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in Kosovo. From early 1998 to 1999, the war was between the army and police of FR Yugoslavia, and the Kosovo Liberation Army. From March 24, 1999 to June 10, 1999, NATO attacked Yugoslavia, and ethnic Albanian militants continued battles with Yugoslav forces, amidst a massive displacement of population in Kosovo estimated to be close to 1 million people. The war in Kosovo was believed to be the first humanitarian war. It was the centre of news headlines for months, and gained a massive amount of coverage and attention from the international community and media. Kosovo and the bombing of Yugoslavia was also a very controversial war and still remains a controversial issue.
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1 Pre-NATO intervention o 1.1 Kosovo in Tito's Yugoslavia (1945–1986) o 1.2 Riots o 1.3 Kosovo and the rise of Slobodan Milošević (1986–1990) o 1.4 Abolition of autonomy (1990–1996) o 1.5 The slide to war (1996–1998) o 1.6 Račak Massacre o 1.7 The Rambouillet Conference (January–March 1999) 2 The NATO bombing campaign 3 Yugoslav withdrawal and entry of KFOR 4 Reaction to the war o 4.1 Targets of the NATO bombing campaign 5 Criticism of the case for war 6 Casualties o 6.1 Civilian losses 6.1.1 Civilians killed by NATO airstrikes 6.1.2 Civilians killed by Yugoslav ground forces o 6.2 NATO losses o 6.3 Yugoslav military losses o 6.4 KLA losses o 6.5 Aftermath 7 War crimes o 7.1 Serbian war crimes o 7.2 KLA war crimes o 7.3 NATO war crimes 8 Military and political consequences 9 Military decorations 10 Weaponry used on all sides o 10.1 Literature
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11 See also 12 Gallery 13 References 14 External links o 14.1 Reports o 14.2 Media
Kosovo in Tito's Yugoslavia (1945–1986)
This section may contain original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. More details may be available on the talk page. (September 2009) Tensions between the Serbian and Kosovo communities simmered throughout the 20th century and occasionally erupted into major violence, particularly during the First Balkan War, World War I, and World War II. The Socialist government of Josip Broz Tito systematically repressed nationalist manifestations throughout Yugoslavia, seeking to ensure that no Yugoslav republic or nationality gained dominance over the others. In particular, the power of Serbia—the largest and most populous republic—was diluted by the establishment of autonomous governments in the province of Vojvodina in the north of Serbia and Kosovo in the south. Kosovo's borders did not precisely match the areas of ethnic Albanian settlement in Yugoslavia (significant numbers of Albanians were left in the Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia though the majority of its inhabitants were Albanian. Kosovo's formal autonomy, established under the 1945 Yugoslav constitution, initially meant relatively little in practice. Tito's secret police cracked down hard on nationalists. In 1956, a number of Albanians were put on trial in Kosovo on charges of espionage and subversion. The threat of separatism was in fact minimal, as the few underground groups aiming for union with Albania were politically insignificant. Their long-term impact was substantial, though, as some—particularly the Revolutionary Movement for Albanian Unity, founded by Adem Demaci—were to form the political core of the Kosovo Liberation Army. Demaci himself was imprisoned in 1964 along with many of his followers. Yugoslavia underwent a period of economic and political crisis in 1969, as a massive government program of economic reform widened the gap between the rich north and poor south of the country. Student demonstrations and riots in Belgrade in June 1968 spread to Kosovo in November the same year, but were quelled by the Yugoslav security forces. However, some of the students' demands—in particular, representative powers for Albanians in both the Serbian and Yugoslav state bodies, and better recognition of the Albanian language—were conceded by Tito. The University of Priština was established as an independent institution in 1970, ending a long period when the institution had been run as
an outpost of Belgrade University. The Albanianisation of education in Kosovo was hampered by the lack of Albanian-language educational materials in Yugoslavia, so an agreement was struck with Albania itself to supply textbooks. In 1974, Kosovo's political status was improved further when a new Yugoslav constitution granted an expanded set of political rights. Along with Vojvodina, Kosovo was declared a province and gained many of the powers of a fully-fledged republic: a seat on the federal presidency and its own assembly, police force, and national bank. Power was still exercised by the Communist Party, but it was now devolved mainly to ethnic Albanian communists. Tito's death on May 4, 1980 ushered in a long period of political instability, worsened by growing economic crisis and nationalist unrest. The first major outbreak occurred in Kosovo's main city, Pristina, in March 1981, when Albanian students rioted over long queues in their university canteen. This seemingly trivial dispute rapidly spread throughout Kosovo and took on the character of a national revolt, with massive popular demonstrations in many Kosovo towns. The protesters demanded that Kosovo should become the seventh republic of Yugoslavia. However, this was politically unacceptable to Serbia and the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. Some Serbs (and possibly some Albanian nationalists as well) saw the demands as being a prelude to a "Greater Albania" which could encompass parts of Montenegro, the Republic of Macedonia and Kosovo itself. The Communist Yugoslav presidency quelled the disturbances by sending in riot police and the army, and proclaiming a state of emergency, although it did not repeal the province's autonomy as some Serbian Communists demanded. The Yugoslav press reported that about 11 people had been killed (although others claimed a death toll as high as 1,000) and another 4,200 were imprisoned. Kosovo's Communist Party also suffered purges, with several key figures (including its president) expelled. Hardliners instituted a fierce crackdown on nationalism of all kinds, Albanian and Serbian alike. Kosovo endured a heavy secret police presence throughout most of the 1980s that ruthlessly suppressed any unauthorized nationalist manifestations, both Albanian and Serbian. According to a report quoted by Mark Thompson, as many as 580,000 inhabitants of Kosovo were arrested, interrogated, interned, or reprimanded. Thousands of these lost their jobs or were expelled from their educational establishments. During this time, tension between the Albanian and Serbian communities continued to escalate. In 1969, the Serbian Orthodox Church had ordered its clergy to compile data on the ongoing problems of Serbs in Kosovo, seeking to pressure the government in Belgrade to do more to protect the Serbian faithful. In February 1982, a group of priests from Serbia proper petitioned their bishops to ask "why the Serbian Church is silent" and why it did not campaign against "the destruction, arson and sacrilege of the holy shrines of Kosovo". Such concerns did attract interest in Belgrade. Stories appeared from time to time in the Belgrade media claiming that Serbs and Montenegrins were being persecuted. There was a perception among Serbian nationalists that Serbs were being driven out of
as well as Serbs. the worsening state of Kosovo's economy made the province a poor choice for Serbs seeking work. A significant fact contributing to fear and instability was large-scale drug trafficking by mafias of Kosovo Albanians. but the number of jobs was too few for the population. In his report he tells about Paracin massacre. several murders had been committed by ethnic Albanians. it is believed that a large number of those declaring Albanian ethnicity are in fact from the Roma community who happen to be of Islamic faith. where an Albanian soldier killed 4 soldiers and wounded 5 in a JNA barracks.  Kosovo and the rise of Slobodan Milošević (1986–1990) This section may contain original research. An estimated 20. Branko Mamula.000 Serbs moved from Kosovo to Central Serbia after the Kosovo Albanian riots in March that resulted in several deaths of Serbs and desecration of Serbian Orthodox architecture and graveyards. It was against this tense background that the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU. САНУ) conducted a survey of Serbs who had left .635 (and $5. To that end. tended to favor their compatriots when employing new recruits. 40 attacks on Serbs in only 2 months were documented.435 members were discovered in the JNA. breaking in and stealing weapons and ammunition. (September 2009) In Kosovo. More details may be available on the talk page.Kosovo. In addition to all this. sabotage.315 in Slovenia). compared with the national average of $2. from its Serbian initials. Kosovo was the poorest part of Yugoslavia: the average per capita income was $795. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Riots In 1981 it was reported that some 4. In 1982 It was concluded that the Serbs were victims of major prejudice and harassment. Fleet Adm. They had prepared the mass killings of officers and soldiers. shows that from 1981–1987. The report quoting Federal Secretary for National Defense. and forming of serious nationalist groups was reality. Albanians. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. In 1987 David Binder wrote a report on The New York Times about rising nationalism among Albanians in Kosovo. An increasingly poisonous atmosphere led to wild rumors being spread around and otherwise trivial incidents being blown out of proportion. 100 under investigation) and seized arms caches and propaganda material. 216 illegal Albanian organizations with 1.000+ Serbs had moved from Kosovo since the riots until the end of 1982. growing Albanian nationalism and separatism led to tensions between Serbs and Albanians. In the summer of 1986. 33 nationalist formations were dismantled by the Yugoslav Police who sentenced some 280 people (800 fined. poisoning food and water.
