements to these two groups of voters.”); Billups, 439
to disallow ballots, it does so without support from the F. Supp. 2d at 1356-57 (“[A]bsentee voting and in-person
Secretary's guidance or the Election Code. Further, counties voting are inherently different processes, and both processes
that impose this signature-comparison requirement to reject use different standards, practices, and procedures.”).
ballots may be creating a different potential constitutional
claim for voters whose ballots are rejected. Boockvar, ––– Plaintiffs argue that while absentee and mail-in voting “is
A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *34, n.16 (Wecht, J. a fundamentally different process from in-person voting,”
concurring) (noting that courts around the country have found Defendants have “no justification in this instance to create
due process issues with signature-comparison requirements; such an arbitrary and disparate rule between absentee/mail-in
and collecting cases). voters and in-person voters.” [ECF 509, p. 51]. Not so.
For these reasons, Plaintiffs’ equal-protection claim falls *62 Because of the “inherent” differences between in-
short. person voting and mail-in and absentee voting, Pennsylvania's
requirement for signature comparison for in-person ballots,
but not mail-in and absentee ballots, is not arbitrary. By
way of example, Secretary Boockvar articulated several valid
2. Different treatment between in-person ballots and mail-
reasons why Pennsylvania implements different verification
in ballots also does not violate federal equal-protection
procedures for mail-in and absentee voters versus in-person
rights.
voters. [ECF 504-12; ECF 549-2].
Plaintiffs also assert a second federal equal-protection claim
on the grounds that the Election Code, by not requiring In her deposition, Secretary Boockvar explained that for
signature comparison for mail-in and absentee ballots, treats in-person voters, the only possible verification is signature
such ballots differently than in-person ballots (which require comparison and verification. [ECF 504-12, 55:19-56:19].
signature comparisons). Plaintiffs argue that this is an This is because, unlike mail-in and absentee voters who must
unconstitutionally arbitrary and unequal treatment. The Court apply for a ballot, in-person voters may simply show up at
disagrees. the polls on Election Day and vote. In contrast, for mail-
in and absentee voters, there are several verification steps
implemented before the voter's mail-in/absentee ballot is district as a witness, who shall make affidavit of his identity or
counted, such as checking their application and their drivers’ continued residence in the election district.” Id. at § 3050(d).
license number or social security number. [Id. at 56:8-19]. Thus, the in-person voter whose signature is not verified is
Thus, counties don't need to resort to a signature comparison immediately notified, is still allowed to cast a ballot, and is
to identify and verify the mail-in or absentee voter. given the opportunity to remedy the signature-deficiency.
This is important, as Defendants and Intervenors present *63 In contrast, a voter who casts a mail-in or absentee
valid concerns about the uniformity and equality of signature ballot cannot be afforded this opportunity. Absentee and mail-
comparisons, in part, due to the technical nature of signature in ballots are kept in “sealed or locked containers” until they
analysis, the subjective underpinnings of signature analysis, are “canvassed by the county board of elections.” 25 P.S. §
and the variety of reasons that signatures can naturally change 3146.8(a). The pre-canvassing and canvassing cannot begin
over time. [ECF 549-2, pp. 19-20, ¶ 68; ECF 549-9, p. 20, until Election Day. Id. at § 3146.8(g)(1.1)-(2). As such, the
¶¶ 63-64]. Such factors can reasonably justify not requiring absentee and mail-in ballots cannot be verified until Election
a signature comparison when the elector is not physically Day, regardless of when the voter mails the ballot. Further,
present. even if there were sufficient time, a voter cannot cure these
types of deficiencies on their mail-in or absentee ballot.
For example, Secretary Boockvar notes the concern with non- Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *20
handwriting-expert election officials comparing signatures, (“[A]lthough the Election Code provides the procedures for
without uniform standards. [ECF 549-2, pp. 19-20, ¶ 68]. casting and counting a vote by mail, it does not provide for
She also notes that people's signatures can change over time, the “notice and opportunity to cure” procedure sought by
due to natural and unavoidable occurrences, like injuries, Petitioner.”).
arthritis, or the simple passage of time. [Id.]. Such reasons
are valid and reasonable. See Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, Therefore, if mail-in and absentee ballots were subject to
2020 WL 5554644, at *34 (Wecht, J. concurring) (“Signature signature comparison, an election official—who is unstudied
comparison is a process fraught with the risk of error and in the technical aspects of signature comparison—could deem
inconsistent application, especially when conducted by lay a voter's signature problematic and not count the ballot, which
people.”). would effectively disenfranchise that voter. Unlike the in-
person voter, the mail-in or absentee voter may not know that
Secretary Boockvar further asserts that signature comparison his or her signature was deemed inauthentic, and thus may be
is justified for in-person voting, but not mail-in or absentee unable to promptly cure the deficiency even if he or she were
voting, because the in-person voter is notified of his or aware.
her signature deficiency, and afforded an opportunity to
cure. [ECF 549-2, pp. 19-20, ¶¶ 66-68 (explaining that in- Accordingly, the Court concludes that the inherent differences
person voters can be immediately notified of the signature and opportunities afforded to in-person voters compared to
deficiency, but mail-in/absentee voters cannot) ]. Secretary mail-in and absentee voters provides sufficient reason to treat
Boockvar's justifications are consistent with the Election such voters differently regarding signature comparison. The
Code's framework. Court concludes that the lack of signature comparison for
mail-in and absentee ballots is neither arbitrary, nor burdens
When a voter votes in person, he or she signs the voter's Plaintiffs’ equal-protection rights.
certificate, and the election official immediately, in the voter's
presence, verifies the signature. 25 P.S. § 3050(a.3)(1)-(2). If For these reasons, the Court will dismiss Plaintiffs’ federal
the election official finds the signature to be problematic, the equal-protection claims related to signature comparison.
in-person voter is told as such. Id. at § 3050(a.3)(2). Notably,
however, the in-person voter may still cast a ballot. Id. (“[I]f
the signature on the voter's certificate ... shall not be deemed
3. The Election Code provisions related to signature
authentic by any of the election officers, such elector shall not
comparison satisfy Anderson-Burdick.
be denied the right to vote for that reason[.]”). The in-person
voter whose signature is questioned must, after casting the Finally, even assuming the Election Code's absence of
ballot, “produce at least one qualified elector of the election a signature-comparison requirement imposes some burden
on Plaintiffs’ constitutional rights, Plaintiffs’ constitutional extraordinary reasons to, the Court is not to second-guess the
claims still fail. legislature.
Against these burdens, the Commonwealth has precise and Defendants and Intervenors have a markedly different view.
weighty interests in verifying ballot applications and ballots
in an appropriate manner to ensure that they are accurate. As an initial matter, the Democratic Intervenors argue that
As discussed above, the Commonwealth determined that the Plaintiffs “are precluded from relitigating their claim that the
risk of disenfranchising mail-in and absentee voters, did not Commonwealth lacks a constitutionally recognized basis for
justify signature comparison for those voters. [ECF 549-2, imposing a county-residence restriction for poll watchers”
pp. 19-20, ¶¶ 66-69]. Unlike for in-person voters, there based on the doctrine articulated in England v. Louisiana
are other means of identifying and verifying mail-in and State Bd. of Med. Examiners, 375 U.S. 411, 84 S.Ct. 461,
absentee voters, such as having to specifically apply for a 11 L.Ed.2d 440 (1964). [ECF 529, p. 16]. That doctrine
mail-in or absentee ballot and provide various categories requires that after a federal court has abstained under
of identifying information. [ECF 504-12, 55:19-56:19]; 25 Pullman, the plaintiff must expressly reserve the right to
P.S. §§ 3146.2(b), 3150.12(b). And ultimately, due to the litigate any federal claims in federal court while litigating
slight burden imposed on Plaintiffs, Pennsylvania's regulatory state-law issues in state court. England, 375 U.S. at 419,
interests in a uniform election pursuant to established 421-22, 84 S.Ct. 461. Defendants and Intervenors contend
procedures is sufficient to withstand scrutiny. Timmons, 520 that Plaintiffs (specifically, the Trump Campaign, the RNC,
U.S. at 358, 117 S.Ct. 1364. and the Republican Party) failed to do so in the proceedings
before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
*64 The General Assembly opted not to require
signature comparisons for mail-in and absentee ballots And if the England doctrine doesn't bar this claim, Defendants
and applications. And as previously discussed, absent and Intervenors argue that “Plaintiffs’ as-applied challenge
simply fails to state a constitutional claim.” See, e.g.,
[ECF 547, p. 65]. They believe that the county-residency
The Democratic Intervenors argue that because none of the “[T]he distinction between facial and as-applied challenges is
three Plaintiffs who participated in the Pennsylvania Supreme not so well defined that it has some automatic effect or that
Court case as either intervenors or amici “reserved the right it must always control the pleadings and disposition in every
to relitigate [Plaintiffs’ poll-watcher claim] in federal court,” case involving a constitutional challenge.” Citizens United v.
they are now “precluded” from doing so. [ECF 529, p. 17]. Fed. Election Comm'n, 558 U.S. 310, 331, 130 S.Ct. 876, 175
The Court is not convinced that this doctrine bars Plaintiffs’ L.Ed.2d 753 (2010).
claim for at least two reasons.
At a fundamental level, a “facial attack tests a law's
First, in its original abstention decision, the Court noted that constitutionality based on its text alone and does not consider
“[n]one of Plaintiffs’ poll-watching claims directly ask the the facts or circumstances of a particular case. United States
Court to construe an ambiguous state statute.” [ECF 409, p. v. Marcavage, 609 F.3d 264, 273 (3d Cir. 2010). By contrast,
24]. Instead, these claims resided in a Pullman gray area, an “as-applied attack” on a statute “does not contend that a
because they were only indirectly affected by other unsettled law is unconstitutional as written but that its application to a
state-law issues. In light of that, the Court finds that the particular person under particular circumstances deprived that
England doctrine was not “triggered,” such that Plaintiffs person of a constitutional right.” Id. The distinction between
needed to reserve their right to return to federal court to facial and an as-applied attack, then, “goes to the breadth of
litigate the specific as-applied claim at issue here. the remedy employed by the Court, not what must be pleaded
in a complaint.” Citizens United, 558 U.S. at 331, 130 S.Ct. conceivable state of facts that could provide a rational basis
876; see also Bruni v. City of Pittsburgh, 824 F.3d 353, 362 for the classification.” (cleaned up)).
(3d Cir. 2016) (“The distinction between facial and as-applied
constitutional challenges, then, is of critical importance in But where the law imposes at least some burden on protected
determining the remedy to be provided). rights, the court “must gauge the character and magnitude of
the burden on the plaintiff and weigh it against the importance
*66 Because the distinction is focused on the available of the interests that the state proffers to justify the burden.”
remedies, not the substantive pleading requirements, “[t]he Patriot Party, 95 F.3d at 258 (citations omitted).
substantive rule of law is the same for both challenges.”
Edwards v. D.C., 755 F.3d 996, 1001 (D.C. Cir. 2014); see Consistent with the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's recent
also Pursuing Am.’s Greatness v. Fed. Election Comm'n, 831 decision, but now based on a complete record, this Court
F.3d 500, 509, n.5 (D.C. Cir. 2016) (“Indeed, the substantive finds that the county-residency requirement for poll watching
rule of law is the same for both as-applied and facial First does not, as applied to the particular circumstances of this
Amendment challenges.”) (cleaned up); Legal Aid Servs. of election, burden any of Plaintiffs’ fundamental constitutional
Or. v. Legal Servs. Corp., 608 F.3d 1084, 1096 (9th Cir. rights, and so a deferential standard of review should apply.
2010) (“The underlying constitutional standard, however, is See Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *30.
no different [in an as-applied challenge] th[a]n in a facial Under a rational-basis review and considering all the relevant
challenge.”). evidence before the Court, the county-residency requirement
is rational, and thus constitutional. But even if the requirement
“In other words, how one must demonstrate the statute's burdened the right to vote, that burden is slight—and under
invalidity remains the same for both type of challenges, the Anderson-Burdick test, the Commonwealth's interests in
namely, by showing that a specific rule of law, usually a a county-specific voting system, viewed in the context of its
constitutional rule of law, invalidates the statute, whether in overall polling-place security measures, outweigh any slight
a personal application or to all.” Brooklyn Legal Servs. Corp. burden imposed by the county-residency restriction.
v. Legal Servs. Corp., 462 F.3d 219, 228 (2d Cir. 2006),
abrogated on other grounds by Bond v. United States, 564
U.S. 211, 131 S.Ct. 2355, 180 L.Ed.2d 269 (2011).
1. The county-residency requirement neither burdens
a fundamental right, including the right to vote, nor
In determining whether a state election law violates the
discriminates based on a suspect classification.
U.S. Constitution, the Court must “first examine whether
the challenged law burdens rights protected by the First and *67 At the outset, “there is no individual constitutional right
Fourteenth Amendments.” Patriot Party of Allegheny Cnty. to serve as a poll watcher[.]” Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––,
v. Allegheny Cnty. Dep't of Elections, 95 F.3d 253, 258 (3d 2020 WL 5554644, at *30 (citing Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d
Cir. 1996). “Where the right to vote is not burdened by a at 408); see also Dailey v. Hands, No. 14-423, 2015 WL
state's regulation on the election process, ... the state need 1293188, at *5 (S.D. Ala. Mar. 23, 2015) (“[P]oll watching is
only provide a rational basis for the statute.” Cortés, 218 F. not a fundamental right protected by the First Amendment.”);
Supp. 3d at 408. The same is true under an equal protection Turner v. Cooper, 583 F. Supp. 1160, 1162 (N.D. Ill. 1983)
analysis. “If a plaintiff alleges only that a state treated him (“Plaintiffs have cited no authority ..., nor have we found any,
or her differently than similarly situated voters, without a that supports the proposition that [the plaintiff] had a first
corresponding burden on the fundamental right to vote, a amendment right to act as a poll watcher.”).
straightforward rational basis standard of review should be
used.” Obama, 697 F.3d at 428 (6th Cir. 2012); see also “State law, not the Federal Constitution, grants individuals the
Biener, 361 F.3d at 214-15 (applying rational basis where ability to serve as poll watchers and parties and candidates
there was no showing of an “infringement on the fundamental the authority to select those individuals.” Cortés, 218 F. Supp.
right to vote.”); Donatelli, 2 F.3d at 515 (“A legislative 3d at 414; see also Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL
classification that does not affect a suspect category or 5554644, at *30 (the right to serve as a poll watcher “is
infringe on a fundamental constitutional right must be upheld conferred by statute”); Tiryak v. Jordan, 472 F. Supp. 822,
against equal protection challenge if there is any reasonably 824 (E.D. Pa. 1979) (“The number of poll-watchers allowed,
the manner of their appointment, their location within the
polling place, the activities permitted and the amount of requirement burdens the right to vote is based on the same
compensation allowed are all dictated by [25 P.S. § 2687].”). threat of vote dilution by fraud that they have advanced with
Given the nature of the right, “[i]t is at least arguable that their other claims. In other words, Plaintiffs’ claim that the
the [Commonwealth of Pennsylvania] could eliminate the county-residency requirement for poll watchers limits the
position of poll watcher” without offending the constitution. ability to find poll watchers, which, in turn, limits the ability
Cotz v. Mastroeni, 476 F. Supp. 2d 332, 364 (S.D.N.Y. for poll watchers to detect fraud and ballot tampering. [ECF
2007). In fact, one neighboring state—West Virginia—has 461, ¶¶ 256-57]. The resulting fraudulent or destroyed ballots
eliminated poll watchers. W. Va. Code Ann. § 3-1-37; W. Va. cause the dilution of lawfully cast ballots. [ECF 509, pp.
Code Ann. § 3-1-41. 64-68].
Nor does the county-residency requirement hinder the *68 Thus, based on this theory, to establish the burden
“exercise of the franchise.” Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 408. It flowing from the county-residency restriction, Plaintiffs must
doesn't in any way limit voters’ “range of choices in the voting show (1) the county-residency requirement prevents them
booth”—voters can still “cast ballots for whomever they from recruiting enough registered Republican poll watchers
wish[.]” Id. And, as Plaintiffs admit, the county-residency in every county, (2) the absence of these Republican poll
requirement doesn't make the actual act of casting a vote watchers creates a material risk of increased fraud and ballot
any harder. See [ECF 524-24, 67:1-6]. Indeed, at least one of tampering, and (3) this risk of fraud and ballot tampering will
the plaintiffs here, Representative Joyce, testified that he was dilute the value of honestly cast votes.
unaware of anyone unable to cast his ballot because of the
county-residency requirement for poll watchers [Id.]. There are both factual and legal problems fatal to Plaintiffs’
vote-dilution theory in this context. Factually, Plaintiffs’
Finally, Plaintiffs’ claim that Pennsylvania's “poll watching evidence, accepted as true, fails to establish that they cannot
system” denies them “equal access” to the ability to observe find enough poll watchers because of the county-residency
polling places in the upcoming election does not, on its own, requirement. But even if they made that factual showing,
require the Court to apply anything other than rational-basis the inability to find poll watchers still does not burden any
scrutiny. [ECF 551, p. 75]. To the extent Plaintiffs are denied recognized constitutional right in a way that would necessitate
equal access (which discussed below, as a matter of evidence, anything more than deferential review.
is very much in doubt), it isn't based on their membership in
any suspect classification.
2. Plaintiffs’ evidence does not establish any factual
For a state law to be subject to strict scrutiny, it must not
predicate for their theory.
only make a distinction among groups, but the distinction
must be based on inherently suspect classes such as race, Even accepting as true Plaintiffs’ version of events, Plaintiffs
gender, alienage, or national origin. See City of Cleburne have not established that the county-residency requirement is
v. Cleburne Living Ctr., 473 U.S. 432, 439-40, 105 S.Ct. responsible for an inability to find enough poll watchers for
3249, 87 L.Ed.2d 313 (1985). Political parties are not such a at least two reasons.
suspect class. Greenville Republican Party, 824 F. Supp. 2d
at 669 (“[T]his court is unfamiliar with, and Plaintiffs have First, Plaintiffs’ evidence stops short of demonstrating any
not cited, any authority categorizing political parties as an actual shortfall of desired poll watchers.
inherently suspect class.”) Likewise, “[c]ounty of residence is
not a suspect classification warranting heightened scrutiny[.]” For example, in his declaration, James J. Fitzpatrick, the
Short, 893 F.3d at 679. Pennsylvania Director for Election Day Operations for the
Trump Campaign, stated only that the “Trump Campaign is
Plaintiffs don't dispute this. [ECF 509, p. 65 (“To be clear, concerned that due to the residency restriction, it will not
the right at issue here is the right of candidates and political have enough poll watchers in certain counties.” [ECF 504-2,
parties to participate in an election where the process is ¶ 25 (emphasis added) ]. Notably, however, Mr. Fitzpatrick,
transparent and open to observation and the right of the voters even when specifically asked during his deposition, never
to participate in such election.” (emphasis in original)) ]. identified a single county where the Trump Campaign has
Rather, Plaintiffs’ theory as to how the county-residency actually tried and failed to recruit a poll watcher because
of the county-residency requirement. See, e.g., [ECF 528-14, which Plaintiffs warn that “Democratic registered voters out-
261:21-25] (“Q: Which counties does the Trump campaign or number ... their Republican counterparts” (i.e., Philadelphia,
the RNC contend that they will not be able to obtain what you Delaware, and Centre), there are still significant numbers
refer to as full coverage of poll watchers for the November of registered Republicans. See [ECF 504-34 (Philadelphia –
2020 election? A: I'm not sure. I couldn't tell you a list.”). 118,003; Delaware – 156,867; and Centre – 42,903) ]. And
only a very small percentage of the registered Republicans
Nor do any of Plaintiffs’ other witness declarations establish would be needed to fill all the necessary poll watcher
an actual, inability to recruit poll watchers in any specific positions in those allegedly problematic counties. See, e.g.,
county. Representative Reschenthaler stated only that he was Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 410 (noting that, in 2016,
“concerned” that he “will not be able to recruit enough the Republican Party “could staff the entirety of the poll
volunteers from Greene County to watch the necessary polls watcher allotment in Philadelphia county with just 4.1% of
in Greene County.” [ECF 504-6, ¶ 12]. the registered Republicans in the county.”). While Plaintiffs
argue that these statistics don't show the number of registered
Representative Kelly stated that he was “likely to have Republicans willing to serve as a poll watcher, the Court is
difficulty getting enough poll watchers from within Erie hard pressed to see, nor do Plaintiffs show, how among the
County to watch all polls within that county on election tens—or hundreds—of thousands of registered Republicans
day.” [ECF 504-5, ¶ 16]. “Likely difficulty” isn't the same in these counties, Plaintiffs are unable to find enough poll
as an “actual inability.” That aside, the declaration doesn't workers.20
provide any basis for Representative Kelly's assessment of
this “likely difficulty.” Nowhere does he detail the efforts he 20 Plus, these figures do not even tell the whole story
took (e.g., the outreach he tried, prospective candidates he
because they do not take into account the hundreds of
unsuccessfully recruited, and the like), nor did he explain why
thousands of voters who are registered to other parties
those efforts aren't likely to succeed in the future. who could also conceivably serve as poll watchers for the
Trump Campaign and the candidate Plaintiffs. [504-34].
The same goes for Representative Thompson's declaration. While that may not be the ideal scenario for Plaintiffs,
Representative Thompson stated that during some they concede there's nothing in the Election Code that
unspecified prior elections, unidentified parties and limits them to recruiting only registered voters from the
campaigns did not “always find enough volunteers to serve as Republican Party. [ECF 528-14, 267:23-268:1 (Q: And
poll watchers in each precinct.” [ECF 504-4, ¶ 20]. But this you don't have to be a registered Republican to serve as a
undetailed statement doesn't help Plaintiffs’ cause, because it poll watcher for the Trump campaign, do you? A: No.) ].
doesn't identify the elections during which this was a problem, To that point, the Trump Campaign utilized at least two
Democrats among the poll watchers it registered in the
the parties and campaigns affected by a lack of poll watchers,
primary. [ECF 528-15, P001648].
or the precincts for which no poll watcher could be found.
Plaintiffs have not presented any evidence that would
*69 Representative Joyce's declaration doesn't even express explain how, despite these numbers, they will have a hard
a “concern” about “likely difficulty” in recruiting poll time finding enough poll watchers. In fact, Plaintiffs’ own
watchers. He simply stated his belief that “[p]oll watchers expert, Professor Lockerbie, admits that “the Democratic and
play a very important role in terms of protecting the integrity Republican parties might be able to meet the relevant criteria
of the election process[.]” [ECF 504-7, ¶ 11]. While he may be and recruit a sufficient population of qualified poll watchers
right, it has no bearing on whether Plaintiffs can find enough who meet the residency requirements[.]” [ECF 504-20, ¶ 16].
people to play that “very important role.”
Professor Lockerbie's report makes clear, and Plaintiffs
Indeed, Plaintiffs’ prediction that they will “likely” have appear to agree, that the county-residency requirement only
difficulty finding poll watchers is belied by the uncontested potentially burdens other, “minor” political parties’ ability
Pennsylvania voter registration statistics for 2019 that they to recruit enough poll watchers. [ECF 509, p. 61 (citing
included as an exhibit to their summary-judgment brief. [ECF ECF 504-20, ¶¶ 16-17) ]. Regardless, any burden on these
504-34]. Those statistics suggest that there is no shortage of third parties is not properly before the Court. They are not
registered Republican voters who are qualified to serve as parties to this litigation, and so the Court doesn't know their
poll watchers. [Id.]. Even in the three specific counties in precise identities, whether they have, in fact, experienced any
the challenged restriction. Id. As discussed above, Plaintiffs post-election ballot rescission procedures”); Common Cause
here have presented no such evidence. Rhode Island v. Gorbea, 970 F.3d 11, 15 (1st Cir. 2020)
(rejecting the claim that a ballot witness signature requirement
To succeed on summary judgment, Plaintiffs need to move should not be enjoined during a pandemic because it would
beyond the speculative concerns they offer and into the realm allegedly increase the risk of voter fraud and put Republican
of proven facts. But they haven't done so on two critical fronts candidates at risk); Cook Cnty. Rep. Party v. Pritzker, No.
—they haven't shown an actual inability to find the necessary 20-4676, 2020 WL 5573059, at *4 (N.D. Ill. Sept. 17, 2020)
poll watchers, or that such an inability is caused by the county- (denying a motion to enjoin a law expanding the deadline to
residency requirement. Because Plaintiffs have not pointed cure votes because plaintiffs did not show how voter fraud
to any specific “polling place that Section 2687(b) prevents would dilute the plaintiffs’ votes).
[them] from staffing with poll watchers,” Plaintiffs’ theory of
burden is doomed at launch. Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 409. Without a recognized burden on the right to vote, Plaintiffs’
“argument that the defendants did not present an adequate
justification is immaterial.” Green Party of Tennessee v.
Hargett, No. 16-6299, 2017 WL 4011854, at *4 (6th Cir.
3. Even if Plaintiffs could establish a factual predicate for
May 11, 2017). That's because the Court need not apply the
their theory, it would fail as a matter of law.
Anderson-Burdick framework, and its intermediate standards,
*71 As the Pennsylvania Supreme Court concluded last in this situation. See Donatelli, 2 F.3d at 514 & n.10.
month, Plaintiffs’ “speculative claim that it is ‘difficult’ for Instead, just as the Pennsylvania Supreme Court held, the
both parties to fill poll watcher positions in every precinct, Commonwealth here need only show “that a rational basis
even if true, is insufficient to transform the Commonwealth's exists [for the county-residency requirement] to be upheld.
uniform and reasonable regulation requiring that poll Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *30
watchers be residents of the counties they serve into a non- (citing Cortes, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 408); see also Voting
rational policy choice.” Boockvar, ––– A.3d at ––––, 2020 for Am., Inc. v. Andrade, 488 F. App'x 890, 899 (5th Cir.
2012) (applying rational basis review as opposed to the
WL 5554644, at *30 (emphasis added).22 The fundamental
Anderson-Burdick balancing test because state election law
constitutional principles undergirding this finding are sound.
did not implicate or burden specific constitutional rights);
McLaughlin v. North Carolina Bd. of Elections, 65 F.3d 1215,
22 The Sierra Club Intervenors argue this should end the 1227 (4th Cir. 1995) (concluding that a ballot access law “fails
analysis. [ECF 542, p. 14 (“Even ‘as applied,’ Plaintiffs’
the Anderson balancing test only if it also does in fact burden
claim has already been rejected”) ]. While the Court
protected rights”).
finds the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's apparent ruling
on Plaintiffs’ as-applied challenge instructive, it is not
outcome determinative. That is because the Pennsylvania *72 “Under rational-basis review, the challenged
Supreme Court did not have the benefit of the full classification must be upheld ‘if there is any reasonably
evidentiary record that the Court has here. conceivable state of facts that could provide a rational basis
for the classification.’ ” Donatelli, 2 F.3d at 513 (quoting
Plaintiffs’ only alleged burden on the right to vote is
FCC v. Beach Commc'ns, Inc., 508 U.S. 307, 313, 113 S.Ct.
that Defendants’ lawful imposition of a county-residency
2096, 124 L.Ed.2d 211 (1993)). “This standard of review is
requirement on poll watching will result in an increased risk
a paradigm of judicial restraint.” FCC, 508 U.S. at 314, 113
of voter irregularities (i.e., ballot fraud or tampering) that will,
S.Ct. 2096. It “is not a license for courts to judge the wisdom,
in turn, potentially cause voter dilution. While vote dilution
fairness, or logic of legislative choices.” Id. at 313, 113 S.Ct.
is a recognized burden on the right to vote in certain contexts,
2096. Nor is it the Court's “place to determine whether the
such as when laws are crafted that structurally devalue one
[General Assembly's decisions] were the best decisions or
community's or group of people's votes over another's, there
even whether they were good ones.” Donatelli, 2 F.3d at 518.
is no authority to support a finding of burden based solely
on a speculative, future possibility that election irregularities
Applying this deferential standard of review, the
might occur. See, e.g., Minnesota Voters, 720 F.3d at 1033
Pennsylvania Supreme Court found that given Pennsylvania's
(affirming dismissal of claims “premised on potential harm in
“county-based scheme for conducting elections, it is
the form of vote dilution caused by insufficient pre-election
reasonable that the Legislature would require poll watchers,
verification of EDRs’ voting eligibility and the absence of
who serve within the various counties of the state, to be including, as noted above, local familiarity with rules,
residents of the counties in which they serve.” Boockvar, ––– regulations, procedures, and the voters. Beyond this, in
A.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5554644, at *30 (citing Cortés, 218 assessing the Commonwealth's interest in imposing the
F. Supp. 3d at 409). The Court agrees. county-based restriction, that interest must be viewed in the
overall context of the Commonwealth's security measures
There are multiple reasons for this. As Secretary Boockvar involving polling places that are designed to prevent against
advises, “[b]y restricting poll watchers’ service to the counties fraud and vote dilution.
in which they actually reside, the law ensures that poll
watchers should have some degree of familiarity with the As the court in Cortés recognized, “while poll watchers may
voters they are observing in a given election district.” [ECF help guard the integrity of the vote, they are not the Election
549-2, p. 22, ¶ 78]. In a similar vein, Intervenors’ expert, Code's only, or even best, means of doing so.” 218 F. Supp.
Dr. Barreto, in his report, states that, voters are more likely 3d at 404.
to be comfortable with poll watchers that “they know and
they recognize from their area.” [ECF 524-1, ¶40 (“Research *73 Each county has the authority to investigate fraud and
in political science suggests that voters are much more report irregularities to the district attorney. 25 P.S. § 2642(i).
comfortable and trusting of the process when they know or are Elections in each district are conducted by a multimember
familiar with poll workers who are from their community.”) ]. election board, which is comprised of an election judge, a
When poll watchers come from the community, “there is majority inspector, and a minor inspector. 25 P.S. § 2671.
increased trust in government, faith in elections, and voter Each voting district may also use two overseers of election,
turnout[.]” [Id.]. who are appointed from different political parties by the
Pennsylvania Courts of Common Pleas, and “carry greater
At his deposition, Representative Kelly agreed with this authority than poll watchers.” Cortés, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 403
idea: “Yeah, I think – again, depending how the districts (citing 25 P.S. § 2685). “Election overseers have the right
are established, I think people are probably even more to be present with the officers of an election ‘within the
comfortable with people that they – that they know and they enclosed space during the entire time the ... election is held.”
recognize from their area.” [ECF 524-23, 111:21-25]. Id. “Poll watchers have no such right,” they must “remain
‘outside the enclosed space’ where ballots are counted or
Whether requiring poll watchers to be residents of the county voting machines canvassed.” Id. (citing 25 P.S. § 2687(b)).
in which they will serve is the best or wisest rule is not Election overseers can also challenge any person offering to
the issue before the Court. The issue is whether that rule is vote, while poll watchers have no such authority. 25 P.S. §
reasonable and rationally advances Pennsylvania's legitimate 2687. For these reasons, concerns “over potential voter fraud
interests. This Court, like multiple courts before it, finds that —whether perpetrated by putative electors or poll workers
it does. themselves—appear more effectively addressed by election
overseers than poll watchers[.]” Id. at 406.
meeting, the elections staff could be overwhelmed by the vast Plaintiffs also appear to challenge any attempts to limit
numbers of poll watchers, and the pre-canvassing process poll watching to “monitoring only in-person voting at the
could become chaotic and compromised.”) ]. polling place on Election Day.” [ECF 461, ¶ 254]. That
is, in their proposed order accompanying their Motion for
23 After the briefing on the cross-motions for summary Summary Judgement, Plaintiffs seek a declaration that they
judgment had closed, on October 6, 2020, Secretary are “permitted to have watchers present at all locations where
Boockvar issued additional guidance, which Plaintiffs voters are registering to vote, applying for absentee or mail-
then raised with the Court the following day. [ECF in ballots, voting absentee or mail-in ballots, and/or returning
571]. This new guidance confirms that poll watchers or collecting absentee or mail-in ballots, including without
cannot be present during the pre-canvassing and limitation any satellite or early voting sites established by any
canvassing of mail-in ballots. It also makes clear that county board of elections.” [ECF 503-1, ¶ 3].
while the authorized representative can be present, the
representative cannot make any challenges to the ballots. Plaintiffs also argue that Secretary Boockvar's October 6,
The Court finds that this new guidance has minimal
2020, guidance expressly, and unlawfully, prohibits poll
relevance to the current disputes at issue here. The scope
watchers from being present at county election offices,
of duties of a representative is not before the Court.
satellite offices, and designated ballot-return sites. [ECF 571].
Of sole relevance here is whether this new guidance
changes how this Court weighs the burdens and benefits
of the county-residency restriction for poll watchers. The This challenge, however, is directly related to the unsettled
Court finds that the representative's inability to challenge state-law question of whether drop boxes and other satellite
mail-in ballots does appear to provide less protection to locations are “polling places” as envisioned under the
Plaintiffs; but in the grand election scheme, particularly Election Code. If they are, then Plaintiffs may be right in that
in light of the role of the election overseers, the Court poll watchers must be allowed to be present. However, the
does not find the new guidance to materially upset Court previously abstained under Pullman in addressing this
the Commonwealth's interests in its overall election- “location” claim due to the unsettled nature of the state-law
monitoring plan. issues; and it will continue to do so. [ECF 459, p. 5 (“The
*74 Further, Secretary Boockvar testified that Pennsylvania Court will continue to abstain under Pullman as to Plaintiffs’
has adopted new voting systems that will provide an claim pertaining to the notice of drop box locations and, more
additional layer of security. [ECF 524-27, 237:21-238:11]. generally, whether the ‘polling place’ requirements under the
That is, there will now be a paper trail in the form of verifiable Election Code apply to drop-box locations. As discussed in
paper ballots that will allow voters to confirm their choice, the Court's prior opinion, this claim involves unsettled issues
and the state recently piloted a new program that will help of state law.”) ].
ensure that votes can be properly verified. [Id.].
Moreover, Plaintiffs have filed a lawsuit in the Court of
On balance, then, it is clear that to the extent any burden Common Pleas of Philadelphia to secure access to drop box
on the right to vote exists, it is minimal. On the other hand, locations for poll watchers. The state court held that satellite
the Commonwealth's interest in a county-specific voting ballot-collection locations, such as drop-box locations, are
system, including with county-resident poll watchers, is not “polling places,” and therefore poll watchers are not
rational and weighty, particularly when viewed in the context authorized to be present in those places. [ECF 573-1, at
of the measures that the Commonwealth has implemented p. 12]. The Trump Campaign immediately filed a notice
to prevent against election fraud at the polls. As such, of appeal of that decision. Regardless of what happens on
under the flexible Anderson-Burdick standard, Plaintiffs have appeal, Plaintiffs appear to be on track to obtain resolution
failed to establish that the county-residency requirement is of that claim in state court. [ECF 549-22]. Although this isn't
unconstitutional. dispositive, it does give the Court comfort that Plaintiffs will
be able to seek timely resolution of these issues, which appear
to be largely matters of state law. See Barr v. Galvin, 626
F.3d 99, 108 n.3 (1st Cir. 2010) (“Though the existence of a
5. The Court will continue to abstain from deciding where
pending state court action is sometimes considered as a factor
the Election Code permits poll watching to occur.
in favor of abstention, the lack of such pending proceedings
does not necessarily prevent abstention by a federal court.”).
Under 28 U.S.C. § 1367(c)(3), a court “may decline to Second, several Defendants have asserted a defense of
exercise supplemental jurisdiction over state law claims sovereign immunity in this case. That defense does not apply
if it has dismissed all claims over which it has original to Plaintiffs’ federal-constitutional claims under the Ex parte
jurisdiction[.]” Stone v. Martin, 720 F. App'x 132, 136 Young doctrine. See Acosta v. Democratic City Comm., 288
(3d Cir. 2017) (cleaned up). “It ‘must decline’ to exercise F. Supp. 3d 597, 627 (E.D. Pa. 2018) (“Here, the doctrine
supplemental jurisdiction in such circumstances ‘unless of Ex parte Young applies to Plaintiffs’ constitutional claims
considerations of judicial economy, convenience, and fairness for prospective injunctive and declaratory relief, and therefore
to the parties provide an affirmative justification for the First and Fourteenth Amendment claims are not barred
[exercising supplemental jurisdiction].’ ” Id. (quoting Hedges by the Eleventh Amendment. Secretary Cortés, as an officer
v. Musco, 204 F.3d 109, 123 (3d Cir. 2000) (emphasis in of the Pennsylvania Department of State, may be sued in his
original)). individual and official capacities ‘for prospective injunctive
and declaratory relief to end continuing or ongoing violations
Courts have specifically applied this principle in cases raising of federal law.’ ”). But sovereign immunity may apply to the
federal and state constitutional challenges to provisions state-law claims, at least those against Secretary Boockvar.
of the state's election code. See, e.g., Silberberg v. Bd. The possibility of sovereign immunity potentially applying
of Elections of New York, 272 F. Supp. 3d 454, 480– here counsels in favor of declining supplemental jurisdiction
81 (S.D.N.Y. 2017) (“Having dismissed plaintiffs’ First to decide the state-law claims.
and Fourteenth Amendment claims, the Court declines to
exercise supplemental jurisdiction over plaintiffs’ state law *76 As such, all state-constitutional claims will be dismissed
claims.”); Bishop v. Bartlett, No. 06-462, 2007 WL 9718438, without prejudice.
at *10 (E.D.N.C. Aug. 18, 2007) (declining “to exercise
supplemental jurisdiction over the state constitutional claim”
following dismissal of all federal claims and recognizing CONCLUSION
“the limited role of the federal judiciary in matters of state
elections” and that North Carolina's administrative, judicial, For the foregoing reasons, the Court will enter judgment
and political processes provide a better forum for plaintiffs to in favor of Defendants and against Plaintiffs on all federal-
seek vindication of their state constitutional claim), aff'd, 575 constitutional claims, decline to exercise supplemental
F.3d 419 (4th Cir. 2009). jurisdiction over the remaining state-law claims, and dismiss
all claims in this case. Because there is no just reason for
Beyond these usual reasons to decline to exercise delay, the Court will also direct entry of final judgment under
supplemental jurisdiction over the state-constitutional claims, Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 54(b). An appropriate order
there are two additional reasons to do so here. follows.
No. 20-3371
| On Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Submitted Under Third Circuit Middle District of Pennsylvania (D.C. No. 4:20-cv-02078),
L.A.R. 34.1(a) on November 25, 2020 District Judge: Honorable Matthew W. Brann
|
Attorneys and Law Firms
(Filed: November 27, 2020)
Brian C. Caffrey, Esq., Keith E. Kendall, Esq., Marc A.
Synopsis
Scaringi, Esq., Scaringi & Scaringi, Harrisburg, PA, Rudolph
Background: Voters and President's reelection campaign
W. Giuliani, Esq., New York, NY, for Plaintiffs-Appellants
brought action against Secretary of the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania and county boards of elections, seeking Barry H. Berke, Esq., Dani R. James, Esq., Kramer Levin
to invalidate millions of votes cast by Pennsylvanians in Naftalis & Frankel, New York, NY, Nicole J. Boland, Esq.,
presidential election during COVID-19 pandemic based on Stephen Moniak, Esq., Keli M. Neary, Esq., Karen M.
allegations that Secretary's authorization of notice-and-cure Romano, Esq., Office of Attorney General of Pennsylvania,
procedure for procedurally defective mail-in ballots violated Harrisburg, PA, Daniel T. Brier, Esq., John B. Dempsey,
the Equal Protection Clause and that poll watchers were Esq., Donna A. Walsh, Esq., Myers Brier & Kelly, Scranton,
impermissibly excluded from canvass. The United States PA, Dani R. James, Esq., Kramer Levin Naftalis &
District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania, Frankel, New York, NY, for Defendant - Appellee Secretary
Matthew W. Brann, J., 2020 WL 6821992, granted motion by Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
Mark A. Aronchick, Esq., John Coit, Esq., Michele D. James P. DeAngelo, Esq., McNees Wallace & Nurick,
Hangley, Esq., John B. Hill, Esq., Christina Matthias, Harrisburg, PA, for Amicus Curiae Christine T. Whitman
Esq., Robert A. Wiygul, Esq., Hangley Aronchick Segal
Matthew Stiegler, Esq., Law Office of Matthew Stiegler,
Pudlin & Schiller, Philadelphia, PA, Stephen H. Barrett,
Philadelphia, PA, for Amicus Appellee Erwin Chemerinsky
Esq., Brian H. Benjet, Esq., Ilana H. Eisenstein, Esq.,
Ben C. Fabens-Lassen, Esq., Rachel A.H. Horton, Esq., Before: SMITH, Chief Judge, and CHAGARES and BIBAS,
Danielle T. Morrison, Esq., Jayne A. Risk, Esq., DLA Piper, Circuit Judges
Philadelphia, PA, for Defendants-Appellees Chester County
Board of Elections, Montgomery County Board of Elections,
Philadelphia County Board of Elections
OPINION*
Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Esq., Molly E. Meacham, Esq., Babst
* This disposition is not an opinion of the full Court and,
Calland, State College, PA, for Defendant-Appellee Centre
County Board of Elections under I.O.P. 5.7, is not binding precedent.
Timothy P. Brennan, Esq., Brian Jeffrey Taylor, Northampton BIBAS, Circuit Judge.
County Office of the Solicitor, Easton, PA, Molly
E. Meacham, Esq., Babst Calland, Pittsburgh, PA, for *1 Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy.
Defendant-Appellee Northampton County Board of Elections Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election
unfair does not make it so. Charges require specific
Terence M. Grugan, Esq., Timothy D. Katsiff, Esq., Edward allegations and then proof. We have neither here.
D. Rogers, Esq., Elizabeth V. Wingfield, Esq., Ballard Spahr,
Philadelphia, PA, Molly E. Meacham, Esq., Babst Calland, The Trump Presidential Campaign asserts that Pennsylvania's
Pittsburgh, PA, for Defendant-Appellee Delaware County 2020 election was unfair. But as lawyer Rudolph Giuliani
Board of Elections stressed, the Campaign “doesn't plead fraud. ... [T]his is not
a fraud case.” Mot. to Dismiss Hr'g Tr. 118:19–20, 137:18.
Adriel I. Cepeda Derieux, Esq., Sophia Lin Lakin, Esq.,
Instead, it objects that Pennsylvania's Secretary of State and
American Civil Liberties Union, New York, NY, Witold J.
some counties restricted poll watchers and let voters fix
Walczak, Esq., American Civil Liberties Union, Pittsburgh,
technical defects in their mail-in ballots. It offers nothing
PA, Claudia De Palma, Esq., Benjamin D. Geffen, Esq.,
more.
Mary M. McKenzie, Esq., Public Interest Law Center
of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, Jon M. Greenbaum,
This case is not about whether those claims are true. Rather,
Esq., Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law,
the Campaign appeals on a very narrow ground: whether
Washington, DC, David M. Zionts, Esq., Covington
the District Court abused its discretion in not letting the
& Burling, Washington, DC, for Intervenor-Defendants-
Campaign amend its complaint a second time. It did not.
Appellees Joseph Ayeni, Black Political Empowerment
Project, Common Cause of Pennsylvania, Stephanie Higgins,
Most of the claims in the Second Amended Complaint boil
Meril Lara, League of Women Voters of Pennsylvania,
down to issues of state law. But Pennsylvania law is willing
Ricardo Morales, Pennsylvania State Conference of NAACP
to overlook many technical defects. It favors counting votes § 2687(b). They can ask to check voting lists. Id. And they
as long as there is no fraud. Indeed, the Campaign has already get to be present when officials open and count all the mail-
litigated and lost many of these issues in state courts. in ballots. § 3146.8(b). Likewise, candidates’ and political
parties’ “representatives” may be present when absentee
The Campaign tries to repackage these state-law claims as and mail-in ballots are inspected, opened, or counted, or
unconstitutional discrimination. Yet its allegations are vague when provisional ballots are examined. §§ 2602(a.1), (q.1),
and conclusory. It never alleges that anyone treated the Trump 3050(a.4)(4), 3146.8(g)(1.1) & (2); see also § 3050(a.4)(12)
campaign or Trump votes worse than it treated the Biden (defining provisional ballots as those cast by voters whose
campaign or Biden votes. And federal law does not require voter registration cannot be verified right away).
poll watchers or specify how they may observe. It also says
nothing about curing technical state-law errors in ballots. *2 Still, counties have some control over these poll watchers
Each of these defects is fatal, and the proposed Second and representatives. The Election Code does not tell counties
Amended Complaint does not fix them. So the District Court how they must accommodate them. Counties need only allow
properly denied leave to amend again. them “in the polling place” or “in the room” where ballots are
being inspected, opened, or counted. §§ 2687(b), 3050(a.4)
Nor does the Campaign deserve an injunction to undo (4), 3146.8(g)(1.1) & (2). Counties are expected to set up “an
Pennsylvania's certification of its votes. The Campaign's enclosed space” for vote counters at the polling place, and
claims have no merit. The number of ballots it specifically poll watchers “shall remain outside the enclosed space.” §
challenges is far smaller than the roughly 81,000-vote margin 2687(b). So the counties decide where the watchers stand and
of victory. And it never claims fraud or that any votes were how close they get to the vote counters.
cast by illegal voters. Plus, tossing out millions of mail-in
ballots would be drastic and unprecedented, disenfranchising 2. Mail-in ballots. For decades, Pennsylvania let only certain
a huge swath of the electorate and upsetting all down-ballot people, like members of the military and their families, vote
races too. That remedy would be grossly disproportionate to by mail. See, e.g., 25 Pa. Stat. § 3146.1. But last year, as part
the procedural challenges raised. So we deny the motion for of a bipartisan election reform, Pennsylvania expanded mail-
an injunction pending appeal. in voting. Act of Oct. 31, 2019, Pub. L. No. 552, sec. 8, §
1310-D, 2019 Pa. Legis. Serv. Act 2019-77 (S.B. 421). Now,
any Pennsylvania voter can vote by mail for any reason. See
25 Pa. Stat. §§ 2602(t), 3150.11(a).
I. Background
A. Pennsylvania election law To vote by mail, a Pennsylvania voter must take several steps.
In Pennsylvania, each county runs its own elections. 25 Pa. First, he (or she) must ask the State (Commonwealth) or his
Stat. § 2641(a). Counties choose and staff polling places. § county for a mail-in ballot. 25 Pa. Stat. § 3150.12(a). To
2642(b), (d). They buy their own ballot boxes and voting do that, he must submit a signed application with his name,
booths and machines. § 2642(c). They even count the votes date of birth, address, and other information. § 3150.12(b)–
and post the results. § 2642(k), (l). In all this, counties (c). He must also provide a driver's license number, the last
must follow Pennsylvania's Election Code and regulations. four digits of his Social Security number, or the like. §§
But counties can, and do, adopt rules and guidance for 2602(z.5), 3150.12b(a), (c). Once the application is correct
election officers and electors. § 2642(f). And they are charged and complete, the county will approve it. See §§ 3150.12a(a),
with ensuring that elections are “honestly, efficiently, and 3150.12b.
uniformly conducted.” § 2642(g).
Close to the election, the county will mail the voter a mail-
1. Poll watchers and representatives. Counties must admit in ballot package. § 3150.15. The package has a ballot
qualified poll “watchers” to observe votes being tallied. 25 and two envelopes. The smaller envelope (also called the
Pa. Stat. § 2650(a). Poll watchers must be registered to vote in secrecy envelope) is stamped “Official Election Ballot.” §
the county where they will serve. § 2687(b). Each candidate 3150.14(a). The larger envelope is stamped with the county
can pick two poll watchers per election district; each political board of election's name and address and bears a printed voter
party, three. § 2687(a). The poll watchers remain at the declaration. Id.
polling place while election officials count in-person ballots.
Next, the voter fills out the ballot. § 3150.16(a). He then folds
the ballot; puts it into the first, smaller secrecy envelope; and B. Facts and procedural history
seals it. Id. After that, he puts the secrecy envelope inside the *3 On appeal from the dismissal of a complaint, we take the
larger envelope and seals that too. Id. He must also “fill out, factual allegations as true:
date and sign the declaration printed” on the outside of the
larger envelope. §§ 3150.16(a), 3150.14(b). The declaration 1. Mail-in voting. For months, Pennsylvanians went to the
for the November 2020 election read thus: polls, so to speak. The first batch of mail-in ballots went
out to voters in late September. As they trickled back in,
I hereby declare that I am qualified to vote from the below election officials noticed that some voters had not followed
stated address at this election; that I have not already voted the rules. Some ballots were not in secrecy envelopes,
in this election; and I further declare that I marked my so those packages were lighter and thinner than complete
ballot in secret. I am qualified to vote the enclosed ballot. ballot packages. Others had declarations that voters had not
I understand I am no longer eligible to vote at my polling completed. Some counties did not notify voters about these
place after I return my voted ballot. However, if my ballot defective ballots. Others, including the counties named in this
is not received by the county, I understand I may only suit, decided to reach out to these voters to let them cure their
vote by provisional ballot at my polling place, unless I mistakes by voting provisionally on Election Day or asking
surrender my balloting materials, to be voided, to the judge for a replacement ballot.
of elections at my polling place.
2. Election Day. Though more than two million
[BAR CODE] Pennsylvanians voted by mail, even more voted in person. On
Election Day, November 3, the Campaign set up poll watchers
Voter, sign or mark here/Votante firme o mar[q]ue aqui
at polling places around the Commonwealth. Appellees’
X_______________________________________ election officials kept poll watchers and representatives away
from where ballots were opened, counted, and tallied. In
_________________________________________ Philadelphia, for instance, poll watchers were kept six to
twenty-five feet back from officials. In comparison, other,
Date of signing (MM/DD/YYYY)/Fechade firme (MM/
“Republican[-]controlled” counties did give the Campaign's
DD/YYYY)
poll watchers and representatives full access. Second Am.
_________________________________________ Compl. ¶¶ 151, 154.
Voter, print name/Votante, nombre en letra de impreta In all, nearly seven million Pennsylvanians voted, more
In re: Canvass of Absentee and Mail-in Ballots of November than a third of them by mail. Unofficial Returns for the
3, 2020 General Election, Nos. 31–35 EAP & 29 WAP 2020 Presidential Election, Pa. Dep't of State, https://
2020,––– A.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6875017, at *4 (Pa. www.electionreturns.pa.gov/ (last visited Nov. 27, 2020). As
Nov. 23, 2020). Once the voter assembles the ballot packet, of today, former Vice President Biden leads President Trump
he can mail it back or deliver it in person. 25 Pa. Stat. § in Pennsylvania by 81,660 votes. Id.
3150.16(a).
Pennsylvania's counties certified their election results by
Not every voter can be expected to follow this process the November 23 certification deadline. 25 Pa. Stat.
perfectly. Some forget one of the envelopes. Others forget to § 2642(k). The next morning, the Secretary of State
sign on the dotted line. Some major errors will invalidate a (technically, Secretary of the Commonwealth) certified the
ballot. For instance, counties may not count mail-in ballots vote totals, and the Governor signed the Certificate of
that lack secrecy envelopes. Pa. Dem. Party v. Boockvar, 238 Ascertainment and sent it to the U.S. Archivist. Department
A.3d 345, 378–80 (Pa. 2020). But the Election Code says of State Certifies Presidential Election Results, PA
nothing about what should happen if a county notices these Media, https://www.media.pa.gov/Pages/State-details.aspx?
errors before election day. Some counties stay silent and do newsid=435 (last visited Nov. 27, 2020). The certified margin
not count the ballots; others contact the voters and give them of victory was 80,555 votes. Id.
a chance to correct their errors.
3. This lawsuit. Almost a week after the election, the
Campaign (as well as two voters) sued seven Pennsylvania
have mooted the existing motions to dismiss and required new ballots in order to conceal their decision not to enforce
briefing, possibly new oral argument, and a reasoned judicial [certain ballot] requirements.” Second Am. Compl. ¶¶167,
opinion within seventy-two hours over a weekend. That is too 193, 222, 252. That is conclusory. So is the claim that,
much to ask—especially since the proposed Second Amended “[u]pon information and belief, a substantial portion of
Complaint largely repleaded many claims abandoned by the the approximately 1.5 million absentee and mail votes in
first one. Cf. Rolo v. City Investing Co. Liquidating Tr., 155 Defendant Counties should not have been counted.” Id.
F.3d 644, 654–55 (3d Cir. 1998) (affirming denial of leave to ¶¶168, 194, 223, 253. “Upon information and belief” is a
amend because the movant sought largely to “replead facts lawyerly way of saying that the Campaign does not know that
and arguments that could have been pled much earlier”). something is a fact but just suspects it or has heard it. “While
legal conclusions can provide the framework of a complaint,
*5 Having repeatedly stressed the certification deadline, the they must be supported by factual allegations.” Iqbal, 556
Campaign cannot now pivot and object that the District Court U.S. at 679, 129 S.Ct. 1937. Yet the Campaign offers no
abused its discretion by holding the Campaign to that very specific facts to back up these claims.
deadline. It did not.
2. The Campaign has already litigated and lost most of these
issues. Many of the Second Amended Complaint's claims
B. Amending the Complaint again would have been have already had their day in court. The Campaign cannot
futile use this lawsuit to collaterally attack those prior rulings.
The Campaign focuses on critiquing the District Court's On Counts One, Two, Four, and Six, the Campaign has
discussion of undue delay. Though the court properly rested already litigated whether ballots that lack a handwritten name,
on that ground, we can affirm on any ground supported by address, or date on the outer envelope must be disqualified.
the record. Another ground also supports its denial of leave See In re: Canvass of Absentee and Mail-in Ballots, ––– A.3d
to amend: it would have been futile. at ––––, 2020 WL 6875017, at *1. The Pennsylvania Supreme
Court ruled against the Campaign, holding: “[T]he Election
1. The Campaign had to plead plausible facts, not just Code does not require boards of elections to disqualify mail-
conclusory allegations. Plaintiffs must do more than allege in or absentee ballots submitted by qualified electors who
conclusions. Rather, “a complaint must contain sufficient signed the declaration on their ballot's outer envelope but did
factual matter, accepted as true, to ‘state a claim to relief that not handwrite their name, their address, and/or date, where
is plausible on its face.’ ” Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, no fraud or irregularity has been alleged.” Id. at ––––, at
678, 129 S.Ct. 1937, 173 L.Ed.2d 868 (2009) (quoting Bell *1. That holding undermines the Campaign's suggestions that
Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570, 127 S.Ct. 1955, 167 defective ballots should not have been counted.
L.Ed.2d 929 (2007)). “Threadbare recitals of the elements of
a cause of action, supported by mere conclusory statements, *6 Counts One and Two also challenge the requirement
do not suffice.” Id. The Second Amended Complaint does not that poll watchers be registered electors of the county they
meet Twombly and Iqbal’s baseline standard of specifics. wish to observe and that observers be Pennsylvania lawyers.
But a federal district court has already held “that the county-
To start, note what it does not allege: fraud. Indeed, in residency requirement for poll watching does not, as applied
oral argument before the District Court, Campaign lawyer to the particular circumstances of this election, burden any of
Rudolph Giuliani conceded that the Campaign “doesn't plead [the Campaign's] fundamental constitutional rights.” Donald
fraud.” Mot. to Dismiss Hr'g Tr. 118:19–20 (Nov. 17, 2020). J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966,
He reiterated: “If we had alleged fraud, yes, but this is not a ––– F. Supp. 3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *66
fraud case.” Id. at 137:18. (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020). The Campaign never appealed that
decision, so it is bound by it.
Though it alleges many conclusions, the Second Amended
Complaint is light on facts. Take the nearly identical Count Seven alleges that Philadelphia's Board of Elections
paragraphs introducing Counts One, Two, Four, and Six: violated due process by obstructing poll watchers and
“Democrats who controlled the Defendant County Election representatives. But nothing in the Due Process Clause
Boards engaged in a deliberate scheme of intentional and requires having poll watchers or representatives, let alone
purposeful discrimination ... by excluding Republican and watchers from outside a county or less than eighteen feet away
Trump Campaign observers from the canvassing of the mail
Even if we could grant relief, we would not. Without more facts, we will not extrapolate from these modest
Injunctions pending appeal, like preliminary injunctions, are numbers to postulate that the number of affected ballots
“extraordinary remed[ies] never awarded as of right.” Winter comes close to the certified margin of victory of 80,555 votes.
v. NRDC, 555 U.S. 7, 24, 129 S.Ct. 365, 172 L.Ed.2d 249 Denying relief will not move the needle.
(2008). For a stay or injunction pending appeal, the movant
must show both (1) a “strong” likelihood of success on the Plus, states are primarily responsible for running federal
merits and (2) irreparable injury absent a stay or injunction. elections. U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1; 3 U.S.C. § 5.
Hilton v. Braunskill, 481 U.S. 770, 776, 107 S.Ct. 2113, Pennsylvania law has detailed mechanisms for disputing
95 L.Ed.2d 724 (1987). The first two factors are “the most election results. 25 Pa. Stat. §§ 3261–3474. Because the
critical.” Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 434, 129 S.Ct. 1749, Campaign can raise these issues and seek relief through state
173 L.Ed.2d 550 (2009). After that, we also balance (3) courts and then the U.S. Supreme Court, any harm may not be
whether a stay or injunction will injure other interested parties irreparable. Touchston v. McDermott, 234 F.3d 1130, 1132–
(also called the balance of equities) and (4) the public interest. 33 (11th Cir. 2000) (per curiam) (en banc).
Hilton, 481 U.S. at 776, 107 S.Ct. 2113; In re Revel AC, Inc.,
802 F.3d 558, 568–71 (3d Cir. 2015). None of the four factors
favors taking this extraordinary step. C. The balance of equities opposes disenfranchising
voters
Nor would granting relief be equitable. The Campaign has That court recently reiterated: “[T]he Election Code should
already litigated and lost most of these issues as garden- be liberally construed so as not to deprive, inter alia, electors
variety state-law claims. It now tries to turn them into federal of their right to elect a candidate of their choice.” Pa. Dem.
constitutional claims but cannot. See Bognet, ––– F.3d at Party, 238 A.3d at 356. Thus, unless there is evidence of
––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *11. fraud, Pennsylvania law overlooks small ballot glitches and
respects the expressed intent of every lawful voter. In re:
Even if it could, it has delayed bringing this suit. For instance, Canvass of Absentee and Mail-in Ballots, 2020 WL 6875017,
in proposed Count Four, it challenges giving voters notice and at *1 (plurality opinion). In our federalist system, we must
letting them cure ballot defects as violating equal protection. respect Pennsylvania's approach to running elections. We will
The Campaign could have disputed these practices while they not make more of ballot technicalities than Pennsylvania itself
were happening or during the canvassing period. Instead, it does.
waited almost a week after Election Day to file its original
complaint, almost another week to amend it, and then another *****
three days to amend it again. Its delay is inequitable, and
further delay would wreak further inequity. Voters, not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots, not
briefs, decide elections. The ballots here are governed by
And the Campaign's charges are selective. Though Pennsylvania election law. No federal law requires poll
Pennsylvanians cast 2.6 million mail-in ballots, the Campaign watchers or specifies where they must live or how close they
challenges 1.5 million of them. It cherry-picks votes cast in may stand when votes are counted. Nor does federal law
“Democratic-heavy counties” but not “those in Republican- govern whether to count ballots with minor state-law defects
heavy counties.” Second Am. Compl. ¶8. Without compelling or let voters cure those defects. Those are all issues of state
evidence of massive fraud, not even alleged here, we can law, not ones that we can hear. And earlier lawsuits have
hardly grant such lopsided relief. rejected those claims.
Granting relief would harm millions of Pennsylvania voters Seeking to turn those state-law claims into federal ones,
too. The Campaign would have us set aside 1.5 million ballots the Campaign claims discrimination. But its alchemy cannot
without even alleging fraud. As the deadline to certify votes transmute lead into gold. The Campaign never alleges that
has already passed, granting relief would disenfranchise those any ballot was fraudulent or cast by an illegal voter. It never
voters or sidestep the expressed will of the people. Tossing alleges that any defendant treated the Trump campaign or
out those ballots could disrupt every down-ballot race as well. its votes worse than it treated the Biden campaign or its
There is no allegation of fraud (let alone proof) to justify votes. Calling something discrimination does not make it so.
harming those millions of voters as well as other candidates. The Second Amended Complaint still suffers from these core
defects, so granting leave to amend would have been futile.
D. The public interest favors counting all lawful voters’ And there is no basis to grant the unprecedented injunction
votes sought here. First, for the reasons already given, the
*9 Lastly, relief would not serve the public interest. Campaign is unlikely to succeed on the merits. Second, it
Democracy depends on counting all lawful votes promptly shows no irreparable harm, offering specific challenges to
and finally, not setting them aside without weighty proof. The many fewer ballots than the roughly 81,000-vote margin
public must have confidence that our Government honors and of victory. Third, the Campaign is responsible for its delay
respects their votes. and repetitive litigation. Finally, the public interest strongly
favors finality, counting every lawful voter's vote, and not
What is more, throwing out those votes would conflict with disenfranchising millions of Pennsylvania voters who voted
Pennsylvania election law. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court by mail. Plus, discarding those votes could disrupt every other
has long “liberally construed” its Election Code “to protect election on the ballot.
voters’ right to vote,” even when a ballot violates a technical
requirement. Shambach v. Bickhart, 577 Pa. 384, 845 A.2d We will thus affirm the District Court's denial of leave to
793, 802 (2004). “Technicalities should not be used to make amend, and we deny an injunction pending appeal. The
the right of the voter insecure.” Appeal of James, 377 Pa. 405, Campaign asked for a very fast briefing schedule, and we have
105 A.2d 64, 66 (1954) (internal quotation marks omitted).
L. Lin WOOD, Jr., Plaintiff-Appellant, Charlene S. McGowan, Christopher Michael Carr, Russell
D. Willard, Attorney General's Office, Atlanta, GA, for
v. Defendants-Appellees.
Brad RAFFENSPERGER, in his
Marc Erik Elias, Amanda Rebecca Callais, Perkins Coie,
official capacity as Secretary of State
LLP, Washington, DC, Kevin J. Hamilton, Perkins Coie, LLP,
of the State of Georgia, Rebecca N. Seattle, WA, Susan Coppedge, U.S. Attorney's Office, Halsey
Sullivan, in her official capacity as Vice G. Knapp, Jr., Joyce Gist Lewis, Adam M. Sparks, Krevolin
& Horst, LLC, Atlanta, GA, for Intervenors-Appellees.
Chair of the Georgia State Election
Board, et al., Defendants-Appellees. Jon M. Greenbaum, Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights
Under Law, Washington, DC, Bryan L. Sells, Law Office
No. 20-14418 of Bryan L. Sells, LLC, Atlanta, GA, for Amici Curiae
| Helen Butler, Georgia State Conference of the NAACP,
(December 5, 2020) Georgia Coalition for the Peoples' Agenda, James Woodall,
and Melvin Ivey.
Synopsis
Background: Voter brought post-election action against Amanda J. Beane, Perkins Coie, LLP, Seattle, WA, Emily
Georgia election officials alleging violations of equal Rachel Brailey, Alexi M. Velez, Perkins Coie, LLP,
protection, due process, and election and electors clauses and Washington, DC, Gillian Kuhlmann, Perkins Coie, LLP, Los
seeking to enjoin certification of general election results, to Angeles, CA, Matthew Joseph Mertens, Perkins Coie, LLP,
secure a new recount under different rules, and to establish Portland, OR, for Service.
new rules for upcoming runoff election. The United States
District Court for the Northern District of Georgia, No. 1:20- Appeal from the United States District Court for the Northern
cv-04651-SDG, Steven D. Grimberg, J., 2020 WL 6817513, District of Georgia, D.C. Docket No. 1:20-cv-04651-SDG
denied voter's motion for temporary restraining order (TRO).
Before WILLIAM PRYOR, Chief Judge, JILL PRYOR and
Voter appealed.
LAGOA, Circuit Judges.
Opinion
Holdings: The Court of Appeals, William H. Pryor, Chief
WILLIAM PRYOR, Chief Judge:
Judge, held that:
*1 This appeal requires us to decide whether we have
voter did not satisfy the injury-in-fact requirement for Article jurisdiction over an appeal from the denial of a request for
III standing; emergency relief in a post-election lawsuit. Ten days after the
presidential election, L. Lin Wood Jr., a Georgia voter, sued
voter's requests to delay certification of election results and state election officials to enjoin certification of the general
commence a new recount were moot; and election results, to secure a new recount under different rules,
and to establish new rules for an upcoming runoff election.
exception to mootness doctrine for issues that are capable of Wood alleged that the extant absentee-ballot and recount
repetition yet evading review did not apply. procedures violated Georgia law and, as a result, his federal
constitutional rights. After Wood moved for emergency relief,
the district court denied his motion. We agree with the
Affirmed.
district court that Wood lacks standing to sue because he
fails to allege a particularized injury. And because Georgia
has already certified its election results and its slate of declaratory and injunctive relief. Secretary Raffensperger and
presidential electors, Wood's requests for emergency relief the Board maintained that the procedures were constitutional,
are moot to the extent they concern the 2020 election. The but they agreed to promulgate regulations to ensure uniform
Constitution makes clear that federal courts are courts of practices across counties. In March 2020, the parties entered
limited jurisdiction, U.S. Const. art. III; we may not entertain into a settlement agreement and dismissed the suit.
post-election contests about garden-variety issues of vote
counting and misconduct that may properly be filed in state *2 In the settlement agreement, Secretary Raffensperger
courts. We affirm. and the Board agreed to issue an Official Election Bulletin
regarding the review of signatures on absentee ballots. The
Bulletin instructed officials to review the voter's signature
with the following process:
I. BACKGROUND
If the registrar or absentee ballot clerk determines that the
Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger is the “chief election
voter's signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope
official” of Georgia. Ga. Code Ann. § 21-2-50(b). He
does not match any of the voter's signatures on file ...,
manages the state system of elections and chairs the State
the registrar or absentee ballot clerk must seek review
Election Board. Id. § 21-2-30(a), (d). The Board has the
from two other registrars, deputy registrars, or absentee
authority to promulgate rules and regulations to ensure
ballot clerks. A mail-in absentee ballot shall not be rejected
uniformity in the practices of county election officials and,
unless a majority of the registrars, deputy registrars, or
“consistent with law,” to aid “the fair, legal, and orderly
absentee ballot clerks reviewing the signature agree that the
conduct of primaries and elections.” Id. § 21-2-31(1)–
signature does not match any of the voter's signatures on
(2). The Board may also publish and distribute to county
file ....
election officials a compilation of Georgia's election laws
Secretary Raffensperger and the Board also agreed to train
and regulations. Id. § 21-2-31(3). Many of these laws and
county election officials to follow this process.
regulations govern absentee voting.
Raffensperger directed county election officials to designate submitted additional affidavits and declarations in support of
viewing areas for members of the public and the news media his motion.
to observe the recount. He also permitted the Democratic and
Republican Parties to designate special recount monitors. The district court held a hearing on November 19 to consider
whether it should issue a temporary restraining order. It heard
Wood alleged that officials ignored their own rules and from Wood, state officials, and two groups of intervenors.
denied Wood and President Donald Trump's campaign Wood also introduced testimony from Susan Voyles, a
“meaningful access to observe and monitor the electoral poll manager who participated in the hand recount. Voyles
process.” Although Wood did not personally attempt to described her experience during the recount. She recalled that
observe or monitor the recount, he alleged that Secretary one batch of absentee ballots felt different from the rest, and
Raffensperger and the Board violated his “vested interest in that that batch favored Joe Biden to an unusual extent. At
being present and having meaningful access to observe and the end of the hearing, the district court orally denied Wood's
monitor the electoral process to ensure that it is properly motion.
administered ... and ... otherwise free, fair, and transparent.”
On November 20, the district court issued a written opinion
Wood submitted two affidavits from volunteer monitors. One and order that explained its denial. It first ruled that Wood
monitor stated that she was not allowed to enter the counting lacked standing because he had alleged only generalized
area because there were too many monitors already present, grievances, instead of injuries that affected him in a personal
and she could not be sure from a distance whether the recount and individual way. It next explained that, even if Wood
was accurate. The other explained that the counting was had standing, the doctrine of laches prevented him from
hard for her to follow and described what she thought were challenging the settlement agreement now: he could have
possible tabulation errors. sued eight months earlier, yet he waited until two weeks after
the election. Finally, it explained why Wood would not be
*3 Wood moved for extraordinary relief. He asked that entitled to a temporary restraining order even if the district
the district court take one of three steps: prohibit Georgia court could reach the merits of his claims. On the same day,
from certifying the results of the November election; prevent Secretary Raffensperger certified the results of the general
it from certifying results that include “defective absentee election and Governor Kemp certified a slate of presidential
ballots, regardless of whether said ballots were cured”; or electors.
declare the entire election defective and order the state to fix
the problems caused by the settlement agreement. He also
sought greater access for Republican election monitors, both
II. STANDARD OF REVIEW
at a new hand recount of the November election and in a
runoff election scheduled for January 5, 2021. “We are required to examine our jurisdiction sua sponte,
and we review jurisdictional issues de novo.” United States
Wood's lawsuit faced a quickly approaching obstacle: Georgia v. Lopez, 562 F.3d 1309, 1311 (11th Cir. 2009) (citation
law requires the Secretary of State to certify its general omitted).
election results by 5:00 p.m. on the seventeenth day after
Election Day. Ga. Code Ann. § 21-2-499(b). And it requires
the Governor to certify Georgia's slate of presidential electors
by 5:00 p.m. on the eighteenth day after Election Day. Id. III. DISCUSSION
Secretary Raffensperger's deadline was November 20, and
This appeal turns on one of the most fundamental principles
Governor Brian Kemp had a deadline of November 21.
of the federal courts: our limited jurisdiction. Federal
courts are not “constituted as free-wheeling enforcers of
To avoid these deadlines, Wood moved to bar officials from
the Constitution and laws.” Initiative & Referendum Inst. v.
certifying the election results until a court could consider
Walker, 450 F.3d 1082, 1087 (10th Cir. 2006) (en banc).
his lawsuit. His emergency motion reiterated many of the
As the Supreme Court “ha[s] often explained,” we are
requests from his amended complaint, including requests for
instead “courts of limited jurisdiction.” Home Depot U.S.A.,
changes to the procedures for the January runoff. He also
Inc. v. Jackson, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 1743, 1746,
204 L.Ed.2d 34 (2019) (internal quotation marks omitted).
Article III of the Constitution establishes that our jurisdiction invasion of a legally protected interest that is both concrete
—that is, our judicial power—reaches only “Cases” and and particularized and actual or imminent, not conjectural
“Controversies.” U.S. Const. art. III, § 2. Absent a justiciable or hypothetical.” Trichell v. Midland Credit Mgmt., Inc., 964
case or controversy between interested parties, we lack the F.3d 990, 996 (11th Cir. 2020) (internal quotation marks
“power to declare the law.” Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better omitted). Wood's injury is not particularized.
Env't, 523 U.S. 83, 94, 118 S.Ct. 1003, 140 L.Ed.2d 210
(1998). Wood asserts only a generalized grievance. A particularized
injury is one that “affect[s] the plaintiff in a personal
*4 When someone sues in federal court, he bears the burden and individual way.” Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1548 (internal
of proving that his suit falls within our jurisdiction. Kokkonen quotation marks omitted). For example, if Wood were a
v. Guardian Life Ins. Co. of Am., 511 U.S. 375, 377, 114 political candidate harmed by the recount, he would satisfy
S.Ct. 1673, 128 L.Ed.2d 391 (1994). Wood had the choice this requirement because he could assert a personal, distinct
to sue in state or federal court. Georgia law makes clear that injury. Cf. Roe v. Alabama ex rel. Evans, 43 F.3d 574,
post-election litigation may proceed in a state court. Ga. Code 579 (11th Cir. 1995). But Wood bases his standing on his
Ann. §§ 21-2-499(b), 21-2-524(a). But Wood chose to sue in interest in “ensur[ing that] ... only lawful ballots are counted.”
federal court. In doing so, he had to prove that his suit presents An injury to the right “to require that the government be
a justiciable controversy under Article III of the Constitution. administered according to the law” is a generalized grievance.
See Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83, 95, 88 S.Ct. 1942, 20 L.Ed.2d Chiles v. Thornburgh, 865 F.2d 1197, 1205–06 (11th Cir.
947 (1968) (listing examples of problems that preclude our 1989) (alteration adopted) (internal quotation marks omitted).
jurisdiction). He failed to satisfy this burden. And the Supreme Court has made clear that a generalized
grievance, “no matter how sincere,” cannot support standing.
We divide our discussion in two parts. We first explain why Hollingsworth v. Perry, 570 U.S. 693, 706, 133 S.Ct. 2652,
Wood lacks standing to sue. We then explain that, even if he 186 L.Ed.2d 768 (2013).
had standing, his requests to recount and delay certification
of the November election results are moot. Because this case A generalized grievance is “undifferentiated and common
is not justiciable, we lack jurisdiction. Id. And because we to all members of the public.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 575, 112
lack the power to entertain this appeal, we will not address S.Ct. 2130 (internal quotation marks omitted). Wood cannot
the other issues the parties raise. explain how his interest in compliance with state election
laws is different from that of any other person. Indeed,
he admits that any Georgia voter could bring an identical
suit. But the logic of his argument sweeps past even that
A. Wood Lacks Standing Because He Has Not Been Injured
boundary. All Americans, whether they voted in this election
in a Particularized Way.
or whether they reside in Georgia, could be said to share
Standing is a threshold jurisdictional inquiry: the elements of Wood's interest in “ensur[ing] that [a presidential election] is
standing are “an indispensable part of the plaintiff's case.” properly administered.”
Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 561, 112 S.Ct.
2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992). To prove standing, Wood *5 Wood argues that he has two bases for standing, but
“must prove (1) an injury in fact that (2) is fairly traceable neither satisfies the requirement of a distinct, personal injury.
to the challenged action of the defendant and (3) is likely to He first asserts that the inclusion of unlawfully processed
be redressed by a favorable decision.” Jacobson v. Fla. Sec'y absentee ballots diluted the weight of his vote. To be sure, vote
of State, 974 F.3d 1236, 1245 (11th Cir. 2020). If he cannot dilution can be a basis for standing. Cf. Jacobson, 974 F.3d at
satisfy these requirements, then we may not decide the merits 1247–48. But it requires a point of comparison. For example,
of his appeal. Steel Co., 523 U.S. at 94, 118 S.Ct. 1003. in the racial gerrymandering and malapportionment contexts,
vote dilution occurs when voters are harmed compared to
Wood lacks standing because he fails to allege the “first “irrationally favored” voters from other districts. See Baker
and foremost of standing's three elements”: an injury in v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 207–08, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d
fact. Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, ––– U.S. ––––, 136 S. Ct. 663 (1962). By contrast, “no single voter is specifically
1540, 1547, 194 L.Ed.2d 635 (2016) (alteration adopted) disadvantaged” if a vote is counted improperly, even if the
(internal quotation marks omitted). An injury in fact is “an error might have a “mathematical impact on the final tally
and thus on the proportional effect of every vote.” Bognet licenses or passports.” Id. at 1351 (internal quotation marks
v. Sec'y Commonwealth of Pa., ––– F.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 omitted). By contrast, even Wood agrees that he is affected
WL 6686120, at *12 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020) (internal by Georgia's alleged violations of the law in the same way as
quotation marks omitted). Vote dilution in this context is every other Georgia voter. “This injury is precisely the kind
a “paradigmatic generalized grievance that cannot support of undifferentiated, generalized grievance that the Supreme
standing.” Id. (internal quotation marks omitted). Court has warned must not be countenanced.” Dillard, 495
F.3d at 1335 (internal quotation marks omitted).
Wood's second theory—that Georgia “value[d] one person's
vote over that of another” through “arbitrary and disparate Roe v. Alabama ex rel. Evans, 43 F.3d 574, also does not
treatment”—fares no better. He argues that Georgia treats support Wood's argument for standing. In Roe, we ruled that
absentee voters as a “preferred class” compared to those who the post-election inclusion of previously excluded absentee
vote in person, both by the terms of the settlement agreement ballots would violate the substantive-due-process rights of
and in practice. In his view, all voters were bound by law Alabama voters and two political candidates. Id. at 579–81.
before the settlement agreement, but the rules for absentee But no party raised and we did not address standing in Roe,
voting now run afoul of the law, while in-person voters remain so that precedent provides no basis for Wood to establish
bound by the law. And he asserts that in practice Georgia standing. Cf. Lewis v. Casey, 518 U.S. 343, 352 n.2, 116
has favored absentee voters because there were “numerous S.Ct. 2174, 135 L.Ed.2d 606 (1996) (noting that in cases
irregularities” in the processing and recounting of absentee where “standing was neither challenged nor discussed ...
ballots. Setting aside the fact that “[i]t is an individual voter's the existence of unaddressed jurisdictional defects has no
choice whether to vote by mail or in person,” Bognet, ––– precedential effect”). And Wood's purported injury is far
F.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *15, these complaints more general than the voters’ injury in Roe. The voters
are generalized grievances. Even if we assume that absentee in Roe bore individual burdens—to obtain notarization or
voters are favored over in-person voters, that harm does not witness signatures if they wanted to vote absentee—that
affect Wood as an individual—it is instead shared identically state courts post-election retroactively permitted other voters
by the four million or so Georgians who voted in person to ignore. Roe, 43 F.3d at 580–81. In contrast, Georgia
this November. “[W]hen the asserted harm is ... shared in applied uniform rules, established before the election, to all
substantially equal measure by ... a large class of citizens,” it voters, who could choose between voting in person or by
is not a particularized injury. Warth v. Seldin, 422 U.S. 490, absentee ballot, and Wood asserts that the effect of those rules
499, 95 S.Ct. 2197, 45 L.Ed.2d 343 (1975). And irregularities harmed the electorate collectively. That alleged harm is not a
in the tabulation of election results do not affect Wood particularized injury.
differently from any other person. His allegation, at bottom,
remains “that the law ... has not been followed.” Dillard v. *6 Wood suggested in his amended complaint that his status
Chilton Cnty. Comm'n, 495 F.3d 1324, 1332 (11th Cir. 2007) as a donor contributed to standing and aligned his interests
(quoting Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194, with those of the Georgia Republican Party. But he forfeited
167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007)). this argument when he failed to raise it in his opening brief.
Access Now, Inc. v. Sw. Airlines Co., 385 F.3d 1324, 1335
Wood's attempts to liken his injury to those we have found (11th Cir. 2004); see also Nat'l All. for the Mentally Ill v.
sufficient in other appeals fall short. In Common Cause/ Bd. of Cnty. Comm'rs, 376 F.3d 1292, 1296 (11th Cir. 2004)
Georgia v. Billups, we ruled that “[r]equiring a registered (ruling standing claims forfeited for failure to comply with
voter either to produce photo identification to vote in person the Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure). And the donor
or to cast an absentee or provisional ballot is an injury argument fails on its own terms. True, a donor can establish
sufficient for standing.” 554 F.3d 1340, 1351–52 (11th Cir. standing based on injuries that flow from his status as a donor.
2009). But the injury there was the burden of producing See, e.g., Wilding v. DNC Servs. Corp., 941 F.3d 1116, 1125
photo identification, not the existence of separate rules for in- (11th Cir. 2019). But donors, like voters, “have no judicially
person and absentee voters. Id. And the burden to produce enforceable interest in the outcome of an election.” Jacobson,
photo identification affected each voter in a personal way. For 974 F.3d at 1246. Nor does a donation give the donor a legally
example, some plaintiffs in Common Cause alleged that they cognizable interest in the proper administration of elections.
“would be required to make a special trip” to obtain valid Any injury to Wood based on election irregularities must flow
identification “that is not required of voters who have driver's
from his status as a voter, unrelated to his donations. And that certified the election results on November 20. And Governor
fact returns him to the stumbling block of particularization. Kemp certified the slate of presidential electors later that day.
“[T]he ‘injury in fact’ test requires ... that the party seeking Because Georgia has already certified its results, Wood's
review be himself among the injured.” Lujan, 504 U.S. requests to delay certification and commence a new recount
at 563, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (internal quotation marks omitted). are moot. “We cannot turn back the clock and create a world
Wood's allegations suggest that various nonparties might have in which” the 2020 election results are not certified. Fleming
a particularized injury. For example, perhaps a candidate v. Gutierrez, 785 F.3d 442, 445 (10th Cir. 2015). And it is not
or political party would have standing to challenge the possible for us to delay certification nor meaningful to order
settlement agreement or other alleged irregularities. Or a new recount when the results are already final and certified.
perhaps election monitors would have standing to sue if they Cf. Tropicana Prods. Sales, Inc. v. Phillips Brokerage Co.,
were denied access to the recount. But Wood cannot place 874 F.2d 1581, 1582 (11th Cir. 1989) (“[A]n appeal from the
himself in the stead of these groups, even if he supports denial of a motion for preliminary injunction is mooted when
them. Cf. Glanton ex rel. ALCOA Prescription Drug Plan the requested effective end-date for the preliminary injunction
v. AdvancePCS Inc., 465 F.3d 1123, 1127 (9th Cir. 2006) has passed.”). Nor can we reconstrue Wood's previous request
(explaining that “associational standing ... does not operate that we temporarily prohibit certification into a new request
in reverse,” so a member cannot represent an association). that we undo the certification. A district court “must first have
He is at most a “concerned bystander.” Koziara v. City of the opportunity to pass upon [every] issue,” so we may not
Casselberry, 392 F.3d 1302, 1305 (11th Cir. 2004) (internal consider requests for relief made for the first time on appeal.
quotation marks omitted). So he is not “entitled to have the S.F. Residence Club, Inc. v. 7027 Old Madison Pike, LLC, 583
court[s] decide the merits of [his] dispute.” Warth, 422 U.S. F.3d 750, 755 (11th Cir. 2009).
at 498, 95 S.Ct. 2197.
