Christian Ian P.

Lim
BPS 4-1

As part of Group Report - Foreign relations of Germany

The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) is a Central European country and member of the
European Union, G8, the G20, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It maintains a network of 229 diplomatic
missions abroad and holds relations with more than 190 countries. As one of the world's leading
industrialized countries it is recognized as a major power in European and global affairs.

The Federal Foreign Office is led by Guido Westerwelle, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Next in line are the two Ministers of State Werner Hoyer and Cornelia Pieper, as well as the
State Secretaries Wolf-Ruthart Born, Peter Ammon und Martin Johannes Biesel.

The Ministers of State assist the Federal Foreign Minister in his government tasks, assuming
mainly political functions. As the highest-ranking civil servants, the State Secretaries represent
the Minister at the helm of the Foreign Service as a whole. They direct the sections assigned to
them in headquarters and monitor the foreign missions. Every day, there is a Director's meeting
under the chair of the State Secretaries with all the Director-Generals of the Federal Foreign
Office to discuss current global developments as well as the conclusions to be drawn.

Both within Germany and abroad, the Federal Foreign Office is increasingly developing into a
sought-after service provider. One example of this is in the realm of tourism. On the ground,
consular officials ensure that the consequences of mishaps, misfortune, illnesses and other
incidents are kept within reasonable limits.

The global network of 228 diplomatic missions (in 2008), not only serves diplomatic relations,
the analysis of developments in various nations and regions which government policy must
respond to. It is also concerned with economic promotion. After all, even in the age of the
Internet, intergovernmental agreements and assistance in initiating contacts remain
indispensable. Germany is a nation which depends heavily on its exports. In this regard, thanks
to its global presence, the services it offers German companies, and its work in identifying
foreign investors, the Federal Foreign Office makes an important contribution to securing
Germany’s future prosperity.

Germany – a partner worldwide (Gregor Schöllgen)

The 20th century was characterized by quite unprecedented disruption. Three global conflicts,
namely the two World Wars and the Cold War as well as a series of revolutionary upheavals left
a deep mark on nations and peoples alike. This is especially true of Germany, if only because the
country at the heart of Europe, was both decidedly responsible for the developments that led to
the outbreak of both world wars, and was affected to an unusual degree by the Cold War and the
gradual dissolution of the bipolar world order at the end of the 1980s.
When the post-War order collapsed, Germany faced a new situation as regards domestic and
foreign policy. Here, the country benefited from the dynamism that culminated in the disbanding
of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991. For this led in 1990 to the unification of East and West
Germany and thus, for the first time in almost 50 years, to complete sovereignty.

With their approval of German unification, its former victims and opponents not only honored
the German catharsis of the previous forty years, they also associated with it the hope that the
efforts the Germans had channeled into reconstruction and integration in this period would build
a viable bridge for the future. The fact that this realignment was successful was due not least of
all to the manner in which German foreign policy had developed and established itself since the
founding of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. The reaching of a broad-based consensus
with regard to foreign policy and certain areas of continuity was and indeed still is one of the
most salient characteristics of its political culture. These include, since the era of Konrad
Adenauer, the first Federal Chancellor (1949–1963), the transatlantic partnership and European
integration, and the desire for good neighborly relations – primarily with France, which German
foreign policy was striving for in the early 1950s – just as much as the difficult process of
reconciliation with Israel, which it began early on.

That may sound a matter of course, though given German politics and warmongering in the first
half of the 20th century, and in view of the rigid constellations of the Cold War, it in fact
represented a considerable challenge.

Fundamentals of German foreign policy

As of the end of the 1960s, in particular since Willy Brandt’s chancellorship (1969–1974), these
fundamentals of German foreign policy have been supplemented and advanced by a policy of
conciliation with Poland and the other countries of East and Eastern Central Europe.

The bedrock of German foreign policy, as steadily created by all the different Federal
Governments, has been the country’s comprehensive integration into multilateral cooperation.
This was fostered after the experience of two world wars by the unequivocal will of the country’s
neighbors to include and control it, and thus deter the Germans from breaking out or going it
alone; and it was also fostered by the Germans’ elementary need for peace, security, prosperity
and democracy, as well as the recognition that the integration of their country formed the basis
for its unification.

In the 1990s an era of extraordinary challenges began for the now united Germany. On the one
hand the new domestic situation had to be mastered, while on the other the Germans saw
themselves confronted with a new, unfamiliar role in foreign policy. That is the one side of the
coin. There is another: German reunification contrasts significantly with the general trend of
dissolution, decay and destruction in the world. The end of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and
Czechoslovakia, and the dismantling of Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan, perpetrated in some cases
internally, in others from outside the country – to mention just a few examples – led to a rapid
increase in the number of players, even though these were not in all cases recognized states, and
at the same time to a swift rise in complex problem situations.
Being the result of different conflict constellations, these represented hitherto unknown
challenges for German foreign, security, economic, financial, development, and environmental
policy: Ethnic and religious conflicts, border and resources issues, food and hygiene emergencies
are frequently connected and create a complex that can no longer be solved without outside aid.
At the end of the first decade of the 21st century Africa alone has 16 million refugees and
internally displaced persons. In solving the problem the Germans are particularly called upon,
because Germany is not only a wealthy country, in comparison with other European states it only
has a short tradition as a colonial power, one that as abandoned shortly after WW I. As such
Germany is an in-demand partner with regard to economic cooperation and development. Annual
payments of almost US$ 14 billion make it the second biggest international donor – after the
USA and in front of Great Britain, France, and Japan.