Other Yugoslav nationalities. Abolition of autonomy (1990–1996) This section may contain original research. while the Communist old guard strongly attacked its message. They claimed that all Serb emigrants had left Kosovo for economic reasons. The Memorandum paid special attention to Kosovo. notably the Slovenes and Croats. curtailing their autonomy as well as imposing a curfew and a state of emergency in Kosovo due to violent demonstrations. was for "genuine security and unambiguous equality for all peoples living in Kosovo and Metohija [to be] established" and "objective and permanent conditions for the return of the expelled [Serbian] nation [to be] created. The SANU Memorandum.Kosovo in 1985 and 1986. It focused on the political difficulties facing Serbs in Yugoslavia. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. pointing to Tito's deliberate hobbling of Serbia's power and the difficulties faced by Serbs outside Serbia proper. (September 2009) It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with Ibrahim_Rugova#Political career. The Memorandum's authors claimed that 200. Kosovo's head of the provincial committee was arrested. arguing that the province's Serbs were being subjected to "physical. Milošević and his government claimed that the constitutional changes were necessary to protect Kosovo's remaining Serbs against harassment from the Albanian majority. Milošević announced an "anti-bureaucratic revolution" in Kosovo and Vojvodina. was hugely controversial.000 Serbs had moved out of the province over the previous twenty years and warned that there would soon be none left "unless things change radically. thus ranking it above such catastrophes as the Nazi occupation or the First World War occupation of Serbia by the Austro-Hungarians. as it has become known. political. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references." It concluded that "Serbia must not be passive and wait and see what the others will say. More details may be available on the talk page. as it has done so often in the past. according to the Memorandum. The report concluded that a considerable part of those who had left had been under pressure by Albanians to do so. Serbs themselves were divided: many welcomed it. legal and cultural genocide" in an "open and total war" that had been ongoing since the spring of 1981. In March 1989. (Discuss) Further information: Ibrahim_Rugova#Political career . saw a threat in the call for a more assertive Serbia. The Albanians saw it as a call for Serbian supremacy at a local level. In November 1988." The SANU Memorandum met with many different reactions." The remedy. One of those who denounced it was Serbian Communist Party official Slobodan Milošević. Sixteen prominent members of the SANU began work in June 1985 on a draft document that was leaked to the public in September 1986. resulting in 24 deaths (including two policemen). It claimed that Kosovo's status in 1986 was a worse historical defeat for the Serbs than any event since liberation from the Ottomans in 1804.
The only Albanian-language newspaper. the changes brought a wholesale change of corporate cadres. Bosnia and Macedonia thus had to maintain an uneasy alliance to prevent Milošević from driving through constitutional changes. The reduction of its autonomy was accompanied by the abolition of its political institutions (including the League of Communists of Kosovo). as both provinces had a vote in the eight member Yugoslav Presidency. and TV and radio broadcasts in Albanian ceased. Some 40.000 Yugoslav troops and police replaced the original Albanian-run security forces. few were sacked outright: their companies required them to sign loyalty pledges. although a few did and remained employed in Serbian state companies right up to 1999. its assembly and government were formally disbanded. this gave Milosevic an automatic four votes when combined with Serbia and Montenegro (which was closely allied to Serbia). a move which was rejected by Albanians who responded by creating their parallel education system.500 of the 23. As most of Kosovo's industry was state-owned. Albanian cultural autonomy was also drastically reduced. As a result of these measures more than 80. Albanian was no longer an official language of the province. Rilindja. Crucially. Slovenia. 1990 referendum across the entire republic of Serbia. Croatia. which most Albanians would not sign. Technically. including Kosovo.000 students expelled.000 Kosovo Albanians were expelled from their state jobs in Kosovo. was banned. Serbia's political changes were ratified in a July 5. A punitive regime was . A new Serb curriculum was imposed in all higher education in Kosovo. The impact on Kosovo was drastic. The University of Pristina. was purged: 800 lecturers at Pristina University were sacked and 22. seen as a hotbed of Albanian nationalism.Wesley Clark served as the Supreme Allied Commander Europe. Slobodan Milošević took the process of retrenchment a stage further in 1990 when he revoked the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina and replaced locally chosen leaders with his sympathizers.
It responded to the abolition of Kosovo's autonomy by pursuing a policy of peaceful resistance. Rugova took the very practical line that armed resistance would be futile given Serbia's military strength and would lead only to a bloodbath in the province. With Kosovo's Communist Party effectively broken up by Milošević's crackdown. the referendum achieved a reported 90% turnout among the province's Albanians. and hospitals. a second referendum elected Rugova as President of Kosovo. the dominant Albanian political party position passed to the Democratic League of Kosovo. As many as a third of adult male Albanians chose to go abroad (particularly to Germany and Switzerland) to find work. The slide to war (1996–1998) The Kosovo War Before March 1999 Kosovo Liberation Army Battle of Belacevac Mine Battle of Lodja Battle of Glodjane Battle of Junik Attack on Prekaz Llapushnik prison camp Gornje Obrinje massacre Massacre at Velika Kruša Račak incident NATO intervention Civilian casualties Izbica massacre Podujevo massacre Suva Reka massacre Cuska massacre Battle of Košare Other articles . In September 1991. and their results null and void. Despite widespread harassment and violence by Serbian security forces. and a 98% vote—nearly a million votes in all—which approved the creation of an independent "Republic of Kosovo". Poverty and unemployment reached catastrophic levels. by not paying any taxes or duties to the State.imposed that was harshly condemned as a "police state". He also called for the creation of parallel Albanian schools. He called on the Albanian populace to boycott the Yugoslav and Serbian states by not participating in any elections. The Serbian government declared that both referendums were illegal. and most important. led by the writer Ibrahim Rugova. clinics. with about 80% of Kosovo's population becoming unemployed. the shadow Kosovo Assembly organized a referendum on independence for Kosovo. In May 1992. by ignoring the military draft (compulsory in Yugoslavia).
On April 22. the U. while most Albanians saw the KLA as "freedom fighters". and in 1999 the Republican Policy Committee of the U. Switzerland). attacking police and civilians. 1996. Continuing Serbian repression had radicalized many Albanians. now sought to form a relationship with it. Rugova pleaded for a United Nations peacekeeping force for Kosovo. and the wars in Croatia and Bosnia during the early 1990s. he later clarified to the House Committee on International Relations that "while it has . Albania collapsed into chaos following the fall of President Sali Berisha.Legitimacy Humanitarian bombing War crimes in the Kosovo War Images on Commons This box: view · talk · edit This section may contain original research.S. Milošević was promoted to the presidency of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (comprising Serbia and Montenegro since its inception in April 1992). Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. U. some of whom decided that only armed resistance would change the situation. Senate expressed its troubles with the "effective alliance" of the Clinton administration with the KLA due to "numerous reports from reputable unofficial sources ". However. Responding to criticism. State Department listed the KLA as a terrorist organization.S. envoy Robert Gelbard referred to the KLA as terrorists. as evidenced by the emergence of the KLA. In 1997. shadow Prime Minister in exile (in Zürich. which had described the KLA as "terrorist". Military stockpiles were looted with impunity by criminal gangs. created a group called FARK (Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosova) which was reported to have been disbanded and absorbed by the KLA in 1998. It is widely believed that the KLA received financial and material support from the Kosovo Albanian diaspora. In 1998. In early 1997. four attacks on Serbian security personnel were carried out almost simultaneously in several parts of Kosovo. A hitherto-unknown organization calling itself the "Kosovo Liberation Army" (KLA) subsequently claimed responsibility. The Yugoslav government considered the KLA "terrorists" and "insurgents". In 2000. The nature of the KLA was at first highly mysterious. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. this came at the cost of increasing frustration among Kosovo's Albanian population. Bujar Bukoshi. (September 2009) Rugova's policy of passive resistance succeeded in keeping Kosovo quiet during the war with Slovenia.S. More details may be available on the talk page. In the mid-1990s. a BBC article stated that Nato at War shows how the United States. with much of the hardware ending up in western Kosovo and boosting the growing KLA arsenal.