*7 Wood's arguments reflect a basic misunderstanding of
what mootness is. He argues that the certification does not
moot anything “because this litigation is ongoing” and he
B. Wood's Requested Relief Concerning the 2020 General
remains injured. But mootness concerns the availability of
Election Is Moot.
relief, not the existence of a lawsuit or an injury. Fla. Wildlife
Even if Wood had standing, several of his requests for relief Fed'n, Inc. v. S. Fla. Water Mgmt. Dist., 647 F.3d 1296, 1304
are barred by another jurisdictional defect: mootness. We are (11th Cir. 2011). So even if post-election litigation is not
“not empowered to decide moot questions.” North Carolina v. always mooted by certification, see, e.g., Siegel v. LePore,
Rice, 404 U.S. 244, 246, 92 S.Ct. 402, 30 L.Ed.2d 413 (1971) 234 F.3d 1163, 1172–73 (11th Cir. 2000) (en banc), Wood's
(internal quotation marks omitted). “An issue is moot when particular requests are moot. Wood is right that certification
it no longer presents a live controversy with respect to which does not moot his requests for relief concerning the 2021
the court can give meaningful relief.” Christian Coal. of Fla., runoff—although Wood's lack of standing still forecloses our
Inc. v. United States, 662 F.3d 1182, 1189 (11th Cir. 2011) consideration of those requests—but the pendency of other
(alteration rejected) (internal quotation marks omitted). And claims for relief cannot rescue the otherwise moot claims. See,
an issue can become moot at any stage of litigation, even if e.g., Adler v. Duval Cnty. Sch. Bd., 112 F.3d 1475, 1478–79,
there was a live case or controversy when the lawsuit began. 1481 (11th Cir. 1997) (instructing the district court to dismiss
Id. at 1189–90. moot claims but resolving other claims on the merits). Wood
finally tells us that President Trump has also requested a
Wood asked for several kinds of relief in his emergency recount, but that fact is irrelevant to whether Wood's requests
motion, but most of his requests pertained to the 2020 remain live.
election results. He moved the district court to prohibit either
the certification of the election results or certification that Nor does any exception to mootness apply. True, we often
included the disputed absentee ballots. He also asked the review otherwise-moot election appeals because they are
district court to order a new hand recount and to grant “capable of repetition yet evading review.” ACLU v. The Fla.
Republican election monitors greater access during both Bar, 999 F.2d 1486, 1496 (11th Cir. 1993) (internal quotation
the recount and the January runoff election. But after the marks omitted). We may apply this exception when “(1) the
district court denied Wood's motion, Secretary Raffensperger challenged action was in its duration too short to be fully
litigated prior to its cessation or expiration, and (2) there lawsuit are capable of doing so). That denial is the decision we
would review but for the jurisdictional problems. But Wood
was a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party
cannot satisfy the requirement that there be a “reasonable
would be subjected to the same action again.” Nat'l Broad. Co.
expectation” that he will again seek to delay certification.
v. Commc'ns Workers of Am., 860 F.2d 1022, 1023 (11th Cir.
Wood does not suggest that this situation might recur. Cf. FEC
1988) (quoting Weinstein v. Bradford, 423 U.S. 147, 149, 96
v. Wis. Right To Life, Inc., 551 U.S. 449, 463–64, 127 S.Ct.
S.Ct. 347, 46 L.Ed.2d 350 (1975)). But we will not apply this
2652, 168 L.Ed.2d 329 (2007). And we have no reason to
exception if there is “some alternative vehicle through which
think it would: he is a private citizen, so the possibility of a
a particular policy may effectively be subject to” complete
recurrence is purely theoretical. Cf. Hall v. Sec'y, Ala., 902
review. Bourgeois v. Peters, 387 F.3d 1303, 1308 (11th Cir.
F.3d 1294, 1305 (11th Cir. 2018).
2004).
Plaintiffs,
Defendants,
and
Intervenor-Defendants.
___________________________________/
The right to vote is among the most sacred rights of our democracy and, in
turn, uniquely defines us as Americans. The struggle to achieve the right to vote is
1
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one that has been both hard fought and cherished throughout our country’s history.
Local, state, and federal elections give voice to this right through the ballot. And
elections that count each vote celebrate and secure this cherished right.
These principles are the bedrock of American democracy and are widely
revered as being woven into the fabric of this country. In Michigan, more than 5.5
during the 2020 General Election. Those votes were counted and, as of November
23, 2020, certified by the Michigan Board of State Canvassers (also “State
Board”). The Governor has sent the slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivist
of the United States to confirm the votes for the successful candidate.
Against this backdrop, Plaintiffs filed this lawsuit, bringing forth claims of
widespread voter irregularities and fraud in the processing and tabulation of votes
and absentee ballots. They seek relief that is stunning in its scope and breathtaking
in its reach. If granted, the relief would disenfranchise the votes of the more than
5.5 million Michigan citizens who, with dignity, hope, and a promise of a voice,
participated in the 2020 General Election. The Court declines to grant Plaintiffs
this relief.
I. Background
In the weeks leading up to, and on, November 3, 2020, a record 5.5 million
2
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No. 36-4 at Pg ID 2622.) Many of those votes were cast by absentee ballot. This
was due in part to the coronavirus pandemic and a ballot measure the Michigan
voters passed in 2018 allowing for no-reason absentee voting. When the polls
closed and the votes were counted, Former Vice President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. had
secured over 150,000 more votes than President Donald J. Trump in Michigan.
(Id.)
results of the 2020 General Election by November 23, 2020. Mich. Comp. Laws
§ 168.842. The State Board did so by a 3-0 vote, certifying the results “for the
Electors of President and Vice President,” among other offices. (ECF No. 36-5 at
Pg ID 2624.) That same day, Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed the Certificates
of Ascertainment for the slate of electors for Vice President Biden and Senator
Federal law provides that if election results are contested in any state, and if
the state, prior to election day, has enacted procedures to decide controversies or
contests over electors and electoral votes, and if these procedures have been
applied, and the decisions are made at least six days before the electors’ meetings,
then the decisions are considered conclusive and will apply in counting the
electoral votes. 3 U.S.C. § 5. This date (the “Safe Harbor” deadline) falls on
3
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December 8, 2020. Under the federal statutory timetable for presidential elections,
the Electoral College must meet on “the first Monday after the second Wednesday
challengers and the manipulation of ballots through corrupt election machines and
software, Plaintiffs filed the current lawsuit against Defendants at 11:48 p.m. on
November 25, 2020—the eve of the Thanksgiving holiday. (ECF No. 1.)
Plaintiffs are registered Michigan voters and nominees of the Republican Party to
882.) They are suing Governor Whitmer and Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson in
(ECF No. 6), “Emergency Motion for Declaratory, Emergency, and Permanent
Injunctive Relief and Memorandum in Support Thereof” (ECF No. 7), and
Emergency Motion to Seal (ECF No. 8). In their First Amended Complaint,
the Elections and Electors Clauses; (Count II) violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment Equal Protection Clause; and, (Count III) denial of the Fourteenth
4
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Amendment Due Process Clause. (ECF No. 6.) Plaintiffs also assert one count
(ECF No. 15), Robert Davis (ECF No. 12), and the Democratic National
Committee and Michigan Democratic Party (“DNC/MDP”) (ECF No. 14). On that
date, the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to the motions. Plaintiffs
had not yet served Defendants with their pleading or emergency motions as of
hasten Plaintiffs’ actions to bring Defendants into the case and enable the Court to
address Plaintiffs’ pending motions. Later the same day, after Plaintiffs filed
on Defendants (ECF Nos. 21), the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to
December 2, and reply briefs by 8:00 p.m. on December 3 (ECF No. 24).
On December 2, the Court granted the motions to intervene. (ECF No. 28.)
Response and reply briefs with respect to Plaintiffs’ emergency motions were
thereafter filed. (ECF Nos. 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 49, 50.) Amicus curiae
Michigan State Conference NAACP subsequently moved and was granted leave to
file a brief in support of Defendants’ position. (ECF Nos. 48, 55.) Supplemental
briefs also were filed by the parties. (ECF Nos. 57, 58.)
5
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In light of the limited time allotted for the Court to resolve Plaintiffs’
disposed of oral argument with respect to their motion pursuant to Eastern District
awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff is entitled to such relief.” Winter v.
Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 22 (2008) (citation omitted). The plaintiff
Leary v. Daeschner, 228 F.3d 729, 739 (6th Cir. 2000). Such relief will only be
granted where “the movant carries his or her burden of proving that the
Gov’t, 305 F.3d 566, 573 (6th Cir. 2002). “Evidence that goes beyond the
1
“‘[W]here material facts are not in dispute, or where facts in dispute are not
material to the preliminary injunction sought, district courts generally need not
hold an evidentiary hearing.’” Nexus Gas Transmission, LLC v. City of Green,
Ohio, 757 Fed. Appx. 489, 496-97 (6th Cir. 2018) (quoting Certified Restoration
Dry Cleaning Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511 F.3d 535, 553 (6th Cir. 2007))
(citation omitted).
6
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support or oppose a motion for a preliminary injunction.” 11A Mary Kay Kane,
relief: “‘(1) whether the movant has a strong likelihood of success on the merits;
(2) whether the movant would suffer irreparable injury absent the injunction; (3)
whether the injunction would cause substantial harm to others; and (4) whether the
Benson, 956 F.3d 396, 406 (6th Cir. 2020) (quoting Bays v. City of Fairborn, 668
F.3d 814, 818-19 (6th Cir. 2012)). “At the preliminary injunction stage, ‘a plaintiff
must show more than a mere possibility of success,’ but need not ‘prove his case in
full.’” Ne. Ohio Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d 580, 591 (6th Cir. 2012)
(quoting Certified Restoration Dry Cleaning Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511
F.3d 535, 543 (6th Cir. 2007)). Yet, “the proof required for the plaintiff to obtain a
preliminary injunction is much more stringent than the proof required to survive a
III. Discussion
claims. While the Court finds that any of these issues, alone, indicate that
7
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U.S. Const. amend. XI. This immunity extends to suits brought by citizens against
their own states. See, e.g., Ladd v. Marchbanks, 971 F.3d 574, 578 (6th Cir. 2020)
(citing Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, 18-19 (1890)). It also extends to suits
against state agencies or departments, Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman,
465 U.S. 89, 100 (1984) (citations omitted), and “suit[s] against state officials
when ‘the state is the real, substantial party in interest[,]’” id. at 101 (quoting Ford
fact a suit against the State and is barred “regardless of the nature of the relief
sought.” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 100-02 (citations omitted).
“‘The general rule is that a suit is against the sovereign if the judgment sought
would expend itself on the public treasury or domain, or interfere with the public
Government from acting, or to compel it to act.’” Id. at 101 n.11 (quoting Dugan
v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609, 620 (1963)) (internal quotation marks omitted).
8
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congressional abrogation; (2) waiver by the State; and (3) “a suit against a state
federal law.” See Carten v. Kent State Univ., 282 F.3d 391, 398 (6th Cir. 2002)
(citations omitted). Congress did not abrogate the States’ sovereign immunity
when it enacted 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Will v. Mich. Dep’t of State Police, 491 U.S.
58, 66 (1989). “The State of Michigan has not consented to being sued in civil
rights actions in the federal courts.” Johnson v. Unknown Dellatifa, 357 F.3d 539,
545 (6th Cir. 2004) (citing Abick v. Michigan, 803 F.2d 874, 877 (6th Cir. 1986)).
The Eleventh Amendment therefore bars Plaintiffs’ claims against the Michigan
Board of State Canvassers. See McLeod v. Kelly, 7 N.W.2d 240, 242 (Mich. 1942)
(“The board of State canvassers is a State agency …”); see also Deleeuw v. State
Bd. of Canvassers, 688 N.W.2d 847, 850 (Mich. Ct. App. 2004). Plaintiffs’ claims
are barred against Governor Whitmer and Secretary Benson unless the third
exception applies.
The third exception arises from the Supreme Court’s decision in Ex parte
Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908). But as the Supreme Court has advised:
Idaho v. Coeur d’Alene Tribe of Idaho, 521 U.S. 261, 270 (1997). Further, “the
State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 102. “‘In determining whether the doctrine of Ex
parte Young avoids an Eleventh Amendment bar to suit, a court need only conduct
Md., Inc. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 535 U.S. 635, 645 (2002) (quoting Coeur d’Alene
Ex parte Young does not apply, however, to state law claims against state
officials, regardless of the relief sought. Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at
106 (“A federal court’s grant of relief against state officials on the basis of state
law, whether prospective or retroactive, does not vindicate the supreme authority
sovereignty than when a federal court instructs state officials on how to conform
their conduct to state law.”); see also In re Ohio Execution Protocol Litig., 709 F.
App’x 779, 787 (6th Cir. 2017) (“If the plaintiff sues a state official under state law
10
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in federal court for actions taken within the scope of his authority, sovereign
immunity bars the lawsuit regardless of whether the action seeks monetary or
The Court then turns its attention to Plaintiffs’ § 1983 claims against
Defendants. Defendants and Intervenor DNC/MDP contend that these claims are
not in fact federal claims as they are premised entirely on alleged violations of
complaint—even Counts I, II, and III, which claim to raise violations of federal
fantastical conspiracy theories that belong more appropriately in the fact-free outer
reaches of the Internet[,] … what Plaintiffs assert at bottom are violations of the
Michigan Election Code.”) Defendants also argue that even if properly stated as
federal causes of action, “it is far from clear whether Plaintiffs’ requested
31 at Pg ID 2186.)
The latter argument convinces this Court that Ex parte Young does not
apply. As set forth earlier, “‘[i]n order to fall with the Ex parte Young exception, a
claim must seek prospective relief to end a continuing violation of federal law.’”
11
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Russell v. Lundergan-Grimes, 784 F.3d 1037, 1047 (6th Cir. 2015) (quoting Diaz
v. Mich. Dep’t of Corr., 703 F.3d 956, 964 (6th Cir. 2013)). Unlike Russell, which
Plaintiffs cite in their reply brief, this is not a case where a plaintiff is seeking to
See id. at 1044, 1047 (plaintiff claimed that Kentucky law creating a 300-foot no-
rights). Instead, Plaintiffs are seeking to undo what has already occurred, as their
requested relief reflects.2 (See ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1847; see also ECF No. 6 at Pg
955-56.)
Before this lawsuit was filed, the Michigan Board of State Canvassers had
already certified the election results and Governor Whitmer had transmitted the
State’s slate of electors to the United States Archivist. (ECF Nos. 31-4, 31-5.)
848 (N.D. Ohio Feb. 7, 2006); see also King Lincoln Bronzeville Neighborhood
Ass’n v. Husted, No. 2:06-cv-00745, 2012 WL 395030, at *4-5 (S.D. Ohio Feb. 7,
2012); cf. League of Women Voters of Ohio v. Brunner, 548 F.3d 463, 475 (6th Cir.
2008) (finding that the plaintiff’s claims fell within the Ex parte Young doctrine
2
To the extent Plaintiffs ask the Court to certify the results in favor of President
Donald J. Trump, such relief is beyond its powers.
12
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where it alleged that the problems that plagued the election “are chronic and will
For these reasons, the Court concludes that the Eleventh Amendment bars
B. Mootness
This case represents well the phrase: “this ship has sailed.” The time has
passed to provide most of the relief Plaintiffs request in their Amended Complaint;
the remaining relief is beyond the power of any court. For those reasons, this
matter is moot.
“‘Under Article III of the Constitution, federal courts may adjudicate only
actual, ongoing cases or controversies.’” Kentucky v. U.S. ex rel. Hagel, 759 F.3d
588, 595 (6th Cir. 2014) (quoting Lewis v. Cont’l Bank Corp., 494 U.S. 472, 477
(1990)). A case may become moot “when the issues presented are no longer live
or the parties lack a legally cognizable interest in the outcome.” U.S. Parole
Comm’n v. Geraghty, 445 U.S. 388, 396, 410 (1980) (internal quotation marks and
citation omitted). Stated differently, a case is moot where the court lacks “the
ability to give meaningful relief[.]” Sullivan v. Benningfield, 920 F.3d 401, 410
(6th Cir. 2019). This lawsuit was moot well before it was filed on November 25.
In their prayer for relief, Plaintiffs ask the Court to: (a) order Defendants to
decertify the results of the election; (b) enjoin Secretary Benson and Governor
13
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Whitmer from transmitting the certified election results to the Electoral College;
(c) order Defendants “to transmit certified election results that state that President
Donald Trump is the winner of the election”; (d) impound all voting machines and
software in Michigan for expert inspection; (e) order that no votes received or
tabulated by machines not certified as required by federal and state law be counted;
and, (f) enter a declaratory judgment that mail-in and absentee ballot fraud must be
ID 955-56, ¶ 233.) What relief the Court could grant Plaintiffs is no longer
available.
Before this lawsuit was filed, all 83 counties in Michigan had finished
canvassing their results for all elections and reported their results for state office
races to the Secretary of State and the Michigan Board of State Canvassers in
accordance with Michigan law. See Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.843. The State
Board had certified the results of the 2020 General Election and Governor
Whitmer had submitted the slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivists. (ECF
3
Plaintiffs also seek an order requiring the impoundment of all voting machines
and software in Michigan for expert inspection and the production of security
camera footage from the TCF Center for November 3 and 4. (ECF No. 6 at Pg ID
956, ¶ 233.) This requested relief is not meaningful, however, where the remaining
requests are no longer available. In other words, the evidence Plaintiffs seek to
gather by inspecting voting machines and software and security camera footage
only would be useful if an avenue remained open for them to challenge the election
results.
14
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No. 31-4 at Pg ID 2257-58; ECF No. 31-5 at Pg ID 2260-63.) The time for
machines had expired. See Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.831, 168.832 (petitions for
later than 10 days after the date of the election”). And so had the time for
requesting a recount for the office of President. See Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.879.
The Michigan Election Code sets forth detailed procedures for challenging
an election, including deadlines for doing so. Plaintiffs did not avail themselves of
the remedies established by the Michigan legislature. The deadline for them to do
so has passed. Any avenue for this Court to provide meaningful relief has been
the many other post-election lawsuits brought to specifically overturn the results of
And as one Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania advised in another 2020
post-election lawsuit: “there is no basis in law by which the courts may grant
Petitioners’ request to ignore the results of an election and recommit the choice to
15
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the General Assembly to substitute its preferred slate of electors for the one chosen
2020, 2020 WL 7018314, at *3 (Pa. Nov. 28, 2020) (Wecht, J., concurring); see
Ga. Nov. 20, 2020) (concluding that “interfer[ing] with the result of an election
that has already concluded would be unprecedented and harm the public in
countless ways”).
moot.
C. Laches
because they waited too long to knock on the Court’s door. (ECF No. 31 at Pg ID
The doctrine of laches is rooted in the principle that “equity aids the vigilant,
not those who slumber on their rights.” Lucking v. Schram, 117 F.2d 160, 162 (6th
Cir. 1941); see also United States v. Clintwood Elkhorn Min. Co., 553 U.S. 1, 9
(2008) (“A constitutional claim can become time-barred just as any other claim
can.”). An action may be barred by the doctrine of laches if: (1) the plaintiff
delayed unreasonably in asserting his rights and (2) the defendant is prejudiced by
this delay. Brown-Graves Co. v. Central States, Se. and Sw. Areas Pension Fund,
16
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206 F.3d 680, 684 (6th Cir. 2000); Ottawa Tribe of Oklahoma v. Logan, 577 F.3d
634, 639 n.6 (6th Cir. 2009) (“Laches arises from an extended failure to exercise a
right to the detriment of another party.”). Courts apply laches in election cases.
Detroit Unity Fund v. Whitmer, 819 F. App’x 421, 422 (6th Cir. 2020) (holding
that the district court did not err in finding plaintiff’s claims regarding deadline for
local ballot initiatives “barred by laches, considering the unreasonable delay on the
Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, 1944 (2018) (“[A] party requesting a preliminary
injunction must generally show reasonable diligence. That is as true in election law
cases as elsewhere.”).
filed the instant action on November 25—more than 21 days after the 2020
1. (ECF Nos. 1, 21.) If Plaintiffs had legitimate claims regarding whether the
treatment of election challengers complied with state law, they could have brought
their claims well in advance of or on Election Day—but they did not. Michigan’s
17 and, on November 23, both the Michigan Board of State Canvassers and
Governor Whitmer certified the election results. Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.822,
17
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ballots were processed and tabulated on or after Election Day, they could have
brought the instant action on Election Day or during the weeks of canvassing that
followed—yet they did not. Plaintiffs base the claims related to election machines
and software on “expert and fact witness” reports discussing “glitches” and other
alleged vulnerabilities that occurred as far back as 2010. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at
concerns about the election machines and software, they could have filed this
lawsuit well before the 2020 General Election—yet they sat back and did nothing.
file this suit. Plaintiffs concede that they “would have preferred to file sooner, but
[] needed some time to gather statements from dozens of fact witnesses, retain and
engage expert witnesses, and gather other data supporting their Complaint.” (ECF
votes was apparent shortly after the polls closed on November 3, 2020.” (ECF No.
explanation, there can be no true justification. See Crookston v. Johnson, 841 F.3d
396, 398 (6th Cir. 2016) (identifying the “first and most essential” reason to issue a
explanation for waiting so long to file this action”). Defendants satisfy the first
18
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Second, Plaintiffs’ delay prejudices Defendants. See Kay v. Austin, 621 F.2d
809, 813 (6th Cir. 1980) (“As time passes, the state’s interest in proceeding with
decisions are made, and the candidate’s claim to be a serious candidate who has
received a serious injury becomes less credible by his having slept on his rights.”)
This is especially so considering that Plaintiffs’ claims for relief are not merely
last-minute—they are after the fact. While Plaintiffs delayed, the ballots were cast;
the votes were counted; and the results were certified. The rationale for
interposing the doctrine of laches is now at its peak. See McDonald v. Cnty. of San
Diego, 124 F. App’x 588 (9th Cir. 2005) (citing Soules v. Kauaians for Nukolii
Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176, 1180 (9th Cir. 1988)); Soules, 849 F.2d at 1180
(quoting Hendon v. N.C. State Bd. Of Elections, 710 F.2d 177, 182 (4th Cir. 1983))
would, “permit, if not encourage, parties who could raise a claim to lay by and
gamble upon receiving a favorable decision of the electorate and then, upon losing,
Plaintiffs could have lodged their constitutional challenges much sooner than
they did, and certainly not three weeks after Election Day and one week after
certification of almost three million votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’
19
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D. Abstention
November 25, 2020, there already were multiple lawsuits pending in Michigan
state courts raising the same or similar claims alleged in Plaintiffs’ Amended
Complaint. (See, e.g., ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-98 (summarizing five state court
General Election).) Defendants and the City of Detroit urge the Court to abstain
Colorado River Water Conservation District v. United States, 424 U.S. 800 (1976).
The City of Detroit relies on the abstention doctrines outlined in Colorado River,
as well as those set forth in Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312
U.S. 496, 500-01 (1941), and Burford v. Sun Oil Co., 319 U.S. 315 (1943). The
election disputes in light of the autonomy provided to state courts to initially settle
such disputes.
court proceedings. Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 813, 817. The exception is found
20
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Ins. Co., 517 U.S. 706, 716 (1996) (quoting Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 817). The
Sixth Circuit has identified two prerequisites for abstention under this doctrine.
Romine v. Compuserve Corp., 160 F.3d 337, 339-40 (6th Cir. 1998).
First, the court must determine that the concurrent state and federal actions
are parallel. Id. at 339. Second, the court must consider the factors outlined by the
Romine, 160 F.3d at 340-41 (internal citations omitted). “These factors, however,
of the important factors as they apply in a give[n] case’ depending on the particular
facts at hand.” Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone Mem’l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr.
(see ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-97; see also ECF Nos. 31-7, 31-9, 31-11, 31-12,
21
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31-14), the allegations and claims in the state court proceedings and the pending
matter are, at the very least, substantially similar, Romine, 160 F.3d at 340 (“Exact
the factors set forth by the Supreme Court counsel in favor of deferring to the
The first and second factor weigh against abstention. Id. (indicating that the
more or less convenient). While the Supreme Court has stated that “‘the presence
(quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at 26), this “‘factor has less significance where
concurrent with that of the state courts.’”4 Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at
25). Moreover, the Michigan Election Code seems to dominate even Plaintiffs’
4
State courts have concurrent jurisdiction over § 1983 actions. Felder v. Casey,
487 U.S. 131, 139 (1988).
22
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results.” Id. at 341. The parallel proceedings are premised on similar factual
allegations and many of the same federal and state claims. The state court
proceedings were filed well before the present matter and at least three of those
matters are far more advanced than this case. Lastly, as Congress conferred
487 U.S. 131, 139 (1988), “[t]here can be no legitimate contention that the
[Michigan] state courts are incapable of safeguarding [the rights protected under
E. Standing
Under Article III of the United States Constitution, federal courts can
resolve only “cases” and “controversies.” U.S. Const. art. III § 2. The case-or-
suit. See Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547 (2016), as revised (May 24,
2016). Each plaintiff must demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks to press.5
5
Plaintiffs assert a due process claim in their Amended Complaint and twice state
in their motion for injunctive relief that Defendants violated their due process
rights. (See ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1840, 1844.) Plaintiffs do not pair either
statement with anything the Court could construe as a developed argument. (Id.)
The Court finds it unnecessary, therefore, to further discuss the due process claim.
23
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DaimlerChrysler Corp. v. Cuno, 547 U.S. 332, 352 (2006) (citation omitted) (“[A]
plaintiff must demonstrate standing separately for each form of relief sought.”).
To establish standing, a plaintiff must show that: (1) he has suffered an injury in
fact that is “concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent”; (2) the injury is
favorable decision.” Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560-62 (1992)
other things, “destroy,” “discard,” and “switch” votes for President Trump, thereby
votes. (ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3079.) Plaintiffs contend that “the vote dilution
resulting from this systemic and illegal conduct did not affect all Michigan voters
equally; it had the intent and effect of inflating the number of votes for Democratic
candidates and reducing the number of votes for President Trump and Republican
McPherson v. Kelsey, 125 F.3d 989, 995 (6th Cir. 1997) (“Issues adverted to in a
perfunctory manner, unaccompanied by some effort at developed argumentation,
are deemed waived.”).
24
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injury-in-fact and causation under this theory,6 their constitutional claim cannot
stand because Plaintiffs fall flat when attempting to clear the hurdle of
redressability.
redressed by a favorable decision from this Court. Plaintiffs ask this Court to de-
certify the results of the 2020 General Election in Michigan. But an order de-
certifying the votes of approximately 2.8 million people would not reverse the
plaintiff’s remedy must be tailored to redress the plaintiff’s particular injury.” Gill,
138 S. Ct. at 1934 (citing Cuno, 547 U.S. at 353); Cuno, 547 U.S. at 353 (“The
remedy must of course be limited to the inadequacy that produced the injury in fact
that the plaintiff has established.” (quoting Lewis v. Casey, 518 U.S. 343, 357
(1996)). Plaintiffs’ alleged injury does not entitle them to seek their requested
remedy because the harm of having one’s vote invalidated or diluted is not
have failed to show that their injury can be redressed by the relief they seek and
6
To be clear, the Court does not find that Plaintiffs satisfy the first two elements of
the standing inquiry.
25
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Clause states in part: “The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for
thereof[.]” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. “The Elections Clause effectively gives
elections, Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67, 69, 118 S. Ct. 464, 139 L.Ed.2d 369 (1997),
regulations, Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, 554, 66 S. Ct. 1198, 90 L.Ed. 1432
Constitution states: “Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a Number of Electors ….” U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2.
Electors on behalf of the State of Michigan, they have standing to allege violations
of the Elections Clause and Electors Clause because “a vote for President Trump
and … illegal conduct aimed at harming candidates for President similarly injures
78.)
26
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But where, as here, the only injury Plaintiffs have alleged is that the
Elections Clause has not been followed, the United States Supreme Court has made
countenance.”7 Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442 (2007). Because Plaintiffs
in-fact and thus standing to bring their Elections Clause and Electors Clause
claims. Id.; see also Johnson v. Bredesen, 356 F. App’x 781, 784 (6th Cir. 2009)
(citing Lance, 549 U.S. at 441-42) (affirming district court’s conclusion that
citizens did not allege injury-in-fact to support standing for claim that the state of
7
Although separate constitutional provisions, the Electors Clause and Elections
Clause share “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Leg. v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting
Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 839, (2015) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting), and Plaintiffs do
not at all distinguish the two clauses in their motion for injunctive relief or reply
brief (ECF No. 7; ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78). See also Bognet v. Sec’y
Commonwealth of Pa., No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *7 (3d Cir. Nov. 13,
2020) (applying same test for standing under both Elections Clause and Electors
Clause); Wood, 2020 WL 6817513, at *1 (same); Foster, 522 U.S. at 69
(characterizing Electors Clause as Elections Clauses’ “counterpart for the
Executive Branch”); U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804-05
(1995) (noting that state’s “duty” under Elections Clause “parallels the duty”
described by Electors Clause).
27
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“each State.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The Supreme Court interprets the words
“the Legislature,” as used in that clause, to mean the lawmaking bodies of a state.
Ariz. State Legislature, 135 S.Ct. at 2673. The Elections Clause, therefore, grants
rights to state legislatures and to other entities to which a State may delegate
lawmaking authority. See id. at 2668. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims thus
of Pa., -- F.3d. --, 2020 WL 6686120, *7 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020). Plaintiffs here
are six presidential elector nominees; they are not a part of Michigan’s lawmaking
Carson v. Simon, 78 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020), a decision finding that electors had
standing to bring challenges under the Electors Clause. (ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1839
(citing Carson, 978 F.3d at 1057).) In that case, which was based on the specific
content and contours of Minnesota state law, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals
concluded that because “the plain text of Minnesota law treats prospective electors
Plaintiffs contend that the Michigan Election Code and relevant Minnesota
law are similar. (See ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78.) Even if the Court were to
8
In addition, at least one Circuit Court, the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, has
distinguished Carson’s holding, noting:
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agree, it finds that Plaintiffs lack standing to sue under the Elections and Electors
Clauses.
The Court may deny Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief for the reasons
discussed above. Nevertheless, the Court will proceed to analyze the merits of
their claims.
Plaintiffs allege that Defendants violated the Elections Clause and Electors
Clause by deviating from the requirements of the Michigan Election Code. (See,
Defendants did not follow the Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs do not explain
violations of the clauses. In other words, it appears that Plaintiffs’ claims are in
conclusion. In Cook v. Gralike, the Supreme Court struck down a Missouri law
that required election officials to print warnings on the ballot next to the name of
any congressional candidate who refused to support term limits after concluding
30
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the Elections Clause. 531 U.S. 510, 525-26 (2001) (quoting U.S. Const. art. I, § 4,
concluding that “the Legislature,” as used in the Elections Clause, includes any
official body with authority to make laws for the state. 576 U.S. 787, 824 (2015).
In each of these cases, federal courts measured enacted state election laws against
the federal mandates established in the clauses—they did not measure violations of
By asking the Court to find that they have made out claims under the clauses
due to alleged violations of the Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs ask the Court to
find that any alleged deviation from state election law amounts to a modification of
state election law and opens the door to federal review. Plaintiffs cite to no case—
Most election laws will “impose some burden upon individual voters.”
Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 433 (1992). But “[o]ur Constitution leaves no
room for classification of people in a way that unnecessarily abridges this right [to
vote].” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 559 (1964) (quoting Wesberry v. Sanders,
376 U.S. 1, 17-18 (1964)). Voting rights can be impermissibly burdened “by a
31
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wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” Id. (quoting Reynolds, 377
U.S. at 555).
that Defendants engaged in “several schemes” to, among other things, “destroy,”
Republican votes” and “diluting” the influence of their individual votes. (ECF No.
49 at Pg ID 3079.)
by any allegation that Defendants’ alleged schemes caused votes for President
Trump to be changed to votes for Vice President Biden. For example, the closest
Plaintiffs get to alleging that physical ballots were altered in such a way is the
these workers were changing votes that had been cast for Donald Trump and other
9
Plaintiffs allege in several portions of the Amended Complaint that election
officials improperly tallied, counted, or marked ballots. But some of these
allegations equivocate with words such as “believe” and “may” and none of these
allegations identify which presidential candidate the ballots were allegedly altered
to favor. (See, e.g., ECF No. 6 at Pg ID 902, ¶ 91 (citing Aff. Articia Bomer, ECF
No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-10 (“I believe some of these ballots may not have been
properly counted.” (emphasis added))); Pg ID 902-03, ¶ 92 (citing Tyson Aff. ¶ 17)
(“At least one challenger observed poll workers adding marks to a ballot where
there was no mark for any candidate.”).
32
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Bomer, ECF No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-1010).) But of course, “[a] belief is not
evidence” and falls far short of what is required to obtain any relief, much less the
1997 WL 413594, at *1 (7th Cir. 1997); see Brown v. City of Franklin, 430 F.
App’x 382, 387 (6th Cir. 2011) (“Brown just submits his belief that Fox’s
unsubstantiated belief is not evidence of pretext.”); Booker v. City of St. Louis, 309
F.3d 464, 467 (8th Cir. 2002) (“Booker’s “belief” that he was singled out for
testing is not evidence that he was.”).10 The closest Plaintiffs get to alleging that
election machines and software changed votes for President Trump to Vice
10
As stated by the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia Circuit:
Magruder v. Schley, 18 App. D.C. 288, 292, 1901 WL 19131, at *2 (D.C. Cir.
1901).
33
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speculation that such alterations were possible. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at ¶¶ 7-11,
17, 125, 129, 138-43, 147-48, 155-58, 160-63, 167, 171.) And Plaintiffs do not at
all explain how the question of whether the treatment of election challengers
complied with state law bears on the validity of votes, or otherwise establishes an
With nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes for President Trump
were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President Biden, Plaintiffs’
equal protection claim fails.11 See Wood, 2020 WL 7094866 (quoting Bognet,
vote is counted improperly, even if the error might have a ‘mathematical impact on
the final tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote.’”).
11
“[T]he Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal Protection claim to
gerrymandering cases in which votes were weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs
advance an Equal Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal treatment. And if
dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the ‘unlawful’ counting of invalidly cast ballots
were a true equal-protection problem, then it would transform every violation of
state election law (and, actually, every violation of every law) into a potential
federal equal-protection claim requiring scrutiny of the government’s ‘interest’ in
failing to do more to stop the illegal activity. That is not how the Equal Protection
Clause works.” Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *11.
34
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is usually fatal[,]” Gonzales v. Nat’l Bd. of Med. Examiners, 225 F.3d 620, 625
(6th Cir. 2000) (citing Mich. State AFL-CIO v. Miller, 103 F.3d 1240, 1249 (6th
Cir. 1997), the Court will not discuss the remaining preliminary injunction factors
extensively.
As discussed, Plaintiffs fail to show that a favorable decision from the Court
would redress their alleged injury. Moreover, granting Plaintiffs’ injunctive relief
would greatly harm the public interest. As Defendants aptly describe, Plaintiffs’
requested injunction would “upend the statutory process for election certification
who [are] disappointed with the official results.” (ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2227.)
IV. Conclusion
For these reasons, the Court finds that Plaintiffs are far from likely to
succeed in this matter. In fact, this lawsuit seems to be less about achieving the
relief Plaintiffs seek—as much of that relief is beyond the power of this Court—
and more about the impact of their allegations on People’s faith in the democratic
35
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process and their trust in our government. Plaintiffs ask this Court to ignore the
orderly statutory scheme established to challenge elections and to ignore the will of
millions of voters. This, the Court cannot, and will not, do.
IT IS SO ORDERED.
s/ Linda V. Parker
LINDA V. PARKER
U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE
36
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
MILWAUKEE DIVISION
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
This Court is the latest theater in a six-state campaign of meritless, scorched earth litigation
relentlessly—albeit uniformly unsuccessfully—waged by the Trump campaign and its allies after
the November 3 election. In each state, as here, plaintiffs “seek relief that is stunning in its scope
and breathtaking in its reach.” King v. Whitmer, No. 20-13134, Op. & Order, at *2 (E.D. Mich.
Dec. 7, 2020).1 Wisconsin’s Supreme Court called a similar request “the most dramatic invocation
of judicial power [they] have ever seen.” Wis. Voters Alliance v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No.
2020AP1930-OA (Wis. Dec. 4, 2020) (Hagedorn, J., concurring on behalf of majority). This multi-
state campaign is failing on every front. It should meet the same fate here.
Plaintiff’s unprecedented requests for relief are based on nothing but a mishmash of
speculation, conjecture, and conspiracy theories, all without a shred of evidence that could
plausibly support their requested relief—and, despite waiting until a month after the election was
completed, he asks the Court to grant this drastic relief immediately and thereby imperil
Wisconsin’s participation in the Electoral College next week. Plaintiff’s case falls flat on step one
(standing), and it trips again on each of the additional steps he would need to climb to establish a
justiciable controversy that is not moot and that could properly be adjudicated in this Court, avoid
a laches bar based on his failure to bring his claims earlier, and set forth a claim that could plausibly
Earlier today, a court in Michigan held, without a hearing or evidentiary presentation, that
an analogous case raising nearly identical arguments with many of the same supporting exhibits
1
Pursuant to Civil L.R. 7(j)(2), all unpublished cases, orders, and dispositions cited are filed in
conjunction with this brief.
1
1544 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 2 of 30 Document 59
must be dismissed and the plea for injunctive relief denied. It did so for the same reasons identified
in Governor Evers’s Motion to Dismiss and his companion opposition to injunctive relief:
The plaintiffs lacked standing. Specifically relevant here, the court rejected the theory of
vote dilution as a violation of the Equal Protection Clause and the allegation that presidential
electors have standing under the Election and Electors Clauses. King, Op. & Order, at *23-*30.
The court deemed the case non-justiciable, for several reasons. The court held abstention
was appropriate under the Colorado River doctrine. That conclusion made it “unnecessary to
decide whether abstention is appropriate under other doctrines.” Id. at *23. Burford abstention is
argued below. The court also found the matter moot because “[t]he time has passed to provide
most of the relief” and “the remaining relief is beyond the power of any court.” Id. This accords
with the Eleventh Circuit’s decision affirming dismissal of the Georgia litigation, which noted that
courts “cannot turn back the clock and create a world in which’ the 2020 election results are not
certified.” Wood v. Raffensberger, No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866, at *6 (11th Cir. Dec. 5,
2020). The Governor’s Motion additionally argues that Plaintiff’s case fails both because there is
an exclusive state judicial procedure and he failed to exhaust his administrative remedies.
The Michigan court deemed the Eleventh Amendment preclusive. To escape that
constitutional bar, the court explained, a plaintiff must “allege[] an ongoing violation of federal
law and seek[] relief properly characterizes as prospective.” King, Op. & Order, at *11 (quoting
Verizon Md., Inc. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 525 U.S. 635, 645 (2002)). But in Michigan, as here, the
election results have been certified, leaving “no continuing violation to enjoin.” Id. at *13.
The Michigan court applied laches because plaintiffs “waited too long to knock on the
Court’s door.” Id. at *16. The Georgia similarly held that, “rather than challenging election rules
on the eve of an election, [Wood] wants the rules for the already concluded election declared
2
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unconstitutional and over one million absentee ballots called into question, [which] would
disenfranchise a substantial portion of the electorate and erode public confidence in the electoral
Nov. 20, 2020), aff’d, 2020 WL 7094866, at *6 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020).
All of this before the court even reached the merits, which it found decidedly lacking. Here,
the merits are so lacking that they fail to meet federal pleading standards, as argued below.
Given that Plaintiff Feehan seeks not preliminary relief to preserve the status quo but a
radical remedy to reverse the results of Wisconsin’s presidential election and disenfranchise
millions of voters, the Court should resolve this motion to dismiss before considering any request
for relief. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(i); accord, e.g., Packaging Corp. of Am., Inc. v. Croner, 419 F.
Supp. 3d 1059, 1062 (N.D. Ill. 2020) (court addressed motion to dismiss first, and then addressed
preliminary injunction on remaining count not dismissed); Whitaker v. Kenosha Unified Sch. Dist.
No. 1 Bd. of Educ., No. 16-CV-943-PP, 2016 WL 8846573, at *1 (E.D. Wis. Oct. 3, 2016) (court
addressed motion to dismiss before previously filed motion for preliminary injunction).
LEGAL STANDARD
A motion to dismiss under Rule 12(b)(1) tests the sufficiency of the complaint, not the
merits of the case. Center for Dermatology and Skin Cancer, Ltd. v. Burwell, 770 F.3d 586, 588
(7th Cir. 2014). A plaintiff facing a 12(b)(1) motion to dismiss must establish that the jurisdictional
requirements have been met. Id. at 588-89. A complaint must be dismissed under Rule 12(b)(1) if
To establish standing, Plaintiff must show that: (1) he has “suffered an actual or imminent,
concrete and particularized injury-in-fact;” (2) there is a “causal connection between [his] injury
and the conduct complained of;” and (3) there is a “likelihood that this injury will be redressed by
a favorable decision.” Democratic Party of Wis. v. Vos, 966 F.3d 581, 585 (7th Cir. 2020) (quoting
3
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Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560-61 (1992)). “A plaintiff may not rely on only a
‘generalized grievance about the conduct of government.’” Id. (quoting Gill v. Whitford, 138 S.
Ct. 1916, 1931 (U.S. 2018)). If a plaintiff lacks standing to assert a claim, the court lacks subject-
matter jurisdiction over the claim, and the claim must be dismissed. Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(h)(3); see
also Taylor v. McCament, 875 F.3d 849, 853 (7th Cir. 2017). In addition to constitutional standing,
the Court must also conclude that Plaintiff has prudential standing, which generally prohibits a
litigant from “raising another person’s legal rights,” bars “adjudication of general grievances more
appropriately addressed in the representative branches,” and requires that claims “fall within the
zone of interests protected by the law invoked.” Winkler v. Gates, 481 F.3d 977, 979 (7th Cir.
2007) (quoting Elk Grove Unified Sch. Dist. v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1, 11-12 (2004)).
A court may also deem a complaint nonjusticiable for several reasons, including that it is:
(1) subject to exclusive remedies in a different forum, and, therefore, an appropriate subject for
abstention; (2) not yet ripe because the plaintiff has failed to exhaust administrative remedies; or
(3) moot because the requested relief is no longer available in light of events that have already
transpired. A federal court may appropriately decline to exercise jurisdiction over a matter
(abstain) “when (1) there is a substantial uncertainty as to the meaning of the state law and (2)
there exists a reasonable probability that the state court’s clarification of state law might obviate
the need for a federal constitutional ruling.” Wis. Right to Life State Political Action Comm. v.
Barland, 664 F.3d 139, 150 (7th Cir. 2011) (citation omitted). Moreover, under Wisconsin law,
“where administrative action has taken place, and a statute sets forth a specific procedure for
review of that action and court review of the administrative decision, the statutory remedy is
exclusive and the parties cannot seek judicial review of the agency decision through other means.”
Thomas v. McCaughtry, 201 F.3d 995, 1001 (7th Cir. 2000) (citation omitted). Also, a “case is
4
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moot when the issues presented are no longer live or the parties lack a legally cognizable interest
in the outcome.” Stotts v. Cmty. Unit Sch. Dist. No. 1, 230 F.3d 989, 990 (7th Cir. 2000) (internal
quotation marks and citations omitted). And as the Eleventh Circuit and Eastern District of
Michigan recognized in rejecting substantially identical claims over the past couple days, the
claims. King, Op. & Order, at *16; Wood v. Raffensberger, 2020 WL 7094866, at *6.
The equitable doctrine of laches may also bar a complaint if a plaintiff’s “unwarranted
delay in bringing a suit or otherwise pressing a claim produces prejudice to the defendant. In the
context of elections, this means that any claim against a state electoral procedure must be expressed
expeditiously.” Fulani v. Hogsett, 917 F.2d 1028, 1031 (7th Cir. 1990) (citations omitted).
Upon satisfying those basic requirements for pursuing any claim in federal court, a Plaintiff
then can nonetheless overcome a motion to dismiss only if the allegations underlying his claims
are plausible. Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570 (2007); Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S.
662, 678 (2009). And where, as here, a plaintiff alleges fraud, the Federal Rules apply a heightened
pleading standard. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(b) (“In alleging fraud or mistake, a party must state with
particularity the circumstances constituting fraud or mistake.”). Under this heightened standard, a
plaintiff “must describe the ‘who, what, when, where, and how’ of the fraud.” Pirelli Armstrong
Tire Corp. Retiree Med. Benefits Trust v. Walgreen Co., 631 F.3d 436, 441 (7th Cir. 2011) (quoting
United States ex rel. Lusby v. Rolls-Royce Corp., 570 F.3d 849, 854 (7th Cir. 2009)).
A court must hear and resolve a properly filed motion to dismiss for the reasons stated
above before proceeding to address any other matters. Pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(i), a motion
under brought under 12(b)(1) and 12(b)(6) “must be heard and decided before trial, unless the
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ARGUMENT
Plaintiff’s claims are utterly meritless and should be dismissed for several reasons. First,
Plaintiff lacks standing to bring his claims. Second, Plaintiff’s claims are non-justiciable in this
Court because they are the subject to the exclusive remedy provided in state law, and are properly
subject to abstention, are either moot (with respect to some of the requested relief) or not yet ripe
(as to others) for Plaintiff’s failure to exhaust state administrative remedies, and are moot. Third,
the Eleventh Amendment of the U.S. Constitution bars Plaintiff’s claims. Fourth, even if Plaintiff
had standing and his claims were properly before this Court, they are barred by the doctrine of
laches. Fifth, and finally, Plaintiff’s claims, rooted in a toxic combination of deeply fatally flawed
“expert” “analysis” and wholly unsupported leaps of logic lacking any factual foundation in the
Wisconisn election come nowhere near meeting the Twombly/Iqbal plausibility standard. are For
all of these reasons, this Court should dismiss Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint in the first instance,
Plaintiff lacks standing to bring his claims, both under Article III of the U.S. Constitution
and as a prudential matter. “The doctrine of standing asks whether a litigant is entitled to have a
federal court resolve his grievance. This inquiry involves “both constitutional limitations on
federal-court jurisdiction and prudential limitations on its exercise.’” Kowalski v. Tesmer, 534 U.S.
125, 128-29 (2004) (quoting Warth v. Seldin, 422 U.S. 490, 498 (1975)). To establish standing,
Plaintiff must show: (1) injury in fact; (2) a causal connection between the claim and the alleged
injury; and (3) redressability of the claimed harm. Democratic Party of Wis., 966 F.3d at 585. The
law is clear: general grievances applicable to everyone do not establish standing. Winkler, 481
F.3d at 979 (quoting Newdow, 542 U.S. at 11-12). Plaintiff has alleged a general grievance, based
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on speculation and conjecture, that does not differentiate his claimed injury from that of other
A. Plaintiff lacks standing to pursue his Electors and Elections Clauses Claim.
Plaintiff claims that Defendants violated Wisconsin election law, usurping the power of the
Legislature. Specifically, Plaintiff claims that Defendants facilitated the illegal use and counting
of absentee ballots by individuals who, allegedly, did not qualify as “indefinitely confined” under
state law, contradicted state law which provides that absentee ballots may not be counted if the
certification lacks a witness address, and illegally cured absentee ballots by filling in missing
witness or voter information. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶37-45, 104-106) But Plaintiff alleges general
“harms” of statewide non-compliance with election laws that would apply to any of the 3.3 million
Wisconsin voters. This is “precisely the kind of undifferentiated, generalized grievance about the
conduct of government that [courts] have refused to countenance in the past.” Lance v. Coffman,
Nor does Plaintiff does gain standing by virtue of his role as a potential presidential elector.
Presidential electors have a purely ministerial role under Wisconsin law. The presidential electors
pledged to the candidate who won the popular vote, as determined by the state canvass, meet at
the state capitol on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December. Wis. Stat. § 7.75(1).
Those presidential electors “shall vote by ballot for that person for president and that person for
vice president who are, respectively, the candidates” for or by whom they were nominated. Wis.
Stat. § 7.75(2) (emphasis added). It is mandatory, not discretionary, that a presidential elector vote
for the winner of the statewide popular vote, and there can be no claim that Plaintiff is deprived of
any individual or personal right under the Electors and the Elections Clauses by Defendants’
alleged failure to administer the election in the manner that Plaintiff desires. Indeed, the Third
Circuit recently held that plaintiffs, whether voters or elector candidates, have no private right of
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action at all under the Electors and Elections Clauses. Bognet v. Sec’y of Commonwealth, No. 20-
3214, 2020 WL 6686120, at *19 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020); accord Hotze v. Hollins, No. 4:20-cv-
03709, 2020 WL 6437668, at *2 (S.D. Tex. Nov. 2, 2020); King, Op. & Order, at *28-*30.2
Treating electors the same as every other voter for these standing purposes makes sense, given that
electors, confined by state law to executing a mandatory duty to vote for the winner of the statewide
popular vote, have no personal interest under the Electors and Elections Clauses distinguishable
from the rest of the voting population. While electors no doubt have a preference as to who wins
the election, that is no different from any of the other millions of Wisconsin voters who voted in
the election.
Prudential standing compels the same result. Under the prudential standing doctrine, even
plaintiffs who can show some injury in fact, unlike Plaintiff here, may nonetheless, “assert only a
violation of [their] own rights.” Virginia v. Am. Booksellers Ass’n, 484 U.S. 383, 392 (1988). Here,
Plaintiff’s claims rest entirely on the rights of third parties: the right of the Legislature (which has
chosen not to litigate) to determine how elections are conducted; the right of President Trump (who
is litigating in state court under Wis. Stat. § 9.01) to be awarded Wisconsin’s electoral votes if, as
alleged, he received the highest number of votes; and the rights of unidentified non-party
Wisconsin voters whose votes allegedly were not properly counted or were diluted by the counting
of illegally cast ballots. Plaintiff, himself, has not alleged and cannot claim to have suffered any
individualized harm or violation of his own rights. He thus lacks standing to proceed in this Court.
2
Plaintiff erroneously cites Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020) (per curiam), to assert
presidential electors have Article II standing. Carson is an outlier and wrong as a matter of law. The weight
of federal authority holds that only state legislatures have standing to bring Electors/Elections Clause cases
in cases like this.
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B. Plaintiff also lacks standing to pursue Equal Protection, Due Process, and
“widespread fraud” claims.
The standing principles that doom Plaintiff’s lead claim in Count I for violations of the
Elections and Electors Clauses also foreclose his claims in Counts II-IV for violations of the Equal
Protection Clause, the Due Process Clause, and “Widespread Ballot Fraud.” The common thread
running through each of these claims is that Plaintiff’s vote was diluted because Wisconsin
counties counted some votes that Plaintiff contends were “illegal” and failed to count some votes
that Plaintiff contends were “legal.” But here again, Plaintiff fails to provide any detail whatsoever
of a concrete constitutional harm. Courts have consistently, including with respect to the
November 2020 election, rejected the notion that the generalized grievance of alleged vote dilution
provides private plaintiffs, like Plaintiff here, with a right of action. Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at
*11 (“This conceptualization of vote dilution—state actors counting ballots in violation of state
election law—is not a concrete harm.”); Wood, 2020 WL 6817513, at *5 (“This is a textbook
generalized grievance.”), aff’d, No. 20-14418, 2020 WL 7094866, at *7 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020)
(“Vote dilution in this context is a paradigmatic generalized grievance that cannot support
standing.”); Moore v. Cicosta, No. 1:20-cv-911, 2020 WL 6063332, at *14 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14,
2020) (“[T]he notion that a single person’s vote will be less valuable as a result of unlawful or
illegal ballots being cast is not a concrete and particularized injury in fact necessary for Article III
standing.”). There is a good reason for this standing principle that precludes private plaintiffs from
challenging governmental action or inaction that impacts the public generally: otherwise, any
enterprising conspiracy theorist with a Twitter following could run a GoFundMe campaign to fuel
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II. Plaintiff’s Claims Are Not Justiciable in this Court.
during the voting or canvassing process,” is addressed by the sole remedy of a recount process
outlined in state law. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11). The recount statute “constitutes the exclusive judicial
remedy” for such claims under state law. Id. The plain language of the statute is unambiguous on
this point, as recently confirmed by the Wisconsin Supreme Court. Trump v. Evers, No.
2020AP1971-OA, Order at *2 (Wis. Dec. 3, 2020); see also id. (Hagedorn, J. concurring)
(“[C]hallenges to election results are also governed by law. … [Section 9.01] provides that these
actions should be filed in the circuit court, and spells out detailed procedures for ensuring their
orderly and swift disposition.”); Wis. Voters Alliance v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No. 2020AP1930-
OA, Order at *3 (Wis. Dec. 4, 2020) (Hagedorn, J. concurring in denial of petition for original
action, joined by a majority of the Justices) (noting that one reason petition for original action was
“woefully deficient” was because it failed to “consider the import of election statutes that may
provide the ‘exclusive remedy,’” namely, Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(2m) and 9.01).
President Trump requested a recount, the results of which are currently being appealed in
state circuit court pursuant to Wisconsin law. Many of Plaintiff’s claims of election law
“violations” are in fact currently being litigated where they must be brought: via the recount
process in state court. Federal jurisdiction is not available to circumvent the Wisconsin
Legislature’s designated forum for challenging an election simply by bootstrapping concerns about
the constitutional right to vote to any election-related cause of action. Wisconsin has instituted a
strict set of procedures for challenging election results, permitting such challenges only when
election results are close (no more than a 1% difference between the leading candidates), and
requiring such challenges to be brought and proceed promptly. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(1)(a)5.b. To
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permit Plaintiff to circumvent these procedures and time limits, through the artifice of filing a
federal lawsuit bootstrapping federal claims onto what at bottom are grievances about state
officials purportedly failing to properly follow state election law, would eviscerate Wisconsin’s
careful process for properly and quickly deciding election challenges. If plaintiffs are not required
to avail themselves of Wisconsin’s strict procedural and timing requirements for challenging
election results, what’s to stop other disappointed Republican voters or candidates from filing
lawsuit after lawsuit until January 20 (if not beyond)? Such a result would not just offend state law
but would permit crafty litigants to blow past federal guideposts for finalizing the presidential
election results; it would further destabilize our democracy and undermine the will of Congress,
the Wisconsin legislature and, above all, the will of Wisconsin’s voters. See also infra Part IV
(laches).
This Court should abstain from exercising jurisdiction over this case. Abstention under the
Pullman doctrine is warranted when “there is a substantial uncertainty as to the meaning of state
law” and “there exists a reasonable probability that the state court’s clarification of state law might
obviate the need for a federal constitutional ruling.” Wis. Right to Life State Political Action
Comm., 664 F.3d at 150 (quotation omitted). In other words, this Court should abstain if it
concludes that “the resolution of a federal constitutional question might be obviated if state courts
were given the opportunity to interpret ambiguous state law.” Quackenbush v. Allstate Ins. Co.,
517 U.S. 706, 716-17 (1996). These criteria are easily met here: in accordance with Wisconsin
state law, Wisconsin courts are currently considering a recount appeal raising issues that overlap
with those Plaintiff asserts here. See Trump v. Biden, No. 2020CV7092, Order for Consolidation
and for Appointment of Judicial Officer (Milwaukee Cty. Cir. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020).
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First, the Wisconsin state law issues underlying Plaintiff’s claims are sufficiently uncertain
to warrant abstention. When similar issues were raised in a petition for leave to commence an
original action in the Wisconsin Supreme Court, three Justices of that court characterized the
claims as presenting a “matter of statewide concern that requires a declaration” of the relevant
Wisconsin law. See Wisc. Voters All. v. Wisc. Elections Comm’n, Order, No. 2020AP1930-OA, at
*4 (Wis. Dec. 4, 2020) (Roggensack, Ziegler, and Bradley, JJ., dissenting). Particularly in light of
the sensitive issues of state law implicated by Plaintiff’s claims, the Court should abstain from
Second, there exists a reasonable probability that the recount appeal will clarify enough
issues of state law to significantly narrow or eliminate altogether the federal constitutional issues
Plaintiffs allege are presented in this case. In particular, the recount appeal is likely to provide a
resolution on several state law issues raised in this case: the proper interpretation of Wisconsin
Stat. § 6.87’s absentee ballot signature verification requirements (see Recount Pet. ¶4; Amend.
Cmplt. ¶¶43-45), and Wisconsin Stat. § 6.86(2)’s voter identification requirements (see Recount
Pet. ¶6; Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶38-42). There is therefore a strong probability that resolution of the
state-law recount appeal process will obviate this Court’s need to address most or all of the federal
constitutional issues raised here. Accordingly, to “avoid the waste of a tentative decision as well
as the friction of a premature constitutional adjudication,” Pullman, 312 U.S. at 500, this Court
should refrain from injecting itself into the middle of this dispute.
the Wisconsin Elections Commission pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 5.06. This provision provides an
exclusive administrative remedy to all voters. The administrative procedure allows WEC to
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investigate the complaint to determine whether it has any merit, and potentially provide the
complainant with a hearing. Wis. Stat. §§ 5.06(1) and (5). Critically, Wis. Stat. § 5.06(2) prohibits
commencing any “action or proceeding to test the validity of any decision, action or failure to act
on the part of any election official … without first filing a complaint…” Plaintiff has not complied
with this mandatory administrative procedure. There are no allegations in the Amended Complaint,
nor any copies of any WEC complaint forms attached as exhibits. Since Plaintiff has failed to
exhaust his administrative remedies, this Court cannot provide the extraordinary relief requested.
See Glisson v. U.S. Forest Serv., 55 F.3d 1325, 1326 (7th Cir. 1995).
Plaintiff’s claims are also barred because his requested relief is moot. Federal courts may
adjudicate only “live cases and controversies.” See Murphy v. Hunt, 455 U.S. 478, 481 (1982). “A
case is moot when the issues presented are no longer live or the parties lack a legally cognizable
interest in the outcome.” Stotts, 230 F.3d at 990 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).
All of Plaintiff’s requests for relief relate to the general election held on November 3, 2020,
and its results. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶138-42) In part, Plaintiff asks the Court to (1) order Defendants
to decertify the election results; (2) enjoin Defendant Governor Evers from transmitting the already
certified election results to the Electoral College; and (3) order Defendant Governor Evers to
transmit certified election results stating that President Donald Trump is the election winner. (Id.
¶142) But, as was recently confirmed in both Georgia and Michigan where similar requests for
relief were reviewed, this relief is no longer available to Plaintiff and his claims are moot. See
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By the time Plaintiff filed his claim, not only had all 72 counties in Wisconsin finished
canvassing their results and reported those results to the WEC: (1) both Dane and Milwaukee
Counties had completed a full recount and reported their results to the WEC; (2) the WEC
Chairperson had completed the statewide canvass and certified the results: (3) Governor Evers had
signed the certificate of ascertainment and submitted the slate of presidential electors to the U.S.
Archivist; and (4) the U.S. Archivist had confirmed receipt. To paraphrase Judge Parker in
Michigan, by the time Plaintiff filed his complaint, the ship had sailed. See King, Op. & Order, at
“We cannot turn back the clock and create a world in which” the 2020 election results are
not certified. Fleming v. Gutierrez, 785 F.3d 442, 445 (10th Cir. 2015). And it is not
possible for us to delay certification nor meaningful to order a new recount when results
are already final and certified.
Because Wisconsin has already certified the election results, Plaintiff’s requests to delay
or prevent certification are moot and his complaint should be dismissed, as judges in several other
states have concluded. “[T]here is no basis in law by which the courts may grant Petitioner’s
request to ignore the results of an election and recommit the choice to substitute its preferred slate
of electors for the one chosen by a majority of Pennsylvania’s voters.” Kelly v. Commonwealth,
No. 68 MAP 2020, 2020 WL 7018314, at *3 (Pa. Nov. 28, 2020)) (Wecht, J., concurring); see also
Wood, 2020 WL 6817513, at *13 (concluding that “interfer[ing] with the result of an election that
has already been concluded would be unprecedented and harm the public in countless ways”).
Plaintiff’s claims face yet another insurmountable hurdle: the Eleventh Amendment. The
Eleventh Amendment bars federal courts from granting “relief against state officials on the basis
of state law, whether prospective or retroactive.” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman, 465
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U.S. 89, 106 (1984). This bar applies when the relief sought would require a federal court to
“instruct[] state officials on how to conform their conduct to state law.” Pennhurst, 465 U.S. at
106. It therefore precludes relief when, as here, plaintiffs have tried to disguise their state law
As federal courts have repeatedly emphasized, if the “gravamen” of a claim is that the state
has “improperly interpreted and failed to adhere” to state law, a plaintiff cannot plead around an
Eleventh Amendment problem by asserting that that failure to follow state law violates the federal
constitution. S&M Brands, Inc. v. Georgia ex rel. Carr, 925 F.3d 1198, 1204-05 (11th Cir. 2019);
see also Massey v. Coon, No. 87-3768, 1989 WL 884, at *2 (9th Cir. Jan. 3, 1989) (holding state
official immune where claim was brought under the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of
the Constitution “on its face,” but such “constitutional claims [were] entirely based on the failure
of defendants to conform to state law”); Balsam v. Sec’y of State, 607 F. App’x 177, 183-84 (3d
Cir. 2015) (applying the bar to claims “premised on violations of the federal Constitution”); Acosta
v. Democratic City Comm., 288 F. Supp. 3d 597, 626 (E.D. Pa. 2018) (explaining that, “[e]ven
when voters attempt to tie their state law claims into their federal claims, the Eleventh Amendment
bars the state law claims” (quotation omitted)); Six v. Newsom, 462 F. Supp. 3d 1060, 1073 (C.D.
Cal. 2020) (denying temporary restraining order in part because Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment
claims were predicated on violations of state law); Thompson v. Alabama, No. 2:16-CV-783-
WKW, 2017 WL 3223915, at *8 (M.D. Ala. July 28, 2017) (denying injunction putatively based
on federal constitutional claims because those claims rested on premise that state officials were
That is just what Plaintiff has done here. Count I, for instance, alleges that Defendants
violated the Elections and Electors Clauses by somehow exercising their powers in a way that
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“conflict[s] with existing legislation” enacted by the Wisconsin legislature. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶105)
But to assess whether that is so, the court would have to adjudicate a host of state law questions,
including interpreting the State’s photo identification law (id. ¶¶40-45), its address certification
requirements (id. ¶¶46-47), and its purported ballot-processing restrictions (id. ¶48), as well as the
scope of any delegation to state and county election boards. The same questions underlie Count II,
Plaintiff’s Equal Protection Clause claim, which relies on allegations that Defendants failed to
comply with the requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code. (Id. ¶116) Similarly, the Due
Process Clause claim asserted in Count III would require concluding that Wisconsin ballots were
not tallied in accordance with Wisconsin law—and asks this Court to order decertification or a
recount based on claims about what Wisconsin law requires for certification. (See id. ¶131) And
while Count IV is captioned as “Wide-Spread Ballot Fraud” and cites federal vote-dilution law
(see id. ¶¶132-38), the factual allegations on which it is premised raise state-law issues with respect
The relief Plaintiff seeks thus “conflicts directly with the principles of federalism that
Even if Plaintiff has standing, which he does not, and his claims are both justiciable in this
Court and not barred by the Eleventh Amendment, the doctrine of laches bars his claims because
he has unreasonably delayed bringing his claims to the detriment not only of Defendants, but also
of the nearly 3.3 million voters in Wisconsin who voted in this last election under the good-faith
belief they were following the correct procedures to have their votes counted. “Laches arises when
an unwarranted delay in bringing a suit or otherwise pressing a claim produces prejudice to the
defendant. In the context of elections, this means that any claim against a state electoral procedure
must be expressed expeditiously.” Fulani, 917 F.2d at 1031.In the elections context, federal courts
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regularly dismiss claims brought both before and after elections based on laches, “lest the granting
of post-election relief encourage sandbagging on the part of wily plaintiffs.” Soules v. Kauaians
for Nukolii Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176, 1180 (9th Cir. 1988). This is because of “the
extremely disruptive effect of election invalidation and the havoc it wreaks upon local political
continuity.” Id.; see also, e.g., Knox v. Milw. Cty. Bd. of Election Comm’rs, 581 F. Supp. 399, 402
(E.D. Wis. 1984) (laches warranted denial of preliminary injunction to restrain Wisconsin county
Indeed, relating to the election at issue here, a federal court in Georgia rejected similar
challenges to the presidential election results in that state on laches grounds. See Wood, 2020 WL
6817513. In doing so, the court stressed that laches principles are particularly salient in post-
election cases because of the potential impact on the rights of voters and on public confidence in
the electoral process. Unlike a pre-election challenge to the rules, the court explained, Wood
“wants the rules for the already concluded election declared unconstitutional and over one million
absentee ballots called into question. Beyond merely causing confusion, Wood’s requested relief
would disenfranchise a substantial portion of the electorate and erode public confidence in the
electoral process.” Id. at *8. The same is true here. Plaintiff unreasonably delayed bringing his
claims not only until after the election, but nearly a month after Election Day. This delay is
Plaintiff’s equal protection and due process claims in Counts II and III are based on alleged
violations of Wisconsin election laws. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶116, 129) Specifically, Plaintiff
complains about directives the WEC issued in October 2016, May 2020, and October 2020,
relating to absentee ballot procedures. (Id. ¶¶37-45) In Count IV, Plaintiff alleges widespread
ballot fraud, or more accurately, suggests that ballot fraud could have potentially occurred, from
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the use of Dominion Voting Machines.3 (Id. ¶¶132-35) Plaintiff does not claim actual knowledge
that any of these policies or procedures led to counting a single illegal vote or discounting a single
legal vote in Wisconsin. Neither does Plaintiff provide any explanation for why he waited until
nearly a month after the election to bring his claims. More egregiously, he does not explain why
he waited more than six months since the May 2020 guidance was issued and more than four years
since the October 2016 guidance was issued to challenge these procedures.4 Yet, he now asks this
Court to disenfranchise tens of thousands of citizens, if not all of the nearly 3.3 million Wisconsin
voters, who cast their ballots in reliance upon the election proceeding under established rules.
Plaintiff, by his own admission, has long been on notice about alleged “irregularities” with
Dominion voting machines. Throughout his Amended Complaint, Plaintiff alleges that Dominion
machines perpetuated errors and fraud based on publicly available evidence, including that: (1) in
2018, an expert witness testified about Dominion’s vulnerabilities (see Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶67-68);
(2) on January 24, 2020, Texas opted not to use Dominion due to the possibility of fraud (see
Amend. Cmplt. ¶64 and Exh. 11); and (3) on October 22, 2020, the Northern District of Georgia
issued an order as to Dominion voting machines (see Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶65-66). Plaintiff makes no
effort to offer a justifiable explanation for why he waited until weeks after the election to challenge
3
To the extent that Plaintiff claims that he was illegally, or at least inappropriately, prevented from
observing the election process (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶117, 130, 140), this allegation is too underdeveloped to
constitute a sufficient claim for relief. Plaintiff’s sparse allegation is completely devoid of specificity and
without any evidentiary support. On its face, this allegation appears to be a recycled argument from a similar
lawsuit filed in a different state. Moreover, Plaintiff’s claim is obviated by the fact that a public recount,
with observers from both campaigns, was conducted in Dane and Milwaukee Counties after Election Day.
4
Lest the Court infer that Plaintiff acted with greater alacrity in response to the October 2020
guidance, that is incorrect. The October 2020 guidance merely restated the policy adopted by the WEC in
October 2016. There was nothing new about it. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶44-45)
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There can be no doubt that Plaintiff’s delay, if it somehow resulted in his desired relief of
decertifying the Wisconsin election results and awarding Wisconsin’s electors to the losing
candidate instead of the winning candidate, would prejudice both Defendants and the nearly 3.3
million Wisconsinites who cast their votes in the election. Local municipal officials, often part-
time workers, administered this election, and Wisconsin voters participated in this election, in
reliance on the propriety of the pre-election policies that Plaintiff only now belatedly seeks to
challenge. Had Plaintiff raised and diligently pursued his challenges to these policies and before
the election, as he should have, then any required changes to election procedures could have been
implemented in response to any court rulings before the election—before, that is, the voters of
Wisconsin participated in the election in reliance on these very policies. Courts routinely decline
to change the rules of elections in the days and weeks leading up to an election, because of the
significant prejudice caused by last-minute changes, which can result in voter confusion and
depressed turnout. See, e.g., Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4-5 (2006). A court decision to
retroactively change the rules after the election, and to invalidate tens of thousands, if not millions,
Federal appellate courts have repeatedly held that voters should not have their votes
nullified for having followed guidance, policies, and court decisions in effect when they cast their
ballot. See, e.g., Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1074-75 (1st Cir. 1978); Ne. Ohio Coal. for the
Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d 580, 597 (6th Cir. 2012). These courts have relied both on
fundamental notions of fairness and on federal constitutional due-process protections. And this
very election cycle, the U.S. Supreme Court followed suit in Andino v. Middleton, No. 20A55,
2020 WL 5887393 (U.S. Oct. 5, 2020). In that case, the Supreme Court stayed a district court’s
order, in effect reinstating a briefly enjoined state-law witness requirement for absentee ballots.
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See id. But, in doing so, the Supreme Court expressly stated that any votes cast while the district
court’s order had been in effect “may not be rejected for failing to comply with the witness
requirement.” Id. The Court recognized the need to validate voters’ reliance on the rules in place
Nullifying tens of thousands, if not millions, of votes cast in the November general election
based on Plaintiff’s inexcusably belated challenges to policies and court decisions in place well
before the election would violate due process just as surely as the decisions struck down in Griffin
and Husted, and would run afoul of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Andino. Violating both
the voting and due process rights of Wisconsinites would be hugely, unfairly, and indisputably
prejudicial.
Because Plaintiff’s claims fail on jurisdictional and justiciability grounds, the Court need
not reach the merits to dismiss the case with prejudice. Nonetheless, should the Court conclude
that Plaintiff has standing, that this claims are justiciable, and that the doctrine of laches does not
apply, Plaintiff’s claims should be dismissed for their insurmountable pleading deficiencies – there
is simply no plausible basis for the far-reaching conspiracy Plaintiff alleges, and no plausible
support for his claim the Wisconsin election results were the product of anything other than
counting the valid votes that were cast in reliance on the election procedures in effect. And
Plaintiff has only magnified the gross deficiencies and utter ridiculousness and implausibility of
his claims with the affidavits and so-called experts incorporated by reference in his complaint.
Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint fails to meet the fundamental threshold requirement under Rule
12(b)(6) of stating a claim upon which relief can be granted, and certainly falls short of Rule 9(b)’s
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A. Assuming all of Plaintiff’s allegations are true, they do not make a plausible
allegation that Dominion Voting Systems machines were hacked in Wisconsin.
For purposes of the Rule 12(b)(6) analysis, this Court must assume Plaintiff’s allegations,
no matter how fantastical, are true. Brooks v. Ross, 578 F.3d 574, 581 (7th Cir. 2009). The Court
must draw reasonable inferences from those allegations. Tamayo v. Blagojevich, 526 F.3d 1074,
1081 (7th Cir. 2008). But it need not go further and follow Plaintiff down a path of conjecture and
conspiracy that is not supported by the facts. Taha v. Int’l Bhd. of Teamsters, Local 781, 947 F.3d
464, 472 (7th Cir. 2020). And, without blindly following Plaintiff through flights of fancy, leaps
The allegations based on Plaintiff’s first exhibit set the tone. That exhibit is a declaration
from an anonymous witness who claims to have had ties to long-dead Venezuelan dictator Hugo
Chavez5 and involvement in rigging elections in that country. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶8-9, 81, 87 &
Exh. 1) Plaintiff’s anonymous declarant acknowledges having little knowledge of the electoral
process in the United States: “I have not participated in any political process in the United States,
have not supported any candidate for office in the United States, am not legally permitted to vote
in the United States, and have never attempted to vote in the United States.” (Amend. Cmplt. Exh.
1) The witness claims to have witnessed the creation and operation of a voting systems company
called “Smartmatic,” and claims this system was used to manipulate elections in favor of Chavez
and his successor, Nicolas Maduro. (Amend. Cmplt. Exh. 1) The witness also claims this system
was used to rig elections throughout Latin America. (Id. ¶20) This witness further claims that
descendants of this “Smartmatic” system are now “in the DNA” of voting software systems used
5
See William Neuman, “Chavez Dies, Leaving Sharp Divisions in Venezuela,” N.Y. Times (Mar.
6, 2013), available at https://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/06/world/americas/hugo-chavez-of-venezuela-
dies.html (last visited Dec. 5, 2020).
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in the United States, including Dominion Voting Systems, such that they could be exploited by
unscrupulous persons seeking to manipulate election results. (Id. ¶5) There is no allegation here
that any of this has anything to do with Wisconsin. The declarant asserts that, in the U.S. election
on November 3, 2020, “vote counting was abruptly stopped in five states using Dominion
software” when “Donald Trump was significantly ahead in the votes.” (Id. ¶26) He then jumps to
“the wee hours of the morning,” when he vaguely asserts that “something significantly changed”
and “[w]hen the vote reporting resumed the very next morning there was a very pronounced change
in favor of the opposing candidate, Joe Biden.” (Id.) Notably, there is no explanation—in the
states stopped vote counting, what changed in the wee hours, or that any fraudulent activity
occurred in Wisconsin.
Plaintiff alleges that Dominion Voting Systems machines could be hacked, but he makes
no plausible allegation that Dominion machines in Wisconsin were hacked and manipulated.
“When a complaint’s facts do not permit the court to infer more than the mere possibility of
misconduct, the complaint has alleged—but has not shown—that the pleader is entitled to relief.”
Taha, 947 F.3d at 469 (quoting Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 679) (internal quotation marks omitted).
software, Plaintiff offers no plausible connection whatsoever between these allegations and any
impact on the results of the election in Wisconsin. Risk of fraud does not constitute fraud.
Plaintiff’s claim that there were a sufficient number of illegal votes counted and legal votes
uncounted to overturn the results of the election is based on the statistical analysis of two proffered
experts. Wiliam Briggs, self-proclaimed “Statistician to the Stars!” (Amend. Cmplt. Exh. 2 at 9),
22
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provides statistical analysis, though without any methodological explanation or support. Briggs
bases his opinions entirely on survey data provided by Matthew Braynard. (Id. at 2) But Braynard
report” submitted by Braynard to the Wisconsin Supreme Court along with the Wisconsin Voters
Alliance’s petition for original action. (Amend. Cmplt. Exh. 3) However, although the report states
that Braynard’s resume is attached (id. at 3) it is not. Thus, Plaintiff apparently expects the Court
to assume (without basis for doing so) Braynard’s qualifications but the Court need not do so, as
Braynard’s resume was filed in a proposed petition to the Wisconsin Supreme Court, and reveals
that he is a former Trump campaign staffer with an undergraduate business degree and a masters
of fine art and “writing” who and has worked on various Republican campaigns. See Report of
Matt Braynard, Wis. Voters Alliance, No. P2020AP1930-OA, attached as Exh. 15.
Braynard has an undergraduate business degree and an MFA in “writing”, and he has
worked on various Republican campaigns, including the Trump campaign. (Id. at 3-4) Braynard
does not have any apparent training or expertise in survey-based research; he does not purport to
have any expertise in linking and analyzing complex databases; he does not have any peer-
reviewed publications relating to election data or data analysis; and he apparently has never been
qualified to serve as an expert witness in any matter in any court. (Id. at 4) His survey
methodologies have not been disclosed, and the complaint provides no basis for inferring that he
is competent to conduct a reliable survey that would comport with professional standards in the
field, or that he even endeavored to do so. According to a recent article in the Washington Post
(and his own postings on Twitter), Braynard and a team of contractors he has retained using crowd-
sourced funds, engaged in an effort to “hunt for fraud” in the 2020 election. 6
6
See Jon Swaine & Lisa Raine, “The federal government’s chief information security officer is
helping an outside effort to hunt for alleged voter fraud,” Washington Post (Nov. 15, 2020), available
23
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Despite the purported “expert” status of his report, Braynard fails to provide even a cursory
explanation of his survey methodologies and whether those methodologies comported with the
standards required for considering a survey reliable, the steps taken to ensure his samples were
random and representative of the underlying population, or the steps taken to account for possible
expert and his “expert opinions” regarding absentee ballots in Wisconsin are likely not admissible,
let alone credible. The same Braynard report was submitted in the Wisconsin Supreme Court
recently, leading a majority of the Court to cite “legitimate arguments that [Braynard’s] report
would not even be admissible evidence.” Wis. Voters Alliance, No. 2020AP1930-OA, Order at *3
(Hagedorn, J. concurring in denial of original action petition, joined by majority of the Justices).
Briggs’s analysis relies upon Braynard’s data without question, assuming the validity of
Braynard’s conclusion that there were approximately 96,771 “unreturned absentee ballots” in
Briggs’s expertise is also questionable, at best. The printout of Wisconsin-specific data included
with Briggs’s report further undermines the plausibility of Briggs’s assertions. (Amend. Cmplt.
Exh. 2 at 4-7) This printout indicates that survey respondents were asked whether they requested
an absentee ballot “in Wisconsin,” and that the 13.92% of respondents who answered “no” were
deemed to have received a ballot without requesting one – even though a Wisconsin voter who
at https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-voter-integrity-fund/2020/11/15/89986f1c-25fe-
11eb-952e-0c475972cfc0_story.html (last visited Dec. 6, 2020); http://twitter.com/MattBraynard.
7
Braynard claims this 96,771 ballot figure was derived from a report he obtained from a firm called
“L2 Political.” (Amend. Cmplt. Exh. 3 at 5-6) Braynard does not provide the report itself, the date of
the report, the underlying data from the State that supposedly served as the basis for the report, or any
other information that would allow for validation of his double-hearsay account of what this data
purportedly shows. Accordingly, there is no basis for relying on the 96,771 ballot figure that serves as
the basis for his calculations.
24
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requested an absentee ballot while attending school out-of-state or living on a military base abroad
would have properly answered “no” to the question as posed. (Id. at 6) Briggs labels this alleged
problem Error #1. (Id. at 1) From the results of this fatally poorly drafted survey, Briggs even more
inexplicably leaps to the conclusion that 16,316-19,273, or 31% of the alleged “unreturned
absentee ballots” were “troublesome,” (id.) which Plaintiff argues supports overturning the results
Briggs’s so-called Error #2, upon which he asserts that somewhere between 13,991 and
(Amend. Cmplt. Exh 2 at 1-2) These figures are based on respondents to Braynard’s surveys who
were listed as having an “unreturned absentee ballot,” but who responded “yes” when asked
whether they had mailed their ballot. In other words, these are absentee ballots that were allegedly
returned but not counted. Neither Briggs nor Braynard does anything to account for various reasons
a person may have answered “yes”—perhaps they answered “yes” because they mailed back their
ballot, but did not do so in a timely fashion such that it was not properly counted; perhaps they
mailed back their ballot, but it was not properly completed or cured, such that it was not counted;
or conceivably, some of the respondents to the survey conducted on November 15-17, 2020, two
weeks after the election, lied or misremembered. Nor does Briggs even suggest there is any reason
to believe these ballots predominantly favored Trump rather than Biden. Yet, Plaintiff implausibly
Plaintiff’s assertion that the Court could plausibly conclude that 6,9668 absentee votes were
“illegal” based on voters having moved out-of-state prior to Election Day or having registered to
8
Further highlighting the liberties Plaintiff has taken with the alleged expert opinions is the fact
that Braynard concluded, after having removed duplicates, that 6,848 individuals lost Wisconsin
25
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vote in another state after having registered in Wisconsin is equally ridiculous. (Amend. Cmplt.
¶51) This assertion is based entirely on Braynard’s questionable analysis. To come to his
conclusions, Braynard compared the National Change of Address database for the day after
Election Day with Wisconsin’s database for all absentee or early voters, and alleges that anyone
who appears to have moved as of the day after Election Day was ineligible to vote. (Amend. Cmplt.
Exh. 3 at 9) However, Braynard fails to account for the fact that a person may file a change of
address for a number of reasons, yet retain residence for voting purposes in his or her home state.
For example, college students may file a change of address in order to receive mail while living
out of state on a university campus without establishing residency for voting purposes in that state.
Moreover, neither Plaintiff nor Braynard provides a single, specific example of a person illegally
presumption in favor of his allegations, that presumption does not extend so far that the Court must
assume an expert’s opinions are correct, or even admissible, and there are not facts here that, even
if assumed true, support a reasonable inference that Plaintiff’s constitutional rights were violated
Plaintiff further asks this Court to cast aside 181,440 votes, and thereby reverse the results
of the election as determined by the will of nearly 3.3 million Wisconsin voters, based on
Dominion Voting Machines. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶52-58) Notably, Plaintiff bases this assertion on
the purported statistical analysis of an anonymous “Affiant.” (Id. ¶52) But, despite this analysis
residency and cast illegal ballots (Exh. 3 at 9), yet Plaintiff asserts that 6,966 such votes were cast and
should be invalidated. Amend. Cmplt. ¶51.
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styled as expert opinion, Plaintiff does not allege any facts to support what is, at best, an implied
allegation that vote totals in Wisconsin counties using Dominion Voting Machines were modified
in favor of President-Elect Biden. Rather, Plaintiff provides that “[t]he results of the analysis and
the pattern seen in the included graph strongly suggest a systemic, system-wide algorithm was
enacted by an outside agent, causing the results of Wisconsin’s vote tallies to be inflated by
somewhere between three and five point six percentage points.” (Id. ¶58 (emphasis added))
That a questionable statistical analysis suggests that vote tallies may have been tampered
with is a far cry from evidence, or even an allegation, that vote tallies were in fact modified, and
such a suggestion certainly does not warrant overturning the results of an election in which 3.3
million Wisconsinites participated. Again, the Court is required to presume Plaintiff’s allegations
are true and to draw reasonable inferences in his favor, but the Court is under no obligation to draw
unreasonable inferences. “[W]hen considering the viability of a claim in the face of a Rule 12(b)(6)
challenge, [the Court] may reject sheer speculation, bald assertions, and unsupported conclusory
statements.” Taha, 947 F.3d at 469 (citing Yeftich v. Navistar, Inc., 722 F.3d 911, 915 (7th Cir.
2013); Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 678, 681; Twombly, 550 U.S. at 555).
Plaintiff also alleges that Defendants violated Wisconsin elections law by providing
guidance to municipal clerks that conflicts with state law. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶37-45) Even if the
Court accepts as true that election laws were violated, which they were not, Plaintiff fails to allege
with any specificity that even one vote was illegally cast and counted. Rather, Plaintiff simply
concludes that illegal ballots must have been cast and counted because the allegedly illegal
guidance was issued. Plaintiff does allege that 96,437 absentee ballots were illegally cast by
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individuals who did not qualify for indefinitely confined statutes under state law, but Plaintiff fails
Plaintiff alleges that the entire Wisconsin general election was “so riddled with fraud,
illegality, and statistical impossibility,” for the purpose of “manipulating the vote count to
manufacture an election of Joe Biden as President of the United States,” that the results of the
election must be set aside entirely. (Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶2, 5) But, to plead fraud, Plaintiff is required
to “state with particularity the circumstances constituting fraud.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(b). A complaint
alleging fraud “must describe the ‘who, what, when, where, and how’ of the fraud.” Pirelli, 631
F.3d at 441 (quoting Lusby, 570 F.3d at 854). Ostensibly, this alleged fraudulent course of conduct
was perpetrated through the combination of the use of allegedly vulnerable Dominion Voting
Machines and the issuance of guidance regarding absentee ballots to municipal clerks. However,
the use of Dominion Voting Machines and the guidance that Plaintiff cites as illegal and fraudulent
have been in use for multiple elections, and in some cases, for years. Plaintiff fails to articulate
with any modicum of particularity how these longstanding practices only now demonstrate fraud.