Commitment to European integration

From the very outset, the Federal Republic of German has been a driving force in European
integration, which is doubtless one of the success stories of the post-War era. What began in
1951 with the founding of the European Coal and Steel Community by six states is today a
European Union (EU) with 27 members. Despite all the setbacks and regression that also make
up its history, the Maastricht, Amsterdam, Nice, and primarily Lisbon Treaties signed between
1992 and 2007 document the will of the participating states to adapt their community to the rapid
changes in global politics and to stand out as an independent political force. Just how the
European economies would have survived the global economic and financial crisis of 2008-09
without the euro as a monetary is another matter. At any rate, the price Germany paid for giving
up the Deutschmark, at the time Europe’s strongest currency, was not too high.

It was the commitment of the German chancellors that ultimately helped secure the signing of
the Treaties of Nice and Lisbon. It was also Gerhard Schröder and Angela Merkel who
emphatically and indeed successfully championed the appropriate representation of the new
eastern European states, specifically neighboring Poland, in the committees of the European
Union. In terms of foreign policy this commitment remains important, if only because there were
considerable worries about the collaboration between Germany and Russia, for which there were
good historical reasons. In fact this strategic partnership is aimed against no one, rather it is
expressly geared to pan-European interests. This also applies to the energy relations, the nucleus
of the partnership. Germany is poor in natural resources and procures 41 percent of its natural
gas, 34 percent of its oil and 21 percent of its coal from Russia, while also serving as a transit
country. The fact that even during the Cold War German-Soviet economic and energy relations
continued and were expanded without any noteworthy interruptions is an indication that they are
a sound basis for a strategic partnership. And because this is not a one-way street, there are
further political opportunities – for both sides. Something similar applies to the still young
energy partnership with Central Asia.

Foreign policy in the age of globalization

Under the conditions that prevailed in the old world order it would have been inconceivable for
German foreign policy to make such a clear and independent mark. For this Germany was too
dependent on American guarantees of security. Over the course of the last 20 years this has
changed noticeably. In 2002 and 2009 respectively, Chancellors Schröder and Merkel pointed
out – before the German Bundestag and directed at the USA – that “decisions about existential
questions relating to the German nation are made in Berlin.”

This is an indication of how Berlin expects dealings among partners to be. It is not a rejection of
the transatlantic relationship in general and NATO in particular, nor does it signal the
announcement of a withdrawal from international and military commitments. With it Germany
has, however, moved closer to the limitations of what is possible. For this reason, in its coalition
agreement the Federal Government made up of CDU/CSU and FDP, which has been in power
since October 2009, agreed on a “culture of restraint”, which is traditional in German foreign and
security policy. Nonetheless, since the turn of the century up to 10,000 Bundeswehr soldiers
have been deployed worldwide at all times, and since 1999 in combat missions against
aggressors, terrorists and pirates as well. Germany participates directly as well as part of the EU
and NATO in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions. In the case of NATO and EU
operations under UN mandate the focus of military and police involvement is on the Balkans
(KFOR, EUFOR, ALTHEA, EULEX) and in Afghanistan as part of the difficult ISAF mission.
As the third largest financial contributor to the regular UN peacekeeping budget Germany also
plays a significant role in financing the “blue helmet” missions.

Coveted international partner

Germany is emphatic in its efforts to overcome global challenges such as climate change, scarce
resources and a world without atomic weapons. The fact that in June 2007 the 33rd summit of
the seven leading industrial nations and Russia, hosted by the Germans, succeeded in getting the
Americans to agree to “seriously consider” a clear reduction in pollutant emissions and to
recognize the United Nations as the platform for climate protection, was seen as remarkable. The
Heiligendamm Summit also set new standards with the temporary increase in the number of
participants. There can be no way forward in the future without countries such as Brazil, China,
India, Mexico, and South Africa, which are growing rapidly, catching up swiftly in industrial
terms, hungry for resources and not least of all of relevance with regard to the environment.
Since the Pittsburgh Meeting in 2009 it is quite clear that the Group of Twenty, which also
includes Argentina, Australia, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, South Korea and Turkey, is the decisive
economic forum.

German foreign policy also promotes expanding civil society structures; it is committed to
helping overcome natural disasters, asserting democratic and human rights, and champions
dialog among equals.

The fact that Germany can live this role stems from the trust carefully nurtured over the decades.
German politics is today measured not against the yardstick of the destructive apparatus of the
Third Reich, but against its achievements in development and integration. Reunited Germany has
demonstrated that it can handle international responsibility and open up other perspectives.