These were maintained despite the agreement at Dayton to end all sanctions. Moreover. the insurgency in Glodjane was far from stamped out. centered on the Drenica valley area. and attacked a rebel compound there. The Clinton administration claimed that Dayton bound Yugoslavia to hold discussions with Rugova over Kosovo. Despite some accusations of summary executions and killings of civilians. Madeleine Albright stated that "this crisis is not an internal affair of the FRY". Northern Albania served as another center of KLA activity.S. he held talks with two men who claimed they were political leaders. Serbian police responded to the KLA attacks in the Likosane area. Although there were deaths and severe injuries on the Albanian side. where the International Community (as defined in the Dayton Agreement) agreed to give the High Representative in Bosnia sweeping powers.S. of which eighteen were women and ten were under the age of sixteen. The delegation from Serbia stormed out of the meetings in protest.'"  On June 1998. and that Serbia and Yugoslavia be responsive to Albanian demands there. held an "outer wall of sanctions" on Yugoslavia which had been tied to a series of issues. including the right to dismiss elected leaders. It was in fact to become one of the strongest centers of resistance in the upcoming war. On March 24. The first serious action of the war had begun. A massive firefight at the Jashari compound led to the massacre of 60 Albanians. This was followed by the return of the Contact Group that oversaw the last phases of the Bosnian conflict and declarations from European powers demanding that Serbia solve the problem in Kosovo. parts of Albania ended up beyond the reach of national authorities. Government as a terrorist organization. Western diplomats insisted that Kosovo be discussed. in the Dukagjin operational zone. and pursued some of the KLA to Cirez. The crisis escalated in December 1997 at the Peace Implementation Council meeting in Bonn. Despite their superior firepower. KLA attacks suddenly intensified. Following the 1997 Albanian civil conflict. resulting in the deaths of 30 Albanian civilians and four Serbian policemen. with the compound of one Adem Jashari being a particular focal point. Kosovo being one of them. Many of these looted weapons ended up in the hands of the KLA whilst the KLA took . This March 5 event provoked massive condemnation from the western capitals. the Serbian forces failed to destroy the KLA unit which had been their objective. the U. Serb police began to pursue Jashari and his followers in the village of Donje Prekaz. condemnations from Western capitals were not as voluble as they would become later. Meanwhile. the Albanian army's armories were looted.committed 'terrorist acts. Serbian forces surrounded the village of Glodjane. Days after Robert Gelbard described the KLA as a terrorist group. At the same time. centered in the town of Tropojë.' it has 'not been classified legally by the U.
led by the Socialist Party of Serbia and the Serbian Radical Party. The KLA's first goal was thus to merge its Drenica stronghold with their stronghold in Albania proper. was decisively backing the KLA and the Albanian population in Kosovo. and to observers in general. Holbrooke. on May 31.over the border area. and only to discuss the modalities of Kosovo independence. two days after Richard Holbrooke announced that it would take place. the plains of Metohija. So. there he was famously photographed with the KLA. its supporters and sympathizers. 1998. NATO's response to this offensive was mid-June's Operation Determined Falcon. though Rugova did not. the Yugoslav army and the Serb Ministry of the Interior police began an operation to clear the border of the KLA. Meanwhile. who. One month later. The American government welcomed this part of the agreement. Serbia arranged for a referendum on the issue of foreign interference in Kosovo. he visited the border areas affected by the fighting in early June. Ultra-nationalist Radical Party chairman Vojislav Šešelj became a deputy prime minister. Ratko Marković. not Serbian ones. This was a staging ground for attacks and for shipping weapons to the Drenica stronghold. During this time. The Yeltsin agreement included Milošević's allowing international representatives to set up a mission in Kosovo-Metohija to monitor the situation there. encompassing its surroundings. the only meeting between Milošević and Ibrahim Rugova took place on May 15 in Belgrade. the Yugoslav President Milošević reached an arrangement with Boris Yeltsin of Russia to stop offensive operations and prepare for talks with the Albanians. and this would shape the first few months of the fighting.  A new Serbian government was also formed at this time. The publication of these images sent a signal to the KLA. and were those areas hardest hit by KLA activity in the beginning. This increased the dissatisfaction with Serbia's position among Western diplomats and spokespersons. This was the Kosovo Diplomatic Observer Mission (KDOM) that began operations in early July. that the U. an air show over the Yugoslav borders.S. Serbian voters decisively rejected foreign interference in this crisis. the KLA claimed much of the area in and around Dečani and ran a territory based in the village of Glođane. chairman of the Serbian delegation to the meetings. After several failed meetings. The Serbs also continued their efforts at diplomacy. but denounced the initiative's . attempting to arrange talks with Ibrahim Rugova's staff (talks which Rugova and his staff refused to attend). Serbian President Milan Milutinović attended one of the meetings. In fact. The path between these areas crossed Đakovica. and to the Klina opstina. invited representatives of Kosovo minority groups to attend while maintaining his invitation to the Albanians. He and his staff insisted on talking to Yugoslav officials. In early April. "what's left of your country will implode". through this whole crisis. but not the Yugoslav. after a trip to Belgrade where he threatened Milošević that if he did not obey. refused to talk to the Serbian side.
a determined effort was made to clear the KLA out of the northern and central parts of Kosovo and out of the Drenica valley itself. The KLA troops infiltrated Suva Reka. Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia. led by Rugova. for the first time. Retimlije and Opteruša. This led to a series of Serb and Yugoslav offensives which would continue into the beginning of August. The KLA began an offensive on September 1 around Prizren. however. the monastery church and all its buildings were leveled to the ground by mining. the KLA maintained its advance. some KLA activity was reported in northern Kosovo around Podujevo.000 displaced Albanians. Meanwhile.. Đakovica. without warm clothing or shelter. and the northwest of Priština. causing Yugoslavian military activity there. its monks deported to a KLA prison camp. with winter fast approaching. Finally. Similar. 1998. and harassing and ambushing Serb forces and police patrols. when the mutilated corpses of a family were discovered by KDOM outside the village of Gornje Obrinje. They moved on to the Belacevec coal pits and captured them in late June.S. Christopher Hill. A new set of KLA attacks in mid-August triggered Yugoslavian operations in southcentral Kosovo south of the Priština-Peć road. the U. even if less systematic events took place in the town of Orahovac and the larger Serb village of Velika hoċa. another offensive caused condemnation as international officials expressed fear that a large column of displaced people would be attacked..000 of whom were out in the woods. around Peć. On July 17. In Metohija. threatening energy supplies in the region. was leading shuttle diplomacy between an Albanian delegation. In early mid-September. in late September. were also captured. the Americans demanded that the SerbianYugoslavian side should cease fire "without linkage. It was these meetings which were shaping what was to . two close-by villages to Orahovac. the threats intensified once again but a galvanizing event was needed. and had set up an interim capital in the town of Mališevo (north of Orahovac). The tide turned in mid-July when the KLA captured Orahovac.call for a mutual cease fire. All through June and into mid-July. Following the elections. The other major issue for those who saw no option but to resort to the use of force was the estimated 250. the bloody doll from there became the rallying image for the ensuing war. The Orthodox monastery of Zociste 3 miles (5 km) from Orehovac— famous for the relics of the Saints Kosmas and Damianos and revered also by local Albanians—was robbed. while empty. This wound down with the capture of Klecka on August 23 and the discovery of a KLA-run crematorium in which some of their victims were found. During this time many threats were made from Western capitals but these were tempered somewhat by the elections in Bosnia. They got it on September 28.to a cessation in terrorist activities". 30. and the Yugoslav and Serbian authorities. and. as they did not want Serbian Democrats and Radicals to win. KLA surrounded Peć. Their tactics as usual focused mainly on guerrilla and mountain warfare. Rather.