And to the extent that such speculation constitutes the “how,” which it does not, Plaintiff fails to
answer with particularity the requisite who, what, when, and where. As discussed above, because
Plaintiff clearly fails to state a claim for which relief can be granted under Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(6),
he most certainly fails to state a claim for fraud with the particularity required under Fed. R. Civ.
P. 9(b).
9
Presumably, Plaintiff pulls this number from Braynard’s report, but his conclusion is based on
speculative social media research and faulty statistical extrapolation. (Amend. Cmplt. Exh. 3 at 9-10)
Like Plaintiff, Braynard presents no evidence that anyone who was self-identified as indefinitely
confined illegally claimed that status to obtain and cast an absentee ballot.
28
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CONCLUSION
For the reasons above, Defendant Governor Tony Evers’s Motion to Dismiss (Dkt. 51)
should be adjudicated before the Court considers Plaintiff’s request for injunctive relief, and the
Paul Smith
CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER
1101 14th St. NW, Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
Telephone: (202) 736-2200
psmith@campaignlegalcenter.org
Justin A. Nelson
Stephen E. Morrissey
Stephen Shackelford Jr.
Davida Brook
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1000 Louisiana St., Suite 5100
Houston, TX 77002
Telephone: 713-651-9366
jnelson@susmangodfrey.com
smorrissey@susmangodfrey.com
sshackelford@susmangodfrey.com
dbrook@susmangodfrey.com
29
1572 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/07/20 Page 30 of 30 Document 59
EXHIBIT 1
Footnotes
1 There is a bit of a procedural morass surrounding that decision. Counsel for the defendants informed the court at the end
of the hearing that he would be submitting a proposed order, denying his motion to dismiss but containing the necessary
findings for certification of an interlocutory appeal. He did not make any argument in support of that proposal; the court did
not elicit any, nor did it ask for the plaintiff's position. The court entered the order, with the interlocutory appeal certification
language, on September 21. Dkt. No. 29. The next day, the plaintiff filed a motion asking the court to reconsider including
the interlocutory appeal certification language. Dkt. No. 30. On September 23, 2016, before the court ruled on that motion,
the defendants filed a notice of appeal with the Seventh Circuit, appealing both the order denying the motion to dismiss
and the order granting the preliminary injunction (an order the court had issued on September 22, 2016, Dkt. No. 33). Dkt.
No. 34. On September 25, 2016, the court issued an order granting the plaintiff's motion to reconsider, Dkt. No. 36, and
entered an amended order denying the motion to dismiss but removing the interlocutory appeal certification language,
Dkt. No. 35. The next day, the Seventh Circuit ordered the plaintiff to respond to the defendants’ request for interlocutory
appeal by October 11, 2016.
2 The plaintiff's complaint requests other relief: it asks the court to prohibit the defendants from referring to the plaintiff by
his birth name, and from using female pronouns to identify him; to require the school to allow him to room with other boys
on school trips; to prohibit the school from requiring the plaintiff to wear identifying markers, such as a colored wristband;
and other relief. The court did not grant injunctive relief on those requests—some were not ripe, and others speculated
actions that had not yet occurred.
3 The defendants’ statement that Texas district court's injunction prohibits the federal government from enforcing its policies
at all is overbroad. The Texas court's order prohibits the federal government from enforcing certain Department of
Education policies (relevant to this case) against the plaintiffs in that case “until the Court rules on the merits of this claim,
or until further direction from the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.” Texas v. United States, 2016 WL 4426495 at 17.
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Bognet v. Secretary Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, --- F.3d ---- (2020)
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Bognet v. Secretary Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, --- F.3d ---- (2020)
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Bognet v. Secretary Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, --- F.3d ---- (2020)
2020 WL 6686120
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and all of Pennsylvania's from USPS General Counsel which stated that Pennsylvania's
county boards of elections. That suit, filed in the Western ballot deadlines were “incongruous with the Postal Service's
District of Pennsylvania, alleged that Act 77's “no-excuse” delivery standards,” and that to ensure that a ballot in
mail-in voting regime violated both the federal and Pennsylvania would be received by 8:00 P.M. on Election
Pennsylvania constitutions. Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Day, the voter would need to mail it a full week in advance,
Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 by October 27, which was also the deadline to apply for a
WL 4920952, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Aug. 23, 2020). Meanwhile, mail-in ballot. Id. at 365–66; 25 Pa. Stat. and Cons. Stat. §
the Pennsylvania Democratic Party and several Democratic 3150.12a(a). Secretary Boockvar accordingly recommended
elected officials and congressional candidates filed suit in a three-day extension to the received-by deadline. Pa.
Pennsylvania's Commonwealth Court, seeking declaratory Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364–65.
and injunctive relief related to statutory-interpretation issues
involving Act 77 and the Pennsylvania Election Code. See In a September 17, 2020 decision, the Pennsylvania Supreme
Pa. Democratic Party v. Boockvar, ––– Pa. ––––, 238 A.3d Court concluded that USPS's existing delivery standards
345, 352 (2020). Secretary Boockvar asked the Pennsylvania could not meet the timeline built into the Election Code and
Supreme Court to exercise extraordinary jurisdiction to allow that circumstances beyond voters’ control should not lead to
it to immediately consider the case, and her petition was their disenfranchisement. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d
granted without objection. Id. at 354–55. at 371. The Court accordingly held that the Pennsylvania
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause required a
Pending resolution of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court case, three-day extension of the ballot-receipt deadline for the
Secretary Boockvar requested that the Western District of November 3 general election. Id. at 371, 386–87. All ballots
Pennsylvania stay the federal case. Trump for Pres. v. postmarked by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day and received
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at *1. by 5:00 P.M. on the Friday after Election Day, November
The District Court obliged and concluded that it would abstain 6, would be considered timely and counted (“Deadline
under Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. Extension”). Id. at 386–87. Ballots postmarked or signed
496, 61 S.Ct. 643, 85 L.Ed. 971 (1941). See Trump for Pres. after Election Day, November 3, would be rejected. Id. If the
v. Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at postmark on a ballot received before the November 6 deadline
*21. The RNC then filed a motion for limited preliminary was missing or illegible, the ballot would be presumed to be
injunctive relief asking that all mailed ballots be segregated, timely unless “a preponderance of the evidence demonstrates
but the District Court denied the motion, finding that the that it was mailed after Election Day” (“Presumption of
plaintiffs’ harm had “not yet materialized in any actualized or Timeliness”). Id. Shortly after the ruling, Pennsylvania voters
imminent way.” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Boockvar, were notified of the Deadline Extension and Presumption of
No. 2:20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5407748, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Sept. Timeliness.
8, 2020).
*3 With the federal case stayed, the state court matter D. Appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, and This
proceeded. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party argued that Litigation
a combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and U.S. Postal The Republican Party of Pennsylvania and several
Service (“USPS”) mail-delivery delays made it difficult for intervenors, including the President pro tempore of the
absentee voters to timely return their ballots in the June 2020 Pennsylvania Senate, sought to challenge in the Supreme
Pennsylvania primary election. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 Court of the United States the constitutionality of the
A.3d at 362. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party claimed Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling. Because the November
that this voter disenfranchisement violated the Pennsylvania election date was fast approaching, they filed an emergency
application for a stay of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause, art I., § 5,3
order pending review on the merits. The U.S. Supreme
and sought, among other things, a weeklong extension of the
Court denied the emergency stay request in a 4-4 decision.
deadline for receipt of ballots cast by Election Day in the
Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. 20A54, 592
upcoming general election—the same deadline for the receipt
U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL
of ballots cast by servicemembers residing overseas. Id. at
6128193 (Oct. 19, 2020); Scarnati v. Boockvar, No. 20A53,
353–54. Secretary Boockvar originally opposed the extension
592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020
deadline; she changed her position after receiving a letter
WL 6128194 (Oct. 19, 2020). After denial of the stay, the
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Bognet v. Secretary Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, --- F.3d ---- (2020)
2020 WL 6686120
petitioners moved for expedited consideration of their petition the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause as well as the
for certiorari. In denying that motion, Justice Alito noted that, Equal Protection Clause. Id. Because Plaintiffs filed their suit
per the Pennsylvania Attorney General, all county boards less than two weeks before Election Day, they moved for a
of elections would segregate ballots received during the temporary restraining order (“TRO”), expedited hearing, and
Deadline Extension period from those received by 8:00 P.M. preliminary injunction. Id.
on Election Day. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No.
20-542, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d The District Court commendably accommodated Plaintiffs’
––––, 2020 WL 6304626, at *2 (Oct. 28, 2020) (Alito, J., request for an expedited hearing, then expeditiously issued
statement). Justice Alito later issued an order requiring that all a thoughtful memorandum order on October 28, denying
county boards of elections segregate such ballots and count the motion for a TRO and preliminary injunction. Id. at *7.
them separately. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. The District Court held that Bognet lacked standing because
20A84, ––– U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, his claims were too speculative and not redressable. Id. at
2020 WL 6536912 (Mem.) (U.S. Nov. 6, 2020) (Alito, J.). *3. Similarly, the District Court concluded that the Voter
Plaintiffs lacked standing to bring their Equal Protection
*4 In the meantime, on October 22, 2020, three days after voter dilution claim because they alleged only a generalized
the U.S. Supreme Court declined to stay the Pennsylvania grievance. Id. at *5.
Supreme Court's order, Plaintiffs herein filed this suit in
the Western District of Pennsylvania. Plaintiffs are four At the same time, the District Court held that the Voter
registered voters from Somerset County, Pennsylvania, who Plaintiffs had standing to pursue their Equal Protection
planned to vote in person on Election Day (“Voter Plaintiffs”) arbitrary-and-disparate-treatment claim. But it found that the
and Pennsylvania congressional candidate Jim Bognet. Deadline Extension did not engender arbitrary and disparate
Defendants are Secretary Boockvar and each Pennsylvania treatment because that provision did not extend the period
county's board of elections. for mail-in voters to actually cast their ballots; rather, the
extension only directed that the timely cast ballots of mail-in
Bognet, the congressional candidate, claimed that the voters be counted. Id. As to the Presumption of Timeliness,
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness “allow[ ] the District Court held that the Voter Plaintiffs were likely
County Boards of Elections to accept votes ... that would to succeed on the merits of their arbitrary-and-disparate-
otherwise be unlawful” and “undermine[ ] his right to run in treatment challenge. Id. at *6. Still, the District Court declined
an election where Congress has paramount authority to set to grant a TRO because the U.S. Supreme Court “has
the ‘times, places, and manner’ ” of Election Day. Bognet repeatedly emphasized that ... federal courts should ordinarily
v. Boockvar, No. 3:20-cv-215, 2020 WL 6323121, at *2 not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at
(W.D. Pa. Oct. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs alleged that by *7 (citing Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166
voting in person, they had to comply with the single, uniform L.Ed.2d 1 (2006) (per curiam)). The District Court concluded
federal Election Day deadline, whereas mail-in voters could that with “less than two weeks before the election. ...
submit votes any time before 5:00 P.M. on November 6. [g]ranting the relief Plaintiffs seek would result in significant
Id. Thus, they alleged, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court voter confusion; precisely the kind of confusion that Purcell
treated them in an arbitrary and disparate way by elevating seeks to avoid.” Id.
mail-in voters to a “preferred class of voters” in violation
of the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause and the *5 Plaintiffs appealed the denial of their motion for a TRO
single, uniform, federal Election Day set by Congress. Id. The and preliminary injunction to this Court on October 29, less
Voter Plaintiffs also asserted that counting ballots received than a week before Election Day. Plaintiffs requested an
after Election Day during the Deadline Extension period expedited briefing schedule: specifically, their opening brief
would unlawfully dilute their votes in violation of the Equal would be due on October 30 and the response briefs on
Protection Clause. Id. November 2. Notably, Plaintiffs sought to file a reply brief
on November 3—Election Day. Appellants’ Emergency Mot.
All Plaintiffs sought to enjoin Defendants from counting for Expedited Briefing, Dkt. No. 17. Defendants opposed
ballots received during the Deadline Extension period. Id. the expedited briefing schedule, arguing that Plaintiffs’ own
They also sought a declaration that the Deadline Extension delay had caused the case to reach this Court mere days
and Presumption of Timeliness are unconstitutional under before the election. Sec'y Boockvar's Opp. to Appellants’
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The familiar elements of Article III standing require a plaintiff injury is undifferentiated and common to all members of the
to have “(1) suffered an injury in fact, (2) that is fairly public, courts routinely dismiss such cases as “generalized
traceable to the challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) grievances” that cannot support standing. United States v.
that is likely to be redressed by a favorable judicial decision.” Richardson, 418 U.S. 166, 173–75, 94 S.Ct. 2940, 41 L.Ed.2d
Id. (citing Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560– 678 (1974). Such is the case here insofar as Plaintiffs, and
61, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992); Friends of the specifically candidate Bognet, theorize their harm as the right
Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Env't Servs. (TOC), Inc., 528 U.S. 167, to have government administered in compliance with the
180–81, 120 S.Ct. 693, 145 L.Ed.2d 610 (2000)). To plead Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
an injury in fact, the party invoking federal jurisdiction must
establish three sub-elements: first, the “invasion of a legally To begin with, private plaintiffs lack standing to sue for
protected interest”; second, that the injury is both “concrete alleged injuries attributable to a state government's violations
and particularized”; and third, that the injury is “actual or of the Elections Clause. For example, in Lance v. Coffman,
imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. 549 U.S. 437, 127 S.Ct. 1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007) (per
Ct. at 1548 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130); curiam), four private citizens challenged in federal district
see also Mielo v. Steak ’n Shake Operations, 897 F.3d 467, court a Colorado Supreme Court decision invalidating a
479 n.11 (3d Cir. 2018). The second sub-element requires that redistricting plan passed by the state legislature and requiring
the injury “affect the plaintiff in a personal and individual use of a redistricting plan created by Colorado state courts.
way.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560 n.1, 112 S.Ct. 2130. As for the Id. at 438, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The plaintiffs alleged that the
third, when a plaintiff alleges future injury, such injury must Colorado Supreme Court's interpretation of the Colorado
be “certainly impending.” Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. Constitution violated the Elections Clause “by depriving the
1138 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 565 n.2, 112 S.Ct. 2130). state legislature of its responsibility to draw congressional
Allegations of “possible” future injury simply aren't enough. districts.” Id. at 441, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The U.S. Supreme Court
Id. (quoting Whitmore v. Arkansas, 495 U.S. 149, 158, 110 held that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing because
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). All elements of standing they claimed harm only to their interest, and that of every
must exist at the time the complaint is filed. See Lujan, 504 citizen, in proper application of the Elections Clause. Id.
U.S. at 569 n.4, 112 S.Ct. 2130. at 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194 (“The only injury plaintiffs allege
is that the law—specifically the Elections Clause—has not
With these guideposts in mind, we turn to whether Plaintiffs been followed.”). Their relief would have no more directly
have pleaded an Article III injury. They bring several benefitted them than the public at large. Id. The same is
claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, asserting deprivation of true here. If anything, Plaintiffs’ “interest in the State's
their constitutional rights. They allege that Defendants’ ability to ‘enforce its duly enacted laws’ ” is even less
implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's compelling because Pennsylvania's “election officials support
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness violates the challenged decree.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Common
the Elections Clause of Article I, the Electors Clause of Cause R.I., No. 20A28, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––,
Article II, and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 4680151 (Mem.), at *1 (Aug.
Amendment. Because Plaintiffs lack standing to assert these 13, 2020) (quoting Abbott v. Perez, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct.
claims, we will affirm the District Court's denial of injunctive 2305, 2324 n.17, 201 L.Ed.2d 714 (2018)).
relief.
*7 Because the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause
have “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Legislature v.
Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 839,
1. Plaintiffs lack standing under the Elections Clause and
135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d 704 (2015) (Roberts, C.J.,
Electors Clause.
dissenting) (discussing how Electors Clause similarly vests
Federal courts are not venues for plaintiffs to assert a bare power to determine manner of appointing electors in “the
right “to have the Government act in accordance with law.” Legislature” of each State), the same logic applies to
Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737, 754, 104 S.Ct. 3315, 82 L.Ed.2d Plaintiffs’ alleged injury stemming from the claimed violation
556 (1984), abrogated on other grounds by Lexmark Int'l, Inc. of the Electors Clause. See also Foster, 522 U.S. at 69,
v. Static Control Components, Inc., 572 U.S. 118, 126–27, 118 S.Ct. 464 (characterizing Electors Clause as Elections
134 S.Ct. 1377, 188 L.Ed.2d 392 (2014). When the alleged Clause's “counterpart for the Executive Branch”); U.S. Term
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Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804–05, 115 S.Ct. constitutional principles of federalism” enshrined in the Tenth
1842, 131 L.Ed.2d 881 (1995) (noting that state's “duty” Amendment. Id. at 223–24, 131 S.Ct. 2355. The defendant
under Elections Clause “parallels the duty” described by in Bond challenged her conviction under 18 U.S.C. § 229,
Electors Clause). which Congress enacted to comply with a chemical weapons
treaty that the United States had entered. Id. at 214–15,
Even a party that meets Article III standing requirements must 131 S.Ct. 2355. Convicted under the statute she sought to
ordinarily rest its claim for relief on violation of its own rights, challenge, Bond satisfied Article III's standing requirements.
not those of a third party. Pitt News v. Fisher, 215 F.3d 354, Id. at 217, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (characterizing Bond's sentence
361–62 (3d Cir. 2000). Plaintiffs assert that the Pennsylvania and incarceration as concrete, and redressable by invalidation
Supreme Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of of her conviction); id. at 224–25, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (noting
Timeliness usurped the General Assembly's prerogative under that Bond was subject to “[a] law,” “prosecution,” and
the Elections Clause to prescribe “[t]he Times, Places and “punishment” she might not have faced “if the matter were
Manner of holding Elections.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The left for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to decide”). She
Elections Clause grants that right to “the Legislature” of “each argued that her conduct was “local in nature” such that §
State.” Id. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims thus “belong, 229 usurped the Commonwealth's reserved police powers.
if they belong to anyone, only to the Pennsylvania General Id. Rejecting the Government's contention that Bond was
Assembly.” Corman v. Torres, 287 F. Supp. 3d 558, 573 barred as a third party from asserting the rights of the
(M.D. Pa. 2018) (three-judge panel) (per curiam). Plaintiffs Commonwealth, id. at 225, 131 S.Ct. 2355, the Court held
here are four individual voters and a candidate for federal that “[t]he structural principles secured by the separation of
office; they in no way constitute the General Assembly, nor powers protect the individual as well” as the State. Id. at 222,
can they be said to comprise any part of the law-making 131 S.Ct. 2355 (“Federalism also protects the liberty of all
processes of Pennsylvania. Ariz. State Legislature, 576 U.S. persons within a State by ensuring that laws enacted in excess
at 824, 135 S.Ct. 2652.5 Because Plaintiffs are not the General of delegated governmental power cannot direct or control
Assembly, nor do they bear any conceivable relationship to their actions. ... When government acts in excess of its lawful
state lawmaking processes, they lack standing to sue over the powers, that [personal] liberty is at stake.”).
alleged usurpation of the General Assembly's rights under the
Elections and Electors Clauses. No member of the General But the nub of Plaintiffs’ argument here is that the
Assembly is a party to this lawsuit. Pennsylvania Supreme Court intruded on the authority
delegated to the Pennsylvania General Assembly under
That said, prudential standing can suspend Article III's Articles I and II of the U.S. Constitution to regulate federal
general prohibition on a litigant's raising another person's elections. They do not allege any violation of the Tenth
legal rights. Yet Plaintiffs don't fit the bill. A plaintiff may Amendment, which provides that “[t]he powers not delegated
assert the rights of another if he or she “has a ‘close’ to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by
relationship with the person who possesses the right” and it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to
“there is a ‘hindrance’ to the possessor's ability to protect the people.” U.S. Const. amend. X. Nor could they. After
his own interests.” Kowalski v. Tesmer, 543 U.S. 125, 130, all, states have no inherent or reserved power over federal
125 S.Ct. 564, 160 L.Ed.2d 519 (2004) (citation omitted). elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. at 804–05, 115 S.Ct.
Plaintiffs cannot invoke this exception to the rule against 1842. When “deciding issues raised under the Elections
raising the rights of third parties because they enjoy no close Clause,” courts “need not be concerned with preserving a
relationship with the General Assembly, nor have they alleged ‘delicate balance’ between competing sovereigns.” Gonzalez
any hindrance to the General Assembly's ability to protect its v. Arizona, 677 F.3d 383, 392 (9th Cir. 2012). Either federal
own interests. See, e.g., Corman, 287 F. Supp. 3d at 573. Nor and state election law “operate harmoniously in a single
does Plaintiffs’ other theory of prudential standing, drawn procedural scheme,” or they don't—and the federal law
from Bond v. United States, 564 U.S. 211, 131 S.Ct. 2355, 180 preempts (“alter[s]”) state election law under the Elections
L.Ed.2d 269 (2011), advance the ball. Clause. Id. at 394. An assessment that the Pennsylvania
Supreme Court lacked the legislative authority under the
*8 In Bond, the Supreme Court held that a litigant has state's constitution necessary to comply with the Elections
prudential standing to challenge a federal law that allegedly Clause (Appellants’ Br. 24–27) does not implicate Bond,
impinges on the state's police powers, “in contravention of the Tenth Amendment, or even Article VI's Supremacy
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Clause.6 See Gonzalez, 677 F.3d at 390–92 (contrasting *9 Plaintiffs therefore lack Article III standing to challenge
Elections Clause with Supremacy Clause and describing Defendants’ implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme
former as “unique,” containing “[an] unusual delegation of Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness
power,” and “unlike virtually all other provisions of the under the Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
Constitution”). And, of course, third-party standing under
Bond still presumes that the plaintiff otherwise meets the
requirements of Article III; as discussed above, Plaintiffs do 2. The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing under the Equal
not. Protection Clause.
Plaintiff Bognet, a candidate for Congress who is currently a Stressing the “personal” nature of the right to vote, the
private citizen, does not plead a cognizable injury by alleging Voter Plaintiffs assert two claims under the Equal Protection
a “right to run in an election where Congress has paramount Clause.8 First, they contend that the influence of their votes,
authority,” Compl. ¶ 69, or by pointing to a “threatened” cast in person on Election Day, is “diluted” both by (a)
reduction in the competitiveness of his election from counting mailed ballots cast on or before Election Day but received
absentee ballots received within three days after Election Day. between Election Day and the Deadline Extension date,
Appellants’ Br. 21. Bognet does not explain how that “right ballots which Plaintiffs assert cannot be lawfully counted; and
to run” affects him in a particularized way when, in fact, (b) mailed ballots that were unlawfully cast (i.e., placed in
all candidates in Pennsylvania, including Bognet's opponent, the mail) after Election Day but are still counted because of
are subject to the same rules. And Bognet does not explain the Presumption of Timeliness. Second, the Voter Plaintiffs
how counting more timely cast votes would lead to a less allege that the Deadline Extension and the Presumption
competitive race, nor does he offer any evidence tending to of Timeliness create a preferred class of voters based on
show that a greater proportion of mailed ballots received after “arbitrary and disparate treatment” that values “one person's
Election Day than on or before Election Day would be cast for vote over that of another.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104–05,
Bognet's opponent. What's more, for Bognet to have standing 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000). The Voter Plaintiffs
to enjoin the counting of ballots arriving after Election Day, lack Article III standing to assert either injury.
such votes would have to be sufficient in number to change the
outcome of the election to Bognet's detriment. See, e.g., Sibley
v. Alexander, 916 F. Supp. 2d 58, 62 (D.D.C. 2013) (“[E]ven
a. Vote Dilution
if the Court granted the requested relief, [plaintiff] would
still fail to satisfy the redressability element [of standing] As discussed above, the foremost element of standing is injury
because enjoining defendants from casting the ... votes would in fact, which requires the plaintiff to show a harm that is both
not change the outcome of the election.” (citing Newdow “concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent, not
v. Roberts, 603 F.3d 1002, 1011 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (citations conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48
omitted)). Bognet does not allege as much, and such a (citation omitted). The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing to redress
prediction was inherently speculative when the complaint was their alleged vote dilution because that alleged injury is not
filed. The same can be said for Bognet's alleged wrongfully concrete as to votes counted under the Deadline Extension,
incurred expenditures and future expenditures. Any harm nor is it particularized for Article III purposes as to votes
Bognet sought to avoid in making those expenditures was counted under the Deadline Extension or the Presumption of
not “certainly impending”—he spent the money to avoid Timeliness.
a speculative harm. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc.
v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––,
2020 WL 5997680, at *36 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020). Nor
are those expenditures “fairly traceable” under Article III to i. No concrete injury from vote dilution attributable to the
the actions that Bognet challenges. See, e.g., Clapper, 568 Deadline Extension.
U.S. at 402, 416, 133 S.Ct. 1138 (rejecting argument that
The Voter Plaintiffs claim that Defendants’ implementation of
plaintiff can “manufacture standing by choosing to make
the Deadline Extension violates the Equal Protection Clause
expenditures based on hypothetical future harm that is not
because “unlawfully” counting ballots received within three
certainly impending”).7 days of Election Day dilutes their votes. But the source of this
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purported illegality is necessarily a matter of state law, which uniformed servicemembers that are received after Election
makes any alleged harm abstract for purposes of the Equal Day, in accordance with the federal Uniformed and Overseas
Protection Clause. And the purported vote dilution is also not Citizens Absentee Voting Act, 52 U.S.C. §§ 20301–20311.
concrete because it would occur in equal proportion without So the Voter Plaintiffs’ only cognizable basis for alleging
the alleged procedural illegality—that is, had the General dilution from the “unlawful” counting of invalid ballots
Assembly enacted the Deadline Extension, which the Voter is state law defining lawful and unlawful ballot counting
Plaintiffs do not challenge substantively.9 practices. Cf. Wise v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93, 100–01 (4th
Cir. 2020) (“Whether ballots are illegally counted if they are
*10 The concreteness of the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged vote received more than three days after Election Day depends on
dilution stemming from the Deadline Extension turns on the an issue of state law from which we must abstain.” (emphasis
federal and state laws applicable to voting procedures. Federal in original)), application for injunctive relief denied sub
law does not provide for when or how ballot counting occurs. nom. Moore v. Circosta, No. 20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, –––
See, e.g., Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Way, No. 20-cv-01753, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6305036 (Oct.
F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5912561, at *12 (D.N.J. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs seem to admit as much,
Oct. 6, 2020) (“Plaintiffs direct the Court to no federal law arguing “that counting votes that are unlawful under the
regulating methods of determining the timeliness of mail-in General Assembly's enactments will unconstitutionally dilute
ballots or requiring that mail-in ballots be postmarked.”); see the lawful votes” cast by the Voter Plaintiffs. Appellants’
also Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, 366, 52 S.Ct. 397, 76 L.Ed. Br. 38; see also id. at 31. In other words, the Voter
795 (1932) (noting that Elections Clause delegates to state Plaintiffs say that the Election Day ballot receipt deadline
lawmaking processes all authority to prescribe “procedure in Pennsylvania's codified election law renders the ballots
and safeguards” for “counting of votes”). Instead, the untimely and therefore unlawful to count. Defendants, for
Elections Clause delegates to each state's lawmaking function their part, contend that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
the authority to prescribe such procedural regulations extension of that deadline under the Free and Equal Elections
applicable to federal elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. Clause of the state constitution renders them timely, and
at 832–35, 115 S.Ct. 1842 (“The Framers intended the therefore lawful to count.
Elections Clause to grant States authority to create procedural
regulations .... [including] ‘whether the electors should vote *11 This conceptualization of vote dilution—state actors
by ballot or vivâ voce ....’ ” (quoting James Madison, 2 counting ballots in violation of state election law—is not
Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 240 (M. a concrete harm under the Equal Protection Clause of the
Farrand ed. 1911) (cleaned up)); Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 Fourteenth Amendment. Violation of state election laws by
S.Ct. 397 (describing state authority under Elections Clause state officials or other unidentified third parties is not always
“to provide a complete code for congressional elections ... amenable to a federal constitutional claim. See Shipley v.
in relation to notices, registration, supervision of voting, Chicago Bd. of Election Comm'rs, 947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th
protection of voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices, Cir. 2020) (“A deliberate violation of state election laws
counting of votes, duties of inspectors and canvassers, and by state election officials does not transgress against the
making and publication of election returns”). That delegation Constitution.”) (cleaned up); Powell v. Power, 436 F.2d 84,
of authority embraces all procedures “which experience 88 (2d Cir. 1970) (rejecting Equal Protection Clause claim
shows are necessary in order to enforce the fundamental right arising from state's erroneous counting of votes cast by voters
involved.” Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 S.Ct. 397. Congress unqualified to participate in closed primary). “It was not
exercises its power to “alter” state election regulations only if intended by the Fourteenth Amendment ... that all matters
the state regime cannot “operate harmoniously” with federal formerly within the exclusive cognizance of the states should
election laws “in a single procedural scheme.” Gonzalez, 677 become matters of national concern.” Snowden v. Hughes,
F.3d at 394. 321 U.S. 1, 11, 64 S.Ct. 397, 88 L.Ed. 497 (1944).
The Deadline Extension and federal laws setting the date for Contrary to the Voter Plaintiffs’ conceptualization, vote
federal elections can, and indeed do, operate harmoniously. dilution under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned
At least 19 other States and the District of Columbia have with votes being weighed differently. See Rucho v. Common
Cause, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2501, 204 L.Ed.2d
post-Election Day absentee ballot receipt deadlines.10 And
931 (2019) (“ ‘[V]ote dilution’ in the one-person, one-
many States also accept absentee ballots mailed by overseas
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vote cases refers to the idea that each vote must carry L.Ed. 1355 (1915). Any alleged harm of vote dilution that
equal weight.” (emphasis added)); cf. Baten v. McMaster, turns not on the proportional influence of votes, but solely
967 F.3d 345, 355 (4th Cir. 2020), as amended (July 27, on the federal illegality of the Deadline Extension, strikes
2020) (“[N]o vote in the South Carolina system is diluted. us as quintessentially abstract in the election law context
Every qualified person gets one vote and each vote is and “divorced from any concrete harm.” Spokeo, 136 S.
counted equally in determining the final tally.”). As explained Ct. at 1549 (citing Summers v. Earth Island Inst., 555 U.S.
below, the Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal 488, 496, 129 S.Ct. 1142, 173 L.Ed.2d 1 (2009)). That
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes were the alleged violation here relates to election law and the
weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance an Equal U.S. Constitution, rather than the mine-run federal consumer
Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’ privacy statute, does not abrogate the requirement that a
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal concrete harm must flow from the procedural illegality. See,
treatment. And if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the e.g., Lujan, 504 U.S. at 576, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (“[T]here is
“unlawful” counting of invalidly cast ballots “were a true absolutely no basis for making the Article III inquiry turn on
equal-protection problem, then it would transform every the source of the asserted right.”).
violation of state election law (and, actually, every violation
of every law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim *12 The Voter Plaintiffs thus lack a concrete Equal
requiring scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing Protection Clause injury for their alleged harm of vote
to do more to stop the illegal activity.” Trump for Pres. v. dilution attributable to the Deadline Extension.
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 5997680,
at *45–46. That is not how the Equal Protection Clause
works.11 ii. No particularized injury from votes counted under the
Deadline Extension or the Presumption of Timeliness.
Even if we were to entertain an end-run around the Voter
Plaintiffs’ lack of Elections Clause standing—by viewing the The opposite of a “particularized” injury is a “generalized
federal Elections Clause as the source of “unlawfulness” of grievance,” where “the impact on plaintiff is plainly
Defendants’ vote counting—the alleged vote dilution would undifferentiated and common to all members of the public.”
not be a concrete injury. Consider, as we've noted, that the Id. at 575, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (cleaned up); see also Lance, 549
Voter Plaintiffs take no issue with the content of the Deadline U.S. at 439, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The District Court correctly held
Extension; they concede that the General Assembly, as other that the Voter Plaintiffs’ “dilution” claim is a “paradigmatic
state legislatures have done, could have enacted exactly the generalized grievance that cannot support standing.” Bognet,
same Deadline Extension as a valid “time[ ], place[ ], and 2020 WL 6323121, at *4 (quoting Carson v. Simon, No. 20-
manner” regulation consistent with the Elections Clause. cv-02030, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6018957,
Cf. Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 S.Ct. 397 (concluding that at *7 (D. Minn. Oct. 12, 2020), rev'd on other grounds,
alleged “unlawful administration by state officers of a state No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d ––––, 2020 WL 6335967 (8th Cir.
statute fair on its face, resulting in its unequal application Oct. 29, 2020)). The Deadline Extension and Presumption
to those who are entitled to be treated alike, is not a denial of Timeliness, assuming they operate to allow the illegal
of equal protection” (emphasis added)); Powell, 436 F.2d counting of unlawful votes, “dilute” the influence of all voters
at 88 (“Uneven or erroneous application of an otherwise in Pennsylvania equally and in an “undifferentiated” manner
valid statute constitutes a denial of equal protection only and do not dilute a certain group of voters particularly.12
if it represents ‘intentional or purposeful discrimination.’
” (emphasis added) (quoting Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 Put another way, “[a] vote cast by fraud or mailed in by
S.Ct. 397)). Reduced to its essence, the Voter Plaintiffs’ the wrong person through mistake,” or otherwise counted
claimed vote dilution would rest on their allegation that illegally, “has a mathematical impact on the final tally
federal law required a different state organ to issue the and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, but no
Deadline Extension. The Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged, single voter is specifically disadvantaged.” Martel v. Condos,
for example, that they were prevented from casting their No. 5:20-cv-00131, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL
votes, Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347, 35 S.Ct. 926, 5755289, at *4 (D. Vt. Sept. 16, 2020). Such an alleged
59 L.Ed. 1340 (1915), nor that their votes were not counted, “dilution” is suffered equally by all voters and is not
United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 35 S.Ct. 904, 59 “particularized” for standing purposes. The courts to consider
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this issue are in accord. See id.; Carson, ––– F.Supp.3d at 246 U.S. 220, 227, 38 S.Ct. 269, 62 L.Ed. 676 (1918)). The
–––– – ––––, 2020 WL 6018957, at *7–8; Moore v. Circosta, Court then explained that a voter's right to vote encompasses
Nos. 1:20-cv-00911, 1:20-cv-00912, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, both the right to cast that vote and the right to have that vote
––––, 2020 WL 6063332, at *14 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020), counted without “debasement or dilution”:
emergency injunction pending appeal denied sub nom. Wise
v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93 (4th Cir. 2020), application for The right to vote can neither be denied outright, Guinn
injunctive relief denied sub nom. Moore v. Circosta, No. v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 [35 S.Ct. 926, 59 L.Ed.
20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 1340 (1915) ], Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268 [59 S.Ct.
2020 WL 6305036 (U.S. Oct. 28, 2020); Paher v. Cegavske, 872, 83 L.Ed. 1281 (1939) ], nor destroyed by alteration
457 F. Supp. 3d 919, 926–27 (D. Nev. Apr. 30, 2020). of ballots, see United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315
[61 S.Ct. 1031, 85 L.Ed. 1368 (1941) ], nor diluted by
But the Voter Plaintiffs argue that their purported “vote ballot-box stuffing, Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 [25
dilution” is an injury in fact sufficient to confer standing, and L.Ed. 717 (1880) ], United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385
not a generalized grievance belonging to all voters, because [64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. 1341 (1944) ]. As the Court
the Supreme Court has “long recognized that a person's stated in Classic, “Obviously included within the right to
right to vote is ‘individual and personal in nature.’ ” Gill v. choose, secured by the Constitution, is the right of qualified
Whitford, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1929, 201 L.Ed.2d voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them
313 (2018) (quoting Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 561, 84 counted ....” 313 U.S. at 315 [61 S.Ct. 1031].
S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)). “Thus, ‘voters who allege
...
facts showing disadvantage to themselves as individuals have
standing to sue’ to remedy that disadvantage.” Id. (quoting “The right to vote includes the right to have the ballot
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 206, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663 counted. ... It also includes the right to have the vote
(1962)). counted at full value without dilution or discount. ... That
federally protected right suffers substantial dilution ...
*13 The Voter Plaintiffs’ reliance on this language [where a] favored group has full voting strength ... [and]
from Baker and Reynolds is misplaced. In Baker, the [t]he groups not in favor have their votes discounted.”
plaintiffs challenged Tennessee's apportionment of seats in its Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 & n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (alterations
legislature as violative of the Equal Protection Clause of the in last paragraph in original) (quoting South v. Peters, 339
Fourteenth Amendment. 369 U.S. at 193, 82 S.Ct. 691. The U.S. 276, 279, 70 S.Ct. 641, 94 L.Ed. 834 (1950) (Douglas,
Supreme Court held that the plaintiffs did have standing under J., dissenting)).
Article III because “[t]he injury which appellants assert is that
this classification disfavors the voters in the counties in which Still, it does not follow from the labeling of the right to vote as
they reside, placing them in a position of constitutionally “personal” in Baker and Reynolds that any alleged illegality
unjustifiable inequality vis-à-vis voters in irrationally favored affecting voting rights rises to the level of an injury in fact.
counties.” Id. at 207–08, 82 S.Ct. 691. After all, the Court has observed that the harms underlying
a racial gerrymandering claim under the Equal Protection
Although the Baker Court did not decide the merits of the Clause “are personal” in part because they include the harm of
Equal Protection claim, the Court in a series of cases— a voter “being personally subjected to a racial classification.”
including Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 83 S.Ct. 801, Ala. Legis. Black Caucus v. Alabama, 575 U.S. 254, 263,
9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963), and Reynolds—made clear that the 135 S.Ct. 1257, 191 L.Ed.2d 314 (2015) (cleaned up). Yet a
Equal Protection Clause prohibits a state from “diluti[ng] ... voter “who complains of gerrymandering, but who does not
the weight of the votes of certain ... voters merely because live in a gerrymandered district, ‘assert[s] only a generalized
of where they reside[ ],” just as it prevents a state from grievance against governmental conduct of which he or she
discriminating on the basis of the voter's race or sex. does not approve.’ ” Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1930 (quoting United
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 557, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (emphasis added). States v. Hays, 515 U.S. 737, 745, 115 S.Ct. 2431, 132
The Voter Plaintiffs consider it significant that the Court in L.Ed.2d 635 (1995)) (alteration in original). The key inquiry
Reynolds noted—though not in the context of standing—that for standing is whether the alleged violation of the right to
“the right to vote” is “individual and personal in nature.” vote arises from an invidious classification—including those
Id. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (quoting United States v. Bathgate, based on “race, sex, economic status, or place of residence
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within a State,” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362— with a procedure approved by a state's highest court—even
to which the plaintiff is subject and in which “the favored assuming that approval violates the Elections Clause—is not
group has full voting strength and the groups not in favor equivalent to “ballot-box stuffing.” The Supreme Court has
have their votes discounted,” id. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 only addressed this “false”-tally type of dilution where the
(cleaned up). In other words, “voters who allege facts showing tally was false as a result of a scheme to cast falsified or
disadvantage to themselves” have standing to bring suit to fraudulent votes. See Saylor, 322 U.S. at 386, 64 S.Ct. 1101.
remedy that disadvantage, Baker, 369 U.S. at 206, 82 S.Ct. We are in uncharted territory when we are asked to declare
691 (emphasis added), but a disadvantage to the plaintiff that a tally that includes false or fraudulent votes is equivalent
exists only when the plaintiff is part of a group of voters whose to a tally that includes votes that are or may be unlawful
votes will be weighed differently compared to another group. for non-fraudulent reasons, and so is more aptly described as
Here, no Pennsylvania voter's vote will count for less than that “incorrect.” Cf. Gray, 372 U.S. at 386, 83 S.Ct. 801 (Harlan,
of any other voter as a result of the Deadline Extension and J., dissenting) (“[I]t is hard to take seriously the argument
Presumption of Timeliness.13 that ‘dilution’ of a vote in consequence of a legislatively
sanctioned electoral system can, without more, be analogized
*14 This conclusion cannot be avoided by describing to an impairment of the political franchise by ballot box
one group of voters as “those ... who lawfully vote in stuffing or other criminal activity.”).
person and submit their ballots on time” and the other
group of voters as those whose (mail-in) ballots arrive Yet even were this analogy less imperfect, it still would not
after Election Day and are counted because of the Deadline follow that every such “false” or incorrect tally is an injury
Extension and/or the Presumption of Timeliness. Appellants’ in fact for purposes of an Equal Protection Clause claim. The
Br. 33 (emphasis in original). Although the former group, Court's cases that describe ballot-box stuffing as an injury
under Plaintiffs’ theory, should make up 100% of the total to the right to vote have arisen from criminal prosecutions
votes counted and the latter group 0%, there is simply no under statutes making it unlawful for anyone to injure the
differential weighing of the votes. See Wise, 978 F.3d at exercise of another's constitutional right. See, e.g., Ex parte
104 (Motz, J., concurring) (“But if the extension went into Siebold, 100 U.S. at 373–74 (application for writ of habeas
effect, plaintiffs’ votes would not count for less relative to corpus); Saylor, 322 U.S. at 385–86, 64 S.Ct. 1101 (criminal
other North Carolina voters. This is the core of an Equal appeal regarding whether statute prohibiting “conspir[ing]
Protection Clause challenge.” (emphasis in original)). Unlike to injure ... any citizen in the free exercise ... of any right
the malapportionment or racial gerrymandering cases, a vote or privilege secured to him by the Constitution” applied to
cast by a voter in the so-called “favored” group counts not one conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes); Anderson v. United States,
bit more than the same vote cast by the “disfavored” group— 417 U.S. 211, 226, 94 S.Ct. 2253, 41 L.Ed.2d 20 (1974)
no matter what set of scales one might choose to employ. Cf. (criminal prosecution for conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362. And, however under successor to statute in Saylor). Standing was, of course,
one tries to draw a contrast, this division is not based on never an issue in those cases because the Government was
a voter's personal characteristics at all, let alone a person's enforcing its criminal laws. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs, who
race, sex, economic status, or place of residence. Two voters bear the burden to show standing, have presented no instance
could each have cast a mail-in ballot before Election Day at in which an individual voter had Article III standing to claim
the same time, yet perhaps only one of their ballots arrived an equal protection harm to his or her vote from the existence
by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day, given USPS's mail delivery of an allegedly illegal vote cast by someone else in the same
process. It is passing strange to assume that one of these voters election.
would be denied “equal protection of the laws” were both
votes counted. U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. Indeed, the logical conclusion of the Voter Plaintiffs’ theory
is that whenever an elections board counts any ballot that
The Voter Plaintiffs also emphasize language from Reynolds deviates in some way from the requirements of a state's
that “[t]he right to vote can neither be denied outright ... nor legislatively enacted election code, there is a particularized
diluted by ballot-box stuffing.” 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362 injury in fact sufficient to confer Article III standing on every
(citing Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371, 25 L.Ed. 717 (1879); other voter—provided the remainder of the standing analysis
United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385, 64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. is satisfied. Allowing standing for such an injury strikes us
1341 (1944)). In the first place, casting a vote in accordance as indistinguishable from the proposition that a plaintiff has
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Article III standing to assert a general interest in seeing fact requires the “invasion of a legally protected interest.”
the “proper application of the Constitution and laws”—a Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130. We doubt that
proposition that the Supreme Court has firmly rejected. Lujan, the mere existence of groupings of voters qualifies as an
504 U.S. at 573–74, 112 S.Ct. 2130. The Voter Plaintiffs thus injury per se. “An equal protection claim will not lie by
lack standing to bring their Equal Protection vote dilution ‘conflating all persons not injured into a preferred class
claim. receiving better treatment’ than the plaintiff.” Thornton v. City
of St. Helens, 425 F.3d 1158, 1167 (9th Cir. 2005) (quoting
Joyce v. Mavromatis, 783 F.2d 56, 57 (6th Cir. 1986)); see
also, e.g., Batra v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of Neb., 79 F.3d 717,
b. Arbitrary and Disparate Treatment
721 (8th Cir. 1996) (“[T]he relevant prerequisite is unlawful
*15 The Voter Plaintiffs also lack standing to allege an discrimination, not whether plaintiff is part of a victimized
injury in the form of “arbitrary and disparate treatment” class.”). More importantly, the Voter Plaintiffs have shown
of a preferred class of voters because the Voter Plaintiffs no disadvantage to themselves that arises simply by being
have not alleged a legally cognizable “preferred class” for separated into groupings. For instance, there is no argument
equal protection purposes, and because the alleged harm from that it is inappropriate that some voters will vote in person and
votes counted solely due to the Presumption of Timeliness is others will vote by mail. The existence of these two groups of
hypothetical or conjectural. voters, without more, simply does not constitute an injury in
fact to in-person voters.
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conduct, or at least some burden on Plaintiffs’ own voting ballot lacks sufficient indicia of its untimeliness to overcome
rights, we discern no basis on which they have standing to the Presumption of Timeliness; and (5) that same ballot is
challenge the slim opportunity the Presumption of Timeliness ultimately counted. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
conceivably affords wrongdoers to violate election law. Cf. Way, No. 20-cv-10753, 2020 WL 6204477, at *7 (D.N.J.
Minn. Voters Alliance v. Ritchie, 720 F.3d 1029, 1033 (8th Cir. Oct. 22, 2020) (laying out similar “unlikely chain of events”
2013) (affirming dismissal of claims “premised on potential required for vote dilution harm from postmark rule under
harm in the form of vote dilution caused by insufficient New Jersey election law); see also Reilly v. Ceridian Corp.,
pre-election verification of [election day registrants’] voting 664 F.3d 38, 43 (3d Cir. 2011) (holding purported injury
eligibility and the absence of post-election ballot rescission in fact was too conjectural where “we cannot now describe
procedures”). how Appellants will be injured in this case without beginning
our explanation with the word ‘if’ ”). This parade of
horribles “may never come to pass,” Trump for Pres. v.
Boockvar, 2020 WL 5997680, at *33, and we are especially
ii. Speculative injury from ballots counted under the
reluctant to endorse such a speculative theory of injury
Presumption of Timeliness.
given Pennsylvania's “own mechanisms for deterring and
Plaintiffs’ theory as to the Presumption of Timeliness focuses prosecuting voter fraud,” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
on the potential for some voters to vote after Election Day Cegavske, No. 20-1445, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL
and still have their votes counted. This argument reveals that 5626974, at *6 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020).18
their alleged injury in fact attributable to the Presumption is
“conjectural or hypothetical” instead of “actual or imminent.” *17 To date, the Secretary has reported that at least 655
Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at ballots without a legible postmark have been collected within
560, 112 S.Ct. 2130). The Supreme Court has emphasized the Deadline Extension period.19 But it is mere speculation
that a threatened injury must be “certainly impending” and to say that any one of those ballots was cast after Election
not merely “possible” for it to constitute an injury in fact. Day. We are reluctant to conclude that an independent actor
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. 1138 (emphasis in —here, one of 655 voters—decided to mail his or her ballot
original) (quoting Whitmore v. Ark., 495 U.S. 149, 158, 110 after Election Day contrary to law. The Voter Plaintiffs have
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). When determining not provided any empirical evidence on the frequency of voter
Article III standing, our Court accepts allegations based fraud or the speed of mail delivery that would establish a
on well-pleaded facts; but we do not credit bald assertions statistical likelihood or even the plausibility that any of the
that rest on mere supposition. Finkelman v. NFL, 810 F.3d 655 ballots was cast after Election Day. Any injury to the
187, 201–02 (3d Cir. 2016). The Supreme Court has also Voter Plaintiffs attributable to the Presumption of Timeliness
emphasized its “reluctance to endorse standing theories that is merely “possible,” not “actual or imminent,” and thus
rest on speculation about the decisions of independent actors.” cannot constitute an injury in fact.
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 414, 133 S.Ct. 1138. A standing
theory becomes even more speculative when it requires that
independent actors make decisions to act unlawfully. See City B. Purcell
of L.A. v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105–06 & 106 n.7, 103 S.Ct. Even were we to conclude that Plaintiffs have standing, we
1660, 75 L.Ed.2d 675 (1983) (rejecting Article III standing could not say that the District Court abused its discretion in
to seek injunction where party invoking federal jurisdiction concluding on this record that the Supreme Court's election-
would have to establish that he would unlawfully resist arrest law jurisprudence counseled against injunctive relief. Unique
or police officers would violate department orders in future). and important equitable considerations, including voters’
reliance on the rules in place when they made their plans
Here, the Presumption of Timeliness could inflict injury on to vote and chose how to cast their ballots, support that
the Voter Plaintiffs only if: (1) another voter violates the disposition. Plaintiffs’ requested relief would have upended
law by casting an absentee ballot after Election Day; (2) this status quo, which is generally disfavored under the “voter
the illegally cast ballot does not bear a legible postmark, confusion” and election confidence rationales of Purcell v.
which is against USPS policy;16 (3) that same ballot still Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166 L.Ed.2d 1 (2006).
arrives within three days of Election Day, which is faster One can assume for the sake of argument that aspects of
the now-prevailing regime in Pennsylvania are unlawful as
than USPS anticipates mail delivery will occur;17 (4) the
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alleged and still recognize that, given the timing of Plaintiffs’ ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6275871
request for injunctive relief, the electoral calendar was such (Oct. 26, 2020) (denying application to vacate stay). Justice
that following it “one last time” was the better of the choices Kavanaugh explained that the injunction was improper for
available. Perez, 138 S. Ct. at 2324 (“And if a [redistricting] the “independent reason[ ]” that “the District Court changed
plan is found to be unlawful very close to the election date, the Wisconsin's election rules too close to the election, in
only reasonable option may be to use the plan one last time.”). contravention of this Court's precedents.” Id. at ––––, 2020
WL 6275871 at *3 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Purcell and
Here, less than two weeks before Election Day, Plaintiffs a string20 of Supreme Court election-law decisions in 2020
asked the District Court to enjoin a deadline established by “recognize a basic tenet of election law: When an election is
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on September 17, a deadline close at hand, the rules of the road should be clear and settled.”
that may have informed voters’ decisions about whether and Id.
when to request mail-in ballots as well as when and how
they cast or intended to cast them. In such circumstances, *18 The prevailing state election rule in Pennsylvania
the District Court was well within its discretion to give heed permitted voters to mail ballots up through 8:00 P.M. on
to Supreme Court decisions instructing that “federal courts Election Day so long as their ballots arrived by 5:00 P.M.
should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of on November 6. Whether that rule was wisely or properly
an election.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Democratic Nat'l put in place is not before us now. What matters for our
Comm., ––– U.S. ––––, 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207, 206 L.Ed.2d purposes today is that Plaintiffs’ challenge to it was not filed
452 (2020) (per curiam) (citing Purcell, 549 U.S. at 1, 127 until sufficiently close to the election to raise a reasonable
S.Ct. 5). concern in the District Court that more harm than good would
come from an injunction changing the rule. In sum, the
In Purcell, an appeal from a federal court order enjoining District Court's justifiable reliance on Purcell constitutes an
the State of Arizona from enforcing its voter identification “alternative and independent reason[ ]” for concluding that
law, the Supreme Court acknowledged that “[c]onfidence an “injunction was unwarranted” here. Wis. State Legislature,
in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to ––– S.Ct. at ––––, 2020 WL 6275871, at *3 (Kavanaugh, J.,
the functioning of our participatory democracy.” 549 U.S. concurring).
at 4, 127 S.Ct. 5. In other words, “[c]ourt orders affecting
elections, especially conflicting orders, can themselves result
in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away
from the polls. As an election draws closer, that risk will IV. Conclusion
increase.” Id. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5. Mindful of “the necessity for
We do not decide today whether the Deadline Extension
clear guidance to the State of Arizona” and “the imminence
or the Presumption of Timeliness are proper exercises of
of the election,” the Court vacated the injunction. Id. at 5, 127
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's lawmaking authority,
S.Ct. 5.
delegated by the U.S. Constitution, to regulate federal
elections. Nor do we evaluate the policy wisdom of those
The principle announced in Purcell has very recently been
two features of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling.
reiterated. First, in Republican National Committee, the
We hold only that when voters cast their ballots under a
Supreme Court stayed on the eve of the April 7 Wisconsin
state's facially lawful election rule and in accordance with
primary a district court order that altered the State's voting
instructions from the state's election officials, private citizens
rules by extending certain deadlines applicable to absentee
lack Article III standing to enjoin the counting of those ballots
ballots. 140 S. Ct. at 1206. The Court noted that it was
on the grounds that the source of the rule was the wrong
adhering to Purcell and had “repeatedly emphasized that
state organ or that doing so dilutes their votes or constitutes
lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election
differential treatment of voters in violation of the Equal
rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at 1207 (citing Purcell,
Protection Clause. Further, and independent of our holding
549 U.S. at 1, 127 S.Ct. 5). And just over two weeks
on standing, we hold that the District Court did not err in
ago, the Court denied an application to vacate a stay of a
denying Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief out of concern
district court order that made similar changes to Wisconsin's
for the settled expectations of voters and election officials. We
election rules six weeks before Election Day. Democratic
will affirm the District Court's denial of Plaintiffs’ emergency
Nat'l Comm. v. Wis. State Legislature, No. 20A66, 592 U.S.
motion for a TRO or preliminary injunction.
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All Citations
Footnotes
1 Second Letter from Phocion (April 1784), reprinted in 3 The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, 1782–1786, 530–58 (Harold
C. Syrett ed., 1962).
2 Throughout this opinion, we refer to absentee voting and mail-in voting interchangeably.
3 The Free and Equal Elections Clause of the Pennsylvania Constitution provides: “Elections shall be free and equal; and no
power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage.” Pa. Const. art. 1, § 5.
4 Because we have received comprehensive briefing, and given the weighty public interest in a prompt ruling on the matter
before us, we have elected to forgo oral argument.
5 Bognet seeks to represent Pennsylvania in Congress, but even if he somehow had a relationship to state lawmaking
processes, he would lack personal standing to sue for redress of the alleged “institutional injury (the diminution of
legislative power), which necessarily damage[d] all Members of [the legislature] ... equally.” Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811,
821, 117 S.Ct. 2312, 138 L.Ed.2d 849 (1997) (plaintiffs were six out of 535 members of Congress); see also Corman, 287
F. Supp. 3d at 568–69 (concluding that “two of 253 members of the Pennsylvania General Assembly” lacked standing to
sue under Elections Clause for alleged “deprivation of ‘their legislative authority to apportion congressional districts’ ”);
accord Va. House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 1945, 1953, 204 L.Ed.2d 305 (2019).
6 Our conclusion departs from the recent decision of an Eighth Circuit panel which, over a dissent, concluded that
candidates for the position of presidential elector had standing under Bond to challenge a Minnesota state-court consent
decree that effectively extended the receipt deadline for mailed ballots. See Carson v. Simon, No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d
––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6335967, at *5 (8th Cir. Oct. 29, 2020). The Carson court appears to have cited language from
Bond without considering the context—specifically, the Tenth Amendment and the reserved police powers—in which the
U.S. Supreme Court employed that language. There is no precedent for expanding Bond beyond this context, and the
Carson court cited none.
7 The alleged injury specific to Bognet does not implicate the Qualifications Clause or exclusion from Congress, Powell
v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486, 550, 89 S.Ct. 1944, 23 L.Ed.2d 491 (1969), nor the standing of members of Congress
to bring actions alleging separation-of-powers violations. Moore v. U.S. House of Reps., 733 F.2d 946, 959 (D.C. Cir.
1984) (Scalia, J., concurring).
8 Only the Voter Plaintiffs bring the Equal Protection count in the Complaint; Bognet did not join that count.
9 We exclude the Presumption of Timeliness from our concreteness analysis. Plaintiffs allege that the federal statutes
providing for a uniform election day, 3 U.S.C. § 1 and 2 U.S.C. § 7, conflict with, and thus displace, any state law that
would authorize voting after Election Day. They claim that the Presumption permits, theoretically at least, some voters
whose ballots lack a legible postmark to vote after Election Day, in violation of these federal statutes. So unlike the
Deadline Extension, Plaintiffs contend that the General Assembly could not enact the Presumption consistent with the
Constitution. This conceptualization of injury is thus more properly characterized as “concrete” than is the purported
Deadline Extension injury attributable to voters having their timely voted ballots received and counted after Election Day.
That said, we express no opinion about whether the Voter Plaintiffs have, in fact, alleged such a concrete injury for
standing purposes.
10 See AS § 15.20.081(e) & (h) (Alaska – 10 days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); West's Ann.
Cal. Elec. Code § 3020(b) (California – three days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); DC ST §
1-1001.05(a)(10A) (District of Columbia – seven days after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); 10 ILCS
5/19-8, 5/18A-15 (Illinois – 14 days after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); K.S.A. 25-1132 (Kansas
– three days after the election if postmarked before the close of polls on Election Day); MD Code, Elec. Law, § 9-505
(Maryland – the second Friday after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); Miss. Code Ann. § 23-15-637
(Mississippi – five business days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); NV Rev Stat § 293.317
(Nevada – by 5:00 P.M. on the seventh day after Election Day if postmarked by Election Day, and ballots with unclear
postmarks must be received by 5:00 P.M. on the third day after Election Day); N.J.S.A. 19:63-22 (New Jersey – 48
hours after polls close if postmarked on or before Election Day); McKinney's Elec. Law § 8-412 (New York – seven days
after the election for mailed ballots postmarked on Election Day); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-231(b)(2) and Wise v. Circosta,
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978 F.3d 93, 96 (4th Cir. 2020) (North Carolina – recognizing extension from three to nine days after the election the
deadline for mail ballots postmarked on or before Election Day); Texas Elec. Code § 86.007 (the day after the election
by 5:00 P.M. if postmarked on or before Election Day); Va. Code 24.2-709 (Virginia – by noon on the third day after
the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); West's RCWA 29A.40.091 (Washington – no receipt deadline for
ballots postmarked on or before Election Day); W. Va. Code, §§ 3-3-5, 3-5-17 (West Virginia – five days after the election
if postmarked on or before Election Day); see also Iowa Code § 53.17(2) (by noon the Monday following the election if
postmarked by the day before Election Day); NDCC 16.1-07-09 (North Dakota – before the canvass if postmarked the
day before Election Day); R.C. § 3509.05 (Ohio – 10 days after the election if postmarked by the day before Election
Day); Utah Code Ann. § 20A-3a-204 (seven to 14 days after the election if postmarked the day before the election).
11 Bush v. Gore does not require us to perform an Equal Protection Clause analysis of Pennsylvania election law as
interpreted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. See 531 U.S. at 109, 121 S.Ct. 525 (“Our consideration is limited to the
present circumstances ....”); id. at 139–40, 121 S.Ct. 525 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting) (discussing “[r]are[ ]” occasions when
Supreme Court rejected state supreme court's interpretation of state law, one of which was in 1813 and others occurred
during Civil Rights Movement—and none decided federal equal protection issues).
12 In their complaint, the Voter Plaintiffs alleged that they are all “residents of Somerset County, a county where voters are
requesting absentee ballots at a rate far less than the state average” and thus, somehow, the Voter Plaintiffs’ votes “will
be diluted to a greater degree than other voters.” Compl. ¶ 71 (emphasis in original). Plaintiffs continue to advance this
argument on appeal in support of standing, and it additionally suffers from being a conjectural or hypothetical injury under
the framework discussed infra Section III.A.2.b.ii. It is purely hypothetical that counties where a greater percentage of
voters request absentee ballots will more frequently have those ballots received after Election Day.
13 Plaintiffs also rely on FEC v. Akins, 524 U.S. 11, 118 S.Ct. 1777, 141 L.Ed.2d 10 (1998), for the proposition that a
widespread injury—such as a mass tort injury or an injury “where large numbers of voters suffer interference with voting
rights conferred by law”—does not become a “generalized grievance” just because many share it. Id. at 24–25, 118 S.Ct.
1777. That's true as far as it goes. But the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged an injury like that at issue in Akins. There,
the plaintiffs’ claimed injury was their inability to obtain information they alleged was required to be disclosed under the
Federal Election Campaign Act. Id. at 21, 118 S.Ct. 1777. The plaintiffs alleged a statutory right to obtain information
and that the same information was being withheld. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged injury is to their right under the
Equal Protection Clause not to have their votes “diluted,” but the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged that their votes are
less influential than any other vote.
14 The District Court did not find that the Deadline Extension created such a preferred class.
15 Moreover, we cannot overlook that the mail-in voters potentially suffer a disadvantage relative to the in-person voters.
Whereas in-person ballots that are timely cast will count, timely cast mail-in ballots may not count because, given mail
delivery rates, they may not be received by 5:00 P.M. on November 6.
16 See Defendant-Appellee's Br. 30 (citing 39 C.F.R. § 211.2(a)(2); Postal Operations Manual at 443.3).
17 See Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364 (noting “current two to five day delivery expectation of the USPS”).
18 Indeed, the conduct required of a voter to effectuate such a scheme may be punishable as a crime under Pennsylvania
statutes that criminalize forging or “falsely mak[ing] the official endorsement on any ballot,” 25 Pa. Stat. & Cons. Stat. §
3517 (punishable by up to two years’ imprisonment); “willfully disobey[ing] any lawful instruction or order of any county
board of elections,” id. § 3501 (punishable by up to one year's imprisonment); or voting twice in one election, id. § 3535
(punishable by up to seven years’ imprisonment).
19 As of the morning of November 12, Secretary Boockvar estimates that 655 of the 9383 ballots received between 8:00
P.M. on Election Day and 5:00 P.M. on November 6 lack a legible postmark. See Dkt. No. 59. That estimate of 655 ballots
does not include totals from five of Pennsylvania's 67 counties: Lehigh, Northumberland, Tioga, Warren, and Wayne. Id.
The 9383 ballots received, however, account for all of Pennsylvania's counties. Id.
20 See, e.g., Andino v. Middleton, No. 20A55, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 5887393,
at *1 (Oct. 5, 2020) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (“By enjoining South Carolina's witness requirement shortly before the
election, the District Court defied [the Purcell] principle and this Court's precedents.” (citations omitted)); Merrill v. People
First of Ala., No. 19A1063, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 3604049 (Mem.), at *1
(July 2, 2020); Republican Nat'l Comm., 140 S. Ct. at 1207; see also Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Bostelmann, 977 F.3d
639, 641 (7th Cir. 2020) (per curiam) (holding that injunction issued six weeks before election violated Purcell); New Ga.
Project v. Raffensperger, 976 F.3d 1278, 1283 (11th Cir. Oct. 2, 2020) (“[W]e are not on the eve of the election—we
are in the middle of it, with absentee ballots already printed and mailed. An injunction here would thus violate Purcell’s
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well-known caution against federal courts mandating new election rules—especially at the last minute.” (citing Purcell,
549 U.S. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5)).
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EXHIBIT 3
*2 Further, it is unclear that individual plaintiffs have “clearly carried the burden of persuasion” on all four factors.
standing to assert claims under the Elections Clause at all. Lake Charles Diesel, Inc. v. Gen. Motors Corp., 328 F.3d
The Supreme Court has held that individual plaintiffs, like 192, 196 (5th Cir. 2003). The movant, however, “need not
those here, whose only asserted injury was that the Elections prove his case.” Lakedreams v. Taylor, 932 F.2d 1103, 1109
Clause had not been followed, did not have standing to assert (5th Cir. 1991) (citing H & W Indus. v. Formosa Plastics
such a claim. See Lance, 549 U.S. at 442. Conversely, the Corp., 860 F.2d 172, 179 (5th Cir. 1988)). Before a court
Court has held that the Arizona Legislature did have standing will grant a preliminary injunction, the movants must clearly
to allege a violation of the Elections Clause as it was “an show “(1) a substantial likelihood that they will prevail on the
institutional plaintiff asserting an institutional injury.” Ariz. merits, (2) a substantial threat that they will suffer irreparable
State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm'n, 576 injury if the injunction is not granted, (3) that their substantial
U.S. 787, 802 (2015). In addition, the Supreme Court has injury outweighs the threatened harm to the party whom they
also held plaintiffs had such standing when they were state seek to enjoin, and (4) granting the preliminary injunction
senators whose “votes had been completely nullified” by will not disserve the public interest.” City of El Cenizo v.
executive action. Id. at 803 (citing Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. Texas, 890 F.3d 164, 176 (5th Cir. 2018) (quoting Tex. Med.
811, 822–23 (1997)). These cases appear to stand for the Providers Performing Abortion Servs. v. Lakey, 667 F.3d 570,
proposition that only the state legislature (or a majority of the 574 (5th Cir. 2012)); see also Winter v. NRDC, 555 U.S. 7,
members thereof) have standing to assert a violation of the 20 (2008) (“A plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must
Elections Clause. establish that he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is
likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary
The Court finds that the Plaintiffs here are akin to those relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that
in Lance v. Coffman, in which the Supreme Court held an injunction is in the public interest.”). “The purpose of a
that private citizens, whose primary alleged injury was that preliminary injunction is always to prevent irreparable injury
the Elections Clause was not followed, lacked standing to so as to preserve the court's ability to render a meaningful
bring a claim under the Elections Clause. 549 U.S. at 442. decision on the merits.” Canal Auth. of Fla. v. Callaway, 489
To summarize the Plaintiffs' primary argument, the alleged F.2d 567, 576 (5th Cir. 1974).
irreparable harm caused to Plaintiffs is that the Texas Election
Code has been violated and that violation compromises the *3 This Court finds that there is a difference between
integrity of the voting process. This type of harm is a the voting periods presented to it. The merits need to be
quintessential generalized grievance: the harm is to every analyzed separately by early voting and election day voting.
citizen's interest in proper application of the law. Lujan, 504 With respect to the likelihood of success, the Court would
U.S. at 573–74; Fairchild v. Hughes, 258 U.S. 126, 129 find that the Plaintiffs do not prevail on the element of
(1922) (holding that the right, possessed by every citizen, to likelihood of success with respect to early voting. First, §
require that the Government be administered according to the 85.062 of the Texas Election Code provides for “temporary
law does not entitle a private citizen to institute a lawsuit branch polling places” during early voting. Tex. Elec. Code. §
in federal court). Every citizen, including the Plaintiff who 85.062. The statute authorizes county election officials to use
is a candidate for federal office, has an interest in proper “movable structure[s]” as polling places. Id. § 85.062(b). The
execution of voting procedure. Plaintiffs have not argued that Code does not define “structure,” but Black's Law Dictionary
they have any specialized grievance beyond an interest in the defines the term as: “Any construction, production, or piece
integrity of the election process, which is “common to all of work artificially built up or composed of parts purposefully
members of the public.” United States v. Richardson, 418 U.S. joined together.” Black's Law Dictionary (11th ed. 2019).
166, 176–77.1 The Court finds, after reviewing the record, the briefing, and
considering the arguments of counsel, that the tents used
for drive-thru voting qualify as “movable structures” for
purposes of the Election Code. The Court is unpersuaded
III. by Plaintiffs' argument that the voters' vehicles, and not
the tents, are the polling places under the drive-thru voting
If the Court had plaintiffs with standing, it would have
scheme. Consequently, the Court finds that drive-thru voting
denied in part and granted in part the motion for preliminary
was permissible during early voting. Moreover, the Plaintiffs
injunction.2 A preliminary injunction is an “extraordinary failed to demonstrate under the Texas Election Code that an
remedy” that should only be granted if the movant has
otherwise legal vote, cast pursuant to the instructions of local from other concerned citizens. Plaintiffs have no evidence of
voting officials, becomes uncountable if cast in a voting place individualized irreparable injuries.
that is subsequently found to be non-compliant.
The one element that the Court finds the Plaintiffs have
Additionally, the promptness with which one brings an prevailed on is the harm to the party defendant. The Court
injunction action colors both the elements of likelihood of finds that there would be no harm to Harris County. The only
success on the merits and irreparable harm. See Petrella v. suggested harm is that the County has spent millions of dollars
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc., 572 U.S. 663, 685 (2014) (“In to implement drive-thru voting. While these funds may have
extraordinary circumstances, however, the consequences of been better spent, their loss does not prevail over tens of
a delay in commencing suit may be of sufficient magnitude thousands of potentially illegal votes. Further, if granted,
to warrant, at the very outset of the litigation, curtailment the injunction would only require the Defendant to conduct
of the relief equitably awardable.”); Environmental Defense elections as Harris County has conducted them in the past
Fund, Inc. v. Alexander, 614 F.2d 474, 478 (1980) (“equitable without drive-thru voting.
remedies are not available if granting the remedy would be
inequitable to the defendant because of the plaintiff's long *4 The last element must, like the first, take on extraordinary
delay.”). Here, the Court finds that the Plaintiffs did not significance in this context. That element concerns the public
act with alacrity. There has been an increasing amount of interest. Plaintiffs argue, correctly, that the public has an
conversation and action around the subject of implementing interest in seeing that elections are carried out pursuant to
drive-thru voting since earlier this summer. The Defendant the Election Code. This is no doubt true; however, this
has argued, and no one has refuted, that discussions were generalized interest is offset by two somewhat stronger
held with leaders of both major political parties, and, using factors. First, the drive-thru early voting as designed and
that input, a drive-thru voting plan was developed. The Harris implemented is, to this Court's reading, legal as described
County Commissioners Court approved a budget for drive- above. Second, there have been over 120,000 citizens who
thru voting in late September. Finally, actual drive-thru voting have legally voted utilizing this process. While Plaintiffs
began October 13, 2020. At virtually any point, but certainly have complained about anecdotal reports of irregularities,
by October 12, 2020, Plaintiffs could have filed this action. the record reflects that the vast majority were legal voters,
Instead, they waited until October 28, 2020 at 9:08 p.m. to voting as instructed by their local voting officials and voting
file their complaint and did not file their actual motion for in an otherwise legal manner. The only claimed widespread
temporary relief until mid-day on October 30, 2020—the last illegality is the place of voting—a tent outside the polling
day of early voting. The Court finds this delay is critical. It is place instead of inside the actual building. To disenfranchise
especially important in this compact early voting timeframe, over 120,000 voters who voted as instructed the day before
in a particularly tense election, where each day's voting tally the scheduled election does not serve the public interest.
functionally equated to many days or even weeks of early
voting in different situations. Therefore, if the Court had found standing existed, it would
have denied an injunction as to the drive-thru early voting.
Therefore, this Court finds the Plaintiffs do not prevail on the
first element. The Court finds the issue as to Election Day to cut the opposite
direction. On Election Day, as opposed to early voting, there is
With regard to the second element, “irreparable injury,” this no legislative authorization for movable structures as polling
point is covered more thoroughly in the standing discussion, places. The Election Code makes clear that, on Election Day,
but suffice it to say, in response to the Court's question “[e]ach polling place shall be located inside a building.”
during oral argument, Plaintiff's counsel described their Tex. Elec. Code § 43.031(b). The term “building” is not
injuries as the concern for the voting law to be accurately defined in the Code. Nevertheless, Black's Law Dictionary
enforced and voting to be legal. In response to the Court's defines “building” as: “A structure with walls and a roof,
questions, Plaintiffs' Counsel said their irreparable injury esp. a permanent structure.” Black's Law Dictionary (11th
was that the election process was being compromised, and ed. 2019). The Court finds, after reviewing the record and
that it prevents there being uniformity in the manner of arguments of counsel, that the tents used for drive-thru
voting throughout Texas. While certainly valid concerns, voting are not “buildings” within the meaning of the Election
those are not the kind of injuries that separate Plaintiffs Code. Further, they are not inside, they are clearly outside.
Footnotes
1 This Court finds the answer to this question to be particularly thorny, given that some of the Plaintiffs are actual candidates
who have put in time, effort, and money into campaigning, to say nothing of the blood, sweat, and tears that a modern
campaign for public office entails. This Court would readily understand if some appellate court finds that these Plaintiffs
have standing despite the fact they cannot individualize their damage beyond their rightful feeling that an election should
be conducted lawfully. Neither this Court's research nor the briefing of the parties have brought forth any precedent to
support this concept under either of the two pleaded causes of action based upon claimed violations of Equal Protection
or the “Elections Clause.” Given the timing of this case and the impact that such a ruling might have, this Court finds it
prudent to follow the existing precedent.
2 The Defendant and Intervenors suggested both in oral argument and in their written presentations that the Court should
abstain under either Pullman, Colorado River, or Rooker-Feldman doctrine. Since standing is jurisdictional and since this
Court is dismissing this action, it need not analyze these arguments. See Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co.,
312 U.S. 496, 61 S. Ct. 643 (1941); Colorado River Water Conservation Dist. v. U.S., 424 U.S. 800 (1976); Rooker v.
Fidelity Trust Co., 263 U.S. 413 (1923); and District of Columbia Court of Appeals v. Feldman, 460 U.S. 462 (1983).
3 This Court is quite cognizant of the Texas Supreme Court ruling (in a slightly different context) that fear of contracting
COVID-19 does not establish an exception. In re State, 602 S.W.3d 549 (Tex. 2020).
*1 This matter is before the Court on a motion for temporary Alternatively, this Court should enter an order, declaration,
restraining order filed by Plaintiff L. Lin Wood, Jr. [ECF and/or injunction that the results of the 2020 general
6]. For the following reasons, and with the benefit of oral election in Georgia are defective as a result of the above-
argument, Wood's motion is DENIED. described constitutional violations, and that Defendants are
required to cure said deficiencies in a manner consistent
with federal and Georgia law, and without the taint of the
I. BACKGROUND procedures described in the Litigation Settlement.7
On November 3, 2020, the United States conducted a general For Count III, Wood requests an order, declaration, and/
election for various federal, state, and local political offices or injunction requiring Defendants to perform a myriad of
(the General Election).1 However, the voting process in activities, including ordering a second recount prior to the
Georgia began in earnest before that date. On September 15, certification of the election results and permitting monitors
2020, local election officials began mailing absentee ballots designated by the Republican Party to have special access to
for the General Election to eligible voters.2 On October 12, observe all election activity.8
2020, Georgia's in-person, early voting period started.3 This
entire process played out amidst the throes of a global health
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*2 On November 17, 2020, Wood filed an emergency verifying provisional ballots to cure the issue that resulted in
9
motion for a temporary restraining order. Two sets of parties the rejection. Id.
subsequently sought permission to intervene as defendants
(collectively, the Intervenors): (1) the Democratic Party of Secretary of State Raffensperger is “the state's chief election
Georgia, Inc. (DPG), DSCC, and DCCC; and (2) the Georgia official.”
State Conference of the NAACP (Georgia NAACP) and O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50(b). See also Ga. Op. Att'y Gen. No.
2005-3 (Apr. 15, 2005) (“Just as a matter of sheer volume
Georgia Coalition for the People's Agenda (GCPA).10 On
and scope, it is clear that under both the Constitution and
November 19, Defendants and Intervenors filed separate
the laws of the State the Secretary is the state official with
responses in opposition to Wood's motion for a temporary
the power, duty, and authority to manage the state's electoral
restraining order.11 The Court held oral argument on Wood's system. No other state official or entity is assigned the range
motion the same day. At the conclusion of the oral argument, of responsibilities given to the Secretary of State in the area
the Court denied Wood's request for a temporary restraining of elections.”). In this role, Raffensperger is required to,
order. This Order follows and supplements this Court's oral among other things, “promulgate rules and regulations so
ruling. as to obtain uniformity in the practices and proceedings of
superintendents, registrars, deputy registrars, poll officers,
a. Georgia Statutory Law Regarding Absentee Ballots.
and other officials” and “formulate, adopt, and promulgate
Georgia law authorizes any eligible voter to cast his or her
such rules and regulations, consistent with law, as will be
absentee ballot
conducive to the fair, legal, and orderly conduct of primaries
by mail without providing a reason. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-380(b).
and elections.” O.C.G.A. § 21-3-31(1)-(2).
To initiate the absentee-voting process, a prospective voter
must submit an application to the applicable registrar's or
absentee ballot clerk's office. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-381(a)(1) b. The Settlement Agreement
(A). Upon receipt of a timely absentee ballot request, a Wood does not challenge the underlying constitutionality
registrar or absentee ballot clerk must enter the date the of the absentee ballot framework enacted by the Georgia
office received the application and compare the prospective General Assembly. The genesis of his claims instead derive
voter's information and signature on the application with the from a lawsuit filed over one year ago by the DPG
information and signature on file in the registrar's or clerk's against Raffensperger, the then-Members of the Georgia
office. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-381(b)(1). If the prospective voter's State Election Board, and the then-Members of the Gwinnett
eligibility is confirmed, the registrar or clerk must mail the
County Board of Registration and Elections.12 In that action,
voter an absentee ballot. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-381(b)(2)(A).
the DPG, DSCC, and DCCC challenged several aspects of the
process for rejecting absentee ballots based on a missing or
An absentee voter receives two envelopes along with the
absentee ballot; the completed ballot is placed in the smaller mismatched signature.13
envelope, which is then placed in the larger envelope,
which contains the oath of the elector and a signature *3 On March 6, 2020, the DPG, DSCC, DCCC,
line. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-384(b). Upon receipt of a timely Raffensperger, and the Members of the Georgia State
absentee ballot, a registrar or clerk is required to compare Election Board executed—and filed on the public
the identifying information and signature provided in the oath docket—a “Compromise Settlement Agreement and
with the information and signature on file in the respective Release” (Settlement Agreement).14 As part of the Settlement
office. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(B). If the information and Agreement, Raffensperger agreed to issue an Official Election
signature appear to match, the registrar or clerk signs his Bulletin containing certain procedures for the review of
or her name below the voter's oath. Id. If the information signatures on absentee ballot envelopes by county election
or signature is missing or does not appear to match, the officials for the March 24, 2020 Presidential Primary Election
registrar or clerk is required to write “Rejected” across the and subsequent General Election. In relevant part, the
envelope and provide the reason for the rejection. O.C.G.A. procedures stated:
§ 21-2-386(a)(1)(C). The board of registrars or absentee
ballot clerk is required to “promptly notify” the elector of When reviewing an elector's signature on the mail-in
the rejection, who then has until the end of the period for absentee ballot envelope, the registrar or clerk must
compare the signature on the mail-in absentee ballot
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envelope to each signature contained in such elector's required the Audit to “be open to the public and the press”
voter registration record in eNet and the elector's signature and required local election officials to “designate a viewing
on the application for the mail-in absentee ballot. If the area from which members of the public and press may observe
registrar or absentee ballot clerk determines that the the audit for the purpose of good order and maintaining the
voter's signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope integrity of the audit.”20 The two major political parties—
does not match any of the voter's signatures on file in Democratic and Republican—were permitted “the right to
eNet or on the absentee ballot application, the registrar have one properly designated person as a monitor of the
or absentee ballot clerk must seek review from two audit for each ten audit teams that are conducting the audit,
other registrars, deputy registrars, or absentee ballot with a minimum of two designated monitors in each county
clerks. A mail in absentee ballot shall not be rejected
per party per room where the audit is being conducted.”21
unless a majority of the registrars, deputy registrars,
The designated monitors were not required to remain in the
or absentee ballot clerks reviewing the signature agree
public viewing areas, but were required to comply with the
that the signature does not match any of the voter's
rules promulgated by Raffensperger and the local election
signatures on file in eNet or on the absentee ballot
application. If a determination is made that the elector's officials.22 The Audit process differs from that required
signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope does not by Georgia law for a recount requested by a unsuccessful
match any of the voter's signatures on file in eNet or on the candidate following the official certification of votes. See
absentee ballot application, the registrar or absentee ballot O.C.G.A. § 21-2-524.
clerk shall write the names of the three elections officials
who conducted the signature review across the face of
II. LEGAL STANDARD
the absentee ballot envelope, which shall be in addition
*4 The standard for the issuance of a temporary restraining
to writing “Rejected” and the reason for the rejection as
order and a preliminary injunction are identical. Windsor
required under OCGA 21-2-386(a)(1)(C).15 v. United States, 379 F. App'x 912, 916–17 (11th Cir.
No entity or individual sought permission to intervene and 2010). A preliminary injunction is “an extraordinary remedy.”
challenge the Settlement Agreement. United States District Bloedorn v. Grube, 631 F.3d 1218, 1229 (11th Cir. 2011).
Judge William M. Ray closed the case on March 9.16 To obtain the relief he seeks, Wood must affirmatively
demonstrate: “(1) substantial likelihood of success on the
merits; (2) [that] irreparable injury will be suffered unless the
c. The Risk-Limiting Audit injunction issues; (3) the threatened injury to [him] outweighs
Georgia law provides procedures for conducting a “risk- whatever damage the proposed injunction may cause the
limiting audit” prior to the final certification of an opposing party; and (4) if issued, the injunction would not
election. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-498. Such an audit must be be adverse to the public interest.” McDonald's Corp. v.
“[c]omplete[d]...in public view.” O.C.G.A. § 21-2-498(c) Robertson, 147 F.3d 1301, 1306 (11th Cir. 1998). See also
(4). And the State Election Board is “authorized to Siegel v. LePore, 234 F.3d 1163, 1176 (11th Cir. 2000) (“In
promulgate rules, regulations, and procedures to implement this Circuit, a preliminary injunction is an extraordinary and
and administer” an audit, including “security procedures to drastic remedy not to be granted unless the movant clearly
ensure that [the] collection of validly cast ballots is complete, established the burden of persuasion as to each of the four
accurate, and trustworthy throughout the audit.” O.C.G.A. § prerequisites.”).
21-2-498(d). See also Ga. Comp. R. & Regs. 183-1-15-.04
(2020).
III. DISCUSSION
On November 11, 2020, Raffensperger announced a statewide Wood's motion essentially boils down to two overarching
risk-limiting audit (the Audit)—also referred to as a “full hand claims:
recount”—of all votes cast in the contest for President of the that Defendants violated the Constitution by (1) executing
United States.17 Every county in Georgia was required to and enforcing the Settlement Agreement to the extent it
begin the Audit at 9:00 am on November 13 and finish by requires different procedures than the Georgia Election Code,
and (2) not permitting designated monitors to have certain
11:59 pm on November 18.18 The statewide election results
live viewing privileges of the Audit at the county locations.
are set to be certified on November 20.19 Raffensperger
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Defendants and Intervenors posit a number of challenges to Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 561 (1964); Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S.
Wood's claims. 186, 206 (1962)). Claims premised on allegations that “the
law...has not been followed...[are] precisely the kind of
undifferentiated, generalized grievance about the conduct of
a. Standing government...[and] quite different from the sorts of injuries
As a threshold matter, the Court finds Wood lacks standing alleged by plaintiffs in voting rights cases where we have
to assert these claims. Article III limits federal courts to the found standing.” Dillard v. Chilton Cnty. Comm'n, 495 F.3d
consideration of “Cases” and “Controversies.” U.S. Const. 1324, 1332–33 (11th Cir. 2007) (citing Baker, 369 U.S. at
art. III, § 2, cl. 1. The doctrine of standing “is an essential 207–08). See also Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 440–
and unchanging part of the case-or-controversy requirement 41 (2007) (“Our refusal to serve as a forum for generalized
of Article III.” Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, grievances has a lengthy pedigree. . . . [A] generalized
560 (1992). It is “built on separation-of-powers principles” grievance that is plainly undifferentiated and common to all
and “serves to prevent the judicial process from being used members of the public” is not sufficient for standing).
to usurp the powers of the political branches.” Clapper v.
