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Courtly romances in Byzantium: A case study in reception

Roderick Beatona a Koraes Professor of Modem Greek and Byzantine History, Language, and Literature, King's College, London

To cite this Article Beaton, Roderick(1989) 'Courtly romances in Byzantium: A case study in reception', Mediterranean

Historical Review, 4: 2, 345 — 355 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09518968908569577 URL:

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in the fifteenth century. The brief Greek text is known as "The Old Knight'. all these originals appeared relatively late in the West. is Arthurian: the idiosyncratic translation of the 'Branor le Brun' episode in the romance of Palamedes. With the exception of the Arthurian fragment and the vast Roman de Troie (which must be the longest work of vernacular Greek produced before the twentieth century). the straits of the Bosporus are not silent. . the whole world.. in the existence of a number of Byzantine romances of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. since he is almost better known to the peoples of Asia than to the Britons. occidentals speak of him. translated or adapted from Western originals. better known as Guiron le Courtois.3 both from the Italian. Egypt speaks of him. and has found superficial corroboration. His deeds are celebrated in Antioch. it must be said.4 the . Armenia. Fleur et Blanchefleur was translated from Italian and the Roman de Troie from French in the fourteenth century. during the 1170s. at least. and the same century saw an adaptation of Apollonius of Tyre and a fairly close translation of Boccaccio's Theseid.2 Of the other surviving Greek translations of Western romances. Only one of these. . Pierre de Provence et la Belle Maguelonne was epitomized in a loose adaptation. There is some evidence to link the Fleur et Blanchefleur translation with Morea under the Villehardouin dynasty. as we are informed by our Pilgrims returning from eastern parts? Orientals speak of him. probably from the French.1 Despite its undoubted exaggeration.Courtly Romances in Byzantium: A Case Study in Reception RODERICK BEATON Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 It was Alain de Lille. this testimony has been taken at face value. who first claimed the courtly romance as a major export to the crusading East. In an often quoted passage he boasted: For whither have the wings of fame not taken the name of Arthur of Britain and made it popular? What Christian realm has it left untouched? Who indeed may not speak of Arthur of Britain. And there are good reasons for supposing that the Greek versions were produced in Greek-speaking lands held by descendants of the crusaders. Palestine.

but rather to show how common currents in the West are adapted but subtly modified by Byzantine writers who are far from being merely passive.9 Although there are evident signs of interaction later between these two groups of romances. and I have also reviewed the evidence for some degree of assimilation. and more importantly Carolina Cupane. has argued that certain 'motifs' in the later Byzantine romances. descriptions of dress and technical terms which can tell us little. in that they do not seek to isolate specific 'sources' for the 'influence' of Western literature on the Greek romances.10 In particular attention has been drawn to vocabulary and technical terms in these romances which betray Western 'influence'. original and translated. And although precise dating has proved impossible for any of these early texts in a form of Modern Greek. The same evidence also allows us to place the composition of these three or four original romances fairly confidently in Byzantine Constantinople. Elsewhere I have examined in detail the nature of these romances as literary texts and their close links to the Hellenistic novels (or romances) of ideal love and their revival in twelfth-century Byzantium. and in all probability four of them. are Western importations. But they also overstate their case because they underplay the extent to which these Western 'motifs' are already present half-formed in the Byzantine tradition by the mid-twelfth century.7 Were these the only Greek romances of the period. of elements derived from the West. The only other Western connections that have been discussed in the original Greek romances of the fourteenth century are minor linguistic pointers. three of these original romances certainly. Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 . the time when it appears that the earliest translations (of Flew and the Roman de Troie) were made.6 and the late date of the translation of Pierre de Provence makes it almost certain that it could not have been produced within the Byzantine empire. in a series of articles. vernacular fiction in Greek was simply an extension of the fama volons of Arthur and the courtly tradition of the West.346 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW Theseid was probably translated in Crete. that this kind of secular. such as the portrayal of Eros as a king in splendour and the allegorical role of the castle. as some scholars have recently tended to do.8 But there also survive five original romances written in Greek during the same period. were in existence before the middle of the fourteenth century. it would be an easy matter to conclude. in these romances. the impetus for the composition of original fiction in vernacular Greek does not seem chronologically to have followed from the translation of comparable texts from the West.11 Cupane's well-documented studies are exemplary in their approach. cunningly disguised and assimilated to the anterior Greek tradition.5 we know of the existence of a manuscript of Tristan in Chios before the fifteenth century.