1998. 1998. among other places. They were nicknamed the "clockwork oranges" in reference to their brightly coloured vehicles (in English. British defense secretary George Robertson during parliamentary testimony: "Up until (January 1999) the KLA were responsible for more deaths in Kosovo than the Yugoslav authorities had been" . which was a large contingent of unarmed OSCE peace monitors (officially known as verifiers) that moved into Kosovo. Moreover. The KLA also allegedly assassinated the mayor of Kosovo Polje. who threatened to destroy Belgrade. when the KLA shot up a cafe in Peć. Such attacks took place during the Rambouillet talks in February and as the Kosovo Verification Agreement unraveled in March. attempts were made to persuade Milošević to permit NATO peacekeeping troops to enter Kosovo. The January to March 1999 phase of the war brought increasing insecurity in urban areas. Killings on the roads continued and increased. He was accompanied by General Michael Short.be the peace plan to be discussed during a period of planned NATO occupation of Kosovo. It featured the Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM). including bombings and murders. not long after the Panda Bar Massacre. It specifically demanded that the Serbs end its offensives against the KLA whilst attempting to convince the KLA to drop its bid for independence. Their inadequacy was evident from the start. This. Yugoslav T-55A tank next to an OSCE vehicle Officially. the international community demanded an end to fighting. they argued. There were military confrontations in. During a period of two weeks. threats intensified. A ceasefire was brokered. would allow for the Christopher Hill peace process to proceed and yield a peace agreement. a "clockwork orange" signifies a useless object. culminating in NATO's Activation Order being given. All was ready for the bombs to fly.) The ceasefire broke down within a matter of weeks and fighting resumed in December 1998 after the KLA occupied bunkers overlooking the strategic Priština-Podujevo highway. the Vučitrn area in February and the heretofore unaffected Kačanik area in early March. Long and painful discussions led to the Kosovo Verification Agreement on October 12. commencing on October 25. Richard Holbrooke went to Belgrade in the hope of reaching an agreement with Milošević with regards to deploying a NATO presence in Kosovo.
plus the introduction of democracy and supervision by international organizations. The details of what happened at Račak were revealed shortly after Serb paramilitaries left the scene of the massacre. This was in contrast to the 1995 Dayton conference that ended war in Bosnia. Kosovo's Serbian Orthodox bishop Artemije traveled all the way to Rambouillet to protest that the delegation was wholly unrepresentative. was the culmination of the KLA attacks and Serbian reprisals that had continued throughout the winter of 1998–1999. While this was most obviously a threat to the Milošević government. The Rambouillet Conference (January–March 1999) The Rambouillet talks began on February 6. The Serbian delegation was led by then president of Serbia Milan Milutinović. and later became the basis of one of the charges of war crimes leveled against Milošević and his top officials. 1999. where Milošević negotiated in person. 1999. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. The incident was immediately (before the investigation) condemned as a massacre by the Western countries and the United Nations Security Council. More details may be available on the talk page. At this time speculation about an indictment for . it also included a coded threat to the Albanians: any decision would depend on the "position and actions of the Kosovo Albanian leadership and all Kosovo Albanian armed elements in and around Kosovo. 1999: • • NATO issued a statement announcing that it was prepared to launch air strikes against Yugoslav targets "to compel compliance with the demands of the international community and [to achieve] a political settlement". Rolling TV cameras featured United States Ambassador William Walker walking through mutilated bodies of Albanians. They were intended to conclude by February 19. with NATO Secretary General Javier Solana negotiating with both sides. The absence of Milošević was interpreted as a sign that the real decisions were being made back in Belgrade. A carefully coordinated set of diplomatic initiatives was announced simultaneously on January 30. a move that aroused criticism in Serbia as well as abroad. to forcibly restrain the two sides. It also called for a peace conference to be held in February 1999 at the Château de Rambouillet. (September 2009) The Račak incident. while Milošević himself remained in Belgrade.Račak Massacre Main article: Račak Massacre This section may contain original research. NATO decided that the conflict could only be settled by introducing a military peacekeeping force under the auspices of NATO. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Shortly after that he held a press conference where he stated that he had just witnessed Serbian crimes against civilians. which involved the killing of 45 Albanians by Serbian troops on January 15. outside Paris." The Contact Group issued a set of "non-negotiable principles" which made up a package known as "Status Quo Plus"—effectively the restoration of Kosovo's pre1990 autonomy within Serbia. The massacre was the turning point of the war.
In particular. sought to impose a forced.Milošević for war crimes was rife. quoting General Klaus Naumann (Chairman of NATO Military Committee). an unhindered right of passage for NATO troops on Yugoslav territory. for the protection of human rights and the rights of members of national communities. Equipment of 72nd Special Brigade Yugoslav Army in Kosovo War 1999 year. leaving the further work of finalizing "the implementation Chapters of the Agreement. The first phase of negotiations was successful.000 NATO troops to maintain order in Kosovo. They went on to say that "a political framework is now in place". including the modalities of the invited international civilian and military presence in Kosovo". so his absence may have been motivated by fear for arrest. The tilting of NATO towards the KLA organization is chronicled in the BBC Television "Moral Combat: NATO at War" program. In the end. and British delegations signed what became known as the Rambouillet Accords while the Serbian and Russian delegations refused. a statement was issued by the Contact Group co-chairmen on February 23. These latter provisions were much the same as had been applied to Bosnia for the SFOR (Stabilization Force) mission there. This happened despite the fact. including Kosovo. and for the establishment of a fair judicial system". under the influence of US diplomats Rubin and Albright. American. on March 18. including on mechanisms for free and fair elections to democratic institutions. as opposed to invited. The accords called for NATO administration of Kosovo as an autonomous province within Yugoslavia. . NATO. for the governance of Kosovo. and immunity for NATO and its agents to Yugoslav law. the Albanian. 1999 that the negotiations "have led to a consensus on substantial autonomy for Kosovo. During the next month. however. that "Ambassador Walker stated in the NAC (North Atlantic Council) that the majority of [ceasefire] violations was caused by the KLA". 1999. military presence. a force of 30.
 which it characterized as "NATO occupation". condemned in harshest terms as a "separatist–terrorist delegation". and because the other side. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. particularly appendix B that foresees free access to all of Serbia for NATO troops.While the accords did not fully satisfy the Albanians. completely refused to meet delegation of FRY and negotiate directly during the Rambouillet talks at all. The following day. the Serbian assembly accepted the principle of autonomy for Kosovo and non-military part of the agreement. Arkan appeared at the Hyatt hotel in Belgrade where most of Western journalists were staying and ordered all of them to leave Serbia. The NATO bombing campaign [show]v · d · e 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia Main article: 1999 NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia . It sought to reopen the painstakingly negotiated political status of Kosovo and deleted all of the proposed implementation measures. On March 23. for fear of the monitors' safety ahead of the anticipated NATO bombing campaign. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2009) Events proceeded rapidly after the failure at Rambouillet. NATO bombing began. removed virtually all international oversight and dropped any mention of invoking "the will of the people [of Kosovo]" in determining the final status of the province. Among many other changes in the proposed new version. But the Serbian side had objections to the military part of the Rambouillet agreement. The full document was described as "fraudulent" because the military part of the agreement was offered only at the very end of the talks without much possibility for negotiation. it eliminated the entire chapter on humanitarian assistance and reconstruction. In the week before the start of NATO bombing. The international monitors from the OSCE withdrew on March 22. who responded by substituting a drastically revised text that even the Russians (traditional allies of the Serbs) found unacceptable. they were much too radical for the Serbs. This article needs additional citations for verification. March 24.
A Tomahawk cruise missile launches from the aft missile deck of the USS Gonzalez on March 31. 1999 A U. on March 24. Italy.S. 1999 CK building in the moments after bombing. . F-117 Nighthawk taxis to the runway before taking off from Aviano Air Base.
of use to both civilians and the military. hitting targets as small as individual tanks and artillery pieces. ships. it was nowhere near the concentrated bombardments seen in Baghdad in 1991. telecommunications facilities and . houses. NATO had seriously underestimated Milošević's will to resist: few in Brussels thought that the campaign would last more than a few days. The proclaimed goal of the NATO operation was summed up by its spokesman as "Serbs out.controversially. By April. Montenegro was bombed on several occasions but NATO eventually desisted to prop up the precarious position of its anti-Milošević leader. On the ground.Post-strike bomb damage assessment photograph of the Sremska Mitrovica Ordnance Storage Depot. refugees back". All of the NATO members were involved to some degree—with the exception of Greece. were attacked. mostly Albanians. Serbia NATO's bombing campaign lasted from March 22 to June 11. fired from aircraft. Tomahawk cruise missiles were also extensively used.000 Kosovo Albanians had fled into neighboring Albania and the Republic of Macedonia. the ethnic cleansing campaign by the Serbians was stepped up and within a week of the war starting. NATO military operations switched increasingly to attacking Yugoslav units on the ground. it was the first time it had participated in a conflict since World War II.000 aircraft operating mainly from bases in Italy and aircraft carriers stationed in the Adriatic. Đukanović. factories. as each target needed to be approved by all nineteen member states. It did not go very well at first. This activity was. involving up to 1. nurseries. heavily constrained by politics. over 300.000 people. and submarines. NATO aircraft flew over 38. So-called "dualuse" targets. hospitals. with many thousands more displaced within Kosovo. and although the initial bombardment was more than just a pin-prick. the United Nations was reporting that 850. 1999. That is. however. The campaign was initially designed to destroy Yugoslav air defenses and high-value military targets. Yugoslav troops would have to leave Kosovo and be replaced by international peacekeepers to ensure that the Albanian refugees could return to their homes. the headquarters of Yugoslavian . schools. as well as continuing with the strategic bombardment. For the German Air Force (Luftwaffe). Over the ten weeks of the conflict. peacekeepers in. power stations. had fled their homes. with bad weather hindering many sorties early on.000 combat missions. including bridges across the Danube.