Amnesty Int'l USA, 568 U.S. 398, 408 (2013). See also *5 Wood alleges he has standing because he is “a qualified
Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547 (2016) (“[N]o registered elector residing in Fulton County, Georgia” who
principle is more fundamental to the judiciary's proper role in has “made donations to various Republican candidates on the
our system of government than the constitutional limitation ballot for the November 3, 2020 elections, and his interests
of federal-court jurisdiction to actual cases or controversies.”) are aligned with those of the Georgia Republican Party for the
(quoting Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 818 (1997)). The
purposes of the instant lawsuit.”23 These allegations fall far
standing inquiry is threefold: “The litigant must prove (1)
short of demonstrating that Wood has standing to assert these
an injury in fact that (2) is fairly traceable to the challenged
claims.
action of the defendant and (3) is likely to be redressed by a
favorable decision.” Jacobson v. Fla. Sec'y of State, 974 F.3d
1236, 1245 (11th Cir. 2020) (citing Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561). i. The Elections and Electors Clause
Wood must “demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks Starting with his claim asserted under the Elections and
to press and for each form of relief that is sought”—Town Electors Clause, Wood lacks standing as a matter of law.
of Chester, N.Y. v. Laroe Estates, Inc., 137 S. Ct. 1645, 1650 The law is clear: A generalized grievance regarding a state
(2017)—and shoulders “the burden of establishing [each] government's failure to properly follow the Elections Clause
element[ ].” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561. of the Constitution does not confer standing on a private
citizen.24 Lance, 549 U.S. at 442; Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120,
Injury in fact is “the first and foremost of standing's three
at *6 (“[P]rivate plaintiffs lack standing to sue for alleged
elements” and requires Wood to show that he suffered
injuries attributable to a state government's violations of the
“an invasion of a legally protected interest that is concrete
Elections Clause....Their relief would have no more directly
and particularized and actual or imminent, not conjectural
benefitted them than the public at large.”); Dillard, 495 F.3d
or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48. To be
at 1332–33.
“particularized,” the alleged injury “must affect the plaintiff
in a personal and individual way.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at
561 n.1. Wood must demonstrate “a personal stake in the ii. Equal Protection
outcome of the controversy,” as a federal court “is not a For his equal protection claim, Wood relies on a theory
forum for generalized grievances.” Gill v. Whitford, 138 S. of vote dilution, i.e., because Defendants allegedly did not
Ct. 1916, 1929 (2018). This requires more than a mere follow the correct processes, invalid absentee votes may have
“keen interest in the issue.” Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. been cast and tabulated, thereby diluting Wood's in-person
2392, 2416 (2018). The alleged injury must be “distinct vote. But the same prohibition against generalized grievances
from a generally available grievance about government.” applies to equal protection claims. United States v. Hays,
Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1923. See also id. at 1929 (explaining 515 U.S. 737, 743 (1995) (“The rule against generalized
that a person's “right to vote is individual and personal grievances applies with as much force in the equal protection
in nature...[t]hus [only] voters who allege facts showing context as in any other.”) Wood does not differentiate his
disadvantage to themselves as individuals have standing alleged injury from any harm felt in precisely the same
to sue to remedy that disadvantage”) (quoting Reynolds v.
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manner by every Georgia voter. As Wood conceded during Wood further points to his status as a donor to the Republican
oral argument, under his theory any one of Georgia's more Party whose interests are aligned with that party and its
than seven million registered voters would have standing to political candidates to support his standing argument. But
assert these claims. This is a textbook generalized grievance. this does not sufficiently differentiate his alleged injury from
Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, at *12 (“Voter Plaintiffs’ dilution that which any voter might have suffered—no matter the
claim is a paradigmatic generalized grievance that cannot party affiliation. Ostensibly, Wood believes he suffered a
support standing....Put another way, a vote cast by fraud or particularized injury because his preferred candidates—to
mailed in by the wrong person through mistake, or otherwise whom he has contributed money—did not prevail in the
counted illegally, has a mathematical impact on the final General Election. This argument has been squarely rejected
tally and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, by the Eleventh Circuit. Jacobson, 974 F.3d at 1247 (“A
but no single voter is specifically disadvantaged. Such an candidate's electoral loss does not, by itself, injure those who
alleged dilution is suffered equally by all voters and is not voted for the candidate. Voters have no judicially enforceable
particularized for standing purposes.”) (internal punctuation interest in the outcome of an election. Instead, they have an
omitted) (collecting cases); Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20- interest in their ability to vote and in their vote being given
cv-911, 2020 WL 6063332, a *14 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020) the same weight as any other.”) (internal citation omitted).
(“[T]he notion that a single person's vote will be less valuable
as a result of unlawful or invalid ballots being cast is not a
concrete and particularized injury in fact necessary for Article v. Lack of Relevant Authorities
III standing.”). See also Citizens for Fair Representation v. Finally, the Court notes the futility of Wood's standing
Padilla, 815 F. App'x 120, 123 (9th Cir. 2020) (dismissing argument is particularly evident in that his sole relied-on
equal protection claim for lack of standing and stating “the authority—Meek v. Metropolitan Dade County, Florida, 985
Supreme Court has consistently held that a plaintiff raising F.2d 1471 (11th Cir. 1993)—is no longer good law. The
only a generally available grievance...does not state an Article Eleventh Circuit expressly abrogated its holding in that
III case or controversy.”). case over thirteen years ago. Dillard, 495 F.3d at 1331–32
(“We subsequently upheld Meek's reasoning against repeated
challenges that it was wrongly decided in light of the Supreme
iii. Due Process Court's later decisions...[b]ut it is clear that we can no
*6 For the same reasons, Wood also does not have standing longer do so in light of the Supreme Court's most recent
to pursue his due process claim. Wood asserts that various pronouncement on voter standing in Lance.”).
election monitors appointed by the Republican Party “have
been denied the opportunity to be present throughout the During oral argument, Wood additionally pointed to Roe v.
entire Hand Recount, and when allowed to be present, they State of Alabama by & through Evans, 43 F.3d 574 (11th
were denied the opportunity to observe the Hand Recount Cir. 1995), but that case does not support Wood's standing
in any meaningful way.”25 Yet, Wood does not allege that argument. For example, two plaintiffs in Roe were candidates
he attempted to participate as a designated monitor. Nor for a political office decided in the challenged election. Id. at
does he allege that, on behalf of the Republican Party, he 579. Wood is a private citizen, not a candidate for any elected
himself designated monitors who were ultimately denied office. Moreover, the Eleventh Circuit found particularized
access. Wood's broad objection is that Defendants failed to harm in the post-election inclusion of absentee ballots that
conduct the Audit fairly and consistently under Georgia law. had been deemed invalid. Id. at 580. Wood here seeks to
do the opposite—remove validly cast absentee ballots after
This is a generalized grievance.26 Lance, 549 U.S. at 440–
completion of the election.
41. See also Nolles v. State Comm. for Reorganization of
Sch. Dists., 524 F.3d 892, 900 (8th Cir. 2008) (voters lacked
In sum, Wood lacks standing to pursue these claims in the first
standing because substantive due process claim that delay of
instance.
implementation of new statute until after referendum election
violated their right to fair election did not allege particularized
injury). b. The Doctrine of Laches
*7 Even if the Court found Wood possessed standing
to pursue his claims regarding the Settlement Agreement
iv. Alignment with Non-Parties
(Counts I and II), such claims would nonetheless be barred by
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the doctrine of laches. To establish laches, Defendants must depend on the outcome of any particular election, to wit,
show “(1) there was a delay in asserting a right or a claim, (2) whether Wood's preferred candidates won or lost. Indeed,
the delay was not excusable, and (3) the delay caused [them] Wood's claims, even assuming his standing for bringing
undue prejudice.” United States v. Barfield, 396 F.3d 1144, them could be established, were ripe the moment the parties
1150 (11th Cir. 2005). See also Democratic Exec. Comm. executed the Settlement Agreement.
of Fla. v. Lee, 915 F.3d 1312, 1326 (11th Cir. 2019) (“To
succeed on a laches claim, [defendant] must demonstrate
that [p]laintiffs inexcusably delayed bringing their claim and iii. Prejudice
that the delay caused it undue prejudice.”). Courts apply Finally, Defendants, Intervenors, and the public at large
laches in election cases. E.g., Sanders v. Dooly Cnty., Ga., would be significantly injured if the Court were to excuse
245 F.3d 1289, 1291 (11th Cir. 2001) (“[W]e conclude that Wood's delay. A bedrock principle of election law is that
the district court did not abuse its discretion in deeming the “lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election
claims seeking injunctive relief to be laches-barred.”). See rules on the eve of an election.” Republican Nat'l Comm.
also, e.g., Detroit Unity Fund v. Whitmer, 819 F. App'x 421, v. Democratic Nat'l Comm., 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207 (2020)
422 (6th Cir. 2020) (holding district court did not err in finding (citing Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 5 (2006)). This
that plaintiff's claims regarding deadline for local ballot is because a last-minute intervention by a federal court
initiatives “barred by laches, considering the unreasonable could “result in voter confusion and consequent incentive
delay on the part of [p]laintiffs and the consequent prejudice to remain away from the polls.” Purcell, 549 U.S. at 4–5.
to [d]efendants”). Cf. Benisek v. Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, See also Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Wisc. State Legislature,
1944 (2018) (“[A] party requesting a preliminary injunction No. 20A66, 2020 WL 6275871, at *4 (U.S. Oct. 26, 2020)
must generally show reasonable diligence. That is as true in (Kavanaugh, J., concurring in denial of application to vacate
election law cases as elsewhere.”) (internal citation omitted). stay) (“The principle [of judicial restraint] also discourages
Defendants have established each element of laches. last-minute litigation and instead encourages litigants to bring
any substantial challenges to election rules ahead of time,
in the ordinary litigation process. For those reasons, among
i. Delay others, this Court has regularly cautioned that a federal court's
First, Wood delayed considerably in asserting these claims. last-minute interference with state election laws is ordinarily
On March 6, 2020, the GDP, DSCC, DCCC, and Defendants inappropriate.”).
executed the Settlement Agreement, which was entered on
the public docket. It has since been in effect for at least *8 Underscoring the exceptional nature of his requested
three elections. Nearly eight months later—and after over relief, Wood's claims go much further; rather than changing
one million voters cast their absentee ballots in the General the rules on the eve of an election, he wants the rules
Election—Wood challenges the terms of the Settlement for the already concluded election declared unconstitutional
Agreement as unconstitutional. Wood could have, and should and over one million absentee ballots called into question.
have, filed his constitutional challenge much sooner than he Beyond merely causing confusion, Wood's requested relief
did, and certainly not two weeks after the General Election. could disenfranchise a substantial portion of the electorate
and erode the public's confidence in the electoral process. See
Sw. Voter Registration Educ. Project v. Shelley, 344 F.3d 914,
ii. Excuse 919 (9th Cir. 2003) (“Interference with impending elections
Nor has Wood articulated any reasonable excuse for his is extraordinary, and interference with an election after voting
prolonged delay. Wood failed to submit any evidence has begun is unprecedented.”) (citation omitted); Arkansas
explaining why he waited to bring these claims until the United v. Thurston, No. 5:20-cv-5193, 2020 WL 6472651, at
eleventh hour. He instead relies solely on a representation *5 (W.D. Ark. Nov. 3, 2020) (“[T]he equities do not favor
from his legal counsel during oral argument, without intervention where the election is already in progress and the
evidence, that Wood did not vote in any election between requested relief would change the rules of the game mid-
the execution of the Settlement Agreement and the General play.”).
Election. Even assuming this proffer to be true, it does not
provide a reasonable justification for the delay. Wood's claims Thus, Wood is not entitled to injunctive relief on Counts I and
are constitutional challenges to Defendants’ promulgation II for the additional reason that these claims are barred by the
authority under state law. If valid, these claims should not doctrine of laches.
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*11 (“[T]he Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal is not consistent with the laws of the State of Georgia,
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes were and thus, Defendants’ actions...exceed their authority.”32
weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance an Equal Put another way, Wood argues Defendants usurped the role
Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’ of the Georgia General Assembly—and thereby violated
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal the United States Constitution—by enacting additional
treatment. And if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the safeguards regarding absentee ballots not found in the
‘unlawful’ counting of invalidly cast ballots were a true equal- Georgia Election Code. In support, Wood points to Chief
protection problem, then it would transform every violation Justice Rehnquist's concurrence in Bush v. Gore, which states
of state election law (and, actually, every violation of every that “in a Presidential election the clearly expressed intent of
law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim requiring the legislature must prevail.” 531 U.S. at 120 (Rehnquist, C.J.,
scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing to do more to concurring).
stop the illegal activity. That is not how the Equal Protection
Clause works.”). State legislatures—such as the Georgia General Assembly
—possess the authority to delegate their authority over
*10 Even if Wood's claim were cognizable in the equal elections to state officials in conformity with the Elections
protection framework, it is not supported by the evidence and Electors Clauses. Ariz. State Legislature, 576 U.S. at 816
at this stage. Wood's argument is that the procedures in the (“The Elections Clause [ ] is not reasonably read to disarm
Settlement Agreement regarding information and signature States from adopting modes of legislation that place the lead
match so overwhelmed ballot clerks that the rate of rejection rein in the people's hands...it is characteristic of our federal
plummeted and, ergo, invalid ballots were passed over and system that States retain autonomy to establish their own
counted. This argument is belied by the record; the percentage governmental processes.”). See also Corman v. Torres, 287 F.
of absentee ballots rejected for missing or mismatched Supp. 3d 558, 573 (M.D. Pa. 2018) (“The Elections Clause,
information and signature is the exact same for the 2018 therefore, affirmatively grants rights to state legislatures,
election and the General Election (.15%).30 This is despite and under Supreme Court precedent, to other entities to
a substantial increase in the total number of absentee ballots which a state may, consistent with the Constitution, delegate
submitted by voters during the General Election as compared lawmaking authority.”). Cf. Bullock, 2020 WL 5810556, at
to the 2018 election.31 *11 (“A survey of the relevant case law makes clear that
the term ‘Legislature’ as used in the Elections Clause is not
In sum, there is insubstantial evidence supporting Wood's confined to a state's legislative body.”).
equal protection theory and he has not established a
substantial likelihood of success on the merits as to Count I. Recognizing that Secretary Raffensperger is “the state's chief
election official,”33 the General Assembly enacted legislation
permitting him (in his official capacity) to “formulate, adopt,
2. Electors and Elections Clauses (Count II) and promulgate such rules and regulations, consistent with
In relevant part, the Constitution states: “The Times, law, as will be conducive to the fair, legal, and orderly
Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and conduct of primaries and elections.” O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31(2).
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the The Settlement Agreement is a manifestation of Secretary
Legislature thereof.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. This Raffensperger's statutorily granted authority. It does not
provision— colloquially known as the Elections Clause— override or rewrite state law. It simply adds an additional
vests authority in the states to regulate the mechanics of safeguard to ensure election security by having more than
federal elections. Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67, 69 (1997). one individual review an absentee ballot's information and
The “Electors Clause” of the Constitution similarly states that signature for accuracy before the ballot is rejected. Wood
“[e]ach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature does not articulate how the Settlement Agreement is not
thereof may direct, a Number of [Presidential] Electors.” U.S. “consistent with law” other than it not being a verbatim
Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2. recitation of the statutory code. Taking Wood's argument at
face value renders O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31(2) superfluous. A
Wood argues Defendants violated the Elections and Electors state official—such as Secretary Raffensperger—could never
Clauses because the “procedures set forth in the [Settlement wield his or her authority to make rules for conducting
Agreement] for the handling of defective absentee ballots elections that had not otherwise already been adopted
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by the Georgia General Assembly. The record in this the Constitution. For example, the Eleventh Circuit does
case demonstrates that, if anything, Defendants’ actions in “assume that the right to vote is a liberty interest protected
entering into the Settlement Agreement sought to achieve by the Due Process Clause.” Jones v. Governor of Fla., 975
consistency among the county election officials in Georgia, F.3d 1016, 1048 (11th Cir. 2020). But the circuit court has
which furthers Wood's stated goals of conducting “[f]ree, fair, expressly declined to extend the strictures of procedural due
and transparent public elections.”34 process to “a State's election procedures.” New Ga. Project
v. Raffensperger, 976 F.3d 1278, 1282 (11th Cir. 2020) (“The
*11 Wood has not demonstrated a substantial likelihood of generalized due process argument that the plaintiffs argued
success as to Count II. for and the district court applied would stretch concepts of
due process to their breaking point.”).
3. Due Process (Count III) More specifically, federal courts have rejected the very
Under the Fourteenth Amendment, “[n]o State shall...deny interest Wood claims has been violated, i.e., the right to
to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of observe the electoral process. See, e.g., Republican Party of
the laws.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV. The Due Process Clause Penn. v. Cortes, 218 F. Supp. 3d 396, 408 (E.D. Pa. 2016)
has two components: procedural and substantive. DeKalb (“[T]here is no individual constitutional right to serve as a
Stone, Inc. v. Cnty. of DeKalb, Ga., 106 F.3d 956, 959 (11th poll watcher...but rather the right is conferred by statute.”);
Cir. 1997). Wood alleges that Defendants have “fail[ed]...to Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-
ensure that the Hand Recount is conducted fairly and in cv-966, 2020 WL 5997680, at *67 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020)
compliance with the Georgia Election Code” by denying (same); Dailey v. Hands, No. 14-423, 2015 WL 1293188,
monitors “the opportunity to be present throughout the entire at *5 (S.D. Ala. Mar. 23, 2015) (“[P]oll watching is not a
Hand Recount, and when allowed to be present, they were fundamental right.”); Turner v. Cooper, 583 F. Supp. 1160,
denied the opportunity to observe the Hand Recount in any 1162 (N.D. Ill. 1983) (finding no authority “that supports the
meaningful way.”35 Although not articulated in his Amended proposition that [plaintiff] had a first amendment right to act
Complaint or motion for temporary restraining order, Wood as a pollwatcher. Indeed, we would suggest that the state is not
clarified during oral argument that he is pursing both a constitutionally required to permit pollwatchers for political
procedural and substantive due process claim. Each will be parties and candidates to observe the conduct of elections.”).
addressed in turn. Without such an interest, Wood cannot establish a substantial
likelihood of success on the merits as to his procedural due
process claim.
a) Procedural Due Process
A procedural due process claim raises two inquires:
“(1) whether there exists a liberty or property interest b) Substantive Due Process
which has been interfered with by the State and (2) *12 Wood's substantive due process claim fares no better.
whether the procedures attendant upon that deprivation were The types of voting rights covered by the substantive due
constitutionally sufficient.” Richardson v. Texas Sec'y of process clause are considered narrow. Curry v. Baker, 802
State, 978 F.3d 220, 229 (5th Cir. 2020) (citing Kentucky F.2d 1302, 1314 (11th Cir. 1986). Pursuant to the “functional
Dep't of Corr. v. Thompson, 490 U.S. 454, 460 (1989)). structure embodied in the Constitution,” a federal court must
The party invoking the Due Process Clause's procedural not “intervene to examine the validity of individual ballots or
protections bears the “burden...of establishing a cognizable supervise the administrative details of a local election.” Id. In
liberty or property interest.” Richardson, 978 F.3d at 229 only “extraordinary circumstances will a challenge to a state
(citing Wilkinson v. Austin, 545 U.S. 209, 221 (2005)). Wood election rise to the level of a constitutional deprivation.” Id.
bases his procedural due process claim on “a vested interest See also Bennett v. Yoshina, 140 F.3d 1218, 1226 (9th Cir.
in being present and having meaningful access to observe 1998) (“We have drawn a distinction between garden variety
election irregularities and a pervasive error that undermines
and monitor the electoral process.”36 But Wood does not
the integrity of the vote. In general, garden variety election
articulate how this “vested interest” fits within a recognized,
irregularities do not violate the Due Process Clause, even
cognizable interest protected by procedural due process. The
if they control the outcome of the vote or election.”)
Court is not persuaded that the right to monitor an audit
(citation and punctuation omitted) (collecting cases); Duncan
or vote recount is a liberty or property right secured by
v. Poythress, 657 F.2d 691, 700 (5th Cir. 1981) (“[T]he due
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ii. Irreparable Harm Wood's motion for temporary restraining order [ECF 6] is
Because Wood cannot show a likelihood of success on the DENIED. SO ORDERED this the 20th day of November
merits, an extensive discussion of the remaining factors 2020.
for the issuance of a temporary restraining order is
Steven D. Grimberg
unnecessary. Obama for Am., 697 F.3d at 436 (“When a party
seeks a preliminary injunction on the basis of a potential United States District Court Judge
constitutional violation, the likelihood of success on the
merits often will be the determinative factor.”). See also All Citations
Bloedorn, 631 F.3d at 1229 (“If [plaintiff] is unable to show
a substantial likelihood of success on the merits, we need Slip Copy, 2020 WL 6817513
not consider the other requirements.”). Nonetheless, for the
Footnotes
1 Elections and Voter Registration Calendars, https://sos.ga.gov/index.php/electi
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32 ECF 5, ¶ 90.
33 O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50(b).
34 ECF 5, ¶ 11.
35 ECF 6, at 20–21.
36 ECF 5, ¶ 101.
37 In contrast, as Defendants note, it would be a violation of the constitutional
rights of the millions of absentee voters who relied on the absentee ballot procedures in exercising their right to vote.
See e.g. Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1079 (1st Cir. 1978) (finding disenfranchisement of electorate who voted by
absentee ballot a violation of substantive due process).
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EXHIBIT 5
which the voter must sign and return with his ballot. Id. election returns had been tallied and a statewide hand recount
§ 21-2-385(a). State law also prescribes the procedures for of the presidential election results was underway.
how county election officials must certify and count absentee
ballots. Id. § 21-2-386(a). It directs the official to “compare On November 13, L. Lin Wood Jr. sued Secretary
the identifying information on the oath with the information Raffensperger and the members of the Board in the district
on file” and “compare the signature or mark on the oath with court. Wood alleged that he sued “in his capacity as a private
the signature or mark” on file. Id. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(B). If citizen.” He is a registered voter in Fulton County, Georgia,
everything appears correct, the official certifies the ballot. Id. and a donor to various 2020 Republican candidates. His
But if there is a problem, such as a signature that does not amended complaint alleged that the settlement agreement
match, the official is to “write across the face of the envelope violates state law. As a result, he contends, it violates
‘Rejected.’ ” Id. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(C). The government must the Election Clause of Article I; the Electors Clause of
then notify the voter of this rejection, and the voter may cure Article II; and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
the problem. Id. Amendment. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1; id. art. II, § 1, cl.
2; id. amend. XIV, § 1. Wood also alleged that irregularities
In November 2019, the Democratic Party of Georgia, in the hand recount violated his rights under the Due Process
the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, and the Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Id. amend. XIV, § 1.
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee challenged
Georgia's absentee ballot procedures as unconstitutional State law requires that such recounts be done in public view,
under the First and Fourteenth Amendments. They sued and it permits the Board to promulgate policies that facilitate
Secretary Raffensperger and members of the Board for recounting. Ga. Code Ann. § 21-2-498(c)(4), (d). Secretary
declaratory and injunctive relief. Secretary Raffensperger and Raffensperger directed county election officials to designate
the Board maintained that the procedures were constitutional, viewing areas for members of the public and the news media
but they agreed to promulgate regulations to ensure uniform to observe the recount. He also permitted the Democratic and
practices across counties. In March 2020, the parties entered Republican Parties to designate special recount monitors.
into a settlement agreement and dismissed the suit.
Wood alleged that officials ignored their own rules and
*2 In the settlement agreement, Secretary Raffensperger denied Wood and President Donald Trump's campaign
and the Board agreed to issue an Official Election Bulletin “meaningful access to observe and monitor the electoral
regarding the review of signatures on absentee ballots. The process.” Although Wood did not personally attempt to
Bulletin instructed officials to review the voter's signature observe or monitor the recount, he alleged that Secretary
with the following process: Raffensperger and the Board violated his “vested interest in
being present and having meaningful access to observe and
If the registrar or absentee ballot clerk determines that the monitor the electoral process to ensure that it is properly
voter's signature on the mail-in absentee ballot envelope administered ... and ... otherwise free, fair, and transparent.”
does not match any of the voter's signatures on file ...,
the registrar or absentee ballot clerk must seek review Wood submitted two affidavits from volunteer monitors. One
from two other registrars, deputy registrars, or absentee monitor stated that she was not allowed to enter the counting
ballot clerks. A mail-in absentee ballot shall not be rejected area because there were too many monitors already present,
unless a majority of the registrars, deputy registrars, or and she could not be sure from a distance whether the recount
absentee ballot clerks reviewing the signature agree that the was accurate. The other explained that the counting was
signature does not match any of the voter's signatures on hard for her to follow and described what she thought were
file .... possible tabulation errors.
Secretary Raffensperger and the Board also agreed to train
county election officials to follow this process. *3 Wood moved for extraordinary relief. He asked that
the district court take one of three steps: prohibit Georgia
This procedure has been in place for at least three elections from certifying the results of the November election; prevent
since March, including the general election on November 3, it from certifying results that include “defective absentee
2020. Over one million Georgians voted by absentee ballot ballots, regardless of whether said ballots were cured”; or
in the general election. No one challenged the settlement declare the entire election defective and order the state to fix
agreement until the filing of this action. By then, the general
in the tabulation of election results do not affect Wood harmed the electorate collectively. That alleged harm is not a
differently from any other person. His allegation, at bottom, particularized injury.
remains “that the law ... has not been followed.” Dillard v.
Chilton Cnty. Comm'n, 495 F.3d 1324, 1332 (11th Cir. 2007) *6 Wood suggested in his amended complaint that his status
(quoting Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194, as a donor contributed to standing and aligned his interests
167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007)). with those of the Georgia Republican Party. But he forfeited
this argument when he failed to raise it in his opening brief.
Wood's attempts to liken his injury to those we have found Access Now, Inc. v. Sw. Airlines Co., 385 F.3d 1324, 1335
sufficient in other appeals fall short. In Common Cause/ (11th Cir. 2004); see also Nat'l All. for the Mentally Ill v.
Georgia v. Billups, we ruled that “[r]equiring a registered Bd. of Cnty. Comm'rs, 376 F.3d 1292, 1296 (11th Cir. 2004)
voter either to produce photo identification to vote in person (ruling standing claims forfeited for failure to comply with
or to cast an absentee or provisional ballot is an injury the Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure). And the donor
sufficient for standing.” 554 F.3d 1340, 1351–52 (11th Cir. argument fails on its own terms. True, a donor can establish
2009). But the injury there was the burden of producing standing based on injuries that flow from his status as a donor.
photo identification, not the existence of separate rules for in- See, e.g., Wilding v. DNC Servs. Corp., 941 F.3d 1116, 1125
person and absentee voters. Id. And the burden to produce (11th Cir. 2019). But donors, like voters, “have no judicially
photo identification affected each voter in a personal way. For enforceable interest in the outcome of an election.” Jacobson,
example, some plaintiffs in Common Cause alleged that they 974 F.3d at 1246. Nor does a donation give the donor a legally
“would be required to make a special trip” to obtain valid cognizable interest in the proper administration of elections.
identification “that is not required of voters who have driver's Any injury to Wood based on election irregularities must flow
licenses or passports.” Id. at 1351 (internal quotation marks from his status as a voter, unrelated to his donations. And that
omitted). By contrast, even Wood agrees that he is affected fact returns him to the stumbling block of particularization.
by Georgia's alleged violations of the law in the same way as
every other Georgia voter. “This injury is precisely the kind “[T]he ‘injury in fact’ test requires ... that the party seeking
of undifferentiated, generalized grievance that the Supreme review be himself among the injured.” Lujan, 504 U.S.
Court has warned must not be countenanced.” Dillard, 495 at 563, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (internal quotation marks omitted).
F.3d at 1335 (internal quotation marks omitted). Wood's allegations suggest that various nonparties might have
a particularized injury. For example, perhaps a candidate
Roe v. Alabama ex rel. Evans, 43 F.3d 574, also does not or political party would have standing to challenge the
support Wood's argument for standing. In Roe, we ruled that settlement agreement or other alleged irregularities. Or
the post-election inclusion of previously excluded absentee perhaps election monitors would have standing to sue if they
ballots would violate the substantive-due-process rights of were denied access to the recount. But Wood cannot place
Alabama voters and two political candidates. Id. at 579–81. himself in the stead of these groups, even if he supports
But no party raised and we did not address standing in Roe, them. Cf. Glanton ex rel. ALCOA Prescription Drug Plan
so that precedent provides no basis for Wood to establish v. AdvancePCS Inc., 465 F.3d 1123, 1127 (9th Cir. 2006)
standing. Cf. Lewis v. Casey, 518 U.S. 343, 352 n.2, 116 (explaining that “associational standing ... does not operate
S.Ct. 2174, 135 L.Ed.2d 606 (1996) (noting that in cases in reverse,” so a member cannot represent an association).
where “standing was neither challenged nor discussed ... He is at most a “concerned bystander.” Koziara v. City of
the existence of unaddressed jurisdictional defects has no Casselberry, 392 F.3d 1302, 1305 (11th Cir. 2004) (internal
precedential effect”). And Wood's purported injury is far quotation marks omitted). So he is not “entitled to have the
more general than the voters’ injury in Roe. The voters court[s] decide the merits of [his] dispute.” Warth, 422 U.S.
in Roe bore individual burdens—to obtain notarization or at 498, 95 S.Ct. 2197.
witness signatures if they wanted to vote absentee—that
state courts post-election retroactively permitted other voters
to ignore. Roe, 43 F.3d at 580–81. In contrast, Georgia
B. Wood's Requested Relief Concerning the 2020 General
applied uniform rules, established before the election, to all
Election Is Moot.
voters, who could choose between voting in person or by
absentee ballot, and Wood asserts that the effect of those rules Even if Wood had standing, several of his requests for relief
are barred by another jurisdictional defect: mootness. We are
“not empowered to decide moot questions.” North Carolina v. always mooted by certification, see, e.g., Siegel v. LePore,
Rice, 404 U.S. 244, 246, 92 S.Ct. 402, 30 L.Ed.2d 413 (1971) 234 F.3d 1163, 1172–73 (11th Cir. 2000) (en banc), Wood's
(internal quotation marks omitted). “An issue is moot when particular requests are moot. Wood is right that certification
it no longer presents a live controversy with respect to which does not moot his requests for relief concerning the 2021
the court can give meaningful relief.” Christian Coal. of Fla., runoff—although Wood's lack of standing still forecloses our
Inc. v. United States, 662 F.3d 1182, 1189 (11th Cir. 2011) consideration of those requests—but the pendency of other
(alteration rejected) (internal quotation marks omitted). And claims for relief cannot rescue the otherwise moot claims. See,
an issue can become moot at any stage of litigation, even if e.g., Adler v. Duval Cnty. Sch. Bd., 112 F.3d 1475, 1478–79,
there was a live case or controversy when the lawsuit began. 1481 (11th Cir. 1997) (instructing the district court to dismiss
Id. at 1189–90. moot claims but resolving other claims on the merits). Wood
finally tells us that President Trump has also requested a
Wood asked for several kinds of relief in his emergency recount, but that fact is irrelevant to whether Wood's requests
motion, but most of his requests pertained to the 2020 remain live.
election results. He moved the district court to prohibit either
the certification of the election results or certification that Nor does any exception to mootness apply. True, we often
included the disputed absentee ballots. He also asked the review otherwise-moot election appeals because they are
district court to order a new hand recount and to grant “capable of repetition yet evading review.” ACLU v. The Fla.
Republican election monitors greater access during both Bar, 999 F.2d 1486, 1496 (11th Cir. 1993) (internal quotation
the recount and the January runoff election. But after the marks omitted). We may apply this exception when “(1) the
district court denied Wood's motion, Secretary Raffensperger challenged action was in its duration too short to be fully
certified the election results on November 20. And Governor litigated prior to its cessation or expiration, and (2) there
Kemp certified the slate of presidential electors later that day. was a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party
would be subjected to the same action again.” Nat'l Broad. Co.
Because Georgia has already certified its results, Wood's v. Commc'ns Workers of Am., 860 F.2d 1022, 1023 (11th Cir.
requests to delay certification and commence a new recount 1988) (quoting Weinstein v. Bradford, 423 U.S. 147, 149, 96
are moot. “We cannot turn back the clock and create a world S.Ct. 347, 46 L.Ed.2d 350 (1975)). But we will not apply this
in which” the 2020 election results are not certified. Fleming exception if there is “some alternative vehicle through which
v. Gutierrez, 785 F.3d 442, 445 (10th Cir. 2015). And it is not a particular policy may effectively be subject to” complete
possible for us to delay certification nor meaningful to order review. Bourgeois v. Peters, 387 F.3d 1303, 1308 (11th Cir.
a new recount when the results are already final and certified. 2004).
Cf. Tropicana Prods. Sales, Inc. v. Phillips Brokerage Co.,
874 F.2d 1581, 1582 (11th Cir. 1989) (“[A]n appeal from the The “capable of repetition yet evading review” exception
denial of a motion for preliminary injunction is mooted when does not save Wood's appeal because there is no “reasonable
the requested effective end-date for the preliminary injunction expectation” that Wood will again face the issues in this
has passed.”). Nor can we reconstrue Wood's previous request appeal. Based on the posture of this appeal, the challenged
that we temporarily prohibit certification into a new request action is the denial of an emergency injunction against the
that we undo the certification. A district court “must first have certification of election results. See Fleming, 785 F.3d at
the opportunity to pass upon [every] issue,” so we may not 446 (explaining that whether the issues in an interlocutory
consider requests for relief made for the first time on appeal. appeal are “capable of repetition, yet evading review” is
S.F. Residence Club, Inc. v. 7027 Old Madison Pike, LLC, 583 a separate question from whether the issues in the overall
F.3d 750, 755 (11th Cir. 2009). lawsuit are capable of doing so). That denial is the decision we
would review but for the jurisdictional problems. But Wood
*7 Wood's arguments reflect a basic misunderstanding of cannot satisfy the requirement that there be a “reasonable
what mootness is. He argues that the certification does not expectation” that he will again seek to delay certification.
moot anything “because this litigation is ongoing” and he Wood does not suggest that this situation might recur. Cf. FEC
remains injured. But mootness concerns the availability of v. Wis. Right To Life, Inc., 551 U.S. 449, 463–64, 127 S.Ct.
relief, not the existence of a lawsuit or an injury. Fla. Wildlife 2652, 168 L.Ed.2d 329 (2007). And we have no reason to
Fed'n, Inc. v. S. Fla. Water Mgmt. Dist., 647 F.3d 1296, 1304 think it would: he is a private citizen, so the possibility of a
(11th Cir. 2011). So even if post-election litigation is not
All Citations
IV. CONCLUSION
--- F.3d ----, 2020 WL 7094866
Editor's Note: Additions are indicated by Text and deletions individual plaintiffs who had already cast their absentee
by Text . ballots by mail had standing to raise equal protection claims;
Only the Westlaw citation is currently available.
United States District Court, M.D. North Carolina. plaintiffs demonstrated a likelihood of success on the merits
of their equal protection claims against the mail-in ballot
Timothy K. MOORE, et al., Plaintiffs, witness-requirement cure procedure and extension of mail-in
ballot receipt deadline;
v.
Damon CIRCOSTA, et al., Defendants, plaintiffs demonstrated a likelihood of irreparable injury on
and their equal protection claims against witness-requirement
cure procedure and extension of mail-in ballot receipt
North Carolina Alliance for Retired
deadline;
Americans, et al., Defendant-Intervenors.
Patsy J. Wise, et al., Plaintiffs, balance of equities weighed heavily against preliminary
v. injunction, and thus district court would deny injunctive
relief; and
The North Carolina State Board
of Elections, et al., Defendants, SBE exceeded its statutory authority and emergency powers
and when it entered into consent agreement and eliminated
witness requirements for mail-in ballots.
North Carolina Alliance for Retired
Americans, et al., Defendant-Intervenors.
Motion denied.
1:20CV911
|
Attorneys and Law Firms
1:20CV912
| David H. Thompson, Peter A. Patterson, Nicole Jo Moss,
Signed 10/14/2020 Cooper & Kirk, PLLC, Washington, DC, Nathan Andrew
Huff, Phelps Dunbar LLP, Raleigh, NC, for Plaintiffs.
Synopsis
Background: State legislative leaders and individual Alexander McClure Peters, Sarah G. Boyce, Terence Steed,
registered voters sued the executive director and members North Carolina Department of Justice, Raleigh, NC, for
of the North Carolina State Board of Elections (SBE), Defendants.
seeking an injunction against enforcement and distribution
of memoranda issued by SBE pertaining to absentee voting. Burton Craige, Patterson Harkavy LLP, Raleigh, NC, Marc
In a second case, individual voters, a campaign committee, E. Elias, Lalitha D. Madduri, Perkins Coie, LLP, Uzoma N.
national political parties, and two Members of the U.S. House Nkwonta, Kirkland & Ellis, LLP, Washington, DC, Narendra
of Representatives also sought an injunction against the K. Ghosh, Patterson Harkavy, LLP, Chapel Hill, NC, for
same memoranda. Advocacy group for retirees and individual Defendant-Intervenors.
registered voters who were plaintiffs in a related state court
action that resulted in a consent judgment intervened in both
cases. Plaintiffs moved for preliminary injunction. MEMORANDUM OPINION AND ORDER
Holdings: The District Court, William L. Osteen, J., held that: *1 Presently before this court are two motions for a
preliminary injunction in two related cases.
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1. This Court's Decision in Democracy In the case of an incurable deficiency, a new ballot could
be issued only “if there [was] time to mail the voter a new
On August 4, 2020, this court issued an order in a third related ballot ... [to be] receive[d] by Election Day.” (Id. at. 3) If a
case, Democracy North Carolina v. North Carolina State voter who submitted an uncurable ballot was unable to receive
Board of Elections, No. 1:20CV457, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, a new absentee ballot in time, he or she would have the option
2020 WL 4484063 (M.D.N.C. Aug. 4, 2020) (“the August to vote in person on Election Day. (Id. at 4.)
Democracy Order”), that “left the One-Witness Requirement
in place, enjoined several rules related to nursing homes that If the deficiency was curable by a cure affidavit, the guidance
would disenfranchise Plaintiff Hutchins, and enjoined the stated that the voter must return the cure affidavit by no later
rejection of absentee ballots unless the voter is provided due than 5 p.m. on Thursday, November 12, 2020. (Id.)
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*4 The revised guidance modified which ballot deficiencies SBE issued two other Numbered Memoranda on September
fell into the curable and uncurable categories. Unlike the 22, 2020, in addition to Revised Numbered Memo 2020-19.
original Memo 2020-19, the Revised Memo advised that
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First, SBE issued Numbered Memo 2020-22, the purpose did not lawfully vote their ballot.” (Id. at 3.) Instead, the
of which was to further define the term postmark used in guidance advises the county board that they “may ... consider
Numbered Memo 2020-19. (Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Wise the delivery of a ballot ... in conjunction with other evidence
Compl. (Doc. 1), Ex. 3, N.C. State Bd. of Elections Mem. in determining whether the ballot is valid and should be
(“Memo 2020-22”) (Doc. 1-3) at 2.) Numbered Memo counted.” (Id. at 4.)
2020-22 advised that although “[t]he postmark requirement
for ballots received after Election Day is in place to prohibit
a voter from learning the outcome of an election and then
6. Consent Judgment in North Carolina Alliance for
casting their ballot.... [T]he USPS does not always affix a
Retired Americans v. North Carolina State Bd. of
postmark to a ballot return envelope.” (Id.) Recognizing that
Elections
SBE now offers “BallotTrax,” a system in which voters and
county boards can track the status of a voter's absentee ballot, On August 10, 2020, NC Alliance, the Defendant-Intervenors
SBE said “it is possible for county boards to determine when in the two cases presently before this court, filed an action
a ballot was mailed even if does not have a postmark.” (Id.) against SBE in North Carolina's Wake County Superior
Moreover, SBE recognized that commercial carriers offer Court challenging, among other voting rules, the witness
tracking services that document when a ballot was deposited requirement for mail-in absentee ballots and rejection of mail-
with the commercial carrier. (Id.) For these reasons, the new in absentee ballots that are postmarked by Election Day but
guidance stated that a ballot would be considered postmarked delivered to county boards more than three days after the
by Election Day if it had a postmark, there is information in election. (Moore v Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, SBE State Court
BallotTrax, or “another tracking service offered by the USPS Br. (Doc. 68-1) at 15.)
or a commercial carrier, indicat[es] that the ballot was in
the custody of USPS or the commercial carrier on or before On August 12, 2020, Philip Berger and Timothy Moore,
Election Day.” (Id. at 3.) Plaintiffs in Moore, filed a notice of intervention as of right
in the state court action and became parties to that action
*5 Second, SBE issued Numbered Memo 2020-23, which as intervenor-defendants on behalf of the North Carolina
provides “guidance and recommendations for the safe, secure, General Assembly. (Id. at 16.)
and controlled in-person return of absentee ballots.” (Wise,
No. 1:20CV912, Wise Compl. (Doc. 1), Ex. 4, N.C. State On September 22, 2020, SBE and NC Alliance filed a Joint
Bd. of Elections Mem. (“Memo 2020-23”) (Doc. 1-4) at Motion for Entry of a Consent Judgment with the superior
2.) Referring to N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-226.3(a)(5),3 which court. (Id.) Philip Berger and Timothy Moore were not aware
prohibits any person other than the voter's near relative or of this “secretly-negotiated” Consent Judgment, (Wise Pls.’
legal guardian to take possession of an absentee ballot of Mot. (Doc. 43) at 6), until the parties did not attend a
another voter for delivery or for return to a county board previously scheduled deposition, (Democracy v. N.C. Bd. of
of elections, (id.), Numbered Memo 2020-23 confirms that Elections, No. 1:20CV457 (Doc. 168) at 73.)
“an absentee ballot may not be left in an unmanned drop
box.” (Id.) The guidance reminds county boards that they Among the terms of the Consent Judgment, SBE agreed to
must keep a written log when any person returns an absentee extend the deadline for receipt of mail-in absentee ballots
ballot in person, which includes the name of the individual mailed on or before Election Day to nine days after Election
returning the ballot, their relationship to the voter, the ballot Day, to implement the cure process established in Revised
number, and the date it was received. (Id. at 3.) If the Memo 2020-19, and to establish separate mail in absentee
individual who drops off the ballot is not the voter, their ballot “drop off stations” at each early voting site and county
near relative, or legal guardian, the log must also record their board of elections office which were to be staffed by county
address and phone number. (Id.) board officials. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, SBE
State Court Br. (Doc. 68-1) at 16.)
At the same time, the guidance advises county boards that
“[f]ailure to comply with the logging requirement, or delivery In its filings with the state court, SBE frequently cited this
or an absentee ballot by a person other than the voter, the court's decision in Democracy as a reason for why the Wake
voter's near relative, or the voter's legal guardian, is not County Superior Court Judge should accept the Consent
sufficient evidence in and of itself to establish that the voter Judgment. SBE argued that a cure procedure for deficiencies
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guidance and further clarification on how to determine if 1:20CV912 (Doc. 30)). On October 6, 2020, Plaintiffs in
the correct address can be identified if the witness's or Wise filed a Memorandum in Support of Plaintiffs’ Motion to
assistant's address on an absentee container-return envelope Convert the Temporary Restraining Order into a Preliminary
is incomplete. (Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 43-5).) First, the Injunction, (Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43)), and Plaintiffs in
guidance clarifies that if a witness or assistant does not print Moore filed a Motion for a Preliminary Injunction and
their address, the envelope is deficient. (Id. at 2.) Second, the Memorandum in Support of Same, (Moore Pls.’ Mot. (Doc.
guidance states that failure to list a witness's ZIP code does 60)). Defendant SBE filed a response to Plaintiffs’ motions
not require a cure; a witness or assistant's address may be a in both cases on October 7, 2020. (Moore v. Circosta, No.
post office box or other mailing address; and if the address 1:20CV911, State Defs.’ Resp. to Pls.’ Mot. for Prelim.
is missing a city or state, but the county board can determine Inj. (“SBE Resp.”) (Doc. 65); Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc.
the correct address, the failure to include this information 45).) Alliance Intervenors also filed a response to Plaintiffs’
does not invalidate the container-return envelope. (Id.) Third, motions in both cases on October 7, 2020. (Moore v. Circosta,
if both the city and ZIP code are missing, the guidance No. 1:20CV911, Proposed Intervenors’ Mem. in Opp'n to
directs staff to determine whether the correct address can be Pls.’ Mot. for a Prelim. Inj. (“Alliance Resp.”) (Doc. 64);
identified. (Id.) If they cannot be identified, then the envelope Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 47).)5
is deficient. (Id.)
This court held oral arguments on October 8, 2020, in which
all of the parties in these two cases presented arguments
C. Procedural History
with respect to Plaintiffs’ motions for a preliminary
On September 26, 2020, Plaintiffs in Moore filed their action
injunction. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, Minute
in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of
Entry 10/08/2020; Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Minute Entry
North Carolina. (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1).) Plaintiffs in Wise
10/08/2020.)
also filed their action in the United States District Court for
the Eastern District of North Carolina on September 26, 2020.
*8 This court has federal question jurisdiction over these
(Wise Compl. (Doc. 1).)
cases under 28 U.S.C. § 1331. This matter is ripe for
adjudication.
Alliance Intervenors filed a Motion to Intervene as
Defendants in Moore on September 30, 2020, (Moore v.
Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 27)), and in Wise on October D. Preliminary Injunction Standard of Review
2, 2020, (Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 21)). This court granted “A plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must establish
Alliance Intervenors’ Motion to Intervene on October 8, that he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to
2020. (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 67); Wise, suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief,
No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 49).) that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an
injunction is in the public interest.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Def.
The district court in the Eastern District of North Carolina Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20, 129 S.Ct. 365, 172 L.Ed.2d
issued a temporary restraining order in both cases on October 249 (2008). Such an injunction “is an extraordinary remedy
3, 2020, and transferred the actions to this court for this intended to protect the status quo and prevent irreparable
court's “consideration of additional or alternative injunctive harm during the pendency of a lawsuit.” Di Biase v. SPX
relief along with any such relief in Democracy North Carolina Corp., 872 F.3d 224, 230 (4th Cir. 2017).
v. North Carolina State Board of Elections ....” (Moore
v. Circosta, 1:20CV911, TRO (Doc. 47) at 2; Wise, No.
1:20CV912 (Doc. 25) at 2.) II. ANALYSIS
Executive Defendants and Alliance Intervenors challenge
On October 5, 2020, this court held a Telephone Plaintiffs’ standing to seek a preliminary injunction regarding
Conference, (Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911, Minute their Equal Protection, Elections Clause, and Electors Clause
Entry 10/05/2020; Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Minute Entry claims. (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 14-18; SBE Resp.
10/05/2020), and issued an order directing the parties to (Doc. 65) at 11-13.) Executive Defendants and Alliance
prepare for a hearing on the temporary restraining order and/ Intervenors also challenge this court's ability to hear this
or a preliminary injunction and to submit additional briefing, action under abstention, (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 10-14;
(Moore v. Circosta, No. 1:20CV911 (Doc. 51); Wise, No. SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 10-11), Rooker-Feldman (Alliance
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Resp. (Doc. 64) at 13), and preclusion doctrines, (SBE district court from exercising subject-matter jurisdiction in
Resp. (Doc. 65) at 7-10). Finally, Executive Defendants an action it would otherwise be empowered to adjudicate
and Alliance Intervenors attack Plaintiffs’ motions for under a congressional grant of authority, e.g., § 1330 (suits
preliminary injunction on the merits. (Alliance Resp. (Doc. against foreign states), § 1331 (federal question), and §
64) at 19-26; SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 13-18.) 1332 (diversity).
See Exxon Mobil Corp. v. Saudi Basic Indus. Corp., 544 U.S.
Because Rooker-Feldman, abstention, and preclusion are 280, 291-92, 125 S.Ct. 1517, 161 L.Ed.2d 454 (2005). Under
dispositive issues, this court addresses them first, then the Rooker-Feldman doctrine, courts lack subject matter
addresses Plaintiffs’ motions on standing and the likelihood jurisdiction to hear “cases brought by [1] state-court losers
of success on the merits. complaining of [2] injuries caused by state-court judgments
[3] rendered before the district court proceedings commenced
As to each of these abstention doctrines, as will be explained and [4] inviting district court review and rejection of those
further, this court's preliminary injunction order, (Doc. 124), judgments.” Id. at 284, 125 S.Ct. 1517. The doctrine is
in Democracy North Carolina v. North Carolina State Board “narrow and focused.” Thana, 827 F.3d at 319. “[I]f a plaintiff
of Elections, No. 1:20CV457, played a substantial role as in federal court does not seek review of the state court
relevant authority supporting SBE's request for approval, in judgment itself but instead ‘presents an independent claim, it
North Carolina state court, of Revised Memo 2020-19 and is not an impediment to the exercise of federal jurisdiction that
the related Consent Judgment. (See discussion infra Part the same or a related question was earlier aired between the
II.D.3.b.i.) As Berger, Moore, and SBE are all parties in parties in state court.’ ” Id. at 320 (quoting Skinner v. Switzer,
Democracy, this court initially finds that abstention doctrines 562 U.S. 521, 532, 131 S.Ct. 1289, 179 L.Ed.2d 233 (2011)).
do not preclude this court's exercise of jurisdiction. This Rather, “any tensions between the two proceedings should
court's August Democracy Order was issued prior to the filing be managed through the doctrines of preclusion, comity, and
of these state court actions, and that Order was the basis of abstention.” Id. (citing Exxon, 544 U.S. at 292–93, 125 S.Ct.
the subsequent grant of affirmative relief by the state court. 1517).
This court declines to find that any abstention doctrine would
preclude it from issuing orders in aid of its jurisdiction, or as Moreover, “the Rooker–Feldman doctrine applies only when
to parties appearing in a pending case in this court. the loser in state court files suit in federal district court seeking
redress for an injury allegedly caused by the state court's
decision itself.” Davani v. Va. Dep't of Transp., 434 F.3d 712,
A. Rooker-Feldman Doctrine 713 (4th Cir. 2006); see also Hulsey v. Cisa, 947 F.3d 246,
Rooker-Feldman doctrine is a jurisdictional doctrine that 250 (4th Cir. 2020) (“A plaintiff's injury at the hands of a third
prohibits federal district courts from “ ‘exercising appellate party may be ‘ratified, acquiesced in, or left unpunished by’
jurisdiction over final state-court judgments.’ ” See Thana a state-court decision without being ‘produced by’ the state-
v. Bd. of License Comm'rs for Charles Cnty., 827 F.3d court judgment.”) (internal citations omitted).
314, 319 (4th Cir. 2016) (quoting Lance v. Dennis, 546
U.S. 459, 463, 126 S.Ct. 1198, 163 L.Ed.2d 1059 (2006) Here, Plaintiffs are challenging SBE's election procedures and
(per curiam)). The presence or absence of subject matter seeking injunction of those electoral rules, not attempting to
jurisdiction under Rooker-Feldman is a threshold issue that directly appeal results of a state court order. More importantly,
this court must determine before considering the merits of the however, the Fourth Circuit has previously found that a party
case. Friedman's, Inc. v. Dunlap, 290 F.3d 191, 196 (4th Cir. is not a state court loser for purposes of Rooker-Feldman
2002). if “[t]he [state court] rulings thus were not ‘final state-court
judgments’ ” against the party bringing up the same issues
*9 Although Rooker-Feldman originally limited only before a federal court. Hulsey, 947 F.3d at 251 (quoting
federal-question jurisdiction, the Supreme Court has Lance, 546 U.S. at 463, 126 S.Ct. 1198). In the Alliance state
recognized the applicability of the doctrine to cases brought court case, Alliance brought suit against SBE. The Plaintiffs
under diversity jurisdiction: from this case were intervenors. They were not parties to
the Settlement Agreement and were in no way properly
Rooker and Feldman exhibit the limited circumstances in
adjudicated “state court losers.” Given the Supreme Court's
which this Court's appellate jurisdiction over state-court
intended narrowness of the Rooker-Feldman doctrine, see
judgments, 28 U.S.C. § 1257, precludes a United States
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Lance, 546 U.S. at 464, 126 S.Ct. 1198, and Plaintiffs’ failure applies “[s]o long as those challenges relate to pending state
to fit within the Fourth Circuit's definition of “state-court proceedings.” Id. In fact, in Pennzoil itself, the Court clarified
losers,” this court will decline to abstain under the Rooker- that abstention was proper because “[t]here is at least one
Feldman doctrine. pending judicial proceeding in the state courts; the lawsuit out
of which Texaco's constitutional claims arose is now pending
before a Texas Court of Appeals in Houston, Texas.” Id. at
B. Abstention 14, 107 S.Ct. 1519 n.13.
1. Colorado River Abstention Abstention was also justified in Pennzoil because the Texas
state court was not presented with the contested federal
*10 Abstention “is the exception, not the rule.” Colo. constitutional questions, and thus, “when [the subsequent]
River Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 424 U.S. case was filed in federal court, it was entirely possible that
800, 813, 96 S.Ct. 1236, 47 L.Ed.2d 483 (1976); see also the Texas courts would have resolved this case ... without
id. at 817, 96 S.Ct. 1236 (noting the “virtually unflagging reaching the federal constitutional questions.” Id. at 12,
obligation of the federal courts to exercise the jurisdiction 107 S.Ct. 1519. In the present case, Plaintiffs raised their
given them”). Thus, this court's task “is not to find some constitutional claims in the state court prior to the entry of
substantial reason for the exercise of federal jurisdiction,” the Consent Judgment. The state court, through the Consent
but rather “to ascertain whether there exist ‘exceptional’ Judgment and without taking evidence, adjudicated those
circumstances, the ‘clearest of justifications,’ ... to justify the claims as to the settling parties. The Consent Judgment is
surrender of that jurisdiction.” Moses H. Cone Mem'l Hosp. effective through the 2020 Election and specifies no further
v. Mercury Constr. Corp., 460 U.S. 1, 25-26, 103 S.Ct. 927, basis upon which Plaintiffs here may seek relief. As a result,
74 L.Ed.2d 765 (1983). there does not appear to be any relief available to Plaintiffs
for the federal questions raised here. For these reasons, this
First, and crucially for this case, the court must determine court will also decline to abstain under Pennzoil.
whether there are ongoing state and federal proceedings that
are parallel. Al-Abood ex rel. Al-Abood v. El-Shamari, 217
F.3d 225, 232 (4th Cir. 2000) (“The threshold question in
3. Pullman Abstention
deciding whether Colorado River abstention is appropriate is
whether there are parallel suits.”); Ackerman v. ExxonMobil Pullman abstention can be exercised where: (1) there is “an
Corp., 734 F.3d 237, 248 (4th Cir. 2013) (finding that unclear issue of state law presented for decision”; and (2)
abstention is exercised only “in favor of ongoing, parallel resolution of that unclear state law issue “may moot or present
state proceedings” (emphasis added)). In this instance, the in a different posture the federal constitutional issue such
parties have failed to allege any ongoing state proceeding that that the state law issue is potentially dispositive.” Educ.
this federal suit might interfere with. In fact, Plaintiffs in this Servs., Inc. v. Md. State Bd. for Higher Educ., 710 F.2d
case were excluded as parties in the Consent Judgment and 170, 174 (4th Cir. 1983); see also N.C. State Conference of
are bringing independent claims in this federal court alleging NAACP v. Cooper, 397 F. Supp. 3d 786, 794 (M.D.N.C.
violations, inter alia, of the Equal Protection Clause. This 2019). Pullman does not apply here because any issues of
court does not find that Colorado River abstention prevents state law are not, in this court's opinion, unclear or ambiguous.
it from adjudicating Equal Protection claims raised by parties Alliance's brief in Moore posits that “whether NCSBE has
who were not parties to the Consent Judgment. the authority to enter the Consent Judgment and promulgate
the Numbered Memos” are at the center of this case, thereby
urging Pullman abstention. (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64 at 12).)
2. Pennzoil Abstention SBE has undisputed authority to issue guidance consistent
with state law and may issue guidance contrary to state law
As alleged by Defendants, Pennzoil does dictate that federal only in response to natural disasters – the court finds this,
courts should not “interfere with the execution of state though ultimately unnecessary to the relief issued in this
judgments.” Pennzoil Co. v. Texaco, Inc., 481 U.S. 1, 14, case, fairly clear. (See discussion supra at Part II.E.2.b.ii.)
107 S.Ct. 1519, 95 L.Ed.2d 1 (1987). However, in the very Moreover, this court has already expressly assessed and
next sentence, the Pennzoil court caveats that this doctrine upheld the North Carolina state witness requirement, which
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is the primary state law at issue in this case. Democracy N. This court finds that issue preclusion does not bar Plaintiffs’
Carolina, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4484063, at *48. claims. In Arizona v. California, the Supreme Court held
that “[i]n most circumstances, it is recognized that consent
*11 Furthermore, Defendants and Intervenors would agreements ordinarily are intended to preclude any further
additionally need to show how “resolution of ... state litigation on the claim presented but are not intended to
law issues pending in state court” would “eliminate or preclude further litigation on any of the issues presented.”
substantially modify the federal constitutional issues raised 530 U.S. at 414, 120 S.Ct. 2304 (internal quotations
in Plaintiffs’ Complaint.” N.C. State Conference of NAACP, omitted). Moreover, “settlements ordinarily occasion no issue
397 F. Supp. 3d at 796. As Alliance notes, the Plaintiffs did preclusion ... unless it is clear ... that the parties intend their
not appeal the state court's conclusions, but sought relief in agreement to have such an effect.” Id.
federal court – there is no state law issue pending in state court
here. For all of these reasons, this court declines to abstain The Consent Judgment SBE and Alliance entered into does
under Pullman. not clearly demonstrate that they intended their agreement
to have an issue preclusive effect with regard to claims
brought now by Plaintiffs in Moore and Wise. The language
C. Issue Preclusion of the Consent Judgment demonstrates that it “constitutes
Collateral estoppel, or issue preclusion “refers to the effect a settlement and resolution of Plaintiffs’ claims against
of a prior judgment in foreclosing successive litigation of an Executive Defendants pending in this Lawsuit” and that
issue of fact or law actually litigated and resolved in a valid “by signing this Stipulation and Consent Judgment, they are
court determination essential to the prior judgment, whether releasing any claims ... that they might have against Executive
or not the issue arises on the same or a different claim.” New Defendants.” (State Court Consent Judgment (Doc. 45-1) at
Hampshire v. Maine, 532 U.S. 742, 748-49, 121 S.Ct. 1808, 14 (emphasis added).) Although Timothy Moore and Philip
149 L.Ed.2d 968 (2001). The purpose of this doctrine is to Berger, State Legislative Plaintiffs in Moore, were Defendant-
“protect the integrity of the judicial process ....” Id. at 749, Intervenors in the NC Alliance action, they were not parties to
121 S.Ct. 1808 (internal quotations omitted). the consent judgment. (Id.) Thus, because the plain language
of the agreement did not expressly indicate an intention
Plaintiffs argue that issue preclusion does not bar their Equal to preclude Plaintiffs Moore and Berger from litigating the
Protection claims. Citing Arizona v. California, 530 U.S. issue in subsequent litigation, neither these State Legislative
392, 120 S.Ct. 2304, 147 L.Ed.2d 374 (2000), Plaintiffs Plaintiffs, nor any other parties with whom they may or may
in Wise argue that a negotiated settlement between parties, not be in privity, are estopped from raising these claims now
like the consent judgment between the Alliance Intervenors before this court.
and Defendant SBE in Wake County Superior Court, does
not constitute a final judgment for issue preclusion. (Wise
Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 23.) Plaintiffs in Moore, citing In re D. Plaintiffs’ Equal Protection Claims
Microsoft Corp. Antitrust Litig., 355 F.3d 322 (4th Cir. 2004), *12 Plaintiffs raise “two separate theories of an equal
argue that issue preclusion cannot be asserted because the protection violation,” – a “vote dilution claim, and an
Individual Plaintiffs in Moore were not parties to the state arbitrariness claim.” (Oral Argument Tr. (Doc. 70) at 52; see
court litigation that resulted in the consent judgment. (Moore also Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 12-15.)
Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 60) at 4.)
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377 U.S. 533, 554, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964). who meet the basic qualifications.” Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S.
Because the Fourteenth Amendment protects not only the 368, 379-80, 83 S.Ct. 801, 9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963). On the other
“initial allocation of the franchise,” as well as “to the manner hand, the state must protect against “the diluting effect of
of its exercise,” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104, 121 S.Ct. illegal ballots.” Id. at 380, 83 S.Ct. 801. Because “the right to
525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000), “lines may not be drawn which have one's vote counted has the same dignity as the right to put
are inconsistent with the Equal Protection Clause ....” Id. at a ballot in a box,” id., the vote dilution occurs only where there
105, 121 S.Ct. 525 (citing Harper v. Va. State Bd. of Elections, is both “arbitrary and disparate treatment.” Bush, 531 U.S. at
383 U.S. 663, 665, 86 S.Ct. 1079, 16 L.Ed.2d 169 (1966)). 105, 121 S.Ct. 525. To this end, states must have “specific
rules designed to ensure uniform treatment” of a voter's ballot.
The Supreme Court has identified two theories of voting Id. at 106, 121 S.Ct. 525.
harms prohibited by the Fourteenth Amendment. First, the
Court has identified a harm caused by “debasement or
dilution of the weight of a citizen's vote,” also referred to
2. Standing to Bring Equal Protection Claims
“vote dilution.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362.
Courts find this harm arises where gerrymandering under *13 In light of the harms prohibited by the Equal Protection
a redistricting plan has diluted the “requirement that all Clause, this court must first consider whether Plaintiffs have
citizens’ votes be weighted equally, known as the one person, standing to bring these claims.
one vote principle,” and resulted in one group or community's
vote counting more than another's. Raleigh Wake Citizens For a case or controversy to be justiciable in federal court, a
Ass'n v. Wake Cnty. Bd. of Elections, 827 F.3d 333, 340 (4th plaintiff must allege “such a personal stake in the outcome of
Cir. 2016); see also Gill v. Whitford, 585 U.S. ––––, ––––, the controversy as to warrant his invocation of federal court
138 S. Ct. 1916, 1930-31, 201 L.Ed.2d 313 (2018) (finding jurisdiction and to justify exercise of the court's remedial
that the “harm” of vote dilution “arises from the particular powers on his behalf.” White Tail Park, Inc. v. Stroube, 413
composition of the voter's own district, which causes his vote F.3d 451, 458 (4th Cir. 2005) (quoting Planned Parenthood of
– having been packed or cracked – to carry less weight than S.C. Inc. v. Rose, 361 F.3d 786, 789 (4th Cir. 2004)).
it would carry in another, hypothetical district”); Wesberry v.
Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 18, 84 S.Ct. 526, 11 L.Ed.2d 481 (1964) The party seeking to invoke the federal courts’ jurisdiction
(finding that vote dilution occurred where congressional has the burden of satisfying Article III's standing requirement.
districts did not guarantee “equal representation for equal Miller v. Brown, 462 F.3d 312, 316 (4th Cir. 2006). To meet
numbers of people”); Wright v. North Carolina, 787 F.3d 256, that burden, a plaintiff must demonstrate three elements: (1)
268 (4th Cir. 2015) (invalidating a voter redistricting plan). that the plaintiff has suffered an injury in fact that is “concrete
and particularized” and “actual or imminent”; (2) that the
Second, the Court has found that the Equal Protection Clause injury is fairly traceable to the challenged conduct of the
is violated where the state, “[h]aving once granted the right defendant; and (3) that a favorable decision is likely to redress
to vote on equal terms,” through “later arbitrary and disparate the injury. Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555,
treatment, value[s] one person's vote over that of another.” 560-61, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992).
Bush, 531 U.S. at 104-05, 121 S.Ct. 525 (2000); see also
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d In multi-plaintiff cases, “[a]t least one plaintiff must have
663 (1962) (“A citizen's right to a vote free of arbitrary standing to seek each form of relief requested in the
impairment by state action has been judicially recognized as complaint.” Town of Chester v. Laroe Estates, Inc., 581 U.S.
a right secured by the Constitution, when such impairment ––––, ––––, 137 S. Ct. 1645, 1651, 198 L.Ed.2d 64 (2017).
resulted from dilution by a false tally, or by a refusal to Further, if there is one plaintiff “who has demonstrated
count votes from arbitrarily selected precincts, or by a stuffing standing to assert these rights as his own,” the court “need not
of the ballot box.”) (internal citations omitted). This second consider whether the other individual and corporate plaintiffs
theory of voting harms requires courts to balance competing have standing to maintain the suit.” Vill. of Arlington Heights
concerns around access to the ballot. On the one hand, a state v. Metro. Hous. Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 264 & n.9, 97 S.Ct.
should not engage in practices which prevent qualified voters 555, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977).
from exercising their right to vote. A state must ensure that
there is “no preferred class of voters but equality among those
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In the voting context, “voters who allege facts showing ninth day following the election pursuant to the Postmark
disadvantage to themselves as individuals have standing to Requirement, (id. at 58). Moreover, counsel argued that the
sue,” Baker, 369 U.S. at 206, 82 S.Ct. 691, so long as their “regime” imposed by the state is arbitrary, citing limitations
claimed injuries are “distinct from a ‘generally available on assistance allowed to complete a ballot, compared to the
grievance about the government,’ ” Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1923 lessened restrictions associated with the witness requirement
(quoting Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 439, 127 S.Ct. under Numbered Memo 2020-19. (Id. at 59.)
1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007) (per curiam)).
This court finds that Individual Plaintiffs in Moore and Wise
Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors argue that have not articulated a cognizable injury in fact for their vote
Individual Plaintiffs in Wise and Moore have not alleged a dilution claims. However, all of the Individual Plaintiffs in
concrete and particularized injury under either of the two Moore, and one Individual Plaintiff in Wise have articulated
Equal Protection theories. (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 14-15; an injury in fact for an arbitrary and disparate treatment claim.
SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 12-13.)
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919, 926–27 (D. Nev. 2020) (“Plaintiffs’ purported injury of those who have sustained it.” Baker, 369 U.S. at 208, 82 S.Ct.
having their votes diluted due to ostensible election fraud 691.
may be conceivably raised by any Nevada voter.”); Am. Civil
Rights Union v. Martinez-Rivera, 166 F. Supp. 3d. 779, 789 This court finds that Individual Plaintiffs in Moore and one
(W.D. Tex. 2015) (“[T]he risk of vote dilution [is] speculative Individual Plaintiff in Wise have standing to raise an arbitrary
and, as such, [is] more akin to a generalized grievance about and disparate treatment claim because their injury is concrete,
the government than an injury in fact.”). particularized, and not speculative. Bobby Heath and Maxine
Whitley, the Individual Plaintiffs in Moore, are registered
Although “[i]t would over-simplify the standing analysis North Carolina voters who voted absentee by mail and whose
to conclude that no state-wide election law is subject to ballots have been accepted by SBE. (Moore Compl. (Doc.
challenge simply because it affects all voters,” Martel, ––– 1) ¶¶ 9-10.) In Wise, Individual Plaintiff Patsy Wise is a
F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5755289, at *4, the notion that registered voter who cast her absentee ballot by mail. (Wise
a single person's vote will be less valuable as a result of Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 25.)
unlawful or invalid ballots being cast is not a concrete and
particularized injury in fact necessary for Article III standing. If Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and Wise were voters who
Compared to a claim of gerrymandering, in which the injury intended to vote by mail but who had not yet submitted their
is specific to a group of voters based on their racial identity or ballots, as is the case with the other Individual Plaintiffs in
the district where they live, all voters in North Carolina, not Wise, (Wise Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 26-28), or voters who had
just Individual Plaintiffs, would suffer the injury Individual intended to vote in-person either during the Early Voting
Plaintiffs allege. This court finds this injury too generalized to period or on Election Day, then they would not in fact have
give rise to a claim of vote dilution, and thus, neither Plaintiffs been impacted by the laws and procedures for submission
in Moore nor in Wise have standing to bring their vote dilution of absentee ballots by mail and the complained-of injury
claims under the Equal Protection Clause. would be merely “an injury common to all other registered
voters,” Martel, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5755289,
at *4. See also Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., –––
F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5626974, at *4 (“Plaintiffs never
b. Arbitrary and Disparate Treatment
describe how their member voters will be harmed by vote
*15 In Bush, the Supreme Court held that, “[h]aving once dilution where other voters will not.”). Indeed, this court
granted the right to vote on equal terms, the State may not, finds that Individual Plaintiffs Clifford, Bambini, and Baum
by later arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one person's in Wise do not have standing to challenge the Numbered
vote over that of another.” 531 U.S. at 104-05, 121 S.Ct. Memoranda, because any “shock[ ]” and “serious concern[s]”
525. Plaintiffs argue that they have been subjected to arbitrary they have that their vote “will be negated by improperly cast
and disparate treatment because they voted under one set of or fraudulent ballots,” (Wise Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 26-28), is
rules, and other voters, through the guidance in the Numbered merely speculative until such point that they have actually
Memoranda, will be permitted to vote invalidly under a voted by mail and had their ballots accepted, which Plaintiffs’
different and unequal set of rules, and that this is a concrete Complaint in Wise does not allege has occurred. (Id.)
and particularized injury. (Oral Argument Tr. (Doc. 70) at
70-71.) Yet, because Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and Wise have, in fact,
already voted by mail, (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 9-10; Wise
For the purposes of determining whether Plaintiffs have Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 25), their injury is not speculative. Under
standing, is it not “necessary to decide whether [Plaintiffs’] the Numbered Memoranda 2020-19, 2020-22, and 2020-23,
allegations of impairment of their votes” by Defendant SBE's other voters who vote by mail will be subjected to a different
actions “will, ultimately, entitle them to any relief,” Baker, standard than that to which Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and
369 U.S. at 208, 82 S.Ct. 691; whether a harm has occurred Wise were subjected when they cast their ballots by mail.
is best left to this court's analysis of the merits of Plaintiffs’ Assuming this is an injury that violates the Equal Protection
claims, (see discussion infra Section II.D.3). Instead, the Clause, Baker, 369 U.S. at 208, 82 S.Ct. 691, the harm alleged
appropriate inquiry is, “[i]f such impairment does produce by Plaintiffs is particular to voters in Heath, Whitley, and
a legally cognizable injury,” whether Plaintiffs “are among Wise's position, rather than a generalized injury that any
North Carolina voter could claim. For this reason, this court
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finds that Individual Plaintiffs Heath, Whitley, and Wise have for ‘varying standards to determine what [i]s a legal vote.’
standing to raise Equal Protection claims under an arbitrary ” (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 90 (citing Bush, 531 U.S. at 107,
and disparate treatment theory. Because at least one plaintiff 121 S.Ct. 525).)
in each of these multi-plaintiff cases has standing to seek
the relief requested, the court “need not consider whether In response, Defendants argue that the Numbered Memoranda
the other individual and corporate plaintiffs have standing to will not lead to the arbitrary and disparate treatment of
maintain the suit.” Vill. of Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 264 ballots prohibited by the Supreme Court's decision in Bush
& n.9, 97 S.Ct. 555. v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388
(2000). Defendant SBE argues that the consent judgment and
Numbered Memos do “precisely what Bush contemplated: It
establishes uniform and adequate standards for determining
3. Likelihood of Success on the Merits
what is a legal vote, all of which apply statewide, well in
*16 Having determined that Individual Plaintiffs have advance of Election Day. Indeed, the only thing stopping
standing to bring their arbitrary and disparate treatment uniform statewide standards from going into effect is the
claims, this court now considers whether Plaintiffs’ claims are TRO entered in these cases.” (SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) at 17.)
likely to succeed on the merits. To demonstrate a likelihood Moreover, Defendant SBE argues that the consent judgment
of success on the merits, “[a] plaintiff need not establish a “simply establishes uniform standards that help county boards
certainty of success, but must make a clear showing that he is ascertain which votes are lawful,” and “in no way lets votes
likely to succeed at trial.” Di Biase, 872 F.3d at 230. be cast unlawfully.” (Id. at 18.)
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*19 Based on counsel's statements at oral arguments, Thus, because Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of
Defendant SBE may contend that the guidance in Revised success on the merits with respect to arbitrary and disparate
Memo 2020-19 is not arbitrary because it was necessary to treatment that may result from under Witness Requirement
resolve the Alliance state court action. (Oral Argument Tr. Cure Procedure in Revised Memo 2020-19, this court finds
(Doc. 70) at 105 (“Our reading then of state law is that the Plaintiffs have established a likelihood of success on their
Board has the authority to make adjustments in emergencies Equal Protection claim.
or as a means of settling protracted litigation until the
General Assembly reconvenes.”).) However, Defendant
SBE's arguments to the state court judge and the court in the
ii. Receipt Deadline Extension
Eastern District of North Carolina belie that assertion, as they
advised the state court that both the original Memo 2020-19
and the Revised Memo were issued “to ensure full compliance
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Alliance Intervenors argue that, “[t]o the extent Numbered Moreover, the guidance reminds county boards that they must
Memo 2020-22 introduces a new deadline, it affects only the keep a written log when any person returns an absentee ballot
counting of ballots for election officials after Election Day in person, which includes the name of the individual returning
has passed – not when voters themselves must submit their the ballot, their relationship to the voter, the ballot number,
ballots. All North Carolina absentee voters still must mail and the date it was received. (Id. at 3.) If the individual who
their ballots by Election Day.” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at drops off the ballot is not the voter, their near relative, or
21.) legal guardian, the log must also record their address and
phone number. (Id.) The guidance also advises county boards
This court disagrees, finding Plaintiffs have demonstrated that “[f]ailure to comply with the logging requirement, or
a likelihood of success on the merits in proving that this delivery or an absentee ballot by a person other than the
change contravenes the express deadline established by the voter, the voter's near relative, or the voter's legal guardian,
General Assembly, by extending the deadline from three is not sufficient evidence in and of itself to establish that the
days after Election Day, to nine days after Election Day. voter did not lawfully vote their ballot.” (Id. at 3.) Instead,
Moreover, it results in disparate treatment, as voters like the guidance advises the county board that they “may ...
Individual Plaintiffs returned their ballots within the time- consider the delivery of a ballot ... in conjunction with other
frame permitted under state law, (Wise Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ evidence in determining whether the ballot is valid and should
25; Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶¶ 9-10), but other voters whose be counted.” (Id. at 4.)
ballots would otherwise not be counted if received three days
after Election Day, will now have an additional six days to Plaintiffs argue that this guidance “undermines the General
return their ballot. Assembly's criminal prohibition of the unlawful delivery of
ballots,” (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 68), and “effectively
Because Plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of success allow[s] voters to use drop boxes for absentee ballots,” (Wise
on the merits in proving arbitrary and disparate treatment Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. 43) at 13), and thus, violates the Equal
may result under the Receipt Deadline Extension, this court Protection Clause, (Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 93). This court
finds Plaintiffs have established a likelihood of success on the disagrees.
merits of their Equal Protection claim.
Although Numbered Memo 2020-23 was released on
September 22, 2020, (Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Memo 2020-23
(Doc. 1-4) at 2), the guidance it contains is not new.
iii. Drop Box Cure Procedure
Consistent with the guidance in Numbered Memo 2020-23,
*20 Plaintiffs have failed to establish a likelihood of success, SBE administrative rules adopted on December 1, 2018,
however, on their Equal Protection challenge to the Drop require that any person delivering a ballot to a county board
Box Cure Procedure indicated in Numbered Memo 2020-23. of elections office provide:
(Wise, No. 1:20CV912, Memo 2020-23 (Doc. 1-4).)
(1) Name of voter;
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13, 2020), and in its current form since 2013. 2013 N.C. Sess.
(2) Name of person delivering ballot; Laws 381 (H.B. 589) § 4.6.(a).
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that the Postmark Requirement Changes indicated in Memo Comm., 589 U.S. ––––, ––––, 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207, 206
2020-22 are inconsistent with its public policy goals, they L.Ed.2d 452 (2020) (per curiam), as a court order affecting
are empowered to pass legislation which further specifies the election rules will progressively increase the risk of “voter
definition of a “postmark.” In the absence of such legislation, confusion” as “an election draws closer.” Purcell, 549 U.S. at
however, this court finds that Plaintiffs have failed to establish 4-5, 127 S.Ct. 5; see also Texas All. for Retired Americans
a likelihood of success on the merits of their Equal Protection v. Hughs, ––– F.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5816887, at *2
challenge. (5th Cir. Sept. 30, 2020) (“The principle ... is clear: court
changes of election laws close in time to the election are
strongly disfavored.”). This year alone, the Purcell doctrine of
noninterference has been invoked by federal courts in cases
4. Irreparable Harm
involving witness requirements and cure provisions during
*22 In addition to a likelihood of success on the merits, COVID-19, Clark v. Edwards, Civil Action No. 20-283-SDD-
a plaintiff must also make a “clear showing that it is likely RLB, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 3415376,
to be irreparably harmed absent preliminary relief” in order at *1-2 (M.D. La. June 22, 2020); the implementation of an
to obtain a preliminary injunction. UBS Fin. Servs. Inc. v. all-mail election plan developed by county election officials,
Carilion Clinic, 880 F. Supp. 2d 724, 733 (E.D. Va. 2012) Paher v. Cegavske, 2020 WL 2748301, at *1, *6 (D. Nev.
(quoting Real Truth About Obama, Inc. v. Fed. Election 2020); and the use of college IDs for voting, Common Cause
Comm'n, 575 F.3d 342, 347 (4th Cir. 2009)). Further, an v. Thomsen, No. 19-cv-323-JDP, 2020 WL 5665475, at *1
injury is typically deemed irreparable if monetary damages (W.D. Wis. Sept. 23, 2020) – just to name a few.
are inadequate or difficult to ascertain. See Multi-Channel TV
Cable Co. v. Charlottesville Quality Cable Operating Co., 22 Purcell is not a per se rejection of any injunctive relief close
F.3d 546, 551 (4th Cir. 1994), abrogated on other grounds by to an election. However, as the Supreme Court's restoration of
Winter, 555 U.S. at 22, 129 S.Ct. 365. “Courts routinely deem the South Carolina witness requirement last week illustrates,
restrictions on fundamental voting rights irreparable injury.” a heavy thumb on the scale weighs against changes to voting
League of Women Voters of N.C. v. North Carolina, 769 F.3d regulations. Andino v. Middleton, ––– U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct.
224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014). “[O]nce the election occurs, there ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 5887393, at *1 (Oct.
can be no do-over and no redress. The injury to these voters 5, 2020) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (“By enjoining South
is real and completely irreparable if nothing is done to enjoin Carolina's witness requirement shortly before the election, the
th[ese] law[s].” Id. District Court defied [the Purcell] principle and this Court's
precedents.”).
The court therefore finds Plaintiffs have demonstrated a
likelihood of irreparable injury regarding the Equal Protection In this case, there are two SBE revisions where this court has
challenges to the Witness Requirement and the Receipt found that Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on the merits. First,
Deadline Extension. the Witness Requirement Cure Procedure, which determines
whether SBE will send the voter a cure certification or
spoil the ballot and issue a new one. This court has, on
separate grounds, already enjoined the Witness Requirement
5. Balance of Equities Cure Procedure in Democracy North Carolina v. North
Carolina State Board of Elections, No. 1:20CV457, 2020
The third factor in determining whether preliminary relief
WL 6058048 (M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020) (enjoining witness
is appropriate is whether the plaintiff demonstrates “that the
cure procedure). Thus, the issue of injunctive relief on the
balance of equities tips in his favors.” Winter, 555 U.S. at 20,
Witness Requirement Cure Procedure is moot at this time.
129 S.Ct. 365.
Nevertheless, in the absence of relief in Democracy, it seems
likely that SBE's creation of “preferred class[es] of voters”,
The Supreme Court's decision in Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549
Gray, 372 U.S. at 380, 83 S.Ct. 801, with elimination of the
U.S. 1, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166 L.Ed.2d 1 (2006), urges that this
witness requirement and the cure procedure could merit relief
court should issue injunctive relief as narrowly as possible.
in this case.
The Supreme Court has made clear that “lower federal courts
should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of
an election,” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Democratic Nat'l
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in the past.”). Plaintiffs allege no such extra harms, and in 704 (2015) (finding plaintiff “[t]he Arizona Legislature” had
fact, do not speak to standing in their brief at all. standing in an Elections Clause case only because it was
“an institutional plaintiff asserting an institutional injury”
which “commenced this action after authorizing votes in
both of its chambers”). Moore and Berger argued the general
ii. Standing in Moore
authorization in N.C. Gen. Stat. Section 120-32.6(b), which
*24 In Moore, both Plaintiff Moore and Plaintiff Berger explicitly authorizes them to represent the General Assembly
are leaders of chambers in the General Assembly. The “[w]henever the validity or constitutionality of an act of the
Plaintiffs allege harm stemming from SBE flouting the General Assembly or a provision of the Constitution of North
General Assembly's institutional authority. (Wise Pls.’ Mot. Carolina is the subject of an action in any State or federal
(Doc. 43) at 16.) However, as Proposed Intervenors NC court.” N.C. Gen. Stat. § 120-32.6(b). The text of § 120-32.6
Alliance argue, “a subset of legislators has no standing to references N.C. Gen. Stat. § 1-72.2, which further specifies
bring a case based on purported harm to the Legislature as that Plaintiffs will “jointly have standing to intervene on
a whole.” (Alliance Resp. (Doc. 64) at 15.) The Supreme behalf of the General Assembly as a party in any judicial
Court has held that legislative plaintiffs can bring Elections proceeding challenging a North Carolina statute or provision
Clause claims on behalf of the legislature itself only if they of the North Carolina Constitution.” (emphasis added).
allege some extra, particularized harm to themselves – or
some direct authority from the whole legislative body to bring Neither statute, however, authorizes them to represent the
the legal claim. Specifically, the Supreme Court found a lack General Assembly as a whole when acting as plaintiffs
of standing where “[legislative plaintiffs] have alleged no in a case such as this one. See N.C. State Conference
injury to themselves as individuals”; where “the institutional of NAACP v. Berger, 970 F.3d 489, 501 (4th Cir. 2020)
injury they allege is wholly abstract and widely disperse”; and (granting standing to Moore and Berger in case where
where the plaintiffs “have not been authorized to represent North Carolina law was directly challenged, distinguishing
their respective Houses of Congress in this action.” Raines v. “execution of the law” from “defense of a challenged act”).
Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 829, 117 S.Ct. 2312, 138 L.Ed.2d 849 The facts of this case do not match up with this court's
(1997). prior application of N.C. Gen. Stat. § 1-72.2, which has
been invoked where legislators defend the constitutionality
An opinion in a very similar case in the Middle District of of legislation passed by the legislature when the executive
Pennsylvania is instructive: declines to do so. See Fisher-Borne v. Smith, 14 F. Supp.
3d 699, 703 (M.D.N.C. 2014). Furthermore, to the extent
[T]he claims in the complaint rest solely on the purported Plaintiffs Moore and Berger disagree with the challenged
usurpation of the Pennsylvania General Assembly's provisions of the Consent Judgment, they have not alleged
exclusive rights under the Elections Clause of the United they lack the authority to bring the legislature back into
States Constitution. We do not gainsay that these [two] session to negate SBE's exercise of settlement authority. See
Senate leaders are in some sense aggrieved by the N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-22.2.
Pennsylvania Supreme Court's actions. But that grievance
alone does not carry them over the standing bar. United *25 Thus, even Plaintiff Moore and Plaintiff Berger
States Supreme Court precedent is clear — a legislator lack standing to proceed with the Elections Clause claim.
suffers no Article III injury when alleged harm is borne Nonetheless, this court will briefly address the merits as well.
equally by all members of the legislature.
Corman, 287 F. Supp. 3d at 567. In the instant case, the two
members of the legislature do not allege individual injury. The
2. Merits of Elections Clause Claim
institutional injury they allege is dispersed across the entire
General Assembly. The crucial element, then, is whether
Moore and Berger are authorized by the General Assembly to a. The ‘Legislature’ May Delegate to SBE
represent its interests. The General Assembly has not directly
authorized Plaintiffs to represent its interests in this specific The Elections Clause of the U.S. Constitution states that the
case. See Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting “Times, Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Senators
Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 802, 135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the
Legislature thereof.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. Plaintiffs
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assert that the General Assembly instituted one such time/ unconstitutional. See Donald J. Trump for President, –––
place/manner rule regarding the election by passing H.B. F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5810556, at *12 (finding that
1169. Therefore, Plaintiffs argue, SBE “usurped the General the legislature's “decision to afford” the Governor certain
Assembly's authority” when it “plainly modif[ied]” what the statutory powers to alter the time/place/manner of elections
General Assembly had implemented. (Wise Pls.’ Mot. (Doc. was legitimate under the Elections Clause).
43) at 14.)
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N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-22.2. While the authority delegated the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency
under this statute is broad, it limits SBE's powers to Assistance Act, 42 U.S.C. 5121 et seq. (the “Stafford Act”).
implementing rules that “do not conflict with any provisions Therefore, I declare that such a major disaster exists in the
of this Chapter.” Moreover, this power appears to exist only State of North Carolina.
“until such time as the General Assembly convenes.” Id. By Notice, North Carolina; Major Disaster and Related
eliminating the witness requirement, SBE implemented a rule Determinations, 85 Fed. Reg. 20701 (Mar. 25, 2020)
that conflicted directly with the statutes enacted by the North (emphasis added). The President cited the Stafford Act as
Carolina legislature. justification for declaring a major disaster. See 42 U.S.C.
§ 5122(2). Notably, neither the Governor's Emergency
Moreover, SBE's power to “enter into agreement with Proclamation nor the Presidential Proclamation identified
the courts in lieu of protracted litigation” is limited by COVID-19 as a natural disaster.
the language “until such time as the General Assembly
convenes.” Id. Plaintiffs appear to have a remedy to what they On March 12, 2020, the Executive Director of SBE, Karen
contend is an overreach of SBE authority by convening. Brinson Bell (“Bell”), crafted an amendment to SBE's
Emergency Powers rule. Bell's proposed rule change provided
as follows:
ii. SBE's Power to Override the Legislature in an (a) In exercising his or her emergency powers and
Emergency determining whether the “normal schedule” for the election
has been disrupted in accordance with G.S. 163A-750 ,
Second, Defendants rely upon N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-27.1.
163-27.1, the Executive Director shall consider whether
That statute provides:
one or more components of election administration has
(a) The Executive Director, as chief State elections official, been impaired. The Executive Director shall consult
may exercise emergency powers to conduct an election with State Board members when exercising his or her
in a district where the normal schedule for the election is emergency powers if feasible given the circumstances set
disrupted by any of the following: forth in this Rule.
(1) A natural disaster. (b) For the purposes of G.S. 163A-750 , 163-27.1, the
following shall apply:
(2) Extremely inclement weather.
(1) A natural disaster or extremely inclement weather
(3) An armed conflict involving Armed Forces of the include a: any of the following:
United States, or mobilization of those forces, including
North Carolina National Guard and reserve components (A) Hurricane;
of the Armed Forces of the United States.
(B) Tornado;
N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-27.1(a)(1-3). As neither (a)(2) or (3)
apply, the parties agree that only (a)(1), a natural disaster, is at (C) Storm or snowstorm;
issue in this case. On March 10, 2020, the Governor of North
Carolina declared a state of emergency as a result of the spread (D) Flood;
of COVID-19. N.C. Exec. Order No. 116 (March 10, 2020).
Notably, the Governor did not declare a disaster pursuant to (E) Tidal wave or tsunami;
N.C. Gen. Stat. § 166A-19.21. Instead, on March 25, 2020, it
(F) Earthquake or volcanic eruption;
was the President of the United States who declared a state of
disaster existed in North Carolina: (G) Landslide or mudslide; or
*27 I have determined that the emergency conditions in (H) Catastrophe arising from natural causes resulted
the State of North Carolina resulting from the Coronavirus and resulting in a disaster declaration by the President
Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic beginning on January of the United States or the Governor. Governor, a
20, 2020, and continuing, are of sufficient severity and national emergency declaration by the President of
magnitude to warrant a major disaster declaration under the United States, or a state of emergency declaration
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contemplated by the state legislature when § 163-27.1 (or its of states, I think at this point, do not have a witness
predecessor, § 163A-750) was passed. To the contrary, the requirement.
Emergency Powers are limited to an election “in a district
where the normal schedule for the election is disrupted.” N.C. But as Director Bell testified, they're going to have one
Gen. Stat. § 163-27.1(a). Nothing about COVID-19 disrupts of two things. They're going to either have the witness
the normal schedule for the election as might be associated requirement, or they're going to have a means of verifying
with hurricanes, tornadoes, or other natural disasters. the signature ....
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Footnotes
1 All citations in this Memorandum Opinion and Order to documents filed with the court refer to the page numbers located
at the bottom right-hand corner of the documents as they appear on CM/ECF.
2 In Democracy N. Carolina v. N.C. State Board of Elections, No. 1:20CV457, an order is entered contemporaneously with
this Memorandum Opinion and Order enjoining certain aspects of the Revised Memo 2020-19.
3 The Memoranda incorrectly cites this statute as N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-223.6(a)(5).
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4 An additional discussion of the facts related to SBE's use of this court's order in obtaining a Consent Judgment is set
out in this court's order in Democracy v. North Carolina State Board of Elections, No. 1:20CV457, 2020 WL 6058048
(M.D.N.C. Oct. 14, 2020) (enjoining witness cure procedure).
5 Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors’ memoranda filed in opposition to Plaintiffs’ motions for a preliminary injunction
in Moore are identical to those that each party filed in Wise. (Compare SBE Resp. (Doc. 65) and Alliance Resp. (Doc.
64) with Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 45) and Wise, No. 1:20CV912 (Doc. 47).) For clarity and ease, this court will cite
only to the briefs Defendant SBE and Alliance Intervenors filed in Moore in subsequent citations.
6 Plaintiffs do not challenge the use of the cure affidavit for ballot deficiencies generally, aside from arguing that the cure
affidavit circumvents the statutory Witness Requirement. (See Moore Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 93; Wise Compl. (Doc. 1) ¶ 124.)
Although not raised by Plaintiffs, this courts finds the indefiniteness of the cure affidavit language troubling as a means
of correcting even curable ballot deficiencies.
During oral arguments, Defendants did not and could not clearly define what it means to “vote,” (see, e.g., Oral Argument
Tr. (Doc. 70) at 130-32), which is all that the affidavit requires voters to attest that they have done. (Moore v. Circosta, No.
1:20CV911, State Court Consent Judgment (Doc. 45-1) at 34.) Under the vague “I voted” language used in the affidavit,
a voter who completed their ballot with assistance from an unauthorized individual; a voter who does not qualify for voting
assistance; or a voter who simply delegated the responsibility for completing their ballot to another person could truthfully
sign this affidavit, although all three acts are prohibited under state law. See N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-226.3(a)(1). Because
the cure affidavit does not define what it means to vote, voters are permitted to decide what that means for themselves.
This presents additional Equal Protection concerns. A state must ensure that there is “no preferred class of voters but
equality among those who meet the basic qualifications.” Gray, 372 U.S. at 380, 83 S.Ct. 801. Because the affidavit
does not serve as an adequate means to ensure that voters did not engage in unauthorized ballot casting procedures,
inevitably, not all voters will be held to the same standards for casting their ballot. This is, by definition, arbitrary and
disparate treatment inconsistent with existing state law.
This court's concerns notwithstanding, however, Plaintiffs do not challenge the use of a cure affidavit in other contexts,
so this court will decline to enjoin the use of a cure affidavit beyond its application as an alternative for compliance with
the Witness Requirement.
7 Notably, Bell makes no finding as to whether this is a Type I, II, or III Declaration of Disaster, which would in turn limit
the term of the Disaster Declaration. See, e.g., N.C. Gen. Stat. § 166A-19.21.
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EXHIBIT 7
December 3, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70, a
supporting legal memorandum, and an appendix have been filed on behalf of petitioners, Donald
J. Trump, et al. Responses to the petition have been filed by (1) Governor Tony Evers; (2) the
Wisconsin Elections Commission and its Chair, Ann S. Jacobs; (3) Scott McDonell, Dane County
Clerk, and Alan A. Arnsten and Joyce Waldrop, members of the Dane County Board of
Canvassers; and (4) George L. Christensen, Milwaukee County Clerk, and Timothy H. Posnanski,
Richard Baas, and Dawn Martin, members of the Milwaukee County Board of Canvassers. A non-
party brief in support of the petition has been filed by the Liberty Justice Center. A motion to
intervene, a proposed response of proposed respondents-intervenors, and an appendix have been
filed by the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Margaret J. Andrietsch, Sheila Stubbs,
Ronald Martin, Mandela Barnes, Khary Penebaker, Mary Arnold, Patty Schachtner, Shannon
Holsey, and Benjamin Wikler (collectively, “the Biden electors”). The court having considered
all of the filings,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied. One
or more appeals from the determination(s) of one or more boards of canvassers or from the
determination of the chairperson of the Wisconsin Elections Commission may be filed by an
aggrieved candidate in circuit court. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6); and
1
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017–18 version.
2
The legislature generally can and does set deadlines and define procedures that
circumscribe a court’s competence to act in a given case. Village of Trempealeau v. Mikrut, 2004
WI 79, ¶9–10, 273 Wis. 2d 76, 681 N.W.2d 190. The constitution would obviously override these
legislative choices where the two conflict.
The Respondents argue, in part, that we lack subject matter jurisdiction because of the
"exclusive judicial remedy" provision found in Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11) (2017-18).3 Alternatively,
the Respondents assert that we should deny this petition because fact-finding is required, and we
are not a fact-finding tribunal.
I conclude that we have subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for
original action pending before us. Our jurisdiction arises from the Wisconsin Constitution and
cannot be impeded by statute. Wis. Const., art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire v. Booth,
2016 WI 65, ¶7, 370 Wis. 2d 595, 882 N.W.2d 738. Furthermore, time is of the essence.
However, fact-finding may be central to our evaluation of some of the questions presented.
I agree that the circuit court should examine the record presented during the canvasses to make
factual findings where legal challenges to the vote turn on questions of fact. However, I dissent
because I would grant the petition for original action, refer for necessary factual findings to the
circuit court, who would then report its factual findings to us, and we would decide the important
legal questions presented.
I also write separately to emphasize that by denying this petition, and requiring both the
factual questions and legal questions be resolved first by a circuit court, four justices of this court
are ignoring that there are significant time constraints that may preclude our deciding significant
legal issues that cry out for resolution by the Wisconsin Supreme Court.
I. DISCUSSION
The Petitioners set out four categories of absentee votes that they allege should not have
been counted because they were not lawfully cast: (1) votes cast during the 14-day period for in-
person absentee voting at a clerk's office with what are alleged to be insufficient written requests
for absentee ballots, pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 6.86(1)(b); (2) votes cast when a clerk has completed
information missing from the ballot envelope, contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87(6d); (3) votes cast by
those who obtained an absentee ballot after March 25, 2020 by alleging that they were indefinitely
3
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017–18 version.
confined; and (4) votes cast in Madison at "Democracy in the Park" events on September 26 and
October 3, in advance of the 14-day period before the election, contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87.
Some of the Respondents have asserted that WEC has been advising clerks to add missing
information to ballot envelopes for years, so the voters should not be punished for following
WEC's advice. They make similar claims for the collection of votes more than 14 days before the
November 3 election.
If WEC has been giving advice contrary to statute, those acts do not make the advice lawful.
WEC must follow the law. We, as the law declaring court, owe it to the public to declare whether
WEC's advice is incorrect. However, doing so does not necessarily lead to striking absentee ballots
that were cast by following incorrect WEC advice. The remedy Petitioners seek may be out of
reach for a number of reasons.
Procedures by which Wisconsin elections are conducted must be fair to all voters. This is
an important election, but it is not the last election in which WEC will be giving advice. If we do
not shoulder our responsibilities, we leave future elections to flounder and potentially result in the
public's perception that Wisconsin elections are unfair. The Wisconsin Supreme Court can uphold
elections by examining the procedures for which complaint was made here and explaining to all
where the WEC was correct and where it was not.
I also am concerned that the public will misunderstand what our denial of the petition
means. Occasionally, members of the public seem to believe that a denial of our acceptance of a
case signals that the petition's allegations are either false or not serious. Nothing could be further
from the truth. Indeed, sometimes, we deny petitions even when it appears that a law has been
violated. Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶14–16, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d
877 (Roggensack, C.J., dissenting).
II. CONCLUSION
I conclude that we have subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for
original action pending before us. Our jurisdiction arises from the Wisconsin Constitution and
cannot be impeded by statute. Wis. Const., art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire, 370 Wis. 2d
595, ¶7. Furthermore, time is of the essence.
However, fact-finding may be central to our evaluation of some of the questions presented.
I agree that the circuit court should examine the record presented during the canvasses to make
factual findings where legal challenges to the vote turn on questions of fact. However, I dissent
because I would grant the petition for original action, refer for necessary factual findings to the
circuit court, who would then report its factual findings to us, and we would decide the important
legal questions presented.
I am authorized to state that Justice ANNETTE KINGSLAND ZIEGLER joins this dissent.
The President of the United States challenges the legality of the manner in which certain
Wisconsin election officials directed the casting of absentee ballots, asserting they adopted and
implemented particular procedures in violation of Wisconsin law. The respondents implore this
court to reject the challenge because, they argue, declaring the law at this point would
"retroactively change the rules" after the election. It is THE LAW that constitutes "the rules" of
the election and election officials are bound to follow the law, if we are to be governed by the rule
of law, and not of men.
Under the Wisconsin Constitution, "all governmental power derives 'from the consent of
the governed' and government officials may act only within the confines of the authority the people
give them. Wis. Const. art. I, § 1." Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, ¶66, 391 Wis. 2d
497, 942 N.W.2d 900 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring). The Founders designed our
"republic to be a government of laws, and not of men . . . bound by fixed laws, which the people
have a voice in making, and a right to defend." John Adams, Novanglus: A History of the Dispute
with America, from Its Origin, in 1754, to the Present Time, in Revolutionary Writings of John
Adams (C. Bradley Thompson ed. 2000) (emphasis in original). Allowing any person, or
unelected commission of six, to be "bound by no law or limitation but his own will" defies the will
of the people. Id.
The importance of having the State's highest court resolve the significant legal issues
presented by the petitioners warrants the exercise of this court's constitutional authority to hear
this case as an original action. See Wis. Const. Art. VII, § 3. "The purity
and integrity of elections is a matter of such prime importance, and affects so many important
interests, that the courts ought never to hesitate, when the opportunity is offered, to test them by
the strictest legal standards." State v. Conness, 106 Wis. 425, 82 N.W. 288, 289 (1900). While
the court reserves this exercise of its jurisdiction for those original actions of statewide
significance, it is beyond dispute that "[e]lections are the foundation of American government and
their integrity is of such monumental importance that any threat to their validity should trigger not
only our concern but our prompt action." State ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-
W (S. Ct. Order issued June 1, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
The majority notes that an action "may be filed by an aggrieved candidate in circuit court.
Wis. Stat. § 9.01(6)." Justice Hagedorn goes so far as to suggest that § 9.01 "constitutes the
'exclusive judicial remedy' applicable to this claim." No statute, however, can circumscribe the
constitutional jurisdiction of the Wisconsin Supreme Court to hear this (or any) case as an original
action. "The Wisconsin Constitution IS the law—and it reigns supreme over any statute."
Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 391 Wis. 2d 497, ¶67 n.3 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring).
"The Constitution's supremacy over legislation bears repeating: 'the Constitution is to be
considered in court as a paramount law' and 'a law repugnant to the Constitution is void, and . . .
courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.' See Marbury [v. Madison], 5
U.S. (1 Cranch) [137] at 178, 180 [1803])." Mayo v. Wis. Injured Patients and Families Comp.
Fund, 2018 WI 78, ¶91, 383 Wis. 2d 1, 914 N.W.2d 678 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., concurring).
Wisconsin Statute § 9.01 is compatible with the constitution. While it provides an avenue for
aggrieved candidates to pursue an appeal to a circuit court after completion of the recount
determination, it does not foreclose the candidate's option to ask this court to grant his petition for
an original action. Any contrary reading would render the law in conflict with the constitution and
therefore void. Under the constitutional-doubt canon of statutory interpretation, "[a] statute should
be interpreted in a way that avoids placing its constitutionality in doubt." Antonin Scalia & Brian
A. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 247. See also Wisconsin Legislature
v. Palm, 391 Wis. 2d 497, ¶31 ("[W]e disfavor statutory interpretations that unnecessarily raise
serious constitutional questions about the statute under consideration.").
While some will either celebrate or decry the court's inaction based upon the impact on
their preferred candidate, the importance of this case transcends the results of this particular
election. "Confidence in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to the functioning of
our participatory democracy." Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006). The majority takes a
pass on resolving the important questions presented by the petitioners in this case, thereby
undermining the public's confidence in the integrity of Wisconsin's electoral processes not only
during this election, but in every future election. Alarmingly, the court's inaction also signals to
the WEC that it may continue to administer elections in whatever manner it chooses, knowing that
the court has repeatedly declined to scrutinize its conduct. Regardless of whether the WEC's
actions affect election outcomes, the integrity of every election will be tarnished by the public's
mistrust until the Wisconsin Supreme Court accepts its responsibility to declare what the election
laws say. "Only . . . the supreme court can provide the necessary clarity to guide all election
officials in this state on how to conform their procedures to the law" going forward. State ex rel.
Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca
Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
The majority's recent pattern of deferring or altogether dodging decisions on election law
controversies4 cannot be reconciled with its lengthy history of promptly hearing cases involving
4
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶¶84, 86, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877
(Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting) ("The majority upholds the Wisconsin Elections
Commission's violation of Wisconsin law, which irrefutably entitles Howie Hawkins and Angela
Walker to appear on Wisconsin's November 2020 general election ballot as candidates for
President and Vice President of the United States . . . . In dodging its responsibility to uphold
the rule of law, the majority ratifies a grave threat to our republic, suppresses the votes of
voting rights and election processes under the court's original jurisdiction or by bypassing the court
of appeals.5 While the United States Supreme Court has recognized that "a state indisputably has
a compelling interest in preserving the integrity of its election process[,]" Burson v. Freeman, 504
U.S. 191, 199 (1992), the majority of this court repeatedly demonstrates a lack of any interest in
doing so, offering purely discretionary excuses or no reasoning at all. This year, the majority in
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n declined to hear a claim that the WEC unlawfully kept the Green
Party's candidates for President and Vice President off of the ballot, ostensibly because the
majority felt the candidates' claims were brought "too late."6 But when litigants have filed cases
involving voting rights well in advance of Wisconsin elections, the court has "take[n] a pass,"
Wisconsin citizens, irreparably impairs the integrity of Wisconsin's elections, and undermines the
confidence of American citizens in the outcome of a presidential election"); State ex rel. Zignego
v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl
Bradley, J., dissenting)) ("In declining to hear a case presenting issues of first impression
immediately impacting the voting rights of Wisconsin citizens and the integrity of impending
elections, the court shirks its institutional responsibilities to the people who elected us to make
important decisions, thereby signaling the issues are not worthy of our prompt attention."); State
ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued June 1, 2020 (Rebecca
Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)) ("A majority of this court disregards its duty to the people we serve
by inexplicably delaying the final resolution of a critically important and time-sensitive case
involving voting rights and the integrity of Wisconsin's elections.").
5
See, e.g., NAACP v. Walker, 2014 WI 98, ¶¶1, 18, 357 Wis. 2d 469, 851
N.W.2d 262 (2014) (this court took jurisdiction of appeal on its own motion in order to decide
constitutionality of the voter identification act enjoined by lower court); Elections Bd. of
Wisconsin v. Wisconsin Mfrs. & Commerce, 227 Wis. 2d 650, 653, 670, 597 N.W.2d 721 (1999)
(this court granted bypass petition to decide whether express advocacy advertisements advocating
the defeat or reelection of incumbent legislators violated campaign finance laws, in absence of
cases interpreting applicable statutes); State ex rel. La Follette v. Democratic Party of United
States, 93 Wis. 2d 473, 480-81, 287 N.W.2d 519 (1980) (original action deciding whether
Wisconsin open primary system was binding on national political parties or infringed their freedom
of association), rev'd, Democratic Party of United States v. Wisconsin ex rel. La Follette, 450 U.S.
107 (1981); State ex rel. Reynolds v. Zimmerman, 22 Wis. 2d 544, 548, 126 N.W.2d 551 (1964)
(original action seeking to enjoin state from holding elections pursuant to legislative
apportionment alleged to violate constitutional rights); State ex rel. Broughton v. Zimmerman, 261
Wis. 398, 400, 52 N.W.2d 903 (1952) (original action to restrain the state from holding elections
based on districts as defined prior to enactment of reapportionment law), overruled in part by
Reynolds, 22 Wis. 2d 544; State ex rel. Conlin v. Zimmerman, 245 Wis. 475, 476, 15 N.W.2d 32
(1944) (original action to interpret statutes in determining whether candidate for Governor timely
filed papers to appear on primary election ballot).
6
Hawkins v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n, 2020 WI 75, ¶5, 393 Wis. 2d 629, 948 N.W.2d 877
(denying the petition for leave to commence an original action).
thereby "irreparably den[ying] the citizens of Wisconsin a timely resolution of issues that impact
voter rights and the integrity of our elections." State ex rel. Zignego v. Wis. Elec. Comm'n,
2020AP123-W (S. Ct. Order issued January 13, 2020 (Rebecca Grassl Bradley, J., dissenting)).
Having neglected to identify any principles guiding its decisions, the majority leaves Wisconsin's
voters and candidates guessing as to when, exactly, they should file their cases in order for the
majority to deem them worthy of the court's attention.
The consequence of the majority operating by whim rather than rule is to leave the
interpretation of multiple election laws in flux—or worse yet, in the hands of the unelected
members of the WEC. "To be free is to live under a government by law . . . . Miserable is the
condition of individuals, danger is the condition of the state, if there is no certain law, or, which is
the same thing, no certain administration of the law . . . ." Judgment in Rex vs. Shipley, 21 St
Tr 847 (K.B. 1784) (Lord Mansfield presiding). The Wisconsin Supreme Court has an institutional
responsibility to decide important questions of law—not for the benefit of particular litigants, but
for citizens we were elected to serve. Justice for the people of Wisconsin means ensuring the
integrity of Wisconsin's elections. A majority of this court disregards its duty to the people of
Wisconsin, denying them justice.
"No aspect of the judicial power is more fundamental than the judiciary's exclusive
responsibility to exercise judgment in cases and controversies arising under the law." Gabler v.
Crime Victims Rights Bd., 2017 WI 67, ¶37, 376 Wis. 2d 147, 897 N.W.2d 384. Once again, a
majority of this court instead "chooses to sit idly by,"7 in a nationally important and time-sensitive
case involving voting rights and the integrity of Wisconsin's elections, depriving the people of
Wisconsin of answers to questions of statutory law that only the state's highest court may resolve.
The majority's "refusal to hear this case shows insufficient respect to the State of [Wisconsin], its
voters,"8 and its elections.
"This great source of free government, popular election, should be perfectly pure."
Alexander Hamilton, Speech at New York Ratifying Convention (June 21, 1788), in Debates on
the Federal Constitution 257 (J. Elliot ed. 1876). The majority's failure to act leaves an indelible
stain on our most recent election. It will also profoundly and perhaps irreparably impact all local,
statewide, and national elections going forward, with grave consequence to the State of Wisconsin
and significant harm to the rule of law. Petitioners assert troubling allegations of noncompliance
with Wisconsin's election laws by public officials on whom the voters rely to ensure free and fair
elections. It is not "impulse"9 but our solemn judicial duty to say what the law is that compels the
exercise of our original jurisdiction in this case. The majority's failure to embrace its duty (or even
7
United Student Aid Funds, Inc. v. Bible, 136 S. Ct. 1607, 1609 (2016) (Thomas, J.,
dissenting from the denial of certiorari).
8
County of Maricopa, Arizona v. Lopez-Valenzuela, 135 S. Ct. 2046, 2046 (2015)
(Thomas, J., dissenting from the denial of certiorari).
9
See Justice Hagedorn's concurrence.
an impulse) to decide this case risks perpetuating violations of the law by those entrusted to follow
it. I dissent.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
Marc E. Elias
December 4, 2020
To:
You are hereby notified that the Court has entered the following order:
A petition for leave to commence an original action under Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70 and
a supplement thereto, a supporting legal memorandum, and supporting expert reports have been
filed on behalf of petitioners, Wisconsin Voters Alliance, et al. A response to the petition has been
filed by respondents, Wisconsin Elections Commission, Ann S. Jacobs, Mark L. Thomsen, Marge
Bostelman, Julie M. Glancey, Dean Knudsen, and Robert F. Spindell, and a separate response has
been filed by respondent Governor Tony Evers. Amicus briefs regarding the issue of whether to
grant leave to commence an original action have been filed by (1) Christine Todd Whitman, et al;
(2) the City of Milwaukee; (3) Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, et al.; and (4) the Center for
Tech and Civic Life. In addition, a motion to intervene has been filed by proposed intervenor-
respondent, Democratic National Committee.
After considering all of the filings, we conclude that this petition does not satisfy our
standards for granting leave to commence an original action. Although the petition raises time-
sensitive questions of statewide significance, “issues of material fact [would] prevent the court
from addressing the legal issues presented.” State ex rel. Ozanne v. Fitzgerald, 2011 WI 43, ¶19,
334 Wis. 2d 70, 798 N.W.2d 436 (Prosser, J., concurring). It is therefore not an appropriate case
in which to exercise our original jurisdiction. Accordingly,
IT IS ORDERED that the petition for leave to commence an original action is denied; and
BRIAN HAGEDORN, J., (concurring). The Wisconsin Voters Alliance and a group of
Wisconsin voters bring a petition for an original action raising a variety of questions about the
operation of the November 3, 2020 presidential election. Some of these legal issues may, under
other circumstances, be subject to further judicial consideration. But the real stunner here is the
sought-after remedy. We are invited to invalidate the entire presidential election in Wisconsin by
declaring it “null”—yes, the whole thing. And there’s more. We should, we are told, enjoin the
Wisconsin Elections Commission from certifying the election so that Wisconsin’s presidential
electors can be chosen by the legislature instead, and then compel the Governor to certify those
electors. At least no one can accuse the petitioners of timidity.
Such a move would appear to be unprecedented in American history. One might expect
that this solemn request would be paired with evidence of serious errors tied to a substantial and
demonstrated set of illegal votes. Instead, the evidentiary support rests almost entirely on the
unsworn expert report1 of a former campaign employee that offers statistical estimates based on
call center samples and social media research.
This petition falls far short of the kind of compelling evidence and legal support we would
undoubtedly need to countenance the court-ordered disenfranchisement of every Wisconsin voter.
The petition does not even justify the exercise of our original jurisdiction.
As an initial matter, the Wisconsin Supreme Court is not a fact-finding tribunal. Yet the
petition depends upon disputed factual claims. In other words, we couldn’t just accept one side’s
description of the facts or one side’s expert report even if we were inclined to believe them.2 That
alone means this case is not well-suited for an original action. The petition’s legal support is no
less wanting. For example, it does not explain why its challenge to various election processes
1
After filing their petition for original action, the Petitioners submitted a second expert
report. But the second report only provides additional computations based on the assumptions and
calculations in the initial expert report.
2
The Attorney General and Governor offer legitimate arguments that this report would not
even be admissible evidence under Wis. Stat. § 907.02 (2017-18).
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 2017-18 version.
comes after the election, and not before. Nor does it grapple with how voiding the presidential
election results would impact every other race on the ballot, or consider the import of election
statutes that may provide the “exclusive remedy.”3 These are just a few of the glaring flaws that
render the petition woefully deficient. I therefore join the court’s order denying the original action.
I do not mean to suggest this court should look the other way no matter what. But if there
is a sufficient basis to invalidate an election, it must be established with evidence and arguments
commensurate with the scale of the claims and the relief sought. These petitioners have come
nowhere close. While the rough and tumble world of electoral politics may be the prism through
which many view this litigation, it cannot be so for us. In these hallowed halls, the law must rule.
Our disposal of this case should not be understood as a determination or comment on the
merits of the underlying legal issues; judicial review of certain Wisconsin election practices may
be appropriate. But this petition does not merit further consideration by this court, much less grant
us a license to invalidate every single vote cast in Wisconsin’s 2020 presidential election.
3
See Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11) (providing that § 9.01 “constitutes the exclusive judicial remedy
for testing the right to hold an elective office as the result of an alleged irregularity, defect or
mistake committed during the voting or canvassing process”); Wis. Stat. § 5.05(2m)(k) (describing
“[t]he commission’s power to initiate civil actions” under § 5.05(2m) as the “exclusive remedy for
alleged civil violations of chs. 5 to 10 or 12”).
2020, presidential election.4 This is the third time that a majority of this court has turned its back
on pleas from the public to address a matter of statewide concern that requires a declaration of
what the statutes require for absentee voting. I dissent and write separately because I have
concluded that the court has not meet its institutional responsibilities by repeatedly refusing to
address legal issues presented in all three cases.
I agree with Justice Hagedorn that we are not a circuit court, and therefore, generally, we
do not take cases for which fact-finding is required. Green for Wisconsin v. State Elections Bd.,
2006 WI 120, 297 Wis. 2d 300, 301, 723 N.W.2d 418. However, when the legal issue that we
wish to address requires it, we have taken cases that do require factual development, referring any
necessary factual determinations to a referee or to a circuit court. State ex rel. LeFebre v. Israel,
109 Wis. 2d 337, 339, 325 N.W.2d 899 (1982); State ex rel White v. Gray, 58 Wis. 2d 285, 286,
206 N.W.163 (1973).
We also have taken cases where the issues we wish to address are purely legal questions
for which no factual development is required in order to state what the law requires. Wisconsin
Legislature v. Palm, 2020 WI 42, 391 Wis. 2d 497, 942 N.W.2d 900. The statutory authority of
WEC is a purely legal question. There is no factual development required for us to declare what
the law requires in absentee voting.
Justice Hagedorn is concerned about some of the relief that Petitioners request. He begins
his concurrence saying, "the real stunner here is the sought after remedy." He next relates, "The
relief being sought by the petitioners is the most dramatic invocation of judicial power I have ever
seen." Then, he concludes with, "this petition does not merit further consideration by this court,
much less grant us a license to invalidate every single vote cast in Wisconsin’s 2020 presidential
election."5
Those are scary thoughts, but Justice Hagedorn has the cart before the horse in regard to
our consideration of this petition for an original action. We grant petitions to exercise our
jurisdiction based on whether the legal issues presented are of state wide concern, not based on the
remedies requested. Petition of Heil, 230 Wis. 428, 284 N.W.42 (1938).
Granting a petition does not carry with it the court's view that the remedy sought is
appropriate for the legal issues raised. Historically, we often do not provide all the relief requested.
Bartlett v. Evers, 2020 WI 68, ¶9, 393 Wis. 2d 172, 945 N.W.2d 685 (upholding some but not all
partial vetoes). There have been occasions when we have provided none of the relief requested by
the petitioner, but nevertheless declared the law. See Sands v. Menard, Inc., 2010 WI 96, ¶46, 328
Wis. 2d 647, 787 N.W.2d 384 (concluding that while reinstatement is the preferred remedy under
4
Trump v. Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA, unpublished order (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020);
Mueller v. WEC, No. 2020AP1958-OA, unpublished order (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 3, 2020) and
Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. WEC, No. 2020AP193-OA.
5
Justice Hagedorn forgets to mention that one form of relief sought by Petitioners is, "Any
other relief the Court deems appropriate."
Title VII, it is an equitable remedy that may or may not be appropriate); Coleman v. Percy, 96
Wis. 2d 578, 588-89, 292 N.W.2d 615 (1980) (concluding that the remedy Coleman sought was
precluded).
We have broad subject matter jurisdiction that enables us to grant the petition for original
action pending before us. Our jurisdiction is grounded in the Wisconsin Constitution. Wis. Const.,
art. VII, Section 3(2); City of Eau Claire v. Booth, 2016 WI 65, ¶7, 370 Wis. 2d 595, 882 N.W.2d
738.
I dissent because I would grant the petition and address the people of Wisconsin's concerns
about whether WEC's conduct during the 2020 presidential election violated Wisconsin statutes.
As I said as I began, it is critical that voting in Wisconsin elections not only be fair, but that the
public also perceives voting as having been fairly conducted. The Wisconsin Supreme Court
should not walk away from its constitutional obligation to the people of Wisconsin for a third time.
Sheila T. Reiff
Clerk of Supreme Court
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
Accordingly,
BY:
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Massey v. Coon, 865 F.2d 264 (1989)
1989 WL 884
effect of the judgment would be ‘to restrain the Government falls under the exception enunciated in Ex Parte Young. Young
provides that a suit for injunctive relief challenging a state
from acting or compel it to act.’ ” Pennhurst, 465 U.S. at 101
official's action under the Constitution is not considered a
n. 11 (citing Dugan v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609, 620 (1963)). Here,
suit against the state for purposes of the eleventh amendment.
the relief sought would require the state, acting through its
officials, to conform its conduct to state law by appointing a Young, 209 U.S. at 167. Although on its face the complaint
states a claim under the due process and equal protection
judge from another district to serve as judge pro tem in this
clauses of the Constitution, these constitutional claims are
case.
entirely based on the failure of defendants to conform to
state law. “[W]hen a plaintiff alleges that a state official has
*2 Massey contends that this suit is not brought against
violated state law.... the entire basis for the doctrine of Young
the state for purposes of the eleventh amendment because
defendants' actions were outside their delegated power. ... disappears.” Pennhurst, 465 U.S. at 106 (emphasis in
However, a state official is not entitled to eleventh original). Therefore, the Young exception does not apply and
amendment immunity only when he acts “without any the district court correctly dismissed the suit against Judges
authority whatever.” Pennhurst, 465 U.S. at 101 n. 11 (citing Coon and Cushing.
Florida Dept. of State v. Treasure Salvors, Inc., 458 U.S.
Finally, the district court properly dismissed Massey's action
670, 697 (1982) (plurality opinion)). “A claim of error in
without leave to amend. Where amendment of the complaint
the exercise of [an official's delegated] power is therefore
would have served no purpose because the acts complained of
not sufficient” to support a claim of ultra vires. Larson v.
could not constitute a cognizable claim for relief, it is not error
Domestic & Foreign Commerce Corp., 337 U.S. 682, 690
to dismiss a complaint without leave to amend. See Jones v.
(1949). Oregon's Constitution and statutes clearly did provide
Community Redevelopment Agency, 733 F.2d 646, 650 (9th
a mechanism for appointing judges pro tem, even though the
Cir.1984). No restatement of Massey's claim could constitute
procedures may not have been followed correctly in this case.
Therefore, this case does not fall within the narrow scope of a claim for relief cognizable in federal court.2
the ultra vires doctrine as enunciated by the Supreme Court.
The action against Judges Coon and Cushing was thus in AFFIRMED.
substance an action against the state.
All Citations
Massey argues that if the suit is deemed to be one against the
state, it is not barred by the eleventh amendment because it 865 F.2d 264 (Table), 1989 WL 884
Footnotes
* The panel unanimously finds this case suitable for submission on the record and briefs and without oral argument.
Fed.R.App.P. 34(a), Ninth Circuit Rule 34–4.
** This disposition is not appropriate for publication and may not be cited to or by the courts of this circuit except as provided
by Ninth Circuit Rule 36–3.
1 We consider only the claims against Judges Coon and Cushing because Massey does not argue on appeal that the
district court erred in its determination that the state court defendants are immune from suit in federal court.
2 We also deny Massey's motion to file an amended opening brief. The amended brief adds no new arguments and would
have no effect on the outcome of this case.
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Balsam v. Secretary of New Jersey, 607 Fed.Appx. 177 (2015)
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Balsam v. Secretary of New Jersey, 607 Fed.Appx. 177 (2015)
The Appellants rely on First Amendment and Fourteenth generally sufficient to justify reasonable, nondiscriminatory
Amendment theories to support their federal claims. They restrictions” on election procedures. Anderson v. Celebrezze,
contend that New Jersey's primary election system violates 460 U.S. 780, 788, 103 S.Ct. 1564, 75 L.Ed.2d 547 (1983).
the First Amendment because it burdens their associational Accordingly, the Supreme Court has “repeatedly upheld
rights by “requir[ing] that a voter ‘qualify’ for the right to vote reasonable, politically neutral regulations that have the effect
in the Primary Election by joining a political party.” (Opening of channeling expressive activity at the polls.” Burdick v.
Br. at 36.) They further argue that it violates their Fourteenth Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 438, 112 S.Ct. 2059, 119 L.Ed.2d 245
Amendment right to equal protection of the law because (1992).
it is inconsistent with the “one person, one vote” standard
articulated in Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct. While “a citizen has a constitutionally protected right to
1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964). See id. at 566, 84 S.Ct. 1362 participate in elections on an equal basis with other citizens
(“[T]he Equal Protection Clause guarantees the opportunity in the jurisdiction,” Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330, 336,
for equal participation by all voters in the election of state 92 S.Ct. 995, 31 L.Ed.2d 274 (1972), no court has ever held
legislators.”). According to the Appellants, the state's system that that right guarantees participation in primary elections.
creates two classes of voters: “(1) major party members who The Appellants nevertheless rely on United States v. Classic,
enjoy full participation in both the Primary Election and 313 U.S. 299, 61 S.Ct. 1031, 85 L.Ed. 1368 (1941), as
the general election; and[ ] (2) voters who, by reason of authority for their argument that voters have a constitutional
choosing not to associate with one of the dominant political right to participate in primary elections. Their reliance is
parties, are allowed only limited participation in the general misplaced. In Classic, the federal government prosecuted
election.” (Opening Br. at 35.) As a result, they say, the latter certain Louisiana state elections commissioners for allegedly
class's Fourteenth Amendment rights are violated because, falsifying ballots in a Democratic primary election for the
“[w]ithout equality of the right to vote within all integral House of Representatives. The Supreme Court held that the
stages of the process, there is essential[ly] no meaningful Constitution gives Congress the power to regulate intraparty
right to vote at all.” (Opening Br. at 34–35.) Their position, primaries through the criminal code and secures the right to
however, is untenable. have one's “vote counted in both the general election and in
the primary election, where the latter is a part of the election
States possess a “ ‘broad power to prescribe the “Times, machinery.” Id. at 322, 61 S.Ct. 1031.
Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
Representatives,” [U.S. Const.] Art. I, § 4, cl. 1, which power In answering the question presented to it, the Court in Classic
is matched by state control over the election process for presupposed that the right it recognized only applied to voters
state offices.’ ” Clingman v. Beaver, 544 U.S. 581, 586, 125 who were “qualified” to cast votes in Louisiana's Democratic
S.Ct. 2029, 161 L.Ed.2d 920 (2005) (quoting Tashjian v. primary. Id. at 307, 61 S.Ct. 1031 (stating that one of the
Republican Party of Conn., 479 U.S. 208, 217, 107 S.Ct. 544, “questions for decision [is] whether the right of qualified
93 L.Ed.2d 514 (1986)). That power is not *181 absolute, voters to vote in the Louisiana primary and to have their
but is “subject to the limitation that [it] may not be exercised in ballots counted is a right ‘secured ... by the Constitution’
a way that violates ... specific provisions of the Constitution.” within the meaning of ... the Criminal Code” (second
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23, 29, 89 S.Ct. 5, 21 L.Ed.2d alteration in original)). But Classic did not expound on
24 (1968). In particular, New Jersey has a “ ‘responsibility who was “qualified,” and instead left that distinction up to
to observe the limits established by the First Amendment Louisiana law. See id. at 311, 61 S.Ct. 1031 (“Pursuant to the
rights of [its] citizens,’ ” including the freedom of political authority given by [§] 2 of Article I of the Constitution ...
association or, in this case, non-association. Eu v. S.F. Cnty. the states are given, and in fact exercise a wide discretion in
Democratic Cent. Comm., 489 U.S. 214, 222, 109 S.Ct. 1013, the formulation of a system for the choice by the people of
103 L.Ed.2d 271 (1989) (quoting Tashjian, 479 U.S. at 217, representatives in Congress.”). Fairly read, Classic speaks to
107 S.Ct. 544). Election regulations that impose a severe the constitutional protections that inure to qualified primary
burden on associational rights are subject to strict scrutiny voters, but it is completely silent as to who is qualified. It is,
and may be upheld only if they are “narrowly tailored to therefore, of no help to the Appellants' argument.
serve a compelling state interest.” Clingman, 544 U.S. at 586,
125 S.Ct. 2029. If a statute imposes only modest burdens, The Appellants also quote Friedland v. State, 149 N.J.Super.
however, then “the state's important regulatory interests are 483, 374 A.2d 60, 63 (N.J.Super. Ct. Law Div.1977), for the
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Balsam v. Secretary of New Jersey, 607 Fed.Appx. 177 (2015)
Footnotes
* This disposition is not an opinion of the full court and, pursuant to I.O.P. 5.7, does not constitute binding precedent.
1 The District Court had jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. §§ 1331, 1343, and 1367. We have jurisdiction pursuant to 28 U.S.C.
§ 1291. We exercise plenary review of the District Court's order granting the motion to dismiss for lack of subject matter
jurisdiction and for failure to state a claim. United States ex rel. Schumann v. AstraZeneca Pharms. L.P., 769 F.3d 837,
845 (3d Cir.2014); Rea v. Federated Investors, 627 F.3d 937, 940 (3d Cir.2010).
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Thompson v. Alabama, Not Reported in Fed. Supp. (2017)
2017 WL 3223915
State's website and at county registrars and DMV offices; whether they have been convicted of a disqualifying felony
(3) to submit a request to the federal Election Assistance involving moral turpitude. The organizational Plaintiff,
Commission to provide notice of HB 282's voting eligibility Greater Birmingham Ministries, whose central goal is “the
standards in Alabama's state-specific instructions on the pursuit of social justice in the governance of Alabama,”
Federal Voter Registration Form; and (4) to reinstate HB 282 expends financial and other resources to help individuals with
voters—voters whose registration applications were denied felony convictions determine whether they are eligible to vote
or who were struck from the voter registration rolls in the or to have their voting rights restored. (Compl. ¶ 62 (Doc.
last two years, but whose eligibility was affirmed by HB # 1).) Defendants are the State of Alabama, the Secretary
282—to the voter registration rolls and provide them with of State of Alabama, the Chair of the Board of Registrars
individualized notice of their eligibility to vote.1 for Montgomery County, and a Defendant class consisting of
“[a]ll voter registrars in the State of Alabama.” (Compl. ¶ 68.)
*2 Defendants oppose the motion, arguing that Plaintiffs The individual Defendants are sued in their official capacities
have not met “the high bar for an emergency mandatory only.
injunction and [that] the equities clearly outweigh granting
one.” (Defs. Resp., at 2 (Doc. # 58).) Defendants further The Complaint seeks to certify a class of Plaintiffs defined
represent that the Alabama Secretary of State is responsible as: “All unregistered persons otherwise eligible to register to
for the unanimous passage of the Act and “fully supports the vote in Alabama who are now, or who may in the future be,
new law and is implementing it in a deliberate fashion.” (Id. denied the right to vote because they have been convicted of a
at 8.) The record contains briefing and evidence in support felony.” (Compl. ¶ 50.) The Complaint also enumerates nine
of and in opposition to the motion, and the parties presented subclasses of Plaintiffs.
additional evidence and arguments at the hearing held on July
25, 2017. The motion for preliminary injunction also contains its
own class, namely, “those voters whose voting rights under
For the reasons that follow, Plaintiffs have not demonstrated Section 177 of the [Alabama] Constitution have been affirmed
that they are entitled to preliminary injunctive relief, and by HB 282.” (Pls.' Mot. Prelim. Inj., at 8 (Doc. # 56).)
Plaintiffs' motion (Doc. # 56) is due to be denied.
2. Claims
Section 177(b)'s phrase “moral turpitude” is at the forefront
II. JURISDICTION AND VENUE of twelve of the Complaint's fifteen counts challenging the
constitutionality of § 177(b) of the Alabama Constitution.
Subject matter jurisdiction is exercised pursuant to 28 U.S.C. Only Counts 6–10 are relevant to the motion for preliminary
§ 1331. The parties do not contest personal jurisdiction or injunction. These counts seek injunctive and declaratory
venue. relief.
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(4) that the injunction would not disserve the public interest.” Neither a declaration of the challenged statute's invalidity nor
Siegel v. LePore, 234 F.3d 1163, 1179 (11th Cir. 2000). “A an injunction against its future enforcement would benefit the
preliminary injunction is an extraordinary and drastic remedy plaintiff, because the statute no longer can be said to affect the
not to be granted unless the movant clearly establishes the plaintiff.” Id. The Eleventh Circuit has recognized that both
burden of persuasion as to the four prerequisites.” Am. Civil it and the United States Supreme Court “have repeatedly held
Liberties Union of Fla., Inc. v. Miami-Dade Cty. Sch. Bd., 557 that the repeal or amendment of an allegedly unconstitutional
F.3d 1177, 1198 (11th Cir. 2009). That burden is even higher statute moots legal challenges to the legitimacy of the
where, as here, the plaintiff seeks a mandatory preliminary repealed legislation.” Nat'l Advert. Co. v. City of Miami, 402
injunction. See Winmark Corp. v. Brenoby Sports, Inc., 32 F.3d 1329, 1332 (11th Cir. 2005) (collecting cases).
F. Supp. 3d 1206, 1218 (S.D. Fla. 2014); see also Meghrig
v. KFC W., Inc., 516 U.S. 479, 484 (1996) (A prohibitory “While [the] general rule is that repeal [or amendment] of a
injunction “restrains” a party from acting, while a mandatory statute renders a legal challenge moot, an important exception
injunction requires a party to “take action.”). “[T]he burden of to that general rule is that mere voluntary termination of an
persuasion [on a motion for preliminary injunction] becomes allegedly illegal activity is not always sufficient to render
even greater where the relief requested is a mandatory a case moot and deprive the federal courts of jurisdiction
injunction, as opposed to a prohibitory injunction.”); see also to try the case.” Id. at 1333. As a general principle, “[a]
Harris v. Wilters, 596 F.2d 678, 680 (5th Cir. 1979) (“Only defendant claiming that its voluntary compliance moots a case
in rare instances is the issuance of a mandatory preliminary bears the formidable burden of showing that it is absolutely
injunction proper.” (citing Exhibitors Poster Exch., Inc. v. clear the allegedly wrongful behavior could not reasonably
Nat'l Screen Serv. Corp., 441 F.2d 560 (5th Cir. 1971)). be expected to recur.” Doe v. Wooten, 747 F.3d 1317, 1322
(11th Cir. 2014) (citation omitted). However, the Eleventh
Circuit “gives government actors more leeway than private
parties in the presumption that they are unlikely to resume
V. DISCUSSION
illegal activities”; this leeway translates to a “rebuttable
Plaintiffs have not met their high burden for obtaining presumption” or a “lesser burden.” Id. (citations omitted).
a mandatory preliminary injunction. They have failed to
demonstrate that any of the preliminary injunction factors *5 Before the presumption can attach, a defendant's
weighs in their favor. termination of the challenged conduct must be “absolutely
clear.” Id. at 1322. Three factors guide that analysis: (1)
“whether the termination of the offending conduct was
A. Plaintiffs have not shown a likelihood of success on the unambiguous”; (2) “whether the change in government policy
merits. or conduct appears to be the result of substantial deliberation,
Plaintiffs argue that they are likely to succeed on their or is simply an attempt to manipulate jurisdiction”; and (3)
claims challenging Alabama's standardless enforcement of “whether the government has ‘consistently applied’ a new
the “moral turpitude” provision of § 177(b) as set out in policy or adhered to a new course of conduct.” Id. at 1323. The
Counts 6–10 of the Complaint. Defendants assert, on the government's repeal or amendment of a challenged statute is
other hand, that Plaintiffs cannot succeed because HB 282 “often a clear indicator of unambiguous termination.” Id. at
moots Counts 6–10 and because their motion for preliminary 1322.
injunction seeks relief that is outside the Complaint. These
arguments are addressed in turn. When the presumption attaches, “the controversy will be
moot in the absence of some reasonable basis to believe
that the policy will be reinstated if the suit is terminated.”
1. Plaintiffs' claims are moot. Id. (citation omitted). Stated differently, only “when a court
When, during the pendency of a lawsuit, the challenged law is presented with evidence of a ‘substantial likelihood’ that
undergoes substantial amendment “so as plainly to cure the the challenged statute will be reenacted, the litigation is not
alleged defect, ... there is no live controversy for the Court moot and the court should retain jurisdiction.” Nat'l Advert.
to decide.” Ne. Fla. Chapter of Associated Gen. Contractors Co., 402 F.3d at 1334. “[T]he cases are legion from this
of Am. v. City of Jacksonville, Fla., 508 U.S. 656, 670 [circuit] and other courts where the repeal of an allegedly
(1993) (O'Connor, J., dissenting). “Such cases functionally
are indistinguishable from those involving outright repeal:
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unconstitutional statute was sufficient to moot litigation review HB 282 and know whether their felony conviction
challenging the statute.” Id. at 1333–34. involves moral turpitude. In fact, as a result of HB 282's
listing of disqualifying felonies, Antwoine Giles and Laura
Defendants argue for application of the general rule—that Corley now know with certainty that they are eligible to vote
HB 282 is a clarifying amendment that moots Counts 6– because their felonies are not on the HB 282 list.2 Counts
10. Plaintiffs contend that the voluntary-cessation exception 6–10's challenges that § 177(b)'s phrase “moral turpitude” is
keeps this case alive. vague and lacks reasonably clear guidelines hardly can be said
to still exist in view of HB 282. Plaintiffs have not argued that
The court begins with an analysis of the three Doe factors HB 282 fails to provide them with clarity as to whether their
to determine whether HB 282 makes it “absolutely clear” felony convictions involve “moral turpitude.”
that Defendants have ceased the challenged conduct. To
begin, there is no serious debate that HB 282 resolves *6 Additionally, although Plaintiffs are not content with
Plaintiffs' challenge to § 177(b)'s vagueness. (See, e.g., Pls. the progress of HB 282's implementation, the preponderance
Counsel's Letter to Andrew Brasher (Doc. # 56-1), in which of the evidence shows that registrars are abiding by and
counsel acknowledges that “HB 282 is most relevant to applying HB 282 when registering felons to vote. More
Counts 6–10,” which challenge “the prior standardless system specifically, at the state association of registrars conference
for determining who could vote,” and that “HB 282 is an in June 2017, the Alabama Secretary of State advised
important step to remedying the harms we alleged in those registrars to use HB 282's list as the exclusive means
counts of the complaint”).) At the heart of Counts 6, 7, of evaluating registrants. Registrars also have received an
8, 9, and 10's constitutional challenge is that § 177(b)'s amended registrars' handbook that has been updated to
phrase “moral turpitude” is so vague that it fails to provide incorporate the legislation. (Ex. B, Decl. of Clay Helms ¶¶
reasonable guidelines for determining whether a felony 8, 9.) And, in Montgomery County, a felon was permitted
conviction “involves moral turpitude.” (See, e.g., Compl. ¶ to register to vote under the new law, whose felony would
198 (“The failure [of the State of Alabama] to define ... have been disqualifying under the old law. (Ex. E, Decl. of
crimes of moral turpitude imposes an unconstitutional burden George Noblin ¶ 4.) The Secretary of State's liaison with
on those qualified to vote under Alabama law but who the Board of Registrars is “not aware of any registrar who
have been convicted of felonies.” (Count 6)); Compl. ¶ 207 has received an application to register from a felon and has
(incorporating ¶ 198 into Count 7); Compl. ¶ 211 (“[T]he not applied the new law.” (Ex. B, Decl. of Clay Helms ¶ 7.)
risk of erroneous deprivation [of procedural due process] These facts demonstrate that HB 282, through its enactment
is high” because county registrars, with no legal training, and application, unambiguously terminated the offending
must interpret § 177(b) in order to determine a citizen's conduct. The first factor is satisfied.
eligibility to vote (Count 8); Compl. ¶¶ 222, 224, 225 §
177(b)'s “prohibition on voting for those convicted of felonies As to the second factor, there is no evidence, argument, or
involving moral turpitude—with possible exception of those suggestion that HB 282 was an attempt to manipulate this
crimes listed in Alabama Code Section 15-22-36.1(g)”— court's jurisdiction over this lawsuit. There is no evidence
is standardless, does not provide fair notice of the conduct suggesting that the Alabama legislature intends to repeal HB
prohibited, and is void for vagueness (Count 9); Compl. ¶ 227 282 after this lawsuit concludes. To the contrary, the record
(“Defendants' enforcement of Section 177(b) is not guided reveals that the passage of HB 282 is the culmination of
by a principled determination of which felonies ‘involve several years of work initiated by the Alabama Secretary
moral turpitude’ ” and, thus, has resulted in a system of of State. (See Ex. C, Decl. of Brent Beal ¶ 2 (Doc. #
arbitrary disenfranchisement in violation of the Fourteenth 63-3).) Defendants' evidence establishes that, shortly after
Amendment (Count 10)). taking office in 2014, Secretary of State Merrill established
an exploratory committee on “voter disenfranchisement and
Through the enactment of HB 282, the Alabama legislature restoration of voting rights.” (Ex. A, Decl. of Edward Packard
has addressed Plaintiffs' quandary. HB 282's list of specific ¶ 6.) A subcommittee of the “voter disenfranchisement and
Alabama felonies, by crime and code section, is a definitive restoration of voting rights” committee drafted proposed
list of felonies involving moral turpitude under § 177(b)'s legislation to create an exclusive list of felonies that would
felony disenfranchisement provision. Plaintiffs now can be qualify as felonies of “moral turpitude” for the purposes
certain whether their convictions are disqualifying. They can of voting. (Id.) Ultimately, after this bill was introduced
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in previous sessions, the Alabama Legislature enacted this relief that is not even sought in the underlying action.”). The
proposed legislation in a modified form by a unanimous vote relief requested here is problematic, both for what it seeks and
in 2017. (Id.) These facts show that substantial deliberation for whom it is sought.
undergirded HB 282's enactment. The second factor is met.
First, the relief requested in the motion for preliminary
Finally, with respect to the third factor, Defendants are injunction is of a different nature than that pleaded in the
applying HB 282 and are in the midst of implementing Complaint. The Complaint seeks a declaratory judgment that
programs to educate registrars, voters, and other officials § 177(b)'s moral-turpitude standard is unconstitutional and a
on the new law. There is no evidence that any eligible HB permanent injunction enjoining Defendants from enforcing
282 voter has been denied the right to register to vote. This § 177(b), for example, by preventing Defendants “from
evidence, together with the unanimous vote for the law in denying any voter registration applications on the basis
both chambers of the legislature, demonstrates Defendants' of felony convictions.” (Compl., at 56.) The motion for
commitment to abide by the new law and its “adhere[nce] to preliminary injunction changes the focus of the relief to HB
a new course of conduct.” Doe, 747 F.3d at 1323. 282. (Pls.' Mot. Prelim. Inj., at 28.) As Plaintiffs admit, the
motion for preliminary injunction asserts “new facts relevant
In sum, the State of Alabama's enactment of HB 282 to the passage of HB 282,” (id. at 2), and asks the court to
is “a clear indicator of unambiguous termination” of the order the Secretary to provide notice of HB 282 in a specified
allegedly unconstitutional conduct. Id. at 1322. Accordingly, manner and to automatically reinstate certain HB 282 voters.
Defendants are entitled to a rebuttable presumption that “they These remedies are not the remedies that the Complaint
are unlikely to resume illegal activities.” Id. Plaintiffs have requests should Plaintiffs succeed in their underlying suit
failed to rebut that presumption; they have presented no challenging the constitutionality of § 177(b).4
evidence, for example, that the Alabama Legislature intends
that HB 282's repeal will follow on the heels of the conclusion Moreover, to be clear, the subject matter of both the
of this lawsuit. The absence of this sort of evidence is not Complaint and the motion for preliminary injunction
surprising, given that the state legislature passed HB 282 concerns the voting rights of felons. But the Complaint
unanimously and that the state's extensive training efforts on focuses on felons who, under § 177(b), could not vote, either
HB 282 already are underway. because the state explicitly had taken away that right or
because of the uncertainty § 177(b) created as to whether a
Based on the foregoing, the enactment of HB 282, which conviction arose from a felony involving moral turpitude. The
clarifies for Plaintiffs whether their convictions are felonies motion for preliminary injunction, on the other hand, turns
“involving moral turpitude” under § 177(b), moots a legal attention to felons who now undeniably can vote by virtue of
challenge to the vagueness of § 177(b)'s moral turpitude HB 282. Felons whose voting rights have been “affirmed” in
phrase. The claims' mootness is a jurisdictional flaw that that they now are eligible to register to vote (the subject of
precludes the court from reaching the merits of these claims. the motion for preliminary injunction) are not felons whose
Because Counts 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 are moot, Plaintiffs cannot voting rights have been denied because of a felony conviction
demonstrate a likelihood of success on the merits.3 (the subject matter of the Complaint).
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not disqualifying. But this class is not a part of the class or Plaintiffs argue that Pennhurst is inapposite because they seek
nine sub-classes alleged in the Complaint. an injunction against state officials to “remedy the harms
caused by their unconstitutional behavior” under federal law.
*8 The Complaint's class and sub-classes share a common (Doc. # 59, at 4 (emphasis in original).) Plaintiffs' attempt to
factual denominator. Each includes unregistered voters who differentiate Pennhurst from this case is not convincing.
have been denied the right to vote because either their voting
applications were denied, their names were purged from the Plaintiffs express no dissatisfaction with HB 282 itself;
voting registration rolls, or they cannot be legally certain they advance no argument that HB 282 violates the federal
whether their felony convictions are felonies involving moral constitution. Rather, Plaintiffs complain that, since May 25,
turpitude. As Plaintiffs point out, the Complaint could not 2017, Defendants have refused to implement HB 282 in
have alleged a purported class of HB 282 voters because a manner that would maximize notice to HB 282 voters
HB 282 was non-existent at the initiation of this suit. But and give more opportunities to HB 282 voters to vote
this point ignores that adding classes (and claims) in briefs in the August 15 special election for the U.S. Senate
circumvents the letter and spirit of the orderly procedures seat in Alabama.5 (See Pls.' Mot. Prelim. Inj., at 28, in
established by the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure for the which Plaintiffs argue that they seek “full implementation of
efficient administration of a lawsuit. See Gyenis v. Scottsdale governing Alabama law”). What Plaintiffs really appear to
Ins. Co., No. 8:12-CV-805-T-33AEP, 2013 WL 3013618, be asking is that this court supervise and direct these state
at *1 (M.D. Fla. June 14, 2013) (“The Federal Rules of Defendants in how they should carry out their responsibilities
Civil Procedure are necessary for the orderly and efficient under HB 282, a state law. The true nature of this “remedy”
running of this Court and to ensure that in the interests sounds in state law. Plaintiffs fail to persuade the court, at
of justice, everyone is on a level playing field. The Rules this juncture, that Pennhurst is not prohibitive of what they
cannot be ignored or overlooked.”); see, e.g., Fed. R. Civ. are asking this court to do. At the very least, Pennhurst
15(a), (d) (governing pre-trial amendments to pleadings and presents another reason why Plaintiffs have not demonstrated
supplemental pleadings); cf. Am. Fed'n of State, Cnty. & Mun. a substantial likelihood of success on the merits.
Emps. Council 79 v. Scott, 717 F.3d 851, 863 (11th Cir. 2013)
(“A plaintiff may not amend her complaint through argument
in a brief opposing summary judgment.”). B. Plaintiffs have not shown a substantial threat of
irreparable injury.
Plaintiffs have not moved to amend the Complaint or to Plaintiffs contend that “[e]ligible HB 282 voters plainly
supplement the pleadings in order to redefine the claims for face irreparable injury if the State does not take the[ ]
relief or the purported class. These pleading deficiencies, [requested] commonsense steps to implement HB 282, correct
which expand the litigation highway outside the Complaint's recent unlawful voter registration purges and application
roadmap, present yet another reason for denying the motion denials, and educate voters about HB 282's eligibility
for preliminary injunction. requirements.” (Pls.' Mot. Prelim. Inj., at 26–27.) The
argument is illogical on many levels.
3. Plaintiffs have a Pennhurst problem. *9 “A showing of irreparable injury is the sine qua non of
The Eleventh Amendment prevents a federal court from injunctive relief.” Siegel, 234 F.3d at 1176 (citations omitted).
issuing an injunction against state officials solely to require “[T]he asserted irreparable injury must be neither remote nor
them to adhere to state law. Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. speculative, but actual and imminent.” Id. (citations omitted).
v. Halderman, 465 U.S. 89, 106–07 (1984) (“[I]t is difficult Here, for the most part, the asserted injuries are not actual.
to think of a greater intrusion on state sovereignty than
when a federal court instructs state officials on how to An actual injury is imperceptible under these facts. An “HB
conform their conduct to state law.”). To avoid the Pennhurst 282 voter,” as Plaintiffs explain it, is an individual whose
problem, Plaintiffs' new claims challenging Defendants' felony offense does not appear on the list of offenses in
implementation of HB 282 may only proceed in federal court HB 282 and, thus, who is not disqualified to vote on the
if a provision of federal law creates a right to the enforcement basis of a felony involving moral turpitude. The injuries
of HB 282. alleged in Counts 6–10 focus on the harm to Plaintiffs
—the inability to discern whether their felony convictions
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render them unable to vote—caused by § 177(b)'s “failure State, are adhering to HB 282 and are permitting individuals
to define or list disqualifying crimes or crimes of moral to register whom HB 282 does not disqualify. Plaintiffs, who
turpitude.” (Compl. ¶ 198.) HB 282 has alleviated that harm. are eligible HB 282 voters, cannot claim irreparable harm
It is no longer problematic for Plaintiffs to determine whether when they have been granted the right to vote.9
they are eligible to vote. All a Plaintiff needs to know is the
offense resulting in his or her conviction. If that felony is on Moreover, as to the different forms of notice Plaintiffs
the HB 282 list, he or she cannot vote; if it is not on that request—a posting on the Alabama Secretary of State's
list, he or she can vote. Plaintiffs do not deny that HB 282's website; updated state and federal registration forms; and
“comprehensive list of crimes that ‘involve moral turpitude’ individualized notice—Plaintiffs have presented no evidence
” provides the clarity they sought for § 177(b).6 (Pls.' Mot. that either named Plaintiff suffered any injury based upon a
Prelim. Inj., at 7.) lack of notice. There is no evidence that Mr. Giles or Ms.
Corley do not know that they can go to their respective county
Having acknowledged that the alleged unconstitutional registrars office and register to vote. There is no evidence that
scheme (and thus necessarily the injury) of which Plaintiffs imminent injury will occur to Mr. Giles or Ms. Corley if the
allege in the Complaint is “in the past” because of HB 282 requested forms of notice are denied to them.
(Prel. Inj. H'rg, June 25, 2017), Plaintiffs are left to argue that
Defendants are not doing enough to get the word out on HB Moreover, as a matter of general observation on public
282 to all felons, who were previously disenfranchised under notice rather than a finding, HB 282 and Alabama's felon
Alabama's old § 177(b) scheme, but who now are eligible to disenfranchisement laws have received widespread news
vote by reason of HB 282.7 They want this court to direct coverage at the local, county, state, and national levels
the Alabama Secretary of State to post notice about HB 282's through broadcast news, the internet, and print media.
voting eligibility standards on its website and to update state Exhibits, submitted by both Plaintiffs and Defendants, include
compilations of the coverage on these issues and confirm that
and federal voter registration forms.8 Plaintiffs go so far as
there have been no less than thirty-five sources of publicity
to insist that as to those felons, who in the past two years
about Alabama's laws on felon disenfranchisement, with most
were denied voter registration or were struck from the voter
of those sources also reporting on HB 282. Notwithstanding
registration rolls, Defendants should automatically reinstate
Plaintiffs' contention that Defendants have failed to provide
them on the voter registration rolls and provide them with
adequate notice of HB 282 to the targeted felon pool of
individualized notice of their automatic registration and right
eligible HB 282 voters, it is relevant for the equitable equation
to vote. Having reconstructed their injuries in their motion for
that the press has assisted in notifying the public about HB
preliminary injunction, Plaintiffs contend that, post HB 282,
they have suffered injuries as a result of Defendants' failure to 282.10
take these affirmative steps to provide notice and automatic
reinstatement. As to the putative class members of eligible HB 282 voters,
the following represents the nature of Plaintiffs' evidence.
*10 But, at bottom, these alleged injuries are misdirected. There is a declaration from a Greater Birmingham Ministries
It is true that, once the August 15 special primary election employee, who “think[s] many of these [eligible HB 282]
passes, “there can be no do-over” for an unconstitutionally voters may never discover that they have the right to vote”
disenfranchised voter. League of Women Voters of N. Carolina unless they receive “individual notification” of HB 282.
v. North Carolina, 769 F.3d 224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014). But (Shearer Decl. ¶ 10 (Doc. # 66-6).) She explains that many of
the HB 282 voters do not contend that they have been the eligible HB 282 voters “are poor and do not have regular
disenfranchised. To quote Plaintiffs, HB 282 has “affirmed” access to computers and the internet,” and, thus, “website
these individuals' right to vote. It would be an entirely notification alone would be insufficient.” (Id. ¶ 11.) There also
different matter if Defendants were refusing to allow felons are two declarations from individuals who are eligible HB
to register to vote where their offense of conviction was 282 voters, but who say that they would have been “unaware
not on the HB 282 list. There is no evidence, however, of the new law and [their] ability to register to vote” if they
that Defendants have denied any eligible HB 282 voter's had not been contacted by the Campaign Legal Center. (Brio
application to register to vote or have engaged in any type of Richardson Decl. ¶ 8 (Doc. # 66-9)); (Willie Goldsmith Decl.
prohibitive tactic. Instead, the evidence demonstrates that the ¶ 4 (Doc. # 66-10).)
county registrars, at the direction of the Alabama Secretary of
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*11 Individualized notice, along with automatic LLC v. Amazon.com, Inc., 840 F.3d 1244, 1248 (11th Cir.
reinstatement on the voter registration rolls, is what the 2016).
putative class really seeks because Plaintiffs, in effect,
concede that a posting on the Secretary's website on HB Here, two significant events preceded Plaintiffs' preliminary
282 would not effectively reach eligible HB 282 voters. injunction motion. First, Plaintiffs have known since April
These affirmative steps, if Defendants were ordered to take 18, 2017, when Governor Kay Ivey signed a proclamation, of
them, would not give HB 282 voters any more voting the dates for the special election for the United States Senate
rights than they have today.11 They, like their proposed seat in Alabama. Yet, Plaintiffs delayed filing a preliminary
class representatives, can register to vote in their respective injunction motion until nearly two-and-a-half months later on
counties; there is no question as to their eligibility to vote after June 30, 2017. Second, Plaintiffs have been on notice since
HB 282. May 25, 2017, when HB 282 was enacted, of the bill's effect
on current felons' eligibility to vote, but they still waited more
Plaintiffs contend, though, that Hobson v. Pow, 434 F. Supp. than a month to file their preliminary injunction motion. The
362 (N.D. Ala. 1977), requires individualized notice and court is mindful of the efforts Plaintiffs say they made to
reinstatement to the voter registration rolls of the eligible HB reach an agreement with the State without the need for court
282 voters. In that case, the district court enjoined the State intervention. But with a July 31 voter registration deadline for
of Alabama from disenfranchising men convicted of “wife- the special primary election looming and given the multitude
beating,” which it found to be an impermissible gender-based of steps that the State must take to get ready for the election,
classification, and ordered registrars to “either publish the the delay nevertheless cuts against the premise that these HB
notice [of the court's order] or send notice to each person 282 voters needed urgent action to protect their rights.
purged by first-class mail.” Id. It also ordered some counties
to take the extra step of “reinstat[ing] all voters purged” for *12 For all of these reasons, Plaintiffs have not shown a
wife-beating. Id. at 368. Hobson is distinguishable for at least substantial threat of irreparable injury if the requested relief
two reasons. is not granted.
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Footnotes
1 At the July 25, 2017, hearing on the motion for preliminary injunction, Plaintiffs orally narrowed their written requests for
preliminary injunctive relief. These are the modified requests.
2 Mr. Giles alleges that his name was purged from the Montgomery County voter registration list after his 2006 Alabama
conviction for stalking in the first degree. Because that felony is not on the HB 282 list, he now is eligible to register to
vote. Ms. Corley alleges that she received conflicting information from state agencies as to whether her 2015 Alabama
convictions for possession of controlled substances disqualified her from voting, and, thus, she was uncertain whether
she could register to vote in Jefferson County. Because the felony underlying Ms. Corley's convictions is not on the HB
282 list, she now knows with certainty that she is qualified to vote.
3 Although the court's decision on mootness obviates the necessity to delve into the merits of Counts 6–10, it is nonetheless
important to clear up a misconception in Plaintiffs' briefing. Plaintiffs contend that, because “Alabama's system of
disenfranchisement unquestionably ... led to the arbitrary deprivation of fundamental rights, Plaintiffs are likely to succeed”
on Count 6–10. (Pls.' Mot. Prelim. Inj., at 19 (emphasis added).)
Felons do not have a fundamental right to vote protected by strict scrutiny (absent allegations that a disenfranchisement
classification discriminates on the basis of race or other suspect criteria). A state's decision to deprive some convicted
felons, but not others, of voting rights is not subject to a strict scrutiny standard. In Richardson v. Ramirez, 418
U.S. 24 (1974), the Supreme Court upheld a California statute disenfranchising felons convicted of “infamous crimes,”
holding that, notwithstanding the guarantee of equal protection in Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, the reduced-
representation clause in Section 2 permitted the state to disenfranchise felons. See id. at 52–55. The Court rejected
the petitioners' argument that the statute limiting their voting rights was subject to strict scrutiny. It reasoned that states
can disenfranchise felons on the “demonstrably sound proposition that § 1, in dealing with voting rights as it does, could
not have been meant to bar outright a form of disenfranchisement which was expressly exempted from the less drastic
sanction of reduced representation which § 2 imposed for other forms of disenfranchisement.” Id. at 55.
The Third, former Fifth, Sixth, and Ninth Circuits have interpreted Richardson's analysis of the interplay between Sections
1 and 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment as immunizing felon-disenfranchisement provisions from strict scrutiny under
the Equal Protection Clause. In Owens v. Barnes, 711 F.2d 25 (3d Cir. 1983), which addressed a challenge that
Pennsylvania's law disenfranchising convicted felons during their incarceration violated equal protection, the Third Circuit
held that Richardson compelled the conclusion that “the right of convicted felons to vote is not fundamental.” Id. at 27
(citing Richardson, 418 U.S. at 654). It held that “the state cannot only disenfranchise all convicted felons but it can also
distinguish among them provided that such distinction is rationally related to a legitimate state interest.” Id. Pennsylvania
could have rationally concluded that one of the losses attendant to incarceration should be the loss of “participation in
the democratic process” and that incarcerated and un-incarcerated felons did not stand on equal footing for purposes of
voting rights. Id. at 28. The Sixth Circuit aligned with Owens, holding that “[i]t is undisputed that a state may constitutionally
disenfranchise convicted felons,” id. (citing Richardson, 418 U.S. at 24), and that “the right to vote is not fundamental,”
id. (citing Owens, 711 F.2d at 27).
The Ninth Circuit emphasized that, as for their equal protection claim, the plaintiffs could not “complain about their loss of
a fundamental right to vote because felon disenfranchisement is explicitly permitted under the terms of Richardson, 18
U.S. at 55.” Harvey v. Brewer, 605 F.3d 1067, 1079 (9th Cir. 2010). It explained that it would “not apply strict scrutiny as
[it] would if plaintiffs were complaining about the deprivation of a fundamental right.” Id. Finally, in Shepherd v. Trevino,
575 F.2d 1110, 1114–15 (5th Cir. 1978), the former Fifth Circuit applied the rational-basis test, rather than strict scrutiny,
to a state statutory scheme that disenfranchised all convicted felons, but that provided a mechanism for the restoration
of voting rights only to those who were convicted in state court, not federal court.
All that said, the Supreme Court has not immunized all felon disenfranchisement laws from constitutional review. In Hunter
v. Underwood, 421 U.S. 22 (1985), the Court held that the 1901 Alabama Constitution's provision that disenfranchised
individuals convicted of misdemeanors involving moral turpitude was racially discriminatory. The Court explained: “We are
confident that [Section] 2 [of the Fourteenth Amendment] was not designed to permit the purposeful racial discrimination
attending the enactment and operation of [the state constitutional provision] which otherwise violates [Section] 1 of the
Fourteenth Amendment. Nothing in our opinion in Richardson v. Ramirez suggests the contrary.” Id. at 233. This is the
claim Plaintiffs bring in Count 1, which will be addressed in a separate opinion in the context of Defendants' pending
motion to dismiss.
States cannot make arbitrary classifications between felons. See, e.g., Richardson, 418 U.S. at 56 (remanding a claim
that “there was such a total lack of uniformity in county election officials' enforcement of the challenged state laws as
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to work a separate denial of equal protection”); Owen v. Barnes, 711 F.2d 25, 27 (3d Cir. 1983) (noting in dicta that a
state “could not disenfranchise similarly situated blue-eyed felons but not brown-eyed felons”); Shepherd v. Trevino, 575
F.2d 1110, 1114 (5th Cir. 1978) (“[S]elective disenfranchisement or reenfranchisement of convicted felons ... must bear
a rational relationship to the achieving of a legitimate state interest.” (internal citations omitted)).
4 Because the relief Plaintiffs seek in their motion for preliminary injunction arises from the passage of HB 282, which
occurred eight months after the commencement of this action, that relief could not have been encompassed in the
Complaint.
5 There is irony in this argument because HB 282 is not effective until August 1, 2017. However, because HB 282 voters
will be able to vote in the August 15, 2017 special primary election, should they choose to register to vote, Defendants
are applying the law now so that these individuals can meet the July 31 voter registration deadline.
6 At this phase of litigation, the parties have not argued, and the court does not address, felony convictions outside Alabama
law. As alleged in the Complaint, all of the named Plaintiffs have Alabama felony convictions.
7 Of the named Plaintiffs, Mr. Giles and Ms. Corley fit within this new class of HB 282 voters Plaintiffs have identified.
8 There is no dispute that the Alabama Secretary of State's website includes an electronic state voter registration form
and that the Secretary has modified the instructions on the electronic form by including a hyperlink that lists the HB 282
felonies. (See Ex. B, Decl. of Clay Helms ¶ 13.) Plaintiffs want this court to order the Alabama Secretary of State to
attach the list generated by that hyperlink and attach that list to the PDF of the registration form. This additional step,
says Plaintiffs, would give voters access to the HB 282 crimes list on the downloaded voter registration form.
9 Alabama has in place statutory procedures for disenfranchised felons to request restoration of voting rights. There is
no evidence that the State of Alabama is requiring an eligible HB 282 voter to apply to have his or her rights restored
before he or she can register to vote.
10 The media coverage is not referenced here for the truth of the matter asserted, but rather to demonstrate that the news
industry is reporting on HB 282 in and outside this state in multiple media formats. See, e.g., United States v. Michtavi,
155 Fed.Appx. 433, 435 (11th Cir. 2005) (observing that “the Government did not offer the newspaper articles to prove
the truth of the matter asserted therein—the occurrence of the drug bust—but rather to show that newspaper articles
reporting a New York drug bust existed, and thereby rehabilitate Cohen's testimony”).
11 It can be assumed that a prominent posting about HB 282 on the Alabama Secretary of State's website would provide
the possibility of more opportunities, for an individual who previously was denied or purged from the voting list, to learn
about his or her eligibility to register to vote under HB 282. It is just a possibility on this record, though, where one
declarant claims it would be inadequate alone, no Plaintiff contends that such a notice would be adequate, and where
the supposition is that most HB 282 voters do not have internet access. This requested relief is too speculative to warrant
preliminary injunctive relief.
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EXHIBIT 15
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendants.
Plaintiff’s motion for a consolidated hearing/trial on the merits (Dkt. 44) should be
denied. A host of reasons require holding off on scheduling such a hearing. The only reason
Plaintiff now claims to have time for an earlier hearing date is that the District Court of Arizona
this past Saturday sua sponte converted Plaintiff’s attorneys’ originally scheduled evidentiary
hearing in their virtually identical Arizona lawsuit to oral argument on a motion to dismiss,
postponing any potential evidentiary hearing to later in the week. Further, just today the Eastern
Plaintiff’s counsel; that court acted for reasons relevant here and raised in Governor Evers’s
King v. Whitmer, No. 2:20-cv-13134, ECF No. 62 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (filed as Dkt. 55-5).
The court based its decision on the parties’ paper submissions. And in Georgia, a ruling today
resulted in dismissal of another near-identical lawsuit on similar grounds. Pearson v. Kemp, No.
1:20-cv-04809, oral decision issued from the bench (N.D. Ga. Dec. 7, 2020).
The same result is exceedingly likely in the case before this Court, as the Michigan and
Georgia lawsuits are almost identical to this case. The cases all rely on speculation and wild
conjecture, and all lack any evidence in support of their fantastical conspiracy claims. Governor
Evers has filed a Motion to Dismiss and a brief in support of that Motion. Like the District of
Arizona court, this Court should first decide threshold issues in the Motion to Dismiss before
holding any type of evidentiary hearing. Doing so is an efficient use of the Court’s and parties’
resources because if the Court holds, for example, the Plaintiff lacks standing (which he does) or
his claims are non-justiciable (which they are), then there will be no need for an evidentiary
hearing.
Additionally, there are several anonymous declarants and proffered experts who
Defendants may need to depose prior to any evidentiary hearing. Without knowing the identities
of some of the witnesses, it is impossible to prepare for even a deposition. That necessitates
scheduling any evidentiary hearing no earlier than December 11 so that witnesses can be
identified and deposed. Plaintiff has no basis to demand that this Court forgo even a rushed,
rudimentary discovery process when he unnecessarily delayed by waiting until a month after the
to Dismiss represents a last-gasp effort to hijack a federal court for the same type of circus-
atmosphere proceeding, as the nation witnessed a few days ago in a Michigan legislative hearing.
For all the reasons Governor Evers explains in both his Motion to Dismiss and his brief in
opposition to Plaintiff’s motion for injunctive relief, none of these witnesses has a shred of
credibility, expertise, or personal knowledge of any facts that would actually be relevant to the
recent election in Wisconsin. Just as other federal courts have done, this Court should decline to
let Plaintiff coopt a federal courthouse for such a circus, when Plaintiff’s complaint should be
For the above reasons, Governor Evers opposes Plaintiff’s Motion for Consolidated
Evidentiary Hearing and Trial on the Merits, and requests that the Court either deny the motion
or schedule any evidentiary hearing on a date after the Court decides Governor Evers’s Motion
to Dismiss. Counsel for Governor Evers will be prepared to discuss this issue further at the status
Justin A. Nelson
Stephen E. Morrissey
Stephen Shackelford Jr.
Davida Brook
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1000 Louisiana St., Suite 5100
Houston, TX 77002
Telephone: 713-651-9366
jnelson@susmangodfrey.com
smorrissey@susmangodfrey.com
sshackelford@susmangodfrey.com
dbrook@susmangodfrey.com
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Amici Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J. Harris, Sr, Earnestine Moss .
Date: 12/08/2020
Attorney’s signature
Address
jgreenbaum@lawyerscommittee.org
E-mail address
202-662-8315
Telephone number
202-783-0857
FAX number
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Allison E. Laffey hereby appears in this matter as counsel
for Proposed Amicus Curiae Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., and Earnestine Moss, and further requests that all further notices and copies of
pleadings, papers, and other materials relevant to this action be directed and served upon her via
the PACER/ECF electronic filing system, with correspondence, written discovery, and other
documents not filed with the Court to be served upon her at the address below.
2
1727 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/08/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 62
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
MILWAUKEE DIVISION
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that John W. Halpin hereby appears in this matter as counsel for
Proposed Amicus Curiae Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., and Earnestine Moss, and further requests that all further notices and copies of
pleadings, papers, and other materials relevant to this action be directed and served upon him via
the PACER/ECF electronic filing system, with correspondence, written discovery, and other
documents not filed with the Court to be served upon him at the address below.
2
1729 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/08/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 63
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
MILWAUKEE DIVISION
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Mark M. Leitner hereby appears in this matter as counsel
for Proposed Amicus Curiae Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., and Earnestine Moss, and further requests that all further notices and copies of
pleadings, papers, and other materials relevant to this action be directed and served upon him via
the PACER/ECF electronic filing system, with correspondence, written discovery, and other
documents not filed with the Court to be served upon him at the address below.
2
1731 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/08/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 64
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
MILWAUKEE DIVISION
William Feehan,
Plaintiffs,
Case No. 2:20-cv-1771
vs.
Defendants.
NOTICE OF APPEARANCE
PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that Joseph S. Goode hereby appears in this matter as counsel
for Proposed Amicus Curiae Wisconsin State Conference NAACP, Dorothy Harrell, Wendell J.