in terms oí reception. is that the production of a new text. I shall focus on three areas of contact between East and West for which there is evidence in the Byzantine romances: language and choice of subject matter. The writer of a new text is not in any passive or pejorative sense 'influenced' by his reading. Velthandros and Chrysantza. But in subtler. Although texts which exploit the vernacular register for specific purposes are found in Greek in the twelfth century. and less evident ways. the writers of these romances were also aware of and prepared to allude to the courtly tradition of the West. I therefore wish to argue that 'imitation' or allusion to other literary texts may in certain cases be proof of active innovation rather than of mere passive reflection. The original Greek romances of the fourteenth century pay homage in this way to the learned Greek romances of the twelfth century. is constituted by a new way of reading older texts. or alternatively by the reading of different older texts from those than had previously dominated the canon. and to have circulated in Constantinople during that time. it is he who takes the initiative in determining which models from the past will furnish him with a framework in which his new texts will make sense. I wish to argue. For this 'breakthrough of the vernacular' the Western example must surely have served as at least a catalyst. or of a new kind of text. But it is not merely in the choice of a new written register that Greek . and beyond them. narrative structure. to the prose novels written in Greek under the Roman empire in the first centuries CE. so far as it concerns this paper. and proper names and geographical allusions. than that their counterparts in Latinruled lands were translating it. it is not until the fourteenth that literature of entertainment regularly uses this medium. For the sake of simplicity I shall confine discussion to the three Greek texts which we know to have been written during the first half of the fourteenth century. They are Kallimachos and Chrysorrhoe. and Livistros and RhodamneP LANGUAGE AND SUBJECT-MATTER It is not until the fourteenth century that we find the Greek vernacular accepted as the natural medium for fictional literature.12 The essence of Jauss's model. And it is probably a more important discovery that Byzantines in Constantinople were reading Western secular and vernacular literature.COURTLY ROMANCES IN BYZANTIUM 347 Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 For the rest of this paper I shall investigate further the relationship between the romances originally written in vernacular Greek in the fourteenth century and the tradition of courtly romance in the West. in the sense that the term has acquired in the writings of Hans Robert Jauss and other modern theorists of literature. and from then on it almost always does so.

such as the magic ring and apple. had been crowded with narrative detail. often of a fairly spectacular sort. scholarly attention has for some time been directed away from open-ended speculation about the Celtic Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 .16 Others. The Hellenistic writers made the most of their opportunities to strain their readers' credulity.348 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW writers of fiction seem to follow or to allude to practice in the West. It is probably fruitless to speculate about the precise sources of these elements. is that very similar lands of narrative incident crowd the pages of Arthurian romance. Velthandros. The ancient romances. where it has also been most discussed. from Chrétien and Marie de France onwards. the ogre himself has held a kingdom to ransom and devoured all the heroine's relatives to gain possession of the beautiful Chrysorrhoe. too. which even in its early form contained its share of marvels. and in Kallimachos. finally there is a magic apple that can cause and revoke the appearance of death. and seems to have been continuously read and copied throughout the Byzantine period. even the more rhetorically elaborate ones by Achilles Tatios and Heliodoros. a magic ring is given to the hero by his brothers. and Kalasiris in the Aithiopika is not above faking magical effects. The ancient romances certainly do permit miraculous escapes. There.15 'Folktale' motifs suddenly appear: a task is laid before three brothers to determine which will inherit a kingdom. In the twelfth century a greater fastidiousness. led to a dilution of the 'action-packed' formula and to a concomitant focus on the main characters as human beings acted upon rather than acting. But by and large the attitude of the ancient writers to magic is a rationalist one: the special effects in Achilles Tatios' romance are carefully explained away. What is incontrovertible. but for all that their imaginative world was firmly anchored to a real geography and a romanticized history. the lovers meet in the castle of an ogre. are more widely diffused in the narrative literature of the West and also of the Islamic East. are likely to have come from the Greek oral tradition. particularly the dragon-slaying story. and a correspondingly greater interest in form and in the text itself as rhetoric. Some. and Livistros prominence is given to incidents of a kind scarcely encountered before in the Greek romance. described with a wealth of supernatural detail. A partial exception may be made for the Hellenistic Alexander 'romance'. in which that particular story is still current both in songs and in tales. The later romances however are once again packed with incident. This interiorization of the action of the romance was taken to its furthest extreme in the twelfth century by Eustathios Makremvolites. however.14 The 'new' element is most obvious in Kallimachos. and magic makes a brief appearance in a minor episode of necromancy in the Aithiopika of Heliodoros.