The Norwegian special forces Hærens Jegerkommando and Forsvarets Spesialkommando cooperated with the KLA in gathering intelligence information. U. however. He finally recognised that NATO was serious in its resolve to end the conflict one way or another and that Russia would not intervene to defend Serbia despite Moscow's strong anti-NATO rhetoric.Leftists. extremely reluctant to commit American forces for a ground offensive. killing around fifty people. argued that these facilities were potentially useful to the Yugoslav military and that their bombing was therefore justified. the Norwegian special forces sat together with the KLA on the Ramno mountain on the border between Macedonia and Kosovo and had an excellent scouting point for what was happening inside Kosovo. Finnish and Russian negotiators continued to try to persuade Milošević to back down. but incorporating NATO troops. This would have to be organized very quickly. The bombing strained relations between China and NATO countries. Some saw these actions as violations of international law and the Geneva Conventions in particular. NATO admitted its mistake five days later. Faced with little alternative. a NATO aircraft attacked an Albanian refugee convoy. On May 7. the Yugoslav government attributed 85 civilian deaths to NATO bombing. President Bill Clinton was. saying that it occurred because of an outdated map provided by the CIA. This was challenged by a joint report from The Observer (UK) and Politiken (Denmark) newspapers which claimed that NATO intentionally bombed the embassy because it was being used as a relay station for Yugoslav army radio signals. as there was little time before winter would set in and much work would have to be done to improve the roads from the Greek and Albanian ports to the envisaged invasion routes through Macedonia and northeastern Albania. but the Serbs accused NATO of deliberately attacking the refugees. and provoked angry demonstrations outside Western embassies in Beijing. however. the Norwegians were already inside Kosovo two days prior to the marching in of other forces and were among . In another major incident at the Dubrava prison in Kosovo. At the start of May. According to Keith Graves with the television network Sky News. Instead. At the same time. Clinton authorized a CIA operation to look into methods to destabilize the Serbian government without training KLA troops. believing it was a Yugoslav military convoy. NATO. Norwegian special forces were the first to cross over the border into Kosovo. By the start of April. The United States and NATO later apologized for the bombing. Preparing for the invasion on June 12. a political party led by Milošević's wife. NATO claimed they were firing at Yugoslav positions. Human Rights Watch research in Kosovo determined that an estimated eighteen prisoners were killed by NATO bombs on May 21 (three prisoners and a guard were killed in an earlier attack on May 19). Milošević accepted the conditions offered by a Finnish–Russian mediation team and agreed to a military presence within Kosovo headed by the UN. NATO bombs hit the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade. the conflict seemed little closer to a resolution and NATO countries began to think seriously about a ground operation—an invasion of Kosovo.S. and the Serbian state television broadcasting tower. Together with British special forces. killing three Chinese journalists and outraging Chinese public opinion.
and spent four months—the start of a stay which continues to date—establishing order in the southeast sector of Kosovo. which entered from the west while all the other forces advanced from the south. a German Army brigade. soldiers and KFOR rolled through their villages. but in the end. Germany.S. KFOR. KFOR began entering Kosovo.  Yugoslav withdrawal and entry of KFOR Yugoslav army withdrawing from Kosovo. The initial U. Germany. its mission was only peacekeeping. and Italian Army and United States Army brigades.S. During the initial incursion. at Camp Monteith. On June 12. It was based upon the Allied Rapid Reaction Corps headquarters commanded by then Lieutenant General Mike Jackson of the British Army. US Army M1 Abrams. three U. . known as the Initial Entry Force. Pictured. also from Schweinfurt. contribution. force was the Greek Army's 501st Mechanized Infantry Battalion. and Echo Troop. 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment attached to the British Forces. the 1st Battalion. The Hærens Jegerkommando's and Forsvarets Spesialkommando's job was to clean the way between the striding parties and to make local deals to implement the peace deal between the Serbians and the Kosovo Albanians.S. a French Army Brigade. a NATO force. 4th Cavalry Regiment. The U. It consisted of British forces (a brigade built from 4th Armored and 5th Airborne Brigades). 1999 Milošević capitulated and accepted peace conditions. Subordinate units included TF 1-35 Armor from Baumholder. On June 3. forces established their area of operation around the towns of Uroševac. Also attached to the U. soldiers from the Initial Entry Force lost their lives in accidents. Germany.the first to enter into Pristina. soldiers were greeted by Albanians cheering and throwing flowers as U. had been preparing to conduct combat operations. North Carolina. North Carolina. Although no resistance was met. the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit from Camp Lejeune. the future Camp Bondsteel. the 2nd Battalion. the U.S. 26th Infantry Regiment from Schweinfurt. was led by the 1st Armored Division which was spearheaded by a platoon from the 2nd Battalion. handing the total control of the province to the Kosovo Force. after Milošević accepted the conditions.S.S. 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment from Fort Bragg. and Gnjilane.
but in this case it was used to attack a non-NATO country which was not directly threatening any NATO member. Perhaps more importantly NATO did not have the backing of the United Nations Security Council. Operating under the support of 2/3 Field Artillery. Some support for this hypothesis may be found in the fact that coverage of the bombing directly replaced coverage of the Monica Lewinsky scandal in American news cycles. NATO argued that their defiance of the Security Council was justified based on the claims of an "international humanitarian emergency". gave orders to over-power them. the Battery was able to successfully deploy and continuously operate a Firefinder Radar which allowed the NATO forces to keep a closer watch on activities in the Sector and the Preševo Valley. Still others point out that before the bombing. According to Blunt's account. in June 2000. As the first officer on the scene. there was a stand-off with the Russians. and the NATO Supreme Commander. In 2010 James Blunt in an interview described how his unit was given the assignment of securing the Pristina in advance of the 30. Eventually a deal was struck whereby Russian forces operated as a unit of KFOR but not under the NATO command structure.000-strong peacekeeping force and the Russian army had moved in and taken control of the airport before his unit's arrival. "I'm not having my soldiers responsible for starting World War III". arms trading relations between Russia and Serbia were exposed which lead to the retaliation and bombings of Russian Checkpoints and area Police Stations. only to be unhappily surprised with the prospect of operating under NATO command. the war between the KLA and the Yugoslav security forces had in fact been one of the cleanest civil wars in modern history whereas the humanitarian toll skyrocketed among all concerned (including ethnic Albanians) after the NATO intervention. rather than being an unusually bloody conflict. 1st Armored Division. Outpost Gunner was established on a high point in the Preševo Valley by Echo Battery 1/161 Field Artillery in an attempt to monitor and assist with peacekeeping efforts in the Russian Sector.Following the military campaign. The Russians expected to have an independent sector of Kosovo. Russian peacekeeping forces entered Kosovo from Bosnia and seized the Pristina International Airport. Furthermore. Without prior communication or coordination with NATO. Whilst these were questioned by Blunt. the involvement of Russian peacekeepers proved to be tense and challenging to the NATO Kosovo force. US General Wesley Clark. One immediate cause of this criticism was the timing of the NATO intervention. NATO claimed that . they were rejected by General Sir Mike Jackson with the now famous line. verified by General Sir Mike Jackson. Criticism was also drawn by the fact that the NATO charter specifies that NATO is an organization created for defense of its members. Reaction to the war The legitimacy of NATO's bombing campaign in Kosovo has been the subject of much debate. Blunt shared a part in the difficult task of addressing the potentially violent international incident. coming as it did on the heels of the Monica Lewinski scandal which led many critics to suspect that the intervention was an opportunistic attempt to distract the American public from the same (references to the film Wag the Dog were a polite way to refer to this suspicion).