Harris, Sr., and Earnestine Moss, and further requests that all further notices and copies of
pleadings, papers, and other materials relevant to this action be directed and served upon him via
the PACER/ECF electronic filing system, with correspondence, written discovery, and other
documents not filed with the Court to be served upon him at the address below.
2
1733 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/08/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 65
AO 458 (Rev. 06/09) Appearance of Counsel
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Defendant-Intervenors Wisconsins State Conference NAACP; D. Harrell; W.J. Harris, Sr.; E. Moss .
Address
erosenberg@lawyerscommittee.org
E-mail address
(202) 662-8345
Telephone number
(202) 783-0857
FAX number
APPEARANCE OF COUNSEL
I am admitted or otherwise authorized to practice in this court, and I appear in this case as counsel for:
Seth P. Waxman
Printed name and bar number
Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP
1875 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20006
Address
Seth.Waxman@wilmerhale.com
E-mail address
(202) 663-6800
Telephone number
(202) 663-6363
FAX number
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
The plaintiff filed this lawsuit on December 1, 2020. Dkt. Nos. 1. The
named defendants have filed motions to dismiss the case with supporting
Commission and its members). Defendant Evers’ brief has fifteen attachments,
several of which are decisions from other federal district courts and from the
motion for permission to file an amicus brief on the question of whether the
court ought to dismiss the lawsuit. Dkt. No. 56. In the opening paragraphs of
the proposed brief, the movants state that “[p]laintiff has already placed a
significant enough burden on the Court, so [they] will endeavor not to repeat
the substantive arguments that [they] expect the parties will make.” Id. at 8-9.
1
why this Court should summarily dismiss this action.” Id. at 9. They state that
they will rely on decisions from federal courts in other districts and the
Id. at 9-10.
explained:
Rather, a true friend of the court will seek to add value to [the
court’s] evaluation of the issues presented on appeal. To be sure, the
fiction that an amicus acts as a neutral information broker, and not
an advocate, is long gone. See Samuel Krislov, The Amicus Curiae
Brief: From Friendship to Advocacy, 72 YALE L.J. 694, 703-704
(1963). But even a friend of the court interested in a particular
outcome can contribute in clear and distinct ways, by, for example:
Prairie Rivers Network v. Dynegy Midwest Generation, LLC, 976 F.3d 761, 762-
anything new or different. The movants concede that they seek only to
anticipated the defendants would make. The court has reviewed the movants’
brief—in the main, it relies on cases cited by the defendants and makes
What the proposed brief does do that is different from the other briefs the
court has received is ask the court to consider the suit from the perspective of
November 3, 2020 general election and who asserts that the relief the plaintiff
requests would invalidate her vote, dkt. no. 56 at 22-23; the current president
of the Wisconsin State Conference NAACP who voted by absentee ballot in the
November 3, 2020 general election due to having been diagnosed with COVID-
19 and who asserts that some of the relief the plaintiff requests would
would depress future voter turnout, dkt. no. 56 at 25-28; and an African-
American member of the Dane County branch of the NAACP who voted in
person in the November 3, 2020 election and who alleges that the relief the
One might argue that the movant’s proposed brief is a “show of hands”
made by the defendants in their briefs supporting their motions to dismiss. But
because it does shed light on perspectives the defendants may not have—
voters who were forced to vote absentee; of voters who used the in-person, early
voting option—the court will grant the motion and accept the movant’s
proposed brief.
BY THE COURT:
___________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
_____________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
WILLIAM FEEHAN
Plaintiff,
v. CASE NO. 20-cv-1771
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
COMES NOW Plaintiff, Michael Feehan, by and through undersigned counsel, and files this
Dismiss Plaintiff’s December 3, 2020 Amended Complaint (“Amended Complaint”), ECF No. 9,
and Defendants Responses to Plaintiffs’ December 3, 2020 Emergency Motion for Declaratory,
Emergency and Permanent Injunctive Relief (“TRO Motion”). ECF No. 10.
1
The Court granted Plaintiff’s request to file separate Replies to Defendants. In light of the multiple
Motions to Dismiss, Responses and submissions of Amici, most of which are duplicative and repetitive,
and given the time constraints, Plaintiff believes it is more efficient to submit a single consolidated response
and reply.
Plaintiff seeks to preserve election integrity in Wisconsin by requesting that this Court order
Defendants to rescind or reverse their certification of the 2020 General Election, which included
hundreds of thousands of illegal, ineligible, fraudulent and fictitious votes that Defendant
Governor Evers and the members of the Wisconsin Elections Commission (“WEC”) knowingly
the Wisconsin Election Code’s many safeguards against absentee ballot voter fraud, for the
Defendants, along with Wisconsin state courts, have refused to initiate an investigation into
other glaring “irregularities” strongly indicative of brazen election fraud, such as the nearly
simultaneous halt in vote counting in Milwaukee and Madison (as well as in five other swing
states) in the early morning of November 4 when President Trump had significant lead, followed
by the addition of over 140,000 votes for Biden when counting resumed a couple of hours later,
giving Biden the narrow lead that he has now. Defendants now seek to run out the clock to cover-
up the evidence of their complicity in the stolen election of 2020. In doing so, it is Defendants,
not Plaintiff, that would disenfranchise millions of Wisconsin voters who cast lawful ballots and
Plaintiff has provided ample evidence of constitutional election fraud as set forth by the Seventh
Circuit in Kasper v. Bd. of Election Com’rs of the City of Chicago, 814 F.2d 332, 343 (7th Cir.
1987) (“section 1983 is implicated only when there is willful conduct which undermines the
• Third parties, whether foreign actors, local officials and/or Defendant WEC, corrupted
election results.
This case therefore turns on the question whether Plaintiff can carry his burden of proof that
the results are corrupt. Tellingly, Defendants have not propounded any declarations or affidavits
STATEMENT OF FACTS
In Celsis In Vitro, Inc. v. CellzDirect, Inc., 664 F.3d 922 (Fed. Cir. 2012), the Court upheld the
district court’s entry of a preliminary injunction based on defendant’s failure to offer any evidence
Based on the record before the district court, this court sees no error in the district court’s
finding that Celsis would suffer irreparable harm absent a preliminary injunction. . . . .
Celsis offered testimony from its expert Mark Peterson on irreparable harm. In contrast, LTC
did not offer expert testimony in rebuttal. This court sees no error in the district court’s reliance
on Celsis’ unrebutted expert testimony. To substantiate its claims, Celsis presented fact and
expert testimony as well as specific financial records.
Id. 930–31.2
WEC uses the same Dominion Voting Systems Corporation (“Dominion”) election software
and hardware designed by Smartmatic Corporation (Sequoia in the United States). Amd. Cplt. ECF
2
In its opposition to Plaintiff’s request for Evidentiary Hearing, WEC complained that Plaintiff has
“sandbagged,” and will likely make a variant of that same complaint in response to Plaintiff’s position that
the Court may determine Plaintiff’s TRO/PI Motion on the unrebutted record before the Court. Plaintiff’s
evidence submitted in this case is substantially similar to that submitted in parallel actions in other
jurisdictions referenced by Defendants because the same three voting technology companies that control
voting in those jurisdictions (along with 90% of the US market) also control substantial voting operations
in Wisconsin.
Plaintiff’s proof was filed with his Complaint December 1. Further, Counsel for Defendants and
Intervenor/Amicus Democratic National Committee have also appeared in those other actions and have
been well aware of Plaintiff’s proof for weeks.
to conduct computerized ballot-stuffing and vote manipulation. The Smartmatic software ensured
that ensured Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez never lost an election. Exhs. 1 and 8 (member
Chavez’s security detail and a 25-year member of the Supreme Electoral Council, which oversees
Smartmatic software design adopted by Dominion for Wisconsin’s elections provides the
ability to hide vote manipulation votes from any audit. It allows an unauthorized user to add,
modify, or remove log entries, causing the machine to log election events that do not reflect actual
For those reasons, the Texas Board of Elections rejected Dominion software and denied
certification of the 2020 election results. Amd. Cplt. Pars. 10, n. 1, 12. (Exhs.17, 9, 11)
Texas has today filed with the United States Supreme Court its Motion for Leave to File Bill of
Complaint. Exh. 2 to this Response/Reply The Motion includes allegations oof fraud and vote
According to Princeton Professor of Computer Science and Election Security Expert Dr.
Andrew Appel, he wrote a similar program that would enable someone to “hack a voting machine
[with] 7 minutes alone with a screwdriver.” Amd. Cplt. Par. 13. (Exh. 10).
The WEC itself issued patently unlawful “guidance” to county and municipal clerks not to reject
“indefinitely confined” absentee voters for whom they had “reliable information” that the voters
were not confined, and to fill in missing absentee ballot certification information themselves on
envelope and at the polls. Amd. Cplt. Pars. 14, 37 – 45). (WEC May 13, 2020 Guidance
Memorandum.)
3
All Exhibit references are to the Amended Complaint.
monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent US general election in 2020. Amd.
Many Wisconsin jurisdictions also used the Elections Systems & Software Election
The WEC certified the Election results on November 30, 2020, showing a difference of 20,565
votes in favor of former Vice-President Joe Biden over President Trump. Amd. Cplt. Par. 35.4
Additional errors included voters receiving ballots who didn’t request them and returned ballots
that went missing. Dr. Briggs concluded that those errors affected almost 97,000 ballots in the state
of Wisconsin, with tens of thousands of unrequested ballots being wrongfully, returned ballots not
outperformance of Dominion machines on behalf of Joe Biden by 181,440. Amd. Cplt. Pars. 52 –
58 (Exh. 4)
The State of Wisconsin, in many locations, used either Sequoia, a subsidiary of Dominion
Systems, and or Dominion Systems, Democracy Suite 4.14-D first, and then included Dominion
Systems Democracy Suite 5.0-S on or about January 27, 2017, which added a fundamental
modification: “dial-up and wireless results transmission capabilities to the Image Cast Precinct
and results transmission using the Democracy Suite EMS Results Transfer Manager module.” (See
4
Available at
https://elections.wi.gov/sites/elections.wi.gov/files/Statewide%20Results%20All%20Offices%20%28pre-
Presidential%20recount%29.pdf
by Dominion and its subsidiary Sequoia, which included “dial-up and wireless results transmission
WEC continued using Dominion and Sequoia software despite numerous concerns expressed
by federal and state agencies and courts throughout the country regarding multiple “acute security
Dominion software has been compromised by actors in both China and Iran. Dominions
systems are further vulnerable because hardware is manufactured by foreign companies with interests
contrary to those of the United States. Amd. Cplt. 70-76 (Exh. 12).
Further, a Dominion
“. . . algorithm looks to have been set to give Joe Biden a 52% win even with an initial
50K+ vote block allocation was provided initially as tallying began (as in case of Arizona
too). In the am of November 4, 2020 the algorithm stopped working, therefore another
“block allocation” to remedy the failure of the algorithm. This was done manually as
ALL the SYSTEMS shut down NATIONWIDE to avoid detection.”
Dominion data feeds revealed “raw vote data coming directly that includes decimal places
establishes selection by an algorithm, and not individual voter’s choice. Otherwise, votes would
be solely represented as whole numbers (votes cannot possibly be added up and have decimal
places reported).” Amd. Cplt. Pars. 78 – 79, Exzh. 17. Statistical anomalies and impossibilities
Smartmatic’s inventors and key personnel are foreign nationals, and the Venezuelan official
In their October 30, 2020 advisory “Iranian Advanced Persistent Threat Actor Identified
Obtained Voter Registration Data,” both the FBIC and United States Cybersecurity and
Dominion systems allow operators to “accept” or “discard” batches of votes on fed through
Problems with Dominion systems have been widely reported and documented by individual
Pocan wrote to the hedge fund owners of voting systems about their concerns that trouble
concentrating ownership in only three large companies - Election Systems & Software,
Dominion Voting Systems, & Hart InterCivic – which collectively serve over 90% of all
eligible voters in the U.S.” Amd. Cplt. Par. 88. Exh. 16.
Trump who, besides intemperate and obscene attacks on the President, has posted videos
how Dominion systems may be compromised and boasted publicly he was “f**ing sure”
the President was “not going to win.” . Amd. Cplt. Par. 88-99
Additional facts relevant to this Consolidated Response and Reply are set forth in the December
3, 2020 Amended Complaint, ECF No. 9, filed in the above-captioned proceeding, and its
The Amended Complaint lays out in detail factual allegations and violations of the U.S.
Constitution and the Wisconsin Election Code, supported by more than a dozen sworn affidavits
from fact and expert witnesses. Yet Defendants dismiss the Amended Complaint as a “mishmash
of speculation, conjecture, and conspiracy theories, all without a shred of evidence.” ECF No. 59
at 1. Defendants and Amicus filings have not presented any facts or witness testimony that
responds to, much less rebuts, Plaintiffs’ factual allegations and witnesses. Accordingly, Plaintiff’s
allegation and witness testimony remains unrebutted and unchallenged and must be accepted as
In Section I, Plaintiff will first review the legal standard for granting injunctive relief, and
the evidentiary standards applicable to the TRO Motion where, as here, defendants fail to offer
any rebutting evidence. Thereafter, Plaintiff will again demonstrate that it has met the requirements
for injunctive relief, which are: (1) substantial likelihood of success on the merits, and in particular
that Plaintiffs have adequately pled their Constitutional and statutory claims; (2) irreparable injury,
(3) the balance of equities tips in their favor, and (4) the requested relief is in the public interest.
In Section II, Plaintiff will demonstrate that he has met the applicable pleading standard
for constitutional election fraud and other constitutional claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, in
particular, under Federal Rules of Civil Procedure Rule 9(b) and Rule 12(b)(6). As an initial
matter, we would note that dismissal of election-related challenges is inappropriate before the
Finally, Section III will respond to, and dispose of, specious legal arguments by Defendants
and Amicus for denial of Plaintiffs’ TRO Motion, and/or dismissal of the Amended Complaint, on
“To obtain a preliminary injunction, a plaintiff must show three things: (1) without such
relief, he will suffer irreparable harm before his claim is finally resolved; (2) he has no adequate
remedy at law; and (3) he has some likelihood of success on the merits. Harlan v. Scholz, 866
F.3d 754, 758 (7th Cir. 2017) (citing Girl Scouts of Manitou Council, Inc. v. Girl Scouts of U.S.
of Am., Inc., 549 F.3d 1079, 1086 (7th Cir. 2008).” “If the plaintiff can do that much, the court
must then weigh the harm the plaintiff will suffer without an injunction against the harm the
defendant will suffer with one.” Harlin, 866 F.3d at 758 (citing Ty, Inc. v. Jones Grp., Inc., 237
F.3d 891, 895 (7th Cir. 2001). In addition, the court must ask whether the preliminary injunction
is in the public interest. Jones v. Markiewicz-Qualkinbush, 842 F.3d 1053, 1058 (7th Cir. 2016).
All elements are met here, under either standard, and Defendants’ and Amicus responses
have not shown otherwise. Further, this Court can grant the requested injunctive relief on the
pleadings, without an evidentiary hearing, because Defendants have failed to provide any fact or
expert witness testimony whatsoever to rebut Plaintiff’s fact and expert witnesses. See, e.g., Celsis
In Vitro, Inc. v. CellzDirect, Inc., 663 F.3d 922, 930-31 (Fed. Cir. 2012) (affirming district court
Of course, as an initial matter, “[w]hen the acts sought to be enjoined have been declared
unlawful or clearly are against the public interest, plaintiff need show neither irreparable injury
nor a balance of hardship in his favor.” 11 Wright & Miller, Federal Practice & Proc. ¶ 2948 (3d
ed. 1998)) (internal quotation marks omitted); see also Current-Jacks Fork Canoe Rental Ass’n v.
Clark, 603 F. Supp. 421, 427 (E.D. Mo. 1985) (stating that “[i]n actions to enjoin continued
irreparable harm to the public is presumed.”). Certifying election results tainted by election fraud
and failing to retract such a certification is clearly unlawful and against the public interest. Hence,
Plaintiffs discuss irreparable hardship and the public interest only in the alternative.
The Plaintiff does not need to demonstrate a likelihood of absolute success on the merits.
“Instead, [it] must only show that [its] chances to succeed on his claims are ‘better than
negligible.’” Whitaker v. Kenosha Unified Sch. Dist. No. 1 Bd. of Educ., 858 F.3d 1034, 1046 (7th
Cir. 2017). (quoting Cooper v. Salazar, 196 F.3d 809, 813 (7th Cir. 1999)). “This is a low
Through detailed fact and expert testimony including documentary evidence contained in
the Amended Complaint and its exhibits, Plaintiff has made a compelling showing that
Defendants’ intentional actions jeopardized the rights of Wisconsin citizens to select their leaders
under the process set out by the Wisconsin Legislature through the commission of election frauds
that violated Wisconsin laws, including multiple provisions of the Wisconsin election laws. These
acts also violated the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the United States Constitution.
U.S. Const. Amend XIV. And pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, plaintiffs must demonstrate by a
preponderance of the evidence that their constitutional rights to equal protection or fundamental
right to vote were violated. See, e.g., Radentz v. Marion Cty., 640 F.3d 754, 756-757 (7th Cir.
2011).
both vote dilution and voter disenfranchisement, both of which are claims under the Equal
Protection and Due Process Clause, due to the actions of Defendants in collusion with public
10
Defendants’ actions to dilute the votes of Republican voters through counting and even
ballots.
While the U.S. Constitution itself accords no right to vote for presidential electors, “[w]hen
the state legislature vests the right to vote for President in its people, the right to vote as the
legislature has prescribed is fundamental; and one source of its fundamental nature lies in the equal
weight accorded to each vote and the equal dignity owed to each voter.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S.
98, 104 (2000) (emphasis added). The evidence shows not only that Defendants failed to
administer the November 3, 2020 election in compliance with the manner prescribed by the
Wisconsin Legislature, but they administered the voter registration, absentee ballot rules, and
subsequent ballot processing and counting in a manner that facilitated fraudulent and illegal voter
registration and ballot tabulation by election workers, Dominion, Democratic Party officials and
activists and other third parties making certain the election of Joe Biden as President of the United
States. This conduct violated Equal Protection and Due Process rights of Plaintiff and other
similarly situated voters, as well rights under the Wisconsin election laws. See Kasper v. Bd. of
Election Com’rs of the City of Chicago, 814 F.2d 332, 343 (7th Cir. 1987) (state officials “casting
(or approving) of fictitious votes can violate the Constitution and other federal laws.”).
But Defendants’ actions also disenfranchised Republican voters in violation of the U.S.
11
This Court should consider the totality of the circumstances in evaluating Plaintiff’s
constitutional and voting rights claims, see, e.g., Chisom v. Roemer, 111 S.Ct 2354, 2368 (1991),
and thus the cumulative effect of the Defendants’ voter dilution, disenfranchisement, fraud and
manipulation, in addition to the effects of specific practices. Taken together, these various forms
Trump votes, and illegally added tens or hundreds of thousand of Biden votes, changing the result
of the election, and effectively disenfranchising the majority of Wisconsin voters. Defendant (and
Amicus) were fully aware of these constitutional violations, and did nothing to stop it.
While Plaintiff alleges several categories of traditional “voting fraud”, Plaintiff has also
alleged new forms of voting dilution and disenfranchisement made possible by new technology.
The potential for voter fraud inherent in electronic voting was increased as a direct result of
Defendants’ and Amicus’s efforts to transform traditional in-person paper voting – for which there
are significant protections from fraud in place – to near universal absentee voting with electronic
tabulation – while at the same time eliminating through legislation or litigation. And when that
failed by refusing to enforce – traditional protections against voting fraud (voter ID, signature
12
Wisconsin Election Code facilitated illegal and fraudulent voter registration and voting, and thus
evinced a state “policy” that “honest voting is unnecessary or unimportant.” Kasper, 814 F.2d at
344. Defendants’ filing in this proceeding – where they seek to cover up the illegal conduct of
state officials and other third parties and prevent the evidence from ever seeing the light of day –
provide further proof that Defendants are complicit in the massive election fraud scheme described
Thus, while Plaintiff’s claims include novel elements due to changes in technology and
voting practices, that does not nullify the Constitution or Plaintiff’s rights thereunder. Defendants
and Defendant-Intervenors have implemented likely the most wide-ranging and comprehensive
scheme of voting fraud yet devised, integrating new technology with old fashioned urban machine
corruption and skullduggery. The fact that this scheme is novel does not make it legal, or prevent
this Court from fashioning appropriate injunctive relief to protect Plaintiff’s right and prevent
Plaintiff will suffer an irreparable harm due to the Defendants’ myriad violations of
Plaintiff’s rights under the U.S. Constitution, and Wisconsin Election Code, and Defendant and
constitutional claim, such an injury has been held to constitute irreparable harm.” Democratic Nat’l
Comm. v. Bostelmann, 447 F.Supp.3d 757, 769 (W.D. Wis. 2020) (citing Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S.
347, 373, 96 S.Ct. 2673, 49 L.Ed.2d 547 (1976) (where plaintiff had proven a probability of
success on the merits, the threatened loss of First Amendment freedoms “unquestionably
constitutes irreparable injury”); see also Preston v. Thompson, 589 F.2d 300, 303 n.4 (7th Cir.
13
harm.”). Moreover, courts have specifically held that infringement on the fundamental right to
vote constitutes irreparable injury. See Obama for Am. v. Husted, 697 F.3d 423, 435 (6th Cir. 2012)
(“A restriction on the fundamental right to vote ... constitutes irreparable injury.”); Williams v.
Salerno, 792 F.2d 323, 326 (2d Cir. 1986) (holding that plaintiffs “would certainly suffer
citizens’ constitutional right to vote cannot be redressed by money damages.” Bostelmann, 447
F.Supp.3d at 769 (citing Christian Legal Soc’y v. Walker, 453 F.3d 853, 859 (7th Cir. 2006)
(“The loss of First Amendment freedoms is presumed to constitute an irreparable injury for
which money damages are not adequate.”); League of Women Voters of N. Carolina v. North
Carolina, 769 F.3d 224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014) (“[O]nce the election occurs, there can be no do-over
and no redress.”).”
In this Response, Plaintiff has refuted and rebutted Defendants’ arguments in detail, in
particular, regarding standing, equitable defenses, and jurisdictional claims, as well as establishing
their substantial likelihood of success. Having disposed of those arguments, and shown a
substantial likelihood of success, this Court should presume that the requirement to show
Under Seventh Circuit law, a “sliding scale” approach is used for balancing of harms: “[t]he
more likely it is that [the movant] will win its case on the merits, the less the balance of harms
need weigh in its favor.” Girl Scouts of Manitou Council v. Girl Scouts of United States of Am.,
Inc., 549 F.3d 1079, 1100 (7th Cir. 2008). Plaintiff has shown a strong likelihood of success on
14
General Election results, or requiring Defendants to de-certify the results, would not only not
impose a burden on Defendants, but would instead relieve Defendants of the obligation to take any
further affirmative action. The result would be to place the decision regarding certification and
the selection of Presidential Electors back into the hands of the Wisconsin Legislature, which is
the ultimate decision maker under the Elections and Electors Clause of the U.S. Constitution.
Defendants’ own unlawful conduct that it would impose a certain and irreparable injury not only
on Plaintiff, but would also irreparably harm the public interest insofar as it would undermine
“[c]onfidence in the integrity of our electoral processes,” which “is essential to the functioning of
our participatory democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez, 127 S.Ct. 5, 7 (2006) (per curiam).
Defendants urge this Court to dismiss the Amended Complaint for failure to state a claim
under Rule 12(b)(6) or to plead with particularity under Rule 9(b). See ECF No. 54 at 2; ECF No.
The pleading requirements for stating a constitutional election fraud claim in the Seventh
Circuit under Section 1983 are set forth in Kasper, a case addressing widespread voter fraud in
Chicago on a scale similar to what occurred in the 2020 General Election. 814 F.2d at 342-344.
While “intent is an essential ingredient of a constitutional election fraud case under § 1983,” id. at
343, it is not the same intent as required in a common law fraud claim under Federal Rules of Civil
Procedure 9(b). Instead, “section 1983 is implicated only when there is willful conduct which
undermines the organic process by which candidates are elected.” Id. (internal citations and
quotation omitted).
15
has occurred in Wisconsin and other state in the 2020 General Election, in particular, maintenance
of voter lists with ineligible voters, fictitious or fraudulent votes, and failure to enforce safeguards
against voting fraud. Their complaint did not allege active state participation in vote dilution or
other illegal conduct, but rather that the state defendants were aware that a substantial number of
registrations are bogus and [had] not alleviated the situation.” Id. The Kasper held that “casting
(or approval) of fictitious votes can violate the Constitution and other federal laws,” and that for
the purposes of Section 1983, it is sufficient to allege that this conduct was permitted pursuant to
a state “‘policy” of diluting votes” that “may be established by a demonstration” state officials
who “despite knowing of the practice, [have] done nothing to make it difficult.” Id. at 344. This
“policy” may also lie in the “design and administration” of the voting system that is “incapable of
producing an honest vote,” in which case “[t]he resulting fraud may be attributable” to state
officials “because the whole system is in [their] care and therefore is state action.” Id.
illegal conduct, or to meet Rule 9(b) requirements to plead with particularity facts demonstrating
their active participation. Instead, it is sufficient, both for purposes of Rule 9(b) and Rule 12(b)(6)
that Defendants’ administration of the Wisconsin Election Code, in particular their guidance that
nullified express provisions intend to prevent absentee voter fraud, certification of and reliance on
Dominion voting machines, and their certification of results tainted by widespread fraud, in a
manner that facilitated voter fraud and resulted in the constitutional violations set forth in the
Compliant. “In a system of notice pleading, judges should read complaints generously,” id. at 343,
and Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint, detailing several distinct types of voter fraud and
constitutional violations, supported by over a dozen sworn affidavits from fact and expert
16
Plaintiff is a lawfully registered Wisconsin voter, who voted for President Trump in the
2020 General Election, and a nominee of the Republican Party to be a Presidential Elector on
behalf of the State of Wisconsin. See ECF No. 1, “Parties” and Exh. 1, Declaration of William
Feehan.
Defendants arguments on standing rely on the Third Circuit’s decision in Bognet v. Sec’y
of Commonwealth, No. 20-2314, 2020 WL 6686120 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, 2020), see ECF No. 52 at
7; ECF No. 59 at 7-8, as well as a recent district court decision in Michigan that followed Bognet.
ECF No. 59 at 8. (citing King v. Whitmer, No. 2:20-vc-13134 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020). The
Bognet court addressed a complaint by Pennsylvania voters and a congressional candidate, but not
by a Presidential Elector.
Plaintiff Feehan has standing for the same reason that the Eighth Circuit held that
Minnesota Electors had standing in Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020). The Carson
court affirmed that Presidential Electors have both Article III and Prudential standing under the
Electors and Elections Clauses, “was rooted heavily in the court’s interpretation of Minnesota
law.” Defendants neglect to mention is that the Carson court relied on provisions of Minnesota
law treating electors as candidates for office are just like the corresponding provision of the
Wisconsin Election Code because in both States an elector is a candidate for office nominated by
a political party, and a vote cast for a party’s candidate for President and Vice-President is cast for
17
Like the Minnesota statute addressed by the Carson court, Wisconsin statutes provide, first,
that electors are candidates for office nominated by their political party at their state convention
held “on the first Tuesday in October of each year in which there is a Presidential election.” Wis.
Stat. § 8.18.
More importantly, Wisconsin voters do not vote directly for the office of President and
Presidential electors. By general ballot at the general election for choosing the
president and vice president of the United States there shall be elected as many
electors of president and vice president as this state is entitled to elect senators and
representatives in congress. A vote for the president and vice president
nominations of any party is a vote for the electors of the nominees.
When presidential electors … are to be voted for, a vote cast for the party
candidate for president and vice-president shall be deemed a vote cast for that
party’s electors … as filed with the secretary of state.
In Wisconsin as in Minnesota, the President and Vice-President are not directly elected by
voters. Instead, voters elect the Presidential Electors, who in turn elect the President and Vice-
President A vote for President Trump and Vice-President Pence in Wisconsin was a vote for
Plaintiff and his fellow Republican Presidential Electors. It goes without saying that Presidential
Electors play a unique – and central – role in Presidential elections, a role expressly spelled out in
the Electors Clause of the U.S. Constitution. As such, election fraud or other violations of state
election law impacting federal Presidential elections, have a unique and distinct impact on
Presidential Electors, and illegal conduct aimed at harming candidates for President similarly
18
the final vote tally reflects the legally valid votes cast,” as “[a]n inaccurate vote tally is a concrete
and particularized injury to candidates such as the Electors.” Carson, 978 F.3d at 1058. See also
McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U.S. 1, 27 (1892); Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S.
2. Plaintiff Has Standing for Equal Protection and Due Process Claims as
a Registered Voter on His Own Behalf and on Behalf Similarly Situated
Voters for Republican Candidates
Defendants misrepresent Plaintiff’s Equal Protection and Due Process claims, both in terms
of substance and for standing purposes, insofar as they claim that Plaintiffs’ claims are based solely
on a theory of vote dilution, and therefore is a “generalized grievance,” rather than the concrete
and particularized injury required for Article III standing. See ECF No. 52 at 6; ECF No. 4 at 6:
ECF No. 59 at 9.5 Defendants also cite the Eleventh Circuit’s decision in Wood v. Raffensperger,
No. 20-14418 (D.C. Cir. Dec. 5, 2020). See ECF No. 57 at 14. But they fail to recognize that The
Eleventh Circuit’s decision in Wood supports Plaintiff’s standing argument, and refutes theirs. The
court dismissed plaintiff Wood’s claim because he was not a candidate. “[I]f Wood were a political
candidate,” like the Plaintiff here, “he would satisfy this requirement because he could assert a
Plaintiff, on behalf of himself and other similarly situated voters allege, first, and with great
particularity, that Defendants have both violated Wisconsin law and applied Wisconsin law, in an
arbitrary and disparate manner, to dilute the votes of (or voters for Republican candidates) with
5
Amicus also cites Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 4:20-cv-02078, 2020
WL 6821992 (M.D. Penn Nov. 21, 2020). See ECF No. 57 at 13. This case addressed a number
of theories for standing -- associational, organizational, and standing of a political party based on
harm to that party’s candidates -- that are not present here because each Plaintiff bring suit in
their personal capacity as registered Arizona voters and 11 of the Plaintiffs as Presidential
Electors.
19
and quantifies the myriad means by which Defendants and their collaborators illegally inflated the
vote tally for Biden and other Democrats. See ECF No. 9, Section II and III. Thus, the vote
dilution resulting from this systemic and illegal conduct did not affect all Wisconsin voters equally;
it had the intent and effect of inflating the number of votes for Democratic candidates and reducing
Further, Plaintiff has presented evidence that, not only did Defendants dilute the votes of
Plaintiff and similarly-situated voters for Republican candidates, they sought to actively
disenfranchise such voters to reduce their voting power, in clear violation of “one person, one
vote.” See generally Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964).
The Constitution protects “the right of all qualified citizens to vote in state and federal elections ...
and [ ] the right to have votes counted without dilution as compared to the votes of others.” Bodine
v. Elkhart Cty. Election Bd., 788 F.2d 1270, 1271 (7th Cir. 1986). Similarly, federal courts in
Wisconsin have held that voters have standing to challenge state laws that collectively reduce the
value of one party’s impose an injury that is statewide. See Whitford v. Nichol, 151 F.Supp.3d
votes,” vote switching “1 person, -1 votes,” (Dominion and election workers switching votes from
Republicans, “1 person, 1/2 votes,” and for Democrats, “1 person, 1.5 votes.” See e.g., ECF No.
9, Section II.C (ballot destruction/discarding) Ex. 2 (Dr. Briggs Testimony regarding potential
20
value of his particular votes was devalued, or eliminated altogether, and as such, it is not a
injury are identical to that of President Trump—lacks standing to raise Equal Protection and Due
Process claims of similarly situated Republican voters, with the Supreme Court’s 7-2 decision in
Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98 (200), “then-candidate George W. Bush of Texas had standing to raise
the equal protection rights of Florida voters that a majority of the Supreme Court deemed decisive”
in that case. Hawkins v. Wayne Twp. Bd. of Marion Cty., IN, 183 F. Supp. 2d 1099, 1103 (S.D.
Ind. 2002).
Plaintiff can also establish that the alleged particularized injury in fact is causally connected
the enforcement of its current election laws, is the cause of plaintiff[‘s] alleged injuries. Moreover,
the WEC has the authority to implement a federal court order relating to election law to redress
these alleged injuries.” Democratic Nat’l Comm. v. Bostelmann, No. 20-CV-249-WMC, 2020 WL
5627186, at *12 (W.D. Wis. Sept. 21, 2020). Defendant Evers can also provide partial redress in
terms of the requested injunctive relief, namely, by refusing to certify or transmit the election
results, and providing access to voting machines, records and other “election materials.” ECF No.
9 ¶142(4).
Plaintiff thus meets the requirements for standing: (1) the injuries of their rights under the
Equal Protection and Due Process clauses that concrete and particularized for themselves, and
similarly situated voters, whose votes have been devalued or disregarded altogether (2) that are
actual or imminent and (3) are causally connected to Defendants conduct because the debasement
21
employee election workers they supervise. See generally Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S.
B. Laches
Defendants assert that Plaintiff’s claims are barred by laches. See ECF No. 52 at 8; ECF
No. 59 at 16-20. To establish laches a defendant must prove both an unreasonable delay by the
plaintiff and prejudice to itself. See ,e.g., Lingenfelter v. Keystone Consolidated Indus., Inc., 691
First off, “ordinarily a motion to dismiss is not the appropriate vehicle to address the
defense of laches,” American Commercial Barge Lines, LLC v. Reserve FTL, Inc., 2002 WL
31749171 (N.D. Ill. Dec. 3, 2002) (citing Farries v. Stanadyne/Chicago Div., 832 F.2d 374, 376
(7th Cir. 1987)), because “the defense of laches … involves more than the mere lapse of time and
depends largely on questions of fact.” Id. (quoting 5 Wright & Miller, Federal Practice and
Procedure § 1277 (2d ed. 1987). Accordingly, most courts have found the defense “unsuitable for
Defendant Evers relies on Soules v. Kauians for Nukolii Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176,
1180 (9th Cir. 1988), ECF No. 59 at 17, a case with entirely different facts. There, the Ninth
Circuit held that plaintiff Equal Protection claim was barred by laches because they “knew the
basis of their equal claim well in advance” of the election, months in advance in fact, Soules, 849
F.2d at 1181, and failed to provide any explanation for their failure to press their claim before the
Here, by contrast to Defendants’ assertions, all of the unlawful conduct occurred during
the course of the election and in the post-election vote counting, manipulation, and even
fabrication. Plaintiff could not have known the basis of these claims, or presented evidence
22
and other third parties involved did not announce or publicize their misconduct, and in fact
prevented Republican poll watchers from observing the ballot counting and handling, it took
Plaintiff additional time post-election to gather the fact and expert witness testimony presented in
the Amended Complaint. Had they filed before the election, as the Defendant Secretary asserts, it
would have been dismissed as speculative--because the injuries asserted had not occurred--and on
ripeness grounds.
Any “delay” in filing after Election Day is almost entirely due to Defendants failure to
promptly complete counting until weeks after November 3, 2020. Wisconsin did not complete
counting at the same time it certified results, which was not until November 30, 2020, and Plaintiff
filed the initial complaint (which is materially the same as the Amended Complaint filed December
3, 2020), and TRO motion the very next day on December 1, 2020. Defendants cannot now assert
the equitable affirmative defense of laches, when there is no unreasonable delay nor is there any
C. Mootness
Defendant Evers’ mootness argument is similarly without merit. See ECF No. 59 at 13-
14. This argument is based on the false premise that this Court cannot order any of the relief
requested in the Amended Complaint or the TRO Motion because the “requests for relief relate to
the general election held on November 3, 2020, and its results,” id. at 13, and “[b]ecause Wisconsin
It is well settled that “the passage of an election does not necessarily render an election-
related challenge moot and that such challenges may fall within the ‘capable of repetition yet
evading review’ exception to the mootness doctrine.” Tobin for Governor v. Illinois State Bd. of
Elections, 268 F.3d 517, 528 (7th Cir. 2001) (citations omitted). This exception applies where:
23
expiration, and (2) there is a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party will be
subjected to the same action again.” Id. at 529 (citations omitted). Plaintiff’s claims regarding
Defendants’ arbitrary and disparate implementation of Wisconsin law, in a manner that directly
contravenes Wisconsin Election Code provisions governing absentee voting—in particular their
guidance relating to “indefinitely confined” (see Wis. Stat. § 6.86 & Amended Complaint, Section
I.A) voters and witness address verification requirements (see Wis. Stat. § 6.87 & Amended
Complaint Section I.B—where officials have violated statute in this election, and further assert
that it was proper to do so, their conduct will certainly continue in the next election.
In any case, the certification of election results render Plaintiff’s election-related claims
moot. In Siegel v. Lepore, 234 F.3d 1163 (11th Cir. 2000), a case arising from the 2000 General
This Court has held that “[a] claim for injunctive relief may become moot if: (1) it
can be said with assurance that there is no reasonable expectation that the alleged
violation will recur and (2) interim relief or events have completely and irrevocably
eradicated the effects of the alleged violation.
We conclude that neither of these elements is satisfied in this case. The Democratic
candidate, Vice President Gore, and others are currently contesting the election
results in various lawsuits in numerous Florida state courts. There are still manual
recount votes from at least Volusia and Broward Counties in the November 26th
official election results of the Florida Secretary of State. In view of the complex and
ever-shifting circumstances of the case, we cannot say with any confidence that
no live controversy is before us.
Id. at 1172-73 (emphasis added). See also Common Cause, 347 F.Supp.3d at 1291 (holding that
certification of election results did not moot post-election claim for emergency injunctive relief).
The cutoff for election-related challenges, at least in the Seventh Circuit, appears to be the date
that the electors meet, rather than the date of certification: “even though the election has passed,
24
Deininger, No. 08-CV-208, 2008 WL 5246167, at *4 (E.D. Wis. Dec. 17, 2008).
A recent decision by this very Court appears to have applied the Swaffer court’s
interpretation—that the relevant date for federal election-related claims is the December 14, 2020
meeting of the electors, rather than the date of certification—from which it follows that Plaintiff’s
request for relief are not moot. See ECF No. 29, William Feehan v. Wisconsin Elections
Commission, et al., Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp (E.D. Wis. Dec. 4, 2020) (“Feehan”). In response
to Plaintiff’s request for an expedited briefing schedule, this Court explained that, under 3 U.S.C
§5, while the “Safe Harbor” date is December 8, 2020, the Electoral College does not vote for
president and vice president until December 14, 2020. Id. at 7. While “December 8 is a critical
date for resolution of any state court litigation involving an aggrieved candidate,” like Plaintiff, it
is not necessary for this federal Court to grant or deny the injunctive relief requested “before the
safe harbor deadline for state courts to resolve alleged violations of” Wisconsin election laws. Id.
not meet until December 14, 2020,” a less “truncated briefing schedule” is appropriate—this Court
can still grant some or perhaps all of the relief requested and this Plaintiff’s claims are not moot.
Finally, Defendant Evers cites the Eleventh Circuit case in Wood as authority in his
mootness argument, ECF No. 57 at 14, but fails to acknowledge the significant differences between
Mr. Feehan’s requests for relief in the Amended Complaint and Mr. Wood’s in that proceeding.
Unlike Plaintiff, Mr. Wood did not ask the district court to de-certify the election (instead asking
for a delay in certification), nor did he assert claims under the Elections and Electors Clause. The
Wood court held that Georgia’s certification of results mooted Mr. Wood’s request to delay
certification, so the court could not consider a request for de-certification “made for the first time
25
the Amended Complaint, Compl. at ¶¶ 142-145, and this request is not mooted by Defendants’
certification of the results. While the Wood court finds that the mootness exception for “capable
of repetition yet evading review,” discussed above, was not applicable, their denial was based on
the specific “posture of [his] appeal” and the specific relief requested (delay of certification), id.
at *7, which are not applicable to Plaintiff’s claims and requested relief.
This Court can grant the primary relief requested by Plaintiff – de-certification of
Wisconsin’s election results and an injunction prohibiting State Defendants from transmitting the
results – as discussed in Section I.F. on abstention below. There is also no question that this Court
can order other types of declaratory and injunctive relief requested by Plaintiff, in particular,
impounding Dominion voting machines and software for inspection, nor have State Defendants
claimed otherwise.
D. Eleventh Amendment
Defendants assert that Plaintiff’s claims are barred by the Eleventh Amendment. See ECF
No. 52 at 10-11; ECF No. 59 at 14-16. Defendants fail, however, to acknowledge that the Eleventh
Amendment permits claims for prospective and injunctive relief enjoining state officials from
ongoing violations of federal law or the U.S. Constitution. At this stage of the proceeding, this
Court “need only conduct a straightforward inquiry into whether the complaint alleges an ongoing
violation of federal law and seeks relief properly characterized as prospective.” Council 31 of the
Am. Fed’n of State, Cty. & Mun. Employees, AFL-CIO v. Quinn, 680 F.3d 875, 882 (7th Cir. 2012)
(citations omitted).
Plaintiff’s requests for relief in the Amended Complaint meet both requirements. First,
Plaintiff has identified ongoing violations of federal law, among other things by certifying results
of the 2020 General Election that are tainted not only by widespread fraud, but by ongoing
26
well as likely violations of federal law including the Voting Rights Act and the Help America Vote
Act. Second, the declaratory and injunctive relief requested is prospective including: an order
directing Defendants to de-certify the election results, enjoining Defendants from transmitting the
currently certified election results to the Electoral College, TRO to seize and impound servers,
voting machines and other “election materials” for forensic audit and inspection by Plaintiff. ECF
No. 9 ¶142. Moreover, the Amended Complaint requests that this Court prospectively enjoin
Defendants to take actions that are specifically in the scope of their statutory authority. See
Bostelmann, 2020 WL 5627186, at *12 (finding that WEC is responsible for “administration of
Wisconsin’s elections,” and “WEC has the authority to implement a federal court order relating to
Defendant Evers asserts that Plaintiff’s claims are barred alternately because he failed to
exhaust administrative remedies (namely, a complaint to Defendant WEC under Wis. Stat. § 5.06)
and because Wisconsin’s recount statute, Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11), “‘constitutes the exclusive judicial
remedy’ for such claims under state law.” ECF No. 59 at 10 (emphasis added) (citing Trump v.
Evers, No. 2020AP1971-OA, Order at *2 (Wis. Dec. 3, 2020)). Irrespective of whether the cited
Wisconsin statutes set forth exclusive state administrative or judicial remedies, these provisions
The Elections and Electors Clauses of the U.S. Constitution delegate to the Wisconsin
Legislature the power to determine the manner of holding federal elections and selecting
Presidential Electors:
But in the case of a law enacted by a state legislature applicable not only to elections
to state offices, but also to the selection of Presidential electors, the legislature is
not acting solely under the authority given it by the people of the State, but by virtue
27
Bush v. Palm Beach Cty. Canvassing Bd., 531 U.S. 70, 76 (2000). As such, the state laws – and
the implementation thereof by the State’s executive and judicial branches – are inherently a federal
question, and a “significant departure from the legislative scheme for appointing Presidential
electors presents a federal constitutional question.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 113 (2000) (finding
that state court’s recount standards violated the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses).
Accordingly, the Wisconsin statutes cited above cannot bar Plaintiff’s federal constitutional
claims, or impose an administrative exhaustion requirement where Plaintiff is not seeking review
This Court has subject matter jurisdiction for Plaintiff’s federal constitutional claims under
28 U.S.C. § 1331, which provides that “[t]he district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all
civil actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States.” This Court also
has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1343 because this action involves a federal
election for President of the United States. The jurisdiction of the Court to grant declaratory relief
is conferred by 28 U.S.C. §§ 2201 and 2202 and by Rule 57, Fed. R. Civ. P. “The right to vote is
To the extent the Amended Complaint implicates Wisconsin statutory or constitutional law,
jurisdiction remains appropriate under 28 U.S.C. § 1367. As a threshold matter, the supplemental
jurisdiction statute, section 1367, says that district courts “shall have” jurisdiction over the non-
federal claims forming part of the same case or controversy, ... if state law claims are asserted as
part of the same case or controversy with a federal claim, the district court has discretion to exercise
supplemental jurisdiction over the remaining state law claims and the mandatory remand provision
28
Defendant Evers urges this Court to dismiss the Amended Complaint and abstain from
taking jurisdiction over the claims raised in the Amended Complaint. ECF No. 59 at 11-12. The
standard for federal abstention in the voting rights and state election law context, Harman v.
Forssenius, 380 U.S. 528, 534, (1965), where the Supreme Court explained that abstention may
be appropriate where “the federal constitutional question is dependent upon, or may be materially
altered by, the determination of an uncertain issue of state law,” and “deference to state court
adjudication only be made where the issue of state law is uncertain.” Harman, 380 U.S. at 534
(citations omitted). But if state law in question “is not fairly subject to an interpretation which will
render unnecessary or substantially modify the federal constitutional question,” then “it is the duty
of the federal court to exercise its properly invoked jurisdiction.” Id. (citation omitted).
Governor Evers claims that the “state law issues underlying Plaintiff’s claims are
sufficiently uncertain to warrant abstention,” and points to the order of the Supreme Court of
Wisconsin addressing a petition alleging misconduct by WEC during the 2020 General Election
that “raises time-sensitive questions of state-wide concern.” ECF No. 59 at 12 (citing Wisconsin
2020) (“Wisconsin Voters Alliance”). What he neglects to mention is that the Wisconsin Supreme
Court denied the petition, “the third time that a majority of [the Wisconsin Supreme Court] has
turned its back on pleas from the public to address a matter of state-wide concern,” involving
alleged wrongdoing by Defendant WEC during the 2020 General Election, “that requires a
declaration of what the statutes require for absentee voting.” Wisconsin Voters Alliance at *5
(Roggensack, C.J., dissenting). Abstention requires more than uncertainty about state law – and
notably, the majority asserted only that the petition required resolution of “disputed factual
claims,” id. at 3, not any uncertainty regarding the interpretation of the statutes – it requires the
29
repeatedly refused to address these issues; by accepting jurisdiction this Court is not “injecting
itself into the middle of [a] dispute,” ECF No. 59 at 12, as there is no current state court proceeding
/s Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler, Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
30
Michael D. Dean
Wis. Bar No.01019171
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
miked@michaelddeanllc.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
31
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
1) I am Plaintiff in the above action, and am a resident of the City of La Crosse and La Crosse
County, Wisconsin.
2) I am a lawfully registered Wisconsin voter and lawfully voted for President Donald J.
of Wisconsin and am pledged as an Elector to vote for him when the Electoral College meets
knowledge.
/s William Feehan .
William Feehan
STATE OF TEXAS,
Plaintiff,
v.
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, STATE OF
GEORGIA, STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND STATE OF
WISCONSIN,
Defendants.
Ken Paxton*
Attorney General of Texas
Brent Webster
First Assistant Attorney
General of Texas
Lawrence Joseph
Special Counsel to the
Attorney General of Texas
STATE OF TEXAS,
Plaintiff,
v.
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, STATE OF
GEORGIA, STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND STATE OF
WISCONSIN,
Defendants.
Ken Paxton*
Attorney General of Texas
Brent Webster
First Assistant Attorney
General of Texas
Lawrence Joseph
Special Counsel to the
Attorney General of Texas
* Counsel of Record
STATE OF TEXAS,
Plaintiff,
v.
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, STATE OF
STATE OF GEORGIA, STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND
STATE OF WISCONSIN,
Defendants.
BILL OF COMPLAINT
Ken Paxton*
Attorney General of Texas
Brent Webster
First Assistant Attorney
General of Texas
Lawrence Joseph
Special Counsel to the
Attorney General of Texas
* Counsel of Record
—John Adams
BILL OF COMPLAINT
Our Country stands at an important crossroads.
Either the Constitution matters and must be followed,
even when some officials consider it inconvenient or
out of date, or it is simply a piece of parchment on
display at the National Archives. We ask the Court to
choose the former.
Lawful elections are at the heart of our
constitutional democracy. The public, and indeed the
candidates themselves, have a compelling interest in
ensuring that the selection of a President—any
President—is legitimate. If that trust is lost, the
American Experiment will founder. A dark cloud
hangs over the 2020 Presidential election.
Here is what we know. Using the COVID-19
pandemic as a justification, government officials in
the defendant states of Georgia, Michigan, and
Wisconsin, and the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
(collectively, “Defendant States”), usurped their
legislatures’ authority and unconstitutionally revised
their state’s election statutes. They accomplished
these statutory revisions through executive fiat or
friendly lawsuits, thereby weakening ballot integrity.
Finally, these same government officials flooded the
Defendant States with millions of ballots to be sent
through the mails, or placed in drop boxes, with little
1 See https://georgiastarnews.com/2020/12/05/dekalb-
county-cannot-find-chain-of-custody-records-for-absentee-
ballots-deposited-in-drop-boxes-it-has-not-been-determined-if-
responsive-records-to-your-request-exist/
3 https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2020/08/22/mail-
in-voting-civil-war-election-conspiracy-lincoln/
Ken Paxton*
Attorney General of Texas
Brent Webster
First Assistant Attorney
General of Texas
Lawrence Joseph
Special Counsel to the
Attorney General of Texas
* Counsel of Record
STATE OF TEXAS,
Plaintiff,
v.
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, STATE OF
STATE OF GEORGIA, STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND
STATE OF WISCONSIN,
Defendants.
Ken Paxton*
Attorney General of Texas
Brent Webster
First Assistant Attorney
General of Texas
Lawrence Joseph
Special Counsel to the
Attorney General of Texas
*Counsel of Record
STATE OF TEXAS,
Plaintiff,
v.
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, STATE OF
STATE OF GEORGIA, STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND
STATE OF WISCONSIN,
Defendants.
BRIEF IN SUPPORT OF
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE
Pursuant to S.Ct. Rule 17.3 and U.S. CONST. art.
III, § 2, the State of Texas (“Plaintiff State”)
respectfully submits this brief in support of its Motion
for Leave to File a Bill of Complaint against the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and the States of
Georgia, Michigan, and Wisconsin (collectively,
“Defendant States”).
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
Lawful elections are at the heart of our freedoms.
“No right is more precious in a free country than that
of having a voice in the election of those who make the
laws under which, as good citizens, we must live.
Other rights, even the most basic, are illusory if the
right to vote is undermined.” Wesberry v. Sanders, 376
U.S. 1, 10 (1964). Trust in the integrity of that process
Ken Paxton*
Attorney General of Texas
Brent Webster
First Assistant Attorney
General of Texas
Lawrence Joseph
Special Counsel to the
Attorney General of Texas
* Counsel of Record
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiffs,
v.
Defendants.
Paul Smith
Attorneys for Defendant,
CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER
Governor Tony Evers
1101 14th St. NW, Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
December 9, 2020
Telephone: (202) 736-2200
psmith@campaignlegalcenter.org
Plaintiff’s response brief, like the Amended Complaint, is rampant with wild speculation
and conspiratorial conclusions, and simply without any basis in law or fact. To make up for these
deficiencies, Plaintiff makes egregious misstatements of the law, and simply ignores standards he
Starting with the “merits,” Defendant Evers explained in great detail why Plaintiff’s
claims are not remotely plausible, including that the factual allegations have nothing specific to
do with Wisconsin, are made by persons with no actual firsthand knowledge (of anything they
allege, let alone anything that allegedly happened in Wisconsin), and are overwhelmingly
conclusory assertions without any alleged plausible factual basis, while the “expert” allegations
are made by persons without required expertise, using either no disclosed methodology at all or
methodologies riddled with fatal flaws. (See Dkt. 59 at 20-28) Plaintiff responds to this detailed
refutation of his allegations with…nothing. He offers not a word in substantive defense of the
supposed “plausibility” of his fantastical allegations. He instead offers a short exploration of the
pleading standard for intent under Rule 9(b) (Dkt. 72 at 15-17), but that discussion has nothing to
do with Defendant Evers’ eight pages explaining the many reasons why Plaintiff’s allegations
come nowhere close to meeting the Twombly and Iqbal “plausibility” standard. Plaintiff fails
even to cite, let alone discuss, Twombly and Iqbal. This failure to even try to defend the
“plausibility” of his allegations constitutes waiver on the Rule 12(b)(6) issue, and is itself
Moving beyond the “merits issues” while Plaintiff does actually engage (to varying
degrees) with Defendant Evers’s other arguments for dismissal, Plaintiff’s efforts fail. Plaintiff
makes conflicting statements regarding standing, arguing that his standing stems from his status
as a presidential elector and then switches to a voter when he perceives that status as more
elector, he has no standing. He even cites to a case to support standing, but fails to acknowledge
that the Supreme Court overruled the decision. While he seeks to shrug aside laches, he cannot
avoid the fact that he seeks to disenfranchise millions of Wisconsin voters who cast their votes in
reliance on the voting procedures in place on Election Day. He does so despite having had ample
Dominion voting machines (though not nearly as widespread as he alleges (see Amend. Cmplt.
Exh. 5) that he claims have long been susceptible to fraud, well before those votes were cast.
Instead, Plaintiff lay in the weeds, allowing the election to take place and a full month thereafter
to pass by, refraining from participating in any of the established state-law procedures for
challenging the results, and even staying on the sidelines as Governor Evers transmitted the
certified results to the National Archives confirming Wisconsin’s Electors, before finally
asserting these claims with the Electoral College set to meet on December 14, 2020. While he
likewise gives short shrift to the mootness, Eleventh Amendment, abstention, and exclusive-
jurisdiction principles raised in Governor Evers’ motion, each provides an independent basis for
dismissing his claims with prejudice. Ultimately, Plaintiff cannot and does not even try to
differentiate his Wisconsin case from King v. Whitmer or Pearson v. Kemp, where judges shot
down identical lawsuits by these same lawyers on all the grounds that Defendants have here too
presented to the Court. The Wisconsin lawsuit must meet the same fate.
Plaintiff misleadingly cites to a pre-Twombly and Iqbal case to argue he has sufficiently
alleged constitutional violations. (Dkt. 72, at 15-16) He discusses that case, Kasper v. Bd. of
Election Com’rs of the City of Chicago, 814 F.2d 332 (7th Cir. 1987), to make an argument
about pleading standards for a defendant’s intent that has nothing to do with Defendant Evers’
3
discussion is thus irrelevant to Defendant Evers’s Twombly and Iqbal arguments. By citing a pre-
Twombly and Iqbal case, he completely ignores “the factual heft required to survive a motion to
dismiss after Twombly and Iqbal.” McCauley v. City of Chicago, 671 F.3d 611, 617 (7th Cir.
2011); see also Diedrich v. Ocwen Loan Servicing, LLC, 839 F.3d 583, 589 (7th Cir. 2016)
(stating that Twombly and Iqbal established “heightened pleading requirements”); Atkins v. City
of Chicago, 631 F.3d 823, 832 (7th Cir. 2011) (quoting In re marchFIRST Inc., 589 F.3d 901,
905 (7th Cir. 2009)) (“After Twombly and Iqbal a plaintiff to survive dismissal ‘must plead some
facts that suggest a right to relief that is beyond the speculative level.’”); Swanson v. Citibank,
N.A., 614 F.3d 400, 404 (7th Cir. 2010) (after Twombly and Iqbal, the plaintiff must “present a
Twombly and Iqbal require more than traditional notice pleading. Instead, Plaintiff must
provide particular facts that nudge his “claims across the line from conceivable to plausible.”
Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570 (2007). Plaintiff offers only wild conspiracy
theories, rank speculation, and conjecture, and his Amended Complaint completely lacks any
plausible first-hand factual or expert allegations, tied to the election in Wisconsin. Plaintiff thus
fails to establish his claims as remotely conceivable. The leaps of logic and facially bogus
elections in Venezuela in 2009 to 2013 involving some company called “Smartmatic” that has no
machines that somehow (albeit without allegations providing any explanation at all, let alone a
plausible explanation) affected votes in Wisconsin counties that were won by President Trump or
used other companies’ voting machines; assertions that the fact of election results that were
or Stevens Point were the product of “statistical impossibilities” rather than the far more
plausible explanation that those are predominantly Democratic parts of the states; and assertions
experience and no showing that his methodologies comported with professional standards (to the
contrary, a “survey” that on its face was methodologically fatally flawed) somehow provides a
basis for throwing out hundreds of thousands of votes cast by Wisconsinites—rightly would be
called out as ridiculous if suggested at a social event or in most Internet forums. They surely
have no place in a complaint filed in federal court. Plaintiff completely failed to respond to
Defendant Evers’s detailed Rule 12(b)(6) and 9(b) arguments explaining the utter lack of
plausibility of these allegations, and that failure alone constitutes waiver requiring dismissal. See
Bonte v. U.S. Bank, N.A., 624 F.3d 461, 465-66 (7th Cir. 2010) (complete failure to address Rule
A. Carson is irrelevant.
Plaintiff claims that an Eighth Circuit decision grants him standing to sue under the
Electors and Elections Clauses. (See Dkt. 72 at 17) He relies upon Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d
1051 (8th Cir. 2020), a non-binding case that was specific to Minnesota law and involved a pre-
election challenge to Minnesota election procedures that were modified by a state court. Nothing
in Carson suggests that the Electors and Elections Clauses create post-election rights to
Plaintiff’s counsel made a similar argument in King v. Whitmer, 2020 WL 7134198 (E.D.
Mich.) (Dec. 7, 2020) (provided at Dkt. 51-5). The judge in King rejected that argument,
specifically finding that the Carson majority was not as persuasive as the dissenting judge. King
5
for public office as that term is commonly understood.” 978 F.3d at 1063 Kelly, J., dissenting). It
are not presented to and chosen by the voting public for their office, but instead
automatically assume that office based on the public's selection of entirely different
individuals. But even if we nonetheless assume the Electors should be treated like
traditional political candidates for standing purposes, I question whether these particular
candidates have demonstrated the “concrete and particularized” injury necessary for
Article III standing. Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560 (1992). To the contrary,
their claimed injury—a potentially “inaccurate vote tally”–—appears to be “precisely the
kind of undifferentiated, generalized grievance about the conduct of government” that the
Supreme Court has long considered inadequate for standing.
Id. In King, the court found this more convincing and stated that even if Michigan and Minnesota
law were similar, “Plaintiffs lack standing to sue under the Elections and Electors Clauses.” King
at *11. And Plaintiff only glosses over the fact that in Bognet the court found no standing despite
Regardless of how Minnesota law treats electors, Wisconsin law makes clear that the
presidential electors have a purely ministerial role. The presidential electors do not appear on the
ballot. Contrary to Plaintiff’s misleading assertion, voters submit ballots for their presidential
Yet even if Plaintiff were correct, and he has standing as a surrogate for President Trump
or a “candidate” himself, that does not help him because then he undoubtedly would have had to
utilize state law remedies and intervened in the recount petition that President Trump filed. Thus,
his failure to utilize state law remedies would foreclose him from bringing his claims.
B. Plaintiff’s equal protection and due process standing arguments are in error.
Plaintiff’s argument for standing for Due Process and Equal Protection would normally
not merit any response. However, two points must be refuted. For the first time, Plaintiff says in
contains no reference to whom he voted for in the presidential election. Thus, he cannot bring a
claim as a voter, because his Amended Complaint does not allege that he voted for Trump.
Nonetheless, if he brings his state claims (which he tries to disguise as constitutional claims) as a
voter, then he must exhaust his exclusive, state-administrative remedy under Wis. Stat. § 5.06.
Second, Plaintiff cites Whitford v. Nichol, 151 F.Supp.3d 918 (W.D. Wis. 2015), to argue
voters have standing for “state laws that collectively reduce the value of one party[].” (Dkt. 72 at
20) He neglects to mention that the case was appealed and the Supreme Court rejected the same
theory of Article III standing as plaintiff advances. See Gill v. Whitford, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1921
(U.S. 2018). Arguing that the case somehow creates standing for Plaintiff in this case is an
egregious misstatement of the law. Consequently, he can point to no decision where similar
plaintiffs had standing. Again, Bognet is instructive because it found a similar concept of vote
dilution as argued by Plaintiff here “is not a concrete harm under the Equal Protection Clause of
As a foundational matter, Plaintiff asserts that “ordinarily, a motion to dismiss is not the
appropriate vehicle to address the defense of laches.” (Dkt. 72 at 22 (quoting Am. Commercial
Barge Lines, LLC v. Reserve FTL, Inc., 2002 WL 31749171, at *1 (N.D. Ill. Dec. 3, 2002))1
(emphasis added)) But what Plaintiff ignores is that the same case qualifies this statement, noting
that most courts have found the defense of laches unsuitable at the pleading stage “unless laches
is apparent on the face of the complaint.” Am. Commercial Barge Lines, LLC, 2002 WL
1
Pursuant to Civil L. R. 7(j)(2), all unpublished cases, orders, and dispositions cited are filed in
conjunction with this brief.
7
the complaint, and the circumstances giving rise to this case are far from ordinary.
Despite Plaintiff’s assertion that he could not have known the basis of his claims earlier
than he did (Dkt. 72 at 22-23), Plaintiff’s own pleadings prove that assertion is false. Plaintiff’s
Amended Complaint is based on alleged violations of Wisconsin election laws stemming from
the use of Dominion Voting Machines and guidance issued by the Wisconsin Elections
Commission. It is apparent on the face of the Amended Complaint that Plaintiff knew about
these longstanding practices, including the use of Dominion Voting Machines, for months and, in
some cases, years before the general election on November 3, 2020. (See Amend. Cmplt. ¶¶37-
45, 64-68; see also Dkt. 59 at 17-18) Plaintiff’s claims are based on assumptions Plaintiff makes
about how alleged problems with these machines and this guidance must have resulted in
improper counting of votes. Yet having known about these alleged problems with the machines
and the guidance well before the election, Plaintiff was obligated to raise his complaints about
the machines and the guidance then, before millions of voters had cast their ballots in reliance on
Moreover, the nature of the allegations in the Amended Complaint and the audacity of
the requested relief compel the conclusion that this case is certainly not ordinary. In several other
recent cases like this one, the lateness of the filings and the prejudice to the defendants and to the
voting public have been so obvious that courts around the country are dismissing on the bases of
laches. King, Op. & Order, at *6; Wood v. Raffensberger, No. 1:2020-cv-04651-SDG, 2020 WL
6817513, at *8 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 20, 2020), aff’d, 2020 WL 7094866, at *6 (11th Cir. Dec. 5,
ballot counting after Election Day is preposterous. First, Wisconsin did not certify the election
results until November 30, 2020, because a recount was requested by the Trump campaign and
promptly conducted by Dane and Milwaukee Counties. To the extent that Plaintiff asserts his
standing is the same as the candidate for whom he is a presidential elector (which it is not), any
delay caused by the recount must be attributed to the candidate, and by extension to Plaintiff.
Second, Plaintiff points to no law that required him to wait until after completion of the recount
and certification to file this federal court lawsuit. To be sure, this lawsuit is entirely improper, as
Plaintiff should have used the available, exclusive state-law procedures. But having wrongly
eschewed those procedures, Plaintiff cannot point to their unique requirements to justify his own
hugely prejudicial delay in filing this lawsuit (especially given that one of the two procedures—
the administrative complaint procedure available to regular voters—does not require that the
voter wait until after certification to file a complaint, Wis. Stat. § 5.06(1)). Having decided to file
in federal court rather than in either of the proper exclusive state forums, and having known
about the basis for his claims for weeks, months, and sometimes years, Plaintiff’s lengthy delay
in filing is wholly unjustified and ample grounds for invoking laches to dismiss this case.
Despite Plaintiff’s assertions to the contrary, “a case is moot where the court lacks ‘the
ability to give meaningful relief[.]’” King, Op. & Order, at *13 (citing Sullivan v. Benningfield,
920 F.3d 401, 410 (6th Cir. 2019)). Presumably, all of Plaintiff’s requests for relief are targeted
to invalidate the results of the general election in order to declare President Trump the winner of
Wisconsin’s electoral votes. From that perspective, it is apparent that Plaintiff’s requests for
relief are moot. In part, Plaintiff asks this Court to “de-certify the election results,” to enjoin
“Governor Evers from transmitting the currently certified election results [to] the Electoral
9
Donald Trump is the winner of the election.” (Amend. Cmplt. ¶42) But, the Court has no
authority to simply declare an alternative winner of an election; an injunction cannot stop the
Governor from transmitting the election results to the federal government because that was
already done before Plaintiff filed his Amended Complaint; and there is no legal mechanism for
the de-certification of the election results. While the exclusive state procedure for contesting
election results holds open the possibility for relief, see Wis. Stat. §§ 9.01(6) & (9), any efforts to
obtain relief in federal court are not only barred by the exclusive state procedure, but were
Governor Evers does not dispute that the Eleventh Amendment permits prospective
injunctive relief against state officials on the basis of federal law. But Plaintiff ignores the
requisite latter part of that sentence. Where claims are based on state law, the Eleventh
Amendment bars all relief, “whether prospective or retroactive.” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v.
Halderman, 465 U.S. 89, 106 (1984). That restriction applies even where, as here, Plaintiff
cloaks his state-law claims in federal garb. (Dkt. 59 at 15 (citing cases)) Plaintiff’s Elections and
Electors Clause claim is based on Defendants purportedly exercising electoral authority in ways
that “conflict with existing legislation” enacted by the Wisconsin Legislature. (Amend. Cmplt.
¶103) Likewise, his Equal Protection Clause claim hinges on Defendants’ alleged failure to
“enforce[] fairly and uniformly” Wisconsin’s election laws, claiming that because “Defendants
failed to comply with the requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code,” his vote was diluted in
violation of the Equal Protection Clause. (Id. ¶¶115-16 (emphasis added)) Count III alleges a
Due Process Clause violation based on so-called “vote dilution.” This, too, has no actual basis in
simply slapping a “federal claim” label on what are ultimately questions of state law.
The Wisconsin Legislature has prescribed the process for the filing, review, and
by the WEC. Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(2m), 5.06. The Wisconsin Legislature has also determined that
claims challenging the results of an election based on alleged irregularities and defects in the
voting process are exclusively determined through the recount statute. Wis. Stat. § 9.01(11).
Plaintiff attempts to circumvent these procedures and inappropriately invoke federal jurisdiction.
In Count IV of his Amended Complaint, Plaintiff states that “Defendants intentionally violated
multiple provisions of the Wisconsin Election Code to elect Biden and other Democratic
candidates and defeat President Trump and other Republican candidates.” (Amend. Cmplt. ¶137
(emphasis added)) Moreover, Section I of the Amended Complaint, which is incorporated into
Counts I through III of the Amended Complaint (see id. ¶¶104-06, 116, 129) details only state
Plaintiff could have filed a complaint with the WEC under Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(2m) or
5.06. Or, to the extent that Plaintiff alleges that he has standing on par with candidate President
Trump (which he does not), he should have intervened in the recount requested by President
Trump, the results of which are currently being appealed. Plaintiff’s allegations here are
precisely the sorts of claims captured by the Wisconsin statutory processes review. He alleges
election official misconduct, which is subject to review under Wis. Stat. § 5.06, and he alleges
irregularities or defects in the voting process, which are subject to challenge only via the recount
11
forums for challenging the conduct of an election or its results simply by bootstrapping concerns
about the constitutional right to vote onto any election-related cause of action. Moreover, if
Plaintiff is not required to avail himself of state requirements for challenging election conduct
and instead may proceed in federal court, what is there to stop other disappointed voters or
candidates from filing lawsuit after lawsuit until January 20 (if not beyond)? Such a result would
further destabilize our democracy and undermine the will of Congress, the Wisconsin
Plaintiff asserts that abstention is not appropriate here because the Wisconsin Supreme
Court declined to grant original jurisdiction over a separately filed case that alleges many of the
same state law violations alleged by Plaintiff. (Dkt. 72 at 29) He concludes that because the
Wisconsin Supreme Court issued its denial, the Court refuses to resolve the state law issues. (Id.
at 29-30) Thus, he argues, it is entirely appropriate for this federal Court to exercise jurisdiction
over this matter because “there is no current state court proceeding addressing these issues.” (Id.
at 30) This conclusion is wrong for two reasons. First, Plaintiff ignores the fact that the
Wisconsin Supreme Court refused to exercise original jurisdiction over the claims not because it
refused to interpret state law, but because the petition was “woefully deficient” and therefore not
appropriate for the Court to take up. Wis. Voters Alliance v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, No.
for original action, joined by a majority of the Justices) (noting that one reason petition for
original action was “woefully deficient” was because it failed to “consider the import of election
statutes that may provide the ‘exclusive remedy,’” namely, Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(2m) and 9.01)
12
Second, as noted above, while the Wisconsin Supreme Court refused original jurisdiction,
it is simply not true that no Wisconsin court is willing to review these state-law issues. To the
contrary, a recount which alleges many of the same state law claims is currently being appealed
in a Wisconsin trial court. Thus, state courts are currently addressing the issues cited by Plaintiff,
and this Court should abstain from exercising jurisdiction over Plaintiff’s complaint.
CONCLUSION
As the Third Circuit recently held, “[v]oters, not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots,
not briefs, decide election.” Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Sec’y of the Commonwealth
of Pa., No. 20-3371, 2020 WL 7012522, at *9 (3d Cir. Nov. 27, 2020). Like other cases that
have been brought in the wake of the 2020 election, Plaintiff’s case is nothing more than an
effort to win through litigation or legislative fiat a result that could not be won at the polls. This
13
Justin A. Nelson
Stephen E. Morrissey
Stephen Shackelford Jr.
Davida Brook
SUSMAN GODFREY L.L.P.
1000 Louisiana St., Suite 5100
Houston, TX 77002
Telephone: 713-651-9366
jnelson@susmangodfrey.com
smorrissey@susmangodfrey.com
sshackelford@susmangodfrey.com
dbrook@susmangodfrey.com
14
In April 1995, Paul Tobin (“Tobin”), a claims adjuster It is undisputed that ACBL submitted notice to Reserve of a
at MG Bush & Associates, Inc. (“MG Bush”), informed possible claim shortly after the sinking of the barge in October
ACBL's assigned claims representative for the file, Larry 1994, but that ACBL did not file this lawsuit until July 2001,
Grieb (“Grieb”), that all matters concerning the Barge sinking six years and nine months later. Because the analogous state
should be directed to his attention, as MG Bush was adjusting statute of limitations governing ACBL's damages claim has
the claim on behalf of Reserve's insurer. Tobin also stated run, there is a presumption that this action is barred under the
that he expected the parties should be able to resolve the doctrine of laches. See Hot Wax, Inc. v. Turtle Wax, Inc., 191
claim “amicably.” Tobin likewise indicated to Michael Ash, F.3d 813, 821 (7th Cir.1999); Conopco, Inc. v. Campbell Soup
Grieb's supervisor, that he believed Reserve's underwriters Co., 95 F.3d 187, 191 (2d Cir.1996). Nevertheless, to prevail
intended to resolve the claim without litigation. In June and on its laches defense here, Reserve must demonstrate: 1) an
September 1995, Tobin wrote to ACBL inquiring if its claim unreasonable lack of diligence by ACBL in bringing suit; and
for damages had been formulated, and stating that Reserve 2) prejudice arising from that delay. See e.g., Hot Wax, Inc.,
“would like every opportunity to amicably resolve this claim 191 F.3d at 822.
short of litigation, if at all possible.”
It appears that ACBL and MG Bush did not correspond A. Unreasonable Lack of Diligence
further concerning the claim until December 1997, when
ACBL finally sent a claims package to Tobin. Receiving Reserve argues that ACBL's delay in filing this lawsuit—
no response from Tobin at MG Bush, ACBL forwarded the almost two years after the expiration of the analogous state
claims package directly to Tolin at Reserve in January 1998. limitations period—is inexcusable. ACBL counters that its
In early March 1998, John Stickling, a senior adjuster at delay should be excused because it was lulled into inaction
MG Bush, wrote ACBL requesting further information with by the representations of MG Bush, on behalf of Reserve, of
respect to the damages claim. an intent to resolve the dispute without resorting to litigation.
ACBL focuses primarily on the July 1999 letter, which states
In July 1999, ACBL sent MG Bush the additional materials not only that the additional information requested had been
sought and responded to the questions posed. MG Bush received and the claim was under review, but also expresses a
replied that the claim was being forwarded to defense counsel desire to settle rather than litigate the matter. ACBL maintains
for review, and reiterated a desire to settle the matter without Reserve should be equitably estopped from raising the laches
resorting to litigation. After further unsuccessful attempts to defense because this representation, made only three months
follow up with MG Bush regarding the status of the claim, prior to the expiration of the five year statute of limitations,
ACBL filed this action in July 2001. induced ACBL to forgo filing a lawsuit.
All Citations
Footnotes
1 The parties usually set out the material undisputed facts in their Local Rule 56.1 statements. See N.D. Illinois L.R. 56.1.
However, in light of the procedural posture of this case, the Court will look to the complaint and the motions papers to
ascertain the relevant factual contentions.
No. 20-3371
| On Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Submitted Under Third Circuit Middle District of Pennsylvania (D.C. No. 4:20-cv-02078),
L.A.R. 34.1(a) on November 25, 2020 District Judge: Honorable Matthew W. Brann
|
Attorneys and Law Firms
(Filed: November 27, 2020)
Brian C. Caffrey, Esq., Keith E. Kendall, Esq., Marc A.
Synopsis
Scaringi, Esq., Scaringi & Scaringi, Harrisburg, PA, Rudolph
Background: Voters and President's reelection campaign
W. Giuliani, Esq., New York, NY, for Plaintiffs-Appellants
brought action against Secretary of the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania and county boards of elections, seeking Barry H. Berke, Esq., Dani R. James, Esq., Kramer Levin
to invalidate millions of votes cast by Pennsylvanians in Naftalis & Frankel, New York, NY, Nicole J. Boland, Esq.,
presidential election during COVID-19 pandemic based on Stephen Moniak, Esq., Keli M. Neary, Esq., Karen M.
allegations that Secretary's authorization of notice-and-cure Romano, Esq., Office of Attorney General of Pennsylvania,
procedure for procedurally defective mail-in ballots violated Harrisburg, PA, Daniel T. Brier, Esq., John B. Dempsey,
the Equal Protection Clause and that poll watchers were Esq., Donna A. Walsh, Esq., Myers Brier & Kelly, Scranton,
impermissibly excluded from canvass. The United States PA, Dani R. James, Esq., Kramer Levin Naftalis &
District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania, Frankel, New York, NY, for Defendant - Appellee Secretary
Matthew W. Brann, J., 2020 WL 6821992, granted motion by Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
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Mark A. Aronchick, Esq., John Coit, Esq., Michele D. James P. DeAngelo, Esq., McNees Wallace & Nurick,
Hangley, Esq., John B. Hill, Esq., Christina Matthias, Harrisburg, PA, for Amicus Curiae Christine T. Whitman
Esq., Robert A. Wiygul, Esq., Hangley Aronchick Segal
Matthew Stiegler, Esq., Law Office of Matthew Stiegler,
Pudlin & Schiller, Philadelphia, PA, Stephen H. Barrett,
Philadelphia, PA, for Amicus Appellee Erwin Chemerinsky
Esq., Brian H. Benjet, Esq., Ilana H. Eisenstein, Esq.,
Ben C. Fabens-Lassen, Esq., Rachel A.H. Horton, Esq., Before: SMITH, Chief Judge, and CHAGARES and BIBAS,
Danielle T. Morrison, Esq., Jayne A. Risk, Esq., DLA Piper, Circuit Judges
Philadelphia, PA, for Defendants-Appellees Chester County
Board of Elections, Montgomery County Board of Elections,
Philadelphia County Board of Elections
OPINION*
Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Esq., Molly E. Meacham, Esq., Babst
BIBAS, Circuit Judge.
Calland, State College, PA, for Defendant-Appellee Centre
County Board of Elections *1 Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy.
Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election
Timothy P. Brennan, Esq., Brian Jeffrey Taylor, Northampton
unfair does not make it so. Charges require specific
County Office of the Solicitor, Easton, PA, Molly
allegations and then proof. We have neither here.
E. Meacham, Esq., Babst Calland, Pittsburgh, PA, for
Defendant-Appellee Northampton County Board of Elections
The Trump Presidential Campaign asserts that Pennsylvania's
Terence M. Grugan, Esq., Timothy D. Katsiff, Esq., Edward 2020 election was unfair. But as lawyer Rudolph Giuliani
D. Rogers, Esq., Elizabeth V. Wingfield, Esq., Ballard Spahr, stressed, the Campaign “doesn't plead fraud. ... [T]his is not
Philadelphia, PA, Molly E. Meacham, Esq., Babst Calland, a fraud case.” Mot. to Dismiss Hr'g Tr. 118:19–20, 137:18.
Pittsburgh, PA, for Defendant-Appellee Delaware County Instead, it objects that Pennsylvania's Secretary of State and
Board of Elections some counties restricted poll watchers and let voters fix
technical defects in their mail-in ballots. It offers nothing
Adriel I. Cepeda Derieux, Esq., Sophia Lin Lakin, Esq., more.
American Civil Liberties Union, New York, NY, Witold J.
Walczak, Esq., American Civil Liberties Union, Pittsburgh, This case is not about whether those claims are true. Rather,
PA, Claudia De Palma, Esq., Benjamin D. Geffen, Esq., the Campaign appeals on a very narrow ground: whether
Mary M. McKenzie, Esq., Public Interest Law Center the District Court abused its discretion in not letting the
of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, Jon M. Greenbaum, Campaign amend its complaint a second time. It did not.
Esq., Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law,
Washington, DC, David M. Zionts, Esq., Covington Most of the claims in the Second Amended Complaint boil
& Burling, Washington, DC, for Intervenor-Defendants- down to issues of state law. But Pennsylvania law is willing
Appellees Joseph Ayeni, Black Political Empowerment to overlook many technical defects. It favors counting votes
Project, Common Cause of Pennsylvania, Stephanie Higgins, as long as there is no fraud. Indeed, the Campaign has already
Meril Lara, League of Women Voters of Pennsylvania, litigated and lost many of these issues in state courts.
Ricardo Morales, Pennsylvania State Conference of NAACP
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The Campaign tries to repackage these state-law claims as and mail-in ballots are inspected, opened, or counted, or
unconstitutional discrimination. Yet its allegations are vague when provisional ballots are examined. §§ 2602(a.1), (q.1),
and conclusory. It never alleges that anyone treated the Trump 3050(a.4)(4), 3146.8(g)(1.1) & (2); see also § 3050(a.4)(12)
campaign or Trump votes worse than it treated the Biden (defining provisional ballots as those cast by voters whose
campaign or Biden votes. And federal law does not require voter registration cannot be verified right away).
poll watchers or specify how they may observe. It also says
nothing about curing technical state-law errors in ballots. *2 Still, counties have some control over these poll watchers
Each of these defects is fatal, and the proposed Second and representatives. The Election Code does not tell counties
Amended Complaint does not fix them. So the District Court how they must accommodate them. Counties need only allow
properly denied leave to amend again. them “in the polling place” or “in the room” where ballots are
being inspected, opened, or counted. §§ 2687(b), 3050(a.4)
Nor does the Campaign deserve an injunction to undo (4), 3146.8(g)(1.1) & (2). Counties are expected to set up “an
Pennsylvania's certification of its votes. The Campaign's enclosed space” for vote counters at the polling place, and
claims have no merit. The number of ballots it specifically poll watchers “shall remain outside the enclosed space.” §
challenges is far smaller than the roughly 81,000-vote margin 2687(b). So the counties decide where the watchers stand and
of victory. And it never claims fraud or that any votes were how close they get to the vote counters.
cast by illegal voters. Plus, tossing out millions of mail-in
ballots would be drastic and unprecedented, disenfranchising 2. Mail-in ballots. For decades, Pennsylvania let only certain
a huge swath of the electorate and upsetting all down-ballot people, like members of the military and their families, vote
races too. That remedy would be grossly disproportionate to by mail. See, e.g., 25 Pa. Stat. § 3146.1. But last year, as part
the procedural challenges raised. So we deny the motion for of a bipartisan election reform, Pennsylvania expanded mail-
an injunction pending appeal. in voting. Act of Oct. 31, 2019, Pub. L. No. 552, sec. 8, §
1310-D, 2019 Pa. Legis. Serv. Act 2019-77 (S.B. 421). Now,
any Pennsylvania voter can vote by mail for any reason. See
25 Pa. Stat. §§ 2602(t), 3150.11(a).
I. Background
A. Pennsylvania election law To vote by mail, a Pennsylvania voter must take several steps.
In Pennsylvania, each county runs its own elections. 25 Pa. First, he (or she) must ask the State (Commonwealth) or his
Stat. § 2641(a). Counties choose and staff polling places. § county for a mail-in ballot. 25 Pa. Stat. § 3150.12(a). To
2642(b), (d). They buy their own ballot boxes and voting do that, he must submit a signed application with his name,
booths and machines. § 2642(c). They even count the votes date of birth, address, and other information. § 3150.12(b)–
and post the results. § 2642(k), (l). In all this, counties (c). He must also provide a driver's license number, the last
must follow Pennsylvania's Election Code and regulations. four digits of his Social Security number, or the like. §§
But counties can, and do, adopt rules and guidance for 2602(z.5), 3150.12b(a), (c). Once the application is correct
election officers and electors. § 2642(f). And they are charged and complete, the county will approve it. See §§ 3150.12a(a),
with ensuring that elections are “honestly, efficiently, and 3150.12b.
uniformly conducted.” § 2642(g).
Close to the election, the county will mail the voter a mail-
1. Poll watchers and representatives. Counties must admit in ballot package. § 3150.15. The package has a ballot
qualified poll “watchers” to observe votes being tallied. 25 and two envelopes. The smaller envelope (also called the
Pa. Stat. § 2650(a). Poll watchers must be registered to vote in secrecy envelope) is stamped “Official Election Ballot.” §
the county where they will serve. § 2687(b). Each candidate 3150.14(a). The larger envelope is stamped with the county
can pick two poll watchers per election district; each political board of election's name and address and bears a printed voter
party, three. § 2687(a). The poll watchers remain at the declaration. Id.
polling place while election officials count in-person ballots.