In Livistros and Rhodamne the world in which the action takes place is more literally presented. It is also entirely typical of the covert allusiveness of which Byzantine writers were often capable. as are the corresponding elements in other Greek romances.17 It need not be coincidence that Greek writers began to turn towards the world of magic and folklore at the same time as they also began to recognize the equation. after the return to the real world which follows his initiation in the Castle of Eros. is the striking dramatic moment where. that no single element of Western folklore was directly incorporated into a Greek romance. already fully established in the West. On the same level. Once again there is no single element which could plausibly be identified as 'Arthurian' or even as specifically Western. But even here there is an element of imaginative wonderland in the presentation of Rhodamne's allegorically triangular castle. But these are all elements of a kind intimately associated with the Western romance from the twelfth century onwards. It was only the concept of drawing on this kind of resource that was taken over by the Greek writers. in defiance of literal realism. between fiction and the vernacular.COURTLY ROMANCES IN BYZANTIUM 349 folklore from which these elements must have been drawn. to his quest for the source of the mysterious river of water and fire in the Castle of Love. to the literary use made of them by writers of romance. Although the 'folkloric' element is much more intrusive in Kallimachos than in the other Greek romances. and have no real equivalent in the older Greek tradition. and in the magical means by which she is abducted and later restored to the hero. whom in the real world she has never met before. All three of the texts under . Chrysantza recognizes the hero. Velthandros and Livistros. in obedience to the model of Makremvolites' romance in the twelfth century. the new relaxation of the somewhat rigorous and literal standards of realism which obtained in the twelfth century is also exploited to considerable effect in the two other romances under consideration. In the former the shift from the hero's wanderings through an identifiably real Anatolia. as taking place in a dream but as part of the real experience of the hero. in Velthandros. STRUCTURAL PARALLELS Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 A similar process of innovative assimilation can be detected in the structure of the original Greek romances. which is here followed quite closely. is managed by a gradual and at first imperceptible transition. It is also striking that the arrival of Eros the King at the castle and the beauty contest which follows are not presented.

then tested and finally validated by a new series of adventures resulting in permanent reunion. the Chanson de Guillaume and the Nibelungenlied}9 The defining characteristic of this structure is the building of a story out of two halves which are formally symmetrical and thematically complementary rather than causally linked according to Aristotelian principles. the Chanson de Roland. from Hellenistic times onwards. Eric et Enide and Yvain apply to the romance a particular form of bipartite structure that has been noted in such diverse medieval poems as Beowulf. It may be suggested that this structural organization. falls in love which is consummated half way through the romance. according to which a hero sets out in search of adventures. Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 . then is separated from his bride and has to go through further trials to win her again permanently. All the thematic elements that go to make up this structure had already been present in the Greek romances of Hellenistic times and again of the twelfth century. Yvain. or the fourteenth-century Greek romances. but it takes many more adventures before the hero reaches the spiritual maturity to live happily with his lady. as well as in the vernacular French Vie de St Alexis. There are no compelling thematic similarities between these romances of Chrétien and the vernacular Greek poems. In the Greek romances we are faced with a very specific form of bipartite structure. The quest for love and permanence through a series of reversals of fortune. In Eric et Etude and in Yvain the marriage of the hero and his bride takes place less than half way through the text. nor is it purely the invention of the fourteenth-century Greek writers. which leads to the most formally perfect development of the Greek tradition of the romance. common to these three later Greek romances.350 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW discussion share a common plot structure. becomes enshrined in the formal arrangement of the text itself. that of love found and consummated in the first half.18 In the first case the hero's excess of uxoriousness leads to a rift which takes many adventures to heal. But the similarity of structure is unmistakable. and assumes much greater importance when these two romances are set alongside the rest of Chretien's oeuvre and indeed of early vernacular literature in Western Europe generally. Precisely this structure had been used in two of the influential French romances of Chrétien de Troyes. is not fortuitous. but in none of these are the themes set out with the formal symmetry of Eric et Enide. in the second the hero is parted from his wife against his will but then becomes so engrossed in the life of adventure as to forget to return after the promised interval of a year. This innovation. affords the most effective vehicle for the essential theme of all the Greek romances. and the twelfth-century French romans d'antiquité.