up to June 2. which led to accusations of "environmental warfare". Department of Defense claimed that. and military action was therefore justified by the NATO charter. while critics on the right considered it irrelevant to their countries' national security interests.S. Edward Said. aggression and imperialism. 99.6% of the 20. Targets of the NATO bombing campaign . NATO officials sought to portray it as a "clean war" using precision weapons. however. the left. However. the only NATO member country to which the instability was a direct threat was Greece. The personalities were also very different—the NATO nations were mostly led by centreleft and moderately liberal leaders. Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. However. German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and the Italian Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema. There was. which opposed the bombing.S. most prominently U. the campaign against the war in Kosovo aroused much less public support. Noam Chomsky.000 bombs and missiles used had hit their targets. Many on the left of Western politics saw the NATO campaign as U. far-left and Serbian émigrés. The German participation in the operation was one of the reasons for Oskar Lafontaine's resignation from the post of Federal Minister of Finance and the chairman of the SPD.S. the use of technologies such as depleted uranium ammunition and cluster bombs was highly controversial. and Tariq Ali were prominent in opposing the campaign. Many believed that NATO should have mounted an all-out campaign from the start. President Bill Clinton. Anti-war protests were generally from the libertarian right. British Prime Minister Tony Blair.instability in the Balkans was a direct threat to the security interests of NATO members. with many other left-wingers supporting the campaign on humanitarian grounds. in comparison with the anti-war protests against the 2003 invasion of Iraq. however. as was the bombing of oil refineries and chemical plants. The slow pace of progress during the war was also heavily criticised. criticism from all parts of the political spectrum for the way that NATO conducted the campaign. Justin Raimondo. The U. rather than starting with a relatively small number of strikes and combat aircraft.
Perhaps the most controversial deliberate attack of the war was that made against the headquarters of Serbian television on April 23. No private or foreign-owned industrial sites were bombed. . however. opinion on the war was (unsurprisingly) split between highly critical among Serbs and highly supportive among Albanians. Macedonia was the only Yugoslav republic apart from Montenegro not to have fought a war with Serbia and had tense relations between the Macedonian majority and a large Albanian minority. Italian public and political opinion was against the war. Hungary was a new member of NATO and supported the campaign. Across the Adriatic. particularly after the murder of the dissident journalist Slavko Curuvija on April 11. popular opposition to the NATO bombing reached 96%. In Greece. the NATO campaign created a mood of national unity. and Bulgaria granted fly-over rights to NATO aircraft.Post-strike bomb damage assessment photograph of the Kragujevac Armor and Motor Vehicle Plant Crvena Zastava. Serbia The choice of targets was highly controversial. as the Serbian opposition later complained. Within Yugoslavia. as might be expected given the ethnic ties between Albanians on both sides of the border. the Yugoslav military was using civilian factories as weapons plants: the Sloboda vacuum cleaner factory in the town of Čačak also housed a tank repair facility. Although Milošević was increasingly unpopular. Milošević did not leave matters entirely to chance. Croatia. Many opposition supporters feared for their lives. but in a completely different location. Only state-owned factories were targeted. although not all Albanians felt that way. leading critics to suspect that the bombing campaign was partly designed to prepare the way for a free market-based reconstruction by wealthy foreign powers. who opposed both the NATO bombardment and Serbian actions in Kosovo. The destruction of bridges over the Danube greatly disrupted shipping on the river for months afterwards. but it was also not very sympathetic towards the Albanian refugees. but the Italian government nonetheless allowed NATO full use of Italian air bases. while the Zastava car plant was wrongly bombed. President Milo Đukanović. some appear to have blamed NATO for not acting quickly enough. There were more similar mistakes that showed a lack of intelligence services. In Montenegro. damaging the economies of many towns. Its government did not approve of Milošević's actions. NATO justified the attack on the grounds that the Serbian television headquarters was part of the Milošević regime's "propaganda machine". causing serious economic damage to countries along the length of the river. which killed at least fourteen people. Albania was wholly supportive of NATO's actions. an act widely blamed on Milošević's secret police. Opinion in Yugoslavia's neighbours was much more mixed. publicly expressed fear of a "creeping coup" by Milošević supporters. because the weapons factory of the same name exists in the same city. Opponents of Milošević inside Serbia charged that the managers of the state TV station had been forewarned of the attack but ordered staff to remain inside the building despite an air raid alert. In fact. Romania. Industrial facilities were also attacked.
President Clinton and his administration were accused of inflating the number of Kosovo Albanians killed by Serbians. U.Criticism of the case for war History of Kosovo This article is part of a series Early History Prehistoric Balkans Roman Empire Byzantine Empire Middle Ages Bulgarian Empire Medieval Serbia Battle of Kosovo Ottoman Kosovo Eyalet of Rumelia Vilayet of Kosovo Albanian nationalism 20th century First Balkan War Kingdom of Serbia Kingdom of Yugoslavia Albanian Kingdom AP Kosovo and Metohija SAP Kosovo AP Kosovo and Metohija Recent history Kosovo War UN administration 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence Contemporary Kosovo See also Timeline of Kosovo history Kosovo Portal v·d·e A number of critics have emerged since the end of the war. giving a speech.S. They have accused the coalition of leading a war in Kosovo under the false pretense of genocide. "The appalling accounts of mass killing in Kosovo and the pictures of refugees fleeing Serb oppression for their lives makes it clear that this is a fight for justice . Clinton's Secretary of Defense William Cohen. said.
France." Clinton's State Department also claimed Yugoslav troops had committed genocide. Clinton said.S. citing the same figure. whereas opposition on the left was confined to The Morning Star newspaper and left wing MPs like Tony Benn and Alan Simpson.. The issue was brought before the UN Security Council by Russia. opposition to NATO's intervention was mainly from the libertarian right. The Court did not decide upon the case because Yugoslavia was not a member of the UN during the war. Later. .. China. in general. former Chancellor of the Exchequer Norman Lamont. thus it failed to pass. a new form of colonialism. Italy. The language was the State Department's strongest yet in denouncing Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević.to rally public support for his decision to send U. forces into combat against Yugoslavia. systematic efforts at ethnic cleansing and genocide. The United Nations Charter does not allow military interventions in other sovereign countries with few exceptions which.000 (Kosovo Albanians) missing". On April 29. Chinese leaders called the NATO campaign a dangerous precedent of naked aggression. The Netherlands. and Russia voted for the resolution. The New York Times reported.. In Britain. expand eastward and control all of Europe. Milošević ordered in Kosovo. Chinese Premier Jiang Zemin said that the US was using its economic and military superiority to aggressively expand its influence and interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. need to be decided upon by the United Nations Security Council. "We've now seen about 100. CNN reported.000 Kosovo Albanians were missing and feared dead. would affirm "that such unilateral use of force constitutes a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter". Clinton also claimed.". Spain.000 military-aged men missing. "Accusing Serbia of 'ethnic cleansing' in Kosovo similar to the genocide of Jews in World War II. and from the far left.S. spoke of "at least 100. the State Department said that up to 500. In Western European countries. Yugoslavia filed a complaint at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague against ten NATO member countries (Belgium. in a draft resolution which. and an aggressive war groundless in morality or law. Canada. and journalists Peter Hitchens and Simon Heffer. the war was opposed by many prominent conservative figures including former UK Foreign Secretary Sir Malcolm Rifkind.. "they're going to have to come to grips with what Mr. whether they think it's OK that all those tens of thousands of people were killed. and the USA).. 1999." On CBS' Face the Nation Cohen claimed. Great Britain.. talking about Yugoslav elections. "the Administration said evidence of 'genocide' by Yugoslav forces was growing to include 'abhorrent and criminal action' on a vast scale. a prospect that seemed increasingly likely with the breakdown of a diplomatic peace effort. Namibia." Clinton." The State Department also gave the highest estimate of dead Albanians. The New York Times reported.over genocide. Portugal. an impassioned President Clinton sought." Clinton compared the events of Kosovo to the Holocaust. that "NATO stopped deliberate. In the U. Germany. the other members against. they may have been murdered." After the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. in the same press conference.. they're going to have to decide whether they support his leadership or not. "On April 19. It was seen as part of a plot by the US to destroy Yugoslavia. inter alia..