Twenty years after the collapse of the old world order the states and peoples on Earth are
beginning to adapt to the conditions in the new, globalized world. For all the competition, they
will only achieve this if they see each other as partners. The Germans, whose country is
integrated in the international communities to an extent hardly any other can boast, are well
aware of the opportunities this offers.

Germany in Europe (Josef Janning)

Can a country that shares borders on all sides with other European countries, namely Germany
with its nine neighbors, afford not to actively pursue a European policy? The answer is self-
evident: With its central location at the heart of today’s European Union (EU) Germany enjoys a
special benefit from living in peace and harmony with its neighbors.

It is in Germany’s interest for Europe to be a vibrant continent, in economic terms as well. The
integration process has proved to be a suitable basis for ensuring peace, prosperity and security.

In 1957 the signing of the Treaty of Rome on establishing a European Economic Community
spelled the beginning of the success story of European integration. It focused on developing the
economies of Western Europe by strengthening and deepening cooperation and promoting trade
among the founder nations.

Without wanting to play down how important it is that Europe grow together politically, we
should no doubt consider the economic dynamism triggered by integration and the attractiveness
of the major market to be the key driving force prompting other European states to accede. This
applies to the accession of Great Britain, Denmark and Ireland in the 1970s, that of Greece,
Spain and Portugal in the 1980s, and of Austria, Sweden and Finland in the 1990s. Likewise, it
also applies to the magnetic appeal which in 2004 and 2007 the EU had on the new democracies
in the emerging market economies of Eastern Central Europe and South-East Europe. Just as was
the case for the fledgling Federal Republic, the young democracies in the south and east of
Europe rightly see accession to the EU as due recognition and assurance of the political
achievements they have made in overcoming dictatorship and despotism.

The coming into power of the Lisbon Treaty in December 2009 saw the intensive negotiations
come round full circle. German European policy played a pivotal role at all stages of this
process: It was the concept of a European union initiated by Germany that in addition to an
economic and currency union had as its goal an extended Political Union that was capable of
acting. The Treaty of Maastricht was a major political step forward and put the first binding
pillar in place; for the most part, however, the Political Union remained a vision. In the ensuing
period it became clear that it would have to be created in stages, steps, and on another basis. For
this reason, in the negotiations on the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice, as well as in the
European Convention Germany championed a gradual adaptation and advancement of the
institutional structure, the clarification of areas of responsibility and the corresponding expansion
of the democratic quality of EU decisions.

Consolidation and expansion initiatives

Parallel to this one of the focal points of German efforts and initiatives was the formulation of
foreign, security, and defense policy within the scope of the EU Treaties, as well as a gradual
increase in collaboration in the fields of justice and home affairs policy, as well as internal
security. Considerable progress has been made in both areas, though it did not follow the classic
integration method of communitization or a “major step”. From the point of view of German
European policy the Lisbon Treaty bundles together what is in practice possible in an EU, whose
current 27 members appear to be clearly more different in terms of their economic and political
situation, more diverse with regard interests and needs and more open in their ideas as to the
future of integration than in all earlier stages of the European unification process.

With the process having ground to a halt in 2007, under the German Presidency of the EU
success was scored in coming up with new grounds for a consensus on a Treaty reform. The
results reflect important German concerns: The expansion of qualified majority decision making
in the Council and EU Parliament co-decision making, the integration of the Charter of
Fundamental Rights and the introduction of citizens’ initiatives are important steps in the
strengthening of the EU’s decision-making capabilities and in securing democratic involvement.
With the “High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy”, who chairs the Council of
Foreign Ministers, the establishment of a “European Foreign Service” and the associated
combining of foreign policy duties of the Commission and Council of the EU the Lisbon Treaty
considerably strengthens the international presence and role of the EU.

German European policy has unconditionally supported the ever-deeper integration process, its
extension to the North, South and East as well as the establishment of the relevant institutions.
The strength of German foreign policy has laid in ensuring Franco-German relations were firmly
aligned to EU policy, on the one hand, and the close ties specifically to the smaller member
states, on the other.

The Germans desire a Europe that is capable of acting, democratic and transparent, with a
strengthened European Parliament, and clearly defined areas of responsibility. Incidentally, in
line with their country’s gross domestic product, the Germans provide some 20 percent of the EU
budget.

The EU's future tasks

The globalized world will continue to be a challenge for Europe. The key coalitions and
constellations will change, and a new balance of interests will test the ability to forge
compromises. The European Union must therefore field a trustworthy policy of development and
partnership, not least for the countries on the Mediterranean rim. For years now there has been a
stable majority in German public opinion in favor of tackling questions of foreign and security
policy together with others. This applies in equal measure to the demanding agenda of global
sustainability. Acting together in a European Energy and Climate Policy and in the response to
the financial crisis is the prerequisite for safeguarding the interests and concerns of Germany and
the other Member States.

Europe is not the place for small ideas. Without the European Union, welfare and security, those
elementary services provided by the state, would no longer be possible. As such the policy of
integration, the processes and the institutions are all part of Europe’s political fabric and not
mere frills.

Any major theme concerning European societies also addresses the EU’s contribution to the
issue, as there is hardly any issue that does not involve the European level.