The tendency for the protagonists to have names which are semantically suggestive of the ideal qualities of their bearers goes back to the earliest known Greek romance. Rodophilos has reasonably enough been taken to be a superficial Hellenization of Rodolfo/Rudolphe. and doubts have been raised even about Rodophilos. The same must be said of the second components of the names Chrysantza and Phaidrokaza in the same romance. PROPER NAMES AND FICTIONAL GEOGRAPHY The same attempt at conscious integration of Western elements can also be seen at work in the names given to the principal characters in two of the three romances under consideration. they must have recognized in the romances of Chrétien or in others deriving from them a possibility of structural organization that would enable them to give an entirely new artistic expression to a set of themes inherited from their own tradition. in a world otherwise peopled by such traditionally named characters as Klitovos/ Klitovon. So it may well be. the same process is still at work but here. it has the appearance in Greek of such traditional names as Rhodope. but the important thing is that as well as sounding Western.COURTLY ROMANCES IN BYZANTIUM 351 Rather. on the model of Thersandros (from Achilles Tatios' romance) and Aristandros (from the fragmentary romance of Manassis written in the twelfth century). and is described as of Latin race. the name of the hero's father provides the principal clue. Velihandros and Livistros. in Livistros and Rhodamne. Rhodamne. and this convention had largely been maintained in the romances of the twelfth century. This kind of homage to tradition is also carried over into the fourteenth-century romances. its first component has an unmistakably foreign ring. the heroine's means literally 'flowing with beauty'. presumably Frederick. Chaíreos and Kallirrhoe by Chariton of Aphrodisias: the hero's name suggests joy and greeting. as has often been noticed. Kallirrhoe. Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 .20 Stranger still is the case of Livistros. with a difference. the twelfth-century authors had used proper names as a way of affirming the generic affiliations of their romances with those of their predecessors. to give the first component to the hero and the second to the heroine. In the case of the proper names in Velihandros and in Livistros. whose rival is a black king of Egypt called Verderichos. who comes from the land of Livandros. But. the name of the hero's father. The names of Kallimachos and Chrysorrhoe have been derived by splitting the name of Chariton's firstcentury CE heroine.21 In the case of Velihandros. and Myrtane. If the second component of Velihandros' name is orthodox enough. in addition.

Of the names in Livistros. et cetera) exemplifies the same process of double allusion as was discernible in the case of Rodophilos. that of Klitovos.and -andros) which at the same time seems to transliterate a Western name (Bertrand. Although the hero is twice said to be 'of Latin race'. Velthandros has been ingeniously identified as Bertrand. The names of the girls. 'Rodophilos' points to tradition in the same way that the names in the twelfthcentury romances and Kallimachos had done.22 and Myrtale in Daphnis and Chloe. and even its foreign-sounding first component alludes to the Greek root velt-. Klitovos. belong more or less with such names as Rhodanthe in the twelfthcentury romance by Theodoras Pró the root of the superlative degree of the same adjective). somewhere on his wanderings in search of Rhodamne the hero encounters an Armenian prince. -andros. The same has happened in the case of the hero. but this is by no means the whole story. declares an obvious affinity with his counterpart in Achilles Tatios' romance. However. Firstly. of which the fictional province of Litavia is Klitovos' home. the first-person narrator. Rhodanthe and Dosikles. but here two traditions are woven into one. Add to this the fact that when Livistros and Klitovos cross the sea to Egypt on magic horses it is possible to see from one shore to the other. to be the name of a person. two real places are mentioned unambiguously: Egypt. moreover. The conflation of traditional Greek roots (yelt. Rhodamne and Myrtane. Kleitophon. the comparative degree of the adjective 'good' in the learned language. Such a name would be entirely appropriate for a hero named after the example of Manassis' Aristandros (where arist. as in veltion (beltion). It can hardly be the Mediterranean that separates the lovers in this case. there are good reasons to seek this country in the East rather than in the West. -sthenes. One would expect Livandros rather than Livistros. The real puzzle here is presented by the name of the hero himself. and Armenia. the increased proportion of names linked with flowers may also have something to do with the influence of Western romances such as the Roman de la Rose and Fleur et Blanchefleur. but the similarity of these names makes it clear that Livistros is to be thought of as named after a country. If the country from which Livistros comes is ruled by 'Latins' and can be reached from Egypt by way of the Red Sea.352 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW Rhodanthe. and that this crossing is at one point called a ford {poros). and we seem to have a conscious inversion of the Biblical crossing of the Red Sea. the conclusion that Livistros' homeland is Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 . and such endings as -machos. although the geography of the poem is extremely vague and makes no pretensions to realism. The second component of his name is entirely traditional in Greek. if. to which Rhodamne is abducted.