§ 2687(b). They can ask to check voting lists. Id. And they Next, the voter fills out the ballot. § 3150.16(a). He then folds
get to be present when officials open and count all the mail- the ballot; puts it into the first, smaller secrecy envelope; and
in ballots. § 3146.8(b). Likewise, candidates’ and political seals it. Id. After that, he puts the secrecy envelope inside the
parties’ “representatives” may be present when absentee larger envelope and seals that too. Id. He must also “fill out,
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date and sign the declaration printed” on the outside of the 1. Mail-in voting. For months, Pennsylvanians went to the
larger envelope. §§ 3150.16(a), 3150.14(b). The declaration polls, so to speak. The first batch of mail-in ballots went
for the November 2020 election read thus: out to voters in late September. As they trickled back in,
election officials noticed that some voters had not followed
I hereby declare that I am qualified to vote from the below the rules. Some ballots were not in secrecy envelopes,
stated address at this election; that I have not already voted so those packages were lighter and thinner than complete
in this election; and I further declare that I marked my ballot packages. Others had declarations that voters had not
ballot in secret. I am qualified to vote the enclosed ballot. completed. Some counties did not notify voters about these
I understand I am no longer eligible to vote at my polling defective ballots. Others, including the counties named in this
place after I return my voted ballot. However, if my ballot suit, decided to reach out to these voters to let them cure their
is not received by the county, I understand I may only mistakes by voting provisionally on Election Day or asking
vote by provisional ballot at my polling place, unless I for a replacement ballot.
surrender my balloting materials, to be voided, to the judge
of elections at my polling place. 2. Election Day. Though more than two million
Pennsylvanians voted by mail, even more voted in person. On
[BAR CODE]
Election Day, November 3, the Campaign set up poll watchers
Voter, sign or mark here/Votante firme o mar[q]ue aqui at polling places around the Commonwealth. Appellees’
election officials kept poll watchers and representatives away
X_______________________________________ from where ballots were opened, counted, and tallied. In
Philadelphia, for instance, poll watchers were kept six to
_________________________________________
twenty-five feet back from officials. In comparison, other,
Date of signing (MM/DD/YYYY)/Fechade firme (MM/ “Republican[-]controlled” counties did give the Campaign's
DD/YYYY) poll watchers and representatives full access. Second Am.
Compl. ¶¶ 151, 154.
_________________________________________
In all, nearly seven million Pennsylvanians voted, more
Voter, print name/Votante, nombre en letra de impreta than a third of them by mail. Unofficial Returns for the
In re: Canvass of Absentee and Mail-in Ballots of November 2020 Presidential Election, Pa. Dep't of State, https://
3, 2020 General Election, Nos. 31–35 EAP & 29 WAP www.electionreturns.pa.gov/ (last visited Nov. 27, 2020). As
2020,––– A.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6875017, at *4 (Pa. of today, former Vice President Biden leads President Trump
Nov. 23, 2020). Once the voter assembles the ballot packet, in Pennsylvania by 81,660 votes. Id.
he can mail it back or deliver it in person. 25 Pa. Stat. §
3150.16(a). Pennsylvania's counties certified their election results by
the November 23 certification deadline. 25 Pa. Stat.
Not every voter can be expected to follow this process § 2642(k). The next morning, the Secretary of State
perfectly. Some forget one of the envelopes. Others forget to (technically, Secretary of the Commonwealth) certified the
sign on the dotted line. Some major errors will invalidate a vote totals, and the Governor signed the Certificate of
ballot. For instance, counties may not count mail-in ballots Ascertainment and sent it to the U.S. Archivist. Department
that lack secrecy envelopes. Pa. Dem. Party v. Boockvar, 238 of State Certifies Presidential Election Results, PA
A.3d 345, 378–80 (Pa. 2020). But the Election Code says Media, https://www.media.pa.gov/Pages/State-details.aspx?
nothing about what should happen if a county notices these newsid=435 (last visited Nov. 27, 2020). The certified margin
errors before election day. Some counties stay silent and do of victory was 80,555 votes. Id.
not count the ballots; others contact the voters and give them
a chance to correct their errors. 3. This lawsuit. Almost a week after the election, the
Campaign (as well as two voters) sued seven Pennsylvania
counties and Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar. It alleged
B. Facts and procedural history
that they had violated the Due Process, Equal Protection,
*3 On appeal from the dismissal of a complaint, we take the
and Electors and Elections Clauses of the U.S. Constitution
factual allegations as true:
by taking two basic actions: First, the counties (encouraged
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briefing, possibly new oral argument, and a reasoned judicial [certain ballot] requirements.” Second Am. Compl. ¶¶167,
opinion within seventy-two hours over a weekend. That is too 193, 222, 252. That is conclusory. So is the claim that,
much to ask—especially since the proposed Second Amended “[u]pon information and belief, a substantial portion of
Complaint largely repleaded many claims abandoned by the the approximately 1.5 million absentee and mail votes in
first one. Cf. Rolo v. City Investing Co. Liquidating Tr., 155 Defendant Counties should not have been counted.” Id.
F.3d 644, 654–55 (3d Cir. 1998) (affirming denial of leave to ¶¶168, 194, 223, 253. “Upon information and belief” is a
amend because the movant sought largely to “replead facts lawyerly way of saying that the Campaign does not know that
and arguments that could have been pled much earlier”). something is a fact but just suspects it or has heard it. “While
legal conclusions can provide the framework of a complaint,
*5 Having repeatedly stressed the certification deadline, the they must be supported by factual allegations.” Iqbal, 556
Campaign cannot now pivot and object that the District Court U.S. at 679, 129 S.Ct. 1937. Yet the Campaign offers no
abused its discretion by holding the Campaign to that very specific facts to back up these claims.
deadline. It did not.
2. The Campaign has already litigated and lost most of these
issues. Many of the Second Amended Complaint's claims
B. Amending the Complaint again would have been have already had their day in court. The Campaign cannot
futile use this lawsuit to collaterally attack those prior rulings.
The Campaign focuses on critiquing the District Court's On Counts One, Two, Four, and Six, the Campaign has
discussion of undue delay. Though the court properly rested already litigated whether ballots that lack a handwritten name,
on that ground, we can affirm on any ground supported by address, or date on the outer envelope must be disqualified.
the record. Another ground also supports its denial of leave See In re: Canvass of Absentee and Mail-in Ballots, ––– A.3d
to amend: it would have been futile. at ––––, 2020 WL 6875017, at *1. The Pennsylvania Supreme
Court ruled against the Campaign, holding: “[T]he Election
1. The Campaign had to plead plausible facts, not just Code does not require boards of elections to disqualify mail-
conclusory allegations. Plaintiffs must do more than allege in or absentee ballots submitted by qualified electors who
conclusions. Rather, “a complaint must contain sufficient signed the declaration on their ballot's outer envelope but did
factual matter, accepted as true, to ‘state a claim to relief that not handwrite their name, their address, and/or date, where
is plausible on its face.’ ” Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, no fraud or irregularity has been alleged.” Id. at ––––, at
678, 129 S.Ct. 1937, 173 L.Ed.2d 868 (2009) (quoting Bell *1. That holding undermines the Campaign's suggestions that
Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570, 127 S.Ct. 1955, 167 defective ballots should not have been counted.
L.Ed.2d 929 (2007)). “Threadbare recitals of the elements of
a cause of action, supported by mere conclusory statements, *6 Counts One and Two also challenge the requirement
do not suffice.” Id. The Second Amended Complaint does not that poll watchers be registered electors of the county they
meet Twombly and Iqbal’s baseline standard of specifics. wish to observe and that observers be Pennsylvania lawyers.
But a federal district court has already held “that the county-
To start, note what it does not allege: fraud. Indeed, in residency requirement for poll watching does not, as applied
oral argument before the District Court, Campaign lawyer to the particular circumstances of this election, burden any of
Rudolph Giuliani conceded that the Campaign “doesn't plead [the Campaign's] fundamental constitutional rights.” Donald
fraud.” Mot. to Dismiss Hr'g Tr. 118:19–20 (Nov. 17, 2020). J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966,
He reiterated: “If we had alleged fraud, yes, but this is not a ––– F. Supp. 3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *66
fraud case.” Id. at 137:18. (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020). The Campaign never appealed that
decision, so it is bound by it.
Though it alleges many conclusions, the Second Amended
Complaint is light on facts. Take the nearly identical Count Seven alleges that Philadelphia's Board of Elections
paragraphs introducing Counts One, Two, Four, and Six: violated due process by obstructing poll watchers and
“Democrats who controlled the Defendant County Election representatives. But nothing in the Due Process Clause
Boards engaged in a deliberate scheme of intentional and requires having poll watchers or representatives, let alone
purposeful discrimination ... by excluding Republican and watchers from outside a county or less than eighteen feet away
Trump Campaign observers from the canvassing of the mail from the nearest table. The Campaign cites no authority for
ballots in order to conceal their decision not to enforce
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those propositions, and we know of none. (Ditto for notice- These county-to-county variations do not show
and-cure procedures.) And the Campaign litigated and lost discrimination. “[C]ounties may, consistent with equal
that claim under state law too. The Pennsylvania Supreme protection, employ entirely different election procedures and
Court held that the Election Code requires only that poll voting systems within a single state.” Donald J. Trump for
watchers be in the room, not that they be within any specific President, Inc., ––– F. Supp. 3d at ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at
distance of the ballots. In re Canvassing Observation Appeal *44 (collecting cases). Even when boards of elections “vary ...
of: City of Phila. Bd. of Electors, No. 30 EAP 2020, ––– A.3d considerably” in how they decide to reject ballots, those
––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6737895, at *8–9 (Pa. Nov. 17, 2020). local differences in implementing statewide standards do not
violate equal protection. Ne. Ohio Coal. for the Homeless
The Campaign does not even challenge the dismissal of v. Husted, 837 F.3d 612, 635–36 (6th Cir. 2016); see also
Counts Three, Five, and Nine, the Electors and Elections Wexler v. Anderson, 452 F.3d 1226, 1231–33 (11th Cir. 2006)
Clause counts. It concedes that under our recent decision, it (recognizing that equal protection lets different counties use
lacks standing to pursue alleged violations of those clauses. different voting systems).
Bognet v. Sec'y Commonwealth of Pa., No. 20-3214, ––– F.3d
––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *6–9 (3d Cir. Nov. 13, *7 Nor does Bush v. Gore help the Campaign. 531 U.S.
2020). Given its concession, we need not consider the issue 98, 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000) (per curiam).
any more. There, the Florida Supreme Court had ratified treating ballots
unequally. Id. at 107, 121 S.Ct. 525. That was because the
The Second Amended Complaint thus boils down to the principle it set forth, the “intent of the voter,” lacked any
equal-protection claims in Counts Two, Four, Six, and Eight. “specific standards to ensure its equal application.” Id. at 105–
They require not violations of state law, but discrimination in 06, 121 S.Ct. 525. The lack of any standards at all empowered
applying it. Those claims fail too. officials to treat ballots arbitrarily, violating equal protection.
Id. Here, by contrast, Pennsylvania's Election Code gives
3. The Campaign never pleads that any defendant treated counties specific guidelines. To be sure, counties vary in
the Trump and Biden campaigns or votes differently. A implementing that guidance, but that is normal. Reasonable
violation of the Equal Protection Clause requires more than county-to-county variation is not discrimination. Bush v. Gore
variation from county to county. It requires unequal treatment does not federalize every jot and tittle of state election law.
of similarly situated parties. But the Campaign never pleads
or alleges that anyone treated it differently from the Biden 4. The relief sought—throwing out millions of votes—is
campaign. Count One alleges that the counties refused to unprecedented. Finally, the Second Amended Complaint
credential the Campaign's poll watchers or kept them behind seeks breathtaking relief: barring the Commonwealth from
metal barricades, away from the ballots. It never alleges certifying its results or else declaring the election results
that other campaigns’ poll watchers or representatives were defective and ordering the Pennsylvania General Assembly,
treated differently. Count Two alleges that an unnamed lawyer not the voters, to choose Pennsylvania's presidential electors.
was able to watch all aspects of voting in York County, It cites no authority for this drastic remedy.
while poll watchers in Philadelphia were not. It also makes
a claim about one Jared M. Mellott, who was able to poll The closest the Campaign comes to justifying the relief
watch in York County. Counts Four and Six allege that poll it seeks is citing Marks v. Stinson, 19 F.3d 873 (3d Cir.
watcher George Gallenthin had no issues in Bucks County but 1994). But those facts were a far cry from the ones here.
was barred from watching in Philadelphia. And Count Eight In Marks, the district court found that the Stinson campaign
alleges that Philadelphia officials kept Jeremy Mercer too far had orchestrated “massive absentee ballot fraud, deception,
away to verify that ballots were properly filled out. None of intimidation, harassment and forgery.” Id. at 887 (quoting
these counts alleges facts showing improper vote counting. district court's tentative findings). It had lied to voters,
And none alleges facts showing that the Trump campaign deceived election officials, and forged ballots. Id. at 877. We
was singled out for adverse treatment. The Campaign cites remanded that case, instructing that “the district court should
no authority suggesting that an actor discriminates by treating not direct the certification of a candidate unless it finds, on the
people equally while harboring a partisan motive, and we basis of record evidence, that the designated candidate would
know of none. have won the election but for wrongdoing.” Id. at 889. And
that seemed likely: the Stinson campaign had gotten about
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Nor would granting relief be equitable. The Campaign has That court recently reiterated: “[T]he Election Code should
already litigated and lost most of these issues as garden- be liberally construed so as not to deprive, inter alia, electors
variety state-law claims. It now tries to turn them into federal of their right to elect a candidate of their choice.” Pa. Dem.
constitutional claims but cannot. See Bognet, ––– F.3d at Party, 238 A.3d at 356. Thus, unless there is evidence of
––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *11. fraud, Pennsylvania law overlooks small ballot glitches and
respects the expressed intent of every lawful voter. In re:
Even if it could, it has delayed bringing this suit. For instance, Canvass of Absentee and Mail-in Ballots, 2020 WL 6875017,
in proposed Count Four, it challenges giving voters notice and at *1 (plurality opinion). In our federalist system, we must
letting them cure ballot defects as violating equal protection. respect Pennsylvania's approach to running elections. We will
The Campaign could have disputed these practices while they not make more of ballot technicalities than Pennsylvania itself
were happening or during the canvassing period. Instead, it does.
waited almost a week after Election Day to file its original
complaint, almost another week to amend it, and then another *****
three days to amend it again. Its delay is inequitable, and
further delay would wreak further inequity. Voters, not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots, not
briefs, decide elections. The ballots here are governed by
And the Campaign's charges are selective. Though Pennsylvania election law. No federal law requires poll
Pennsylvanians cast 2.6 million mail-in ballots, the Campaign watchers or specifies where they must live or how close they
challenges 1.5 million of them. It cherry-picks votes cast in may stand when votes are counted. Nor does federal law
“Democratic-heavy counties” but not “those in Republican- govern whether to count ballots with minor state-law defects
heavy counties.” Second Am. Compl. ¶8. Without compelling or let voters cure those defects. Those are all issues of state
evidence of massive fraud, not even alleged here, we can law, not ones that we can hear. And earlier lawsuits have
hardly grant such lopsided relief. rejected those claims.
Granting relief would harm millions of Pennsylvania voters Seeking to turn those state-law claims into federal ones,
too. The Campaign would have us set aside 1.5 million ballots the Campaign claims discrimination. But its alchemy cannot
without even alleging fraud. As the deadline to certify votes transmute lead into gold. The Campaign never alleges that
has already passed, granting relief would disenfranchise those any ballot was fraudulent or cast by an illegal voter. It never
voters or sidestep the expressed will of the people. Tossing alleges that any defendant treated the Trump campaign or
out those ballots could disrupt every down-ballot race as well. its votes worse than it treated the Biden campaign or its
There is no allegation of fraud (let alone proof) to justify votes. Calling something discrimination does not make it so.
harming those millions of voters as well as other candidates. The Second Amended Complaint still suffers from these core
defects, so granting leave to amend would have been futile.
D. The public interest favors counting all lawful voters’ And there is no basis to grant the unprecedented injunction
votes sought here. First, for the reasons already given, the
*9 Lastly, relief would not serve the public interest. Campaign is unlikely to succeed on the merits. Second, it
Democracy depends on counting all lawful votes promptly shows no irreparable harm, offering specific challenges to
and finally, not setting them aside without weighty proof. The many fewer ballots than the roughly 81,000-vote margin
public must have confidence that our Government honors and of victory. Third, the Campaign is responsible for its delay
respects their votes. and repetitive litigation. Finally, the public interest strongly
favors finality, counting every lawful voter's vote, and not
What is more, throwing out those votes would conflict with disenfranchising millions of Pennsylvania voters who voted
Pennsylvania election law. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court by mail. Plus, discarding those votes could disrupt every other
has long “liberally construed” its Election Code “to protect election on the ballot.
voters’ right to vote,” even when a ballot violates a technical
requirement. Shambach v. Bickhart, 577 Pa. 384, 845 A.2d We will thus affirm the District Court's denial of leave to
793, 802 (2004). “Technicalities should not be used to make amend, and we deny an injunction pending appeal. The
the right of the voter insecure.” Appeal of James, 377 Pa. 405, Campaign asked for a very fast briefing schedule, and we have
105 A.2d 64, 66 (1954) (internal quotation marks omitted).
1898 Case
© 2020 Thomson Reuters. No Filed
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12/09/20 Government
Page 10 of 11Works.
Document 73-2 9
Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Secretary of Pennsylvania, --- Fed.Appx. ---- (2020)
2020 WL 7012522
Footnotes
* This disposition is not an opinion of the full Court and, under I.O.P. 5.7, is not binding precedent.
1899 Case
© 2020 Thomson Reuters. No Filed
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Page 11 of 11Works.
Document 73-2 10
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
______________________________________________________________________________
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Case No. 20-cv-1771-pp
v.
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
The plaintiff’s amended complaint alleges that the 2020 election process
“is so riddled with fraud, illegality, and statistical impossibility that this Court,
and Wisconsin’s voters, courts, and legislators, cannot rely on, or certify, any
numbers resulting from this election.” Dkt. No. 9 at ¶5. It states that the court
“must set aside the results of the 2020 General Election and grant the
The amended complaint first asserts that the election software and
reported concerns to this effect in utilizing the hardware and software. Id. at
Wisconsin law. Id. at ¶¶14, 37-45. Third, it alleges that mail-in ballots either
1
at ¶¶46-50. Fourth, it asserts that voters who were ineligible to vote because
they were registered in other states nonetheless voted in Wisconsin. Id. at ¶51.
Id. at ¶142.
The same day the plaintiff filed the amended complaint, movant James
Gesbeck filed a motion to intervene. Dkt. No. 14. The movant describes himself
practice before this court). Id. at 1. He indicates that he voted in the 2020
that if the court grants the relief the plaintiff requests, it will disenfranchise his
vote. Id.
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a). Id. at 2. He argues that his motion is timely filed and that
he has a personal and individual interest in the outcome of the litigation. Id. He
asserts that his interest would be impaired if the court were to grant the
plaintiff’s proposed relief. Id. at 3. He asserts that his interests are not
adequately protected by the named defendants. Id. at 3-4. The movant asserts
that he also meets the requirements for permissive intervention under Fed. R.
motion did not add to the substance of his arguments, focusing on the
movant’s request that the court rule by 5:00 p.m. on Friday, December 4. Dkt.
No. 33.
The court grants the movant’s request for an expedited ruling (although
A. Intervention As of Right
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a) provides that “[o]n timely motion, the court must
impede the movant’s ability to protect its interest, unless existing parties
adequately represent that interest.” (Emphasis added.) The Seventh Circuit has
[T]he court must permit intervention if (1) the motion is timely; (2)
the moving party has an interest relating to the property or
transaction at issue in the litigation; and (3) that interest may, as a
practical matter, be impaired or impeded by disposition of the case.
A proposed intervenor who satisfies these three elements is entitled
to intervene unless existing parties adequately represent his
interests.
Driftless Area Land Conservancy v. Huebsch, 969 F.3d 742, 746 (7th Cir. 2019)
ABC/York-Estes Corp., 64 F.3d 316, 321 (7th Cir. 1995 (quoting Nissei Sangyo
Am., Ltd. v. United States, 31 F.3d 435, 438 (7th Cir. 1994)). In determining
whether the potential intervenor was reasonably diligent, courts “also consider
the prejudice to the original party if intervention is permitted and the prejudice
to the intervenor if his motion is denied.” Id. The Seventh Circuit has expressed
(1) the length of time the intervenor knew or should have known of
his interest in the case; (2) the prejudice caused to the original
parties by the delay; (3) the prejudice to the intervenor if the motion
is denied; (4) any other unusual circumstances.
State v. City of Chi., 912 F.3d 979, 984 (7th Cir. 2019) (quoting Grochinski v.
Mayer Brown Rowe & Maw, LLP, 719 F.3d 785, 797-90 (7th Cir. 2013)).
The movant filed his motion to intervene two days after the original
complaint was filed and the same day as the amended complaint. There would
plaintiff’s motion for injunctive relief by whatever deadline the court set. The
movant did not address the third and fourth factors—the prejudice to the
movant if the court did not allow him to intervene and any other unusual
circumstances. Because the movant filed his motion the same day the plaintiff
filed the original complaint, however, the court concludes that the motion is
timely.
Commission and its members to sign the canvass statement for the 2020
general election and the recount in Dane and Milwaukee Counties and the
Rule 24(a)(2) requires that the applicant claim “an interest relating
to the property or transaction that is the subject of the action.”
“Interest” is not defined, but the case law makes clear that more
than the minimum Article III interest is required. Cases say for
example that a mere “economic interest” is not enough. E.g., In re
Lease Oil Antitrust Litigation, 570 F.3d 244, 250-52 (5th Cir. 2009);
Mountaintop Condominium Ass’n v. Dave Stabbert Master Builder,
Inc., 72 F.3d 361, 366 (3d Cir. 1995); cf. Reich v. ABC/York-Estes
Corp., 64 F.3d 316, 322-23 (7th Cir. 1995). While that is a confusing
formulation—most civil litigation is based on nothing more than an
“economic interest”—all that the cases mean is that the fact that you
might anticipate a benefit from a judgment in favor of one of the
parties to the lawsuit—maybe you’re a creditor of one of them—does
not entitle you to intervene in their suit.
Flying J, Inc. v. Van Hollen, 578 F.3d 569, 571 (7th Cir. 2009).
The movant contends that the litigation “directly concerns [his] vote that
was [cast] in the 2020 General Election in Wisconsin,” and argues that both
the right to vote and the right to have the vote count is fundamental. Dkt. No.
defendants; because he says that granting the relief the plaintiff requests
question of standing. The Seventh Circuit has held that “[n]o one can maintain
required by Article III of the Constitution—that is, unless he can show injury . .
. and that he would benefit from a decision in his favor.” Flying J, Inc., 578
F.3d at 571. “Standing to sue” implies that it is only the plaintiff who must
standing does not arise because the plaintiff has sought relief against the
in a lawsuit brought by a plaintiff who has not sought relief against it. See
when the defendant represents a broad public interest (as, arguably, the
movant does)—must have Article III standing is unclear. See, e.g., Diamond v.
Charles, 476 U.S. 54, 68 (1986) (concluding that it need not decide whether a
party seeking to intervene due to public concerns must have Article III
Conflict Between Rule 24(a)(2) and Article III Standing, 85 Fordham L. Rev. 2525
(2017).
defendant. Courts recently have found that a registered voter did not have
candidate’s campaign access to observe and monitor the voting process, see
Dec. 5, 2020); did not have standing to raise claims of vote dilution, see Moore
Oct. 14, 2020); and did not have standing to challenge a Secretary of State’s
*3-5 (D. Vermont Sept. 16, 2020). Each of these courts concluded that the
voter plaintiffs had not identified the kind of concrete, particularized injury
movant’s argument that his vote will not count if the court rules in the
to say that the question of whether a defendant-intervenor must have Article III
standing, and what that standing might look like when the potential defendant-
intervenor is a voter who asserts that the court’s action invalidates his vote, is
Article III standing or what would constitute such standing under the movant’s
circumstances, the court assumes that the movant has an interest in the
factors.
legal question involved in the action would as a practical matter foreclose rights
Corp. v. Nicholas W. Prassas & Co., 683 F.2d 201, 204 (7th Cir. 1982).
other words, whether or not the defendants succeed in this suit, is the movant
free to initiate its own suit? See Shea v. Angulo, 19 F.3d 343, 347 (7th Cir.
1994).
having a court direct the result of the 2020 general election, a decision granting
would foreclose the movant’s rights in a subsequent suit. The movant cannot
bring suit as a plaintiff because he has no complaint with the status quo.
Because the electoral college will meet and vote in five days, the movant likely
would not have time to mount his own suit in the event this court rules in favor
of the plaintiff.
disposition.
4. Adequacy of Representation
The movant asserts that his interests are not adequately represented by
the existing parties. Dkt. No. 15 at 3. He asserts that his interest is to defend
his constitutional right to vote and that the Wisconsin Elections Commission,
its members and Governor Tony Evers are not tasked with protecting that
right. Id. He also asserts that the defendants are responsible for representing
the state of Wisconsin as a whole and not individual voters. Id. He asserts that
the right to vote is an individual right and argues that the court should not
assume that it is the role of the governor or the elections commission to protect
that individual right. Id. at 4. He says that there may be times when the
defendants are averse to the individual right to vote, “as occurs during lawsuits
The Seventh Circuit has spoken extensively on this factor of the Rule
24(a) test in the past year. Most recently, in Driftless, the court explained that
10
movant’s interest, the movant has only the minimal burden of showing that the
intervention.” Planned Parenthood, 942 F.3d at 799 (quoting Wis. Ed. Ass’n
Council v. Walker (“WEAC”), 705 F.3d 640, 659 (7th Cir. 2013)). And if one of
the existing parties is a governmental body charged by law with protecting the
interests of the movant, the presumption is even stronger and the standard for
government bodies. The movant asserts, however, that the court should not
assume that any of these defendants are responsible for protecting his
11
appears that neither the WEC nor its members are charged with protecting the
election laws enforced. But its mission would appear to include ensuring that
the narrower context of the lawsuit, the court presumes the WEC’s interest and
Wisconsin’s election laws, particularly in signing the canvass statement for the
2020 Presidential general election results after the recount in Milwaukee and
Dane Counties. And the interest of defendant Governor Evers presumably will
The court agrees that none of the defendants are “charged by law with
F.3d at 799, to the extent that the movant’s interests go beyond his interest in
the proper administration and enforcement of state and federal election laws
and procedures. This means the movant need not rebut the most heightened
presumption of adequacy.
But the movant and the defendants have “the same goal.” WEAC, 705
F.3d at 659 (citing Shea, 19 F.3d at 347). The movant and the defendants both
seek to defend the certified results of the Wisconsin 2020 Presidential general
election. Both oppose the relief the plaintiff seeks—the decertification of the
12
certification on the ground that the election was lawful and the results valid.
The fact that the movant and the defendants share the same goal may
WEAC, the court had stated that an intervenor’s interest must be “unique;”
WEAC cited Keith v. Daley, 764 F.2d 1265, 1268 (7th Cir. 1985), as
support for the uniqueness requirement. The relevant passage in
Keith, however, doesn’t use the term “unique.” It says this: “The
[intervenor’s] interest must be based on a right that belongs to the
proposed intervenor rather than to an existing party in the suit.” Id.
In other words, the intervenor’s interest must be based on a right
that is direct and independent. That much is clear from the
immediately preceding sentence: “A proposed intervenor must
demonstrate a direct, significant[,] and legally protectable interest in
the property [or transaction] at issue in the lawsuit.”
Given this clarification, Judge Sykes concluded that the Legislature had
13
defend the certification of the 2020 election results. He has different reasons
for defending the certification. As a registered voter, he wants to make sure the
winner of the election is decided by a count of the valid votes cast, not by a
decision of an appointed federal judge. But the movant seeks to defend the
utilized his vote—it resulted in his vote “counting.” The movant is more
concerned about his vote being disregarded. But his concern about any votes
being disregarded aligns with the defendants’ interests in defending the legality
of the certification.
Because the movant has the same goal as the defendants and has
identified no right independent of the defendants, the movant must rebut the
exists.” WEAC, 705 F.3d at 659. The movant has not identified such a conflict.
5. Conclusion
The court concludes that because the movant has not rebutted the
B. Permissive Intervention
The movant also says that he is qualified to intervene under Rule 24(b).
Dkt. No. 15 at 4. He says that if his vote is not counted, he would “have a
cause of action to seek a court order requiring these defendants to honor [his]
14
would rely on the same facts and issues of law as this case. Id.
if that party “has a claim or defense that shares with the main action a
common question of law or fact.” The Planned Parenthood decision sheds light
The court will not exercise its discretion to grant permissive intervention.
First, as the court has noted, the issue of standing for defendant-intervenors is
murky. While the Seventh Circuit has speculated that permissive intervention
may not require standing “if the existing parties present a case or controversy,”
it has not decided the question. Id. at 803 n.5. Second, the court has noted
that the movant has not identified any conflict that would prevent the current
defendants from adequately representing his interests. Third, the court already
has granted the movant leave to file an amicus brief, dkt. no. 37, and he has
15
does not need to become a party to ensure that the court takes into account
C. Conclusion
expedite its ruling on his December 3, 2020 motion to intervene. Dkt. No. 33.
The court DENIES James Gesbeck’s Motion to Intervene. Dkt. No. 14.
Nondispositive Motion to Intervene, to the extent that it asks the court to grant
BY THE COURT:
_______________________________________
HON. PAMELA PEPPER
Chief United States District Judge
16
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
COMES NOW Plaintiff, William Feehan by and through his undersigned counsel, and
respectfully moves that the Court grant him permission to File Copies of (1) Exhibits 1 and 12 to
Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint Under Seal and (2) Exhibits 4, 13 and 19 Under Protective Order.
This motion is made pursuant to General L. R. 79 and Eastern District of Wisconsin ECF Policies
and Procedures.1
Pursuant to the Policies and Procedures, Plaintiff designates Exhibits 1 and 12 as “Sealed,” to
be “only by the judge.”2 Plaintiff has designated Exhibits 4, 13, and 19 as “Restricted to Case
Participant,” allowing “all attorneys of record to view the document” using an “e-filing log-in and
1
https://www.wied.uscourts.gov/e-filing-restricted-and-sealed-documents
2
Id. , § 1.
3
Id.
1
are being filed “publicly” by “separate motion” “PRIOR” to filing the unredacted Exhibits
themselves.4
/s Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler, Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
4
Section 2 provides:
2. FILE A MOTION TO SEAL/RESTRICT
General Local Rule 79(d) states that the Court will consider all documents to be filed publicly
unless they are accompanied by a separate motion to seal/restrict the document or portion
thereof. The motion to seal/restrict should be filed PRIOR to the filing of any sealed/restricted
documents. Documents electronically filed as sealed or restricted which do not have an
accompanying motion to seal/restrict will be made publicly available.
Id. Bold face and capitalization original).
Michael D. Dean
Wis. Bar No.01019171
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
miked@michaelddeanllc.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
Pursuant to General L. R. 79(d)(4), I certify that I have conferred with lead counsel for
Defendants in a good faith attempt to avoid this Motion to limit the scope of the documents or
materials subject to sealing under the Motion to only the Sealed or Restricted identities of the
Affiants whose complete affidavits and declarations are already filed with the Court as Exhibits to
As indicated in the Motion, Counsel for Defendant Governor Evers has objected. Response to
December 9, 2020
LOCAL COUNSEL FOR PLAINTIFF
/s Michael D. Dean .
Mike –
First, Judge Pepper could not have been clearer yesterday that she is not entertaining evidentiary issues until and unless
she has resolved the justiciability and dismissal arguments. Continuing to press forward with evidentiary issues at this
point is prejudicial to Governor Evers, whose counsel are working around the clock to satisfy Plaintiffs’ request for
expedited resolution of this case.
Second, we object to the notion that Plaintiff can rely upon anonymous declarants or witnesses. Can you provide any
authority showing that a federal court has allowed such an approach anywhere at any time in a civil matter?
Third, even if you proceed and the Court allows these revised filings, it remains our position, as I outlined on yesterday’s
call, that the Court cannot and should not consider any declarations, affidavits, or reports that Defendants have not had
a full and fair opportunity to test through live cross-examination. We also reserve the right to object to any testimony
being introduced via declaration or affidavit, depending on how a hearing, if ever scheduled, is structured.
Jeff
This is a transmission from the law firm of Stafford Rosenbaum LLP and may contain information which is privileged, confidential, and protected by the attorney- client
or attorney work product privileges. If you are not the addressee, note that any disclosure, copying, distribution, or use of the contents of this message is prohibited.
If you have received this transmission in error, please destroy it and notify me immediately at the telephone number included above.
1
1920 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/09/20 Page 1 of 2 Document 75-1
(1) Exhs. 1 and 12 to Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint as “Sealed” so that the identities of the affiants will be
available to the court only and
(2) Exhibits 4, 13 and 19 as “Restricted” so that identifies of the affiants will be available only to counsel through a
court-generated password.
https://www.wied.uscourts.gov/e-filing-restricted-and-sealed-documents
General L. R. 79(d)(4) requires that a motion to seal be accompanied by a “certification that the parties have conferred in
a good faith attempt to avoid the motion or to limit the scope of the documents or materials subject to sealing under the
motion,” so I am communicating with you only as lead counsel for the current “parties” to the case.
The motion and supporting memo are attached, also a short declaration as an exhibit. There’s some precedent in the 7 th
Cir. that the court can’t leave it to parties to stipulate to seal, so I think I have to file the motion regardless.
Please let me whether you concur with the Motion so I can note that in the Motion and Certification.
Thanks much.
Mike Dean
Michael D. Dean, LLC
Attorney at Law
P.O. Box 2545
Brookfield, WI 53008
(262) 798-8044
(262) 798-8045 fax
****************************
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may constitute inside information,
and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of Michael D. Dean and Michael D. Dean, LLC. Unauthorized use,
disclosure or copying of this communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this communication and all copies thereof, including
all attachments. Thank you.
2
1921 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/09/20 Page 2 of 2 Document 75-1
Case 2:20-cv-13134-LVP-RSW ECF No. 50-1, PageID.3164 Filed 12/03/20 Page 1 of 1
I am writing this statement in regard to my identity being known. I have worked in areas
that have made me a known target, have had death threats and even a price put on my head by
foreign terrorist organizations. For the safety of myself and my family, I have requested to
remain redacted. I have found listening devices in my home and have had attempts on myself.
Because of work I have done as a Confidential Human source/ Confidential informant as
well as work investigating spy’s across the globe, my identity is redacted. Not just work I have
done here in America but also working with foreign nations, where even currently I am working
to get Smartmatic out of other nations elections systems and doing election fraud mitigation.
I request that these extreme cases be taken into consideration for my personal safety, my
families safety, the safety of sources I have worked with, I respectfully request that my persona
remain redacted.
I declare under penalty of perjury that the forgoing is true and correct to the best of my
knowledge. Executed this December 3, 2020.
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
This Memorandum is in support of Plaintiff’s Motion to File Copies of (1) Exhibits 1 and 12 to
Plaintiff’s Amended Complaint Under Seal and (2) Exhibits 4, 13 and 19 Under Protective Order.
Gen. L. R. 79.(d)(3).1
Eastern District of Wisconsin ECF Policies and Procedures2 allow a “filer to choose between
restricting the document to case participants or completely sealing the document so that it is
1
References to “Exhibits” are to the Amended Complaint Exhibits.
2
https://www.wied.uscourts.gov/e-filing-restricted-and-sealed-documents
3
Id. , INTRODUCTION.
1
Plaintiff’s Motion designates unredacted Exhibits 4, 13, and 19 as “Restricted to Case Participant,”
allowing “all attorneys of record to view the document” using an “e-filing log-in and password”
Plaintiff brings this Motion so that the identities of the Exhs. 1 and 12 affiants will be available
to the court only and the identities of the Exhs. 4, 13 and 19 affiants will be available only to
counsel through a court-generated password. For ease of reference, this Memorandum refers to the
In support of his Amended Complaint, ECF Doc. # 9, Plaintiff has previously filed redacted
copies of Exhibits 1, 4, 12, 13, and 19 as ECF Doc. ## 9-1, 9-4, 9-12, 9-13, and 9-19. Gen. L. R.
79.(d)(1). Those Exhibits conceal only the Affiants’ personally identifying information – all of
“Good cause” exists to so restrict disclosure of the affiants’ identities. Citizens First Nat. Bank
of Princeton v. Cincinnati Ins. Co., 178 F.3d 943, 944 (7th Cir. 1999).
Defendant Gov. Evers objects to the Motion on grounds that the Court should not consider
declarations or testimony from “anonymous” affiants or declarants and that the Court indicated at
4
Id. , § 1. “Sealed.”
- Sealed. Documents which are designated as sealed are viewable only by the judge. No attorney
of record, not even the filing attorney, will be able to view this document unless given permission
by the court. Although a notice of electronic filing will be generated, no attorney will be able to
access the document and the filing attorney must serve opposing counsel in paper format. A
motion to restrict/seal must be filed prior to filing any document designated as sealed.
5
Id. , § 1. “Restricted to case participants.”
- Restricted to case participants. This option allows all attorneys of record to view the document,
but not the general public. A notice of electronic filing will be generated from which each attorney
can view the document using their e-filing log-in and password. Although not sealed, this type of
restriction still requires that a motion to restrict/seal be filed prior to the filing of any restricted
documents.
First, sealing submission to protect identities is routine. E.g., Hicklin Eng'g, L.C. v. Bartell, 439
F.3d 346, 348–49 (7th Cir. 2006) (“identities of undercover agents”), abrogated on other grounds
by RTP LLC v. ORIX Real Estate Capital, 827 F.3d 689, 691–92 (7th Cir. 2016). See also, e.g.,
Roe v. City of Milwaukee, 37 F. Supp. 2d 1127 (E.D. Wis. 1999) (plaintiff allowed to proceed
More to the point, Gov. Evers’ counsel conflates the narrow issue raised by the Motion with
subsequent issues regarding reliance on the Affiants’ Exhibits in relation to Defendants’ Motions
The narrow issue raised by the Motion is only whether the Court will accept filing of Exhibits
1 and 12 under “Seal” and Exhibits 4, 13 and 19 Under Protective Order. Gen. L. R. 79.(d)(3).
Whether and to what extent the Court considers the redacted or unredacted Exhibits in relation to
Defendants’ motions to dismiss or at a possible future evidentiary hearing are different questions.
Accordingly, “anonymity” is not the issue at all. The very purpose of the Motion is to provide
the Court with identities of all Affiants and defense counsel with restricted identities of three
Affiants – in which case none of the witnesses would be anonymous to the Court, and only two
As to reliance on either the redacted or unredacted Exhibits in relation to the motions to dismiss,
Gov. Evers bases his motion to dismiss in part on grounds the Affiants are anonymous. Now he
opposes Plaintiff’s motion to disclose their identities to the Court, yet continues to maintain the
Amended Complaint should be dismissed because the Affiants are anonymous. Gov. Evers can’t
whether and to what extent the Court will consider Affiants’ declarations, either in relation to the
motions to dismiss or later at an evidentiary hearing, if one is scheduled.6 The Court need reach
Background. This case brings a challenge to the November 3, 2020 Presidential election.
Plaintiffs’ evidence shows ballot fraud and illegality, i.e. including counting fraud and illegality in
reasonable fear of harassment and threats to their physical safety and their livelihoods in retaliation
for their coming forward with their testimony. As election controversies have unfolded around the
country, there have been multiple incidents of harassment and threats to destroy the careers of or
physically harm witnesses who come forward with evidence of election fraud and illegality. There
was an organized campaign by The Lincoln Project to destroy the business relationships of major
law firms with their clients for having the temerity to represent the President of the United States
in these controversies. One Pennsylvania law firm withdrew from representing the President only
days after filing a lawsuit on his behalf because of such harassment, abuse, threats, pressure and
economic coercion. Other lawyers for the President have been physically threatened and verbally
abused and forced to obtain personal security to protect them. Therefore, the apprehensions of
Plaintiffs’ witnesses are serious and well-founded. Moreover, the testimony of these witnesses is
6
Objections raised by Gov. Evers’ counsel regarding evidentiary hearings are premature at this stage of
the case, where the Court is considering threshold motions to dismiss. However, as stated in Plaintiff’s
Motion for Evidentiary Hearing, the Affiants themselves would appear in person at such a hearing, if one
were ever scheduled. And though they would file a request for the hearing to be conducted in camera under
pseudonyms, they would obviously not be “anonymous” to the Court or parties
, only to the public.
4
whistleblower, who is not an American citizen, and swears under oath that “I was selected for the
national security guard detail of the President of Venezuela.” At great risk to himself, he further
reveals that
Importantly, I was a direct witness to the creation and operation of an electronic voting
system in a conspiracy between a company known as Smartmatic and the leaders of
conspiracy with the Venezuelan government. This conspiracy specifically involved
President Hugo Chavez Frias, the person in charge of the National Electoral Council named
Jorge Rodriguez, and principals, representatives, and personnel from Smartmatic which
included … The purpose of this conspiracy was to create and operate a voting system that
could change the votes in elections from votes against persons running the Venezuelan
government to votes in their favor in order to maintain control of the government.
Exh. 1, ¶ 10.
Sealed Affiant Exh. 12: “Spider”. Affiant Exh. 12, called “Spider,” sets forth evidence in his
sworn affidavit regarding his findings of foreign interference in this election, and his background:
I was an electronic intelligence analyst under 305th Military Intelligence with experience
gathering SAM missile system electronic intelligence. I have extensive experience as a
white hat hacker used by some of the top election specialists in the world. The
methodologies I have employed represent industry standard cyber operation toolkits for
digital forensics and OSINT, which are commonly used to certify connections between
servers, network nodes and other digital properties and probe to network system
vulnerabilities.
…
In my professional opinion, this affidavit presents unambiguous evidence that Dominion
Voter Systems and Edison Research have been accessible and were certainly compromised
by rogue actors, such as Iran and China. By using servers and employees connected with
rogue actors and hostile foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable
leaked credentials, these organizations neglectfully allowed foreign adversaries to access
data and intentionally provided access to their infrastructure in order to monitor and
manipulate elections, including the most recent one in 2020. This represents a complete
failure of their duty to provide basic cyber security. This is not a technological issue, but
rather a governance and basic security issue: if it is not corrected, future elections in the
United States and beyond will not be secure and citizens will not have confidence in the
results.
FBI and CISSA Joint advisory, which identified the hostile nation and foreign interference activity
This joint cybersecurity advisory was coauthored by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure
Security Agency (CISA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). CISA and the FBI
are aware of an Iranian advanced persistent threat (APT) actor targeting U.S. state websites
to include election websites. CISA and the FBI assess this actor is responsible for the mass
dissemination of voter intimidation emails to U.S. citizens and the dissemination of U.S.
election-related disinformation in mid-October 2020.1 (Reference FBI FLASH message
ME-000138-TT, disseminated October 29, 2020). Further evaluation by CISA and the FBI
has identified the targeting of U.S. state election websites was an intentional effort to
influence and interfere with the 2020 U.S. presidential election.
Exhibit 18.
The Advisory further states, “[f]ollowing the review of web server access logs, CISA analysts,
in coordination with the FBI, found instances of the URL and FDM User Agents sending GET
requests to a web resource associated with voter registration data. The activity occurred between
September 29 and October 17, 2020. Suspected scripted activity submitted several hundred
thousand queries iterating through voter identification values and retrieving results with varying
levels of success [Gather Victim Identity Information (T1589)]. A sample of the records identified
by the FBI reveals they match information in the aforementioned propaganda video. Id.
Affiants Exhs. 1 and 12 have shown great courage in coming forward at a critical moment to
deliver the truth to the Court about matters of great importance to our country. They need the
Court’s protection from the readily foreseeable harms of harassment online, and similarly many
federal agents such as CBP officers have recently been “doxed,’ which includes harassed at home,
and in relation to their work, which would accrue to them if their identities were made public.
Restricted Affiant Exh. 4: Statistical Analyst. Affiant Exh. 4 is a statistical analyst with a
Bachelor of Science degree in mathematics and a Master of Science degree in statistics. He opines
For thirty years, Affiant Exh. 4 has performed statistical analysis for major companies and
organizations. For the reasons stated regarding prejudice from disclosure, Affiant he rightly fears
Restricted Affiant Exh. 13: Voting Systems Analyst. Affiant Exh. 13 explains in technical
detail the lack of proper verification of Wisconsin’s voting machines and systems:
Exh. 13.
Affiant Exh. 13 can explain the foreign relationships in the hardware used by Dominion Voting
Systems and its subsidiary Sequoia and explains specifically the port that Dominion uses, which
is called Edge Gateway and that is a part of Akamai Technologies based in Germany and China.
She explains that Dominion Voting Systems works with SCYTL, and that votes on route, before
reporting, go to SCYTL in foreign countries. On the way, they get mixed and an algorithm is
applied, which is done through a secretive process. Among other things, when staying in
Washington, D.C. shortly before the Complaint was filed in this case, an intruder broke into her
For the reasons stated regarding prejudice from disclosure, Affiant Exh. 13 also fears attacks
19 is also fearful for his career and personal safety. He has a Masters Degree in Mathematics and
Given the same data sources, I also assert that Milwaukee precincts exhibit statistical
anomalies that are not normally present in fair elections.. The fraud model hypothesis in
Milwaukee has a posterior probability of 100% to machine precision. This model predicts
105,639 fraudulent Biden ballots in Milwaukee.
Exh. 19, Par. 1. Affiant Exh. 19 makes further sensitive statements regarding conduct of the
election in Milwaukee at Par. 5. For the reasons stated regarding prejudice from disclosure, Affiant
Exh. 19 also fears attacks against his reputation, professional career and personal safety.
Generally. Testimony of Affiants Exh. 1, 4, 12, 13, and 19 have been given at great risk of
these Affiants who hold positions and/or training and experience to obtain such information related
The privacy, reputation, and personal and financial security interests of each Affiant is at grave
risk of if his identity is disclosed. Their interests, as well as those of the parties and the Court,
vastly outweigh the interests of the public in having access to the Affiant’s personally identifying
information, and no less drastic alternatives other than sealing or restricting their unredacted
affidavits to conceal or restrict their identities will provide adequate protection to the them and the
proper functioning of this Court. The common law right of public access to Court filings must
yield to countervailing interests of the Affiants in keeping their identities undisclosed beyond the
parties and the Court to protect them from readily foreseeable threats.
CONCLUSION
Wherefore, the Plaintiffs respectfully request leave of Court to submit Exhibits 1 and 12
under Seal and Exhibits 4, 13 and 19 Restricted to access by Parties’ counsel only.
/s Sidney Powell
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Sidney Powell PC
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd.
Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
(517) 763-7499
sidney@federalappeals.com
Howard Kleinhendler
New York Bar No. 2657120
Howard Kleinhendler, Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
(917) 793-1188
howard@kleinhendler.com
Daniel J. Eastman
Wis. Bar No.1011433
P.O. Box 158
Mequon, Wisconsin 53092
(414) 881-9383
daneastman@me.com
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
Defendants.
INTRODUCTION
This lawsuit is the Wisconsin version of cookie-cutter litigation that has been
outcome of the November 2020 presidential election and disregard the will of the
law, just as other plaintiff’s attempts are uniformly failing across the country, and
for reasons that are applicable here. First, the Eastern District of Michigan denied
*3–13. (E.D. MI. December 7, 2020). That case was filed by the same lead attorneys
as here and included the same federal legal theories and allegations of problems with
voting machines. In its ruling, the court rejected the same arguments that the
Plaintiff makes here. King, 2020 WL 7134198 at *1. The court found that the case
Id. at *3–13.
Of particular note, the court found that the alleged federal claims rested on
state-law issues, implicating the Eleventh Amendment. Id. at *3–5. The court
observed that what the plaintiffs were really requesting was an order to ignore the
outcome of the election. Id. at *5–6. Laches barred the claim because the plaintiffs
waited until after the election and the vote certification to file a claim. Id. at *6–7.
The court rejected the plaintiffs’ standing arguments based on equal protection
because “Plaintiffs’ alleged injury does not entitle them to seek their requested
remedy because the harm of having one’s vote invalidated or diluted is not remedied
by denying millions of others their right to vote.” Id. at *9 (emphasis in original). And
it held that the plaintiffs had no standing under the Elections and Electors Clauses
Finally, the court found that the plaintiffs had no likelihood of success on the
merits. Alleged deviations from state law do not state a claim for violations of the
2
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Elections or Electors Clauses. Id. at *11–12. On the widespread fraud theory, it held
that “[w]ith nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes for President Trump
were destroyed, discarded or switched to votes for Vice President Biden, Plaintiffs’
The district court in Michigan closed its decision with a poignant comment that
this lawsuit seems to be less about achieving the relief Plaintiffs seek—
as much of that relief is beyond the power of this Court—and more about
the impact of their allegations on People’s faith in the democratic
process and their trust in our government. Plaintiffs ask this Court to
ignore the orderly statutory scheme established to challenge elections
and to ignore the will of millions of voters. This, the Court cannot, and
will not, do.
Id.
Kemp et al., No. 20-cv-04809-TCB (N.D. GA. December 7, 2020.) That was another
case by the same lead attorneys making similar claims. (Pearson Dkt. 1.) Only a
minute entry is docketed for the dismissal, but media has reported on the oral ruling
from the court.1 During the ruling, the court explained that “these types of cases are
not properly before federal courts. These are state elections.”2 On laches, and
particularly regarding the allegations about voting machines, the court explained
1 Nicole Carr, Federal judge dismisses Sidney Powell lawsuit seeking to decertify
Georgia’s elections, WSB-TV2, (Dec. 7, 2020 6:57pm)
https://www.wsbtv.com/news/local/federal-judge-dismisses-sidney-powell-lawsuit-seeking-
decertify-georgias-elections/N7Z5MDKYRJAIZKCPQAXXEEP35Q/
2 Id.
3
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that “[t]his suit could have been filed months ago at the time these machines were
adopted.” Instead, the court noted, “the plaintiffs waited until over three weeks after
Just as in Michigan and Georgia, this lawsuit fails and should be dismissed.
explained in its opening brief that Plaintiff’s claims are not justiciable under the
doctrines of standing, laches, and Eleventh Amendment immunity, and his Amended
Complaint fails to plead any plausible federal claim for which relief can be granted.
(Dkt. 54.) In response, Plaintiff repeats his same string of allegations about a wide-
ranging global conspiracy. He argues the untenable position that every supposed
misapplication of state election law violates the Elections and Electors Clauses, the
Equal Protection Clause, and the Due Process Clause—a view that conflicts with both
decades of precedent and the Constitution’s commitment of the times, places, and
unavailing. Even as an elector to Donald Trump, Plaintiff lacks standing and suffers
nothing different than a generalized harm. His attempts to cloak state law violations
as federal claims cannot shield him from the Eleventh Amendment’s bar. And waiting
until your candidate loses to bring claims that materialized months, if not decades,
before the November 3 election does not survive laches. Lastly, his proposed remedy
3 Id.
4
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violates due process. Nothing in Plaintiff’s response sufficiently challenges the
ARGUMENT
Plaintiff’s status as a voter and nominated presidential elector does not create
The Elections and Electors Clauses of the U.S. Constitution give rights to “the
Legislature” of each state for conducing elections and directing the selection of
presidential electors. U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1; U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2. Rights
under those clauses belong, therefore, to state legislatures, as courts have routinely
held. See, e.g., Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442 (2007) (holding individuals lacked
Article III standing to bring claim under the Elections Clause); Bognet v. Sec’y of the
Comm. of Pennsylvania, No. 20-3214, 2020 WL 6686120, *6–7 (3d Cir., Nov. 13, 2020)
(same); Hotze v. Hollins, No. 4:20-cv-03709, 2020 WL 6437668, at *2 (S.D. Tex. Nov.
2, 2020) (holding candidate lacked standing under Elections Clause and concluding
that Supreme Court’s cases “stand for the proposition that only the state legislature
(or a majority of the members thereof) have standing to assert a violation of the
Elections Clause”). Plaintiff has no standing for a claim under those clauses.
Plaintiff relies exclusively on one case, Carson, for his contrary argument.
(Dkt. 72:14 (citing Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir. 2020) .) That case does
5
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not even mention the Elections Clause. To the extent it found standing under the
Electors Clause, it is a lone outlier, has no precedential value in this circuit, and is
wrongly decided. The only two decisions that cite Carson, from the Third Circuit and
the Eastern District of Michigan, do not follow it. Bognet, 2020 WL 6686120, *8 n.6
2020 WL 7134198, at *11 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 7, 2020) (“This Court, however, is as
unconvinced about the majority’s holding in Carson as the dissent.”). Carson has
never been adopted in the Seventh Circuit and should be unpersuaded by this Court.
dissent in Carson noted, nominated presidential electors are entirely derivative of the
actual candidate and “[w]hether they ultimately assume the office of elector depends
entirely on the outcome of the state popular vote for president.” Carson, 978 F.3d
at 1063. Indeed, under Wisconsin law, an elector has no discretion in what candidate
to vote for or anything other than a ministerial job of delivering the outcome of the
election. See Wis. Stat. § 7.75 (presidential elector “shall” vote by ballot for the
persona or party who nominated them). Plaintiff Feehan’s argument that his
interests “are identical to that of President Trump” is meritless; Plaintiff was not
running for President. (Dkt. 72:21.) And the person who was running for that office
is conspicuously absent from this case. Simply put, “[e]lectors are not candidates for
public office as that term is commonly understood.” Carson, 978 F.3d at 1063.
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B. Plaintiff has no standing for a claim under due process or equal
protection.
For reasons explained in the opening briefs, Plaintiff has no standing for a
dilution claims—they are garden-variety election disputes that do not implicate the
947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th Cir. 2020) (“A violation of state law does not state a claim
under § 1983, and, more specifically, ‘a deliberate violation of state election laws by
state election officials does not transgress against the Constitution.’” (citation
omitted)); see also Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 20-CV-966,
2020 WL 5997680, *46 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020) (“[I]t is well-established that even
violations of state election laws by state officials, let alone violations by unidentified
third parties, do not give rise to federal constitutional claims except in unusual
circumstances.”).
disenfranchise” certain voters in violation of the one person, one vote, doctrine.
(Dkt. 72:20.) This is remarkable considering that “disenfranchise” does not appear a
single time in his Amended Complaint, and his requested relief is to literally
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Plaintiff cites four cases for this novel disenfranchisement theory. (Dkt. 72:20.)
Two are apportionment cases and one is a redistricting case, none of which have any
applicability here. Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); (considering a 1901
apportioning the members of the General Assembly); Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533
151 F. Supp. 3d 918, 926 (W.D. Wis. 2015) (challenging the 2012 districting plan for
the Wisconsin Assembly). Remarkably, the fourth is a case where claims alleging
constitutional claim. Bodine v. Elkhart Cty. Election Bd., 788 F.2d 1270, 1272 (7th
Cir. 1986). Bodine cautioned that “If every state election irregularity were considered
election dispute, and the elaborate state election contest procedures, designed to
assure speedy and orderly disposition of the multitudinous questions that may arise
in the electoral process, would be superseded by a section 1983 gloss.” Id. (quoting
Gamza v. Aguirre, 619 F.2d 449, 453 (5th Cir. 1980)) . This binding decision, and its
raising only federal claims and seeking prospective relief. (Dkt. 72:26.) This is a
state law.
8
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Plaintiff’ cannot escape the Eleventh Amendment by cloaking his state law
claims in federal garb. See, Balsam v. Sec’y of State, 607 F. App’x 177, 183–84 (3d Cir.
2015) (finding Eleventh Amendment bars state law claims even when “premised on
violations of the federal Constitution”); Massey v. Coon, No. 87-3768, 1989 WL 884,
at *2 (9th Cir. Jan. 3, 1989) (affirming dismissal where “on its face the complaint
states a claim under the due process and equal protection clauses of the Constitution,
[but] these constitutional claims are entirely based on the failure of defendants to
allege widespread fraud based on the “Defendants directing Wisconsin clerks and
other election officials to ignore or violate the express requirements of the Wisconsin
Election Code.” (Dkt. 9 ¶ 14.) Plaintiff’s Elections and Electors Clause claim is based
Election Code” (Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 104–06); his Equal Protection Clause claim rests on how
“Defendants failed to comply with the requirements of the Wisconsin Election Code”
(Dkt. 9 ¶ 116); and his due process claim relies on “Defendants[’] violation of the
Wisconsin Election Code” (Dkt. 9 ¶ 129). His reliance on state law violations is echoed
in his requested relief, where he seeks a declaration that “absentee ballot fraud
occurred in violation of . . . Election laws and under state law.” (Dkt. 9:49.) Plaintiff
cannot camouflage these state law claims as federal violations simply to evade the
9
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Further, it is not enough to escape the Eleventh Amendment that Plaintiff asks
for prospective relief. (See Dkt. 72:26–27.) The Eleventh Amendment prohibits
federal courts from granting “relief against state officials on the basis of state law,
465 U.S. 89, 106 (1984) (emphasis added); see also, Puerto Rico Aqueduct & Sewer
Auth. v. Metcalf & Eddy, Inc., 506 U.S. 139, 146 (1993) (“[t]he doctrine of Ex parte
Young . . . has no application in suits against the States and their agencies, which are
Indianapolis Athletics Dept., 510 F.3d 681, 696 (7th Cir. 2007) (Eleventh Amendment
bars plaintiff’s claim, “even [ ] her claims for prospective injunctive relief”).
that has not consented to suit under § 1983; nor has Congress abrogated the State of
Wisconsin’s Eleventh Amendment immunity. See, Will v. Mich. Dep’t of State Police,
491 U.S. 58, 66 (1989); Joseph v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of Wis. Sys., 432 F.3d 746,
748 (7th Cir. 2005). Plaintiff cannot masquerade his state law claims as a federal
§ 1983 action. Plaintiff’s claims are, thus, barred by the Eleventh Amendment.
Plaintiff’s primary arguments against laches are (1) the application of laches
is frequently fact-specific, and (2) he did not unreasonably delay in bringing this
First, courts can and do dismiss claims due to laches based on the pleadings or
before trial, particularly when it is clear from the face of the complaint that laches
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applies. See, e.g., King, 2020 WL 7134198 at *7 (“The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’
delay results in their claims being barred by laches.”); Aguila Mgmt. LLC v. Int’l Fruit
Genetics, LLC, No. CV-19-00173-PHX-DJH, 2020 WL 736303, at *3 (D. Ariz. Feb. 13,
2020) (Humetewa, J.) (noting that “[c]ourts in this district have previously applied
laches in a motion to dismiss” because “where the elements of laches are apparent on
Solow Bldg. Co., LLC v. Nine West Group, Inc., No. 00 Civ. 7685(DC), 2001 WL
736794, at *3 (S.D.N.Y. June 29, 2001) (granting motion to dismiss based on laches,
noting “When the defense of laches is clear on the face of the complaint, and where
it is clear that the plaintiff can prove no set of facts to avoid the insuperable bar, a
the pleadings. He bases the claims related to election machines and software on
“expert and fact witness” reports discussing “glitches” and other alleged
vulnerabilities that occurred as far back as 2006. (See Dkt. 9 ¶ 88(A)–(H)). And
before the November 3, 2020 election. The basis of Plaintiff’s claims regarding these
issues is the Commission’s guidance that was issued on October 18, 2016 (absentee
ballot certification), May 13, 2020 (indefinite confinement), and October 19, 2020
(curing absentee ballot certification envelopes). (See Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 40, 44–45, 104–105.)
If Plaintiff had legitimate concerns about the election machines and software, or the
11
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Commission’s guidance regarding absentee ballot and indefinite confinement status,
he could have filed this lawsuit well before the November 3 election—yet he sat back
In his brief, Plaintiff argues that his delay was justified because “all of the
unlawful conduct occurred during the course of the election and in the post-election
vote counting, manipulation, and even fabrication.” (Dkt. 72:22.) If this were the case,
then Plaintiff fails to state a claim against any defendant in this case, since neither
the Commission nor the Governor took part in any “post-election vote counting.”
complaint, see Car Carriers, Inc. v. Ford Motor Co., 745 F.2d 1101, 1107 (7th Cir.
1984) (“it is axiomatic that the complaint may not be amended by the briefs in
months, if not decades. Given this, Plaintiff cannot overcome the doctrine of laches,
Plaintiff has not pled a plausible claim for fraud and falls short of the Rule 9(b)
supplemented by his briefing, do not connect his conspiracy theory involving foreign
oligarchs and dictators, and a voting system called “Smartmatic,” with any alleged
overheard in Colorado does not state a plausible claim for fraud. (See Dkt. 9 ¶¶ 8, 97.)
12
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The Commission’s opening brief detailed the absurdities underlying his factual
allegations, including secret witnesses, Google research, and statistical analysis that
would not even pass basics evidentiary reliability standards. (Dkt. 54:17–22.)
his factual bases are “unrebutted.” (Dkt. 72:3.) This claim is wrong, but also misses
the mark. This is briefing on a motion to dismiss, not summary judgment. Whether
evidence has been factually rebutted is not at issue. The question is whether his
claims are plausible and pled with particularity, which they are not.
He also ignores that his completely speculative theory about voting matching
election machines in Wisconsin. (See Dkt. 52:2–4.)4 Over 140,000 ballots were hand
machines, and no voting equipment issues were found. Likewise, a recount of Dane
and Milwaukee counties did not materially change the vote tallies, which belies any
13
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baselessness of Plaintiff’s voter fraud claim. 5 Plaintiff offers no response, and his
The Commission’s brief in support of dismissal pointed out that this lawsuit
fails in its premise because the relief that Plaintiff requests is unlawful. (Dkt. 54:22.)
voted under election procedures that were in place for the November 2020 election.
Once a state legislature has directed that the state’s electors are to be
appointed by popular election, the people’s “right to vote as the legislature has
prescribed is fundamental.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000) (per curiam).
way that disenfranchises voters violates due process. Bennett v. Yoshina, 140 F.3d
1218, 1227 (9th Cir. 1998) (“a court will strike down an election on substantive due
process grounds if two elements are present: (1) likely reliance by voters on an
procedure will be in the coming election; and (2) significant disenfranchisement that
14
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And yet, that is exactly what Plaintiff asks here. The November election was
procedures. Nearly 3.3 million Wisconsin voters casted their ballots.6 Plaintiff did not
challenge any of those procedures, or any of the voting equipment before the election.
But, after the votes have been counted and certified, and the outcome is known, he
wants to throw out those votes and reverse the outcome. Due process does not permit
retroactively changing the election rules to reverse the will of the electorate.
CONCLUSION
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
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COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
16
1947 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/09/20 Page 16 of 16 Document 77
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN
WILLIAM FEEHAN,
Plaintiff,
WISCONSIN ELECTIONS
COMMISSION, and its members ANN S.
JACOBS, MARK L. THOMSEN, MARGE
BOSTELMAN, JULIE M. GLANCEY,
DEAN KNUDSON, ROBERT F.
SPINDELL, JR., in their official
capacities, GOVERNOR TONY EVERS,
in his official capacity,
Defendants.
Spindell, Jr., by their attorneys, and pursuant to Civil L. R. 7(j), hereby submit
Respectfully submitted,
JOSHUA L. KAUL
Attorney General of Wisconsin
s/ S. Michael Murphy
S. MICHAEL MURPHY
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1078149
JODY J. SCHMELZER
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1027796
2
1949 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/09/20 Page 2 of 3 Document 78
COLIN T. ROTH
Assistant Attorney General
State Bar #1103985
3
1950 Case 2:20-cv-01771-PP Filed 12/09/20 Page 3 of 3 Document 78
King v. Whitmer, --- F.Supp.3d ---- (2020)
2020 WL 7134198
2020 WL 7134198
Only the Westlaw citation is currently available. OPINION AND ORDER DENYING PLAINTIFFS’
United States District Court, E.D. “EMERGENCY MOTION FOR DECLARATORY,
Michigan, Southern Division. EMERGENCY, AND PERMANENT INJUNCTIVE
RELIEF” (ECF NO. 7)
Timothy KING, Marian Ellen Sheridan,
LINDA V. PARKER, U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE
John Earl Haggard, Charles James
*1 The right to vote is among the most sacred rights of our
Ritchard, James David Hooper, and
democracy and, in turn, uniquely defines us as Americans.
Daren Wade Rubingh, Plaintiffs, The struggle to achieve the right to vote is one that has
v. been both hard fought and cherished throughout our country's
Gretchen WHITMER, in her official history. Local, state, and federal elections give voice to this
right through the ballot. And elections that count each vote
capacity as Governor of the State celebrate and secure this cherished right.
of Michigan, Jocelyn Benson, in
her official capacity as Michigan These principles are the bedrock of American democracy and
are widely revered as being woven into the fabric of this
Secretary of State, and Michigan Board country. In Michigan, more than 5.5 million citizens exercised
of State Canvassers, Defendants, the franchise either in person or by absentee ballot during the
and 2020 General Election. Those votes were counted and, as of
November 23, 2020, certified by the Michigan Board of State
City of Detroit, Democratic
Canvassers (also “State Board”). The Governor has sent the
National Committee and Michigan slate of Presidential Electors to the Archivist of the United
Democratic Party, and Robert States to confirm the votes for the successful candidate.
Davis, Intervenor-Defendants.
Against this backdrop, Plaintiffs filed this lawsuit, bringing
forth claims of widespread voter irregularities and fraud in the
Civil Case No. 20-13134
processing and tabulation of votes and absentee ballots. They
|
seek relief that is stunning in its scope and breathtaking in
Signed 12/07/2020
its reach. If granted, the relief would disenfranchise the votes
Attorneys and Law Firms of the more than 5.5 million Michigan citizens who, with
dignity, hope, and a promise of a voice, participated in the
Gregory J. Rohl, The Law Offices of Gregory J. Rohl, P.C., 2020 General Election. The Court declines to grant Plaintiffs
Novi, MI, for Plaintiffs. this relief.
Michigan law required the Michigan State Board of 6.) Plaintiffs also assert one count alleging violations of the
Canvassers to canvass results of the 2020 General Election Michigan Election Code. (Id.)
by November 23, 2020. Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.842. The
State Board did so by a 3-0 vote, certifying the results By December 1, motions to intervene had been filed by
“for the Electors of President and Vice President,” among the City of Detroit (ECF No. 15), Robert Davis (ECF No.
other offices. (ECF No. 36-5 at Pg ID 2624.) That same 12), and the Democratic National Committee and Michigan
day, Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed the Certificates of Democratic Party (“DNC/MDP”) (ECF No. 14). On that
Ascertainment for the slate of electors for Vice President date, the Court entered a briefing schedule with respect to
Biden and Senator Kamala D. Harris. (ECF No. 36-6 at Pg ID the motions. Plaintiffs had not yet served Defendants with
2627-29.) Those certificates were transmitted to and received their pleading or emergency motions as of December 1.
by the Archivist of the United States. (Id.) Thus, on December 1, the Court also entered a text-only
order to hasten Plaintiffs’ actions to bring Defendants into
Federal law provides that if election results are contested the case and enable the Court to address Plaintiffs’ pending
in any state, and if the state, prior to election day, has motions. Later the same day, after Plaintiffs filed certificates
enacted procedures to decide controversies or contests over of service reflecting service of the summons and Amended
electors and electoral votes, and if these procedures have been Complaint on Defendants (ECF Nos. 21), the Court entered
applied, and the decisions are made at least six days before a briefing schedule with respect to Plaintiffs’ emergency
the electors’ meetings, then the decisions are considered motions, requiring response briefs by 8:00 p.m. on December
conclusive and will apply in counting the electoral votes. 3 2, and reply briefs by 8:00 p.m. on December 3 (ECF No. 24).
U.S.C. § 5. This date (the “Safe Harbor” deadline) falls on
December 8, 2020. Under the federal statutory timetable for On December 2, the Court granted the motions to intervene.
presidential elections, the Electoral College must meet on “the (ECF No. 28.) Response and reply briefs with respect to
first Monday after the second Wednesday in December,” 3 Plaintiffs’ emergency motions were thereafter filed. (ECF
U.S.C. § 7, which is December 14 this year. Nos. 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 49, 50.) Amicus curiae
Michigan State Conference NAACP subsequently moved and
*2 Alleging widespread fraud in the distribution, collection, was granted leave to file a brief in support of Defendants’
and counting of ballots in Michigan, as well as violations position. (ECF Nos. 48, 55.) Supplemental briefs also were
of state law as to certain election challengers and the filed by the parties. (ECF Nos. 57, 58.)
manipulation of ballots through corrupt election machines
and software, Plaintiffs filed the current lawsuit against In light of the limited time allotted for the Court to resolve
Defendants at 11:48 p.m. on November 25, 2020—the eve Plaintiffs’ emergency motion for injunctive relief—which
of the Thanksgiving holiday. (ECF No. 1.) Plaintiffs are Plaintiffs assert “must be granted in advance of December 8,
registered Michigan voters and nominees of the Republican 2020” (ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1846)—the Court has disposed of
Party to be Presidential Electors on behalf of the State of oral argument with respect to their motion pursuant to Eastern
Michigan. (ECF No. 6 at Pg ID 882.) They are suing Governor District of Michigan Local Rule 7.1(f).1
Whitmer and Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson in their
official capacities, as well as the Michigan Board of State 1 “ ‘[W]here material facts are not in dispute, or where
Canvassers.
facts in dispute are not material to the preliminary
injunction sought, district courts generally need not hold
On November 29, a Sunday, Plaintiffs filed a First an evidentiary hearing.’ ” Nexus Gas Transmission, LLC
Amended Complaint (ECF No. 6), “Emergency Motion for v. City of Green, Ohio, 757 Fed. Appx. 489, 496-97 (6th
Declaratory, Emergency, and Permanent Injunctive Relief Cir. 2018) (quoting Certified Restoration Dry Cleaning
and Memorandum in Support Thereof” (ECF No. 7), and Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511 F.3d 535, 553 (6th Cir.
Emergency Motion to Seal (ECF No. 8). In their First 2007)) (citation omitted).
Amended Complaint, Plaintiffs allege three claims pursuant
to 42 U.S.C. § 1983: (Count I) violation of the Elections II. Standard of Review
and Electors Clauses; (Count II) violation of the Fourteenth A preliminary injunction is “an extraordinary remedy that
Amendment Equal Protection Clause; and, (Count III) denial may only be awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff
of the Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause. (ECF No. is entitled to such relief.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council,
Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 22, 129 S.Ct. 365, 172 L.Ed.2d 249 U.S. Const. amend. XI. This immunity extends to suits
(2008) (citation omitted). The plaintiff bears the burden of brought by citizens against their own states. See, e.g., Ladd
demonstrating entitlement to preliminary injunctive relief. v. Marchbanks, 971 F.3d 574, 578 (6th Cir. 2020) (citing
Leary v. Daeschner, 228 F.3d 729, 739 (6th Cir. 2000). Such Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, 18-19, 10 S.Ct. 504, 33 L.Ed.
relief will only be granted where “the movant carries his or 842 (1890)). It also extends to suits against state agencies
her burden of proving that the circumstances clearly demand or departments, Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman,
it.” Overstreet v. Lexington-Fayette Urban Cnty. Gov't, 305 465 U.S. 89, 100, 104 S.Ct. 900, 79 L.Ed.2d 67 (1984)
F.3d 566, 573 (6th Cir. 2002). “Evidence that goes beyond (citations omitted), and “suit[s] against state officials when
the unverified allegations of the pleadings and motion papers ‘the state is the real, substantial party in interest[,]’ ” id. at 101,
must be presented to support or oppose a motion for a 104 S.Ct. 900 (quoting Ford Motor Co. v. Dep't of Treasury,
preliminary injunction.” 11A Mary Kay Kane, Fed. Prac. & 323 U.S. 459, 464, 65 S.Ct. 347, 89 L.Ed. 389 (1945)).
Proc. § 2949 (3d ed.).
A suit against a State, a state agency or its department, or a
*3 Four factors are relevant in deciding whether to grant state official is in fact a suit against the State and is barred
preliminary injunctive relief: “ ‘(1) whether the movant has “regardless of the nature of the relief sought.” Pennhurst State
a strong likelihood of success on the merits; (2) whether the Sch. & Hosp., 465 U.S. at 100-02, 104 S.Ct. 900 (citations
movant would suffer irreparable injury absent the injunction; omitted). “ ‘The general rule is that a suit is against the
(3) whether the injunction would cause substantial harm to sovereign if the judgment sought would expend itself on
others; and (4) whether the public interest would be served by the public treasury or domain, or interfere with the public
the issuance of an injunction.’ ” Daunt v. Benson, 956 F.3d administration, or if the effect of the judgment would be to
396, 406 (6th Cir. 2020) (quoting Bays v. City of Fairborn, restrain the Government from acting, or to compel it to act.’
668 F.3d 814, 818-19 (6th Cir. 2012)). “At the preliminary ” Id. at 101 n.11, 104 S.Ct. 900 (quoting Dugan v. Rank, 372
injunction stage, ‘a plaintiff must show more than a mere U.S. 609, 620, 83 S.Ct. 999, 10 L.Ed.2d 15 (1963)) (internal
possibility of success,’ but need not ‘prove his case in full.’ quotation marks omitted).
” Ne. Ohio Coal. for Homeless v. Husted, 696 F.3d 580, 591
(6th Cir. 2012) (quoting Certified Restoration Dry Cleaning Eleventh Amendment immunity is subject to three
Network, LLC v. Tenke Corp., 511 F.3d 535, 543 (6th Cir. exceptions: (1) congressional abrogation; (2) waiver by
2007)). Yet, “the proof required for the plaintiff to obtain a the State; and (3) “a suit against a state official seeking
preliminary injunction is much more stringent than the proof prospective injunctive relief to end a continuing violation of
required to survive a summary judgment motion ....” Leary, federal law.” See Carten v. Kent State Univ., 282 F.3d 391, 398
228 F.3d at 739. (6th Cir. 2002) (citations omitted). Congress did not abrogate
the States’ sovereign immunity when it enacted 42 U.S.C. §
1983. Will v. Mich. Dep't of State Police, 491 U.S. 58, 66, 109
III. Discussion S.Ct. 2304, 105 L.Ed.2d 45 (1989). “The State of Michigan
The Court begins by discussing those questions that go to has not consented to being sued in civil rights actions in
matters of subject matter jurisdiction or which counsel against the federal courts.” Johnson v. Unknown Dellatifa, 357 F.3d
reaching the merits of Plaintiffs’ claims. While the Court finds 539, 545 (6th Cir. 2004) (citing Abick v. Michigan, 803 F.2d
that any of these issues, alone, indicate that Plaintiffs’ motion 874, 877 (6th Cir. 1986)). The Eleventh Amendment therefore
should be denied, it addresses each to be thorough. bars Plaintiffs’ claims against the Michigan Board of State
Canvassers. See McLeod v. Kelly, 304 Mich. 120, 7 N.W.2d
240, 242 (1942) (“The board of State canvassers is a State
A. Eleventh Amendment Immunity
agency ...”); see also Deleeuw v. State Bd. of Canvassers,
The Eleventh Amendment to the United States Constitution
263 Mich.App. 497, 688 N.W.2d 847, 850 (2004). Plaintiffs’
provides:
claims are barred against Governor Whitmer and Secretary
The judicial power of the United States shall not be Benson unless the third exception applies.
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced
or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens *4 The third exception arises from the Supreme Court's
of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign decision in Ex parte Young, 209 U.S. 123, 28 S.Ct. 441, 52
State. L.Ed. 714 (1908). But as the Supreme Court has advised:
The doctrine of laches is rooted in the principle that “equity Plaintiffs proffer no persuasive explanation as to why they
aids the vigilant, not those who slumber on their rights.” waited so long to file this suit. Plaintiffs concede that they
Lucking v. Schram, 117 F.2d 160, 162 (6th Cir. 1941); see also “would have preferred to file sooner, but [ ] needed some
United States v. Clintwood Elkhorn Min. Co., 553 U.S. 1, 9, time to gather statements from dozens of fact witnesses,
128 S.Ct. 1511, 170 L.Ed.2d 392 (2008) (“A constitutional retain and engage expert witnesses, and gather other data
claim can become time-barred just as any other claim can.”). supporting their Complaint.” (ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3081.) But
An action may be barred by the doctrine of laches if: (1) the according to Plaintiffs themselves, “[m]anipulation of votes
plaintiff delayed unreasonably in asserting his rights and (2) was apparent shortly after the polls closed on November 3,
the defendant is prejudiced by this delay. Brown-Graves Co. 2020.” (ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1837 (emphasis added).) Indeed,
v. Central States, Se. and Sw. Areas Pension Fund, 206 F.3d where there is no reasonable explanation, there can be no
680, 684 (6th Cir. 2000); Ottawa Tribe of Oklahoma v. Logan, true justification. See Crookston v. Johnson, 841 F.3d 396,
577 F.3d 634, 639 n.6 (6th Cir. 2009) (“Laches arises from 398 (6th Cir. 2016) (identifying the “first and most essential”
an extended failure to exercise a right to the detriment of reason to issue a stay of an election-related injunction is
another party.”). Courts apply laches in election cases. Detroit plaintiff offering “no reasonable explanation for waiting so
Unity Fund v. Whitmer, 819 F. App'x 421, 422 (6th Cir. 2020) long to file this action”). Defendants satisfy the first element
(holding that the district court did not err in finding plaintiff's of their laches defense.
claims regarding deadline for local ballot initiatives “barred
by laches, considering the unreasonable delay on the part of Second, Plaintiffs’ delay prejudices Defendants. See Kay v.
[p]laintiffs and the consequent prejudice to [d]efendants”). Cf. Austin, 621 F.2d 809, 813 (6th Cir. 1980) (“As time passes,
Benisek v. Lamone, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1942, 1944, the state's interest in proceeding with the election increases
201 L.Ed.2d 398 (2018) (“[A] party requesting a preliminary in importance as resources are committed and irrevocable
injunction must generally show reasonable diligence. That is decisions are made, and the candidate's claim to be a serious
as true in election law cases as elsewhere.”). candidate who has received a serious injury becomes less
credible by his having slept on his rights.”) This is especially
*7 First, Plaintiffs showed no diligence in asserting the so considering that Plaintiffs’ claims for relief are not merely
claims at bar. They filed the instant action on November 25 last-minute—they are after the fact. While Plaintiffs delayed,
—more than 21 days after the 2020 General Election—and the ballots were cast; the votes were counted; and the results
served it on Defendants some five days later on December 1. were certified. The rationale for interposing the doctrine of
(ECF Nos. 1, 21.) If Plaintiffs had legitimate claims regarding laches is now at its peak. See McDonald v. Cnty. of San Diego,
whether the treatment of election challengers complied with 124 F. App'x 588 (9th Cir. 2005) (citing Soules v. Kauaians
state law, they could have brought their claims well in advance for Nukolii Campaign Comm., 849 F.2d 1176, 1180 (9th Cir.
of or on Election Day—but they did not. Michigan's 83 1988)); Soules, 849 F.2d at 1180 (quoting Hendon v. N.C.
Boards of County Canvassers finished canvassing by no State Bd. of Elections, 710 F.2d 177, 182 (4th Cir. 1983))
later than November 17 and, on November 23, both the (applying doctrine of laches in post-election lawsuit because
Michigan Board of State Canvassers and Governor Whitmer doing otherwise would, “permit, if not encourage, parties who
certified the election results. Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 168.822, could raise a claim to lay by and gamble upon receiving a
168.842.0. If Plaintiffs had legitimate claims regarding the favorable decision of the electorate and then, upon losing,
manner by which ballots were processed and tabulated on seek to undo the ballot results in a court action”).
or after Election Day, they could have brought the instant
action on Election Day or during the weeks of canvassing Plaintiffs could have lodged their constitutional challenges
that followed—yet they did not. Plaintiffs base the claims much sooner than they did, and certainly not three weeks
related to election machines and software on “expert and
after Election Day and one week after certification of almost litigation; ... (4) the order in which jurisdiction was
three million votes. The Court concludes that Plaintiffs’ delay obtained; ... (5) whether the source of governing law is
results in their claims being barred by laches. state or federal; (6) the adequacy of the state court action to
protect the federal plaintiff's rights; (7) the relative progress
of the state and federal proceedings; and (8) the presence
D. Abstention or absence of concurrent jurisdiction.
As outlined in several filings, when the present lawsuit was Romine, 160 F.3d at 340-41 (internal citations omitted).
filed on November 25, 2020, there already were multiple “These factors, however, do not comprise a mechanical
lawsuits pending in Michigan state courts raising the same checklist. Rather, they require ‘a careful balancing of the
or similar claims alleged in Plaintiffs’ Amended Complaint. important factors as they apply in a give[n] case’ depending
(See, e.g., ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-98 (summarizing on the particular facts at hand.” Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone
five state court lawsuits challenging President Trump's Mem'l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr. Corp., 460 U.S. 1, 16, 103
defeat in Michigan's November 3, 2020 General Election).) S.Ct. 927, 74 L.Ed.2d 765 (1983)).
Defendants and the City of Detroit urge the Court to
abstain from deciding Plaintiffs’ claims in deference to those As summarized in Defendants’ response brief and reflected
proceedings under various abstention doctrines. (Id. at Pg ID in their exhibits (see ECF No. 31 at Pg ID 2193-97; see also
2191-2203; ECF No. 39 at Pg ID 2840-44.) Defendants rely ECF Nos. 31-7, 31-9, 31-11, 31-12, 31-14), the allegations
on the abstention doctrine outlined by the Supreme Court in and claims in the state court proceedings and the pending
Colorado River Water Conservation District v. United States, matter are, at the very least, substantially similar, Romine, 160
424 U.S. 800, 96 S.Ct. 1236, 47 L.Ed.2d 483 (1976). The F.3d at 340 (“Exact parallelism is not required; it is enough
City of Detroit relies on the abstention doctrines outlined if the two proceedings are substantially similar.” (internal
in Colorado River, as well as those set forth in Railroad quotation marks and citation omitted)). A careful balancing
Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. 496, 500-01, of the factors set forth by the Supreme Court counsel in favor
61 S.Ct. 643, 85 L.Ed. 971 (1941), and Burford v. Sun Oil Co., of deferring to the concurrent jurisdiction of the state courts.
319 U.S. 315, 63 S.Ct. 1098, 87 L.Ed. 1424 (1943). The City
of Detroit maintains that abstention is particularly appropriate The first and second factor weigh against abstention. Id.
when resolving election disputes in light of the autonomy (indicating that the weight is against abstention where
provided to state courts to initially settle such disputes. no property is at issue and neither forum is more or
less convenient). While the Supreme Court has stated
*8 The abstention doctrine identified in Colorado River that “ ‘the presence of federal law issues must always
permits a federal court to abstain from exercising jurisdiction be a major consideration weighing against surrender of
over a matter in deference to parallel state-court proceedings. federal jurisdiction in deference to state proceedings[,]’ ”
Colorado River, 424 U.S. at 813, 817, 96 S.Ct. 1236. id. at 342 (quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at 26, 103
The exception is found warranted “by considerations of S.Ct. 927), this “ ‘factor has less significance where the
‘proper constitutional adjudication,’ ‘regard for federal-state federal courts’ jurisdiction to enforce the statutory rights in
relations,’ or ‘wise judicial administration.’ ” Quackenbush
question is concurrent with that of the state courts.’ ”4 Id.
v. Allstate Ins. Co., 517 U.S. 706, 716, 116 S.Ct. 1712,
(quoting Moses H. Cone, 460 U.S. at 25, 103 S.Ct. 927).