 Final estimates of the casualties are still unavailable for either side.176 victims). time and place of death. which extrapolates to be 12. and the Missing Person Commission of Serbia made a name-by-name list of 13. For women between 15-49 the estimate is that there were 510 victims. There are 9. not the policy" of Democratic President Bill Clinton. The authors stated that it is not "possible to differentiate completely between civilian and military casualties".000 deaths if the same war-related mortality rate is applied to Kosovo's total population. The highest mortality rates were in men between 15 and 49 (5.000 deaths in the total population" could be attributed to war. For persons younger than 15. including (then Texas Governor) George W. date of birth. The International Commission on Missing Person. House Majority Leader Dick Armey. The war inflicted many casualties.criticism was largely limited to the conservative Republican Party.500 Albanians.[clarification needed] A study by researchers from the Center for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta. and 100 Roma) were still missing. House Majority Whip Tom Delay and Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott. military or civilian status of victim.488 Serbs. nearly one year after the conflict. 67 out of the 105 deaths reported in the sample population were attributed to war-related trauma.421 victims of war) as well as for men over 50 (5. as well as 1.472 war and post-war victims in Kosovo killed in the period from January 1998 to December 2000. older than 50 years the estimate is 541 victims. led by liberal activists.500-2. The war was opposed primarily by prominent conservative figures in the U. like Ralph Nader. In the 2008 joint study by the Humanitarian Law Center (an NGO from Serbia and Kosovo).260 Albanians and 2.368 civilians (2. the Red Cross reported that 3. Georgia published in 2000 in medical journal the Lancet estimated that "12.. The list contained the name.254 victims that can not be identified by ethnic origin Civilians killed by NATO airstrikes Main article: Targeting of civilian areas during Operation Allied Force . the estimates were 160 victims for males and 200 for females. with the exception of some elements of the far-left.197 households from February 1998 through June 1999. 400 Serbs. type of injury/missing. Bush. This number was achieved by surveying 1. the combination of fighting and the targeting of civilians had left an estimated 1. The more liberal Democratic Party largely supported the policy of the Democratic president. Casualties Civilian losses In June 2000. many of whom voted to approve congressional funding for the war under the premise of "supporting the troops.000 civilians and combatants dead. Already by March 1999.S.
700 civilian casualties. the bodies of more than 800 Kosovo Albanians were found in pits on a police training ground as outside Belgrade and in eastern Serbia. NATO acknowledged killing at most 1. which cited human rights abuses as its main justification for attacking Yugoslavia. alongside US Marines Various estimates of the number of killings attributed to Yugoslav ground forces have been announced through the years. Earlier however.150 bodies that had been discovered up until July 1999. Civilians killed by Yugoslav ground forces Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers investigate an alleged mass grave.S. Attacks in Kosovo overall were more deadly—a third of the incidents account for more than half of the deaths. KFOR sources told Agence France Presse that of the 2. State Department. Statistical experts working on behalf of the ICTY prosecution estimate that the total number of dead is about 10. The estimate of 10. Human Rights Watch counted a minimum of 488 civilian deaths (90 to 150 of them killed from cluster bomb use) in 90 separate incidents.200 and 5. .Yugoslavia claimed that NATO attacks caused between 1.500 civilians. about 850 were thought to be victims of war crimes.000.000 deaths is used by the U.788 bodies in Kosovo. but declined to say how many were thought to be victims of war crimes.[page needed][dead link] Known mass graves: • • • • In 2001. 77 bodies were found in the eastern Serbian town of Petrovo Selo. 700 bodies were uncovered in a mass grave located in the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica. the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) announced that it had exhumed 2. 50 bodies were uncovered nearby the western Serbian town of Peručac. In August 2000.
There were other casualties after the war. According to CNN. an American military AH-64 Apache helicopter crashed not far from the border between Serbia and Albania. mostly due to land mines. Furthermore an F-16 fighter was lost near Šabac and whose remains are on display in Museum of Aviation in Belgrade. and although it made it back to its base. However. The wreckages of downed UAVs were shown on Serbian television during the war. it never flew again. The two American pilots of the helicopter. the alliance suffered no fatalities as a result of combat operations.• In 2010.S. NATO losses A downed F-16 pilot's flight equipment and part of the F-117 shot down over Serbia in 1999 on show at a Belgrade museum. in the early hours of May 5. died in that crash. according to NATO official statements. the crash happened 45 miles (72 km) northeast of Tirana. They were the only NATO casualties during the war. An American AH-64 helicopter crashed about 40 miles (64 km) northeast of Tirana. stealth plane (a F-117 stealth fighter) ever shot down by enemy fire. 250 bodies in a pond at a quarry in the country's southwestern region of Raška. Reichert. Military casualties on the NATO side were light. Some claim a second F-117A was also heavily damaged. very close to the Albanian/Kosovo border. the alliance reported the loss of the first U. Yugoslav military losses . According to official reports. Albania's capital. After the war. 32 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) from different nations were lost. Army Chief Warrant Officers David Gibbs and Kevin L.
 Most of the targets hit in Kosovo were decoys. Yugoslav officers claimed the real numbers were "14 tanks. At the end of war. NATO officially claimed they destroyed 93 Yugoslav tanks.Wreckage of the Yugoslav MiG-29 jet fighter shot down on March 27. Two notable exceptions were the 11 destroyed MiG-29s. such as tanks made out of plastic sheets with telegraph poles for gun barrels. outside the town of Ugljevik. but forcing them to keep above a ceiling of 15. NATO destroyed around 50 Yugoslav aircraft. 1999. The Yugoslav authorities claimed 462 soldiers were killed and 299 wounded by NATO airstrikes.000 m). The NATO officers claimed that Yugoslav army lost 94 tanks (M84's and T-55's). which were also unable to detect obsolete soviet UHF radar stations in use by Yugoslav forces. Anti-aircraft defences were preserved by the simple expedient of not turning them on.000 feet (5. not 450". of which many were old and unflyable. 18 armored personnel carriers. Civilian microwave ovens were used as E-band radar decoys against NATO loiter munitions. The latter figure was verified by European inspectors when Yugoslavia rejoined the Dayton accords. Yugoslavia admitted a total of 13 destroyed tanks. and were intentionally placed as decoys to draw attention away from valuable targets. The names of Yugoslav casualties were recorded in a "book of remembrance". 132 APCs. by noting the difference between the number of tanks then and at the last inspection in 1995. Towards the end of the war. and 52 artillery pieces. it was claimed that carpet bombing . not 220. not 120. making accurate bombing much more difficult. and 6 G-4 Super Galebs which were destroyed right in their hardened aircraft shelter when someone forgot to close the shelter doors. or old World War II–era tanks which were not functional. Of military equipment. 20 artillery pieces. preventing NATO aircraft from detecting them. Bosnia and Herzegovina Abandoned Tank near Prizren NATO did not release any official casualty estimates.
Slatina. Moma Stanojlović air force overhaul center. thus. so someone who is counted as a civilian by the Albanian side might be counted as a KLA combatant by the Serbs. and Đakovica) and other military buildings and facilities were badly damaged or destroyed.391 mostly Serbian refugees by November. the Yugoslavs considered any armed Albanian to be a member of the KLA. Zastava Arms factory. Moreover. Unlike the units and their equipment. Almost all military air bases and airfields (Batajnica.by B-52 aircraft had caused huge casualties among Yugoslav troops stationed along the Kosovo–Albania border. Also. the most significant loss for the Yugoslav Army was the damaged and destroyed infrastructure. many members of the KLA were not wearing uniforms. However. War crimes Main article: War crimes in Kosovo Serbian war crimes Main article: Serbian war crimes in the Yugoslav Wars . 848. railroads. technical overhaul centers in Čačak and Kragujevac).108. defence industry and military technical overhaul facilities were also seriously damaged (Utva. Aftermath Within three weeks. had remained in the anarchic stage until some form of order was established in 2001. The Yugoslav Red Cross had also registered 247. bridges. Careful searching by NATO investigators found no evidence of any such large-scale casualties. over 500. This order disintegrated during the 2004 progrom against non Albanians.000 Albanian refugees had returned home. During the war.000 Serbs fled from Kosovo. etc. Golubovci. Kovin. KLA losses Kosovo Liberation Army losses are difficult to analyze. including against other non-Albanians. according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.). Things are complicated by the difficulty of determining who was a KLA member.100 out of 1.913 had returned. Lađevci. in an effort to weaken the Yugoslav Army. regardless of whether he was officially a card-carrying member. TV antennas. For example. NATO targeted several important civilian facilities (Pančevo oil refinery. By November 1999. military buildings couldn't be camouflaged. Difficulties arise in calculating an accurate figure. According to some reports there were around 1.000 casualties on KLA side. The persistent anti-Serb attacks and riots. 90.