the gradual acceptance in the West of the vernacular as the appropriate medium for fiction. which the Byzantine writers seem to have admired in the work of their Western counterparts. in which for the first time in Greek the 'bipartite' structure of much Western medieval literature is consistently adopted. Crusader Lebanon (the Greek name Libanos/Livanos had been in use since Roman times) offers two attractions for an author intent on the same kind of synthesis of Western and traditional elements as we detected in the name of Velthandros: allusion to a crusader state allows him. But once again derivation is far from being passive 'following': it is a type of story. after the reluctance of the twelfth century and the hiatus of the thirteenth (from which no vernacular or secular writing survives). Instead. essential to the later development of modern literature as we understand the term today. to express his admiration for Westerners and by implication for their literature. which later was included. At a general level. or of thematic element. are all thematic components that may plausibly be derived from the West. to proposing new solutions which. it also allows an even subtler pointer to his ultimate Greek model in Leukippe and Kleitophon by Achilles Tatios. with much of Lebanon. takes something from the West in order to give expression to a view of love and fate which is purely Hellenistic and Byzantine. will considerably fill out the picture of subtle and selective assimilation of Western vernacular literature by Greek writers in the fourteenth century.COURTLY ROMANCES IN BYZANTIUM 353 Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 envisaged as being on the eastern side of the Mediterranean becomes inescapable. That romance had begun with praise for the city of Tyre. if accepted. I have confined myself. in suitably veiled form. seems to have impressed itself upon the Byzantines. after a brief introduction to the problem. in the crusader kingdom of Jerusalem. and the relaxation of the inflexible law of chastity between the hero and heroine that had been a generic convention of all the earlier Greek romances. The world of adventure. and in particular the entirely new role assigned to the supernatural. in transmitting a . And the clues provided by the proper names in two of the romances suggest that Byzantine writers of romance acknowledged the part played by the crusader states in the East.and grafted on to their own tradition. Similarly the structural organization of the three Constantinopolitan romances examined above. CONCLUSION I have not attempted a full survey of the vexed and complex question of the relation between the Eastern and Western romances in the fourteenth century.