135 L.Ed.2d 1 (1996) (quoting Colorado River, 424 U.S. at
Moreover, the Michigan Election Code seems to dominate
817, 96 S.Ct. 1236). The Sixth Circuit has identified two
even Plaintiffs’ federal claims. Further, the remaining factors
prerequisites for abstention under this doctrine. Romine v.
favor abstention.
Compuserve Corp., 160 F.3d 337, 339-40 (6th Cir. 1998).
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the both Elections Clause and Electors Clause); Wood, 2020
Legislature thereof[.]” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1. “The WL 6817513, at *1 (same); Foster, 522 U.S. at 69, 118
Elections Clause effectively gives state governments the S.Ct. 464 (characterizing Electors Clause as Elections
‘default’ authority to regulate the mechanics of federal Clauses’ “counterpart for the Executive Branch”); U.S.
Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804-05,
elections, Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67, 69, 118 S. Ct. 464,
115 S.Ct. 1842, 131 L.Ed.2d 881 (1995) (noting that
139 L.Ed.2d 369 (1997), with Congress retaining ‘exclusive
state's “duty” under Elections Clause “parallels the duty”
control’ to ‘make or alter’ any state's regulations, Colegrove
described by Electors Clause).
v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, 554, 66 S. Ct. 1198, 90 L.Ed. 1432
(1946).” Bognet, 980 F.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, *1. This is so because the Elections Clause grants rights to “the
The “Electors Clause” of the Constitution states: “Each State Legislature” of “each State.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1.
shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may The Supreme Court interprets the words “the Legislature,”
direct, a Number of Electors ....” U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2. as used in that clause, to mean the lawmaking bodies of a
state. Ariz. State Legislature, 135 S.Ct. at 2673. The Elections
Plaintiffs argue that, as “nominees of the Republican Party to Clause, therefore, grants rights to state legislatures and to
be Presidential Electors on behalf of the State of Michigan, other entities to which a State may delegate lawmaking
they have standing to allege violations of the Elections authority. See id. at 2668. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause claims
Clause and Electors Clause because “a vote for President thus belong, if to anyone, Michigan's state legislature. Bognet
Trump and Vice-President Pence in Michigan ... is a vote v. Secy. Commonwealth of Pa., 980 F.3d 336, ––––, 2020 WL
for each Republican elector[ ], and ... illegal conduct 6686120, *7 (3d Cir. 2020). Plaintiffs here are six presidential
aimed at harming candidates for President similarly injures elector nominees; they are not a part of Michigan's lawmaking
Presidential Electors.” (ECF No. 7 at Pg ID 1837-38; ECF bodies nor do they have a relationship to them.
No. 49 at Pg ID 3076-78.)
*11 To support their contention that they have standing,
But where, as here, the only injury Plaintiffs have alleged is Plaintiffs point to Carson v. Simon, 978 F.3d 1051 (8th Cir.
that the Elections Clause has not been followed, the United 2020), a decision finding that electors had standing to bring
States Supreme Court has made clear that “[the] injury is challenges under the Electors Clause. (ECF No. 7 at Pg
precisely the kind of undifferentiated, generalized grievance ID 1839 (citing Carson, 978 F.3d at 1057).) In that case,
about the conduct of government that [courts] have refused which was based on the specific content and contours of
Minnesota state law, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals
to countenance.”7 Lance v. Coffman, 549 U.S. 437, 442,
concluded that because “the plain text of Minnesota law
127 S.Ct. 1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007). Because Plaintiffs
treats prospective electors as candidates,” it too would treat
“assert no particularized stake in the litigation,” Plaintiffs fail
presidential elector nominees as candidates. Carson, 978 F.3d
to establish injury-in-fact and thus standing to bring their
at 1057. This Court, however, is as unconvinced about the
Elections Clause and Electors Clause claims. Id.; see also
majority's holding in Carson as the dissent:
Johnson v. Bredesen, 356 F. App'x 781, 784 (6th Cir. 2009)
(citing Lance, 549 U.S. at 441-42, 127 S.Ct. 1194) (affirming I am not convinced the Electors have Article III standing
district court's conclusion that citizens did not allege injury- to assert claims under the Electors Clause. Although
in-fact to support standing for claim that the state of Tennessee Minnesota law at times refers to them as “candidates,”
violated constitutional law). see, e.g., Minn. Stat. § 204B.03 (2020), the Electors are
not candidates for public office as that term is commonly
7 Although separate constitutional provisions, the Electors understood. Whether they ultimately assume the office of
Clause and Elections Clause share “considerable elector depends entirely on the outcome of the state popular
similarity,” Ariz. State Leg. v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting vote for president. Id. § 208.04 subdiv. 1 (“[A] vote cast
Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 839, 135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d for the party candidates for president and vice president
704, (2015) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting), and Plaintiffs do shall be deemed a vote for that party's electors.”). They are
not at all distinguish the two clauses in their motion for not presented to and chosen by the voting public for their
injunctive relief or reply brief (ECF No. 7; ECF No. 49 at
office, but instead automatically assume that office based
Pg ID 3076-78). See also Bognet v. Sec'y Commonwealth
on the public's selection of entirely different individuals.
of Pa., 980 F.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at *7
(3d Cir. 2020) (applying same test for standing under 978 F.3d at 1063 (Kelly, J., dissenting).8
8 In addition, at least one Circuit Court, the Third Circuit of any congressional candidate who refused to support term
Court of Appeals, has distinguished Carson’s holding, limits after concluding that such a statute constituted a
noting: “ ‘regulation’ of congressional elections,” as used in the
Our conclusion departs from the recent decision of an Elections Clause. 531 U.S. 510, 525-26, 121 S.Ct. 1029,
Eighth Circuit panel which, over a dissent, concluded 149 L.Ed.2d 44 (2001) (quoting U.S. Const. art. I, § 4,
that candidates for the position of presidential elector cl. 1). In Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent
had standing under Bond [v. U.S., 564 U.S. 211, 131 Redistricting Commission, the Supreme Court upheld an
S.Ct. 2355, 180 L.Ed.2d 269 (2011) ] to challenge a Arizona law that transferred redistricting power from the state
Minnesota state-court consent decree that effectively legislature to an independent commission after concluding
extended the receipt deadline for mailed ballots.... The
that “the Legislature,” as used in the Elections Clause,
Carson court appears to have cited language from
includes any official body with authority to make laws for
Bond without considering the context—specifically,
the state. 576 U.S. 787, 824, 135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d
the Tenth Amendment and the reserved police powers
—in which the U.S. Supreme Court employed that
704 (2015). In each of these cases, federal courts measured
language. There is no precedent for expanding Bond enacted state election laws against the federal mandates
beyond this context, and the Carson court cited none. established in the clauses—they did not measure violations of
Bognet, 980 F.3d at –––– n.6, 2020 WL 6686120, at *8 enacted state elections law against those federal mandates.
n.6.
Plaintiffs contend that the Michigan Election Code and *12 By asking the Court to find that they have made out
relevant Minnesota law are similar. (See ECF No. 49 at Pg claims under the clauses due to alleged violations of the
ID 3076-78.) Even if the Court were to agree, it finds that Michigan Election Code, Plaintiffs ask the Court to find that
Plaintiffs lack standing to sue under the Elections and Electors any alleged deviation from state election law amounts to
Clauses. a modification of state election law and opens the door to
federal review. Plaintiffs cite to no case—and this Court found
none—supporting such an expansive approach.
F. The Merits of the Request for Injunctive Relief
The Court may deny Plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief Most election laws will “impose some burden upon individual
for the reasons discussed above. Nevertheless, the Court will voters.” Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 433, 112 S.Ct.
proceed to analyze the merits of their claims. 2059, 119 L.Ed.2d 245 (1992). But “[o]ur Constitution
leaves no room for classification of people in a way that
unnecessarily abridges this right [to vote].” Reynolds v. Sims,
377 U.S. 533, 559, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)
a. Violation of the Elections & Electors Clauses
(quoting Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 17-18, 84 S.Ct. 526,
Plaintiffs allege that Defendants violated the Elections Clause 11 L.Ed.2d 481 (1964)). Voting rights can be impermissibly
and Electors Clause by deviating from the requirements burdened “by a debasement or dilution of the weight of a
of the Michigan Election Code. (See, e.g., ECF No. 6 at citizen's vote just as effectively as by wholly prohibiting the
Pg ID 884-85, ¶¶ 36-40, 177-81, 937-38.) Even assuming free exercise of the franchise.” Id. (quoting Reynolds, 377
Defendants did not follow the Michigan Election Code, U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362).
Plaintiffs do not explain how or why such violations of state
election procedures automatically amount to violations of the Plaintiffs attempt to establish an Equal Protection claim based
clauses. In other words, it appears that Plaintiffs’ claims are on the theory that Defendants engaged in “several schemes”
in fact state law claims disguised as federal claims. to, among other things, “destroy,” “discard,” and “switch”
votes for President Trump, thereby “devalu[ing] Republican
A review of Supreme Court cases interpreting these clauses votes” and “diluting” the influence of their individual votes.
supports this conclusion. In Cook v. Gralike, the Supreme (ECF No. 49 at Pg ID 3079.)
Court struck down a Missouri law that required election
officials to print warnings on the ballot next to the name
But, to be perfectly clear, Plaintiffs’ equal protection claim repeatedly held that suspicion is not proof; and it
is not supported by any allegation that Defendants’ alleged is equally true that belief and expectation to prove
schemes caused votes for President Trump to be changed cannot be accepted as a substitute for fact. The
to votes for Vice President Biden. For example, the closest complainant carefully refrains from stating that he has
any information upon which to found his belief or to
Plaintiffs get to alleging that physical ballots were altered
justify his expectation; and evidently he has no such
in such a way is the following statement in an election
information. But belief, without an allegation of fact
challenger's sworn affidavit: “I believe some of these workers
either upon personal knowledge or upon information
were changing votes that had been cast for Donald Trump
reasonably sufficient upon which to base the belief,
and other Republican candidates.”9 (ECF No. 6 at Pg ID cannot justify the extraordinary remedy of injunction.
902 ¶ 91 (citing Aff. Articia Bomer, ECF No. 6-3 at Pg ID Magruder v. Schley, 18 App. D.C. 288, 292, 1901 WL
1008-1010).) But of course, “[a] belief is not evidence” and 19131, at *2 (D.C. Cir. 1901).
falls far short of what is required to obtain any relief, much *13 With nothing but speculation and conjecture that votes
less the extraordinary relief Plaintiffs request. United States for President Trump were destroyed, discarded or switched
v. O'Connor, 1997 WL 413594, at *1 (7th Cir. 1997); see to votes for Vice President Biden, Plaintiffs’ equal protection
Brown v. City of Franklin, 430 F. App'x 382, 387 (6th Cir.
claim fails.11 See Wood, ––– F.3d ––––, 2020 WL 7094866
2011) (“Brown just submits his belief that Fox's ‘protection’
(quoting Bognet, 980 F.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 6686120, at
statement actually meant “protection from retaliation.... An
*12) (“ ‘[N]o single voter is specifically disadvantaged’ if
unsubstantiated belief is not evidence of pretext.”); Booker v.
a vote is counted improperly, even if the error might have
City of St. Louis, 309 F.3d 464, 467 (8th Cir. 2002) (“Booker's
a ‘mathematical impact on the final tally and thus on the
“belief” that he was singled out for testing is not evidence that
proportional effect of every vote.’ ”).
he was.”).10 The closest Plaintiffs get to alleging that election
machines and software changed votes for President Trump to 11 “[T]he Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal
Vice President Biden in Wayne County is an amalgamation
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes
of theories, conjecture, and speculation that such alterations were weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance
were possible. (See e.g., ECF No. 6 at ¶¶ 7-11, 17, 125, 129, an Equal Protection Clause argument based solely on
138-43, 147-48, 155-58, 160-63, 167, 171.) And Plaintiffs do state officials’ alleged violation of state law that does
not at all explain how the question of whether the treatment not cause unequal treatment. And if dilution of lawfully
of election challengers complied with state law bears on the cast ballots by the ‘unlawful’ counting of invalidly
validity of votes, or otherwise establishes an equal protection cast ballots were a true equal-protection problem, then
claim. it would transform every violation of state election
law (and, actually, every violation of every law) into
9 a potential federal equal-protection claim requiring
Plaintiffs allege in several portions of the Amended
scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing to do
Complaint that election officials improperly tallied,
more to stop the illegal activity. That is not how the Equal
counted, or marked ballots. But some of these allegations
Protection Clause works.” Bognet, 980 F.3d at ––––,
equivocate with words such as “believe” and “may”
2020 WL 6686120, at *11.
and none of these allegations identify which presidential
candidate the ballots were allegedly altered to favor. (See,
e.g., ECF No. 6 at Pg ID 902, ¶ 91 (citing Aff. Articia
2. Irreparable Harm & Harm to Others
Bomer, ECF No. 6-3 at Pg ID 1008-10 (“I believe some
of these ballots may not have been properly counted.”) Because “a finding that there is simply no likelihood of
(emphasis added))); Pg ID 902-03, ¶ 92 (citing Tyson
success on the merits is usually fatal[,]” Gonzales v. Nat'l Bd.
Aff. ¶ 17) (“At least one challenger observed poll
of Med. Examiners, 225 F.3d 620, 625 (6th Cir. 2000) (citing
workers adding marks to a ballot where there was no
Mich. State AFL-CIO v. Miller, 103 F.3d 1240, 1249 (6th Cir.
mark for any candidate.”).
1997)), the Court will not discuss the remaining preliminary
10 As stated by the Circuit Court for the District of injunction factors extensively.
Columbia Circuit:
The statement is that the complainant believes and As discussed, Plaintiffs fail to show that a favorable decision
expects to prove some things. Now his belief and from the Court would redress their alleged injury. Moreover,
expectation may be in good faith; but it has been granting Plaintiffs’ injunctive relief would greatly harm the
public interest. As Defendants aptly describe, Plaintiffs’ impact of their allegations on People's faith in the democratic
process and their trust in our government. Plaintiffs ask this
requested injunction would “upend the statutory process
for election certification and the selection of Presidential Court to ignore the orderly statutory scheme established to
Electors. Moreover, it w[ould] disenfranchise millions of challenge elections and to ignore the will of millions of voters.
Michigan voters in favor [of] the preferences of a handful of This, the Court cannot, and will not, do.
people who [are] disappointed with the official results.” (ECF
The People have spoken.
No. 31 at Pg ID 2227.)
In short, none of the remaining factors weigh in favor of The Court, therefore, DENIES Plaintiffs’ “Emergency
granting Plaintiffs’ request for an injunction. Motion for Declaratory, Emergency, and Permanent
Injunctive Relief” (ECF No. 7.)
Democratic National voters and candidate were not entitled to receive injunction
so close to election.
Committee, Intervenor
Holdings: The Court of Appeals, Smith, Chief Judge, held Elizabeth A. Dupuis, Molly E. Meachem, Babst Calland, 330
that: Innovation Boulevard, Suite 302, State College, PA 16803,
Counsel for Armstrong, Bedford, Blair, Centre Columbia,
the District Court's order was immediately appealable; Dauphin, Fayette, Huntingdon, Indiana, Lackawanna,
Lawrence, Northumberland, Venango, and York County
voters and candidate lacked standing to bring action alleging Boards of Elections
violation of Constitution's Elections Clause and Electors
Christine D. Steere, Deasey Mahoney & Valentini, 103
Clause;
Chesley Drive, Lafayette Building, Suite 101, Media, PA
19063, Counsel for Berks County Board of Elections
voters lacked concrete injury for their alleged harm of vote
dilution, and thus voters did not have standing for such claim; Edward D. Rogers, Elizabeth V. Wingfield, Ballard Spahr,
1735 Market Street, 51st Floor, Philadelphia, PA 19103,
voters lacked particularized injury for their alleged harm of Counsel for Delaware County Board of Elections
vote dilution, and thus voters did not have standing for such
claim; Stephen B. Edwards, Frank J. Lavery, Jr., Andrew W.
Norfleet, Lavery Law, 225 Market Street, Suite 304, P.O. Box
voters failed to allege legally cognizable “preferred class,” for 1245, Harrisburg, PA 17108, Counsel for Franklin and Perry
purposes of standing to claim equal protection violation; County Boards of Elections
Soon after Act 77's passage, Donald J. Trump for President, upcoming general election—the same deadline for the receipt
Inc., the Republican National Committee (“RNC”), and of ballots cast by servicemembers residing overseas. Id. at
several Republican congressional candidates and *344 353–54. Secretary Boockvar originally opposed the extension
voters brought suit against Kathy Boockvar, Secretary of the deadline; she changed her position after receiving a letter
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and all of Pennsylvania's from USPS General Counsel which stated that Pennsylvania's
county boards of elections. That suit, filed in the Western ballot deadlines were “incongruous with the Postal Service's
District of Pennsylvania, alleged that Act 77's “no-excuse” delivery standards,” and that to ensure that a ballot in
mail-in voting regime violated both the federal and Pennsylvania would be received by 8:00 P.M. on Election
Pennsylvania constitutions. Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Day, the voter would need to mail it a full week in advance,
Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 by October 27, which was also the deadline to apply for a
WL 4920952, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Aug. 23, 2020). Meanwhile, mail-in ballot. Id. at 365–66; 25 Pa. Stat. and Cons. Stat. §
the Pennsylvania Democratic Party and several Democratic 3150.12a(a). Secretary Boockvar accordingly recommended
elected officials and congressional candidates filed suit in a three-day extension to the received-by deadline. Pa.
Pennsylvania's Commonwealth Court, seeking declaratory Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364–65.
and injunctive relief related to statutory-interpretation issues
involving Act 77 and the Pennsylvania Election Code. See In a September 17, 2020 decision, the Pennsylvania Supreme
Pa. Democratic Party v. Boockvar, ––– Pa. ––––, 238 A.3d Court concluded that USPS's existing delivery standards
345, 352 (2020). Secretary Boockvar asked the Pennsylvania *345 could not meet the timeline built into the Election Code
Supreme Court to exercise extraordinary jurisdiction to allow and that circumstances beyond voters’ control should not lead
it to immediately consider the case, and her petition was to their disenfranchisement. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d
granted without objection. Id. at 354–55. at 371. The Court accordingly held that the Pennsylvania
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause required a
Pending resolution of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court case, three-day extension of the ballot-receipt deadline for the
Secretary Boockvar requested that the Western District of November 3 general election. Id. at 371, 386–87. All ballots
Pennsylvania stay the federal case. Trump for Pres. v. postmarked by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day and received
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at *1. by 5:00 P.M. on the Friday after Election Day, November
The District Court obliged and concluded that it would abstain 6, would be considered timely and counted (“Deadline
under Railroad Commission of Texas v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. Extension”). Id. at 386–87. Ballots postmarked or signed
496, 61 S.Ct. 643, 85 L.Ed. 971 (1941). See Trump for Pres. after Election Day, November 3, would be rejected. Id. If the
v. Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4920952, at postmark on a ballot received before the November 6 deadline
*21. The RNC then filed a motion for limited preliminary was missing or illegible, the ballot would be presumed to be
injunctive relief asking that all mailed ballots be segregated, timely unless “a preponderance of the evidence demonstrates
but the District Court denied the motion, finding that the that it was mailed after Election Day” (“Presumption of
plaintiffs’ harm had “not yet materialized in any actualized or Timeliness”). Id. Shortly after the ruling, Pennsylvania voters
imminent way.” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Boockvar, were notified of the Deadline Extension and Presumption of
No. 2:20-cv-966, 2020 WL 5407748, at *1 (W.D. Pa. Sept. Timeliness.
8, 2020).
With the federal case stayed, the state court matter D. Appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, and This
proceeded. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party argued that Litigation
a combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and U.S. Postal The Republican Party of Pennsylvania and several
Service (“USPS”) mail-delivery delays made it difficult for intervenors, including the President pro tempore of the
absentee voters to timely return their ballots in the June 2020 Pennsylvania Senate, sought to challenge in the Supreme
Pennsylvania primary election. Pa. Democratic Party, 238 Court of the United States the constitutionality of the
A.3d at 362. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party claimed Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling. Because the November
that this voter disenfranchisement violated the Pennsylvania election date was fast approaching, they filed an emergency
application for a stay of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's
Constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause, art I., § 5,3
order pending review on the merits. The U.S. Supreme
and sought, among other things, a weeklong extension of the
Court denied the emergency stay request in a 4-4 decision.
deadline for receipt of ballots cast by Election Day in the
Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. 20A54, 592
U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL All Plaintiffs sought to enjoin Defendants from counting
6128193 (Oct. 19, 2020); Scarnati v. Boockvar, No. 20A53, ballots received during the Deadline Extension period. Id.
592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 They also sought a declaration that the Deadline Extension
WL 6128194 (Oct. 19, 2020). After denial of the stay, the and Presumption of Timeliness are unconstitutional under
petitioners moved for expedited consideration of their petition the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause as well as the
for certiorari. In denying that motion, Justice Alito noted that, Equal Protection Clause. Id. Because Plaintiffs filed their suit
per the Pennsylvania Attorney General, all county boards less than two weeks before Election Day, they moved for a
of elections would segregate ballots received during the temporary restraining order (“TRO”), expedited hearing, and
Deadline Extension period from those received by 8:00 P.M. preliminary injunction. Id.
on Election Day. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No.
20-542, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d The District Court commendably accommodated Plaintiffs’
––––, 2020 WL 6304626, at *2 (Oct. 28, 2020) (Alito, J., request for an expedited hearing, then expeditiously issued
statement). Justice Alito later issued an order requiring that all a thoughtful memorandum order on October 28, denying
county boards of elections segregate such ballots and count the motion for a TRO and preliminary injunction. Id. at *7.
them separately. Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, No. The District Court held that Bognet lacked standing because
20A84, ––– U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, his claims were too speculative and not redressable. Id. at
2020 WL 6536912 (Mem.) (U.S. Nov. 6, 2020) (Alito, J.). *3. Similarly, the District Court concluded that the Voter
Plaintiffs lacked standing to bring their Equal Protection
In the meantime, on October 22, 2020, three days after voter dilution claim because they alleged only a generalized
the U.S. Supreme Court declined to stay the Pennsylvania grievance. Id. at *5.
Supreme Court's order, Plaintiffs herein filed this suit in
the Western District of Pennsylvania. Plaintiffs are four At the same time, the District Court held that the Voter
registered voters from Somerset County, Pennsylvania, who Plaintiffs had standing to pursue their Equal Protection
planned to vote in person on Election Day (“Voter Plaintiffs”) arbitrary-and-disparate-treatment claim. But it found that the
and Pennsylvania congressional candidate Jim Bognet. Deadline Extension did not engender arbitrary and disparate
Defendants are Secretary Boockvar and each Pennsylvania treatment because that provision did not extend the period
county's board of elections. for mail-in voters to actually cast their ballots; rather, the
extension only directed that the timely cast ballots of mail-in
Bognet, the congressional candidate, claimed that the voters be counted. Id. As to the Presumption of Timeliness,
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness “allow[ ] the District Court held that the Voter Plaintiffs were likely
County Boards of Elections to accept votes ... that would to succeed on the merits of their arbitrary-and-disparate-
otherwise be unlawful” and “undermine[ ] his right to run in treatment challenge. Id. at *6. Still, the District Court declined
an election where Congress has paramount authority to set to grant a TRO because the U.S. Supreme Court “has
the ‘times, places, and manner’ ” of Election Day. Bognet repeatedly emphasized that ... federal courts should ordinarily
v. Boockvar, No. 3:20-cv-215, 2020 WL 6323121, at *2 not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.” Id. at
(W.D. Pa. Oct. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs alleged that by *7 (citing Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166
voting in person, they had to comply with the single, uniform L.Ed.2d 1 (2006) (per curiam)). The District Court concluded
*346 federal Election Day deadline, whereas mail-in voters that with “less than two weeks before the election. ...
could submit votes any time before 5:00 P.M. on November [g]ranting the relief Plaintiffs seek would result in significant
6. Id. Thus, they alleged, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court voter confusion; precisely the kind of confusion that Purcell
treated them in an arbitrary and disparate way by elevating seeks to avoid.” Id.
mail-in voters to a “preferred class of voters” in violation
of the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause and the Plaintiffs appealed the denial of their motion for a TRO and
single, uniform, federal Election Day set by Congress. Id. The preliminary injunction to this Court on October 29, less than
Voter Plaintiffs also asserted that counting ballots received a week before Election Day. Plaintiffs requested an expedited
after Election Day during the Deadline Extension period briefing schedule: specifically, their opening brief would be
would unlawfully dilute their votes in violation of the Equal due on October 30 and the response briefs on November 2.
Protection Clause. Id. Notably, Plaintiffs sought to file a reply brief on November 3
—Election Day. Appellants’ Emergency Mot. for Expedited
Briefing, Dkt. No. 17. Defendants opposed the expedited relief they sought to obtain prior to Election Day, confirming
briefing schedule, arguing that Plaintiffs’ own delay had that the Commonwealth was to count mailed ballots received
caused the case to reach this Court mere days before the after the close of the polls on Election Day but before 5:00
election. Sec'y Boockvar's Opp. to Appellants’ Emergency P.M. on November 6.
Mot. for Expedited Briefing, Dkt. No. 33. Defendants
also contended that Plaintiffs sought to punish voters by In determining whether Bognet and the Voter Plaintiffs had
invalidating the very rules mail-in voters had relied on when standing to sue, we resolve a legal issue that does not require
they cast their ballots. Defendants *347 asked us to deny resolution of any factual dispute. Our review is de novo.
the motion for expedited briefing and offered to supply us Blunt v. Lower Merion Sch. Dist., 767 F.3d 247, 266 (3d
with the actual numbers of mail-in ballots received during Cir. 2014). “When reviewing a district court's denial of a
the Deadline Extension period together with an approximate preliminary injunction, we review the court's findings of fact
count of how many of those mail-in ballots lacked legible for clear error, its conclusions of law de novo, and the ultimate
postmarks. Id. decision ... for an abuse of discretion.” Reilly v. City of
Harrisburg, 858 F.3d 173, 176 (3d Cir. 2017) (quoting Bimbo
Even had we granted Plaintiffs’ motion for expedited briefing, Bakeries USA, Inc. v. Botticella, 613 F.3d 102, 109 (3d Cir.
the schedule they proposed would have effectively foreclosed 2010)) (cleaned up).
us from ruling on this appeal before Election Day. So
we denied Plaintiffs’ motion and instead ordered that their
opening brief be filed by November 6. Order, No. 20-3214,
III. Analysis
Oct. 30, 2020, Dkt. No. 37. We directed Defendants to file
response briefs by November 9, forgoing receipt of a reply A. Standing
brief.4 Id. With the matter now fully briefed, we consider Derived from separation-of-powers principles, the law of
Plaintiffs’ appeal of the District Court's denial of a TRO and standing “serves to prevent the judicial process from being
preliminary injunction. used to usurp the powers of the political branches.” Clapper
v. Amnesty Int'l USA, 568 U.S. 398, 408, 133 S.Ct. 1138, 185
L.Ed.2d 264 (2013) (citations omitted). Article III of the U.S.
Constitution vests “[t]he judicial Power of the United States”
II. Standard of Review
in both the Supreme Court and “such inferior Courts as the
The District Court exercised jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § Congress may from *348 time to time ordain and establish.”
1331. We exercise jurisdiction under § 1292(a)(1). U.S. Const. art. III, § 1. But this “judicial Power” extends
only to “Cases” and “Controversies.” Id. art. III, § 2; see
Ordinarily, an order denying a TRO is not immediately also Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, ––– U.S. ––––, 136 S. Ct. 1540,
appealable. Hope v. Warden York Cnty. Prison, 956 F.3d 156, 1547, 194 L.Ed.2d 635 (2016). To ensure that judges avoid
159 (3d Cir. 2020). Here, although Bognet and the Voter rendering impermissible advisory opinions, parties seeking
Plaintiffs styled their motion as an Emergency Motion for to invoke federal judicial power must first establish their
a TRO and Preliminary Injunction, see Bognet v. Boockvar, standing to do so. Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547.
No. 3:20-cv-00215, Dkt. No. 5 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 22, 2020), the
District Court's order plainly went beyond simply ruling on Article III standing doctrine speaks in jargon, but the gist
the TRO request. of its meaning is plain enough. To bring suit, you—and
you personally—must be injured, and you must be injured
Plaintiffs filed their motion for a TRO and a preliminary in a way that concretely impacts your own protected legal
injunction on October 22, along with a supporting brief. interests. If you are complaining about something that does
Defendants then filed briefs opposing the motion, with not harm you—and does not harm you in a way that is
Plaintiffs filing a reply in support of their motion. The District concrete—then you lack standing. And if the injury that you
Court heard argument from the parties, remotely, during a claim is an injury that does no specific harm to you, or if it
90-minute hearing. The next day, the District Court ruled on depends on a harm that may never happen, then you lack an
the merits of the request for injunctive relief. Bognet, 2020 injury for which you may seek relief from a federal court.
WL 6323121, at *7. The District Court's Memorandum Order As we will explain below, Plaintiffs here have not suffered a
denied both Bognet and the Voter Plaintiffs the affirmative concrete, particularized, and non-speculative injury necessary
under the U.S. Constitution for them to bring this federal L.Ed.2d 556 (1984), abrogated on other grounds by Lexmark
lawsuit. Int'l, Inc. v. Static Control Components, Inc., 572 U.S. 118,
126–27, 134 S.Ct. 1377, 188 L.Ed.2d 392 (2014). When
The familiar elements of Article III standing require a plaintiff the alleged injury is undifferentiated and common to all
to have “(1) suffered an injury in fact, (2) that is fairly members of the public, courts routinely dismiss such cases as
traceable to the challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) “generalized grievances” that cannot support standing. United
that is likely to be redressed by a favorable judicial decision.” States v. Richardson, 418 U.S. 166, 173–75, 94 S.Ct. 2940, 41
Id. (citing Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560– L.Ed.2d 678 (1974). Such is the case here insofar as Plaintiffs,
61, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992); Friends of the and specifically candidate Bognet, theorize their harm as the
Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Env't Servs. (TOC), Inc., 528 U.S. 167, right to have government administered in compliance with the
180–81, 120 S.Ct. 693, 145 L.Ed.2d 610 (2000)). To plead Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
an injury in fact, the party invoking federal jurisdiction must
establish three sub-elements: first, the “invasion of a legally To begin with, private plaintiffs lack standing to sue for
protected interest”; second, that the injury is both “concrete alleged injuries attributable to a state government's violations
and particularized”; and third, that the injury is “actual or of the Elections Clause. For example, in Lance v. Coffman,
imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S. 549 U.S. 437, 127 S.Ct. 1194, 167 L.Ed.2d 29 (2007) (per
Ct. at 1548 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130); curiam), four private citizens challenged in federal district
see also Mielo v. Steak ’n Shake Operations, 897 F.3d 467, court a Colorado Supreme Court decision invalidating a
479 n.11 (3d Cir. 2018). The second sub-element requires that redistricting plan passed by the state legislature and requiring
the injury “affect the plaintiff in a personal and individual use of a redistricting plan created by Colorado state courts.
way.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560 n.1, 112 S.Ct. 2130. As for the Id. at 438, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The plaintiffs alleged that the
third, when a plaintiff alleges future injury, such injury must Colorado Supreme Court's interpretation of the Colorado
be “certainly impending.” Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. Constitution violated the Elections Clause “by depriving the
1138 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at 565 n.2, 112 S.Ct. 2130). state legislature of its responsibility to draw congressional
Allegations of “possible” future injury simply aren't enough. districts.” Id. at 441, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The U.S. Supreme Court
Id. (quoting Whitmore v. Arkansas, 495 U.S. 149, 158, 110 held that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing because
S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). All elements of standing they claimed harm only to their interest, and that of every
must exist at the time the complaint is filed. See Lujan, 504 citizen, in proper application of the Elections Clause. Id.
U.S. at 569 n.4, 112 S.Ct. 2130. at 442, 127 S.Ct. 1194 (“The only injury plaintiffs allege
is that the law—specifically the Elections Clause—has not
With these guideposts in mind, we turn to whether Plaintiffs been followed.”). Their relief would have no more directly
have pleaded an Article III injury. They bring several benefitted them than the public at large. Id. The same is
claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, asserting deprivation of true here. If anything, Plaintiffs’ “interest in the State's
their constitutional rights. They allege that Defendants’ ability to ‘enforce its duly enacted laws’ ” is even less
implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's compelling because Pennsylvania's “election officials support
Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness violates the challenged decree.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Common
the Elections Clause of Article I, the Electors Clause of Cause R.I., No. 20A28, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––,
Article II, and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 4680151 (Mem.), at *1 (Aug.
Amendment. Because Plaintiffs lack standing to assert these 13, 2020) (quoting Abbott v. Perez, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct.
claims, we will affirm the District Court's denial of injunctive 2305, 2324 n.17, 201 L.Ed.2d 714 (2018)).
relief.
Because the Elections Clause and the Electors Clause
have “considerable similarity,” Ariz. State Legislature v.
Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787, 839,
1. Plaintiffs lack standing under the Elections Clause and
135 S.Ct. 2652, 192 L.Ed.2d 704 (2015) (Roberts, C.J.,
Electors Clause.
dissenting) (discussing how Electors Clause similarly vests
Federal courts are not venues for plaintiffs to assert a bare power to determine manner of appointing electors in “the
right “to have the Government act in accordance with law.” Legislature” of each State), the same logic applies to
*349 Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737, 754, 104 S.Ct. 3315, 82 Plaintiffs’ alleged injury stemming from the claimed violation
of the Electors Clause. See also Foster, 522 U.S. at 69, In Bond, the Supreme Court held that a litigant has prudential
118 S.Ct. 464 (characterizing Electors Clause as Elections standing to challenge a federal law that allegedly impinges on
Clause's “counterpart for the Executive Branch”); U.S. Term the state's police powers, “in contravention of constitutional
Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 804–05, 115 S.Ct. principles of federalism” enshrined in the Tenth Amendment.
1842, 131 L.Ed.2d 881 (1995) (noting that state's “duty” Id. at 223–24, 131 S.Ct. 2355. The defendant in Bond
under Elections Clause “parallels the duty” described by challenged her conviction under 18 U.S.C. § 229, which
Electors Clause). Congress enacted to comply with a chemical weapons treaty
that the United States had entered. Id. at 214–15, 131 S.Ct.
Even a party that meets Article III standing requirements 2355. Convicted under the statute she sought to challenge,
must ordinarily rest its claim for relief on violation of its Bond satisfied Article III's standing requirements. Id. at
own rights, not those of a third party. Pitt News v. Fisher, 217, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (characterizing Bond's sentence and
215 F.3d 354, 361–62 (3d Cir. 2000). Plaintiffs assert that incarceration as concrete, and redressable by invalidation
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's Deadline Extension and of her conviction); id. at 224–25, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (noting
Presumption of Timeliness usurped the General Assembly's that Bond was subject to “[a] law,” “prosecution,” and
prerogative under the Elections Clause to prescribe “[t]he “punishment” she might not have faced “if the matter were
Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections.” U.S. Const. left for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to decide”). She
art. I, § 4, cl. 1. The Elections Clause grants that right to “the argued that her conduct was “local in nature” such that §
Legislature” of “each State.” Id. Plaintiffs’ Elections Clause 229 usurped the Commonwealth's reserved police powers.
claims thus *350 “belong, if they belong to anyone, only Id. Rejecting the Government's contention that Bond was
to the Pennsylvania General Assembly.” Corman v. Torres, barred as a third party from asserting the rights of the
287 F. Supp. 3d 558, 573 (M.D. Pa. 2018) (three-judge panel) Commonwealth, id. at 225, 131 S.Ct. 2355, the Court held
(per curiam). Plaintiffs here are four individual voters and that “[t]he structural principles secured by the separation of
a candidate for federal office; they in no way constitute powers protect the individual as well” as the State. *351 Id.
the General Assembly, nor can they be said to comprise at 222, 131 S.Ct. 2355 (“Federalism also protects the liberty
any part of the law-making processes of Pennsylvania. Ariz. of all persons within a State by ensuring that laws enacted
State Legislature, 576 U.S. at 824, 135 S.Ct. 2652.5 Because in excess of delegated governmental power cannot direct or
Plaintiffs are not the General Assembly, nor do they bear any control their actions. ... When government acts in excess of
conceivable relationship to state lawmaking processes, they its lawful powers, that [personal] liberty is at stake.”).
lack standing to sue over the alleged usurpation of the General
Assembly's rights under the Elections and Electors Clauses. But the nub of Plaintiffs’ argument here is that the
No member of the General Assembly is a party to this lawsuit. Pennsylvania Supreme Court intruded on the authority
delegated to the Pennsylvania General Assembly under
That said, prudential standing can suspend Article III's Articles I and II of the U.S. Constitution to regulate federal
general prohibition on a litigant's raising another person's elections. They do not allege any violation of the Tenth
legal rights. Yet Plaintiffs don't fit the bill. A plaintiff may Amendment, which provides that “[t]he powers not delegated
assert the rights of another if he or she “has a ‘close’ to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by
relationship with the person who possesses the right” and it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to
“there is a ‘hindrance’ to the possessor's ability to protect the people.” U.S. Const. amend. X. Nor could they. After
his own interests.” Kowalski v. Tesmer, 543 U.S. 125, 130, all, states have no inherent or reserved power over federal
125 S.Ct. 564, 160 L.Ed.2d 519 (2004) (citation omitted). elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. at 804–05, 115 S.Ct.
Plaintiffs cannot invoke this exception to the rule against 1842. When “deciding issues raised under the Elections
raising the rights of third parties because they enjoy no close Clause,” courts “need not be concerned with preserving a
relationship with the General Assembly, nor have they alleged ‘delicate balance’ between competing sovereigns.” Gonzalez
any hindrance to the General Assembly's ability to protect its v. Arizona, 677 F.3d 383, 392 (9th Cir. 2012). Either federal
own interests. See, e.g., Corman, 287 F. Supp. 3d at 573. Nor and state election law “operate harmoniously in a single
does Plaintiffs’ other theory of prudential standing, drawn procedural scheme,” or they don't—and the federal law
from Bond v. United States, 564 U.S. 211, 131 S.Ct. 2355, 180 preempts (“alter[s]”) state election law under the Elections
L.Ed.2d 269 (2011), advance the ball. Clause. Id. at 394. An assessment that the Pennsylvania
Supreme Court lacked the legislative authority under the
state's constitution necessary to comply with the Elections by choosing to make expenditures based on hypothetical
Clause (Appellants’ Br. 24–27) does not implicate Bond, future harm that is not certainly impending”).7
the Tenth Amendment, or even Article VI's Supremacy
Clause.6 See Gonzalez, 677 F.3d at 390–92 (contrasting Plaintiffs therefore lack Article III standing to challenge
Elections Clause with Supremacy Clause and describing Defendants’ implementation of the Pennsylvania Supreme
former as “unique,” containing “[an] unusual delegation of Court's Deadline Extension and Presumption of Timeliness
power,” and “unlike virtually all other provisions of the under the Elections Clause and Electors Clause.
Constitution”). And, of course, third-party standing under
Bond still presumes that the plaintiff otherwise meets the
requirements of Article III; as discussed above, Plaintiffs do
2. The Voter Plaintiffs lack standing under the Equal
not.
Protection Clause.
Plaintiff Bognet, a candidate for Congress who is currently a Stressing the “personal” nature of the right to vote, the
private citizen, does not plead a cognizable injury by alleging Voter Plaintiffs assert two claims under the Equal Protection
a “right to run in an election where Congress has paramount
Clause.8 First, they contend that the influence of their votes,
authority,” Compl. ¶ 69, or by pointing to a “threatened”
cast in person on Election Day, is “diluted” both by (a)
reduction in the competitiveness of his election from counting
mailed ballots cast on or before Election Day but received
absentee ballots received within three days after Election
between Election Day and the Deadline Extension date,
Day. Appellants’ Br. 21. Bognet does not explain how that
ballots which Plaintiffs assert cannot be lawfully counted; and
“right to run” affects him in a particularized way when,
(b) mailed ballots that were unlawfully cast (i.e., placed in
in fact, all candidates in Pennsylvania, including Bognet's
the mail) after Election Day but are still counted because of
opponent, are subject to the same rules. And Bognet does
the Presumption of Timeliness. Second, the Voter Plaintiffs
not explain how counting more timely cast votes would lead
allege that the Deadline Extension and the Presumption
to a less competitive race, nor does he offer any evidence
of Timeliness create a preferred class of voters based on
tending to show that a greater proportion of mailed ballots
“arbitrary and disparate treatment” that values “one person's
received after Election Day than on or before Election Day
vote over that of another.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104–05,
would be cast for Bognet's opponent. What's more, for Bognet
121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000). The Voter Plaintiffs
to have standing to enjoin the counting of ballots arriving
lack Article III standing to assert either injury.
after Election Day, such votes would have to be sufficient
in number *352 to change the outcome of the election to
Bognet's detriment. See, e.g., Sibley v. Alexander, 916 F.
Supp. 2d 58, 62 (D.D.C. 2013) (“[E]ven if the Court granted a. Vote Dilution
the requested relief, [plaintiff] would still fail to satisfy
As discussed above, the foremost element of standing is
the redressability element [of standing] because enjoining
injury in fact, which requires the plaintiff to show a harm
defendants from casting the ... votes would not change the
that is both “concrete and particularized” and “actual or
outcome of the election.” (citing Newdow v. Roberts, 603
imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.” Spokeo, 136 S.
F.3d 1002, 1011 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (citations omitted)). Bognet
Ct. at 1547–48 (citation omitted). The Voter Plaintiffs lack
does not allege as much, and such a prediction was inherently
standing to redress their alleged vote dilution because that
speculative when the complaint was filed. The same can be
alleged injury is not concrete as to votes counted under
said for Bognet's alleged wrongfully incurred expenditures
the Deadline Extension, nor is it particularized for Article
and future expenditures. Any harm Bognet sought to avoid in
III purposes as to votes counted *353 under the Deadline
making those expenditures was not “certainly impending”—
Extension or the Presumption of Timeliness.
he spent the money to avoid a speculative harm. See Donald
J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-966, –––
F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5997680, at *36 (W.D. Pa.
Oct. 10, 2020). Nor are those expenditures “fairly traceable” i. No concrete injury from vote dilution attributable to the
under Article III to the actions that Bognet challenges. Deadline Extension.
See, e.g., Clapper, 568 U.S. at 402, 416, 133 S.Ct. 1138
(rejecting argument that plaintiff can “manufacture standing
The Voter Plaintiffs claim that Defendants’ implementation of *354 The Deadline Extension and federal laws setting
the Deadline Extension violates the Equal Protection Clause the date for federal elections can, and indeed do, operate
because “unlawfully” counting ballots received within three harmoniously. At least 19 other States and the District of
days of Election Day dilutes their votes. But the source of this Columbia have post-Election Day absentee ballot receipt
purported illegality is necessarily a matter of state law, which deadlines.10 And many States also accept absentee ballots
makes any alleged harm abstract for purposes of the Equal mailed by overseas uniformed servicemembers that are
Protection Clause. And the purported vote dilution is also not received after Election Day, in accordance with the federal
concrete because it would occur in equal proportion without Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act,
the alleged procedural illegality—that is, had the General 52 U.S.C. §§ 20301–20311. So the Voter Plaintiffs’ only
Assembly enacted the Deadline Extension, which the Voter cognizable basis for alleging dilution from the “unlawful”
Plaintiffs do not challenge substantively.9 counting of invalid ballots is state law defining lawful and
unlawful ballot counting practices. Cf. Wise v. Circosta,
The concreteness of the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged vote dilution 978 F.3d 93, 100–01 (4th Cir. 2020) (“Whether ballots are
stemming from the Deadline Extension turns on the federal illegally counted if they are received more than three days
and state laws applicable to voting procedures. Federal law after Election Day depends on an issue of state law from
does not provide for when or how ballot counting occurs. which we must abstain.” (emphasis in original)), application
See, e.g., Trump for Pres., Inc. v. Way, No. 20-cv-01753, ––– for injunctive relief denied sub nom. Moore v. Circosta, No.
F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 5912561, at *12 (D.N.J. 20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––,
Oct. 6, 2020) (“Plaintiffs direct the Court to no federal law 2020 WL 6305036 (Oct. 28, 2020). The Voter Plaintiffs
regulating methods of determining the timeliness of mail-in seem to admit as much, arguing “that counting votes that
ballots or requiring that mail-in ballots be postmarked.”); see are unlawful under the General Assembly's enactments will
also Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, 366, 52 S.Ct. 397, 76 L.Ed. unconstitutionally dilute the lawful votes” cast by the Voter
795 (1932) (noting that Elections Clause delegates to state Plaintiffs. Appellants’ Br. 38; see also id. at 31. In other
lawmaking processes all authority to prescribe “procedure words, the Voter Plaintiffs say that the Election Day ballot
and safeguards” for “counting of votes”). Instead, the receipt deadline in Pennsylvania's codified election law
Elections Clause delegates to each state's lawmaking function renders the ballots untimely and therefore unlawful to count.
the authority to prescribe such procedural regulations Defendants, for their part, contend that the Pennsylvania
applicable to federal elections. U.S. Term Limits, 514 U.S. Supreme Court's extension of that deadline under the Free and
at 832–35, 115 S.Ct. 1842 (“The Framers intended the Equal Elections Clause of the state constitution renders them
Elections Clause to grant States authority to create procedural timely, and therefore lawful to count.
regulations .... [including] ‘whether the electors should vote
by ballot or vivâ voce ....’ ” (quoting James Madison, 2 This conceptualization of vote dilution—state actors counting
Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 240 (M. ballots in violation of state election law—is not a concrete
Farrand ed. 1911) (cleaned up)); Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 harm under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
S.Ct. 397 (describing state authority under Elections Clause Amendment. Violation of state election laws by state officials
“to provide a complete code for congressional elections ... *355 or other unidentified third parties is not always
in relation to notices, registration, supervision of voting, amenable to a federal constitutional claim. See Shipley v.
protection of voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices, Chicago Bd. of Election Comm'rs, 947 F.3d 1056, 1062 (7th
counting of votes, duties of inspectors and canvassers, and Cir. 2020) (“A deliberate violation of state election laws
making and publication of election returns”). That delegation by state election officials does not transgress against the
of authority embraces all procedures “which experience Constitution.”) (cleaned up); Powell v. Power, 436 F.2d 84,
shows are necessary in order to enforce the fundamental right 88 (2d Cir. 1970) (rejecting Equal Protection Clause claim
involved.” Smiley, 285 U.S. at 366, 52 S.Ct. 397. Congress arising from state's erroneous counting of votes cast by voters
exercises its power to “alter” state election regulations only if unqualified to participate in closed primary). “It was not
the state regime cannot “operate harmoniously” with federal intended by the Fourteenth Amendment ... that all matters
election laws “in a single procedural scheme.” Gonzalez, 677 formerly within the exclusive cognizance of the states should
F.3d at 394. become matters of national concern.” Snowden v. Hughes,
321 U.S. 1, 11, 64 S.Ct. 397, 88 L.Ed. 497 (1944).
Contrary to the Voter Plaintiffs’ conceptualization, vote Deadline Extension. The Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged,
dilution under the Equal Protection Clause is concerned for example, that they were prevented from casting their
with votes being weighed differently. See Rucho v. Common votes, Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347, 35 S.Ct. 926,
Cause, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2501, 204 L.Ed.2d 59 L.Ed. 1340 (1915), nor that their votes were not counted,
931 (2019) (“ ‘[V]ote dilution’ in the one-person, one- United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 35 S.Ct. 904, 59
vote cases refers to the idea that each vote must carry L.Ed. 1355 (1915). Any alleged harm of vote dilution that
equal weight.” (emphasis added)); cf. Baten v. McMaster, turns not on the proportional influence of votes, but solely
967 F.3d 345, 355 (4th Cir. 2020), as amended (July 27, on the federal illegality of the Deadline Extension, strikes
2020) (“[N]o vote in the South Carolina system is diluted. us as quintessentially abstract in the election law context
Every qualified person gets one vote and each vote is and “divorced from any concrete harm.” Spokeo, 136 S.
counted equally in determining the final tally.”). As explained Ct. at 1549 (citing Summers v. Earth Island Inst., 555 U.S.
below, the Voter Plaintiffs cannot analogize their Equal 488, 496, 129 S.Ct. 1142, 173 L.Ed.2d 1 (2009)). That
Protection claim to gerrymandering cases in which votes were the alleged violation here relates to election law and the
weighted differently. Instead, Plaintiffs advance an Equal U.S. Constitution, rather than the mine-run federal consumer
Protection Clause argument based solely on state officials’ privacy statute, does not abrogate the requirement that a
alleged violation of state law that does not cause unequal concrete harm must flow from the procedural illegality. See,
treatment. And if dilution of lawfully cast ballots by the e.g., Lujan, 504 U.S. at 576, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (“[T]here is
“unlawful” counting of invalidly cast ballots “were a true absolutely no basis for making the Article III inquiry turn on
equal-protection problem, then it would transform every the source of the asserted right.”).
violation of state election law (and, actually, every violation
of every law) into a potential federal equal-protection claim The Voter Plaintiffs thus lack a concrete Equal Protection
requiring scrutiny of the government's ‘interest’ in failing Clause injury for their alleged harm of vote dilution
to do more to stop the illegal activity.” Trump for Pres. v. attributable to the Deadline Extension.
Boockvar, ––– F.Supp.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 5997680,
at *45–46. That is not how the Equal Protection Clause
works.11 ii. No particularized injury from votes counted under the
Deadline Extension or the Presumption of Timeliness.
Even if we were to entertain an end-run around the Voter
Plaintiffs’ lack of Elections Clause standing—by viewing the The opposite of a “particularized” injury is a “generalized
federal Elections Clause as the source of “unlawfulness” of grievance,” where “the impact on plaintiff is plainly
Defendants’ vote counting—the alleged vote dilution would undifferentiated and common to all members of the public.”
not be a concrete injury. Consider, as we've noted, that the Id. at 575, 112 S.Ct. 2130 (cleaned up); see also Lance, 549
Voter Plaintiffs take no issue with the content of the Deadline U.S. at 439, 127 S.Ct. 1194. The District Court correctly held
Extension; they concede that the General Assembly, as other that the Voter Plaintiffs’ “dilution” claim is a “paradigmatic
state legislatures have done, could have enacted exactly the generalized grievance that cannot support standing.” Bognet,
same Deadline Extension as a valid “time[ ], place[ ], and 2020 WL 6323121, at *4 (quoting Carson v. Simon, No. 20-
manner” regulation consistent with the Elections Clause. cv-02030, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6018957,
Cf. Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 S.Ct. 397 (concluding that at *7 (D. Minn. Oct. 12, 2020), rev'd on other grounds,
alleged “unlawful administration by state officers of a state No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d ––––, 2020 WL 6335967 (8th Cir.
statute fair on its face, resulting in its unequal application Oct. 29, 2020)). The Deadline Extension and Presumption
to those who are entitled to be treated alike, is not a denial of Timeliness, assuming they operate to allow the illegal
of equal protection” (emphasis added)); Powell, 436 F.2d counting of unlawful votes, “dilute” the influence of all voters
at 88 (“Uneven or erroneous application of an otherwise in Pennsylvania equally and in an “undifferentiated” manner
valid statute constitutes a denial of equal protection *356 and do not dilute a certain group of voters particularly.12
only if it represents ‘intentional or purposeful discrimination.’
” (emphasis added) (quoting Snowden, 321 U.S. at 8, 64 Put another way, “[a] vote cast by fraud or mailed in by
S.Ct. 397)). Reduced to its essence, the Voter Plaintiffs’ the wrong person through mistake,” or otherwise counted
claimed vote dilution would rest on their allegation that illegally, “has a mathematical impact on the final tally
federal law required a different state organ to issue the and thus on the proportional effect of every vote, but no
single voter is specifically disadvantaged.” Martel v. Condos, discriminating on the basis of the voter's race or sex.
No. 5:20-cv-00131, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 557, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (emphasis added).
5755289, at *4 (D. Vt. Sept. 16, 2020). Such an alleged The Voter Plaintiffs consider it significant that the Court in
“dilution” is suffered equally by all voters and is not Reynolds noted—though not in the context of standing—that
“particularized” for standing purposes. *357 The courts “the right to vote” is “individual and personal in nature.”
to consider this issue are in accord. See id.; Carson, ––– Id. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (quoting United States v. Bathgate,
F.Supp.3d at –––– – ––––, 2020 WL 6018957, at *7–8; 246 U.S. 220, 227, 38 S.Ct. 269, 62 L.Ed. 676 (1918)). The
Moore v. Circosta, Nos. 1:20-cv-00911, 1:20-cv-00912, ––– Court then explained that a voter's right to vote encompasses
F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6063332, at *14 (M.D.N.C. both the right to cast that vote and the right to have that vote
Oct. 14, 2020), emergency injunction pending appeal denied counted without “debasement or dilution”:
sub nom. Wise v. Circosta, 978 F.3d 93 (4th Cir. 2020),
application for injunctive relief denied sub nom. Moore v. The right to vote can neither be denied outright, Guinn
Circosta, No. 20A72, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 [35 S.Ct. 926, 59 L.Ed.
L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6305036 (U.S. Oct. 28, 2020); Paher 1340 (1915) ], Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268 [59 S.Ct.
v. Cegavske, 457 F. Supp. 3d 919, 926–27 (D. Nev. Apr. 30, 872, 83 L.Ed. 1281 (1939) ], nor destroyed by alteration
2020). of ballots, see United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, 315
[61 S.Ct. 1031, 85 L.Ed. 1368 (1941) ], nor diluted by
But the Voter Plaintiffs argue that their purported “vote ballot-box stuffing, Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 [25
dilution” is an injury in fact sufficient to confer standing, and L.Ed. 717 (1880) ], United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385
not a generalized grievance belonging to all voters, because [64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed. 1341 (1944) ]. As the Court
the Supreme Court has “long recognized that a person's stated in Classic, “Obviously included within the right to
right to vote is ‘individual and personal in nature.’ ” Gill v. choose, secured by the Constitution, is the right of qualified
Whitford, ––– U.S. ––––, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1929, 201 L.Ed.2d voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them
313 (2018) (quoting Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 561, 84 counted ....” 313 U.S. at 315 [61 S.Ct. 1031].
S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)). “Thus, ‘voters who allege
...
facts showing disadvantage to themselves as individuals have
standing to sue’ to remedy that disadvantage.” Id. (quoting *358 “The right to vote includes the right to have the
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 206, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663 ballot counted. ... It also includes the right to have the
(1962)). vote counted at full value without dilution or discount. ...
That federally protected right suffers substantial dilution ...
The Voter Plaintiffs’ reliance on this language from Baker [where a] favored group has full voting strength ... [and]
and Reynolds is misplaced. In Baker, the plaintiffs challenged [t]he groups not in favor have their votes discounted.”
Tennessee's apportionment of seats in its legislature as Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 & n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (alterations
violative of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth in last paragraph in original) (quoting South v. Peters, 339
Amendment. 369 U.S. at 193, 82 S.Ct. 691. The Supreme U.S. 276, 279, 70 S.Ct. 641, 94 L.Ed. 834 (1950) (Douglas,
Court held that the plaintiffs did have standing under Article J., dissenting)).
III because “[t]he injury which appellants assert is that this
classification disfavors the voters in the counties in which Still, it does not follow from the labeling of the right to vote as
they reside, placing them in a position of constitutionally “personal” in Baker and Reynolds that any alleged illegality
unjustifiable inequality vis-à-vis voters in irrationally favored affecting voting rights rises to the level of an injury in fact.
counties.” Id. at 207–08, 82 S.Ct. 691. After all, the Court has observed that the harms underlying
a racial gerrymandering claim under the Equal Protection
Although the Baker Court did not decide the merits of the Clause “are personal” in part because they include the harm of
Equal Protection claim, the Court in a series of cases— a voter “being personally subjected to a racial classification.”
including Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 83 S.Ct. 801, Ala. Legis. Black Caucus v. Alabama, 575 U.S. 254, 263,
9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963), and Reynolds—made clear that the 135 S.Ct. 1257, 191 L.Ed.2d 314 (2015) (cleaned up). Yet a
Equal Protection Clause prohibits a state from “diluti[ng] ... voter “who complains of gerrymandering, but who does not
the weight of the votes of certain ... voters merely because live in a gerrymandered district, ‘assert[s] only a generalized
of where they reside[ ],” just as it prevents a state from grievance against governmental conduct of which he or she
does not approve.’ ” Gill, 138 S. Ct. at 1930 (quoting United The Voter Plaintiffs also emphasize language from Reynolds
States v. Hays, 515 U.S. 737, 745, 115 S.Ct. 2431, 132 that “[t]he right to vote can neither be denied outright ... nor
L.Ed.2d 635 (1995)) (alteration in original). The key inquiry diluted by ballot-box stuffing.” 377 U.S. at 555, 84 S.Ct. 1362
for standing is whether the alleged violation of the right to (citing Ex parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371, 25 L.Ed. 717 (1879);
vote arises from an invidious classification—including those United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385, 64 S.Ct. 1101, 88 L.Ed.
based on “race, sex, economic status, or place of residence 1341 (1944)). In the first place, casting a vote in accordance
within a State,” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 561, 84 S.Ct. 1362— with a procedure approved by a state's highest court—even
to which the plaintiff is subject and in which “the favored assuming that approval violates the Elections Clause—is not
group has full voting strength and the groups not in favor equivalent to “ballot-box stuffing.” The Supreme Court has
have their votes discounted,” id. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362 only addressed this “false”-tally type of dilution where the
(cleaned up). In other words, “voters who allege facts showing tally was false as a result of a scheme to cast falsified or
disadvantage to themselves” have standing to bring suit to fraudulent votes. See Saylor, 322 U.S. at 386, 64 S.Ct. 1101.
remedy that disadvantage, Baker, 369 U.S. at 206, 82 S.Ct. We are in uncharted territory when we are asked to declare
691 (emphasis added), but a disadvantage to the plaintiff that a tally that includes false or fraudulent votes is equivalent
exists only when the plaintiff is part of a group of voters whose to a tally that includes votes that are or may be unlawful
votes will be weighed differently compared to another group. for non-fraudulent reasons, and so is more aptly described as
Here, no Pennsylvania voter's vote will count for less than that “incorrect.” Cf. Gray, 372 U.S. at 386, 83 S.Ct. 801 (Harlan,
of any other voter as a result of the Deadline Extension and J., dissenting) (“[I]t is hard to take seriously the argument
Presumption of Timeliness.13 that ‘dilution’ of a vote in consequence of a legislatively
sanctioned electoral system can, without more, be analogized
This conclusion cannot be avoided by describing one group to an impairment of the political franchise by ballot box
of voters as “those ... who lawfully vote in person and stuffing or other criminal activity.”).
submit their ballots on time” and the other group of
voters as those whose (mail-in) ballots arrive after Election Yet even were this analogy less imperfect, it still would not
Day and are counted because of the Deadline Extension follow that every such “false” or incorrect tally is an injury
and/or the Presumption of Timeliness. Appellants’ Br. 33 in fact for purposes of an Equal Protection Clause claim. The
(emphasis in original). Although the former group, under Court's cases that describe ballot-box stuffing as an injury
Plaintiffs’ theory, should make up 100% of the total votes to the right to vote have arisen from criminal prosecutions
counted and the latter group 0%, there is *359 simply no under statutes making it unlawful for anyone to injure the
differential weighing of the votes. See Wise, 978 F.3d at exercise of another's constitutional right. See, e.g., Ex parte
104 (Motz, J., concurring) (“But if the extension went into Siebold, 100 U.S. at 373–74 (application for writ of habeas
effect, plaintiffs’ votes would not count for less relative to corpus); Saylor, 322 U.S. at 385–86, 64 S.Ct. 1101 (criminal
other North Carolina voters. This is the core of an Equal appeal regarding whether statute prohibiting “conspir[ing]
Protection Clause challenge.” (emphasis in original)). Unlike to injure ... any citizen in the free exercise ... of any right
the malapportionment or racial gerrymandering cases, a vote or privilege secured to him by the Constitution” applied to
cast by a voter in the so-called “favored” group counts not one conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes); Anderson v. United States,
bit more than the same vote cast by the “disfavored” group— 417 U.S. 211, 226, 94 S.Ct. 2253, 41 L.Ed.2d 20 (1974)
no matter what set of scales one might choose to employ. Cf. (criminal prosecution for conspiracy to stuff ballot boxes
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 n.29, 84 S.Ct. 1362. And, however under successor to statute in Saylor). Standing was, of course,
one tries to draw a contrast, this division is not based on never an issue in those cases because the Government was
a voter's personal characteristics at all, let alone a person's enforcing its criminal laws. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs, who
race, sex, economic status, or place of residence. Two voters bear the burden to show standing, have presented no instance
could each have cast a mail-in ballot before Election Day at in which an individual voter had Article III standing to claim
the same time, yet perhaps only one of their ballots arrived an equal protection harm to his or her vote from the existence
by 8:00 P.M. on Election Day, given USPS's mail delivery of an allegedly illegal vote cast by someone else in the same
process. It is passing strange to assume that one of these voters election.
would be denied “equal protection of the laws” were both
votes counted. U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. *360 Indeed, the logical conclusion of the Voter Plaintiffs’
theory is that whenever an elections board counts any ballot
that deviates in some way from the requirements of a state's class” that the District Court identified. Whether to join the
legislatively enacted election code, there is a particularized “preferred class” of mail-in voters was entirely up to the Voter
injury in fact sufficient to confer Article III standing on every Plaintiffs.
other voter—provided the remainder of the standing analysis
is satisfied. Allowing standing for such an injury strikes us Second, it is not clear that the mere creation of so-called
as indistinguishable from the proposition that a plaintiff has “classes” of voters constitutes an injury in fact. An injury in
Article III standing to assert a general interest in seeing fact requires the “invasion of a legally protected interest.”
the “proper application of the Constitution and laws”—a Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130. We doubt that
proposition that the Supreme Court has firmly rejected. Lujan, the mere existence of groupings of voters qualifies as an
504 U.S. at 573–74, 112 S.Ct. 2130. The Voter Plaintiffs thus injury per se. “An equal protection claim will not lie by
lack standing to bring their Equal Protection vote dilution ‘conflating all persons not injured into a preferred class
claim. receiving better treatment’ than the plaintiff.” Thornton v. City
of St. Helens, 425 F.3d 1158, 1167 (9th Cir. 2005) (quoting
Joyce v. Mavromatis, 783 F.2d 56, 57 (6th Cir. 1986)); see
also, e.g., Batra v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of Neb., 79 F.3d 717,
b. Arbitrary and Disparate Treatment
721 (8th Cir. 1996) (“[T]he relevant prerequisite is unlawful
The Voter Plaintiffs also lack standing to allege an injury in discrimination, not whether plaintiff is part of a victimized
the form of “arbitrary and disparate treatment” of a preferred class.”). *361 More importantly, the Voter Plaintiffs have
class of voters because the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged shown no disadvantage to themselves that arises simply by
a legally cognizable “preferred class” for equal protection being separated into groupings. For instance, there is no
purposes, and because the alleged harm from votes counted argument that it is inappropriate that some voters will vote
solely due to the Presumption of Timeliness is hypothetical in person and others will vote by mail. The existence of
or conjectural. these two groups of voters, without more, simply does not
constitute an injury in fact to in-person voters.
Linda R.S. v. Richard D., 410 U.S. 614, 619, 93 S.Ct. 1146, 35 Here, the Presumption of Timeliness could inflict injury on
L.Ed.2d 536 (1973) (citations omitted). And “a plaintiff lacks the Voter Plaintiffs only if: (1) another voter violates the
standing to complain about his inability to commit crimes law by casting an absentee ballot after Election Day; (2)
because no one has a right to commit a crime.” Citizen Ctr. the illegally cast ballot does not bear a legible postmark,
v. Gessler, 770 F.3d 900, 910 (10th Cir. 2014). Without a which is against USPS policy;16 (3) that same ballot still
showing of discrimination or other intentionally unlawful arrives within three days of Election Day, which is faster
conduct, or at least some burden on Plaintiffs’ own voting
than USPS anticipates mail delivery will occur;17 (4) the
rights, we discern no basis on which they have standing to
ballot lacks sufficient indicia of its untimeliness to overcome
challenge the slim opportunity the Presumption of Timeliness
the Presumption of Timeliness; and (5) that same ballot is
conceivably affords wrongdoers to violate election law. Cf.
ultimately counted. See Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
Minn. Voters Alliance v. Ritchie, 720 F.3d 1029, 1033 (8th Cir.
Way, No. 20-cv-10753, 2020 WL 6204477, at *7 (D.N.J.
2013) (affirming dismissal of claims “premised on potential
Oct. 22, 2020) (laying out similar “unlikely chain of events”
harm in the form of vote dilution caused by insufficient
required for vote dilution harm from postmark rule under
pre-election verification of [election day registrants’] voting
New Jersey election law); see also Reilly v. Ceridian Corp.,
eligibility and the absence of post-election ballot rescission
664 F.3d 38, 43 (3d Cir. 2011) (holding purported injury
procedures”).
in fact was too conjectural where “we cannot now describe
how Appellants will be injured in this case without beginning
our explanation with the word ‘if’ ”). This parade of
ii. Speculative injury from ballots counted under the horribles “may never come to pass,” Trump for Pres. v.
Presumption of Timeliness. Boockvar, 2020 WL 5997680, at *33, and we are especially
reluctant to endorse such a speculative theory of injury
Plaintiffs’ theory as to the Presumption of Timeliness focuses given Pennsylvania's “own mechanisms for deterring and
on the potential for some voters to vote after Election Day prosecuting voter fraud,” Donald J. Trump for Pres., Inc. v.
and still have their votes counted. This argument reveals that Cegavske, No. 20-1445, ––– F.Supp.3d ––––, ––––, 2020 WL
their alleged injury in fact attributable to the Presumption is
5626974, at *6 (D. Nev. Sept. 18, 2020).18
“conjectural or hypothetical” instead of “actual or imminent.”
Spokeo, 136 S. Ct. at 1547–48 (quoting Lujan, 504 U.S. at
To date, the Secretary has reported that at least 655 ballots
560, 112 S.Ct. 2130). The Supreme Court has emphasized
without a legible postmark have been collected within the
that a threatened injury must be “certainly impending” and
not merely “possible” for it to constitute an injury in fact. Deadline Extension period.19 But it is mere speculation to say
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 409, 133 S.Ct. 1138 (emphasis in that any one of those ballots was cast after Election Day. We
original) (quoting *362 Whitmore v. Ark., 495 U.S. 149, 158, are reluctant to conclude that an independent *363 actor—
110 S.Ct. 1717, 109 L.Ed.2d 135 (1990)). When determining here, one of 655 voters—decided to mail his or her ballot after
Article III standing, our Court accepts allegations based Election Day contrary to law. The Voter Plaintiffs have not
on well-pleaded facts; but we do not credit bald assertions provided any empirical evidence on the frequency of voter
that rest on mere supposition. Finkelman v. NFL, 810 F.3d fraud or the speed of mail delivery that would establish a
187, 201–02 (3d Cir. 2016). The Supreme Court has also statistical likelihood or even the plausibility that any of the
emphasized its “reluctance to endorse standing theories that 655 ballots was cast after Election Day. Any injury to the
rest on speculation about the decisions of independent actors.” Voter Plaintiffs attributable to the Presumption of Timeliness
Clapper, 568 U.S. at 414, 133 S.Ct. 1138. A standing is merely “possible,” not “actual or imminent,” and thus
theory becomes even more speculative when it requires that cannot constitute an injury in fact.
independent actors make decisions to act unlawfully. See City
of L.A. v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105–06 & 106 n.7, 103 S.Ct.
B. Purcell
1660, 75 L.Ed.2d 675 (1983) (rejecting Article III standing
Even were we to conclude that Plaintiffs have standing, we
to seek injunction where party invoking federal jurisdiction
could not say that the District Court abused its discretion in
would have to establish that he would unlawfully resist arrest
concluding on this record that the Supreme Court's election-
or police officers would violate department orders in future).
law jurisprudence counseled against injunctive relief. Unique
and important equitable considerations, including voters’
reliance on the rules in place when they made their plans
to vote and chose how to cast their ballots, support that lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election
disposition. Plaintiffs’ requested relief would have upended rules on the eve of an *364 election.” Id. at 1207 (citing
this status quo, which is generally disfavored under the “voter Purcell, 549 U.S. at 1, 127 S.Ct. 5). And just over two weeks
confusion” and election confidence rationales of Purcell v. ago, the Court denied an application to vacate a stay of a
Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5, 166 L.Ed.2d 1 (2006). district court order that made similar changes to Wisconsin's
One can assume for the sake of argument that aspects of election rules six weeks before Election Day. Democratic
the now-prevailing regime in Pennsylvania are unlawful as Nat'l Comm. v. Wis. State Legislature, No. 20A66, 592 U.S.
alleged and still recognize that, given the timing of Plaintiffs’ ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 6275871
request for injunctive relief, the electoral calendar was such (Oct. 26, 2020) (denying application to vacate stay). Justice
that following it “one last time” was the better of the choices Kavanaugh explained that the injunction was improper for
available. Perez, 138 S. Ct. at 2324 (“And if a [redistricting] the “independent reason[ ]” that “the District Court changed
plan is found to be unlawful very close to the election date, the Wisconsin's election rules too close to the election, in
only reasonable option may be to use the plan one last time.”). contravention of this Court's precedents.” Id. at ––––, 2020
WL 6275871 at *3 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Purcell and
Here, less than two weeks before Election Day, Plaintiffs a string20 of Supreme Court election-law decisions in 2020
asked the District Court to enjoin a deadline established by “recognize a basic tenet of election law: When an election is
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on September 17, a deadline close at hand, the rules of the road should be clear and settled.”
that may have informed voters’ decisions about whether and Id.
when to request mail-in ballots as well as when and how
they cast or intended to cast them. In such circumstances, The prevailing state election rule in Pennsylvania permitted
the District Court was well within its discretion to give heed voters to mail ballots up through 8:00 P.M. on Election Day
to Supreme Court decisions instructing that “federal courts so long as their ballots arrived by 5:00 P.M. on November
should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of 6. Whether that rule was wisely or properly put in place is
an election.” Republican Nat'l Comm. v. Democratic Nat'l not before us now. What matters for our purposes today is
Comm., ––– U.S. ––––, 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207, 206 L.Ed.2d that Plaintiffs’ challenge to it was not filed until sufficiently
452 (2020) (per curiam) (citing Purcell, 549 U.S. at 1, 127 close to the election to raise a reasonable concern in the
S.Ct. 5). District Court that more harm than good would come from
an injunction changing the rule. In sum, the District Court's
In Purcell, an appeal from a federal court order enjoining justifiable reliance on Purcell constitutes an “alternative and
the State of Arizona from enforcing its voter identification independent reason[ ]” for concluding that an “injunction was
law, the Supreme Court acknowledged that “[c]onfidence unwarranted” here. Wis. State Legislature, ––– S.Ct. at ––––,
in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to 2020 WL 6275871, at *3 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring).
the functioning of our participatory democracy.” 549 U.S.
at 4, 127 S.Ct. 5. In other words, “[c]ourt orders affecting
elections, especially conflicting orders, can themselves result
in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away IV. Conclusion
from the polls. As an election draws closer, that risk will
We do not decide today whether the Deadline Extension
increase.” Id. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5. Mindful of “the necessity for
or the Presumption of Timeliness are proper exercises of
clear guidance to the State of Arizona” and “the imminence
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's lawmaking authority,
of the election,” the Court vacated the injunction. Id. at 5, 127
delegated by the U.S. Constitution, to regulate federal
S.Ct. 5.
elections. Nor do we evaluate the policy wisdom of those
two features of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling.
The principle announced in Purcell has very recently been
We hold only that when voters cast their ballots under a
reiterated. First, in Republican National Committee, the
state's facially lawful election rule and in accordance with
Supreme Court stayed on the eve of the April 7 Wisconsin
instructions from the state's election officials, private citizens
primary a district court order that altered the State's voting
lack Article III standing to enjoin the counting of those ballots
rules by extending certain deadlines applicable to absentee
on the grounds that the source of the rule was the wrong
ballots. 140 S. Ct. at 1206. The Court noted that it was
state organ or that doing so dilutes their votes or constitutes
adhering to Purcell and had “repeatedly emphasized that
differential treatment of voters in violation of the Equal
Footnotes
1 Second Letter from Phocion (April 1784), reprinted in 3 The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, 1782–1786, 530–58 (Harold
C. Syrett ed., 1962).
2 Throughout this opinion, we refer to absentee voting and mail-in voting interchangeably.
3 The Free and Equal Elections Clause of the Pennsylvania Constitution provides: “Elections shall be free and equal; and no
power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage.” Pa. Const. art. 1, § 5.
4 Because we have received comprehensive briefing, and given the weighty public interest in a prompt ruling on the matter
before us, we have elected to forgo oral argument.
5 Bognet seeks to represent Pennsylvania in Congress, but even if he somehow had a relationship to state lawmaking
processes, he would lack personal standing to sue for redress of the alleged “institutional injury (the diminution of
legislative power), which necessarily damage[d] all Members of [the legislature] ... equally.” Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811,
821, 117 S.Ct. 2312, 138 L.Ed.2d 849 (1997) (plaintiffs were six out of 535 members of Congress); see also Corman, 287
F. Supp. 3d at 568–69 (concluding that “two of 253 members of the Pennsylvania General Assembly” lacked standing to
sue under Elections Clause for alleged “deprivation of ‘their legislative authority to apportion congressional districts’ ”);
accord Va. House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill, ––– U.S. ––––, 139 S. Ct. 1945, 1953, 204 L.Ed.2d 305 (2019).
6 Our conclusion departs from the recent decision of an Eighth Circuit panel which, over a dissent, concluded that
candidates for the position of presidential elector had standing under Bond to challenge a Minnesota state-court consent
decree that effectively extended the receipt deadline for mailed ballots. See Carson v. Simon, No. 20-3139, ––– F.3d
––––, ––––, 2020 WL 6335967, at *5 (8th Cir. Oct. 29, 2020). The Carson court appears to have cited language from
Bond without considering the context—specifically, the Tenth Amendment and the reserved police powers—in which the
U.S. Supreme Court employed that language. There is no precedent for expanding Bond beyond this context, and the
Carson court cited none.
7 The alleged injury specific to Bognet does not implicate the Qualifications Clause or exclusion from Congress, Powell
v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486, 550, 89 S.Ct. 1944, 23 L.Ed.2d 491 (1969), nor the standing of members of Congress
to bring actions alleging separation-of-powers violations. Moore v. U.S. House of Reps., 733 F.2d 946, 959 (D.C. Cir.
1984) (Scalia, J., concurring).
8 Only the Voter Plaintiffs bring the Equal Protection count in the Complaint; Bognet did not join that count.
9 We exclude the Presumption of Timeliness from our concreteness analysis. Plaintiffs allege that the federal statutes
providing for a uniform election day, 3 U.S.C. § 1 and 2 U.S.C. § 7, conflict with, and thus displace, any state law that
would authorize voting after Election Day. They claim that the Presumption permits, theoretically at least, some voters
whose ballots lack a legible postmark to vote after Election Day, in violation of these federal statutes. So unlike the
Deadline Extension, Plaintiffs contend that the General Assembly could not enact the Presumption consistent with the
Constitution. This conceptualization of injury is thus more properly characterized as “concrete” than is the purported
Deadline Extension injury attributable to voters having their timely voted ballots received and counted after Election Day.
That said, we express no opinion about whether the Voter Plaintiffs have, in fact, alleged such a concrete injury for
standing purposes.
10 See AS § 15.20.081(e) & (h) (Alaska – 10 days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); West's Ann.
Cal. Elec. Code § 3020(b) (California – three days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); DC ST §
1-1001.05(a)(10A) (District of Columbia – seven days after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); 10 ILCS
5/19-8, 5/18A-15 (Illinois – 14 days after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); K.S.A. 25-1132 (Kansas
– three days after the election if postmarked before the close of polls on Election Day); MD Code, Elec. Law, § 9-505
(Maryland – the second Friday after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); Miss. Code Ann. § 23-15-637
(Mississippi – five business days after Election Day if postmarked on or before Election Day); NV Rev Stat § 293.317
(Nevada – by 5:00 P.M. on the seventh day after Election Day if postmarked by Election Day, and ballots with unclear
postmarks must be received by 5:00 P.M. on the third day after Election Day); N.J.S.A. 19:63-22 (New Jersey – 48
hours after polls close if postmarked on or before Election Day); McKinney's Elec. Law § 8-412 (New York – seven days
after the election for mailed ballots postmarked on Election Day); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-231(b)(2) and Wise v. Circosta,
978 F.3d 93, 96 (4th Cir. 2020) (North Carolina – recognizing extension from three to nine days after the election the
deadline for mail ballots postmarked on or before Election Day); Texas Elec. Code § 86.007 (the day after the election
by 5:00 P.M. if postmarked on or before Election Day); Va. Code 24.2-709 (Virginia – by noon on the third day after
the election if postmarked on or before Election Day); West's RCWA 29A.40.091 (Washington – no receipt deadline for
ballots postmarked on or before Election Day); W. Va. Code, §§ 3-3-5, 3-5-17 (West Virginia – five days after the election
if postmarked on or before Election Day); see also Iowa Code § 53.17(2) (by noon the Monday following the election if
postmarked by the day before Election Day); NDCC 16.1-07-09 (North Dakota – before the canvass if postmarked the
day before Election Day); R.C. § 3509.05 (Ohio – 10 days after the election if postmarked by the day before Election
Day); Utah Code Ann. § 20A-3a-204 (seven to 14 days after the election if postmarked the day before the election).
11 Bush v. Gore does not require us to perform an Equal Protection Clause analysis of Pennsylvania election law as
interpreted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. See 531 U.S. at 109, 121 S.Ct. 525 (“Our consideration is limited to the
present circumstances ....”); id. at 139–40, 121 S.Ct. 525 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting) (discussing “[r]are[ ]” occasions when
Supreme Court rejected state supreme court's interpretation of state law, one of which was in 1813 and others occurred
during Civil Rights Movement—and none decided federal equal protection issues).
12 In their complaint, the Voter Plaintiffs alleged that they are all “residents of Somerset County, a county where voters are
requesting absentee ballots at a rate far less than the state average” and thus, somehow, the Voter Plaintiffs’ votes “will
be diluted to a greater degree than other voters.” Compl. ¶ 71 (emphasis in original). Plaintiffs continue to advance this
argument on appeal in support of standing, and it additionally suffers from being a conjectural or hypothetical injury under
the framework discussed infra Section III.A.2.b.ii. It is purely hypothetical that counties where a greater percentage of
voters request absentee ballots will more frequently have those ballots received after Election Day.
13 Plaintiffs also rely on FEC v. Akins, 524 U.S. 11, 118 S.Ct. 1777, 141 L.Ed.2d 10 (1998), for the proposition that a
widespread injury—such as a mass tort injury or an injury “where large numbers of voters suffer interference with voting
rights conferred by law”—does not become a “generalized grievance” just because many share it. Id. at 24–25, 118 S.Ct.
1777. That's true as far as it goes. But the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged an injury like that at issue in Akins. There,
the plaintiffs’ claimed injury was their inability to obtain information they alleged was required to be disclosed under the
Federal Election Campaign Act. Id. at 21, 118 S.Ct. 1777. The plaintiffs alleged a statutory right to obtain information
and that the same information was being withheld. Here, the Voter Plaintiffs’ alleged injury is to their right under the
Equal Protection Clause not to have their votes “diluted,” but the Voter Plaintiffs have not alleged that their votes are
less influential than any other vote.
14 The District Court did not find that the Deadline Extension created such a preferred class.
15 Moreover, we cannot overlook that the mail-in voters potentially suffer a disadvantage relative to the in-person voters.
Whereas in-person ballots that are timely cast will count, timely cast mail-in ballots may not count because, given mail
delivery rates, they may not be received by 5:00 P.M. on November 6.
16 See Defendant-Appellee's Br. 30 (citing 39 C.F.R. § 211.2(a)(2); Postal Operations Manual at 443.3).
17 See Pa. Democratic Party, 238 A.3d at 364 (noting “current two to five day delivery expectation of the USPS”).
18 Indeed, the conduct required of a voter to effectuate such a scheme may be punishable as a crime under Pennsylvania
statutes that criminalize forging or “falsely mak[ing] the official endorsement on any ballot,” 25 Pa. Stat. & Cons. Stat. §
3517 (punishable by up to two years’ imprisonment); “willfully disobey[ing] any lawful instruction or order of any county
board of elections,” id. § 3501 (punishable by up to one year's imprisonment); or voting twice in one election, id. § 3535
(punishable by up to seven years’ imprisonment).
19 As of the morning of November 12, Secretary Boockvar estimates that 655 of the 9383 ballots received between 8:00
P.M. on Election Day and 5:00 P.M. on November 6 lack a legible postmark. See Dkt. No. 59. That estimate of 655 ballots
does not include totals from five of Pennsylvania's 67 counties: Lehigh, Northumberland, Tioga, Warren, and Wayne. Id.
The 9383 ballots received, however, account for all of Pennsylvania's counties. Id.
20 See, e.g., Andino v. Middleton, No. 20A55, 592 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 5887393,
at *1 (Oct. 5, 2020) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (“By enjoining South Carolina's witness requirement shortly before the
election, the District Court defied [the Purcell] principle and this Court's precedents.” (citations omitted)); Merrill v. People
First of Ala., No. 19A1063, 591 U.S. ––––, ––– S.Ct. ––––, ––––, ––– L.Ed.2d ––––, 2020 WL 3604049 (Mem.), at *1
(July 2, 2020); Republican Nat'l Comm., 140 S. Ct. at 1207; see also Democratic Nat'l Comm. v. Bostelmann, 977 F.3d
639, 641 (7th Cir. 2020) (per curiam) (holding that injunction issued six weeks before election violated Purcell); New Ga.
Project v. Raffensperger, 976 F.3d 1278, 1283 (11th Cir. Oct. 2, 2020) (“[W]e are not on the eve of the election—we
are in the middle of it, with absentee ballots already printed and mailed. An injunction here would thus violate Purcell’s
well-known caution against federal courts mandating new election rules—especially at the last minute.” (citing Purcell,
549 U.S. at 4–5, 127 S.Ct. 5)).
No. 2:20-cv-966
| Defendants' motion granted.
Signed 10/10/2020
Synopsis