War crimes prosecutions have also been carried out in Yugoslavia. A significant number of Yugoslav soldiers were tried by Yugoslav military tribunals during the war. and "persecution on political. former army corps commander Vladimir Lazarević. whereas Fatmir Limaj was acquitted of all charges on November 30. Haradinaj. Isak Musliu. forcible transfer. and the current head of Serbia's public security. All were indicted for crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war. an ethnic Albanian. the matter remains unresolved. Haradin Bala. On March 8. Haradinaj was acquitted on all counts. The ICTY and the Serbian War Crimes Tribunal are currently investigating these allegations. Before the end of the bombing. violating the laws or customs of war. he tendered his resignation. The Office of the Prosecutor has appealed his acquittal. Kosovo Albanians were smuggling organs of between 100 and 300 Serbs and other minorities from the province to Albania. They were arrested on February 17 and 18. In 2008. after the end of the war in 1999. as numerous witnesses and new materials have recently emerged. KLA war crimes The ICTY also leveled indictments against KLA members Fatmir Limaj. and as of July 2008. was a former commander who led units of the Kosovo Liberation Army and was appointed Prime Minister after winning an election of 72 votes to three in the Kosovo's Parliament in December 2004. On March 2005. Bosnia. Dragoljub Ojdanić and Vlajko Stojiljković were charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) with crimes against humanity including murder. Sreten Lukić. tribunal indicted Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj for war crimes against the Serbs. and Kosovo. along with Milan Milutinović. former police official Vlastimir Đorđević. grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and genocide for his role during the wars in Croatia.N. 2003. Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević. NATO war crimes . Further indictments were leveled in October 2003 against former armed forces chief of staff Nebojša Pavković. and Agim Murtezi for crimes against humanity. Carla Del Ponte published a book in which she alleged that. Charges were soon dropped against Agim Murtezi as a case of mistaken identity. a U. racial or religious grounds".The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia charged Milošević with crimes against humanity. 2005 and released. Yugoslav soldier Ivan Nikolić was found guilty in 2002 of war crimes in the deaths of two civilians in Kosovo. The charges were in relation to the prison camp run by the defendants at Lapusnik between May and July 1998. Nikola Šainović. deportation.
 The ICTY conducted an inquiry into these charges. Sian Jones of Amnesty stated. Military and political consequences Yugoslav Army M-84 tanks withdrawing from Kosovo . "The bombing of the headquarters of Serbian state radio and television was a deliberate attack on a civilian object and as such constitutes a war crime". Amnesty International) claimed that NATO had carried out war crimes during the conflict. where 16 people were killed and 16 more were injured.Sites in Kosovo and southern Central Serbia where NATO aviation used munitions with depleted uranium during 1999 bombing. citing a lack of mandate. The Serbian government and a number of international pressure groups (e. but did not press charges. notably the bombing of the Serbian TV headquarters in Belgrade on April 23.g. 1999.
Also. both parties remained diametrically opposed on the question of status itself. Russia. The province is administered by the United Nations despite its unilateral declaration of independence on February 17. had been rewritten four times to try to accommodate Russian concerns that such a resolution would undermine the principle of state sovereignty.S. but failed. many of the precision-guided weapons proved unable to cope with Balkan weather. Ahtisaari delivered a draft status settlement proposal to leaders in Belgrade and Pristina. led by UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari. This was resolved by retrofitting bombs with Global Positioning System satellite guidance devices that are immune to bad weather. Stocks of many precision missiles were run down to critically low levels.S. arsenal. continuous operations meant skipped maintenance schedules and many aircraft were withdrawn from service awaiting spare parts and service. international negotiations began in 2006 to determine the level of autonomy Kosovo would have.Members of the Kosovo Liberation Army turn over their weapons to U. which holds a veto in the Security Council as one of five permanent members. NATO would have had to revert back to using "dumb" bombs for lack of anything better. had the campaign lasted much longer. it often proved the case that attack aircraft could not be . as envisaged under UN Security Council Resolution 1244. stated that it would not support any resolution which is not acceptable to both Belgrade and Priština. although pilotless surveillance aircraft were extensively used. United Kingdom. The campaign exposed significant weaknesses in the U. soldiers 1999 in Kosovo War The UN-backed talks. Also. Seized uniform and equipment of U. 2008. Whilst progress was made on technical matters. Marines Main articles: Kosovo status process and Constitutional status of Kosovo The Kosovo war had a number of important consequences in terms of the military and political outcome.S. the draft resolution. which were later addressed for the Afghanistan and Iraq campaigns. which is in contrary to UN Security Council Resolution 1244. which was backed by the United States. the basis for a draft UN Security Council Resolution which proposes "supervised independence" for the province. In February 2007. and other European members of the Security Council. The status of Kosovo remains unresolved. Apache attack helicopters and AC130 Spectre gunships were brought up to the front lines but were never actually used after two Apaches crashed during training in the Albanian mountains. The situation was not any better with the combat aircraft. By July 2007. as the clouds blocked the laser guidance beams. had begun in February 2006.
"Official data show that the Yugoslav army in Kosovo lost 26 percent of its tanks. and sand cans and fuel set alight to mimic heat emissions.S. in this case aircraft. This led to the fitting of missiles to Predator drones in Afghanistan. If stealth jets got wet or opened their bomb bay doors they would become visible on the radar screens. NATO claimed that Yugoslav air force had been decimated. plastic sheeting and logs. reducing the "sensor to shooter" time to virtually nothing. the NATO Medal for Kosovo Service. to engage any and all targets. The Yugoslav army had long expected to need to resist a much stronger enemy. an international military decoration. An F-117 Nighthawk was spotted in this way and downed with a missile. Precision-guided missiles were often confused and unable to pinpoint radars. Hispano-Suiza anti-aircraft cannon from the World War II era was used once effectively against slow-flying drone aircraft. the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation created a second NATO medal. However. Among the tactics used were: • • • • • • U. if detected.brought to the scene quickly enough to hit targets of opportunity. 34 percent of its APCs. during the Cold War and had developed effective tactics of deception and concealment in response. though General Clark's survey found that in Operation: Allied Force. airfields and decoy planes and tanks were used. Kosovo also demonstrated that even a high-tech force such as NATO could be thwarted by simple tactics. Dummy targets were used very extensively. either Soviet or NATO. They fooled NATO pilots into bombing hundreds of such decoys.S. These would have been unlikely to have resisted a full-scale invasion for long. and 47 percent of the artillery to the air campaign. according to Wesley Clark and other NATO generals who analyzed these tactics a few years after the conflict. Many low-tech approaches were used to confuse heat-seeking missiles and infrared sensors. NATO sources claim that this was due to operating procedures. however unlikely they may be. but were probably effective in misleading overflying aircraft and satellites." Old electronic jammers were used to block U. The targets needed only to look real to be shot at. Military decorations As a result of the Kosovo War. bombs equipped with satellite guidance. stealth aircraft were tracked with radars operating on long wavelengths. because radar beams were reflected off heavy farm machinery like old tractors and plows. Decoys such as small gas furnaces were used to simulate nonexistent positions on mountainsides. which oblige troops. Tanks were made using old tires. of course. . NATO airmen hit just 25 decoys— an insignificant percentage of the 974 validated hits. Fake bridges. Shortly thereafter. NATO created the Non-Article 5 Medal for Balkans service to combine both Yugoslavian and Kosovo operations into one service medal.
Due to the involvement of the United States armed forces. military decoration. . known as the Kosovo Campaign Medal. a separate U. was established by President Bill Clinton in 2000.S.
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