1935) (with French introduction and summary). element from the courtly romances of the West. K. Loquitur ilium Aegyptus. M. 14. Bosforus exclusa non tacet. 15.. 1982). Rizzo Nervo. See G. 127. Kriaras (ed. Megas. 55 (1938). For text and discussion. C. 3. Celebrat actus ejus Antiochia. Jauss. pp. Ibid. Arturum Britonem non loquatur.87-130. 1956) (with facing French translation). 'The Modena Sculpture and Arthurian Romance'. 38-40. in Mélanges Merlier. However in view of the late date of these versions (from the late fourteenth century onwards). 9 [1936]. For an up-to-date review of the evidence for dating these romances. Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik. 'Velthandros and Chrysantza' in id. '"Eros-Basileus": la Figura di Eros nel romanzo Bizantino d'Amore'.). and J. and the later Byzantine versions of the Alexander 'romance'. See in particular H.147-72. 'Un frammento del romanzo francese in prosa di Tristano'. Lambert (ed. (R.14. Setton. 11. E. 10. pp. For a new interpretation of this text see F. Toward an Aesthetic of Reception (Brighton and Minnesota. for example.132-42. 5. sicut nobis referunt Palmigeri nostri de orientis partibus redeuntes? Loquuntur ilium orientales. 'Kallimachou ke Chrysorrois Ypothesis'. 33 (1974). Sources and Edition of a Byzantine Verse Romance'. 9. but to the Byzantines always subordinate. 12. 100 (1956). 'Il "Mondo dei Padri" nella Metafora del Vecchio Cavaliere'. 7. 15 (1985). 1989). pp. . cum pene notior habeatur Asiatics gentibus quam Britannis. Beaton. Quaderni del Siculorum Gymnasium (University of Catania). I am inclined to see the romances as being the source of all these elements in the later Alexander story. Atti del Accademia di Arti di Palermo.W. 196. 229-67. inquam. Spadaro. D. Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici. 'Les Francs . . For a fuller discussion of these texts and bibliography. 7 (1953). 'La versione greca volgare del Teseida del Boccaccio'. Follieri. Vizandina Ippotika Mythistorimata (Athens. Holub. see Beaton. loquuntur occidui. 'Il Motivo del castello nella narrativa tardo-bizantina.R. Irmscher. p. Le roman de Libistros et Rhodamné (Amsterdam. Jeffreys. 2 (Athens.représentants de la littérature en Grec vulgaire'. M. see R. and of the apparent influence of the romances on some of these texts.A. 2 (1929). 13. 6. Le Poeme grec du Vieux Chevalier'.143-59.). 198-204. pp. Breillat. and E. NS. 1985). 1956). 'Märchenmotive in Kallimachos und Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 . 57-66.). Studi medievale. Pichard (ed.) 2. The Medieval Greek Romance. J. 67-77. Cupane. 'The Byzantine Background to the Italian Renaissance'. Reception Theory (London. Evoluzione di un' allegoria'. M. See E. See G. Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire.354 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW vitalizing. 4. 'La Table Ronde en Orient. Contributo sulle fonti del Romanzo greco-medievale 'Florio e Plaziaflora' (Athens. Studi medievali. and I. I am grateful to Dr. NOTES 1. Quo enim Arturi Britonis nomen fama volans non pertulit et vulgavit: quousque Christianum pertingit imperium? Quis. 190. toto terrarum orbe divisi. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. The Medieval Greek Romance (Cambridge. 308-40. Holton for drawing my attention to specific correspondence between episodes of Velthandros and of Livistros. 27 (1978). 115-28. See. 4. Armenia. Le roman de Callimaque et de Chrysorrhoé (Paris. Byzantinische Forschungen. Ser. 10. 8. Vol. 41 (1971). Byzantion. 1966).101-2. . pp. 243-97. and R. see P. 1955).S. Pelaez. Loomis. 7 (1979).. 'Imberios and Margarona: The Manuscripts. Palaestina. Diller. NS.

pp. Medieval Romance: Themes and Approaches (London. 16. 2 (1977). An etymology for the name of the heroine in this romance is proposed by E. Kriaras. Folia neohellenica.COURTLY ROMANCES IN BYZANTIUM 355 Downloaded By: [Jewish National & University Library] At: 07:25 22 March 2011 Chrysorrhoe'. 22. 22 (1969). Alexiadis. Structure in Medieval Narrative (The Hague and Paris. pp. 1971). Ryding. Libistros et Rhodamné. pp. J. Ellinika (Thessalonika).97-8.73-5. See. I Ellmikes Parallayes yia ton Drakontoktono Iroa: Paramytholayiki Meleti (Ioannina.39-43. see Kriaras (ed. 124-5. the essays in D.). 17. for example. 19. Cf. 25-40.45-8. 1973). Bethurum (ed. For a summary of discussions and bibliography.). Lambert (ed.). 21. 18. Cf. Stevens. 1982). . 436-40. Critical Approaches to Medieval Literature (London. Vizandina Ippolika Mythistorimala. 'To onoma "Rhodamne"'. See W. 20. See M. pp. 118-24. 1960).

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